THE JOUENAL
OF
NEGRO HISTOEY
CAETEE G. WOODSON
EDITOR
VOLUME V
1920
THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE
AND HISTORY, INC.
LANCASTER, PA., AND WASHINGTON, D. C.
1920
PRESS or
THC NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER. PA.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
VOL. V., No. 1. JANUARY, 1920.
LORETTA PUNKE : The Negro in Education 1
FRED LANDON : The Negro Migration to Canada after 1850 22
FRANK CUNDALL: Richard Hill 37
C. G. WOODSON : The Relations of Negroes and Indians in Mass-
achusetts 44
DOCUMENTS : . . . , 58
An Act concerning the Indians of Massachusetts.
Some Negro Members of Eeconstruction Conventions and Legis-
latures and of Congress, compiled by Monroe N. Work.
John G. Thompson, the Original Carpet-bagger.
BOOK REVIEWS : v . 126
MORTON'S The Negro in Virginia Politics; BIASLHY'S The Negro
Trail Blazers of California; FAIRBRIDGE'S History of South
Africa; LONN'S Eeconstruction in Louisiana.
NOTES : 135
VOL. V., No. 2. APRIL, 19-20.
HENRY S. WILLIAMS: The Development of the Negro Public
School System in Missouri 137
DAVID H. SIMS: Religious Education in Negro Colleges and
Universities 166
JOHN W. CROMWELL: The Aftermath of Nat Turner's Insur-
rection 208
DOCUMENTS : 235
Additional information and corrections in Eeconstruction Eecords.
Speech of WiUiam H. Gray in the Arkansas Constitutional Con-
vention, 1868.
BOOK REVIEWS : 254
COLE'S The Centennial History of Illinois; RICHARDSON'S Ency-
clopedia of the Colored Eace; JACKSON'S The Man Next Door;
DuBois's Darkwater.
NOTES: . . 259
CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
VOL. V., No. 3. JULY, 1920.
WILLIAM RENWICK RIDDELL: Slavery in Canada (26
I. Before the Conquest 263
II. The Early British Period 273
III. After the Peace 293
IV. Lower Canada 305
V. Upper Canada, Early Period 3^5
VI. The Fugitive Slave in Upper Canada 349
VII. Slavery in the Maritime Provinces 359
VIII. General Observations 376
BOOK REVIEWS : 378
WIENER'S Africa and the Discovery of America; JOHNSTON'S
A Comparative Study of the Bantu and the Semi-Bantu Lan-
guages; RHODE'S History of the United States from Hayes to
McKinley, WORK'S The Negro Tear Book, 1918-1919.
NOTES : 388
VOL. V., No. 4. OCTOBER, 1920.
ARNETT G. LINDSAY : Diplomatic Relations between the United
States and Great Britain bearing on the Return of Negro
Slaves, 1788-1828 '
NORMAN P. ANDREWS : The Negro in Politics 420
FRED LANDON : Henry BM, A Colonizer 43"
G. SMITH WORMLEY : Myrtilla Miner. 448
COMMUNICATIONS 458
DOCUMENTS : 465
Some Undistinguished Negroes 476
BOOK REVIEWS : 486
AMBLER'S The Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-
1876; MOTON'S Finding a Way Out; COFFIN'S Unwritten, His-
tory; SCOTT'S Negro Migration During the War.
NOTES: , . 492
Buy Volumes I, II, III, and IV of
the Journal of Negro History
in Bound Form
Volume I contains more than 250 pages ot dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents :
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
- The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery in Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery in Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
^The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
'
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
- The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as:
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00. This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange.
STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, ETC.
As of October, 1919, of THE JOURNAL OF NEORO HISTORY, published quarterly at
Lancaster, Pa.
Required by the Act of August 24, 1912
Name of Post-office address
Editor C. G. WOODSON Washington, D. C.
Managing Editor None
Business Editor None
Publisher THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY . . Lancaster, Pa.
Owner THB ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY. . Washington, D. C.
The Association is incorporated, but not for profit. There are no shares of stock.
Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders, holding one per cent, or
more of bonds, mortgages or other securities. None.
(Signed) C. G. WOODSON, Editor
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 28th day of October, 1919.
(Seal) PHILIP C. CUNEY,
Notary Public
(My commission expires August 2, 1921)
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
The Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History, inc.
ROBERT E. PARK, PRESIDENT
JESSE E. MOORLAND, SECRETARY-TREASURER
CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOR
1216 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
ROBERT E. PARK, The University of Chicago WILLIAM G. WILLCOX
JESSE E. MOORLAND, Washington, D. C. L. HOLLINGSWORTH WOOD, New York City
CARTER G. WOODSON Washington, D. C. THQMAS ; JQ Wa8hin ^ on> D . c
JULIUS ROSENWALD, Chicago, 111.
GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY, Saratoga Springs A ' L ' J ACKSON Chlca 8> -
JAMES H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Va. MOORFIELD STOREY, Boston, Mass.
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EMMETT J. SCOTT R . E< JoNESj New Q r ] ltuUt La .
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To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
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All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
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THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V., No. 1 JANUARY, 1920.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 1
In the early history of America there were three types
of settlements the French, Spanish, and English. In the
French Provinces the teachings of the "Code Noir" made
it incumbent upon the masters to teach the slaves, at least to
read, in order, of course, that they might read the Bible;
and in the Spanish districts the Latin custom of miscegena-
tion prevented the rise of objections to the teaching of
slaves, in case there should be any who cared to instruct the
Negroes. In the English Provinces, on the other hand, since
teaching the slaves would probably result in their becoming
i In the preparation of this manuscript the following books have been
useful: Thomas P. Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South (New York: the Neale
Publishing Company, 1914) ; Benjamin Griffith Brawley, A Short History of
the American Negro (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913) ; Daniel
Wallace Gulp, Twentieth Century Negro Literature (Naperville, Illinois, J. L.
Nichols and Company, 1902); Albert Bushnell Hart, The Southern South
(New York, D. Appleton and Company, 1912); Mary White Ovington, Half a
Man (New York and London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1911) ; William Pass-
more Piekett, The Negro Problem (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's
Sons, 1909) ; Charles Victor Roman, American Civilisation and the Negro
(Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Company, 1916); Gilbert Thomas Stephenson,
Eace Distinctions in American Law (New York and London: D. Appleton and
Company, 1910) ; Booker T. Washington, My Larger Education (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1911); Booker T. Washington,
Working with the Hands (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1904);
Booker T. Washington and W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, The Negro in the South
(Philadelphia: G. W. Jacobs and Company, 1907) ; Booker T. Washington and
others, The Negro Problem (New York: J. Pott and Company, 1903); Willis
1
I
2 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Christians, the colonists naturally were strenuous in their
efforts to prevent any enlightenment of the blacks, due to
the existence of an unwritten law to the effect that no Chris-
tian might be held a slave. Many planters forbade the teach-
ing of their slaves, until finally the Bishop of London settled
the difficulty by issuing a formal declaration in which he
stated that conversion did not work manumission. 2
The rudimentary education of Negroes was one of the
first claims on pioneer Christian teachers. Although the
Negro Year Book for 191415 makes note of a public school
for Indians and Negroes established in 1620, according
to Brawley and Du Bois, the first schools to be established
were private institutions. 3 In New York City in 3704 a
school was opened for Negroes and Indians by Elias Neau
and in 1750 Anthony Benezet established an evening school
for the blacks in Philadelphia. The Society for the Propa-
Duke Weatherford, Negro Life in the South (New York: Young Men's Chris-
tian Association Press, 1910) ; Carter Godwin Woodson, The Education of the
Negro Prior to 1861 (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1915).
The following articles have also been used: Henry E. Baker, The Negro
in the Field of Invention (Journal of Negro History, January, 1917, p.
21); W. II. Baldwin, Jr., The Present Problem of Negro Education (Ameri-
can Journal of Social Science, 37, 1899, p. 52) ; W. E. Burghardt DuBois, The
College Bred Negro (Atlanta University Publications, No. 15, Atlanta, 1910) ;
The Common School and the Negro American (Atlanta University Publications,
No. 16, 1911); The School (Atlanta University Publications, No. 14, 1909);
Education and Crime Among Negroes (Review of Reviews, 55, 1917, p. 318;
Hampton Negro Conference, Annual Report, July, 1899 (Hampton Institute
Press, 1889) ; Higher Education of the Negro (The Nation, 100, 1915, p. 187) ;
George Johnson, Education of the Negro (The Nation, 100, 1915, p. 443);
Jesse Lawson, How to Solve the Race Problem (Report of the Washington
Conference on the Race Problem in the United States, Washington, D. C., 1904) ;
William Mathews, The Negro Intellect (North American Review, 149, 1889, p.
91) ; More Testimony on Negro Migration (Survey, July 14, 1917, p. 340) ;
National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes, Bulletin, Vol. V, No. 1,
November, 1915; Michael E. Sadler, Education of the Colored Race (Great
Britain Educational Department, Special Reports of, 1902, Volume II) ;
Charles Dudley Warner, The Education of the Negro (American Journal of
Social Science, 38, 1900, p. 1) ; Booker T. Washington, Fifty Tears of Progress
(Forum 55, 1916, pp. 269-79) ; Monroe N. Work, The Negro Year Boole
(Nashville, Sunday School Union Print, 1915).
2 Woodson, The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, p. 24.
a Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 104; Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16,
p. 16.
THE NEGKO IN EDUCATION 3
gallon of the Gospel established in Charleston in 1744 a
mission school, in which two Negroes were employed to
instruct their fellowmen. The free Negroes in Charleston
established a school in 1774 and those in Boston started
a school in 1798. In 1764 the editor of a paper in Williams-
burg, Virginia, opened a school for Negroes and in 1800
a schoolhouse and 350 acres of ground were left by tho
will of Robert Pleasants to be used for the benefit of Negro
children. 4 About this same time in Newark, New Jersey,
the Kosciusko School was established by means of a sum
amounting to $13,000 left by Kosciusko for the educa-
tion of the Negroes. 5 In the Middle West private schools
had been organized by manumitted Negroes.
St. Frances Academy, established in Baltimore in 1829,
by The Colored Woman's Society, was the first school for
colored girls. An institute for Negro children was estab-
lished in 1837 in Cheyney, Pennsylvania, with the $10,000
left by Richard Humphries. By 1838 there were thirteen
private schools in Philadelphia for the education of the
Negro and in 1849 Avery College was established in Alle-
gheny. Many of the schools were organized by churcb
societies. The African Methodist Episcopal Church pur-
chased in 1844 120 acres of land in Ohio upon which was
opened the Union Seminary in 1847. This church later in
co-operation with the Methodist Episcopal Church, North,
established Wilberforce University in Ohio in 1856. Ober-
lin College in Ohio was opened in 1833 and Ashmun Insti-
tute, which later became Lincoln University, was estab-
lished in 1854 in Pennsylvania. Nevertheless, there was in
certain parts much opposition on the part of the citizens,
evidenced by the mobbing of a young Quaker woman, Pru-
dence Crandall, in Canterbury, Connecticut, in 1832, for
having opened a school for Negro children ; and in 1835 by
the removal from the town of Noyes Academy in Canaan,
New Hampshire, a school which had opened its doors to
Negroes.
* Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 104.
s Washington, My Larger Education, p. 241.
I
4 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
The efforts toward education for the Negro were discon-
nected and unorganized, while the laws opposing such educa-
tion were fast increasing, so that the results seem very as-
tonishing, despite the fact that so little was really accom-
plished. As early as 1740 South Carolina enacted a law
forbidding the education of Negroes or the employment of
slaves as scribes. Ohio in 1848 forbade Negroes and mulat-
toes to attend schools. Indiana enacted no law against
Negro education but in 1850 omitted the Negroes from the
school tax, which in turn resulted in their expulsion from
education in that State. In 1852 Delaware enacted a law
declaring, the schools free for all white children over five
years of age. In spite of all the regulations and severe laws
opposing the education of the Negro many "clandestine
schools " were held in Charleston, Savannah, and New
Orleans before I860. 6 The private schools increased in
number rapidly during the early nineteenth century among
the free Negroes in the District of Columbia and the border
States. They were less numerous in the South except in cer-
tain particular districts. In Washington, D. C., and New
Orleans it is reported that at the opening of the Civil War
there were about twenty schools for Negroes established. 7
It is also estimated that in the slave States in 1860 there
were 4,000 free Negro children in school. 8 These figures,
iowever, are relatively small in comparison with the num-
bers and economic standards of the free Negroes. In 1836
in New Orleans alone the freedmen numbered 855, owned
$20 slaves, and held property whose assessed value equaled
$2,462,470. 9 By 1860 the total number of free Negroes was
487,970, or about one ninth of the entire black population; 10
but the majority of these freedmen were in the rural dis-
tricts, whereas the educational opportunities were in the
cities, so that in 1863, with only 5 per cent of the Negro
e Sadler, Gr. Britain Edu. Reports, p. 537.
7 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 16.
s Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 94.
Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 103.
10 Ibid., p. 102.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 5
population literate the problem was indeed difficult, as far
as the education of the black race was concerned.
The next period in the education of the Negro was a
decade of the establishment of schools by the carpet-bag
governments, mission societies, and theFreedmen's Bureau.
Some of the schools established by the Negro carpet-bag-
gers became very efficient. For example, in Florida, Jona-
than C. Gribbs, a Negro graduate of Dartmouth, succeeded in
founding in that State a splendid system of schools, which
remained even after the fall of the carpet-bag govern-
ments. 11 The American Missionary Association was the
first benevolent organization to take up the work of educa-
tion. The plan of this association was to establish one
school of higher learning in each of the larger States in the
South; normal and graded schools in the principal cities;
and common and parochial schools in the smaller country
places. As a result of this program, the principal institu-
tions established were Hampton Institute, Atlanta Univer-
sity, Fisk University, Straight University, Talladega Col-
lege, Tougaloo University, and Tillston College. 12 The
American Baptist Home Mission Society started work in
1862, which resulted in eight schools: Atlanta Baptist Col-
lege and Virginia Union University for men ; Spelman Semi-
nary and Hartshorn Memorial College for women ; and the
coeducational institutions, Bishop College, Benedict College,
Shaw University, and Jackson College. 13 In 1866, just
before the beginning of the work of the Freedmen's Bureau
in education, the schools so far established had in attend-
ance nearly 100,000. 14 The Freedmen's Bureau had been
established in 1865 by an act of Congress and by 1867 it re-
ported 1,056 Negro teachers and in 1870 the number was in-
creased to 1,342. During the five years of its work, this
bureau established 4,239 schools in the South, with a total
number of teachers of 9,307 and of students, 247,333. 15
11 Du Boifl, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 21.
12 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 135.
is Ibid., 137.
i* Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 94.
is Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 201.
I
6 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
Howard University, established in 1867, was one of these in-
stitutions. The Freedman's Aid Society was organized by
the northern Methodists in 1866 and to-day this society sup-
ports fifty institutions, ten of which are collegiate. 16
At the end of this period many religious agencies were
establishing schools. The Episcopalians established the St.
Paul Normal and Industrial School at Lawrence, Virginia,
and St. Augustine's in Raleigh, North Carolina. The
Eoman Catholics opened St. Joseph's Industrial School at
Clayton, Delaware; St. Augustine's Academy and St.
Frances' Academy. Besides these they have in the United
States 87 schools for Negro children cared for by 24 sister-
hoods. 17 The African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church
has established twelve institutions, four colleges, one theo-
logical school, and seven secondary schools. 18 The Presby-
terian Board of Missions has established Biddle University
in North Carolina, five seminaries for girls, and 70 acad-
emies and parochial schools. 19 The work of this period was
not only constructive as far as Negro education was con-
cerned, but it also affected the life of the white population
as well by instituting public school systems in "regions
where public schools had been unknown," 20 bringing about
a new attitude in the South toward public schools in general,
since the whites up to this time had, in the words of Colonel
Eichard P. Hallowell, "regarded the public school system
in the North with contempt. ' ' 20
Toward the end of this period a new type of education
was introduced by the founding of Hampton Institute in
1875. This marked the beginning of the period of indus-
trialism, the purpose of such education being to give the
Negro children ' t combined mental, moral and industrial
training." 21 Following the founding of Hampton, Tuske-
gee Institute was established; also being an industrial
iBrawley, History of the Negro, p. 139.
i? Ibia., p. 141.
is Ibid., p. 168.
i ma., p. 140.
20 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 22.
21 Washington, The Negro Problem, p. 19.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 7
school. With these two institutions as centers, the ideals of
the industrial propagandist radiated in all directions, finally
permeating the whole educational system, not only that of
the Negro, but the educational system of the schools for
white children as well.
Although separation of the black and white children in
the public schools is forbidden in fourteen of the States, the
law requires the separation of the children in the following
States : Alabama, Arkansas, Delaware, South Carolina,
Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Missis-
sippi, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, Vir-
ginia, and West Virginia. In Arizona, Indiana, Kansas,
and Wyoming, the boards of education are given the power
to decide the question. Eleven of the States of the Union
make no provision in their laws one way or the other. 22
Separation is demanded in the private schools in Kentucky,
Florida, Tennessee, and Oklahoma. The law in Kentucky
was created at a time when it affected only one institution
that of Berea College, which was established in 1856 for the
education of anti-slavery whites and was opened to Negro
students after the Civil War. In 1904, the date of the pas-
sage of the law, this college had 927 students, 174 of whom
were Negroes. 23 All of the Northern States have compulsory
education, but only two of the Southern States, Kentucky
and Missouri, have enacted such laws. This does not mean,
of course, that these laws are enforced, nor is this a key to
the amount of education obtained in proportion to the popu-
lation, but it does indicate the difference in opportunities for
education between the Northern and Southern States.
In regard to the elementary education of the Negro chil-
dren the whole situation is rather discouraging, but great
progress has been made and one may hope for still greater
progress in the future. The increase in facilities for edu-
cation between 1866 and 1870 was quite marked, with a
corresponding increase in the number of pupils, as shown
by the following table :
" Stephenson, Race Distinction in American Law, p. 189.
p. 154.
JOUENAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
INCREASE IN EDUCATION PROM 1866 TO 18702*
Date
Schools
No. Teachers
Pupils
1866
975
1,405
90,778
1867
1,839
2,087
111,442
1868.
1,831
2,295
104,327
1869 .
2,118
2,455
114,522
1870
2,677
3,300
149,581
The total expenditure for education during this period was
$5,879,924. There was in 1870, however, only about one
tenth of the Negro children of school age in school. Later,
from 1889 to 1909, the number of children enrolled greatly
increased :
PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS 5 TO 18 YEARS
Date White
1889-1890 ........................... 66.28
1899-1900 ........................... 72.32
1908-1909 ........................... 74.76
Colored
51.65
57.67
56.34
In the first year more than half the children were in school,
a decade later the increase was practically the same in the
case of the Negro children as it was in the case of the white
children, but nine years later the percentage had risen over
2 per cent in the case of the white children and had de-
creased in the case of the blacks. The census report of 1910
shows the percentage of Negro children enrolled in school
to be but 47.3 per cent, a decrease of 9 per cent. The
average attendance -of the Negro children amounted to about
one-third of the number enrolled. 26 For these children there
were 28,000 teachers, or in other words, one teacher to every
group of 57 children; whereas the teachers for the white
children averaged one to 45. The report of the Commis-
sioner of Education in 1909 gives a total number of school
children in the slave States of 3,054,888, instructed by 9,000
school teachers 3,114 males and 5,886 female. 27 Accord-
ing to this report, there would only 'be one teacher to every
24 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 20.
25 Ibid., p. 27.
2 Hart, The Southern South, p. 310.
27 Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 96.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 9
group of 184.35 children. This seems an impossible num-
ber, so that one feels that surely something must be wrong
with the report. The training of these school teachers is
not of the highest, nor do they have' a great deal of training.
The State School Commissioner of Georgia gives the fol-
lowing report of conditions there : 28
326 teachers with normal certificates,
129 teachers with first grade certificates,
476 teachers with second grade certificates,
2,037 teachers held third grade certificates.
The expenditures for all the children equaled $46,000,000,
but the Negro children who were one third of the total num-
ber received but one seventh of this sum. For 231,801 Negro
children South Carolina spent $366,734.28, or $1.58 per
capita, whereas Massachusetts spends $27 per capita each
year, and the District of Columbia spends $35.21. The
South Carolina school tax is heavier than the tax in Massa-
chusetts, but this State spends only $3.82 per capita for
white children. 29 Louisiana spends 93 per cent of the
school funds for the white children, and 7 per cent for the
colored, making a per capita expenditure of $16.60 for the
white children and for the Negro an expenditure of $1.59.
The District of Columbia spends more for the colored chil-
dren than for the white, per capita expenditure: white,
$20.82; Negro, $21.87. 30
The rural schools, as may be expected, are in a worse
condition than those of the city, in regard to equipment,
teachers, and especially in subject matter relating to the ad-
justments to a rural community. Nevertheless, it seems that
there is much more progress being made in these schools
than in those in the city. Baily in his Race Orthodoxy
in the South describes a visit to what he terms a typical
rural school. 31 l ' There were no desks and only a small frag-
ment of a blackboard in one corner. The teacher showed
8 Weatherford, Negro Life in the South, p. 108.
2 Ibid., p. 96.
o Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 223.
3i Baily, Race Orthodoxy, pp. 273-280.
10 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
signs of having very little education himself and used no
methods whatsoever in teaching. There was only one whole
book for the entire reading class. The pupils came at all
hours of the day and left whenever convenient for them.
When the teacher was asked how many pupils were enrolled
in the school, he answered that there were sixty. " Mr.
Bailey remarks that, after glancing over the room, he fan-
cied there were sixty "acomin' and agoin V
The Negroes in the rural communities have practically
no literature with the possible exception of a few patent in-
side newspapers carried on by the heads of one or the other
Negro orders. 32 The amount of elevating reading matter
may be judged by the type of advertisements which run
along the line of "hair-dressing that makes kinky hair soft,
pliant and glossy, " and also of experiments of surgeons
with the X-ray in making black skin white. Among the
books furnished in the schools, nothing contained in them
relates in any way to rural life.
In 1908 in North Carolina the average length of term for
the rural Negro school was 82.1 days, the average length
for all Negro schools, including high schools, being 93 days.
In this State there are 195 log schoolhouses and 2,216 of the
Negro schoolhouses are furnished with home-made desks
and benches. The rural Negro teacher receives an average
salary of $22.48 per. month and the city Negro teacher re-
ceives but $30.20. 33 The conditions in the agricultural com-
munities in the North seem to be better than those in the
South. 20,700,000 ruralites in the South average 7,000,000
children of school age, 4,400,000 of whom are enrolled in
school with an average attendance of 2,700,000. In the
North, on the other hand, 20,700,000 ruralites average
6,000,000 children, 4,500,000 of whom are enrolled, with an
average attendance of 3,200,000. Far the South there are
92,000 school teachers, whereas there are 158,000 in the
North. School property in the South is valued at $42,-
000,000 and in the North at $217,000,000. The school rev-
2 Hart, Southern South, p. 324.
ss Weatherf ord, Negro Life in the South, p. 98.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 11
enue is $26,000,000 and $92,000,000 respectively. Per cap-
ita expenditure in the South is under $10 and in the North it
is almost $30. The South spends only 16 cents on each $100
valuation, and the North 20 cents. 34
Many signs of progress are visible in the South, due
mainly to the influence of industrial institute graduates who
attempt to reorganize the rural districts with more or less
success. One graduate of Tuskegee seems to have met
with unusual success in Hinds County, Mississippi. 35 The
Negroes in this community outnumber the white popula-
tion seven to one, but out of 40,000 of the inhabitants 13,000
can neither read nor write. In five years this graduate has
built up an industrial school with a farm of 1,500 acres,
three large and eleven small buildings, one large plantation
house and thirty farm houses. The school property is
valued at $75,000, and he has started an endowment fund in
order to make the work permanent. In Macon County, Ala-
bama, improvements have been rapid. In five years' time
through the influence of a changed school system the value
of the land has risen from $2 an acre to $15 and $20. It is
reported that crime has been reduced to a negligible quan-
tity. At the last sitting of the grand jury there were only
17 cases of all kinds. 36 The "Bising Star" School in West
Virginia through a change in teacher and curriculum has
affected the community in as equally astonishing manner.
Not only are the homes of the farmers improved, but the
number of land-owning citizens has also increased. Even
the religion preached has been greatly changed with the in-
troduction of industrial training. 37 There is one school
fund which is for the purpose of improving rural condi-
tions, that is the Jeanes Fund amounting to $1,000,000, the
interest on which is to be used for the rural schools in sup-
plying competent teachers as supervisors to introduce in-
dustrial training. The influence of this fund together with
34 Hart, Southern South, p. 294.
ss Washington, My Larger Education, p. 191.
s Ibid., p. 152.
37 Ibid., p. 146.
12
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
the influence of Hampton and Tuskegee Institutes seems to
be the hope of the future for the rural districts.
In the matter of secondary education, high schools for
the Negroes are practically lacking. In Atlanta with a
Negro population of 51,902 Negroes; in Savannah with
33,246 ; and in Augusta with 18,344, there are no Negro high
schools whatsoever. 38 The following table shows the dis-
tribution of the 156 high schools for Negroes 39 (1913) :
Alabama 6
Arkansas 4
Delaware 1
District of Columbia 2
Florida . 6
Maryland 1
Mississippi 10
Missouri 14
North Carolina 3
Ohio . 1
Georgia 14 Oklahoma 5
Illinois 5
Indiana 6
Kansas 1
Kentucky 8
Louisiana . 1
Pennsylvania 1
South Carolina 13
Tennessee 9
Texas 37
Virginia 4
West Virginia 5
The increase in the number of high schools in the South-
ern States from year to year is shown by the following: 40
:
Year
Higb Schools
Year
High Schools
1899-1900
92
1905-1906
129
1900-1901 .
1901-1902
100
99
1906-1907
1907-1908
121
106
1902-1903 . ...
1903-1904
1904-1905
123
131
! 146
1908-1909
1909-1910
112
141
Apparently there is no effort in the South to supply high
schools for the Negro. The General Assembly of Georgia
passed a bill to establish high schools in all of the congres-
sional districts of the State. Eleven were established and
supported by a fertilizer tax, most of which was paid by the
Negroes who numbered 45.1 per cent of the population of
the State, and 80 per cent of whom lived in the rural dis-
M Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 127.
8 Work, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 216.
40 Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 129.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 13
tricts. None of these schools, however, were for members
of the Negro race. 41
The founding of the two most important industrial
schools has been mentioned before. Hampton Institute
which was founded by the American Missionary Society in
1868 now consists of 113 buildings, including the instructors'
cottages. 42 76 of these buildings were erected by student
labor. There are 120 acres to the Home Farm and 600 acres
to Shellbanks, six miles from the Institute. The enrollment
in 1910 was 875, or 1,399 including the Normal Practice
School. Tuskegee Institute which began with one hoe and
a blind mule now possesses 2,000 acres of land, 800 of which
are cultivated each year by the young men of the school.
During 1903, 33 trades were taught to over 1,400 men and
women. By means of this work, the students pay more than
one half of their expenses. Of the sixty buildings, all but
four were almost wholly erected by students, even to the
making of the bricks. 43 Although the average Negro was
greatly antagonistic regarding this training at the begin-
ning of the work at these institutes and many protests were
heard from all sides, Mr. Washington stated in The Negro
Problem that it has been several years since they have re-
ceived a protest from parents against teaching industrial
training. 44 The graduates of Tuskegee have established
more than fifteen similar schools in the South. 45 Among
those established are Voorhees Industrial School, Eobert
Hungerford School, Snow Hill Normal and Industrial In-
stitute, Topeka Normal and Industrial Institute, Port Eoyal
Agricultural School, and Mt. Meigs Institute.
No one of the Negro institutions for higher learning has
as yet become a fully equipped university. No one of the
institutions maintains a graduate school. Howard Univer-
sity is the only one that has even started graduate work. 46
*i Du Bods, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 16, p. 128.
42 Brawley, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 147.
43 Washington, The Negro Problem, p. 20.
44 Ibid., p. 22.
45 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 153.
"Ibid., p. 142.
14
JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
The real influence of the college has been to prepare men to
be leaders in education, as may be witnessed by the fact that
out of the 5,000 Negro college graduates in the United States
54 per cent are teaching, while 20 per cent are preaching. 47
The following table shows the number of college graduates
by decades : 48
Year
No. of Gratis.
Year
No. of Orads.
1820-29 .
1830-39
1840-49
1850-59 .
1 Qfin_Q
3
7
12
A A
1870-79..
1880-89.
1892-99
1900-09
313
738
1,126
1,610
ioou-oy
Total
3,856
The distribution of the college Negro is indicated in the
following : 49
Districts
New England States
So-Northern Atlantic States
No-Southern Atlantic States
So-Southern Atlantic States
No. of Graduates
.. . 16
.. . 42
.. . 92
. 276
E-Northern Central States .. 61
W-Northern Central States
E-Southern Central States
W-Southern Central States
Rocky Mountain. States . .
Basin and Plateau States .
Pacific States
Outside U. S
Unknown
Total . .
47
141
99
2
3
3
2
18
802
103 of these graduates were born in the North, 65 or 63 per
cent of whom remained in the North and 35 or 34 per cent
migrated to the South ; 682 of these were born in the South,
102 or 15 per cent of whom went to the North, and 563 or
82.5 per cent remained in the South. This shows that the
tendency of the college graduate is to remain in the South
where he is most needed.
*7 Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 145.
Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 15, p. 45.
Ibid., p. 54.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 15
Of the graduates of 107 colleges which are not Negro in-
stitutions 79.2 per cent or 549 have been men, and 20.8 per
cent or 144 have been women. Of 2,964 graduates of 34
Negro colleges, 82.7 per cent have been men and 17.3 have
been women. 50 This difference may be due to a greater eco-
nomic standard of the Negro in the North, since the colleges
admitting Negroes which are not Negro institutions would
be in the North, and to the fact that more Negroes would be
located near educational institutions in the North than they
would be in the South.
From another report the average age for the women
graduates was 21% years, and the average for the men was
22% 6 years. There seems to be a tendency of the age to in-
crease, as shown by the following : 51
1880-1890 the average age was 21 years for men and women.
1890-1900 the average age was 22 years for men and women.
1900-1910 the average age was 22yio years for men and
women.
Of the 24 graduates reported 16 were under 35, and one was
over 50.
Of 799 graduates 67.3 per cent of the males were mar-
ried, and 31.1 per cent of the females were married. Among
these graduates there are only two cases of divorce, one
man and one woman. The ages at which they married were
for the men between 25 and 34 and for the women between
20 and 29. The families averaged four children. The death
rate among the children has not equalled one child per
family. 52
Statistics taken in 1913 of 258 schools show the college
students to be only 4.1 per cent of the entire number of Ne-
groes in schools. If the college graduate were in proportion
to the population their number would be about five times as
great as it is at present. 53
*o Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 15, p. 46.
si Ibid., p. 28.
52 Ibid., p. 57.
ssWork, The Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 229.
16 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
The Negroes have contributed in all lines to a large ex-
tent toward their own education. Since 1865 religious and
philanthropic associations have contributed $57,000,000
and the Negroes by direct contributions have supplied $24,-
000,000. 54 In 1869 in one year the Negroes raised $200,000
for the construction of school houses. A report from a
State Superintendent of Schools of Florida stated that in
the Black Belt Counties the Negro schools cost $19,457 and
the direct and indirect contributions on the part of the Ne-
groes amounted to $23,984. There were $4,527 remaining
which was used for the benefit of the white schools. 55 It is
thought on the part of some that the Negro, although he
may not pay in direct taxes a sum sufficient to provide for
his schools, may in reality be paying his full share indi-
rectly. I believe, however, that it is quite safe to say that
he probably pays as much for his education as any other
poor class of the population, especially so in comparison
with some of the immigrant classes. There have also been
quite a number of Negro philanthropists, the most prom-
inent of whom have been Bishop Payne who gave several
thousand dollars to Wilberforce, Wheeling Grant who gave
$5,000 to Wilberforce, Mary E. Shaw who left $38,000 to
Tuskegee, Nancy Addison who left $15,000 for education in
Baltimore, Louis Bode who left $30,000 and George Wash-
ington of Jerseyville, Illinois, who left $15,000 for educa-
tion. Thorny Lafon, of New Orleans, left $413,000 to be
used for educational purposes with no distinction regarding
race or color. Colonel John McKee, of Philadelphia, left
about $1,000,000 in real estate to be used for education. 56
The Negro Baptist Churches alone raised in 1907 $149,-
332.75. 57 In nine years the Negro students paid in cash to
74 Negro institutions $3,358,667 and in work $1,828,602,
making a total of $5,187,269. This amounted to 44.6 per
cent of the entire running 1 expenses of the institutions. 58
s* Work, The Negro Yearbook, p. 235.
65 Washington, Working with the Hands, p. 72.
Brawley, History of the Negro, p. 174.
67 Ibid., p. 169.
BS Du Bois, Atlanta U. Pub. No. 14, p. 18.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 17
The attitude of the Negro immediately after the war was
that of opposition to all kinds of labor. He had not as then
learned the distinction between working as a slave and work-
ing as a f reedman. What he wanted most was an education,
a literary education, such as the white man had. He did
not want his education for any definite purpose, except as
an end in itself. The chief reason probably may have been
that of a desire to put himself on a par with the white man,
and to prove his intellectual equality. The attitude to-day is
radically different, being represented by men like Washing-
ton and DuBois. Washington preached the gospel of indus-
trial education, believing strongly that that method would
lead to an increase of the economic wealth of the race,
whereby they could acquire the so-called higher education.
DuBois, however, although he believed in the efficiency of
industrial training, also felt that the race should not neglect
to educate leaders even at the present time, so that his atti-
tude differs from that of Washington in a slight degree.
Two short quotations from Washington's writings may
illustrate to a certain extent the attitude of the leaders of
Negro education: "What Negro education needed most,"
said he, "was not so much more schools or different kinds
of schools, as an educational policy and a school system, ' * 59
and "I want to see education as common as grass, and as
free for all as sunshine and rain. ' ' 60
Prejudice is an important factor in the attitude of the
white race toward Negro education. This prejudice seems
to be in all sections of the country, but it is the southerner
who is heard from the most, possibly because he is more in
contact with the real problem and then because it seems to
be a policy of southern politicians to attempt to outdo each
other in their speeches along the line of race prejudice.
According to Weatherford prejudice has arisen out of the
fear that education will lead to the dominance of the Negro
in politics and to promiscuous mingling in social life. * ' The
southern white man will never be enthusiastic for Negro
* Washington, My Larger Education, p. 310.
o Ibid., p. 139.
'
18 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
education, until he is convinced that such education will not
lead to either of these.' 761 This feeling of a group is ex-
pressed in the following statement in a report to the Balti-
more Council by a committee in 1913: "No fault is found
with the Negroes' ambitions, " said the report, "but the
Committee feels that Baltimoreans will be criminally negli-
gent as to their future happiness, if they suffer the Negroes'
ambitions to go unchecked." 62 Mr. Thomas Dixon, Junior,
deplores the fact that Washington was training the Negroes
to be "masters of men," stating that "if there is one thing
the southern white man cannot endure it is an educated
Negro." 63
School officials and educators on the other hand show an
entirely different attitude. Mr. Glenn, recently Superin-
tendent of Education of Georgia, made the declaration that
"The Negro is ... teachable and susceptible to the same
kind of mental improvement characteristic to any other
race." 64 Thomas Nelson Page states that "the Negro may
individually attain a fair and in uncommon instances a con-
siderable degree of mental development. ' >65 Another states
that "We must educate him because ignorant men are dan-
gerous, especially to a democracy pledged to educate all
men." 66 Some believe that we must also educate him for
self-protection from vice and disease. The Southern Edu-
cational Association in 1907 passed the following resolu-
tion: "We endorse the accepted policy of the States of the
South in providing educational facilities for the youth of
the Negro race, believing that whatever the ultimate solu-
tion of this grievous problem may be, education must be an
important factor in that solution." 67
Illiteracy which in 1863 equaled about 95 per cent of the
Negro population has been decreasing rapidly since the
t
i Weatherf ord, Negro Life in the South, p. 87.
z Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South, p. 265.
a Hart, The Southern South, p. 319.
* Ibid., p. 326.
5 Ibid., p. 327.
Bailey, Eace Orthodoxy in the South, p. 269.
T Hart, The Southern South, p. 327.
THE NEGRO IN EDUCATION 19
Civil War. The illiteracy of the Negro during the last three
decades has been as follows : in 1890, 57.1 per cent ; in 1900,
44.5 per cent; and in 1910, 30.4 per cent. In the North in
1910 the illiteracy was 18.2 per cent in the South 48.0 per
cent, and in the West 13.1 per cent. 68 The urban Negro in
1910 showed 17.6 per cent illiteracy and the rural 36.5 per
cent. Louisiana showed 48 per cent, whereas Minnesota
and Oregon showed only 3.4 per cent. 69 In 1900 when the
Negro illiteracy was 44.5 per cent, the children between ten
and twenty-five years of age showed only 30 per cent and
those between 10 and 14 years in Mississippi showed only
22 per cent. 70 The illiteracy for all Negro children was 25
per cent, whereas the illiteracy for all white children was
only 10.5 per cent. 71 The illiteracy of our Negroes does not
seem so great when a comparison is made with some foreign
countries : 72
Race Illiteracy Rare Illiteracy
Negroes 30.4 Spain 58.7
Bulgaria 65.5 Chile 49.9
Greece 57.2 Cuba 56.8
Hungary 40.9 Mexico 75.3
Italy 48.2 Porto Eico 79.6
Poland 59.3 India 92.5
Portugal 73.4 Philippines 55.5
Russia 70.0 Cape of Good Hope 65.8
Servia 78.9 Egypt 92.7
The percentage of Negro illiteracy in America is less than
any one of these foreign races.
The criminality of the Negro seemingly has decreased
as the illiteracy has decreased. Out of every 100 criminals
only 39 could read and 61 could not, whereas in the general
population 43 could read and 57 could not. 73 In the Missis-
sippi penitentiary where they had 450 convicts of Negro
blood one half of them could neither read nor write, and less
s Work, Negro Yearbook, 1915, p. 226.
e Ibid., p. 226.
Hart, The Southern South, p. 294.
7i Ibid., p. 292.
"2 Washington in the Forum, p. 270.
73 Seview of Reviews, p. 318.
20 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
than 10 per cent had anything like a fair education. 74 At-
lanta University has graduated 800 Negro men and women,
not one of whom has ever been convicted of crime. Fisk
University has only one graduate who has ever been con-
victed. Greensboro Agricultural and Technical College has
had 2,000 students since its establishment, and only five have
ever been convicted of crime. Two of these had been ex-
pelled students, and none were among the three hundred
graduates of the college. Negro students who have gone to
high school show a remarkably low percentage of crime.
Of the 200 graduates from the Winston-Salem High School
(North Carolina) only one has a criminal record. Waters
Normal Institute at Winton, North Carolina, has graduated
more than 130 students and not one of these has ever been
arrested or convicted of any crime. 75 The records of the
southern prisons show that at least 90 per cent of those in
prison are without trades of any sort. 70 According to
Booker T. Washington, "Manual training is as good a pre-
vention of criminality as vaccination is of smallpox." 77 In
1903, in Gloucester County, Virginia, twenty-five years after
education had been introduced, there were 30 arrests for
misdemeanors, 16 white and 14 black; and in the next year
there were 15 arrests for misdemeanors, 14 white and one
black. 78 The general opinion of the southerner may be
judged by the answers to a questionnaire sent out to prom-
inent southern men in each of the Southern States. To the
question "Does crime grow less as education increases ?"
there were 102, answered "yes" and 19 answered "no." 79
One of the charges against the Negro has been his shift -
lessness, both as far as his personal industriousness is con-
cerned, and as far as the care of his home and things about
him. Now, however, education has increased his standards
and his wants, so that since he desires to have land, homes,
7* Review of Reviews, p. 319.
75 /bid., p. 319.
76 Weatherford. Negro Life in the South, p. 110.
77 Washington and Du Bois, The Negro in the South, p. 64.
78 IUd., p. 71.
7 Washington, Working with the Hands, p. 239.
THE NEGBO IN EDUCATION 21
churches, books, papers, and education for his children, he
will labor regularly and efficiently to supply these. The
graduates of Tuskegee Institute are kept in touch with by
one of the school officials, who reported that not 10 per cent,
could be found in idleness and that only one was in a
penitentiary. 80
LOBETTA FUNKE
so Washington and Du Bois, The Negro in the South, p. 61.
THE NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA AFTER THE
PASSING OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT
When President Fillmore signed the Fugitive Slave Bill 1
on September 18, 1850, he started a Negro migration that
continued up to the opening of the Civil War, resulting in
thousands of people of color crossing over into Canada
and causing many thousands more to move from one State
into another seeking safety from their pursuers. While the
free Negro population of the North increased by nearly
30,000 in the decade after 1850, the gain was chiefly in three
States, Ohio, Michigan and Illinois. Connecticut had fewer
free people of color in 1860 than in ]850 and there were half
a dozen other States that barely held their own during the
period. fThe three States showing gains were those border-
ing on Canada where the runaway slave or the free man of
color in danger could flee when threatened. It is estimated
that from fifteen to twenty thousand Negroes entered Can-
ada between 1850 and 1860, increasing the Negro popula-
tion of the British provinces from about 40,000 to nearly
60,000. The greater part of the refugee population settled
in the southwestern part of the present province of Ontario,
chiefly in what now comprises the counties of Essex and
Kent, bordering on the Detroit River and Lake St Clair.
This large migration of an alien race into a country more
sparsely settled than any of the Northern States might have
been expected to cause trouble, but records show that the
Canadians received the refugees with kindness and gave
them what help they could. 2 At the close of the Civil War
t^One of the most available laws ever passed bj the Congress of the
United States. . . . Under this net ... the Negro had no chance; the meshes
of the law were artfully contrived to aid the master aud entrap the slave."
Bhodea, Htotory of the United States, 1, 185.
*"A large proportion of the colored person* who have fled from the free
states have sought refuge in Canada where they have been received with ro-
markable kindness and have testified the grateful seme of their reception by
their exemplary eonduct." American Anti-slavery Society, nnnual report for
1851, p. 31.
22
NJBQBO MIGRATION TO CANADA 23
many of the Negroes in exile returned, thus relieving the
situation in Canada.
The Fugitive Slave Bill had been signed but a month
when Garrison pointed out in The Liberator that a north-
ward trek of free people of color was already under way.
" Alarmed at the operation of the new Fugitive Slave Law,
. the fugitives from slavery are pressing northward. Many
have been obliged to flee precipitately leaving behind them
all the little they have acquired since they esca}>ed from
slavery. 01 The American Anti-Slavery Society's report
also notes the consternation into which the Negro popula-
tion was thrown by the new legislation 4 and from many
other contemporary sources there may be obtained informa-
tion showing the distressing results that followed imme-
diately upon the signing of the bill. Reports of the large
number of new arrivals were soon coming from Canada.
Hiram Wilson, a missionary at St. Catharines, writing in
The Liberator of December 13, 1850, says: "Probably not
less than 3,000 have taken refuge in this country since the
first of September. Only for the attitude of the north there
would have been thousands more." lie says that his church
is thronged with fugitives and that what is true of his own
district is true also of other parts of southern Ontario.
Henry Bibb, in his paper The Voice of the Fugitive? pub-
lished frequent reports of the number of fugitives arriving
at Sandwich on the Detroit River. In the issue of December
3, 1851, he reports 17 arrivals in a week. On April 22, 1852,
he records 15 arrivals within the last few days and notes
that "the Underground Railroad is doing good business
this spring." On May 20, 1852, he reports "quite an acces-
sion of refugees to our numbers during the last two weeks "
and on June 17 notes the visit of agents from Chester,
Pennsylvania, preparatory to the movement of a large num-
ber of people of color from that place to Canada. On the
I Liberator, October 18, 1850.
| Annual report for 1851, p. 30.
A file of thifl paper for 1851 ind 1852 is in the librarj of toe TTniyergitj
of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
24 JOUBXAL OF NEGRO HJSTOBY
same date be says: "Numbers of free persons of color are
arriving in Canada from Pennsylvania and the District of
Columbia, Ohio and Indiana. Sixteen passed by Windsor
on tbe seventh and 20 on the eighth and the cry is 'Still they
come. 1 " The immigration was increasing week by week,
for on July 1 it was reported in The Voice of the Fugitiw
that "in a single day last week there were not less than 65
colored emigrants landed at this place from the south. . . .
As far as we can learn not less than 200 have arrived within
our vicinity since last issue. 1 ' Almost every number of the
paper during 1852 gives figures as to the arrivals of the
refugees. On September 23 Bibb reported the arrival of
three of his own brothers while on November 4, 1852, there
is recorded the arrival of 23 men, women and children in 48
hours. Writing to The Liberator of November 12, 1852.
Mary . Bibb said that during the last ten days they had
sheltered 23 arrivals in their own home. The American
Missionary Association, which had workers among the fugi-
tives in Canada noted in its annual report for 1852 that
there had been a large increase of the Negro population
during the year 6 while further testimony to the great activ-
ity along the border is given by the statement that the Vig-
ilance Committee at Detroit assisted 1,200 refugees in one
year and that the Cleveland Vigilance Committee had a
record of assisting more than a hundred a month to
freedom. 7
The northern newspapers of the period supply abundant
information regarding the consternation into which the Ne-
groes were thrown and their movements to find places of
safety. Two weeks after President Pillmore had signed
the Fugitive Slave Bill a Pittsburgh despatch to The Lib-
erator stated that "nearly all the waiters in the hotels have
fled to Canada. Sunday 30 fled ; on Monday 40 ; on Tuesday
50; on Wednesday 30 and up to this time the number that
has left will not fall short of 300. They went in large
bodies, armed with pistols and bowie knives, determined to
American Missionary AMOeution, Scr/A Annual Xifort, 1852, p. 54.
T Mitehal), Underground EaUroad, p. 113.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 25
die rather than be captured." 8 A Hartford despatch of Oc-
tober 18, 1850, told of five Negroes leaving that place for
Canada;* Utica reported under date of October 2 that 16
fugitive slaves passed through on a boat the day before,
bound for Canada, all well armed and determined to fight to
the last; 10 Tfo Eastport Sentinel of March 12 noted that a
dozen fugitives had touched there on the steamer Admiral,
en route to St. John's; The New tfedford Mercury said:
"We arc pleased to announce that a very large number of
fugitive slaves, aided by many of our most wealthy and re-
spected citizens have left for Canada and parts unknown
and that many more are on the point of departure." 11 The
Concord, New Hampshire, Statesman reported: "Last
Tuesday seven fugitives from slavery passed through this
place . . . and they probably reached Canada in safety on
Wednesday last. Scarcely a day passes but more or less
fugitives escape from the land of slavery to the freedom of
Canada . . . via this place over the track of the Northern
Railroad. 11 "
Many other examples of the effect of the Fugitive Slave
Act might be noted. The Negro population of Columbia,
Pennsylvania, dropped from 943 to 487 after the passing of
the bill. 13 The members of the Negro community near
Sandy Lake in northwestern Pennsylvania, many of whom
had farms partly paid for, sold out or gave away their prop-
erty and went in a body to Canada. 14 In Boston a fugitive
slave congregation under Leonard A. Grimes had a church
built when the blow fell. More than forty members fled to
Canada. 16 Out of one Baptist church in Buffalo more than
130 members fled across the border, a similar migration tak-
ing place among the Negro Methodists of the same city
Liberator, October 4, 1850.
/&*., October J8, J850.
i Ibid.. October 4, 1850.
11 /&!<*., April 25, 1*51.
i* Tbid., Maj 2, 1851.
i Siebert, Underground Railroad, p. 249.
i*/6W., p. 249.
i Steven*, Anthony Burns, a History, p. 208.
26 JOURNAL OF NE<JHO HISTORY
though they were more disposed to make a stand. At
Rochester all but two of the 114 members of the Negro Bap-
tist church fled, headed by their pastor, while at Detroit the
Negro Baptist church lost 84 members, some of whom aban-
doned their property in haste to get away. 10 A letter from
William Still, agent of the Philadelphia Vigilance Com-
mittee, to Henry Bibb at Sandwich says there is much talk
of emigration to Canada as the best course for the fugi-
tives. 17 The Corning Journal illustrates the aid that was
given to the fugitives by northern friends. Fifteen fugi-
tives, men, women and children, came in by train and stopped
over night. In the morning a number of Corning people
assisted them to Dunkirk and sent a committee to arrange
for passage to Canada. The captain of the lake steamer
upon which they embarked, very obligingly stopped at Fort
Maiden, on the Canadian side, for wood and water and the
runaways walked ashore to freedom. "The underground
railroad is in fine working order," is the comment of The
Journal. " Barely does a collision occur, and once on the
track passengers are sent through between sunrise and sun-
set/' That time did not dull the terrors of the Fugitive
Slave Act is shown by the fact that every fresh arrest would
cause a panic in its neighborhood. At Chicago in 1861,
almost on the eve of the Civil War, more than 100 Negroes
left on a single train following the arrest of a fugitive, tak-
ing nothing with them but the clothes on their backs and
most of them leaving good situations behind." 18
The Underground Railroad system was never so suc-
cessful in all its history as after 1850. Despite the law, and
the infamous activities of many of the slave-catchers, at
M American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Jfeport, 1851, p. 31.
" The Voice of the Fugitive, April 9, 1851.
! Cong. Herald, May 13, 1861, quoted in American Miwionary Association,
15th annual report, 1861, p. 28. There is evidence that the Fugitive Slav* Law
was used in tome caaes to strike fear into the hearts of Negroes in order to
eaooe them to abandon their property. The Liberator of October 25, 1850,
quotes tho Detroit Free Frett to the effect that land speculators have been,
caring the Negroes in some places in the north in order to get posseasion of
their properties.
NEGBO MIGKATTON TO CANADA 27
least 3,000 fugitives got through to Canada within three
months after the bill was signed. This was the estimate of
both Henry Bibb and Hiram Wilson and there were prob-
ably no men in Canada who were better acquainted with the
situation than these two. In Tin.' Voice of the Fugitive of
November 5, 1851, Ribb reported that " the road is doing
better business this fall thao usual. The Fugitive Slave
Law has given it more vitality, more activity, more pas-
senders and more opposition which invariably accelerates
business. . . . We can run a lot of slaves through from
almost any of the bordering slave states into Canada within
48 hours and we defy the slaveholders and their abettors to
beat that if they can. . . . We have just received a fresh lot
today and still there is room." The Troy Argus learned
from "official sources 71 in 1859 that the Underground Bail-
road had been doing an unusually large business that
year. 19 Bibb's newspaper reports, December 2, 1852, that
the underground is working well. "Slaveholders are fre-
quently seen and heard, howling on their track up to the
Detroit Kiver's edge but dare not venture over lest the
British lion should lay his paw upon their guilty heads. 71
\ Bibb kept a watchful eye on slave-catchers coming to the
Canadian border and occasionally reported their presence
in his paper. Underground activity was also noted in The
Liberator. "The underground railroad and especially the
express train, is doing a good business just now. We have
good and competent conductors," was a statement in the
i- issue of October 29, 1852.*'
Not all those who fled to Canada left their property be-
hind. The Voice of the Fugitive makes frequent reference
; to Negroes arriving with plenty of means to take care of
themselves. "Men of capital with good property, some of
whom are worth thousands, are settling among us from the
northern states," says the issue of October 22, 1851, while
i American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-icventh Annual Report, 1861,
p. 49.
*In The Liberator of July 30, 1852, a letter from Hiram Wilson, at St.
Catharines, says: "Arrivals from akivery arc frequent."
28 JouKMAij OF NEXJRO HISTORY
in the issue of July 1, 1852, it i,s noted that 4i 22 from In-
diana passed through to Amherstlmrjr, with four fine cov-
ered waggons and eight horses. A few weeks ago six or
eight such teams came from the* samo state into Canada.
The Fugitive Slavo Law is driviug out brains and money."
In a later issue it was stated "we know of several families
of free? people of oolor who hav<? moved here form the north-
ern states this summer who have brought with them prop-
erty to the amount of 30,000. " 2I Some of these people
with property joined the Elgin Association settlement at
Buxton, purchasing farms and taking advantage of the
opportunities that were provided there for education. A
letter to The Voice of thv Fugitive, from Ezekiei C. Cooper,
recently arrived at Buxton, fiays: "Canada is the place
where we have our rights. 7 ' 22 lie speaks of having pur-
chased 50 acres of land and praises the school and its
teacher at Buxton. Cooper came from Northampton, Mas-
sachusetts, driven out by the Fugitive Slave I^aw. A rather
unusual case was that of 12 manumitted slaves who were
brought to Canada from the South. They had been be-
queathed $1,000 each by their former owner. They all
bought homes in -the Niagara district."
While fugitives and free Negroes were being harried in
the Northern States slaves continued to run away from
their masters and seek liberty, "Slaves are making this a
great season for running off to Pennsylvania," said the
Cumberland, Virginia, Unionist in 1851. 24 "A large num-
ber have gone in the last week, most of whom were not re-
captured." At the beginning of 1851 The Liberator had a
Buffalo despatch to the effect that 87 runaways from the
South had passed through to Canada since the passing of
the bill the previous September. 25 Bibb mentions two run-
aways from North Carolina who were 101 days reaching
=i The Voice of the Fugitive, July 29, 1852.
nlbid,, July 1, 3852.
* St. Catharine'* Journal, quoted in The Voice of the Fugitive, September
23, 1852.
i Quoted in The Liberator, September 12, 1851.
K Liber at or, February 14, 1851.
NEGRO MIGBATION TO CANADA 29
Canada. 26 The Detroit Free Press reported that 29 run-
aways crossed to Canada about the end of March, 1859,
"the first installment of northern emigration from North
Carolina." 27 About the same time The Detroit Advertiser
announced that "seventy fugitive slaves arrived in Canada
by one train from the interior of Tennessee. A week before
a company of 12 arrived. At nearly the same time a party
of seven and another of five were safely landed on the free
soil of Canada, making 94 in all. The underground rail-
road was never before doing so flourishing a business." 28
The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin of December 19,
1860, asserted that 1,500 slaves had escaped annually for
the last fifty years, a loss to the South of at least $40 r
000,000. The American Anti-Slavery Society's twenty-sev-
enth report said "Northward migration from slave land
during the last year has fully equalled the average of
former years." 2 *
It is interesting to note that several of the most famous
cases that arose under the Fugitive Slave Act had their end-
ing in Canada* Shadrack, Anthony Burns, Jerry McHenry,
the Parkers, the Lemmon slaves and others found refuge
across the border after experiencing the terrors of the Fugi-
tive Slave legislation. The Shadrack incident was one of
the earliest to arise under the new law. Shadrack, a Negro
employe in a Boston coffee house, was arrested on February
15, 1851, on the charge of having escaped from slavery in
the previous May. As the commissioner before whom he
was brought was not ready to proceed, the case was ad-
journed for three days. As Massachusetts had forbidden
the nse of her jails in fugitive cases Shadrack was detained
in the United States court room at the court house. A mob
of people of color broke into the building, rescued the pris-
oner and he escaped to Canada. The rescue caused great
The Voice of the Fugitive, August 27, J851.
2T Quoted iu American Anti-slavery Society, Twenty-seventh Report, 1861.
American Anti-slavery Society, Tweuty-seventU Annual Report, 1861,
pp. 4*M9.
P. 157.
30 JOURNAL OF NBOKO HISTORY
excitement at Washington and five of the rescuers were in-
dicted and tried but the jury disagreed. The incident showed
that the new law would he enforced with difficulty in Massa-
chusetts in view of the fact that the moh had been supported
by a Vigilance Committee of most respectable citizens. 30
A few months later, at Syracuse, a respectable man of
color named Jerry McIIcnr)- was arrested as a fugitive on
the complaint of a slaver from Missouri. He made an at-
tempt to escape and failed. The town, however, was
crowded with people who had come to a meeting of the
County Agricultural Society and to attend the annual con-
vention of the Liberty Party. On the evening of October
1, 1851, a descent was made upon the jail by a party led by
Gerrit Smith and Eev. Samuel J. May, both well-known
abolitionists. The Negro was rescued, concealed for a few
days and then sent on to Canada where he died, at Kingston,
in 1853. 31
A more tragic incident was that known as the Gorsuch
case. A slaver named Gorsuch, with his son and some
others, all armed, came to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, in
search of two fugitives. In a house two miles from Lan-
caster was a Negro family named Parker and they were be-
seiged by the Gorsuchs. The Negroes blew a horn and
brought others to their help. Two Quakers who were pres-
ent were called upon to render help in arresting the Ne-
groes, as they were required to do under the Act, but they
refused to aid. In the fighting that took place the elder Gor-
such was killed and his son wounded. The Negroes escaped
to Canada where they spent the winter in Toronto and in
the spring joined the Elgin Association settlement at Bux-
ton in Kent connty."
The Anthony Burns case attracted more attention than
any other arising in the execution of the Fugitive Slave
Hittory of the United Siaic*. I, 210.
KM., I, 224-25. fiee also Ward, Autobiography of a Fugitive Negro,
p. 127.
**n>id,, I, 222-23. 6ee also Tht Voice of the fugitive, June 3 and July
1, 1852.
NEQBO MIGRATION TO CANADA. 31
Law. Burns, who was a fugitive from Virginia living in
Boston, betrayed his hiding place in a letter which fell into
the hands of a southern slaver and was communicated to a
slave hunter. The slaver tried to coax Burns to go hack to
bondage peaceably but failing in this he had him arrested
and brought before a commissioner who, on June 2, 1854,
decided that Burns was a fugitive and must be sent back to
slavery. Boston showed its feelings on the day that the
Negro was removed from jail to be sent South. Stores were
closed and draped in black, bells tolled, and across State
Street a coffin was suspended bearing the legend TUB DEATH
OF LIBEKTY. The streets were crowded and a large military
force, with a field piece in front, furnished escort for the
lone black. Hisses and cries of "shame" came from the
crowd as the procession passed. Burns was soon released
from bondage, Boston people and others subscribing to pur-
chase his liberty. He was brought North, educated and later
entered the ministry. For several years he was a mission-
ary at St Catharines, Canada, and died there in the sixties. 33
Along the international boundary there were exciting in-
cidents at times, fugitives being chased to the border and
often having narrow escapes from recapture. The Monroe
family, mother and several daughters, escaped from slavery
in Kentucky in 1856 and were carried by the Underground
Railroad to Ann Arbor and on to Detroit, the master in hot
pursuit. So close was the chase that as the runaways pulled
out from the wharf on the ferry for Windsor, Canada, the
master came running down the street crying ont "Stop
them! stop them! 11 He was jeered at by the crowd which
sympathized with the Negro woman. 8 *
In June, 1852, three fugitives arrived in Detroit and
in response to frantic messages from Toledo were held for
their pursuers. In desperation the Negroes made a savage
attack on their jailer, gained their freedom and got across
the border with the assistance of friends in Detroit. Ee-
, Riitorv of the United Btatct, V, 290-291.
Troj, Heirbrcodth Eicapci, pp. 39-43.
32 JOUBNAL OF NEGKO HIBTOBT
wards that were offered for their recapture were useless as
the fugitives took care to remain on the Canadian side. 88
Hiram Wilson tells of an incident that came under his
notice at St. Catharines. A beautiful young girl, 14 years
of age and almost white, was brought to Buffalo as maid for
a slaveholder's daughter travelling in the North. She was
spirited off by some Buffalo abolitionists, transferred to a
steamer flying the British flag, and landed in Canada. She
was taken to St. Catharines and sheltered in the home of
Hiram Wilson. The master came over from Buffalo bring-
ing a couple of lawyers with him and tried to secure his
property but his demands were refused. The owner
claimed that he valued the girl at $1,000. It was later dis-
covered that she had been sold no less than four times before
coming to Canada. 36
The brutality of the Fugitive Slave Law was shown on
more than one occasion along the border. A case that at-
tracted much attention at the time was that of Daniel Davis.
He was cook on the steamer Buckeye. One day while the
vessel was in port at Buffalo he was called up from below.
As his head appeared above the* deck he was struck a heavy
blow by a slave catcher named Benjamin Bust who had a
warrant from a United States commissioner for his arrest.
The Negro fell back senseless into the hold and on top of a
stove, being badly burned. He was brought into court at
once and the newspaper accounts relate in detail how he sat
during the proceedings ^ dozing, with blood oozing out of
his mouth and nostrils. ' > After a trial that was rushed in a
most unseemly way the Negro was ordered delivered over
to Rust, who was really agent for one George H. Moore, of
Louisville. The brutality of the whole proceeding stirred
up deep interest in Buffalo and on a writ of habeas corpus
the fugitive was brought before Judge Conkling of the
United States Court at Auburn and released. Before there
could be further steps taken to hold the Negro he was hur-
Liberator, Jum 11, 1852. Sc alao The Voice of the Fugitive, Jun* 17,
1852.
