THE JOUENAL
OF
NEGRO HISTOEY
CAETEE G. WOODSON
EDITOR
VOLUME V
1920
THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE
AND HISTORY, INC.
LANCASTER, PA., AND WASHINGTON, D. C.
1920
PRESS or
THC NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER. PA.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
VOL. V., No. 1. JANUARY, 1920.
LORETTA PUNKE : The Negro in Education 1
FRED LANDON : The Negro Migration to Canada after 1850 22
FRANK CUNDALL: Richard Hill 37
C. G. WOODSON : The Relations of Negroes and Indians in Mass-
achusetts 44
DOCUMENTS : . . . , 58
An Act concerning the Indians of Massachusetts.
Some Negro Members of Eeconstruction Conventions and Legis-
latures and of Congress, compiled by Monroe N. Work.
John G. Thompson, the Original Carpet-bagger.
BOOK REVIEWS : v . 126
MORTON'S The Negro in Virginia Politics; BIASLHY'S The Negro
Trail Blazers of California; FAIRBRIDGE'S History of South
Africa; LONN'S Eeconstruction in Louisiana.
NOTES : 135
VOL. V., No. 2. APRIL, 19-20.
HENRY S. WILLIAMS: The Development of the Negro Public
School System in Missouri 137
DAVID H. SIMS: Religious Education in Negro Colleges and
Universities 166
JOHN W. CROMWELL: The Aftermath of Nat Turner's Insur-
rection 208
DOCUMENTS : 235
Additional information and corrections in Eeconstruction Eecords.
Speech of WiUiam H. Gray in the Arkansas Constitutional Con-
vention, 1868.
BOOK REVIEWS : 254
COLE'S The Centennial History of Illinois; RICHARDSON'S Ency-
clopedia of the Colored Eace; JACKSON'S The Man Next Door;
DuBois's Darkwater.
NOTES: . . 259
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
VOL. V., No. 3. JULY, 1920.
WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL: Slavery in Canada (26
I. Before the Conquest 263
II. The Early British Period 273
III. After the Peace 293
IV. Lower Canada 305
V. Upper Canada, Early Period 3^5
VI. The Fugitive Slave in Upper Canada 349
VII. Slavery in the Maritime Provinces 359
VIII. General Observations 376
BOOK REVIEWS : 378
WIENER'S Africa and the Discovery of America; JOHNSTON'S
A Comparative Study of the Bantu and the Semi-Bantu Lan-
guages; RHODE'S History of the United States from Hayes to
McKinley, WORK'S The Negro Tear Book, 1918-1919.
NOTES : 388
VOL. V., No. 4. OCTOBER, 1920.
ARNETT G. LINDSAY : Diplomatic Relations between the United
States and Great Britain bearing on the Return of Negro
Slaves, 1788-1828 '
NORMAN P. ANDREWS : The Negro in Politics 420
FRED LANDON : Henry BM, A Colonizer 43"
G. SMITH WORMLEY : Myrtilla Miner. 448
COMMUNICATIONS 458
DOCUMENTS : 465
Some Undistinguished Negroes 476
BOOK REVIEWS : 486
AMBLER'S The Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-
1876; MOTON'S Finding a Way Out; COFFIN'S Unwritten, His-
tory; SCOTT'S Negro Migration During the War.
NOTES: , . 492
Buy Volumes I, II, III, and IV of
the Journal of Negro History
in Bound Form
Volume I contains more than 250 pages ot dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents :
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
- The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery in Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery in Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
^The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
'
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
- The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as:
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00. This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange.
STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, ETC.
As of October, 1919, of THE JOURNAL OF NEORO HISTORY, published quarterly at
Lancaster, Pa.
Required by the Act of August 24, 1912
Name of Post-office address
Editor C. G. WOODSON Washington, D. C.
Managing Editor None
Business Editor None
Publisher THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY . . Lancaster, Pa.
Owner THB ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY. . Washington, D. C.
The Association is incorporated, but not for profit. There are no shares of stock.
Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders, holding one per cent, or
more of bonds, mortgages or other securities. None.
(Signed) C. G. WOODSON, Editor
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 28th day of October, 1919.
(Seal) PHILIP C. CUNEY,
Notary Public
(My commission expires August 2, 1921)
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
The Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History, inc.
ROBERT E. PARK, PRESIDENT
JESSE E. MOORLAND, SECRETARY-TREASURER
CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOR
1216 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
ROBERT E. PARK, The University of Chicago WILLIAM G. WILLCOX
JESSE E. MOORLAND, Washington, D. C. L. HOLLINGSWORTH WOOD, New York City
CARTER G. WOODSON Washington, D. C. THQMAS ; JQ Wa8hin ^ on> D . c
JULIUS ROSENWALD, Chicago, 111.
GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY, Saratoga Springs A ' L ' J ACKSON Chlca 8> -
JAMES H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Va. MOORFIELD STOREY, Boston, Mass.
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EMMETT J. SCOTT R . E< JoNESj New Q r ] ltuUt La .
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To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
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All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
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THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V., No. 1 JANUARY, 1920.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 1
In the early history of America there were three types
of settlements the French, Spanish, and English. In the
French Provinces the teachings of the "Code Noir" made
it incumbent upon the masters to teach the slaves, at least to
read, in order, of course, that they might read the Bible;
and in the Spanish districts the Latin custom of miscegena-
tion prevented the rise of objections to the teaching of
slaves, in case there should be any who cared to instruct the
Negroes. In the English Provinces, on the other hand, since
teaching the slaves would probably result in their becoming
i In the preparation of this manuscript the following books have been
useful: Thomas P. Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South (New York: the Neale
Publishing Company, 1914) ; Benjamin Griffith Brawley, A Short History of
the American Negro (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913) ; Daniel
Wallace Gulp, Twentieth Century Negro Literature (Naperville, Illinois, J. L.
Nichols and Company, 1902); Albert Bushnell Hart, The Southern South
(New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1912); Mary White Ovington, Half a
Man (New York and London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1911) ; William Pass-
more Piekett, The Negro Problem (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's
Sons, 1909) ; Charles Victor Roman, American Civilisation and the Negro
(Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Company, 1916); Gilbert Thomas Stephenson,
Eace Distinctions in American Law (New York and London: D. Appleton and
Company, 1910) ; Booker T. Washington, My Larger Education (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1911); Booker T. Washington,
Working with the Hands (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1904);
Booker T. Washington and W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, The Negro in the South
(Philadelphia: G. W. Jacobs and Company, 1907) ; Booker T. Washington and
others, The Negro Problem (New York: J. Pott and Company, 1903); Willis
1
I
2 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Christians, the colonists naturally were strenuous in their
efforts to prevent any enlightenment of the blacks, due to
the existence of an unwritten law to the effect that no Chris-
tian might be held a slave. Many planters forbade the teach-
ing of their slaves, until finally the Bishop of London settled
the difficulty by issuing a formal declaration in which he
stated that conversion did not work manumission. 2
The rudimentary education of Negroes was one of the
first claims on pioneer Christian teachers. Although the
Negro Year Book for 191415 makes note of a public school
for Indians and Negroes established in 1620, according
to Brawley and Du Bois, the first schools to be established
were private institutions. 3 In New York City in 3704 a
school was opened for Negroes and Indians by Elias Neau
and in 1750 Anthony Benezet established an evening school
for the blacks in Philadelphia. The Society for the Propa-
Duke Weatherford, Negro Life in the South (New York: Young Men's Chris-
tian Association Press, 1910) ; Carter Godwin Woodson, The Education of the
Negro Prior to 1861 (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1915).
The following articles have also been used: Henry E. Baker, The Negro
in the Field of Invention (Journal of Negro History, January, 1917, p.
21); W. II. Baldwin, Jr., The Present Problem of Negro Education (Ameri-
can Journal of Social Science, 37, 1899, p. 52) ; W. E. Burghardt DuBois, The
College Bred Negro (Atlanta University Publications, No. 15, Atlanta, 1910) ;
The Common School and the Negro American (Atlanta University Publications,
No. 16, 1911); The School (Atlanta University Publications, No. 14, 1909);
Education and Crime Among Negroes (Review of Reviews, 55, 1917, p. 318;
Hampton Negro Conference, Annual Report, July, 1899 (Hampton Institute
Press, 1889) ; Higher Education of the Negro (The Nation, 100, 1915, p. 187) ;
George Johnson, Education of the Negro (The Nation, 100, 1915, p. 443);
Jesse Lawson, How to Solve the Race Problem (Report of the Washington
Conference on the Race Problem in the United States, Washington, D. C., 1904) ;
William Mathews, The Negro Intellect (North American Review, 149, 1889, p.
91) ; More Testimony on Negro Migration (Survey, July 14, 1917, p. 340) ;
National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes, Bulletin, Vol. V, No. 1,
November, 1915; Michael E. Sadler, Education of the Colored Race (Great
Britain Educational Department, Special Reports of, 1902, Volume II) ;
Charles Dudley Warner, The Education of the Negro (American Journal of
Social Science, 38, 1900, p. 1) ; Booker T. Washington, Fifty Tears of Progress
(Forum 55, 1916, pp. 269-79) ; Monroe N. Work, The Negro Year Boole
(Nashville, Sunday School Union Print, 1915).
2 Woodson, The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, p. 24.
a Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 104; Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16,
p. 16.
THE NEGKO IN EDUCATION 3
gallon of the Gospel established in Charleston in 1744 a
mission school, in which two Negroes were employed to
instruct their fellowmen. The free Negroes in Charleston
established a school in 1774 and those in Boston started
a school in 1798. In 1764 the editor of a paper in Williams-
burg, Virginia, opened a school for Negroes and in 1800
a schoolhouse and 350 acres of ground were left by tho
will of Robert Pleasants to be used for the benefit of Negro
children. 4 About this same time in Newark, New Jersey,
the Kosciusko School was established by means of a sum
amounting to $13,000 left by Kosciusko for the educa-
tion of the Negroes. 5 In the Middle West private schools
had been organized by manumitted Negroes.
St. Frances Academy, established in Baltimore in 1829,
by The Colored Woman's Society, was the first school for
colored girls. An institute for Negro children was estab-
lished in 1837 in Cheyney, Pennsylvania, with the $10,000
left by Richard Humphries. By 1838 there were thirteen
private schools in Philadelphia for the education of the
Negro and in 1849 Avery College was established in Alle-
gheny. Many of the schools were organized by churcb
societies. The African Methodist Episcopal Church pur-
chased in 1844 120 acres of land in Ohio upon which was
opened the Union Seminary in 1847. This church later in
co-operation with the Methodist Episcopal Church, North,
established Wilberforce University in Ohio in 1856. Ober-
lin College in Ohio was opened in 1833 and Ashmun Insti-
tute, which later became Lincoln University, was estab-
lished in 1854 in Pennsylvania. Nevertheless, there was in
certain parts much opposition on the part of the citizens,
evidenced by the mobbing of a young Quaker woman, Pru-
dence Crandall, in Canterbury, Connecticut, in 1832, for
having opened a school for Negro children ; and in 1835 by
the removal from the town of Noyes Academy in Canaan,
New Hampshire, a school which had opened its doors to
Negroes.
* Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 104.
s Washington, My Larger Education, p. 241.
I
4 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
The efforts toward education for the Negro were discon-
nected and unorganized, while the laws opposing such educa-
tion were fast increasing, so that the results seem very as-
tonishing, despite the fact that so little was really accom-
plished. As early as 1740 South Carolina enacted a law
forbidding the education of Negroes or the employment of
slaves as scribes. Ohio in 1848 forbade Negroes and mulat-
toes to attend schools. Indiana enacted no law against
Negro education but in 1850 omitted the Negroes from the
school tax, which in turn resulted in their expulsion from
education in that State. In 1852 Delaware enacted a law
declaring, the schools free for all white children over five
years of age. In spite of all the regulations and severe laws
opposing the education of the Negro many "clandestine
schools " were held in Charleston, Savannah, and New
Orleans before I860. 6 The private schools increased in
number rapidly during the early nineteenth century among
the free Negroes in the District of Columbia and the border
States. They were less numerous in the South except in cer-
tain particular districts. In Washington, D. C., and New
Orleans it is reported that at the opening of the Civil War
there were about twenty schools for Negroes established. 7
It is also estimated that in the slave States in 1860 there
were 4,000 free Negro children in school. 8 These figures,
iowever, are relatively small in comparison with the num-
bers and economic standards of the free Negroes. In 1836
in New Orleans alone the freedmen numbered 855, owned
$20 slaves, and held property whose assessed value equaled
$2,462,470. 9 By 1860 the total number of free Negroes was
487,970, or about one ninth of the entire black population; 10
but the majority of these freedmen were in the rural dis-
tricts, whereas the educational opportunities were in the
cities, so that in 1863, with only 5 per cent of the Negro
e Sadler, Gr. Britain Edu. Reports, p. 537.
7 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 16.
s Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 94.
Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 103.
10 Ibid., p. 102.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 5
population literate the problem was indeed difficult, as far
as the education of the black race was concerned.
The next period in the education of the Negro was a
decade of the establishment of schools by the carpet-bag
governments, mission societies, and theFreedmen's Bureau.
Some of the schools established by the Negro carpet-bag-
gers became very efficient. For example, in Florida, Jona-
than C. Gribbs, a Negro graduate of Dartmouth, succeeded in
founding in that State a splendid system of schools, which
remained even after the fall of the carpet-bag govern-
ments. 11 The American Missionary Association was the
first benevolent organization to take up the work of educa-
tion. The plan of this association was to establish one
school of higher learning in each of the larger States in the
South; normal and graded schools in the principal cities;
and common and parochial schools in the smaller country
places. As a result of this program, the principal institu-
tions established were Hampton Institute, Atlanta Univer-
sity, Fisk University, Straight University, Talladega Col-
lege, Tougaloo University, and Tillston College. 12 The
American Baptist Home Mission Society started work in
1862, which resulted in eight schools: Atlanta Baptist Col-
lege and Virginia Union University for men ; Spelman Semi-
nary and Hartshorn Memorial College for women ; and the
coeducational institutions, Bishop College, Benedict College,
Shaw University, and Jackson College. 13 In 1866, just
before the beginning of the work of the Freedmen's Bureau
in education, the schools so far established had in attend-
ance nearly 100,000. 14 The Freedmen's Bureau had been
established in 1865 by an act of Congress and by 1867 it re-
ported 1,056 Negro teachers and in 1870 the number was in-
creased to 1,342. During the five years of its work, this
bureau established 4,239 schools in the South, with a total
number of teachers of 9,307 and of students, 247,333. 15
11 Du Boifl, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 21.
12 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 135.
is Ibid., 137.
i* Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 94.
is Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 201.
I
6 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
Howard University, established in 1867, was one of these in-
stitutions. The Freedman's Aid Society was organized by
the northern Methodists in 1866 and to-day this society sup-
ports fifty institutions, ten of which are collegiate. 16
At the end of this period many religious agencies were
establishing schools. The Episcopalians established the St.
Paul Normal and Industrial School at Lawrence, Virginia,
and St. Augustine's in Raleigh, North Carolina. The
Eoman Catholics opened St. Joseph's Industrial School at
Clayton, Delaware; St. Augustine's Academy and St.
Frances' Academy. Besides these they have in the United
States 87 schools for Negro children cared for by 24 sister-
hoods. 17 The African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church
has established twelve institutions, four colleges, one theo-
logical school, and seven secondary schools. 18 The Presby-
terian Board of Missions has established Biddle University
in North Carolina, five seminaries for girls, and 70 acad-
emies and parochial schools. 19 The work of this period was
not only constructive as far as Negro education was con-
cerned, but it also affected the life of the white population
as well by instituting public school systems in "regions
where public schools had been unknown," 20 bringing about
a new attitude in the South toward public schools in general,
since the whites up to this time had, in the words of Colonel
Eichard P. Hallowell, "regarded the public school system
in the North with contempt. ' ' 20
Toward the end of this period a new type of education
was introduced by the founding of Hampton Institute in
1875. This marked the beginning of the period of indus-
trialism, the purpose of such education being to give the
Negro children ' t combined mental, moral and industrial
training." 21 Following the founding of Hampton, Tuske-
gee Institute was established; also being an industrial
iBrawley, History of the Negro, p. 139.
i? Ibia., p. 141.
is Ibid., p. 168.
i ma., p. 140.
20 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 22.
21 Washington, The Negro Problem, p. 19.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 7
school. With these two institutions as centers, the ideals of
the industrial propagandist radiated in all directions, finally
permeating the whole educational system, not only that of
the Negro, but the educational system of the schools for
white children as well.
Although separation of the black and white children in
the public schools is forbidden in fourteen of the States, the
law requires the separation of the children in the following
States : Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, South Carolina,
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Missis-
sippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Vir-
ginia, and West Virginia. In Arizona, Indiana, Kansas,
and Wyoming, the boards of education are given the power
to decide the question. Eleven of the States of the Union
make no provision in their laws one way or the other. 22
Separation is demanded in the private schools in Kentucky,
Florida, Tennessee, and Oklahoma. The law in Kentucky
was created at a time when it affected only one institution
that of Berea College, which was established in 1856 for the
education of anti-slavery whites and was opened to Negro
students after the Civil War. In 1904, the date of the pas-
sage of the law, this college had 927 students, 174 of whom
were Negroes. 23 All of the Northern States have compulsory
education, but only two of the Southern States, Kentucky
and Missouri, have enacted such laws. This does not mean,
of course, that these laws are enforced, nor is this a key to
the amount of education obtained in proportion to the popu-
lation, but it does indicate the difference in opportunities for
education between the Northern and Southern States.
In regard to the elementary education of the Negro chil-
dren the whole situation is rather discouraging, but great
progress has been made and one may hope for still greater
progress in the future. The increase in facilities for edu-
cation between 1866 and 1870 was quite marked, with a
corresponding increase in the number of pupils, as shown
by the following table :
" Stephenson, Race Distinction in American Law, p. 189.
p. 154.
JOUENAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
INCREASE IN EDUCATION PROM 1866 TO 18702*
Date
Schools
No. Teachers
Pupils
1866
975
1,405
90,778
1867
1,839
2,087
111,442
1868.
1,831
2,295
104,327
1869 .
2,118
2,455
114,522
1870
2,677
3,300
149,581
The total expenditure for education during this period was
$5,879,924. There was in 1870, however, only about one
tenth of the Negro children of school age in school. Later,
from 1889 to 1909, the number of children enrolled greatly
increased :
PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS 5 TO 18 YEARS
Date White
1889-1890 ........................... 66.28
1899-1900 ........................... 72.32
1908-1909 ........................... 74.76
Colored
51.65
57.67
56.34
In the first year more than half the children were in school,
a decade later the increase was practically the same in the
case of the Negro children as it was in the case of the white
children, but nine years later the percentage had risen over
2 per cent in the case of the white children and had de-
creased in the case of the blacks. The census report of 1910
shows the percentage of Negro children enrolled in school
to be but 47.3 per cent, a decrease of 9 per cent. The
average attendance -of the Negro children amounted to about
one-third of the number enrolled. 26 For these children there
were 28,000 teachers, or in other words, one teacher to every
group of 57 children; whereas the teachers for the white
children averaged one to 45. The report of the Commis-
sioner of Education in 1909 gives a total number of school
children in the slave States of 3,054,888, instructed by 9,000
school teachers 3,114 males and 5,886 female. 27 Accord-
ing to this report, there would only 'be one teacher to every
24 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 20.
25 Ibid., p. 27.
2 Hart, The Southern South, p. 310.
27 Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 96.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 9
group of 184.35 children. This seems an impossible num-
ber, so that one feels that surely something must be wrong
with the report. The training of these school teachers is
not of the highest, nor do they have' a great deal of training.
The State School Commissioner of Georgia gives the fol-
lowing report of conditions there : 28
326 teachers with normal certificates,
129 teachers with first grade certificates,
476 teachers with second grade certificates,
2,037 teachers held third grade certificates.
The expenditures for all the children equaled $46,000,000,
but the Negro children who were one third of the total num-
ber received but one seventh of this sum. For 231,801 Negro
children South Carolina spent $366,734.28, or $1.58 per
capita, whereas Massachusetts spends $27 per capita each
year, and the District of Columbia spends $35.21. The
South Carolina school tax is heavier than the tax in Massa-
chusetts, but this State spends only $3.82 per capita for
white children. 29 Louisiana spends 93 per cent of the
school funds for the white children, and 7 per cent for the
colored, making a per capita expenditure of $16.60 for the
white children and for the Negro an expenditure of $1.59.
The District of Columbia spends more for the colored chil-
dren than for the white, per capita expenditure: white,
$20.82; Negro, $21.87. 30
The rural schools, as may be expected, are in a worse
condition than those of the city, in regard to equipment,
teachers, and especially in subject matter relating to the ad-
justments to a rural community. Nevertheless, it seems that
there is much more progress being made in these schools
than in those in the city. Baily in his Race Orthodoxy
in the South describes a visit to what he terms a typical
rural school. 31 l ' There were no desks and only a small frag-
ment of a blackboard in one corner. The teacher showed
8 Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 108.
2 Ibid., p. 96.
o Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 223.
3i Baily, Race Orthodoxy, pp. 273-280.
10 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
signs of having very little education himself and used no
methods whatsoever in teaching. There was only one whole
book for the entire reading class. The pupils came at all
hours of the day and left whenever convenient for them.
When the teacher was asked how many pupils were enrolled
in the school, he answered that there were sixty. " Mr.
Bailey remarks that, after glancing over the room, he fan-
cied there were sixty "acomin' and agoin V
The Negroes in the rural communities have practically
no literature with the possible exception of a few patent in-
side newspapers carried on by the heads of one or the other
Negro orders. 32 The amount of elevating reading matter
may be judged by the type of advertisements which run
along the line of "hair-dressing that makes kinky hair soft,
pliant and glossy, " and also of experiments of surgeons
with the X-ray in making black skin white. Among the
books furnished in the schools, nothing contained in them
relates in any way to rural life.
In 1908 in North Carolina the average length of term for
the rural Negro school was 82.1 days, the average length
for all Negro schools, including high schools, being 93 days.
In this State there are 195 log schoolhouses and 2,216 of the
Negro schoolhouses are furnished with home-made desks
and benches. The rural Negro teacher receives an average
salary of $22.48 per. month and the city Negro teacher re-
ceives but $30.20. 33 The conditions in the agricultural com-
munities in the North seem to be better than those in the
South. 20,700,000 ruralites in the South average 7,000,000
children of school age, 4,400,000 of whom are enrolled in
school with an average attendance of 2,700,000. In the
North, on the other hand, 20,700,000 ruralites average
6,000,000 children, 4,500,000 of whom are enrolled, with an
average attendance of 3,200,000. Far the South there are
92,000 school teachers, whereas there are 158,000 in the
North. School property in the South is valued at $42,-
000,000 and in the North at $217,000,000. The school rev-
2 Hart, Southern South, p. 324.
ss Weatherf ord, Negro Life in the South, p. 98.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 11
enue is $26,000,000 and $92,000,000 respectively. Per cap-
ita expenditure in the South is under $10 and in the North it
is almost $30. The South spends only 16 cents on each $100
valuation, and the North 20 cents. 34
Many signs of progress are visible in the South, due
mainly to the influence of industrial institute graduates who
attempt to reorganize the rural districts with more or less
success. One graduate of Tuskegee seems to have met
with unusual success in Hinds County, Mississippi. 35 The
Negroes in this community outnumber the white popula-
tion seven to one, but out of 40,000 of the inhabitants 13,000
can neither read nor write. In five years this graduate has
built up an industrial school with a farm of 1,500 acres,
three large and eleven small buildings, one large plantation
house and thirty farm houses. The school property is
valued at $75,000, and he has started an endowment fund in
order to make the work permanent. In Macon County, Ala-
bama, improvements have been rapid. In five years' time
through the influence of a changed school system the value
of the land has risen from $2 an acre to $15 and $20. It is
reported that crime has been reduced to a negligible quan-
tity. At the last sitting of the grand jury there were only
17 cases of all kinds. 36 The "Bising Star" School in West
Virginia through a change in teacher and curriculum has
affected the community in as equally astonishing manner.
Not only are the homes of the farmers improved, but the
number of land-owning citizens has also increased. Even
the religion preached has been greatly changed with the in-
troduction of industrial training. 37 There is one school
fund which is for the purpose of improving rural condi-
tions, that is the Jeanes Fund amounting to $1,000,000, the
interest on which is to be used for the rural schools in sup-
plying competent teachers as supervisors to introduce in-
dustrial training. The influence of this fund together with
34 Hart, Southern South, p. 294.
ss Washington, My Larger Education, p. 191.
s Ibid., p. 152.
37 Ibid., p. 146.
12
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
the influence of Hampton and Tuskegee Institutes seems to
be the hope of the future for the rural districts.
In the matter of secondary education, high schools for
the Negroes are practically lacking. In Atlanta with a
Negro population of 51,902 Negroes; in Savannah with
33,246 ; and in Augusta with 18,344, there are no Negro high
schools whatsoever. 38 The following table shows the dis-
tribution of the 156 high schools for Negroes 39 (1913) :
Alabama 6
Arkansas 4
Delaware 1
District of Columbia 2
Florida . 6
Maryland 1
Mississippi 10
Missouri 14
North Carolina 3
Ohio . 1
Georgia 14 Oklahoma 5
Illinois 5
Indiana 6
Kansas 1
Kentucky 8
Louisiana . 1
Pennsylvania 1
South Carolina 13
Tennessee 9
Texas 37
Virginia 4
West Virginia 5
The increase in the number of high schools in the South-
ern States from year to year is shown by the following: 40
:
Year
Higb Schools
Year
High Schools
1899-1900
92
1905-1906
129
1900-1901 .
1901-1902
100
99
1906-1907
1907-1908
121
106
1902-1903 . ...
1903-1904
1904-1905
123
131
! 146
1908-1909
1909-1910
112
141
Apparently there is no effort in the South to supply high
schools for the Negro. The General Assembly of Georgia
passed a bill to establish high schools in all of the congres-
sional districts of the State. Eleven were established and
supported by a fertilizer tax, most of which was paid by the
Negroes who numbered 45.1 per cent of the population of
the State, and 80 per cent of whom lived in the rural dis-
M Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 127.
8 Work, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 216.
40 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 129.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 13
tricts. None of these schools, however, were for members
of the Negro race. 41
The founding of the two most important industrial
schools has been mentioned before. Hampton Institute
which was founded by the American Missionary Society in
1868 now consists of 113 buildings, including the instructors'
cottages. 42 76 of these buildings were erected by student
labor. There are 120 acres to the Home Farm and 600 acres
to Shellbanks, six miles from the Institute. The enrollment
in 1910 was 875, or 1,399 including the Normal Practice
School. Tuskegee Institute which began with one hoe and
a blind mule now possesses 2,000 acres of land, 800 of which
are cultivated each year by the young men of the school.
During 1903, 33 trades were taught to over 1,400 men and
women. By means of this work, the students pay more than
one half of their expenses. Of the sixty buildings, all but
four were almost wholly erected by students, even to the
making of the bricks. 43 Although the average Negro was
greatly antagonistic regarding this training at the begin-
ning of the work at these institutes and many protests were
heard from all sides, Mr. Washington stated in The Negro
Problem that it has been several years since they have re-
ceived a protest from parents against teaching industrial
training. 44 The graduates of Tuskegee have established
more than fifteen similar schools in the South. 45 Among
those established are Voorhees Industrial School, Eobert
Hungerford School, Snow Hill Normal and Industrial In-
stitute, Topeka Normal and Industrial Institute, Port Eoyal
Agricultural School, and Mt. Meigs Institute.
No one of the Negro institutions for higher learning has
as yet become a fully equipped university. No one of the
institutions maintains a graduate school. Howard Univer-
sity is the only one that has even started graduate work. 46
*i Du Bods, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 128.
42 Brawley, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 147.
43 Washington, The Negro Problem, p. 20.
44 Ibid., p. 22.
45 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 153.
"Ibid., p. 142.
14
JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
The real influence of the college has been to prepare men to
be leaders in education, as may be witnessed by the fact that
out of the 5,000 Negro college graduates in the United States
54 per cent are teaching, while 20 per cent are preaching. 47
The following table shows the number of college graduates
by decades : 48
Year
No. of Gratis.
Year
No. of Orads.
1820-29 .
1830-39
1840-49
1850-59 .
1 Qfin_Q
3
7
12
A A
1870-79..
1880-89.
1892-99
1900-09
313
738
1,126
1,610
ioou-oy
Total
3,856
The distribution of the college Negro is indicated in the
following : 49
Districts
New England States
So-Northern Atlantic States
No-Southern Atlantic States
So-Southern Atlantic States
No. of Graduates
.. . 16
.. . 42
.. . 92
. 276
E-Northern Central States .. 61
W-Northern Central States
E-Southern Central States
W-Southern Central States
Rocky Mountain. States . .
Basin and Plateau States .
Pacific States
Outside U. S
Unknown
Total . .
47
141
99
2
3
3
2
18
802
103 of these graduates were born in the North, 65 or 63 per
cent of whom remained in the North and 35 or 34 per cent
migrated to the South ; 682 of these were born in the South,
102 or 15 per cent of whom went to the North, and 563 or
82.5 per cent remained in the South. This shows that the
tendency of the college graduate is to remain in the South
where he is most needed.
*7 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 145.
Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 15, p. 45.
Ibid., p. 54.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 15
Of the graduates of 107 colleges which are not Negro in-
stitutions 79.2 per cent or 549 have been men, and 20.8 per
cent or 144 have been women. Of 2,964 graduates of 34
Negro colleges, 82.7 per cent have been men and 17.3 have
been women. 50 This difference may be due to a greater eco-
nomic standard of the Negro in the North, since the colleges
admitting Negroes which are not Negro institutions would
be in the North, and to the fact that more Negroes would be
located near educational institutions in the North than they
would be in the South.
From another report the average age for the women
graduates was 21% years, and the average for the men was
22% 6 years. There seems to be a tendency of the age to in-
crease, as shown by the following : 51
1880-1890 the average age was 21 years for men and women.
1890-1900 the average age was 22 years for men and women.
1900-1910 the average age was 22yio years for men and
women.
Of the 24 graduates reported 16 were under 35, and one was
over 50.
Of 799 graduates 67.3 per cent of the males were mar-
ried, and 31.1 per cent of the females were married. Among
these graduates there are only two cases of divorce, one
man and one woman. The ages at which they married were
for the men between 25 and 34 and for the women between
20 and 29. The families averaged four children. The death
rate among the children has not equalled one child per
family. 52
Statistics taken in 1913 of 258 schools show the college
students to be only 4.1 per cent of the entire number of Ne-
groes in schools. If the college graduate were in proportion
to the population their number would be about five times as
great as it is at present. 53
*o Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 15, p. 46.
si Ibid., p. 28.
52 Ibid., p. 57.
ssWork, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 229.
16 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
The Negroes have contributed in all lines to a large ex-
tent toward their own education. Since 1865 religious and
philanthropic associations have contributed $57,000,000
and the Negroes by direct contributions have supplied $24,-
000,000. 54 In 1869 in one year the Negroes raised $200,000
for the construction of school houses. A report from a
State Superintendent of Schools of Florida stated that in
the Black Belt Counties the Negro schools cost $19,457 and
the direct and indirect contributions on the part of the Ne-
groes amounted to $23,984. There were $4,527 remaining
which was used for the benefit of the white schools. 55 It is
thought on the part of some that the Negro, although he
may not pay in direct taxes a sum sufficient to provide for
his schools, may in reality be paying his full share indi-
rectly. I believe, however, that it is quite safe to say that
he probably pays as much for his education as any other
poor class of the population, especially so in comparison
with some of the immigrant classes. There have also been
quite a number of Negro philanthropists, the most prom-
inent of whom have been Bishop Payne who gave several
thousand dollars to Wilberforce, Wheeling Grant who gave
$5,000 to Wilberforce, Mary E. Shaw who left $38,000 to
Tuskegee, Nancy Addison who left $15,000 for education in
Baltimore, Louis Bode who left $30,000 and George Wash-
ington of Jerseyville, Illinois, who left $15,000 for educa-
tion. Thorny Lafon, of New Orleans, left $413,000 to be
used for educational purposes with no distinction regarding
race or color. Colonel John McKee, of Philadelphia, left
about $1,000,000 in real estate to be used for education. 56
The Negro Baptist Churches alone raised in 1907 $149,-
332.75. 57 In nine years the Negro students paid in cash to
74 Negro institutions $3,358,667 and in work $1,828,602,
making a total of $5,187,269. This amounted to 44.6 per
cent of the entire running 1 expenses of the institutions. 58
s* Work, The Negro Yearbook, p. 235.
65 Washington, Working with the Hands, p. 72.
Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 174.
67 Ibid., p. 169.
BS Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 14, p. 18.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 17
The attitude of the Negro immediately after the war was
that of opposition to all kinds of labor. He had not as then
learned the distinction between working as a slave and work-
ing as a f reedman. What he wanted most was an education,
a literary education, such as the white man had. He did
not want his education for any definite purpose, except as
an end in itself. The chief reason probably may have been
that of a desire to put himself on a par with the white man,
and to prove his intellectual equality. The attitude to-day is
radically different, being represented by men like Washing-
ton and DuBois. Washington preached the gospel of indus-
trial education, believing strongly that that method would
lead to an increase of the economic wealth of the race,
whereby they could acquire the so-called higher education.
DuBois, however, although he believed in the efficiency of
industrial training, also felt that the race should not neglect
to educate leaders even at the present time, so that his atti-
tude differs from that of Washington in a slight degree.
Two short quotations from Washington's writings may
illustrate to a certain extent the attitude of the leaders of
Negro education: "What Negro education needed most,"
said he, "was not so much more schools or different kinds
of schools, as an educational policy and a school system, ' * 59
and "I want to see education as common as grass, and as
free for all as sunshine and rain. ' ' 60
Prejudice is an important factor in the attitude of the
white race toward Negro education. This prejudice seems
to be in all sections of the country, but it is the southerner
who is heard from the most, possibly because he is more in
contact with the real problem and then because it seems to
be a policy of southern politicians to attempt to outdo each
other in their speeches along the line of race prejudice.
According to Weatherford prejudice has arisen out of the
fear that education will lead to the dominance of the Negro
in politics and to promiscuous mingling in social life. * ' The
southern white man will never be enthusiastic for Negro
* Washington, My Larger Education, p. 310.
o Ibid., p. 139.
'
18 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
education, until he is convinced that such education will not
lead to either of these.' 761 This feeling of a group is ex-
pressed in the following statement in a report to the Balti-
more Council by a committee in 1913: "No fault is found
with the Negroes' ambitions, " said the report, "but the
Committee feels that Baltimoreans will be criminally negli-
gent as to their future happiness, if they suffer the Negroes'
ambitions to go unchecked." 62 Mr. Thomas Dixon, Junior,
deplores the fact that Washington was training the Negroes
to be "masters of men," stating that "if there is one thing
the southern white man cannot endure it is an educated
Negro." 63
School officials and educators on the other hand show an
entirely different attitude. Mr. Glenn, recently Superin-
tendent of Education of Georgia, made the declaration that
"The Negro is ... teachable and susceptible to the same
kind of mental improvement characteristic to any other
race." 64 Thomas Nelson Page states that "the Negro may
individually attain a fair and in uncommon instances a con-
siderable degree of mental development. ' >65 Another states
that "We must educate him because ignorant men are dan-
gerous, especially to a democracy pledged to educate all
men." 66 Some believe that we must also educate him for
self-protection from vice and disease. The Southern Edu-
cational Association in 1907 passed the following resolu-
tion: "We endorse the accepted policy of the States of the
South in providing educational facilities for the youth of
the Negro race, believing that whatever the ultimate solu-
tion of this grievous problem may be, education must be an
important factor in that solution." 67
Illiteracy which in 1863 equaled about 95 per cent of the
Negro population has been decreasing rapidly since the
t
i Weatherf ord, Negro Life in the South, p. 87.
z Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South, p. 265.
a Hart, The Southern South, p. 319.
* Ibid., p. 326.
5 Ibid., p. 327.
Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South, p. 269.
T Hart, The Southern South, p. 327.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 19
Civil War. The illiteracy of the Negro during the last three
decades has been as follows : in 1890, 57.1 per cent ; in 1900,
44.5 per cent; and in 1910, 30.4 per cent. In the North in
1910 the illiteracy was 18.2 per cent in the South 48.0 per
cent, and in the West 13.1 per cent. 68 The urban Negro in
1910 showed 17.6 per cent illiteracy and the rural 36.5 per
cent. Louisiana showed 48 per cent, whereas Minnesota
and Oregon showed only 3.4 per cent. 69 In 1900 when the
Negro illiteracy was 44.5 per cent, the children between ten
and twenty-five years of age showed only 30 per cent and
those between 10 and 14 years in Mississippi showed only
22 per cent. 70 The illiteracy for all Negro children was 25
per cent, whereas the illiteracy for all white children was
only 10.5 per cent. 71 The illiteracy of our Negroes does not
seem so great when a comparison is made with some foreign
countries : 72
Race Illiteracy Rare Illiteracy
Negroes 30.4 Spain 58.7
Bulgaria 65.5 Chile 49.9
Greece 57.2 Cuba 56.8
Hungary 40.9 Mexico 75.3
Italy 48.2 Porto Eico 79.6
Poland 59.3 India 92.5
Portugal 73.4 Philippines 55.5
Russia 70.0 Cape of Good Hope 65.8
Servia 78.9 Egypt 92.7
The percentage of Negro illiteracy in America is less than
any one of these foreign races.
The criminality of the Negro seemingly has decreased
as the illiteracy has decreased. Out of every 100 criminals
only 39 could read and 61 could not, whereas in the general
population 43 could read and 57 could not. 73 In the Missis-
sippi penitentiary where they had 450 convicts of Negro
blood one half of them could neither read nor write, and less
s Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 226.
e Ibid., p. 226.
Hart, The Southern South, p. 294.
7i Ibid., p. 292.
"2 Washington in the Forum, p. 270.
73 Seview of Reviews, p. 318.
20 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
than 10 per cent had anything like a fair education. 74 At-
lanta University has graduated 800 Negro men and women,
not one of whom has ever been convicted of crime. Fisk
University has only one graduate who has ever been con-
victed. Greensboro Agricultural and Technical College has
had 2,000 students since its establishment, and only five have
ever been convicted of crime. Two of these had been ex-
pelled students, and none were among the three hundred
graduates of the college. Negro students who have gone to
high school show a remarkably low percentage of crime.
Of the 200 graduates from the Winston-Salem High School
(North Carolina) only one has a criminal record. Waters
Normal Institute at Winton, North Carolina, has graduated
more than 130 students and not one of these has ever been
arrested or convicted of any crime. 75 The records of the
southern prisons show that at least 90 per cent of those in
prison are without trades of any sort. 70 According to
Booker T. Washington, "Manual training is as good a pre-
vention of criminality as vaccination is of smallpox." 77 In
1903, in Gloucester County, Virginia, twenty-five years after
education had been introduced, there were 30 arrests for
misdemeanors, 16 white and 14 black; and in the next year
there were 15 arrests for misdemeanors, 14 white and one
black. 78 The general opinion of the southerner may be
judged by the answers to a questionnaire sent out to prom-
inent southern men in each of the Southern States. To the
question "Does crime grow less as education increases ?"
there were 102, answered "yes" and 19 answered "no." 79
One of the charges against the Negro has been his shift -
lessness, both as far as his personal industriousness is con-
cerned, and as far as the care of his home and things about
him. Now, however, education has increased his standards
and his wants, so that since he desires to have land, homes,
7* Review of Reviews, p. 319.
75 /bid., p. 319.
76 Weatherford. Negro Life in the South, p. 110.
77 Washington and Du Bois, The Negro in the South, p. 64.
78 IUd., p. 71.
7 Washington, Working with the Hands, p. 239.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 21
churches, books, papers, and education for his children, he
will labor regularly and efficiently to supply these. The
graduates of Tuskegee Institute are kept in touch with by
one of the school officials, who reported that not 10 per cent,
could be found in idleness and that only one was in a
penitentiary. 80
LOBETTA FUNKE
so Washington and Du Bois, The Negro in the South, p. 61.
THE NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA AFTER THE
PASSING OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT
When President Fillmore signed the Fugitive Slave Bill 1
on September 18, 1850, he started a Negro migration that
continued up to the opening of the Civil War, resulting in
thousands of people of color crossing over into Canada
and causing many thousands more to move from one State
into another seeking safety from their pursuers. While the
free Negro population of the North increased by nearly
30,000 in the decade after 1850, the gain was chiefly in three
States, Ohio, Michigan and Illinois. Connecticut had fewer
free people of color in 1860 than in ]850 and there were half
a dozen other States that barely held their own during the
period. fThe three States showing gains were those border-
ing on Canada where the runaway slave or the free man of
color in danger could flee when threatened. It is estimated
that from fifteen to twenty thousand Negroes entered Can-
ada between 1850 and 1860, increasing the Negro popula-
tion of the British provinces from about 40,000 to nearly
60,000. The greater part of the refugee population settled
in the southwestern part of the present province of Ontario,
chiefly in what now comprises the counties of Essex and
Kent, bordering on the Detroit River and Lake St Clair.
This large migration of an alien race into a country more
sparsely settled than any of the Northern States might have
been expected to cause trouble, but records show that the
Canadians received the refugees with kindness and gave
them what help they could. 2 At the close of the Civil War
t^One of the most available laws ever passed bj the Congress of the
United States. . . . Under this net ... the Negro had no chance; the meshes
of the law were artfully contrived to aid the master aud entrap the slave."
Bhodea, Htotory of the United States, 1, 185.
*"A large proportion of the colored person* who have fled from the free
states have sought refuge in Canada where they have been received with ro-
markable kindness and have testified the grateful seme of their reception by
their exemplary eonduct." American Anti-slavery Society, nnnual report for
1851, p. 31.
22
NJBQBO MIGRATION TO CANADA 23
many of the Negroes in exile returned, thus relieving the
situation in Canada.
The Fugitive Slave Bill had been signed but a month
when Garrison pointed out in The Liberator that a north-
ward trek of free people of color was already under way.
" Alarmed at the operation of the new Fugitive Slave Law,
. the fugitives from slavery are pressing northward. Many
have been obliged to flee precipitately leaving behind them
all the little they have acquired since they esca}>ed from
slavery. 01 The American Anti-Slavery Society's report
also notes the consternation into which the Negro popula-
tion was thrown by the new legislation 4 and from many
other contemporary sources there may be obtained informa-
tion showing the distressing results that followed imme-
diately upon the signing of the bill. Reports of the large
number of new arrivals were soon coming from Canada.
Hiram Wilson, a missionary at St. Catharines, writing in
The Liberator of December 13, 1850, says: "Probably not
less than 3,000 have taken refuge in this country since the
first of September. Only for the attitude of the north there
would have been thousands more." lie says that his church
is thronged with fugitives and that what is true of his own
district is true also of other parts of southern Ontario.
Henry Bibb, in his paper The Voice of the Fugitive? pub-
lished frequent reports of the number of fugitives arriving
at Sandwich on the Detroit River. In the issue of December
3, 1851, he reports 17 arrivals in a week. On April 22, 1852,
he records 15 arrivals within the last few days and notes
that "the Underground Railroad is doing good business
this spring." On May 20, 1852, he reports "quite an acces-
sion of refugees to our numbers during the last two weeks "
and on June 17 notes the visit of agents from Chester,
Pennsylvania, preparatory to the movement of a large num-
ber of people of color from that place to Canada. On the
I Liberator, October 18, 1850.
| Annual report for 1851, p. 30.
A file of thifl paper for 1851 ind 1852 is in the librarj of toe TTniyergitj
of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
24 JOUBXAL OF NEGRO HJSTOBY
same date be says: "Numbers of free persons of color are
arriving in Canada from Pennsylvania and the District of
Columbia, Ohio and Indiana. Sixteen passed by Windsor
on tbe seventh and 20 on the eighth and the cry is 'Still they
come. 1 " The immigration was increasing week by week,
for on July 1 it was reported in The Voice of the Fugitiw
that "in a single day last week there were not less than 65
colored emigrants landed at this place from the south. . . .
As far as we can learn not less than 200 have arrived within
our vicinity since last issue. 1 ' Almost every number of the
paper during 1852 gives figures as to the arrivals of the
refugees. On September 23 Bibb reported the arrival of
three of his own brothers while on November 4, 1852, there
is recorded the arrival of 23 men, women and children in 48
hours. Writing to The Liberator of November 12, 1852.
Mary . Bibb said that during the last ten days they had
sheltered 23 arrivals in their own home. The American
Missionary Association, which had workers among the fugi-
tives in Canada noted in its annual report for 1852 that
there had been a large increase of the Negro population
during the year 6 while further testimony to the great activ-
ity along the border is given by the statement that the Vig-
ilance Committee at Detroit assisted 1,200 refugees in one
year and that the Cleveland Vigilance Committee had a
record of assisting more than a hundred a month to
freedom. 7
The northern newspapers of the period supply abundant
information regarding the consternation into which the Ne-
groes were thrown and their movements to find places of
safety. Two weeks after President Pillmore had signed
the Fugitive Slave Bill a Pittsburgh despatch to The Lib-
erator stated that "nearly all the waiters in the hotels have
fled to Canada. Sunday 30 fled ; on Monday 40 ; on Tuesday
50; on Wednesday 30 and up to this time the number that
has left will not fall short of 300. They went in large
bodies, armed with pistols and bowie knives, determined to
American Missionary AMOeution, Scr/A Annual Xifort, 1852, p. 54.
T Mitehal), Underground EaUroad, p. 113.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 25
die rather than be captured." 8 A Hartford despatch of Oc-
tober 18, 1850, told of five Negroes leaving that place for
Canada;* Utica reported under date of October 2 that 16
fugitive slaves passed through on a boat the day before,
bound for Canada, all well armed and determined to fight to
the last; 10 Tfo Eastport Sentinel of March 12 noted that a
dozen fugitives had touched there on the steamer Admiral,
en route to St. John's; The New tfedford Mercury said:
"We arc pleased to announce that a very large number of
fugitive slaves, aided by many of our most wealthy and re-
spected citizens have left for Canada and parts unknown
and that many more are on the point of departure." 11 The
Concord, New Hampshire, Statesman reported: "Last
Tuesday seven fugitives from slavery passed through this
place . . . and they probably reached Canada in safety on
Wednesday last. Scarcely a day passes but more or less
fugitives escape from the land of slavery to the freedom of
Canada . . . via this place over the track of the Northern
Railroad. 11 "
Many other examples of the effect of the Fugitive Slave
Act might be noted. The Negro population of Columbia,
Pennsylvania, dropped from 943 to 487 after the passing of
the bill. 13 The members of the Negro community near
Sandy Lake in northwestern Pennsylvania, many of whom
had farms partly paid for, sold out or gave away their prop-
erty and went in a body to Canada. 14 In Boston a fugitive
slave congregation under Leonard A. Grimes had a church
built when the blow fell. More than forty members fled to
Canada. 16 Out of one Baptist church in Buffalo more than
130 members fled across the border, a similar migration tak-
ing place among the Negro Methodists of the same city
Liberator, October 4, 1850.
/&*., October J8, J850.
i Ibid.. October 4, 1850.
11 /&!<*., April 25, 1*51.
i* Tbid., Maj 2, 1851.
i Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 249.
i*/6W., p. 249.
i Steven*, Anthony Burns, a History, p. 208.
26 JOURNAL OF NE<JHO HISTORY
though they were more disposed to make a stand. At
Rochester all but two of the 114 members of the Negro Bap-
tist church fled, headed by their pastor, while at Detroit the
Negro Baptist church lost 84 members, some of whom aban-
doned their property in haste to get away. 10 A letter from
William Still, agent of the Philadelphia Vigilance Com-
mittee, to Henry Bibb at Sandwich says there is much talk
of emigration to Canada as the best course for the fugi-
tives. 17 The Corning Journal illustrates the aid that was
given to the fugitives by northern friends. Fifteen fugi-
tives, men, women and children, came in by train and stopped
over night. In the morning a number of Corning people
assisted them to Dunkirk and sent a committee to arrange
for passage to Canada. The captain of the lake steamer
upon which they embarked, very obligingly stopped at Fort
Maiden, on the Canadian side, for wood and water and the
runaways walked ashore to freedom. "The underground
railroad is in fine working order," is the comment of The
Journal. " Barely does a collision occur, and once on the
track passengers are sent through between sunrise and sun-
set/' That time did not dull the terrors of the Fugitive
Slave Act is shown by the fact that every fresh arrest would
cause a panic in its neighborhood. At Chicago in 1861,
almost on the eve of the Civil War, more than 100 Negroes
left on a single train following the arrest of a fugitive, tak-
ing nothing with them but the clothes on their backs and
most of them leaving good situations behind." 18
The Underground Railroad system was never so suc-
cessful in all its history as after 1850. Despite the law, and
the infamous activities of many of the slave-catchers, at
M American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Jfeport, 1851, p. 31.
" The Voice of the Fugitive, April 9, 1851.
! Cong. Herald, May 13, 1861, quoted in American Miwionary Association,
15th annual report, 1861, p. 28. There is evidence that the Fugitive Slav* Law
was used in tome caaes to strike fear into the hearts of Negroes in order to
eaooe them to abandon their property. The Liberator of October 25, 1850,
quotes tho Detroit Free Frett to the effect that land speculators have been,
caring the Negroes in some places in the north in order to get posseasion of
their properties.
NEGBO MIGKATTON TO CANADA 27
least 3,000 fugitives got through to Canada within three
months after the bill was signed. This was the estimate of
both Henry Bibb and Hiram Wilson and there were prob-
ably no men in Canada who were better acquainted with the
situation than these two. In Tin.' Voice of the Fugitive of
November 5, 1851, Ribb reported that " the road is doing
better business this fall thao usual. The Fugitive Slave
Law has given it more vitality, more activity, more pas-
senders and more opposition which invariably accelerates
business. . . . We can run a lot of slaves through from
almost any of the bordering slave states into Canada within
48 hours and we defy the slaveholders and their abettors to
beat that if they can. . . . We have just received a fresh lot
today and still there is room." The Troy Argus learned
from "official sources 71 in 1859 that the Underground Bail-
road had been doing an unusually large business that
year. 19 Bibb's newspaper reports, December 2, 1852, that
the underground is working well. "Slaveholders are fre-
quently seen and heard, howling on their track up to the
Detroit Kiver's edge but dare not venture over lest the
British lion should lay his paw upon their guilty heads. 71
\ Bibb kept a watchful eye on slave-catchers coming to the
Canadian border and occasionally reported their presence
in his paper. Underground activity was also noted in The
Liberator. "The underground railroad and especially the
express train, is doing a good business just now. We have
good and competent conductors," was a statement in the
i- issue of October 29, 1852.*'
Not all those who fled to Canada left their property be-
hind. The Voice of the Fugitive makes frequent reference
; to Negroes arriving with plenty of means to take care of
themselves. "Men of capital with good property, some of
whom are worth thousands, are settling among us from the
northern states," says the issue of October 22, 1851, while
i American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-icventh Annual Report, 1861,
p. 49.
*In The Liberator of July 30, 1852, a letter from Hiram Wilson, at St.
Catharines, says: "Arrivals from akivery arc frequent."