Ibid., July 30, 1852.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 33
ried into Canada, where he remained. He was in attend-
ance at the large Negro Convention held in Toronto in Sep-
tember, 1851, and -with bis head still in bandages afforded
striking evidence of the effects of the Blave I jaw. Bust,
Davis 's assailant, was afterwards indicted at Buffalo but
allowed to go after paying a paltry $50 fine. 37
Another memorable border incident occurred at San-
dusky, Ohio, in October, 1852. A party of fugitives, two
men, two women and several children had been brought
from Kentucky and were aboard the steamer Arrow about
to sail for Detroit when they were all arrested by the al-
leged owner and taken before the mayor of the town. Rush
B. Sloane, a local lawyer, offered to act in their defence.
The proceedings were so hurried that no warrant or writ
was ready to be produced in court and Sloane signified by
a gesture that the Negroes were free. There was an imme-
diate rush for the door on the part of the fugitives and their
friends, but even as they fled from the court room the claim-
ant entered calling out: "Here are the papers. I own the
slaves. I'll hold you personally responsible for their es-
cape." The fugitives meanwhile had gone to the harbor,
entered a sailboat owned by friendly fishermen and were on
their way to Canada. The slaver, frantic at seeing his
property vanishing, tried in vain to get other fishermen to
pursue them. He then hurried to a neighboring town, try-
ing to secure help, but with no more success. Within a few
hours the runaways were landed at Port Stanley, safe from
all pursuers. The slaver made good his threat to hold
Sloane responsible for the loss of his property, entering
action and securing a judgment for $3,000. It is related as
one of the pathetic incidents of this case that when the
fugitives were first taken off the steamer Arrow one of the
women dropped her infant child on the ground and dis-
owned it, hoping that it at least would be free if she were
condemned to return to slavery. 8 *
37 Liberator, Sept. 12, 1851; Tl* Voice cf the Fugitive, Sept. 24, 1851;
Anti-eltvery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 19.
"Sail dusky Cvmmfircvil Rffjiiicr, Oct. 21, 1852; Liberator, Oct. 29, 1852;
Anti-slavery Tracts, New Series, No. 15, p. 24.
34 JOURNAL. OP NEGRO HISTORY
With so great an influx of refugees into a country that
was sparsely settled, some suffering was inevitable, but con-
temporary evidence indicates that after all it was but slight.
There was probably more distress during the winter of
1850-1 than later on because of the large number who came
in during the few months immediately after the passing of
the Fugitive Slave Bill. In their haste to find safety many
left everything behind, entering Canada with little more
than the clothes on their backs. A. L. Power, of Farming-
ton, who visited Windsor at the beginning of 1851, found
about a score of families living in an old military barracks,
most of them in need of both fuel and clothing. At Sand-
wich, near by, he also found distress and mentions seeing a
family of eight children who were almost nude and who were
suffering from the coid. M Sickness was, in many cases, a
result of the exposure to which the Negroes had been sub-
jected in their effort to reach Canada. Later on, the situa-
tion improved and by 1855 the workers of the American
Missionary Association reported that "in general, those
who have gone there from the United States, even the fugi-
tives, may provide for the wants of their families, after a
short residence there; especially if they meet a friendly
hand and, more than all, good counsel on their arrival." 4 *
Various agencies in both the United States and Canada
were active in the work of relieving the distress among
the newcomers. The American Anti-Slavery Society early
addressed itself to this task. "Several agents," said Bibb,
"have during the past year proceeded to Canada to exert
the best influence in their power over the fugitives that
have flocked to the province in years past and especially
those who have gone the past year. They are supplied with
the means of instructing the colored population, clothing
some of the most destitute fugitives and aiding them in
various ways to obtain employment, procure and cultivate
land and train up their children. Our friends in Canada
are exerting a good influence in the same direction. M4J
3 The Voice of the Fugitive, February 12, 1851.
< Ninth Annual Report, N. Y. f 1855, p. 47
American Anti-slavery Society, Eleventh Annual Report, 1851, p. 100.
NEGRO MIGRATION TO CANADA 35
The fugitives themselves were banded together to aid
the newcomers. The Windsor Anti-Slavery Society and the
Fugitives' Union were both organized to relieve distress
and assist their fellows in making a living. 42 Supplies were
sent in from points at considerable distances in some cases,
clothing, food, money, and in one case a donation of 2,000
fruit trees from Henry Willis, of Battle Creek, for refugees
who were going on the land. 43 Michigan people were ex-
ceedingly generous in extending aid and there is record also
of supplies sent from Pall River, Whitestown, New Jersey,
Boston and other places in New England. There was plenty
of work for the Negroes, the fifties being a period of rail-
road building in western Ontario, BO that writing in 1861 .
William Troy maintained. that nine tenths of the fugitives
had got along without outside aid of any kind. "The fugi-
tives show a marked disposition to help each other and re-
lieve want," he says. "I could show hundreds of instances
of kindheartedness to all persons, irrespective of race." 44
The organization of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada,
came largely as a result of the sudden influx of Negroes
after 1850 which, perhaps more than anything else, im-
pressed upon Canadians the great issue that was rapidly
dividing the neighboring republic. Beginning at Toronto
the anti-slavery forces in Canada were organized in the
various cities and towns of the province and continued
active until the Civil War. There was developed in Canada
a marked anti-slavery sentiment which manifested itself in
part in the very large number of Canadians who enlisted in
the northern armies. 49 The Anti-Slavery Society was also
active in extending the helping hand to the fugitives, con-
siderable sums being raised for relief purposes and sup-
port being given to educational and other movements de-
signed to elevate the race.
** The Voice of the Fugitive of January 15, 1851, and November IB, 1852.
Jbid., January 1 find May 20, 1852.
Troj, Hair-breadth Escape*, pp. 108 and 122.
45 "The Canadian government reckoned that there had been not le*a than
40,000 Canadian enlistment! in th American Army during the Civil War."
Goldwia Smith's Correspondence (letter to Moberly Bell), p. 377,
36 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
In Canada the refugees were absolutely safe from the
operations of the Fugitive Slave Law. No loophole could
be found in the Canadian law that would permit the rendi-
tion of a slave. A famous case arose in the Canadian courts
on the eve of the Civil War when a Negro, John Anderson,
was arrested charged with the murder of a slaver named
Diggs some years before, the crime having been committed
while Anderson was trying to make his escape from slavery.
Canadian opinion was much aroused and though the first
decision of the courts was that the Negro must be extradited
this finding was overruled from England and in the end the
prisoner was released on a technicality. It was made quite
clear that the British Government would view with marked
disapproval any decision in Canada that would return a
refugee to slavery.
There wete doubtless numerous attempts to kidnap Ne-
groes who had escaped to Canada, especially in the border
towns, but such attempts must have been rarely successful.
An open attempt to induce a Canadian official to act as slave
catcher was exposed in the Montreal Gazette of January 13,
1855, when there was published a letter written by one, John
H. Pape, of Frederick, Maryland, to Sheriff Hays, of Mon-
treal, proposing that the latter should use his power to ar-
rest Negroes who would then be turned over to Pape. The
proceeds from the sale of the captured chattels would be
divided evenly, according to the plan suggested.
Canadians took a measure of pride in the sense of secur-
ity with which their Negro immigrants could look back at
their pursuers. That the slavery issue in the United States
was rapidly coming to a head was also recognized in Canada
during the fifties and this, too, may have been an influence
with the Canadians in doing what they could to assist the
great number of more or less helpless people who carne
among them. Viewed in the light of more than half a cen-
tury it can be seen that the influence of Canada in detcrmin
ing the course of the slavery issue was by no means slight
FRED LANDON
EICHAED HILL 1
Eichard Hill, one of Jamaica's most famous sons, was
born at Montego Bay on the first of May, 1795. In 1779 Ms
father, also namei Eichard, came to Jamaica from Lincoln-
shire, where the family had lived for several centuries, and
along with a brother settled at Montego Bay. There he be-
came a substantial merchant, and on his death in 1818 left
his property in Jamaica to his son and two daughters, Ann
and Jane. Hill's mother, who had East Indian as well as
Negro blood in her veins, survived her husband many years,
her son being constant in his attention to her up to the last.
At the early age of five Hill was sent to England to re-
side with his father's relations then living at Cheshunt,
there to remain till his fourteenth year when he was sent to
the Elizabethan Grammar School at Horncastle to finish his
education. Upon the death of his father in 1818 Hill re-
turned to Jamaica. Although his property came into the
possession of his son and two daughters the father's death
in some way involved Eichard Hill in irksome money ob-
ligations which harassed him for many years, and even
after he had discharged them left a gloom over his life.
His father was a man in advance of his times, hating and
deploring the intolerance and the tyranny that grew out of
slavery as it then existed in Jamaica. On his death-bed he
made his son solemnly pledge himself to devote his energies
to the cause of freedom, and never to rest until those civil
disabilities, under which the Negroes were laboring, had
been entirely removed ; and, further, until slavery itself had
received its death-blow.
The time and opportunity for fulfilling this pledge soon
came, for in the year 1823 the Negroes in Jamaica com-
menced their agitation for obtaining equal privileges with
i Taken in great measure from the biographical notice by the writer in the
Journal of tKe Institute of Jamaica, July, 1896.
37
38 JOURNAL OF NEGEO HISTOBY
their white brethren. It does not appear that Hill attached
himself openly to any of the societies that were formed for
the purpose of carrying on this agitation. But he freely
gave them the benefit of his abilities, helping the whole
movement with his advice and with his pen. 2
In the year 1826 Hill visited Cuba, the United States and
Canada, and then went on to England, landing there in Sep-
tember. In 1827 he was deputed by the organization in
Jamaica to use his efforts in England to secure the assist-
ance of the leading members of the Anti-Slavery party.
During his stay there he was on terms of close intimacy
with Wilberforce, Buxton, Clarkson, Babington, Lushing-
ton and Zachary Macaulay, 3 all members of the Anti-Slav-
ery Society, as well as Pringle and other men eminent for
their philanthropy and talents and noted for the deep in-
terest they took in all that related to the elevation and wel-
fare of the Negroes of the British West Indian colonies.
The petition from the people of color of this island to the
House of Commons for the removal of their civil disabil-
ities, was entrusted to Hill, who upon the occasion of pre-
senting it was permitted "within the bar" of the H ousel
On that occasion Canning delivered his last speech a splen-
did effort in favor of the petitioners. Hill remained several
years in England and contributed largely by his pen and his
speeches to enlighten the public mind of England as to the
real character of West Indian slavery. But the remittances
from the "people of color " in Jamaica, never very large,
soon became few and far between. So Hill, always indepen-
dent in every way, even in his friendships and political al-
liances, maintained himself and his sister, Jane, almost en-
tirely by his contributions, literary and scientific, to several
popular newspapers and periodicals. 4
2 For a general sketch of this period see W. J. Gardner's History of
Jamaica, pp. 211-317.
s This movement had for years been promoted by the heroic few. It waa
then getting a hearing in Parliament. They first advocated the abolition of
the slave trade and then directed attention to slavery.
* These contributions closely connected Hill with the men whose new
thought revolutionized science a few decades later.
KICHAKD HILL 39
After a residence of several years in England, Hill was
sent by the Anti-Slavery Society on a visit to San Domingo,
chiefly for the purpose of ascertaining by personal observa-
tion and inquiry what was the actual social and political
condition of the people of that island. 5 But his commission
had a more extensive object than that attached to it, which,
however, directed him to obtain besides all the information
he possibly could concerning the natural resources of every
part of the country through which he was to travel. San
Domingo was then under the wise and able rule of President
Boyer, the whole island forming one undivided republic, en-
joying internal tranquillity, and being in a comparatively
flourishing condition. On his way from England to Port-au-
Prince, where he arrived on the sixteenth of June, 1830, Hill
visited France staying there a few months. He spent nearly
two years in San Domingo travelling incessantly and mak-
ing notes about everything. He has left mqre than one
sketch-book full of sketches showing a knowledge of per-
spective, a keen eye for the picturesque and a true artist's
feeling. He sailed from San Domingo for England on the
third of May, 1832, and then for Jamaica a few months
after, never again to quit his native country. In that year
he was made justice of the peace for Trelawny.
He was never greedy for money and seems to have been
ill-paid for his labors in San Domingo. Upon his return to
Jamaica either on that account or from motives of policy
he ceased all communication with the Anti-Slavery Society,
and only now and then did he write to one or two of its mem-
bers, and even then more as personal friends than as old
political allies.
On the third of February, 1834, Hill was appointed one
of a number of forty stipendiary magistrates whose duty it
was to adjudicate between the former slaveholders and
San Domingo was then independent and the success of the free Negroes
there would have a direct bearing on the anti-slavery movement, as indifferent
white men sometimes contended that the free Negro was a failure.
40 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
their "apprentices.'' 6 This appointment he held until the
first of January, 1872. In this connection it may be inter-
esting to quote the opinion of Hill expressed by the Rev.,
James Thome and J. H. Kimball, who in 1838 published for
the American Annti-Slavery Society an account of Emanci-
pation in the West Indies: a six months' tour in Antigua,
Barbadoes and Jamaica in the year 1837. They say: "We
spent nearly a day with Richard Hill, Esq., the secretary of
the special magistrates' departments, of whom we have al-
ready spoken. He is a colored gentleman, and in every
respect the noblest man, white or black, whom we met in the
West Indies. He is highly intelligent and of fine moral
feelings. His manners are free and unassuming, and his
language in conversation fluent and well chosen. . . . He is
at the head of the special magistrates (of whom there are
sixty (sic) in this island) and all the correspondence be-
tween them and the governor is carried on through him.
The station he holds is a very important one, and the busi-
ness connected with it is of a character and extent that, were
he not a man of superior abilities, he could not sustain. He
is highly respected by the government in the island and at
home, and possesses the esteem of his fellow citizens of all
colors. He associates with persons of the highest rank, din-
ing and attending parties at the government house with all
the aristocracy of Jamaica. We had the pleasure of spend-
ing an evening with him at the solicitor general's. Though
an African sun has burnt a deep tinge on him he is truly one
of nature's nobleman. His demeanor is such, so dignified,
yet so bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting
him." 7
Hill represented St. James and afterwards Trelawny
* Slavery in the British West Indies was not actually abolished instantly.
Gradual emancipation was the method tried in most parts and even in cases of
immediate emancipation the system of apprenticeship which followed was not
much better than slavery.
* The office of Secretary to the Stipendiary Magistrates was established in
order to assist Governor Sligo to get through the enormous amount of corre-
spondence entailed by the complaints sent to him in connection with the ad-
ministration of the laws with regard to the apprenticeship system.
KICHARD HILL 41
in the House of Assembly which sat from October 24, 1837,
to November 3, 1838, and during that time he served on sev-
eral important committees, notably one appointed to inquire
into the state of the several courts of justice in the island.
But the fact that he unsuccessfully contested the represen-
tation of^ort^Boyaiin^ovember, 1838, may have had some-
thing to do with his withdrawal from political strife.
About 1840 he was offered the governorship of St. Lucia,
but his love for his native island caused him to decline the
offer. He was in 1855 nominated a member of the Privy
Council which post he held only about ten years.
His political career was ended early in life, and the re-
mainder of his days were passed in retirement at Spanish-
Town where he had taken up his abode upon being appointed
stipendiary magistrate. He occupied his time with his daily
official duties and literary work and seldom left home ex-
cept for change of air at the sea side, to visit some intimate
friend in Kingston, or perhaps to take the chair at some mis-
sionary gathering, or to join in the deliberations of a com-
mittee meeting. In 1847 Hill acted as Agent General of
Immigration, and in December of that year he submitted an
interesting report to the Assembly.
When the cholera swept over the island in 1851 Hill
turned his botanical studies to good account. The saline
treatment was then in high esteem; but by means of the
bitter-bush, Eupatorium nervosum, a shrub not unlike the
wild sage in appearance, which grows freely on waste lands,
he is said to have alleviated much suffering and saved
many lives.
He was Vice-President from 1844 to 1849 of the Jamaica
Society for the encouragement of Agriculture and other
Arts and Sciences, instituted in 1825. In 1849 this Society
ceased to exist and in its stead sprang up the Colonial Lit-
erary and Beading Society, of which Hill was one of the
managing committee. He was one of the nominated mem-
bers of the then Board of Education. He was a member of
the original council of the Koyal Agricultural Society of
Jamaica, founded in 1843, Vice-President as late as 1857
42 JOUBNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
of the Eoyal Society of Arts of Jamaica, established in
1854 as the Jamaica Society of Arts, and Vice-President of
the Eoyal Society of Arts and Agriculture, which was the
result of the amalgamation of these two societies in 1864.
In 1861 he had undertaken to edit jointly with the Eev.
James Watson, the Secretary, the Transactions of the Royal
Society of Arts, to which he contributed various notes. But
in the first number of the Transactions of the Incorporated
Royal Society of Arts and Agriculture (1867) is the record
of a vote of sympathy and regret at his inability to attend
through ill-health; and although he contributed articles to
the journal he was not able to be present at the meetings.
His leisure was devoted to scientific study, especially the
ornithology, ichthyology, and anthropology of the West In-
dies. He never let a single opportunity pass by, if he could
possibly help it, without trying to benefit his country with
his ready pen, and he always gave all the encouragement he
could to those who seemed at all anxious to study any sub-
ject with which he was in the least acquainted. He read
some twenty-five lectures in all at various times on various
subjects.
On the title page of his Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica,
as well as in his preface, Gosse bears testimony to the assist-
ance which Hill rendered to him. The appearance of HilPs
name on the title page ("Assisted by Eichard Hill, Esq.,
Cor. M. Z. S. Lond., Mem. Counc. Eoy. Soc. Agriculture of
Jamaica") was, Mr. Edmund Gosse tells us in his memoir
of his father, greatly against that modest gentleman's wish.
He tells us also that the friendship for Hill was one of the
warmest and most intimate friendships of his father's life.
The- publication of this book was delayed by the fact that
every sheet was sent to Spanish Town to be read by Hill.
Hill contributed to several scientific publications both in
England and America and by this means became connected
with some of the leading learned societies of the world. He
was corresponding member of the Zoological Society of
London, of the Leeds Institute and of the Smithsonian In-
stitution, and he numbered amongst his correspondents
EICHABD HILL 43
Darwin and Poey. Darwin had written in September, 1856,
to Gosse for further information with respect to the habits
of pigeons and rabbits referred to in his Sojourn, and it was
at Gosse 's suggestion that Darwin wrote to Hill. In a later
letter, of April, 1857, he says : ' * I owe to using your name
a most kind and valuable correspondent in Mr. Hill, of
Spanish Town."
The cony of Jamaica, Capromys brachyurus, found com-
monly in his day, but now becoming extinct, was named by
Hill in Gosse *s Naturalist's Sojourn; as well as four birds
three in the Birds of Jamaica and one in the Annals and
Magazine of Natural History, and two fishes. One bird
(Mimus hillii), two fishes and four mollusca, three being
Jamaican, were named after Hill.
In addition to his collaboration with Gosse of the Birds
of Jamaica and the Naturalist's Sojourn in Jamaica, Hill's
best-known literary productions are A Week at Port Royal,
published at Montego Bay in 1858 ; Lights and Shadows of
Jamaica History, published in Kingston in 1859; Eight
Chapters in the History of Jamaica, 1508-1680, illustrating
the settlement of the Jews in the island which appeared in
1868 ; and The Picaroons of One Hundred and Fifty Years
Ago, which was published in Dublin in 1869.
He contributed, moreover, a large number of articles on
natural history subjects to various Jamaica publications
too numerous to mention. Some of these were: The Ja-
maica Almanacs; Transactions of the Jamaica Society of
Arts; Transactions of the Royal Society of Arts of Jamaica;
The Jamaica Physical Journal; Jamaica Monthly Magazine;
Jamaica Quarterly Magazine. In England he contributed
to the Proceedings of the Zoological Society; and in Amer-
ica to the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Science,
Philadelphia, and the Annals of the Lyceum of Natural His-
tory, New York.
In stature he was tall and commanding, though perhaps
the comparison of him to Antinous made by the writer of
an obituary notice was a little exaggerated. All who knew
him bore testimony to his generosity, philanthropy, mod-
44 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
esty, even temper, and unfailing self-f orgetfulness, his kind-
ness of heart, his piety, and his Catholicism in matters of
religion. A portrait of him executed in oils, it is said, by
James Wyeth, an American artist who spent a short season
in the island, is in the Jamaica History Gallery at the Insti-
tute of Jamaica, which also possesses a pencil sketch of him
done by himself.
For two or three years before his death Hill suffered
from failing eyesight. He died, unmarried, at Spanish
Town, on September 28, 1872, at the advanced age of sev-
enty-eight. His remains were followed to the grave by an
immense concourse of all classes.
FRANK CUNDALL,
Secretary, The Institute of Jamaica
THE RELATIONS OF NEGROES AND INDIANS IN
MASSACHUSETTS
One of the longest unwritten chapters of the history of
the United States is that treating of the relations of the Ne-
groes and Indians. The Indians were already here when the
white men came and the Negroes brought in soon after to
serve as a subject race found among the Indians one of their
means of escape. That a larger number of the Negroes did
not take refuge among the Indians was due to the ignorance
of the blacks as to the geographic situation. Not knowing
anything about the country and unacquainted with the lan-
guage of the white man or that of the Indians, most Negroes
dared not venture very far from the plantations on which
they lived. Statistics show, however, that in spite of this
impediment to the escape of Negroes to Indian communities,
a considerable number of blacks availed themselves of this
opportunity. P^rom the most northern colonies as far south
as Florida there was much contact resulting in the inter-
breeding of Indians and Negroes.
In no case was this better exemplified than in Massachu-
setts. Because of the cosmopolitan influences in that State
where the fur trade^ fisheries, and commerce brought the
people into contact with a large number of foreigners, the
Indian settlements by an infusion of blood from without
served as a sort of melting pot in which the Negroes became
an important factor. There was extensive miscegenation of
4(the two races after the middle of the seventeenth century.
In the course of ten or twelve generations there was an op-
portunity for "foreign blood early introduced to permeate
the whole mass and when it is considered that the intermix-
ture was constantly kept up from the outside, it is a wonder
that Indians of pure native race remained." 1
i Documents printed by order of the Senate of the Commonwealth of Massa-
chusetts during the Session of the Grand Court, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.
46 JOUKNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
According to the first authentic census of Massachusetts,
published in 1765, all of the counties of the State except
Hampshire, Hampden, and Franklin had both a Negro and
Indian population. Barnstable had 231 Negroes and 515
Indians; Berkshire had 88 Negroes and 221 Indians; Bris-
tol, 287 Negroes and 106 Indians; Dukes, 46 Negroes and
313 Indians; Essex, 1070 Negroes and 8 Indians; Middle-
sex, 860 Negroes and 45 Indians; Nantucket, 44 Negroes
and 227 Indians ; Suffolk, 844 Negroes and 37 Indians ; Wor-
cester, 267 Negroes and 34 Indians, making a total of 4900
Negroes and 1697 Indians. 2 After a careful survey of the
Indian situation in 1861, however, it was discovered that
only a part of these Indians had retained their peculiar
characteristics and these had been finally reduced to a few
reservations known as the following: Chappequiddick,
Christiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Natick,
Punkapog, Fall River, Hassanamisco, and Dudley. There
were other Indians at Yarmouth, Dartmouth, Tumpum,
Deep Bottom, Middleborough, and a few scattered. 3
The Indians were generally neglected for the reason that
they were considered beyond the pale of Christianity,
despite professions to the contrary. As a matter of fact,
being wards of the State they were scantily provided for
and their fundamental needs were generally neglected.
They were offered few opportunities for mental, moral, or
religious improvement for the reason that the missionary
spirit which characterized Cotton Mather and John Eliot
no longer existed. Only a small sum was raised or appro-
priated for their rudimentary education and with the ex-
ception of what could be done with the "Williams Fund"
of Harvard College there was little effort made for their
2 The figures given by The Centinel differed a little from these. Accord-
ing to its census in 1765, Barnstable had 516 Indians instead of 515; Bristol
had 401 Negroes and 167 Indians; Essex 977 Negroes instead of 1,070; Mid-
dlesex 871 Negroes and 37 Indians; Nantucket 93 Indians instead of 149;
Norfolk 420 Negroes instead of 414; Plymouth 223 Indians instead of 227;
Suffolk 891 Negroes instead of 844; Worcester 304 Negroes instead of 267.
See J. H. Benton 's Early Census making in Massachusetts.
s Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96 ; passim.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 47
evangelization. Left thus to themselves, the Indians devel-
oped into a state within a state.
When, therefore, the Negroes became conscious of the
wrongs they suffered in slavery, a few early learned to take
refuge among the Indians and even after they were freed in
Massachusetts their social proscription was such among the
whites that some free people of color preferred the hard life
among the Indians to the whiffs and scorns of race prej-
udice in the seats of Christian civilization. Coming into
contact there with foreigners, who found it convenient to
move among these morally weak people, the Negroes served
as important factors in the melting pot in which the Indians
were remade and introduced to American life as whites and
blacks. Referring to the moral condition of the Fall River
Indians, as a case in evidence, an investigator reported in
1861 that in two families there were twelve cases of bastardy
and in one of them it was said that, of eight children, the
paternity was apparently about equally divided among the
Indian, Negro, and white races. 4
The reports on the state of the Indians always disclosed
the presence and the influence of Negroes among them. 1 1 Of
the publishments of colored persons interested and the early
records of Dartmouth," said J. M. Earle in 1861, "by far
the larger proportion of those of them were Negro men to
Indian women. In Yarmouth a large portion of those of
Indian descent have intermarried with whites until their
progeny has become white, their social relations are with
those of that color and they are mingled with the general
community having lost their identity as a distinct portion
of the Hassanamiscoes and it would have been a fortunate
thing for all if it had been so with thorn all. But the mix-
ture in most of the tribes has been more with the Negro race
than with the white until that blood probably predominates
though there are still a considerable number who have the
prominent characteristics of the Indians the lank, glossy,
4 Documents printed by order of the Senate of Massachusetts, 1861, No.
96, p. 84.
48 JOUKNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
black hair, the high cheek bones the bright dark eye and
other features peculiar to the race." 5
Investigating the Indians of Gay Head in 1861, John M.
Earle observed that the people of Gay Head, like those of
other plantations, were a mixture of the red, white and black
races. They had also "an infusion of the blood of the chiv-
alry of the South as well as of the Portuguese and Dutch, as
might be inferred from the names of Eandolph, Madison,
Corsa, Sylvia and Vanderhoop being found among them." 6
The admixture was much like that on the other plantations
with perhaps a less infusion of the African than in some of
them. A few were so strongly marked with Indian charac-
teristics as to lead one to conclude that they are very nearly
of pure blood, but there were none so nearly white as in
some of the other tribes.
It appeared that these people had lived without the law,
so to speak, in Massachusetts because of their refusal to
accept certain regulations which the State desired to impose
upon them. By the act of June 25, 1811, the governor was
authorized to appoint three persons to be guardians of the
Indian, Mulatto and Negro proprietors of Gay Head, which
guardians, in addition to the usual powers given to func-
tionaries in such cases, were empowered to take into their
possession the lands of Indians, and allot to the several In-
dians such part of the lands as should be sufficient for their
improvement from time to time. The act further provided
for the discontinuance or. removal of the guardians at the
discretion of the governor and council. 7 Under this act
three guardians were appointed and in 1814 the Indians be-
came dissatisfied with their guardians, who resigned, and
the guardianship disappeared.
In 1828 there was enacted another measure providing
that whenever the Indians and people of color at Gay Head
should by a vote in town meeting accept that act and should
transmit to the governor an attested copy of the vote, the
* Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 10.
Ibid., p. 34.
7 The Laws of Massachusetts, 1811.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 49
governor might then authorize the guardian to take up his
duties at Gay Head, and might upon their request, appoint
suitable persons to divide their lands. As the Indians had
unpleasant recollections of the guardian-system, they never
accepted that proposal. For about thirty years they were
without any guardians, and their affairs, except that of the
public schools, were left to themselves.
It appears, however, that the mere provision for the ap-
pointment of a guardian was not the only objectionable fea-
ture of the Act of 1828. The guardian was given power to
"punish, by fine not exceeding twenty dollars, or by solitary
imprisonment not exceeding twenty days, any trespasses,
batteries, larcenies under five dollars, gross lewdness and
lascivious behavior, disorderly and riotous conduct, and
for the sale of spirituous liquors within the territory, or on
the lands of these Indians and people of color. 8 The guar-
dian or other justice of the peace might issue his warrant
directed to the constable of the Indians and people of color,
or other proper officer, to arrest and bring before him, any
offender against the provisions of this act ; and after judg-
ment, he might order execution to be done by said constable
or other proper officer ; and if the guardian or other justice
of the peace should adjudge any offender to solitary impris-
onment, such offender should not, during the term of said
imprisonment be visited by, or allowed to speak with any
person other than the jailer, or the guardian or justice of
the peace or such other person as the guardian or justice of
the peace should specially authorize thereto ; nor should such
offender be allowed any food or drink other than coarse
bread and water, unless sickness should, in the opinion of a
physician, render other sustenance necessary." 9 "With
such a provision in the Act," said J. M. Earle, "making a
discrimination so odious and unjust, between themselves
and other prisoners, the Indians would have been greatly
wanting in self-respect had they accepted it. It is a pro-
vision disgraceful to the statute book of the State, and dis-
s Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, pp. 38-39.
Laws of Massachusetts, 1828.
50 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
creditable to the civilization of the age. Yet two tribes, the
Chappequiddick and the Christiantown, were made subject
to the provisions of this law, without the power to accept or
reject it, and are governed by it to this day" 10 (1861).
The Marshpee tribe doubtless had a larger infusion of
Negro blood than any. When the population of this tribe
was 327 in 1771, 14 of them were Negroes, married to In-
dians. In 1832 there were 315 inhabitants, of whom 16 were
Negroes. According to the report of the Indian commis-
sioner in 1849 the population was 305 in 1848, of whom 26
were foreigners, all Negroes or mulattoes. The tribe num-
bered 403 in 1859, "including 32 foreigners, married to
natives of the tribe, all Negroes or mulattoes, or various
mixtures of Negro, Indian, or white blood none of them
being pure whites." 11
The Punkapog Tribe of Indians formerly dwelt on a
tract of land in Canton, Norfolk County, containing five
thousand acres, granted them by the General Court of Mas-
sachusetts. Before 1861, however, they had lost all of this
property, the last of it being sold by the guardian, about
1841, in pursuance of a resolve of . the legislature. "The
full-blood Indians of the tribe, " says the report of 1861,
"are all extinct. Their descendants, who,. like those of all
the other tribes in the States, are of various grades of mix-
tures, of Indian, white, and Negro blood, number, so far as
is ascertained one hundred and seventeen persons." 12
1 "Sixty-six out of the whole number of the tribe, at the time of the enu-
meration, were not residents of the District; but 52 of them were considered as
retaining their rights in the tribe, and more than half of the 66 were under-
stood to be only temporary residents abroad, expecting, at some time, to return
to Marshpee, and make it their permanent place of residence. A few others,
as a matter of personal convenience, are now residing just over the line, and are
so returned, but they consider themselves as identified with the tribe in all
respects, and are so considered by the tribe. Fourteen individuals, included in
the above 66, whose names are in the 'Supplementary List,' own no land in
the District, but have been gone so long from it, that they are not now recog-
nized by residents as members of the tribe." Documents printed by order of
the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 40.
11 Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 47.
12 Ibid., pp. 73-74.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 51
According to the survey made in 1861 the moral condi-
tion of the Indians was rather low and it was a regret that
the people of color exhibiting generally more moral stamina
should be degraded by living among them. Accounting for
this condition of affairs a contemporary said of the low
moral condition of the Fall Kiver Indians in 1861: "The
prejudice of color and caste, and the social proscription to
which the colored people are subjected, has a twofold un-
favorable effect upon them ; first to detract from their self-
respect and so to weaken the moral instincts, and then to
throw them into the association of the more dissolute and
degraded of other races, where they fall an easy prey to
immoral habits. There are, however, in this tribe as well as
the others, instances of those who rise above all the evil in-
fluences with which they are encompassed and maintain a
good standing, as worthy and respectable members of the
community. It would be a cause for gratification, if it could
be said truly that these are increasing, or that there was
any decided progress in the general character of the tribe.
But, from all the evidence that can be gathered, it does not
appear that, for the last twelve or fourteen years, there has
been much, if any improvement in their moral and social
condition." 13
The situation in the Hassanamisco Tribe shows how the
Indians in some of these reservations became extinct. In-
terbreeding with both races they passed either to the blacks
or to the whites. "But little trace of Indian descent is ap-
parent in the members of this tribe, " said J. M. Earle in
1861. "It is most marked in the few who have mixed chiefly
with the whites, yet some of these have no perceptible indi-
cations of it, and have become identified with the white race.
The remainder of the tribe have the distinguishing marks
of African descent and mixed African and white, of various
grades, from the light quadroon and mulatto, to the ap-
parently nearly pure negro, and, in every successive gen-
is Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 84.
52 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
eration the slight remaining characteristics of the race be-
come less apparent. " 14
Keferring to the Yarmouth Indians the investigator in-
forms us that these had tended to go almost altogether over
to the white race. "With this exception, " said he, "nearly
all of his descendants have intermarried with whites, down
to the present day, so that they are substantially merged in
the general community, having their social relations with
white people, with the exception of one or two families. " 15
It was observed that in all the families, in which both heads
are living, there were only two in which one of them was not
pure white, and those having the Indian blood were usually
so little colored, that it would hardly be noticed by one not
acquainted with the fact. Some of them had but one six-
teenth part of Indian blood. Of the two widows found there
in 1861 one was the wife of a white man. The other was a
Marshpee Indian whose husband belonged to the Yarmouth
tribe and she associated with the people of color.
Discussing the Middleborough Indians, the same report
said: "They have been, for some time, commingled with
them in the same community, generally under as favorable
circumstances, in most respects, as the other colored popu-
lation of the State, to which they assimilate and have not
been subjected to the peculiar present disadvantages under
which those labor who are residents of the plantations." 10
Because of numerous complaints to the effect that the
unnecessary restrictions placed on Indians no longer de-
pendents worked a hardship, the Commonwealth of Massa-
chusetts enacted in 1861 a measure providing that all In-
dians and descendants of Indians in that State should be
placed on the same legal footing as other inhabitants of that
Commonwealth, excepting those who were supported or had
been, in whole or in part, by the State and excepting also
those residing on the Indian plantations of Chappequiddick,
Christiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Fall
i* Documents printed by order of the Senate, 1861, No. 96, p. 101.
i* Ibid., p. 109.
Ibid., pp. 131-132.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 53
River and Dudley tribes or those whose homes were thereon
and were only temporarily absent. It further provided that
any Indian or person of color, thus denied the right of citi-
zenship but desirous of exercising that privilege might cer-
tify the same in writing to the clerk of his town or city, who
should make a record of the same and upon the payment of
a poll tax should become to all intents and purposes a citizen
of the State, but such persons should not return to the legal
condition of an Indian. Indians unable to avail themselves
of this opportunity remained under a guardian in their
former state but by complying with this provision they
finally emerged from their tribal state into the large body
of citizens.
Giving further consideration to the situation among the
Indians, the legislature of Massachusetts passed in 1869
what is known as An Act to Enfranchise the Indians of the
Commonwealth. By this measure practically all Indians in
that State were made citizens entitled to all the rights, priv-
ileges, and immunities and subject to all the duties and lia-
bilities to which other citizens were entitled or subject. The
same provision was made in the acts of 1884, 1890, 1892
and 1893. 17 With a proviso exempting from attachment or
seizure on execution for a debt or liability existing before
the passage of the law this measure further declared all In-
dian lands "rightfully held by any Indian in severalty and
all such lands which had been or may be set off to any In-
dian should be and become the property of such person and
his heirs in fee simple. " 18
The Indians thereby became vested not only with the
rights of any other citizen to sell or control his interest in
property whether legal or equitable but were given similar
rights in the common lands which were transferable. Prior
to this legislation the common lands had been exploited by
the State for the benefit of those Indians having the status
of wards. Eecognizing only equitable rights of ownership
in the Indians, the commonwealth kept their property under
IT Massachusetts Acts of 1884, 1890, 1892, and 1893.
i* Massachusetts Acts of 1869, Chapter 463.
54 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
public guardianship to protect them from the consequences
of their own improvidence. Indians had the right imme-
diately to have their share of the common lands of the tribe
transferred to them or sold for their special benefit. They
were granted also the right to have their share in any funds
or other property held in trust for the tribe turned over to
them.
The Indians of the Marshpee and Gay Head settlements,
however, were made exceptions in this case for the reason
that the improvement in their condition was not adequate
to justify the extension to them of the same treatment given
others ; but they were given these same rights in 1870. 19 By
the Act of 1870 the district of Marshpee was abolished as
such and incorporated as a town by that name. To estab-
lish the claim to the rights and privileges guaranteed other
Indians in the Act of 1869, the Superior Court of the State
was given jurisdiction and a board of Selectmen was con-
stituted as the authority for making such applications in-
stead of any member of a tribe.
It would seem that this legislation of 1869 and 1870
solved the problem of the wardship of Indians and free per-
sons of color on the reservations. It developed thereafter,
however, that all members of these communities were not in
a position to maintain themselves. In 1902, therefore, it
was enacted that the State Board of Charity upon the appli-
cation of the overseers of the poor of any town should make
provision in the State hospital or elsewhere for the support
of Indians who may be unable to support themselves and
have not acquired a settlement in any town. Upon the ap-
plication of an Indian who received aid from the common-
wealth prior to the twenty-third day of July in the year
i " A method was also provided through which his title might be estab-
lished. This was through Commissioners which were to be appointed by the
Probate Court who were to act under the direction of the Court and determine
all necessary questions and make their report from which the Court could make
its order or decrees. Any person who deemed himself aggrieved had the right
to appeal to the Supreme Judicial Court. The right of the Indians became
vested and forcible the moment the statute took effect. ' ' See a statement from
the present Attorney General of Massachusetts, dated December 1, 1919.
NEGBOES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 55
1869, the State Board was obligated to furnish him in the
State hospital or elsewhere such aid as it might consider
expedient.
The provisions in the law of 1870 for the sale of certain
lands in the proceeds of which these persons would share
led to further action. In 1870 the probate court appointed
commissioners to make partition of the common lands of the
Marshpee Indians referred to in the Act of 1869. These
commissioners did not make their report until 1878. In 1870
there was presented to the Superior Court by the Select-
men of Marshpee a petition for the division of common
lands among the persons entitled thereto. In spite of argu-
ment to the contrary the Supreme Court of Massachusetts
held that the members of the Indian tribes mentioned in the
Act of 1869 acquired both legal and equitable rights in ten-
ants in common of the undivided lands of the tribe which
were transferable. It was provided in 1878 that the pro-
ceeds* from the sale of such lands should be divided among
the persons entitled to the land in proportion to their in-
terests.
In 1870 the Gay Head district also was abolished and in-
corporated as a town. The Indians were guaranteed the
same rights to lands in severally and the division of common
lands as in the case of other Indian communities thus dis-
established. The partition of these lands was to be made
in the Probate Court on application of the Selectmen or ten
resident owners of such land. An Indian feeling aggrieved
because of an invasion of his rights could appeal his case,
according to the provision set forth in chapter 117 of the
General Statutes of Massachusetts. 20
20 "Section 5, chapter 463 of the Acts of 1869 provided that the general
agent of the board of state charities shall take charge of the house, and all
property connected therewith, in the town of Webster, belonging to the Com-
monwealth and permission was given him to lease the same to persons hereto-
fore known as members of the Dudley tribe of Indians, upon terms substantially
like those upon which they have heretofore occupied it; or to sell the same at
public auction under the direction of the state board of charities and pay the
proceeds of such lease or sale into the Treasury of the Commonwealth. ' ' State-
ment of present Attorney General of Massachusetts, submitted December 1,
1919.
56 JOURNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
Some of these Negroes from the very beginning of their
association with the Indians took high rank. 21 The most
prominent Negro of all, however, to come out of the Indian
plantations was the celebrated Paul Cuff 6, well known in
this country and Europe by his efforts in behalf of African
colonization, lie was a native of the tribe of Dartmouth
Indians, of mixed African and white descent. His impor-
tant achievement was that of exploring the western coast of
Africa with ships which he owned and fitted out and com-
manded and which he used in the transportation of Negroes
to Africa where he was the first to undertake the deporta-
tion of f reedmen from the United States, preparing the way
for the organization of the American Colonization Society.
On one of his voyages he visited England where he was re-
ceived with marked attention by the nobility and the royalty
itself. Men who knew Cuffe considered him a man of great
character and respected him because of his being able by
dint of energy to accumulate sufficient property to place
himself in circumstances of pecuniary independence. Some
of his descendants remained in the vicinity of the original
Dartmouth Indians but others moved to California. 22
Several families of Negroes in Massachusetts trace their
ancestry back to these Indians. According to the Attorney
General of Massachusetts, there are no special records kept
at present of Negroes or persons of color who had inter-
breeded with Indians as regards the receipts by them of
pensions from the commonwealth given as the result of hav-
ing been dispossessed of their lands. Some persons of
color assert, however, that they are the direct descendants
of King Philip and Massasoit. Because of this close con-
nection with the Indians it was necessary for the Common-
wealth of Massachusetts on dispossessing the Indians of
their lands to give these persons of color the benefits of the
acts securing remuneration to the Indians. As these lands
were disposed of regardless of the rights of the Indians, the
21 Samuel A. Drake, History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts, pp.
194, 280.
-- John W. Cromwell, The Negro in American History, 98-103.
NEGROES AND INDIANS IN MASSACHUSETTS 57
State has assumed the obligation of satisfying these claims
by pensioning the complainants.
Mr. William George Butler, of West Medford, Massa-
chusetts, a man now sixty years of age, receives such a pen-
sion. Mr. Butler's father came to Boston from Baltimore
about 1815 and married a woman of color with an infusion
of Indian blood. In looking up her estate this connection
was discovered and a petition was sent to the Massachusetts
Legislature in her favor. Upon the investigation of her
claim, which proved to be just, she was granted a pension of
$250 a year, which Butler inherited. 23 In the following list
of persons and tribes from which are descended all Indians
who are at present receiving pensions from the Common-
wealth, of Massachusetts, however, appear several Negroes
or persons of color. 24 These are :
Lemuel D. and Anna Burr Ponkapoag
Fannie S. Butler Wampanoag
William G. Butler Wampanoag
James L. Cisco Hassanamisco
Delia L. Daley Oneida
Alice Gigger Hassanamisco
Elbridge G. Gigger Hassanamisco
Angela M. Leach Pegon and Dudley
Rebecca C. Hammond Algonquin
fDescendants of
Teeweleema Mitchell Wampanoag
Wontonekamuske Mitchell Wampanoag
Massasoit
V.
Sarah B. Pocknett Algonquin
Zeriah Robinson Wampanoag
Samantha Talbot Oneida
C. G. WOODSON
2* These facts were obtained from Mr. Butler himself.
24 This list was obtained from the office of the Attorney General of Massa-
chusetts.
DOCUMENTS
To meet the demand for an enlargement of the liberty
granted the Indians and the mixed breeds living on the
reservations, the Massachusetts Legislature enacted in 1861
the following measure intended to offer every ambitious one
of these groups a way of escape from the wardship of the
State and at the same time safeguarding the interests of
those who objected to having turned loose upon society a
large number of dependents who could not function as per-
sons having a permanent attachment to the community and
primarily concerned with the welfare of the body politic.
COMMONWEALTH OP MASSACHUSETTS.
IN THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND SIXTY-ONE.
AN ACT
CONCERNING THE INDIANS OF THE COMMONWEALTH
P,e it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives, in
General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as
follows :
Sect. .1. All Indians and descendants of Indians in this State
are hereby placed on the same legal footing: as the other inhabitants
of the Commonwealth, excepting those who are supported, or have
been, in whole or in part, by the State, and excepting also, those
residing on the Indian plantations of the Chappequiddick, Chris-
tiantown, Gay Head, Marshpee, Herring Pond, Fall River, and
Dudley tribes, or those whose homes are thereon and are only
temporarily absent.
Sect. 2. Any Indinn or person of color, belonging to either of
the tribes before mentioned, and residing within the limits of any
town or city of this Commonwealth, to whom the right of citizen-
ship is not extended by the first section of this act, but who wishes
to exercise that privilege, may certify the same in writing to the
58
DOCUMENTS 59
clerk of the town or city where he resides, who shall make record of
the same: and upon paying a poll tax, he shall become, to all
intents and purposes, a citizen of the State, and shall not, thence-
forward, return to the legal condition of an Indian. And settle-
ment shall be required, by those who become citizens, under the
provisions of this act, in the same manner they are acquired by
other persons, under the General Statutes of the Commonwealth.
Sect. 3. It shall be the duty of the governor, by and with the
advice and consent of the council, to appoint an able, discreet, and
suitable person, to be Indian commissioner, who shall hold his office
for the term of three years, unless sooner removed by the governor
and council. And the governor and council shall fill all vacancies
which shall happen in said office, by death, resignation, expiration
of said term, or otherwise. It shall be the duty of said com-
missioner to exercise a careful supervision over the affairs of all
the Indians of the Commonwealth, not endowed by the provisions
of this act, with the rights of citizenship, and to aid them, by
advice, counsel, and whatever other suitable means may be within
his control, to promote their welfare, to improve their general con-
dition, and to qualify themselves, judiciously, and with safety to
themselves and others, to be placed, at as early a time as may be,
on the same legal footing as the other inhabitants of the Common-
wealth. He shall exercise all the powers, perform all the duties,
and be subject to all the restrictions, responsibilities and liabilities,
which now by law appertain to the treasurer of Marshpee, and to
the guardians of other tribes except so far as they may be charged
or varied by the provisions of this act ; and he shall give bonds, to
the satisfaction of the governor and council, for the faithful per-
formance of such trust.
Sect. 4. The said commissioner shall, as soon as is convenient,
after his appointment, cause a registration to be made, on the basis
of the general registration of the State, of all the members of the
several tribes, specifying the parentage and date of the birth of
each, as near as can be ascertained, and the date of all marriages
of parties now living, with all the particulars, that are now re-
quired of town clerks, by the laws of the State, and having com-
pleted the same, up to the time required by law for the last pre-
ceding return to be made, he shall, thenceforward make and keep a
true registration of all the births, marriages, and deaths, in each of
the said tribes, and shall annually make due return thereof, the
whole to be done in the same manner as is required of town clerks,
60 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
and under the same liabilities and conditions that are, by law,
imposed upon them.
Sect. 5. The said commissioner shall, in concurrence with the
proper officers of the Gay Head tribe, cause a survey of all the land
held in severalty, by the members of said tribe, setting out the same
to each, by betes and bounds, and, when the survey is complete,
shall cause a record of the portion of each proprietor to be made in
the registry of deeds, of the county of Dukes County, and there-
upon, the legal title shall vest in the several proprietors thereof,
their heirs, and assigns, forever: provided, however, that no land
on the plantation shall ever be alienated from the tribe or be held
or possessed by any person who is not a member thereof ; and when
ever the family of any proprietor becomes extinct, the real estate of
said proprietor shall revert to said tribe and become the property
thereof, in common. And whenever, hereafter, any common land
shall be taken up to be occupied and possessed in severalty, by any
member of the tribe, having the concurrence of the tribe therein,
the same shall be surveyed, set forth, and recorded, under the
supenrision of said commissioner, as is above provided ; and no title
to any common land, to be held in severalty, on said plantation shall
be acquired in any other manner.
Sect. 6. The said commission shall cause a survey to be made
of the Indian plantation at Fall River and the bounds thereof to
be renewed, agreeably to the surveys made by order of the State
in one thousand seven hundred and sixty-three. He shall ascertain
to whom the several lots belong by heriditary descent from the pro-
prietors to whom they belonged in one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-four, so far as descendants of said proprietors still re-
main, and shall designate the same by the numbers of the lots
respectively; and in the same manner, he shall designate the
several lots, if such there be, of which the families of the former
proprietors have become extinct, and shall make return of the same
to the governor and council, for the use of the legislature, and
shall report such other facts connected therewith as may be useful
to them, and shall recommend such disposition of the land remain-
ing in common, as in his judgment, shall be most conducive to the
welfare of the Indians, and of the State.
Sect. 7. The said commissioner shall, as soon as the perform-
ance of the duties of his office shall have made him sufficiently
acquainted with the necessities and wants of the Indians, and with
the other facts necessary to qualify him for the service, prepare a
DOCUMENTS 61
bill embodying a system for governing, managing, and regulating
the affairs of the several tribes, as nearly uniform in its provision
respecting them severally, as the circumstances of the different
tribes will permit, as a substitute for the present laws on that
subject, and report the same to the governor and council for the
consideration of the legislature, accompanied by the reasons on
which the several provisions therein recommended are sustained.
Sect. 8. The Indians and people of color on Gay Head, and
the officers by them appointed for the purpose, shall have the
same powers in the management of their municipal affairs, and in
relation to the employment of teachers, and the making and en-
forcing of all rules for the regulation and government of their
schools, that by law are exercised by the inhabitants and corre-
sponding officers of the several towns of the Commonwealth : pro-
vided, however, that this shall not be construed to authorize the
alienation of any of the territory of the plantation : and provided,
further, that no person shall be authorized to vote in municipal
affairs, except natives of the Gay Head tribe, natives of other
Indian tribes of this State married or having been married to a
Gay Head woman and resident on the plantation, or such other
person resident on the plantation and married or having been
married to a Gay Head woman, as shall have the right conferred
on him by a vote of two-thirds of the voters of the plantation.
Sect. 9. All acts and parts of acts heretofore passed, so far as
they conflict with the provisions of this act, are hereby repealed.
Sect. 10. This act shall take effect from and after its passage.
If the legislature should decide not to authorize the appoint-
ment of a single commissioner for the State, I would propose the
passage of the same Bill with the following amendments:
Strike out the whole of section 3.
Strike out in section 4 the words "said commissioner shall, as
soon as is convenient after his appointment, ' ' and insert the words
clerks of Marshpee, the guardians of the several plantation
tribes, and the clerk of Gay Head shall.
In section 5, strike out the words "said commissioner," and
insert the words guardians of the Chappequiddick and Christian-
town tribes. Also, in the latter portion of the same section, strike
out the word "commissioner" and insert the word guardian.
In section 6, strike out the words "said commissioner," and
insert the words guardian of the Troy or Fall River tribe.
Strike out section 7, entire.
62 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Alter the numbering of the sections after 2, to correspond to
the changes.
Insert the following section after section 8:
Sect. . No person shall be entitled to support by any tribe
in the State, of whose parents, one only was an Indian, and whose
residence was not on the plantation of the tri.be at the time of his
birth, unless the rights of himself or parents as members of the
tribe, shall have been subsequently recognized by the tribe.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OF RECONSTRUCTION
CONVENTIONS AND LEGISLATURES AND
OF CONGRESS 1
No systematic effort has hitherto been made to save the
records of the Negro during the Reconstruction period.
American public opinion has been so prejudiced against the
Negroes because of their elevation to prominence in south-
ern politics that it has been considered sufficient to destroy
their regime and forget it. As future historians will seek
for facts beyond those compiled by biased investigators now
writing monographs in this field, a few persons realizing the
importance of preserving the records in which the actual
facts are set forth, are now directing the attention of the
country to this neglected aspect of our history. These
lists of suggestive names of the men who figured conspicu-
ously in this recent drama will be decidedly useful in the
collection of facts adequate to the presentation of both sides
of the question. These lists are far from being complete.
This is but a step in the right direction and persons in pos-
session of such facts are earnestly urged to cooperate in
collecting them.
It has been extremely difficult to determine the race of
the members of the various Reconstruction bodies. The
lists of members as published in the Journals of the legis-
latures do not indicate the race. This has to be determined
by contemporary information. The methods used by other
persons and agencies in identifying the race have been
various. The Negro members of the North Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly, for example, were indicated by the figure 37
in the State Manual listing all persons who had been in the
Assembly. Where no such information could be obtained
from printed matter, it has been necessary to rely upon in-
formation obtained from individuals who participated in the
Reconstruction.
i Compiled by Monroe N. Work.
63
64 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE ALABAMA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION,
1867*
District Name County
1st John Carraway Mobile
Ovide Gregory Mobile
6th Thomas Diggs Barbour
7th B. F. Royal Bullock
13th Washington Johnson Russell
15th Peyton Finley Montgomery
16th H. Stokes Dallas
J. Hatcher Dallas
17th J. Wright McLeod Marengo
18th Benjamin Inge Sumter
19th Samuel Blanden Lee
21st Thomas Lee Perry
22nd J. K. Greene Hale
B. F. Alexander Greene
42nd Lafayette Robinson Madison
C. Jones Madison
43rd J. T. Rapier Lauderdale
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE ALABAMA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION,
1875*
District Name County
H. A. Carson Lowndes
25th A. H. Curtis Perry
21st G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Senate 3
Session 1872-1874
Name County
Jeremiah Haralson Dallas
J. W. Jones Lowndes
Lloyd Leftwich Greene
B. F. Royal Bullock
Session 1874-1875 and 1875-1876
Name County
A. A. Curtis Perry
J. K. Greene Hale
Jeremiah Haralson* Dallas
2 Beverly, History of Alabama, 202, 208.
s Not returned for the 1875-1876 session.
* Beverly, History of Alabama, pp. 202-208.
DOCUMENTS 65
J. W. Jones Lowndes
Lloyd Lef twich Greene
B. F. Royal Bullock
House
Session 1868 and 1869-1870
Name County
Benjamin Alexander Greene
J. H. Alston Maeon
Matt Avery Perry
Samuel Blandon Lee
N. A. Brewington Lowndes
John Carraway (Speaker of House) . . . Mobile
George Cox Montgomery
Thomas Diggs Barbour
Joseph Draun Dallas
J. K. Greene Hale
Ovide Gregory Mobile
George Houston Sumter
Benjamin Inge Sumter
C. Jones Madison
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
David Law Barbour
Jeff McCally Madison
H. W. W. Rice Talladega
James Shaw Mobile
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Holland Thompson Montgomery
William V. Turner Elmore
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
Henry Young Lowndes
Session 1870-1871 and 1871-1872
Nmine County
H. Craig Montgomery
A. H. Curtis Perry
Thomas Diggs Barbour
John Dozier Perry
William D. Gaskins Lowndes
Ned Gee Dal las
J. K. Greene Hale
Jeremiah Haralson . . Dallas
66 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
R. L. Johnson Dallas
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Henry St. Glair Macon
Holland Thompson Montgomery
Mansfield Tyler Lowndes
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
House
Session 1872-1873 and 1873-1874
Name County
W. E. Carson Lowndes
T. J. Clark Barbour
Mentor Dotson Sumter
John Dozier Perry
Hale Ellsworth Montgomery
Samuel Fantroy Barbour
J. H. Goldsby Dallas
J. K. Green Hale
R. L. Johnson Dallas
Reuben Jones Madison
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Perry Matthews Bullock
January Maul Lowndes
G. R. Miller Russell
Willis Merriweather Wilcox
S. J. Patterson Autauga
George Patterson Macon
Robert Reid Sumter
Bristo W. Reese Hale
Lawrence S. Speed Bullock
Henry St. Clair Macon
Lawson Stelle Montgomery
F. H. Threat Marengo
J. R. Treadwell Russell
Thomas Walker Dallas
E. A. Williams Barbour
Latty J. Williams Montgomery
William V. Turner, Assistant Clerl , . Elmore
Phillip Joseph, Engrossing Clerk . Mobile
W. H. Council, Assistant Engrossing Clerk . . . Madison
C. O. Harris, Assistant Enrolling Clerk Montgomery
Stephen Russell, Page Montgomery
DOCUMENTS 67
House
Session 1874-1875 and 1875-1876
Name County
Elijah Baldwin Wilcox
W. H. Blevins Dallas
Matt Boyd Perry
H. V. Cashin Montgomery
Elijah Cook Montgomery
Charles Fagan Montgomery
W. D. Gaskin 5 Lowndes
Captain Gilmer Montgomery
C. E. Harris Dallas
A. W. Johnson Macon
Samuel Lee Lowndes
G. S. W. Lewis Perry
Jacob Martin Dallas
P. Matthews Bullock
G. W. Allen Bullock
Willis Merriweather Wilcox
George Patterson Macon
Bristo W. Reese Hale
Robert Reid Sumter
C. S. Smith Bullock
Manly Wynne Hale
H. A. Carson* Lowndes
E. W. Locke 8 Wilcox
NEGRO MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FROM ALABAMA
Year Name County Congress
1871-1873 Benjamin F. Turner Dallas 43rd
1873-1875 James T. Rapier Lauderdale 43rd
1875-1877 Jeremiah Haralson Dallas 44th
James H. Alston was a member of the Alabama Legislature for
Macon County, 1868 and 1869-79. He was a shoemaker by trade
and had formerly 'been a slave. It was reported that before the
war there was a Military Company in the town of Tuskegee. The
members of this company desired to have a drummer, and for this
purpose they sent to South Carolina and bought James H. Alston.
It was thought that he came from Charleston.
5 Served only in the session of 1874-1875.
Served only in the session of 1875-1876.
68 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
Henry Young was a member of the Alabama Legislature about
1868 and 1869-70. He was a slave who could read and write, hav-
ing been taught by his master's children. He would, somewhat like
Frederick Douglass, spell out the words on letters that he was called
upon to deliver or to get from the post office, and in this way he
also increased his ability to read.
CONWAY, ARK., October 14, 1916.
NEGROES IN POLITICS IN ARKANSAS DURING
RECONSTRUCTION
In the constitutional convention of 1868, there were 8 Negro
delegates, that is, J. W. Mason, Richard Samuels, William Murphy,
Monroe Hawkins, William Grey, James T. White, Henry Rector
and Thomas P. Johnson. (Proceedings of the Constitutional Con-
vention of 1868, pages 2 to 5.)
Negroes in the Arkansas Legislature: Session April 2 to July 23,
1869, and session November 17, 1868, to April 10, 1869, were seven
Negro members of whom J. W. Mason, the leading Negro in the
Senate ; W. H. Grey, leading Negro in the House. (Daily Repub-
lican, Oct. 1, 1868).
In the Legislature of January 2 to March 25, 1871, there were
eleven Negro members : J. W. Mason and J. T. White in the Senate :
J. M. Alexander, Austin Barrow, Conway Barbour, John Webb,
Adam Johnson, Jeff Haskins, A. Mays, William Young, Carl Pope,
A. J. Robinson, E. A. Fulton in the House. (Daily Republican,
March 25, 1871.)
In the 19th session, January 6 to April 25, 1873, the last session
before Baxter called his special session, something less than one
fifth of all the members were Negroes. I have been unable to ascer-
tain the exact number in this session, but from the standpoint of
numbers, I would judge that there is no great difference between
this session and the previous one. The Arkansas Gazette of Jan-
uary 12, 1873, says of the Negro members : ' * There are a few men
among these colored members who are bright and intelligent, and
much superior to some white members, but as a rule, this is not
the case.
(Signed) THOMAS S. STAPLES,
Hendrix College
Conway, Arkansas
DOCUMENTS
69
NEGRO MEMBERS OF THE FLORIDA LEGISLATURE DURING RECONSTRUC-
TION PERIOD AND APTER
Senate
Year Name County
1880-1888 H. W. Chandler Marion
1881 T. V. Gibbs Duval
80's Joseph E. Lee Duval
Thomas W. Long Marion
1881 Robert Meacham Jefferson
1881-1865 Daniel C. Martin Alachua
G. W. Proctor Jefferson
1863 John E. Proctor Leon
80's Egbert C. Sammis Duval
John Wallace Leon
Representatives
Year Name County
1885 Edward I. Alexander 7 Madison
Josiah Armstrong Columbia
Henry Black ? Jefferson
1879 Kellis B. Bonner Marion
James Dean Bryant Monroe
William Bradwell Duval
1881-83 Joseph N. Clinton Alachua
1881 Wallace B. Carr Leon
Lucian Fisher Leon
John Ford Leon ?
Samuel Frazier Leon
Robert Gabriel Monroe
Alfred Grant Duval
1881 David E. Jacobs Marion
Before 1881 Isaac Jenkins Leon
A. J. Junius Jefferson
Thomas W. Long Marion
1889-91 George A. Lewis 8
80's Joseph E. Lee Duval
Samuel Petty Nassau
1881-83 (about) A. B. Osgood
Charles H. Pierce Leon
7 Alexander is said to have been counted out. He is said to have held the
position of postmaster at Madison and also to have had a deputy reserve
collector.
s Lewis and Scott were the last Negro members of the Florida Legislature.
70
JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
80's Riley E. Robinson Nassau
Henry St. Glair Hernando
John R. Scott, Sr. Duval
I. E. Purcell? Putnam*
Representatives
Year Name County
1889-91 John R. Scott, Jr. Duval
Charles Shavers Monroe
Rev. Catherine B. Simmons Duval
80's Peter Okes Jefferson
W. G. Stewart Leon
Before 1881 John N. Stokes Leon
J. N. Trenton Alachua
Josiah T. Walls Alachua
Probably before 1881 . . R. W. Washington Jefferson
80 's George W. Wetmore Duval
1881-83 W. A. Wilkinson Marion
George W. Witherspoon Escambia ?
Joseph N. Clinton was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, No-
vember 4, 1854, and was reared in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He
attended the Institute For Colored Youth and then entered Lincoln
University, where he was graduated in 1873. He then taught school
in South Carolina, Maryland and Florida. In addition to being a
member of the Florida Legislature, 1881-83, he was clerk in the
United States Land Office of Florida. He was Inspector of Cus-
toms at Pensacola, and for fourteen years held the position of In-
ternal Revenue Collector at Tampa.
H. W. Chandler was Senator, Marion County, 1880-1888. For
sketch of early life, see Simmons' Men of Mark. He was delegate
to the National Republican Convention 1884-1908. He was In-
spector of Customs at Tampa from May 1908 to December 1913.
George II. Mays was marshal of Jacksonville. This was an
elective office. The position made him head of police force with
appointive powers.
James Dean was County Judge, Monroe County in 1889, but
served less than one year. He was impeached for issuing license to
a colored Cuban man to marry a white Cuban woman. This a cus-
Lewis and Scott were the last Negro membere of the Florida Legislature.
DOCUMENTS 71
torn in Cuba. Dean was impeached on ground that he had issued
license to Negro to marry a white woman. He was summarily re-
moved without a hearing. This was said to have been a put-up-job,
as the man was secured to get a license. Dean did not have a trial.
The only way to get case reviewed was to institute quo warranto
proceedings. To do this, it was necessary to get the permission of
the State's Attorney General to use the State's name. He was not
able to do this.
Mitchell Chappelle was Negro Mayor of LaVilla. Formerly
these were two adjoining towns, Jacksonville and LaVilla. The
two are now Jacksonville.
Charles Dupont was reported as being sheriff of Monroe County
about 27 years ago.
In 1887 Republicans went out of power in Florida. The Con-
stitutional Convention put Negroes and Republicans out.
NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE GEORGIA LEGISLATURE, 1868-69
Senate
- Year District Name
1868-68 A. Alpeoria Bradley (expelled).
1868-69 2nd Tunis G. Campbell (unseated, 1868-69) "
reseated in 1870.
1868-69 20th George Wallace (unseated 1868-69) 10
reseated in 1870.
House
Year Name County
1868-69 T. M. Allen Jasper Unseated 1862-69, Reseated in 1870i
E. Barnes Hancock " " " "
T. G. Campbell . . McTntonh " " " "
G. H. Glower Monroe " ' < " "
A. Colby Greene " ' 4 ' ' ' '
J. T. Costin Talbot
Monday Floyd . . . Warren
S. Gardner Warren ' ' " ' 4 ' '
W. A. Golden Liberty ' ' " < < ' <
W. H. Harrison . . Hancock "
U. L. Houston . . . Bryan ' ' " " "
Philip Joiner Dougherty * ' ' ' ' l "
George Linde-r ....Laurens " "
10 Letter on October 11, 1916, from L. L. Knight, official compiler of
Georgia Becords; Thompson, Reconstruction in Georgia, pp. 211-214, 202, 264.
72
JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
B. Lumpkin Macon Unseated 1862-69, Beseated in 1870io
Eomulus Moore . . . Columbia " ' ' " "
Peter O 'Neal Baldwin * ' " ' < l '
James Porter Chatham " " " "
A. Richardson Clarke " " " "
J. M. Sims Chatham " ' ' ' '
Abram Smith Muscogee " " tl "
Alexander Stone... Jefferson " " " <<
H. M. Turner Bibb " " " "
J. Warren Glynn " il " "
Samuel Williams . . Burke ' ' ' ' < ' '"
M. Claiborne Harris " " " <*
B. B. Hall Burke " ( ' ' '
Beard 11 Richmond
Belchern Wilkins
Madison Davis n . . Clarke
Macon
House
Year Name County
1871 James Blue 12 Glynn
1872 "
1873 ik
1874 "
1874 "
1875 "
1876 "
1877 "
1878 Thomas M. Butler 12 Camden
1879
1884 A. Wilson 12 Camden
1885 "
1886 Lectured Crawford 12 Mclntosh
1887 " " "
1890 " l( "
John M. Holzendorf Camden
1891 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
John M. Holzendorf Camden
1900 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
H. A. McKay 12 Liberty
11 The names of these four were later stricken out. They were so nearly
white that their race was indeterminate. They remained in the house after the
others were expelled. Thompson, Reconstruction in Georgia, p. 213; House
Journal Georgia Legislature, p. 229.
DOCUMENTS 73
1901 Lectured Crawford Mclntosh
H. A. McKay Liberty
1902 W. H. Rogers 12 Mclntosh
1903 " " ll "
1904 " "
1905 " "
1906 * * " " "
1907 " "
1908 " "
LIST OP NEGRO MEMBERS IN MISSISSIPPI LEGISLATURE 1870
Senate
Name County
Rev. H. R. Revels Adams
Rev. William Gray Washington
Rev. T. W. Stringer Warren
Charles Caldwell Hinds
Rubert Gleed Lowndes
House
Name County
Charles P. Head Warren
Peter Barrow Warren
Albert Johnson Warren
Henry Mayson Hinds
C. F. Norris Hinds
J. P. Bolden Lowndes
John R. Lynch Adams
H. P. Jacobs Adams
Edmund Scarborough Holmes
Cicero Mitchell Holmes
Dr. J. J. Spellman Madison
William Holmes Monroe
Isham Stewart Noxubee
Nathan McNeese Noxubee
A. R. Davis Noxubee
John Morgan Washington
Dr. Stiles Washington
W. H. Fonte Yazoo
i* Letter on October 11, 1916, from L. L. Knight, official compiler of
Georgia Records.
74 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Ambrose Henderson Chickasaw
M. T. Newsom Claiborne
Emanuel Handy Copiah
Merrimon Howard Jefferson
J. Aaron Moore Lauderdale
David Higgins Oktibbeha
C. A. Yancy Panola
J. H. Piles Panola
H. M. Faley Wilkinson
George W. White Wilkinson
C. M. Bowles Bolivar
Richard Griggs Tssaquena
George Charles Lawrence
John R. Lynch elected speaker of the House.
H. R. Revels elected to United State Senate for the unexpired
term.
From J. M. Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi,
New .York, 1901.
NEGROES ELECTED IN 1871 13
Xame County
Henry P. Jacobs Adams
Reuben Kendrick Amite
Joseph Smothers Claiborne
Thomas McCain DeSota
Monroe Bell Hinds
William Johnson . Hinds
F. Stewart Holmes
Richard Griggs Issaquena
William Landers Tefferson
Alfred Handy Madison
Arthur Brooks Monroe
A. K. Davis Noxubee
Randle Nettles Oktibbeha
John Cocke Panola
H. C. Carter Warren
F. D. Shadd Warren
J. H. Morgan Washington
H. M. Foley Wilkinson
James M. Dixon Yazoo
13 Furnished by Major John E. Lynch, May 19, 1915.
DOCUMENTS 75
B. W. Houston Tssaquena
John R. Lynch Adams
G. W. Gayles Bolivar
Emanuel Handy Copiah
J. H. Johnson DeSota
Charles Reese Hinds
H. H. Truehart Holmes
Perry Howard Holmes
James D. Cessar Jefferson
James J. Spelman Madison
James Hill Marshall
William Holmes Monroe
Isham Stewart Noxubee
James H. Piles Panola
Gilbert Smith Tunica
W. H. Mallory .Warren
Charles W. Bush , Warren
John D. Webster Washington
George W. White Wilkinson
F. D. Wade Yazoo
ADDITIONS AND. CORRECTIONS FOR MISSISSIPPI
Josiah T. Settle was a member of the House from Panola in
1883-84.
G. W. Gayles was a member of the House 1873-77 and a member
of the Senate 1877 to some time after 1886. He was the last Negro
to be a member of the Mississippi Senate. For sketch of his career
see Simmons' Men of Mark, 379-381.
Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi, page 294, gives Negro
members of the Mississippi Legislature for 1873 as Senate, 9;
House, 55. On page 402, for 1876, Senate, 5; House, 16. Total
membership, Senate, 37. Total membership, House, 116.
NEGRO MEMBERS OF THE NORTH CAROLINA RECONSTRUCTION CONSTI-
TUTIONAL, CONVENTIONS, 1868 AND 1875
Dates of the Conventions January 14-March 17, 1868, and Sep-
tember 6-October 11, 1875. Total members of each Convention 120.
Negro members, 13 in Convention of 1868, and 5 in Convention of
1875.
76
JOURNAL, OF NBGBO HISTORY
County Year Name
Bertie 1868 P. D. Bobbins
Bryant Lee
Caswell 1868 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1875 Wilson Gary
Craven 1868 C. D. Pierson
Duplin 1868 J. W. Petterson
Samuel Highsmith
Edgcombe 1868 Henry C. Cherry
Edgcombe 1875 W. P. Mabson
Franklin 1868 John H. Williamson
Halifax 1868 Henry Epps
W. J. T. Hayes
Halifax 1875 J E. O'Hara
New Hanover 1868 A. H. Galloway
New Hanover 1875 J. H. Smythe
Wake 1868 James H. Harris
Warren 1868 John Hyman
Warren 1875 J. 0. Crosby
NEGRO MEMBERS OF GENERAL, ASSEMBLY OF NORTH CAROLINA
DURING RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD AND AFTER"
County Year Senatorial District Senators Representatives
Bertie 1868 Parker D. Bobbin*
Bertie 1870 Parker D. Bobbins
Bertie 1876 3rd George A. Mebane
Bertie 1881 Augustus Bobbins
Bertie 1883 3rd George A. Mebane
Bladen 1874 John Newell
Bladen 1879 John Newell
Bladen 1881 John Newell
Bladen 1883 John Newell
Caswell 1868 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1870 24th Wilson Gary
Caswell 1874 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1876 Wilson Gary
Caswell 1879 Wilson Gary
Oaswell 1883 James W. Poe
Caswell 1889 Wilson Gary
Chowan 1870 John B. Page
Chowan 1874 Bichard Elliott
i* North Carolina Manual, by North Carolina Historical Commission, 1913,
pp. 863-906.
, pp. 481-862.
DOCUMENTS
77
Graven 1868
Craven 1870
Craven 1872
Craven 1874 8th
Craven 1879
Craven 1881
Craven 1885 8th
Craven 1887 8th
Craven 1889
Craven 1899
Cumberland 1868
Edgecombe 1868
Edgeeombe 1870
Edgecombe 1872 7th
Edgecombe 1874 5th
Edgecombe 1876 5th
Edgecombe 1883 5th
Edgecombe 1885 5th
Edgecombe 1887 5th
Franklin 1868
Franklin 1870
Franklin 1872
Franklin 1876
Franklin 1887
Granville 1868
Granville 1870
Granville 1872
Granville 1874
Granville 1876 21st
Granville 1893
Halifax 1868 6th
Halifax 1870 6th
Halifax 1872 4th
Halifax 1874 4th
Halifax 1876 4th
Halifax 1879 4th
Halifax 1887 4th
Hertford . . 1870
Richard Tucker
George H. White
Charles C. Clark
Henry Eppes
W. P. Mabson
W. P. Mabson
Eobert E. Gray
E. S. Taylor
E. S. Taylor
Hanson T. Hughes
Henry Epps
Henry Epps
Henry Epps
John E. Bryant
John E. Bryant
Henry Eppes
Henry Eppes
A. W. Stevens
B. W. Morris
E. Tucker
E. E. Dudley
G. B. Willis
I. B. Abbott
E. E. Dudley
John E. Good
Edward H. Hffl
Willis D. Pettipher
J. (Geo.) H. White
John E. Huseey
John E. Hussey
John E. Hussey
Isaac H. Smith
John S. Leary
Isham Sweat
Henry C. Cherry
Willis Bunn
E. M. Johnson
Willis Bunn
Willis Bunn
Willis Bunn
A. E. Bridgers
B. W. Thorpe
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
John H. Williamson
Cuffie Mayo
A. A. Crawford
W. H. Eeavis
H. T. Hughee
W. H. Crews
H. T. Hughes
W. H. Crews
W. H. Crews
H. T. J. Hayes
Ivey Hutchings
John E. Bryant
John E. Bryant
J. A. Jones
John A. White
John A. White
John A. White
John A. White
W. D. Newsom
78
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
New Hanover
Northampton
Wake
Wake .
JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Wake .
Warren
Warren .
1868
1870
1872
1874
1876
1879
1881
1883
1883
1868
1870
1872
1879
1883
1895
1897
1868
1870
13th
13th
12th
12th
12th
12th
18th
20th
20th
A. H. Galloway
G. W. Price, Jr.
George L. Mabson
W. H. Moore
George W. Price
John 8. W. Eagles
G. L. Mabson
Win. H. McLaurin
Alfred Lloyd
H. Brewington
W. H. Moore
Alfred Lloyd
J. C. Hill
H. E. Scott
H. E. Scott
H. E. Scott
James H. Harris
John A. Hyman
John A. Hyman
Wiley Baker
James H. Harris
Willis Morgan
Stewart Ellison
Stewart Ellison
Stewart Ellison
James H. Harris
James H. Young
James H. Young
William Cawthorn
Richard Falkner
William Cawthorn
Richard Falkner
J. W. H. Pasehall
Warren 1872 19th John A. Hyman
Warren 1874 19th John M. Paschall
Warren 1879 19th Isaac Alston
Warren 1891 19th Isaac Alston
Washington 1881 Alexander Hicks
NUMBER WHITE AND NEGRO MEMBERS EACH SESSION OP THE
ASSEMBLY IN WHICH THERE WERE NEGRO MEMBERS
(Number Senators in Assembly, 50; Representatives, 120)
Year White Negro
1868 Senators 47 3
Representatives 102 18
1870 Senators 46 4
Representatives 101 19
1872 Senators 45 5
Representatives 108 12
1874 Senators 45 4
Representatives 107 13
1876 Senators 45 5
Representatives 113 7
DOCUMENTS 79
1879 Senators 48 2
Representatives 114 6
1881 Senators 49 1
Representatives 116 4
1883 Senators 47 3
Representatives 115 5
1885 Senators 48 2
Representatives 118 2
1887 Senators 47 3
Representatives 117 3
1889 Senators 50
Representatives 118 2
1891 Senators 49 1
Representatives 120
1893 Senators 50
Representatives 119 1
1895 Senators 50
Representatives 119 1
1897 Senators 50
Representatives 119 . 1
1899 Senators 49 1
Representatives 119 1
DELEGATES TO THE SOUTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, 16
HELD AT CHARLESTON, JANUARY 14 TO MARCH 18, 1868"
Abbeville John A. Hunter, B. Milf ord, white ; H. J. Lomax, W. N.
Joiner, Thomas Williamson, colored.
Anderson William Perry, N. J. Newall, white; Samuel Johnson,
colored.
Berkeley M. P. Becker, D. H. Chamberlain, Timothy Hurley,
Joseph H. Jenks, A. C. Richmond, white; William Jervey,
Benjamin Byas, W. H. W. Gray, George Lee, colored.
Beaufort-^J. D. Bell, R. G. Holmes, white; F. B. Wilder, L. S.
Langley, W. J. Whipper, Robert Smalls, J. J. Wright, colored.
Barn well C. P. Leslie, Niles G. Parker, white; James N. Hayne,
A. Middleton, C. D. Hayne, Julius Mayer, colored.
i Reynolds, Reconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 76-79.
i? In 1895 South Carolina again revised her constitution. In the conven-
tion held for this purpose there were found Negro delegates, viz.: Thomas E.
Miller, L. B. Reed, Robert Smalls, W. J. Whipper and James Wigg, all from
Beaufort County. Smalls and Whipper had been delegates in the 1868 conven-
tion. (Reported by H. H. Wallace.)
80 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
Charleston A. G. Mackey, C. C. Bowen, Gilbert Pillsbury, white;
F. L. Cardozo, William McKinlay, R. H. Cain, B. C. DeLarge,
A. J. Ransier, colored.
Chester Purvis Alexander, Barney Burton, Sancho Sanders,
colored.
Chesterfield R. J. Donaldson, white ; H. L. Shrewsbury, colored.
Clarendon Elias B. Dickson, white; William Nelson, colored.
Colleton J. S. Craig, white ; William M. Thomas, William Driffle,
W. M. Vinery, colored.
Darlington B. F. Whittemore, white; Isaac Brockenton, Jordan
Lang, Richard Hunrbird, colored.
Bdgefield Frank Arnim, white; R. B. Elliott, Prince R. Rivers,
John Bonum, David Harris, John Wooley, colored.
Fairfield James M. Rutland, white ; H. D. Edwards, Henry Jacob,
colored.
Georgetown Henry W. Webb, white; F. F. Miller, Joseph H.
Rainey, colored.
Greenville James M. Allen, J. M. Runion, white; Wilson Cook,
W. B. Johnson, colored.
Horry Henry Jones, A. R. Thompson, colored.
Kershaw J. K. Jillson, S. G. W. Dill, white; John A. Cheetnnt,
colored.
Lancaster Albert Clinton, Charles Jones, colored.
Lexington Lemanuel Boozer, Simeon Corley, white.
Laurens Joseph Crews, Y. J. P. Owens, white ; Harry McDanieis,
Nelson Davis, colored.
Marion W. S. Collins, white ; J. W. Johnson, H. E. Hayne, B. A.
Thompson, colored.
Marlboro Calvin Stubbs, George Jackson, colored.
Newberry B. O. Duncan, white; James Henderson, Lee Nance,
colored.
Orangeburg E. W. M. Mackey, white; E. J. Cain, W. J. Mc-
Kinlay, T. K. Sasportas, B. F. Randolph, colored.
Pickens M. Mauldin, Alexander Bryce, L. B. Johnson, white.
Richland Thomas J. Robertson, white ; W. B. Nash, S. B. Thomp-
son, C. M. Wilder, colored.
Spartanburg J. P. F. Camp, J. S. Gentry, white; Rice Foster,
Coy Wingo, colored.
Sumter T. J. Coghlan, F. J. Moses, Jr., white; W. E. Johnson,
Samuel Lee, colored.
Union J. H. Goss, white ; Abram Dogan, Samuel Nuckles, colored.
DOCUMENTS 81
Williamsburg William Darrington, white; C. M. Olsen, S. A.
Swails, colored.
York J. L. Neagle, William E. Rose, white; J. W. Mead, J. H.
White, colored.
Three of the delegates elected failed to attend, F. A. Sawyer,
white, Charleston; John K. Terry, white, Colleton; George D.
Medis, colored, Edgefield.
Of the 124 delegates elected 1 , forty-eight were white and seventy-
six colored. The white men classed as Republicans were about
equally divided as natives or newcomers in the vernacular of the
times, " scalawags" or "carpetbaggers."
The following table gives the previous residence of the delegates :
Whites Negroes
South Carolina 23 South Carolina 59
North Carolina 3 Pennsylvania 2
Georgia 1 Michigan 1
Massachusetts 7 Georgia 1
Connecticut 1 Tennessee 1
Rhode Island 1 Ohio 1
New York 1 North Carolina 1
Other Northern States 5 Virginia 1
England 2 Massachusetts 2
Ireland 1 Dutch Guiana 1
Prussia 1 Unknown 6
Denmark 1 76
Unknown 1
Is
SENATORS OP SOUTH CAROLINA RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD
* 19 Barber Fairfield Co.
Bird Fairfield Co.
R. H. Cain Charleston Co.
Lawrence Cain Bdgefield Co.
*Rev. H. Cardozo Kershaw Co.
P. A. Clinton Lancaster Co.
*S. E. GaiUard Charleston Co.
Samuel Green Beaufort Co. formerly of H. of Rep.
C. D. Hayne Aiken Co.
is Furnished by Mr. H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina
House of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
i Names marked with asterisk not in lists given in Reynold 'B Reconstruc-
tion in South Carolina, pp. 106-107, 394-396.
82 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
H. E. Hayne Marion Co.
*W. R. Jervey Charleston Co.
*Rev. W. E. Johnson Sumter Co.
*W. H. Jones Georgetown Co.
* Jamison Orangeburg Co.
* John Lee Chester Co.
H. J. Maxwell Marlboro Co.
*W. P. Myers Colleton Co.
W. Beverley Nash Richland Co.
J. II. Rainey Georgetown Co.
Rev. B. F. Randolph Orangeburg Co.
*Robert Smalls Beaufort Co.
S. A. S wails Williamsburg Co.
* J. H. White York Co.
Rev. B. II. Williams Georgetown Co.
Lucius Wimbush Chester Co.
*Thomas E. Miller Beaufort Co.
R. E. Wall Kershaw Co.
MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES OP SOUTH CAROLINA
DURING RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 20
* Bascomb Beaufort Co.
S. J. Bampfield Beaufort Co.
B. A. Bosemon Charleston Co.
Joseph D. Boston Newberry Co.
*J. A. Bowley Georgetown Co.
Benjamin Byas Berkley Co.
E. J. Cain Berkley Co.
*J. E. Clyde Charleston Co.
Wilson Cook Greenville Co.
* Davis Charleston Co.
*James Davis Richland Co.
R. C. DeLarge Charleston Co.
W. A. Driffle Colleton Co.
*Major M. R. Delaney Charleston Co.
*William Elliott Charleston Co.
R. B. Elliott Edgefield Co.
20 Furnished by H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina House
of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
21 Names marked with asterisk not in liets given in Reynold 's Reconstruc-
tion in South Carolina, pp. 107-108, 394-396.
DOCUMENTS 83
* Ellison Abbeville Co.
* Fraser Colleton Co.
*John Freeman Charleston Co.
*F. H. Frost Williamsburg Co.
*John Gilmore Richland Co.
*W. A. Grant Charleston Co.
*Adarn Green Aiken Co.
Charles Green Georgetown Co.
*Sarauel Green Beaufort Co.
Thomas Hamilton Beaufort Co.
David Harris Edgefield Co.
*IT. E. Hayne Marion Co.
*Zachariah Hines Darlington Co.
* Howard Marion Co.
Richard Humbert Darlington Co.
Rev. H. H. Hunter Charleston Co.
*S. J. Keith Darlington Co.
S. J. Lee Edgefield Co.
Harry McDaniels Laurens Co.
*Thomas McDowell Georgetown Co.
John W. Mead York Co.
Thos. E. Miller Beaufort Co.
*A. Middleton Barnwell Co.
Chas. S. Minort Richland Co.
June Mobley Union Co.
*Wm. Moultrie Georgetown Co.
Nathaniel B. Myers Beaufort Co.
* Nehemiah Beaufort Co.
*Fred Nix, Jr Barnwell Co.
Saml. Nuckles Union Co.
*Lee Nance Newberry Co.
R. J. Palmer Richland Co.
M. H. Priolean Charleston Co.
*J. H. Rainey Georgetown Co.
G. A. Reed Beaufort Co.
Prince Rivers Edgefield Co.
*John Rue Beaufort Co.
Sancho Saunders Chester Co.
H. L. Shrewsbury Chesterfield Co.
* Singleton Darlington Co.
*Paris Simpkins Edgefield Co.
84 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Win. Simmons RichLand Co.
J. A. Smith Darlington Co.
*Butler Spears Sumter Co.
* Jas. A. Spencer Abbeville Co.
*Nath. T. Spencer Charleston Co.
D. A. Straker Orangeburg
W. H. Thomas Newberry Co.
Rev. W. M. Thomas Colleton Co.
S. B. Thompson Richland Co.
*Robert Turner Charleston Co.
James Wells RichLand Co.
*Ellison Weston RichLand Co.
W. J. Whipper Beaufort Co.
Chas. M. Wilder Richland Co.
B. A. Thompson Marion Co.
*Isaac Brockenboro Darlington Co.
*T. Andrews Sumter Co.
Additional names by Bishop George W. Clinton.
Aaron Logan
Nelson Davis, York
Allen Hudson, Lancaster
Alfred M. Moore, FairfieW
Samuel P. Coker.
See Reynold's Reconstruction, p. 505.
MEMBERS OF SOUTH CAROLINA GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1868 22
Senators
*Anderson John H. Reid, white.
Barnwell C. P. Leslie, white.
Beaufort J. J. Wright, colored.
Charleston D. T. Corbin, white ; R. H. Cain, colored.
Chester Lewis Wimbush, colored.
Chesterfield R. J. Donaldson, white.
Clarendon E. E. Dickson, white.
Colleton William R. Hoyt, colored.
Darlington B. F. Whittemore, white.
Edgefield Frank Arnim, white.
Fairfield James M. Rutland, white.
Georgetown Joseph H. Rainey, colored.
22 Keynolds, Eeconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 106-108.
DOCUMENTS 85
Greenville James M. Allen, white.
*Horry H. Buck, white.
Kershaw J. K. Jillson, white.
*Lancaster R. M. Sims, white.
Laurens Y. J. P. Owens, white.
Lexington E. S. J. Hayes, white.
Marlboro H. J. Maxwell, colored.
Marion Henry E. Hayne, colored.
Newberry C. W. Montgomery, white.
*0conee D. Biemann, white.
Orangeburg B. F. Randolph, colored, succeeded by Joseph A.
Greene, colored.
*Pickens T. A. Rodgers, white.
Richland W. B. Nash, colored.
*Spartanburg Joel Foster, white.
Sumter T. J. Coghlan, white.
Union H. W. Duncan, colored.
Williamsburg S. A. Swails, colored.
York William E. Rose, white.
The number of white senators elected was twenty-one, and of
colored, ten.
Representatives
Abbeville George Dusenberry, T. B. Milf ord, James Martin, white ;
R. M. Valentine, W. J. Lomax, colored.
* Anderson John B. Moore, B. Frank Sloan, John Wilson, all
white.
Barnwell B. F. Berry, W. J. Mixson, white; C. D. Hayne, James
N. Hayne, Julius Mayer, R. B. Elliott, colored.
Beaufort C. J. Stolbrand, Charles S. Kuh, white; W. J. Whipper,
P. E. Ezekiel, Robert Smalls, G. A. Bennett, W. C. Morrison,
colored.
Charleston Reuben Tomlinson, Joseph H. Jenks, John B. Dennis,
F. J. Moses, Jr., B. F. Jackson, white; R. C. DeLarge, A. J.
Ransier, colored.
W. H. W. Gray, B. A. Bosemon, George Lee, William McKinlay,
W. J. Brodie, John B. Wright, William R. Jervay, Abraham
Smith, Samuel Johnson, Stephen Brown, Edward Mickey,
colored.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
86 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Chester Barney Humphries, Sancho Sanders, Barney Burton,
colored.
Chesterfield H. L. Shrewsbury, D. I. J. Johnson, colored.
Clarendon William Nelson, Powell Smyth, colored.
Colleton George F. Mclntyre, white; W. R. Hoyt, W. M. Thomas,
Wm. Driffle, colored.
Darlington G. Holliman, white; Jordan Lang, John Boston, Al-
fred Rush, colored.
Edgefield T. Root, white; David Harris, Samuel J. Lee, John
Wooley, Prince R. Rivers, John Gardner, Lawrence Cain,
colored.
Fairfield L. W. Duvall, white; Henry Jacob, Henry Johnson,
colored.
Georgetown Henry W. Webb, white ; F. F. Miller, W. H. Jones,
colored.
Greenville Samuel Tinsley, John B. Hyde, white; Wilson Cook,
W. A. Bishop, colored.
*Horry Zadock Bullock, W. W. Waller, white.
Kershaw, S. G. W. Dill, white; John A. Chestnut, J. W. Nash,
colored.
Lancaster T. Frank Clyburn, W. G. Stewart, white.
Laurens Joseph Crews, white; Griffin Johnson, Wade Perrin,
Harry McDaniels, colored.
Lexington G. A. Lewie, white ; H. W. Purvis, colored.
Harlboro T. B. Stubbs, white; John G. Grant, colored.
Marion W. S. Collins, white; Evan Hayes, B. A. Thompson, col-
ored.
Newberry Joseph Boston, James Hutson, James Henderson, col-
ored.
Oconee O. M. Doyle, W. C. Keith, white.
Orangeburg W. J. McKinlay, T. K. Sasportas, F. DeMars, E. J.
Cain, James P. Mays, colored.
*Pickens W. T. Field, white.
Richland S. B. Thompson, William Simmons, C. M. Wilder, Aesop
Goodson, colored.
*Spartansburg Samuel Littlejohn, Robert M. Smith, Javan
Bryant, C. C. Turner, white.
Sumter John H. Ferriter, white; W. E. Johnson, James Smiley,
Burrell James, colored.
Union Samuel Nuckles, Junius Mobley, Simon Farr, colored.
DOCUMENTS 87
Williamsburg C. H. Pettingill, white ; R. F. Scott, Jefferson Pen-
dergrass, colored.
York P. J. O'Connell, John L. Neagle, white; J. H. White, John
W. Mead, colored.
The number of white representatives was forty-six, and of col-
ored seventy-eight. On joint ballot there were sixty-seven whites
and eighty-eight colored 135 Republicans and twenty Democrats.
TJie counties marked * were Democratic.
SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES ELECTED TO SOUTH CAROLINA
GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN 1876 23
*Aiken Senator, A. P. Butler; Representatives, C. E. Sawyer, J.
Woodward, L. M. Asbill, J. G. Guignard, all white.
*Abbeville Senator, J. C. Maxwell; Representatives, W. K. Brad-
ley, R. R. Hemphill, F. A. Connor, Wm. Hood, J. L. Moore, all
white.
*Anderson Representatives, H. R. Vandiver, R. W. Simpson, W.
C. Brown, James L. Orr, all white.
*Barnwell Senator, J. M. Williams; Representatives, I. S. Bam-
berg, John W. Holmes, L. W. Youmans, W. A. Rountree, Rob-
ert Aldrich, all white.
Beaufort Senator, Samuel Green; Representatives, Thomas Ham-
ilton, Hastings Gantt, Joseph Robinson, George Reed, N. B.
Myers, Thomas E. Miller, all colored.
Charleston Senator W. M. Taft (white) ; Representatives, E. W.
M. Mackey (white), J. J. Lesesne, B. F. Smalls, Robert Sim-
mons, W. C. Glover, F. S. Edwards, Isaac Prioleau, John Van-
derpool, William J. Brodie, J. S. Lazarus, S. C. Brown, Ben-
jamin F. Capers, A. P. Ford, Richard Bryan, Julius C.
Tingman, Abram Smith, W. G. Pinckney, colored.
Chester Representatives, John Lee, Samuel Coleman, Purvis Alex-
ander, all colored.
Chesterfield Representatives, J. C. Coit, D. T. Redfearn, all white.
Clarendon Representatives, S. Melton, H. Boston, all colored.
*Colleton Representatives, H. E. Bissell, J. M. Cummins, S. E.
Parler, white; William Maree (colored), R. Jones (white).
Darlington Representatives, R.H.Humbert, S.J.Keith, Z. Wines,
J. A. Smith, all colored.
23 Reynolds, Eeconstruction in South Carolina, pp. 394-396.
88 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Edgefield Senator, M. W. Gary; Representatives, W. S. Allen,
J. C. Sheppard, James Callison, T. B. Jennings, H. A. Shaw,
all white.
Fairfield Senator, Israel Byrd, Representatives, John Gibson,
Daniel Bird, Prince Martin, all colored.
Georgetown Senator, B. H. Williams; Representatives, C. S.
Green, P. R. Kinloch, all colored.
*Greenville Senator, S. S. Crittenden; Representatives, J. W.
Gray, J. F. Donald, J. T. Austin, J. S. Westmoreland, all white.
*Horry Senator, William L. Buck ; Representatives, L. D. Bryan,
J. K. Cooper, all white.
Kershaw Representatives, R. D. Gaither, A. W. Kough, E. H.
Dibble, all colored.
*Laurens Senator, R. P. Todd; Representatives, J. B. Humbert,
J. W. Watts, W. D. Anderson, all white.
*Lancaster Representatives, J. B. Erwin, J. C. Blakeney, all white.
*Lexington Senator, H. A. Meetze; Representatives, G. Leaphart,
G. Muller, all white.
*Marion Senator, R. G. Howard; Representatives, J. G. Blue, J.
McRae, R. H. Rogers, J. P. Davis, all white.
Newberry Senator, H. C. Corwin (white) ; Representatives, Wil-
liam Keitt, J. S. Bridges, W. H. Thomas (colored).
*0conee Senator, J. W. Livingston ; Representatives, B. F. Sloan,
J. S. Verner, all white.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
Orangeburg Senator, J. L. Duncan; Representatives, D. A.
Straker, S. Morgans, W. H. Reedish, C. M. Caldwell, E. For-
rest, all colored.
*Pickens Representatives, D. F. Bradley, E. S. Bates, all white.
Richland Representatives, A. W. Curtis, Charles Minort, R. J.
Palmer, J. W. Lowman, James Wells, all colored.
*Spartanburg Senator, Gabriel Cannon ; Representatives, W. P.
Compton, J. W. Wofford, E. S. Allen, Charles Petty, all white.
Sumter Representatives, J. Westberry (colored), Thomas B. John-
ston (white), J. H. Ferriter (white), T. Andrews, colored.
*Union Representatives, W. H. Wallace, G. D. Peake, William
Jefferies, all white.
Williamsburg Representatives, W. Scott, J. F. Peterson, John
Evans, all colored.
DOCUMENTS 89
*York Senator, I. D. Witherspoon ; Representatives, A. E. Hutch -
inson, J. A. Deal, W. E. Byers, B. H. Massey, all white.
The counties marked * were Democratic.
STATE OFFICERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA DURING THE RECONSTRUCTION
PERIOD 24
Alonzo J. Ransier . .Lieut. Governor 1870-1872
Richard H. Gleaves. .Lieut. Governor 1872-1876
Francis L. Cardozo. .Secretary of State 1868-1872
Francis L. Cardozo. .State Treasurer 1872-1876
Henry E. Hayne . . .Secretary of State 1872-1876
Henry W. Purvis. . .Adjutant General 1872-1876
J. J. Wright Associate Justice Supreme Court 1870-1877
R. C. DeLarge State Land Commissioner 1870
R. C. DeLarge State Commissioner Sinking Fund.
FEDERAL OFFICE HOLDERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA DURING RECON-
STRUCTION PERIOD 25
Dr. B. A. Bosemon Postmaster Charleston, S. C.
Charles M. Wilder Postmaster Columbia, S. C.
John Lee Postmaster Chester, S. C.
Rev. J. E. Wilson Postmaster Florence, S. C.
S. J. Bampfield Postmaster Beaufort, S. C.
Fred. Nix, Jr Postmaster Barnwell, S. C.
There were many others but I cannot recall their names.
NAMES OF CONGRESSMEN WHO REPRESENTED SOUTH CAROLINA
DURING THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 26
Joseph H. Rainey 41st, 42d, 44th, 45th, 46th, 47th,
48th Congress.
Robert Brown Elliott 42d Congress.
Alonzo J. Ransier 42d Congress.
Robert C. DeLarge 42d Congress.
Rev. R. H. Cain 43d, 45th Congress
Robert Smalls 44th, 45th, 48th 49th Congress.
24 Furnished by H. A. Wallace, a former page in the South Carolina House
of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period.
25
90 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
NAMES OP CONGRESSMEN WHO REPRESENTED SOUTH CAROIJNA
AFTER THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD
Robert Smalls Part before and part after Reconstruction.
Thomas E. Miller 51st Congress.
George W. Murray .... 53d Congress.
103 WEST 131sT STREET,
NEW YORK CITY,
October, 1917.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor The Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.
Dear Sir:
In reply to your letter requesting my assistance in getting data
relative to the Reconstruction Period in South Carolina, I have the
honor to submit the following:
It will be utterly impossible to give dates after a lapse of nearly
fifty years, especially with reference to the terms the legislators
served, unless I had access to the records. I was a boy when our
family returned to South Carolina in 1870, two years after the ad-
journment of the Constitutional Convention. At that period I was
not especially interested in the trend of affairs. I was thinking
more of the splendid opportunities I had left behind in Canada.
I think it very important that all of the data possible should be
collected pertaining to the Constitutional Convenion as I regard it
the most important Convention ever held in which colored men par-
ticipated. I was very fortunate in finding a copy of the Proceed-
ings of the Convention in the Public Library in this city. I have
given only such names as I could positively identify as colored. No
doubt some names have been omitted but not of any who took an
active or important part in political affairs.
F. B. Perry, of Greenville, S. C., was appointed Provisional
Governor of South Carolina by President Johnson in 1865.
Pursuant to a call for a convention of the people issued by Gov-
ernor Perry in obedience to the proclamation of President Johnson
for the purpose of organizing a State Government, the Convention
assembled at Columbia, S. C., September 13, 1865.
To show the intense bitter feeling of Governor Perry the follow-
ing is from his proclamation :
' ' It is a source of congratulation to know that the colored troops,
DOCUMENTS 91
whose atrocious conduct has disgraced the service and filled the
public mind with the most horrible apprehensions, have been with-
drawn from the interior of the State, and are to be placed in gar-
risons on the coast where they can do no further mischief. In all
of my personal interviews with the President and in all of my dis-
patches to him I urged this course most earnestly. ' '
A Constitution was adopted by the Convention without being
submitted to the people for ratification.
The Constitution provided that only free white men were eligible
for membership in the Senate and House of Representatives; only
free white men were entitled to vote and that the appointment of
members of the House of Representatives among the several elec-
tion districts of the State should be in accordance with the number
of white inhabitants in each.
The Convention adjourned September 27, 1865.
Congress decided that it was no part of the prerogative of the
Executive to call conventions or to direct the adoption of Consti-
tutions.
J. L. Orr, of Anderson, S. C., was elected Provisional Governor,
October, 1865, to succeed Governor Perry.
Persuant to an Act of Congress of the United States entitled
"An Act to provide for the More Efficient Government of the Rebel
States " an election was held in South Carolina on November 19th
and 20th, 1867, and the electors of that State voted in favor of a
Constitutional Convention, and at the same time voted for dele-
gates thereto.
Brevet Major-General E. R. S. Canby, Commanding 2d Military
District of South Carolina issued orders for the delegates to as-
semble in convention at Charleston, S. C., January 14, 1868.
The Convention composed of 124 delegates, a large majority
being colored, met at Charleston, on the date named.
T. J. Robertson, white, was elected temporary President and Dr.
A. G. Mackey, white, was elected permanent President.
W. J. McKinlay and H. E. Hayne were elected temporary Sec-
retary and Assistant Secretary, respectively.
General Carlos J. Stalbrand, white, was elected permanent Sec-
retary. Josephus Woodruff, white, compiled the proceedings.
John R. Pinckney and Peter Miller were elected Sergeants-at-
Arms.
F. L. Cardozo was Chairman of the Committee on Education.
92 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
S. A. Swails, Chairman of the Committee on Rules and Regu-
lations.
Robert C. DeLarge, Chairman of the Committee on Franchise
and Elections.
Colored members were on all of the Committees, in most cases
being in the majority.
In looking over the proceedings I find that the following named
delegates took a very active part in all of the deliberations :
R. B. Elliott, R. C. DeLarge, F. L. Cardozo, J. J. Wright, W. J.
Whipper, W. J. McKinlay, S. A. Swails, A. J. Ransier, R. H. Cain,
B. F. Randolph, and W. B. Nash.
The Constitution provided for the election of Senators and Rep-
resentatives on April 14, 15 and 16, 1868, to assemble at Columbia,
May 12, 1868.
The Convention adjourned sine die March 14, 1868.
The Constitution adopted in 1868 stood unchanged until 1895
when a Convention was called to meet at Columbia, on September
10, 1895, to revise it.
The fact that the old Constitution stood for nineteen years after
the Democratic party came into power (1876) shows that there
could not have been anything objectionable in it to the Democrats
or they would have changed it immediately after regaining control.
It speaks volumes for the wisdom and foresight of the men of the
Reconstruction Period.
In the Convention which met at Columbia in 1895, there were
only five colored delegates and they were all from Beaufort County,
a county which has very few white persons in it. The delegates
were W. J. Whipper, Robert Smalls, Thomas E. Miller, James
Wigg, and L. R. Reed. Of these, W. J. Whipper and Robert Smalls
were delegates to the Constitutional Convention which met at
Charleston in 1868.
As General Smalls died only about two or three years ago what
a wealth of information he could have furnished pertaining to the
Reconstruction Period had your request been sent out before his
death.
Inclosure 2 contains the names of State Senators and the coun-
ties they represented. In several cases of Senators and also of
Members of the House of Representatives I cannot recall their
initials.
There were 32 senators, the majority being colored, of whom the
DOCUMENTS 93
following were conspicuous for their activity on all important legis-
lation :
S. A. Swails, J. H. Rainey, R. H. Cain, W. H. Jones, W. B. Nash
and H. J. Maxwell.
Inclosure 3 contains names of members of the House of Repre-
sentatives at various times. Some served more than one term. The
more prominent were : R. B. Elliott, S. J. Lee, Dr. B. A. Bosemon,
J. H. Rainey, R. C. DeLarge, J. A. Bowley, W. J. Whipper, D. A.
Straker, C. M. Wilder, Prince Rivers, F. H. Frost, T. E. Miller, and
W. H. Thomas.
The House of Representatives was composed of 124 members
and colored members were always in the majority.
Inclosure 4 Names of State Officers.
Inclosure 5 Names of Federal Office holders.
Inclosure 6 Names of Congressmen who represented South
Carolina.
I shall never forget the scene in 1876 when Col. A. C. Haskell,
Chairman of the Democratic State Committee at the head of the
Democratic members of the legislature forced his way into the Hall
of the Representatives then occupied by the Republican members.
Pandemonium reigned for a time. There were two Houses, each
having its own officers trying to transact business at the same time.
Finally the U. S. soldiers were called upon and those Democrats
who had no certificate of election were ejected.
All of the Democratic members then withdrew and formed an
organization in another hall.
Three colored Republicans whose names I do not care to mention
went over to the Democrats, but the latter could do nothing without
the Senate which was admittedly Republican.
The struggle was kept up until Mr. Hayes was inaugurated
President, when he withdrew the U. S. troops, leaving the Repub-
licans without any protection.
Governor Chamberlain and the State Officers elected with him
seeing that they were deserted by the National Administration with-
drew from the contest, leaving Gen. Hampton who was the Demo-
cratic nominee for Governor in possession.
The Democrats then organized the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives, and in joint session elected Gen. M. C. Butler, U. S. Sen-
ator. D. T. Corbin, who received the Republican votes, contested,
but the Senate which was Republican by a small majority seated
94 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Butler. Senators Don Cameron from Pennsylvania and John J.
Patterson from South Carolina, both Republicans, voted for Butler.
That there was no one killed or injured while the contest was
going on is remarkable when the great excitement during and after
the "Red Shirt" campaign is considered. It shows what absolute
control the gubernational candidates had over their followers. No
doubt the Democrats, who were assured that the U. S. soldiers
would be withdrawn, did not care to make a slip as Chamberlin was
still governor and the troops were practically under his orders.
Thus ended the Reconstruction Period in South Carolina.
At every step the Republican Party in South Carolina was be-
trayed by Republicans.
Col. T. W. Parmele, white. Superintendent of the Penitentiary,
appointed as a Republican by Gov. Chamberlin, recognized an order
from Gen. Hampton for the pardon of a convict. Legal complica-
tions ensued and the case was carried before Associate Justice Wil-
lard, white, of the Supreme Court, a Republican elected by the legis-
lature, and he decided in favor of Hampton.
Three colored members of the legislature deserted to the Demo-
crats, which practically made the House Democratic.
Col. Parmele and Justice Willard were Northern white men.
This paper would not be complete without some reference to
the prominent colored men who helped to make history during that
eventful period.
Robert Brown Elliott-
Born at Boston, Mass., August 11, 1842.
Entered High Holborn Academy, London, England, 1853.
Entered Eton College, 1855 and graduated in 1859. Studied
law.
Member of the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of South Carolina,
1868-1870.
Assistant Adjutant General.
Elected to the 42nd Congress.
Resigned his seat in Congress and was elected to the House of
Representatives of S. C. for the second time, and was elected
Speaker of the House.
He came within a few votes of being elected U. S. Senator in
1874, but the powerful influence of the Pennsylvania R. R.
DOCUMENTS 95
Co., was exerted in behalf of John J. Patterson, white, the
successful candidate. There was a colored majority in both
branches of the legislature at the time and had the colored
members so desired they could have elected Gen. Elliott.
In 1876 Gen. Elliott was the nominee on the Republican ticket
for Attorney General and was elected but was forced to
withdraw with the rest of the ticket.
He was Chairman of the State Republican Committee during
the campaign of 1876.
For scholarly attainments, legal acumen, political sagacity and
oratorical power, Robert Brown Elliott stands out as the
most brilliant figure of the Reconstruction Period.
Joseph H. Rainey
Born at Georgetown, S. C., June 21, 1832.
Although debarred by law from attending school he acquired
a good education and further improved his mind by obser-
vation and travel.
He was a barber by trade and followed that occupation at
Charleston, S. C., until 1862, when having been forced to
work upon the fortifications of the Confederates he escaped
to the West Indies, where he remained until the close of the
war, when he returned to his native town.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Georgetown County.
Elected to the 41st Congress, being the first colored man hav-
ing that distinction, and was re-elected to the 42nd, 43rd,
44th and 45th Congresses, five successive terms, the only
colored man with such a record.
He received a caucus nomination as Clerk of the House, from
the Republican members of Congress, the only colored man
who has ever been honored by a Republican caucus.
The House was Democratic.
He was a delegate to several National Republican Conven-
tions.
Served as Special Agent for the Treasury Department.
Polished in his manners a fluent and convincing speaker, he
was prominent in the Councils of the Republican Party.
96 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Gen. Robert Smalls
Born in South Carolina, at Beaufort, April 5, 1839.
Although debarred by Statute from attending school, he edu-
cated himself with such limited advantages as he could
secure.
Removed to Charleston, S. C., in 1851, worked as a rigger,
leading a sea-faring life.
Employed on the Planter, a steamer plying in Charleston
harbor as a transport, which he took over Charleston Bar in
May, 1862, and delivered her and his services to the U. S.
Blockading Squadron.
In recognition of his services was appointed Pilot in the U. S.
Navy, and served in that capacity on the monitor "Koekuk."
Promoted as Captain for gallant and meritorious conduct, De-
cember 1, 1863, and placed in command of the Planter, serr-
ing until she was put out of commission in 1866.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Beaufort Co.
Elected to the 44th Congress, and re-elected to the 45th, 48tk
and 49th Congresses.
Was a delegate to every National Republican Convention up
to within a short time of his death.
Collector of the Port of Beaufort, S. C.
Died two or three years ago, the last of the "Old Guard"
in S. C.
Alonzo J. Ransier
Born at Charleston, S. C., 1834.
Self educated. Employed as a shipping clerk in 1850 by lead-
ing merchant, who was tried for violation of law "in having
a colored clerk " and fined one cent with costs.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Elected Lieutenant Governor on ticket with Gov. R. K. Scott,
in 1870.
President of Southern States Convention held at Columbia,
S. C., in 1871.
Presidential Elector on Grant and Colfax ticket in 1868.
Delegate to National Republican Convention in 1872.
Elected to the 42 Congress.
A man singularly gifted with political farsightedness.
DOCUMENTS 97
Robert C. DeLarge.
Born at Aiken, S. C., March 15, 1842.
Fanner Self-educated.
Agent of the Freedmen's Bureau from May, 1867 to April,
1868.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives, 1860-1870.
One of the State Commissioners of the Sinking Fund.
Elected State Commissioner in 1870.
Elected to the 42d Congress.
Very prominent in the Party Councils.
Rev. R. H. Cain-
Born in Greenbrier Co., Va., April 12, 1825.
His father moved to Ohio in 1831 and settled in Gallipolis.
Entered the ministry at an early age and became a student at
Wilberforce University in 1860 and remained there one year.
Removed to Brooklyn, N. Y., at the breaking out of the war
where he discharged ministerial duties as pastor for four
years.
Was sent by his church as a missionary to the Freedmen in
South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Charleston Co.
Elected to the 43d Congress, and re-elected to the 45th Con-
gress.
Bishop in the African Methodist Church and a power in that
denomination.
William Beverly Nash
Born in South Carolina.
Of limited education but endowed with wonderful common
sense and political foresight.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Richland Co., in which Columbia is located.
For one term (four years) was Chairman of the Powerful
Ways and Means Committee.
An elector on the Hayes and Wheeler ticket in 1876.
It was reported that he was offered $100,000 to vote for Tilden
and Hendricks. Had he accepted the offer the Democratic
98 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
ticket would have been elected, as the vote stood 186 for
Hayes and 185 for Tilden. Be it said to his eternal honor
he was beyond price.
Stephen A. Swails
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Represented Williamsburg Co., in the Senate.
Elected President pro tern of the Senate for the whole period.
A very strong character and exerted considerable influence in
legislation.
Was in the 54th Massachusetts Infantry.
Had musical talent of a high order.
Judge Lee
Judge of the Municipal Court of Charleston, S. C.
A man of ripe scholarship and of high legal attainments.
Until President Roosevelt appointed Judge R. H. Terrell of
Washington to a similar position, I think he was the only
colored man who ever occupied such a position.
Francis L. Cardozo
Born in South Carolina, at Charleston.
Educated in Scotland, at Glasgow University.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Secretary of State for four years.
State Treasurer for two years.
Scholarly, courtly and dignified.
Took great interest in the education of the colored youth, and
was popular among the boys on account of the fatherly in-
terest he manifested in them.
Moved to Washington, D. C., after 1876 and accepted a posi-
tion in the office of the Auditor for the Post Office De-
partment.
After serving for several years in the Department he was
elected to the Principalship of the Colored High School in
Washington, a position he filled with honor and credit to
the race and himself. After his death the Board of Edu-
cation named one of the School Buildings the "Cardozo
Building" as a tribute to his great interest in the educa-
tional welfare of the colored race.
DOCUMENTS 99
Henry E. Hayne
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
State Senator from Marion Co.
Secretary of State.
Was very much interested in the education of the colored
youth.
Richard H. Gleaves
Served two terms as Lieutenant Governor.
Elected with Gov. P. J. Moses in 1872 and with Gov. D. H.
Chamberlin in 1874.
Was nominated a third time with Gov. Chamberlin and elected
but forced 'by the Democrats to withdraw.
Henry W. Purvis
Born in Philadelphia, Pa.
Son of Hon. Robert Purvis, the great Abolitionist. Member,
house of Representatives, 1868-1870, and then was Adjutant
General.
Was Adjutant General of the State most of the Reconstruc-
tion Period.
He was a man without fear.
In the campaign of 1876 he went to Edgefield, the homes of
Generals Butler and Gary, the Democratic leaders, and re-
garded as fire eaters and spoke on the campaign issues. He
also went to other parts of the State equally as dangerous
and filled his engagements.
J. J. Wright-
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
On account of his great legal ability he was elected by the leg-
islature as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the
State. (There were two Associate Justices.) He had the
respect of the entire Bar of the State.
He was pre-eminently fitted for the position.
He is the only colored man who has ever occupied such an ex-
alted judicial position in this country.
Thomas E. Miller-
Born at Ferrybeeville, Beaufort Co., June 17, 1849.
100 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
Attended the free public school for Negro youths up to the
breaking out of the war.
Graduated from Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, in 1872.
Read law under Judge P. L. Wiggin and Chief Justice Moses
of South Carolina and was admitted to the Supreme Court
of S. C. in 1875.
Elected to the House of Representatives of S. C., 1874-1876-
1878.
Elected Senator from Beaufort Co., 1880.
Elected to the 51st Congress.
Elected to the House of Representatives of S. C., in 1866, and
while serving was instrumental in having the " State College
for Colored Youth" established at Orangeburg, S. C., and
on that account was elected its first President.
Dr. B. A. Bosemon
Born at Troy, N. Y.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention. Member of
the House of Representatives of S. C. Appointed Post-
master at Charleston, S. C., by President Grant and served
four years with entire satisfaction to the people of that city
with honor and credit to himself and the race.
Suave and polished he had a pleasing personality.
He had quite a large and lucrative practice in his profession.
Charles McDuffie Wilder-
Born in South Carolina. Delegate to the State Constitutional
Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C. Member of
the City Council of Columbia, S. C.
Postmaster at Columbia, S. C. for sixteen years. Appointed
by President Grant two terms and one term each by Presi-
dents Garfield and Hayes.
There were two white applicants for the position after Presi-
dent Garfield was inaugurated and Postmaster General
James, who was supposed to be friendly with one of them,
sent a Post Office Inspector to Columbia to find out the senti-
ment of the business men. They were almost unanimously
for Mr. Wilder. They stated that he had served them effi-
ciently for eight years and did not approve of a change.
DOCUMENTS 101
Generals Hampton and Butler represented the State in the
U. S. Senate at the time, Columbia being Senator Hamp-
ton's home and had he objected Senatorial courtesy would
have sustained him.
It shows in what estimation Mr. Wilder was held by his home
people.
Mr. Wilder 's appointment of four successive terms to a first-
class post office is a record.
Mr. Wilder was a delegate to all of the National Republican
Conventions up to and including that of 1888.
Mr. Wilder was a man of good sound judgment, of great po-
litical force and one of the few who had anything to show
after the political upheaval of 1876.
Samuel J. Lee of Aiken, S. C.
Born in South Carolina.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Speaker of the House of Representatives for one term.
A lawyer of recognized ability.
An expert in parliamentary procedure.
A man of engaging address, of a genial disposition, a pleasing
speaker, he was the most popular presiding officer of that
period.
D. Augustus Straker
A prominent member of the House of Representatives during
the latter part of the Reconstruction Period.
A man of brilliant parts and one of the leading lawyers of the
State.
Moved to Detroit, Mich., after the collapse in 1876, and played
quite an active and conspicuous part in politics there.
William J. Whipper
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
A man of splendid legal talent.
Elected by the legislature a Circuit Court Judge 'but Gov.
Chamberlain refused to commission him, (Ex. Gov. Moses,
white, was elected a Circuit Court Judge at the same time
and he was also refused a commission by Gov. Chamberlin.)
Judge of Probate of Beaufort Co., for more than ten years.
102 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Prince Rivers
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
Member of the House of Representatives of S. C.
Brigadier General in the South Carolina Militia.
Called the "black Prince" and he looked it with his fine
physique and military bearing as he rode at the head of the
colored troops as they passed in review before the Governor
at their annual inspection.
John Lee
Born at Columbia, S. C.
State Senator from Chester Co.
Postmaster at Chester.
Self educated.
Very prominent in his county.
W. J. McKinlay
Born at Charleston, S. C.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
One of the most prominent colored men in Charleston Co., and
one of the most influential in the Party Councils.
Member of the House of Representatives 1868 and part of
1869. Resigned to accept position of Register of Mesne
Conveyances, a very important office which he held for
several years.
W. H. Thomas-
Born in Ohio.
A man of brilliant intellect.
One of the most prominent members of the House of Repre-
sentatives at the close of the Reconstruction Period.
I remember well the conspicuous part he took in the proceed-
ings in the House of Representatives in 1876. Those were
times that tried men's souls but Mr. Thomas held his own
with the best men in the Democratic party.
Samuel Lee of Sumter, S. C.
Born in South Carolina.
Delegate to the State Constitutional Convention.
A very strong character and one of the bright young men of
the state.
DOCUMENTS 103
H* was elected to Congress but the Democrats counted him
out.
He contested the seat and though the House was Republican
and his case a good one, the Chairman of the Committee on
Elections, a Republican from Indiana, who was personally
antagonistic to him failed to report on the case arid Con-
gress adjourned without taking any action.
Jas. A. Bowley
Member of the House of Representatives.
For one term he was chairman of the Committee on Ways and
Means.
He wielded considerable power in legislation.
Was considered the ; 'Beau Brummel" of the House.
F. H.
Born in South Carolina.
Member of the House of Representatives.
Active in all legislation.
Polished and highly cultured.
Henry J. Maxwell
Born in South Carolina, at Charleston.
Senator from Marlboro County.
Active in all legislation.
Considered the best dressed member in the Senate.
Known to his associates at the "Duke of Marlboro.''
W. H. Jones-
State Senator from Georgetown Co.
Quite a fluent speaker and well versed on all public questions.
On account of his bellicose nature he was given the sobriquet
of "Red Hot Jones."
A. C. Jones
Born in Washington, D. C.
Clerk of the House of Representatives during the whole Ke-
construction Period.
A very capable officer and very popular.
Walter R. Jones
Born in South Carolina at Charleston.
104 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
Graduate of Oberlin College.
Secretary of the State Financial Board, consisting of the
Governor, Attorney General, State Treasurer and Comp-
troller, all white at that time.
Elected Clerk of the City Council of Columbia, S. C., by the
unanimous vote of the members.
Resigned that position to accept the position of Private Sec-
retary to Governor Chamberlain.
The best equipped and most brilliant young colored man I
ever met.
J. E. Green-
Sergeant at Arms of the Senate during the whole Reconstruc-
tion Period.
A very efficient officer and a man of fine parts.
John Williams
Sergeant at Arms of the House of Representatives during the
whole period.
A very capable man and popular with the members.
There were many colored men who occupied positions of im-
portance in the different countries positions such as Sheriff,
Treasurer, Auditor, Clerk of Court, Commissioner, Coroner
and School Commissioner.
I never heard of any of them being removed for incompetency,
deriliction of duty or malfeasance.
I regret very much that I cannot give you any information as
to whether the men mentioned were free or slaves, as the
persons from whom I could have gotten that information
have all passed away. Had I received such inquiry eight or
ten years ago I could have furnished it as there were several
persons then living who, I know, were well posted on that
subject.
Of the names noted in this paper the following were from
the North.
Some of them may have been from the South originally and
returned after the war: R. B. Elliott, D. A. Straker, Maj.
M. R. Delaney, W. H. Jones, Dr. B. A. Bosemon, W. H.
Thomas H. W. Purvis, R. H. Gleaves A. C. Jones, S. A.
S wails, J. A. Bowley, J. E. Green.
DOCUMENTS 105
The colored men of South Carolina played a more conspicuous
part and held more offices of a high grade during the Re-
construction Period than the colored men of any other State.
South Carolina has the distinction of electing the first colored
Congressman, (Joseph H. Rainey) and the last (George W.
Murray.) 27
South Carolina was represented in Congress 'by eight colored
men Rainey, Elliott, Ransier, Cain, Delarge, Smalls, Miller
and Murray.
Mr. Miller and Mr. Murray served after the Reconstruction
Period and most of Gen. Smalls' service was after that
period.
When I compare the present political leaders in South Caro-
lina with those of the Reconstruction Period I must confess
that we have retrograted politically. They may be due to
conditions. Not only in South Carolina, but where would
you find in any State at the present time, political leaders
who can measure up to the caliber of Elliott, Rainey,
Straker, Cardozo, Swails, DeLarge, Bosemon, Wright,
Ransier, Lee, McKinlay, Cain, Whipper and Wilder?
When the Negro race can again produce political leaders of
the type named then we may look forward with some degree
of hope for a solution of the Negro problem.
Your idea in collecting data relative to the Reconstruction
Period is a laudable one, and the wonder is, and the pity of it
is, that it had not been thought of long ere this. There are
very few now left to tell the tale, and that in a very un-
satisfactory way.
Some of the data relative to the Congressmen I got from Con-
gressional Directories. To recall all names, dates and in-
cidents pertaining to the Reconstruction Period after a
period of fifty years would require the prodigious memory
of a Macauley, even had I been an active participant in
political affairs at that time. There may be a few errors
but they are of a minor character. I am glad that I am
* Cteorge H. White, North Carolina, member of 55th and 56th Congresses,
the last Negro member. (Editor.)
'
100 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
able to be of some assistance to you in this matter, however,
little, and I can only say in the words of Macbeth,
"The service and the loyalty I owe,
In doing it, pays itself."
Very respectfully,
(Signed) II. A. WALLACE. 28
All names referred to in this paper are of colored men unless
otherwise stated.