28 JouKMAij OF NEXJRO HISTORY
in the issue of July 1, 1852, it i,s noted that 4i 22 from In-
diana passed through to Amherstlmrjr, with four fine cov-
ered waggons and eight horses. A few weeks ago six or
eight such teams came from the* samo state into Canada.
The Fugitive Slavo Law is driviug out brains and money."
In a later issue it was stated "we know of several families
of free? people of oolor who hav<? moved here form the north-
ern states this summer who have brought with them prop-
erty to the amount of 30,000. " 2I Some of these people
with property joined the Elgin Association settlement at
Buxton, purchasing farms and taking advantage of the
opportunities that were provided there for education. A
letter to The Voice of thv Fugitive, from Ezekiei C. Cooper,
recently arrived at Buxton, fiays: "Canada is the place
where we have our rights. 7 ' 22 lie speaks of having pur-
chased 50 acres of land and praises the school and its
teacher at Buxton. Cooper came from Northampton, Mas-
sachusetts, driven out by the Fugitive Slave I^aw. A rather
unusual case was that of 12 manumitted slaves who were
brought to Canada from the South. They had been be-
queathed $1,000 each by their former owner. They all
bought homes in -the Niagara district."
While fugitives and free Negroes were being harried in
the Northern States slaves continued to run away from
their masters and seek liberty, "Slaves are making this a
great season for running off to Pennsylvania," said the
Cumberland, Virginia, Unionist in 1851. 24 "A large num-
ber have gone in the last week, most of whom were not re-
captured." At the beginning of 1851 The Liberator had a
Buffalo despatch to the effect that 87 runaways from the
South had passed through to Canada since the passing of
the bill the previous September. 25 Bibb mentions two run-
aways from North Carolina who were 101 days reaching
=i The Voice of the Fugitive, July 29, 1852.
nlbid,, July 1, 3852.
* St. Catharine'* Journal, quoted in The Voice of the Fugitive, September
23, 1852.
i Quoted in The Liberator, September 12, 1851.
K Liber at or, February 14, 1851.
NEGRO MIGBATION TO CANADA 29
Canada. 26 The Detroit Free Press reported that 29 run-
aways crossed to Canada about the end of March, 1859,
"the first installment of northern emigration from North
Carolina." 27 About the same time The Detroit Advertiser
announced that "seventy fugitive slaves arrived in Canada
by one train from the interior of Tennessee. A week before
a company of 12 arrived. At nearly the same time a party
of seven and another of five were safely landed on the free
soil of Canada, making 94 in all. The underground rail-
road was never before doing so flourishing a business." 28
The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin of December 19,
1860, asserted that 1,500 slaves had escaped annually for
the last fifty years, a loss to the South of at least $40 r
000,000. The American Anti-Slavery Society's twenty-sev-
enth report said "Northward migration from slave land
during the last year has fully equalled the average of
former years." 2 *
It is interesting to note that several of the most famous
cases that arose under the Fugitive Slave Act had their end-
ing in Canada* Shadrack, Anthony Burns, Jerry McHenry,
the Parkers, the Lemmon slaves and others found refuge
across the border after experiencing the terrors of the Fugi-
tive Slave legislation. The Shadrack incident was one of
the earliest to arise under the new law. Shadrack, a Negro
employe in a Boston coffee house, was arrested on February
15, 1851, on the charge of having escaped from slavery in
the previous May. As the commissioner before whom he
was brought was not ready to proceed, the case was ad-
journed for three days. As Massachusetts had forbidden
the nse of her jails in fugitive cases Shadrack was detained
in the United States court room at the court house. A mob
of people of color broke into the building, rescued the pris-
oner and he escaped to Canada. The rescue caused great
The Voice of the Fugitive, August 27, J851.
2T Quoted iu American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-seventh Report, 1861.
American Anti-slavery Society, Tweuty-seventU Annual Report, 1861,
pp. 4*M9.
P. 157.
30 JOURNAL OF NBOKO HISTORY
excitement at Washington and five of the rescuers were in-
dicted and tried but the jury disagreed. The incident showed
that the new law would he enforced with difficulty in Massa-
chusetts in view of the fact that the moh had been supported
by a Vigilance Committee of most respectable citizens. 30
A few months later, at Syracuse, a respectable man of
color named Jerry McIIcnr)- was arrested as a fugitive on
the complaint of a slaver from Missouri. He made an at-
tempt to escape and failed. The town, however, was
crowded with people who had come to a meeting of the
County Agricultural Society and to attend the annual con-
vention of the Liberty Party. On the evening of October
1, 1851, a descent was made upon the jail by a party led by
Gerrit Smith and Eev. Samuel J. May, both well-known
abolitionists. The Negro was rescued, concealed for a few
days and then sent on to Canada where he died, at Kingston,
in 1853. 31
A more tragic incident was that known as the Gorsuch
case. A slaver named Gorsuch, with his son and some
others, all armed, came to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in
search of two fugitives. In a house two miles from Lan-
caster was a Negro family named Parker and they were be-
seiged by the Gorsuchs. The Negroes blew a horn and
brought others to their help. Two Quakers who were pres-
ent were called upon to render help in arresting the Ne-
groes, as they were required to do under the Act, but they
refused to aid. In the fighting that took place the elder Gor-
such was killed and his son wounded. The Negroes escaped
to Canada where they spent the winter in Toronto and in
the spring joined the Elgin Association settlement at Bux-
ton in Kent connty."
The Anthony Burns case attracted more attention than
any other arising in the execution of the Fugitive Slave
Hittory of the United Siaic*. I, 210.
KM., I, 224-25. fiee also Ward, Autobiography of a Fugitive Negro,
p. 127.
**n>id,, I, 222-23. 6ee also Tht Voice of the fugitive, June 3 and July
1, 1852.
NEQBO MIGRATION TO CANADA. 31
Law. Burns, who was a fugitive from Virginia living in
Boston, betrayed his hiding place in a letter which fell into
the hands of a southern slaver and was communicated to a
slave hunter. The slaver tried to coax Burns to go hack to
bondage peaceably but failing in this he had him arrested
and brought before a commissioner who, on June 2, 1854,
decided that Burns was a fugitive and must be sent back to
slavery. Boston showed its feelings on the day that the
Negro was removed from jail to be sent South. Stores were
closed and draped in black, bells tolled, and across State
Street a coffin was suspended bearing the legend TUB DEATH
OF LIBEKTY. The streets were crowded and a large military
force, with a field piece in front, furnished escort for the
lone black. Hisses and cries of "shame" came from the
crowd as the procession passed. Burns was soon released
from bondage, Boston people and others subscribing to pur-
chase his liberty. He was brought North, educated and later
entered the ministry. For several years he was a mission-
ary at St Catharines, Canada, and died there in the sixties. 33
Along the international boundary there were exciting in-
cidents at times, fugitives being chased to the border and
often having narrow escapes from recapture. The Monroe
family, mother and several daughters, escaped from slavery
in Kentucky in 1856 and were carried by the Underground
Railroad to Ann Arbor and on to Detroit, the master in hot
pursuit. So close was the chase that as the runaways pulled
out from the wharf on the ferry for Windsor, Canada, the
master came running down the street crying ont "Stop
them! stop them! 11 He was jeered at by the crowd which
sympathized with the Negro woman. 8 *
In June, 1852, three fugitives arrived in Detroit and
in response to frantic messages from Toledo were held for
their pursuers. In desperation the Negroes made a savage
attack on their jailer, gained their freedom and got across
the border with the assistance of friends in Detroit. Ee-
, Riitorv of the United Btatct, V, 290-291.
Troj, Heirbrcodth Eicapci, pp. 39-43.
32 JOUBNAL OF NEGKO HIBTOBT
wards that were offered for their recapture were useless as
the fugitives took care to remain on the Canadian side. 88
Hiram Wilson tells of an incident that came under his
notice at St. Catharines. A beautiful young girl, 14 years
of age and almost white, was brought to Buffalo as maid for
a slaveholder's daughter travelling in the North. She was
spirited off by some Buffalo abolitionists, transferred to a
steamer flying the British flag, and landed in Canada. She
was taken to St. Catharines and sheltered in the home of
Hiram Wilson. The master came over from Buffalo bring-
ing a couple of lawyers with him and tried to secure his
property but his demands were refused. The owner
claimed that he valued the girl at $1,000. It was later dis-
covered that she had been sold no less than four times before
coming to Canada. 36
The brutality of the Fugitive Slave Law was shown on
more than one occasion along the border. A case that at-
tracted much attention at the time was that of Daniel Davis.
He was cook on the steamer Buckeye. One day while the
vessel was in port at Buffalo he was called up from below.
As his head appeared above the* deck he was struck a heavy
blow by a slave catcher named Benjamin Bust who had a
warrant from a United States commissioner for his arrest.
The Negro fell back senseless into the hold and on top of a
stove, being badly burned. He was brought into court at
once and the newspaper accounts relate in detail how he sat
during the proceedings ^ dozing, with blood oozing out of
his mouth and nostrils. ' > After a trial that was rushed in a
most unseemly way the Negro was ordered delivered over
to Rust, who was really agent for one George H. Moore, of
Louisville. The brutality of the whole proceeding stirred
up deep interest in Buffalo and on a writ of habeas corpus
the fugitive was brought before Judge Conkling of the
United States Court at Auburn and released. Before there
could be further steps taken to hold the Negro he was hur-
Liberator, Jum 11, 1852. Sc alao The Voice of the Fugitive, Jun* 17,
1852.
Ibid., July 30, 1852.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 33
ried into Canada, where he remained. He was in attend-
ance at the large Negro Convention held in Toronto in Sep-
tember, 1851, and -with bis head still in bandages afforded
striking evidence of the effects of the Blave I jaw. Bust,
Davis 's assailant, was afterwards indicted at Buffalo but
allowed to go after paying a paltry $50 fine. 37
Another memorable border incident occurred at San-
dusky, Ohio, in October, 1852. A party of fugitives, two
men, two women and several children had been brought
from Kentucky and were aboard the steamer Arrow about
to sail for Detroit when they were all arrested by the al-
leged owner and taken before the mayor of the town. Rush
B. Sloane, a local lawyer, offered to act in their defence.
The proceedings were so hurried that no warrant or writ
was ready to be produced in court and Sloane signified by
a gesture that the Negroes were free. There was an imme-
diate rush for the door on the part of the fugitives and their
friends, but even as they fled from the court room the claim-
ant entered calling out: "Here are the papers. I own the
slaves. I'll hold you personally responsible for their es-
cape." The fugitives meanwhile had gone to the harbor,
entered a sailboat owned by friendly fishermen and were on
their way to Canada. The slaver, frantic at seeing his
property vanishing, tried in vain to get other fishermen to
pursue them. He then hurried to a neighboring town, try-
ing to secure help, but with no more success. Within a few
hours the runaways were landed at Port Stanley, safe from
all pursuers. The slaver made good his threat to hold
Sloane responsible for the loss of his property, entering
action and securing a judgment for $3,000. It is related as
one of the pathetic incidents of this case that when the
fugitives were first taken off the steamer Arrow one of the
women dropped her infant child on the ground and dis-
owned it, hoping that it at least would be free if she were
condemned to return to slavery. 8 *
37 Liberator, Sept. 12, 1851; Tl* Voice cf the Fugitive, Sept. 24, 1851;
Anti-eltvery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 19.
"Sail dusky Cvmmfircvil Rffjiiicr, Oct. 21, 1852; Liberator, Oct. 29, 1852;
Anti-slavery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 24.
34 JOURNAL. OP NEGRO HISTORY
With so great an influx of refugees into a country that
was sparsely settled, some suffering was inevitable, but con-
temporary evidence indicates that after all it was but slight.
There was probably more distress during the winter of
1850-1 than later on because of the large number who came
in during the few months immediately after the passing of
the Fugitive Slave Bill. In their haste to find safety many
left everything behind, entering Canada with little more
than the clothes on their backs. A. L. Power, of Farming-
ton, who visited Windsor at the beginning of 1851, found
about a score of families living in an old military barracks,
most of them in need of both fuel and clothing. At Sand-
wich, near by, he also found distress and mentions seeing a
family of eight children who were almost nude and who were
suffering from the coid. M Sickness was, in many cases, a
result of the exposure to which the Negroes had been sub-
jected in their effort to reach Canada. Later on, the situa-
tion improved and by 1855 the workers of the American
Missionary Association reported that "in general, those
who have gone there from the United States, even the fugi-
tives, may provide for the wants of their families, after a
short residence there; especially if they meet a friendly
hand and, more than all, good counsel on their arrival." 4 *
Various agencies in both the United States and Canada
were active in the work of relieving the distress among
the newcomers. The American Anti-Slavery Society early
addressed itself to this task. "Several agents," said Bibb,
"have during the past year proceeded to Canada to exert
the best influence in their power over the fugitives that
have flocked to the province in years past and especially
those who have gone the past year. They are supplied with
the means of instructing the colored population, clothing
some of the most destitute fugitives and aiding them in
various ways to obtain employment, procure and cultivate
land and train up their children. Our friends in Canada
are exerting a good influence in the same direction. M4J
3 The Voice of the Fugitive, February 12, 1851.
< Ninth Annual Report, N. Y. f 1855, p. 47
American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Report, 1851, p. 100.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 35
The fugitives themselves were banded together to aid
the newcomers. The Windsor Anti-Slavery Society and the
Fugitives' Union were both organized to relieve distress
and assist their fellows in making a living. 42 Supplies were
sent in from points at considerable distances in some cases,
clothing, food, money, and in one case a donation of 2,000
fruit trees from Henry Willis, of Battle Creek, for refugees
who were going on the land. 43 Michigan people were ex-
ceedingly generous in extending aid and there is record also
of supplies sent from Pall River, Whitestown, New Jersey,
Boston and other places in New England. There was plenty
of work for the Negroes, the fifties being a period of rail-
road building in western Ontario, BO that writing in 1861 .
William Troy maintained. that nine tenths of the fugitives
had got along without outside aid of any kind. "The fugi-
tives show a marked disposition to help each other and re-
lieve want," he says. "I could show hundreds of instances
of kindheartedness to all persons, irrespective of race." 44
The organization of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada,
came largely as a result of the sudden influx of Negroes
after 1850 which, perhaps more than anything else, im-
pressed upon Canadians the great issue that was rapidly
dividing the neighboring republic. Beginning at Toronto
the anti-slavery forces in Canada were organized in the
various cities and towns of the province and continued
active until the Civil War. There was developed in Canada
a marked anti-slavery sentiment which manifested itself in
part in the very large number of Canadians who enlisted in
the northern armies. 49 The Anti-Slavery Society was also
active in extending the helping hand to the fugitives, con-
siderable sums being raised for relief purposes and sup-
port being given to educational and other movements de-
signed to elevate the race.
** The Voice of the Fugitive of January 15, 1851, and November IB, 1852.
Jbid., January 1 find May 20, 1852.
Troj, Hair-breadth Escape*, pp. 108 and 122.
45 "The Canadian government reckoned that there had been not le*a than
40,000 Canadian enlistment! in th American Army during the Civil War."
Goldwia Smith's Correspondence (letter to Moberly Bell), p. 377,
36 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
In Canada the refugees were absolutely safe from the
operations of the Fugitive Slave Law. No loophole could
be found in the Canadian law that would permit the rendi-
tion of a slave. A famous case arose in the Canadian courts
on the eve of the Civil War when a Negro, John Anderson,
was arrested charged with the murder of a slaver named
Diggs some years before, the crime having been committed
while Anderson was trying to make his escape from slavery.
Canadian opinion was much aroused and though the first
decision of the courts was that the Negro must be extradited
this finding was overruled from England and in the end the
prisoner was released on a technicality. It was made quite
clear that the British Government would view with marked
disapproval any decision in Canada that would return a
refugee to slavery.
There wete doubtless numerous attempts to kidnap Ne-
groes who had escaped to Canada, especially in the border
towns, but such attempts must have been rarely successful.
An open attempt to induce a Canadian official to act as slave
catcher was exposed in the Montreal Gazette of January 13,
1855, when there was published a letter written by one, John
H. Pape, of Frederick, Maryland, to Sheriff Hays, of Mon-
treal, proposing that the latter should use his power to ar-
rest Negroes who would then be turned over to Pape. The
proceeds from the sale of the captured chattels would be
divided evenly, according to the plan suggested.
Canadians took a measure of pride in the sense of secur-
ity with which their Negro immigrants could look back at
their pursuers. That the slavery issue in the United States
was rapidly coming to a head was also recognized in Canada
during the fifties and this, too, may have been an influence
with the Canadians in doing what they could to assist the
great number of more or less helpless people who carne
among them. Viewed in the light of more than half a cen-
tury it can be seen that the influence of Canada in detcrmin
ing the course of the slavery issue was by no means slight
FRED LANDON
EICHAED HILL 1
Eichard Hill, one of Jamaica's most famous sons, was
born at Montego Bay on the first of May, 1795. In 1779 Ms
father, also namei Eichard, came to Jamaica from Lincoln-
shire, where the family had lived for several centuries, and
along with a brother settled at Montego Bay. There he be-
came a substantial merchant, and on his death in 1818 left
his property in Jamaica to his son and two daughters, Ann
and Jane. Hill's mother, who had East Indian as well as
Negro blood in her veins, survived her husband many years,
her son being constant in his attention to her up to the last.
At the early age of five Hill was sent to England to re-
side with his father's relations then living at Cheshunt,
there to remain till his fourteenth year when he was sent to
the Elizabethan Grammar School at Horncastle to finish his
education. Upon the death of his father in 1818 Hill re-
turned to Jamaica. Although his property came into the
possession of his son and two daughters the father's death
in some way involved Eichard Hill in irksome money ob-
ligations which harassed him for many years, and even
after he had discharged them left a gloom over his life.
His father was a man in advance of his times, hating and
deploring the intolerance and the tyranny that grew out of
slavery as it then existed in Jamaica. On his death-bed he
made his son solemnly pledge himself to devote his energies
to the cause of freedom, and never to rest until those civil
disabilities, under which the Negroes were laboring, had
been entirely removed ; and, further, until slavery itself had
received its death-blow.
The time and opportunity for fulfilling this pledge soon
came, for in the year 1823 the Negroes in Jamaica com-
menced their agitation for obtaining equal privileges with
i Taken in great measure from the biographical notice by the writer in the
Journal of tKe Institute of Jamaica, July, 1896.
37
38 JOURNAL OF NEGEO HISTOBY
their white brethren. It does not appear that Hill attached
himself openly to any of the societies that were formed for
the purpose of carrying on this agitation. But he freely
gave them the benefit of his abilities, helping the whole
movement with his advice and with his pen. 2
In the year 1826 Hill visited Cuba, the United States and
Canada, and then went on to England, landing there in Sep-
tember. In 1827 he was deputed by the organization in
Jamaica to use his efforts in England to secure the assist-
ance of the leading members of the Anti-Slavery party.
During his stay there he was on terms of close intimacy
with Wilberforce, Buxton, Clarkson, Babington, Lushing-
ton and Zachary Macaulay, 3 all members of the Anti-Slav-
ery Society, as well as Pringle and other men eminent for
their philanthropy and talents and noted for the deep in-
terest they took in all that related to the elevation and wel-
fare of the Negroes of the British West Indian colonies.
The petition from the people of color of this island to the
House of Commons for the removal of their civil disabil-
ities, was entrusted to Hill, who upon the occasion of pre-
senting it was permitted "within the bar" of the H ousel
On that occasion Canning delivered his last speech a splen-
did effort in favor of the petitioners. Hill remained several
years in England and contributed largely by his pen and his
speeches to enlighten the public mind of England as to the
real character of West Indian slavery. But the remittances
from the "people of color " in Jamaica, never very large,
soon became few and far between. So Hill, always indepen-
dent in every way, even in his friendships and political al-
liances, maintained himself and his sister, Jane, almost en-
tirely by his contributions, literary and scientific, to several
popular newspapers and periodicals. 4
2 For a general sketch of this period see W. J. Gardner's History of
Jamaica, pp. 211-317.
s This movement had for years been promoted by the heroic few. It waa
then getting a hearing in Parliament. They first advocated the abolition of
the slave trade and then directed attention to slavery.
* These contributions closely connected Hill with the men whose new
thought revolutionized science a few decades later.
KICHAKD HILL 39
After a residence of several years in England, Hill was
sent by the Anti-Slavery Society on a visit to San Domingo,
chiefly for the purpose of ascertaining by personal observa-
tion and inquiry what was the actual social and political
condition of the people of that island. 5 But his commission
had a more extensive object than that attached to it, which,
however, directed him to obtain besides all the information
he possibly could concerning the natural resources of every
part of the country through which he was to travel. San
Domingo was then under the wise and able rule of President
Boyer, the whole island forming one undivided republic, en-
joying internal tranquillity, and being in a comparatively
flourishing condition. On his way from England to Port-au-
Prince, where he arrived on the sixteenth of June, 1830, Hill
visited France staying there a few months. He spent nearly
two years in San Domingo travelling incessantly and mak-
ing notes about everything. He has left mqre than one
sketch-book full of sketches showing a knowledge of per-
spective, a keen eye for the picturesque and a true artist's
feeling. He sailed from San Domingo for England on the
third of May, 1832, and then for Jamaica a few months
after, never again to quit his native country. In that year
he was made justice of the peace for Trelawny.
He was never greedy for money and seems to have been
ill-paid for his labors in San Domingo. Upon his return to
Jamaica either on that account or from motives of policy
he ceased all communication with the Anti-Slavery Society,
and only now and then did he write to one or two of its mem-
bers, and even then more as personal friends than as old
political allies.
On the third of February, 1834, Hill was appointed one
of a number of forty stipendiary magistrates whose duty it
was to adjudicate between the former slaveholders and
San Domingo was then independent and the success of the free Negroes
there would have a direct bearing on the anti-slavery movement, as indifferent
white men sometimes contended that the free Negro was a failure.
40 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
their "apprentices.'' 6 This appointment he held until the
first of January, 1872. In this connection it may be inter-
esting to quote the opinion of Hill expressed by the Rev.,
James Thome and J. H. Kimball, who in 1838 published for
the American Annti-Slavery Society an account of Emanci-
pation in the West Indies: a six months' tour in Antigua,
Barbadoes and Jamaica in the year 1837. They say: "We
spent nearly a day with Richard Hill, Esq., the secretary of
the special magistrates' departments, of whom we have al-
ready spoken. He is a colored gentleman, and in every
respect the noblest man, white or black, whom we met in the
West Indies. He is highly intelligent and of fine moral
feelings. His manners are free and unassuming, and his
language in conversation fluent and well chosen. . . . He is
at the head of the special magistrates (of whom there are
sixty (sic) in this island) and all the correspondence be-
tween them and the governor is carried on through him.
The station he holds is a very important one, and the busi-
ness connected with it is of a character and extent that, were
he not a man of superior abilities, he could not sustain. He
is highly respected by the government in the island and at
home, and possesses the esteem of his fellow citizens of all
colors. He associates with persons of the highest rank, din-
ing and attending parties at the government house with all
the aristocracy of Jamaica. We had the pleasure of spend-
ing an evening with him at the solicitor general's. Though
an African sun has burnt a deep tinge on him he is truly one
of nature's nobleman. His demeanor is such, so dignified,
yet so bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting
him." 7
Hill represented St. James and afterwards Trelawny
* Slavery in the British West Indies was not actually abolished instantly.
Gradual emancipation was the method tried in most parts and even in cases of
immediate emancipation the system of apprenticeship which followed was not
much better than slavery.
* The office of Secretary to the Stipendiary Magistrates was established in
order to assist Governor Sligo to get through the enormous amount of corre-
spondence entailed by the complaints sent to him in connection with the ad-
ministration of the laws with regard to the apprenticeship system.
KICHARD HILL 41
in the House of Assembly which sat from October 24, 1837,
to November 3, 1838, and during that time he served on sev-
eral important committees, notably one appointed to inquire
into the state of the several courts of justice in the island.
But the fact that he unsuccessfully contested the represen-
tation of^ort^Boyaiin^ovember, 1838, may have had some-
thing to do with his withdrawal from political strife.
About 1840 he was offered the governorship of St. Lucia,
but his love for his native island caused him to decline the
offer. He was in 1855 nominated a member of the Privy
Council which post he held only about ten years.
His political career was ended early in life, and the re-
mainder of his days were passed in retirement at Spanish-
Town where he had taken up his abode upon being appointed
stipendiary magistrate. He occupied his time with his daily
official duties and literary work and seldom left home ex-
cept for change of air at the sea side, to visit some intimate
friend in Kingston, or perhaps to take the chair at some mis-
sionary gathering, or to join in the deliberations of a com-
mittee meeting. In 1847 Hill acted as Agent General of
Immigration, and in December of that year he submitted an
interesting report to the Assembly.
When the cholera swept over the island in 1851 Hill
turned his botanical studies to good account. The saline
treatment was then in high esteem; but by means of the
bitter-bush, Eupatorium nervosum, a shrub not unlike the
wild sage in appearance, which grows freely on waste lands,
he is said to have alleviated much suffering and saved
many lives.
He was Vice-President from 1844 to 1849 of the Jamaica
Society for the encouragement of Agriculture and other
Arts and Sciences, instituted in 1825. In 1849 this Society
ceased to exist and in its stead sprang up the Colonial Lit-
erary and Beading Society, of which Hill was one of the
managing committee. He was one of the nominated mem-
bers of the then Board of Education. He was a member of
the original council of the Koyal Agricultural Society of
Jamaica, founded in 1843, Vice-President as late as 1857
42 JOUBNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
of the Eoyal Society of Arts of Jamaica, established in
1854 as the Jamaica Society of Arts, and Vice-President of
the Eoyal Society of Arts and Agriculture, which was the
result of the amalgamation of these two societies in 1864.
In 1861 he had undertaken to edit jointly with the Eev.
James Watson, the Secretary, the Transactions of the Royal
Society of Arts, to which he contributed various notes. But
in the first number of the Transactions of the Incorporated
Royal Society of Arts and Agriculture (1867) is the record
of a vote of sympathy and regret at his inability to attend
through ill-health; and although he contributed articles to
the journal he was not able to be present at the meetings.
His leisure was devoted to scientific study, especially the
ornithology, ichthyology, and anthropology of the West In-
dies. He never let a single opportunity pass by, if he could
possibly help it, without trying to benefit his country with
his ready pen, and he always gave all the encouragement he
could to those who seemed at all anxious to study any sub-
ject with which he was in the least acquainted. He read
some twenty-five lectures in all at various times on various
subjects.
On the title page of his Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica,
as well as in his preface, Gosse bears testimony to the assist-
ance which Hill rendered to him. The appearance of HilPs
name on the title page ("Assisted by Eichard Hill, Esq.,
Cor. M. Z. S. Lond., Mem. Counc. Eoy. Soc. Agriculture of
Jamaica") was, Mr. Edmund Gosse tells us in his memoir
of his father, greatly against that modest gentleman's wish.
He tells us also that the friendship for Hill was one of the
warmest and most intimate friendships of his father's life.
The- publication of this book was delayed by the fact that
every sheet was sent to Spanish Town to be read by Hill.
Hill contributed to several scientific publications both in
England and America and by this means became connected
with some of the leading learned societies of the world. He
was corresponding member of the Zoological Society of
London, of the Leeds Institute and of the Smithsonian In-
stitution, and he numbered amongst his correspondents
EICHABD HILL 43
Darwin and Poey. Darwin had written in September, 1856,
to Gosse for further information with respect to the habits
of pigeons and rabbits referred to in his Sojourn, and it was
at Gosse 's suggestion that Darwin wrote to Hill. In a later
letter, of April, 1857, he says : ' * I owe to using your name
a most kind and valuable correspondent in Mr. Hill, of
Spanish Town."
The cony of Jamaica, Capromys brachyurus, found com-
monly in his day, but now becoming extinct, was named by
Hill in Gosse *s Naturalist's Sojourn; as well as four birds
three in the Birds of Jamaica and one in the Annals and
Magazine of Natural History, and two fishes. One bird
(Mimus hillii), two fishes and four mollusca, three being
Jamaican, were named after Hill.
In addition to his collaboration with Gosse of the Birds
of Jamaica and the Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica, Hill's
best-known literary productions are A Week at Port Royal,
published at Montego Bay in 1858 ; Lights and Shadows of
Jamaica History, published in Kingston in 1859; Eight
Chapters in the History of Jamaica, 1508-1680, illustrating
the settlement of the Jews in the island which appeared in
1868 ; and The Picaroons of One Hundred and Fifty Years
Ago, which was published in Dublin in 1869.
He contributed, moreover, a large number of articles on
natural history subjects to various Jamaica publications
too numerous to mention. Some of these were: The Ja-
maica Almanacs; Transactions of the Jamaica Society of
Arts; Transactions of the Royal Society of Arts of Jamaica;
The Jamaica Physical Journal; Jamaica Monthly Magazine;
Jamaica Quarterly Magazine. In England he contributed
to the Proceedings of the Zoological Society; and in Amer-
ica to the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Science,
Philadelphia, and the Annals of the Lyceum of Natural His-
tory, New York.
In stature he was tall and commanding, though perhaps
the comparison of him to Antinous made by the writer of
an obituary notice was a little exaggerated. All who knew
him bore testimony to his generosity, philanthropy, mod-
44 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
esty, even temper, and unfailing self-f orgetfulness, his kind-
ness of heart, his piety, and his Catholicism in matters of
religion. A portrait of him executed in oils, it is said, by
James Wyeth, an American artist who spent a short season
in the island, is in the Jamaica History Gallery at the Insti-
tute of Jamaica, which also possesses a pencil sketch of him
done by himself.
For two or three years before his death Hill suffered
from failing eyesight. He died, unmarried, at Spanish
Town, on September 28, 1872, at the advanced age of sev-
enty-eight. His remains were followed to the grave by an
immense concourse of all classes.
FRANK CUNDALL,
Secretary, The Institute of Jamaica
THE RELATIONS OF NEGROES AND INDIANS IN
MASSACHUSETTS
One of the longest unwritten chapters of the history of
the United States is that treating of the relations of the Ne-
groes and Indians. The Indians were already here when the
white men came and the Negroes brought in soon after to
serve as a subject race found among the Indians one of their
means of escape. That a larger number of the Negroes did
not take refuge among the Indians was due to the ignorance
of the blacks as to the geographic situation. Not knowing
anything about the country and unacquainted with the lan-
guage of the white man or that of the Indians, most Negroes
dared not venture very far from the plantations on which
they lived. Statistics show, however, that in spite of this
impediment to the escape of Negroes to Indian communities,
a considerable number of blacks availed themselves of this
opportunity. P^rom the most northern colonies as far south
as Florida there was much contact resulting in the inter-
breeding of Indians and Negroes.
In no case was this better exemplified than in Massachu-
setts. Because of the cosmopolitan influences in that State
where the fur trade^ fisheries, and commerce brought the
people into contact with a large number of foreigners, the
Indian settlements by an infusion of blood from without
served as a sort of melting pot in which the Negroes became
an important factor. There was extensive miscegenation of
4(the two races after the middle of the seventeenth century.
In the course of ten or twelve generations there was an op-
portunity for "foreign blood early introduced to permeate
the whole mass and when it is considered that the intermix-
ture was constantly kept up from the outside, it is a wonder
that Indians of pure native race remained." 1
i Documents printed by order of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massa-
chusetts during the Session of the Grand Court, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.
46 JOUKNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
According to the first authentic census of Massachusetts,
published in 1765, all of the counties of the State except
Hampshire, Hampden, and Franklin had both a Negro and
Indian population. Barnstable had 231 Negroes and 515
Indians; Berkshire had 88 Negroes and 221 Indians; Bris-
tol, 287 Negroes and 106 Indians; Dukes, 46 Negroes and
313 Indians; Essex, 1070 Negroes and 8 Indians; Middle-
sex, 860 Negroes and 45 Indians; Nantucket, 44 Negroes
and 227 Indians ; Suffolk, 844 Negroes and 37 Indians ; Wor-
cester, 267 Negroes and 34 Indians, making a total of 4900
Negroes and 1697 Indians. 2 After a careful survey of the
Indian situation in 1861, however, it was discovered that
only a part of these Indians had retained their peculiar
characteristics and these had been finally reduced to a few
reservations known as the following: Chappequiddick,
Christiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Natick,
Punkapog, Fall River, Hassanamisco, and Dudley. There
were other Indians at Yarmouth, Dartmouth, Tumpum,
Deep Bottom, Middleborough, and a few scattered. 3
The Indians were generally neglected for the reason that
they were considered beyond the pale of Christianity,
despite professions to the contrary. As a matter of fact,
being wards of the State they were scantily provided for
and their fundamental needs were generally neglected.
They were offered few opportunities for mental, moral, or
religious improvement for the reason that the missionary
spirit which characterized Cotton Mather and John Eliot
no longer existed. Only a small sum was raised or appro-
priated for their rudimentary education and with the ex-
ception of what could be done with the "Williams Fund"
of Harvard College there was little effort made for their
2 The figures given by The Centinel differed a little from these. Accord-
ing to its census in 1765, Barnstable had 516 Indians instead of 515; Bristol
had 401 Negroes and 167 Indians; Essex 977 Negroes instead of 1,070; Mid-
dlesex 871 Negroes and 37 Indians; Nantucket 93 Indians instead of 149;
Norfolk 420 Negroes instead of 414; Plymouth 223 Indians instead of 227;
Suffolk 891 Negroes instead of 844; Worcester 304 Negroes instead of 267.
See J. H. Benton 's Early Census making in Massachusetts.
s Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96 ; passim.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 47
evangelization. Left thus to themselves, the Indians devel-
oped into a state within a state.
When, therefore, the Negroes became conscious of the
wrongs they suffered in slavery, a few early learned to take
refuge among the Indians and even after they were freed in
Massachusetts their social proscription was such among the
whites that some free people of color preferred the hard life
among the Indians to the whiffs and scorns of race prej-
udice in the seats of Christian civilization. Coming into
contact there with foreigners, who found it convenient to
move among these morally weak people, the Negroes served
as important factors in the melting pot in which the Indians
were remade and introduced to American life as whites and
blacks. Referring to the moral condition of the Fall River
Indians, as a case in evidence, an investigator reported in
1861 that in two families there were twelve cases of bastardy
and in one of them it was said that, of eight children, the
paternity was apparently about equally divided among the
Indian, Negro, and white races. 4
The reports on the state of the Indians always disclosed
the presence and the influence of Negroes among them. 1 1 Of
the publishments of colored persons interested and the early
records of Dartmouth," said J. M. Earle in 1861, "by far
the larger proportion of those of them were Negro men to
Indian women. In Yarmouth a large portion of those of
Indian descent have intermarried with whites until their
progeny has become white, their social relations are with
those of that color and they are mingled with the general
community having lost their identity as a distinct portion
of the Hassanamiscoes and it would have been a fortunate
thing for all if it had been so with thorn all. But the mix-
ture in most of the tribes has been more with the Negro race
than with the white until that blood probably predominates
though there are still a considerable number who have the
prominent characteristics of the Indians the lank, glossy,
4 Documents printed by order of the Senate of Massachusetts, 1861, No.
96, p. 84.
48 JOUKNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
black hair, the high cheek bones the bright dark eye and
other features peculiar to the race." 5
Investigating the Indians of Gay Head in 1861, John M.
Earle observed that the people of Gay Head, like those of
other plantations, were a mixture of the red, white and black
races. They had also "an infusion of the blood of the chiv-
alry of the South as well as of the Portuguese and Dutch, as
might be inferred from the names of Eandolph, Madison,
Corsa, Sylvia and Vanderhoop being found among them." 6
The admixture was much like that on the other plantations
with perhaps a less infusion of the African than in some of
them. A few were so strongly marked with Indian charac-
teristics as to lead one to conclude that they are very nearly
of pure blood, but there were none so nearly white as in
some of the other tribes.
It appeared that these people had lived without the law,
so to speak, in Massachusetts because of their refusal to
accept certain regulations which the State desired to impose
upon them. By the act of June 25, 1811, the governor was
authorized to appoint three persons to be guardians of the
Indian, Mulatto and Negro proprietors of Gay Head, which
guardians, in addition to the usual powers given to func-
tionaries in such cases, were empowered to take into their
possession the lands of Indians, and allot to the several In-
dians such part of the lands as should be sufficient for their
improvement from time to time. The act further provided
for the discontinuance or. removal of the guardians at the
discretion of the governor and council. 7 Under this act
three guardians were appointed and in 1814 the Indians be-
came dissatisfied with their guardians, who resigned, and
the guardianship disappeared.
In 1828 there was enacted another measure providing
that whenever the Indians and people of color at Gay Head
should by a vote in town meeting accept that act and should
transmit to the governor an attested copy of the vote, the
* Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.
Ibid., p. 34.
7 The Laws of Massachusetts, 1811.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 49
governor might then authorize the guardian to take up his
duties at Gay Head, and might upon their request, appoint
suitable persons to divide their lands. As the Indians had
unpleasant recollections of the guardian-system, they never
accepted that proposal. For about thirty years they were
without any guardians, and their affairs, except that of the
public schools, were left to themselves.
It appears, however, that the mere provision for the ap-
pointment of a guardian was not the only objectionable fea-
ture of the Act of 1828. The guardian was given power to
"punish, by fine not exceeding twenty dollars, or by solitary
imprisonment not exceeding twenty days, any trespasses,
batteries, larcenies under five dollars, gross lewdness and
lascivious behavior, disorderly and riotous conduct, and
for the sale of spirituous liquors within the territory, or on
the lands of these Indians and people of color. 8 The guar-
dian or other justice of the peace might issue his warrant
directed to the constable of the Indians and people of color,
or other proper officer, to arrest and bring before him, any
offender against the provisions of this act ; and after judg-
ment, he might order execution to be done by said constable
or other proper officer ; and if the guardian or other justice
of the peace should adjudge any offender to solitary impris-
onment, such offender should not, during the term of said
imprisonment be visited by, or allowed to speak with any
person other than the jailer, or the guardian or justice of
the peace or such other person as the guardian or justice of
the peace should specially authorize thereto ; nor should such
offender be allowed any food or drink other than coarse
bread and water, unless sickness should, in the opinion of a
physician, render other sustenance necessary." 9 "With
such a provision in the Act," said J. M. Earle, "making a
discrimination so odious and unjust, between themselves
and other prisoners, the Indians would have been greatly
wanting in self-respect had they accepted it. It is a pro-
vision disgraceful to the statute book of the State, and dis-
s Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, pp. 38-39.
Laws of Massachusetts, 1828.
50 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
creditable to the civilization of the age. Yet two tribes, the
Chappequiddick and the Christiantown, were made subject
to the provisions of this law, without the power to accept or
reject it, and are governed by it to this day" 10 (1861).
The Marshpee tribe doubtless had a larger infusion of
Negro blood than any. When the population of this tribe
was 327 in 1771, 14 of them were Negroes, married to In-
dians. In 1832 there were 315 inhabitants, of whom 16 were
Negroes. According to the report of the Indian commis-
sioner in 1849 the population was 305 in 1848, of whom 26
were foreigners, all Negroes or mulattoes. The tribe num-
bered 403 in 1859, "including 32 foreigners, married to
natives of the tribe, all Negroes or mulattoes, or various
mixtures of Negro, Indian, or white blood none of them
being pure whites." 11
The Punkapog Tribe of Indians formerly dwelt on a
tract of land in Canton, Norfolk County, containing five
thousand acres, granted them by the General Court of Mas-
sachusetts. Before 1861, however, they had lost all of this
property, the last of it being sold by the guardian, about
1841, in pursuance of a resolve of . the legislature. "The
full-blood Indians of the tribe, " says the report of 1861,
"are all extinct. Their descendants, who,. like those of all
the other tribes in the States, are of various grades of mix-
tures, of Indian, white, and Negro blood, number, so far as
is ascertained one hundred and seventeen persons." 12
1 "Sixty-six out of the whole number of the tribe, at the time of the enu-
meration, were not residents of the District; but 52 of them were considered as
retaining their rights in the tribe, and more than half of the 66 were under-
stood to be only temporary residents abroad, expecting, at some time, to return
to Marshpee, and make it their permanent place of residence. A few others,
as a matter of personal convenience, are now residing just over the line, and are
so returned, but they consider themselves as identified with the tribe in all
respects, and are so considered by the tribe. Fourteen individuals, included in
the above 66, whose names are in the 'Supplementary List,' own no land in
the District, but have been gone so long from it, that they are not now recog-
nized by residents as members of the tribe." Documents printed by order of
the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 40.
11 Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 47.
12 Ibid., pp. 73-74.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 51
According to the survey made in 1861 the moral condi-
tion of the Indians was rather low and it was a regret that
the people of color exhibiting generally more moral stamina
should be degraded by living among them. Accounting for
this condition of affairs a contemporary said of the low
moral condition of the Fall Kiver Indians in 1861: "The
prejudice of color and caste, and the social proscription to
which the colored people are subjected, has a twofold un-
favorable effect upon them ; first to detract from their self-
respect and so to weaken the moral instincts, and then to
throw them into the association of the more dissolute and
degraded of other races, where they fall an easy prey to
immoral habits. There are, however, in this tribe as well as
the others, instances of those who rise above all the evil in-
fluences with which they are encompassed and maintain a
good standing, as worthy and respectable members of the
community. It would be a cause for gratification, if it could
be said truly that these are increasing, or that there was
any decided progress in the general character of the tribe.
But, from all the evidence that can be gathered, it does not
appear that, for the last twelve or fourteen years, there has
been much, if any improvement in their moral and social
condition." 13
The situation in the Hassanamisco Tribe shows how the
Indians in some of these reservations became extinct. In-
terbreeding with both races they passed either to the blacks
or to the whites. "But little trace of Indian descent is ap-
parent in the members of this tribe, " said J. M. Earle in
1861. "It is most marked in the few who have mixed chiefly
with the whites, yet some of these have no perceptible indi-
cations of it, and have become identified with the white race.
The remainder of the tribe have the distinguishing marks
of African descent and mixed African and white, of various
grades, from the light quadroon and mulatto, to the ap-
parently nearly pure negro, and, in every successive gen-
is Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 84.
52 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
eration the slight remaining characteristics of the race be-
come less apparent. " 14
Keferring to the Yarmouth Indians the investigator in-
forms us that these had tended to go almost altogether over
to the white race. "With this exception, " said he, "nearly
all of his descendants have intermarried with whites, down
to the present day, so that they are substantially merged in
the general community, having their social relations with
white people, with the exception of one or two families. " 15
It was observed that in all the families, in which both heads
are living, there were only two in which one of them was not
pure white, and those having the Indian blood were usually
so little colored, that it would hardly be noticed by one not
acquainted with the fact. Some of them had but one six-
teenth part of Indian blood. Of the two widows found there
in 1861 one was the wife of a white man. The other was a
Marshpee Indian whose husband belonged to the Yarmouth
tribe and she associated with the people of color.
Discussing the Middleborough Indians, the same report
said: "They have been, for some time, commingled with
them in the same community, generally under as favorable
circumstances, in most respects, as the other colored popu-
lation of the State, to which they assimilate and have not
been subjected to the peculiar present disadvantages under
which those labor who are residents of the plantations." 10
Because of numerous complaints to the effect that the
unnecessary restrictions placed on Indians no longer de-
pendents worked a hardship, the Commonwealth of Massa-
chusetts enacted in 1861 a measure providing that all In-
dians and descendants of Indians in that State should be
placed on the same legal footing as other inhabitants of that
Commonwealth, excepting those who were supported or had
been, in whole or in part, by the State and excepting also
those residing on the Indian plantations of Chappequiddick,
Christiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Fall
i* Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 101.
i* Ibid., p. 109.
Ibid., pp. 131-132.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 53
River and Dudley tribes or those whose homes were thereon
and were only temporarily absent. It further provided that
any Indian or person of color, thus denied the right of citi-
zenship but desirous of exercising that privilege might cer-
tify the same in writing to the clerk of his town or city, who
should make a record of the same and upon the payment of
a poll tax should become to all intents and purposes a citizen
of the State, but such persons should not return to the legal
condition of an Indian. Indians unable to avail themselves
of this opportunity remained under a guardian in their
former state but by complying with this provision they
finally emerged from their tribal state into the large body
of citizens.
Giving further consideration to the situation among the
Indians, the legislature of Massachusetts passed in 1869
what is known as An Act to Enfranchise the Indians of the
Commonwealth. By this measure practically all Indians in
that State were made citizens entitled to all the rights, priv-
ileges, and immunities and subject to all the duties and lia-
bilities to which other citizens were entitled or subject. The
same provision was made in the acts of 1884, 1890, 1892
and 1893. 17 With a proviso exempting from attachment or
seizure on execution for a debt or liability existing before
the passage of the law this measure further declared all In-
dian lands "rightfully held by any Indian in severalty and
all such lands which had been or may be set off to any In-
dian should be and become the property of such person and
his heirs in fee simple. " 18
The Indians thereby became vested not only with the
rights of any other citizen to sell or control his interest in
property whether legal or equitable but were given similar
rights in the common lands which were transferable. Prior
to this legislation the common lands had been exploited by
the State for the benefit of those Indians having the status
of wards. Eecognizing only equitable rights of ownership
in the Indians, the commonwealth kept their property under
IT Massachusetts Acts of 1884, 1890, 1892, and 1893.
i* Massachusetts Acts of 1869, Chapter 463.
54 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
public guardianship to protect them from the consequences
of their own improvidence. Indians had the right imme-
diately to have their share of the common lands of the tribe
transferred to them or sold for their special benefit. They
were granted also the right to have their share in any funds
or other property held in trust for the tribe turned over to
them.
The Indians of the Marshpee and Gay Head settlements,
however, were made exceptions in this case for the reason
that the improvement in their condition was not adequate
to justify the extension to them of the same treatment given
others ; but they were given these same rights in 1870. 19 By
the Act of 1870 the district of Marshpee was abolished as
such and incorporated as a town by that name. To estab-
lish the claim to the rights and privileges guaranteed other
Indians in the Act of 1869, the Superior Court of the State
was given jurisdiction and a board of Selectmen was con-
stituted as the authority for making such applications in-
stead of any member of a tribe.
It would seem that this legislation of 1869 and 1870
solved the problem of the wardship of Indians and free per-
sons of color on the reservations. It developed thereafter,
however, that all members of these communities were not in
a position to maintain themselves. In 1902, therefore, it
was enacted that the State Board of Charity upon the appli-
cation of the overseers of the poor of any town should make
provision in the State hospital or elsewhere for the support
of Indians who may be unable to support themselves and
have not acquired a settlement in any town. Upon the ap-
plication of an Indian who received aid from the common-
wealth prior to the twenty-third day of July in the year
i " A method was also provided through which his title might be estab-
lished. This was through Commissioners which were to be appointed by the
Probate Court who were to act under the direction of the Court and determine
all necessary questions and make their report from which the Court could make
its order or decrees. Any person who deemed himself aggrieved had the right
to appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court. The right of the Indians became
vested and forcible the moment the statute took effect. ' ' See a statement from
the present Attorney General of Massachusetts, dated December 1, 1919.
NEGBOES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 55
1869, the State Board was obligated to furnish him in the
State hospital or elsewhere such aid as it might consider
expedient.
The provisions in the law of 1870 for the sale of certain
lands in the proceeds of which these persons would share
led to further action. In 1870 the probate court appointed
commissioners to make partition of the common lands of the
Marshpee Indians referred to in the Act of 1869. These
commissioners did not make their report until 1878. In 1870
there was presented to the Superior Court by the Select-
men of Marshpee a petition for the division of common
lands among the persons entitled thereto. In spite of argu-
ment to the contrary the Supreme Court of Massachusetts
held that the members of the Indian tribes mentioned in the
Act of 1869 acquired both legal and equitable rights in ten-
ants in common of the undivided lands of the tribe which
were transferable. It was provided in 1878 that the pro-
ceeds* from the sale of such lands should be divided among
the persons entitled to the land in proportion to their in-
terests.
In 1870 the Gay Head district also was abolished and in-
corporated as a town. The Indians were guaranteed the
same rights to lands in severally and the division of common
lands as in the case of other Indian communities thus dis-
established. The partition of these lands was to be made
in the Probate Court on application of the Selectmen or ten
resident owners of such land. An Indian feeling aggrieved
because of an invasion of his rights could appeal his case,
according to the provision set forth in chapter 117 of the
General Statutes of Massachusetts. 20
20 "Section 5, chapter 463 of the Acts of 1869 provided that the general
agent of the board of state charities shall take charge of the house, and all
property connected therewith, in the town of Webster, belonging to the Com-
monwealth and permission was given him to lease the same to persons hereto-
fore known as members of the Dudley tribe of Indians, upon terms substantially
like those upon which they have heretofore occupied it; or to sell the same at
public auction under the direction of the state board of charities and pay the
proceeds of such lease or sale into the Treasury of the Commonwealth. ' ' State-
ment of present Attorney General of Massachusetts, submitted December 1,
1919.
56 JOURNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
Some of these Negroes from the very beginning of their
association with the Indians took high rank. 21 The most
prominent Negro of all, however, to come out of the Indian
plantations was the celebrated Paul Cuff 6, well known in
this country and Europe by his efforts in behalf of African
colonization, lie was a native of the tribe of Dartmouth
Indians, of mixed African and white descent. His impor-
tant achievement was that of exploring the western coast of
Africa with ships which he owned and fitted out and com-
manded and which he used in the transportation of Negroes
to Africa where he was the first to undertake the deporta-
tion of f reedmen from the United States, preparing the way
for the organization of the American Colonization Society.
On one of his voyages he visited England where he was re-
ceived with marked attention by the nobility and the royalty
itself. Men who knew Cuffe considered him a man of great
character and respected him because of his being able by
dint of energy to accumulate sufficient property to place
himself in circumstances of pecuniary independence. Some
of his descendants remained in the vicinity of the original
Dartmouth Indians but others moved to California. 22
Several families of Negroes in Massachusetts trace their
ancestry back to these Indians. According to the Attorney
General of Massachusetts, there are no special records kept
at present of Negroes or persons of color who had inter-
breeded with Indians as regards the receipts by them of
pensions from the commonwealth given as the result of hav-
ing been dispossessed of their lands. Some persons of
color assert, however, that they are the direct descendants
of King Philip and Massasoit. Because of this close con-
nection with the Indians it was necessary for the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts on dispossessing the Indians of
their lands to give these persons of color the benefits of the
acts securing remuneration to the Indians. As these lands
were disposed of regardless of the rights of the Indians, the
21 Samuel A. Drake, History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts, pp.
194, 280.
-- John W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History, 98-103.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 57
State has assumed the obligation of satisfying these claims
by pensioning the complainants.
Mr. William George Butler, of West Medford, Massa-
chusetts, a man now sixty years of age, receives such a pen-
sion. Mr. Butler's father came to Boston from Baltimore
about 1815 and married a woman of color with an infusion
of Indian blood. In looking up her estate this connection
was discovered and a petition was sent to the Massachusetts
Legislature in her favor. Upon the investigation of her
claim, which proved to be just, she was granted a pension of
$250 a year, which Butler inherited. 23 In the following list
of persons and tribes from which are descended all Indians
who are at present receiving pensions from the Common-
wealth, of Massachusetts, however, appear several Negroes
or persons of color. 24 These are :
Lemuel D. and Anna Burr Ponkapoag
Fannie S. Butler Wampanoag
William G. Butler Wampanoag
James L. Cisco Hassanamisco
Delia L. Daley Oneida
Alice Gigger Hassanamisco
Elbridge G. Gigger Hassanamisco
Angela M. Leach Pegon and Dudley
Rebecca C. Hammond Algonquin
fDescendants of
Teeweleema Mitchell Wampanoag
Wontonekamuske Mitchell Wampanoag
Massasoit
V.