CORRECTIONS OF DATA SUBMITTED BY MB. H. A. WALLACE, OF
NEW YORK CITY
103 WEST 131 ST.,
NEW YORK, N. Y.,
February 18, 1918.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala,
Dear Sir:
In reply to your letter of the llth inst., I beg leave to state that
Hunter and Dickson were white. As to Brokenton I probably was
thinking of a Brockenboro in Washington and got the names
mixed.
Before leaving Washington in 1913 I let Whitfield McKinlay
have my book, '' l Reconstruction in South Carolina" by John S.
Reynolds, to read. When I received your letters asking for assist-
ance in getting the diata relative to reconstruction in South Caro-
lina I wrote to Mr. McKinley for the book. I" wrote for it several
times but not until about a month ago did he send it. I did not
care to delay sending you the data, consequently I mailed it before
the book came to hand. Had I received the book in time I could
have made my paper a little more readable and avoided the errors
referred to.
As you have, no doubt, taken data from the book by Reynolds
I would like to correct a few errors I found therein.
Reconstruction Convention
Colleton W. M. Vinery, should be Viney
Darlington Richard Humbird, should be Humbert
as He was a page in the South Carolina House of Representatives in the
Reconstruction Period.
DOCUMENTS 107
Edgefield John' Wooley, colored, should be white
Greenville Wilson Cook, should be Cooke
Kershaw John A. Chestnut, should be Chesiiut
CJwpter HI Scott's First Term
Senate
Chester Lewis "Wimbush, should 'be Lucius Wim-bush
Union H. W. Duncan, colored, should be white
This would make ten colored Senators
House of Representatives
Abbeville James Martin, white, should be colored
Charleston B. A. Bosemon, should be Dr. B. A. Bosemon, Jr.
William R. Jervay, should be Jarvey
Chesterfield H. L. Shrewsberry, should be ShrewsZmn/
Colleton W. R. Hoyt is in the Senate column Wm. Driffle,
should be Wm. A. Driffle H. James and T. Richardson, as
members in addition to Thomas and Driffle.
Edgefield John Wooley, colored should be white
Georgetown W. H. Jones, should be W. II. Jones Jr.
Greenville Wilson Cook, should be Cooke
Kershaw John A. Chestnut, should be Ckesnut
Williainsburg Jeff. Pendergrass, should be Jeffery Prender-
grass.
Jas. Martin, Lee Nance and Wade Perrin, representatives and
B. F. Randolph, senator, were assassinated by the Ku-Klux Klan.
Page 111 "Among Mr Robertson's earliest official acts was
the recommendation of an incompetent colored man to be post-
master at Columbia."
If you will look at the sketch I gave of Mr Wilder, the post-
master referred to, you will note that in 1880 when the Democrats
had absolute control of South Carolina and Gens. Hampton and
Butler represented the State in the U. S. Senate, Mr Wilder was
confirmed for the fourth time, and as Columbia was the home post
office of Senator Hampton it is not likely that he or Butler would
have voted to confirm an imcompetent colored man when senatorial
courtesy would have sustained them had they objected.
Page 229 W. R. Jervay, should be Jarvey.
Page 233 Relative to Henry E. Hayne going to the com-
munion table I have to say that is all rot in so far as there were
any objections. The communicants with the exception of Mr Bab-
bitt and family were nearly all colored. I know that the wardens
and vestrymen were colored.
108 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
Page 234 I do not know about all of the colored men men-
tioned as having matriculated in the School of Law, but I am
certain that Mr Wilder did not.
Page 236 William R. Jervay, should be Jervey.
Page 333 With reference to Dr. Bosemon being under the
influence of liquor I desire to state that he did not touch, taste nor
handle the stuff. Dr Bosemon was a cultured gentleman, polished
in his manners and was a surgeon in one of the colored regiments
during the war.
Page 366 Instead of N. B. Myers being the elector for the
fifth district I think it was his brother, Senator William F. Myers.
As N. B. Myers went over to the Hampton House it is not prob-
able that he would stultify himself by voting for Hayes and
acknowledging Hampton as Governor.
Page 462 Gen. Elliott did not become a department clerk in
Washington. He moved to New Orleans where he practised law
several years before his death.
All the Republican politicians who remained in South Carolina
did not sink into actual obscurity or harmless inactivity after 1876.
Mr. Wilder was postmaster at Columbia until June 30, 1885.
Gen. Smalls represented the State in Congress for several terms
after 1876, and was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention in
1895. Was also Collector of Port of Beaufort.
Thomas E. Miller was also a delegate to the same convention and
served a term in Congress, and was a member of the S. C. House of
Representatives.
W. J. Whipper was a member of the legislature. Probate judge
of the county for ten years and a delegate to the Constitutional
Convention of 1895.
John Lee was postmaster at Chester for several years.
Mr Rainey was a special agent of the Treasury Department with
headquarters in South Carolina.
H. L. Shrewsbury and W. F. Myers were in the Revenue Serv-
ice and active in politics as was A. W. Curtis.
There were others but I cannot recall their names.
Referring to the data mailed to you I desire to make the fol-
lowing corrections :
Page 2 J. H. Rainey was not a member of the House of Repre-
sentatives but Senator from Georgetown.
Page 6 Relative to Judge Lee I desire to state that I am in
DOCUMENTS 109
error as to his case being the first where a colored man was elected
to a municipal judgeship. Macon B. Allen was elected by the legis-
lature as judge of the Inferior Court of Charlestown prior to Lee's
election or appointment. Therefore Judge Allen should be given
the honor.
Of course J. J. Wright who was elected an associate Justice of
the Supreme Court of the State by the legislature was the finst
Negro in this country who ever occupied a judicial position.
Page 7 Henry W. Purvis was elected Adjutant General for the
four year term 1872-1876. Member of Legislature 1868-1870.
Page 10 W. J. McKinlay was also a member of the House of
Representatives for part of 1868-69 period but resigned his seat to
accept the position of Register of Mesne Conveyanes for Charles-
town, to which the legislature elected him.
Page 11 W. H. Jones, should be W. H. Jones, Jr.
John Williams was Sergeant-at-Arms from 1870 to close of
period.
As there were no free public schools for colored youth in South
Carolina it is an error to state that Thomas E. Miller was educated
in that way. It was against the law for anyone to teach a Negro
even to read or write.
I am also told that I am in error as to giving him credit for the
establishment of the "State College" at Orangeburg. I will try to
find out something about that matter.
Very respectfully,
H. A. WALLACE
SOME CORRECTIONS FOR DATA SUBMITTED BY MR. H. A. WALLACE,
OP NEW YORK CITY
103 WEST 131 St.,
NEW YORK CITY.
March 11, 1918.
MR. MONROE N. WORK,
Editor Negro Year Book,
Tuskegee Institute, Ala.
Dear Sir:
I presume you received my letter of February 18, also the one
of January 19, relative to corrections in the data on Reconstruction.
I herewith send you a few more before you go to press on your
book pertaining to the part the Negro played in the political history
of the Southern States during the Reconstruction period :
'
110 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
I am in error as to James Martin, of Abbeville, who was assassi-
nated, as being colored. I was informed that he was colored, but in
reading the eulogies delivered by the different members of the
House and Senate, I find that he was not even an American. He
was a native of Ireland.
W. A. Bishop, who represented the Greenville district in the first
legislature, was white, not colored. In the list of delegates to the
Republican meeting at Charlestown, May 9, 1867, he is given as
white in Reynolds' book. I met a friend from Greenville about ten
days ago and in speaking to him about Bishop he said that he was
white and that he knew of no colored Bishops in that district.
On page 9 of my data I state that Mr. Whipper was bom in
South Carolina. I met his son, who is living here, sometime ago and
he informed me that his father was born in Pennsylvania.
With reference to Judge Whipper I would add that one of the
first acts of the first legislature was to elect a commission of three
members to revise and consolidate the Statute laws of the State and
that he was the first member elected. Quite a tribute to his legal
ability.
On page 12 add the following names as from the North.
Rev. B. F. Randolph Senator Orangeburg district.
W. J. Whipper Member Beaufort district.
Judge J. J. Wright Beaufort district afterwards Associate
Judge Supreme Court, and on page 8, under his name please state
born in Pennsylvania.
On page 107 Reynolds' book Abbeville Co. W. J. Lomax,
should be Hutson J. Lomax, this is official. On page 59 and 77 he
has it II. J. which is correct.
Same page Fail-field Henry Jacob, should be Jacobs He
was also a delegate to the Constitutional Convention See page 77.
Very Respectfully,
(Signed) H. A. WALJLACE
Copy.
SUMNEB AND STEVENS ADVISE WITH REFERENCE TO RECONSTRUCTION
POLJCY IN SOUTH CAROLINA
The late Honorable Francis L. Cardoza at one time Secretary of
State for South Carolina, several years before his death stated to
the undersigned the following in substance :
DOCUMENTS 1 1 1
That a number of colored men met and appointed a committee
which was sent to Washington to get the advice of Charles Sumner
and Thaddeus Stevens concerning the formation of the political
organization for the newly enfranchised Negro citizen shortly after
the adoption of the 14th Amendment.
Pains were taken to keep the plans from both the native whites
and the so-called carpet baggers from the North. That both Mr.
Sumner and Mr. Stevens advised the committee to tender the leader-
ship to native whites of the former master class of conservative
views: but this plan was frustrated because they were not able to
secure the consent of desired representatives of the former master
class to assume the proffered leadership.
(Signed) KELLY MILLER
(Signed) WHITEPIELD McKiNLAY
WASHINGTON, D. C., December 14, 1917.
Subscribed to and sworn before me, SAMUEL E. LACY a Notary
Public in and for the District of Columbia, this Fourteenth (14th)
Day of December 1917.
(Signed) SAMUEL E. LACY,
Notary Public, D. C.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OF RECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATURES
Texas
J. H. Stewart who now lives in Austin.
Edward Patton, San Jacinto County, now living in Washington
is in Government service.
Nathan H. Haller, Brazoria County. House, 1892-94. Re-
elected and counted out. Contested his seat and won.
R. L. Smith, Colorado County, 1895-99, now living in Waco. Is
president of the Farmers Bank and head of the Farmers Improve-
ment Association. For sketch of, see Negro Year Book, p. 322. For
his work in the Legislature, see attached letter.
Elias May, Brazos County, in the early days of Reconstruction.
R. J. Moore, Washington County, representative.
Gaines, senator, Lee County.
i!2 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Copy.
COOPERATIVE EXTENSION WORK IN AGRICULTURE AND HOME
ECONOMICS
COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS.
WACO, TEXAS, March 26, 1918.
PROF. MONROE N. WORK, Tuskegee Inst. Ala.
Dear Mr. Work:
I was elected in Nov. 1894 as representative for Colorado county
and was re-elected in 1896.
My majority in 1894 was 168 and in 1896 at the next election it
was 450 as I recollect it.
I was appointed on the committee on education and on privilege
and election and on agriculture.
I introduced a bill restoring colored trustees which finally
passed.
I fought a bill establishing separate waiting rooms for the races
at R. R. Station and killed it for four years.
I introduced a resolution inviting manufacturing cotton plants
to come to Texas. I introduced a resolution granting the use of the
Hall of the House of Representatives to the colored citizens of
Austin to hold their memorial services for Fred Douglas. When
one understands the race feeling in the South this was indeed a
triumph. I introduced a bill establishing a college course as a part
of our curriculum at Prairie View Normal which passed carrying
with it a grant of fifty thousand acres of land.
I worked hard to help carry a bill through making any peace
officer automatically lose his office whenever a lynching took place
in his county. This bill passed but was declared unconstitutional
by the supreme court. I was appointed by the speaker as a member
of the visiting board for Prairie View State Normal. As a member
of the committee on privileges and Election I single handed fought
for a colored man elected from Brazoria county, N. H. Haller by
name who had the nerve to contest the seat of a white man to whom
the certificate of election had been awarded. After a long and
bitter fight in which three times I carried in and presented a minor-
ity report we won and Haller was seated. This isn't the only case
of its kind that I know of in this state.
Haller of course had able legal talent to take care of his case.
I voted for the purchase of the battle field of San Jacinto which
is in Harris country about twenty miles below Houston. It was on
this battlefield that Texas won her independence from Mexico in
DOCUMENTS 113
1836. It is now a beautiful state park. For this action I was pub-
licly thanked by the Daughters of the Republic.
Respectfully
(Signed) R. L. SMITH.
The legislatures which I served in were the 23d and 24th.
Charles A. Culberson, now U. S. senator was governor and our
relations were very cordial.
In 1902 I was tendered and accepted a position in the U. S<
Marshal's office for the Eastern Dist. of Texas by Pres. Roosevelt.
Held same until 1909. This was the most honorable and best paid
federal position ever held by a Negro in Texas except that held by
Hon. N. W. Cuney who was collector of the Post of Galveston. In
1915 I took charge of the Extension Service work for Negroes in
Texas which I now hold.
SOME NEGRO MEMBERS OP THE TENNESSEE LEGISLATURE DURING
RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD AND AFTER SO
By Honorable J. C. Napier, of Nashville, Term., register of United States
Treasury, May, 1917
Year Name County
1871-73 Sampson W. Keeble Davidson
1877-79 Thos. A. Sykesl Davidson
1879-81 S. A. McElwee? Haywood
1881-83 T. Frank Cassells Shelby
J. F. Norris Shelby
Thos. A. Sykes? Davidson
S. A. McElwee? Haywood
1883-85 J. W. Boyd Weakley
S. A. McElwee Haywood
D. F. Rivers Fayette
1885-87 G. E. Evans Shelby
W. A. Fields Shelby
W. C. Hodge Shelby
S. A. McElwee Haywood
D. F. Rivers 30 Fayette
1887-89
1889-91 Goodman Fayette
1891-93
1893-95
1895-97 J. M. H. Graham Montgomery
2 There were no colored members of the Tennessee Senate.
30 Contested, not seated.
114 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Davidson county, Tennessee, sent two colored men to the Legis-
lature. The first colored member of the Legislature was Sampson
W. Keeble from 71-78. From 77-79 the colored member was
Thomas A. Sykes. Both of these were representatives. Tennessee
never had any colored senators. Sampson W. Keeble was a. native
of Tennessee. Thomas A. Sykes was a native of North Carolina
and had been a member of the North Carolina legislature. 31
Captain James II. Sumner, of Davidson County, was elected a
door-keeper of the House of Representatives for 1867-69. He was
afterwards appointed captain of a Militia Company which rendered
the State valuable service in putting down the Ku-Klux. Later by
act of the Legislature a committee was authorized for Nashville
consisting of three persons to audit claims against the State for
destruction of property by soldiers of the Confederates and Fed-
eral armies during the war. Governor Brownlow appointed on this
commission James H. Sumner, a white man named Lassiter, and J.
C. Napier. They examined claims amounting to millions of dollars,
some of which were afterwards paid and others rejected. There
were other colored men on such commissions in other parts of the
state whose names I do not now recall.
Haywood county first sent Samuel A. McElwee. He served
from 79-83. The same county afterwards sent Rev. D. F. Rivers
who is now pastor of the Berean Baptist Church in Washington,
D. C. Rev. Rivers defeated the father of a very popular white girl
and she met him in the street and spat in his face. McElwee made
a very active member and was highly respected by all. He was a
graduate of Fisk University and the law department of Walden
University.
Weakley County sent John W. Boyd who served two or three
terms in the legislature. He ran for the senate but was defeated.
Perhaps there was one from Hamilton county or Knox county.
Shelby county sent quite a delegation of colored men from time
to time. Among them were T. F. Cassells and I. F. Norris, who is
still living in North Dakota. Cassells was a lawyer, educated at
Oberlin.
Mr. Norris was a successful business man of Memphis, Mr.
Keeble was a barber in Nashville.
Mr. Sykes was Internal Revenue Collector in Nashville and
came there with high revenue officials from North Carolina. He
31 1868, 1870, see North Carolina Mst, Pasquotank County.
DOCUMENTS 115
entered politics and was quite influential and finally died at Nash-
ville.
Keeble was of a family highly respected and of very high stand-
ing in Nashville. The men from Memphis and Haywood counties
were more highly educated than the others. They were free men
of high class and up to the standard of the whites who were sent to
the legislature in those days.
COLORED MEN IN OTHER POSITIONS
At one time the county government of Davidson County was
run by three Commissioners ; one of these commissioners was a col-
ored man, named Randall Brown of limited education, but large ex-
perience and a large amount of good common sense. He was very
influential and highly thought of by white and colored people.
Nashville city government during the days of reconstruction had
among its membership, perhaps, one-third colored members. These
men were not of the same calibre as the colored members of the
legislature. They were picked up in the different wards by their
friends. They were chosen for their popularity rather than for fit-
ness for the work before them.
Immediately following the reconstruction days, Josiah T. Settle
was elected Assistant Attorney General for Shelby county under
General Patterson who afterwards served as Governor of the State
of Tennessee. Mr. Settle had previously been a member of the
Misisssippi Legislature.
In Knoxville men have served in the legislature of the city gov-
ernment.
When they changed the form of government in Nashville, there
was a colored man a member of the Board of Aldermen. Two col-
ored men were elected to the council. As a result, two fire com-,
panics were given to colored men. Mr. Charles Gowdey and Mr. J.
C. Napier were the colored members of the council. The first two
brick school houses were erected for colored children during their
term. They were the Pearl High School and the Meigs School. At
that time the people of Nashville, the Democrats especially, showed
a very liberal spirit to the colored people and divided the positions
with them. Shorty after this with a more liberal spirit, they erected
the third brick school house in the city of Nashville, The Napier
School.
After things went out of the hands of the Republicans in Ten-
116 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
nessee, Capt. Sunnier went down into Mississippi, entered politics
and was elected Sheriff of Holmes county. He became quite
wealthy. His family was of high standing. Owned property in
Nashville and the descendants still own it.
Settle and Cassells were free men. Keeble was owned by a very
distinguished Tennessee family named Keeble.
- SCHOOLS FOB FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES
In Tennessee before the war there were schools for Negroes.
There were no laws against schools for free colored people until the
agitation that brought on the war.
At Nashville, Franklin college graduated three colored men ;
that is the school gave them graduation papers. They were pre-
pared for the ministry in the Christian church (Disciples). These
men were Samuel Lowery, Daniel Watkins and James T. Rapier.
Lowery, Rapier and Watkins were all free men. Rapier served a
term or two from Florence, Ala., in Congress during the Recon-
struction Period. He was a man of some wealth, was very active
and traveled a good deal. Lowery 's father was also a minister,
before him, in the Christian Church. He had a farm as well as city
property. Franklin College was a Campbellite Institution or what
is now known as the Christian Church Institution.
When the agitation came about preceding the Civil War they
closed all of the colored schools.
Mr. Napier's father and mother with some other colored people
had a man named Rufus Conrad come down from Cincinnati, Ohio,
to teach their children. This was in 1859. Both free and slave
children went to this school. The school had been open two or three
months when one day, while the class was spelling the word baker,
an abrupt knock on the door interrupted the class and then a man
entered without waiting to be admitted. He said to the teacher,
"What is your name?" The teacher answered, ''Rufus Conrad."
"Where did you come from?" was the next question. The teacher
answered, "From Cincinnati, Ohio." The man said, "I have been
authorized by the powers that be in Nashville to send these children
home, to close the doors of this school and give you just 24 hours to
leave this town. ' ' This ended this school.
There were three or four schools in Nashville, before the war.
One was taught by Samuel Watkins. He taught school in an old
church right over a branch. It was built up on stilts, and was a
DOCUMENTS 117
place of worship built for the slaves by their owners. Another one
was taught by a Mrs. Tate, who was of a very excellent family. Mrs.
Sallie Player, a most delightful teacher taught another one of these
schools. Mrs. Player was a free woman but her husband was a
slave. He belonged to a very excellent family of white people,
whose slaves enjoyed every privilege that free people enjoyed. They
were protected by their owner. She was a woman of some educa-
tion. Her husband also had some education, although a slave.
There was another school taught by a white man and his wife whose
name was Westbrooks. They came to Nashville from St. Louis,
Missouri and organized a school. These two gathered considerable
money from the free and slave people who wanted to send their
children to school. They taught school about three weeks when
they suddenly disappeared.
SLAVES IN BUSINESS AND NEGROES WHO OWNED SLAVES
Slaves had more money than is generally thought. Henry
Harding, a slave with some education, was a thorough business
man from beginning to end. Everything he touched turned to
money. His home in Nashville now is as pretty a home as you want
to see. He was allowed every liberty by his owners that a free
person enjoyed. He was a carpenter and contractor. He did all
the construction work on three plantations, that of General Hard-
ing, his son's, John Harding and of David Gavock's. One of the
Hardings was his father. He was held as a slave until Emancipa-
tion in '63. He immediately came to Nashville and went into busi-
ness building houses. When he died he had considerable property.
Hardy Perry, a slave in Nashville, had a line of hacks and
transfer teams during slavery time. He hired his own time.
Steven Boyd and Mr. Napier kept a livery stable.
My father's father was a pioneer iron man in middle Tennessee.
His parents came from England and went to Dixon county and
established what is still known as the Napier Iron Works. He was
a man of considerable force of character and influence. He had
four colored sons and daughters. He had these sons go to school
along with the white children. When he died his will provided
that they should leave Tennessee and go to a free state or to Li-
beria. They went to Ohio and lived on Walnut Hill where they
bought a farm. They concluded to sell the farm on Walnut Hill,
trading it for a farm at New Richmond, Ohio. Two of the sons
I
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
went to Richmond with my grandmother, another went to St. Louis,
Mo., and my father went back to Nashville. Two of the brothers
who went to Richmond with their mother became school teachers
in Richmond. The one who went to Nashville went into the livery
business.
My father's father was a physician, having graduated from the
medical school of the University of Pennsylvania. He had great
political influence and it was through his influence that one of the
governors of Tennessee was elected.
Alice Bosley, whose husband was white, and her family owned
two large plantations south of Nashville and the other north-east
of Nashville. They owned about twenty-five or thirty slaves. She
was a thoroughly religious woman and every Sunday would have
her slaves and children attend church.
Manse Bryant was another large land owner and slave owner.
VIRGINIA STATE LIBRARY
RICHMOND, VA.
September 28, 1916.
MR. MONROE N. WORK, Editor,
Tuskegee, Alabama.
My Dear Sir:
The Journals of the Senate and House of Delegates for the years
iin which there have been Negro members do not indicate which of
the members were white and which negro. The almanacs, how-
ever, do as a general thing though the almanacs are not extremely
reliable. I have gotten the following information from the al-
manacs. The first year in which negroes were allowed to hold
office in Virginia was 1869.
The almanac for the year 1870 (which was printed the latter
part of 1869 and which gives, therefore, the members of the Gen-
eral Assembly for the session of 1869-70) gives no negro members
of the Senate of Virginia, but 18 negro members of the House.
The total membership of the House was 137. The membership of
the Senate was 40. For the session of 1870-71 there were, accord-
ing to the almanac, no negro members of the Senate. For the ses-
sion of 1870-71, I regret to say that the almanac does not differen-
tiate between white and negro members. For the session of
1871-72, I regret to say that the almanac does not give the members
DOCUMENTS 119
of the House of Delegates; nor in the list of the members of the Sen-
ate does it differentiate between the two races. For the session of
1872-3 the almanac does not differentiate. For the session of
1873-4 the almanac gives 3 negro members out of 40 in the Senate,
and 17 out of 132 members in the House. For the session of
18745 there were three negro members out of 40 in the Senate,
and there were 17 negro members in the House. In the session of
1875-6 there were 3 negro Senators, and 13 negro members of the
House. In the session of 1876-77 there were three negro members
in the Senate, and 12 negro members of the House. In 1877-78
there were 3 negro members of the Senate, and four negro mem-
bers of the House. In 1878-9 there were three negro members of
the Senate and four negro members of the House. For the session
of 1879-80 the almanac gives no marks of differentiation. For the
session of 1880-81 the almanac makes no distinction. For the
1881-2 session the almanac has no list of the members. For the
session of 1882-3 the almanac does not differentiate. For the ses-
sion of 1883-4 there were 3 negro senators and 8 members of the
House. For the session of 1884-5 there was one negro senator, and
7 members of the House, out of a total membership of one hundred.
In the session of 1885-6 there was only one senator out of a mem-
bership of 39, and only one member of the House of Delegates, out
of one hundred. In the session of 188G-7 there was one senator and
one member of the House. In the session of 1887-8 there was one
negro senator, and there were seven members of the House. In the
session of 1889-9 there was one senator, and seven members of the
House. In the session of 1889-90 there was one negro senator, and
three members of the House. In the session of 1890-91 there was
one negro senator, and three members of the House. In the session
of 1891-2 there were no negroes in either the Seriate or the House,
that is, none marked. For the session of 1892-3 no negroes were
marked. For the session of 1893-4 there seem to have been none.
I have not looked further, but I do not believe there has been a negro
member in either House since that time.
Very truly yours,
(Signed) H. R. MC!LWAINE
State Librarian.
JAMES G. THOMPSON, THE ORIGINAL CARPETBAGGER 1
1 ' I suppose I might call myself the first Carpet Bagger. ' ' This
expression casually let fall by Mr. J. G. Thompson, of this city, in a
conversation with the writer, was so striking and so suggestive that
I asked him to explain. He complied, and in so doing, gave the fol-
lowing extraordinary narrative, which he subsequently consented to
have published:
From the 7th of November, 1861, when Hilton Head was cap-
tured by the United States naval forces, the sea islands of South
Carolina never passed out of the hands of the United States. Those
islands and a considerable portion of the mainland were thereupon
brought under the operation of the United States direct tax act, and
were in time sold for United States taxes to whoever would buy
them. They were mainly bought in by the United States and were
subsequently re-sold to soldiers, army followers and Negroes.
Towards the close of the war, having concluded my service under
the government, I resolved to settle in the South, and purchased in
1864, a plantation on St. Helena, one of these islands, with the in-
tention of becoming a Southern planter. I was thus engaged when
Andrew Johnson began his reconstruction efforts and appointed
Benjamin F. Perry provisional governor. This was the first at-
tempt at the reconstruction of the South, and South Carolina was
the first state called upon to resume its relations with the Union, as
she had been the first to go out. In October, 1865, the provisional
governor issued a proclamation setting a day for an election of
delegates to a
CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
His Proclamation called upon the people to repeal the ordinances
of secession form a constitution and make such preparations as were
necessary to obtain admission into the Union. St. Helena parish
was entitled to one delegate to that constitutional convention.
All the original inhabitants of the parish, upon the approach of
i This account was taken from James G. Thompson 's Papers by his
daughter, Caroline B. Stephen, of Washington, D. C. Special Correspondence
of the New York Tribune.
120
DOCUMENTS 121
the Federal forces, had fled. There was but one man left in the
whole parish when the United States took possession of the town of
Beaufort, and he was found in a garret dead drunk. Consequently
when the convention was called the question arose who were citizens
of the parish. There were few white natives of South Carolina in
the parish. The managers of election were not present. Governor
Perry had named the managers of the previous elections held under
the confederate goverenment as the ones to conduct the election now
to be held, but none of these people were there. So a town meeting
in the New England style was called to consider the situation, at
which the colored people were in a large majority. Probably one
hundred white ex-soldiers, army officers, settlers, clerks, quarter-
masters, employes, etc., came to the meeting. An examination of
the law of South Carolina as to
WHAT CONSTITUTED CITIZENSHIP
showed that it required a three years' residence to be a citizen, and
that no person then a soldier of the United States could vote in the
state at any election. A long discussion followed, whether to nom-
inate a candidate or not, which ended in a decision to nominate.
Then came the query whether every one at the town meeting could
take part in naming a candidate to be voted for. The advocates of
Negro suffrage claimed that the colored native citizens of South
Carolina had a better right to select the candidate to be voted for
than any of the white men present. It should be remembered that
at this time the Fifteenth amendment had not been adopted. The
point was made on the other side that only those who would have
the right to vote for such a candidate had the right to participate
in the nomination. This proposition was voted down, however, by
a large majority, and H. G. Judd, a philanthropist engaged in the
work of educating the Negroes, was nominated. Subsequently, how-
ever, another meeting was held by the white settlers who had ac-
quired a residence, and who were entitled under the laws of South
Carolina to vote, having resided there three years, at which meeting
I was nominated.
THIS ELECTION
occurred the next day, and I received 36 votes and H. G. Judd 8
votes. There being no authorized managers of the election, the
voters assembled at the polls on the morning of the election and
122 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
elected three persons to act in that capacity. These persons made a
certificate that I had received the largest number of votes at the
election.
When the convention assembled in Columbia, I presented by
credentials and could have been sworn in without question if I had
preferred to make a statement to the convention that it might not
act unadvisedly of the circumstances of my election. I asked that
the credentials be referred to the committee on credentials. It was
so ordered and I then appeared before the committee and related
the facts. After the hearing a report was presented which stated
that perhaps this was the only case known to legislative history in
which a man contested his own seat, and that all the evidence for
and against my right to the seat was presented by myself. The
committee reported unanimously in favor of
SEATING ME
A long debate, however, ensued in the convention upon the ques-
tion, and it was finally decided only by the close vote of 53 to 50 that
I be seated. George D. Tillman, now a member of Congress from
South Carolina, made a very bitter speech against seating me. He
thought the insolence of this Yankee was beyond precedent in claim-
ing to represent the grand old parish of St. Helena, which had been
represented in the past by Middleton, Rhett, Bull and other distin-
guished citizens of the State. In a speech that was really prophetic,
he predicted that to admit me would be to show dragons' teeth, and
that ultimately I would be followed by a horde which should devour
the state.
James L. Orr made a speech in favor of my admission, and said
that he hoped to see the state overrun with just such newcomers. I
was, perhaps, the youngest man in the convention, and was sur-
rounded by men of the first rank of the State. Scarcely a man in
that convention but had a title. There were ex-senators, ex-gover-
nors, ex-chancellors, ex-judges and ex-members of Congress. It
was the intellectual power of the state to say nothing of ex-generals,
colonels and ex-captains of the confederate army. Probably two-
thirds of those men had been members of the convention which car-
ried the state out of the Union, and had looked upon that act at the
time it was performed as
DOCUMENTS 123
THE CROWNING END
of a lifetime of agitation and anxiety. Now they were called upon
to undo it all, but they seemed incapable of understanding the true
position of affairs, and were totally ignorant of what had been ac-
complished by the war and blind to the logic of events.
For instance, one of the questions early raised and referred to
the judiciary committee was whether Negroes should be allowed to
testify in the courts. Judge Frost of Charleston introduced a reso-
lution that the ordinance fixing the status of the Negro upon this
question should be passed by the convention. Chancelor Ingalls,
who recently died in Baltimore, opposed the proposition, claiming
that a sovereign convention called as this was for a special purpose,
ought not to legislate. Upon the question of discharging the com-
mittee from further consideration of the subject, there were but two
votes in the negative, Judge Frost, the mover, a man of 80 yiears,
and myself.
Isolated as I was from the start, I was treated by the convention
with the utmost courtesy, and when I occasionally rose to speak, I
received the
UNDIVIDED ATTENTION
of the members, and the rather obtrusive attention of the ladies who
filled the galleries. Such remarks could be heard as: " There, that
Yankee is going to speak."
Another point that agitated the convention was, what laws
should be passed to fix the status of the Negro, and, after a long dis-
cussion, a committee was appointed to frame a code of laws to be
submitted to the legislature, which should assemble under the con-
stitution adopted by this convention. The product of that commis-
sion was "The Black Code." Its intentions and provisions were
foreshadowed in the debates of the convention. At the close of the
debate I spoke for five minutes, closing with the prediction that if
the convention thought that its work would be of any value to the
state, they were mistaken. If the convention thought it possible to
provide a different code of laws for the government of the loyal
black citizens of the United States, from that which governed the
disloyal white citizens of South Carolina, they did not understand
what the war had accomplished. I said that I knew more of the
124 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
OPINION OF THE WAR
than it was possible for any man in that Convention or all of them to
know. While I spoke with modesty before men who had occupied
high political positions in the past, I spoke with confidence as to
the opinion of the people of the North who had waged a successful
war against secession and slavery. Speaking for them I predicted
that their laws would be made by major-generals and executed by
provost-marshals until the last man present would fall into his
grave before the North would admit the state into the Union under
a constitution which did not recognize that all men were equal before
the law. When I sat down there was a dead silence and solemn
faces.
To show the opposition I excited, let me give another anecdote.
James L. Orr came to my room one evening and asked me not to
be offended if he requested that upon a certain question he pro-
posed to bring before the convention the next day I would not speak
in its favor. He said: There are fools enough in this convention
that do not want anything that you do want, and every time you
speak on a measure you hinder its adoption." The proposition he
had at hand was to
REDUCE THE TIME
requisite to obtain citizenship in the state from three years to one,
and after much difficulty he persuaded the convention to make the
change. He also wished to abolish the property qualification for
state senators. Tillman appealed to him in an eloquent speech to
spare this last relic of South Carolina conservatism. Orr, in reply,
asked what in God's name had South Carolina conservatism done
for South Carolina. He pointed to what its condition was once and
what it now was, and charged South Carolina conservatism with the
result. His speech was a powerful one, and brought the convention
to his views, and no property qualification was thereafter imposed
upon any officer.
Near the close of the convention 1 asked leave to present a peti-
tion from 250 colored property owners of the city of Charleston,
who asked that the right of suffrage be extended to them. This, I
suppose, was the first petition of the kind ever offered in the slave
states. A member of the convention immediately moved that the
petition be returned to me and not received by the convention. Mr.
Orr said that the petition was respectful in form and ought to be
DOCUMENTS 125
received. He moved that it be laid on the table. Another delegate
moved that
No MENTION
of the reception of the petition be made in the journal. I then ro&e
to speak upon the last of these motions, but the president of the
convention entertained a motion to adjourn, and the convention
did so.
The convention made a constitution which was not, however,
submitted to the people for their approval. Under it a governor
and legislature were elected.
THE BLACK CODE
was ratified by the legislature, and many preposterous laws relating
to the Negroes were passed. It was evident that the freedman was
to be reduced to a condition worse than slavery he was to be made
a serf, attached to the land, and to be under all the disabilities of
slavery without having the protection of the property interest of
the owner. CONGRESS took charge of the reconstruction, and the
new government of South Carolina fell to pieces, after a brief and
inglorious existence.
Although I was the first <k carpet bagger," I did not pursue the
occupation. I never held office again in the state, although I con-
tinued to live there for sixteen years, and taking part in politics as
the editor of the Beaufort Republican and the Columbia Union-
Herald.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Negro in Virginia Politics, 1865-1902. By RICHARD L. MOR-
TON, Ph.D., Phelps Stokes Fellow in the University of Virginia,
1917-1918. Charlottesville, Virginia, 1919. Pp. 199. Price,
$1.50.
This is the fourth number of a series of studies in the race prob-
lem promoted by the Phelps Stokes Fund with a view to interesting
a larger number of southern white scholars in this field. The
seriousness of the problem during recent years has driven home the
thought that without scientific investigation it will be extremely
difficult to find a rational basis upon which the two races may co-
operate for the greatest good of the greatest number. These mono-
graphs are very much like the addresses and studies of the Uni-
versity Commission making an effort to meet this need. Judged
from the value of the monographs hitherto produced, however, one
must express the regret that these works do not measure up to the
desired standard. The chief difficulty lies in the misconception that
the whole matter of readjustment may be effected by using the white
man only. He is to do the thinking, outline the method of attack,
and direct the movement. The Negro, the other half of the equa-
tion, has not been invited to share this work and the writers
making these investigations are unfortunately biased rather than
scientific.
The purpose of this monograph is to show the bad effects of
Negro suffrage which had no place in Lincoln's plan of Reconstruc-
tion or in the early Congressional plan, but was forced upon the
South by a group of aggressive radicals led by Thaddeus Stevens
and Charles Sumner as a means of their personal aggrandizement
and of executing punishment and revenge upon the Southern States.
It is not true that these two statesmen desired to force Negro rule
upon the South. They tried to give that section a democratic gov-
ernment. At first they advised the Negroes to choose for their
leaders the intelligent southern whites and the Negroes entreated
their former masters to serve them in this capacity. When the
whites refused to cooperate, therefore, Congress could do nothing
else but make the Negroes the basis of the reconstructed govern-
126
BOOK REVIEWS 127
ments. From this partisan point of view only then the monograph
is very much of a success. The writer suffered from a preoccupa-
tion of mind and in his researches was governed accordingly. He
knew what he wanted to write and found facts to assist him toward
this end.
The book covers in detail form the beginnings of Negro suf-
frage in Virginia, the campaign of 1867 in which radicals and
Negroes drew the color line, the constitutional convention of
1867-68, the committee of nine, the campaign of 1869, the restora-
tion of Virginia, the elimination of the Carpetbaggers from 1869
to 1879, the Readjuster movement in Virginia from 1879 to 1883,
politics and race friction from 1885 to 1900, the constitutional con-
vention of 1901-1902, and the new constitution. He, therefore,
discusses certain topics already treated in J. A. C. Chandler's Rep-
resentation in Virginia, and The History of Suffrage in Virginia;
J. P. McConnell's Negroes and their Treatment in Virginia from
1865-1867; H. J. Eckenrode's The Political History of Virginia
during Reconstruction; and C. C. Pearson's The Readjuster Move-
ment in Virginia.
The author makes a survey of the situation prior to the Civil
War, explaining why the aristocratic Virginians long since accus-
tomed to rule even by excluding the poor whites from the electorate
could not tolerate the enfranchisement of the Negroes. An effort
is made also to show that inasmuch as most of the Northern States
prior to the Civil War had not accepted Negro suffrage, it was
natural for the southern people to be opposed to such a policy. To
strengthen this point he refers to such authorities as Oliver P. Mor-
ton, Governor Andrew and Abraham Lincoln.
The author considers the Negro a failure in politics and sup-
ports his contention by a quotation from George W. Murray, who
felt that it was the mistake of the nineteenth century to attempt to
make the ex-slave a governor before he had learned to be governed
and of Booker T. Washington who said, "There is no doubt but
that we made a mistake at the beginning of our freedom of putting
the emphasis on the wrong end. Politics and the holding of office!
were too largely emphasized almost to the exclusion of every in-
terest/'
Since the Negro has been eliminated, the author seems to rejoice
that the races in Virginia now work together in harmony and are
friends. He believes that this relationship will continue only so
long as no exterior factor disturbs the equilibrium and concludes
'
128 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
with a quotation from John Sharp Williams who feels that "It will
be well that wise men think more, that good men pray more and
that all men talk less and curse less." If the author really intends
to set forth the views of such radicals as John Sharp Williams as
those upon which the races may expect to cooperate in the South,
he might have added his recent pronunciamento that "when it
comes to maintaining the honor of a white woman the South re-
spects no law human or divine."
These observations are sufficient to establish the idea of the book.
The Negro during the Reconstruction period was a failure. The
white man who has been restored to absolute power so as to estab-
lish social ostracism, segregation and lynching is a success. In
other words, the whole study is from the white man 's point of view.
The Negro has no political rights which the white man should
respect and unless things are in conformity with the white man's
prejudice they are wrong.
No one would gainsay that the enfranchisement of all ex-slaves
was a mistake. Oliver P. Morton, and Governor Andrew, of Massa-
chusetts, were to some extent right in their criticism of such a
policy. It would have been much better to have followed Abraham
Lincoln's plan of enfranchising those Negroes who were owners of
property or able to read and write and those white men who had not
taken any part in the Rebellion. While it should not have been ex-
pected that ex-slaves could administer the affairs of the country it
could not, on the other hand, have been imagined that their masters
who had begrudgingly abandoned their title to men as property
would in a few years deal with them as one should with human
beings. As a matter of fact the black codes which the Southern
States enacted immediately after the war show the inability of the
aristocratic southerners to deal humanely with a subject people.
If, therefore, Abraham Lincoln's policy, of gradually recruiting
voters from such blacks as gave evidence of wealth and education
and from such whites as manifested a disposition to do the right
thing by the country and by the freedmen had been followed, the
mistakes of the Reconstruction would have been avoided.
The Negro Trail Blazers of California. By DELILAH L. BEASLBT,
Los Angeles, California, 1919. Pp. 317.
This is, according to the author, a compilation of records from
the California Archives in the Bancroft Library at the University
of California and from the diaries, papers and conversations of
BOOK REVIEWS 129
pioneers in the State of California. It includes also a record of
present-day Negroes in that State. The book is illustrated with por-
traits exhibiting the life of the people past and present. The work
is divided into three parts, the first being historical, the second
biographical, and the third an account of the present-day Negro.
Taking up the historical task, the author accounts for the dis-
covery of California and mentions the important roles played by
Estevanecito and the Negro priest accompanying the explorers.
She then discusses the rule of Spain in California, the Bear Flag
Party, the landing of Commodore John D. Sloate, the admission of
California to the Union, the Pony Express, the right of testimony,
the homestead law, the elective franchise, slavery in California, and
freedom papers. Although intended as a continuous sketch, how-
ever, this portion of the work, like most of it, is a mixture of nar-
ratives and documents.
In the second part of the book giving biographical sketches there
is a chapter on the first Negro settlers on the Pacific coast, a pioneer
list and the Forty-Niners of color engaged in mining. Into this are
worked all sorts of personal narratives without any organizing or
unifying scheme as to place or achievement. Not much attention
is paid to proportion. The author seemingly wrote all she had
heard or collected in each case regardless of the worth of these per-
sonal achievements.
The same style holds in the treatment of the present-day Negro
of California. There is something about almost everything. The
Negro churches and the Negro in education, law and music have
considerable space. The author next takes up distinguished women
of color, doctors, dentists, literary persons, Negroes at the Panama
Pacific International Exposition, and Negroes in the army. Then
follow the notes on the text which, instead of being given through-
out the work as footnotes are placed at the end of the work.
Judged from the point of view of the scientific investigator, the
work is neither a popular nor a documented account. When one
considers the numerous valuable facts in the book, however, he must
regret that the author did not write the work under the direction of
some one well grounded in English composition. As it is, it is so
much of a hodge-podge that one is inclined to weep like the min-
ister who felt that his congregation consisted of too many to be lost
but not enough to be saved.
130 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
A History of South Africa. By DOROTHEA F AIRBRIDGE, Oxford Uni-
versity Press, London, 1918. Pp. 319.
One hears much nowadays about the history of South Africa and
the development of that recently enlarged domain under the direc-
tion of Great Britain adds further interest to the story. The pres-
ent volume differs, however, from the type of most recent (accounts
of South Africa in that it is a small illustrated work within the
reach of those too busy or not sufficiently well grounded in the
social sciences to read an intensively scientific treatise. As such, it
has a place in the current historical volumes growing out of the
reconstruction of the countries revolutionized by the world war.
The work begins with a picture of the country as nature made
it. There is an account of early plant life, prehistoric animals,
paleoliths, and prehistoric man. The early inhabitants are then
given more detailed treatment. Attention is directed to the Bush-
man, the Hottentot, and the Bantu as each figured in South Africa.
An effort to contrast the country as the natives kept it with the
country as the white man developed it, is a large part of this
chapter.
Beginning then with Prince Henry of Portugal the author pre-
sents an array of "Great Adventurers." Following this sketch
comes the account of the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope by
Bartholomew Diaz and next Vasco da Gama's voyage around the
Cape to India. The climbing of the Table Mountain by Antonio
de Saldanha, the landing of Don Francisco of Almeida, the voyage
of Sir Francis Drake, and the adventures of other travellers ap-,
pear in chronological order.
The rise of settlements in South Africa or on the neighboring
islands as half-way stations, show the early importance of the coun-
try which, after being conquered, soon experienced considerable ex-
pansion. Then followed in the seventeenth century an era of pros-
perity which paved the way for better beginnings the next century
under Governors Hendrik, Swellengrebel and Tulbagh. The
troubles of the eighteenth century when the settlements had to
reckon with natives and foreigners constitute a critical period of
the colony ending with the capture of the Cape by the English in
1795. Then follow the first British occupation, the restoration of
the Cape to the Dutch by the Treaty of Amiens in 1802, the second
rule of the Dutch and the second coming of the British.
With the nineteenth century the British were to be free to start
upon an all but uninterrupted rule of prosperity. The establish-
BOOK REVIEWS 131
ment of courts, the rise of missions, the improvement in agriculture,
and the extension of the frontier characterized the first efforts of
the pioneering British. Their relations with the natives and dif-
ficulties with the Boers are treated in the chapters on the Story of
Natal, the Vootrekkers, the founding of the Boer Republic arid the
retrocession of the Transvaal. The chapters covering the subse-
quent period consist of a discussion of new influences, the Uit-
landers, the Jameson Raid, the War of 1899-1902, and the prob-
lems of peace and reconstruction.
RECONSTRUCTION IN LOUISIANA. By ELLA LONN, Assistant Pro-
fessor in Grinnell College. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York
and London, 1919. Pp. 538. Price $3.00 net.
Miss Lonn's book is an exhibition of the true scholarly spirit.
Her analysis of the situation in Louisiana politics during the period
of Reconstruction is most ably executed. She has neglected no
source which would throw light upon this very anachronistic epoch.
Public documents of all kinds, and especially those which embody
the debates in the Senate -and assembly of Louisiana have been made
to yield interesting testimonies of the passing shows of the years
1867-1876. Not content, however, with these testimonies, she has
called to her aid many other sources including the newspapers of
the day wherein is displayed popular reaction towards the orgies
being indulged in the State House. And thus the reader's mind, by
means of most carefully chosen quotations from these records, as
if by a lightning flash, is frequently illumined; so that the whole
comedy unfolds before the eyes in a most interesting fashion.
The book is not only filled with a wealth of detailed information
concerning the period, it not only tells the story of political de-
bauchery, ignorance and fraud; but notes also the few shreds of
constructive work done by the legislators under the coercion of
public opinion. All of these facts are put together in a logical
manner and show that the author is not only gifted with keen
analytic powers, but is also endowed with a peculiar faculty for
organizing and marshalling facts in such a manner as to weave a
beautiful mosaic of otherwise widely divergent elements.
Miss Lonn has succeeded in writing a very interesting narrative
and her book will hold the attention of a widely differing clientele.
The student of American politics will find an illuminative study of
this very remarkable period, and therefore much food for thought.
But this book offers to the lover of fiction a new field. There is the
132 JorfiNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
hero, Warmoth, the villain, whose protraiture has been limned by a
masterly hand. Little by little, sometimes directly and sometimes
indirectly; sometimes by the words of his own mouth, oftener by
the mouths of those whom he attacked, and almost constantly by the
unfriendly newspapers, she deftly portrays the elements of his
character. Warmoth had almost unlimited power and he used it
like Cataline to corrupt the corruptible elements of the State. He
was essentially a Nero, callous to the last degree and indifferent to
the progressive anemia which was destroying the State's finances.
Like Julius Caesar he attained his gubernatorial power by making
multiple false promises and kept it by a species of corrupt practices
which were incredibly vile. There is the tragic setting, the broken,
maimed, devastated State of Louisiana, just out of the War of Re-
bellion and struggling hard to regain her "former glory." There
are the carpetbaggers, irresponsible, predatory and indigent, of
whom an army estimated to have been five hundred thousand strong
invaded the State attracted as vultures by the rich pickings of polit-
ical conquest. There are scalawags, remnants of the Confederate
army, also indigent, nevertheless troublesome and among whom
many brigands, murderers and cut-throats sprang up. There were
respectable Republicans and Democrats, whites and blacks who
formed the background for the tragedy of Reconstruction in Louis-
iana. There were also the Manichean gods of sharply defined good
and evil, sanity and insanity, righteousness and corruption, civic
pride and utmost indifference; murder, theft, malfeasance, igno-
rance and crass stupidity. All these thrown in the pot of political
regeneration made a situation that was tragically immoral and
horrific.
During Warmoth 's administration the legislature was a minstrel
show. It w r as worse than a minstrel show ; it was profoundly cor-
rupt. Lobbyists openly paid legislators, black and white, for their
votes. And what is more, the money was parceled out to each one
on the very floor of the Senate and House. This corruption was so
rife that it was sickening ; it is even nauseating now to read about
it. He was finally impeached by the Senate. When it became cer-
tain to him that the Senate would vote for his impeachment he
cowardly sought to nullify the vote by resigning and fleeing the
State. But he regained his power and influence and held office two
years longer. And during this time his power was so absolute that
the fear of him is manifest in the Senate and House debates.
Speakers in making charges of corruption, and even when speaking
BOOK REVIEWS 133
against bills aimed at increasing the power of the governor, always
added, so great was their fear of him, ;< no reflection is meant upon
the present incumbent," or words to that effect. This although they
knew well that it was his very abuse of power which called fortli
many of the bills under consideration.
It was scarcely possible, however, that such abuses, such corrup-
tion and infamy, such vile and degraded practices as those which
characterized "Warmoth's administration as Governor of Louisiana
could long continue. So in 1871 came the crash. An open rupture
in the ranks of the Republican party developed. The gatling gun
convention, so-called, because federal troops with two gatling guns,
guarded the convention building, was held. Warmoth, scenting a
conspiracy, bolted and held an independent convention in Turner
Hall. With him as the leading spirit of the gathering was Pinch-
back, then majority leader in the Senate.
The career of Pinchback sheds additional light upon this period.
He held a high place in the political life of that day, rising from ma-
jority leader, by successive stages, to the lieutenant-governorship,
and to the presidency of the Senate. He also became immensely
wealthy on account of his association with Warmoth, who is said
to have acquired a fortune of more than a million dollars during
three years of his administration. While Pinchback was Park Com-
missioner he was accused by Antoine of cheating him out of $40,000
at one clip. For a time Pinchback was one of Warmoth's staunch-
est supporters, and when the party in Louisiana was split by the
two factions, the Custom House ring and the Warmoth faction.
Pinchback was elected permanent chairman of the Warmoth con-
vention and made the keynote speech for the campaign. Subse-
quently, Warmoth's utter degeneracy alienated him and so they
parted company. Warmoth's star descended, and he went down to
ignominious defeat. Upon his name and memory were heaped
derogations, curses and anathemas. And unfortunately these will
always be associated with his memory. On the other hand, Pinch-
back's star rose to the ascendant and he was elected to the United
States Senate.
Pinchback was a man of good breeding, education and culture ;
and if he yielded to the corrupt influences of his time, it was be-
cause he was unable to withstand the flood ; it was because the cor-
rupt hand of everyone in politics at that time, Ishmael-like, was
turned against the forces of righteousness in political affairs. For,
at that time, as the author clearly shows, crime, corruption and
134 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
fraud were so rife, so common, that they were taken for granted.
And the moral sense was so low, so negligible, that men did not
think of their crimes as crimes. They committed them simply be-
cause "everybody was doing so,*' and unrighteousness filled the
State as "the waters the great deeps."
Finally, by a species of corrupt and criminal practices which
made those of the "VVarmoth regime pale into the utmost insig-
nificance, the tide was turned. Another party came into power and
the lily-white government was established. Out of such conditions
as Miss Lonn has depicted the government of all the Southern
States sprang. This book helps us to understand, in some slight de-
gree, the curious political bias of these States. It is in part a
heritage of unreasoning fear not so much of Negro domination as
of again being overwhelmed by a flood of corruption let loose by
their own kind. How this fear has expressed itself in more recent
times we all know too well.
Miss Lonn closes her book with this fitting paragraph: "And
therewith the curtain fell upon the last act in this long and weary
drama. One can hardly help feeling that surely if Louisiana had
sinned, she had paid the penalty of her sins in full measure of
atonement."
R. T. BROWNE
NOTES
Recently there passed from this life Sir T. F. Victor Buxton,
Bart., a man attracted to Africa, no doubt, by the record of his dis-
tinguished great grandfather T. F. Buxton, Bart., who belonged to
that group of English reformers instrumental in giving the death
blow to the African slave trade. Early interested in the natives of
Africa, the grandson soon became associated with the Church mis-
sionary movement. He was largely concerned in the establishment
of two corporations, the Uganda Company and the East African
Industries, both intended to benefit the natives.
Closely connected with Africa, he often visited various parts
with a view to studying the many problems arising in the commer-
cial, social and political world. On these occasions many Africans
were entertained by him and he maintained friendly relations with
them so as to bring together the representatives of various interests
to work for the good of all. His interest in the African natives is
further shown by his service as president of the Anti-Slavery and
Aborigines Protection Society and as a firm supporter of the Native
Eaces and Liquor Traffic Committee.
Owing to the printers' strike the publication of Dr. C. G. Wood-
son's illustrated textbook, The Negro in our History, has been de-
layed. It is highly probable that the volume will appear before
spring.
135
HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE
OBJECT Founded in 1868 by General
Samuel C. Armstrong to train selected
youth who should go out to teach and
train their people. The Institute was
designed to instruct Negro youth in
morality, industry, and thrift, as well as
in earnest and practical Christianity.
LOCATION On Lower Peninsula of Vir-
ginia, within three miles of Old Point
Comfort. The Institute is reached by the
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad and by
steamers from Baltimore, Washington, and
New York (via Norfolk).
HAMPTON TODAY An industrial village
with over 1300 students; 1100 acres; 140
buildings, instruction farm of 835 acres;
and 200 teachers and workers. Hampton
stands for "a sound body, a trained capac-
ity, and an unselfish outlook on life."
Hampton is on the State of Virginia list
of approved four-year secondary schools.
COTDKSES FOR BOYS (a) Preparatory
Department of one or two years; (b) Reg-
ular four-year courses: (1) Academic-
Normal; (2) Agriculture; (3) Business;
(.4) Trade Course in one of thirteen
trades (Blacksmithing ; Bricklaying and
Plastering ; Cabinetmaking ; Carpentry ;
Machine Work ; Painting ; Printing ;
Shoemaking; Steamfitting and Plumbing;
Tailoring ; Tinsmithing ; Upholstery ;
Wheel wrighting .
COURSES FOR GIRLS (a) Domestic Sci-
ence Work Class and Day School Prepar-
atory Department; (b) Regular four-year
courses : (1) Academic-Normal ; (2)
Home Economics ; (3) Matron's Course.
NEEDS 3135,000 annually above regu-
lar income; 34,000,000 Endowment Fund;
Scholarships: Full Annual, 3100; Annual
Academic, 370 ; Annual Industrial, 330 ;
Endowed, 32,500.
OFFICERS James E. Gregg, Principal;
George P. Phenix, Vice Principal ; Frank
K. Rogers, Treasurer ; Wm. H. Scoville,
Secretary.
INFORMATION Catalogue covers details.
For copy address: Hampton Institute, Va.
THE NEGRO VEAR BOOK
A permanent record of current events, an encyclopedia of
450 pages of historical and sociological facts relating to the
Negro. General and special bibliographies.
This publication presents a succinct, comprehensive and
impartial review of the events of each year as they affect
the interests and indicate the progress of the Negro race.
It also provides a compact but comprehensive statement of
historical and statistical facts relating to the Negro.
In addition to its interest for the general reader, the book
is especially adapted for use in schools where historical and
sociological courses on the Negro are given. Price, 75
cents, paper cover, $1.25, board cover.
1918-1919 Edition Now on Sale
Negro Year Book Publishing Company
TUSKEQEE INSTITUTE ALABAMA
A COMBINATION OFFER
Avail yourself of the opportunity to purchase at
greatly reduced rates Dr. Carter G, Woodson's The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, his A Century
of Negro Migration and The Journalof Negro History.
Purchased separately these cost:
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Prior to J 86 J . . . . $2J5
A Century of Negro Migration J * \
The Journal of Negro History,
a year 2.00
Total
Price of the three together .
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bers and obtain the bound volume for $1.00.
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Standard Life Insurance Company
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
Is an old line legal reserve Life Insurance Company
owned and operated by colored people
Began operation in 1913.
Has a paid in capital of $125,000.
Has assets of over $500,000.
Has insurance in force of over $10,000,000.
Issues policies from $500 to $5,000 on all mod-
ern plans.
Has paid policyholders since organization nearly
$200,000.
Has paid to colored physicians nearly $75,000.
Has paid to agents and employes, all members
* of the race, nearly $200,000.
Has outstanding loans to colored people, amount-
ing to $100,000.
Operates in 10 states and employs 350 agents,
and 62 clerks and stenographers in its offices.
Is helping to bring about the economic emancipation
of the race and deserves by its clean business methods
the patronage and cooperation of all thinking people.
Standard Life Insurance Company
HOME OFFICE ATLANTA, GEORGIA
HEM AN E. PERRY, President HARRY H. PACE, Sec'y-Trea*.
A college that has its students devote one-hall"
their time to actual, useful work is so in line with
common sense that we are amazed that the idea
had to be put in execution by an ex-slave as a litV-
saver for his disenfranchised race. Our great dis-
coveries are always accidents: we work for one
thing and get another. 1 expect that the day will
come, and ere long, when the great universities of
the world will have to put the Tuskegee Idea into
execution in order to save themselves from being
distanced by the Colored Race. Elbert Hubbard in
"A Little Journey to Tuskegee."
Perhaps there is a deserv-
ing young man or woman
in your community who
needs A CHANCK.
If so, perhaps Tuskegee
Institute offers the very op-
portunity which he wants.
Tuskegee is not only a
school. It is an institution;
an influence.
It helps the worthy stu-
dent to help himself.
Location unsurpassed for Healthfulness.
Forty trades and industries for young men and women.
Excellent Library and Normal course.
Smith-Hughest Vocational Courses for advanced students.
Home Economics
Agriculture
Industries
Tuskegee Institute is no place for sluggards. From rising bell to taps, there is a
full program drill, class-room, shop, farm, etc. Perhaps your boy needs just the
sort of training which Tuskegee otters. Write for catalogue and information.
ROBERT R. MOTON, Principal
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama
HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Founded 1867 especially for the education of the Negro, although no
race is excluded: coeducational: number of students, 1918-19, 1452.
The College oi Howard University consists of the Junior College
comprising the first and second years and the Schools of Liberal Arts.
Journalism, Education, and Commerce and Finance covering the third
and fourth years. Students in the Junior College may so plan their
work as to lead directly to specialized schools of two years or continue
their college course in the School of Liberal Arts, thus making up the
four year course. The University maintains also a School of Music, a
School of Applied Science and a School of General Service giving
courses covering four years of specialized college work.
Howard University offers courses for students preparing for al-
most any walk of life. Among the professional departments are the
School of Religion, the School of Medicine, and the School of Law.
Two years of college work will hereafter be prerequisite to admission
to these schools, in case the applicant is a candidate for a degree.
For further information, write
THE REGISTRAR, HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
AN OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF
The American Negro in the World War
By EMMETT J. SCOTT, A.M., LL.D.
Special Assistant to the Secretary of War
-^SCOTT'S OFFICIAL HISTORY
J. SCOTT
This book i,s prefaced with high tributes of democracy and loyalty of the
Negro soldier by Honorable Newton IX Baker, Secretary of War; the Negro
soldier by John J. Perching, Commander in Chief of the American forces in
Europe ; and the patriotism of the American Negro by the late Theodore
Roosevelt.
It is profusely illustrated with nearly 150 official French and American
Negro photographs, showing all <ides of war activities and Negro soldier life
from the call to the color.- through the training campj> to the battle fronts and
back home.
NEGRO HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO
P. O. Box 1821, Washington, D. C.
Inform yourself as to
The Exodus of the Negroes
By Reading This New Book
A Century of Negro Migration
By DR. CARTER G. WOODSON
220 Pages Price $1.10
This is the first effort to trace the causes which have during
the last century set the Negro population .moving from South to
North, fleeing from bondage and oppression in quest of a land offer-
ing asylum to the oppressed and opportunities to the unfortunate.
Why they have gone, where they have settled and what they are
doing are all carefully explained.
From the following table of contents a better idea of the book
may be obtained :
I Finding a Place of Refuge
II A Transplantation to the North
III Fighting it out on Free Soil
IV Colonization as a Remedy for Migration
V The Successful Migrant
VI Confusing Movements during the Civil War
VII The Exodus to the West
VIII The Migration of the Talented Tenth
IX The Exodus During the World War
Bibliography
Index
This book may b obtained from
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
1216 You Street, N. W. Washington, D. C
Buy Volumes I, II, III, and IV of
the Journal of Negro History
in Bound Form
[ Volume I contains more than 250 pages ot dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents :
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1 800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the^Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery in Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery in Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as :
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00. This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange.
The Negro Trail Blazers of California
By DELILAH L. BEASLEY
A true history of the pioneer and present day Negro of California
including an account of the Negro soldiers in the recent World
War. Contains 317 pages and 32 pages of half tone pictures of
distinguished Negroes of the State .
FOR SALE BY AUTHOR Price, $3.75 $2.35
1610 Derby Street Berkeley, California
THE JOURNAL
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NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
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Negro Life and History, inc.