Sarah B. Pocknett Algonquin
Zeriah Robinson Wampanoag
Samantha Talbot Oneida
C. G. WOODSON
2* These facts were obtained from Mr. Butler himself.
24 This list was obtained from the office of the Attorney General of Massa-
chusetts.
DOCUMENTS
To meet the demand for an enlargement of the liberty
granted the Indians and the mixed breeds living on the
reservations, the Massachusetts Legislature enacted in 1861
the following measure intended to offer every ambitious one
of these groups a way of escape from the wardship of the
State and at the same time safeguarding the interests of
those who objected to having turned loose upon society a
large number of dependents who could not function as per-
sons having a permanent attachment to the community and
primarily concerned with the welfare of the body politic.
COMMONWEALTH OP MASSACHUSETTS.
IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND SIXTY-ONE.
AN ACT
CONCERNING THE INDIANS OF THE COMMONWEALTH
P,e it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, in
General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as
follows :
Sect. .1. All Indians and descendants of Indians in this State
are hereby placed on the same legal footing: as the other inhabitants
of the Commonwealth, excepting those who are supported, or have
been, in whole or in part, by the State, and excepting also, those
residing on the Indian plantations of the Chappequiddick, Chris-
tiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Fall River, and
Dudley tribes, or those whose homes are thereon and are only
temporarily absent.
Sect. 2. Any Indinn or person of color, belonging to either of
the tribes before mentioned, and residing within the limits of any
town or city of this Commonwealth, to whom the right of citizen-
ship is not extended by the first section of this act, but who wishes
to exercise that privilege, may certify the same in writing to the
58
DOCUMENTS 59
clerk of the town or city where he resides, who shall make record of
the same: and upon paying a poll tax, he shall become, to all
intents and purposes, a citizen of the State, and shall not, thence-
forward, return to the legal condition of an Indian. And settle-
ment shall be required, by those who become citizens, under the
provisions of this act, in the same manner they are acquired by
other persons, under the General Statutes of the Commonwealth.
Sect. 3. It shall be the duty of the governor, by and with the
advice and consent of the council, to appoint an able, discreet, and
suitable person, to be Indian commissioner, who shall hold his office
for the term of three years, unless sooner removed by the governor
and council. And the governor and council shall fill all vacancies
which shall happen in said office, by death, resignation, expiration
of said term, or otherwise. It shall be the duty of said com-
missioner to exercise a careful supervision over the affairs of all
the Indians of the Commonwealth, not endowed by the provisions
of this act, with the rights of citizenship, and to aid them, by
advice, counsel, and whatever other suitable means may be within
his control, to promote their welfare, to improve their general con-
dition, and to qualify themselves, judiciously, and with safety to
themselves and others, to be placed, at as early a time as may be,
on the same legal footing as the other inhabitants of the Common-
wealth. He shall exercise all the powers, perform all the duties,
and be subject to all the restrictions, responsibilities and liabilities,
which now by law appertain to the treasurer of Marshpee, and to
the guardians of other tribes except so far as they may be charged
or varied by the provisions of this act ; and he shall give bonds, to
the satisfaction of the governor and council, for the faithful per-
formance of such trust.
Sect. 4. The said commissioner shall, as soon as is convenient,
after his appointment, cause a registration to be made, on the basis
of the general registration of the State, of all the members of the
several tribes, specifying the parentage and date of the birth of
each, as near as can be ascertained, and the date of all marriages
of parties now living, with all the particulars, that are now re-
quired of town clerks, by the laws of the State, and having com-
pleted the same, up to the time required by law for the last pre-
ceding return to be made, he shall, thenceforward make and keep a
true registration of all the births, marriages, and deaths, in each of
the said tribes, and shall annually make due return thereof, the
whole to be done in the same manner as is required of town clerks,
60 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
and under the same liabilities and conditions that are, by law,
imposed upon them.
Sect. 5. The said commissioner shall, in concurrence with the
proper officers of the Gay Head tribe, cause a survey of all the land
held in severalty, by the members of said tribe, setting out the same
to each, by betes and bounds, and, when the survey is complete,
shall cause a record of the portion of each proprietor to be made in
the registry of deeds, of the county of Dukes County, and there-
upon, the legal title shall vest in the several proprietors thereof,
their heirs, and assigns, forever: provided, however, that no land
on the plantation shall ever be alienated from the tribe or be held
or possessed by any person who is not a member thereof ; and when
ever the family of any proprietor becomes extinct, the real estate of
said proprietor shall revert to said tribe and become the property
thereof, in common. And whenever, hereafter, any common land
shall be taken up to be occupied and possessed in severalty, by any
member of the tribe, having the concurrence of the tribe therein,
the same shall be surveyed, set forth, and recorded, under the
supenrision of said commissioner, as is above provided ; and no title
to any common land, to be held in severalty, on said plantation shall
be acquired in any other manner.
Sect. 6. The said commission shall cause a survey to be made
of the Indian plantation at Fall River and the bounds thereof to
be renewed, agreeably to the surveys made by order of the State
in one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three. He shall ascertain
to whom the several lots belong by heriditary descent from the pro-
prietors to whom they belonged in one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-four, so far as descendants of said proprietors still re-
main, and shall designate the same by the numbers of the lots
respectively; and in the same manner, he shall designate the
several lots, if such there be, of which the families of the former
proprietors have become extinct, and shall make return of the same
to the governor and council, for the use of the legislature, and
shall report such other facts connected therewith as may be useful
to them, and shall recommend such disposition of the land remain-
ing in common, as in his judgment, shall be most conducive to the
welfare of the Indians, and of the State.
Sect. 7. The said commissioner shall, as soon as the perform-
ance of the duties of his office shall have made him sufficiently
acquainted with the necessities and wants of the Indians, and with
the other facts necessary to qualify him for the service, prepare a
DOCUMENTS 61
bill embodying a system for governing, managing, and regulating
the affairs of the several tribes, as nearly uniform in its provision
respecting them severally, as the circumstances of the different
tribes will permit, as a substitute for the present laws on that
subject, and report the same to the governor and council for the
consideration of the legislature, accompanied by the reasons on
which the several provisions therein recommended are sustained.
Sect. 8. The Indians and people of color on Gay Head, and
the officers by them appointed for the purpose, shall have the
same powers in the management of their municipal affairs, and in
relation to the employment of teachers, and the making and en-
forcing of all rules for the regulation and government of their
schools, that by law are exercised by the inhabitants and corre-
sponding officers of the several towns of the Commonwealth : pro-
vided, however, that this shall not be construed to authorize the
alienation of any of the territory of the plantation : and provided,
further, that no person shall be authorized to vote in municipal
affairs, except natives of the Gay Head tribe, natives of other
Indian tribes of this State married or having been married to a
Gay Head woman and resident on the plantation, or such other
person resident on the plantation and married or having been
married to a Gay Head woman, as shall have the right conferred
on him by a vote of two-thirds of the voters of the plantation.
Sect. 9. All acts and parts of acts heretofore passed, so far as
they conflict with the provisions of this act, are hereby repealed.
Sect. 10. This act shall take effect from and after its passage.
If the legislature should decide not to authorize the appoint-
ment of a single commissioner for the State, I would propose the
passage of the same Bill with the following amendments:
Strike out the whole of section 3.
Strike out in section 4 the words "said commissioner shall, as
soon as is convenient after his appointment, ' ' and insert the words
clerks of Marshpee, the guardians of the several plantation
tribes, and the clerk of Gay Head shall.
In section 5, strike out the words "said commissioner," and
insert the words guardians of the Chappequiddick and Christian-
town tribes. Also, in the latter portion of the same section, strike
out the word "commissioner" and insert the word guardian.
In section 6, strike out the words "said commissioner," and
insert the words guardian of the Troy or Fall River tribe.
Strike out section 7, entire.
62 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Alter the numbering of the sections after 2, to correspond to
the changes.
Insert the following section after section 8:
Sect. . No person shall be entitled to support by any tribe
in the State, of whose parents, one only was an Indian, and whose
residence was not on the plantation of the tri.be at the time of his
birth, unless the rights of himself or parents as members of the
tribe, shall have been subsequently recognized by the tribe.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OF RECONSTRUCTION
CONVENTIONS AND LEGISLATURES AND
OF CONGRESS 1
No systematic effort has hitherto been made to save the
records of the Negro during the Reconstruction period.
American public opinion has been so prejudiced against the
Negroes because of their elevation to prominence in south-
ern politics that it has been considered sufficient to destroy
their regime and forget it. As future historians will seek
for facts beyond those compiled by biased investigators now
writing monographs in this field, a few persons realizing the
importance of preserving the records in which the actual
facts are set forth, are now directing the attention of the
country to this neglected aspect of our history. These
lists of suggestive names of the men who figured conspicu-
ously in this recent drama will be decidedly useful in the
collection of facts adequate to the presentation of both sides
of the question. These lists are far from being complete.
This is but a step in the right direction and persons in pos-
session of such facts are earnestly urged to cooperate in
collecting them.
It has been extremely difficult to determine the race of
the members of the various Reconstruction bodies. The
lists of members as published in the Journals of the legis-
latures do not indicate the race. This has to be determined
by contemporary information. The methods used by other
persons and agencies in identifying the race have been
various. The Negro members of the North Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly, for example, were indicated by the figure 37
in the State Manual listing all persons who had been in the
Assembly. Where no such information could be obtained
from printed matter, it has been necessary to rely upon in-
formation obtained from individuals who participated in the
Reconstruction.
i Compiled by Monroe N. Work.
63
64 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE ALABAMA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION,
1867*
District Name County
1st John Carraway Mobile
Ovide Gregory Mobile
6th Thomas Diggs Barbour
7th B. F. Royal Bullock
13th Washington Johnson Russell
15th Peyton Finley Montgomery
16th H. Stokes Dallas
J. Hatcher Dallas
17th J. Wright McLeod Marengo
18th Benjamin Inge Sumter
19th Samuel Blanden Lee
21st Thomas Lee Perry
22nd J. K. Greene Hale
B. F. Alexander Greene
42nd Lafayette Robinson Madison
C. Jones Madison
43rd J. T. Rapier Lauderdale
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE ALABAMA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION,
1875*
District Name County
H. A. Carson Lowndes
25th A. H. Curtis Perry
21st G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Senate 3
Session 1872-1874
Name County
Jeremiah Haralson Dallas
J. W. Jones Lowndes
Lloyd Leftwich Greene
B. F. Royal Bullock
Session 1874-1875 and 1875-1876
Name County
A. A. Curtis Perry
J. K. Greene Hale
Jeremiah Haralson* Dallas
2 Beverly, History of Alabama, 202, 208.
s Not returned for the 1875-1876 session.
* Beverly, History of Alabama, pp. 202-208.
DOCUMENTS 65
J. W. Jones Lowndes
Lloyd Lef twich Greene
B. F. Royal Bullock
House
Session 1868 and 1869-1870
Name County
Benjamin Alexander Greene
J. H. Alston Maeon
Matt Avery Perry
Samuel Blandon Lee
N. A. Brewington Lowndes
John Carraway (Speaker of House) . . . Mobile
George Cox Montgomery
Thomas Diggs Barbour
Joseph Draun Dallas
J. K. Greene Hale
Ovide Gregory Mobile
George Houston Sumter
Benjamin Inge Sumter
C. Jones Madison
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
David Law Barbour
Jeff McCally Madison
H. W. W. Rice Talladega
James Shaw Mobile
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Holland Thompson Montgomery
William V. Turner Elmore
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
Henry Young Lowndes
Session 1870-1871 and 1871-1872
Nmine County
H. Craig Montgomery
A. H. Curtis Perry
Thomas Diggs Barbour
John Dozier Perry
William D. Gaskins Lowndes
Ned Gee Dal las
J. K. Greene Hale
Jeremiah Haralson . . Dallas
66 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
R. L. Johnson Dallas
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Henry St. Glair Macon
Holland Thompson Montgomery
Mansfield Tyler Lowndes
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
House
Session 1872-1873 and 1873-1874
Name County
W. E. Carson Lowndes
T. J. Clark Barbour
Mentor Dotson Sumter
John Dozier Perry
Hale Ellsworth Montgomery
Samuel Fantroy Barbour
J. H. Goldsby Dallas
J. K. Green Hale
R. L. Johnson Dallas
Reuben Jones Madison
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Perry Matthews Bullock
January Maul Lowndes
G. R. Miller Russell
Willis Merriweather Wilcox
S. J. Patterson Autauga
George Patterson Macon
Robert Reid Sumter
Bristo W. Reese Hale
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Henry St. Clair Macon
Lawson Stelle Montgomery
F. H. Threat Marengo
J. R. Treadwell Russell
Thomas Walker Dallas
E. A. Williams Barbour
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
William V. Turner, Assistant Clerl , . Elmore
Phillip Joseph, Engrossing Clerk . Mobile
W. H. Council, Assistant Engrossing Clerk . . . Madison
C. O. Harris, Assistant Enrolling Clerk Montgomery
Stephen Russell, Page Montgomery
DOCUMENTS 67
House
Session 1874-1875 and 1875-1876
Name County
Elijah Baldwin Wilcox
W. H. Blevins Dallas
Matt Boyd Perry
H. V. Cashin Montgomery
Elijah Cook Montgomery
Charles Fagan Montgomery
W. D. Gaskin 5 Lowndes
Captain Gilmer Montgomery
C. E. Harris Dallas
A. W. Johnson Macon
Samuel Lee Lowndes
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Jacob Martin Dallas
P. Matthews Bullock
G. W. Allen Bullock
Willis Merriweather Wilcox
George Patterson Macon
Bristo W. Reese Hale
Robert Reid Sumter
C. S. Smith Bullock
Manly Wynne Hale
H. A. Carson* Lowndes
E. W. Locke 8 Wilcox
NEGRO MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FROM ALABAMA
Year Name County Congress
1871-1873 Benjamin F. Turner Dallas 43rd
1873-1875 James T. Rapier Lauderdale 43rd
1875-1877 Jeremiah Haralson Dallas 44th
James H. Alston was a member of the Alabama Legislature for
Macon County, 1868 and 1869-79. He was a shoemaker by trade
and had formerly 'been a slave. It was reported that before the
war there was a Military Company in the town of Tuskegee. The
members of this company desired to have a drummer, and for this
purpose they sent to South Carolina and bought James H. Alston.
It was thought that he came from Charleston.
5 Served only in the session of 1874-1875.
Served only in the session of 1875-1876.
68 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
Henry Young was a member of the Alabama Legislature about
1868 and 1869-70. He was a slave who could read and write, hav-
ing been taught by his master's children. He would, somewhat like
Frederick Douglass, spell out the words on letters that he was called
upon to deliver or to get from the post office, and in this way he
also increased his ability to read.
CONWAY, ARK., October 14, 1916.
NEGROES IN POLITICS IN ARKANSAS DURING
RECONSTRUCTION
In the constitutional convention of 1868, there were 8 Negro
delegates, that is, J. W. Mason, Richard Samuels, William Murphy,
Monroe Hawkins, William Grey, James T. White, Henry Rector
and Thomas P. Johnson. (Proceedings of the Constitutional Con-
vention of 1868, pages 2 to 5.)
Negroes in the Arkansas Legislature: Session April 2 to July 23,
1869, and session November 17, 1868, to April 10, 1869, were seven
Negro members of whom J. W. Mason, the leading Negro in the
Senate ; W. H. Grey, leading Negro in the House. (Daily Repub-
lican, Oct. 1, 1868).
In the Legislature of January 2 to March 25, 1871, there were
eleven Negro members : J. W. Mason and J. T. White in the Senate :
J. M. Alexander, Austin Barrow, Conway Barbour, John Webb,
Adam Johnson, Jeff Haskins, A. Mays, William Young, Carl Pope,
A. J. Robinson, E. A. Fulton in the House. (Daily Republican,
March 25, 1871.)
In the 19th session, January 6 to April 25, 1873, the last session
before Baxter called his special session, something less than one
fifth of all the members were Negroes. I have been unable to ascer-
tain the exact number in this session, but from the standpoint of
numbers, I would judge that there is no great difference between
this session and the previous one. The Arkansas Gazette of Jan-
uary 12, 1873, says of the Negro members : ' * There are a few men
among these colored members who are bright and intelligent, and
much superior to some white members, but as a rule, this is not
the case.
(Signed) THOMAS S. STAPLES,
Hendrix College
Conway, Arkansas
DOCUMENTS
69
NEGRO MEMBERS OF THE FLORIDA LEGISLATURE DURING RECONSTRUC-
TION PERIOD AND APTER
Senate
Year Name County
1880-1888 H. W. Chandler Marion
1881 T. V. Gibbs Duval
80's Joseph E. Lee Duval
Thomas W. Long Marion
1881 Robert Meacham Jefferson
1881-1865 Daniel C. Martin Alachua
G. W. Proctor Jefferson
1863 John E. Proctor Leon
80's Egbert C. Sammis Duval
John Wallace Leon
Representatives
Year Name County
1885 Edward I. Alexander 7 Madison
Josiah Armstrong Columbia
Henry Black ? Jefferson
1879 Kellis B. Bonner Marion
James Dean Bryant Monroe
William Bradwell Duval
1881-83 Joseph N. Clinton Alachua
1881 Wallace B. Carr Leon
Lucian Fisher Leon
John Ford Leon ?
Samuel Frazier Leon
Robert Gabriel Monroe
Alfred Grant Duval
1881 David E. Jacobs Marion
Before 1881 Isaac Jenkins Leon
A. J. Junius Jefferson
Thomas W. Long Marion
1889-91 George A. Lewis 8
80's Joseph E. Lee Duval
Samuel Petty Nassau
1881-83 (about) A. B. Osgood
Charles H. Pierce Leon
7 Alexander is said to have been counted out. He is said to have held the
position of postmaster at Madison and also to have had a deputy reserve
collector.
s Lewis and Scott were the last Negro members of the Florida Legislature.
70
JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
80's Riley E. Robinson Nassau
Henry St. Glair Hernando
John R. Scott, Sr. Duval
I. E. Purcell? Putnam*
Representatives
Year Name County
1889-91 John R. Scott, Jr. Duval
Charles Shavers Monroe
Rev. Catherine B. Simmons Duval
80's Peter Okes Jefferson
W. G. Stewart Leon
Before 1881 John N. Stokes Leon
J. N. Trenton Alachua
Josiah T. Walls Alachua
Probably before 1881 . . R. W. Washington Jefferson
80 's George W. Wetmore Duval
1881-83 W. A. Wilkinson Marion
George W. Witherspoon Escambia ?
Joseph N. Clinton was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, No-
vember 4, 1854, and was reared in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He
attended the Institute For Colored Youth and then entered Lincoln
University, where he was graduated in 1873. He then taught school
in South Carolina, Maryland and Florida. In addition to being a
member of the Florida Legislature, 1881-83, he was clerk in the
United States Land Office of Florida. He was Inspector of Cus-
toms at Pensacola, and for fourteen years held the position of In-
ternal Revenue Collector at Tampa.
H. W. Chandler was Senator, Marion County, 1880-1888. For
sketch of early life, see Simmons' Men of Mark. He was delegate
to the National Republican Convention 1884-1908. He was In-
spector of Customs at Tampa from May 1908 to December 1913.
George II. Mays was marshal of Jacksonville. This was an
elective office. The position made him head of police force with
appointive powers.
James Dean was County Judge, Monroe County in 1889, but
served less than one year. He was impeached for issuing license to
a colored Cuban man to marry a white Cuban woman. This a cus-
Lewis and Scott were the last Negro membere of the Florida Legislature.
DOCUMENTS 71
torn in Cuba. Dean was impeached on ground that he had issued
license to Negro to marry a white woman. He was summarily re-
moved without a hearing. This was said to have been a put-up-job,
as the man was secured to get a license. Dean did not have a trial.
The only way to get case reviewed was to institute quo warranto
proceedings. To do this, it was necessary to get the permission of
the State's Attorney General to use the State's name. He was not
able to do this.
Mitchell Chappelle was Negro Mayor of LaVilla. Formerly
these were two adjoining towns, Jacksonville and LaVilla. The
two are now Jacksonville.
Charles Dupont was reported as being sheriff of Monroe County
about 27 years ago.
In 1887 Republicans went out of power in Florida. The Con-
stitutional Convention put Negroes and Republicans out.
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE GEORGIA LEGISLATURE, 1868-69
Senate
- Year District Name
1868-68 A. Alpeoria Bradley (expelled).
1868-69 2nd Tunis G. Campbell (unseated, 1868-69) "
reseated in 1870.
1868-69 20th George Wallace (unseated 1868-69) 10
reseated in 1870.
House
Year Name County
1868-69 T. M. Allen Jasper Unseated 1862-69, Reseated in 1870i
E. Barnes Hancock " " " "
T. G. Campbell . . McTntonh " " " "
G. H. Glower Monroe " ' < " "
A. Colby Greene " ' 4 ' ' ' '
J. T. Costin Talbot
Monday Floyd . . . Warren
S. Gardner Warren ' ' " ' 4 ' '
W. A. Golden Liberty ' ' " < < ' <
W. H. Harrison . . Hancock "
U. L. Houston . . . Bryan ' ' " " "
Philip Joiner Dougherty * ' ' ' ' l "
George Linde-r ....Laurens " "
10 Letter on October 11, 1916, from L. L. Knight, official compiler of
Georgia Becords; Thompson, Reconstruction in Georgia, pp. 211-214, 202, 264.
72
JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
B. Lumpkin Macon Unseated 1862-69, Beseated in 1870io
Eomulus Moore . . . Columbia " ' ' " "
Peter O 'Neal Baldwin * ' " ' < l '
James Porter Chatham " " " "
A. Richardson Clarke " " " "
J. M. Sims Chatham " ' ' ' '
Abram Smith Muscogee " " tl "
Alexander Stone... Jefferson " " " <<
H. M. Turner Bibb " " " "
J. Warren Glynn " il " "
Samuel Williams . . Burke ' ' ' ' < ' '"
M. Claiborne Harris " " " <*
B. B. Hall Burke " ( ' ' '
Beard 11 Richmond
Belchern Wilkins
Madison Davis n . . Clarke
Macon
House
Year Name County
1871 James Blue 12 Glynn
1872 "
1873 ik
1874 "
1874 "
1875 "
1876 "
1877 "
1878 Thomas M. Butler 12 Camden
1879
1884 A. Wilson 12 Camden
1885 "
1886 Lectured Crawford 12 Mclntosh
1887 " " "
1890 " l( "
John M. Holzendorf Camden
1891 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
John M. Holzendorf Camden
1900 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
H. A. McKay 12 Liberty
11 The names of these four were later stricken out. They were so nearly
white that their race was indeterminate. They remained in the house after the
others were expelled. Thompson, Reconstruction in Georgia, p. 213; House
Journal Georgia Legislature, p. 229.
DOCUMENTS 73
1901 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
H. A. McKay Liberty
1902 W. H. Rogers 12 Mclntosh
1903 " " ll "
1904 " "
1905 " "
1906 * * " " "
1907 " "
1908 " "
LIST OP NEGRO MEMBERS IN MISSISSIPPI LEGISLATURE 1870
Senate
Name County
Rev. H. R. Revels Adams
Rev. William Gray Washington
Rev. T. W. Stringer Warren
Charles Caldwell Hinds
Rubert Gleed Lowndes
House
Name County
Charles P. Head Warren
Peter Barrow Warren
Albert Johnson Warren
Henry Mayson Hinds
C. F. Norris Hinds
J. P. Bolden Lowndes
John R. Lynch Adams
H. P. Jacobs Adams
Edmund Scarborough Holmes
Cicero Mitchell Holmes
Dr. J. J. Spellman Madison
William Holmes Monroe
Isham Stewart Noxubee
Nathan McNeese Noxubee
A. R. Davis Noxubee
John Morgan Washington
Dr. Stiles Washington
W. H. Fonte Yazoo
i* Letter on October 11, 1916, from L. L. Knight, official compiler of
Georgia Records.
74 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Ambrose Henderson Chickasaw
M. T. Newsom Claiborne
Emanuel Handy Copiah
Merrimon Howard Jefferson
J. Aaron Moore Lauderdale
David Higgins Oktibbeha
C. A. Yancy Panola
J. H. Piles Panola
H. M. Faley Wilkinson
George W. White Wilkinson
C. M. Bowles Bolivar
Richard Griggs Tssaquena
George Charles Lawrence
John R. Lynch elected speaker of the House.
H. R. Revels elected to United State Senate for the unexpired
term.
From J. M. Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi,
New .York, 1901.
NEGROES ELECTED IN 1871 13
Xame County
Henry P. Jacobs Adams
Reuben Kendrick Amite
Joseph Smothers Claiborne
Thomas McCain DeSota
Monroe Bell Hinds
William Johnson . Hinds
F. Stewart Holmes
Richard Griggs Issaquena
William Landers Tefferson
Alfred Handy Madison
Arthur Brooks Monroe
A. K. Davis Noxubee
Randle Nettles Oktibbeha
John Cocke Panola
H. C. Carter Warren
F. D. Shadd Warren
J. H. Morgan Washington
H. M. Foley Wilkinson
James M. Dixon Yazoo
13 Furnished by Major John E. Lynch, May 19, 1915.
DOCUMENTS 75
B. W. Houston Tssaquena
John R. Lynch Adams
G. W. Gayles Bolivar
Emanuel Handy Copiah
J. H. Johnson DeSota
Charles Reese Hinds
H. H. Truehart Holmes
Perry Howard Holmes
James D. Cessar Jefferson
James J. Spelman Madison
James Hill Marshall
William Holmes Monroe
Isham Stewart Noxubee
James H. Piles Panola
Gilbert Smith Tunica
W. H. Mallory .Warren
Charles W. Bush , Warren
John D. Webster Washington
George W. White Wilkinson
F. D. Wade Yazoo
ADDITIONS AND. CORRECTIONS FOR MISSISSIPPI
Josiah T. Settle was a member of the House from Panola in
1883-84.
G. W. Gayles was a member of the House 1873-77 and a member
of the Senate 1877 to some time after 1886. He was the last Negro
to be a member of the Mississippi Senate. For sketch of his career
see Simmons' Men of Mark, 379-381.
Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, page 294, gives Negro
members of the Mississippi Legislature for 1873 as Senate, 9;
House, 55. On page 402, for 1876, Senate, 5; House, 16. Total
membership, Senate, 37. Total membership, House, 116.
NEGRO MEMBERS OF THE NORTH CAROLINA RECONSTRUCTION CONSTI-
TUTIONAL, CONVENTIONS, 1868 AND 1875
Dates of the Conventions January 14-March 17, 1868, and Sep-
tember 6-October 11, 1875. Total members of each Convention 120.
Negro members, 13 in Convention of 1868, and 5 in Convention of
1875.
76
JOURNAL, OF NBGBO HISTORY
County Year Name
Bertie 1868 P. D. Bobbins
Bryant Lee
Caswell 1868 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1875 Wilson Gary
Craven 1868 C. D. Pierson
Duplin 1868 J. W. Petterson
Samuel Highsmith
Edgcombe 1868 Henry C. Cherry
Edgcombe 1875 W. P. Mabson
Franklin 1868 John H. Williamson
Halifax 1868 Henry Epps
W. J. T. Hayes
Halifax 1875 J E. O'Hara
New Hanover 1868 A. H. Galloway
New Hanover 1875 J. H. Smythe
Wake 1868 James H. Harris
Warren 1868 John Hyman
Warren 1875 J. 0. Crosby
NEGRO MEMBERS OF GENERAL, ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA
DURING RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD AND AFTER"
County Year Senatorial District Senators Representatives
Bertie 1868 Parker D. Bobbin*
Bertie 1870 Parker D. Bobbins
Bertie 1876 3rd George A. Mebane
Bertie 1881 Augustus Bobbins
Bertie 1883 3rd George A. Mebane
Bladen 1874 John Newell
Bladen 1879 John Newell
Bladen 1881 John Newell
Bladen 1883 John Newell
Caswell 1868 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1870 24th Wilson Gary
Caswell 1874 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1876 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1879 Wilson Gary
Oaswell 1883 James W. Poe
Caswell 1889 Wilson Gary
Chowan 1870 John B. Page
Chowan 1874 Bichard Elliott
i* North Carolina Manual, by North Carolina Historical Commission, 1913,
pp. 863-906.
, pp. 481-862.
DOCUMENTS
77
Graven 1868
Craven 1870
Craven 1872
Craven 1874 8th
Craven 1879
Craven 1881
Craven 1885 8th
Craven 1887 8th
Craven 1889
Craven 1899
Cumberland 1868
Edgecombe 1868
Edgeeombe 1870
Edgecombe 1872 7th
Edgecombe 1874 5th
Edgecombe 1876 5th
Edgecombe 1883 5th
Edgecombe 1885 5th
Edgecombe 1887 5th
Franklin 1868
Franklin 1870
Franklin 1872
Franklin 1876
Franklin 1887
Granville 1868
Granville 1870
Granville 1872
Granville 1874
Granville 1876 21st
Granville 1893
Halifax 1868 6th
Halifax 1870 6th
Halifax 1872 4th
Halifax 1874 4th
Halifax 1876 4th
Halifax 1879 4th
Halifax 1887 4th
Hertford . . 1870
Richard Tucker
George H. White
Charles C. Clark
Henry Eppes
W. P. Mabson
W. P. Mabson
Eobert E. Gray
E. S. Taylor
E. S. Taylor
Hanson T. Hughes
Henry Epps
Henry Epps
Henry Epps
John E. Bryant
John E. Bryant
Henry Eppes
Henry Eppes
A. W. Stevens
B. W. Morris
E. Tucker
E. E. Dudley
G. B. Willis
I. B. Abbott
E. E. Dudley
John E. Good
Edward H. Hffl
Willis D. Pettipher
J. (Geo.) H. White
John E. Huseey
John E. Hussey
John E. Hussey
Isaac H. Smith
John S. Leary
Isham Sweat
Henry C. Cherry
Willis Bunn
E. M. Johnson
Willis Bunn
Willis Bunn
Willis Bunn
A. E. Bridgers
B. W. Thorpe
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
Cuffie Mayo
A. A. Crawford
W. H. Eeavis
H. T. Hughee
W. H. Crews
H. T. Hughes
W. H. Crews
W. H. Crews
H. T. J. Hayes
Ivey Hutchings
John E. Bryant
John E. Bryant
J. A. Jones
John A. White
John A. White
John A. White
John A. White
W. D. Newsom
78
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
Northampton
Wake
Wake .
JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Warren
Warren .
1868
1870
1872
1874
1876
1879
1881
1883
1883
1868
1870
1872
1879
1883
1895
1897
1868
1870
13th
13th
12th
12th
12th
12th
18th
20th
20th
A. H. Galloway
G. W. Price, Jr.
George L. Mabson
W. H. Moore
George W. Price
John 8. W. Eagles
G. L. Mabson
Win. H. McLaurin
Alfred Lloyd
H. Brewington
W. H. Moore
Alfred Lloyd
J. C. Hill
H. E. Scott
H. E. Scott
H. E. Scott
James H. Harris
John A. Hyman
John A. Hyman
Wiley Baker
James H. Harris
Willis Morgan
Stewart Ellison
Stewart Ellison
Stewart Ellison
James H. Harris
James H. Young
James H. Young
William Cawthorn
Richard Falkner
William Cawthorn
Richard Falkner
J. W. H. Pasehall
Warren 1872 19th John A. Hyman
Warren 1874 19th John M. Paschall
Warren 1879 19th Isaac Alston
Warren 1891 19th Isaac Alston
Washington 1881 Alexander Hicks
NUMBER WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERS EACH SESSION OP THE
ASSEMBLY IN WHICH THERE WERE NEGRO MEMBERS
(Number Senators in Assembly, 50; Representatives, 120)
Year White Negro
1868 Senators 47 3
Representatives 102 18
1870 Senators 46 4
Representatives 101 19
1872 Senators 45 5
Representatives 108 12
1874 Senators 45 4
Representatives 107 13
1876 Senators 45 5
Representatives 113 7
DOCUMENTS 79
1879 Senators 48 2
Representatives 114 6
1881 Senators 49 1
Representatives 116 4
1883 Senators 47 3
Representatives 115 5
1885 Senators 48 2
Representatives 118 2
1887 Senators 47 3
Representatives 117 3
1889 Senators 50
Representatives 118 2
1891 Senators 49 1
Representatives 120
1893 Senators 50
Representatives 119 1
1895 Senators 50
Representatives 119 1
1897 Senators 50
Representatives 119 . 1
1899 Senators 49 1
Representatives 119 1
DELEGATES TO THE SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, 16
HELD AT CHARLESTON, JANUARY 14 TO MARCH 18, 1868"
Abbeville John A. Hunter, B. Milf ord, white ; H. J. Lomax, W. N.
Joiner, Thomas Williamson, colored.
Anderson William Perry, N. J. Newall, white; Samuel Johnson,
colored.
Berkeley M. P. Becker, D. H. Chamberlain, Timothy Hurley,
Joseph H. Jenks, A. C. Richmond, white; William Jervey,
Benjamin Byas, W. H. W. Gray, George Lee, colored.
Beaufort-^J. D. Bell, R. G. Holmes, white; F. B. Wilder, L. S.
Langley, W. J. Whipper, Robert Smalls, J. J. Wright, colored.
Barn well C. P. Leslie, Niles G. Parker, white; James N. Hayne,
A. Middleton, C. D. Hayne, Julius Mayer, colored.
i Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 76-79.
i? In 1895 South Carolina again revised her constitution. In the conven-
tion held for this purpose there were found Negro delegates, viz.: Thomas E.
Miller, L. B. Reed, Robert Smalls, W. J. Whipper and James Wigg, all from
Beaufort County. Smalls and Whipper had been delegates in the 1868 conven-
tion. (Reported by H. H. Wallace.)
80 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
Charleston A. G. Mackey, C. C. Bowen, Gilbert Pillsbury, white;
F. L. Cardozo, William McKinlay, R. H. Cain, B. C. DeLarge,
A. J. Ransier, colored.
Chester Purvis Alexander, Barney Burton, Sancho Sanders,
colored.
Chesterfield R. J. Donaldson, white ; H. L. Shrewsbury, colored.
Clarendon Elias B. Dickson, white; William Nelson, colored.
Colleton J. S. Craig, white ; William M. Thomas, William Driffle,
W. M. Vinery, colored.
Darlington B. F. Whittemore, white; Isaac Brockenton, Jordan
Lang, Richard Hunrbird, colored.
Bdgefield Frank Arnim, white; R. B. Elliott, Prince R. Rivers,
John Bonum, David Harris, John Wooley, colored.
Fairfield James M. Rutland, white ; H. D. Edwards, Henry Jacob,
colored.
Georgetown Henry W. Webb, white; F. F. Miller, Joseph H.
Rainey, colored.
Greenville James M. Allen, J. M. Runion, white; Wilson Cook,
W. B. Johnson, colored.
Horry Henry Jones, A. R. Thompson, colored.
Kershaw J. K. Jillson, S. G. W. Dill, white; John A. Cheetnnt,
colored.
Lancaster Albert Clinton, Charles Jones, colored.
Lexington Lemanuel Boozer, Simeon Corley, white.
Laurens Joseph Crews, Y. J. P. Owens, white ; Harry McDanieis,
Nelson Davis, colored.
Marion W. S. Collins, white ; J. W. Johnson, H. E. Hayne, B. A.
Thompson, colored.
Marlboro Calvin Stubbs, George Jackson, colored.
Newberry B. O. Duncan, white; James Henderson, Lee Nance,
colored.
Orangeburg E. W. M. Mackey, white; E. J. Cain, W. J. Mc-
Kinlay, T. K. Sasportas, B. F. Randolph, colored.
Pickens M. Mauldin, Alexander Bryce, L. B. Johnson, white.
Richland Thomas J. Robertson, white ; W. B. Nash, S. B. Thomp-
son, C. M. Wilder, colored.
Spartanburg J. P. F. Camp, J. S. Gentry, white; Rice Foster,
Coy Wingo, colored.
Sumter T. J. Coghlan, F. J. Moses, Jr., white; W. E. Johnson,
Samuel Lee, colored.
Union J. H. Goss, white ; Abram Dogan, Samuel Nuckles, colored.
DOCUMENTS 81
Williamsburg William Darrington, white; C. M. Olsen, S. A.
Swails, colored.
York J. L. Neagle, William E. Rose, white; J. W. Mead, J. H.
White, colored.
Three of the delegates elected failed to attend, F. A. Sawyer,
white, Charleston; John K. Terry, white, Colleton; George D.
Medis, colored, Edgefield.
Of the 124 delegates elected 1 , forty-eight were white and seventy-
six colored. The white men classed as Republicans were about
equally divided as natives or newcomers in the vernacular of the
times, " scalawags" or "carpetbaggers."
The following table gives the previous residence of the delegates :
Whites Negroes
South Carolina 23 South Carolina 59
North Carolina 3 Pennsylvania 2
Georgia 1 Michigan 1
Massachusetts 7 Georgia 1
Connecticut 1 Tennessee 1
Rhode Island 1 Ohio 1
New York 1 North Carolina 1
Other Northern States 5 Virginia 1
England 2 Massachusetts 2
Ireland 1 Dutch Guiana 1
Prussia 1 Unknown 6
Denmark 1 76
Unknown 1
Is
SENATORS OP SOUTH CAROLINA RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD
* 19 Barber Fairfield Co.
Bird Fairfield Co.
R. H. Cain Charleston Co.
Lawrence Cain Bdgefield Co.
*Rev. H. Cardozo Kershaw Co.
P. A. Clinton Lancaster Co.
*S. E. GaiUard Charleston Co.
Samuel Green Beaufort Co. formerly of H. of Rep.
C. D. Hayne Aiken Co.
is Furnished by Mr. H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina
House of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
i Names marked with asterisk not in lists given in Reynold 'B Reconstruc-
tion in South Carolina, pp. 106-107, 394-396.
82 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
H. E. Hayne Marion Co.
*W. R. Jervey Charleston Co.
*Rev. W. E. Johnson Sumter Co.
*W. H. Jones Georgetown Co.
* Jamison Orangeburg Co.
* John Lee Chester Co.
H. J. Maxwell Marlboro Co.
*W. P. Myers Colleton Co.
W. Beverley Nash Richland Co.
J. II. Rainey Georgetown Co.
Rev. B. F. Randolph Orangeburg Co.
*Robert Smalls Beaufort Co.
S. A. S wails Williamsburg Co.
* J. H. White York Co.
Rev. B. II. Williams Georgetown Co.
Lucius Wimbush Chester Co.
*Thomas E. Miller Beaufort Co.
R. E. Wall Kershaw Co.
MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES OP SOUTH CAROLINA
DURING RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 20
* Bascomb Beaufort Co.
S. J. Bampfield Beaufort Co.
B. A. Bosemon Charleston Co.
Joseph D. Boston Newberry Co.
*J. A. Bowley Georgetown Co.
Benjamin Byas Berkley Co.
E. J. Cain Berkley Co.
*J. E. Clyde Charleston Co.
Wilson Cook Greenville Co.
* Davis Charleston Co.
*James Davis Richland Co.
R. C. DeLarge Charleston Co.
W. A. Driffle Colleton Co.
*Major M. R. Delaney Charleston Co.
*William Elliott Charleston Co.
R. B. Elliott Edgefield Co.
20 Furnished by H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina House
of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
21 Names marked with asterisk not in liets given in Reynold 's Reconstruc-
tion in South Carolina, pp. 107-108, 394-396.
DOCUMENTS 83
* Ellison Abbeville Co.
* Fraser Colleton Co.
*John Freeman Charleston Co.
*F. H. Frost Williamsburg Co.
*John Gilmore Richland Co.
*W. A. Grant Charleston Co.
*Adarn Green Aiken Co.
Charles Green Georgetown Co.
*Sarauel Green Beaufort Co.
Thomas Hamilton Beaufort Co.
David Harris Edgefield Co.
*IT. E. Hayne Marion Co.
*Zachariah Hines Darlington Co.
* Howard Marion Co.
Richard Humbert Darlington Co.
Rev. H. H. Hunter Charleston Co.
*S. J. Keith Darlington Co.
S. J. Lee Edgefield Co.
Harry McDaniels Laurens Co.
*Thomas McDowell Georgetown Co.
John W. Mead York Co.
Thos. E. Miller Beaufort Co.
*A. Middleton Barnwell Co.
Chas. S. Minort Richland Co.
June Mobley Union Co.
*Wm. Moultrie Georgetown Co.
Nathaniel B. Myers Beaufort Co.
* Nehemiah Beaufort Co.
*Fred Nix, Jr Barnwell Co.
Saml. Nuckles Union Co.
*Lee Nance Newberry Co.
R. J. Palmer Richland Co.
M. H. Priolean Charleston Co.
*J. H. Rainey Georgetown Co.
G. A. Reed Beaufort Co.
Prince Rivers Edgefield Co.
*John Rue Beaufort Co.
Sancho Saunders Chester Co.
H. L. Shrewsbury Chesterfield Co.
* Singleton Darlington Co.
*Paris Simpkins Edgefield Co.
84 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Win. Simmons RichLand Co.
J. A. Smith Darlington Co.
*Butler Spears Sumter Co.
* Jas. A. Spencer Abbeville Co.
*Nath. T. Spencer Charleston Co.
D. A. Straker Orangeburg
W. H. Thomas Newberry Co.
Rev. W. M. Thomas Colleton Co.
S. B. Thompson Richland Co.
*Robert Turner Charleston Co.
James Wells RichLand Co.
*Ellison Weston RichLand Co.
W. J. Whipper Beaufort Co.
Chas. M. Wilder Richland Co.
B. A. Thompson Marion Co.
*Isaac Brockenboro Darlington Co.
*T. Andrews Sumter Co.
Additional names by Bishop George W. Clinton.
Aaron Logan
Nelson Davis, York
Allen Hudson, Lancaster
Alfred M. Moore, FairfieW
Samuel P. Coker.
See Reynold's Reconstruction, p. 505.
MEMBERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1868 22
Senators
*Anderson John H. Reid, white.
Barnwell C. P. Leslie, white.
Beaufort J. J. Wright, colored.
Charleston D. T. Corbin, white ; R. H. Cain, colored.
Chester Lewis Wimbush, colored.
Chesterfield R. J. Donaldson, white.
Clarendon E. E. Dickson, white.
Colleton William R. Hoyt, colored.
Darlington B. F. Whittemore, white.
Edgefield Frank Arnim, white.
Fairfield James M. Rutland, white.
Georgetown Joseph H. Rainey, colored.
22 Keynolds, Eeconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 106-108.
DOCUMENTS 85
Greenville James M. Allen, white.
*Horry H. Buck, white.
Kershaw J. K. Jillson, white.
*Lancaster R. M. Sims, white.
Laurens Y. J. P. Owens, white.
Lexington E. S. J. Hayes, white.
Marlboro H. J. Maxwell, colored.
Marion Henry E. Hayne, colored.
Newberry C. W. Montgomery, white.
*0conee D. Biemann, white.
Orangeburg B. F. Randolph, colored, succeeded by Joseph A.
Greene, colored.
*Pickens T. A. Rodgers, white.
Richland W. B. Nash, colored.
*Spartanburg Joel Foster, white.
Sumter T. J. Coghlan, white.
Union H. W. Duncan, colored.
Williamsburg S. A. Swails, colored.
York William E. Rose, white.
The number of white senators elected was twenty-one, and of
colored, ten.
Representatives
Abbeville George Dusenberry, T. B. Milf ord, James Martin, white ;
R. M. Valentine, W. J. Lomax, colored.
* Anderson John B. Moore, B. Frank Sloan, John Wilson, all
white.
Barnwell B. F. Berry, W. J. Mixson, white; C. D. Hayne, James
N. Hayne, Julius Mayer, R. B. Elliott, colored.
Beaufort C. J. Stolbrand, Charles S. Kuh, white; W. J. Whipper,
P. E. Ezekiel, Robert Smalls, G. A. Bennett, W. C. Morrison,
colored.
Charleston Reuben Tomlinson, Joseph H. Jenks, John B. Dennis,
F. J. Moses, Jr., B. F. Jackson, white; R. C. DeLarge, A. J.
Ransier, colored.
W. H. W. Gray, B. A. Bosemon, George Lee, William McKinlay,
W. J. Brodie, John B. Wright, William R. Jervay, Abraham
Smith, Samuel Johnson, Stephen Brown, Edward Mickey,
colored.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
86 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Chester Barney Humphries, Sancho Sanders, Barney Burton,
colored.
Chesterfield H. L. Shrewsbury, D. I. J. Johnson, colored.
Clarendon William Nelson, Powell Smyth, colored.
Colleton George F. Mclntyre, white; W. R. Hoyt, W. M. Thomas,
Wm. Driffle, colored.
Darlington G. Holliman, white; Jordan Lang, John Boston, Al-
fred Rush, colored.
Edgefield T. Root, white; David Harris, Samuel J. Lee, John
Wooley, Prince R. Rivers, John Gardner, Lawrence Cain,
colored.
Fairfield L. W. Duvall, white; Henry Jacob, Henry Johnson,
colored.
Georgetown Henry W. Webb, white ; F. F. Miller, W. H. Jones,
colored.
Greenville Samuel Tinsley, John B. Hyde, white; Wilson Cook,
W. A. Bishop, colored.
*Horry Zadock Bullock, W. W. Waller, white.
Kershaw, S. G. W. Dill, white; John A. Chestnut, J. W. Nash,
colored.
Lancaster T. Frank Clyburn, W. G. Stewart, white.
Laurens Joseph Crews, white; Griffin Johnson, Wade Perrin,
Harry McDaniels, colored.
Lexington G. A. Lewie, white ; H. W. Purvis, colored.
Harlboro T. B. Stubbs, white; John G. Grant, colored.
Marion W. S. Collins, white; Evan Hayes, B. A. Thompson, col-
ored.
Newberry Joseph Boston, James Hutson, James Henderson, col-
ored.
Oconee O. M. Doyle, W. C. Keith, white.
Orangeburg W. J. McKinlay, T. K. Sasportas, F. DeMars, E. J.
Cain, James P. Mays, colored.
*Pickens W. T. Field, white.
Richland S. B. Thompson, William Simmons, C. M. Wilder, Aesop
Goodson, colored.
*Spartansburg Samuel Littlejohn, Robert M. Smith, Javan
Bryant, C. C. Turner, white.
Sumter John H. Ferriter, white; W. E. Johnson, James Smiley,
Burrell James, colored.
Union Samuel Nuckles, Junius Mobley, Simon Farr, colored.
DOCUMENTS 87
Williamsburg C. H. Pettingill, white ; R. F. Scott, Jefferson Pen-
dergrass, colored.
York P. J. O'Connell, John L. Neagle, white; J. H. White, John
W. Mead, colored.
The number of white representatives was forty-six, and of col-
ored seventy-eight. On joint ballot there were sixty-seven whites
and eighty-eight colored 135 Republicans and twenty Democrats.
TJie counties marked * were Democratic.
SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES ELECTED TO SOUTH CAROLINA
GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN 1876 23
*Aiken Senator, A. P. Butler; Representatives, C. E. Sawyer, J.
Woodward, L. M. Asbill, J. G. Guignard, all white.
*Abbeville Senator, J. C. Maxwell; Representatives, W. K. Brad-
ley, R. R. Hemphill, F. A. Connor, Wm. Hood, J. L. Moore, all
white.
*Anderson Representatives, H. R. Vandiver, R. W. Simpson, W.
C. Brown, James L. Orr, all white.
*Barnwell Senator, J. M. Williams; Representatives, I. S. Bam-
berg, John W. Holmes, L. W. Youmans, W. A. Rountree, Rob-
ert Aldrich, all white.
Beaufort Senator, Samuel Green; Representatives, Thomas Ham-
ilton, Hastings Gantt, Joseph Robinson, George Reed, N. B.
Myers, Thomas E. Miller, all colored.
Charleston Senator W. M. Taft (white) ; Representatives, E. W.
M. Mackey (white), J. J. Lesesne, B. F. Smalls, Robert Sim-
mons, W. C. Glover, F. S. Edwards, Isaac Prioleau, John Van-
derpool, William J. Brodie, J. S. Lazarus, S. C. Brown, Ben-
jamin F. Capers, A. P. Ford, Richard Bryan, Julius C.
Tingman, Abram Smith, W. G. Pinckney, colored.
Chester Representatives, John Lee, Samuel Coleman, Purvis Alex-
ander, all colored.
Chesterfield Representatives, J. C. Coit, D. T. Redfearn, all white.
Clarendon Representatives, S. Melton, H. Boston, all colored.
*Colleton Representatives, H. E. Bissell, J. M. Cummins, S. E.
Parler, white; William Maree (colored), R. Jones (white).
Darlington Representatives, R.H.Humbert, S.J.Keith, Z. Wines,
J. A. Smith, all colored.
23 Reynolds, Eeconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 394-396.
88 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Edgefield Senator, M. W. Gary; Representatives, W. S. Allen,
J. C. Sheppard, James Callison, T. B. Jennings, H. A. Shaw,
all white.
Fairfield Senator, Israel Byrd, Representatives, John Gibson,
Daniel Bird, Prince Martin, all colored.
Georgetown Senator, B. H. Williams; Representatives, C. S.
Green, P. R. Kinloch, all colored.
*Greenville Senator, S. S. Crittenden; Representatives, J. W.
Gray, J. F. Donald, J. T. Austin, J. S. Westmoreland, all white.
*Horry Senator, William L. Buck ; Representatives, L. D. Bryan,
J. K. Cooper, all white.
Kershaw Representatives, R. D. Gaither, A. W. Kough, E. H.
Dibble, all colored.
*Laurens Senator, R. P. Todd; Representatives, J. B. Humbert,
J. W. Watts, W. D. Anderson, all white.
*Lancaster Representatives, J. B. Erwin, J. C. Blakeney, all white.
*Lexington Senator, H. A. Meetze; Representatives, G. Leaphart,
G. Muller, all white.
*Marion Senator, R. G. Howard; Representatives, J. G. Blue, J.
McRae, R. H. Rogers, J. P. Davis, all white.
Newberry Senator, H. C. Corwin (white) ; Representatives, Wil-
liam Keitt, J. S. Bridges, W. H. Thomas (colored).
*0conee Senator, J. W. Livingston ; Representatives, B. F. Sloan,
J. S. Verner, all white.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
Orangeburg Senator, J. L. Duncan; Representatives, D. A.
Straker, S. Morgans, W. H. Reedish, C. M. Caldwell, E. For-
rest, all colored.
*Pickens Representatives, D. F. Bradley, E. S. Bates, all white.
Richland Representatives, A. W. Curtis, Charles Minort, R. J.
Palmer, J. W. Lowman, James Wells, all colored.
*Spartanburg Senator, Gabriel Cannon ; Representatives, W. P.
Compton, J. W. Wofford, E. S. Allen, Charles Petty, all white.
Sumter Representatives, J. Westberry (colored), Thomas B. John-
ston (white), J. H. Ferriter (white), T. Andrews, colored.
*Union Representatives, W. H. Wallace, G. D. Peake, William
Jefferies, all white.
Williamsburg Representatives, W. Scott, J. F. Peterson, John
Evans, all colored.