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CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOR
1216 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
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Juuus ROSENWALD, Chicago, III.
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Five Ways to Help This Cause:
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Contribute to our Research Fund
Collect and send us the historical materials bearing
on the Negroes of your community
Urge every Negro to write us all he knows about his
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Help us raise annually the sum of $20,000 to finance the
work of collecting and publishing the materials bearing on
Negro life and history. Our efforts have hitherto been restric-
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to undertake in their respective localities. Moving at this
slow rate and in such an unsystematic way, the work will pro-
ceed so slowly that many valuable documents and the testi-
monies of slaves and masters will be lost to the world and the
story of the Negro will perish with him.
To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
ing an interest in the propagation of the truth. We need
4 persons to contribute annually #1.000 each
8 " " " " coo "
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The following persons have contributed to our support
during this quarter:
Julius Rosenwald $300.00
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Henry Hornblower 100.00
Cleveland H. Dodge .... 100.00
William G. Willcox . . . . 100.00
Harold H. Swift 100.00
Moorfield Storey 100.00
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Julius Kahn 5.00
C. S. Page 5.00
A. H. Grimke 5.00
Miss Matilda Maxwell .... 5.00
All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
retary-Treasurer of The Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History, 1216 You Street, Northwest, Washington,
D. C.
The Association is incorporated and the Secretary-Treas-
urer is bonded.
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V APRIL, 1920 No. 2
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NEGEO PUBLIC
SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 1
THE PERIOD FROM 1865 TO 1875
On Tuesday, the eleventh day of January, 1865, the
Negro of Missouri awoke a slave; that night he retired a
i This dissertation was in 1917 submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago, in candidacy for
the degree of Master of Arts by Henry S. Williams,
The following original sources were used in the preparation of this manu-
script: Reports of Superintendent of the Public Schools of the State of Mis-
souri, 1866-1917; Session Laws of the State of Missouri, 1866-1913; Reports
of the U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1870-1916; U. S. Census Reports,
1860-1910; The Missouri Republican, 1866-1870; Journal of Education, Vols.
I and II (St. Louis, Missouri, 1879) ; Revised Statutes of Missouri, 1879-1909;
Proceedings and Occasional Papers of the Slater Fund (Baltimore, Maryland) ;
Missouri Historical Society Collections, Vols. II and III; Asa E. Martin, Our
Negro Population (Kansas City, Missouri, 1913) ; N. H. Parker, Missouri as it
is in 1867 (Philadelphia, 1867); Am. Annual Cyclopedia, 1870-1877; Annual
Reports of the Board of Education of St. Louis, 1867-1916; Annual Reports
of the Board of Education, of Kansas City, 1870-1915.
The secondary sources consulted follow: Lucian Carr, American Common-
wealths, Missouri a Bone of Contention (Boston, 1894) ; C. B. Barnes, Switz-
ler f s Illustrated History of Missouri (St. Louis, 1889) ; W. B. Davis, and D. S.
Durrie, An Illustrated History of Missouri (Cincinnati, Ohio) ; S. B. Harding,
Life of George R. Smith (Sedalia, Missouri, 1904); W. E. B. DuBois, The
Negro Common School (Atlanta, Georgia) ; C. L. Butt, History of Buchanan
County (Chicago, 1915) ; H. A. Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 1804-1865 (Balti-
more, Maryland, 1914) ; C. G. Woodson, The Education of the Negro Prior to
1861, (New York, 1915) ; History of Galloway County (St. Louis, 18S4) ; His-
tory of Cole, Moniteau, Morgan, Benton, Miller, Maries, and Orange Counties,
137
138 JOUBNAL or NEGRO HISTORY
free man. 2 His darkest hour had passed but before him
loomed a great task, that of living up to the requirements
of a man. His emancipators were confronted with the re-
sponsibility of preparing him for his new duties and for
the proper use of suffrage which was to be granted him a
few years later.
Prior to 1865 the State had seen fit to prohibit the edu-
cation 3 of the slave because, although the educated slave
was the more efficient, yet he was the more dangerous ; as
his training might aid him to make a better revolt against
his position. But the qualities which were objectionable in
the slave were necessary to the freed man, if he was to prove
other than a menace to the State. His emancipators faced
the education of the Negro fairly, and the same convention
which had passed the Emancipation Act of 1865, drew up a
new State constitution which was ratified the same year.
This constitution 4 provided for the establishment and the
maintenance of free public schools for the instruction of all
persons in the State who were between the ages of five and
twenty-one. It further provided that all funds for the sup-
port of the public schools should be appropriated in pro-
portion to the number of children without regard to color.
The legislature, which met the same year, passed a law 5
which required that the township boards of education, and
those in charge of the educational affairs in the cities and
the incorporated villages of the State should establish and
maintain one or more separate schools for the colored chil-
dren of school age within their respective jurisdictions,
provided the number of such children should exceed twenty.
Missouri (Chicago, 1889) ; J. T. Shaff, History of St. Louis City and County
(Philadelphia, 1885); K. A. Campbell, Campbell's Gazetteer of Missouri (St.
Louis, 1875); Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis (New York, 1889);
Missouri Historical Eeview, Vote. I, II, IV, VI, VII, and IX (Columbia, Mis-
souri) ; The Negro Year Boole (Tuskegee, Alabama, 1917).
2 Parker, N. H., Missouri as it is in 1867, p. 424.
a Woodson, C. G., Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, p. 159-168.
* Missouri State Convention of 1865, Art. IX.
5 Laws of State of Missouri, Adjourned Session 23d General Assembly,
p. 177.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOUBI 139
Persons over twenty-one were to be admitted to these
schools. The same officers who were in charge of the edu-
cational interests of the white schools were to control the
Negro schools. The length of the term and the other ad-
vantages to be enjoyed by these schools were to be the same
as those enjoyed by the white schools of the same grade.
This law further provided that if the average attendance
for any month should drop below twelve the school might
be closed for a period not to exceed six months. In dis-
tricts where there were less than twenty Negro children,
the money raised for their education was to be reserved by
the boards of education in those districts and to be appro-
priated as the boards saw fit for the education of the Negro
children upon whom the money had been raised. The same
legislature 6 passed an act authorizing towns, cities, and vil-
lages to organize for school purposes with special priv-
ileges. This act, however, provided that any town, city or
village so incorporated should be required to establish one
or more Negro schools according to the law. At this ses-
sion of the legislature 7 there was enacted a law to compel
the school authorities in each sub-district to prepare a
school census of their respective jurisdictions which should
enumerate separately and according to sex the white and
the Negro children who were permanently resident within
the sub-district. In case the directors failed to perform
this duty the township clerk was to have the census taken
and to recover from the directors by judicial proceedings
the cost of the work.
If we were to judge from the constitutional and the stat-
utory laws of this period, we might conclude that the edu-
cation of the Negro was very popular and that his needs
were well taken care of. But before we can draw any con-
clusion we must study certain conditions. We must know
something of the character of the men who were to enforce
the law, of the desire of the Negroes for an education, of
Laws of the State of Missouri, op. tit., p. 191 .
., p. 173.
140 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
popular opinion concerning public education, and of the dis-
tribution of the Negro population.
The State Superintendents of this period were well
trained men, 8 and their reports show that they were faith-
ful in the discharge of their duty. One of these superin-
tendents, John Monteith, 9 showed great zeal in the estab-
lishment and development of the Negro school system.
He was born in the Western Eeserve district of Ohio, a sec-
tion noted for its strong anti-slavery sentiment. He be-
longed to a family of educators. His father was one of the
first presidents of the University of Michigan. Monteith
completed his education at Yale and served for a number of
years as a minister in St. Louis. Upon becoming State
Superintendent, he wrote in favor of Negro education a
pamphlet which he sent to each of the county superintend-
ents. His annual reports, 10 to which we shall refer later,
show the interest and the effort which this man put forth to
develop the Negro schools of the State.
The Negroes were not indifferent to the efforts which
were put forth in their behalf. There is much evidence to
show that they took an active part in the establishment 11
and the maintenance of schools for their children. In those
districts in which Negro schools were maintained and an
honest effort was made to better the conditions of the Ne-
groes, they responded heartily to their opportunities. The
following quotations are typical of the reports which the
superintendents in those counties were able to make in 1874 :
"In most of the townships a commendable interest is mani-
fested in the support of Negro schools, which I am happy
to report, is appreciated by the Negroes 12 themselves. The
schools have been well attended with considerable diligence
manifested by the pupils. " A. A. Neal, Superintendent of
s Ira Divoll, see Schaff, Hist, of City and County of St. Louis, Vol. I, p.
843; R. D. Shannon, see Davis, W. B., III. Hist, of Mo., p. 587.
Ibid., p. 550.
10 Ann. Beports of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1871- 7-2- '73- >74.
11 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1874, p. 37.
12 7th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Pub. Schools, 1873, p. 250.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 141
Pettis County, reported: 13 "The Negro schools are doing
better than could be expected under existing circumstances. ' '
The Superintendent of Bay County said: 14 "The Negro
schools have been well attended. The pupils have mani-
fested great enthusiasm, and have made surprising ad-
vancement in the rudiments." The Journal of Education 16
which was printed in St. Louis, by J. B. Merwin in 1869,
states: "It is a well known fact that our Negro population
manifests the greatest zeal in taking advantage of every
opportunity for acquiring education."
At the beginning of this period, popular opinion con-
cerning free public schools in general and Negro schools in
particular was not favorable. The school laws of the State
were in advance of the people. These laws 16 were the
product of a few statesmen who appeared at intervals, and
who, in spite of well known social protests, pushed forward
with great energy school laws modeled after those of the
more progressive eastern States. 17 The State Superintend-
ent complained in his report for 1867 that in those coun-
ties in which the southern sympathizers predominated, the
people were either wholly negligent or bitterly opposed to
their public school right. Three classes of opposers were
enumerated; 18 those who believed that the public schools
tended to foster infidelity, those who believed that the State,
the county or a municipal body had no right to tax for edu-
cational purposes, and those who regarded as unnecessary
any education beyond reading, writing, and simple arith-
metic. In March of the year 1866, four months after the
constitution of 1865 had gone into effect, of the thirty-four
Negro schools 19 in the State only two were situated in coun-
ties in which the southern element predominated. Thus we
is 7th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 281.
n Ibid., p. 256.
i Journal of Education, Vol. II, No. 1, p. 5, St. Louis, 1869.
i Report of Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 202.
17 N. H. Parker, Missouri as it is in 1865, p. 53. Op. cit.
is Report of Commissioner of Ed., 1871, p. 20.
i Parker, op. cit., p. 54.
142 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
see that the attitude toward public schools in general was
reflected upon the Negro schools.
The school laws themselves, which seem to have been
adequate to provide equal school rights for all the children
in the State, were easily evaded when the officials of a com-
munity were hostile to them. In his first annual report, 20
State Superintendent Parker called attention to the follow-
ing facts: No remedy was provided in case the township
board refused to comply with the statutes. There was no
remedy in case the local board of directors refused to hire
teachers for the school when the requisite number of pupils
were in the district. In this manner, he reported, the Negro
children in many districts were deprived of an opportunity
to attend school. Even where there was no apparent hos-
tility to the statutes and to the education of the Negroes
there was a failure to make the requisite enumeration of
the Negro children in many townships and consequently
many children were by the very law itself deprived of the
benefits of the State school fund. He pointed out that in
the year 1867 many would thus be deprived, since the law
regulating the apportionment of the State school fund, com-
pelled the apportionment to be made on the basis of the
enumeration which had already been made, and which in
many cases did not include the Negro children. The law
concerning the establishment of Negro schools was abused
here and there throughout the entire period. As late as
1876 the State Superintendent complained 21 that in many
cases through ignorance of the law and in other cases
through willful disobedience of the law, schools for the
Negroes had not been established. In the first case, he re-
ported that merely explaining the law had the desired effect
and in the other case it was necessary to call the assistance
of county clerks and of grand juries.
During this period there was a growing sentiment in
favor of public schools. This is shown by the reports which
came from the various counties to the State Superintend-
20 1st Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools of Missouri, 1867, p. 9.
21 1 7th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1&77, p. 17.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 143
ent's office, and also by the increase in the number of chil-
dren enumerated and by the increasing number of schools.
In 1870, 22 the county superintendents reported a great deal
of opposition and indifference to the schools especially on
the part of the tax-payers. In 1872 a majority of the county
superintendents were able to report 23 a growing sentiment
in favor of public education. They could then say that the
enemies of this institution were becoming its friends. The
State Superintendent 24 reported in 1874 that in the four
years of his administration there had been a steady growth
in the popularity of the public school system. We can
better appreciate the progress made in this period when we
remember that prior to the Civil War, the public school in
Missouri had been considered a pauper's school. The Con-
stitution 25 of 1820 had provided: "One or more schools
shall be established in each county township as soon as
practicable and necessary where the poor shall be taught
gratis. ' ' The attendance also showed a healthy growth. In
1870 26 there were 280,473 pupils attending 7,547 public
schools in the State. There were 389,956 pupils attending
these schools in 1872. In 1874 the enumeration showed that
there were 708,354 children of school age in the State.
As sentiment in favor of the public school grew, the will-
ingness to enumerate and to provide schools for the Negro
children also increased. In 1867 the number of Negro chil-
dren enumerated was 33,619. This was an increase of
13,709 over the previous year. Fifty-six public schools
were provided for these children. In 1869 forty counties
reported 12,871 Negro children and 80 schoolhouses which
were devoted to their use. The average school term was
four and one-third months. In 1871 the enumeration had
increased to 37,173, and the number of public schools to
212. These schools had an enrollment of 4,358 pupils. In
22 5th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1871, p. 125-245.
* 7th Ann, Beport of Supt. of Schools of Mo., 1873, pp. 233-300.
2* 9th Annual Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 23.
25 Missouri State Constitution of 1840, Art. 6.
26 5th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1871, p. 6.
144 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
1873 27 the enumeration had increased to 38,234 and the
number of schools to 252.
The work of the public school for the education of the
Negro was supplemented by two other classes of schools.
In 1867 28 the State Superintendent called attention to three
classes of schools which were educating the Negroes in the
State. In the first place there were those supported by
benevolent societies in other States. These schools were
generally supplied with white teachers and were doing good
work. There were then the private or subscription schools,
which were supported by the tuition of the pupils and in
many cases these were taught by colored teachers of in-
ferior qualifications. Finally there were the public schools
as contemplated by the law. A few such schools had been
established in the large towns and cities.
In 1869 29 it was estimated that there were in the State
34,000 Negro children of educable age. For their accom-
modation there were 59 Negro public schools with an aver-
age attendance of 2,000. This report also states that the
majority of these schools were taught in churches and
cabins with walls admirably adapted for ventilation and for
admission of copious shower baths of rain. The same year
Colonel Seely, Agent for the Freedman's Bureau in Mis-
souri, reported 114 schools for the freedmen. Most of these
were public schools and the attendance was 6,240. The
ninth census for 1870, reported that 9,080 Negro children
were attending school in Missouri. Thus we see that the
public schools of this period were greatly aided by mission
and private schools.
In 1868 the legislature enacted a law 30 which gave the
State Superintendent the authority to assume the powers of
the school board for establishing and maintaining a school
for Negro children when the township, city, or village, ne-
glected to establish and to maintain such a school in accord-
27 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 5.
28 2nd Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1868, p. 10.
29 Journal of Education, 1869, Vol. I, p. 181.
so Laws of State of Mo., Adj. Sess., 24th Assembly, p. 170.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL, SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 145
ance with the law. The same year the school law was
amended 31 so as to require the township, the city or the in-
corporated village to establish one or more schools for
Negro children when there was more than fifteen children
in the jurisdiction. A Negro school could be closed for six
months when the attendance for any month dropped below
ten.
There is evidence to show that the State Superintendent
used his power to establish Negro schools when the local
authorities neglected this task. In 1873, he reported: 32 "I
have established between 50 and 60 Negro schools in the
State without resorting to the expedient of a tax as indi-
cated and authorized by law." In 1875 he reported: "I
have levied taxes for Negro schools in three instances. The
medicine is good and effective and I trust it will be admin-
istered in every similar case in the State until the Negroes
enjoy schools equally good in every way as the white
schools." Thus we see that by the Law of 1868 the State
Superintendent had the power to remedy conditions as far
as the Negroes were concerned but there was no evidence to
show that he used this power prior to 1872, although there
are reports of violations of the law. In 1874 there was
passed a law 33 which made a school official subject to a fine
of not less than fifty or more than five hundred dollars, for
the persistent neglect or refusal to perform any duty or
duties pertaining to his office. In view of this and the of-
fensiveness of the results threatened in the civil rights
bill, 34 the State Superintendent 35 was astonished at the
number of delinquencies and persistent evasions of the law.
The Commissioner of Education was able to report in
1870: "This State has a larger proportion of schools 30 for
Negro children than any former slave State. Opposition
si See page 140 of this work.
&Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 44.
ss Lairs of State of Mo., Adj. Sess., 27th Assemb., p. 168.
3 * A Bill to establish mixed schools.
35 9th Ann. Beport of Supt. of Schools, 1875.
s Seport of Com. of Ed., 1870, p. 202.
146 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
to the education of the Negroes is rapidly disappearing.
Their rapid improvement and good conduct help to disarm
prejudice. " Among the methods of evading the law the
following were reported; the failure to enumerate the Negro
children, the complaints of a lack of funds, and the plea of
an inability to secure teachers. In 1875 the State Superin-
tendent reported 37 that the citizens of Galloway County, the
most strongly southern county in the State during the Civil
War, were evincing the greatest readiness to provide good
schools for their large Negro population. This, he be-
lieved, augured well for the future of the Negro schools of
the State, since it indicated a growing kindly disposition of
the southern element of the State towards them. How
great was the change in sentiment can be readily seen by
contrasting this report with those of the county superin-
tendent for 1866 and 1867. In 1866 the Superintendent of
Calloway reported 38 much objection to public schools in
that county on account of the impartial application to chil-
dren of all races and colors. The only Negro school in the
county had been established under very discouraging cir-
cumstances at Fulton. In many rural districts there were
not enough children to permit the establishment of a school
and in other districts the existing opposition to Negro
schools made their establishment impossible. The next
year it was reported 39 that the white schools were better
fitted for pigs than for children and that there was no in-
terest at all in the education of Negro children.
Another factor which effected the development of the
Negro school system was the sparseness of the Negro popu-
lation. In many districts and even in some counties there
were not enough Negro children to form a school. In 1871,
reports 40 were received from 109 of the 115 counties of the
State. Thirty-nine of the 109 counties did not report a
single school district with the required number of Negro
7 Z6th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1876, p. 12.
*s Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1867, p. 28.
s Ibid., 1868, p. 59.
o 6th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1872, p. 257.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 147
children to establish a school. The other seventy counties
reported 395 school districts having twenty or more Negro
children of school age. The same counties also reported
158 schools for these children. In their annual letters for
1872 twenty-one county superintendents called attention to
the fact that the Negro population was so distributed over
the counties that it was impossible to provide schools for
them according to the law. Three of these superintendents
asked that the law might be so amended as to provide for
Negro children in the sparsely settled districts, and one
superintendent advocated 41 that in districts in which there
were too few Negro children to form separate schools, they
should be admitted to the white schools.
That same year the State Superintendent reported 42
that in several cases in which no schools were provided be-
cause of the small number of pupils, that their parents had
asked why their children could not enter the white schools
since there was no direct law prohibiting it. The next
year 43 the Negro children in several districts did enter the
white schools with the tacit consent of the white population.
When the State Superintendent was asked whether or not
they could be ejected 44 he replied that there was no law to
that effect. At this time the enactment of a civil rights bill
was being agitated in the State. This bill 45 provided that
the public schools of the State should be open to all children
regardless of color. When the civil rights bill was defeated
in 1874, there was passed another bill which aimed to re-
lieve the situation in the sparsely settled districts.
In 1869 the legislature had passed a law 46 permitting
two or more districts, each of which had less than fifteen
Negro population but which when taken together had more
than that number, to establish a union school for those chil-
41 E. H. Davis, Clark County. See 7th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools,
1S72, p. 246.
42 n>id., p. 45.
*3 8th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 38.
45 9th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 18.
4 Laws of State of Missouri, 25th Gen. Ass., 1869, p. 86.
148 JOUBNAL. OF NEGBO HISTOBY
dren. This law on account of its lack of force did not ac-
complish much good. In 1874 the law 47 was amended in
such a way as to make it obligatory for two or more dis-
tricts, each of which had too few Negro children, to form a
school to unite to form a union school. It was also ordered
that all taxable property in a township in which a Negro
school was situated should be taxed for its support.
In 1875 each district supported its own school 48 for white
children, while the whole township in which a Negro school
was situated was taxed for its support. No district in the
State could be compelled by the law to maintain a school for
its white children, but if there were more than fifteen Negro
children in the district, the law compelled the local authori-
ties to establish a school for them. If they failed to do so,
the law directed the State Superintendent to establish and
to levy taxes for the support of Negro schools in such com-
munities. In those districts in which there were too few
Negro children to form a separate school, union schools
were to be established. The last mentioned law, however,
was passed too late to have much effect upon the period
under discussion. School officials who refused to perform
the duties of their office could be fined 49 not less than fifty
nor more than five hundred dollars.
In the larger centers of the State where there was a
large Negro population the necessity of establishing
schools 50 for the Negroes seems to have been better real-
ized. Thirty-nine out of seventy-three towns and villages
incorporated under the special Act for Towns and Villages,
reported 51 a sufficient population for a Negro school. There
were 19,879 white and 3,609 Negro pupils enrolled in the
public schools of these thirty-nine towns and villages. The
Laws of State of Missouri, Beg. Session, 25th Gen. Assemb., p. 164.
48 26th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1876, p. 12.
27th Gen. Assemb., Adj. Sess., p. 168.
B 7th Ann. Eeport of Gen. Ass. Adj. Sess., p. 233. By reading the annual
letters of th county superintendents the fact is brought out that most of the
colored schools of that period were in the towns and cities. It was in the rural
districts that the Negro suffered most.
6i 8th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 165-219.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 149
length of the school term was the same in the white and the
Negro schools in a number of cases ; but the average length
was lower in the Negro schools than in the white schools.
The average length of the white school was thirty-four
weeks and the average length of the Negro school term was
twenty-eight weeks. The average expense a pupil in these
schools was 8.1 cents a day for each white pupil and 7.8
cents a day for each Negro pupil. The average attendance
in the Negro schools was below that in the white schools.
The average attendance of the white schools was 61.89 per
cent and that of the Negro schools was 51.86 per cent of the
enrollment.
The lower attendance of the Negro children may be ac-
counted for as Asa Martin accounts for a similar condition
in Kansas City. 52 In this city from 1885 to 1913 a larger
per cent of the Negro than of the white children of school
age attended the public schools, but the average attendance
of the white children enrolled was above that of the Negro
children. This he accounted for by the poverty of the
Negro population. Since the Negroes were poorer as a
whole than the whites, they were more poorly housed and
clothed. Consequently the Negro children were more sus-
ceptible to sickness and to the disagreeable effects of in-
clement weather. On this account they were of tener absent
from school than the white children.
The report of the State Superintendent of Schools for
the year 1874 contains reports 53 from thirty-five of the
urban communities which were organized under the act for
cities, towns and villages. Five of these towns reported
that they did not have any Negro children of school age.
The thirty towns reported 4,701 Negro children, 2,379 of
whom were enrolled in the public schools. Salisbury was
the only town having more than sixteen Negro children for
whom no school was maintained, while Bolivar and Au-
gusta, which had in the first case eleven and in the second
52 Asa E. Martin, Our Negro Population, p. 165.
83 9th Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, p. 90 to 136.
I
150 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
four Negro children of school age, reported respectively
five and three Negro children in the public schools.
The largest cities in the State were St. Joseph, Kansas
City and St. Louis. These cities provided public schools
for the f reedmen soon after the war. St. Joseph opened a
school 54 with seventy seats for Negro children in 1866. In
1871 the city had for Negro children, two schools, 65 each of
which was provided with one teacher. One of these schools
had an enrollment of 96 pupils and the other 94. In 1874
this city enumerated 56 651 Negro children of school age, 386
of whom were enrolled in the two public schools. The num-
ber of teachers had increased from two to four.
The first Negro public school 57 in Kansas City was re-
ported in 1867. The enumeration 58 for 1873 was 408 Negro
children of school age. The average attendance was 165.
The length of the school term was forty weeks. The amount
spent on each pupil was 7.5 cents a day in the Negro school
and 8.6 in the white school. The average salary paid to
male teachers was $68.33 in the Negro school and $112.50 in
the white schools. The average salary paid to female teach-
ers was $45 in the Negro school and $65 in the white schools.
In 1874 the number of Negro children enumerated was 885. 59
There was one Negro school in the city for their use which
had 356 pupils and five teachers.
In St. Louis, the largest city in the State, there was a
steady growth of the Negro ,school system. The State
Legislature granted this city the power to establish sep-
arate schools 60 for Negro children in 1865. The next year
Ira Divoll, the City Superintendent, established three
schools for Negro children. 61 One was in the northern, one
in the central and another in the southern part of the city.
54 Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1867, p. 10.
55 Ibid., 1872, p. 51.
8 Ibid., 1S75, p. 84.
67 2nd Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1868, p. 94.
ss Ibid., 1874, p. 185.
Report of Supt. of Schools, 1875, p. 77.
**Reg. Session, 88th Gen. Assembly, p. 349.
i Ency. of History of St. Louis, Vol. IV, p. 2076.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 151
In 1868 there were five Negro schools 62 in the city with a
total enrollment of 924 pupils. Three of these schools held
night sessions which ran from the first Monday in October
of the year 1867 to the fifth of February, 1868. Twelve
teachers were employed in these schools. In 1871 a sixth
Negro school 83 was added and school No. 3 was improved to
accommodate five hundred pupils. There were sixteen
teachers and seventeen school rooms. The expenses for the
year amounted to $11,787.80. 64
The next year it was reported 65 that good buildings had
been built for the Negro schools. A gain of eight pupils
over the number enrolled the previous year was reported.
This small gain was not charged to indifference, but to a
decrease in the Negro population. In 1875 there were twelve
Negro schools in the city. The legislature of that year
passed a bill 66 which permitted the city to establish a Negro
high school with a normal department in the old Washing-
ton School building and was known from this time on as the
Sumner High School.
The first teachers of these schools were white, but they
were gradually replaced by Negro teachers. The first
teacher 67 of color was appointed largely through the influ-
ence of Samuel Crupples, who was a member of the Board
of Education of St. Louis and also a regent of Lincoln In-
stitute. He was so impressed with the work done by Lin-
coln Institute in preparing Negro children that he favored
the giving of its graduates a trial in the public schools of
that city. The chance to try teachers of color came when
the friends of a white teacher, who had been assigned to a
Negro school, protested against the assignment. From
this time on the white teachers in the Negro schools were
gradually replaced by those of color.
z 14th Ann. Report of Bd. of Dir. of St. Louis Pub. Schools, 1868, pp.
63 and 67.
s Report of Commissioner of Education, 1871, p. 264.
Ann. Report of Supt. of Schools, 1876.
Ibid., 1873, pp. 263 and 268.
Report of Commissioner of Education, 1871.
"laid., 1871.
I
152 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Very early in the history of the Negro schools the ques-
tion of training teachers came up. The white teachers did
not care to teach in the Negro schools and it was hard to
find trained teachers of color at this date. Ten county
superintendents in their annual 38 letters for 1872 men-
tioned the difficulties which they experienced in obtaining
good teachers for their Negro schools. There was a prej-
udice on the part 69 of both the white and the black people
of the State against white teachers for Negro schools ; and
it is reported 70 that in many cases the white teachers in
these schools did not take the interest in the advancement
of the people which was taken by the Negro teachers. The
positions in the Negro school, moreover, were less desirable
than those in the white schools because the financial returns
were less in teaching in the Negro schools. In 1873 the
cities, towns and villages which reported 71 Negro schools
also reported an average salary of $46.70 per month for
male teachers and $40.00 per month for female teachers.
The white schools in the same towns paid an average
monthly salary of $87.72 to male teachers and $46.64 to
female teachers.
The first school 72 in the State which was devoted to the
work of training Negro teachers was Lincoln Institute.
This school 73 had its origin in a fund of $6,379 which was
contributed by the soldiers of the sixty-second and sixty-
fifth United States Negro infantry. These men upon being
mustered out of service at the close of the war gave part of
their pay to found in Missouri a school where their children
might enjoy the blessings of a good education. The school
was opened at Jefferson City, 74 the State Capital, Septem-
ber 17, 1866. Eichard Baxter Foster, a New England white
man who was educated at Dartmouth College and who had
88 Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1873, p. 2X3-303.
9 Ibid., 1876.
lbid., 1873, p. 263-268.
71 Ibid., 1873, pp. 263-268.
72 8th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 165.
73 Eeport of Commissioner of Education, 1870, p. 204.
7* 44th Ann. Catalog of Lincoln Institute, p. 6.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 153
served as first lieutenant in the sixty-second United States
Negro Infantry, became the first principal of this school.
In his report 75 to the adjourned session of the Twenty-
fifth General Assembly, T. A. Parker, the State Superin-
tendent of Schools, offered as his most important sugges-
tion for the improvement of Negro schools in the State, the
establishment of a Normal School for the training of Negro
teachers. He gave five reasons why such a school should be
supported by the State : first, the number of teachers were
insufficient to supply the rapidly increasing demand ; sec-
ond, the character of the teaching in a large proportion of
the Negro schools needed elevating as white teachers of
high qualifications could usually do better in white schools
and Negro teachers of high qualifications could not be found
in any great number; third, as Negroes had not, in many
vocations, an equal opportunity with white people, and as
teaching is one of the most respectful and useful vocations
open to them, they should be encouraged to engage in it;
fourth, justice demanded it, for as a large part of the wealth
of Missouri had been produced by the unrequited labor of
slaves, it was but a small return that the State should give
to their children, now free, the largest privileges of educa-
tion; and fifth, the State gave no funds to institutions of
learning above the grade of common schools, which were
practically, if not by force of law, limited to white pupils.
Equality of treatment demanded that something be appro-
priated for a school of higher learning to which the people
of color could have access. If such a school could not be
established at the time, he advised that a sum of $5,000 per
year should be given to the normal department of Lincoln
Institute to aid in the training of Negro teachers.
Acting on this advice, the legislature passed in 1870 a
bill 76 granting the normal department of Lincoln Institute
an annual sum of $5,000 for the training of teachers. In
his reports for 1872 and 1873 the State Superintendent com-
mented on the excellent work which this school was doing.
4th Ann. Keport of Supt. of Schools, 1870, p. 36.
"Adj. Session S5th Gen. Assembly, 1870, p. 136.
154 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
But as this school was hampered by debt and could not train
the number of teachers needed, he advocated that the State
should take a greater interest in the school ^or better still,
the State should take the school over entirely and make it
into a normal school for Negro teachers. The annual re-
ports of the State Superintendents from this time up to
1879, when the school was finally given over to the State,
contained accounts of the excellent work which this school
was doing in the training of teachers and he recommended
from year to year that the State should give it more finan-
cial aid.
By the year 1875 the Negro public school system of Mis-
souri was well established. Elementary schools had been
started in all parts of the State. A high school for Negroes
had been established in St. Louis and the first steps had
been taken towards the establishment of a Negro State
normal school. Popular opinion had crystallized in favor
of separate schools for Negro children taught by teachers
of color. The progress of the Negro schools had been some-
what retarded by a prejudice against public schools in gen-
eral and to a greater extent by a prejudice against the edu-
cation of Negroes. Towards the end of the period there
was evidence to show that this prejudice was dying out.
Much good legislation had been passed with the idea of giv-
ing the Negro children the same educational advantages as
were held by the white children of the State. The Negro
school system of this period was in advance of the corre-
sponding systems in the other States which had recently
held slaves. 77 The report of the Commissioner of Educa-
tion for 1872, shows that there were no public schools for
the education of the Negro in Georgia, Alabama, Delaware,
Kentucky, and Maryland. Ninety per cent of the Negro
school population of Tennessee was without the benefit of
public schools. Although the Negro public schools of
Louisiana and West Virginia were established before
" This fact can be verified by studying abstracts from the State Superin-
tendents' reports for this period. These abstracts are found in the Reports of
the Commissioner of Education for this period.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 155
those of Missouri, the greater illiteracy of their population
in 1870 and 1880 show that these schools were not as effi-
cient as those in Missouri.
THE CRITICAL PERIOD, 1875 TO 1885
The year 1875 marked an epoch in Negro education in
Missouri. That year a new State constitution was adopted.
This meant the beginning of a critical period in the school
history of the State. In order to understand the educa-
tional trend of this period it is necessary to consider the
political history of this and the preceding period. During
the Civil War the State had been almost equally divided be-
tween the Union and the Confederate sympathizers ; but the
Union forces held control of the government. At the close
of the war and while the feeling between the two factions
was still very bitter, there were enacted very harsh laws 78
by which those who had sided with the South were not only
disfranchised, but were also deprived of the right to prac-
tice law, to preach, or to teach. As the intense bitterness of
the war died out there was strong agitation to restore the
right of suffrage to the disfranchised citizens. In 1870 79
the Liberal Eepublicans gained control of the State with the
result that there was passed the next year a law removing
the restriction placed upon the southern element. In 1872
the Liberal Republicans and the Democrats united to defeat
the Eadical Eepublicans, and at the next election which took
place in 1874 the Democratic Party came into full power.
One of the first acts of the new administration was to
call a constitutional convention which drew up a new State
constitution which was ratified by the people in 1875. With
the return to power of a party 80 which strongly favored
local self-government, and which was supported to a great
extent by those who but a few years before had been re-
ported to have been opposed to the extension of their public
school rights, it is not surprising that the progress of the
i* Ann. Cyclopedias for 1870-75. Art. Missouri.
j&t<f., 1871, p. 516.
so 9th Ann. Eeport Supt. of Schools, 1874, p. 7.
156 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
public school system was for a time checked. In many dis-
tricts the people had accepted the public schools but they
had not become thoroughly reconciled to the system.
In 1870 the local district school boards 81 were subor-
dinate to the township boards of education. The clerk of
the township board was both treasurer and recording sec-
retary of all the school districts within his township. He
was responsible to the county school superintendent and he
made statistical reports to him as well as to the county
clerks. The county school superintendents and the county
clerks were in turn responsible to the State Superintendent
of Schools. In 1874 the legislature 82 so changed the old
statutes as to do away with county and township super-
vision. The office of county superintendent was abolished
and each district became independent. Even the district
board was deprived of some of its power and the right which
it had to extend the school term and to levy money for new
buildings was vested in the voters of the district. The new
State constitution sanctioned tendency toward decentraliza-
tion by providing 83 that the right of the people to local self-
government should not be impaired.
Although the old constitution was very objectionable to
a large number of the citizens of the State, nevertheless, it
contained some good school legislation and fortunately
much of this was embodied in the new constitution. The
Constitution of 1865 had provided 84 that "separate schools
may be established for children of African descent." The
new constitution provided that ' ' separate free public schools
shall be established for the education of children of African
descent. ' ' The legal school age provided by the old consti-
tution was from five to twent} r -one but the legal school age
provided by the new constitution was from six to twenty.
The decentralization of the public school system caused
many abuses to spring up. Statistics became harder and
i 9th Ann. Eeport of Supt. of Sclwols, p. 6.
82 ibid.
83 Art. TI, Sec. 3.
s* Art. XI, Sec. 3.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 157
harder to collect, and school practice less and less uniform
in the different parts of the State. The school law was dis-
regarded to such an extent as to cause a decrease in the
school enumeration and enrollment in spite of the fact that
the population was steadily increasing. In 1875 the enu-
meration 85 showed 720,186 children of school age, 394,780
of whom were enrolled in the public schools. In 1877 the
enumeration had shrunk to 553,278 and the enrollment to
364,189. From this time on there was a steady growth until
1880 when the enumeration surpassed that of 1875.
The Negro public schools of the State also suffered a
decline 86 in this period. In 1875 there was a Negro school
population of 41,916 and an enrollment of 14,832. In 1877
the reported enumeration was 32,411 "and the enrollment
was 14,505. The enumeration did not equal that of 1875
until 1885, but the enrollment of 1878 surpassed that of 1875
by 6,376. The enrollment of 1877 was only 328 smaller than
the enrollment of 1875. Thus, it would appear that while
there was a failure in some districts to enumerate their
children of color, that in those districts in which they were
enumerated an increasing percentage of the children of
color attended the public schools.
As has been pointed out before, the emancipators 87 of
the Negro, in attempting to provide equal school rights for
the Negro child, made more stringent laws for the enforce-
ment of his school rights than were made for the enforce-
ment of the school rights of the white child. The State
Superintendent was empowered to enter districts which did
not provide schools for Negro children according to the law,
and to establish schools for these children, and to levy taxes
for the maintenance of the schools. It is not surprising,
therefore, to find that the State Superintendent was called
upon a number of times in this period to exercise his power.
This official reported 88 in 1878 that the law in relation to
ss Report of Commissioners of Education, 1880, p. 184.
Ibid.
7 See page 26.
s Report of Supt. of Schools, 1877, p. 18.
158 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
the public schools for Negro children had been repeatedly
evaded and violated during the two preceding years, and
that a wicked and malicious advantage was being taken of
the ignorance and the weakness of the Negro to shield the
law-breaker who was using the money appropriated by the
law for the education of the Negro youth. The method of
evasion was fully described. In the first place, there was
a failure to enumerate a sufficient number of Negroes of
school age before the convening of the annual school meet-
ing. After the meeting, when the directors were appealed
to, they required the production of evidence that there was
a sufficient number and then required time to look into the
evidence which took a month or more. They would then
inform the Negroes that it was too late to do anything that
year, that they should have attended to the matter before
the annual school meeting and that they must attend to it in
time the following year. In many cases while the money
due the Negroes was being used for other purposes, they
were promised schools for the next year which the directors
did not intend to give them. Sometimes the directors prom-
ised well and were then unable to find teachers or they dis-
agreed with the Negroes concerning the site of the school.
The year would thus elapse and a new board knowing noth-
ing of the promises of the old board would be elected. The
same course would then be followed sometimes with a little
variation to suit the emergency. Finally the case would be
brought to the State Superintendent and after an annoying
and repeated correspondence to collect the facts in the case
and to explain the law, the officers were induced to comply
with the law by threats of its execution. In counties at a
distance from the capital this threat was frequently of no
avail because the Negroes were either induced to drop the
matter by promises of future fulfillment, were unwilling to
proceed to law, or lacked intelligent leadership.
The next year the State Superintendent complained
that the demand upon this functionary to establish Negro
schools in districts which neglected to fulfill the law re-
quired an undue amount of his time. The legislature which
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 159
met that year, therefore, removed from the State Superin-
tendent the responsibility of enforcing this law. But it pro-
vided 89 that any school district which neglected to establish
a Negro school or schools according to the law should be de-
prived of any portion of the State school funds for that
year. This was a severe punishment in a State having as
large a school fund as Missouri has. 90
By the year 1885 the public school system of Missouri
was on a firm basis. The right of every child in the State
to the benefits of a free public school education had been es-
tablished. The Negro public schools were prosperous. The
Negro school population 91 had increased to 44,215 and the
percentage of the enumerated actually enrolled in the public
schools had increased from forty-two per cent in 1877 to
sixty-three per cent in 1885.
THE PERIOD OF GROWTH, 1885 TO 1915
A few minor changes have been made in the State stat-
utory law since 1885. Prior to 1889 not only the district
but the whole township in which a Negro school was located,
was taxed for the support of this school. In 1889 the law 92
was so revised as to throw the entire burden of support
upon the district in which the school is located. In the same
year, the statute which gave Negro adults the right to at-
tend the public schools was abrogated.
The last revision of the law relating to Negro public
schools was made in 1909. By the present law 93 the boards
of directors in districts having fifteen or more Negro chil-
dren of school age are required to establish and maintain
. Statutes of Mo. 1S79, Vol. II, p. 186.1.
90 In this period a very noteworthy step was taken by the Negro teachers.
In 1878 they organized a State teachers' association. In that year its meeting
was held in Columbia, Missouri, and a number of professors in the State Uni-
versity took an active part. The next year the Association met in Jefferson
City. Since that time, the meeting of the Association has become an annual
affair.
91 DuBois, Negro Common School, p. 61.
2 Rev. Statutes of Mo., 1889, p. 2271.
s /few*., 1909, p. 790.
160 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
schools for these children which shall have the same length
of term and shall enjoy the same privileges as are enjoyed
by the white schools of the same grade in the district. The
indebtedness incurred by the board of directors in provid-
ing suitable buildings, hiring teachers, and maintaining the
school shall be paid out of the appropriate funds of the dis-
trict. If the average daily attendance for any month falls
below eight, the school can be closed for a period not to ex-
ceed six months. If there are adjoining districts in either
or both of which there are less than twenty-five Negro chil-
dren of school age, a joint Negro school may be established
in either of the districts. The expense of maintaining the
school is borne by the districts which established it in pro-
portion to the number of Negro children enumerated in
each. The control of the school is vested in the board of
directors of the district in which the school is located.
When the number of Negro children residing in a dis-
trict is less than fifteen as shown by the last enumeration,
these children have the right of attending any school for
Negro children in the county for the same length of time as
school is maintained in their own district. Their tuition is
paid by the district in which they reside. When the direc-
tors of a district neglect to establish a Negro school accord-
ing to the law, the district is deprived of any part of the
State school funds for that year.
From 1885 to 1890 the Negro schools of Missouri stead-
ily grew. In 1890, 70.8 per cent of the school population 94
was enrolled in the schools. This marked the high water
mark in the per cent of enrollment. From this date to 1900
the per cent of the school population enrolled in the public
school decreased. In 1899 only 55.05 per cent of the school
population was enrolled in the public schools. The school
population, however, increased from 44,214 in 1885 to 54,600
in 1899. In 1900 there were 472 Negro schools with 769
school rooms with 804 Negro teachers employed. The Ne-
groes 95 of the State received about $475,000 as their share
*DuBois, Negro Common School, p. 61.
5 Ibid.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 161
of the State school fund, between a third and a half of the
money appropriated for the support of their schools com-
ing from the white tax payers. As the result of this good
school system, Missouri stood last among the sixteen ex-
slave States in illiteracy in 1890.
Since 1900 the rural Negro population has been decreas-
ing and city population has been steadily increasing. Lured
by the prospect of better wages, shorter hours, and better
educational advantages for his family, the rural Negro has
migrated just as his white brother 96 has to the large cities.
The Negro population of the small towns is also decreas-
ing. The populations of Kansas City and of St. Louis are
being swelled by the Negro from the farm and from the
small town. The problem of Negro education, therefore, is
largely a city problem. In 1910 the Negro school popula-
tion was 42,764. Of this population 33,465 97 dwelt in cities
and only 9,299 dwelt in the rural districts. The enrollment
showed that of the 29,562 pupils who were attending school,
21,694 were enrolled in the city schools and only 7,868 in the
rural schools.
In 1915 St. Louis had a Negro school population of 7,233
and an enrollment of 5,811. Nine grade schools and a high
school were maintained by the city to accommodate these
children. 98 In 1916 a Negro industrial 99 school was opened
for delinquent youth, and $40,000 was appropriated to build
two cottages on the city farms at Belief ountaine for delin-
quent Negro children. The Negro schools are modern and
well equipped. Kindergarten classes are provided, manual
training courses are open to the boys and domestic science
classes are provided for the girls. In the year of 1915-16
three elementary night schools were in session with an en-
rollment of 759.
The Negro school population of Kansas City is also well
provided for. In 1880 this city had a Negro school popula-
Report of Supt. of Schools, 1910, p. 69.
7 Report St. Louis Board of Education, 1916, p. 302.
98/ftid., p. 350.
o Ibid., p. 308.
162 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tion of 2,035 100 and there was an enrollment of 623 or of
30.5 per cent of the school population. In 1911 the Negro
school population was 6,500 and the number of pupils en-
rolled reached 3,251. 54.1 per cent of the Negro school
population and 47 per cent of the white -school population
were enrolled in the public schools. The school property 101
devoted to the use of the Negroes was valued at $465,565
and the value of the property devoted to the white people
was $5,792,468. The Negro population which comprised
9.7 per cent of the total population had public school prop-
erty valued at 7.4 of the total. The average cost for each
white pupil enrolled was $42.20 a year and the average cost
for each Negro child was $35.02. In 1910-11, there were 86
Negro teachers in the system. There was one teacher for
every 37 children enrolled in the white schools and one
teacher for every 41 Negro pupils. In the same year the
Negro night schools had an enrollment of 472. In 1915
there were ten elementary and one high school 102 devoted
to the use of the Negroes. The Negro school population
had increased to 7,637 and the enrollment was 3,654.
In 1915 there were fifteen colored schools in the State
doing work of a high school grade. Two of these, Sumner
High School of St. Louis and Lincoln High School of Kan-
sas City are first class high schools. 103 The Negro high
schools of Hannibal and of Springfield are ranked second
class and the high schools of Chillicothe and St. Joseph are
rated third class. The other nine high schools are unclas-
sified.
Until the opening of the new Dunbar High School in
Washington, District of Columbia, in 1916 the Sumner High
School was considered the finest Negro high school in the
country. This school was established in 1875 and had only
twenty pupils 104 in 1885. By the year 1900 the enroll-
100 Martin, op. cit.
101 Ibid., op. cit.
102 Ann. Eeport Board of Ed. of Kansas City, 1915, p. 123.
103 -Report of Supt. Public Schools, 1916, p. 69.
104 Eeport of The Board of Education of St. Louis, 1908, p. 234.
NEGBO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 163
ment had increased to 250. In 1907 the city appropriated
$297,827 105 for the building of the new Simmer High School,
a magnificent building. It is three stories high and is well
equipped. It contains a large auditorium, and gymnasiums
on the top floor. On the second floor are laboratories, for
the teaching of chemistry, physics, physiology, and biology.
Courses for girls are given in domestic science and in do-
mestic art. The school also maintains a commercial depart-
ment. In the basement there are shops in which the boys
are taught carpentry, cabinet making, machinery, and black-
smithing. A swimming pool for the boys is also located in
the basement. There is provided a cafeteria at which the
children can purchase at a small cost their noonday meal.
It is possible for the pupil to take any one of the several
courses. He may prepare himself to enter a first-class col-
lege, to enter the business world, or to become an artisan.
Sunmer High School also maintains 106 a normal train-
ing course for its girl graduates. The Cottage Avenue
graded school is under the supervision of the High School
principal and it serves as an observation school for those
taking normal work. This high school also maintains an
evening school. In 1915-16 the enrollment was 457. The
Negroes of St. Louis are very proud of their high school,
and it is well patronized. In 1915-16 the enrollment 107 was
811 and in 1916^17 it passed the 1,000 mark. There were
employed in this high school in 1915 thirty-five teachers who
received an average salary of $127 a month. The school
has a library containing about 2,000 volumes and equip-
ment 108 valued at $30,000.
The Lincoln High School of Kansas City, although it is
not as large or as well equipped as Sumner High School, is
nevertheless a good high school. The first Negro high
school 109 was opened in the Lincoln Grade School Building.
A high school building was erected on Eleventh Street in
105 Beport of Board of Education of St. Louis, 1908, p. 235.
iM/fctd., 1913, p. 108.
107 -Report of Public Schools of Mo., 1916, p. 290.
io Report of Board of Dir. of Schools, Kansas City, 1911, p. 243.
164 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
1890. This building was used as such until the erection of
the present high school, the site of which was purchased in
1899 and the new building was opened September 6, 1906.
In 1915 this school had an enrollment 110 of 462 pupils. Sev-
enteen instructors were employed at the average salary of
$115 a month. Besides the regular high school courses, this
school has departments of domestic science and domestic
arts for the girls. Vocational courses are open to the boys
and a course in military training has recently been opened
for the boys. In 1915 the equipment 111 of the school was
valued at $10,000. The library contained a number of val-
uable works.
In the development of Negro education in keeping with
the policy of establishing high schools the State in 1879
assumed complete control 112 of Lincoln Institute. Prior to
this date, the legislature had merely given the normal de-
partment of this institution $5,000 annually for the purpose
of training teachers. The Thirty-fourth General Assembly
established an academic and a college department in the
school, and the Thirty-sixth General Assembly established
an industrial department. The State has since then dealt
very liberally with its Negro normal school. In 1915 the
legislature appropriated 113 $116,600 for the bi-annual period
of 1915-1916. This school then had a campus of twenty
acres, upon which was situated six modern buildings and a
model training school for the use of students preparing to
teach. The school also had a farm of sixty acres. The prop-
erty 114 of the school was valued at $222,202. There were
thirty-one teachers employed and the school enrollment was
343. The academic work is divided between a high school
course and a two year normal course. Graduates from the
normal department obtain life certificates to teach in Mis-
souri. The following trades are taught: domestic science
and domestic art, carpentry, wood-turning, machinery and
" Report of Supt. of Schools, 1916, p. 286.
111 Ibid., p. 292.
"2 Ann. Cat. Lincoln Inst., 1916, p. 6.
"3 Laws of Mo., 1-915, p. 69.
m Report of Commissioner of Education, 1916, p. 586.
NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM IN MISSOURI 165
blacksmithing. The work which this school has done in pre-
paring teachers for the Negro rural schools of the State
cannot be over estimated.
Because of these many efforts in behalf of Negro educa-
tion, therefore, Missouri stood in 1915 in the lead of the ex-
slave States in the provisions which it had made for the edu-
cation of Negro children. Only the District of Columbia
stood ahead of it in the amount of money 1 ' 15 which was in-
vested in public school property for Negroes. The District
of Columbia had $135.30 invested for every Negro child of
school age and Missouri had $50 for each Negro child.
Oklahoma and West Virginia ranked next to Missouri, each
having $26.00 invested for every Negro child of school age.
Missouri ranked first among the States in the proportion of
the total school investment devoted to the education of the
Negro child. Missouri had 96 per cent as much invested
for each Negro child as was invested for each white child
while the District of Columbia had only 74 per cent as much
invested in Negro school property 116 as it had invested in
white school property for every child of school age. If we
leave out the District of Columbia, which is not comparable
with a State, Missouri stood at the head of the States, in
which separate schools were maintained for Negro chil-
dren, in the annual expenditure for every child of school
age. Missouri spent $12.13 for every Negro child 117 of
school age enumerated. This was more than was spent by
12 of the southern States for every white child enrolled.
Missouri's nearest rivals, Oklahoma and West Virginia,
spent $11.16 and $10.38 for every Negro child respectively.
As the result of her excellent school system, Missouri had,
according to the census of 1910, a smaller proportion of her
population illiterate 118 than did any of the other ex-slave
States.
HENRY SULLIVAN WILLIAMS
us Negro Year Boole, 1917, pp. 234-241.
Hid., pp. 234-240.
11* Missouri had 174 illiterate out of every one thousand, and Oklahoma
and West Virginia had 177 and 203 respectively.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO COLLEGES
AND UNIVERSITIES 1
Within the last few decades a deepening sense of respon-
sibility for the religious direction of the American College
1 This dissertation was in 1917 submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate
School of Arts and Literature of the University of Chicago, in candidacy for
the degree of Master of Arts, by David Henry Sims.
The following sources were used in the preparation of this dissertation:
American Missionary Association Eeport, 1916; Baptist Missionary Society
(Woman's) Reports, 1910-1916; Catalogues Negro Colleges, 1916-1917; W.
E. B. DuBois, Morals and Manners Among Negro Americans, Atlanta Univer-
sity Publications, No. 18; Journal of the Proceedings of the A. M. E. Church
(General Conference), 1916; Journal of the Proceedings of the Methodist
Episcopal Church (General Conference), 1916; Thomas J. Jones, Negro Educa-
tion, United States Bureau of Education, Bulletins 38 and 39, 1916; Thomas
J. Jones, Recent Movements in Negro Education, United States Bureau of
Education, 1912, Vol. I; Questionnaires, from Negro Colleges, 1917; United
States Bureau of Education Investigations, Education in the South, Bulletin
30, 1913; Monroe N. Work, Negro Tear Boole, 1914, 1916, 1916; Young Men's
Christian Association, Eeport of the International Committee, May 12, 1916;
Tear Bool; 1915-1916.
The author used also the following works for general reference: W. S.
Athearn, Religion in the Curriculum-It eligious Education; B. E. Bolton, Prin-
ciples of Education; H. F. Cope, The Effloi^ent Layman; H. F. Cope, Fifteen
Tears of the Religious Education Association, The American Journal of The-
ology, July 1917, p. 3S5 ff; Committee Beport, Standardization of Biblical
Courses, Eel. Educ. August, 1916, p. 314 ff ; Crawford, The Media of Religious
Impression in College, N. E. A. 1914, p. 494 ff ; John Dewey, Ethical Principles
Underlying Education, Moral Principles in Education; T. S. O. Evans, The
University Toung Men's Christian Association as a Training School for Reli-
gious Leaders, Bel. Educ. 1908 ; H. F. Fowler, The Contents of an Ideal Curri-
culum of Religious Education for CoUeges, Bel. Educ. 1915, p. 355 ff; E. N.
Hardy, The Churches and The Educated Man; S. B. Haslett, Pedagogical Bible
School, Parts I and II; International Sunday School Association, Organized
Wiork in America, Vol. XIII; C. F. Kent, Training the College Teacher, Bel.
Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 327; P. Monroe, Cyclopedia of Education, Vol. I, p.
370; E. C. Moore, What is Education; A. Morgan, Education and Social Prog-
ress; F. G. Peabody, The Religious Education of an American Child, Bel. Educ.
1915, p. 107; I. J. Peritz, The Contents of an Ideal Curriculum of Religious
Instruction, Eel. Educ. Vol. X, 1915, p. 362; C. Eeed, The Essential Place of
Religion in Education, N. E. A. Monograph Publication, 1913, p. 66; B. Bhees,
Evangelization of Education, Biblical World, August 1916, p. 66; C. E. Pugh,
The Essential Place of Religion in Education, N. E. A. Monograph Publication,
1913, p. 3; I. T. Wood, The Contents of an Ideal Curriculum of Religious In-
struction for Colleges, Bel. Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 332; The Survey of Progress
in Religious and Moral Education, Bel. Educ. 1915, Vol. X, p. 114.
166
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 167
and University students has arisen. The problem of re-
ligious education has become a part of our national con-
sciousness. The term ' t religious education ' ' has come into
general circulation respecting every grade of education.
And in every instance it seems to be more or less a charac-
terization of an ideal type of education and a method of
realizing that type. Evidence of this is presented in the
numerous religious, semi-religious and educational period-
icals, as well as in the reports and published statements of
educational institutions and organizations since 1903.
There is a new conscience for character and social use-
fulness in the college and university. It manifests itself in
topics under discussion in conferences of educators, in their
personal inquiries, and in the hearty cooperation given
agencies for the higher life. In the whole range of educa-
tion there is a growing recognition of the religious and
moral elements inherent in all education. The former em-
phasis on the difference between religious education and
secular education is passing. The foundation of teaching
is being lifted into the religious realm. Education is aim-
ing to develop men and women to their highest possibilities
for their own sakes and for the sake of their contribution
to the welfare and progress of society. The National Edu-
cational Association is a potent factor in establishing a
strong belief in the worth of religion in education.
The Religious Education Association, organized in 1903,
is one of the chief, if not the chief est, agencies in hastening
this new era. The secretary has said : 1 1 The leadership of
this new crusade seemed successful in directing a passion
for religious education born of the fusion of the scientific
spirit with the spirit of humanistic idealism. " Between
1903 and 1913 over $120,000 was spent in religious educa-
tional endeavor. The period subsequent to 1913 shows a
larger proportionate expenditure. The larger part of this
sum stands for gifts.
How has the movement demanding efficiency in religious
education affected Negro institutions? The status of re-
ligious education in Negro colleges and universities, con-
168 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
sidered quantitatively and qualitatively is the task of this
investigation. What do the supervisors of Negro institu-
tions conceive religious education to be ? How does religion
function in student life? These are questions arising dur-
ing the investigation of the problem before us.
There are 38 private and denominational institutions for
Negroes, which do college grade of work with varying de-
grees of efficiency. Of this number, thirty-four are co-edu-
cational colleges, two are colleges for men and two are col-
leges for women. There are six State colleges which do
some college work. These are all land-grant colleges with
donations from the respective States in which they are
located. There are several so-called colleges having cur-
ricula for college grade of work prescribed but no students
matriculated to take the courses. They are not included in
this study for obvious reasons.
The terms " colleges and universities " are by no means
safe criteria for measuring the efficiency of, or even for clas-
sification of Negro colleges and universities. This condition
is not peculiar to Negro colleges. Those for whites, in the
South especially, present the same condition of variety. It
seems that there has been a special mania, in our South
Land especially, for setting up a laudable ideal in the classi-
fication of educational institutions, and then working up to
it during subsequent ages. They believe there is much in a
name or title. This keen sense of potentiality being in the
classification, college or university, is too often misleading
if taken on faith.
Another phase of this classification may throw some
light on the numerous Negro "colleges" with such wide di-
vergences in standards of curricula. In the South, $9,000,-
000 are spent for the elementary education of the Negro,
when $25,000,000 should be used for that purpose by the
States. There are 1,000,000 without any school facilities at
all, and 2,000,000 who cannot read or write. Then the
money spent does not begin to meet the needs of those who
are receiving the education given. For example, the South
spends $10.23 for each white student of elementary age and
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 169
$2.82 for each Negro student of the same age now given the
opportunity to attend school. Thus many institutions of a
private nature are stimulated by this State of affairs and
seek to meet it. But in so doing, they are actuated by
various motives and perhaps they all could not justly be
labelled sinister. It is evident then that our study deals
with 38 private colleges, all denominational except four,
and six State colleges on land-grant bases.
The method of the thesis, therefore, has assumed a
four-fold form. The writer took nine months in making
personal investigation of twelve typical Negro colleges.
One in the Northwest, one in the Northeast, and ten in the
South. Of these ten, five are in Georgia, two in South Caro-
lina, two in Tennessee and one in Alabama. The second
method was the questionnaire. Questionnaire No. 1 was
sent to 60 educational institutions. 38 responded in full.
Eight returned the questionnaires with some answers.
These were excluded from the study because they lacked
desired data. A second questionnaire was used. It con-
tained data from students in the respective institutions con-
sidered typical. The Y. M. C. A. leaders also contributed to
this sort of data.
Questionnaire No. 1 follows :
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO COLLEGES
1. Name of the institution, president and dean.
2. Enrollment in the college department.
3. What religious services are held by the school! Is attendance
required and what number attend ?
4. What curriculum courses in religious education have you, viz:
Bible courses, Sunday School Teacher Training, Psychology
of Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religious Pedagogy,
Social Service, Social Ethics, Methods of Social Reform, etc.
5. Which of the courses are elective and which are required?
How much credit is given for each?
6. Have you any courses in the Seminary or Divinity School for
which you give college credit? What are they?
7. Are the teachers of curriculum courses of religious education
170 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
professionally trained for their task, for example ; were they
trained in a school of religious education or in a divinity
school? What institution attended and what degrees re-
ceived ?
8. How many students are in your curriculum courses of religious
education ?
9. What voluntary religious organizations have you, for example :
the Y. M. C. A., Students Volunteer Movement, B. Y. P. U.,
C. E. League, College Church, Sunday School, etc.?
10. Are the teachers or conductors of your voluntary organizations
professionally trained (viz, as in question 7) ?
11. How many students are enrolled in your voluntary organiza-
tions 1
12. What opportunity have the students for the expression of ideals
received through these organizations ? What Christian work
is done, such as handling boys ' or girls ' clubs, ministering to
the poor and infirm, orphans, foreign missions, visiting
prisons, asylums, or orphanages, teaching vacation Bible
schools, etc.?
13. What is your own estimate of the religious value of your courses
and organizations? Have you any definite data upon which
to base your estimate?
14. Does your school have a special appropriation for religious
work, viz: for the Y. M. C. A., for a chaplain, college pas-
tor, etc.?
15. In your opinion, are the Negro colleges meeting the needs of
definite religious training?
16. Any other information or suggestion concerning religious edu-
cation in Negro colleges will be gladly received.
QUESTIONNAIRE No. II
1. What is your estimate of the religious services at your college,
viz : Church preaching service, Sunday School, Young Peo-
ple 's meetings, Week-day Prayer meetings, Week of Prayer
for colleges, Y. M. C. A., Y. W. C. A. or any other religious
service? (Mark each according to your estimate as Church
1, Prayer meeting 2, Y. W. C. A. 3, etc. )
2. What are the items of importance in these respective services,
the sermon, prayer, ritual, congregational singing, special
music, etc.?
BELIGIOUS EDUCATION 171
3. Why did you make the preceding ranking as you did?
4. What suggestion have you to offer for the improvement of
these services? What other criticism have you to offer on
these services?
5. What is your church affiliation ? For example, Baptist, Metho-
dist, Presbyterian, etc.?
d
The majority of Negro institutions all included in this
study have published statements concerning religious edu-
cation in their respective curricula and voluntary organiza-
tions. These statements appear in announcements, cata-
logues, and reports. These have been secured and critically
reviewed. From these the spirit of religious education, the
attitude towards the work, their aim, their own ideas as to
value of results obtained from such instruction may in a
large measure be determined.
The last means resorted to were the reports of denomina-
tions on education. These reports appear in various forms,
sometimes in year books, and at other times in the quad-
rennial reports, viz : the General Conference reports of the
Methodist Episcopal, the African Methodist Episcopal, the
A. M. E. Zion and Colored Methodist Episcopal Churches.
I. BELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN PRIVATE AND DENOMINATIONAL
COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
Let us first direct our attention to the work as it is being
conducted in private and sectarian schools. The most im-
portant factor in this study is the teacher. What is the
type of teachers in Negro institutions, for the progressive
socialization of the individuals whom they instruct f The
student's religious life will be conditioned very likely, by
the teachers in the colleges. The preparation of the teacher
then requires careful consideration.
There are 86 teachers of religious education in some
form in these institutions. Of these 86 instructors, 64 have
had some degree of professional training for their tasks.
Thirty-one of those who have received professional training
are graduates of first rank institutions. The institutions in
172 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
which they were trained are among the best in the country
and of long standing. The distribution shows: Yale Col-
lege 1 ; Yale Divinity School 3 ; Drew Theological Seminary
3; Oberlin College anU Divinity School 2; Ohio Wesleyan
University 1; Columbia University 1; Union Seminary 1;
Boston University 2; Colgate University 1 ; Rochester Theo-
logical Seminary 2; the University of Chicago and Divinity
School 3; Princeton University 2; Newton Theological Sem-
inary 2; the Chicago Bible Training School 2; Grinnell Col-
lege 1; Hillsdale College 1; New York School of Philan-
thropy 1; Andover Theological Seminary 1; Union Theo-
logical Seminary 1 ; and the Chicago Theological Seminary
1. The remaining 33 teachers were trained in Negro semi-
naries and colleges, the most of them coming from the older
institutions for Negroes, such as Wilberforce, Howard, Lin-
coln, Talladega, and Fisk.
Though these latter have had some type of professional
training, it still remains for us to see the types. The clas-
sical theological course claims most of this number as its
representatives. We should be surprised if it were other-
wise, because it has been comparatively recent that the
seminaries of America have begun what they term a recon-
struction of the seminary curriculum. The most of these
men and women were middle-aged persons and had taken
their courses before the evolution took place. Of the sixty-
four who have had professional training, forty-five have
had the traditional seminary courses which contained no
work in "-scientific religious education." I am not at this
point arguing whether they were the losers or gainers. I
am simply stating a fact in terms which all students of re-
ligious education understand. The remaining nineteen had
received courses in scientific religious education, either
theoretical and laboratory exercises, or laboratory courses
in practical social service and philanthropy. 57 of these
teachers are ministers.
In this study it was discovered that very few of the
teachers of religious education have chairs of Religious
Education. Most of them give only part of their time to
KELIGIOUS EDVCATION 173
that work and their programs are divided up to meet the
urgent needs of other departments in the colleges and uni-
versities. Three are teachers of education and give courses
in the Psychology of Religion, the Psychology of the Bible,
and the Educational Method applied to the Bible. These
three give the rest of their time to the college and normal
school courses in Education. Four have chairs established
for teaching the Bible and give almost all of their time to
this work. All others are only occasional religious educa-
tion teachers, so far as curriculum courses are concerned.
What then is the attitude of these teachers toward their
task? In the first place we note a large amount of optimism
over results achieved or thought or hoped to be achieved.
Sixty-four of them said directly, in answer to a question
concerning their attitude and estimate, that they were opti-
mistic. Seven were uncertain, and withheld their opinions
and three were very pessimistic indeed. The presidents
and deans answering the major questionnaire were quite
certain that the teachers had the attitude of sustained in-
terest in the work of religious education.
Teachers and conductors of voluntary religious courses
and organizations were found helpful. Much of the work
in religious training in Negro colleges is done by voluntary
organization, some of the most prominent of which are the
Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's
Christian Association, the Student Volunteer Movement
associations, the Young People's Societies of the various
denominations and Temperance Societies. Sometimes they
are centralized and sometimes otherwise. But our task here
is to see what preparation the leaders and instructors of
these organizations have received, the time given and the
attitude.
These volunteers are, for the most part, not profession-
ally trained. Only seven are so reported, and six of the
seven are professors who give Bible or social service courses
upon the invitation of these voluntary organizations. There
is in all America, so far as has been ascertained, only one
Negro college that has a paid professionally trained di-
174 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
rector of one of these organizations. Perhaps it would not
be unjust to name that institution, on account of its unique-
ness, at least. It is Howard University. The leader is the
Y. M. C. A. secretary who has been trained at the Y. M. C.
A. Training School and is a salaried officer of the Uni-
versity.
The most accurate account given of the amount of time
spent by these instructors and conductors is found in the
reports of the Young Men's Christian Association. There
are 36 Young Men's Christian Associations and 36 Young
Women's Christian Associations in the institutions repre-
sented in this study. The average time spent per week for
the leaders of these two organizations is one hour and forty-
seven minutes. Of this time one hour is spent in the weekly
meetings and the other forty-six minutes in meeting com-
mittees, planning for activities of the associations, or in
conducting Bible study, Mission study or social service
classes. Extra time not counted in the estimate is given on
extraordinary occasions.
The average time given to the young people's meetings
is an hour and twelve minutes. About the same would no
doubt represent the other voluntary organizations, the
social service work excepted perhaps. The present study
has data only on the time spent in certain cases. The atti-
tude of the volunteer is, as would be expected, usually that
of optimism and sustained interest. He or she is selected
by the students, and on the basis of some manifested in-
terest in the particular line of endeavor.
The courses of religious education will give further light
in this study. The courses are not the only agencies, be-
sides the teachers, for assisting college men and women in
acquiring a religious personality which will function effi-
ciently in society. Nevertheless, they are one of the factors
and are connected with the educative process in such a way
that any endeavor similar to the present one must consider
them. What then are the courses included in the curricula
of these institutions? How much credit is given for them,
and how many students are affected by them? These
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 175
queries are necessary to find the part which intellectual
knowledge plays in the educative process, in behalf of re-
ligious education. Does intellectual knowledge of this par-
ticular type function religiously in the lives of the students?
Let us first investigate the required courses of the cur-
riculum. The Bible is the leader in the list of requirements.
Thirty-six colleges and universities require it as a text book.
Three give it as an elective and one does not offer it at all.
These exceptions are Howard University, Talladega Col-
lege, Tillotson College and Straight College respectively.
Social Ethics is prescribed by ten colleges as follows : Al-
len University, Lane College, Clark University, Paine Col-
lege, Roger Williams College, Rust College, Samuel Hous-
ton College, Shorter College, Spellman Seminary, and Vir-
ginia Theological Seminary and College. Bishop College,
Claflin University, Clark University, Knoxville College and
Samuel Houston College have required their students at
some stages in their college courses to study Christian Evi-
dences. Morris Brown University, Paine College, and Swift
Memorial College prescribe courses in social service or
Practical Sociology.
Comparative Religion, a course in Sunday School Teacher
Training, New Testament History, Philosophy of Religion
and Church History are designated as requirements by
State University, Knoxville College, Lane College, Paine
College and Knoxville College respectively. Spellman Semi-
nary, Tougaloo, State University, Fisk University, and
Claflin University require courses in Hebrew History. The
requirements in Negro colleges are as follows: thirty-five
require the Bible as a text book; ten prescribe Social Ethics;
six prescribe Christian Evidences; three make courses in
Social Service or Practical Sociology requirements; five
prescribe Hebrew History; one college requires Compar-
ative Religion; one, Sunday School Teacher Training; one.
New Testament History ; one, Philosophy of Religion ; and
two, Church History.
We shall omit the consideration of the amount of credit
given and the number of students enrolled in these courses
176 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
until we have given attention to elective courses. Here the
Sunday School 'Teacher Training courses lead. They are
composite courses in most- instances. In other words, they
are elective courses, composed chiefly of sketches of child
psychology, the principles of teaching, school management,
Old Testament History, New Testament History, geography
of Bible lands and story telling. These courses have be-
come very popular in Negro colleges during the last seven
or eight years.
Dr. H. C. Lyman, Superintendent of the Negro work
under the auspices of the International Sunday School As-
sociation, has done incalculable good in the way of encour-
aging this particular kind of work. The great majority of
these courses have been installed as a result of his en-
deavors. Only three of the 21 courses in these colleges have
been established independently of his encouragement but in
most instances by his formal installation. The following
institutions offer as electives courses in Sunday School man-
agement, organization and teaching: Atlanta University,
Benedict College, Lane College, Claflin University, Clark
University, Fisk University, Howard University, Lincoln
University, Livingstone College, Morehouse College, Mor-
gan College, New Orleans University, Eoger Williams
University, State University, Swift Memorial College, Tal-
ladega College, Tillotson College, Wilberforce University,
Spellman Seminary, and Morris Brown College.
Social Ethics is elective in Virginia Union University,
Morris Brown College, Fisk University, and Knoxville Col-
lege. Social Service courses are offered under the elective
provision in several institutions. Seven of them offer these
courses under their departments of sociology. They are:
Atlanta University, Benedict College, Fisk University,
Howard University, Morgan College, Talladega College,
Virginia Union University and Wilberforce University.
Comparative Keligion is offered at Talladega and Wil-
berforce. The Principles of Eeligious Education and the
Organization of Eeligious Education have been offered re-
cently by Talladega and Fisk. Howard University, Knox-
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 177
ville College and Morris Brown College offer in their elect-
tive systems New Testament Greek. The Bible is elective
at Fisk, Tillotson and Howard Universities. Mission Study
is elective at Talladega College.
Howard University has a wide range of electives cover-
ing a large scope of religious subjects which are offered in
the School of Eeligion. They are New Testament and Old
Testament introduction courses, Comparative Eeligion,
Church History, Hebrew, Missions, the Teachings of Jesus,
the Teachings of Paul, and New Testament biographical
courses. Wilberforce has a similar condition. They allow
New Testament Greek, Hebrew, Social Service courses, the
Life of Christ and the Life of Paul to count toward the
Bachelor of Arts Degree. These courses, however, are all
given in Payne Theological Seminary which is a part of the
Wilberforce system.
Morehouse College has a combination of the elective and
prescribed system relative to the Bible. The English Bible
is required in the Freshman year but elective in all of the
other years. The following will show the courses in religion
which are offered in Negro colleges and will designate the
number of institutions offering the several courses as well
as whether they are elective or prescribed.
Courses Elective Required
1. English Bible 3 36
2. Philosophy of Religion 1 1
3. New Testament Greek 3
4. Hebrew 2
5. The Principles of Religious Education 2
6. The Methods and Organization, of R. E 2
7. Social Ethics 4 10
8. Social Service 7 3
9. Comparative Religion 2 1
10. Hebrew History 5
11. New Testament History 1
12. Church History 2 2
13. Christian Evidences ' 6
14. Missions 2
15. New Testament Introduction 1
16. Old Testament Introduction 1
17. Sunday School Teacher Training 20 1
178 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Courses Elective Required
18. Teachings of Jesus 1
19. Teachings of Paul 1
20. Life of Jesus 1
21. Life of Paul 1
18 10
Thus it is seen that the colleges under investigation offer
18 courses for the religious education of those who come
under their supervision and prescribe 10 courses for the
same purpose.
What is the number enrolled in these curriculum courses ?
In the 38 private institutions for Negroes of college rank,
which come under our observation, there were enrolled for
the scholastic year 1916-1917 college students numbering
1,952. The numbers in the several colleges run from 558 to
6. It is interesting to observe that over one-half of that
number was registered in four universities as follows:
Howard University, 558; Wilberforce University, 202;
Fisk University, 208; and Lincoln University, 163. The
total is 1,131. Of the remaining 821 Negro college students
over fifty per cent of them were distributed as follows
among these eight institutions : Talladega College, 66 ; Vir-
ginia Union University, 66; Morehouse College, 65; Bene-
dict College, 60; Bishop College, 60; Atlanta University,
59 ; Shaw University, 49 ; and Biddle University, 40. The
total is 465. In these twelve colleges and universities we
have 1,596 students or over 75 per cent of the total for all
of the 38 institutions.
The investigation shows that 1,104 of the 1,952 students
are enrolled in these religious education courses. This is
more than fifty per cent. In fact, it is 56 per cent of the
total number enrolled. Making a comparison of the same
institutions which have the majority of students we note a
difference in their proportion of students in religious edu-
cation to the total number enrolled. Howard University
has 98; Fisk 110; Lincoln 163; and Wilberforce 60. The
total is 331, which is less than a third of the total number
enrolled. Talladega has 25 ; Virginia Union University 51 ;
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 179
Shaw University 12; Benedict College 40; Bishop Col-
lege 40. And the total is 262, which is considerably less
than 50 per cent of the remaining 773. But when the twelve
schools are taken together they afford 53 per cent of the
entire number enrolled in the courses of religious educa-
tion in the 38 colleges and universities.
The investigation of the amount of credit given for these
religious courses reveals facts as interesting as those rela-
tive to the number influenced by these courses. We have
selected the unit to describe the credit given. By unit we
mean a course given 4 or 5 times a week for 36 weeks. This
is not intended to be technical. Most of these institutions
have 45-minute periods. There are only four exceptions of
which three have 60- and one 50-minute periods and a few
55-minute periods. Their periods have been translated in
terms of the 45-minute periods for the sake of convenience.
The units designate the amount of credit given for both
prescribed and elected courses. In the colleges where the
elective system is extensive, the units represent the maxi-
mum amount of credit which one may receive for courses
in religion. For an itemized description of the amount of
credit given see chart on last page.
Only one college of the 38 which we had under investi-
gation offered no credit for courses in Bible or correlated
subjects. The other 37 offered credit varying from one unit
up to six units. Howard University leads in the amount of
units offered, and Knoxville College, Virginia Union and
Lincoln contend for second place each having four and one-
half units. Wilberforce takes third rank with four and
one-fourth units. Texas College, one of the smallest in
numbers, ties Fisk University for the fourth place. The
whole number of institutions investigated offer 85A units of
credit for courses in religious education.
The volunteer courses in colleges have been considered
by many exceedingly efficacious for social and religious de-
velopment. These volunteer courses have various sources.
In some few colleges they are offered by the faculty. But
in the great majority of cases they come through the chan-
180 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
nels of the voluntary religious organizations of the respec-
tive institutions. The Young Men's Christian Association
and the Young Women 's Christian Association are the most
active sources. The Young People's Societies such as the
Christian Endeavor and The Epworth League foster this
project in a few of our Negro colleges but very little data
can be obtained therefrom, because they keep no accurate
records from year to year.
There are thirty-six Young Men's Christian Associa-
tions in the colleges comprising this study. All of the co-
educational institutions and those for women especially
have the Young Women's Christian Association. There-
fore, we have thirty-six Young Men's Christian Associa-
tions and thirty-six Young Women's Christian Associa-
tions in these private colleges and universities. Fourteen
institutions report Bible study classes for men under the
direction of students, more or less prepared. The member-
ship in these classes is one hundred and seventy. Only five
report Bible classes for women.
Mission study classes are also offered under the super-
vision of the Association in some of the colleges. The men
in eleven colleges attend the mission study classes and num-
ber three hundred nine. The women have such provisions
in two colleges with a membership of eighteen. The num-
bers in these classes fluctuate from year to year depending
largely on two factors, the leaders of the respective asso-
ciation and the leaders of the classes. The personnel of the
student body is also a factor. It is among the things nat-
ural that from time to time changes in the personnel of the
student body bring changes of interest and there is no guar-
antee of fixity so far as numbers are concerned. It is the
ideal of the Central Associations to have the classes sus-
tained each year with an increased efficiency, but all of the
institutions testify to the fluctuation caused by the human
element in the problem. These courses are mostly mapped
out, even to the assigning of specific texts by accepted
authors, by the International Association.
To what extent do religious services figure in this work ?
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 181
Worship has always played an important part in the life
of human beings. Whether man is in Babylonia worship-
ping the stars, or in Egypt at the Isis-Osiris shrine, or
whether he ascends Mount Olympus with Homer, he is a
worshipper. He may ascend to the indescribable, unthink-
able realms with Plotinus or he may with twentieth century
enlightenment claim allegiance to the God designated
Father of all. Yet he worships. It will prove interesting
to note the stimulation of this instinct under the supervi-
sion of the Negro colleges and universities.
The chapel services claim our attention first because it
was unanimously denoted in the questionnaires as one of
the services which these institutions emphasize in the life
of the students; many of them point out its significance
even for the teachers. Every one of these institutions re-
quire daily chapel attendance at a service, which lasts on the
average one-half hour among the thirty-eight institutions
investigated. In nine-tenths of the announcements or bul-
letins sent from these institutions to prospective students,
the chapel attendance is emphasized as one of the rigid re-
quirements of the institutions. In four-fifths of these same
institutions, chapel attendance is recorded by some member
of the faculty or some one deputized by the authority vested
with that right.
What value is the chapel service to the religious devel-
opment? This cannot be answered indiscriminately. The
answer depends upon the chapel activities. One should ask
what happens at the chapel service. One student answered
that question thus: "The chapel is the place where the
president gets us all together to give us all a general ' cuss-
ing out' instead of taking us one by one." This expresses
the sentiment of several hundred students in those colleges
included in our study. During this investigation I visited
and had reports from 21 chapel services. Out of the 21 in-
vestigated, 19 were exhibits of the opportune reprimand,
with the president or his vice-president or the dean per-
forming the task effectively. But it would be a gross in-
justice even to the twenty-one institutions referred to, if
182 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
we should leave the impression that the sum total of chapel
services is described in the remarks relative to reprimands.
A professor of one of the leading Negro colleges, in defend-
ing the chapel service, said the "calling down" is merely
the introduction and conclusion of the chapel exercises to
give opportunity for ex-officio display.
There is obtaining in Negro institutions another condi-
tion which perhaps does not suffice as a legitimate excuse
for the daily reprimand but at least explains it or is pro-
vocative of it. I have in mind the indiscriminate assem-
bling of students from the high school or preparatory de-
partment and too often from the grammar school along
with the college students. Very often the official censor of
morals aims his remarks at some grammar school or high
school character of notoriety, but is democratic enough to
include "some of you students. " There are only two of
these colleges of the entire 38 where the high school stu-
dents are separated from the college students for chapel
services. In all cases, except these two, they all assemble
in the same auditorium at the same time with the same
privileges and under the same circumstances. The most
prominent index of distinction between a Junior college
student and a Junior High School student in chapel is the
locus of the seats.
The chapel exercises are led by the president, chaplain
university pastor, or some member of the faculty. Occa-
sionally local and visiting ministers are asked to serve in
this capacity. Where the members of the faculty lead they
either come in their turn serving every morning, or when-
ever chapel services take place, until relieved by members
of the faculty who likewise serve for a designated period.
The nature of the service varies very slightly in these
colleges and universities. One might readily get the im-
pression that they all have the same model. They all begin
with religious music selected in most cases by the one who
has the music of the institution under supervision. Scrip-
ture reading or a brief moral, aesthetic, or ethical address
follows. Then prayer usually closing with the Lord's
BELIGIOUS EDUCATION 183
Prayer. In seven of the institutions the scripture reading
follows the prayer. A song usually closes the devotional
period, but not the chapel exercises. It is subsequent to
this song that the moral admonition undisguised usually
follows. This is the time when visitors of distinction and
otherwise, entertain or detain the students.
The attitude of the students has much to do with the
religious value received from the chapel service. All of the
authorities have estimated that their particular chapel
services have excellent effects upon the students, judging
from their attitude at chapel, which they describe as fair.
They are confronted, however, with the problem not so
easily solved in answering the question. It is extremely
difficult for them to distinguish just what part of that atti-
tude comes from the influence of rules and regulations re-
garding chapel attendance and what part comes from
choice.
One of the common religious agencies among Negro col-
leges is the college church. Twenty-nine of these colleges
have church services every Sunday, either morning, after-
noon or evening. In twelve institutions they have preach-
ing twice a day. All of them require attendance at church.
The nine which have no preaching service at their places
every Sunday have it occasionally and make up the deficit
by requiring the students to attend a neighboring church,
in most cases a church of the denomination under whose
auspices the institution is operated. The students attend-
ing so far as the requirements of the colleges are concerned
are those who live in college dormitories. In no case ha's
this requirement affected students living in the community,
beyond campus control. This means that the attendance at
the college church aside from that given by those under
dormitory supervision is voluntary. A large proportion of
the students, therefore, attend other churches, the where
and why of which is not known by the investigator. The
proportion attending the college churches, however, is
ascertained.
The "boarding" students are the church goers so far as
184 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
the college churches are concerned. The number of college
students living in the dormitories of these various institu-
tions is 651 or just a fraction over one-third of the entire
number enrolled in the thirty-eight private institutions.
The other students, numbering 1,301, go whither they
please so far as the institutions are concerned, and no
data as to the number attending the college church are
available. In these churches the pastors are usually the
presidents or some other member of the faculty. In two
instances the pastors are called chaplains and have other
religious functions during week days. In four cases, the
pastors and presidents are identical. This assures the col-
lege church which operates on the basis just stated, a good
pastor. There are eighteen which have these pastors.
Eleven have no pastors or chaplains but invite ministers
of the city or neighboring cities to conduct their religious
services on Sunday. This service is had at the time which
is most convenient for pastors of local churches. The most
frequently used hour is from three or three-thirty to four-
thirty or five in the afternoon.
The established churches have prayer meeting during
the week on one of the following nights : Tuesday, Wednes-
day, Thursday or Saturday. Just why Friday night is boy-
cotted one is unable to say. The "luck" psychology may
not have had any part in establishing the tradition along
that line. Here again we find the law of the "Medes and
Persians " working effectively in securing corporeal at-
tendance. The students are required to be there and are
there in a body at least. The times for convening these
prayer meetings are chieflly two. Just after supper in nine
of the institutions and at the close of the "study" period in
twenty-five. Four have the hours between seven and eight
o'clock in the evening or thereabouts.
The Sunday School is a prevalent religious agency
among the Negro colleges and universities. We find a Sun-
day School reported in thirty-seven of these. In these
Sunday Schools the teachers who reside at the college dor-
mitories constitute a part of the Sunday School faculty.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 185
Some -of the advanced students are used as teachers and
officers.
Another phase of religious service prescribed by sev-
eral colleges is the Young People's Society. They are all
of the same general nature. They take different names
such as the Epworth League, The Baptist Young People's
Union, the Allen Christian Endeavor and so forth, depend-
ing in the main upon their denominational affiliation.
Thirty colleges expect their boarding students to be present
at these meetings. These thirty institutions have 388 stu-
dents of college rank living in the dormitories of these
respective institutions. Thus three hundred eighty-eight
students attend these Sunday afternoon or Sunday even-
ing meetings.
Five colleges which are co-educational have the ' * quiet ' '
hour for girls on Sunday afternoon. It was designed to be
religious or semi-religious at least. Each girl goes to her
room and remains there quiet for a designated period of
time. During this time she is expected to read her Bible or
some religious book, or engage in some meditation which is
in keeping with the holy day. Where this idea originated,
the writer is unable to say. He, with those who have ob-
served this mystical quiet hour, is puzzled concerning its
religious efficacy. One naturally asked those in authority
why not a ' ' quiet " hour for the boys as well. There seems
to be either a very high compliment paid to the boys or
quite an unpardonable insinuation on the inherited tend-
encies of the girls.
The nature of the Sunday services and the Sunday
School is evident without further elaboration. Perhaps a
more detailed description of the prayer meeting and the
Young People's meeting is in order. A common element is
seen in the prayer meetings, " sentence prayers" and sing-
ing. Several students think I should add a third, namely,
sleeping. Another very .frequent activity is the testimony
of religious achievements, disappointments and hopes.
Eleven colleges have topics which are posted each week
prior to the meeting. These topics are religious in the or-
186 JOURNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
thodox sense but three of the eleven have pushed far away
from the shore of orthodoxy and discuss current topics of
vital interest. In these three institutions the meeting re-
resembles a forum where every one expresses his opinion,
and exhausts his energy on favorite themes. The Young
People's meetings without exception, according to reports,
have two common phases. The first is the study and dis-
cussion of the specified topics, accompanied of course with
music and prayers. This might be called the devotional
phase of the meeting. Then there is a change in program,
in which the literary side is given precedent. Music of a
classical nature constitutes the feature of the program.
One of the all important interrogations in this connec-
tion is the feeling of the students concerning these religious
organizations mentioned. Do they function in the lives of
the students? Do they feel that these organizations are
vital to them or do they feel as one student in an eastern
university? When interviewed he said: "Oh, well, I guess
they are pretty good. I suppose they are among the neces-
sary evils of college life."
An extensive interview of the students at seven institu-
tions revealed some interesting facts. The presidents or
deans from the thirty-eight colleges gave some data and
much opinion on the benefits which the students derived
from these organizations, according to the students testi-
monies and the observation of these presidents or deans.
I am not inclined to place too much emphasis upon the stu-
dents ' testimony to the presidents, because, the psycholog-
ical situation of a student who is asked by a college pres-
ident what he thinks of the church service, Sunday School
and Epworth League is not conducive to frankness. This is
especially true of students who know what the president
wants him to say. It is a sort of begging the question. The
average college student is apt to have too much respect for
the president's feelings to be frank in such a case. He like-
wise has a keen sense of self-preservation. He does not
want to incur the displeasure of the president.
In the case of five other institutions, therefore, I had
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 187
students, Y. M. C. A. workers, interview the leaders of
various activities in these colleges with a view to getting
their candid opinion and the reflection of the opinion of the
other students. In these various ways we secured data
which represented a high degree of probability to say the
least. Ninety-five per cent of the students in Negro col-
leges reckon the church service on Sunday a beneficial
agency for religious functioning. They vary greatly as to
the degree of good derived. In eleven institutions the sing-
ing and liturgy are placed first in the rank of importance
and the prayer last. These same colleges think the sermon
takes second place. By many of this same number congre-
gational singing is given a very high place. The general
complaint against the sermon is that it is too dry. I think
what is meant by this is that the sermon lacks enthusiasm.
There may be two reasons for the impression of the dry-
ness of the sermon, if the complaint is justified. In the first
place, a large number of the college pastors begin their ser-
mons on the assumption that a student's religious life is
essentially different from that of the average person in a
congregation eight blocks away in another church, a matter
which cannot always be taken for granted. That assump-
tion conditions his sermons in character of composition and
especially in delivery. The minister works on the assump-
tion that the college man will be interested and benefited by
science, philosophy and so forth, regardless of how it is pre-
sented. In the reaction against excessive emotion he too
often swings to the other extreme.
Again the college students in these universities have
come from such a variety of environments. It would be a
safe esitmate to say that in all Negro colleges 90 per cent
of the students are Baptist and Methodists. The registrar's
records from these 38 organizations show the following:
983 Baptists ; 790 Methodists ; and 179 divided among the
other denominations. This gives the Baptist and Metho-
dists 90.8 per cent of the total enrollment in these 38 insti-
tutions. This means then that 90.8 per cent of these stu-
dents have had a Baptist-Methodist environment for eigh-
188 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
teen or twenty years. Well, what does that matter so far
as the estimate of the value of sermons delivered to them?
It means that, at least, it is not likely that the impression
through childhood, youth, and young manhood or woman-
hood will be easily offset by the college religious environ-
ment in one, two, three or four years. Ideals theoretical, of
course, change remarkably, but inevitably some elements of
satisfaction afforded by the earlier environment will be de-
manded in the college environment by the students. Then
the Baptist-Methodist environment among the Negroes is,
if anything at all, an enthusiastic environment. The sermon
is one of the conspicuous features. A student affected by
such an environment does not neecssarily demand all of the
crudities but he does not like the swing to the other extreme.
It is the opinion of students and teachers that the Sun-
day School is beneficial. From answers received it is cal-
culated that 98 per cent of all the college students believe
in the Sunday School's beneficent influence in student life.
Several included in their remarks criticism of the literature
used. The same beneficent functioning was attested to in
behalf of the Young People's meetings, but the hammer
falls heavily on the mid-week prayer meeting, out of which
very few see any good come. One dubs * ' the prayer meet-
ing, the driest, deadest event, which takes place just at the
time when it is most difficult to be interested in such. 7 '
Many other similar expressions concerning the prayer
meetings were made. It was noted, however, that the
schools which had been diverged the fartherest from the
traditional prayer meeting had the most good to say in be-
half of the prayer meeting. In the great majority of in-
stances the opinion is that the prayer meeting is a bore and
should be abandoned. A student in one of the southern col-
leges, expressing what he had reasons for believing was the
student's attitude towards prayer meetings, said: " It isn't
interesting and isn't even a good sleeping place because one
cannot stretch out as he desires."
The general attitude towards the services on Sunday,
however, is favorable. These services are considered ben-
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 189
eficial. The students feel that they are moral and religious
supports, and in all cases they believe with slight modifica-
tions that these services could be more effective. A great
premium is placed upon congregational singing and the
liturgy in the services.
The week of prayer for colleges has become in these in-
stitutions as universal as the national holidays. This occa-
sion affects the regular routine of school work in 22 col-
leges and universities. It is conducted variously. In some
colleges the effort consists of a series of prayer and song
services offering opportunity to those who have not made a
decision for the better life to do so openly. Their names
are recorded, and they become members of the college
church, where there is one. Otherwise they are provided
for through other means. Those who fail to make decisions
are made special objects of moral and religious endeavor
during the following months. In the other cases of 18 col-
leges, a religious survey is made of the student body, usu-
ally through the Young Men's Christian Association and
the Young Women's Christian Association. This survey is
made sometimes prior to the week of prayer and personal
workers are selected to do campaign work which is to cul-
minate in decisions during the week of prayer. The week
of prayer service is conducted by the president, college
pastor, or chaplain usually assisted by the members of the
divinity school where there is one connected with the insti-
tution. Nine colleges have this convocation led by some
strong minister from the community. Four surrender the
entire task to a professional evangelist.
The students and officials of these colleges report some
very significant results and all of them are agreed in this :
the week of prayer is a very valuable harvester for gather-
ing the fruits of previous endeavor, as well as a decision
promoter itself. There is no unanimity of opinion relative
to the best way of conducting the week of prayer, except
that the method will vary with conditions. Eight college
pastors and chaplains declare it injurious in the long run to
have professional evangelists. The others except four did
190 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
not know, as they had never given the evangelist a test.
They were at least dubious about making the experiment.
Some of the results reported from the week of prayer
are as follows : For the scholastic year 1916-1917 there re-
sulted 322 confessions for the better life. The most of
these were followed by what the presidents of these col-
leges denominated religious growth. In these colleges there
were, prior to the^ week of prayer, 390 confessors. This
means then that subsequent to the week of prayer 68 non-
confessors remained among the college men and women.
This shows also that prior to the week of prayer one-fifth
of a student body of 1,952 were non-confessors. The week
of prayer was the occasion of transforming 82.5 per cent
of that one-fifth into confessors. The Negro colleges sub-
sequent to the week of prayer 1916-1917, therefore, were
96.5 per cent Christian as a result of the week of prayer,
in part at least. Just how much the personal work, the
Christian environment and other factors during other times
prior to the week of prayer played is conjecture.
Perhaps it will suffice to state that each of these colleges
has morning devotions every day at the breakfast hour.
They are very terse, consisting chiefly of the Lord's Prayer
or a blessing sung or recited. Seventeen have night devo-
tions closing the study hour except on the night appointed
for the weekly prayer meeting. The benefit of the dining-
room is not easily detected. The enthusiasm often mani-
fested may be due to anxiety to dine. The interest due to
that desire, and that due to the religious stimuli, then and
thereafter are not easily distinguished one from the other.
Voluntary religious services are conducted under the
auspices of the religious organizations in the colleges and
universities. These organizations present quite a variety
in name. But most of them are very similar in function.
Some of the organizations which are included in the study
of required religious services will be given space under this
topic because while they are required in some colleges, they
are voluntary in others. The organizations are the Young
Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's Chris-
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 191
tian Association, Missionary Societies, Temperance So-
cieties, The Student Volunteer Movement, the Circle of
King's Daughters, the White Cross League, and Young
People's Societies of Endeavor.
The Young Men's Christian Association is the most
popular among the men of the institutions, and the Young
Women's Christian Association is the choice of the women.
The reasons for this situation is fairly obvious. In the
first place, the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian
Associations have been stimulated more by the international
Associations than any other similar parent organization
has stimulated its offspring. There is a continuous pro-
gram, and alert men whose business it is to see that these
associations go. They are paid good salaries for that pur-
pose. Then the very fact that the Y. M. C. A. is interna-
tional in scope and system has its bearing upon the local
branches in the various colleges. What has been asserted
concerning the Y. M. C. A. might likewise be said about the
Y. W. C. A.
There is, no doubt, another reason explanatory of the
popularity of these associations. Those who are in author-
ity in the international Association have studied student
life with an eye single to meeting the needs of men and
women so environed. Perhaps then, these organizations ap-
peal more to men and women than the others. In 1916-1917
these colleges had enrolled in the Y. M. C. A. and the Y. W.
C. A. 1,252 students. They estimated an average attend-
ance at their Sunday meetings of 940, including men and
women. These meetings are about an hour long. One fea-
ture which the men respond to very readily, according to
the reports, is the participation in the discussion of the
topic after a leader has opened it. There is, however, an
evident lack of accurate records of the effect of these serv-
ices upon the student life in these institutions. Howard
University, Fisk and Talladega Colleges have made the
most progress along this line.
Eleven colleges reported temperance societies which
have occasional services. These are Lane College, Fisk
192 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
University, Howard University, Conroe College, Edward
Waters College, Livingstone College, New Orleans Univer-
sity, Texas College, Eoger Williams University, Samuel
Houston College, and Shaw University. Wilberforce and
Benedict have student Volunteer services.
The following twelve institutions have missionary so-
cieties holding services fortnightly: Howard University,
Morgan College, Morris Brown College, New Orleans Uni-
versity, Eust College, Samuel Houston College, Shaw Uni-
versity, Swift Memorial College, Virginia Union University,
Wilberforce University, Spellman Seminary and Virgina
Theological Seminary and College.
Eight of the thirty-eight colleges under consideration
encourage the Young People's Sunday evening meetings
but they have not made attendance compulsory believing,
they say, that there should be some opportunity for choice
in respect to attending some of these meetings. They re-
port a large attendance and think that compulsion would
add very little to the attendance and detract perhaps from
the effectiveness of such meetings. Why this point of view
does not hold true in respect to the Sunday school which is
required by these same institutions one is at a loss to say.
EXPRESSIONAL, ACTIVITIES OF THE NEGRO COLLEGES AND
UNIVERSITIES
We have investigated the knowledge of religious educa-
tion derived from religious education courses in the cur-
ricula of thirty-eight colleges as well as those offered by
voluntary associations. We have likewise reviewed the
preparation of the teachers of these courses, the time given
to the teaching of them, the attitude of the teachers towards
the work, and the character and amount of worship given
by these students. It now remains for us to examine the ex-
pressional activities of these students. What opportunity
have they for the expression of their religious thought and
devotional attitude in actual service? The means to that
end are not to be viewed lightly, if the education principle,
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 193
no impression without expression, is worth anything in the
process of religious growth. The religious laboratories
must be as vital for the students, as the chemical or biolog-
ical laboratory.
35 of these schools report Sunday School work of some
kind for 360 students. This work is of the general kinds.
There are many who teach in the College Sunday Schools.
187 teach in Mission Sunday Schools in the vicinity of the
college. 400 teach vacation Sunday Schools in the various
localities to which they go during the summer vacation.
These 360 students doing Sunday School work during the
scholastic year are distributed among 23 institutions.
There is a likelihood of more colleges furnishing teachers
for this work but they have not reported it because they
keep no record of that work. The schols reporting are:
Allen University, Atlanta University, Clark University,
Spellman Seminary, Morehouse College, Morris Brown Col-
lege, Howard University, Fisk University, Lincoln Univer-
sity, Edward Water's College, Lane College, Claflin Uni-
versity, Conroe College, Benedict College, Livingstone
College, Morgan College, Eoger William University, Shaw
University, Virginia Union University, Tougaloo Univer-
sity, Talladega College, Wilberforce University, and Eust
College. Fisk University and Virginia Union conduct mis-
sion Sunday Schools. They seem to have unique places
relative to the Sunday School service.
Boys Clubs are not numerous among the activities par-
ticipated in by the Negro college students. Only four report
such an organization. Wilberforce has a local Boy's Scout
Club conducted under the auspices of the Young Men's
Christian Association. Howard University, Fisk Univer-
sity and Morehouse College conduct boys clubs and some of
the men find excellent opportunity for service. The follow-
ing make visits to prisons and render the inmates service :
Knoxville College, Benedict College, Virginia Union Uni-
versity, Atlanta University, and Morris Brown College.
There are several institutions that minister to the poor
and dependents through the various voluntary organiza-
194 JOUKNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tions. Wilberforce distributes a limited number of Bibles,
and other necessities to the community in which it is sit-
uated. It does this through the Young Women's Christian
Association. Morgan College, Fisk University, Morris
Brown College, Benedict College, Morehouse College, Ed-
ward Waters College, Virginia Union, Talladega College,
and Biddle University do similar work for the poor.
The colleges and universities rendering other social
serivce such as work among the boys at the reform schools,
visiting and ministering to orphans, assisting at Old Folk's
hnmes and asylums, are Fisk University, Atlanta Univer-
sity, Morehouse College, Morgan College, Howard Univer-
sity, Talladega College, Virginia Union University, Shaw
University, Biddle University, Allen University, and Bishop
College/ 2 Fisk University has a university settlement
house, the Bethlehem House, which operates under the social
science department. This affords the Fisk students a
splendid opportunity to serve society at first hand.
All of the thirty-eight colleges and universities give op-
portunity for service in the college churches or in the
churches where the college worship. All have some stu-
dents serving in the choirs. In the churches, which are col-
lege churches in the real sense of the work, that is, regu-
larly organized with pastor and officers the students are
largely the officers. Thirty college presidents think this
is splendid express ional activity.
Five institutions use their missionary societies to help
support some one whom they know on the foreign mission
field. The other seven reporting organized missionary so-
cieties all have what might be called foreign mission rallies
and give the proceeds to that work. In the most of these
cases, the money goes to the foreign field through denom-
inational channels.
Service in the Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. as chairman
and members of committees gives a small number oppor-
2 None of these does all of the things described, but all of them do at least
some one of them.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 195
tunity for expressional activity of a kind. The same may
be said for the other voluntary organizations.
The financing of religious education in these colleges is
significant. Question number fourteen in the general ques-
tionnaire is : Does your college have a special appropriation
for religious work, viz, for the T. M. C. A., for Chaplain,
College Pastor and so forth? All of these institutions ex-
cept four answered this question in the negative. Morgan
College has an appropriation for the chaplain and special
appropriation for a teacher of Bible. Fisk University and
Lincoln have Bible chairs endowed. Howard University
has special appropriations for the Y. M. C. A. Tougaloo
has a part of the college pastor's salary appropriated by
the American Missionary Association. The others have no
appropriation which pertains to the special religious work.
This means that the religious work in these colleges has a
decided financial handicap of which they are all very con-
scious. The special work is financed by subscriptions,
funds raised by entertainments, and the donations of the
students and teachers. This means a fluctuation from time
to time depending upon the generosity of the donors. An
endeavor to secure funds to carry out the programs of these
voluntary organizations usurps much of the time and en-
ergy of those who lead them.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN STATE COLLEGES AND UNIVEBSITIES
This study embraces the following State institutions
offering complete college curricula or doing college grade
of work: Florida Agricultural and Mechanical College,
Georgia State College for Colored Youths, Alcorn Agri-
cultural and Mechanical College, Alabama Agricultural
and Mechanical College, Agricultural and Technical College
of North Carolina, and the West Virginia Collegiate In-
stitute.
The teachers of religion in none of these institutions
are professionally trained. They are usually laymen who
are teaching in the other departments of the institution.
196 JOURNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
The time given varies but averages fifty-five minutes per
week each. Their attitude toward the subject of religious
education is optimistic. The very fact that all of them are
volunteers save three shows that there is an interest in the
process.
Four State colleges offer Teacher Training courses but
the*y are all elective as might be expected since they are
State colleges. In all cases these colleges would have to
make the most of these courses elective in order to avoid a
conflict with State constitutions. Note, however, that Flor-
ida Agricultural and Mechanical College offer courses in
social service, which are required. Of the 325 college stu-
dents enrolled in these six State institutions 165 of these
are enrolled in the religious education courses. This is
more than one-third of the entire number, a larger propor-
tion than in the private institutions.
The State colleges have voluntary religious organiza-
tions, but none of the conductors are professionally trained.
These courses are of the same type as those found in the
private institutions, except for the denominational fea-
tures. The Young Men's Christian Association, the Young
Women's Christian Association and the Temperance Clubs
are those found in these institutions and there are enrolled
for this work 213 men and women.
Alcorn A. and M. College has five men in the mission
study class and five in the Bible study class. Florida A.
and M. College has eight in the Bible study class and three
in the mission study. The Georgia State College has twenty
in the Bible and the Alabama Agricultural and Mechanical
College sixteen. The Agricultural and Technical College
of Greensboro, North Carolina, reports none in the Bible
and mission study classes.
Keligious services are not foreign to the State institu-
tions for Negroes. They are the daily chapel exercises,
Sunday morning preaching, Sunday School, Sunday after-
noon or evening services, and the weekly prayer meeting.
The chapel exercises are made compulsory for the students.
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION 197
The nature of the service is very much like that in the de-
nominational and private institutions described above.
The Sunday services are as conspicuous in these State
colleges for Negroes as they are in the private and denom-
inational institutions. Attendance is required by every one
of the State institutions being considered. Two of these
have chaplains: the Agricultural and Mechanical College
of Alabama and Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical Col-
lege of Mississippi. In two instances the students attend
neighboring churches and have preachers from the outside
to minister unto them. Sunday School is conducted at each
of the State colleges and attendance is required. Each has
on Sunday evening some kind of meeting which the students
are required to attend.
The prayer meeting in Negro colleges, State as well as
private and denominational, is a permanent organization.
Each of these State colleges report that the students are
required to attend the prayer meeting. As there are 187
boarding students in the State colleges of college rank, this
means a fair attendance at Sunday services and prayer in
these institutions. The other 188 attend service promis-
cuously.
The week of prayer for colleges is observed by all, and
all regard it a valuable asset to the religious life of their
student bodies. In 1916-1917 prior to the week of prayer
119 of the 325 students of college rank enrolled in these
State colleges were not professed Christians. Subsequent
to the week of prayer 24 of the one hundred nineteen were
left. Thus before the week of prayer there was 63.3 per
cent professed Christians. The week of prayer was in-
strumental in reducing the percentage of non-confessors.
After the week of prayer 92.6 per cent of all of the students
were professors of Christianity.
Here as in the other institutions the morning and even-
ing devotions are daily for terse periods. They precede
breakfast, in the dining halls and at the close of the study
periods. The services of the Y. M. C. A., the Y. W. C. A.,
and the temperance societies are very much like the services
198 JOUKNAL OF NEGEO HISTORY
of these organizations in the denominational and private
colleges and universities. The students in State colleges
have feelings similar to those in private colleges about re-
ligious services. Very few are defenders of the weekly
prayer meetings.
Expressional activities at State colleges are not want-
ing. The six colleges report service rendered in the col-
lege church and voluntary religious organizations. Sev-
enty-seven teach Sunday School. Five of these colleges are
situated in the rural districts and there are students who
serve the rural communities in church work. All of them
do some extension work of a religious nature. Periodically
the students are sent out to investigate conditions among
the poor and to offer services to relieve these conditions.
Under this social service are lectures and demonstrations
portraying ideals which are genuinely religious. The great
majority of the students of college grade are assistants to
the professors in this work. Five do special social service
work during three holidays, Thanksgiving, Christmas and
New Year's Day. They take food, fuel, clothes and money
to the needy of their communities.
THE CONCEPTION OF BELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGRO
COLLEGES
An exhaustive psychological analysis of the conception
of religious education is not the aim of this part of the
study. But from certain data which has come out of the
study one is able to obtain ideas concerning the view of the
educators on the aim of religious education and the degree
in which this aim is being attained. We note in the first
place that all of those who answered the questionnaires
were cognizant of the religious motives in education. Per-
haps a few typical quotations will emphasize that. * 1 1 think
much personal good is done. The student gets a clearer
idea of the Bible and its value in the world today. " "I re-
gard the course in religion as vital and essential to any
thorough education/' "The religious value of the course
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 199
given is inestimable. " "The religious training through
these courses gives education the impetus which pushes it
on to its goal." "The religious courses are regarded as
valuable adjuncts to the educational institutions." "I have
abundant data from graduates of this institution and other
individuals of our constituency confirming our opinion of
the abiding gains for character and efficiency through the
influence of these courses and their expression in service."
"Experience is the basis of the conclusion that the religious
work in the colleges gives sympathetic training for efficient
service. More attention must be given to our curricula in
this respect." "The students who are most exemplary in
worthwhile endeavor are prominent in these courses and
organizations." "I have a high estimate of the actual
work done by these students and of the development of
their own character."
An examination of the statements concerning the re-
ligious aims and privileges published in the catalogues of
these schools show that, theoretically at least, they have
begun their task in directing the educative process with a
consciousness of the choice place of moral and spiritual cul-
ture in the task. To illustrate, let us note the following:
"The aim of all the religious work in our institution is to
build up a strong Christian character, to develop the spirit
of service, and to train in the methods and the habit of re-
ligious work. " "This work aims at teaching colored young
people how to want the best things in life, and at training
them in ability to get those things by skill of hand and
power of mind. Character and efficiency are thus the twin
essentials of the ideal. It would enable its pupils to make a
sufficient living, teach them to live efficient lives, and inspire
them to render society sufficient service. To hold such an
aim thoroughgoingly is to be positively Christian." "To
all who are inclined to respect the Christian religion and
its institutions, the welcome hand will be heartily extended ;
but to those whose influence will be prejudicial to religion
and good morals, no protracted stay can be allowed; since
the success of an educational institution is strictly propor-
200 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tional to its moral tone." " Self-mastery, symmetrical
character, high ideals and purposes are regarded as the
chief ends of education. Special attention is given to the
spiritual needs of the students. In the life and discipline
of the school, constant effort is made to inculcate Chris-
tian principles." These are some of the typical statements
published in catalogues, announcements and in other col-
lege advertising media.
One will note that although the great majority of these
colleges and universities are sectarian they have refrained,
theoretically at least, from obtruding sectarianism in the
religious education. They have made sectarianism take at
least a secondary place. This is further strengthened by
the fact that there are in these denominational schools 36
Catholics who apparently have met no offensive media of
instruction.
The results justify the following statement concerning
the conception of religious education in Negro colleges and
universities: They conceive religious education to be no
quantum of doctrine but a life lived efficiently, being ani-
mated by the social service motive. Thus religious educa-
tion is social evolution, and ninety-nine per cent of those in
charge of these institutions have conceptions of religious
education becoming more efficient than it now is. As proof
of this, I may cite the results of their answers to question
fifteen in the general questionnaire. This question is: "In
your opinion are the Negro colleges meeting the needs of
definite religious training?" Every one's answer except
one might be summarized thus: Some good has been ac-
complished but we are far from the real goal. We need
reconstruction and a new impetus.
The emphasis which they are putting on expressional
activity as an essential in the process of religious education
does seem to indicate that they regard self activity. Wher-
ever the social service was very scant the one reporting felt
it his duty to give an apology for the actual conditions and
express a hope of better results in the future. This showed
that they felt it the vital factor in the progressive socializa-
KELIGIOUS EDUCATION 201
tion of the individuals. The place of prominence given to
worship, to religious services on Sunday and in the week is
either an index to their conception concerning the value of
worship or else an index of their habit toward orthodoxy.
Circumstances surrounding these schools would suggest the
former for the larger number of these institutions.
SOME CURRENT CONCEPTIONS OF EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN
BELATION TO GENERAL EDUCATION
Eeligious education is considered a part of general edu-
cation and is included under that genus. What is general
education? For a long time education was defined in terms
of intellect, but that ground is no longer tenable. Spencer
said: "Education is the preparation for complete living."
Modern educators reject this as an inadequate statement of
education. Education does not merely prepare for some-
thing in the future. It endeavors to fill one full of life, and
human experience during the educative process. Educa-
tion must be expressed in social terms. James describes
education as the organization of acquired habits of conduct
and tendencies to behavior. This emphasizes the psycho-
logical side.
It was thought that the aim of education could be ex-
pressed in purely individual terms. It was said to be the
harmonious development of all the powers of the indi-
vidual. Dewey attacks this definition showing that there
is no criterion for telling what is meant by the terms used.
We do not know what a power is ; we do not know what is
meant by development or harmony. A power is a power
with reference to the use to which it is put, the function it
has to serve. There is nothing in the make-up of human
beings, taken in any isolated way which furnishes con-
trolling ends and serves to mark out powers. Unless we
have the aim supplied by social life we have only the old
faculty psychology to furnish us with ideas of powers in
general or the specific powers. 3 Dewey defines education
a Dewey, Ethical Principles Underlying Education.
202 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
as the regulation of the process of coining to share in the
social consciousness. And the majority of educators use
social terms to define education. Soares has this concep-
tion in mind when he gives the following definition of edu-
cation. "Education is a scientifically directed process of
developing progressive socialized personality." But to
achieve personality one must achieve sympathy and sym-
pathy is one of the concerns of religion. Hence all true edu-
cation involves religion.
What is religion? Wright in the American Journal of
Theology, Volume XVI, page 385, quotes Leuba as defining
religion as a belief in a psychic superhuman power. Wright
has objections to this definition on the ground of its nar-
rowness. He attempts to add breadth to the definition in :
"Beligion is the endeavor to secure the conservation of
socially recognized values, through specific actions that are
believed to evoke some agency different from the ordinary
ego of the individual or from other merely human beings,
and that imply a feeling of dependence upon this agency.
Religion is the social attitude toward the non-human en-
vironment." This is not synonymous with sectarianism,
creeds, dogmas or ceremonies. Creeds and ceremonies
have to do with ecclesiasticism not with religion per se.
Creeds are developments of theology and dogma is an out-
growth of religion and not religion. Modes of worship de-
veloped into rites and ceremonies are ecclesiastical means
of fostering the religious spirit but not religion. Eeligion
is not a feeling to be imposed from without. Eeligion is a
life and a life-long process. "The religious life is the re-
sponse the heart of man makes to God, as the heart of the
universe. The religious person is one who is conscious of
his divinity because of his kinship with the universe through
God, and who because of this consciousness seeks fellow-
ship with Grod and the Godly."
Having arrived at the conclusion concerning education
and religion which are given by some of the most represen-
tative students of the subjects, let us ascertain some con-
ceptions of religious education. As indicated in the begin-
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 203
ning of this topic, religious education is not regarded as a
separate entity. It is a part of the process of efficient edu-
cation. The human organism is a unit. Life is a whole and
connects physical, mental and religious phases. The whole
personality is the object for consideration for the edu-
cator. The emphasis in education varies from physical to
mental and from mental to religious, or social. When the
emphasis is placed on the social or religious phase the pro-
cedure may be properly called religious education.
Professor Hartshorn carries the social idea to an ade-
quate conclusion. He says: "Beligious education is the
process by which the individual in response to a controlled
environment, achieves a progressive, conscious social 4
order based on regard for the worth and destiny of every
individual." Professor Peabody states the matter in the
following words: 5 "Beligious education is the drawing out
of the religious nature, the clarifying and strengthening of
religious ideals, the enriching and rationalizing of the sense
of God. . . . The end of religious education is service. ..."
Dewey's idea of education is much akin to the current con-
ceptions of religious education. "The moral trinity of the
school is social intelligence, social power and social inter-
ests. Our resources are, (1) the life of the school as a social
institution in itself, (2) methods of learning and doing
work, and (3) the curriculum." 6
The goal of general and religious education is the same ;
namely, the getting of the individual into the highest and
most desirable relationship with both the human and non-
human elements, in his environment. The standard of each
is found in the functional relationship of each to society.
Modes of expression and emphasis may vary but the ideals
for both are the same. Dr. Haslett 7 has given an unique
representation of this conception. "Beligious education,"
says he, "is closely related to secular education and is
* Ideals in Eeligious Education, K. E. A., June, 1917, p. 185.
e Ibid., p. 94.
Dewey, Ethical Principles Underlying Education.
i Pedagogical Bible School, pag 207.
204 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
largely dependent upon it. The fundamental laws and prin-
ciples of psychology and of education require to be recog-
nized as central." Professor Coe 8 reminds us, however,
that "religious education is not and cannot be a mere ap-
plication of any generalities in which the university depart-
ments of education deal. It is not a mere particular that
gets its meaning or finds its test in the general." Keligious
education deals with original data and with specific prob-
lems that rarely appear in the instruction that is called
'general' and that grow out of the specific nature of our
educational purpose. In the analysis of these data and in
the determination of the method, we can and must use mat-
ter contained in general courses of education. But the
field of study of religious education is not exhausted there,
but is so specific and yet so broad as properly to constitute
a recognized branch of educational practice. The religious
purpose in religious education yields the point of view and
the principles of classification that are important for re-
ligious educators.
The conceptions of religious education just passed in
review warrant certain deductions. Any institution which
meets adequately the requirements of religious education
must have genuinely religious men and women in the entire
teaching and official force. Such persons will determine
the atmosphere and spirit of the institution. These teach-
ers should have clear conceptions of the ideals of religious
education. The blind cannot lead the blind. The students
must be trained along three fundamental lines, of the re-
ligious life. First, he must have some of the intellectual
value of religion. He must have social knowledge. He
must have the opportunity of expressing the devotional
attitude in worship. He must have the outlet of religious
energy in social service. The duty of the college will be far
from discharged unless it makes provision for laboratory
religion where there is a working place for each member.
Eeligion is a life and the college should be a society where
B. E. A., April 19, 1917, page 123.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION 205
this life may be lived in its fullest extent, encouraging prac-
tical altruism and giving the protection which an ideal so-
ciety affords against demoralization.
EVOLUTION OF EELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGBO COLLEGES
AND UNIVEKSITIES
The problem of religious education in Negro institu-
tions is real. On the basis of the investigation we are able
to point out some prominent phases of the problem. The
first element of this problem is the teacher. There are in
Negro colleges, 22 teachers of religious education who have
had no professional training for the work. This means
that one-fourth of the entire corp of teachers of religion in
these institutions are without the prestige, at least, of even
the semblance of professional training. Two main causes
account for this. These institutions have not those who are
professionally trained on their faculties and they lack funds
to procure the service of such persons. In the next place
they think it is not necessary.
One observation here is important. These services seem
to be significant in proportion to the participation in them
by the students themselves. The Sunday School and the
Young People's meetings are the most popular services for
the students. They do the things in which they have a voli-
tional interest. We cannot thrust our religious experiences
upon the students from without. They must achieve their
own religious experience in contact with the environment in
which they live. The prayer meetings in all except four
institutions follow a program which was effective for those
who lived in another civilization. The traditional Negro
prayer meeting does not function religiously in the life of
the Negro college student.
One of the big problems of religious education is com-
pulsion in regard to religious services. Where should that
stop? Many are beginning to think that the religious value
of the services is often nullified by the compulsory attend-
ance. There are many conscientious objectors among the
206 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
students who think the removal of compulsion would be con-
ducive to better religious development. But the likelihood
of some swinging from one extreme to the other is very
great. It is still a problem left for the religious educators
in the colleges to solve. The solution must result in the
conservation of the good found in the compulsory system
and the good to be found in freedom of choice.
Expressional activities are increasing in Negro colleges
but with few exceptions these are inadequate in scope and
number. It is true that not enough students are able to
share in the social service projects. This is really one of,
if not the most important factors in religious education.
Men gain religious power by acting out their beliefs, allow-
ing their convictions to flow out into service.
There is an unfortunate lack of coordination of religious
agencies in Negro colleges. Frequently we find several
organizations attempting to do the same thing and each
makes a miserable failure in the attempt. More than that,
this lack of coordination and correlation results in duplica-
tions which surely mean wasted energy and non-effective-
ness. If all of the religious agencies were supervised in
such a way that each would know his specific task and
would not overlap that of other agencies, much more ef-
fective work would be the result.
There are signs of hope in the religious education of
these Negro colleges. The almost unanimous recognition
of the religious motive in efficient education by the edu-
cators and the manifest consciousness of needs of better re-
ligious education have been mentioned. There are others.
An increasing number of trained teachers from Northern,
Eastern and Western colleges and universities is evident.
These men and women are coming from the institutions
where the points of view and training represented in the
previous chapter are found. The summer schools of the
various colleges and universities in the North, East and
West are offering many of these modern religious educa-
tion courses and larger numbers of the teachers of religious
education are availing themselves of the opportunities.
EELIGIOUS EDUCATION
207
Much literature of religious education published recently
is finding its way to these schools, the most notable of which
is the Religious Education Magazine.
TABLE SHOWING STATISTICS ON RELIGIOUS EDUCATION IN NEGEO COLLEGES
College
Students
Students In
Curriculum
Courses of
Education
Students In
Voluntary
Courses of
Religious
Education
Units of
Credit
Given
Agricultural and M College
20
15
11
Agricultural and T Col of N C.
35
11
30
Alcorn A and M College
152
40
115
Allen University .
38
38
30
3
Atlanta University ... ...
59
12
50
1
Arkansas Baptist College . ... ....
16
16
15
2i
Biddle University
40
40
20
1
Benedict College
60
40
22
2
Bishop College
60
40
20
1
Claflin University
20
20
14
3i
21
7
14
2
Conroe College
14
10
12
1
Edward Waters College
32
15
2
Fisk University
208
110
90
4
Florida Agricultural and M College
36
15
20
Georgia State College
29
15
17
Howard University .
558
98
60
6
Hartshorn College ... .
10
4
5
2
Knoxville College
33
33
30
44
Lane College
17
10
12
1
Lincoln University
163
163
100
41
Livingstone College
37
27
30
3
Morehouse College
65
34
40
If
Morgan College
46
46
46
14
Morris Brown College
21
21
19
3
New Orleans University
30
30
26
2
Paine College
11
6
11
2
Texas College . .
9
9
8
4
Roger Williams University .
14
14
14
2*
Rust College
12
10
12
21
Samuel Houston College
35
13
29
2
Shaw University
49
20
40
1*
Shorter College
25
25
20
2*
Spelmjiri Seminary
6
6
6
2*
State University
13
7
10
2
Straight College . . .
36
o
29
2
Swift Memorial College
9
5
9
u
Talladega College
66
25
60
4
Tillotson College
34
19
11
3
Tougaloo University
16
9
11
2J
Virginia Theological Seminary and Col
Virginia Union University
27
66
21
51
20
30
3
41
West Virginia Collegiate Institute
33
25
20
Wilberforce University
202
60
150
4*
DAVID HENRY SIMS
THE AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S
INSURRECTION 1
Nat Turner was a man below the ordinary stature,
though strong and active. He was of unmixed African lin-
*Nat Turner was a familiar name in the household in which the author
was reared, as his home was within fifty miles of the place of Turner's exploits.
In 1871, the last term of the author's service as a teacher in the public schools
of Virginia, was spent in this same county, with a people, many of whom per-
sonally knew Nat Turner and his comrades.
Nat Turner was born October 2, 1800, the slave of Benjamin Turner. His
father, a native of Africa, escaped from slavery and finally emigrated to
Liberia, where, it is said, his grave is quite as well known as that of Franklin 's,
Jefferson's or Adams's is to the patriotic American. There is now living in
the city of Baltimore a man who on good authority claims to be the grandson
of Nat Turner and a Bon of his was said to be still living in Southampton
County, Virginia, in 1895.
In his early years Turner had a presentiment which largely influenced his
subsequent life and confirmed him in the belief that he was destined to play
an unusual role in history. That prenatal influence gave him a marked indi-
viduality is readily believed when the date of his birth is recalled, the period
when the excitement over the discovery of Gabriel Prosser's plot was at its
height. Nat's mind was very restless and active, inquisitive and observant.