DOCUMENTS 89
*York Senator, I. D. Witherspoon ; Representatives, A. E. Hutch -
inson, J. A. Deal, W. E. Byers, B. H. Massey, all white.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
STATE OFFICERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA DURING THE RECONSTRUCTION
PERIOD 24
Alonzo J. Ransier . .Lieut. Governor 1870-1872
Richard H. Gleaves. .Lieut. Governor 1872-1876
Francis L. Cardozo. .Secretary of State 1868-1872
Francis L. Cardozo. .State Treasurer 1872-1876
Henry E. Hayne . . .Secretary of State 1872-1876
Henry W. Purvis. . .Adjutant General 1872-1876
J. J. Wright Associate Justice Supreme Court 1870-1877
R. C. DeLarge State Land Commissioner 1870
R. C. DeLarge State Commissioner Sinking Fund.
FEDERAL OFFICE HOLDERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA DURING RECON-
STRUCTION PERIOD 25
Dr. B. A. Bosemon Postmaster Charleston, S. C.
Charles M. Wilder Postmaster Columbia, S. C.
John Lee Postmaster Chester, S. C.
Rev. J. E. Wilson Postmaster Florence, S. C.
S. J. Bampfield Postmaster Beaufort, S. C.
Fred. Nix, Jr Postmaster Barnwell, S. C.
There were many others but I cannot recall their names.
NAMES OF CONGRESSMEN WHO REPRESENTED SOUTH CAROLINA
DURING THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 26
Joseph H. Rainey 41st, 42d, 44th, 45th, 46th, 47th,
48th Congress.
Robert Brown Elliott 42d Congress.
Alonzo J. Ransier 42d Congress.
Robert C. DeLarge 42d Congress.
Rev. R. H. Cain 43d, 45th Congress
Robert Smalls 44th, 45th, 48th 49th Congress.
24 Furnished by H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina House
of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
25
90 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
NAMES OP CONGRESSMEN WHO REPRESENTED SOUTH CAROIJNA
AFTER THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD
Robert Smalls Part before and part after Reconstruction.
Thomas E. Miller 51st Congress.
George W. Murray .... 53d Congress.
103 WEST 131sT STREET,
NEW YORK CITY,
October, 1917.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor The Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.
Dear Sir:
In reply to your letter requesting my assistance in getting data
relative to the Reconstruction Period in South Carolina, I have the
honor to submit the following:
It will be utterly impossible to give dates after a lapse of nearly
fifty years, especially with reference to the terms the legislators
served, unless I had access to the records. I was a boy when our
family returned to South Carolina in 1870, two years after the ad-
journment of the Constitutional Convention. At that period I was
not especially interested in the trend of affairs. I was thinking
more of the splendid opportunities I had left behind in Canada.
I think it very important that all of the data possible should be
collected pertaining to the Constitutional Convenion as I regard it
the most important Convention ever held in which colored men par-
ticipated. I was very fortunate in finding a copy of the Proceed-
ings of the Convention in the Public Library in this city. I have
given only such names as I could positively identify as colored. No
doubt some names have been omitted but not of any who took an
active or important part in political affairs.
F. B. Perry, of Greenville, S. C., was appointed Provisional
Governor of South Carolina by President Johnson in 1865.
Pursuant to a call for a convention of the people issued by Gov-
ernor Perry in obedience to the proclamation of President Johnson
for the purpose of organizing a State Government, the Convention
assembled at Columbia, S. C., September 13, 1865.
To show the intense bitter feeling of Governor Perry the follow-
ing is from his proclamation :
' ' It is a source of congratulation to know that the colored troops,
DOCUMENTS 91
whose atrocious conduct has disgraced the service and filled the
public mind with the most horrible apprehensions, have been with-
drawn from the interior of the State, and are to be placed in gar-
risons on the coast where they can do no further mischief. In all
of my personal interviews with the President and in all of my dis-
patches to him I urged this course most earnestly. ' '
A Constitution was adopted by the Convention without being
submitted to the people for ratification.
The Constitution provided that only free white men were eligible
for membership in the Senate and House of Representatives; only
free white men were entitled to vote and that the appointment of
members of the House of Representatives among the several elec-
tion districts of the State should be in accordance with the number
of white inhabitants in each.
The Convention adjourned September 27, 1865.
Congress decided that it was no part of the prerogative of the
Executive to call conventions or to direct the adoption of Consti-
tutions.
J. L. Orr, of Anderson, S. C., was elected Provisional Governor,
October, 1865, to succeed Governor Perry.
Persuant to an Act of Congress of the United States entitled
"An Act to provide for the More Efficient Government of the Rebel
States " an election was held in South Carolina on November 19th
and 20th, 1867, and the electors of that State voted in favor of a
Constitutional Convention, and at the same time voted for dele-
gates thereto.
Brevet Major-General E. R. S. Canby, Commanding 2d Military
District of South Carolina issued orders for the delegates to as-
semble in convention at Charleston, S. C., January 14, 1868.
The Convention composed of 124 delegates, a large majority
being colored, met at Charleston, on the date named.
T. J. Robertson, white, was elected temporary President and Dr.
A. G. Mackey, white, was elected permanent President.
W. J. McKinlay and H. E. Hayne were elected temporary Sec-
retary and Assistant Secretary, respectively.
General Carlos J. Stalbrand, white, was elected permanent Sec-
retary. Josephus Woodruff, white, compiled the proceedings.
John R. Pinckney and Peter Miller were elected Sergeants-at-
Arms.
F. L. Cardozo was Chairman of the Committee on Education.
92 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
S. A. Swails, Chairman of the Committee on Rules and Regu-
lations.
Robert C. DeLarge, Chairman of the Committee on Franchise
and Elections.
Colored members were on all of the Committees, in most cases
being in the majority.
In looking over the proceedings I find that the following named
delegates took a very active part in all of the deliberations :
R. B. Elliott, R. C. DeLarge, F. L. Cardozo, J. J. Wright, W. J.
Whipper, W. J. McKinlay, S. A. Swails, A. J. Ransier, R. H. Cain,
B. F. Randolph, and W. B. Nash.
The Constitution provided for the election of Senators and Rep-
resentatives on April 14, 15 and 16, 1868, to assemble at Columbia,
May 12, 1868.
The Convention adjourned sine die March 14, 1868.
The Constitution adopted in 1868 stood unchanged until 1895
when a Convention was called to meet at Columbia, on September
10, 1895, to revise it.
The fact that the old Constitution stood for nineteen years after
the Democratic party came into power (1876) shows that there
could not have been anything objectionable in it to the Democrats
or they would have changed it immediately after regaining control.
It speaks volumes for the wisdom and foresight of the men of the
Reconstruction Period.
In the Convention which met at Columbia in 1895, there were
only five colored delegates and they were all from Beaufort County,
a county which has very few white persons in it. The delegates
were W. J. Whipper, Robert Smalls, Thomas E. Miller, James
Wigg, and L. R. Reed. Of these, W. J. Whipper and Robert Smalls
were delegates to the Constitutional Convention which met at
Charleston in 1868.
As General Smalls died only about two or three years ago what
a wealth of information he could have furnished pertaining to the
Reconstruction Period had your request been sent out before his
death.
Inclosure 2 contains the names of State Senators and the coun-
ties they represented. In several cases of Senators and also of
Members of the House of Representatives I cannot recall their
initials.
There were 32 senators, the majority being colored, of whom the
DOCUMENTS 93
following were conspicuous for their activity on all important legis-
lation :
S. A. Swails, J. H. Rainey, R. H. Cain, W. H. Jones, W. B. Nash
and H. J. Maxwell.
Inclosure 3 contains names of members of the House of Repre-
sentatives at various times. Some served more than one term. The
more prominent were : R. B. Elliott, S. J. Lee, Dr. B. A. Bosemon,
J. H. Rainey, R. C. DeLarge, J. A. Bowley, W. J. Whipper, D. A.
Straker, C. M. Wilder, Prince Rivers, F. H. Frost, T. E. Miller, and
W. H. Thomas.
The House of Representatives was composed of 124 members
and colored members were always in the majority.
Inclosure 4 Names of State Officers.
Inclosure 5 Names of Federal Office holders.
Inclosure 6 Names of Congressmen who represented South
Carolina.
I shall never forget the scene in 1876 when Col. A. C. Haskell,
Chairman of the Democratic State Committee at the head of the
Democratic members of the legislature forced his way into the Hall
of the Representatives then occupied by the Republican members.
Pandemonium reigned for a time. There were two Houses, each
having its own officers trying to transact business at the same time.
Finally the U. S. soldiers were called upon and those Democrats
who had no certificate of election were ejected.
All of the Democratic members then withdrew and formed an
organization in another hall.
Three colored Republicans whose names I do not care to mention
went over to the Democrats, but the latter could do nothing without
the Senate which was admittedly Republican.
The struggle was kept up until Mr. Hayes was inaugurated
President, when he withdrew the U. S. troops, leaving the Repub-
licans without any protection.
Governor Chamberlain and the State Officers elected with him
seeing that they were deserted by the National Administration with-
drew from the contest, leaving Gen. Hampton who was the Demo-
cratic nominee for Governor in possession.
The Democrats then organized the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives, and in joint session elected Gen. M. C. Butler, U. S. Sen-
ator. D. T. Corbin, who received the Republican votes, contested,
but the Senate which was Republican by a small majority seated
94 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Butler. Senators Don Cameron from Pennsylvania and John J.
Patterson from South Carolina, both Republicans, voted for Butler.
That there was no one killed or injured while the contest was
going on is remarkable when the great excitement during and after
the "Red Shirt" campaign is considered. It shows what absolute
control the gubernational candidates had over their followers. No
doubt the Democrats, who were assured that the U. S. soldiers
would be withdrawn, did not care to make a slip as Chamberlin was
still governor and the troops were practically under his orders.
Thus ended the Reconstruction Period in South Carolina.
At every step the Republican Party in South Carolina was be-
trayed by Republicans.
Col. T. W. Parmele, white. Superintendent of the Penitentiary,
appointed as a Republican by Gov. Chamberlin, recognized an order
from Gen. Hampton for the pardon of a convict. Legal complica-
tions ensued and the case was carried before Associate Justice Wil-
lard, white, of the Supreme Court, a Republican elected by the legis-
lature, and he decided in favor of Hampton.
Three colored members of the legislature deserted to the Demo-
crats, which practically made the House Democratic.
Col. Parmele and Justice Willard were Northern white men.
This paper would not be complete without some reference to
the prominent colored men who helped to make history during that
eventful period.
Robert Brown Elliott-
Born at Boston, Mass., August 11, 1842.
Entered High Holborn Academy, London, England, 1853.
Entered Eton College, 1855 and graduated in 1859. Studied
law.
Member of the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of South Carolina,
1868-1870.
Assistant Adjutant General.
Elected to the 42nd Congress.
Resigned his seat in Congress and was elected to the House of
Representatives of S. C. for the second time, and was elected
Speaker of the House.
He came within a few votes of being elected U. S. Senator in
1874, but the powerful influence of the Pennsylvania R. R.
DOCUMENTS 95
Co., was exerted in behalf of John J. Patterson, white, the
successful candidate. There was a colored majority in both
branches of the legislature at the time and had the colored
members so desired they could have elected Gen. Elliott.
In 1876 Gen. Elliott was the nominee on the Republican ticket
for Attorney General and was elected but was forced to
withdraw with the rest of the ticket.
He was Chairman of the State Republican Committee during
the campaign of 1876.
For scholarly attainments, legal acumen, political sagacity and
oratorical power, Robert Brown Elliott stands out as the
most brilliant figure of the Reconstruction Period.
Joseph H. Rainey
Born at Georgetown, S. C., June 21, 1832.
Although debarred by law from attending school he acquired
a good education and further improved his mind by obser-
vation and travel.
He was a barber by trade and followed that occupation at
Charleston, S. C., until 1862, when having been forced to
work upon the fortifications of the Confederates he escaped
to the West Indies, where he remained until the close of the
war, when he returned to his native town.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Georgetown County.
Elected to the 41st Congress, being the first colored man hav-
ing that distinction, and was re-elected to the 42nd, 43rd,
44th and 45th Congresses, five successive terms, the only
colored man with such a record.
He received a caucus nomination as Clerk of the House, from
the Republican members of Congress, the only colored man
who has ever been honored by a Republican caucus.
The House was Democratic.
He was a delegate to several National Republican Conven-
tions.
Served as Special Agent for the Treasury Department.
Polished in his manners a fluent and convincing speaker, he
was prominent in the Councils of the Republican Party.
96 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Gen. Robert Smalls
Born in South Carolina, at Beaufort, April 5, 1839.
Although debarred by Statute from attending school, he edu-
cated himself with such limited advantages as he could
secure.
Removed to Charleston, S. C., in 1851, worked as a rigger,
leading a sea-faring life.
Employed on the Planter, a steamer plying in Charleston
harbor as a transport, which he took over Charleston Bar in
May, 1862, and delivered her and his services to the U. S.
Blockading Squadron.
In recognition of his services was appointed Pilot in the U. S.
Navy, and served in that capacity on the monitor "Koekuk."
Promoted as Captain for gallant and meritorious conduct, De-
cember 1, 1863, and placed in command of the Planter, serr-
ing until she was put out of commission in 1866.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Beaufort Co.
Elected to the 44th Congress, and re-elected to the 45th, 48tk
and 49th Congresses.
Was a delegate to every National Republican Convention up
to within a short time of his death.
Collector of the Port of Beaufort, S. C.
Died two or three years ago, the last of the "Old Guard"
in S. C.
Alonzo J. Ransier
Born at Charleston, S. C., 1834.
Self educated. Employed as a shipping clerk in 1850 by lead-
ing merchant, who was tried for violation of law "in having
a colored clerk " and fined one cent with costs.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Elected Lieutenant Governor on ticket with Gov. R. K. Scott,
in 1870.
President of Southern States Convention held at Columbia,
S. C., in 1871.
Presidential Elector on Grant and Colfax ticket in 1868.
Delegate to National Republican Convention in 1872.
Elected to the 42 Congress.
A man singularly gifted with political farsightedness.
DOCUMENTS 97
Robert C. DeLarge.
Born at Aiken, S. C., March 15, 1842.
Fanner Self-educated.
Agent of the Freedmen's Bureau from May, 1867 to April,
1868.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives, 1860-1870.
One of the State Commissioners of the Sinking Fund.
Elected State Commissioner in 1870.
Elected to the 42d Congress.
Very prominent in the Party Councils.
Rev. R. H. Cain-
Born in Greenbrier Co., Va., April 12, 1825.
His father moved to Ohio in 1831 and settled in Gallipolis.
Entered the ministry at an early age and became a student at
Wilberforce University in 1860 and remained there one year.
Removed to Brooklyn, N. Y., at the breaking out of the war
where he discharged ministerial duties as pastor for four
years.
Was sent by his church as a missionary to the Freedmen in
South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Charleston Co.
Elected to the 43d Congress, and re-elected to the 45th Con-
gress.
Bishop in the African Methodist Church and a power in that
denomination.
William Beverly Nash
Born in South Carolina.
Of limited education but endowed with wonderful common
sense and political foresight.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Richland Co., in which Columbia is located.
For one term (four years) was Chairman of the Powerful
Ways and Means Committee.
An elector on the Hayes and Wheeler ticket in 1876.
It was reported that he was offered $100,000 to vote for Tilden
and Hendricks. Had he accepted the offer the Democratic
98 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
ticket would have been elected, as the vote stood 186 for
Hayes and 185 for Tilden. Be it said to his eternal honor
he was beyond price.
Stephen A. Swails
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Represented Williamsburg Co., in the Senate.
Elected President pro tern of the Senate for the whole period.
A very strong character and exerted considerable influence in
legislation.
Was in the 54th Massachusetts Infantry.
Had musical talent of a high order.
Judge Lee
Judge of the Municipal Court of Charleston, S. C.
A man of ripe scholarship and of high legal attainments.
Until President Roosevelt appointed Judge R. H. Terrell of
Washington to a similar position, I think he was the only
colored man who ever occupied such a position.
Francis L. Cardozo
Born in South Carolina, at Charleston.
Educated in Scotland, at Glasgow University.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Secretary of State for four years.
State Treasurer for two years.
Scholarly, courtly and dignified.
Took great interest in the education of the colored youth, and
was popular among the boys on account of the fatherly in-
terest he manifested in them.
Moved to Washington, D. C., after 1876 and accepted a posi-
tion in the office of the Auditor for the Post Office De-
partment.
After serving for several years in the Department he was
elected to the Principalship of the Colored High School in
Washington, a position he filled with honor and credit to
the race and himself. After his death the Board of Edu-
cation named one of the School Buildings the "Cardozo
Building" as a tribute to his great interest in the educa-
tional welfare of the colored race.
DOCUMENTS 99
Henry E. Hayne
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Marion Co.
Secretary of State.
Was very much interested in the education of the colored
youth.
Richard H. Gleaves
Served two terms as Lieutenant Governor.
Elected with Gov. P. J. Moses in 1872 and with Gov. D. H.
Chamberlin in 1874.
Was nominated a third time with Gov. Chamberlin and elected
but forced 'by the Democrats to withdraw.
Henry W. Purvis
Born in Philadelphia, Pa.
Son of Hon. Robert Purvis, the great Abolitionist. Member,
house of Representatives, 1868-1870, and then was Adjutant
General.
Was Adjutant General of the State most of the Reconstruc-
tion Period.
He was a man without fear.
In the campaign of 1876 he went to Edgefield, the homes of
Generals Butler and Gary, the Democratic leaders, and re-
garded as fire eaters and spoke on the campaign issues. He
also went to other parts of the State equally as dangerous
and filled his engagements.
J. J. Wright-
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
On account of his great legal ability he was elected by the leg-
islature as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the
State. (There were two Associate Justices.) He had the
respect of the entire Bar of the State.
He was pre-eminently fitted for the position.
He is the only colored man who has ever occupied such an ex-
alted judicial position in this country.
Thomas E. Miller-
Born at Ferrybeeville, Beaufort Co., June 17, 1849.
100 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Attended the free public school for Negro youths up to the
breaking out of the war.
Graduated from Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, in 1872.
Read law under Judge P. L. Wiggin and Chief Justice Moses
of South Carolina and was admitted to the Supreme Court
of S. C. in 1875.
Elected to the House of Representatives of S. C., 1874-1876-
1878.
Elected Senator from Beaufort Co., 1880.
Elected to the 51st Congress.
Elected to the House of Representatives of S. C., in 1866, and
while serving was instrumental in having the " State College
for Colored Youth" established at Orangeburg, S. C., and
on that account was elected its first President.
Dr. B. A. Bosemon
Born at Troy, N. Y.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention. Member of
the House of Representatives of S. C. Appointed Post-
master at Charleston, S. C., by President Grant and served
four years with entire satisfaction to the people of that city
with honor and credit to himself and the race.
Suave and polished he had a pleasing personality.
He had quite a large and lucrative practice in his profession.
Charles McDuffie Wilder-
Born in South Carolina. Delegate to the State Constitutional
Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C. Member of
the City Council of Columbia, S. C.
Postmaster at Columbia, S. C. for sixteen years. Appointed
by President Grant two terms and one term each by Presi-
dents Garfield and Hayes.
There were two white applicants for the position after Presi-
dent Garfield was inaugurated and Postmaster General
James, who was supposed to be friendly with one of them,
sent a Post Office Inspector to Columbia to find out the senti-
ment of the business men. They were almost unanimously
for Mr. Wilder. They stated that he had served them effi-
ciently for eight years and did not approve of a change.
DOCUMENTS 101
Generals Hampton and Butler represented the State in the
U. S. Senate at the time, Columbia being Senator Hamp-
ton's home and had he objected Senatorial courtesy would
have sustained him.
It shows in what estimation Mr. Wilder was held by his home
people.
Mr. Wilder 's appointment of four successive terms to a first-
class post office is a record.
Mr. Wilder was a delegate to all of the National Republican
Conventions up to and including that of 1888.
Mr. Wilder was a man of good sound judgment, of great po-
litical force and one of the few who had anything to show
after the political upheaval of 1876.
Samuel J. Lee of Aiken, S. C.
Born in South Carolina.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Speaker of the House of Representatives for one term.
A lawyer of recognized ability.
An expert in parliamentary procedure.
A man of engaging address, of a genial disposition, a pleasing
speaker, he was the most popular presiding officer of that
period.
D. Augustus Straker
A prominent member of the House of Representatives during
the latter part of the Reconstruction Period.
A man of brilliant parts and one of the leading lawyers of the
State.
Moved to Detroit, Mich., after the collapse in 1876, and played
quite an active and conspicuous part in politics there.
William J. Whipper
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
A man of splendid legal talent.
Elected by the legislature a Circuit Court Judge 'but Gov.
Chamberlain refused to commission him, (Ex. Gov. Moses,
white, was elected a Circuit Court Judge at the same time
and he was also refused a commission by Gov. Chamberlin.)
Judge of Probate of Beaufort Co., for more than ten years.
102 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Prince Rivers
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Brigadier General in the South Carolina Militia.
Called the "black Prince" and he looked it with his fine
physique and military bearing as he rode at the head of the
colored troops as they passed in review before the Governor
at their annual inspection.
John Lee
Born at Columbia, S. C.
State Senator from Chester Co.
Postmaster at Chester.
Self educated.
Very prominent in his county.
W. J. McKinlay
Born at Charleston, S. C.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
One of the most prominent colored men in Charleston Co., and
one of the most influential in the Party Councils.
Member of the House of Representatives 1868 and part of
1869. Resigned to accept position of Register of Mesne
Conveyances, a very important office which he held for
several years.
W. H. Thomas-
Born in Ohio.
A man of brilliant intellect.
One of the most prominent members of the House of Repre-
sentatives at the close of the Reconstruction Period.
I remember well the conspicuous part he took in the proceed-
ings in the House of Representatives in 1876. Those were
times that tried men's souls but Mr. Thomas held his own
with the best men in the Democratic party.
Samuel Lee of Sumter, S. C.
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
A very strong character and one of the bright young men of
the state.
DOCUMENTS 103
H* was elected to Congress but the Democrats counted him
out.
He contested the seat and though the House was Republican
and his case a good one, the Chairman of the Committee on
Elections, a Republican from Indiana, who was personally
antagonistic to him failed to report on the case arid Con-
gress adjourned without taking any action.
Jas. A. Bowley
Member of the House of Representatives.
For one term he was chairman of the Committee on Ways and
Means.
He wielded considerable power in legislation.
Was considered the ; 'Beau Brummel" of the House.
F. H.
Born in South Carolina.
Member of the House of Representatives.
Active in all legislation.
Polished and highly cultured.
Henry J. Maxwell
Born in South Carolina, at Charleston.
Senator from Marlboro County.
Active in all legislation.
Considered the best dressed member in the Senate.
Known to his associates at the "Duke of Marlboro.''
W. H. Jones-
State Senator from Georgetown Co.
Quite a fluent speaker and well versed on all public questions.
On account of his bellicose nature he was given the sobriquet
of "Red Hot Jones."
A. C. Jones
Born in Washington, D. C.
Clerk of the House of Representatives during the whole Ke-
construction Period.
A very capable officer and very popular.
Walter R. Jones
Born in South Carolina at Charleston.
104 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
Graduate of Oberlin College.
Secretary of the State Financial Board, consisting of the
Governor, Attorney General, State Treasurer and Comp-
troller, all white at that time.
Elected Clerk of the City Council of Columbia, S. C., by the
unanimous vote of the members.
Resigned that position to accept the position of Private Sec-
retary to Governor Chamberlain.
The best equipped and most brilliant young colored man I
ever met.
J. E. Green-
Sergeant at Arms of the Senate during the whole Reconstruc-
tion Period.
A very efficient officer and a man of fine parts.
John Williams
Sergeant at Arms of the House of Representatives during the
whole period.
A very capable man and popular with the members.
There were many colored men who occupied positions of im-
portance in the different countries positions such as Sheriff,
Treasurer, Auditor, Clerk of Court, Commissioner, Coroner
and School Commissioner.
I never heard of any of them being removed for incompetency,
deriliction of duty or malfeasance.
I regret very much that I cannot give you any information as
to whether the men mentioned were free or slaves, as the
persons from whom I could have gotten that information
have all passed away. Had I received such inquiry eight or
ten years ago I could have furnished it as there were several
persons then living who, I know, were well posted on that
subject.
Of the names noted in this paper the following were from
the North.
Some of them may have been from the South originally and
returned after the war: R. B. Elliott, D. A. Straker, Maj.
M. R. Delaney, W. H. Jones, Dr. B. A. Bosemon, W. H.
Thomas H. W. Purvis, R. H. Gleaves A. C. Jones, S. A.
S wails, J. A. Bowley, J. E. Green.
DOCUMENTS 105
The colored men of South Carolina played a more conspicuous
part and held more offices of a high grade during the Re-
construction Period than the colored men of any other State.
South Carolina has the distinction of electing the first colored
Congressman, (Joseph H. Rainey) and the last (George W.
Murray.) 27
South Carolina was represented in Congress 'by eight colored
men Rainey, Elliott, Ransier, Cain, Delarge, Smalls, Miller
and Murray.
Mr. Miller and Mr. Murray served after the Reconstruction
Period and most of Gen. Smalls' service was after that
period.
When I compare the present political leaders in South Caro-
lina with those of the Reconstruction Period I must confess
that we have retrograted politically. They may be due to
conditions. Not only in South Carolina, but where would
you find in any State at the present time, political leaders
who can measure up to the caliber of Elliott, Rainey,
Straker, Cardozo, Swails, DeLarge, Bosemon, Wright,
Ransier, Lee, McKinlay, Cain, Whipper and Wilder?
When the Negro race can again produce political leaders of
the type named then we may look forward with some degree
of hope for a solution of the Negro problem.
Your idea in collecting data relative to the Reconstruction
Period is a laudable one, and the wonder is, and the pity of it
is, that it had not been thought of long ere this. There are
very few now left to tell the tale, and that in a very un-
satisfactory way.
Some of the data relative to the Congressmen I got from Con-
gressional Directories. To recall all names, dates and in-
cidents pertaining to the Reconstruction Period after a
period of fifty years would require the prodigious memory
of a Macauley, even had I been an active participant in
political affairs at that time. There may be a few errors
but they are of a minor character. I am glad that I am
* Cteorge H. White, North Carolina, member of 55th and 56th Congresses,
the last Negro member. (Editor.)
'
100 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
able to be of some assistance to you in this matter, however,
little, and I can only say in the words of Macbeth,
"The service and the loyalty I owe,
In doing it, pays itself."
Very respectfully,
(Signed) II. A. WALLACE. 28
All names referred to in this paper are of colored men unless
otherwise stated.
CORRECTIONS OF DATA SUBMITTED BY MB. H. A. WALLACE, OF
NEW YORK CITY
103 WEST 131 ST.,
NEW YORK, N. Y.,
February 18, 1918.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala,
Dear Sir:
In reply to your letter of the llth inst., I beg leave to state that
Hunter and Dickson were white. As to Brokenton I probably was
thinking of a Brockenboro in Washington and got the names
mixed.
Before leaving Washington in 1913 I let Whitfield McKinlay
have my book, '' l Reconstruction in South Carolina" by John S.
Reynolds, to read. When I received your letters asking for assist-
ance in getting the diata relative to reconstruction in South Caro-
lina I wrote to Mr. McKinley for the book. I" wrote for it several
times but not until about a month ago did he send it. I did not
care to delay sending you the data, consequently I mailed it before
the book came to hand. Had I received the book in time I could
have made my paper a little more readable and avoided the errors
referred to.
As you have, no doubt, taken data from the book by Reynolds
I would like to correct a few errors I found therein.
Reconstruction Convention
Colleton W. M. Vinery, should be Viney
Darlington Richard Humbird, should be Humbert
as He was a page in the South Carolina House of Representatives in the
Reconstruction Period.
DOCUMENTS 107
Edgefield John' Wooley, colored, should be white
Greenville Wilson Cook, should be Cooke
Kershaw John A. Chestnut, should be Chesiiut
CJwpter HI Scott's First Term
Senate
Chester Lewis "Wimbush, should 'be Lucius Wim-bush
Union H. W. Duncan, colored, should be white
This would make ten colored Senators
House of Representatives
Abbeville James Martin, white, should be colored
Charleston B. A. Bosemon, should be Dr. B. A. Bosemon, Jr.
William R. Jervay, should be Jarvey
Chesterfield H. L. Shrewsberry, should be ShrewsZmn/
Colleton W. R. Hoyt is in the Senate column Wm. Driffle,
should be Wm. A. Driffle H. James and T. Richardson, as
members in addition to Thomas and Driffle.
Edgefield John Wooley, colored should be white
Georgetown W. H. Jones, should be W. II. Jones Jr.
Greenville Wilson Cook, should be Cooke
Kershaw John A. Chestnut, should be Ckesnut
Williainsburg Jeff. Pendergrass, should be Jeffery Prender-
grass.
Jas. Martin, Lee Nance and Wade Perrin, representatives and
B. F. Randolph, senator, were assassinated by the Ku-Klux Klan.
Page 111 "Among Mr Robertson's earliest official acts was
the recommendation of an incompetent colored man to be post-
master at Columbia."
If you will look at the sketch I gave of Mr Wilder, the post-
master referred to, you will note that in 1880 when the Democrats
had absolute control of South Carolina and Gens. Hampton and
Butler represented the State in the U. S. Senate, Mr Wilder was
confirmed for the fourth time, and as Columbia was the home post
office of Senator Hampton it is not likely that he or Butler would
have voted to confirm an imcompetent colored man when senatorial
courtesy would have sustained them had they objected.
Page 229 W. R. Jervay, should be Jarvey.
Page 233 Relative to Henry E. Hayne going to the com-
munion table I have to say that is all rot in so far as there were
any objections. The communicants with the exception of Mr Bab-
bitt and family were nearly all colored. I know that the wardens
and vestrymen were colored.
108 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
Page 234 I do not know about all of the colored men men-
tioned as having matriculated in the School of Law, but I am
certain that Mr Wilder did not.
Page 236 William R. Jervay, should be Jervey.
Page 333 With reference to Dr. Bosemon being under the
influence of liquor I desire to state that he did not touch, taste nor
handle the stuff. Dr Bosemon was a cultured gentleman, polished
in his manners and was a surgeon in one of the colored regiments
during the war.
Page 366 Instead of N. B. Myers being the elector for the
fifth district I think it was his brother, Senator William F. Myers.
As N. B. Myers went over to the Hampton House it is not prob-
able that he would stultify himself by voting for Hayes and
acknowledging Hampton as Governor.
Page 462 Gen. Elliott did not become a department clerk in
Washington. He moved to New Orleans where he practised law
several years before his death.
All the Republican politicians who remained in South Carolina
did not sink into actual obscurity or harmless inactivity after 1876.
Mr. Wilder was postmaster at Columbia until June 30, 1885.
Gen. Smalls represented the State in Congress for several terms
after 1876, and was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in
1895. Was also Collector of Port of Beaufort.
Thomas E. Miller was also a delegate to the same convention and
served a term in Congress, and was a member of the S. C. House of
Representatives.
W. J. Whipper was a member of the legislature. Probate judge
of the county for ten years and a delegate to the Constitutional
Convention of 1895.
John Lee was postmaster at Chester for several years.
Mr Rainey was a special agent of the Treasury Department with
headquarters in South Carolina.
H. L. Shrewsbury and W. F. Myers were in the Revenue Serv-
ice and active in politics as was A. W. Curtis.
There were others but I cannot recall their names.
Referring to the data mailed to you I desire to make the fol-
lowing corrections :
Page 2 J. H. Rainey was not a member of the House of Repre-
sentatives but Senator from Georgetown.
Page 6 Relative to Judge Lee I desire to state that I am in
DOCUMENTS 109
error as to his case being the first where a colored man was elected
to a municipal judgeship. Macon B. Allen was elected by the legis-
lature as judge of the Inferior Court of Charlestown prior to Lee's
election or appointment. Therefore Judge Allen should be given
the honor.
Of course J. J. Wright who was elected an associate Justice of
the Supreme Court of the State by the legislature was the finst
Negro in this country who ever occupied a judicial position.
Page 7 Henry W. Purvis was elected Adjutant General for the
four year term 1872-1876. Member of Legislature 1868-1870.
Page 10 W. J. McKinlay was also a member of the House of
Representatives for part of 1868-69 period but resigned his seat to
accept the position of Register of Mesne Conveyanes for Charles-
town, to which the legislature elected him.
Page 11 W. H. Jones, should be W. H. Jones, Jr.
John Williams was Sergeant-at-Arms from 1870 to close of
period.
As there were no free public schools for colored youth in South
Carolina it is an error to state that Thomas E. Miller was educated
in that way. It was against the law for anyone to teach a Negro
even to read or write.
I am also told that I am in error as to giving him credit for the
establishment of the "State College" at Orangeburg. I will try to
find out something about that matter.
Very respectfully,
H. A. WALLACE
SOME CORRECTIONS FOR DATA SUBMITTED BY MR. H. A. WALLACE,
OP NEW YORK CITY
103 WEST 131 St.,
NEW YORK CITY.
March 11, 1918.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.
Dear Sir:
I presume you received my letter of February 18, also the one
of January 19, relative to corrections in the data on Reconstruction.
I herewith send you a few more before you go to press on your
book pertaining to the part the Negro played in the political history
of the Southern States during the Reconstruction period :
'
110 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
I am in error as to James Martin, of Abbeville, who was assassi-
nated, as being colored. I was informed that he was colored, but in
reading the eulogies delivered by the different members of the
House and Senate, I find that he was not even an American. He
was a native of Ireland.
W. A. Bishop, who represented the Greenville district in the first
legislature, was white, not colored. In the list of delegates to the
Republican meeting at Charlestown, May 9, 1867, he is given as
white in Reynolds' book. I met a friend from Greenville about ten
days ago and in speaking to him about Bishop he said that he was
white and that he knew of no colored Bishops in that district.
On page 9 of my data I state that Mr. Whipper was bom in
South Carolina. I met his son, who is living here, sometime ago and
he informed me that his father was born in Pennsylvania.
With reference to Judge Whipper I would add that one of the
first acts of the first legislature was to elect a commission of three
members to revise and consolidate the Statute laws of the State and
that he was the first member elected. Quite a tribute to his legal
ability.
On page 12 add the following names as from the North.
Rev. B. F. Randolph Senator Orangeburg district.
W. J. Whipper Member Beaufort district.
Judge J. J. Wright Beaufort district afterwards Associate
Judge Supreme Court, and on page 8, under his name please state
born in Pennsylvania.
On page 107 Reynolds' book Abbeville Co. W. J. Lomax,
should be Hutson J. Lomax, this is official. On page 59 and 77 he
has it II. J. which is correct.
Same page Fail-field Henry Jacob, should be Jacobs He
was also a delegate to the Constitutional Convention See page 77.
Very Respectfully,
(Signed) H. A. WALJLACE
Copy.
SUMNEB AND STEVENS ADVISE WITH REFERENCE TO RECONSTRUCTION
POLJCY IN SOUTH CAROLINA
The late Honorable Francis L. Cardoza at one time Secretary of
State for South Carolina, several years before his death stated to
the undersigned the following in substance :
DOCUMENTS 1 1 1
That a number of colored men met and appointed a committee
which was sent to Washington to get the advice of Charles Sumner
and Thaddeus Stevens concerning the formation of the political
organization for the newly enfranchised Negro citizen shortly after
the adoption of the 14th Amendment.
Pains were taken to keep the plans from both the native whites
and the so-called carpet baggers from the North. That both Mr.
Sumner and Mr. Stevens advised the committee to tender the leader-
ship to native whites of the former master class of conservative
views: but this plan was frustrated because they were not able to
secure the consent of desired representatives of the former master
class to assume the proffered leadership.
(Signed) KELLY MILLER
(Signed) WHITEPIELD McKiNLAY
WASHINGTON, D. C., December 14, 1917.
Subscribed to and sworn before me, SAMUEL E. LACY a Notary
Public in and for the District of Columbia, this Fourteenth (14th)
Day of December 1917.
(Signed) SAMUEL E. LACY,
Notary Public, D. C.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OF RECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATURES
Texas
J. H. Stewart who now lives in Austin.
Edward Patton, San Jacinto County, now living in Washington
is in Government service.
Nathan H. Haller, Brazoria County. House, 1892-94. Re-
elected and counted out. Contested his seat and won.
R. L. Smith, Colorado County, 1895-99, now living in Waco. Is
president of the Farmers Bank and head of the Farmers Improve-
ment Association. For sketch of, see Negro Year Book, p. 322. For
his work in the Legislature, see attached letter.
Elias May, Brazos County, in the early days of Reconstruction.
R. J. Moore, Washington County, representative.
Gaines, senator, Lee County.
i!2 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Copy.
COOPERATIVE EXTENSION WORK IN AGRICULTURE AND HOME
ECONOMICS
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS.
WACO, TEXAS, March 26, 1918.
PROF. MONROE N. WORK, Tuskegee Inst. Ala.
Dear Mr. Work:
I was elected in Nov. 1894 as representative for Colorado county
and was re-elected in 1896.
My majority in 1894 was 168 and in 1896 at the next election it
was 450 as I recollect it.
I was appointed on the committee on education and on privilege
and election and on agriculture.
I introduced a bill restoring colored trustees which finally
passed.
I fought a bill establishing separate waiting rooms for the races
at R. R. Station and killed it for four years.
I introduced a resolution inviting manufacturing cotton plants
to come to Texas. I introduced a resolution granting the use of the
Hall of the House of Representatives to the colored citizens of
Austin to hold their memorial services for Fred Douglas. When
one understands the race feeling in the South this was indeed a
triumph. I introduced a bill establishing a college course as a part
of our curriculum at Prairie View Normal which passed carrying
with it a grant of fifty thousand acres of land.
I worked hard to help carry a bill through making any peace
officer automatically lose his office whenever a lynching took place
in his county. This bill passed but was declared unconstitutional
by the supreme court. I was appointed by the speaker as a member
of the visiting board for Prairie View State Normal. As a member
of the committee on privileges and Election I single handed fought
for a colored man elected from Brazoria county, N. H. Haller by
name who had the nerve to contest the seat of a white man to whom
the certificate of election had been awarded. After a long and
bitter fight in which three times I carried in and presented a minor-
ity report we won and Haller was seated. This isn't the only case
of its kind that I know of in this state.
Haller of course had able legal talent to take care of his case.
I voted for the purchase of the battle field of San Jacinto which
is in Harris country about twenty miles below Houston. It was on
this battlefield that Texas won her independence from Mexico in
DOCUMENTS 113
1836. It is now a beautiful state park. For this action I was pub-
licly thanked by the Daughters of the Republic.
Respectfully
(Signed) R. L. SMITH.
The legislatures which I served in were the 23d and 24th.
Charles A. Culberson, now U. S. senator was governor and our
relations were very cordial.
In 1902 I was tendered and accepted a position in the U. S<
Marshal's office for the Eastern Dist. of Texas by Pres. Roosevelt.
Held same until 1909. This was the most honorable and best paid
federal position ever held by a Negro in Texas except that held by
Hon. N. W. Cuney who was collector of the Post of Galveston. In
1915 I took charge of the Extension Service work for Negroes in
Texas which I now hold.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE DURING
RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD AND AFTER SO
By Honorable J. C. Napier, of Nashville, Term., register of United States
Treasury, May, 1917
Year Name County
1871-73 Sampson W. Keeble Davidson
1877-79 Thos. A. Sykesl Davidson
1879-81 S. A. McElwee? Haywood
1881-83 T. Frank Cassells Shelby
J. F. Norris Shelby
Thos. A. Sykes? Davidson
S. A. McElwee? Haywood
1883-85 J. W. Boyd Weakley
S. A. McElwee Haywood
D. F. Rivers Fayette
1885-87 G. E. Evans Shelby
W. A. Fields Shelby
W. C. Hodge Shelby
S. A. McElwee Haywood
D. F. Rivers 30 Fayette
1887-89
1889-91 Goodman Fayette
1891-93
1893-95
1895-97 J. M. H. Graham Montgomery
2 There were no colored members of the Tennessee Senate.
30 Contested, not seated.
114 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Davidson county, Tennessee, sent two colored men to the Legis-
lature. The first colored member of the Legislature was Sampson
W. Keeble from 71-78. From 77-79 the colored member was
Thomas A. Sykes. Both of these were representatives. Tennessee
never had any colored senators. Sampson W. Keeble was a. native
of Tennessee. Thomas A. Sykes was a native of North Carolina
and had been a member of the North Carolina legislature. 31
Captain James II. Sumner, of Davidson County, was elected a
door-keeper of the House of Representatives for 1867-69. He was
afterwards appointed captain of a Militia Company which rendered
the State valuable service in putting down the Ku-Klux. Later by
act of the Legislature a committee was authorized for Nashville
consisting of three persons to audit claims against the State for
destruction of property by soldiers of the Confederates and Fed-
eral armies during the war. Governor Brownlow appointed on this
commission James H. Sumner, a white man named Lassiter, and J.
C. Napier. They examined claims amounting to millions of dollars,
some of which were afterwards paid and others rejected. There
were other colored men on such commissions in other parts of the
state whose names I do not now recall.
Haywood county first sent Samuel A. McElwee. He served
from 79-83. The same county afterwards sent Rev. D. F. Rivers
who is now pastor of the Berean Baptist Church in Washington,
D. C. Rev. Rivers defeated the father of a very popular white girl
and she met him in the street and spat in his face. McElwee made
a very active member and was highly respected by all. He was a
graduate of Fisk University and the law department of Walden
University.
Weakley County sent John W. Boyd who served two or three
terms in the legislature. He ran for the senate but was defeated.
Perhaps there was one from Hamilton county or Knox county.
Shelby county sent quite a delegation of colored men from time
to time. Among them were T. F. Cassells and I. F. Norris, who is
still living in North Dakota. Cassells was a lawyer, educated at
Oberlin.
Mr. Norris was a successful business man of Memphis, Mr.
Keeble was a barber in Nashville.
Mr. Sykes was Internal Revenue Collector in Nashville and
came there with high revenue officials from North Carolina. He
31 1868, 1870, see North Carolina Mst, Pasquotank County.
DOCUMENTS 115
entered politics and was quite influential and finally died at Nash-
ville.
Keeble was of a family highly respected and of very high stand-
ing in Nashville. The men from Memphis and Haywood counties
were more highly educated than the others. They were free men
of high class and up to the standard of the whites who were sent to
the legislature in those days.
COLORED MEN IN OTHER POSITIONS
At one time the county government of Davidson County was
run by three Commissioners ; one of these commissioners was a col-
ored man, named Randall Brown of limited education, but large ex-
perience and a large amount of good common sense. He was very
influential and highly thought of by white and colored people.
Nashville city government during the days of reconstruction had
among its membership, perhaps, one-third colored members. These
men were not of the same calibre as the colored members of the
legislature. They were picked up in the different wards by their
friends. They were chosen for their popularity rather than for fit-
ness for the work before them.
Immediately following the reconstruction days, Josiah T. Settle
was elected Assistant Attorney General for Shelby county under
General Patterson who afterwards served as Governor of the State
of Tennessee. Mr. Settle had previously been a member of the
Misisssippi Legislature.
In Knoxville men have served in the legislature of the city gov-
ernment.
When they changed the form of government in Nashville, there
was a colored man a member of the Board of Aldermen. Two col-
ored men were elected to the council. As a result, two fire com-,
panics were given to colored men. Mr. Charles Gowdey and Mr. J.
C. Napier were the colored members of the council. The first two
brick school houses were erected for colored children during their
term. They were the Pearl High School and the Meigs School. At
that time the people of Nashville, the Democrats especially, showed
a very liberal spirit to the colored people and divided the positions
with them. Shorty after this with a more liberal spirit, they erected
the third brick school house in the city of Nashville, The Napier
School.
After things went out of the hands of the Republicans in Ten-
116 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
nessee, Capt. Sunnier went down into Mississippi, entered politics
and was elected Sheriff of Holmes county. He became quite
wealthy. His family was of high standing. Owned property in
Nashville and the descendants still own it.
Settle and Cassells were free men. Keeble was owned by a very
distinguished Tennessee family named Keeble.
- SCHOOLS FOB FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES
In Tennessee before the war there were schools for Negroes.
There were no laws against schools for free colored people until the
agitation that brought on the war.
At Nashville, Franklin college graduated three colored men ;
that is the school gave them graduation papers. They were pre-
pared for the ministry in the Christian church (Disciples). These
men were Samuel Lowery, Daniel Watkins and James T. Rapier.
Lowery, Rapier and Watkins were all free men. Rapier served a
term or two from Florence, Ala., in Congress during the Recon-
struction Period. He was a man of some wealth, was very active
and traveled a good deal. Lowery 's father was also a minister,
before him, in the Christian Church. He had a farm as well as city
property. Franklin College was a Campbellite Institution or what
is now known as the Christian Church Institution.
When the agitation came about preceding the Civil War they
closed all of the colored schools.
Mr. Napier's father and mother with some other colored people
had a man named Rufus Conrad come down from Cincinnati, Ohio,
to teach their children. This was in 1859. Both free and slave
children went to this school. The school had been open two or three
months when one day, while the class was spelling the word baker,
an abrupt knock on the door interrupted the class and then a man
entered without waiting to be admitted. He said to the teacher,
"What is your name?" The teacher answered, ''Rufus Conrad."
"Where did you come from?" was the next question. The teacher
answered, "From Cincinnati, Ohio." The man said, "I have been
authorized by the powers that be in Nashville to send these children
home, to close the doors of this school and give you just 24 hours to
leave this town. ' ' This ended this school.
There were three or four schools in Nashville, before the war.
One was taught by Samuel Watkins. He taught school in an old
church right over a branch. It was built up on stilts, and was a
DOCUMENTS 117
place of worship built for the slaves by their owners. Another one
was taught by a Mrs. Tate, who was of a very excellent family. Mrs.
Sallie Player, a most delightful teacher taught another one of these
schools. Mrs. Player was a free woman but her husband was a
slave. He belonged to a very excellent family of white people,
whose slaves enjoyed every privilege that free people enjoyed. They
were protected by their owner. She was a woman of some educa-
tion. Her husband also had some education, although a slave.
There was another school taught by a white man and his wife whose
name was Westbrooks. They came to Nashville from St. Louis,
Missouri and organized a school. These two gathered considerable
money from the free and slave people who wanted to send their
children to school. They taught school about three weeks when
they suddenly disappeared.
SLAVES IN BUSINESS AND NEGROES WHO OWNED SLAVES
Slaves had more money than is generally thought. Henry
Harding, a slave with some education, was a thorough business
man from beginning to end. Everything he touched turned to
money. His home in Nashville now is as pretty a home as you want
to see. He was allowed every liberty by his owners that a free
person enjoyed. He was a carpenter and contractor. He did all
the construction work on three plantations, that of General Hard-
ing, his son's, John Harding and of David Gavock's. One of the
Hardings was his father. He was held as a slave until Emancipa-
tion in '63. He immediately came to Nashville and went into busi-
ness building houses. When he died he had considerable property.
Hardy Perry, a slave in Nashville, had a line of hacks and
transfer teams during slavery time. He hired his own time.
Steven Boyd and Mr. Napier kept a livery stable.
My father's father was a pioneer iron man in middle Tennessee.
His parents came from England and went to Dixon county and
established what is still known as the Napier Iron Works. He was
a man of considerable force of character and influence. He had
four colored sons and daughters. He had these sons go to school
along with the white children. When he died his will provided
that they should leave Tennessee and go to a free state or to Li-
beria. They went to Ohio and lived on Walnut Hill where they
bought a farm. They concluded to sell the farm on Walnut Hill,
trading it for a farm at New Richmond, Ohio. Two of the sons
I
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
went to Richmond with my grandmother, another went to St. Louis,
Mo., and my father went back to Nashville. Two of the brothers
who went to Richmond with their mother became school teachers
in Richmond. The one who went to Nashville went into the livery
business.
My father's father was a physician, having graduated from the
medical school of the University of Pennsylvania. He had great
political influence and it was through his influence that one of the
governors of Tennessee was elected.
Alice Bosley, whose husband was white, and her family owned
two large plantations south of Nashville and the other north-east
of Nashville. They owned about twenty-five or thirty slaves. She
was a thoroughly religious woman and every Sunday would have
her slaves and children attend church.
Manse Bryant was another large land owner and slave owner.
VIRGINIA STATE LIBRARY
RICHMOND, VA.
September 28, 1916.
MR. MONROE N. WORK, Editor,
Tuskegee, Alabama.
My Dear Sir:
The Journals of the Senate and House of Delegates for the years
iin which there have been Negro members do not indicate which of
the members were white and which negro. The almanacs, how-
ever, do as a general thing though the almanacs are not extremely
reliable. I have gotten the following information from the al-
manacs. The first year in which negroes were allowed to hold
office in Virginia was 1869.
The almanac for the year 1870 (which was printed the latter
part of 1869 and which gives, therefore, the members of the Gen-
eral Assembly for the session of 1869-70) gives no negro members
of the Senate of Virginia, but 18 negro members of the House.
The total membership of the House was 137. The membership of
the Senate was 40. For the session of 1870-71 there were, accord-
ing to the almanac, no negro members of the Senate. For the ses-
sion of 1870-71, I regret to say that the almanac does not differen-
tiate between white and negro members. For the session of
1871-72, I regret to say that the almanac does not give the members
DOCUMENTS 119
of the House of Delegates; nor in the list of the members of the Sen-
ate does it differentiate between the two races. For the session of
1872-3 the almanac does not differentiate. For the session of
1873-4 the almanac gives 3 negro members out of 40 in the Senate,
and 17 out of 132 members in the House. For the session of
18745 there were three negro members out of 40 in the Senate,
and there were 17 negro members in the House. In the session of
1875-6 there were 3 negro Senators, and 13 negro members of the
House. In the session of 1876-77 there were three negro members
in the Senate, and 12 negro members of the House. In 1877-78
there were 3 negro members of the Senate, and four negro mem-
bers of the House. In 1878-9 there were three negro members of
the Senate and four negro members of the House. For the session
of 1879-80 the almanac gives no marks of differentiation. For the
session of 1880-81 the almanac makes no distinction. For the
1881-2 session the almanac has no list of the members. For the
session of 1882-3 the almanac does not differentiate. For the ses-
sion of 1883-4 there were 3 negro senators and 8 members of the
House. For the session of 1884-5 there was one negro senator, and
7 members of the House, out of a total membership of one hundred.
In the session of 1885-6 there was only one senator out of a mem-
bership of 39, and only one member of the House of Delegates, out
of one hundred. In the session of 188G-7 there was one senator and
one member of the House. In the session of 1887-8 there was one
negro senator, and there were seven members of the House. In the
session of 1889-9 there was one senator, and seven members of the
House. In the session of 1889-90 there was one negro senator, and
three members of the House. In the session of 1890-91 there was
one negro senator, and three members of the House. In the session
of 1891-2 there were no negroes in either the Seriate or the House,
that is, none marked. For the session of 1892-3 no negroes were
marked. For the session of 1893-4 there seem to have been none.
I have not looked further, but I do not believe there has been a negro
member in either House since that time.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) H. R. MC!LWAINE
State Librarian.
JAMES G. THOMPSON, THE ORIGINAL CARPETBAGGER 1
1 ' I suppose I might call myself the first Carpet Bagger. ' ' This
expression casually let fall by Mr. J. G. Thompson, of this city, in a
conversation with the writer, was so striking and so suggestive that
I asked him to explain. He complied, and in so doing, gave the fol-
lowing extraordinary narrative, which he subsequently consented to
have published:
From the 7th of November, 1861, when Hilton Head was cap-
tured by the United States naval forces, the sea islands of South
Carolina never passed out of the hands of the United States. Those
islands and a considerable portion of the mainland were thereupon
brought under the operation of the United States direct tax act, and
were in time sold for United States taxes to whoever would buy
them. They were mainly bought in by the United States and were
subsequently re-sold to soldiers, army followers and Negroes.
Towards the close of the war, having concluded my service under
the government, I resolved to settle in the South, and purchased in
1864, a plantation on St. Helena, one of these islands, with the in-
tention of becoming a Southern planter. I was thus engaged when
Andrew Johnson began his reconstruction efforts and appointed
Benjamin F. Perry provisional governor. This was the first at-
tempt at the reconstruction of the South, and South Carolina was
the first state called upon to resume its relations with the Union, as
she had been the first to go out. In October, 1865, the provisional
governor issued a proclamation setting a day for an election of
delegates to a
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
His Proclamation called upon the people to repeal the ordinances
of secession form a constitution and make such preparations as were
necessary to obtain admission into the Union. St. Helena parish
was entitled to one delegate to that constitutional convention.
All the original inhabitants of the parish, upon the approach of
i This account was taken from James G. Thompson 's Papers by his
daughter, Caroline B. Stephen, of Washington, D. C. Special Correspondence
of the New York Tribune.
120
DOCUMENTS 121
the Federal forces, had fled. There was but one man left in the
whole parish when the United States took possession of the town of
Beaufort, and he was found in a garret dead drunk. Consequently
when the convention was called the question arose who were citizens
of the parish. There were few white natives of South Carolina in
the parish. The managers of election were not present. Governor
Perry had named the managers of the previous elections held under
the confederate goverenment as the ones to conduct the election now
to be held, but none of these people were there. So a town meeting
in the New England style was called to consider the situation, at
which the colored people were in a large majority. Probably one
hundred white ex-soldiers, army officers, settlers, clerks, quarter-
masters, employes, etc., came to the meeting. An examination of
the law of South Carolina as to
WHAT CONSTITUTED CITIZENSHIP
showed that it required a three years' residence to be a citizen, and
that no person then a soldier of the United States could vote in the
state at any election. A long discussion followed, whether to nom-
inate a candidate or not, which ended in a decision to nominate.
Then came the query whether every one at the town meeting could
take part in naming a candidate to be voted for. The advocates of
Negro suffrage claimed that the colored native citizens of South
Carolina had a better right to select the candidate to be voted for
than any of the white men present. It should be remembered that
at this time the Fifteenth amendment had not been adopted. The
point was made on the other side that only those who would have
the right to vote for such a candidate had the right to participate
in the nomination. This proposition was voted down, however, by
a large majority, and H. G. Judd, a philanthropist engaged in the
work of educating the Negroes, was nominated. Subsequently, how-
ever, another meeting was held by the white settlers who had ac-
quired a residence, and who were entitled under the laws of South
Carolina to vote, having resided there three years, at which meeting
I was nominated.
THIS ELECTION
occurred the next day, and I received 36 votes and H. G. Judd 8
votes. There being no authorized managers of the election, the
voters assembled at the polls on the morning of the election and
122 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
elected three persons to act in that capacity. These persons made a
certificate that I had received the largest number of votes at the
election.
When the convention assembled in Columbia, I presented by
credentials and could have been sworn in without question if I had
preferred to make a statement to the convention that it might not
act unadvisedly of the circumstances of my election. I asked that
the credentials be referred to the committee on credentials. It was
so ordered and I then appeared before the committee and related
the facts. After the hearing a report was presented which stated
that perhaps this was the only case known to legislative history in
which a man contested his own seat, and that all the evidence for
and against my right to the seat was presented by myself. The
committee reported unanimously in favor of
SEATING ME
A long debate, however, ensued in the convention upon the ques-
tion, and it was finally decided only by the close vote of 53 to 50 that
I be seated. George D. Tillman, now a member of Congress from
South Carolina, made a very bitter speech against seating me. He
thought the insolence of this Yankee was beyond precedent in claim-
ing to represent the grand old parish of St. Helena, which had been
represented in the past by Middleton, Rhett, Bull and other distin-
guished citizens of the State. In a speech that was really prophetic,
he predicted that to admit me would be to show dragons' teeth, and
that ultimately I would be followed by a horde which should devour
the state.
James L. Orr made a speech in favor of my admission, and said
that he hoped to see the state overrun with just such newcomers. I
was, perhaps, the youngest man in the convention, and was sur-
rounded by men of the first rank of the State. Scarcely a man in
that convention but had a title. There were ex-senators, ex-gover-
nors, ex-chancellors, ex-judges and ex-members of Congress. It
was the intellectual power of the state to say nothing of ex-generals,
colonels and ex-captains of the confederate army. Probably two-
thirds of those men had been members of the convention which car-
ried the state out of the Union, and had looked upon that act at the
time it was performed as
DOCUMENTS 123
THE CROWNING END
of a lifetime of agitation and anxiety. Now they were called upon
to undo it all, but they seemed incapable of understanding the true
position of affairs, and were totally ignorant of what had been ac-
complished by the war and blind to the logic of events.
For instance, one of the questions early raised and referred to
the judiciary committee was whether Negroes should be allowed to
testify in the courts. Judge Frost of Charleston introduced a reso-
lution that the ordinance fixing the status of the Negro upon this
question should be passed by the convention. Chancelor Ingalls,
who recently died in Baltimore, opposed the proposition, claiming
that a sovereign convention called as this was for a special purpose,
ought not to legislate. Upon the question of discharging the com-
mittee from further consideration of the subject, there were but two
votes in the negative, Judge Frost, the mover, a man of 80 yiears,
and myself.
Isolated as I was from the start, I was treated by the convention
with the utmost courtesy, and when I occasionally rose to speak, I
received the
UNDIVIDED ATTENTION
of the members, and the rather obtrusive attention of the ladies who
filled the galleries. Such remarks could be heard as: " There, that
Yankee is going to speak."
Another point that agitated the convention was, what laws
should be passed to fix the status of the Negro, and, after a long dis-
cussion, a committee was appointed to frame a code of laws to be
submitted to the legislature, which should assemble under the con-
stitution adopted by this convention. The product of that commis-
sion was "The Black Code." Its intentions and provisions were
foreshadowed in the debates of the convention. At the close of the
debate I spoke for five minutes, closing with the prediction that if
the convention thought that its work would be of any value to the
state, they were mistaken. If the convention thought it possible to
provide a different code of laws for the government of the loyal
black citizens of the United States, from that which governed the
disloyal white citizens of South Carolina, they did not understand
what the war had accomplished. I said that I knew more of the
124 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
OPINION OF THE WAR
than it was possible for any man in that Convention or all of them to
know. While I spoke with modesty before men who had occupied
high political positions in the past, I spoke with confidence as to
the opinion of the people of the North who had waged a successful
war against secession and slavery. Speaking for them I predicted
that their laws would be made by major-generals and executed by
provost-marshals until the last man present would fall into his
grave before the North would admit the state into the Union under
a constitution which did not recognize that all men were equal before
the law. When I sat down there was a dead silence and solemn
faces.
To show the opposition I excited, let me give another anecdote.
James L. Orr came to my room one evening and asked me not to
be offended if he requested that upon a certain question he pro-
posed to bring before the convention the next day I would not speak
in its favor. He said: There are fools enough in this convention
that do not want anything that you do want, and every time you
speak on a measure you hinder its adoption." The proposition he
had at hand was to
REDUCE THE TIME
requisite to obtain citizenship in the state from three years to one,
and after much difficulty he persuaded the convention to make the
change. He also wished to abolish the property qualification for
state senators. Tillman appealed to him in an eloquent speech to
spare this last relic of South Carolina conservatism. Orr, in reply,
asked what in God's name had South Carolina conservatism done
for South Carolina. He pointed to what its condition was once and
what it now was, and charged South Carolina conservatism with the
result. His speech was a powerful one, and brought the convention
to his views, and no property qualification was thereafter imposed
upon any officer.
Near the close of the convention 1 asked leave to present a peti-
tion from 250 colored property owners of the city of Charleston,
who asked that the right of suffrage be extended to them. This, I
suppose, was the first petition of the kind ever offered in the slave
states. A member of the convention immediately moved that the
petition be returned to me and not received by the convention. Mr.
Orr said that the petition was respectful in form and ought to be
DOCUMENTS 125
received. He moved that it be laid on the table. Another delegate
moved that
No MENTION
of the reception of the petition be made in the journal. I then ro&e
to speak upon the last of these motions, but the president of the
convention entertained a motion to adjourn, and the convention
did so.
The convention made a constitution which was not, however,
submitted to the people for their approval. Under it a governor
and legislature were elected.
THE BLACK CODE
was ratified by the legislature, and many preposterous laws relating
to the Negroes were passed. It was evident that the freedman was
to be reduced to a condition worse than slavery he was to be made
a serf, attached to the land, and to be under all the disabilities of
slavery without having the protection of the property interest of
the owner. CONGRESS took charge of the reconstruction, and the
new government of South Carolina fell to pieces, after a brief and
inglorious existence.
Although I was the first <k carpet bagger," I did not pursue the
occupation. I never held office again in the state, although I con-
tinued to live there for sixteen years, and taking part in politics as
the editor of the Beaufort Republican and the Columbia Union-
Herald.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Negro in Virginia Politics, 1865-1902. By RICHARD L. MOR-
TON, Ph.D., Phelps Stokes Fellow in the University of Virginia,
1917-1918. Charlottesville, Virginia, 1919. Pp. 199. Price,
$1.50.
This is the fourth number of a series of studies in the race prob-
lem promoted by the Phelps Stokes Fund with a view to interesting
a larger number of southern white scholars in this field. The
seriousness of the problem during recent years has driven home the
thought that without scientific investigation it will be extremely
difficult to find a rational basis upon which the two races may co-
operate for the greatest good of the greatest number. These mono-
graphs are very much like the addresses and studies of the Uni-
versity Commission making an effort to meet this need. Judged
from the value of the monographs hitherto produced, however, one
must express the regret that these works do not measure up to the
desired standard. The chief difficulty lies in the misconception that
the whole matter of readjustment may be effected by using the white
man only. He is to do the thinking, outline the method of attack,
and direct the movement. The Negro, the other half of the equa-
tion, has not been invited to share this work and the writers
making these investigations are unfortunately biased rather than
scientific.
The purpose of this monograph is to show the bad effects of
Negro suffrage which had no place in Lincoln's plan of Reconstruc-
tion or in the early Congressional plan, but was forced upon the
South by a group of aggressive radicals led by Thaddeus Stevens
and Charles Sumner as a means of their personal aggrandizement
and of executing punishment and revenge upon the Southern States.
It is not true that these two statesmen desired to force Negro rule
upon the South. They tried to give that section a democratic gov-
ernment. At first they advised the Negroes to choose for their
leaders the intelligent southern whites and the Negroes entreated
their former masters to serve them in this capacity. When the
whites refused to cooperate, therefore, Congress could do nothing
else but make the Negroes the basis of the reconstructed govern-
126
BOOK REVIEWS 127
ments. From this partisan point of view only then the monograph
is very much of a success. The writer suffered from a preoccupa-
tion of mind and in his researches was governed accordingly. He
knew what he wanted to write and found facts to assist him toward
this end.
The book covers in detail form the beginnings of Negro suf-
frage in Virginia, the campaign of 1867 in which radicals and
Negroes drew the color line, the constitutional convention of
1867-68, the committee of nine, the campaign of 1869, the restora-
tion of Virginia, the elimination of the Carpetbaggers from 1869
to 1879, the Readjuster movement in Virginia from 1879 to 1883,
politics and race friction from 1885 to 1900, the constitutional con-
vention of 1901-1902, and the new constitution. He, therefore,
discusses certain topics already treated in J. A. C. Chandler's Rep-
resentation in Virginia, and The History of Suffrage in Virginia;
J. P. McConnell's Negroes and their Treatment in Virginia from
1865-1867; H. J. Eckenrode's The Political History of Virginia
during Reconstruction; and C. C. Pearson's The Readjuster Move-
ment in Virginia.
The author makes a survey of the situation prior to the Civil
War, explaining why the aristocratic Virginians long since accus-
tomed to rule even by excluding the poor whites from the electorate
could not tolerate the enfranchisement of the Negroes. An effort
is made also to show that inasmuch as most of the Northern States
prior to the Civil War had not accepted Negro suffrage, it was
natural for the southern people to be opposed to such a policy. To
strengthen this point he refers to such authorities as Oliver P. Mor-
ton, Governor Andrew and Abraham Lincoln.
The author considers the Negro a failure in politics and sup-
ports his contention by a quotation from George W. Murray, who
felt that it was the mistake of the nineteenth century to attempt to
make the ex-slave a governor before he had learned to be governed
and of Booker T. Washington who said, "There is no doubt but
that we made a mistake at the beginning of our freedom of putting
the emphasis on the wrong end. Politics and the holding of office!
were too largely emphasized almost to the exclusion of every in-
terest/'
Since the Negro has been eliminated, the author seems to rejoice
that the races in Virginia now work together in harmony and are
friends. He believes that this relationship will continue only so
long as no exterior factor disturbs the equilibrium and concludes
'
128 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
with a quotation from John Sharp Williams who feels that "It will
be well that wise men think more, that good men pray more and
that all men talk less and curse less." If the author really intends
to set forth the views of such radicals as John Sharp Williams as
those upon which the races may expect to cooperate in the South,
he might have added his recent pronunciamento that "when it
comes to maintaining the honor of a white woman the South re-
spects no law human or divine."
These observations are sufficient to establish the idea of the book.
The Negro during the Reconstruction period was a failure. The
white man who has been restored to absolute power so as to estab-
lish social ostracism, segregation and lynching is a success. In
other words, the whole study is from the white man 's point of view.
The Negro has no political rights which the white man should
respect and unless things are in conformity with the white man's
prejudice they are wrong.
No one would gainsay that the enfranchisement of all ex-slaves
was a mistake. Oliver P. Morton, and Governor Andrew, of Massa-
chusetts, were to some extent right in their criticism of such a
policy. It would have been much better to have followed Abraham
Lincoln's plan of enfranchising those Negroes who were owners of
property or able to read and write and those white men who had not
taken any part in the Rebellion. While it should not have been ex-
pected that ex-slaves could administer the affairs of the country it
could not, on the other hand, have been imagined that their masters
who had begrudgingly abandoned their title to men as property
would in a few years deal with them as one should with human
beings. As a matter of fact the black codes which the Southern
States enacted immediately after the war show the inability of the
aristocratic southerners to deal humanely with a subject people.
If, therefore, Abraham Lincoln's policy, of gradually recruiting
voters from such blacks as gave evidence of wealth and education
and from such whites as manifested a disposition to do the right
thing by the country and by the freedmen had been followed, the
mistakes of the Reconstruction would have been avoided.
The Negro Trail Blazers of California. By DELILAH L. BEASLBT,
Los Angeles, California, 1919. Pp. 317.
This is, according to the author, a compilation of records from
the California Archives in the Bancroft Library at the University
of California and from the diaries, papers and conversations of
BOOK REVIEWS 129
pioneers in the State of California. It includes also a record of
present-day Negroes in that State. The book is illustrated with por-
traits exhibiting the life of the people past and present. The work
is divided into three parts, the first being historical, the second
biographical, and the third an account of the present-day Negro.
Taking up the historical task, the author accounts for the dis-
covery of California and mentions the important roles played by
Estevanecito and the Negro priest accompanying the explorers.
She then discusses the rule of Spain in California, the Bear Flag
Party, the landing of Commodore John D. Sloate, the admission of
California to the Union, the Pony Express, the right of testimony,
the homestead law, the elective franchise, slavery in California, and
freedom papers. Although intended as a continuous sketch, how-
ever, this portion of the work, like most of it, is a mixture of nar-
ratives and documents.
In the second part of the book giving biographical sketches there
is a chapter on the first Negro settlers on the Pacific coast, a pioneer
list and the Forty-Niners of color engaged in mining. Into this are
worked all sorts of personal narratives without any organizing or
unifying scheme as to place or achievement. Not much attention
is paid to proportion. The author seemingly wrote all she had
heard or collected in each case regardless of the worth of these per-
sonal achievements.
The same style holds in the treatment of the present-day Negro
of California. There is something about almost everything. The
Negro churches and the Negro in education, law and music have
considerable space. The author next takes up distinguished women
of color, doctors, dentists, literary persons, Negroes at the Panama
Pacific International Exposition, and Negroes in the army. Then
follow the notes on the text which, instead of being given through-
out the work as footnotes are placed at the end of the work.
Judged from the point of view of the scientific investigator, the
work is neither a popular nor a documented account. When one
considers the numerous valuable facts in the book, however, he must
regret that the author did not write the work under the direction of
some one well grounded in English composition. As it is, it is so
much of a hodge-podge that one is inclined to weep like the min-
ister who felt that his congregation consisted of too many to be lost
but not enough to be saved.
130 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
A History of South Africa. By DOROTHEA F AIRBRIDGE, Oxford Uni-
versity Press, London, 1918. Pp. 319.
One hears much nowadays about the history of South Africa and
the development of that recently enlarged domain under the direc-
tion of Great Britain adds further interest to the story. The pres-
ent volume differs, however, from the type of most recent (accounts
of South Africa in that it is a small illustrated work within the
reach of those too busy or not sufficiently well grounded in the
social sciences to read an intensively scientific treatise. As such, it
has a place in the current historical volumes growing out of the
reconstruction of the countries revolutionized by the world war.
The work begins with a picture of the country as nature made
it. There is an account of early plant life, prehistoric animals,
paleoliths, and prehistoric man. The early inhabitants are then
given more detailed treatment. Attention is directed to the Bush-
man, the Hottentot, and the Bantu as each figured in South Africa.
An effort to contrast the country as the natives kept it with the
country as the white man developed it, is a large part of this
chapter.
Beginning then with Prince Henry of Portugal the author pre-
sents an array of "Great Adventurers." Following this sketch
comes the account of the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope by
Bartholomew Diaz and next Vasco da Gama's voyage around the
Cape to India. The climbing of the Table Mountain by Antonio
de Saldanha, the landing of Don Francisco of Almeida, the voyage
of Sir Francis Drake, and the adventures of other travellers ap-,
pear in chronological order.
The rise of settlements in South Africa or on the neighboring
islands as half-way stations, show the early importance of the coun-
try which, after being conquered, soon experienced considerable ex-
pansion. Then followed in the seventeenth century an era of pros-
perity which paved the way for better beginnings the next century
under Governors Hendrik, Swellengrebel and Tulbagh. The
troubles of the eighteenth century when the settlements had to
reckon with natives and foreigners constitute a critical period of
the colony ending with the capture of the Cape by the English in
1795. Then follow the first British occupation, the restoration of
the Cape to the Dutch by the Treaty of Amiens in 1802, the second
rule of the Dutch and the second coming of the British.
With the nineteenth century the British were to be free to start
upon an all but uninterrupted rule of prosperity. The establish-
BOOK REVIEWS 131
ment of courts, the rise of missions, the improvement in agriculture,
and the extension of the frontier characterized the first efforts of
the pioneering British. Their relations with the natives and dif-
ficulties with the Boers are treated in the chapters on the Story of
Natal, the Vootrekkers, the founding of the Boer Republic arid the
retrocession of the Transvaal. The chapters covering the subse-
quent period consist of a discussion of new influences, the Uit-
landers, the Jameson Raid, the War of 1899-1902, and the prob-
lems of peace and reconstruction.
RECONSTRUCTION IN LOUISIANA. By ELLA LONN, Assistant Pro-
fessor in Grinnell College. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York
and London, 1919. Pp. 538. Price $3.00 net.
Miss Lonn's book is an exhibition of the true scholarly spirit.
Her analysis of the situation in Louisiana politics during the period
of Reconstruction is most ably executed. She has neglected no
source which would throw light upon this very anachronistic epoch.
Public documents of all kinds, and especially those which embody
the debates in the Senate -and assembly of Louisiana have been made
to yield interesting testimonies of the passing shows of the years
1867-1876. Not content, however, with these testimonies, she has
called to her aid many other sources including the newspapers of
the day wherein is displayed popular reaction towards the orgies
being indulged in the State House. And thus the reader's mind, by
means of most carefully chosen quotations from these records, as
if by a lightning flash, is frequently illumined; so that the whole
comedy unfolds before the eyes in a most interesting fashion.
The book is not only filled with a wealth of detailed information
concerning the period, it not only tells the story of political de-
bauchery, ignorance and fraud; but notes also the few shreds of
constructive work done by the legislators under the coercion of
public opinion. All of these facts are put together in a logical
manner and show that the author is not only gifted with keen
analytic powers, but is also endowed with a peculiar faculty for
organizing and marshalling facts in such a manner as to weave a
beautiful mosaic of otherwise widely divergent elements.
Miss Lonn has succeeded in writing a very interesting narrative
and her book will hold the attention of a widely differing clientele.
The student of American politics will find an illuminative study of
this very remarkable period, and therefore much food for thought.
But this book offers to the lover of fiction a new field. There is the
132 JorfiNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
hero, Warmoth, the villain, whose protraiture has been limned by a
masterly hand. Little by little, sometimes directly and sometimes
indirectly; sometimes by the words of his own mouth, oftener by
the mouths of those whom he attacked, and almost constantly by the
unfriendly newspapers, she deftly portrays the elements of his
character. Warmoth had almost unlimited power and he used it
like Cataline to corrupt the corruptible elements of the State. He
was essentially a Nero, callous to the last degree and indifferent to
the progressive anemia which was destroying the State's finances.
Like Julius Caesar he attained his gubernatorial power by making
multiple false promises and kept it by a species of corrupt practices
which were incredibly vile. There is the tragic setting, the broken,
maimed, devastated State of Louisiana, just out of the War of Re-
bellion and struggling hard to regain her "former glory." There
are the carpetbaggers, irresponsible, predatory and indigent, of
whom an army estimated to have been five hundred thousand strong
invaded the State attracted as vultures by the rich pickings of polit-
ical conquest. There are scalawags, remnants of the Confederate
army, also indigent, nevertheless troublesome and among whom
many brigands, murderers and cut-throats sprang up. There were
respectable Republicans and Democrats, whites and blacks who
formed the background for the tragedy of Reconstruction in Louis-
iana. There were also the Manichean gods of sharply defined good
and evil, sanity and insanity, righteousness and corruption, civic
pride and utmost indifference; murder, theft, malfeasance, igno-
rance and crass stupidity. All these thrown in the pot of political
regeneration made a situation that was tragically immoral and
horrific.
During Warmoth 's administration the legislature was a minstrel
show. It w r as worse than a minstrel show ; it was profoundly cor-
rupt. Lobbyists openly paid legislators, black and white, for their
votes. And what is more, the money was parceled out to each one
on the very floor of the Senate and House. This corruption was so
rife that it was sickening ; it is even nauseating now to read about
it. He was finally impeached by the Senate. When it became cer-
tain to him that the Senate would vote for his impeachment he
cowardly sought to nullify the vote by resigning and fleeing the
State. But he regained his power and influence and held office two
years longer. And during this time his power was so absolute that
the fear of him is manifest in the Senate and House debates.
Speakers in making charges of corruption, and even when speaking
BOOK REVIEWS 133
against bills aimed at increasing the power of the governor, always
added, so great was their fear of him, ;< no reflection is meant upon
the present incumbent," or words to that effect. This although they
knew well that it was his very abuse of power which called fortli
many of the bills under consideration.
It was scarcely possible, however, that such abuses, such corrup-
tion and infamy, such vile and degraded practices as those which
characterized "Warmoth's administration as Governor of Louisiana
could long continue. So in 1871 came the crash. An open rupture
in the ranks of the Republican party developed. The gatling gun
convention, so-called, because federal troops with two gatling guns,
guarded the convention building, was held. Warmoth, scenting a
conspiracy, bolted and held an independent convention in Turner
Hall. With him as the leading spirit of the gathering was Pinch-
back, then majority leader in the Senate.
The career of Pinchback sheds additional light upon this period.
He held a high place in the political life of that day, rising from ma-
jority leader, by successive stages, to the lieutenant-governorship,
and to the presidency of the Senate. He also became immensely
wealthy on account of his association with Warmoth, who is said
to have acquired a fortune of more than a million dollars during
three years of his administration. While Pinchback was Park Com-
missioner he was accused by Antoine of cheating him out of $40,000
at one clip. For a time Pinchback was one of Warmoth's staunch-
est supporters, and when the party in Louisiana was split by the
two factions, the Custom House ring and the Warmoth faction.
Pinchback was elected permanent chairman of the Warmoth con-
vention and made the keynote speech for the campaign. Subse-
quently, Warmoth's utter degeneracy alienated him and so they
parted company. Warmoth's star descended, and he went down to
ignominious defeat. Upon his name and memory were heaped
derogations, curses and anathemas. And unfortunately these will
always be associated with his memory. On the other hand, Pinch-
back's star rose to the ascendant and he was elected to the United
States Senate.
Pinchback was a man of good breeding, education and culture ;
and if he yielded to the corrupt influences of his time, it was be-
cause he was unable to withstand the flood ; it was because the cor-
rupt hand of everyone in politics at that time, Ishmael-like, was
turned against the forces of righteousness in political affairs. For,
at that time, as the author clearly shows, crime, corruption and
134 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
fraud were so rife, so common, that they were taken for granted.
And the moral sense was so low, so negligible, that men did not
think of their crimes as crimes. They committed them simply be-
cause "everybody was doing so,*' and unrighteousness filled the
State as "the waters the great deeps."
Finally, by a species of corrupt and criminal practices which
made those of the "VVarmoth regime pale into the utmost insig-
nificance, the tide was turned. Another party came into power and
the lily-white government was established. Out of such conditions
as Miss Lonn has depicted the government of all the Southern
States sprang. This book helps us to understand, in some slight de-
gree, the curious political bias of these States. It is in part a
heritage of unreasoning fear not so much of Negro domination as
of again being overwhelmed by a flood of corruption let loose by
their own kind. How this fear has expressed itself in more recent
times we all know too well.
Miss Lonn closes her book with this fitting paragraph: "And
therewith the curtain fell upon the last act in this long and weary
drama. One can hardly help feeling that surely if Louisiana had
sinned, she had paid the penalty of her sins in full measure of
atonement."
R. T. BROWNE
NOTES
Recently there passed from this life Sir T. F. Victor Buxton,
Bart., a man attracted to Africa, no doubt, by the record of his dis-
tinguished great grandfather T. F. Buxton, Bart., who belonged to
that group of English reformers instrumental in giving the death
blow to the African slave trade. Early interested in the natives of
Africa, the grandson soon became associated with the Church mis-
sionary movement. He was largely concerned in the establishment
of two corporations, the Uganda Company and the East African
Industries, both intended to benefit the natives.
Closely connected with Africa, he often visited various parts
with a view to studying the many problems arising in the commer-
cial, social and political world. On these occasions many Africans
were entertained by him and he maintained friendly relations with
them so as to bring together the representatives of various interests
to work for the good of all. His interest in the African natives is
further shown by his service as president of the Anti-Slavery and
Aborigines Protection Society and as a firm supporter of the Native
Eaces and Liquor Traffic Committee.
Owing to the printers' strike the publication of Dr. C. G. Wood-
son's illustrated textbook, The Negro in our History, has been de-
layed. It is highly probable that the volume will appear before
spring.
135
HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE
OBJECT Founded in 1868 by General
Samuel C. Armstrong to train selected
youth who should go out to teach and
train their people. The Institute was
designed to instruct Negro youth in
morality, industry, and thrift, as well as
in earnest and practical Christianity.
LOCATION On Lower Peninsula of Vir-
ginia, within three miles of Old Point
Comfort. The Institute is reached by the
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad and by
steamers from Baltimore, Washington, and
New York (via Norfolk).
HAMPTON TODAY An industrial village
with over 1300 students; 1100 acres; 140
buildings, instruction farm of 835 acres;
and 200 teachers and workers. Hampton
stands for "a sound body, a trained capac-
ity, and an unselfish outlook on life."
Hampton is on the State of Virginia list
of approved four-year secondary schools.
COTDKSES FOR BOYS (a) Preparatory
Department of one or two years; (b) Reg-
ular four-year courses: (1) Academic-
Normal; (2) Agriculture; (3) Business;
(.4) Trade Course in one of thirteen
trades (Blacksmithing ; Bricklaying and
Plastering ; Cabinetmaking ; Carpentry ;
Machine Work ; Painting ; Printing ;
Shoemaking; Steamfitting and Plumbing;
Tailoring ; Tinsmithing ; Upholstery ;
Wheel wrighting .
COURSES FOR GIRLS (a) Domestic Sci-
ence Work Class and Day School Prepar-
atory Department; (b) Regular four-year
courses : (1) Academic-Normal ; (2)
Home Economics ; (3) Matron's Course.
NEEDS 3135,000 annually above regu-
lar income; 34,000,000 Endowment Fund;
Scholarships: Full Annual, 3100; Annual
Academic, 370 ; Annual Industrial, 330 ;
Endowed, 32,500.
OFFICERS James E. Gregg, Principal;
George P. Phenix, Vice Principal ; Frank
K. Rogers, Treasurer ; Wm. H. Scoville,
Secretary.
INFORMATION Catalogue covers details.
For copy address: Hampton Institute, Va.
THE NEGRO VEAR BOOK
A permanent record of current events, an encyclopedia of
450 pages of historical and sociological facts relating to the
Negro. General and special bibliographies.
This publication presents a succinct, comprehensive and
impartial review of the events of each year as they affect
the interests and indicate the progress of the Negro race.
It also provides a compact but comprehensive statement of
historical and statistical facts relating to the Negro.
In addition to its interest for the general reader, the book
is especially adapted for use in schools where historical and
sociological courses on the Negro are given. Price, 75
cents, paper cover, $1.25, board cover.
1918-1919 Edition Now on Sale
Negro Year Book Publishing Company
TUSKEQEE INSTITUTE ALABAMA
A COMBINATION OFFER
Avail yourself of the opportunity to purchase at
greatly reduced rates Dr. Carter G, Woodson's The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, his A Century
of Negro Migration and The Journalof Negro History.
Purchased separately these cost:
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Prior to J 86 J . . . . $2J5
A Century of Negro Migration J * \
The Journal of Negro History,
a year 2.00
Total
Price of the three together .
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bers and obtain the bound volume for $1.00.
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Standard Life Insurance Company
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
Is an old line legal reserve Life Insurance Company
owned and operated by colored people
Began operation in 1913.
Has a paid in capital of $125,000.
Has assets of over $500,000.
Has insurance in force of over $10,000,000.
Issues policies from $500 to $5,000 on all mod-
ern plans.
Has paid policyholders since organization nearly
$200,000.
Has paid to colored physicians nearly $75,000.
Has paid to agents and employes, all members
* of the race, nearly $200,000.
Has outstanding loans to colored people, amount-
ing to $100,000.
Operates in 10 states and employs 350 agents,
and 62 clerks and stenographers in its offices.
Is helping to bring about the economic emancipation
of the race and deserves by its clean business methods
the patronage and cooperation of all thinking people.
Standard Life Insurance Company
HOME OFFICE ATLANTA, GEORGIA
HEM AN E. PERRY, President HARRY H. PACE, Sec'y-Trea*.
A college that has its students devote one-hall"
their time to actual, useful work is so in line with
common sense that we are amazed that the idea
had to be put in execution by an ex-slave as a litV-
saver for his disenfranchised race. Our great dis-
coveries are always accidents: we work for one
thing and get another. 1 expect that the day will
come, and ere long, when the great universities of
the world will have to put the Tuskegee Idea into
execution in order to save themselves from being
distanced by the Colored Race. Elbert Hubbard in
"A Little Journey to Tuskegee."
Perhaps there is a deserv-
ing young man or woman
in your community who
needs A CHANCK.
If so, perhaps Tuskegee
Institute offers the very op-
portunity which he wants.
Tuskegee is not only a
school. It is an institution;
an influence.
It helps the worthy stu-
dent to help himself.
Location unsurpassed for Healthfulness.
Forty trades and industries for young men and women.
Excellent Library and Normal course.
Smith-Hughest Vocational Courses for advanced students.
Home Economics
Agriculture
Industries
Tuskegee Institute is no place for sluggards. From rising bell to taps, there is a
full program drill, class-room, shop, farm, etc. Perhaps your boy needs just the
sort of training which Tuskegee otters. Write for catalogue and information.
ROBERT R. MOTON, Principal
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama
HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Founded 1867 especially for the education of the Negro, although no
race is excluded: coeducational: number of students, 1918-19, 1452.
The College oi Howard University consists of the Junior College
comprising the first and second years and the Schools of Liberal Arts.
Journalism, Education, and Commerce and Finance covering the third
and fourth years. Students in the Junior College may so plan their
work as to lead directly to specialized schools of two years or continue
their college course in the School of Liberal Arts, thus making up the
four year course. The University maintains also a School of Music, a
School of Applied Science and a School of General Service giving
courses covering four years of specialized college work.
Howard University offers courses for students preparing for al-
most any walk of life. Among the professional departments are the
School of Religion, the School of Medicine, and the School of Law.
Two years of college work will hereafter be prerequisite to admission
to these schools, in case the applicant is a candidate for a degree.
For further information, write
THE REGISTRAR, HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
AN OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF
The American Negro in the World War
By EMMETT J. SCOTT, A.M., LL.D.
Special Assistant to the Secretary of War
-^SCOTT'S OFFICIAL HISTORY
J. SCOTT
This book i,s prefaced with high tributes of democracy and loyalty of the
Negro soldier by Honorable Newton IX Baker, Secretary of War; the Negro
soldier by John J. Perching, Commander in Chief of the American forces in
Europe ; and the patriotism of the American Negro by the late Theodore
Roosevelt.
It is profusely illustrated with nearly 150 official French and American
Negro photographs, showing all <ides of war activities and Negro soldier life
from the call to the color.- through the training campj> to the battle fronts and
back home.
NEGRO HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO
P. O. Box 1821, Washington, D. C.
Inform yourself as to
The Exodus of the Negroes
By Reading This New Book
A Century of Negro Migration
By DR. CARTER G. WOODSON
220 Pages Price $1.10
This is the first effort to trace the causes which have during
the last century set the Negro population .moving from South to
North, fleeing from bondage and oppression in quest of a land offer-
ing asylum to the oppressed and opportunities to the unfortunate.
Why they have gone, where they have settled and what they are
doing are all carefully explained.
From the following table of contents a better idea of the book
may be obtained :
I Finding a Place of Refuge
II A Transplantation to the North
III Fighting it out on Free Soil
IV Colonization as a Remedy for Migration
V The Successful Migrant
VI Confusing Movements during the Civil War
VII The Exodus to the West
VIII The Migration of the Talented Tenth
IX The Exodus During the World War
Bibliography
Index
This book may b obtained from
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
1216 You Street, N. W. Washington, D. C
Buy Volumes I, II, III, and IV of
the Journal of Negro History
in Bound Form
[ Volume I contains more than 250 pages ot dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents :
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1 800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the^Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery in Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery in Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as :
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00. This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange.
The Negro Trail Blazers of California
By DELILAH L. BEASLEY
A true history of the pioneer and present day Negro of California
including an account of the Negro soldiers in the recent World
War. Contains 317 pages and 32 pages of half tone pictures of
distinguished Negroes of the State .
FOR SALE BY AUTHOR Price, $3.75 $2.35
1610 Derby Street Berkeley, California
THE JOURNAL
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NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
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Negro Life and History, inc.
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CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOR
1216 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
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Juuus ROSENWALD, Chicago, III.
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Five Ways to Help This Cause:
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Contribute to our Research Fund
Collect and send us the historical materials bearing
on the Negroes of your community
Urge every Negro to write us all he knows about his
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Help us raise annually the sum of $20,000 to finance the
work of collecting and publishing the materials bearing on
Negro life and history. Our efforts have hitherto been restric-
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to undertake in their respective localities. Moving at this
slow rate and in such an unsystematic way, the work will pro-
ceed so slowly that many valuable documents and the testi-
monies of slaves and masters will be lost to the world and the
story of the Negro will perish with him.
To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
ing an interest in the propagation of the truth. We need
4 persons to contribute annually #1.000 each
8 " " " " coo "
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The following persons have contributed to our support
during this quarter:
Julius Rosenwald $300.00
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Henry Hornblower 100.00
Cleveland H. Dodge .... 100.00
William G. Willcox . . . . 100.00
Harold H. Swift 100.00
Moorfield Storey 100.00
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Julius Kahn 5.00
C. S. Page 5.00
A. H. Grimke 5.00
Miss Matilda Maxwell .... 5.00
All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
retary-Treasurer of The Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History, 1216 You Street, Northwest, Washington,
D. C.
The Association is incorporated and the Secretary-Treas-
urer is bonded.
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V APRIL, 1920 No. 2
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGEO PUBLIC
SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 1
THE PERIOD FROM 1865 TO 1875
On Tuesday, the eleventh day of January, 1865, the
Negro of Missouri awoke a slave; that night he retired a
i This dissertation was in 1917 submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago, in candidacy for
the degree of Master of Arts by Henry S. Williams,
The following original sources were used in the preparation of this manu-
script: Reports of Superintendent of the Public Schools of the State of Mis-
souri, 1866-1917; Session Laws of the State of Missouri, 1866-1913; Reports
of the U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1870-1916; U. S. Census Reports,
1860-1910; The Missouri Republican, 1866-1870; Journal of Education, Vols.
I and II (St. Louis, Missouri, 1879) ; Revised Statutes of Missouri, 1879-1909;
Proceedings and Occasional Papers of the Slater Fund (Baltimore, Maryland) ;
Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vols. II and III; Asa E. Martin, Our
Negro Population (Kansas City, Missouri, 1913) ; N. H. Parker, Missouri as it
is in 1867 (Philadelphia, 1867); Am. Annual Cyclopedia, 1870-1877; Annual
Reports of the Board of Education of St. Louis, 1867-1916; Annual Reports
of the Board of Education, of Kansas City, 1870-1915.
The secondary sources consulted follow: Lucian Carr, American Common-
wealths, Missouri a Bone of Contention (Boston, 1894) ; C. B. Barnes, Switz-
ler f s Illustrated History of Missouri (St. Louis, 1889) ; W. B. Davis, and D. S.
Durrie, An Illustrated History of Missouri (Cincinnati, Ohio) ; S. B. Harding,
Life of George R. Smith (Sedalia, Missouri, 1904); W. E. B. DuBois, The
Negro Common School (Atlanta, Georgia) ; C. L. Butt, History of Buchanan
County (Chicago, 1915) ; H. A. Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 1804-1865 (Balti-
more, Maryland, 1914) ; C. G. Woodson, The Education of the Negro Prior to
1861, (New York, 1915) ; History of Galloway County (St. Louis, 18S4) ; His-
tory of Cole, Moniteau, Morgan, Benton, Miller, Maries, and Orange Counties,
137
138 JOUBNAL or NEGRO HISTORY
free man. 2 His darkest hour had passed but before him
loomed a great task, that of living up to the requirements
of a man. His emancipators were confronted with the re-
sponsibility of preparing him for his new duties and for
the proper use of suffrage which was to be granted him a
few years later.
Prior to 1865 the State had seen fit to prohibit the edu-
cation 3 of the slave because, although the educated slave
was the more efficient, yet he was the more dangerous ; as
his training might aid him to make a better revolt against
his position. But the qualities which were objectionable in
the slave were necessary to the freed man, if he was to prove
other than a menace to the State. His emancipators faced
the education of the Negro fairly, and the same convention
which had passed the Emancipation Act of 1865, drew up a
new State constitution which was ratified the same year.
This constitution 4 provided for the establishment and the
maintenance of free public schools for the instruction of all
persons in the State who were between the ages of five and
twenty-one. It further provided that all funds for the sup-
port of the public schools should be appropriated in pro-
portion to the number of children without regard to color.
The legislature, which met the same year, passed a law 5
which required that the township boards of education, and
those in charge of the educational affairs in the cities and
the incorporated villages of the State should establish and
maintain one or more separate schools for the colored chil-
dren of school age within their respective jurisdictions,
provided the number of such children should exceed twenty.
Missouri (Chicago, 1889) ; J. T. Shaff, History of St. Louis City and County
(Philadelphia, 1885); K. A. Campbell, Campbell's Gazetteer of Missouri (St.
Louis, 1875); Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis (New York, 1889);
Missouri Historical Eeview, Vote. I, II, IV, VI, VII, and IX (Columbia, Mis-
souri) ; The Negro Year Boole (Tuskegee, Alabama, 1917).
2 Parker, N. H., Missouri as it is in 1867, p. 424.
a Woodson, C. G., Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, p. 159-168.
* Missouri State Convention of 1865, Art. IX.
5 Laws of State of Missouri, Adjourned Session 23d General Assembly,
p. 177.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOUBI 139
Persons over twenty-one were to be admitted to these
schools. The same officers who were in charge of the edu-
cational interests of the white schools were to control the
Negro schools. The length of the term and the other ad-
vantages to be enjoyed by these schools were to be the same
as those enjoyed by the white schools of the same grade.
This law further provided that if the average attendance
for any month should drop below twelve the school might
be closed for a period not to exceed six months. In dis-
tricts where there were less than twenty Negro children,
the money raised for their education was to be reserved by
the boards of education in those districts and to be appro-
priated as the boards saw fit for the education of the Negro
children upon whom the money had been raised. The same
legislature 6 passed an act authorizing towns, cities, and vil-
lages to organize for school purposes with special priv-
ileges. This act, however, provided that any town, city or
village so incorporated should be required to establish one
or more Negro schools according to the law. At this ses-
sion of the legislature 7 there was enacted a law to compel
the school authorities in each sub-district to prepare a
school census of their respective jurisdictions which should
enumerate separately and according to sex the white and
the Negro children who were permanently resident within
the sub-district. In case the directors failed to perform
this duty the township clerk was to have the census taken
and to recover from the directors by judicial proceedings
the cost of the work.
If we were to judge from the constitutional and the stat-
utory laws of this period, we might conclude that the edu-
cation of the Negro was very popular and that his needs
were well taken care of. But before we can draw any con-
clusion we must study certain conditions. We must know
something of the character of the men who were to enforce
the law, of the desire of the Negroes for an education, of
Laws of the State of Missouri, op. tit., p. 191 .
., p. 173.
140 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
popular opinion concerning public education, and of the dis-
tribution of the Negro population.
The State Superintendents of this period were well
trained men, 8 and their reports show that they were faith-
ful in the discharge of their duty. One of these superin-
tendents, John Monteith, 9 showed great zeal in the estab-
lishment and development of the Negro school system.
He was born in the Western Eeserve district of Ohio, a sec-
tion noted for its strong anti-slavery sentiment. He be-
longed to a family of educators. His father was one of the
first presidents of the University of Michigan. Monteith
completed his education at Yale and served for a number of
years as a minister in St. Louis. Upon becoming State
Superintendent, he wrote in favor of Negro education a
pamphlet which he sent to each of the county superintend-
ents. His annual reports, 10 to which we shall refer later,
show the interest and the effort which this man put forth to
develop the Negro schools of the State.
The Negroes were not indifferent to the efforts which
were put forth in their behalf. There is much evidence to
show that they took an active part in the establishment 11
and the maintenance of schools for their children. In those
districts in which Negro schools were maintained and an
honest effort was made to better the conditions of the Ne-
groes, they responded heartily to their opportunities. The
following quotations are typical of the reports which the
superintendents in those counties were able to make in 1874 :
"In most of the townships a commendable interest is mani-
fested in the support of Negro schools, which I am happy
to report, is appreciated by the Negroes 12 themselves. The
schools have been well attended with considerable diligence
manifested by the pupils. " A. A. Neal, Superintendent of
s Ira Divoll, see Schaff, Hist, of City and County of St. Louis, Vol. I, p.
843; R. D. Shannon, see Davis, W. B., III. Hist, of Mo., p. 587.
Ibid., p. 550.
10 Ann. Beports of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1871- 7-2- '73- >74.
11 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1874, p. 37.
12 7th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1873, p. 250.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 141
Pettis County, reported: 13 "The Negro schools are doing
better than could be expected under existing circumstances. ' '
The Superintendent of Bay County said: 14 "The Negro
schools have been well attended. The pupils have mani-
fested great enthusiasm, and have made surprising ad-
vancement in the rudiments." The Journal of Education 16
which was printed in St. Louis, by J. B. Merwin in 1869,
states: "It is a well known fact that our Negro population
manifests the greatest zeal in taking advantage of every
opportunity for acquiring education."
At the beginning of this period, popular opinion con-
cerning free public schools in general and Negro schools in
particular was not favorable. The school laws of the State
were in advance of the people. These laws 16 were the
product of a few statesmen who appeared at intervals, and
who, in spite of well known social protests, pushed forward
with great energy school laws modeled after those of the
more progressive eastern States. 17 The State Superintend-
ent complained in his report for 1867 that in those coun-
ties in which the southern sympathizers predominated, the
people were either wholly negligent or bitterly opposed to
their public school right. Three classes of opposers were
enumerated; 18 those who believed that the public schools
tended to foster infidelity, those who believed that the State,
the county or a municipal body had no right to tax for edu-
cational purposes, and those who regarded as unnecessary
any education beyond reading, writing, and simple arith-
metic. In March of the year 1866, four months after the
constitution of 1865 had gone into effect, of the thirty-four
Negro schools 19 in the State only two were situated in coun-
ties in which the southern element predominated. Thus we
is 7th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 281.
n Ibid., p. 256.
i Journal of Education, Vol. II, No. 1, p. 5, St. Louis, 1869.
i Report of Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 202.
17 N. H. Parker, Missouri as it is in 1865, p. 53. Op. cit.
is Report of Commissioner of Ed., 1871, p. 20.
i Parker, op. cit., p. 54.
142 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
see that the attitude toward public schools in general was
reflected upon the Negro schools.
The school laws themselves, which seem to have been
adequate to provide equal school rights for all the children
in the State, were easily evaded when the officials of a com-
munity were hostile to them. In his first annual report, 20
State Superintendent Parker called attention to the follow-
ing facts: No remedy was provided in case the township
board refused to comply with the statutes. There was no
remedy in case the local board of directors refused to hire
teachers for the school when the requisite number of pupils
were in the district. In this manner, he reported, the Negro
children in many districts were deprived of an opportunity
to attend school. Even where there was no apparent hos-
tility to the statutes and to the education of the Negroes
there was a failure to make the requisite enumeration of
the Negro children in many townships and consequently
many children were by the very law itself deprived of the
benefits of the State school fund. He pointed out that in
the year 1867 many would thus be deprived, since the law
regulating the apportionment of the State school fund, com-
pelled the apportionment to be made on the basis of the
enumeration which had already been made, and which in
many cases did not include the Negro children. The law
concerning the establishment of Negro schools was abused
here and there throughout the entire period. As late as
1876 the State Superintendent complained 21 that in many
cases through ignorance of the law and in other cases
through willful disobedience of the law, schools for the
Negroes had not been established. In the first case, he re-
ported that merely explaining the law had the desired effect
and in the other case it was necessary to call the assistance
of county clerks and of grand juries.
During this period there was a growing sentiment in
favor of public schools. This is shown by the reports which
came from the various counties to the State Superintend-
20 1st Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools of Missouri, 1867, p. 9.
21 1 7th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1&77, p. 17.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 143
ent's office, and also by the increase in the number of chil-
dren enumerated and by the increasing number of schools.
In 1870, 22 the county superintendents reported a great deal
of opposition and indifference to the schools especially on
the part of the tax-payers. In 1872 a majority of the county
superintendents were able to report 23 a growing sentiment
in favor of public education. They could then say that the
enemies of this institution were becoming its friends. The
State Superintendent 24 reported in 1874 that in the four
years of his administration there had been a steady growth
in the popularity of the public school system. We can
better appreciate the progress made in this period when we
remember that prior to the Civil War, the public school in
Missouri had been considered a pauper's school. The Con-
stitution 25 of 1820 had provided: "One or more schools
shall be established in each county township as soon as
practicable and necessary where the poor shall be taught
gratis. ' ' The attendance also showed a healthy growth. In
1870 26 there were 280,473 pupils attending 7,547 public
schools in the State. There were 389,956 pupils attending
these schools in 1872. In 1874 the enumeration showed that
there were 708,354 children of school age in the State.
As sentiment in favor of the public school grew, the will-
ingness to enumerate and to provide schools for the Negro
children also increased. In 1867 the number of Negro chil-
dren enumerated was 33,619. This was an increase of
13,709 over the previous year. Fifty-six public schools
were provided for these children. In 1869 forty counties
reported 12,871 Negro children and 80 schoolhouses which
were devoted to their use. The average school term was
four and one-third months. In 1871 the enumeration had
increased to 37,173, and the number of public schools to
212. These schools had an enrollment of 4,358 pupils. In
22 5th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1871, p. 125-245.
* 7th Ann, Beport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1873, pp. 233-300.
2* 9th Annual Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 23.
25 Missouri State Constitution of 1840, Art. 6.
26 5th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1871, p. 6.
144 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
1873 27 the enumeration had increased to 38,234 and the
number of schools to 252.
The work of the public school for the education of the
Negro was supplemented by two other classes of schools.
In 1867 28 the State Superintendent called attention to three
classes of schools which were educating the Negroes in the
State. In the first place there were those supported by
benevolent societies in other States. These schools were
generally supplied with white teachers and were doing good
work. There were then the private or subscription schools,
which were supported by the tuition of the pupils and in
many cases these were taught by colored teachers of in-
ferior qualifications. Finally there were the public schools
as contemplated by the law. A few such schools had been
established in the large towns and cities.
In 1869 29 it was estimated that there were in the State
34,000 Negro children of educable age. For their accom-
modation there were 59 Negro public schools with an aver-
age attendance of 2,000. This report also states that the
majority of these schools were taught in churches and
cabins with walls admirably adapted for ventilation and for
admission of copious shower baths of rain. The same year
Colonel Seely, Agent for the Freedman's Bureau in Mis-
souri, reported 114 schools for the freedmen. Most of these
were public schools and the attendance was 6,240. The
ninth census for 1870, reported that 9,080 Negro children
were attending school in Missouri. Thus we see that the
public schools of this period were greatly aided by mission
and private schools.
In 1868 the legislature enacted a law 30 which gave the
State Superintendent the authority to assume the powers of
the school board for establishing and maintaining a school
for Negro children when the township, city, or village, ne-
glected to establish and to maintain such a school in accord-
27 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 5.
28 2nd Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1868, p. 10.
29 Journal of Education, 1869, Vol. I, p. 181.
so Laws of State of Mo., Adj. Sess., 24th Assembly, p. 170.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL, SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 145
ance with the law. The same year the school law was
amended 31 so as to require the township, the city or the in-
corporated village to establish one or more schools for
Negro children when there was more than fifteen children
in the jurisdiction. A Negro school could be closed for six
months when the attendance for any month dropped below
ten.