He learned to read and write with BO apparent difficulty. This ability gave
him opportunity to confirm impressions as to knowledge of subjects in which
he had received no instruction. When not working for his master, he was en-
gaged in prayer or in making sundry experiments. By intuition he, in a rude
way, manufactured paper, gunpowder, pottery and other articles in common
use. This knowledge which he claimed to possess was tested by actual demon-
stration during the trial for his life. His superior skill in planning was uni-
versally admitted by his fellow workmen. He did not, however, attribute this
superior influence to sorcery, conjuration or such like agencies, for he had the
utmost contempt for these delusions.
"To this day," says T. W. Higginson, "There are the Virginia slave
traditions of the keen devices of Prophet Nat. If he were caught with lime
and lampblack in hand conning over a half -finished county map on the barn
door, he was always planning what he would do if he were blind. When he
had called a meeting of slaves and some poor whites came eavesdropping, the
poor whites at once became the topic of discussion; he incidentally mentioned
that the master had been heard threatening to drive them away; one slave had
been ordered to shoot Mr. Jones' pigs, another to tear down Mr. Johnson's
fences. The poor whites, Johnson and Jones, ran home at once to see to their
homesteads and were better friends than ever to poor Nat." T. W. Hig-
ginson 's Travellers and Outlaws, pp. 282-283.
208
APTEBMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSUBBECTION 209
eage, with the true Negro face, every feature of which was
strongly marked. He was not a preacher, as was generally
believed, though a man of deep religious and spiritual
nature, and seemed inspired for the performance of some
extraordinary work. He was austere in life and manner,
not given to society, but devoted his spare moments to in-
trospection and consecration. He thought often of what he
had heard said of him as to the great work he was to per-
form. He eventually became seized with this idea as a
frenzy. To use his own language he saw many visions. "I
saw white spirits and black spirits engaged in battle, " said
he, "and the sun darkened the thunder rolled in the
heavens, and blood flowed in streams and I heard a voice
saying, 'Such is your luck, such you are called to see and
let it come rough or smooth you must surely bear it.' " 2
This happened in 1825. He said he discovered drops of
blood on the corn as though it were dew from heaven, that
he found on the leaves in the woods hieroglyphic characters
and numbers, with the forms of men in different attitudes r
portrayed in the blood and representing the figures he had
previously seen in the heavens. 3 These were without doubt
creatures of Nat Turner's own imagination made by him
with coloring matter to make the Negroes believe that he
was a prophet from God.
Eeceiving, as he says, further directions from the Holy
Spirit, he communicated his designs to four of his most con-
fidential friends. July 4, 1831, the anniversary of Amer-
ican Independence, was the day on which the work of death
was to have been begun. Nat Turner hesitated and allowed
the time to pass by, when, the mysterious signs reappear-
ing, he determined to begin at once the bloody work. Sun-
day, August 21, he met those who had pledged their co-
operation and support. They were Hark Travis, Henry
Porter, Samuel Francis, Nelson Williams, Will Francis and
Jack Keese, with Nat Turner making the seventh. They
worked out their plans while they ate in the lonely woods of
2T. W. Higginson's Travellers and Outlaws, p. 284.
*Nat Turner's Confessions.
210 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Southampton their feast of consecration, remaining at the
feast until long after midnight. The massacre was begun
at the house of Joseph Travis, the man to whom Nat Turner
then belonged. Armed with a hatchet Turner entered his
master's chamber, the door having been broken open with
the axe, and aimed the first blow of death. The hatchet
glanced harmless from the head of the would-be victim and
the first fatal blow was given by Will Francis, the one of
the party who had got into the plot without Nat Turner's
suggestion. All of his master's household, five in number,
soon perished. 4
The insurgents procured here four guns, several old
muskets with a few rounds of ammunition. At the barn,
under the command of Nat Turner the party was drilled
and maneuvered. Nat Turner himself assumed the title of
General Cargill with a stipend of ten dollars a day. Henry
Porter, the paymaster, was to receive five dollars a day, and
each private one dollar. Thence they marched from planta-
tion to plantation until by Monday morning the party num-
bered fifteen with nine mounted. Before nine o'clock the
force had increased to forty and the insurgents had covered
an extent of territory two or three miles distant from the
first point of attack, sweeping everything before them. Nat
Turner generally took his station in the rear, with fifteen
or twenty of the best armed and reliable men at the front,
who generally approached the houses as fast as their horses
could run for the double purpose of preventing escapes and
striking terror. His force continued to increase until they
numbered sixty, all armed with guns, axes, swords, and
clubs, and mounted. This line of attack was kept up until
late Monday afternoon, when they reached a point, about
three miles distant from Jerusalem, the county seat, where
Nat Turner reluctantly yielded to a halt while some of his
forces went in search of reenforcements. He was eager to
push on to the county seat as speedily as possible and cap-
ture it. This delay proved the turning point in the en-
terprise.
*DrewTj, The Southampton Insurrection, pp. 35-74.
AFTEBMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 211
Impatient at the delay of his men who had turned aside,
Turner started to the mansion house whither they had gone
and on their return to the wood found a party of white men
who had pursued the bloody path of the insurrectionists
and disposed of the guard of eight men whom Turner had
left at the roadside. The white men numbered eighteen and
were under the command of Captain Alexander P. Peete.
They had been directed to reserve their fire until within
thirty paces, but one of their number fired on the insurgents
when within about one hundred yards. Half of the whites
beat a precipitate retreat when Nat Turner ordered his men
to fire and rush on them. The few remaining white men
stood their ground until Turner approached within fifty
yards, when they too followed the example of their com-
rades, fired and retreated with several wounded. Turner
pursued and overtook some of them and their complete
slaughter was only prevented by the timely arrival of a
party of whites approaching in another direction from
Jerusalem.
Being baffled, Nat Turner with a party of twenty men
determined to cross the Nottaway river at the Cypress
Bridge and attack Jerusalem where he expected to procure
additional arms and ammunition from the rear. After try-
ing in vain to collect a sufficient force to proceed to Jeru-
salem, the insurgents turned back toward his rendezvous
and reached Major Thomas Ridley's, where forty assem-
bled. He placed out sentinels and lay down to sleep, but
there was to be no sleep that night. An attack on his forces
was at hand, and the embarrassment which ensued left him
with one half, but Turner, determined to recruit his forces,
was proceeding in his effort to rally new adherents when
the firing of a gun by Hark was the signal for a fire in am-
bush and a retreat followed. After this Turner never saw
many of his men any more. They had killed fifty-five
whites but the tide had turned. Turner concealed himself
in the woods but was not dismayed, for by messenger he
directed his forces to rally at the point from which on the
previous Sunday they had started out on their bloody work ;
212 JOUBNAL, OF NBGBO HISTOBY
but the discovery of white men riding around the place as
though they were looking for some one in hiding convinced
him that he had been betrayed. The leader then gave up
hope of an immediate renewal of the attack and on Thurs-
day, after supplying himself with provisions from the old
plantation, he scratched a hole under a pile of fence rails
in a field and concealed himself for nearly six weeks, never
leaving his hiding place except for a few minutes in the
quiet of night to obtain water.
A reign of terror followed in Virginia. 5 Labor was
paralyzed, plantations abandoned, women and children
were driven from home and crowded into nooks and cor-
ners. The sufferings of many of these refugees who spent
night after night in the woods were intense. Ketaliation
began. In a little more than one day 120 Negroes were
killed. The newspapers of the times contained from day
to day indignant protests against the cruelties perpetrated.
One individual boasted that he himself had killed between
ten and fifteen Negroes. Volunteer whites rode in all di-
rections visiting plantations. Negroes were tortured to
death, burned, maimed and subjected to nameless atrocities.
Slaves who were distrusted were pointed out and if they
endeavored to escape, they were ruthlessly shot down. 6
A few individual instances will show the nature and ex-
tent of this vengeance. "A party of horsemen started from
Kichmond with the intention of killing every colored per-
son they saw in Southampton County. They stopped oppo-
site the cabin of a free colored man who was hoeing in his
little field. They called out, 'Is this Southampton County?'
He replied, 'Yes Sir, you have just crossed the line, by
yonder tree. ' They shot him dead and rode on. ' ' 7 A slave-
holder went to the woods accompanied by a faithful slave,
who had been the means of saving his master's life during
the insurrection. When they reached a retired place in the
o TJie Richmond Enquirer, Aug. 30, Sept. 4, 6 and 20, 1831.
Based on statements made to the author by contemporaries of Nat
Turner.
7 Higginson, Travellers and Outlaws, p. 300.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 213
forest, the man handed his gun to his master, informing
him that he could not live a slave any longer, and requested
either to free him or shoot him on the spot. The master
took the gun, in some trepidation, levelled it at the faithful
Negro and shot him through the heart. 8
But these outrages were not limited to the Negro popu-
lation. There occurred other instances which strikingly re-
mind one of scenes before the Civil War and during recon-
struction. An Englishman, named Robinson, was engaged
in selling books at Petersburg. An alarm being given one
night that five hundred blacks were marching against the
town, he stood guard with others at the bridge. After the
panic had a little subsided he happened to make the remark
that the blacks as men were entitled to their freedom and
ought to be emancipated. This led to great excitement and
the man was warned to leave the town. He took passage in
the stage coach, but the vehicle was intercepted. He then
fled to a friend's home but the house was broken open and
he was dragged forth. The civil authorities informed of
the affair refused to interfere. The mob stripped him, gave
him a considerable number of lashes and sent him on foot
naked under a hot sun to Eichmond, whence he with dif-
ficulty found passage to New York. 9
Believing that Nat Turner's insurrection was a general
conspiracy, the people throughout the State were highly
excited. The Governor of the commonwealth quickly called
into service whatever forces were at his command. Tho
lack of adequate munitions of war being apparent, Commo-
dore Warrington, in command of the Navy Yard in Gos-
port, was induced to distribute a portion of the public arms
under his control. For this purpose the government or-
dered detachments of the Light Infantry from the seventh
and fifty-fourth Regiments and from the fourth Regiment
of cavalry and also from the fourth Light Artillery to take
the field under Brigadier General Eppes. Two regiments
in Brunswick and Greenville were also called into service
s The statement of Rev. M. B. Cox, a Liberian Missionary, then in Virginia.
Higginson, Travellers and Outlaws, 302-303.
214 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
under General William H. Brodnax and continued in the
field until the danger had passed. Further aid was afforded
by Commodore Eliott of the United States Navy by order
of whom a detachment of sailors from the Natchez was se-
cured and assistance also from Colonel House, the com-
manding officer at Fortress Monroe, who promptly detached
a part of his force to take the field under Lieutenant Col-
onel Worth. 10 The revolt was subdued, however, before
these troops could be placed in action and about all they
accomplished thereafter was the terrifying of Negroes who
had taken no part in the insurrection and the immolation
of others who were suspected.
Sixty-one white persons were killed. Not a Negro was
slain in any of the encounters led by Turner. Fifty-three
Negroes were apprehended and arraigned. Seventeen of
the insurrectionists were convicted, and executed, twelve
convicted and transported, ten acquitted, seven discharged
and four sent on to the Superior Court. Four of those con-
victed and transported were boys. There were brought to
trial only four free Negroes, one of whom was discharged
and three held for subsequent trial were finally executed.
It is said that they were given decent burial. 11
The news of the Southampton insurrection thrilled the
whole country, North as well as South. The newspapers
teemed with the accounts of it. 12 Eumors of similar out-
breaks prevailed all over the State of Virginia and through-
out the South. There were rumors to the effect that Nat
Turner was everywhere at the same time. People returned
home before twilight, barricaded themselves in their homes,
kept watch during the night, or abandoned their homes for
centers where armed force was adequate to their protec-
tion. There were many such false reports as the one that
two maid servants in Dinwiddie County had murdered an
old lady and two children. Negroes throughout the State
were suspected, arrested and prosecuted on the least pre-
10 Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 9.
n Drewry, The Southampton Insurrection, 102.
12 The Eichmond Enquirer, August 30 and September and October, 1831.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 215
text and in some cases murdered without any cause. Al-
most any Negro having some of the much advertised char-
acteristics of Nat Turner was in danger of being run down
and torn to pieces for Nat Turner himself.
There came an unusual rumor from North Carolina. It
was said that Negro insurgents there had burnt Wilming-
ton, massacred its inhabitants, and that 2,000 were then
marching on Ealeigh. This was not true but there was a
plot worked out by twenty-four Negroes who had extended
their operations into Duplin, Sampson, Wayne, New Han-
over, and Lenoir Counties. The plot having been revealed
by a free Negro, the militia was called out in time to pre-
vent the carrying out of these well-laid plans. Ealeigh and
Fayetteville were put under military defence. Many ar-
rests were made, several whipped and released and three of
the leaders executed. One of these, a very intelligent Negro
preacher named David, was convicted on the testimony of
another Negro. 18
The excitement in other States was not much less than
in Virginia and North Carolina. In South Carolina Gov-
ernor Hayne issued a proclamation to quiet rumors of sim-
ilar uprisings. In Macon, Georgia, the entire population
rose at midnight, roused from their beds by rumors of an
impending onslaught. Slaves were arrested and tied to
trees in different parts of the State, while captains of the
militia delighted in hacking at them with swords. In Ala-
bama, rumors of a joint conspiracy of Indians and Negroes
found ready credence. At New Orleans the excitement was
at such a height that a report that 1,200 stands of arms
were found in a black man's house, was readily believed. 14
But the people were not satisfied with this flow of blood
and passions were not subdued with these public wreakings.
Nat Turner was still at large. He had eluded their con-
stant vigilance ever since the day of the raid in August.
That he was finally captured was more the result of acci-
dent than of design. A dog belonging to some of Nat Tur-
i*The Eichmond Enquirer, Sept. 4, 1851.
Travellers and Outlaws, 303.
216 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
ner's acquaintances scented some meat in the cave and stole
it one night while Turner was out. Shortly after, two Ne-
groes, one the owner of the dog, were hunting with the same
animal. The dog barked at Turner who had just gone out
to walk. Thinking himself discovered, Turner begged these
men to conceal his whereabouts, but they, on finding out
who it was, precipitately fled. Concluding from this that
they would betray him, Turner left his hiding place, but he
was pursued almost incessantly. At one time he was shot
at by one Francis near a fodder stack in a field, but hap-
pening to fall at the moment of the discharge, the contents
of the pistol passed through the crown of his hat. The
lines, however, were closing upon Turner. His escape from
Francis added new enthusiasm to the pursuit and Turner's
resources as fertile as ever contrived a new hiding place in
a sort of den in the lap of a fallen tree over which he placed
fine brush. He protruded his head as if to reconnoiter
about noon, Sunday, October 30, when a Benjamin Phipps,
who had that morning for the first time turned out in pur-
suit, came suddenly upon him. Phipps not knowing him,
demanded: "Who are you?" He was answered, "I am Nat
Turner. ' ' Phipps then ordered him to extend his arms and
Turner obeyed, delivering up a sword which was the only
weapon he then had. 15
This was ten weeks after that Sunday in August when
they had feasted in the woods and arranged their plan of
attack. At the time of the capture there were at least fifty
men out in search of him, none of whom could have been
two miles from the hiding place. The Richmond Enquirer
in giving the first public announcement, said: "Nat dis-
played no sort of enterprise in his attempt to escape nor
any degree of courage in resisting his captor ;" but this
journal does not give him credit for having eluded his pur-
suers for more than two months or for knowing that dis-
cretion is the better part of valor. Several companies of
the State militia and a battalion of United States marines
" The Richmond Enquirer, Nov. 4 and 8, 1831.
AFTEBMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSURRECTION 217
had joined in the search and failed, yet Nat displayed no
enterprise. 16
His arrest caused much relief. He was taken the next
day to Jerusalem, the county seat, and tried on the fifth of
November before a board of magistrates. The indictment
against him was for making insurrection and plotting to
take away the lives of divers free white persons on the
twenty-second of August, 1831. On his arraignment Turner
pleaded "Not Guilty." The Commonwealth submitted its
case, not on the testimony of any eye witnesses but on the
depositions of one Levi Waller who read Turner's Confes-
sion 11 and Colonel Trezevant the committing magistrate
corroborated it by referring to the same confession. Tur-
ner introduced no testimony in defense and his counsel
made no argument in his behalf. He was promptly found
guilty and sentenced to be hanged Friday, November 11,
1831, twelve days after his capture. During the examina-
tion Nat -evinced great intelligence and much shrewdness of
i The Richmond Enquirer, Nov. 4, 1831.
i 7 The trial and execution over, the Confessions of Nat were published in
pamphlet form and had a wide sale. An accurate likeness by John Crawley, a
former artist of Norfolk at that time, lithographed by Endicott and Sweet of
Baltimore, accompanied the edition which was printed for T. E. Gray, Turner 'a
attorney. Fhilly 50,000 copies of this pamphlet are said to have been sold
within a few weeks of its publication, yet today they are exceedingly rare, not
a copy being found either in the State Library at Eichmond, the Public Library
at Boston nor the Congressional Library at Washington. These Confessions
purport to give from Turner's own lips circumstances of his life. "Portions
of it/' says The Eichmond Enquirer, "are eloquent and even classically ex-
pressed; but," continues the critic, more than sixty miles away, "the language
is far superior to what Nat Turner could have employed, thereby giving him a
character for intelligence which he does not deserve and should not receive."
On the contrary, however, Mr. Gray, his attorney and confessor who did not
write from long range, said: "As to his ignorance, he certainly had not the
advantages of education, but he can read and write and for natural intelligence
and quickness of apprehension is surpassed by few men I have ever seen.
Further the calm, deliberate composure with which he spoke of his late deeds
and intentions, the expression of his fiend-like face when excited by enthusiasm;
still bearing the stains of the blood of helpless innocence about him; clothed
with rags and covered with chains, yet daring to raise his manacled hands to
heaven; with a spirit soaring above the attributes of man, I looked on him
arid my blood curdled in my veins." The Confessions of Nat Turner.
218 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
intellect, answering every question clearly and distinctly
and without confusion or prevarication.
An immense throng gathered on the day of execution
though few were permitted to see the ceremony. He ex-
hibited the utmost composure and calm resignation. Al-
though assured if he felt it proper he might address the im-
mense crowd, he declined to avail himself of the privilege,
but told the sheriff in a firm voice that he was ready. Not
a limb nor a muscle was observed to move. His body was
given over to the surgeons for dissection. He was skinned
to supply such souvenirs as purses, his flesh made into
grease, and his bones divided as trophies to be handed down
as heirlooms. It is said that there still lives a Virginian
who has a piece of his skin which was tanned, that another
Virginian possesses one of his ears and that the skull graces
the collection of a physician in the city of Norfolk.
Considering the situation unusually serious, Governor
John Floyd made this the dominant thought of his message
to the legislature that year. More space was devoted to a
discussion of this uprising than to any other single fact
mentioned in the message. He was of the opinion that the
spirit of insurrection was not confined to Southampton. The
Governor believed that there were well-drawn plans of
treason, insurrection and murder, "designed and matured
by unrestrained fanatics in some of the neighboring States,
who found facilities in distributing their views and plans
amongst our population either through the post office or by
agents sent for that purpose throughout our territory."
He, therefore, corresponded with the governors of com-
monwealths to preserve as far as possible "the good un-
derstanding which existed and which ought to be cherished
between the different members of this Union. ' '
The Governor believed that the persons most active in
stirring up the revolt were Negro preachers. "They had
acquired," said he, "great ascendency over the minds of
their fellows, and infused all their -opinions which had pre-
pared them for the development of the final design. There
was also some reason to believe," thought he, "those
AFTEKMATH OF NAT TUBNEB'S INSUBBECTION 219
preachers have a perfect understanding in relation to these
plans throughout the eastern counties; and have been the
channels through which the inflammatory papers and pam-
phlets, brought here by the agents and emissaries from
other States, have been circulated amongst our slaves/'
He considered it a weakness in the laws of the State that
facilities for assembly, to plot, treason, and conspiracy, to
revolt and make insurrection, had been afforded by the lack
of legislation to the contrary to prevent such freedom of
movement among the Negroes. He believed, therefore, the
public good required that the Negro preachers be silenced,
"because, full of ignorance, they were incapable of incul-
cating anything but notions of the wildest superstition,
thus preparing fit instruments in the hands of crafty agi-
tators, to destroy the public tranquility." 18
He, therefore, recommended as a means against the pos-
sible repetition of such sanguinary scenes the revision of
the laws to preserve in due subordination the Negroes of
the State. He believed, moreover, that although this in-
surrection had been due to the work of slaves, that the free
people of color furnished a much more promising field for
the operations of the abolition element of the North, inas-
much as they had opened to them more enlarged views and
urged the achievement of a higher destiny by means, "for
the present less violent, but not differing in the end from
those presented to the slaves." He referred to the free
Negroes as "that class of the community, which our laws
have hitherto treated with indulgent kindness," and for
whom many instances of solicitude for their welfare have
marked the progress of legislation. If, however, thought
he, the slave who is confined by law to the estate of his
master can work such destruction, how much more easy it
would be for the free Negro to afflict the community with a
still greater calamity. The Governor, moreover, referred
to the fact that the free people of color had placed them-
selves in hostile array against every measure designed to
is The Journal of the Rouse of Delegates, 1831, pp. 9 and 10.
220 JOUBNAL OF NEGEO HISTOBY
remove them from the State and raised the question as to
whether the last benefit which the State might confer upon
them might not be to appropriate annually a sum of money
to aid their removal to other soil. 19
To show how general the excitement was throughout the
State one needs but read in the journal of the legislature
the number of petitions praying that some action be taken
to provide for the safety of the people in the common-
wealth. 20 In the Valley and in the extreme western portion
of the State where few slaves were found and where there
were still persons who did not welcome the institution,
there were held a number of meetings in which the abolition
of slavery was openly discussed and urged. Such memor-
ials, however, did not constitute the majority of the peti-
tions requiring action with reference to slavery. More
meetings were held in the eastern counties but opinion
there differed so widely that they availed little in working
out a constructive plan. The larger number of these took
i The Journal of the Hou-se of Delegates, 1831, p. 10.
20 In Fluvanna this memorial of certain ladies was agreed upon and sent
to the legislature: "We cannot conceal from ourselves that an evil is among
us, which threatens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our
national blessings. Our daughters and their daughters are destined to become,
in their turn, the tender fosterers of helpless infancy, the directors of develop-
ing childhood, and the companions of those citizens, who will occupy the legis-
lative and executive offices of their country. Can we calmly anticipate the
condition of the Southern States at that period, should no remedy be devised to
arrest the progressive miseries attendant on slavery! Will the absent father's
heart be at peace, when, amid the hurry of public affairs, his truant thoughts
return to the home of his affection, surrounded by doubtful, if not dangerous,
subjects to precarious authority? Perhaps when deeply engaged in his legisla-
tive duties his heart may quail and his tongue falter with irresistible appre-
hension for the peace and safety of objects dearer than life.
1 ' We can only aid the mighty task by ardent outpourings of the spirit of
supplication at the Throne of Grace. We will call upon the God, in whom we
trust, to direct your counsels by His unerring wisdom, guide you with Hid
effectual spirit. We now conjure you by the sacred charities of kindred, by the
solemn obligations of justice, by every consideration of domestic affection and
patriotic duty, to nerve every faculty of your minds to the investigation of this
important subject, and let not the united voices of your mothers, wives, daugh-
ters and kindred have sounded in vain in your ears. ' ' Drewry, The Southamp-
ton Insurrection, p. 165.
AFTERMATH OP NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 221
the form of such an improvement and change in the black
code as to preserve the institution and at the same time
secure the safety of the citizens. 21
Believing that the free people of color had been or would
be the most effective means in the attack on the institution
of slavery, there were more memorials for the removal of
this class of the population than any other petitions bear-
ing on slavery. Among the counties praying for the re-
moval of the free Negroes, were Amelia, Isle of Wight,
York, Nansemond, Frederick, Powhatan, Fairfax, and
Northumberland. Others asked for the removal of the free
Negroes 22 and furthermore the purchase of slaves to be de-
"Drewry, The Southampton Insurrection, pp. 1-100.
22 October 18. This memorial circulated in Petersburg and in adjoining
towns and counties is typical:
' ' The undersigned good citizens of the County of
invite the attention of your honorable body to a subject deemed by them of
primary importance to their present welfare and future security.
1 ' The mistaken humanity of the people of Virginia, and of our predeces-
sors, has permitted to remain in this Commonwealth a class of people who are
neither freemen nor slaves. The mark set on them by nature precludes their
enjoyment in this country, of the privileges of the former; and the laws of the
land do not allow them to be reduced to the condition of the latter. Hence
they are of necessity degraded, profligate, vicious, turbulent and discontented.
"More frequent than whites (probably in tenfold proportion) sustained
by the charitable provisions of our laws, they are altogether a burden on the
community. Pursuing no course of regular business, and negligent of every-
thing like economy and husbandry, they are as a part of the community, sup-
ported by the productive industry of others.
"But their residence among us is yet more objectionable on other ac-
counts. It is incompatible with the tranquility of society; their apparent
exemption from want and care and servitude to business, excites impracticable
hopes in the minds of those who are even more ignorant and unreflecting and
their locomotive habits fit them for a dangerous agency in schemes, wild and
visionary, but disgusting and annoying.
"We would not be cruel and unchristian but we must take care of the
interests and morals of society, and of the peace of mind of the helpless in our
families. It is indispensable to the happiness of the latter, that this cause
of apprehension be removed. And efforts to this end are, we firmly believe,
sanctioned by enlightened humanity toward the ill-fated class to whom we
allude. They can never have the respect and intercourse here which are essen-
tial to rational happiness, and social enjoyment and improvement. But in
other lands they may become an orderly, sober, industrious, moral, enlightened
222 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
ported. Among the counties praying for such a measure
were Fauquier, Hanover, Washington, Nelson, Loudoun,
Prince William, and King William. From Charles City,
Bockbridge, and Caroline Counties came the additional re-
quest for a legislation providing for gradual emancipation.
Page, Augusta, Fauquier, and Botetourt, sent memorials
praying that steps be taken to procure an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States, investing Congress with
the power to appropriate money for sending beyond the
limits of the United States the free people of color and such
of the slaves as might be purchased for the same purpose.
This was almost in keeping with the request from the Hen-
rico and Frederick Colonization Societies asking the Gov-
ernment to deport the Negroes to Africa. Buckingham
County requested that the colored population be removed
from the county and colonized according to the plans set
forth by Thomas Jefferson. The request of the Society of
Friends in the county of Charles City for gradual emanci-
pation, however' caused resentment. 23
Thinking that it might not be possible to transport all
the Negroes of the country very easily, requests for dealing
with the situation as it was, were also in order. As a num-
ber of the farmers had suffered from a loss of sheep by the
numerous dogs maintained by slaves and free persons of
color, there came -requests praying that the keeping of dogs
and hogs by Negroes be made illegal. Some of these peti-
tions, too, had an economic phase. There came from Cul-
pepper a petition praying for a passage of the law for the
encouragement of white mechanics by prohibiting any
slave, free Negro or mulatto from being bound as an ap-
and Christian community ; and be the happy instruments of planting and diffus-
ing those blessings over a barbarous and benighted continent.
"Your petitioners will not designate a plan of legislative operation they
leave to the wisdom and provident forecast of the General Assembly, the con-
ception and the prosecution of the best practicable scheme but they would
respectfully and earnestly ask that the action of the laws passed to this effect
be decisive, and the means energetic such as shall, with as much speed as
may be, free our country from this bane of its prosperity, morality and
peace." The Richmond Enquirer, Oct. 21, 1831.
23 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, pp. 1-123.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 223
prentice to learn any trade or art. Charles City and New
Kent complained against the practice of employing slaves
and Negroes as millers and asked that a law penalizing such
action be enacted. 24
The question as to what should be done with the blacks
turned out to be the most important matter brought before
the legislature. Three-fourths of the session was devoted
to the discussion of such questions as the removal of the
free Negroes and the colonization of such slaves as masters
could be induced to give up. The legislature met on the 5th
of December and after going through the preliminaries of
organization listened to the message of the Governor which
had the insurrection as its most prominent feature. When
the petitions from the various counties began to come in,
there soon prevailed a motion that so much of the Gov-
ernor's message as related to the insurrection of slaves and
the removal of the free Negroes be referred to a select com-
mittee, which after prolonged deliberation found it difficult
to agree upon a report.
Desiring to protect the interests of slavery, William 0.
Goode, of Mecklenburg County, moved on the eleventh of
January that the select committee appointed to consider
the memorials bearing on slaves free Negroes and the
Southampton massacre be discharged from the considera-
tion of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which had
for their object the manumission of slaves. The resolution
further declared that it was not expedient to legislate on
slavery. 25 Whereupon Thomas Jefferson Randolph, of
Albemarle County, moved to amend this resolution so as to
instruct the committee to inquire into the expediency and
to report a bill to submit to the voters of the State the pro-
priety of providing by law that the children of all female
slaves who might be born in that State on or after the fourth
day of July, 1840, should become the property of the com-
monwealth, the males at the age of twenty-one years and
females at the age of eighteen, if detained by their owners
24 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1&31, pp. 41, 56, 119.
25 Hid., 1831, p. 93.
224 JOUKNAL OF NEGKO HISTOBY
within the limits of the commonwealth, until they should
respectively arrive at the ages aforesaid. They would then
be hired out until the net sum arising therefrom should be
sufficient to defray the expenses of their removal beyond
the limits of the United States. 26
After several days of heated but fruitless discussion
marked by adjournment to calm the troubled waters, the
question assumed a new phase when William H. Brodnax,
the chairman of the select committee, reported the resolu-
tion: That it is inexpedient for the present to make any,
legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery. Where-
upon Mr. William A. Patterson of Chesterfield County,
moved to amend this resolution so as to read: That it was.
expedient to adopt some legislative enactments for the,
abolition of slavery. 27 Around Goode's motion, Kandolph's
substitute and Preston's amendments centered an exciting
debate showing such a wide difference of opinion that the
publicity caused about as much excitement as Nat Turner's
insurrection itself. Many citizens protested against such
an open discussion, knowing that slaves able to read might
thereby be induced to rise again. 28 This fear, however, did
not serve very well as a restraining factor.
The warning sounded by some of these people is sig-
nificant. The Richmond Enquirer the chief organ of
thought in the State expressed in a strong editorial that the
evils of slavery were alarming and urged that some definite
action be taken immediately since the policy of deferring
the solution of the problem for future generations had
brought the commonwealth to grief. 29 Certain ladies from
Fluvanna County said in their memorial : * ' We cannot con-
ceal from ourselves that an evil is among us, which threat-
ens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our
national blessings." 30 Brodnax deplored the fact that the
2 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 93.
27 Ibid., p. 93.
zsibid., p. 125.
2 The Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 7, 1832.
so Brewery, The Southampton Insurrection, p. 165.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 225
time had come in Virginia "When men were found to lock
their doors and open them in the morning to receive their
servants to light their fires, with pistols in their hands. " 31
A summary of this debate shows that^a few members of
the legislature desired instant abolition, a much larger num-
ber, probably a majority of the body, wanted to work out
some scheme for gradual emancipation, and others feeling
that the slaves could be controlled by severe laws, en-
deavored to restrict the effort to the removal of the free
people of color. Certain citizens of Hanover desired to lay
a tax on slaves and free Negroes to raise funds to deport
them all. 32 The unfortunate development, however, was
that no one knew exactly what he wanted, no one came to
the legislature with a well-matured plan to remedy the evils,
and every man seemed to be governed in his action by his
local interests rather than those of the commonwealth.
The Preston amendment was, after an exciting discus-
sion, finally defeated on the 25th of January by a vote of
58 to 73. Thereupon on motion of Mr. Archibald Bryce, of
Goochland County, the legislature amended the report of
the select committee by inserting the following: "Pro-
foundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condi-
tion of the colored population of this commonwealth in-
duced by humanity, as well as by policy to an immediate
effort for the removal in the first place, as well of those
who are now free, as of such as may hereafter become free :
believing that this effort, while it is in just accordance with
the sentiment of the community on the subject, will absorb
all our present means, and that a further action for the re-
moval of the slaves should await a more definite develop-
ment of public opinion. 33
This resolution aptly describes the situation resulting
after the prolonged discussion. A majority of the members
believed that slavery was an evil, but no one was willing to
pay the cost of exterminating it. It was easily shown that
si The Richmond Enquirer, Dec. 17, 1831.
32 Ibid., Nov. 18, 1831.
33 The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 110.
226 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
because of unprofitable slave labor the commonwealth was
lagging behind the free States and that the free labor es-
sential to the rebuilding of the waste places in the State
would never come to the commonwealth as long as there
would be competition with slave labor. It was soon ap-
parent, however, that a State with such a diversity of in-
terests, one-half slave and one-half free could not legislate
on slavery. This compromising resolution of procrastina-
tion, therefore, was adopted as the best Virginia could
under the circumstances be induced to do for the extermina-
tion 34 of its worst evil.
The debate proved to be valuable to the abolitionists.
In the course of his remarks Mr. Brodnax declared that the
confidence of the people seemed to be gone. ' ' Under such
circumstances life becomes a burthen and it is better to seek
a home in some distant realm and leave the graves of our
fathers than endure so precarious a condition. 7 ' It was
evident, he thought, that something must be done; and
although measures for the removal of this evil might not,
34 Before the insurrection free men of color voted in North Carolina and
at least one well-authenticated case exists of a colored voter in Virginia prior
to 1830. A native of Virginia long a resident of Massachusetts is an authority
for the statement that the facilities for higher education of the Negro were
quite as good in Richmond as in Boston at that time. There was . published in
a paper of the time an account of the celebration of the anniversary of the
Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1827, by the free people of color of the
city of Fredericksburg, Virginia. The orator of the day was Isaac N. Carey.
In North Carolina John Chavis, a Negro, rose to such excellence as a
teacher of white youth that he is pronounced in a biographical sketch, con-
tained in a history of education in that State, published by the United States
Bureau of Education, as one of the most eminent men produced by that State.
Though an unmistakable Negro, as a preacher he acceptably filled many a white
pulpit and was welcomed as a social guest at many a fireside. Such was the
bitterness against the race growing out of Nat Turner's Insurrection, however,
that even such a man fell under the ban of proscription.
One of the preachers to whom Governor Floyd had reference quietly ignored
the suggestion in the message of his Excellency and kept up his work. He was
a Baptist preacher, William Carney, the grandfather of the famous Sergeant
William H. Carney, of the 54th Massachusetts Regiment. At the same time a
daughter of his and a Methodist in a neighboring town "bearded the lion in
his den" by actually collaring and driving out the leader of a party of white
men who broke into a Negro religious meeting.
AFTERMATH or NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 227
perhaps be arrived at immediately yet some plan for its
gradual eradication would probably be hit upon. A system
might be concocted by degrees to embrace the whole subject
and it was therefore necessary to consider it in all its
bearings. 35
Mr. Chandler said that he in common with his constitu-
ents looked forward to the passage of a law for the re-
moval of the free blacks. He was also in favor of the con-
sideration of any plan which might remove entirely at some
future time, the greatest curse that had ever been inflicted
upon this State. He would look upon the day on which the
deliverance of the commonwealth from the burden of slav-
ery should be accomplished as the most glorious in the
annals of Virginia since the fourth of July, 1776. 36 Mr.
Moore did not wish to entangle the committee on the sub-
ject of getting rid of the free black population of this State.
That population, he knew, was a nuisance which the inter-
ests of the people required to remove, but there was an-
other and a greater nuisance, slavery itself. He wished
that it should be considered and if it were possible to de-
vise any plan for the ultimate extinction of slavery, he
would rejoice. 37
Mr. Boiling rose in his remarks to a height of moral sub-
limity. "We talk of freedom, " said he, * 'while slavery
exists in this land ; and speak with horror of the tyranny of
the Turk. We foster an evil which the highest interests of
the community require should be removed, which was de-
nounced as the bans of our happiness by the Father of the
Commonwealth and to which we trace the cause of the
lamentable depression of Eastern Virginia. Every intelli-
gent individual admits that slavery is the most pernicious
evil with which a body politic can be afflicted/' 38
Mr. Kandolph, the grandson of Thomas Jefferson, said
that it was the dark, the appalling, the despairing future
" The "Richmond Enquirer, Jan. 11, 1839.
a Ibid., Jan. 11, 1839.
8T Ibid., Jan. 19, 1832.
SB Ibid., Jan. 24, 1832.
228 JOUBNAL, OF NEGEO HISTOBY
that had awakened the public mind rather than the South-
ampton Insurrection. He asked whether silence would
restore the death-like apathy of the Negro's mind. It
might be wise to let it sleep in its torpor; "but has not,"
he asked, "its dark chaos been illumined! Does it not
move, and feel and think? The hour of the eradication of
the evil is advancing, it must come. Whether it is affected
by the energy of our minds or by the bloody scenes of
Southampton and San Domingo is a tale for future his-
tory. " 39 Mr. Faulkner addressed the House in favor of
the gradual extinction of slavery, concluding with these
words : ' ' Tax our lands, vilify our country, carry the sword
of extermination through our defenceless villages but
spare us the curse of slavery, that bitterest drop from the
chalice of the destroying angel." 40
Mr. MacDowell, referring to the insurrection, thus de-
scribed its terror and its awful lesson: "It drove families
from their homes, assembled women and children in crowds
in every condition of weakness and infirmity, and every suf-
fering that want and terror could inflict, to escape the ter-
rible dread of domestic assassination. It erected a peaceful
and confiding State into a military camp which outlawed
from pity the unfortunate beings whose brothers had of-
fended; which barred every door, penetrated every bosom
with fear or suspicion, which so banished every sense of
security from every man's dwelling; that, let but a hoof or
horn break upon the silence of the night, and an aching
throb would be driven to the heart. The husband would
look to his weapon and the mother would shudder and weep
upon her cradle. Was it the fear of Nat Turner and his
deluded drunken handful of followers, which produced such
effects? Was it this that induced distant counties where
the very name of Southampton was strange to arm and
equip for a struggle? No sir, it was the suspicion eternally
attached to the slave himself, a suspicion that a Nat Turner
might be in every family, that the same bloody deed might
8 The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. 25, 1832.
Jan. 26, 1832.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 229
be acted over at any time and in any place, that the ma-
terials for it were spread through the land and were always
ready for a like explosion. mi
Although no agreement on the extinction of slavery
could be reached, the question of removing the free people
of color was decidedly another matter. Many who were
unwilling to legislate with reference to slavery did not
object to the proposal to remove the free Negroes from the
State. Yet there were others who looked upon this as a
political by-play. The Southampton Insurrection was not
the work of free Negroes but that of slaves. Only two of
the many free Negroes in Southampton county took a part
in the insurrection and these two had slave wives. The
North Carolina plot, moreover, was revealed by a free
Negro. Many citizens agreed too with a Richmond En-
quirer correspondent of Hanover, who in speaking for the
free people of color pointed out the good they had been to
the community, 42 and the Governor who in his annual mes-
sage raised the question as to propriety of removing them,
said that the laws of the State had theretofore treated the
free people of color with "indulgent kindness " and that
"many instances of solicitude for their welfare" had
"marked the progress of legislation." 43
A bill for removal, however, was promptly offered on
the twenty-seventh of January. 44 On the first of February
there was presented an additional report deeming it ex-
pedient to set apart for the removal of the free colored
population so much of the claims of Virginia on the Gen-
eral Government as may come into and belong to the treas-
ury of the State. 45 A few days later Mr. Moore submitted
a resolution covering the same ground and calling upon the
Senators and representatives of Virginia in Congress to
use their best efforts to promote this project. 46 The Matter
The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. 27, 1832.
Hid., Nov. 18, 1831.
The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, p. 10.
* Ibid., p. 112.
Ibid., 1831, p. 125.
*76uf., 1&31, p. 131.
230 JOURNAL OF 'NEGBO HISTORY
was tabled but on the 6th of February the House resolved
itself into a committee of the whole to take this bill infbo
consideration. After prolonged discussion the matter was
again tabled with a view to future consideration. The feel-
ing of the majority seemed to be that, if the Negroes were
removed, no coercion should be employed except in the case
of those who remained in the State contrary to the law of
1806. 47 $35,000 for 1832 and $90,000 for 1833 was to be ap-
propriated for transportation. A central board consisting
of the governor, treasurer, and members of the Council of
State was to decide the place to which these Negroes were
to be expatriated and the agents to carry out the law would
also be named by the same board. 48 The bill for the removal
of free Negroes was indefinitely postponed in the Senate by
a vote of 18 to 14 and therefore was never taken up.
The next effort of the legislature in dealing with the
Negroes was to strengthen the black code as it then existed
so as to provide for a more adequate supervision and rigid
control of the slaves and free people of color. There was
offered thereafter a bill to amend an act entitled "an act to
revise under one the several acts concerning slaves, free
Negroes and mulattoes." The important provisions of the
bill were that slaves and free Negroes should not conduct
religious exercises nor attend meetings held at night by
white preachers unless granted written permission by their
masters or overseers. Thereafter no free Negro should be
capable of purchase or otherwise acquiring permanent
ownership, except by descent, of any slave, other than his
or her husband, wife or children. Further penalties, more-
over, were provided for persons writing or printing any-
thing intended to incite the Negroes to insurrection. The
State had already enacted a law prohibiting the teaching of
slaves, free Negroes and mulattoes. 49 The other petitions
requiring that Negroes be restricted in the higher pursuits
of labor and in the ownership of hogs and dogs were, be-
*7 The Eichmond Enquirer, Jan. and Feb., 1832.
The Journal of the House of Delegates, 1831, Appendix^ Bill No. 7.
* JfctU, Bill No. 13.
APTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 231
cause of the spirit which existed after the excitement had
subsided, rejected as unnecessary. The law providing for
burning in the hand was repealed. The immigration of free
Negroes into the State, however, was prohibited in 1834. 50
The effect of this insurrection and this debate extended
far beyond the borders of Virginia and the South. Gov-
ernor McArthur of Ohio in a message to his legislature
called special attention to the outbreak and the necessity
for prohibitive legislation against the influx within that
commonwealth of the free people of color who naturally
sought an asylum in the free States. The effect in South-
ern States was far more significant. Many of them already
had sufficient regulations to meet such emergencies as that
of an insurrection but others found it necessary to revise
their black codes.
Maryland passed, at the session of its legislature in
1831-1832, a law providing a board of managers to use a
fund appropriated for the purpose of removing the free
people of color to Liberia in connection with the State col-
onization society. 51 Another act forbade the introduction
of slaves either for sale or resident and the immigration of
free Negroes. It imposed many disabilities on the resident
free people of color so as to force them to emigrate. 52 Dela-
ware, which had by its constitution of 1831, restricted the
right of franchise to whites 53 enacted in 1832 an act pre-
venting the use of firearms by free Negroes and provided
also for the enforcement of the law of 1811 against the im-
migration of free Negroes and mulattoes, prohibited meet-
ings of blacks after ten o'clock and forbade non-resident
blacks to preach. 64
In 1831 Tennessee forbade free persons of color to im-
migrate into that State under the penalty of fine for
remaining and imprisonment in default of payment. Per-
*Hurd,'Lau? of Freedom and Bondage, II, 9.
i The Laws of Maryland, 1831-32, c. 281.
62 Hid., c. 328.
63 See Article IV, Sec. 1.
" Revised Code of Maryland, Chap. 52 and 237.7
232 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
sons emancipating slaves had to give bond for their re-
moval to some point outside of the State 55 and additional
penalties were provided for slaves found assembling or en-
gaged in conspiracy. Georgia enacted a measure to the
effect that none might give credit to free persons of color
without order from their guardian required by law and, if
insolvent, they might be bound out. It further provided
that neither free Negroes nor slaves might preach or exhort
an assembly of more than seven unless licensed by justices
on certificate of three ordained ministers. They were also
forbidden to carry firearms. 56 North Carolina, in which
Negroes voted until 1834, enacted in 1831 a special law pro-
hibiting free Negroes from preaching and slaves from)
keeping house or going at large as free men. To collect
fines of free Negroes the law authorized that they might be
sold. 57 The new constitution of the State in 1835 restricted
the right of suffrage to white men. South Carolina passed
in 1836 a law prohibiting the teaching of slaves to read and
write under penalties, forbidding too the employment of a
person of color as salesman in any house, store or shop
used for trading. Mississippi had already met most of
these requirements in the slave code in the year 1830. 58
In Louisiana it was deemed necessary to strengthen the
slave code. An act relative to the introduction of slaves
provided that slaves should not be introduced except by
persons immigrating to reside and citizens who might be-
come owners. 59 Previous legislation had already provided
severe penalties for persons teaching Negroes to read and
write and also had made provision for compelling free col-
ored persons to leave the State. 60 In 1832 the State of Ala-
bama enacted a law making it unlawful for any free person
of color to settle within that commonwealth. Slaves or free
65 The Laws of Tenn., 1831, Chaps. 102 and 103.
66 Cobb's Digest of the Laws of Georgia, 1005.
87 Eevised Statutes of North Carolina, c. 109 and 111.
68 Hurd, Law of Freedom and Bondage, II, 146.
6 Ibid., II, 162.
o Laws of Louisiana, 1830, p. 90, Sec. 1.
AFTERMATH OF NAT TURNER'S INSURRECTION 233
persons of color should not be taught to spell, read or write.
It provided penalties for Negroes writing passes and for
free blacks associating or trading with slaves. More than
five male slaves were declared an unlawful assembly but
slaves could attend worship conducted by whites yet neither
slaves nor free Negroes were permitted to preach unless
before five respectable slaveholders and the Negroes so
preaching were to be licensed by some neighboring religious
society. It was provided, however, that these sections of
the article did not apply to or affect any free person of
color who, by the treaty between the United States and
Spain, became citizens of the United States. 61
So many ills of the Negro followed, therefore, that one
is inclined to question the wisdom of the insurgent leader.
Whether Nat Turner hastened or postponed the day of the
abolition of slavery, however, is a question that admits of
little or much discussion in accordance with opinions con-
cerning the law of necessity and free will in national life.
Considered in the light of its immediate effect upon its par-
ticipants, it was a failure, an egregious failure, a wanton
crime. Considered in its necessary relation to slavery and
as contributory to making it a national issue by the deep-
ening and stirring of the then weak local forces, that finally
led to the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth
Amendment, the insurrection was a moral success and Nat
Turner deserves to be ranked with the greatest reformers
of his day.
This insurrection may be considered an effort of the
Negro to help himself rather than depend on other human
agencies for the protection which could come through his
own strong arm; for the spirit of Nat Turner never was
completely quelled. He struck ruthlessly, mercilessly, it
may be said, in cold blood, innocent women and children;
but the system of which he was the victim had less mercy in
subjecting his race to the horrors of the "middle passages"
and the endless crimes against justice, humanity and vir-
i Annual Laws of Alabama, 1832, p. 12.
234 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tue, then perpetrated throughout America. The brutality
of his onslaught was a reflex of slavery, the object lesson
which he gave brought the question home to every fireside
until public conscience, once callous, became quickened and
slavery was doomed.
JOHN W. CROMWELL
DOCUMENTS
The publication of the list of names of Negroes who
served in some of the Reconstruction conventions and legis-
latures elicited a number of comments which furnish de-
sirable information. It is earnestly hoped that any one in
a position to supply other missing information will follow
the example of our friends whose correspondence we give
below.
February 24th, 1920.
MB. CARTER G. WOODSON,
1216 You St., N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Sir:
In the Journal of Negro History for Jan., 1920, in giving the
names of Negroes who were members of the reconstruction conven-
tion to frame a constitution for North Carolina in 1867-68, you
omit Cumberland county. Permit me to say that the late Bishop
James W. Hood represented that county and played a most promi-
nent part and afterward became Ass't Superintendent of Public
Instruction of the State. I was a boy at the time but I remember
it. That you may know that I am not an adventurer, I enclose you
a sketch of myself which was prepared by request for other pur-
poses and show that I speak somewhat from authority. You will
kindly return the same. At the same time you are at liberty to
use any part of it that may suit your purpose should you so desire.
With very great respect, I am
Respectfully,
(Signed) GEO. C. SCURLOCK
The sketch of this participant in the Eeconstruction
follows :
Mr. George C. Scurlock, from the year 1874 was a prominent
figure in the Republican party in North Carolina. In the year
above stated, when he had barely reached his majority, he was nomi-
235
236 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
nated for member of the Board of Education, at a time when all
the schools, white and colored, were under the same board. His
opponent was one of the most prominent Democrats in the city and
a majority of the electorate was white. So popular was Mr. Scur-
lock that he defeated his Democratic opponent at the polls by a
handsome majority and served out his term to the satisfaction of
his constituents.
Jn 1876 he was a delegate to the State Convention that nomi-
nated the late Judge Settle for Governor and canvassed the State
for him. He was again a delegate to the State Convention in each
succeeding four years up to and including the year 1896. In the
latter year he headed the delegation. In the campaign of that year,
at the request of the State Executive Committee, he canvassed 21
counties in the State for McKinley and Hobart, all of which were
carried for the Republican ticket. So pleased was the Committee
with the canvass he was making, he was highly commended in let-
ters from the Chairman while still canvassing.
In 1890 he was urged by leading Republicans of his district,
including such men as ex-Governor Brogden, to become the Repub-
lican candidate for -Congress. Long before the convention con-
vened it was evident that he was the strongest man in the field.
When the convention met and was organized, ex-Governor Brogden
took the platform and in a ringing speech paying a high tribute to
the subject of this sketch, placed him in nomination. Before the
end of the roll call of counties his nomination was made unanimous.
In his canvass for election he had the hearty support of the State
organization and many of the leading colored and white Repub-
licans in and without his district and State. In 1892 he was unani-
mously chosen as a delegate to the Republican National Convention,
which met in Minneapolis.
As far back as 1883 he was appointed a clerk in one of the De-
partments at Washington by Secretary Teller. He held this posi-
tion until under a Democratic administration he was for partisan
reasons asked to resign. President Harrison, recognizing his abil-
ity, appointed him Postmaster of his city, Fayetteville.
For more than 20 years he was a leader in the party and so
recognized by the late Judge Buxton and such men as the late ex-
Congressman 0. H. Dockery, and Judges Boyd and Pritchard, now
on the bench. Outside his State his ability as an organizer and
canvasser was recognized by Hon. J. S. Clarkson and the late
William E. Chandler and M. S. Quay.
DOCUMENTS 237
In a letter of April 8, 1919, Bishop N. H. Heard says:
I was born and raised in Elbert County, Georgia (born a slave),
June 25th, 1850. I taught school in '69, 70, 71, and 72. Was a
candidate for the Legislature of Georgia in 1872. Attorney Gen-
eral Amos J. Ackerman, of Grant 's Cabinet, was in the convention
that nominated me, and he canvassed and voted for me. In 1873
I went to Abbeville County, S. C., and taught 73, 74, and 75.
Was Deputy IT. S. Marshall in 1876 and elected to the South Caro-
lina Legislature.
Mr. M. N. Work has discovered the following:
In the ten years 1876-1886, Negroes were elected to the South
Carolina Legislature as Democrats. The Columbia (South Caro-
lina) State in its issue of December 24, 1918, advised that an effort
be made to have Negroes enroll in Democratic precinct clubs and
participate in the primaries of the State along with white men.
As a precedent for this, it was pointed out that: "In 1876 when
the Democrats redeemed the State from misrule, they appealed to
the Negroes to join their party, and a minority of Negroes, more
numerous, perhaps than is generally supposed, wore the 'red shirt/
Many of them did valuable service in behalf of respectable govern-
ment. During the ten years following that time, until the primary
election took the place of the convention system in all but two or
three of the counties, the Democratic Negroes were given political
recognition. From Barnwell, Colleton, Orangeburg, and Charles-
ton Negro Democrats were elected to the legislature and in a num-
ber of counties other Negroes were elected to such offices as coroner
and county commissioner.
"With the extension of the primary system a racial line came
to be drawn in the Democratic organization and it was made very
nearly impossible for a Negro to participate in it. An exception
in the party law provided that Negroes who voted for General
Hampton in 1876 and who continued to vote the Democratic ticket
in succeeding years be allowed to vote in the primaries, but the
rules applying to these cases were in a form so rigid that they re-
duced the Negro Democratic vote." 1
i Columbia State, December 24, 1918.
238
JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
A SUMMARY OP NEGRO MEMBERS OP SOME RECONSTRUCTION LEGISLATURES
1868-69
1870-71
*;
1871-72 1873-74
1874-75
1876
Whites
Ne-
groes
Whlt
Whites^
Whites
Ne-
groes
Whites
Ne-
groes
Alabama
Senate
32
74
23
73
41
145
26
J
3
30
29
73
22
71
42
149
29
77
47
101
22
49
28
82
4
27
2
9
2
26
4
30
3
9
1
11
75
fy
8
29
86
4
14
29
73
22
71
4
27
2
9
27
71
6
29
27
77
House
Arkansas
Senate
Georgia
Senate
House
i
Mississippi
Senate
76
45
108
39
J
28
60
46
107
9
55
4
13
46
107
4
13
32
100
113
5
16
7
House
N. Carolina
Senate
47
102
24
48
3
18
9
76
House
S. Carolina
Senate
House
i
i
70
54
Texas
Senate
House
. .
;
37
115
3
17
37
112
3
17
37
112
3
13
Virginia
Senate
House
119
IX 116
21
.. ! ..
There were Negro members of the North Carolina legislature to 1899 and
of the Virginia legislature to 1891 as follows:
North Carolina
Sena-
Representa-
tors
tives
1879...
2
6
1881...
1
4
1883...
5
1885. ..
o
1887. ..
3
3
1889. . .
2
1891...
1
1893...
1
1895. . .
1
1897...
1
1899, .
. 1
1
Virginia
Sena-
tor*
1876-77 3
1877-78.. . 3
1883-84
3
1984-85
... 1
1885-86
.. . 1
1886-87
. i
18S7-88 .
.. . 1
1888-89
... 1
1889-90
1
1890-91..
. 1
Representa-
tives
12
4
4
8
DOCUMENTS 239
SPEECH OF WILLIAM H. GRAY BEFORE THE ARKANSAS CONSTITU-
TIONAL CONVENTION, 1868 2
William H. Gray, a Negro, and delegate to the convention from
Phillips County, rose and spoke as follows:
"It appears to me, the gentleman has read the history of his
country to little purpose. When the Constitution was framed, in
every State but South Carolina free Negroes were allowed to vote.
Under British rule this class was free, and he interpreted that 'we
the people ' in the preamble of the Constitution, meant all the people
of every color. The mistake of that period was that these free
Negroes were not represented in propria, persona in that constitu-
tional convention, but by the Anglo-Saxon. Congress is now cor-
recting that mistake. The right of franchise is due the Negroes
bought by the blood of forty thousand of their race shed in three
wars. The troubles now on the country are the result of the bad
exercise of the elective franchise by unintelligent whites, the 'poor
whites 1 of the South. I could duplicate every Negro who cannot
read and write, whose name is on the list of registered voters, with
a white man equally ignorant. The gentleman can claim to be a
friend of the Negro, but I do not desire to be looked upon in the
light of a client. The Government has made a solemn covenant
with the Negro to vest him with the right of franchise if he would
throw his weight in the balance in favor of the Union and bare his
breast to the storm of bullets; and I am convinced that it would
not go back on itself. There are thirty-two million whites to four
million blacks in the country, and there need be no fear of Negro
domination. The State laws do not protect the Negro in his rights,
as they forbade their entrance into the State. (Action of loyal
convention of '64). I am not willing to trust the rights of my
people with the white men, as they have not preserved those of their
own race, in neglecting to provide them with the means of educa-
tion. The Declaration of Independence declared all men born free
and equal, and I demand the enforcement of that guarantee made
to my forefathers, to every one of each race, who had fought for it.
The constitution which this ordinance would reenact it not satis-
factory, as it is blurred all over with the word 'white.' Under it
one hundred and eleven thousand beings who live in the State have
no rights which white men are bound to respect. My people might
* Annual Cyclopedia, 1868, pp. 34-35.
240 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
be ignorant, but I believe, with Jefferson, that ignorance is no
measure of a man's rights. Slavery has been abolished, but it left
my people in a condition of peonage or caste worse than slavery,
which had its humane masters. White people should look to their
own ancestry ; they should recollect that women were disposed of on
the James Kiver, in the early settlement of the country, as wives,
at the price of two hundred pounds of tobacco. When we have had
eight hundred years as the whites to enlighten ourselves, it will be
time enough to pronounce them incapable of civilization and en-
lightenment. The last election showed that they were intelligent
enough to vote in a solid mass with the party that would give them
their rights, and that too in face of the influence of the intelligence
and wealth of the State, and in face of threats to take the bread
from their very mouths. I have no antipathy toward the whites;
I would drop the curtain of oblivion on the sod which contains the
bones of my oppressed and wronged ancestors for two hundred and
fifty years. Give us the franchise, and if we do not exercise it
properly, you have the numbers to take it away from us. It would
be impossible for the Negro to get justice in a State whereof he was
not a full citizen. The prejudice of the entire court would be
against him. I do not expect the Negro to take possession of the
government; I want the franchise given him as an incentive to
work to educate his children. I do not desire to discuss the ques-
tion of the inferiority of races. Unpleasant truths must then be
told ; history tells us of your white ancestors who lived on the acorns
which dropped from the oaks of Didona, and then worshipped the
tree as a God. I call upon all men who would see justice done, to
meet this question fairly, and fear not to record their votes. "
In the session of January 29th, he said :
"Negroes vote in Ohio and Massachusetts, and in the latter
State are elected to high office by rich men. He had found more
prejudice against his race among the Yankees ; and if they did him
a kind act, they did not seem to do it with the generous spirit of
Southern men. He could get nearer the latter ; he had been raised
with them. He was the sorrier on this account that they had re-
fused him the rights which would make him a man, as the former
were willing to do. He wanted this a white man's government, and
wanted them to do the legislating as they had the intelligence and
wealth; but he wanted the power to protect himself against un-
friendly legislation. Justice should be like the Egyptian statue,
blind and recognizing no color."
DOCUMENTS 241
Concerning intermarriage between whites and Negroes, Mr.
Bradley, a delegate to the convention, having offered to insert in
the constitution, a clause "forbidding matrimony between a white
person and a person of African descent, ' ' on which point nearly all
of the members spoke pro and con in that and the following days,
Mr. Gray said:
"It was seldom such outrages were committed at the North,
where there are no constitutional provisions of the kind proposed.
He saw no necessity of inserting any in the present constitution.
As for his people, their condition now would not permit any such
marriages. If it was proposed to insert a provision of the kind, he
would move to amend by making it an offence punishable with
death for a white man to cohabit with a Negro woman." At an-
other time he observed on the same subject, that "there was no
danger of intermarriage, as the greatest minds had pronounced it
abhorrent to nature. The provision would not cover the case, as
the laws must subsequently define who is a Negro ; and he referred
to the law of North Carolina, declaring persons Negroes who have
only one-sixteenth of Negro blood. White men had created the
difficulty, and it would not be impossible to draw the line which
the gentleman desired established."
Mr. Monroe N. Work, who compiled the records of the
Negro in politics during the Eeconstruction period, has re-
ceived the following interesting letters containing some val-
uable facts :
1425 MCCULLOH ST., BALTIMORE, MD., Feb. 9, 1920.
My dear Mr. Work:
Referring to the "Journal of Negro History" for Jan., 1920,
in the letter of the State Librarian of Virginia, page 119, occur
these words: "For the 1881-2 session the almanac has no list of
members."
It so happens that the writer was present, and was an employee
of that particular session of the Virginia Legislature, and therefore
takes pleasure in supplying the necessary information.
The speaker of the House of Representatives was the Hon. I. C.
Fowler, and the President protem (the Lieutenant Governor, John
F. Lewis, being President) of the Senate was the Hon. H. C. Wood.
The Governor of the State at that time was the Hon. William E.
242 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Cameron, from my home town, Petersburg. It was quite a mem-
orable session, and I could almost write a book, with respect to
matters as they pertained to the Negro. The Hon. William Mahone
was United States Senator, and although a boy, I was much trusted
by Senator Mahone; and in many important conferences held in
the old "Whig 7 * building, I was quite active in helping to prevent
none but "the faithful " from entering.
Upon the assembling of the Legislature, I was appointed one of
the six pages in the House. The other five were white boys. Very
soon afterwards, I was promoted to the postmastership of the
House. On the Senate side, there were two colored boys as pages,
a son of ex-Senator Moseley of Goochland Co., and a son of the
late E. G. L. Paige, representative from Norfolk county.
There were three colored men in the Senate Chamber, and two
of them were really able and scholarly men, and were among the
leading debaters in that chamber. One was Dr. Dan Norton, from
the Yorktown District, another was Senator William N. Stevens,
representing the senatorial district of Sussex and Greensville coun-
ties. Senator Stevens was a speaker of much elegance and grace,
and was always listened to with respect and admiration. Then
there was Senator J. Richard Jones, representing Charlotte and
Mecklenburg counties.