There is evidence to show that the State Superintendent
used his power to establish Negro schools when the local
authorities neglected this task. In 1873, he reported: 32 "I
have established between 50 and 60 Negro schools in the
State without resorting to the expedient of a tax as indi-
cated and authorized by law." In 1875 he reported: "I
have levied taxes for Negro schools in three instances. The
medicine is good and effective and I trust it will be admin-
istered in every similar case in the State until the Negroes
enjoy schools equally good in every way as the white
schools." Thus we see that by the Law of 1868 the State
Superintendent had the power to remedy conditions as far
as the Negroes were concerned but there was no evidence to
show that he used this power prior to 1872, although there
are reports of violations of the law. In 1874 there was
passed a law 33 which made a school official subject to a fine
of not less than fifty or more than five hundred dollars, for
the persistent neglect or refusal to perform any duty or
duties pertaining to his office. In view of this and the of-
fensiveness of the results threatened in the civil rights
bill, 34 the State Superintendent 35 was astonished at the
number of delinquencies and persistent evasions of the law.
The Commissioner of Education was able to report in
1870: "This State has a larger proportion of schools 30 for
Negro children than any former slave State. Opposition
si See page 140 of this work.
&Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 44.
ss Lairs of State of Mo., Adj. Sess., 27th Assemb., p. 168.
3 * A Bill to establish mixed schools.
35 9th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1875.
s Seport of Com. of Ed., 1870, p. 202.
146 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
to the education of the Negroes is rapidly disappearing.
Their rapid improvement and good conduct help to disarm
prejudice. " Among the methods of evading the law the
following were reported; the failure to enumerate the Negro
children, the complaints of a lack of funds, and the plea of
an inability to secure teachers. In 1875 the State Superin-
tendent reported 37 that the citizens of Galloway County, the
most strongly southern county in the State during the Civil
War, were evincing the greatest readiness to provide good
schools for their large Negro population. This, he be-
lieved, augured well for the future of the Negro schools of
the State, since it indicated a growing kindly disposition of
the southern element of the State towards them. How
great was the change in sentiment can be readily seen by
contrasting this report with those of the county superin-
tendent for 1866 and 1867. In 1866 the Superintendent of
Calloway reported 38 much objection to public schools in
that county on account of the impartial application to chil-
dren of all races and colors. The only Negro school in the
county had been established under very discouraging cir-
cumstances at Fulton. In many rural districts there were
not enough children to permit the establishment of a school
and in other districts the existing opposition to Negro
schools made their establishment impossible. The next
year it was reported 39 that the white schools were better
fitted for pigs than for children and that there was no in-
terest at all in the education of Negro children.
Another factor which effected the development of the
Negro school system was the sparseness of the Negro popu-
lation. In many districts and even in some counties there
were not enough Negro children to form a school. In 1871,
reports 40 were received from 109 of the 115 counties of the
State. Thirty-nine of the 109 counties did not report a
single school district with the required number of Negro
7 Z6th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1876, p. 12.
*s Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1867, p. 28.
s Ibid., 1868, p. 59.
o 6th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1872, p. 257.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 147
children to establish a school. The other seventy counties
reported 395 school districts having twenty or more Negro
children of school age. The same counties also reported
158 schools for these children. In their annual letters for
1872 twenty-one county superintendents called attention to
the fact that the Negro population was so distributed over
the counties that it was impossible to provide schools for
them according to the law. Three of these superintendents
asked that the law might be so amended as to provide for
Negro children in the sparsely settled districts, and one
superintendent advocated 41 that in districts in which there
were too few Negro children to form separate schools, they
should be admitted to the white schools.
That same year the State Superintendent reported 42
that in several cases in which no schools were provided be-
cause of the small number of pupils, that their parents had
asked why their children could not enter the white schools
since there was no direct law prohibiting it. The next
year 43 the Negro children in several districts did enter the
white schools with the tacit consent of the white population.
When the State Superintendent was asked whether or not
they could be ejected 44 he replied that there was no law to
that effect. At this time the enactment of a civil rights bill
was being agitated in the State. This bill 45 provided that
the public schools of the State should be open to all children
regardless of color. When the civil rights bill was defeated
in 1874, there was passed another bill which aimed to re-
lieve the situation in the sparsely settled districts.
In 1869 the legislature had passed a law 46 permitting
two or more districts, each of which had less than fifteen
Negro population but which when taken together had more
than that number, to establish a union school for those chil-
41 E. H. Davis, Clark County. See 7th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools,
1S72, p. 246.
42 n>id., p. 45.
*3 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 38.
45 9th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 18.
4 Laws of State of Missouri, 25th Gen. Ass., 1869, p. 86.
148 JOUBNAL. OF NEGBO HISTOBY
dren. This law on account of its lack of force did not ac-
complish much good. In 1874 the law 47 was amended in
such a way as to make it obligatory for two or more dis-
tricts, each of which had too few Negro children, to form a
school to unite to form a union school. It was also ordered
that all taxable property in a township in which a Negro
school was situated should be taxed for its support.
In 1875 each district supported its own school 48 for white
children, while the whole township in which a Negro school
was situated was taxed for its support. No district in the
State could be compelled by the law to maintain a school for
its white children, but if there were more than fifteen Negro
children in the district, the law compelled the local authori-
ties to establish a school for them. If they failed to do so,
the law directed the State Superintendent to establish and
to levy taxes for the support of Negro schools in such com-
munities. In those districts in which there were too few
Negro children to form a separate school, union schools
were to be established. The last mentioned law, however,
was passed too late to have much effect upon the period
under discussion. School officials who refused to perform
the duties of their office could be fined 49 not less than fifty
nor more than five hundred dollars.
In the larger centers of the State where there was a
large Negro population the necessity of establishing
schools 50 for the Negroes seems to have been better real-
ized. Thirty-nine out of seventy-three towns and villages
incorporated under the special Act for Towns and Villages,
reported 51 a sufficient population for a Negro school. There
were 19,879 white and 3,609 Negro pupils enrolled in the
public schools of these thirty-nine towns and villages. The
Laws of State of Missouri, Beg. Session, 25th Gen. Assemb., p. 164.
48 26th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1876, p. 12.
27th Gen. Assemb., Adj. Sess., p. 168.
B 7th Ann. Eeport of Gen. Ass. Adj. Sess., p. 233. By reading the annual
letters of th county superintendents the fact is brought out that most of the
colored schools of that period were in the towns and cities. It was in the rural
districts that the Negro suffered most.
6i 8th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 165-219.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 149
length of the school term was the same in the white and the
Negro schools in a number of cases ; but the average length
was lower in the Negro schools than in the white schools.
The average length of the white school was thirty-four
weeks and the average length of the Negro school term was
twenty-eight weeks. The average expense a pupil in these
schools was 8.1 cents a day for each white pupil and 7.8
cents a day for each Negro pupil. The average attendance
in the Negro schools was below that in the white schools.
The average attendance of the white schools was 61.89 per
cent and that of the Negro schools was 51.86 per cent of the
enrollment.
The lower attendance of the Negro children may be ac-
counted for as Asa Martin accounts for a similar condition
in Kansas City. 52 In this city from 1885 to 1913 a larger
per cent of the Negro than of the white children of school
age attended the public schools, but the average attendance
of the white children enrolled was above that of the Negro
children. This he accounted for by the poverty of the
Negro population. Since the Negroes were poorer as a
whole than the whites, they were more poorly housed and
clothed. Consequently the Negro children were more sus-
ceptible to sickness and to the disagreeable effects of in-
clement weather. On this account they were of tener absent
from school than the white children.
The report of the State Superintendent of Schools for
the year 1874 contains reports 53 from thirty-five of the
urban communities which were organized under the act for
cities, towns and villages. Five of these towns reported
that they did not have any Negro children of school age.
The thirty towns reported 4,701 Negro children, 2,379 of
whom were enrolled in the public schools. Salisbury was
the only town having more than sixteen Negro children for
whom no school was maintained, while Bolivar and Au-
gusta, which had in the first case eleven and in the second
52 Asa E. Martin, Our Negro Population, p. 165.
83 9th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, p. 90 to 136.
I
150 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
four Negro children of school age, reported respectively
five and three Negro children in the public schools.
The largest cities in the State were St. Joseph, Kansas
City and St. Louis. These cities provided public schools
for the f reedmen soon after the war. St. Joseph opened a
school 54 with seventy seats for Negro children in 1866. In
1871 the city had for Negro children, two schools, 65 each of
which was provided with one teacher. One of these schools
had an enrollment of 96 pupils and the other 94. In 1874
this city enumerated 56 651 Negro children of school age, 386
of whom were enrolled in the two public schools. The num-
ber of teachers had increased from two to four.
The first Negro public school 57 in Kansas City was re-
ported in 1867. The enumeration 58 for 1873 was 408 Negro
children of school age. The average attendance was 165.
The length of the school term was forty weeks. The amount
spent on each pupil was 7.5 cents a day in the Negro school
and 8.6 in the white school. The average salary paid to
male teachers was $68.33 in the Negro school and $112.50 in
the white schools. The average salary paid to female teach-
ers was $45 in the Negro school and $65 in the white schools.
In 1874 the number of Negro children enumerated was 885. 59
There was one Negro school in the city for their use which
had 356 pupils and five teachers.
In St. Louis, the largest city in the State, there was a
steady growth of the Negro ,school system. The State
Legislature granted this city the power to establish sep-
arate schools 60 for Negro children in 1865. The next year
Ira Divoll, the City Superintendent, established three
schools for Negro children. 61 One was in the northern, one
in the central and another in the southern part of the city.
54 Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1867, p. 10.
55 Ibid., 1872, p. 51.
8 Ibid., 1S75, p. 84.
67 2nd Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1868, p. 94.
ss Ibid., 1874, p. 185.
Report of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 77.
**Reg. Session, 88th Gen. Assembly, p. 349.
i Ency. of History of St. Louis, Vol. IV, p. 2076.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 151
In 1868 there were five Negro schools 62 in the city with a
total enrollment of 924 pupils. Three of these schools held
night sessions which ran from the first Monday in October
of the year 1867 to the fifth of February, 1868. Twelve
teachers were employed in these schools. In 1871 a sixth
Negro school 83 was added and school No. 3 was improved to
accommodate five hundred pupils. There were sixteen
teachers and seventeen school rooms. The expenses for the
year amounted to $11,787.80. 64
The next year it was reported 65 that good buildings had
been built for the Negro schools. A gain of eight pupils
over the number enrolled the previous year was reported.
This small gain was not charged to indifference, but to a
decrease in the Negro population. In 1875 there were twelve
Negro schools in the city. The legislature of that year
passed a bill 66 which permitted the city to establish a Negro
high school with a normal department in the old Washing-
ton School building and was known from this time on as the
Sumner High School.
The first teachers of these schools were white, but they
were gradually replaced by Negro teachers. The first
teacher 67 of color was appointed largely through the influ-
ence of Samuel Crupples, who was a member of the Board
of Education of St. Louis and also a regent of Lincoln In-
stitute. He was so impressed with the work done by Lin-
coln Institute in preparing Negro children that he favored
the giving of its graduates a trial in the public schools of
that city. The chance to try teachers of color came when
the friends of a white teacher, who had been assigned to a
Negro school, protested against the assignment. From
this time on the white teachers in the Negro schools were
gradually replaced by those of color.
z 14th Ann. Report of Bd. of Dir. of St. Louis Pub. Schools, 1868, pp.
63 and 67.
s Report of Commissioner of Education, 1871, p. 264.
Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1876.
Ibid., 1873, pp. 263 and 268.
Report of Commissioner of Education, 1871.
"laid., 1871.
I
152 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Very early in the history of the Negro schools the ques-
tion of training teachers came up. The white teachers did
not care to teach in the Negro schools and it was hard to
find trained teachers of color at this date. Ten county
superintendents in their annual 38 letters for 1872 men-
tioned the difficulties which they experienced in obtaining
good teachers for their Negro schools. There was a prej-
udice on the part 69 of both the white and the black people
of the State against white teachers for Negro schools ; and
it is reported 70 that in many cases the white teachers in
these schools did not take the interest in the advancement
of the people which was taken by the Negro teachers. The
positions in the Negro school, moreover, were less desirable
than those in the white schools because the financial returns
were less in teaching in the Negro schools. In 1873 the
cities, towns and villages which reported 71 Negro schools
also reported an average salary of $46.70 per month for
male teachers and $40.00 per month for female teachers.
The white schools in the same towns paid an average
monthly salary of $87.72 to male teachers and $46.64 to
female teachers.
The first school 72 in the State which was devoted to the
work of training Negro teachers was Lincoln Institute.
This school 73 had its origin in a fund of $6,379 which was
contributed by the soldiers of the sixty-second and sixty-
fifth United States Negro infantry. These men upon being
mustered out of service at the close of the war gave part of
their pay to found in Missouri a school where their children
might enjoy the blessings of a good education. The school
was opened at Jefferson City, 74 the State Capital, Septem-
ber 17, 1866. Eichard Baxter Foster, a New England white
man who was educated at Dartmouth College and who had
88 Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 2X3-303.
9 Ibid., 1876.
lbid., 1873, p. 263-268.
71 Ibid., 1873, pp. 263-268.
72 8th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 165.
73 Eeport of Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 204.
7* 44th Ann. Catalog of Lincoln Institute, p. 6.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 153
served as first lieutenant in the sixty-second United States
Negro Infantry, became the first principal of this school.
In his report 75 to the adjourned session of the Twenty-
fifth General Assembly, T. A. Parker, the State Superin-
tendent of Schools, offered as his most important sugges-
tion for the improvement of Negro schools in the State, the
establishment of a Normal School for the training of Negro
teachers. He gave five reasons why such a school should be
supported by the State : first, the number of teachers were
insufficient to supply the rapidly increasing demand ; sec-
ond, the character of the teaching in a large proportion of
the Negro schools needed elevating as white teachers of
high qualifications could usually do better in white schools
and Negro teachers of high qualifications could not be found
in any great number; third, as Negroes had not, in many
vocations, an equal opportunity with white people, and as
teaching is one of the most respectful and useful vocations
open to them, they should be encouraged to engage in it;
fourth, justice demanded it, for as a large part of the wealth
of Missouri had been produced by the unrequited labor of
slaves, it was but a small return that the State should give
to their children, now free, the largest privileges of educa-
tion; and fifth, the State gave no funds to institutions of
learning above the grade of common schools, which were
practically, if not by force of law, limited to white pupils.
Equality of treatment demanded that something be appro-
priated for a school of higher learning to which the people
of color could have access. If such a school could not be
established at the time, he advised that a sum of $5,000 per
year should be given to the normal department of Lincoln
Institute to aid in the training of Negro teachers.
Acting on this advice, the legislature passed in 1870 a
bill 76 granting the normal department of Lincoln Institute
an annual sum of $5,000 for the training of teachers. In
his reports for 1872 and 1873 the State Superintendent com-
mented on the excellent work which this school was doing.
4th Ann. Keport of Supt. of Schools, 1870, p. 36.
"Adj. Session S5th Gen. Assembly, 1870, p. 136.
154 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
But as this school was hampered by debt and could not train
the number of teachers needed, he advocated that the State
should take a greater interest in the school ^or better still,
the State should take the school over entirely and make it
into a normal school for Negro teachers. The annual re-
ports of the State Superintendents from this time up to
1879, when the school was finally given over to the State,
contained accounts of the excellent work which this school
was doing in the training of teachers and he recommended
from year to year that the State should give it more finan-
cial aid.
By the year 1875 the Negro public school system of Mis-
souri was well established. Elementary schools had been
started in all parts of the State. A high school for Negroes
had been established in St. Louis and the first steps had
been taken towards the establishment of a Negro State
normal school. Popular opinion had crystallized in favor
of separate schools for Negro children taught by teachers
of color. The progress of the Negro schools had been some-
what retarded by a prejudice against public schools in gen-
eral and to a greater extent by a prejudice against the edu-
cation of Negroes. Towards the end of the period there
was evidence to show that this prejudice was dying out.
Much good legislation had been passed with the idea of giv-
ing the Negro children the same educational advantages as
were held by the white children of the State. The Negro
school system of this period was in advance of the corre-
sponding systems in the other States which had recently
held slaves. 77 The report of the Commissioner of Educa-
tion for 1872, shows that there were no public schools for
the education of the Negro in Georgia, Alabama, Delaware,
Kentucky, and Maryland. Ninety per cent of the Negro
school population of Tennessee was without the benefit of
public schools. Although the Negro public schools of
Louisiana and West Virginia were established before
" This fact can be verified by studying abstracts from the State Superin-
tendents' reports for this period. These abstracts are found in the Reports of
the Commissioner of Education for this period.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 155
those of Missouri, the greater illiteracy of their population
in 1870 and 1880 show that these schools were not as effi-
cient as those in Missouri.
THE CRITICAL PERIOD, 1875 TO 1885
The year 1875 marked an epoch in Negro education in
Missouri. That year a new State constitution was adopted.
This meant the beginning of a critical period in the school
history of the State. In order to understand the educa-
tional trend of this period it is necessary to consider the
political history of this and the preceding period. During
the Civil War the State had been almost equally divided be-
tween the Union and the Confederate sympathizers ; but the
Union forces held control of the government. At the close
of the war and while the feeling between the two factions
was still very bitter, there were enacted very harsh laws 78
by which those who had sided with the South were not only
disfranchised, but were also deprived of the right to prac-
tice law, to preach, or to teach. As the intense bitterness of
the war died out there was strong agitation to restore the
right of suffrage to the disfranchised citizens. In 1870 79
the Liberal Eepublicans gained control of the State with the
result that there was passed the next year a law removing
the restriction placed upon the southern element. In 1872
the Liberal Republicans and the Democrats united to defeat
the Eadical Eepublicans, and at the next election which took
place in 1874 the Democratic Party came into full power.
One of the first acts of the new administration was to
call a constitutional convention which drew up a new State
constitution which was ratified by the people in 1875. With
the return to power of a party 80 which strongly favored
local self-government, and which was supported to a great
extent by those who but a few years before had been re-
ported to have been opposed to the extension of their public
school rights, it is not surprising that the progress of the
i* Ann. Cyclopedias for 1870-75. Art. Missouri.
j&t<f., 1871, p. 516.
so 9th Ann. Eeport Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 7.
156 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
public school system was for a time checked. In many dis-
tricts the people had accepted the public schools but they
had not become thoroughly reconciled to the system.
In 1870 the local district school boards 81 were subor-
dinate to the township boards of education. The clerk of
the township board was both treasurer and recording sec-
retary of all the school districts within his township. He
was responsible to the county school superintendent and he
made statistical reports to him as well as to the county
clerks. The county school superintendents and the county
clerks were in turn responsible to the State Superintendent
of Schools. In 1874 the legislature 82 so changed the old
statutes as to do away with county and township super-
vision. The office of county superintendent was abolished
and each district became independent. Even the district
board was deprived of some of its power and the right which
it had to extend the school term and to levy money for new
buildings was vested in the voters of the district. The new
State constitution sanctioned tendency toward decentraliza-
tion by providing 83 that the right of the people to local self-
government should not be impaired.
Although the old constitution was very objectionable to
a large number of the citizens of the State, nevertheless, it
contained some good school legislation and fortunately
much of this was embodied in the new constitution. The
Constitution of 1865 had provided 84 that "separate schools
may be established for children of African descent." The
new constitution provided that ' ' separate free public schools
shall be established for the education of children of African
descent. ' ' The legal school age provided by the old consti-
tution was from five to twent} r -one but the legal school age
provided by the new constitution was from six to twenty.
The decentralization of the public school system caused
many abuses to spring up. Statistics became harder and
i 9th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Sclwols, p. 6.
82 ibid.
83 Art. TI, Sec. 3.
s* Art. XI, Sec. 3.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 157
harder to collect, and school practice less and less uniform
in the different parts of the State. The school law was dis-
regarded to such an extent as to cause a decrease in the
school enumeration and enrollment in spite of the fact that
the population was steadily increasing. In 1875 the enu-
meration 85 showed 720,186 children of school age, 394,780
of whom were enrolled in the public schools. In 1877 the
enumeration had shrunk to 553,278 and the enrollment to
364,189. From this time on there was a steady growth until
1880 when the enumeration surpassed that of 1875.
The Negro public schools of the State also suffered a
decline 86 in this period. In 1875 there was a Negro school
population of 41,916 and an enrollment of 14,832. In 1877
the reported enumeration was 32,411 "and the enrollment
was 14,505. The enumeration did not equal that of 1875
until 1885, but the enrollment of 1878 surpassed that of 1875
by 6,376. The enrollment of 1877 was only 328 smaller than
the enrollment of 1875. Thus, it would appear that while
there was a failure in some districts to enumerate their
children of color, that in those districts in which they were
enumerated an increasing percentage of the children of
color attended the public schools.
As has been pointed out before, the emancipators 87 of
the Negro, in attempting to provide equal school rights for
the Negro child, made more stringent laws for the enforce-
ment of his school rights than were made for the enforce-
ment of the school rights of the white child. The State
Superintendent was empowered to enter districts which did
not provide schools for Negro children according to the law,
and to establish schools for these children, and to levy taxes
for the maintenance of the schools. It is not surprising,
therefore, to find that the State Superintendent was called
upon a number of times in this period to exercise his power.
This official reported 88 in 1878 that the law in relation to
ss Report of Commissioners of Education, 1880, p. 184.
Ibid.
7 See page 26.
s Report of Supt. of Schools, 1877, p. 18.
158 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
the public schools for Negro children had been repeatedly
evaded and violated during the two preceding years, and
that a wicked and malicious advantage was being taken of
the ignorance and the weakness of the Negro to shield the
law-breaker who was using the money appropriated by the
law for the education of the Negro youth. The method of
evasion was fully described. In the first place, there was
a failure to enumerate a sufficient number of Negroes of
school age before the convening of the annual school meet-
ing. After the meeting, when the directors were appealed
to, they required the production of evidence that there was
a sufficient number and then required time to look into the
evidence which took a month or more. They would then
inform the Negroes that it was too late to do anything that
year, that they should have attended to the matter before
the annual school meeting and that they must attend to it in
time the following year. In many cases while the money
due the Negroes was being used for other purposes, they
were promised schools for the next year which the directors
did not intend to give them. Sometimes the directors prom-
ised well and were then unable to find teachers or they dis-
agreed with the Negroes concerning the site of the school.
The year would thus elapse and a new board knowing noth-
ing of the promises of the old board would be elected. The
same course would then be followed sometimes with a little
variation to suit the emergency. Finally the case would be
brought to the State Superintendent and after an annoying
and repeated correspondence to collect the facts in the case
and to explain the law, the officers were induced to comply
with the law by threats of its execution. In counties at a
distance from the capital this threat was frequently of no
avail because the Negroes were either induced to drop the
matter by promises of future fulfillment, were unwilling to
proceed to law, or lacked intelligent leadership.
The next year the State Superintendent complained
that the demand upon this functionary to establish Negro
schools in districts which neglected to fulfill the law re-
quired an undue amount of his time. The legislature which
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 159
met that year, therefore, removed from the State Superin-
tendent the responsibility of enforcing this law. But it pro-
vided 89 that any school district which neglected to establish
a Negro school or schools according to the law should be de-
prived of any portion of the State school funds for that
year. This was a severe punishment in a State having as
large a school fund as Missouri has. 90
By the year 1885 the public school system of Missouri
was on a firm basis. The right of every child in the State
to the benefits of a free public school education had been es-
tablished. The Negro public schools were prosperous. The
Negro school population 91 had increased to 44,215 and the
percentage of the enumerated actually enrolled in the public
schools had increased from forty-two per cent in 1877 to
sixty-three per cent in 1885.
THE PERIOD OF GROWTH, 1885 TO 1915
A few minor changes have been made in the State stat-
utory law since 1885. Prior to 1889 not only the district
but the whole township in which a Negro school was located,
was taxed for the support of this school. In 1889 the law 92
was so revised as to throw the entire burden of support
upon the district in which the school is located. In the same
year, the statute which gave Negro adults the right to at-
tend the public schools was abrogated.
The last revision of the law relating to Negro public
schools was made in 1909. By the present law 93 the boards
of directors in districts having fifteen or more Negro chil-
dren of school age are required to establish and maintain
. Statutes of Mo. 1S79, Vol. II, p. 186.1.
90 In this period a very noteworthy step was taken by the Negro teachers.
In 1878 they organized a State teachers' association. In that year its meeting
was held in Columbia, Missouri, and a number of professors in the State Uni-
versity took an active part. The next year the Association met in Jefferson
City. Since that time, the meeting of the Association has become an annual
affair.
91 DuBois, Negro Common School, p. 61.
2 Rev. Statutes of Mo., 1889, p. 2271.
s /few*., 1909, p. 790.
160 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
schools for these children which shall have the same length
of term and shall enjoy the same privileges as are enjoyed
by the white schools of the same grade in the district. The
indebtedness incurred by the board of directors in provid-
ing suitable buildings, hiring teachers, and maintaining the
school shall be paid out of the appropriate funds of the dis-
trict. If the average daily attendance for any month falls
below eight, the school can be closed for a period not to ex-
ceed six months. If there are adjoining districts in either
or both of which there are less than twenty-five Negro chil-
dren of school age, a joint Negro school may be established
in either of the districts. The expense of maintaining the
school is borne by the districts which established it in pro-
portion to the number of Negro children enumerated in
each. The control of the school is vested in the board of
directors of the district in which the school is located.
When the number of Negro children residing in a dis-
trict is less than fifteen as shown by the last enumeration,
these children have the right of attending any school for
Negro children in the county for the same length of time as
school is maintained in their own district. Their tuition is
paid by the district in which they reside. When the direc-
tors of a district neglect to establish a Negro school accord-
ing to the law, the district is deprived of any part of the
State school funds for that year.
From 1885 to 1890 the Negro schools of Missouri stead-
ily grew. In 1890, 70.8 per cent of the school population 94
was enrolled in the schools. This marked the high water
mark in the per cent of enrollment. From this date to 1900
the per cent of the school population enrolled in the public
school decreased. In 1899 only 55.05 per cent of the school
population was enrolled in the public schools. The school
population, however, increased from 44,214 in 1885 to 54,600
in 1899. In 1900 there were 472 Negro schools with 769
school rooms with 804 Negro teachers employed. The Ne-
groes 95 of the State received about $475,000 as their share
*DuBois, Negro Common School, p. 61.
5 Ibid.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 161
of the State school fund, between a third and a half of the
money appropriated for the support of their schools com-
ing from the white tax payers. As the result of this good
school system, Missouri stood last among the sixteen ex-
slave States in illiteracy in 1890.
Since 1900 the rural Negro population has been decreas-
ing and city population has been steadily increasing. Lured
by the prospect of better wages, shorter hours, and better
educational advantages for his family, the rural Negro has
migrated just as his white brother 96 has to the large cities.
The Negro population of the small towns is also decreas-
ing. The populations of Kansas City and of St. Louis are
being swelled by the Negro from the farm and from the
small town. The problem of Negro education, therefore, is
largely a city problem. In 1910 the Negro school popula-
tion was 42,764. Of this population 33,465 97 dwelt in cities
and only 9,299 dwelt in the rural districts. The enrollment
showed that of the 29,562 pupils who were attending school,
21,694 were enrolled in the city schools and only 7,868 in the
rural schools.
In 1915 St. Louis had a Negro school population of 7,233
and an enrollment of 5,811. Nine grade schools and a high
school were maintained by the city to accommodate these
children. 98 In 1916 a Negro industrial 99 school was opened
for delinquent youth, and $40,000 was appropriated to build
two cottages on the city farms at Belief ountaine for delin-
quent Negro children. The Negro schools are modern and
well equipped. Kindergarten classes are provided, manual
training courses are open to the boys and domestic science
classes are provided for the girls. In the year of 1915-16
three elementary night schools were in session with an en-
rollment of 759.
The Negro school population of Kansas City is also well
provided for. In 1880 this city had a Negro school popula-
Report of Supt. of Schools, 1910, p. 69.
7 Report St. Louis Board of Education, 1916, p. 302.
98/ftid., p. 350.
o Ibid., p. 308.
162 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tion of 2,035 100 and there was an enrollment of 623 or of
30.5 per cent of the school population. In 1911 the Negro
school population was 6,500 and the number of pupils en-
rolled reached 3,251. 54.1 per cent of the Negro school
population and 47 per cent of the white -school population
were enrolled in the public schools. The school property 101
devoted to the use of the Negroes was valued at $465,565
and the value of the property devoted to the white people
was $5,792,468. The Negro population which comprised
9.7 per cent of the total population had public school prop-
erty valued at 7.4 of the total. The average cost for each
white pupil enrolled was $42.20 a year and the average cost
for each Negro child was $35.02. In 1910-11, there were 86
Negro teachers in the system. There was one teacher for
every 37 children enrolled in the white schools and one
teacher for every 41 Negro pupils. In the same year the
Negro night schools had an enrollment of 472. In 1915
there were ten elementary and one high school 102 devoted
to the use of the Negroes. The Negro school population
had increased to 7,637 and the enrollment was 3,654.
In 1915 there were fifteen colored schools in the State
doing work of a high school grade. Two of these, Sumner
High School of St. Louis and Lincoln High School of Kan-
sas City are first class high schools. 103 The Negro high
schools of Hannibal and of Springfield are ranked second
class and the high schools of Chillicothe and St. Joseph are
rated third class. The other nine high schools are unclas-
sified.
Until the opening of the new Dunbar High School in
Washington, District of Columbia, in 1916 the Sumner High
School was considered the finest Negro high school in the
country. This school was established in 1875 and had only
twenty pupils 104 in 1885. By the year 1900 the enroll-
100 Martin, op. cit.
101 Ibid., op. cit.
102 Ann. Eeport Board of Ed. of Kansas City, 1915, p. 123.
103 -Report of Supt. Public Schools, 1916, p. 69.
104 Eeport of The Board of Education of St. Louis, 1908, p. 234.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 163
ment had increased to 250. In 1907 the city appropriated
$297,827 105 for the building of the new Simmer High School,
a magnificent building. It is three stories high and is well
equipped. It contains a large auditorium, and gymnasiums
on the top floor. On the second floor are laboratories, for
the teaching of chemistry, physics, physiology, and biology.
Courses for girls are given in domestic science and in do-
mestic art. The school also maintains a commercial depart-
ment. In the basement there are shops in which the boys
are taught carpentry, cabinet making, machinery, and black-
smithing. A swimming pool for the boys is also located in
the basement. There is provided a cafeteria at which the
children can purchase at a small cost their noonday meal.
It is possible for the pupil to take any one of the several
courses. He may prepare himself to enter a first-class col-
lege, to enter the business world, or to become an artisan.
Sunmer High School also maintains 106 a normal train-
ing course for its girl graduates. The Cottage Avenue
graded school is under the supervision of the High School
principal and it serves as an observation school for those
taking normal work. This high school also maintains an
evening school. In 1915-16 the enrollment was 457. The
Negroes of St. Louis are very proud of their high school,
and it is well patronized. In 1915-16 the enrollment 107 was
811 and in 1916^17 it passed the 1,000 mark. There were
employed in this high school in 1915 thirty-five teachers who
received an average salary of $127 a month. The school
has a library containing about 2,000 volumes and equip-
ment 108 valued at $30,000.
The Lincoln High School of Kansas City, although it is
not as large or as well equipped as Sumner High School, is
nevertheless a good high school. The first Negro high
school 109 was opened in the Lincoln Grade School Building.
A high school building was erected on Eleventh Street in
105 Beport of Board of Education of St. Louis, 1908, p. 235.
iM/fctd., 1913, p. 108.
107 -Report of Public Schools of Mo., 1916, p. 290.
io Report of Board of Dir. of Schools, Kansas City, 1911, p. 243.
164 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
1890. This building was used as such until the erection of
the present high school, the site of which was purchased in
1899 and the new building was opened September 6, 1906.
In 1915 this school had an enrollment 110 of 462 pupils. Sev-
enteen instructors were employed at the average salary of
$115 a month. Besides the regular high school courses, this
school has departments of domestic science and domestic
arts for the girls. Vocational courses are open to the boys
and a course in military training has recently been opened
for the boys. In 1915 the equipment 111 of the school was
valued at $10,000. The library contained a number of val-
uable works.
In the development of Negro education in keeping with
the policy of establishing high schools the State in 1879
assumed complete control 112 of Lincoln Institute. Prior to
this date, the legislature had merely given the normal de-
partment of this institution $5,000 annually for the purpose
of training teachers. The Thirty-fourth General Assembly
established an academic and a college department in the
school, and the Thirty-sixth General Assembly established
an industrial department. The State has since then dealt
very liberally with its Negro normal school. In 1915 the
legislature appropriated 113 $116,600 for the bi-annual period
of 1915-1916. This school then had a campus of twenty
acres, upon which was situated six modern buildings and a
model training school for the use of students preparing to
teach. The school also had a farm of sixty acres. The prop-
erty 114 of the school was valued at $222,202. There were
thirty-one teachers employed and the school enrollment was
343. The academic work is divided between a high school
course and a two year normal course. Graduates from the
normal department obtain life certificates to teach in Mis-
souri. The following trades are taught: domestic science
and domestic art, carpentry, wood-turning, machinery and
" Report of Supt. of Schools, 1916, p. 286.
111 Ibid., p. 292.
"2 Ann. Cat. Lincoln Inst., 1916, p. 6.
"3 Laws of Mo., 1-915, p. 69.
m Report of Commissioner of Education, 1916, p. 586.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 165
blacksmithing. The work which this school has done in pre-
paring teachers for the Negro rural schools of the State
cannot be over estimated.
Because of these many efforts in behalf of Negro educa-
tion, therefore, Missouri stood in 1915 in the lead of the ex-
slave States in the provisions which it had made for the edu-
cation of Negro children. Only the District of Columbia
stood ahead of it in the amount of money 1 ' 15 which was in-
vested in public school property for Negroes. The District
of Columbia had $135.30 invested for every Negro child of
school age and Missouri had $50 for each Negro child.
Oklahoma and West Virginia ranked next to Missouri, each
having $26.00 invested for every Negro child of school age.
Missouri ranked first among the States in the proportion of
the total school investment devoted to the education of the
Negro child. Missouri had 96 per cent as much invested
for each Negro child as was invested for each white child
while the District of Columbia had only 74 per cent as much
invested in Negro school property 116 as it had invested in
white school property for every child of school age. If we
leave out the District of Columbia, which is not comparable
with a State, Missouri stood at the head of the States, in
which separate schools were maintained for Negro chil-
dren, in the annual expenditure for every child of school
age. Missouri spent $12.13 for every Negro child 117 of
school age enumerated. This was more than was spent by
12 of the southern States for every white child enrolled.
Missouri's nearest rivals, Oklahoma and West Virginia,
spent $11.16 and $10.38 for every Negro child respectively.
As the result of her excellent school system, Missouri had,
according to the census of 1910, a smaller proportion of her
population illiterate 118 than did any of the other ex-slave
States.
HENRY SULLIVAN WILLIAMS
us Negro Year Boole, 1917, pp. 234-241.
Hid., pp. 234-240.
11* Missouri had 174 illiterate out of every one thousand, and Oklahoma
and West Virginia had 177 and 203 respectively.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO COLLEGES
AND UNIVERSITIES 1
Within the last few decades a deepening sense of respon-
sibility for the religious direction of the American College
1 This dissertation was in 1917 submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago, in candidacy for
the degree of Master of Arts, by David Henry Sims.
The following sources were used in the preparation of this dissertation:
American Missionary Association Eeport, 1916; Baptist Missionary Society
(Woman's) Reports, 1910-1916; Catalogues Negro Colleges, 1916-1917; W.
E. B. DuBois, Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans, Atlanta Univer-
sity Publications, No. 18; Journal of the Proceedings of the A. M. E. Church
(General Conference), 1916; Journal of the Proceedings of the Methodist
Episcopal Church (General Conference), 1916; Thomas J. Jones, Negro Educa-
tion, United States Bureau of Education, Bulletins 38 and 39, 1916; Thomas
J. Jones, Recent Movements in Negro Education, United States Bureau of
Education, 1912, Vol. I; Questionnaires, from Negro Colleges, 1917; United
States Bureau of Education Investigations, Education in the South, Bulletin
30, 1913; Monroe N. Work, Negro Tear Boole, 1914, 1916, 1916; Young Men's
Christian Association, Eeport of the International Committee, May 12, 1916;
Tear Bool; 1915-1916.
The author used also the following works for general reference: W. S.
Athearn, Religion in the Curriculum-It eligious Education; B. E. Bolton, Prin-
ciples of Education; H. F. Cope, The Effloi^ent Layman; H. F. Cope, Fifteen
Tears of the Religious Education Association, The American Journal of The-
ology, July 1917, p. 3S5 ff; Committee Beport, Standardization of Biblical
Courses, Eel. Educ. August, 1916, p. 314 ff ; Crawford, The Media of Religious
Impression in College, N. E. A. 1914, p. 494 ff ; John Dewey, Ethical Principles
Underlying Education, Moral Principles in Education; T. S. O. Evans, The
University Toung Men's Christian Association as a Training School for Reli-
gious Leaders, Bel. Educ. 1908 ; H. F. Fowler, The Contents of an Ideal Curri-
culum of Religious Education for CoUeges, Bel. Educ. 1915, p. 355 ff; E. N.
Hardy, The Churches and The Educated Man; S. B. Haslett, Pedagogical Bible
School, Parts I and II; International Sunday School Association, Organized
Wiork in America, Vol. XIII; C. F. Kent, Training the College Teacher, Bel.
Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 327; P. Monroe, Cyclopedia of Education, Vol. I, p.
370; E. C. Moore, What is Education; A. Morgan, Education and Social Prog-
ress; F. G. Peabody, The Religious Education of an American Child, Bel. Educ.
1915, p. 107; I. J. Peritz, The Contents of an Ideal Curriculum of Religious
Instruction, Eel. Educ. Vol. X, 1915, p. 362; C. Eeed, The Essential Place of
Religion in Education, N. E. A. Monograph Publication, 1913, p. 66; B. Bhees,
Evangelization of Education, Biblical World, August 1916, p. 66; C. E. Pugh,
The Essential Place of Religion in Education, N. E. A. Monograph Publication,
1913, p. 3; I. T. Wood, The Contents of an Ideal Curriculum of Religious In-
struction for Colleges, Bel. Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 332; The Survey of Progress
in Religious and Moral Education, Bel. Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 114.
166
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 167
and University students has arisen. The problem of re-
ligious education has become a part of our national con-
sciousness. The term ' t religious education ' ' has come into
general circulation respecting every grade of education.
And in every instance it seems to be more or less a charac-
terization of an ideal type of education and a method of
realizing that type. Evidence of this is presented in the
numerous religious, semi-religious and educational period-
icals, as well as in the reports and published statements of
educational institutions and organizations since 1903.
There is a new conscience for character and social use-
fulness in the college and university. It manifests itself in
topics under discussion in conferences of educators, in their
personal inquiries, and in the hearty cooperation given
agencies for the higher life. In the whole range of educa-
tion there is a growing recognition of the religious and
moral elements inherent in all education. The former em-
phasis on the difference between religious education and
secular education is passing. The foundation of teaching
is being lifted into the religious realm. Education is aim-
ing to develop men and women to their highest possibilities
for their own sakes and for the sake of their contribution
to the welfare and progress of society. The National Edu-
cational Association is a potent factor in establishing a
strong belief in the worth of religion in education.
The Religious Education Association, organized in 1903,
is one of the chief, if not the chief est, agencies in hastening
this new era. The secretary has said : 1 1 The leadership of
this new crusade seemed successful in directing a passion
for religious education born of the fusion of the scientific
spirit with the spirit of humanistic idealism. " Between
1903 and 1913 over $120,000 was spent in religious educa-
tional endeavor. The period subsequent to 1913 shows a
larger proportionate expenditure. The larger part of this
sum stands for gifts.
How has the movement demanding efficiency in religious
education affected Negro institutions? The status of re-
ligious education in Negro colleges and universities, con-
168 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
sidered quantitatively and qualitatively is the task of this
investigation. What do the supervisors of Negro institu-
tions conceive religious education to be ? How does religion
function in student life? These are questions arising dur-
ing the investigation of the problem before us.
There are 38 private and denominational institutions for
Negroes, which do college grade of work with varying de-
grees of efficiency. Of this number, thirty-four are co-edu-
cational colleges, two are colleges for men and two are col-
leges for women. There are six State colleges which do
some college work. These are all land-grant colleges with
donations from the respective States in which they are
located. There are several so-called colleges having cur-
ricula for college grade of work prescribed but no students
matriculated to take the courses. They are not included in
this study for obvious reasons.
The terms " colleges and universities " are by no means
safe criteria for measuring the efficiency of, or even for clas-
sification of Negro colleges and universities. This condition
is not peculiar to Negro colleges. Those for whites, in the
South especially, present the same condition of variety. It
seems that there has been a special mania, in our South
Land especially, for setting up a laudable ideal in the classi-
fication of educational institutions, and then working up to
it during subsequent ages. They believe there is much in a
name or title. This keen sense of potentiality being in the
classification, college or university, is too often misleading
if taken on faith.
Another phase of this classification may throw some
light on the numerous Negro "colleges" with such wide di-
vergences in standards of curricula. In the South, $9,000,-
000 are spent for the elementary education of the Negro,
when $25,000,000 should be used for that purpose by the
States. There are 1,000,000 without any school facilities at
all, and 2,000,000 who cannot read or write. Then the
money spent does not begin to meet the needs of those who
are receiving the education given. For example, the South
spends $10.23 for each white student of elementary age and
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 169
$2.82 for each Negro student of the same age now given the
opportunity to attend school. Thus many institutions of a
private nature are stimulated by this State of affairs and
seek to meet it. But in so doing, they are actuated by
various motives and perhaps they all could not justly be
labelled sinister. It is evident then that our study deals
with 38 private colleges, all denominational except four,
and six State colleges on land-grant bases.
The method of the thesis, therefore, has assumed a
four-fold form. The writer took nine months in making
personal investigation of twelve typical Negro colleges.
One in the Northwest, one in the Northeast, and ten in the
South. Of these ten, five are in Georgia, two in South Caro-
lina, two in Tennessee and one in Alabama. The second
method was the questionnaire. Questionnaire No. 1 was
sent to 60 educational institutions. 38 responded in full.
Eight returned the questionnaires with some answers.
These were excluded from the study because they lacked
desired data. A second questionnaire was used. It con-
tained data from students in the respective institutions con-
sidered typical. The Y. M. C. A. leaders also contributed to
this sort of data.
Questionnaire No. 1 follows :
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO COLLEGES
1. Name of the institution, president and dean.
2. Enrollment in the college department.
3. What religious services are held by the school! Is attendance
required and what number attend ?
4. What curriculum courses in religious education have you, viz:
Bible courses, Sunday School Teacher Training, Psychology
of Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religious Pedagogy,
Social Service, Social Ethics, Methods of Social Reform, etc.
5. Which of the courses are elective and which are required?
How much credit is given for each?
6. Have you any courses in the Seminary or Divinity School for
which you give college credit? What are they?
7. Are the teachers of curriculum courses of religious education
170 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
professionally trained for their task, for example ; were they
trained in a school of religious education or in a divinity
school? What institution attended and what degrees re-
ceived ?
8. How many students are in your curriculum courses of religious
education ?
9. What voluntary religious organizations have you, for example :
the Y. M. C. A., Students Volunteer Movement, B. Y. P. U.,
C. E. League, College Church, Sunday School, etc.?
10. Are the teachers or conductors of your voluntary organizations
professionally trained (viz, as in question 7) ?
11. How many students are enrolled in your voluntary organiza-
tions 1
12. What opportunity have the students for the expression of ideals
received through these organizations ? What Christian work
is done, such as handling boys ' or girls ' clubs, ministering to
the poor and infirm, orphans, foreign missions, visiting
prisons, asylums, or orphanages, teaching vacation Bible
schools, etc.?
13. What is your own estimate of the religious value of your courses
and organizations? Have you any definite data upon which
to base your estimate?
14. Does your school have a special appropriation for religious
work, viz: for the Y. M. C. A., for a chaplain, college pas-
tor, etc.?
15. In your opinion, are the Negro colleges meeting the needs of
definite religious training?
16. Any other information or suggestion concerning religious edu-
cation in Negro colleges will be gladly received.
QUESTIONNAIRE No. II
1. What is your estimate of the religious services at your college,
viz : Church preaching service, Sunday School, Young Peo-
ple 's meetings, Week-day Prayer meetings, Week of Prayer
for colleges, Y. M. C. A., Y. W. C. A. or any other religious
service? (Mark each according to your estimate as Church
1, Prayer meeting 2, Y. W. C. A. 3, etc. )
2. What are the items of importance in these respective services,
the sermon, prayer, ritual, congregational singing, special
music, etc.?
BELIGIOUS EDUCATION 171
3. Why did you make the preceding ranking as you did?
4. What suggestion have you to offer for the improvement of
these services? What other criticism have you to offer on
these services?
5. What is your church affiliation ? For example, Baptist, Metho-
dist, Presbyterian, etc.?
d
The majority of Negro institutions all included in this
study have published statements concerning religious edu-
cation in their respective curricula and voluntary organiza-
tions. These statements appear in announcements, cata-
logues, and reports. These have been secured and critically
reviewed. From these the spirit of religious education, the
attitude towards the work, their aim, their own ideas as to
value of results obtained from such instruction may in a
large measure be determined.
The last means resorted to were the reports of denomina-
tions on education. These reports appear in various forms,
sometimes in year books, and at other times in the quad-
rennial reports, viz : the General Conference reports of the
Methodist Episcopal, the African Methodist Episcopal, the
A. M. E. Zion and Colored Methodist Episcopal Churches.
I. BELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN PRIVATE AND DENOMINATIONAL
COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
Let us first direct our attention to the work as it is being
conducted in private and sectarian schools. The most im-
portant factor in this study is the teacher. What is the
type of teachers in Negro institutions, for the progressive
socialization of the individuals whom they instruct f The
student's religious life will be conditioned very likely, by
the teachers in the colleges. The preparation of the teacher
then requires careful consideration.
There are 86 teachers of religious education in some
form in these institutions. Of these 86 instructors, 64 have
had some degree of professional training for their tasks.
Thirty-one of those who have received professional training
are graduates of first rank institutions. The institutions in
172 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
which they were trained are among the best in the country
and of long standing. The distribution shows: Yale Col-
lege 1 ; Yale Divinity School 3 ; Drew Theological Seminary
3; Oberlin College anU Divinity School 2; Ohio Wesleyan
University 1; Columbia University 1; Union Seminary 1;
Boston University 2; Colgate University 1 ; Rochester Theo-
logical Seminary 2; the University of Chicago and Divinity
School 3; Princeton University 2; Newton Theological Sem-
inary 2; the Chicago Bible Training School 2; Grinnell Col-
lege 1; Hillsdale College 1; New York School of Philan-
thropy 1; Andover Theological Seminary 1; Union Theo-
logical Seminary 1 ; and the Chicago Theological Seminary
1. The remaining 33 teachers were trained in Negro semi-
naries and colleges, the most of them coming from the older
institutions for Negroes, such as Wilberforce, Howard, Lin-
coln, Talladega, and Fisk.
Though these latter have had some type of professional
training, it still remains for us to see the types. The clas-
sical theological course claims most of this number as its
representatives. We should be surprised if it were other-
wise, because it has been comparatively recent that the
seminaries of America have begun what they term a recon-
struction of the seminary curriculum. The most of these
men and women were middle-aged persons and had taken
their courses before the evolution took place. Of the sixty-
four who have had professional training, forty-five have
had the traditional seminary courses which contained no
work in "-scientific religious education." I am not at this
point arguing whether they were the losers or gainers. I
am simply stating a fact in terms which all students of re-
ligious education understand. The remaining nineteen had
received courses in scientific religious education, either
theoretical and laboratory exercises, or laboratory courses
in practical social service and philanthropy. 57 of these
teachers are ministers.
In this study it was discovered that very few of the
teachers of religious education have chairs of Religious
Education. Most of them give only part of their time to
KELIGIOUS EDVCATION 173
that work and their programs are divided up to meet the
urgent needs of other departments in the colleges and uni-
versities. Three are teachers of education and give courses
in the Psychology of Religion, the Psychology of the Bible,
and the Educational Method applied to the Bible. These
three give the rest of their time to the college and normal
school courses in Education. Four have chairs established
for teaching the Bible and give almost all of their time to
this work. All others are only occasional religious educa-
tion teachers, so far as curriculum courses are concerned.
What then is the attitude of these teachers toward their
task? In the first place we note a large amount of optimism
over results achieved or thought or hoped to be achieved.
Sixty-four of them said directly, in answer to a question
concerning their attitude and estimate, that they were opti-
mistic. Seven were uncertain, and withheld their opinions
and three were very pessimistic indeed. The presidents
and deans answering the major questionnaire were quite
certain that the teachers had the attitude of sustained in-
terest in the work of religious education.
Teachers and conductors of voluntary religious courses
and organizations were found helpful. Much of the work
in religious training in Negro colleges is done by voluntary
organization, some of the most prominent of which are the
Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's
Christian Association, the Student Volunteer Movement
associations, the Young People's Societies of the various
denominations and Temperance Societies. Sometimes they
are centralized and sometimes otherwise. But our task here
is to see what preparation the leaders and instructors of
these organizations have received, the time given and the
attitude.
These volunteers are, for the most part, not profession-
ally trained. Only seven are so reported, and six of the
seven are professors who give Bible or social service courses
upon the invitation of these voluntary organizations. There
is in all America, so far as has been ascertained, only one
Negro college that has a paid professionally trained di-
174 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
rector of one of these organizations. Perhaps it would not
be unjust to name that institution, on account of its unique-
ness, at least. It is Howard University. The leader is the
Y. M. C. A. secretary who has been trained at the Y. M. C.
A. Training School and is a salaried officer of the Uni-
versity.
The most accurate account given of the amount of time
spent by these instructors and conductors is found in the
reports of the Young Men's Christian Association. There
are 36 Young Men's Christian Associations and 36 Young
Women's Christian Associations in the institutions repre-
sented in this study. The average time spent per week for
the leaders of these two organizations is one hour and forty-
seven minutes. Of this time one hour is spent in the weekly
meetings and the other forty-six minutes in meeting com-
mittees, planning for activities of the associations, or in
conducting Bible study, Mission study or social service
classes. Extra time not counted in the estimate is given on
extraordinary occasions.
The average time given to the young people's meetings
is an hour and twelve minutes. About the same would no
doubt represent the other voluntary organizations, the
social service work excepted perhaps. The present study
has data only on the time spent in certain cases. The atti-
tude of the volunteer is, as would be expected, usually that
of optimism and sustained interest. He or she is selected
by the students, and on the basis of some manifested in-
terest in the particular line of endeavor.
The courses of religious education will give further light
in this study. The courses are not the only agencies, be-
sides the teachers, for assisting college men and women in
acquiring a religious personality which will function effi-
ciently in society. Nevertheless, they are one of the factors
and are connected with the educative process in such a way
that any endeavor similar to the present one must consider
them. What then are the courses included in the curricula
of these institutions? How much credit is given for them,
and how many students are affected by them? These
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 175
queries are necessary to find the part which intellectual
knowledge plays in the educative process, in behalf of re-
ligious education. Does intellectual knowledge of this par-
ticular type function religiously in the lives of the students?
Let us first investigate the required courses of the cur-
riculum. The Bible is the leader in the list of requirements.
Thirty-six colleges and universities require it as a text book.
Three give it as an elective and one does not offer it at all.
These exceptions are Howard University, Talladega Col-
lege, Tillotson College and Straight College respectively.
Social Ethics is prescribed by ten colleges as follows : Al-
len University, Lane College, Clark University, Paine Col-
lege, Roger Williams College, Rust College, Samuel Hous-
ton College, Shorter College, Spellman Seminary, and Vir-
ginia Theological Seminary and College. Bishop College,
Claflin University, Clark University, Knoxville College and
Samuel Houston College have required their students at
some stages in their college courses to study Christian Evi-
dences. Morris Brown University, Paine College, and Swift
Memorial College prescribe courses in social service or
Practical Sociology.
Comparative Religion, a course in Sunday School Teacher
Training, New Testament History, Philosophy of Religion
and Church History are designated as requirements by
State University, Knoxville College, Lane College, Paine
College and Knoxville College respectively. Spellman Semi-
nary, Tougaloo, State University, Fisk University, and
Claflin University require courses in Hebrew History. The
requirements in Negro colleges are as follows: thirty-five
require the Bible as a text book; ten prescribe Social Ethics;
six prescribe Christian Evidences; three make courses in
Social Service or Practical Sociology requirements; five
prescribe Hebrew History; one college requires Compar-
ative Religion; one, Sunday School Teacher Training; one.
New Testament History ; one, Philosophy of Religion ; and
two, Church History.
We shall omit the consideration of the amount of credit
given and the number of students enrolled in these courses
176 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
until we have given attention to elective courses. Here the
Sunday School 'Teacher Training courses lead. They are
composite courses in most- instances. In other words, they
are elective courses, composed chiefly of sketches of child
psychology, the principles of teaching, school management,
Old Testament History, New Testament History, geography
of Bible lands and story telling. These courses have be-
come very popular in Negro colleges during the last seven
or eight years.
Dr. H. C. Lyman, Superintendent of the Negro work
under the auspices of the International Sunday School As-
sociation, has done incalculable good in the way of encour-
aging this particular kind of work. The great majority of
these courses have been installed as a result of his en-
deavors. Only three of the 21 courses in these colleges have
been established independently of his encouragement but in
most instances by his formal installation. The following
institutions offer as electives courses in Sunday School man-
agement, organization and teaching: Atlanta University,
Benedict College, Lane College, Claflin University, Clark
University, Fisk University, Howard University, Lincoln
University, Livingstone College, Morehouse College, Mor-
gan College, New Orleans University, Eoger Williams
University, State University, Swift Memorial College, Tal-
ladega College, Tillotson College, Wilberforce University,
Spellman Seminary, and Morris Brown College.
Social Ethics is elective in Virginia Union University,
Morris Brown College, Fisk University, and Knoxville Col-
lege. Social Service courses are offered under the elective
provision in several institutions. Seven of them offer these
courses under their departments of sociology. They are:
Atlanta University, Benedict College, Fisk University,
Howard University, Morgan College, Talladega College,
Virginia Union University and Wilberforce University.
Comparative Keligion is offered at Talladega and Wil-
berforce. The Principles of Eeligious Education and the
Organization of Eeligious Education have been offered re-
cently by Talladega and Fisk. Howard University, Knox-
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 177
ville College and Morris Brown College offer in their elect-
tive systems New Testament Greek. The Bible is elective
at Fisk, Tillotson and Howard Universities. Mission Study
is elective at Talladega College.
Howard University has a wide range of electives cover-
ing a large scope of religious subjects which are offered in
the School of Eeligion. They are New Testament and Old
Testament introduction courses, Comparative Eeligion,
Church History, Hebrew, Missions, the Teachings of Jesus,
the Teachings of Paul, and New Testament biographical
courses. Wilberforce has a similar condition. They allow
New Testament Greek, Hebrew, Social Service courses, the
Life of Christ and the Life of Paul to count toward the
Bachelor of Arts Degree. These courses, however, are all
given in Payne Theological Seminary which is a part of the
Wilberforce system.
Morehouse College has a combination of the elective and
prescribed system relative to the Bible. The English Bible
is required in the Freshman year but elective in all of the
other years. The following will show the courses in religion
which are offered in Negro colleges and will designate the
number of institutions offering the several courses as well
as whether they are elective or prescribed.
Courses Elective Required
1. English Bible 3 36
2. Philosophy of Religion 1 1
3. New Testament Greek 3
4. Hebrew 2
5. The Principles of Religious Education 2
6. The Methods and Organization, of R. E 2
7. Social Ethics 4 10
8. Social Service 7 3
9. Comparative Religion 2 1
10. Hebrew History 5
11. New Testament History 1
12. Church History 2 2
13. Christian Evidences ' 6
14. Missions 2
15. New Testament Introduction 1
16. Old Testament Introduction 1
17. Sunday School Teacher Training 20 1
178 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Courses Elective Required
18. Teachings of Jesus 1
19. Teachings of Paul 1
20. Life of Jesus 1
21. Life of Paul 1
18 10
Thus it is seen that the colleges under investigation offer
18 courses for the religious education of those who come
under their supervision and prescribe 10 courses for the
same purpose.
What is the number enrolled in these curriculum courses ?
In the 38 private institutions for Negroes of college rank,
which come under our observation, there were enrolled for
the scholastic year 1916-1917 college students numbering
1,952. The numbers in the several colleges run from 558 to
6. It is interesting to observe that over one-half of that
number was registered in four universities as follows:
Howard University, 558; Wilberforce University, 202;
Fisk University, 208; and Lincoln University, 163. The
total is 1,131. Of the remaining 821 Negro college students
over fifty per cent of them were distributed as follows
among these eight institutions : Talladega College, 66 ; Vir-
ginia Union University, 66; Morehouse College, 65; Bene-
dict College, 60; Bishop College, 60; Atlanta University,
59 ; Shaw University, 49 ; and Biddle University, 40. The
total is 465. In these twelve colleges and universities we
have 1,596 students or over 75 per cent of the total for all
of the 38 institutions.
The investigation shows that 1,104 of the 1,952 students
are enrolled in these religious education courses. This is
more than fifty per cent. In fact, it is 56 per cent of the
total number enrolled. Making a comparison of the same
institutions which have the majority of students we note a
difference in their proportion of students in religious edu-
cation to the total number enrolled. Howard University
has 98; Fisk 110; Lincoln 163; and Wilberforce 60. The
total is 331, which is less than a third of the total number
enrolled. Talladega has 25 ; Virginia Union University 51 ;
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 179
Shaw University 12; Benedict College 40; Bishop Col-
lege 40. And the total is 262, which is considerably less
than 50 per cent of the remaining 773. But when the twelve
schools are taken together they afford 53 per cent of the
entire number enrolled in the courses of religious educa-
tion in the 38 colleges and universities.
The investigation of the amount of credit given for these
religious courses reveals facts as interesting as those rela-
tive to the number influenced by these courses. We have
selected the unit to describe the credit given. By unit we
mean a course given 4 or 5 times a week for 36 weeks. This
is not intended to be technical. Most of these institutions
have 45-minute periods. There are only four exceptions of
which three have 60- and one 50-minute periods and a few
55-minute periods. Their periods have been translated in
terms of the 45-minute periods for the sake of convenience.
The units designate the amount of credit given for both
prescribed and elected courses. In the colleges where the
elective system is extensive, the units represent the maxi-
mum amount of credit which one may receive for courses
in religion. For an itemized description of the amount of
credit given see chart on last page.
Only one college of the 38 which we had under investi-
gation offered no credit for courses in Bible or correlated
subjects. The other 37 offered credit varying from one unit
up to six units. Howard University leads in the amount of
units offered, and Knoxville College, Virginia Union and
Lincoln contend for second place each having four and one-
half units. Wilberforce takes third rank with four and
one-fourth units. Texas College, one of the smallest in
numbers, ties Fisk University for the fourth place. The
whole number of institutions investigated offer 85A units of
credit for courses in religious education.
The volunteer courses in colleges have been considered
by many exceedingly efficacious for social and religious de-
velopment. These volunteer courses have various sources.
In some few colleges they are offered by the faculty. But
in the great majority of cases they come through the chan-
180 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
nels of the voluntary religious organizations of the respec-
tive institutions. The Young Men's Christian Association
and the Young Women 's Christian Association are the most
active sources. The Young People's Societies such as the
Christian Endeavor and The Epworth League foster this
project in a few of our Negro colleges but very little data
can be obtained therefrom, because they keep no accurate
records from year to year.
There are thirty-six Young Men's Christian Associa-
tions in the colleges comprising this study. All of the co-
educational institutions and those for women especially
have the Young Women's Christian Association. There-
fore, we have thirty-six Young Men's Christian Associa-
tions and thirty-six Young Women's Christian Associa-
tions in these private colleges and universities. Fourteen
institutions report Bible study classes for men under the
direction of students, more or less prepared. The member-
ship in these classes is one hundred and seventy. Only five
report Bible classes for women.
Mission study classes are also offered under the super-
vision of the Association in some of the colleges. The men
in eleven colleges attend the mission study classes and num-
ber three hundred nine. The women have such provisions
in two colleges with a membership of eighteen. The num-
bers in these classes fluctuate from year to year depending
largely on two factors, the leaders of the respective asso-
ciation and the leaders of the classes. The personnel of the
student body is also a factor. It is among the things nat-
ural that from time to time changes in the personnel of the
student body bring changes of interest and there is no guar-
antee of fixity so far as numbers are concerned. It is the
ideal of the Central Associations to have the classes sus-
tained each year with an increased efficiency, but all of the
institutions testify to the fluctuation caused by the human
element in the problem. These courses are mostly mapped
out, even to the assigning of specific texts by accepted
authors, by the International Association.
To what extent do religious services figure in this work ?
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 181
Worship has always played an important part in the life
of human beings. Whether man is in Babylonia worship-
ping the stars, or in Egypt at the Isis-Osiris shrine, or
whether he ascends Mount Olympus with Homer, he is a
worshipper. He may ascend to the indescribable, unthink-
able realms with Plotinus or he may with twentieth century
enlightenment claim allegiance to the God designated
Father of all. Yet he worships. It will prove interesting
to note the stimulation of this instinct under the supervi-
sion of the Negro colleges and universities.
The chapel services claim our attention first because it
was unanimously denoted in the questionnaires as one of
the services which these institutions emphasize in the life
of the students; many of them point out its significance
even for the teachers. Every one of these institutions re-
quire daily chapel attendance at a service, which lasts on the
average one-half hour among the thirty-eight institutions
investigated. In nine-tenths of the announcements or bul-
letins sent from these institutions to prospective students,
the chapel attendance is emphasized as one of the rigid re-
quirements of the institutions. In four-fifths of these same
institutions, chapel attendance is recorded by some member
of the faculty or some one deputized by the authority vested
with that right.
What value is the chapel service to the religious devel-
opment? This cannot be answered indiscriminately. The
answer depends upon the chapel activities. One should ask
what happens at the chapel service. One student answered
that question thus: "The chapel is the place where the
president gets us all together to give us all a general ' cuss-
ing out' instead of taking us one by one." This expresses
the sentiment of several hundred students in those colleges
included in our study. During this investigation I visited
and had reports from 21 chapel services. Out of the 21 in-
vestigated, 19 were exhibits of the opportune reprimand,
with the president or his vice-president or the dean per-
forming the task effectively. But it would be a gross in-
justice even to the twenty-one institutions referred to, if
182 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
we should leave the impression that the sum total of chapel
services is described in the remarks relative to reprimands.
A professor of one of the leading Negro colleges, in defend-
ing the chapel service, said the "calling down" is merely
the introduction and conclusion of the chapel exercises to
give opportunity for ex-officio display.
There is obtaining in Negro institutions another condi-
tion which perhaps does not suffice as a legitimate excuse
for the daily reprimand but at least explains it or is pro-
vocative of it. I have in mind the indiscriminate assem-
bling of students from the high school or preparatory de-
partment and too often from the grammar school along
with the college students. Very often the official censor of
morals aims his remarks at some grammar school or high
school character of notoriety, but is democratic enough to
include "some of you students. " There are only two of
these colleges of the entire 38 where the high school stu-
dents are separated from the college students for chapel
services. In all cases, except these two, they all assemble
in the same auditorium at the same time with the same
privileges and under the same circumstances. The most
prominent index of distinction between a Junior college
student and a Junior High School student in chapel is the
locus of the seats.
The chapel exercises are led by the president, chaplain
university pastor, or some member of the faculty. Occa-
sionally local and visiting ministers are asked to serve in
this capacity. Where the members of the faculty lead they
either come in their turn serving every morning, or when-
ever chapel services take place, until relieved by members
of the faculty who likewise serve for a designated period.
The nature of the service varies very slightly in these
colleges and universities. One might readily get the im-
pression that they all have the same model. They all begin
with religious music selected in most cases by the one who
has the music of the institution under supervision. Scrip-
ture reading or a brief moral, aesthetic, or ethical address
follows. Then prayer usually closing with the Lord's
BELIGIOUS EDUCATION 183
Prayer. In seven of the institutions the scripture reading
follows the prayer. A song usually closes the devotional
period, but not the chapel exercises. It is subsequent to
this song that the moral admonition undisguised usually
follows. This is the time when visitors of distinction and
otherwise, entertain or detain the students.
The attitude of the students has much to do with the
religious value received from the chapel service. All of the
authorities have estimated that their particular chapel
services have excellent effects upon the students, judging
from their attitude at chapel, which they describe as fair.
They are confronted, however, with the problem not so
easily solved in answering the question. It is extremely
difficult for them to distinguish just what part of that atti-
tude comes from the influence of rules and regulations re-
garding chapel attendance and what part comes from
choice.
One of the common religious agencies among Negro col-
leges is the college church. Twenty-nine of these colleges
have church services every Sunday, either morning, after-
noon or evening. In twelve institutions they have preach-
ing twice a day. All of them require attendance at church.
The nine which have no preaching service at their places
every Sunday have it occasionally and make up the deficit
by requiring the students to attend a neighboring church,
in most cases a church of the denomination under whose
auspices the institution is operated. The students attend-
ing so far as the requirements of the colleges are concerned
are those who live in college dormitories. In no case ha's
this requirement affected students living in the community,
beyond campus control. This means that the attendance at
the college church aside from that given by those under
dormitory supervision is voluntary. A large proportion of
the students, therefore, attend other churches, the where
and why of which is not known by the investigator. The
proportion attending the college churches, however, is
ascertained.
The "boarding" students are the church goers so far as
184 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
the college churches are concerned. The number of college
students living in the dormitories of these various institu-
tions is 651 or just a fraction over one-third of the entire
number enrolled in the thirty-eight private institutions.
The other students, numbering 1,301, go whither they
please so far as the institutions are concerned, and no
data as to the number attending the college church are
available. In these churches the pastors are usually the
presidents or some other member of the faculty. In two
instances the pastors are called chaplains and have other
religious functions during week days. In four cases, the
pastors and presidents are identical. This assures the col-
lege church which operates on the basis just stated, a good
pastor. There are eighteen which have these pastors.
Eleven have no pastors or chaplains but invite ministers
of the city or neighboring cities to conduct their religious
services on Sunday. This service is had at the time which
is most convenient for pastors of local churches. The most
frequently used hour is from three or three-thirty to four-
thirty or five in the afternoon.
The established churches have prayer meeting during
the week on one of the following nights : Tuesday, Wednes-
day, Thursday or Saturday. Just why Friday night is boy-
cotted one is unable to say. The "luck" psychology may
not have had any part in establishing the tradition along
that line. Here again we find the law of the "Medes and
Persians " working effectively in securing corporeal at-
tendance. The students are required to be there and are
there in a body at least. The times for convening these
prayer meetings are chieflly two. Just after supper in nine
of the institutions and at the close of the "study" period in
twenty-five. Four have the hours between seven and eight
o'clock in the evening or thereabouts.
The Sunday School is a prevalent religious agency
among the Negro colleges and universities. We find a Sun-
day School reported in thirty-seven of these. In these
Sunday Schools the teachers who reside at the college dor-
mitories constitute a part of the Sunday School faculty.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 185
Some -of the advanced students are used as teachers and
officers.
Another phase of religious service prescribed by sev-
eral colleges is the Young People's Society. They are all
of the same general nature. They take different names
such as the Epworth League, The Baptist Young People's
Union, the Allen Christian Endeavor and so forth, depend-
ing in the main upon their denominational affiliation.
Thirty colleges expect their boarding students to be present
at these meetings. These thirty institutions have 388 stu-
dents of college rank living in the dormitories of these
respective institutions. Thus three hundred eighty-eight
students attend these Sunday afternoon or Sunday even-
ing meetings.
Five colleges which are co-educational have the ' * quiet ' '
hour for girls on Sunday afternoon. It was designed to be
religious or semi-religious at least. Each girl goes to her
room and remains there quiet for a designated period of
time. During this time she is expected to read her Bible or
some religious book, or engage in some meditation which is
in keeping with the holy day. Where this idea originated,
the writer is unable to say. He, with those who have ob-
served this mystical quiet hour, is puzzled concerning its
religious efficacy. One naturally asked those in authority
why not a ' ' quiet " hour for the boys as well. There seems
to be either a very high compliment paid to the boys or
quite an unpardonable insinuation on the inherited tend-
encies of the girls.
The nature of the Sunday services and the Sunday
School is evident without further elaboration. Perhaps a
more detailed description of the prayer meeting and the
Young People's meeting is in order. A common element is
seen in the prayer meetings, " sentence prayers" and sing-
ing. Several students think I should add a third, namely,
sleeping. Another very .frequent activity is the testimony
of religious achievements, disappointments and hopes.
Eleven colleges have topics which are posted each week
prior to the meeting. These topics are religious in the or-
186 JOURNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
thodox sense but three of the eleven have pushed far away
from the shore of orthodoxy and discuss current topics of
vital interest. In these three institutions the meeting re-
resembles a forum where every one expresses his opinion,
and exhausts his energy on favorite themes. The Young
People's meetings without exception, according to reports,
have two common phases. The first is the study and dis-
cussion of the specified topics, accompanied of course with
music and prayers. This might be called the devotional
phase of the meeting. Then there is a change in program,
in which the literary side is given precedent. Music of a
classical nature constitutes the feature of the program.
One of the all important interrogations in this connec-
tion is the feeling of the students concerning these religious
organizations mentioned. Do they function in the lives of
the students? Do they feel that these organizations are
vital to them or do they feel as one student in an eastern
university? When interviewed he said: "Oh, well, I guess
they are pretty good. I suppose they are among the neces-
sary evils of college life."
An extensive interview of the students at seven institu-
tions revealed some interesting facts. The presidents or
deans from the thirty-eight colleges gave some data and
much opinion on the benefits which the students derived
from these organizations, according to the students testi-
monies and the observation of these presidents or deans.
I am not inclined to place too much emphasis upon the stu-
dents ' testimony to the presidents, because, the psycholog-
ical situation of a student who is asked by a college pres-
ident what he thinks of the church service, Sunday School
and Epworth League is not conducive to frankness. This is
especially true of students who know what the president
wants him to say. It is a sort of begging the question. The
average college student is apt to have too much respect for
the president's feelings to be frank in such a case. He like-
wise has a keen sense of self-preservation. He does not
want to incur the displeasure of the president.
In the case of five other institutions, therefore, I had
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 187
students, Y. M. C. A. workers, interview the leaders of
various activities in these colleges with a view to getting
their candid opinion and the reflection of the opinion of the
other students. In these various ways we secured data
which represented a high degree of probability to say the
least. Ninety-five per cent of the students in Negro col-
leges reckon the church service on Sunday a beneficial
agency for religious functioning. They vary greatly as to
the degree of good derived. In eleven institutions the sing-
ing and liturgy are placed first in the rank of importance
and the prayer last. These same colleges think the sermon
takes second place. By many of this same number congre-
gational singing is given a very high place. The general
complaint against the sermon is that it is too dry. I think
what is meant by this is that the sermon lacks enthusiasm.
There may be two reasons for the impression of the dry-
ness of the sermon, if the complaint is justified. In the first
place, a large number of the college pastors begin their ser-
mons on the assumption that a student's religious life is
essentially different from that of the average person in a
congregation eight blocks away in another church, a matter
which cannot always be taken for granted. That assump-
tion conditions his sermons in character of composition and
especially in delivery. The minister works on the assump-
tion that the college man will be interested and benefited by
science, philosophy and so forth, regardless of how it is pre-
sented. In the reaction against excessive emotion he too
often swings to the other extreme.
Again the college students in these universities have
come from such a variety of environments. It would be a
safe esitmate to say that in all Negro colleges 90 per cent
of the students are Baptist and Methodists. The registrar's
records from these 38 organizations show the following:
983 Baptists ; 790 Methodists ; and 179 divided among the
other denominations. This gives the Baptist and Metho-
dists 90.8 per cent of the total enrollment in these 38 insti-
tutions. This means then that 90.8 per cent of these stu-
dents have had a Baptist-Methodist environment for eigh-
188 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
teen or twenty years. Well, what does that matter so far
as the estimate of the value of sermons delivered to them?
It means that, at least, it is not likely that the impression
through childhood, youth, and young manhood or woman-
hood will be easily offset by the college religious environ-
ment in one, two, three or four years. Ideals theoretical, of
course, change remarkably, but inevitably some elements of
satisfaction afforded by the earlier environment will be de-
manded in the college environment by the students. Then
the Baptist-Methodist environment among the Negroes is,
if anything at all, an enthusiastic environment. The sermon
is one of the conspicuous features. A student affected by
such an environment does not neecssarily demand all of the
crudities but he does not like the swing to the other extreme.
It is the opinion of students and teachers that the Sun-
day School is beneficial. From answers received it is cal-
culated that 98 per cent of all the college students believe
in the Sunday School's beneficent influence in student life.
Several included in their remarks criticism of the literature
used. The same beneficent functioning was attested to in
behalf of the Young People's meetings, but the hammer
falls heavily on the mid-week prayer meeting, out of which
very few see any good come. One dubs * ' the prayer meet-
ing, the driest, deadest event, which takes place just at the
time when it is most difficult to be interested in such. 7 '
Many other similar expressions concerning the prayer
meetings were made. It was noted, however, that the
schools which had been diverged the fartherest from the
traditional prayer meeting had the most good to say in be-
half of the prayer meeting. In the great majority of in-
stances the opinion is that the prayer meeting is a bore and
should be abandoned. A student in one of the southern col-
leges, expressing what he had reasons for believing was the
student's attitude towards prayer meetings, said: " It isn't
interesting and isn't even a good sleeping place because one
cannot stretch out as he desires."
The general attitude towards the services on Sunday,
however, is favorable. These services are considered ben-
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 189
eficial. The students feel that they are moral and religious
supports, and in all cases they believe with slight modifica-
tions that these services could be more effective. A great
premium is placed upon congregational singing and the
liturgy in the services.
The week of prayer for colleges has become in these in-
stitutions as universal as the national holidays. This occa-
sion affects the regular routine of school work in 22 col-
leges and universities. It is conducted variously. In some
colleges the effort consists of a series of prayer and song
services offering opportunity to those who have not made a
decision for the better life to do so openly. Their names
are recorded, and they become members of the college
church, where there is one. Otherwise they are provided
for through other means. Those who fail to make decisions
are made special objects of moral and religious endeavor
during the following months. In the other cases of 18 col-
leges, a religious survey is made of the student body, usu-
ally through the Young Men's Christian Association and
the Young Women's Christian Association. This survey is
made sometimes prior to the week of prayer and personal
workers are selected to do campaign work which is to cul-
minate in decisions during the week of prayer. The week
of prayer service is conducted by the president, college
pastor, or chaplain usually assisted by the members of the
divinity school where there is one connected with the insti-
tution. Nine colleges have this convocation led by some
strong minister from the community. Four surrender the
entire task to a professional evangelist.
The students and officials of these colleges report some
very significant results and all of them are agreed in this :
the week of prayer is a very valuable harvester for gather-
ing the fruits of previous endeavor, as well as a decision
promoter itself. There is no unanimity of opinion relative
to the best way of conducting the week of prayer, except
that the method will vary with conditions. Eight college
pastors and chaplains declare it injurious in the long run to
have professional evangelists. The others except four did
190 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
not know, as they had never given the evangelist a test.
They were at least dubious about making the experiment.
Some of the results reported from the week of prayer
are as follows : For the scholastic year 1916-1917 there re-
sulted 322 confessions for the better life. The most of
these were followed by what the presidents of these col-
leges denominated religious growth. In these colleges there
were, prior to the^ week of prayer, 390 confessors. This
means then that subsequent to the week of prayer 68 non-
confessors remained among the college men and women.
This shows also that prior to the week of prayer one-fifth
of a student body of 1,952 were non-confessors. The week
of prayer was the occasion of transforming 82.5 per cent
of that one-fifth into confessors. The Negro colleges sub-
sequent to the week of prayer 1916-1917, therefore, were
96.5 per cent Christian as a result of the week of prayer,
in part at least. Just how much the personal work, the
Christian environment and other factors during other times
prior to the week of prayer played is conjecture.
Perhaps it will suffice to state that each of these colleges
has morning devotions every day at the breakfast hour.
They are very terse, consisting chiefly of the Lord's Prayer
or a blessing sung or recited. Seventeen have night devo-
tions closing the study hour except on the night appointed
for the weekly prayer meeting. The benefit of the dining-
room is not easily detected. The enthusiasm often mani-
fested may be due to anxiety to dine. The interest due to
that desire, and that due to the religious stimuli, then and
thereafter are not easily distinguished one from the other.
Voluntary religious services are conducted under the
auspices of the religious organizations in the colleges and
universities. These organizations present quite a variety
in name. But most of them are very similar in function.
Some of the organizations which are included in the study
of required religious services will be given space under this
topic because while they are required in some colleges, they
are voluntary in others. The organizations are the Young
Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's Chris-
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 191
tian Association, Missionary Societies, Temperance So-
cieties, The Student Volunteer Movement, the Circle of
King's Daughters, the White Cross League, and Young
People's Societies of Endeavor.
The Young Men's Christian Association is the most
popular among the men of the institutions, and the Young
Women's Christian Association is the choice of the women.
The reasons for this situation is fairly obvious. In the
first place, the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian
Associations have been stimulated more by the international
Associations than any other similar parent organization
has stimulated its offspring. There is a continuous pro-
gram, and alert men whose business it is to see that these
associations go. They are paid good salaries for that pur-
pose. Then the very fact that the Y. M. C. A. is interna-
tional in scope and system has its bearing upon the local
branches in the various colleges. What has been asserted
concerning the Y. M. C. A. might likewise be said about the
Y. W. C. A.
There is, no doubt, another reason explanatory of the
popularity of these associations. Those who are in author-
ity in the international Association have studied student
life with an eye single to meeting the needs of men and
women so environed. Perhaps then, these organizations ap-
peal more to men and women than the others. In 1916-1917
these colleges had enrolled in the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W.
C. A. 1,252 students. They estimated an average attend-
ance at their Sunday meetings of 940, including men and
women. These meetings are about an hour long. One fea-
ture which the men respond to very readily, according to
the reports, is the participation in the discussion of the
topic after a leader has opened it. There is, however, an
evident lack of accurate records of the effect of these serv-
ices upon the student life in these institutions. Howard
University, Fisk and Talladega Colleges have made the
most progress along this line.
Eleven colleges reported temperance societies which
have occasional services. These are Lane College, Fisk
192 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
University, Howard University, Conroe College, Edward
Waters College, Livingstone College, New Orleans Univer-
sity, Texas College, Eoger Williams University, Samuel
Houston College, and Shaw University. Wilberforce and
Benedict have student Volunteer services.
The following twelve institutions have missionary so-
cieties holding services fortnightly: Howard University,
Morgan College, Morris Brown College, New Orleans Uni-
versity, Eust College, Samuel Houston College, Shaw Uni-
versity, Swift Memorial College, Virginia Union University,
Wilberforce University, Spellman Seminary and Virgina
Theological Seminary and College.
Eight of the thirty-eight colleges under consideration
encourage the Young People's Sunday evening meetings
but they have not made attendance compulsory believing,
they say, that there should be some opportunity for choice
in respect to attending some of these meetings. They re-
port a large attendance and think that compulsion would
add very little to the attendance and detract perhaps from
the effectiveness of such meetings. Why this point of view
does not hold true in respect to the Sunday school which is
required by these same institutions one is at a loss to say.
EXPRESSIONAL, ACTIVITIES OF THE NEGRO COLLEGES AND
UNIVERSITIES
We have investigated the knowledge of religious educa-
tion derived from religious education courses in the cur-
ricula of thirty-eight colleges as well as those offered by
voluntary associations. We have likewise reviewed the
preparation of the teachers of these courses, the time given
to the teaching of them, the attitude of the teachers towards
the work, and the character and amount of worship given
by these students. It now remains for us to examine the ex-
pressional activities of these students. What opportunity
have they for the expression of their religious thought and
devotional attitude in actual service? The means to that
end are not to be viewed lightly, if the education principle,
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 193
no impression without expression, is worth anything in the
process of religious growth. The religious laboratories
must be as vital for the students, as the chemical or biolog-
ical laboratory.
35 of these schools report Sunday School work of some
kind for 360 students. This work is of the general kinds.
There are many who teach in the College Sunday Schools.
187 teach in Mission Sunday Schools in the vicinity of the
college. 400 teach vacation Sunday Schools in the various
localities to which they go during the summer vacation.
These 360 students doing Sunday School work during the
scholastic year are distributed among 23 institutions.
There is a likelihood of more colleges furnishing teachers
for this work but they have not reported it because they
keep no record of that work. The schols reporting are:
Allen University, Atlanta University, Clark University,
Spellman Seminary, Morehouse College, Morris Brown Col-
lege, Howard University, Fisk University, Lincoln Univer-
sity, Edward Water's College, Lane College, Claflin Uni-
versity, Conroe College, Benedict College, Livingstone
College, Morgan College, Eoger William University, Shaw
University, Virginia Union University, Tougaloo Univer-
sity, Talladega College, Wilberforce University, and Eust
College. Fisk University and Virginia Union conduct mis-
sion Sunday Schools. They seem to have unique places
relative to the Sunday School service.
Boys Clubs are not numerous among the activities par-
ticipated in by the Negro college students. Only four report
such an organization. Wilberforce has a local Boy's Scout
Club conducted under the auspices of the Young Men's
Christian Association. Howard University, Fisk Univer-
sity and Morehouse College conduct boys clubs and some of
the men find excellent opportunity for service. The follow-
ing make visits to prisons and render the inmates service :
Knoxville College, Benedict College, Virginia Union Uni-
versity, Atlanta University, and Morris Brown College.
There are several institutions that minister to the poor
and dependents through the various voluntary organiza-
194 JOUKNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tions. Wilberforce distributes a limited number of Bibles,
and other necessities to the community in which it is sit-
uated. It does this through the Young Women's Christian
Association. Morgan College, Fisk University, Morris
Brown College, Benedict College, Morehouse College, Ed-
ward Waters College, Virginia Union, Talladega College,
and Biddle University do similar work for the poor.
The colleges and universities rendering other social
serivce such as work among the boys at the reform schools,
visiting and ministering to orphans, assisting at Old Folk's
hnmes and asylums, are Fisk University, Atlanta Univer-
sity, Morehouse College, Morgan College, Howard Univer-
sity, Talladega College, Virginia Union University, Shaw
University, Biddle University, Allen University, and Bishop
College/ 2 Fisk University has a university settlement
house, the Bethlehem House, which operates under the social
science department. This affords the Fisk students a
splendid opportunity to serve society at first hand.
All of the thirty-eight colleges and universities give op-
portunity for service in the college churches or in the
churches where the college worship. All have some stu-
dents serving in the choirs. In the churches, which are col-
lege churches in the real sense of the work, that is, regu-
larly organized with pastor and officers the students are
largely the officers. Thirty college presidents think this
is splendid express ional activity.
Five institutions use their missionary societies to help
support some one whom they know on the foreign mission
field. The other seven reporting organized missionary so-
cieties all have what might be called foreign mission rallies
and give the proceeds to that work. In the most of these
cases, the money goes to the foreign field through denom-
inational channels.
Service in the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. as chairman
and members of committees gives a small number oppor-
2 None of these does all of the things described, but all of them do at least
some one of them.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 195
tunity for expressional activity of a kind. The same may
be said for the other voluntary organizations.
The financing of religious education in these colleges is
significant. Question number fourteen in the general ques-
tionnaire is : Does your college have a special appropriation
for religious work, viz, for the T. M. C. A., for Chaplain,
College Pastor and so forth? All of these institutions ex-
cept four answered this question in the negative. Morgan
College has an appropriation for the chaplain and special
appropriation for a teacher of Bible. Fisk University and
Lincoln have Bible chairs endowed. Howard University
has special appropriations for the Y. M. C. A. Tougaloo
has a part of the college pastor's salary appropriated by
the American Missionary Association. The others have no
appropriation which pertains to the special religious work.
This means that the religious work in these colleges has a
decided financial handicap of which they are all very con-
scious. The special work is financed by subscriptions,
funds raised by entertainments, and the donations of the
students and teachers. This means a fluctuation from time
to time depending upon the generosity of the donors. An
endeavor to secure funds to carry out the programs of these
voluntary organizations usurps much of the time and en-
ergy of those who lead them.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN STATE COLLEGES AND UNIVEBSITIES
This study embraces the following State institutions
offering complete college curricula or doing college grade
of work: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical College,
Georgia State College for Colored Youths, Alcorn Agri-
cultural and Mechanical College, Alabama Agricultural
and Mechanical College, Agricultural and Technical College
of North Carolina, and the West Virginia Collegiate In-
stitute.
The teachers of religion in none of these institutions
are professionally trained. They are usually laymen who
are teaching in the other departments of the institution.
196 JOURNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
The time given varies but averages fifty-five minutes per
week each. Their attitude toward the subject of religious
education is optimistic. The very fact that all of them are
volunteers save three shows that there is an interest in the
process.
Four State colleges offer Teacher Training courses but
the*y are all elective as might be expected since they are
State colleges. In all cases these colleges would have to
make the most of these courses elective in order to avoid a
conflict with State constitutions. Note, however, that Flor-
ida Agricultural and Mechanical College offer courses in
social service, which are required. Of the 325 college stu-
dents enrolled in these six State institutions 165 of these
are enrolled in the religious education courses. This is
more than one-third of the entire number, a larger propor-
tion than in the private institutions.
The State colleges have voluntary religious organiza-
tions, but none of the conductors are professionally trained.
These courses are of the same type as those found in the
private institutions, except for the denominational fea-
tures. The Young Men's Christian Association, the Young
Women's Christian Association and the Temperance Clubs
are those found in these institutions and there are enrolled
for this work 213 men and women.
Alcorn A. and M. College has five men in the mission
study class and five in the Bible study class. Florida A.
and M. College has eight in the Bible study class and three
in the mission study. The Georgia State College has twenty
in the Bible and the Alabama Agricultural and Mechanical
College sixteen. The Agricultural and Technical College
of Greensboro, North Carolina, reports none in the Bible
and mission study classes.
Keligious services are not foreign to the State institu-
tions for Negroes. They are the daily chapel exercises,
Sunday morning preaching, Sunday School, Sunday after-
noon or evening services, and the weekly prayer meeting.
The chapel exercises are made compulsory for the students.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 197
The nature of the service is very much like that in the de-
nominational and private institutions described above.
The Sunday services are as conspicuous in these State
colleges for Negroes as they are in the private and denom-
inational institutions. Attendance is required by every one
of the State institutions being considered. Two of these
have chaplains: the Agricultural and Mechanical College
of Alabama and Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical Col-
lege of Mississippi. In two instances the students attend
neighboring churches and have preachers from the outside
to minister unto them. Sunday School is conducted at each
of the State colleges and attendance is required. Each has
on Sunday evening some kind of meeting which the students
are required to attend.
The prayer meeting in Negro colleges, State as well as
private and denominational, is a permanent organization.
Each of these State colleges report that the students are
required to attend the prayer meeting. As there are 187
boarding students in the State colleges of college rank, this
means a fair attendance at Sunday services and prayer in
these institutions. The other 188 attend service promis-
cuously.
The week of prayer for colleges is observed by all, and
all regard it a valuable asset to the religious life of their
student bodies. In 1916-1917 prior to the week of prayer
119 of the 325 students of college rank enrolled in these
State colleges were not professed Christians. Subsequent
to the week of prayer 24 of the one hundred nineteen were
left. Thus before the week of prayer there was 63.3 per
cent professed Christians. The week of prayer was in-
strumental in reducing the percentage of non-confessors.
After the week of prayer 92.6 per cent of all of the students
were professors of Christianity.
Here as in the other institutions the morning and even-
ing devotions are daily for terse periods. They precede
breakfast, in the dining halls and at the close of the study
periods. The services of the Y. M. C. A., the Y. W. C. A.,
and the temperance societies are very much like the services
198 JOUKNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
of these organizations in the denominational and private
colleges and universities. The students in State colleges
have feelings similar to those in private colleges about re-
ligious services. Very few are defenders of the weekly
prayer meetings.
Expressional activities at State colleges are not want-
ing. The six colleges report service rendered in the col-
lege church and voluntary religious organizations. Sev-
enty-seven teach Sunday School. Five of these colleges are
situated in the rural districts and there are students who
serve the rural communities in church work. All of them
do some extension work of a religious nature. Periodically
the students are sent out to investigate conditions among
the poor and to offer services to relieve these conditions.
Under this social service are lectures and demonstrations
portraying ideals which are genuinely religious. The great
majority of the students of college grade are assistants to
the professors in this work. Five do special social service
work during three holidays, Thanksgiving, Christmas and
New Year's Day. They take food, fuel, clothes and money
to the needy of their communities.
THE CONCEPTION OF BELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO
COLLEGES
An exhaustive psychological analysis of the conception
of religious education is not the aim of this part of the
study. But from certain data which has come out of the
study one is able to obtain ideas concerning the view of the
educators on the aim of religious education and the degree
in which this aim is being attained. We note in the first
place that all of those who answered the questionnaires
were cognizant of the religious motives in education. Per-
haps a few typical quotations will emphasize that. * 1 1 think
much personal good is done. The student gets a clearer
idea of the Bible and its value in the world today. " "I re-
gard the course in religion as vital and essential to any
thorough education/' "The religious value of the course
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 199
given is inestimable. " "The religious training through
these courses gives education the impetus which pushes it
on to its goal." "The religious courses are regarded as
valuable adjuncts to the educational institutions." "I have
abundant data from graduates of this institution and other
individuals of our constituency confirming our opinion of
the abiding gains for character and efficiency through the
influence of these courses and their expression in service."
"Experience is the basis of the conclusion that the religious
work in the colleges gives sympathetic training for efficient
service. More attention must be given to our curricula in
this respect." "The students who are most exemplary in
worthwhile endeavor are prominent in these courses and
organizations." "I have a high estimate of the actual
work done by these students and of the development of
their own character."
An examination of the statements concerning the re-
ligious aims and privileges published in the catalogues of
these schools show that, theoretically at least, they have
begun their task in directing the educative process with a
consciousness of the choice place of moral and spiritual cul-
ture in the task. To illustrate, let us note the following:
"The aim of all the religious work in our institution is to
build up a strong Christian character, to develop the spirit
of service, and to train in the methods and the habit of re-
ligious work. " "This work aims at teaching colored young
people how to want the best things in life, and at training
them in ability to get those things by skill of hand and
power of mind. Character and efficiency are thus the twin
essentials of the ideal. It would enable its pupils to make a
sufficient living, teach them to live efficient lives, and inspire
them to render society sufficient service. To hold such an
aim thoroughgoingly is to be positively Christian." "To
all who are inclined to respect the Christian religion and
its institutions, the welcome hand will be heartily extended ;
but to those whose influence will be prejudicial to religion
and good morals, no protracted stay can be allowed; since
the success of an educational institution is strictly propor-
200 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tional to its moral tone." " Self-mastery, symmetrical
character, high ideals and purposes are regarded as the
chief ends of education. Special attention is given to the
spiritual needs of the students. In the life and discipline
of the school, constant effort is made to inculcate Chris-
tian principles." These are some of the typical statements
published in catalogues, announcements and in other col-
lege advertising media.
One will note that although the great majority of these
colleges and universities are sectarian they have refrained,
theoretically at least, from obtruding sectarianism in the
religious education. They have made sectarianism take at
least a secondary place. This is further strengthened by
the fact that there are in these denominational schools 36
Catholics who apparently have met no offensive media of
instruction.
The results justify the following statement concerning
the conception of religious education in Negro colleges and
universities: They conceive religious education to be no
quantum of doctrine but a life lived efficiently, being ani-
mated by the social service motive. Thus religious educa-
tion is social evolution, and ninety-nine per cent of those in
charge of these institutions have conceptions of religious
education becoming more efficient than it now is. As proof
of this, I may cite the results of their answers to question
fifteen in the general questionnaire. This question is: "In
your opinion are the Negro colleges meeting the needs of
definite religious training?" Every one's answer except
one might be summarized thus: Some good has been ac-
complished but we are far from the real goal. We need
reconstruction and a new impetus.
The emphasis which they are putting on expressional
activity as an essential in the process of religious education
does seem to indicate that they regard self activity. Wher-
ever the social service was very scant the one reporting felt
it his duty to give an apology for the actual conditions and
express a hope of better results in the future. This showed
that they felt it the vital factor in the progressive socializa-
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 201
tion of the individuals. The place of prominence given to
worship, to religious services on Sunday and in the week is
either an index to their conception concerning the value of
worship or else an index of their habit toward orthodoxy.
Circumstances surrounding these schools would suggest the
former for the larger number of these institutions.
SOME CURRENT CONCEPTIONS OF EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN
BELATION TO GENERAL EDUCATION
Eeligious education is considered a part of general edu-
cation and is included under that genus. What is general
education? For a long time education was defined in terms
of intellect, but that ground is no longer tenable. Spencer
said: "Education is the preparation for complete living."
Modern educators reject this as an inadequate statement of
education. Education does not merely prepare for some-
thing in the future. It endeavors to fill one full of life, and
human experience during the educative process. Educa-
tion must be expressed in social terms. James describes
education as the organization of acquired habits of conduct
and tendencies to behavior. This emphasizes the psycho-
logical side.
It was thought that the aim of education could be ex-
pressed in purely individual terms. It was said to be the
harmonious development of all the powers of the indi-
vidual. Dewey attacks this definition showing that there
is no criterion for telling what is meant by the terms used.
We do not know what a power is ; we do not know what is
meant by development or harmony. A power is a power
with reference to the use to which it is put, the function it
has to serve. There is nothing in the make-up of human
beings, taken in any isolated way which furnishes con-
trolling ends and serves to mark out powers. Unless we
have the aim supplied by social life we have only the old
faculty psychology to furnish us with ideas of powers in
general or the specific powers. 3 Dewey defines education
a Dewey, Ethical Principles Underlying Education.
202 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
as the regulation of the process of coining to share in the
social consciousness. And the majority of educators use
social terms to define education. Soares has this concep-
tion in mind when he gives the following definition of edu-
cation. "Education is a scientifically directed process of
developing progressive socialized personality." But to
achieve personality one must achieve sympathy and sym-
pathy is one of the concerns of religion. Hence all true edu-
cation involves religion.
What is religion? Wright in the American Journal of
Theology, Volume XVI, page 385, quotes Leuba as defining
religion as a belief in a psychic superhuman power. Wright
has objections to this definition on the ground of its nar-
rowness. He attempts to add breadth to the definition in :
"Beligion is the endeavor to secure the conservation of
socially recognized values, through specific actions that are
believed to evoke some agency different from the ordinary
ego of the individual or from other merely human beings,
and that imply a feeling of dependence upon this agency.
Religion is the social attitude toward the non-human en-
vironment." This is not synonymous with sectarianism,
creeds, dogmas or ceremonies. Creeds and ceremonies
have to do with ecclesiasticism not with religion per se.
Creeds are developments of theology and dogma is an out-
growth of religion and not religion. Modes of worship de-
veloped into rites and ceremonies are ecclesiastical means
of fostering the religious spirit but not religion. Eeligion
is not a feeling to be imposed from without. Eeligion is a
life and a life-long process. "The religious life is the re-
sponse the heart of man makes to God, as the heart of the
universe. The religious person is one who is conscious of
his divinity because of his kinship with the universe through
God, and who because of this consciousness seeks fellow-
ship with Grod and the Godly."
Having arrived at the conclusion concerning education
and religion which are given by some of the most represen-
tative students of the subjects, let us ascertain some con-
ceptions of religious education. As indicated in the begin-
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 203
ning of this topic, religious education is not regarded as a
separate entity. It is a part of the process of efficient edu-
cation. The human organism is a unit. Life is a whole and
connects physical, mental and religious phases. The whole
personality is the object for consideration for the edu-
cator. The emphasis in education varies from physical to
mental and from mental to religious, or social. When the
emphasis is placed on the social or religious phase the pro-
cedure may be properly called religious education.
Professor Hartshorn carries the social idea to an ade-
quate conclusion. He says: "Beligious education is the
process by which the individual in response to a controlled
environment, achieves a progressive, conscious social 4
order based on regard for the worth and destiny of every
individual." Professor Peabody states the matter in the
following words: 5 "Beligious education is the drawing out
of the religious nature, the clarifying and strengthening of
religious ideals, the enriching and rationalizing of the sense
of God. . . . The end of religious education is service. ..."
Dewey's idea of education is much akin to the current con-
ceptions of religious education. "The moral trinity of the
school is social intelligence, social power and social inter-
ests. Our resources are, (1) the life of the school as a social
institution in itself, (2) methods of learning and doing
work, and (3) the curriculum." 6
The goal of general and religious education is the same ;
namely, the getting of the individual into the highest and
most desirable relationship with both the human and non-
human elements, in his environment. The standard of each
is found in the functional relationship of each to society.
Modes of expression and emphasis may vary but the ideals
for both are the same. Dr. Haslett 7 has given an unique
representation of this conception. "Beligious education,"
says he, "is closely related to secular education and is
* Ideals in Eeligious Education, K. E. A., June, 1917, p. 185.
e Ibid., p. 94.
Dewey, Ethical Principles Underlying Education.
i Pedagogical Bible School, pag 207.
204 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
largely dependent upon it. The fundamental laws and prin-
ciples of psychology and of education require to be recog-
nized as central." Professor Coe 8 reminds us, however,
that "religious education is not and cannot be a mere ap-
plication of any generalities in which the university depart-
ments of education deal. It is not a mere particular that
gets its meaning or finds its test in the general." Keligious
education deals with original data and with specific prob-
lems that rarely appear in the instruction that is called
'general' and that grow out of the specific nature of our
educational purpose. In the analysis of these data and in
the determination of the method, we can and must use mat-
ter contained in general courses of education. But the
field of study of religious education is not exhausted there,
but is so specific and yet so broad as properly to constitute
a recognized branch of educational practice. The religious
purpose in religious education yields the point of view and
the principles of classification that are important for re-
ligious educators.
The conceptions of religious education just passed in
review warrant certain deductions. Any institution which
meets adequately the requirements of religious education
must have genuinely religious men and women in the entire
teaching and official force. Such persons will determine
the atmosphere and spirit of the institution. These teach-
ers should have clear conceptions of the ideals of religious
education. The blind cannot lead the blind. The students
must be trained along three fundamental lines, of the re-
ligious life. First, he must have some of the intellectual
value of religion. He must have social knowledge. He
must have the opportunity of expressing the devotional
attitude in worship. He must have the outlet of religious
energy in social service. The duty of the college will be far
from discharged unless it makes provision for laboratory
religion where there is a working place for each member.
Eeligion is a life and the college should be a society where
B. E. A., April 19, 1917, page 123.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 205
this life may be lived in its fullest extent, encouraging prac-
tical altruism and giving the protection which an ideal so-
ciety affords against demoralization.
EVOLUTION OF EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGBO COLLEGES
AND UNIVEKSITIES
The problem of religious education in Negro institu-
tions is real. On the basis of the investigation we are able
to point out some prominent phases of the problem. The
first element of this problem is the teacher. There are in
Negro colleges, 22 teachers of religious education who have
had no professional training for the work. This means
that one-fourth of the entire corp of teachers of religion in
these institutions are without the prestige, at least, of even
the semblance of professional training. Two main causes
account for this. These institutions have not those who are
professionally trained on their faculties and they lack funds
to procure the service of such persons. In the next place
they think it is not necessary.
One observation here is important. These services seem
to be significant in proportion to the participation in them
by the students themselves. The Sunday School and the
Young People's meetings are the most popular services for
the students. They do the things in which they have a voli-
tional interest. We cannot thrust our religious experiences
upon the students from without. They must achieve their
own religious experience in contact with the environment in
which they live. The prayer meetings in all except four
institutions follow a program which was effective for those
who lived in another civilization. The traditional Negro
prayer meeting does not function religiously in the life of
the Negro college student.
One of the big problems of religious education is com-
pulsion in regard to religious services. Where should that
stop? Many are beginning to think that the religious value
of the services is often nullified by the compulsory attend-
ance. There are many conscientious objectors among the
206 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
students who think the removal of compulsion would be con-
ducive to better religious development. But the likelihood
of some swinging from one extreme to the other is very
great. It is still a problem left for the religious educators
in the colleges to solve. The solution must result in the
conservation of the good found in the compulsory system
and the good to be found in freedom of choice.
Expressional activities are increasing in Negro colleges
but with few exceptions these are inadequate in scope and
number. It is true that not enough students are able to
share in the social service projects. This is really one of,
if not the most important factors in religious education.
Men gain religious power by acting out their beliefs, allow-
ing their convictions to flow out into service.
There is an unfortunate lack of coordination of religious
agencies in Negro colleges. Frequently we find several
organizations attempting to do the same thing and each
makes a miserable failure in the attempt. More than that,
this lack of coordination and correlation results in duplica-
tions which surely mean wasted energy and non-effective-
ness. If all of the religious agencies were supervised in
such a way that each would know his specific task and
would not overlap that of other agencies, much more ef-
fective work would be the result.
There are signs of hope in the religious education of
these Negro colleges. The almost unanimous recognition
of the religious motive in efficient education by the edu-
cators and the manifest consciousness of needs of better re-
ligious education have been mentioned. There are others.
An increasing number of trained teachers from Northern,
Eastern and Western colleges and universities is evident.
These men and women are coming from the institutions
where the points of view and training represented in the
previous chapter are found. The summer schools of the
various colleges and universities in the North, East and
West are offering many of these modern religious educa-
tion courses and larger numbers of the teachers of religious
education are availing themselves of the opportunities.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION
207
Much literature of religious education published recently
is finding its way to these schools, the most notable of which
is the Religious Education Magazine.
TABLE SHOWING STATISTICS ON RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGEO COLLEGES
College
Students
Students In
Curriculum
Courses of
Education
Students In
Voluntary
Courses of
Religious
Education
Units of
Credit
Given
Agricultural and M College
20
15
11
Agricultural and T Col of N C.
35
11
30
Alcorn A and M College
152
40
115
Allen University .
38
38
30
3
Atlanta University ... ...
59
12
50
1
Arkansas Baptist College . ... ....
16
16
15
2i
Biddle University
40
40
20
1
Benedict College
60
40
22
2
Bishop College
60
40
20
1
Claflin University
20
20
14
3i
21
7
14
2
Conroe College
14
10
12
1
Edward Waters College
32
15
2
Fisk University
208
110
90
4
Florida Agricultural and M College
36
15
20
Georgia State College
29
15
17
Howard University .
558
98
60
6
Hartshorn College ... .
10
4
5
2
Knoxville College
33
33
30
44
Lane College
17
10
12
1
Lincoln University
163
163
100
41
Livingstone College
37
27
30
3
Morehouse College
65
34
40
If
Morgan College
46
46
46
14
Morris Brown College
21
21
19
3
New Orleans University
30
30
26
2
Paine College
11
6
11
2
Texas College . .
9
9
8
4
Roger Williams University .
14
14
14
2*
Rust College
12
10
12
21
Samuel Houston College
35
13
29
2
Shaw University
49
20
40
1*
Shorter College
25
25
20
2*
Spelmjiri Seminary
6
6
6
2*
State University
13
7
10
2
Straight College . . .
36
o
29
2
Swift Memorial College
9
5
9
u
Talladega College
66
25
60
4
Tillotson College
34
19
11
3
Tougaloo University
16
9
11
2J
Virginia Theological Seminary and Col
Virginia Union University
27
66
21
51
20
30
3
41
West Virginia Collegiate Institute
33
25
20
Wilberforce University
202
60
150
4*
DAVID HENRY SIMS
THE AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S
INSURRECTION 1
Nat Turner was a man below the ordinary stature,
though strong and active. He was of unmixed African lin-
*Nat Turner was a familiar name in the household in which the author
was reared, as his home was within fifty miles of the place of Turner's exploits.
In 1871, the last term of the author's service as a teacher in the public schools
of Virginia, was spent in this same county, with a people, many of whom per-
sonally knew Nat Turner and his comrades.
Nat Turner was born October 2, 1800, the slave of Benjamin Turner. His
father, a native of Africa, escaped from slavery and finally emigrated to
Liberia, where, it is said, his grave is quite as well known as that of Franklin 's,
Jefferson's or Adams's is to the patriotic American. There is now living in
the city of Baltimore a man who on good authority claims to be the grandson
of Nat Turner and a Bon of his was said to be still living in Southampton
County, Virginia, in 1895.
In his early years Turner had a presentiment which largely influenced his
subsequent life and confirmed him in the belief that he was destined to play
an unusual role in history. That prenatal influence gave him a marked indi-
viduality is readily believed when the date of his birth is recalled, the period
when the excitement over the discovery of Gabriel Prosser's plot was at its
height. Nat's mind was very restless and active, inquisitive and observant.
He learned to read and write with BO apparent difficulty. This ability gave
him opportunity to confirm impressions as to knowledge of subjects in which
he had received no instruction. When not working for his master, he was en-
gaged in prayer or in making sundry experiments. By intuition he, in a rude
way, manufactured paper, gunpowder, pottery and other articles in common
use. This knowledge which he claimed to possess was tested by actual demon-
stration during the trial for his life. His superior skill in planning was uni-
versally admitted by his fellow workmen. He did not, however, attribute this
superior influence to sorcery, conjuration or such like agencies, for he had the
utmost contempt for these delusions.
"To this day," says T. W. Higginson, "There are the Virginia slave
traditions of the keen devices of Prophet Nat. If he were caught with lime
and lampblack in hand conning over a half -finished county map on the barn
door, he was always planning what he would do if he were blind. When he
had called a meeting of slaves and some poor whites came eavesdropping, the
poor whites at once became the topic of discussion; he incidentally mentioned
that the master had been heard threatening to drive them away; one slave had
been ordered to shoot Mr. Jones' pigs, another to tear down Mr. Johnson's
fences. The poor whites, Johnson and Jones, ran home at once to see to their
homesteads and were better friends than ever to poor Nat." T. W. Hig-
ginson 's Travellers and Outlaws, pp. 282-283.
208
APTEBMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSUBBECTION 209
eage, with the true Negro face, every feature of which was
strongly marked. He was not a preacher, as was generally
believed, though a man of deep religious and spiritual
nature, and seemed inspired for the performance of some
extraordinary work. He was austere in life and manner,
not given to society, but devoted his spare moments to in-
trospection and consecration. He thought often of what he
had heard said of him as to the great work he was to per-
form. He eventually became seized with this idea as a
frenzy. To use his own language he saw many visions. "I
saw white spirits and black spirits engaged in battle, " said
he, "and the sun darkened the thunder rolled in the
heavens, and blood flowed in streams and I heard a voice
saying, 'Such is your luck, such you are called to see and
let it come rough or smooth you must surely bear it.' " 2
This happened in 1825. He said he discovered drops of
blood on the corn as though it were dew from heaven, that
he found on the leaves in the woods hieroglyphic characters
and numbers, with the forms of men in different attitudes r
portrayed in the blood and representing the figures he had
previously seen in the heavens. 3 These were without doubt
creatures of Nat Turner's own imagination made by him
with coloring matter to make the Negroes believe that he
was a prophet from God.
Eeceiving, as he says, further directions from the Holy
Spirit, he communicated his designs to four of his most con-
fidential friends. July 4, 1831, the anniversary of Amer-
ican Independence, was the day on which the work of death
was to have been begun. Nat Turner hesitated and allowed
the time to pass by, when, the mysterious signs reappear-
ing, he determined to begin at once the bloody work. Sun-
day, August 21, he met those who had pledged their co-
operation and support. They were Hark Travis, Henry
Porter, Samuel Francis, Nelson Williams, Will Francis and
Jack Keese, with Nat Turner making the seventh. They
worked out their plans while they ate in the lonely woods of
2T. W. Higginson's Travellers and Outlaws, p. 284.
*Nat Turner's Confessions.
210 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Southampton their feast of consecration, remaining at the
feast until long after midnight. The massacre was begun
at the house of Joseph Travis, the man to whom Nat Turner
then belonged. Armed with a hatchet Turner entered his
master's chamber, the door having been broken open with
the axe, and aimed the first blow of death. The hatchet
glanced harmless from the head of the would-be victim and
the first fatal blow was given by Will Francis, the one of
the party who had got into the plot without Nat Turner's
suggestion. All of his master's household, five in number,
soon perished. 4
The insurgents procured here four guns, several old
muskets with a few rounds of ammunition. At the barn,
under the command of Nat Turner the party was drilled
and maneuvered. Nat Turner himself assumed the title of
General Cargill with a stipend of ten dollars a day. Henry
Porter, the paymaster, was to receive five dollars a day, and
each private one dollar. Thence they marched from planta-
tion to plantation until by Monday morning the party num-
bered fifteen with nine mounted. Before nine o'clock the
force had increased to forty and the insurgents had covered
an extent of territory two or three miles distant from the
first point of attack, sweeping everything before them. Nat
Turner generally took his station in the rear, with fifteen
or twenty of the best armed and reliable men at the front,
who generally approached the houses as fast as their horses
could run for the double purpose of preventing escapes and
striking terror. His force continued to increase until they
numbered sixty, all armed with guns, axes, swords, and
clubs, and mounted. This line of attack was kept up until
late Monday afternoon, when they reached a point, about
three miles distant from Jerusalem, the county seat, where
Nat Turner reluctantly yielded to a halt while some of his
forces went in search of reenforcements. He was eager to
push on to the county seat as speedily as possible and cap-
ture it. This delay proved the turning point in the en-
terprise.
*DrewTj, The Southampton Insurrection, pp. 35-74.
AFTEBMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 211
Impatient at the delay of his men who had turned aside,
Turner started to the mansion house whither they had gone
and on their return to the wood found a party of white men
who had pursued the bloody path of the insurrectionists
and disposed of the guard of eight men whom Turner had
left at the roadside. The white men numbered eighteen and
were under the command of Captain Alexander P. Peete.
They had been directed to reserve their fire until within
thirty paces, but one of their number fired on the insurgents
when within about one hundred yards. Half of the whites
beat a precipitate retreat when Nat Turner ordered his men
to fire and rush on them. The few remaining white men
stood their ground until Turner approached within fifty
yards, when they too followed the example of their com-
rades, fired and retreated with several wounded. Turner
pursued and overtook some of them and their complete
slaughter was only prevented by the timely arrival of a
party of whites approaching in another direction from
Jerusalem.
Being baffled, Nat Turner with a party of twenty men
determined to cross the Nottaway river at the Cypress
Bridge and attack Jerusalem where he expected to procure
additional arms and ammunition from the rear. After try-
ing in vain to collect a sufficient force to proceed to Jeru-
salem, the insurgents turned back toward his rendezvous
and reached Major Thomas Ridley's, where forty assem-
bled. He placed out sentinels and lay down to sleep, but
there was to be no sleep that night. An attack on his forces
was at hand, and the embarrassment which ensued left him
with one half, but Turner, determined to recruit his forces,
was proceeding in his effort to rally new adherents when
the firing of a gun by Hark was the signal for a fire in am-
bush and a retreat followed. After this Turner never saw
many of his men any more. They had killed fifty-five
whites but the tide had turned. Turner concealed himself
in the woods but was not dismayed, for by messenger he
directed his forces to rally at the point from which on the
previous Sunday they had started out on their bloody work ;
212 JOUBNAL, OF NBGBO HISTOBY
but the discovery of white men riding around the place as
though they were looking for some one in hiding convinced
him that he had been betrayed. The leader then gave up
hope of an immediate renewal of the attack and on Thurs-
day, after supplying himself with provisions from the old
plantation, he scratched a hole under a pile of fence rails
in a field and concealed himself for nearly six weeks, never
leaving his hiding place except for a few minutes in the
quiet of night to obtain water.
A reign of terror followed in Virginia. 5 Labor was
paralyzed, plantations abandoned, women and children
were driven from home and crowded into nooks and cor-
ners. The sufferings of many of these refugees who spent
night after night in the woods were intense. Ketaliation
began. In a little more than one day 120 Negroes were
killed. The newspapers of the times contained from day
to day indignant protests against the cruelties perpetrated.
One individual boasted that he himself had killed between
ten and fifteen Negroes. Volunteer whites rode in all di-
rections visiting plantations. Negroes were tortured to
death, burned, maimed and subjected to nameless atrocities.
Slaves who were distrusted were pointed out and if they
endeavored to escape, they were ruthlessly shot down. 6
A few individual instances will show the nature and ex-
tent of this vengeance. "A party of horsemen started from
Kichmond with the intention of killing every colored per-
son they saw in Southampton County. They stopped oppo-
site the cabin of a free colored man who was hoeing in his
little field. They called out, 'Is this Southampton County?'
He replied, 'Yes Sir, you have just crossed the line, by
yonder tree. ' They shot him dead and rode on. ' ' 7 A slave-
holder went to the woods accompanied by a faithful slave,
who had been the means of saving his master's life during
the insurrection. When they reached a retired place in the
o TJie Richmond Enquirer, Aug. 30, Sept. 4, 6 and 20, 1831.
Based on statements made to the author by contemporaries of Nat
Turner.
7 Higginson, Travellers and Outlaws, p. 300.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 213
forest, the man handed his gun to his master, informing
him that he could not live a slave any longer, and requested
either to free him or shoot him on the spot. The master
took the gun, in some trepidation, levelled it at the faithful
Negro and shot him through the heart. 8
But these outrages were not limited to the Negro popu-
lation. There occurred other instances which strikingly re-
mind one of scenes before the Civil War and during recon-
struction. An Englishman, named Robinson, was engaged
in selling books at Petersburg. An alarm being given one
night that five hundred blacks were marching against the
town, he stood guard with others at the bridge. After the
panic had a little subsided he happened to make the remark
that the blacks as men were entitled to their freedom and
ought to be emancipated. This led to great excitement and
the man was warned to leave the town. He took passage in
the stage coach, but the vehicle was intercepted. He then
fled to a friend's home but the house was broken open and
he was dragged forth. The civil authorities informed of
the affair refused to interfere. The mob stripped him, gave
him a considerable number of lashes and sent him on foot
naked under a hot sun to Eichmond, whence he with dif-
ficulty found passage to New York. 9
Believing that Nat Turner's insurrection was a general
conspiracy, the people throughout the State were highly
excited. The Governor of the commonwealth quickly called
into service whatever forces were at his command. Tho
lack of adequate munitions of war being apparent, Commo-
dore Warrington, in command of the Navy Yard in Gos-
port, was induced to distribute a portion of the public arms
under his control. For this purpose the government or-
dered detachments of the Light Infantry from the seventh
and fifty-fourth Regiments and from the fourth Regiment
of cavalry and also from the fourth Light Artillery to take
the field under Brigadier General Eppes. Two regiments
in Brunswick and Greenville were also called into service
s The statement of Rev. M. B. Cox, a Liberian Missionary, then in Virginia.
Higginson, Travellers and Outlaws, 302-303.
214 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
under General William H. Brodnax and continued in the
field until the danger had passed. Further aid was afforded
by Commodore Eliott of the United States Navy by order
of whom a detachment of sailors from the Natchez was se-
cured and assistance also from Colonel House, the com-
manding officer at Fortress Monroe, who promptly detached
a part of his force to take the field under Lieutenant Col-
onel Worth. 10 The revolt was subdued, however, before
these troops could be placed in action and about all they
accomplished thereafter was the terrifying of Negroes who
had taken no part in the insurrection and the immolation
of others who were suspected.
Sixty-one white persons were killed. Not a Negro was
slain in any of the encounters led by Turner. Fifty-three
Negroes were apprehended and arraigned. Seventeen of
the insurrectionists were convicted, and executed, twelve
convicted and transported, ten acquitted, seven discharged
and four sent on to the Superior Court. Four of those con-
victed and transported were boys. There were brought to
trial only four free Negroes, one of whom was discharged
and three held for subsequent trial were finally executed.
It is said that they were given decent burial. 11
The news of the Southampton insurrection thrilled the
whole country, North as well as South. The newspapers
teemed with the accounts of it. 12 Eumors of similar out-
breaks prevailed all over the State of Virginia and through-
out the South. There were rumors to the effect that Nat
Turner was everywhere at the same time. People returned
home before twilight, barricaded themselves in their homes,
kept watch during the night, or abandoned their homes for
centers where armed force was adequate to their protec-
tion. There were many such false reports as the one that
two maid servants in Dinwiddie County had murdered an
old lady and two children. Negroes throughout the State
were suspected, arrested and prosecuted on the least pre-
10 Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 9.
n Drewry, The Southampton Insurrection, 102.
12 The Eichmond Enquirer, August 30 and September and October, 1831.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 215
text and in some cases murdered without any cause. Al-
most any Negro having some of the much advertised char-
acteristics of Nat Turner was in danger of being run down
and torn to pieces for Nat Turner himself.
There came an unusual rumor from North Carolina. It
was said that Negro insurgents there had burnt Wilming-
ton, massacred its inhabitants, and that 2,000 were then
marching on Ealeigh. This was not true but there was a
plot worked out by twenty-four Negroes who had extended
their operations into Duplin, Sampson, Wayne, New Han-
over, and Lenoir Counties. The plot having been revealed
by a free Negro, the militia was called out in time to pre-
vent the carrying out of these well-laid plans. Ealeigh and
Fayetteville were put under military defence. Many ar-
rests were made, several whipped and released and three of
the leaders executed. One of these, a very intelligent Negro
preacher named David, was convicted on the testimony of
another Negro. 18
The excitement in other States was not much less than
in Virginia and North Carolina. In South Carolina Gov-
ernor Hayne issued a proclamation to quiet rumors of sim-
ilar uprisings. In Macon, Georgia, the entire population
rose at midnight, roused from their beds by rumors of an
impending onslaught. Slaves were arrested and tied to
trees in different parts of the State, while captains of the
militia delighted in hacking at them with swords. In Ala-
bama, rumors of a joint conspiracy of Indians and Negroes
found ready credence. At New Orleans the excitement was
at such a height that a report that 1,200 stands of arms
were found in a black man's house, was readily believed. 14
But the people were not satisfied with this flow of blood
and passions were not subdued with these public wreakings.
Nat Turner was still at large. He had eluded their con-
stant vigilance ever since the day of the raid in August.
That he was finally captured was more the result of acci-
dent than of design. A dog belonging to some of Nat Tur-
i*The Eichmond Enquirer, Sept. 4, 1851.
Travellers and Outlaws, 303.
216 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
ner's acquaintances scented some meat in the cave and stole
it one night while Turner was out. Shortly after, two Ne-
groes, one the owner of the dog, were hunting with the same
animal. The dog barked at Turner who had just gone out
to walk. Thinking himself discovered, Turner begged these
men to conceal his whereabouts, but they, on finding out
who it was, precipitately fled. Concluding from this that
they would betray him, Turner left his hiding place, but he
was pursued almost incessantly. At one time he was shot
at by one Francis near a fodder stack in a field, but hap-
pening to fall at the moment of the discharge, the contents
of the pistol passed through the crown of his hat. The
lines, however, were closing upon Turner. His escape from
Francis added new enthusiasm to the pursuit and Turner's
resources as fertile as ever contrived a new hiding place in
a sort of den in the lap of a fallen tree over which he placed
fine brush. He protruded his head as if to reconnoiter
about noon, Sunday, October 30, when a Benjamin Phipps,
who had that morning for the first time turned out in pur-
suit, came suddenly upon him. Phipps not knowing him,
demanded: "Who are you?" He was answered, "I am Nat
Turner. ' ' Phipps then ordered him to extend his arms and
Turner obeyed, delivering up a sword which was the only
weapon he then had. 15
This was ten weeks after that Sunday in August when
they had feasted in the woods and arranged their plan of
attack. At the time of the capture there were at least fifty
men out in search of him, none of whom could have been
two miles from the hiding place. The Richmond Enquirer
in giving the first public announcement, said: "Nat dis-
played no sort of enterprise in his attempt to escape nor
any degree of courage in resisting his captor ;" but this
journal does not give him credit for having eluded his pur-
suers for more than two months or for knowing that dis-
cretion is the better part of valor. Several companies of
the State militia and a battalion of United States marines
" The Richmond Enquirer, Nov. 4 and 8, 1831.
AFTEBMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSURRECTION 217
had joined in the search and failed, yet Nat displayed no
enterprise. 16
His arrest caused much relief. He was taken the next
day to Jerusalem, the county seat, and tried on the fifth of
November before a board of magistrates. The indictment
against him was for making insurrection and plotting to
take away the lives of divers free white persons on the
twenty-second of August, 1831. On his arraignment Turner
pleaded "Not Guilty." The Commonwealth submitted its
case, not on the testimony of any eye witnesses but on the
depositions of one Levi Waller who read Turner's Confes-
sion 11 and Colonel Trezevant the committing magistrate
corroborated it by referring to the same confession. Tur-
ner introduced no testimony in defense and his counsel
made no argument in his behalf. He was promptly found
guilty and sentenced to be hanged Friday, November 11,
1831, twelve days after his capture. During the examina-
tion Nat -evinced great intelligence and much shrewdness of
i The Richmond Enquirer, Nov. 4, 1831.
i 7 The trial and execution over, the Confessions of Nat were published in
pamphlet form and had a wide sale. An accurate likeness by John Crawley, a
former artist of Norfolk at that time, lithographed by Endicott and Sweet of
Baltimore, accompanied the edition which was printed for T. E. Gray, Turner 'a
attorney. Fhilly 50,000 copies of this pamphlet are said to have been sold
within a few weeks of its publication, yet today they are exceedingly rare, not
a copy being found either in the State Library at Eichmond, the Public Library
at Boston nor the Congressional Library at Washington. These Confessions
purport to give from Turner's own lips circumstances of his life. "Portions
of it/' says The Eichmond Enquirer, "are eloquent and even classically ex-
pressed; but," continues the critic, more than sixty miles away, "the language
is far superior to what Nat Turner could have employed, thereby giving him a
character for intelligence which he does not deserve and should not receive."
On the contrary, however, Mr. Gray, his attorney and confessor who did not
write from long range, said: "As to his ignorance, he certainly had not the
advantages of education, but he can read and write and for natural intelligence
and quickness of apprehension is surpassed by few men I have ever seen.
Further the calm, deliberate composure with which he spoke of his late deeds
and intentions, the expression of his fiend-like face when excited by enthusiasm;
still bearing the stains of the blood of helpless innocence about him; clothed
with rags and covered with chains, yet daring to raise his manacled hands to
heaven; with a spirit soaring above the attributes of man, I looked on him
arid my blood curdled in my veins." The Confessions of Nat Turner.
218 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
intellect, answering every question clearly and distinctly
and without confusion or prevarication.
An immense throng gathered on the day of execution
though few were permitted to see the ceremony. He ex-
hibited the utmost composure and calm resignation. Al-
though assured if he felt it proper he might address the im-
mense crowd, he declined to avail himself of the privilege,
but told the sheriff in a firm voice that he was ready. Not
a limb nor a muscle was observed to move. His body was
given over to the surgeons for dissection. He was skinned
to supply such souvenirs as purses, his flesh made into
grease, and his bones divided as trophies to be handed down
as heirlooms. It is said that there still lives a Virginian
who has a piece of his skin which was tanned, that another
Virginian possesses one of his ears and that the skull graces
the collection of a physician in the city of Norfolk.
Considering the situation unusually serious, Governor
John Floyd made this the dominant thought of his message
to the legislature that year. More space was devoted to a
discussion of this uprising than to any other single fact
mentioned in the message. He was of the opinion that the
spirit of insurrection was not confined to Southampton. The
Governor believed that there were well-drawn plans of
treason, insurrection and murder, "designed and matured
by unrestrained fanatics in some of the neighboring States,
who found facilities in distributing their views and plans
amongst our population either through the post office or by
agents sent for that purpose throughout our territory."
He, therefore, corresponded with the governors of com-
monwealths to preserve as far as possible "the good un-
derstanding which existed and which ought to be cherished
between the different members of this Union. ' '
The Governor believed that the persons most active in
stirring up the revolt were Negro preachers. "They had
acquired," said he, "great ascendency over the minds of
their fellows, and infused all their -opinions which had pre-
pared them for the development of the final design. There
was also some reason to believe," thought he, "those
AFTEKMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSUBBECTION 219
preachers have a perfect understanding in relation to these
plans throughout the eastern counties; and have been the
channels through which the inflammatory papers and pam-
phlets, brought here by the agents and emissaries from
other States, have been circulated amongst our slaves/'
He considered it a weakness in the laws of the State that
facilities for assembly, to plot, treason, and conspiracy, to
revolt and make insurrection, had been afforded by the lack
of legislation to the contrary to prevent such freedom of
movement among the Negroes. He believed, therefore, the
public good required that the Negro preachers be silenced,
"because, full of ignorance, they were incapable of incul-
cating anything but notions of the wildest superstition,
thus preparing fit instruments in the hands of crafty agi-
tators, to destroy the public tranquility." 18
He, therefore, recommended as a means against the pos-
sible repetition of such sanguinary scenes the revision of
the laws to preserve in due subordination the Negroes of
the State. He believed, moreover, that although this in-
surrection had been due to the work of slaves, that the free
people of color furnished a much more promising field for
the operations of the abolition element of the North, inas-
much as they had opened to them more enlarged views and
urged the achievement of a higher destiny by means, "for
the present less violent, but not differing in the end from
those presented to the slaves." He referred to the free
Negroes as "that class of the community, which our laws
have hitherto treated with indulgent kindness," and for
whom many instances of solicitude for their welfare have
marked the progress of legislation. If, however, thought
he, the slave who is confined by law to the estate of his
master can work such destruction, how much more easy it
would be for the free Negro to afflict the community with a
still greater calamity. The Governor, moreover, referred
to the fact that the free people of color had placed them-
selves in hostile array against every measure designed to
is The Journal of the Rouse of Delegates, 1831, pp. 9 and 10.
220 JOUBNAL OF NEGEO HISTOBY
remove them from the State and raised the question as to
whether the last benefit which the State might confer upon
them might not be to appropriate annually a sum of money
to aid their removal to other soil. 19
To show how general the excitement was throughout the
State one needs but read in the journal of the legislature
the number of petitions praying that some action be taken
to provide for the safety of the people in the common-
wealth. 20 In the Valley and in the extreme western portion
of the State where few slaves were found and where there
were still persons who did not welcome the institution,
there were held a number of meetings in which the abolition
of slavery was openly discussed and urged. Such memor-
ials, however, did not constitute the majority of the peti-
tions requiring action with reference to slavery. More
meetings were held in the eastern counties but opinion
there differed so widely that they availed little in working
out a constructive plan. The larger number of these took
i The Journal of the Hou-se of Delegates, 1831, p. 10.
20 In Fluvanna this memorial of certain ladies was agreed upon and sent
to the legislature: "We cannot conceal from ourselves that an evil is among
us, which threatens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our
national blessings. Our daughters and their daughters are destined to become,
in their turn, the tender fosterers of helpless infancy, the directors of develop-
ing childhood, and the companions of those citizens, who will occupy the legis-
lative and executive offices of their country. Can we calmly anticipate the
condition of the Southern States at that period, should no remedy be devised to
arrest the progressive miseries attendant on slavery! Will the absent father's
heart be at peace, when, amid the hurry of public affairs, his truant thoughts
return to the home of his affection, surrounded by doubtful, if not dangerous,
subjects to precarious authority? Perhaps when deeply engaged in his legisla-
tive duties his heart may quail and his tongue falter with irresistible appre-
hension for the peace and safety of objects dearer than life.
1 ' We can only aid the mighty task by ardent outpourings of the spirit of
supplication at the Throne of Grace. We will call upon the God, in whom we
trust, to direct your counsels by His unerring wisdom, guide you with Hid
effectual spirit. We now conjure you by the sacred charities of kindred, by the
solemn obligations of justice, by every consideration of domestic affection and
patriotic duty, to nerve every faculty of your minds to the investigation of this
important subject, and let not the united voices of your mothers, wives, daugh-
ters and kindred have sounded in vain in your ears. ' ' Drewry, The Southamp-
ton Insurrection, p. 165.
AFTERMATH OP NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 221
the form of such an improvement and change in the black
code as to preserve the institution and at the same time
secure the safety of the citizens. 21
Believing that the free people of color had been or would
be the most effective means in the attack on the institution
of slavery, there were more memorials for the removal of
this class of the population than any other petitions bear-
ing on slavery. Among the counties praying for the re-
moval of the free Negroes, were Amelia, Isle of Wight,
York, Nansemond, Frederick, Powhatan, Fairfax, and
Northumberland. Others asked for the removal of the free
Negroes 22 and furthermore the purchase of slaves to be de-
"Drewry, The Southampton Insurrection, pp. 1-100.
22 October 18. This memorial circulated in Petersburg and in adjoining
towns and counties is typical:
' ' The undersigned good citizens of the County of
invite the attention of your honorable body to a subject deemed by them of
primary importance to their present welfare and future security.
1 ' The mistaken humanity of the people of Virginia, and of our predeces-
sors, has permitted to remain in this Commonwealth a class of people who are
neither freemen nor slaves. The mark set on them by nature precludes their
enjoyment in this country, of the privileges of the former; and the laws of the
land do not allow them to be reduced to the condition of the latter. Hence
they are of necessity degraded, profligate, vicious, turbulent and discontented.
"More frequent than whites (probably in tenfold proportion) sustained
by the charitable provisions of our laws, they are altogether a burden on the
community. Pursuing no course of regular business, and negligent of every-
thing like economy and husbandry, they are as a part of the community, sup-
ported by the productive industry of others.
"But their residence among us is yet more objectionable on other ac-
counts. It is incompatible with the tranquility of society; their apparent
exemption from want and care and servitude to business, excites impracticable
hopes in the minds of those who are even more ignorant and unreflecting and
their locomotive habits fit them for a dangerous agency in schemes, wild and
visionary, but disgusting and annoying.
"We would not be cruel and unchristian but we must take care of the
interests and morals of society, and of the peace of mind of the helpless in our
families. It is indispensable to the happiness of the latter, that this cause
of apprehension be removed. And efforts to this end are, we firmly believe,
sanctioned by enlightened humanity toward the ill-fated class to whom we
allude. They can never have the respect and intercourse here which are essen-
tial to rational happiness, and social enjoyment and improvement. But in
other lands they may become an orderly, sober, industrious, moral, enlightened
222 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
ported. Among the counties praying for such a measure
were Fauquier, Hanover, Washington, Nelson, Loudoun,
Prince William, and King William. From Charles City,
Bockbridge, and Caroline Counties came the additional re-
quest for a legislation providing for gradual emancipation.
Page, Augusta, Fauquier, and Botetourt, sent memorials
praying that steps be taken to procure an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, investing Congress with
the power to appropriate money for sending beyond the
limits of the United States the free people of color and such
of the slaves as might be purchased for the same purpose.
This was almost in keeping with the request from the Hen-
rico and Frederick Colonization Societies asking the Gov-
ernment to deport the Negroes to Africa. Buckingham
County requested that the colored population be removed
from the county and colonized according to the plans set
forth by Thomas Jefferson. The request of the Society of
Friends in the county of Charles City for gradual emanci-
pation, however' caused resentment. 23
Thinking that it might not be possible to transport all
the Negroes of the country very easily, requests for dealing
with the situation as it was, were also in order. As a num-
ber of the farmers had suffered from a loss of sheep by the
numerous dogs maintained by slaves and free persons of
color, there came -requests praying that the keeping of dogs
and hogs by Negroes be made illegal. Some of these peti-
tions, too, had an economic phase. There came from Cul-
pepper a petition praying for a passage of the law for the
encouragement of white mechanics by prohibiting any
slave, free Negro or mulatto from being bound as an ap-
and Christian community ; and be the happy instruments of planting and diffus-
ing those blessings over a barbarous and benighted continent.
"Your petitioners will not designate a plan of legislative operation they
leave to the wisdom and provident forecast of the General Assembly, the con-
ception and the prosecution of the best practicable scheme but they would
respectfully and earnestly ask that the action of the laws passed to this effect
be decisive, and the means energetic such as shall, with as much speed as
may be, free our country from this bane of its prosperity, morality and
peace." The Richmond Enquirer, Oct. 21, 1831.
23 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, pp. 1-123.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 223
prentice to learn any trade or art. Charles City and New
Kent complained against the practice of employing slaves
and Negroes as millers and asked that a law penalizing such
action be enacted. 24
The question as to what should be done with the blacks
turned out to be the most important matter brought before
the legislature. Three-fourths of the session was devoted
to the discussion of such questions as the removal of the
free Negroes and the colonization of such slaves as masters
could be induced to give up. The legislature met on the 5th
of December and after going through the preliminaries of
organization listened to the message of the Governor which
had the insurrection as its most prominent feature. When
the petitions from the various counties began to come in,
there soon prevailed a motion that so much of the Gov-
ernor's message as related to the insurrection of slaves and
the removal of the free Negroes be referred to a select com-
mittee, which after prolonged deliberation found it difficult
to agree upon a report.
Desiring to protect the interests of slavery, William 0.
Goode, of Mecklenburg County, moved on the eleventh of
January that the select committee appointed to consider
the memorials bearing on slaves free Negroes and the
Southampton massacre be discharged from the considera-
tion of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which had
for their object the manumission of slaves. The resolution
further declared that it was not expedient to legislate on
slavery. 25 Whereupon Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of
Albemarle County, moved to amend this resolution so as to
instruct the committee to inquire into the expediency and
to report a bill to submit to the voters of the State the pro-
priety of providing by law that the children of all female
slaves who might be born in that State on or after the fourth
day of July, 1840, should become the property of the com-
monwealth, the males at the age of twenty-one years and
females at the age of eighteen, if detained by their owners
24 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1&31, pp. 41, 56, 119.
25 Hid., 1831, p. 93.
224 JOUKNAL OF NEGKO HISTOBY
within the limits of the commonwealth, until they should
respectively arrive at the ages aforesaid. They would then
be hired out until the net sum arising therefrom should be
sufficient to defray the expenses of their removal beyond
the limits of the United States. 26
After several days of heated but fruitless discussion
marked by adjournment to calm the troubled waters, the
question assumed a new phase when William H. Brodnax,
the chairman of the select committee, reported the resolu-
tion: That it is inexpedient for the present to make any,
legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. Where-
upon Mr. William A. Patterson of Chesterfield County,
moved to amend this resolution so as to read: That it was.
expedient to adopt some legislative enactments for the,
abolition of slavery. 27 Around Goode's motion, Kandolph's
substitute and Preston's amendments centered an exciting
debate showing such a wide difference of opinion that the
publicity caused about as much excitement as Nat Turner's
insurrection itself. Many citizens protested against such
an open discussion, knowing that slaves able to read might
thereby be induced to rise again. 28 This fear, however, did
not serve very well as a restraining factor.
The warning sounded by some of these people is sig-
nificant. The Richmond Enquirer the chief organ of
thought in the State expressed in a strong editorial that the
evils of slavery were alarming and urged that some definite
action be taken immediately since the policy of deferring
the solution of the problem for future generations had
brought the commonwealth to grief. 29 Certain ladies from
Fluvanna County said in their memorial : * ' We cannot con-
ceal from ourselves that an evil is among us, which threat-
ens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our
national blessings." 30 Brodnax deplored the fact that the
2 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 93.
27 Ibid., p. 93.
zsibid., p. 125.
2 The Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 7, 1832.
so Brewery, The Southampton Insurrection, p. 165.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 225
time had come in Virginia "When men were found to lock
their doors and open them in the morning to receive their
servants to light their fires, with pistols in their hands. " 31
A summary of this debate shows that^a few members of
the legislature desired instant abolition, a much larger num-
ber, probably a majority of the body, wanted to work out
some scheme for gradual emancipation, and others feeling
that the slaves could be controlled by severe laws, en-
deavored to restrict the effort to the removal of the free
people of color. Certain citizens of Hanover desired to lay
a tax on slaves and free Negroes to raise funds to deport
them all. 32 The unfortunate development, however, was
that no one knew exactly what he wanted, no one came to
the legislature with a well-matured plan to remedy the evils,
and every man seemed to be governed in his action by his
local interests rather than those of the commonwealth.
The Preston amendment was, after an exciting discus-
sion, finally defeated on the 25th of January by a vote of
58 to 73. Thereupon on motion of Mr. Archibald Bryce, of
Goochland County, the legislature amended the report of
the select committee by inserting the following: "Pro-
foundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condi-
tion of the colored population of this commonwealth in-
duced by humanity, as well as by policy to an immediate
effort for the removal in the first place, as well of those
who are now free, as of such as may hereafter become free :
believing that this effort, while it is in just accordance with
the sentiment of the community on the subject, will absorb
all our present means, and that a further action for the re-
moval of the slaves should await a more definite develop-
ment of public opinion. 33
This resolution aptly describes the situation resulting
after the prolonged discussion. A majority of the members
believed that slavery was an evil, but no one was willing to
pay the cost of exterminating it. It was easily shown that
si The Richmond Enquirer, Dec. 17, 1831.
32 Ibid., Nov. 18, 1831.
33 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 110.
226 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
because of unprofitable slave labor the commonwealth was
lagging behind the free States and that the free labor es-
sential to the rebuilding of the waste places in the State
would never come to the commonwealth as long as there
would be competition with slave labor. It was soon ap-
parent, however, that a State with such a diversity of in-
terests, one-half slave and one-half free could not legislate
on slavery. This compromising resolution of procrastina-
tion, therefore, was adopted as the best Virginia could
under the circumstances be induced to do for the extermina-
tion 34 of its worst evil.
The debate proved to be valuable to the abolitionists.
In the course of his remarks Mr. Brodnax declared that the
confidence of the people seemed to be gone. ' ' Under such
circumstances life becomes a burthen and it is better to seek
a home in some distant realm and leave the graves of our
fathers than endure so precarious a condition. 7 ' It was
evident, he thought, that something must be done; and
although measures for the removal of this evil might not,
34 Before the insurrection free men of color voted in North Carolina and
at least one well-authenticated case exists of a colored voter in Virginia prior
to 1830. A native of Virginia long a resident of Massachusetts is an authority
for the statement that the facilities for higher education of the Negro were
quite as good in Richmond as in Boston at that time. There was . published in
a paper of the time an account of the celebration of the anniversary of the
Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1827, by the free people of color of the
city of Fredericksburg, Virginia. The orator of the day was Isaac N. Carey.
In North Carolina John Chavis, a Negro, rose to such excellence as a
teacher of white youth that he is pronounced in a biographical sketch, con-
tained in a history of education in that State, published by the United States
Bureau of Education, as one of the most eminent men produced by that State.
Though an unmistakable Negro, as a preacher he acceptably filled many a white
pulpit and was welcomed as a social guest at many a fireside. Such was the
bitterness against the race growing out of Nat Turner's Insurrection, however,
that even such a man fell under the ban of proscription.
One of the preachers to whom Governor Floyd had reference quietly ignored
the suggestion in the message of his Excellency and kept up his work. He was
a Baptist preacher, William Carney, the grandfather of the famous Sergeant
William H. Carney, of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment. At the same time a
daughter of his and a Methodist in a neighboring town "bearded the lion in
his den" by actually collaring and driving out the leader of a party of white
men who broke into a Negro religious meeting.
AFTERMATH or NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 227
perhaps be arrived at immediately yet some plan for its
gradual eradication would probably be hit upon. A system
might be concocted by degrees to embrace the whole subject
and it was therefore necessary to consider it in all its
bearings. 35
Mr. Chandler said that he in common with his constitu-
ents looked forward to the passage of a law for the re-
moval of the free blacks. He was also in favor of the con-
sideration of any plan which might remove entirely at some
future time, the greatest curse that had ever been inflicted
upon this State. He would look upon the day on which the
deliverance of the commonwealth from the burden of slav-
ery should be accomplished as the most glorious in the
annals of Virginia since the fourth of July, 1776. 36 Mr.
Moore did not wish to entangle the committee on the sub-
ject of getting rid of the free black population of this State.
That population, he knew, was a nuisance which the inter-
ests of the people required to remove, but there was an-
other and a greater nuisance, slavery itself. He wished
that it should be considered and if it were possible to de-
vise any plan for the ultimate extinction of slavery, he
would rejoice. 37
Mr. Boiling rose in his remarks to a height of moral sub-
limity. "We talk of freedom, " said he, * 'while slavery
exists in this land ; and speak with horror of the tyranny of
the Turk. We foster an evil which the highest interests of
the community require should be removed, which was de-
nounced as the bans of our happiness by the Father of the
Commonwealth and to which we trace the cause of the
lamentable depression of Eastern Virginia. Every intelli-
gent individual admits that slavery is the most pernicious
evil with which a body politic can be afflicted/' 38
Mr. Kandolph, the grandson of Thomas Jefferson, said
that it was the dark, the appalling, the despairing future
" The "Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 11, 1839.
a Ibid., Jan. 11, 1839.
8T Ibid., Jan. 19, 1832.
SB Ibid., Jan. 24, 1832.
228 JOUBNAL, OF NEGEO HISTOBY
that had awakened the public mind rather than the South-
ampton Insurrection. He asked whether silence would
restore the death-like apathy of the Negro's mind. It
might be wise to let it sleep in its torpor; "but has not,"
he asked, "its dark chaos been illumined! Does it not
move, and feel and think? The hour of the eradication of
the evil is advancing, it must come. Whether it is affected
by the energy of our minds or by the bloody scenes of
Southampton and San Domingo is a tale for future his-
tory. " 39 Mr. Faulkner addressed the House in favor of
the gradual extinction of slavery, concluding with these
words : ' ' Tax our lands, vilify our country, carry the sword
of extermination through our defenceless villages but
spare us the curse of slavery, that bitterest drop from the
chalice of the destroying angel." 40
Mr. MacDowell, referring to the insurrection, thus de-
scribed its terror and its awful lesson: "It drove families
from their homes, assembled women and children in crowds
in every condition of weakness and infirmity, and every suf-
fering that want and terror could inflict, to escape the ter-
rible dread of domestic assassination. It erected a peaceful
and confiding State into a military camp which outlawed
from pity the unfortunate beings whose brothers had of-
fended; which barred every door, penetrated every bosom
with fear or suspicion, which so banished every sense of
security from every man's dwelling; that, let but a hoof or
horn break upon the silence of the night, and an aching
throb would be driven to the heart. The husband would
look to his weapon and the mother would shudder and weep
upon her cradle. Was it the fear of Nat Turner and his
deluded drunken handful of followers, which produced such
effects? Was it this that induced distant counties where
the very name of Southampton was strange to arm and
equip for a struggle? No sir, it was the suspicion eternally
attached to the slave himself, a suspicion that a Nat Turner
might be in every family, that the same bloody deed might
8 The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. 25, 1832.
Jan. 26, 1832.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 229
be acted over at any time and in any place, that the ma-
terials for it were spread through the land and were always
ready for a like explosion. mi
Although no agreement on the extinction of slavery
could be reached, the question of removing the free people
of color was decidedly another matter. Many who were
unwilling to legislate with reference to slavery did not
object to the proposal to remove the free Negroes from the
State. Yet there were others who looked upon this as a
political by-play. The Southampton Insurrection was not
the work of free Negroes but that of slaves. Only two of
the many free Negroes in Southampton county took a part
in the insurrection and these two had slave wives. The
North Carolina plot, moreover, was revealed by a free
Negro. Many citizens agreed too with a Richmond En-
quirer correspondent of Hanover, who in speaking for the
free people of color pointed out the good they had been to
the community, 42 and the Governor who in his annual mes-
sage raised the question as to propriety of removing them,
said that the laws of the State had theretofore treated the
free people of color with "indulgent kindness " and that
"many instances of solicitude for their welfare" had
"marked the progress of legislation." 43
A bill for removal, however, was promptly offered on
the twenty-seventh of January. 44 On the first of February
there was presented an additional report deeming it ex-
pedient to set apart for the removal of the free colored
population so much of the claims of Virginia on the Gen-
eral Government as may come into and belong to the treas-
ury of the State. 45 A few days later Mr. Moore submitted
a resolution covering the same ground and calling upon the
Senators and representatives of Virginia in Congress to
use their best efforts to promote this project. 46 The Matter
The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. 27, 1832.
Hid., Nov. 18, 1831.
The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 10.
* Ibid., p. 112.
Ibid., 1831, p. 125.
*76uf., 1&31, p. 131.
230 JOURNAL OF 'NEGBO HISTORY
was tabled but on the 6th of February the House resolved
itself into a committee of the whole to take this bill infbo
consideration. After prolonged discussion the matter was
again tabled with a view to future consideration. The feel-
ing of the majority seemed to be that, if the Negroes were
removed, no coercion should be employed except in the case
of those who remained in the State contrary to the law of
1806. 47 $35,000 for 1832 and $90,000 for 1833 was to be ap-
propriated for transportation. A central board consisting
of the governor, treasurer, and members of the Council of
State was to decide the place to which these Negroes were
to be expatriated and the agents to carry out the law would
also be named by the same board. 48 The bill for the removal
of free Negroes was indefinitely postponed in the Senate by
a vote of 18 to 14 and therefore was never taken up.
The next effort of the legislature in dealing with the
Negroes was to strengthen the black code as it then existed
so as to provide for a more adequate supervision and rigid
control of the slaves and free people of color. There was
offered thereafter a bill to amend an act entitled "an act to
revise under one the several acts concerning slaves, free
Negroes and mulattoes." The important provisions of the
bill were that slaves and free Negroes should not conduct
religious exercises nor attend meetings held at night by
white preachers unless granted written permission by their
masters or overseers. Thereafter no free Negro should be
capable of purchase or otherwise acquiring permanent
ownership, except by descent, of any slave, other than his
or her husband, wife or children. Further penalties, more-
over, were provided for persons writing or printing any-
thing intended to incite the Negroes to insurrection. The
State had already enacted a law prohibiting the teaching of
slaves, free Negroes and mulattoes. 49 The other petitions
requiring that Negroes be restricted in the higher pursuits
of labor and in the ownership of hogs and dogs were, be-
*7 The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. and Feb., 1832.
The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, Appendix^ Bill No. 7.
* JfctU, Bill No. 13.
APTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 231
cause of the spirit which existed after the excitement had
subsided, rejected as unnecessary. The law providing for
burning in the hand was repealed. The immigration of free
Negroes into the State, however, was prohibited in 1834. 50
The effect of this insurrection and this debate extended
far beyond the borders of Virginia and the South. Gov-
ernor McArthur of Ohio in a message to his legislature
called special attention to the outbreak and the necessity
for prohibitive legislation against the influx within that
commonwealth of the free people of color who naturally
sought an asylum in the free States. The effect in South-
ern States was far more significant. Many of them already
had sufficient regulations to meet such emergencies as that
of an insurrection but others found it necessary to revise
their black codes.
Maryland passed, at the session of its legislature in
1831-1832, a law providing a board of managers to use a
fund appropriated for the purpose of removing the free
people of color to Liberia in connection with the State col-
onization society. 51 Another act forbade the introduction
of slaves either for sale or resident and the immigration of
free Negroes. It imposed many disabilities on the resident
free people of color so as to force them to emigrate. 52 Dela-
ware, which had by its constitution of 1831, restricted the
right of franchise to whites 53 enacted in 1832 an act pre-
venting the use of firearms by free Negroes and provided
also for the enforcement of the law of 1811 against the im-
migration of free Negroes and mulattoes, prohibited meet-
ings of blacks after ten o'clock and forbade non-resident
blacks to preach. 64
In 1831 Tennessee forbade free persons of color to im-
migrate into that State under the penalty of fine for
remaining and imprisonment in default of payment. Per-
*Hurd,'Lau? of Freedom and Bondage, II, 9.
i The Laws of Maryland, 1831-32, c. 281.
62 Hid., c. 328.
63 See Article IV, Sec. 1.
" Revised Code of Maryland, Chap. 52 and 237.7
232 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
sons emancipating slaves had to give bond for their re-
moval to some point outside of the State 55 and additional
penalties were provided for slaves found assembling or en-
gaged in conspiracy. Georgia enacted a measure to the
effect that none might give credit to free persons of color
without order from their guardian required by law and, if
insolvent, they might be bound out. It further provided
that neither free Negroes nor slaves might preach or exhort
an assembly of more than seven unless licensed by justices
on certificate of three ordained ministers. They were also
forbidden to carry firearms. 56 North Carolina, in which
Negroes voted until 1834, enacted in 1831 a special law pro-
hibiting free Negroes from preaching and slaves from)
keeping house or going at large as free men. To collect
fines of free Negroes the law authorized that they might be
sold. 57 The new constitution of the State in 1835 restricted
the right of suffrage to white men. South Carolina passed
in 1836 a law prohibiting the teaching of slaves to read and
write under penalties, forbidding too the employment of a
person of color as salesman in any house, store or shop
used for trading. Mississippi had already met most of
these requirements in the slave code in the year 1830. 58
In Louisiana it was deemed necessary to strengthen the
slave code. An act relative to the introduction of slaves
provided that slaves should not be introduced except by
persons immigrating to reside and citizens who might be-
come owners. 59 Previous legislation had already provided
severe penalties for persons teaching Negroes to read and
write and also had made provision for compelling free col-
ored persons to leave the State. 60 In 1832 the State of Ala-
bama enacted a law making it unlawful for any free person
of color to settle within that commonwealth. Slaves or free
65 The Laws of Tenn., 1831, Chaps. 102 and 103.
66 Cobb's Digest of the Laws of Georgia, 1005.
87 Eevised Statutes of North Carolina, c. 109 and 111.
68 Hurd, Law of Freedom and Bondage, II, 146.
6 Ibid., II, 162.
o Laws of Louisiana, 1830, p. 90, Sec. 1.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 233
persons of color should not be taught to spell, read or write.
It provided penalties for Negroes writing passes and for
free blacks associating or trading with slaves. More than
five male slaves were declared an unlawful assembly but
slaves could attend worship conducted by whites yet neither
slaves nor free Negroes were permitted to preach unless
before five respectable slaveholders and the Negroes so
preaching were to be licensed by some neighboring religious
society. It was provided, however, that these sections of
the article did not apply to or affect any free person of
color who, by the treaty between the United States and
Spain, became citizens of the United States. 61
So many ills of the Negro followed, therefore, that one
is inclined to question the wisdom of the insurgent leader.
Whether Nat Turner hastened or postponed the day of the
abolition of slavery, however, is a question that admits of
little or much discussion in accordance with opinions con-
cerning the law of necessity and free will in national life.
Considered in the light of its immediate effect upon its par-
ticipants, it was a failure, an egregious failure, a wanton
crime. Considered in its necessary relation to slavery and
as contributory to making it a national issue by the deep-
ening and stirring of the then weak local forces, that finally
led to the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth
Amendment, the insurrection was a moral success and Nat
Turner deserves to be ranked with the greatest reformers
of his day.
This insurrection may be considered an effort of the
Negro to help himself rather than depend on other human
agencies for the protection which could come through his
own strong arm; for the spirit of Nat Turner never was
completely quelled. He struck ruthlessly, mercilessly, it
may be said, in cold blood, innocent women and children;
but the system of which he was the victim had less mercy in
subjecting his race to the horrors of the "middle passages"
and the endless crimes against justice, humanity and vir-
i Annual Laws of Alabama, 1832, p. 12.
234 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tue, then perpetrated throughout America. The brutality
of his onslaught was a reflex of slavery, the object lesson
which he gave brought the question home to every fireside
until public conscience, once callous, became quickened and
slavery was doomed.
JOHN W. CROMWELL
DOCUMENTS
The publication of the list of names of Negroes who
served in some of the Reconstruction conventions and legis-
latures elicited a number of comments which furnish de-
sirable information. It is earnestly hoped that any one in
a position to supply other missing information will follow
the example of our friends whose correspondence we give
below.
February 24th, 1920.
MB. CARTER G. WOODSON,
1216 You St., N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Sir:
In the Journal of Negro History for Jan., 1920, in giving the
names of Negroes who were members of the reconstruction conven-
tion to frame a constitution for North Carolina in 1867-68, you
omit Cumberland county. Permit me to say that the late Bishop
James W. Hood represented that county and played a most promi-
nent part and afterward became Ass't Superintendent of Public
Instruction of the State. I was a boy at the time but I remember
it. That you may know that I am not an adventurer, I enclose you
a sketch of myself which was prepared by request for other pur-
poses and show that I speak somewhat from authority. You will
kindly return the same. At the same time you are at liberty to
use any part of it that may suit your purpose should you so desire.
With very great respect, I am
Respectfully,
(Signed) GEO. C. SCURLOCK
The sketch of this participant in the Eeconstruction
follows :
Mr. George C. Scurlock, from the year 1874 was a prominent
figure in the Republican party in North Carolina. In the year
above stated, when he had barely reached his majority, he was nomi-
235
236 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
nated for member of the Board of Education, at a time when all
the schools, white and colored, were under the same board. His
opponent was one of the most prominent Democrats in the city and
a majority of the electorate was white. So popular was Mr. Scur-
lock that he defeated his Democratic opponent at the polls by a
handsome majority and served out his term to the satisfaction of
his constituents.
Jn 1876 he was a delegate to the State Convention that nomi-
nated the late Judge Settle for Governor and canvassed the State
for him. He was again a delegate to the State Convention in each
succeeding four years up to and including the year 1896. In the
latter year he headed the delegation. In the campaign of that year,
at the request of the State Executive Committee, he canvassed 21
counties in the State for McKinley and Hobart, all of which were
carried for the Republican ticket. So pleased was the Committee
with the canvass he was making, he was highly commended in let-
ters from the Chairman while still canvassing.
In 1890 he was urged by leading Republicans of his district,
including such men as ex-Governor Brogden, to become the Repub-
lican candidate for -Congress. Long before the convention con-
vened it was evident that he was the strongest man in the field.
When the convention met and was organized, ex-Governor Brogden
took the platform and in a ringing speech paying a high tribute 