In the Lower House, there were thirteen colored representatives ;
the names of two I can not just recall, but the others I will mention.
Norfolk county, R. G. L. Paige.
Princess Anne county, Littleton Owens.
York county, Robert Norton.
City of Petersburg, Armstead Green.
Dinwiddie county, Alfred W. Harris.
Powhatan county, Neverson Lewis.
Brunswick county, Guy Powell.
Cumberland county, Shed Dungee.
Prince Edward county, Batt Greggs.
Amelia and Nottoway, Archie Scott.
Mecklenburg county, Ross Hamilton.
Paige and Harris were thoroughly educated men, while Ross
Hamilton possessing only limited literary qualifications, was a most
remarkable man, and one of the parliamentary authorities of that
body. In the preceding session, of which Hamilton was a member,
he got to himself great fame by the introduction of the measure
DOCUMENTS 243
known and referred to as the "Ross Hamilton bill." It had to do
with the settlement of the Virginia debt, the great issue on which
Mahone rode into power.
Paige and Harris were among the principal leaders of the
House, and certainly, few were the men in that house whether
democrats or republicans, who could outrank them in oratory or
public debate.
Mr. Harris introduced the measure which provided for the pres-
ent state Normal school, at Petersburg, carrying with it an appro-
priation of one hundred thousand dollars. I had the great pleasure
of bearing the bill to the Speaker's desk.
During the session of this Leglislature two colored men were
given clerkships at the capitol: young Bob Norton, whose father
represented York, in that body, was given a place in the General
Land Office, while Richard De Baptist, of Mecklenburg county, was
given a desk in the 2nd Auditor's office. A white physician, Dr.
David F. May, of Petersburg, was made Superintendent of the
Central Lunatic Asylum, for colored people, his two assistants
being colored physicians, Dr. J. C. Ferguson, of Richmond, and
Dr. R. F. Tancil, of Alexandria. A number of colored men were
put on as guards at the State Penitentiary. Capt. R. A. Paul, of
Richmond, was made private messenger to the Governor. So nu-
merous were the places filled by colored men, that that particular
period, and the one that followed, have been indicated in the phrase,
having a political bearing: "When they lived, they lived in clover:
but, when they died, they died all over."
Those were thrilling times. I remember, a year or two later,
when I had just become of age, I was elected a delegate to the State
Convention, which was held in the old Richmond Theater on Broad
St. There were over thirteen hundred delegates, only about a fifth
being colored. The writer was elected the first assistant secretary
of that gathering. That convention marked the passing of the "re-
adjuster" party into the Republican, and, under the dominance
of Senator Mahone, the slogan of the Convention was, "We are
for Arthur, because Arthur is for us." I hope that what I have
thus very hurriedly written may prove of some value to you in the
preservation of the annals of Virginia as respects the black man.
Respectfully yours,
(Signed) GEORGE FREEMAN BRAGG, JR.
244 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
P. S. I want to correct a statement. There were two of us in
the Lower House. Clinton Paige, and myself, were in the lower
chamber, and Moseley on the Senate side. I began my first work
of the ministry in Norfolk in 1887, and about that time the Hon.
R. G. L. Paige was appointed Postmaster of Norfolk City. He
really ran the office. I have spent many a pleasant moment with
him in his office there. It will be interesting to state just here,
that "Dick" Paige made his escape from Norfolk by way of the
Under Ground Railroad, only a little fellow of nine or ten years
of age, secreting himself in a vessel leaving that port. He was
educated in Boston. After the civil war he returned to Norfolk.
Round about the same time that I took charge in Norfolk, John
C. Asbury, now of Philadelphia, was practising law in Norfolk Co.
and city. Norfolk county is one of the largest and richest counties
in the State. Asbury was elected by the voters of that county
Prosecuting Attorney, and to my own knowledge, he most accept-
ably filled the office during the term of four years, I think, for
which he was elected. He was recognized as one of the able polit-
ical leaders of that section. Captain Fields was elected and served
as Commonwealth's Attorney of Newport News and Warwick
county. Rev. J. M. Dawson was the county treasurer where the
ancient capital "Williamsburg is situated, while a Mr. Mitchell, for
a number of years was the Collector of Customs for the historic
port of Yorktown.
(Signed) G. F. B., Jr.
Phone 4512
E. W. SHERMAN, Vice President
Guaranty Mutual Life & Health Insurance Co.
774 E. Waldburg St., Savannah, Ga.
Feb. 8th, 1920.
PROF. MONROE N. WORK,
Tuskegee, Ala.
My dear Mr. Work:
I have perused with considerable interest your review of the
political history of the Reconstruction period. I have gotten from
the review quite a bit of useful information. In my opinion, this
particular part of your research work should be in the hands of
every Negro in America that every Negro child might know some-
thing of the early exploits of colored men.
DOCUMENTS 245
As a pointer for further work I want to state that succeeding
Phil. Joiner of Dougherty County, Georgia, Ishmael London repre-
sented that county. J. H. Watson of Albany could furnish detail
information. Jack Home of Pulaski County was Clerk of the
Court of Pulaski County and Richard White was Clerk of Chatham
County Court during the period under discussion. Mrs. Hannah
Benefield or Mr. Edward Cary of Hawkinsville will give authentic
information regarding the former and P. A. Denegall will furnish
information regarding "Dick" White.
We are pleased to follow you in your statistical ramblings be-
cause we love to connect you with us here and to recall your pres-
ence among us. We cherish very deeply your memory and applaud
your efforts for racial uplift.
The madam joins me in wishing for you a long and useful
career a happy and prosperous one.
Respectfully,
(Signed) E. W. SHERMAN.
February 14, 1920.
MB. J. H. WATSON,
Albany, Georgia.
Dear Sir:
As you may already know, I have been for a considerable time
collecting information about the colored persons who were mem-
bers of State Legislatures during the reconstruction period. A
list of these members as far as I have been able to collect them wai
published in the January number of the "Journal of Negro His-
tory. "
Mr. E. W. Sherman of Savannah, Georgia, after reading my
article, wrote to me that Phil Joiner, Dougherty County, was suc-
ceeded by Ishmael London. He stated that you could give me
further information concerning this. Will you not, as Mr. Sher-
man suggests, send to me the names of all of the colored men whom
you know to have represented Dougherty County in the Georgia
Legislature and as near as you can, the date that they were mem-
bers of the Legislature.
Thanking you in advance for your courtesy and appreciating
an early reply, I am
Yours very truly,
M. N. WORK,
Editor Negro Year Book.
246 JOUBNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
ALBANY, GEORGIA.
February 21, 1920.
PROP. MONROE WORK,
Tuskegee Inst.,
Tuskegee, Ala.
Dear Sir:
Keplying to your letter of the 14th inst., I beg to state that I
cannot give you the dates as I was quite a boy and do not remem-
ber, but Phil Joiner served one term, was followed by Israel Lon-
don, who served two terms, and who was followed by Howard
Bunts, who served one term. In Thomas County, Eev. Jack Carter
was a member, but I do not remember the dates.
Yours very truly,
Signed
J. H. WATSON.
CARNEGIE PUBLIC LIBRARY
P. A. Denegall, Librarian
Savannah, Georgia.
February 24, 1920.
PROP. MONROE WORK,
Tuskegee, Alabama.
Dear Sir:
I am in receipt of yours of 14th inst., seeking information rela-
tive to the occupancy of the clerkship of Chatham Superior Court,
by the late Richard W. White, during reconstruction period.
In reply I beg to say, that at the period, about which you desire
information, I was too young a boy to have any adequate or under-
standing knowledge of the political affairs or status of that period,
so that I have no first hand knowledge of the matter upon which
you desire information. All I know about the late Mr. White's
clerkship is only what I gleaned in conversation with my father,
and as he paid no special attention to dates, simply telling me of
things taking place during reconstruction, I have only by that
means, knowledge of some things without the dates of their occur-
ance.
I am very sorry J cannot give you the information you desire,
I should be glad to do so if I could.
May I add that I have read your article in the January "Jour-
nal of Negro History'' on "Some Negro members of reconstruction
DOCUMENTS 247
conventions and legislatures." I note that the name of the late
Prof. John Mclntosh, late principal of Mape St. School of this city
is omitted from the list of colored members of Georgia legislature.
He was a member of the Georgia House of Representatives, repre-
senting Liberty County in the "80 V a few years after his gradua-
tion from Atlanta University. As far as I know he was the most
thoroughly educated colored man to have had the privilege of being
a member of the Georgia Legislature. I knew him intimately. We
were pupils at Beach Institute, this city at the same time, later
fellow students at Atlanta University. Again regretting that I
am not able to give the desired information, I am
Very truly yours,
Signed
P. A. DENEQALL.
SAYBBOOK, CONN.
February 14, 1920.
MB. MONBOE N. WOBK,
Tuskegee Institute
Alabama.
My dear Sir:
I have read with keen interest the facts presented by you in the
Journal of Negro History for January 1920 on "Some Negro Mem-
bers of Reconstruction Conventions etc."
I have known intimately Gen. Samuel Smalls and his family in
Beaufort, S. C. and Miss Olive Rainey and her mother, daughter
and wife of Joseph H. Rainey ; Miss Mamie Hayne of S. C. daugh-
ter of Henry E. Hayne.
One daughter of Gen. Smalls still lives in the paternal home in
Beaufort, where are the books and personal possessions of her dis-
tinguished father. She was companion and hoilse-keeper for him
in his late years; she is doubtless able to furnish much valuable
information.
Brothers of Henry E. Hayne still live, though they do not
identify themselves with the Negro race. The daughter does, how-
ever, and has friends of her father's generation who could help in
building up a Hayne 's history.
Among the relatives is the mother of my husband and a large
family of relatives, the older ones of whom lived thro' Reconstruc-
tion Days in South Carolina.
248 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Miss Rainey and her mother live in Springfield, Massachusetts.
My own family on the maternal side is descended from George
Houston, member of the Alabama Legislature 1868-70.
J have long felt that the last opportunity to collect data con-
cerning this interesting period in our history, is while this present
generation lives ; the next generation will have no interest in it.
If I can assist you in collecting facts from these people who
knew intimately the men of whom you write, I should be glad to
do so.
I feel that the best way to do this would be for you to send me
a set of questionnaires which I might send to these friends with
letters.
I am trying thro' the Department of Archives and History of
Alabama and the Congressional Library to locate material which
will illuminate the life of George Houston.
If what I have written is of interest to you, then I am glad
that I have written. And can I be of assistance, I shall be glad
to make further contribution if possible.
Sincerely,
(Signed) HELEN JAMES CHISHOLM,
MRS. FRANK P. CHISHOLM.
CORRESPONDENCE
The following letter written primarily to correct certain
errors has been productive of much good in bringing to
light a number of facts which the public should know:
140 COTTAGE STREET, NEW HAVEN, CONN., February 23, 1920.
DR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
1216 You Street, Washington.
My dear Dr. Woodson:
I find the latest number of your Journal most interesting and
permanently valuable, like those that have preceded. I think that
the publication is gaining a position in its particular field which
promises to make it an accepted authority on historical questions.
This makes it the more essential for manifest errors to be carefully
guarded against and eliminated from contributed articles.
I observe on page 5 the designation "Tillston College" of The
American Missionary Association; the correct name is Tillotson
College, for the institution at Austin, Texas. The footnote gives
Brawley as authority. I do not have this book at hand but have a
suspicion that the erroneous spelling is found there also.
Another statement in the same article which seems to me errone-
ous in a more serious matter is found at the bottom of page 4,
where it is assumed that in 1863 "only 5 per cent of the Negro
population was literate." In your book on The Education of the
Negro Prior to 1861 you have stated very solid reasons for be-
lieving 10 per cent to be about the right estimate. This accords also
with the U. S. Census figures of 1870, set forth in a table of which
I sent you a copy. Is it not a matter of vital significance to our
American history which of these statements is to be accepted?
Yesterday I saw posted on the wall of a New Haven church the
statement of 5 per cent. It used to be considered allowable to make
wild statements on this subject when presenting the claims of South-
ern education. Indeed I have known the statement to be made
in such a connection, that none of the Negroes could read or write
before the war. I yield to no one in my estimate of the importance
of the work of Northern teachers and Northern schools in the edu-
249
250 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
cation of the colored people. But their value is not magnified by
such exaggerated and reckless over-statement. Bather is it brought
under serious question and damaging suspicion.
You have done and are still doing most valuable work in the
interest of historical accuracy, and to clear away the fogs of mis-
construction and misapprehension concerning the Negro people
which have prevailed for at least a hundred years. I could wish
that you might see your way as an editor to insist on alteration in
a manuscript containing such a misstatement, or at least add an
editorial comment on the point.
Wishing for your Journal continued and increasing circulation
and popular support, I remain,
Faithfully, yours,
G. 8. DICKERMAN.
The editor made the following reply :
February 28 1920.
DR. G. S. DICKERMAN,
140 Cottage Street,
New Haven, Conn.
My dear Dr. Dickerman:
I have your interesting letter in which you make a strong plea
for accuracy in the writing of history that the Negro may receive
justice at the hands of those represented as treating the records of
the race scientifically. You insist that, prior to the emancipation
of the race, more than five per cent of the Negro population was
literate, and refer to my Education of the Negro Prior to 1861 to
support you in that statement. You must observe, however, that I
maintain that ten per cent of the adult Negroes had the rudiments
of education. It might, therefore, be possible for some one to prove
that less than ten per cent of the whole Negro population was at
that time able to read and write.
Thanking you for your interest in this work, I am
Yours very truly,
C. G. WOODSON,
Director.
The tables to which Dr. Dickerman refers were sent to
the editor with a letter, both of which follow :
CORRESPONDENCE 251
140 COTTAGE STREET, NEW HAVEN, CONN., July 14, 1917.
DR. CARTER G. WOODSON,
1216 You Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C.
Dear Dr. Woodson:
In preparing a chapter on The History of Negro Education for
Dr. Jones, of the Phelps Stokes Foundation, I made a study of the
Ninth Census and prepared a table of figures which I suggested
for publication in a foot note. But my manuscript was so long that
it was thought best to eliminate about a third of it and this table
with much besides.
I have therefore thrown this Census study into form for publi-
cation in an article by itself. If you like you may have it for
Journal of Negro History. Of course the Census is not infallible
and the Ninth Census has been especially charged with inaccuracy.
But it certainly has some meaning, and I think the confirmation
of your conclusions is worth noticing.
If you do not wish to use the article please return it to the
above address.
Very truly yours,
G. S. DlCKERMAN.
THE NINTH CENSUS ON NEGRO ILLITERACY
The treatise of Dr. Carter Godwin Woodson on The Education
of the Negro Prior to 1861 offers an impressive array of evidence to
show that there were many more Negroes than have usually been
supposed who had some literary knowledge while still under slavery.
Other evidence bearing on a subject of so great importance cannot
but have interest for historians of that period.
Some of the statistics in the United States Census of 1870 are
in point : Figures are there given for the colored men of voting age,
that is for those over 21, who were unable to read and write. There
are also given the total numbers of colored men of voting age in
the several States. Subtracting the former from the latter will then
give the number of those able to read and write. The results appear
in the table presented below :
252
JOUBNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
COLORED MALES 21 YEARS OF AGE AND UPWARD IN 1870; WITH REFERENCE TO
THEIR ABILITY TO WRITE
Total
Unable to Write
Able to Write
Per Cent Able
United States
1,032,475
862,243
170,232
16.5
Southern States
All other states
932,612
99,863
820,670
41,573
111,942
58,290
12.0
58.4
Alabama
97823
91 017
6806
69
Arkansas
26789
23681
3 108
11 6
District of Columbia
Florida
Georgia
10,143
18,842
107 962
7,599
16,806
100 551
2,544
2,036
7411
25.1
10.8
6 9
Kentucky
44,322
37,889
6,432
14.5
Louisiana
86 911
76 612
10301
11 7
Maryland
39 123
27 123
11 997
306
Mississippi
89,920
80,810
9,116
10.1
Missouri
North Carolina
23,886
78012
18,002
68669
6,880
9350
24.6
120
South Carolina
Tennessee
Texas
85,45
64,131
51,575
70,830
55,938
47,235
14,645
8,193
4 340
17.1
12.8
8.4
Virginia
107,691
97,908
9,783
9.1
This Census gives the figures for women of color over 21 years
of age who were unable to write; but not the whole number of
women of color over 21. If however we assume the proportion of
all Negro males to all Negro females to hold the same for those over
21 we arrive at the conclusion that the whole number of women of
color over 21 was 1,072,847 for the United States; of whom 946,332
were unable to write and 126,515 were able. That is, in 1870, there
were approximately 126,515 women of color of 21 years of age and
upward who were able to read and write. This number added to
the 170,232, found for the number of literate men, gives a total of
296,747 Negroes of 21 years of age and upward who were able to
read and write ; which is 14 per cent of the whole number. There
must have been a considerable increase between 1863 and 1870, but
one can hardly suppose it to have been over 4 per cent, or 84,212,
which substantiates the estimate of about 10 per cent of the Negroes
as able to read and write at the date of emancipation. We may
suppose that the number of those who were able to read, but did
not add to this the accomplishment of writing, must have been
much larger.
The existence of so large a body of Negroes who already had
the rudiments of an education goes far to account for the rapid
growth of schools as soon as the Negroes were made free, and espe-
cially for that eagerness that was shown for advanced learning
CORRESPONDENCE 253
which made an almost immediate demand for secondary schools and
colleges at the more important centers of population throughout the
South. The people had received, in some way or other, a love of
education and a start in obtaining it under the old slave system, so
that when the new chance came they were ready to make a good
use of it.
G. S. DICKBRMAN.
BOOK REVIEWS
The Centennial History of Illinois, Volume III. The Era of the
Civil War 1848-1870. By ARTHUR CHARLES COLE. The Illi-
nois Centennial Commission, Springfield, Illinois, 1919.
Thia volume of this work deals with the period of the most
dramatic history of the State. After discussing the frontier and
the rise of railroads, the author directs his attention to the agita-
tion and compromise of 1850, the origin of the Republican party,
the Lincoln-Douglass Debates, the election of 1860, the appeal to
arms, the war in Illinois, new abolitipnists and copperheads, and
the war in its relation to agriculture and the industrial revolution.
The book is illustrated with such portraits as those of Abraham
Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglass, Lyman Trumbull and Richard Yates.
There are maps showing the foreign-born population in 1860, the
presidential election in 1848, the vote for treasurer in 1854, the
vote for congressmen in 1858, the vote on the constitution in 1862,
the vote for congressmen-at-large in 1860, and the presidential
election in 1868. The volume closes with an adequate bibliography
and a useful index.
As a book on the Civil War is not uncommon, one does not or-
dinarily expect many things new from such a volume inasmuch as
most of them cover familiar ground. In connecting the history
of Illinois with the national drama of Civil War, however, the au-
thor has brought forward facts which, although belonging to local
history, have a national significance and historians will make use of
them, although they will not agree with him in all of his views. The
scientific use which he has made of the newspaper material of that
day is especially commendable. He has, moreover, shown that this
history was as economic as political. Good farms and roads figured
as conspicuously as efficient generals and wise statesmen.
There is some mention of the Negro as a human element. Sym-
pathy for the race, "whether the southern slave or the northern
victim of the black laws, was aroused by Uncle Tom's Cabin in
1852." Thereafter came the effort to secure for the blacks equal
rights before the law but because of opposition to them in southern
Illinois the black code could not be easily repealed, for race hatred
254
BOOK REVIEWS 255
often broke out in southern towns as in the case of Mound Gity,
which in 1857 undertook to drive out all Negroes. The author
mentions also such strivings of the Negroes as the efforts of the
members of the race in Chicago to defend their rights by protesting
against the oppression through local indignation meetings and the
Colored National Convention in Cleveland in 1848. Their Chicago
Literary Society condemned the Fugitive Slave Law, they organ-
ized to resist colonizationists and kidnappers, and at the outbreak
of the war organized a military force to fight for their own freedom.
The National Encyclopedia of the Colored Race. Volume I. By
CLEMENT RICHARDSON, Editor-in-Chief. The National Publish-
ing Company, Montgomery, Alabama, 1919.
This is a fair effort at local and national biography with no
pretense to scientific treatment. Some attention is given also to
religious and educational institutions. Apparently almost any one
financially able to aid the enterprise or sufficiently influential to
have his sketch incorporated into the work appears in this volume.
One man's achievements seemed to count for about as much as
those of another and the law of proportion was disregarded. There
are farmers, business men, ministers, physicians, dentists, lawyers
and the like, many of whom are well known and others who have
made no impression upon the world except to complete a course in
an institution of learning and to use the knowledge thus acquired
in making a living. The world has never heard of some of them
and they will, of course, thank the editor for this publicity.
The aim of this work, according to the editor, is to inform and
inspire. He complains that the ordinary work of this kind has
merely had information for its purpose. As the only sure hope the
black American can entertain for immediate notice comes through
committing crime, the editor here endeavors to treat the records of
a large number of Negroes who, because of their color, would never
have a hearing. The aim of the book too is not only to inform the
white race but it is to introduce Negroes to one another. To be
properly inspired they need to be better informed as to what the
ambitious members of the race are doing in their various fields of
endeavor. An effort is made to get away from former biographical
works largely given to eulogy of individuals unduly advertised.
The aim seems rather to idealize the life of obscure men, who have
achieved merit in applying themselves to the ordinary duties of
256 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
life. Referring to the failure to treat more extensively the bio-
graphical material of the whole race the editor states that such
accounts cannot be secured in many instances for the reason that,
some are indifferent to fame, experience a shrinking from publicity,
or are too busy to give attention to matters of this kind. The de-
fects of this book, however, cannot be excused on this ground.
On the whole, the book has a value. It is fairly well printed, is
adequately illustrated, and is readable. Although much of the
information given is not now uninteresting it will in the course
of time serve as a valuable source book.
The Man Next Door. By A. B. JACKSON, M.D. Neaula Publishing
Company, Philadelphia, Pa., 1919. Pp. 253.
This is another work on the much mooted question, the Negro
problem. There was in the mind of the author some doubt as to
whether or not he should make an apology for adding another such
work to the many volumes written in this field. Observing, how-
ever, that the discussions of the race problem have in the past done
some good as well as harm, he here endeavors to present an up-to-
date discussion from a new point of view in order to conform with
the exigencies of the day. The aim is to direct special attention to
the failure to recognize the Negro as a human asset with untold
economic possibilities. He believes that the matter of race values
and interdependency of all races must find "a definite and as-
suredly positive place in the various policies of any nation which is
made up of several race groups/' In one sense the author believes
that " racial conflict, strife and differences inspiring as they do,
struggle, jealousy, and ambition, are essential to the progress of
the whole group of mankind. 7 ' He insists, however, that struggle
should be a friendly rivalry out of which shall be woven a strong
and everlasting national fabric consistent with impressing and
assuring the perpetuation of the various policies which guarantee
national honor and uplift.
The author believes that the one great hope for the Negro is to
make himself an economic asset to his country. When this is ac-
complished, there will be little doubt as to the possibility of his
securing full recognition as a citizen. He does not deplore the
presence of obstacles but rather thinks that the salvation of the
race will be in developing in the midst of this struggle the power to
overcome these obstacles. It is suggested that the discussion of
BOOK EEVIEWS 257
these matters should be dispassionate and efforts for adjustment
should be based upon reason rather than upon sentiment. To show
exactly how this can be done the author has directed his attention
to such questions as citizenship, and patriotism, the producer and
the consumer, the Negro and his church, and educational assets.
The question is further treated under such captions as race con-
sciousness, health and economics, tuberculosis a great waste, rent
and ownership, and business development. The book closes with
observations on racial grouping, political status, and the follies of
prejudice.
Darkwater. By W. E. B. DuBois. Harcourt, Brace and Howe,
New York, 1920. Pp. 276.
This work is a collection of essays by the well-known author of
Souls of Black Folk, The Philadelphia Negro, The Suppression of
the African Slave Trade, and The Negro. The aim of the work is
to show that the Negro problem is essentially connected with the
problem of work or wages or education and government which,
when solved, will mean also the solution of the race problem. To
give his point of view, the author, therefore, describes his child-
hood, training, and outlook on the world as a Negro. To show the
"vast emotional content of the social problem, he has inserted be-
tween the chapters, bits of poetry and fancy which interpret the
bewilderment, the disappointment, the longing and the faith of
millions of men. The work ends with a brief philosophy of duty
and death and a story and a hymn looking toward human unity.
This book, therefore, follows the trend of thought characteristic
of Dr. DuBois. As in the beautifully written essays entitled Souls
of Black Folk he has here put himself forward as a person repre-
sentative of millions of black men seriously suffering from social
proscription. Although his contention that the race problem is
interwoven with the economic problems of the country is presented
as the reason for directing more attention to this problem, the
author does not treat the race question from an economic point of
view. This has been the defect of the historical works which Dr.
DuBois has written. He is at best a popular essayist with a bit of
poetic genius. In all of his discussions of the race problem his
mind has not as yet been adequate to the task of scientific treatment
of the question. The Suppression of the African Slave Trade is a
literary compilation or digest of State and national legislation to
258 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
curb an evil, but it does not exhibit any relief or a unifying influ-
ence. The Philadelphia Negro is an ordinary report on social condi-
tions which a local secretary of the Urban League could now compile
in almost any large city in about three or six months and his The
Negro is merely a summary of a number of popular works setting
forth such history of Africa as a few travellers have been able to
learn from the outside. It is hoped, therefore, that Dr. DuBois
will take his task more seriously that he may finally write a schol-
arly economic treatise in this long neglected field.
NOTES
The next annual meeting of the Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History will convene in Washington, D. C., next
November. All institutions interested in the teaching of Negro
life and history will be invited to send representatives to this meet-
ing to confer as to the best methods of prosecuting studies in
this neglected field. The session will cover two days to be de-
voted to addresses by the best thinkers of the country. The official
program will appear within a few weeks.
The illustrated textbook in Negro history by Dr. C. G. Woodson
has been further delayed by disturbances among the printers. It is
hoped that it will appear before the end of the year.
A. B. Caldwell, of Atlanta, has published Volume III (South
Carolina edition) of what he calls the History of the American
Negro.
259
HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE
OBJECT Founded in 1868 by General
Samuel C. Armstrong to train selected
youth who should go out to teach and
train their people. The Institute was
designed to instruct Negro youth in
morality, industry, and thrift, as well as
in earnest and practical Christianity.
LOCATION On Lower Peninsula of Vir-
ginia, within three miles of Old Point
Comfort. The Institute is reached by the
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad and by
steamers from Baltimore, Washington, and
New York (via Norfolk).
HAMPTON TODAY An industrial village
with over 1300 students; 1100 acres; 140
buildings, instruction farm of 835 acres;
and 200 teachers and workers. Hampton
stands for "a sound body, a trained capac-
ity, and an unselfish outlook on life."
Hampton is on the State of Virginia list
of approved four-year secondary schools.
COURSES FOR BOYS (a) Preparatory
Department of one or two years; (b) Reg-
ular four-year courses: (1) Academic-
Normal; (2) Agriculture; (3) Business;
(4) Trade Course in one of thirteen
trades (Blacksmithing ; Bricklaying and
Plastering ; Cabinetmaking ; Carpentry ;
Machine Work ; Painting ; Printing ;
Shoemaking; Steamfitting and Plumbing;
Tailoring ; Tinsmithing ; Upholstery ;
Wheel wrighting .
COURSES FOR GIRLS (a) Domestic Sci-
ence Work Class and Day School Prepar-
atory Department; (b) Regular four-year
courses: (1) Academic-Normal; (2)
Home Economics ; (3) Matron's Course.
NEEDS 3135,000 annually above regu-
lar income; 34,000,000 Endowment Fund;
Scholarships: Full Annual, 3100; Annual
Academic, 370 ; Annual Industrial, 330 ;
Endowed, 32,500.
OFFICERS James E. Gregg, Principal ;
George P. Phenix, Vice Principal ; Frank
K. Rogers, Treasurer ; Wm. H. Scoville,
Secretary.
INFORMATION Catalogue covers details.
For copy address: Hampton Institute, Va.
THE NEGRO YEAR BOOK
A permanent record of current events, an encyclopedia of
450 pages of historical and sociological facts relating to the
Negro. General and special bibliographies.
This publication presents a succinct, comprehensive and
impartial review of the events of each year as they affect
the interests and indicate the progress of the Negro race.
It also provides a compact but comprehensive statement of
historical and statistical facts relating to the Negro.
In addition to its interest for the general reader, the book
is especially adapted for nse in schools where historical and
sociological courses on the Negro are given. Price, 75
cents, paper cover, $1.25, board cover.
1918-1919 Edition Now on Sale
Negro Year Book Publishing Company
TUSKEQEE INSTITUTE ALABAMA
A COMBINATION OFFER
Avail yourself of the opportunity to purchase at
greatly reduced rates Dr. Carter G. Woodson's The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, hi A Century
of Negro Migration and The Journal of Negro History.
Purchased separately these cost:
The Education of the Negro
Prior to J86J ......
A Century of Negro Migration
The Journal of Negro History,
a year
Total .
Price of the three together . .
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MO
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ADDRESS
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Standard Life Insurance Company
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
Is an old line legal reserve Life Insurance Company
owned and operated by colored people
Began operation in 1913.
Has a paid in capital of $125,000.
Has assets of over $500,000.
Has insurance in force of over $10,000,000.
Issues policies from $500 to $5,000 on all mod-
ern plans.
Has paid policyholders since organization nearly
$200,000.
Has paid to colored physicians nearly $75,000.
Has paid to agents and employes, all members
of the race, nearly $200,000.
Has outstanding loans to colored people, amount-
ing to $100,000.
Operates in 10 states and employs 350 agents,
and 62 clerks and stenographers in its offices.
Is helping to bring about the economic emancipation
of the race and deserves by its clean business methods
the patronage and cooperation of all thinking people.
Standard Life Insurance Company
HOME OFFICE ATLANTA, GEORGIA
HEMAN E. PERRY, Prwid.nt HARRY H. PACE, Sec'y-Trea..
A college that has its students devote one-half
their time to actual, useful work is so in line with
common sense that we are amazed that the idea
had to be put in execution by an ex-slave as a life-
saver for his disenfranchised race. Our great dis-
coveries are always accidents: we work for one
thing and get another. I expect that the day will
come, and ere long, when the great universities of
the world will have to put the Tuskegee Idea into
execution in order to save themselves from being
distanced by the Colored Race. Elbert Hubbard in
"A Little Journey to Tuskegee."
Perhaps there is a deserv-
ing young man or woman
in your community who
needs A CHANCE.
If so, perhaps Tuskegee
Institute offers the very op-
portunity which he wants.
Tuskegee is not only a
school. It is an institution;
an influence.
It helps the worthy stu-
dent to help himself.
Location unsurpassed for Healthfulness.
Forty trades and industries for young men and women.
Excellent Library and Normal course.
Smith-Hughest Vocational Courses for advanced students.
Home Economics
Agriculture
Industries
Tuskegee Institute is no place for sluggards. From rising bell to taps, there is a
full program drill, class-room, shop, farm, etc. Perhaps your boy needs just the
sort of training which Tuskegee offers. Write for catalogue and information.
ROBERT R. MOTON, Principal
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama
HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Founded 1867 especially for the education of the Negro, although no
race is excluded: coeducational: number of students, 1918-19, 1452.
The College of Howard University consists of the Junior College
comprising the first and second years and the Schools of Liberal Arts.
Journalism, Education, and Commerce and Finance covering the third
and fourth years. Students in the Junior College may so plan their
work as to lead directly to specialized schools of two years or continue
their college course in the School of Liberal Arts, thus making up the
four year course. The University maintains also a School of Music, a
School of Applied Science and a School of General Service giving
courses covering four years of specialized college work,
Howard University offers courses for students preparing for al-
most any walk of life. Among the professional departments are the
School of Religion, the School of Medicine, and the School of Law.
Two years of college work will hereafter be prerequisite to admission
to these schools, in case the applicant is a candidate for a degree.
For further information, write
THE REGISTRAR, HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
AN OFFICIAL HISTORY
OF
The American Negro in the World War
By EMMETT J. SCOTT, A.M., LL.D.
Special Assistant to the Secretary of War
This book is prefaced with high tributes of democracy and loyalty of the
Negro soldier by Honorable Newton D. Baker, Secretary of War ; the Negro
soldier by John J. Pershing, Commander in Chief of the American forces in
Europe ; and the patriotism of the JAmerican^Negro by the late Theodore
Roosevelt.
It is profusely illustrated with nearly 150 official French and American
Negro photographs, showing all sides of war activities and Negro soldier life
from the call to the colors through the training camps to the battle fronts and
back home.
NEGRO HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO.
P. O. Box 1821, Washington, D. C.
Inform yourself as to
The Exodus of the Negroes
By Reading This New Book
A Century of Negro Migration
By DR. CARTER G. WOODSON
220 Page* Price $1. 10
This is the first effort to trace the causes which have during
the last century set the Negro population .moving frotn S6uth to
North, fleeing from bondage and oppression in quest of a land offer-
ing asylum to the oppressed and opportunities to the unfortunate.
Why they have gone, where they have settled and what they are
doing are all carefully explained.
From the following table of contents a better idea of the book
may be obtained :
I Finding a Place of Refuge
II A Transplantation to the North
III Fighting it out on Free Soil
IV Colonization as a Remedy for Migration
V The Successful Migrant
VI Confusing Movements during the Civil War
VII-The Exodus to the West
VIII The Migration of the Talented Tenth
IX The Exodus During the World War
Bibliography
Index
TkU book m*y bo obtained from
THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
1216 You Street, N. W. Wahington, D. C
Buy Volumes I, II, III, and IV of
the Journal of Negro History
in Bound Form
Volume I contains more than 250 pages ot dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents:
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery hi Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery hi Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as:
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00. This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange.
STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, ETC.
AM of Ootobor, 1019, of THB JOUBVAL or NHQHO HIBTOHT, published quarterly at
Lancaster, Pa.
Required by the Act of August 24, 1012
Name of Post-office address
Editor C. G. WOODBOK Washington, D. C.
Managing Editor None
Business Editor None
Publisher THE ASSOCIATION FOB THE STUDY OF NBOBO LIFB AND HISTOBT. .Lancaster, Pa.
Owner THE ASSOCIATION FOB THE STUDY OF NEOBO LIFE AND HISTOBY. .Washington, D. C.
The Association is incorporated, but not for profit. There are no shares of stock.
Known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders, holding one per cent. OP
more of bonds, mortgages or other securities. None.
(Signed) C. G. WOODSON, Editor
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 10th day of April, 1020.
(Seal) C. A. CABPENTEB,
Notary Public
(My commission expires September 27, 1022)
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
The Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History, inc.
ROBERT E. PARK, PRESIDENT
JESSE E. MOORLAND, SECRETARY-TREASURER
CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOB
1316 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
ROBERT E. PARK, The University of Chicago WILLIAM G. WiLLCOx,^New York City
JESSE E. MOORLAND, Washington, D. C. L. HOLLINGSWORTH WOOD, New York City
CARTER G. WOODSON, Washington, D. C. THOMAS J. JONES, New York City
JULIUS ROSENWALD, Chicago, 111. A. L. JACKSON, New York City
GEORGE FOSTER PEABODY, Saratoga Springs MOORFIELD STOREY, Boston, Mass.
JAMES H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Va. IRVING METCALF, Oberlin, Ohio
JOHN R. HAWKINS, Washington, D. C. R. E. JONES, New Orleans, La.
EMMETT J. SCOTT, Washington, D. C.
Active Membership, $3.00 Life Membership, $50.00
Five Ways to Help This Cause:
Subscribe to the JOURNAL
Become a member of the Association
Contribute to our Research Fund
Collect and send us the historical materials bearing
on the Negroes of your community
Urge every Negro to write us all he knows about his
family history
$20,000 NEEDED
Help us raise annually the sum of $20,000 to finance the
work of collecting and publishing the materials bearing on
Negro life and history. Our efforts have hitherto been restric-
ted to what we have been able to induce interested individuals
to undertake in their respective localities. Moving at this
slow rate and in such an unsystematic way, the .work will pro-
ceed so slowly that many valuable documents and the testi-
monies of slaves and masters will be lost to the world and the
story of the Negro will perish with him.
To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
ing an interest in the propagation of the truth. We need
4 persons to contribute annually 1.000 each
8 " " " " coo "
16 " " " " 250 "
20 " " " " loo "
40 " " " " 50 "
80 " " " " 25 "
200 " " " " 10 "
The following persons have contributed to our support
during this quarter:
James J. Storrow $250.00
Moorfield Storey 100.00
Medill McCormick 100.00
Frank O. Lowden 25.00
Sir Edmund Walker 25.00
Joseph P. Loud 25.00
Arthur B. Emmons 25.00
Francis G. Peabody 20.00
Ida G. Hunt 5.00
Charles J. Bonaparte 5.00
John M. Mecklin 5.00
George W. Cook 2.00
All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
retary-Treasurer of The Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History, 1216 You Street, Northwest, Washington,
D. C.
The Association is incorporated and 'the Secretary-Treas-
urer is bonded.
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V JULY, 1920 No. 3
THE SLAVE IN CANADA
PREFACE
When engaged in a certain historical inquiry, I found
occasion to examine the magnificent collection of the Cana-
dian Archives at Ottawa, a collection which ought not to
be left unexamined by anyone writing on Canada. In that
inquiry I discovered the proceedings in the case of Chloe
Cooley set out in Chapter V of the text. This induced me
to make further researches on the subject _af slavery in
The result was incorporated in a paper,
The Slave in Upper Canada, read before the Royal Society
of Canada in May 1919, and subsequently published in the
JOURNAL or NEGRO HISTORY for October, 1919. Some of
the Fellows of the Eoyal Society of Canada and the editor
of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY have asked me to ex-
pand the paper. The present work is the result.
I have spent many happy hours in the Canadian Ar-,
chives and have read all and copied most of the documents
referred to in this book; but I cannot omit to thank the
officers at Ottawa for their courtesy in forwarding my labor
of love, in furnishing me with copies, photographic and
otherwise, and in unearthing interesting facts. It will not
be considered invidious if I mention William Smith, Esq.,
I.S.O. and Miss Smillie, M.A., as specially helpful. My
thanks are also due to Messrs. Herrington, K.C., of Na-
261
262 JOURNAL OP NEGBO HISTOBY
panee, F. Landon, M.A., of London, Mrs. Hallam and Mrs.
Seymour Corley of Toronto, General Cruikshank of Ot-
tawa, the Very Keverend Dean Eaymond of Victoria, as
well as to many others of whose labors I have taken ad-
vantage. This general acknowledgment will, I trust, be
accepted in lieu of special and particular acknowledgment
from time to time.
The chapter on the Maritime Provinces is almost wholly
taken from the Eeverend Dr. T. Watson Smith's paper on
Slavery in Canada in the Nova Scotia Historical Society's
Collections, Vol. X, Halifax, 1899.
CHAPTEE I
BEFORE THE CONQUEST
That slavery existed in Canada before its conquest by
Britain in 1759-60, there can be no doubt, although curi-
ously enough it has been denied by some historians and
essayists. 1 The firstJigrp^laye of which any account is
given was brought to Quebec by the English 4nJL628. Jjle
was a young man from Madagascar and was sold in Quebec
for 50 half crowns. 2 Sixty years thereafter in 1688,
Denonville, the Governor and DeChampigny, the Intendant
of New France, wrote to the French Secretary of State,
complaining of the dearness and scarcity of labor, agri-
cultural and domestic, and suggesting that the best remedy
would be to have Negro slaves. If His Majesty would
agree to that course, some of the principal inhabitants
iFor example in Garneau's Histoire du Canada (1st Edit) Vol. 2, p. 447"
after speaking of correspondence of 1688-9 referred to in the text he says of
the answer of the authorities in Paris:
"C'e'tait assez pour faire 6chouer nne enterprise, qui aurait greffe sur
notre sociSte la grande et terrible plaie qui paralyse la force d'une portion si
considerable de 1 'Union Americaine, 1 'esclavage, cette plaie inconnue sous
notre ciel du Nord" "That was effective to strand a scheme which would
have engrafted upon our society that great and terrible plague which paralyses
the energies of so considerable a part of the American "Union, Slavery, that
plague unknown under our northern sky. "
2 He was sold by David Kertk or Kirke the first English Conqueror of
Quebec. England held her conquest only from 1629 to 1632, if it be per-
missible to call Kirke 's possession that of England when he was repudiated
by his country.
Relation* des Jesuites, 1632, p. 12: do. do. 1633, p. 25. Much of the
information which follows concerning slavery in Quebec is taken from a paper
in the Memoirs of the Historical Society of Montreal, 1859, De L'esclavage
en Canada, written by M. Jacques Viger and Sir L. H. Lafontaine. I have
made an independent investigation and am satisfied that the facts are truly
stated. This general acknowledgment will prevent the necessity of particular
reference.
In a local history of Montreal Memoirs de la Societe Historique de
Montreal 1869, p. 200, there is a reference to Panis slaves in Montreal in 1670.
263
264 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
would have some bought in the West Indies on the arrival
of the Guinea ships. The minister replied in 1689 in a
note giving the King's consent but drawing attention to
the danger of the slaves coming from so different a climate
dying in Canada and thereby rendering the experiment of
no avail. 3
The Indians were accustomed to make use of slaves,
generally if not universally of those belonging to other
tribes: and the French Canadians frequently bought In-
dian slaves from the aborigines. These were called
"Panis." 4 It would seem that a very few Indians were
directly enslaved by the inhabitants: but the chief means
of acquiring Panis was purchase from les sauvages.
The property in slaves was well recognized in Inter-
national Law. We find that in the Treaty of Peace and
Neutrality in America signed at London, November 16,
1686, 5 between the Kings of France and England, which
James II had arranged shortly after attaining the throne,
' ' Mais il est bon de leur f aire remarquer qu 'il est & craindre que ces
negres, venant d'un climat si different, ne perissent en Canada et le projet
serait alors inutile. " "II est i craindre " that the prospect of "le projet"
being "inutile' 7 waa more alarming than that of "ces negres" perishing in
frozen Canada.
4 The name Pani or Panis, Anglicized into Pawnee, was used generally in
Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave' 7 because these slaves were
usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. It is held by some that the Panis
were a tribe wholly distinct from the tribe known among the English as
Pawnees e.g., Drake's History of the Indians of North America. Those
who would further pursue this matter will find material in the Wisconsin
Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note) ; Viger and Lafontaine,
L'Esclavage en Canada cited above n. 2; Michigan Pioneer and Historical
Collections, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n) ; Vol. XXX, pp. 402, 596; Vol. XXXV,
p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we learn that Dr.
Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book fame, had a "Panie
Wench" who, when the family had the smallpox "had them very severe"
along with Dr. Anthon 'B little girl and his "aeltest boy" "however they got
all safe over it and are not disfigured." Thwaites, an exceedingly careful
writer, in his edition of Long's Travels, Cleveland, 1904, says in a note on
page 117; "Indian Slavery among the French was first practised in the
Illinois Country. ' ' He gives no authority and I know of none.
sEeferred to in Chalmers' Collection of Treaties "between Great Britain
and Other Powers, London, 1790, p. 328: Pap. Off. B. 25.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 265
Article 10 provides that the subjects of neither nation
should take away the savage inhabitants, or their slaves
or the goods which the savages had taken belonging to the
subjects of either nation, and that they should give no as-
sistance or protection to such raids and pillage. In 1705
it was decided that Negroes in America were "moveables,"
meubles, corresponding in substance to what is called "per-
sonal property " in the English law. 6 This decision was
on the Coutume de Paris, the law of New France.
The Panis and Negro slaves were not always obedient.
/Jacques Baudot, the Intendant, April 13, 1709, made an
ordinance on "the Subject of Negroes and Savages called
Panis. " In this he recited the advantage the colony
would acquire by certainty of ownership of the savages
called Panis "whose nation is far removed from this
country " and that certainty could only be brought about
through the Indians who capture them in their homes and
deal for the most part with the English of Carolina, but
who sometimes in fact sell them to the Canadians who are
often defrauded of considerable sums through an idea of
liberty inspired in the Panis by those who do not buy, 7 so
that almost daily they leave their masters under the pre-
text that there are no slaves in France that is not wholly
true since in the islands of this Continent all the Negroes
bought as such are regarded as slaves."
The further recital says that all the colonies should be
on the same footing, and that the Panis were as necessary
for the Canadians for the cultivation of the land and other
work as the Negroes were for the islands, that it was neces-
sary to assure the property in their purchases those who
have bought and those who should buy in the future. Then
comes the enactment "Nous sous le bon plaisir de Sa
We shall see later in this work that by the English law, the " villein "
was real property and in the same case as land: also that when Parliament
came to legislate so as to make lands in the American Colonies liable for debts,
"Negroes" were included in "hereditaments" and therefore "real estate."
* Thus early do we find the Abolitionist getting in his fiendish work the
enemy of society, of God and man!
266 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTOBY
Majeste ordonnons, que tons les Panis et Negres qui ont
ete achetes et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en
pleine propriete a ceux qui les ont achetes comme etant leurs
esclaves." "We with the consent of His Majesty enact
that all the Panis and Negroes who heretofore have been
or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the absolute prop-
erty as their slaves of those who bought them. ' ' 8
This ordinance was not a dead letter. On February 8,
1734, Gilles Hocquart, the Intendant at Quebec issued an
ordinance in which he recited that in 1732 Captain Joanne
of the Navy brought a Carib slave of his to Canada and
employed him as a sailor; that he had deserted when Cap-
tain Joanne was ready to embark for the West Indies ; and
that the master had seen and recognized him a short time
theretofore in the Parish of St. Augustine but on reclaim-
ing him certain evil-disposed persons had facilitated his
escape. The ordinance directed all captains and officers
of the militia to give their assistance to the master in re-
covering the Carib slave and forbade all persons to conceal
him or facilitate his escape on pain of fine or worse. 9
Slavery thereafter tended to ^pand. The Edict of Oc-
> y tober 1727 concerning the American islands and colonies
and therefore including Canada in the preamble spoke of
the islands and colonies being in a condition to support a
considerable navigation and commerce by the consumption
and trade of Negroes, goods and merchandise, and the
measures taken to furnish the necessary Negroes, goods
This ordinance is quoted (Mich. Hist. Coll., XII, p. 511, 517) and its
language ascribed to a (non-existent) "wise and humane statute of Upper
Canada of May 31, 1798 " a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or printing.
In Kingsf ord 's History of Canada, Vol. 2, p. 507, we are told : ' ' In 1718,
several young men were prosecuted on account of their relations with Albany
carried on through Lake Champlain. One of them, M. de la Decouverte, had
made himself remarkable by bringing back a Negro slave and some silver
ware. One of the New York Livingstones resided in Montreal and was gen-
erally the intermediary in these transactions. The author adds in a note:
' ' This negro must have been among the first brought to Canada. ' '
"A peine d 'amende arbitraire et de plus grande peine si le cas y
escheoit."
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 267
and merchandise. It was decreed that only such Negroes,
goods, and merchandise should be received by the islands
and colonies as should be brought in French bottoms.
Very explicit and rigid regulations were made to that end.
Some of these slaves were too vindictive to be good
servants. There is given by Abbe Grosselin in a paper in
the Transactions, Royal Society of Canada for 1900, an ac-
count of a mutiny of part of the garrison at Niagara in-
cited by a Panis probably in the service of an officer at the
post. Some of the mutineers were sentenced to death but
made their escape while the Panis, Charles, was sent to
Martinique with a request to the authorities to make him a
slave and to take every precaution that he should not
escape to Canada or even to the English colonies. A
female slave of color belonging to Mme. de Francheville
who had been bought in the English Colonies set fire to her
mistress' home the night of the 10-11 April 1734, thus
causing a conflagration which destroyed a part of the city ,
of Montreal. The unfortunate slave was apprehended and /
tried for the crime then and for long after a capital felony, j
Being found guilty, she was hanged June, 1734. W.,*.- & ^
The increase in the number of slaves made necessary
some regulation concerning their liberation. September 1, A & V*l>,^
1736, Gilles Hocquart, the Intendant already mentioned, ciif/^
made an ordinance concerning the formalities requisite in
the enfranchisement of slaves. Reciting that he had been
informed that certain persons in Canada had freed their
slaves without any other formality than verbally giving
them their liberty, and the necessity of fixing in an in-
variable manner the status of slaves who should be en-
franchised, he ordered that for the future all enfranchise-
ments should be by notarial act and that all other attempted
enfranchisements should be null and void.
Slaves unable to secure their freedom by legal means,
however, undertook sometimes to effect the same by flight.
A royal decree of July 23, 1745, recited the escape of three
male and one female Negro slaves from the English West
268 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
India Island of Antigua to the French Island of Guadeloupe
and there sold. There followed a decision of the Superior
Council of Guadeloupe that the proceeds of the sale be-
longed to the King of France and Negro slaves belonging
to the enemy when they came into a French colony became
at once the property of His Majesty. To make clear the
course to pursue for the future, the decree declared that
Negro slaves who escape from enemy colonies into French
colonies and all they bring with them belong to His Majesty
alone in the same way as enemy ships and goods wrecked
on his coasts.
With all of thi^securityjhe ownership of slaves became
common." In theTSegisters 6T We^Parish of JLa JLongue
Pointe is found the certificate of the burial, March 13, 1755,
of the body of Louise, a female Negro slave, aged 27 days,
the property of M. Deschambault. In the same Parish is
found the certificate of baptism of Marie Judith, a Panis,
about 12 years of age belonging to Sieur Preville of the
same Parish, November 4, 1756. On January 22, 1757, one
Constant a Panis slave of Sieur de Saint Blain, officer of
Infantry, is sentenced by de Monrepos, Lieutenant-Gover-
nor civil and criminal in the Jurisdiction of Montreal, 10 to
the pillory in a public place on a market day and then to
perpetual banishment from the jurisdiction.
The conquest of Canada begun at Quebec in 1759 and
completed by the surrender to Amherst of Mpjatreal-by-de
Vaudreuil in 1760 had some bearing on slavery. One of
the Articles of Capitulation, the 47th, provided that "the
Negroes and Panis of both Sexes shall remain in the pos-
session of the French and Canadians to whom they belong ;
they shall be at liberty to keep them in their service in the
Colony or to sell them : and they may also continue to bring
them up in the Roman religion." 11
10 Canada was at this time divided into three Jurisdictions or Districts
those of Quebec, Trois Rivieres and Montreal.
11 There are trifling variations in the English text in the several versions
in the Capitulation* and Extracts of Treaties relating to Canada, 1797;
Enox's Journal, Vol. 2, p. 423: Documents relative to the Colonial History of
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 269
HavrngjaowLreachad the jmdjof the French period^ it
will be well to say a word as to the rights of the slaves.
There is nowhere any intimation that there was any differ-
ence in that regard between the Negro and the Panis. The
treatment of the latter by their fellow Indians depended
upon the individual master. The Panis had no rights
which his Indian master was bound to respect. Kemem-
bering the persistence of customs among uncivilized
pej^lej^/one may conclude that the description given of
slavery among the Chinook Indians about a century later
will probably not be far from the mark concerning the
Indians of the earlier time and their slaves.
Paul Kane, the celebrated explorer and artist, 12 in a
paper read before the Canadian Institute 13 in 1857 said:
"Slavery is carried on to a great extent along the North-
toe State of New York, Vol. 10, p. 1107. That in the text is from Shortt &
Doughty 's Constitutional Documents 1759-1791, Canadian Archives Publica-
tion, Ottawa, 1907. There is no substantial difference in terminology and
none at all in meaning. I give the French version, as to which there is no
dispute: "Les Negres et panis des deux Sexes resteront En leur qualite
d'Esclaves, en la possession des franqois et Canadians a qui Us apartiement;
H leur Sera libre de les garder a leur Service dans la Colonie od de les
vendre, Et Us pourront aussi Continuer a les faire Elever dans la Eeligion
Bomaine. ' '
* 2 The Province of Ontario is the proud possessor of many of Paul Kane 's
sketches.
i*Now the Boyal Canadian Institute. The paper appears in Series II
of the Transactions, Vol. 2, p. 20 (1857).
The use by the Indians of Slaves is noted very early: for example in
Galinee's Narrative of the extraordinary voyage of LaSalle and others in
1669-70 the travellers are shown to have obtained from the Indians, slaves as
guides. See pp. 21, 27, 43 of Coyne's edition, 4 Ont. Hist. Soc. Papers
(1903). These Indians were accustomed to take their slaves to the Dutch.
Ibid., p. 27.
Still there is not very much in the old authors about slavery among the
Indians: the references are incidental and fragmentary and the institution is
taken for granted. Thus in Lescarbot's History of New France, published in
1609, the only reference which I recall is on pp. 270, 449 of The Champlain
Society's edition, Toronto, 1914; speaking of the Micmaca the author says:
"... the conquerors keep the women and children prisoners . . . herein
they retain more humanity than is sometimes shown by Christians. For in any
ease, one should be satisfied to make them slaves as do our savages or to
them purchase their liberty."
270 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
West Coast and in Vancouver Island and the Chinooks.
. . . The inhabitants still retain a large number of slaves.
These are usually procured from the Chastay Tribe who
live near the Umqua, a river south of the Columbia empty-
ing into the Pacific. They are sometimes seized by war-
parties but are often bought from their own people. . . .
Their slavery is of the most abject description: the
Chinook men and women treat them with great severity
and exercise the power of life and death at pleasure. "
Kane gives shocking instances of this. He tells of a
chief who sacrificed five slaves to a colossal wooden idol
he had set up and says that the unfortunate slaves were
not considered entitled even to burial but their bodies were
cast out to the crows and vultures.
Amongs^theJFrench such an extreme of barbarity did
not pbtain. Their law was based upon the civil law, that
;he law of Borne, which in its developed form recog-
ized the slave as a human being. The Eoman world was
full oFsIaves. STof only were~ theT*e slaves born but debtors
sometimes sold themselves 14 or their children. The crim-
inal might be enslaved. In early pagan times the slave had
no rights. He was a chattel disposable according to the
will of his master who had jus vita necisque, who could
slay, mutilate, scourge at pleasure. 15 In the course of time
i* It will be remembered that the ancient law of Eome, the Twelve Tables,
authorized creditors to take an insolvent debtor, kill him and divide his body
amongst them, a real execution against the person more trenchant if not more
effective than the capias ad satisfaciendum dear to the English lawyer.
is Everyone has shuddered at the awful picture drawn by Juvenal in his
Sixth Satire of the fashionable Roman dame who had eight husbands in five
years and who ordered her slave to immediate crucifixion. When her husband
mildly ventured to suggest that there should at least be some evidence of guilt
and that no time should be considered long where the life of a man is in
question he was snubbed, just as the Roman lady who was expostulated with
for taking her bath in the presence of man slaves asked "An servus homo?"
The horrible but pithy dialogue reads:
"Pone crucem servo." "Meruit quo crimine servus
Supplicium? Quis test is adeetf Quis detulitf Audi
Nulla nmquam de morte hominis cunctatio longa eat"
"O demons, ita servus homo estf Nil fecerit, esto
Hoc volo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas."
, Juvenal, Sat., VI, 11. 219-223.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 271
this extreme power was restrained. Hadrian forbade the
killing of slaves, Marius allowed the slave to lay an in-
formation against his master. The prefect at Eome and
the presidents of the provinces took cognizance of crimes
against the slave : and Constantine allowed a master to go
free on killing his slave in chastisement only if he used rods
or whips, but not if he used sticks, stones or javelins or
tortured him to death. 16 Hard as was his lot, the unhappy
"The cross for the slave!" "What is the charge? What is the evidence?
Who laid the information? Hear what he has to say No delay is ever great
where the death of a man is in question." "You driveller! So a slave is
a man! Have it your own way he did nothing. I wish it, that is my order,
my wish is a good enough reason."
The natural death for a Eoman slave was on the cross or under the
scourge.
i Constantine also by his Constitution No. 319 provided for slaves becom-
ing free: the Constitution referred to in the text is No. 326. The best short
account of slave legislation in Borne which I have seen is in a paper read by
the late Vice Chancellor Proudfoot of the Ontario Court of Chancery, Feb-
ruary 7, 1891, before the Canadian Institute. Trans. Can. Ins., Series IV,
Vol. 2, p. 173. Many of the judgments of Vice Chancellor Proudfoot (vener-
abile nomen) show a profound knowledge and appreciation of the Civil Law.
The following is taken from Prof. Sherman's great work Eoman Law in
the Modern World, Boston, 1917. The learned author has laid philosophical
lawyers of all countries under heavy obligations by this splendid book, as
noted for its lucidity as for its learning.
Vol. 1, 69. "To inflict unnatural cruelty upon and finally to kill a
slave was prohibited by Augustus Claudius and Antoninus Pius. Moreover,
because by natural law all men were born free and equal (see Digest, 50, 17,
32) the Emperor often restored to slaves the status of a freeborn -person."
I, 146. "Constantine . . . abolished crucifixion as a punishment; en-
couraged the emancipation of slaves. ..."
I, 150. ". . . It is regrettable that Christianity did not change other
parts of the Roman law of persons which ought to have been reformed. The
chief example of this failure is slavery, which the law of Justinian fully
recognized. The inertia of past centuries as to slavery was too great to be
Overcome. St. Paul's attitude towards slavery was to recognize the status quo,
/ and he did not counsel wholesale emancipation. But Christianity continued
progress of the pagan law along the lines of mercy and kindness, e.g., to
poison a slave or brand him was treated in later Imperial Eoman law as
homicide, and manumission was made easier ; but the Church did not recognize
the marriage of slaves until over 300 years after Justinian 's death. ' '
II, 434, "In Eoman law . . . the slave was a thing or chattel nothing
more legally. Slaves could no hold property elaves could not marry, their
actual unions were never legally recognized."
272 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
slave had at least .jsome rights^ in ttiejater^ ,?iviL jaw^ few
and slight as they were, and these he had under the Cou-
tume de Paris, the law of French Canada.
II, 436, "With the advent of Greek culture and Christianity the harsh
manners of ancient Koine became greatly altered."
1 1, 828, ' ' One feature of the Lex Aquilia is ... that it granted an action
in damages for the unlawful killing of ... the slave of another man." Inst.,
413, pr; Gains 3, 210.
II. 829, "... the owner had his option either of suing the culprit for
damages under the lex Aquilia or of causing him to be criminally prosecuted."
Inst., 4, 3, 11 Gaius 3, 213.
II, 935, "A free person called as a witness could not be subjected to tor-
ture, but a slave could be tortured."
CHAPTER II
THE EABLY BRITISH PERIOD
When Canada passedjmder ,thfi 'British flag ^conquest
there was for~~aT5ne confusion as to the law in force.
During the military regime from 1760^1764 the authori-
ties did the best they could and applied such law as they
thought the best for the particular case. There was no
dislocation in the common affairs of the country, (ffihen
formally ceded to Britain by the Treaty of
Paris, 1763^ it was not long before there was issued a
royal proclamation creating among other things a "Gov-
ernment of Quebec" with its western boundary a line
drawn from the "South end of Lake Nipissim" 2 to the
point at which the parallel of 45 north latitude crosses
the River St. Lawrence. In all that vast territory the Eng-
lish law, civil and criminal, was introduced. 3 It is impor-
tant now to see what was the law of England at the time
respecting slavery.
The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a
slave enters England he becomes free," 4 was succeeded by
the decision of the Court of King's Bench to the same
effect in the celebrated case of Somerset v. Stewart, 5 when
Lord Mansfield is reported to have said : * ' The air of Eng-
land has long been too pure for a slave and every man is
free who breathes it." 6
i<3ee this Treaty which was concluded at Paris, February 10, 1763 "au Nom
de la Tres Sainte & indivisible Trinite, Pere, Fils & Saint Esprit ' ' Shortt &
Doughty, Constitutional Documents, 1759-1791, pp. 73 sqq.
2 What we now call Lake Nipissing.
See the Proclamation, Shortt & Doughty, Const. Docs., pp. 1 19, sqq.
*Per Hargrave, arguendo, Somerset v. Stewart (1772), Lofft 1, at p. 4;
the speech in the State Trials Report was never actually delivered.
(1772) Loftt, 12 Geo. HI, 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.
These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials, but will be found
in Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, VoL II, p. 419, where the words are
273
274 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
James Somerset, 7 a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in
Jamaica, " purchased from the African coast in the course
of the slave trade as tolerated in the plantations," had been
brought by his master to England "to attend and abide
with him and to carry him back as soon as his business
should be transacted. " The Negro refused to go back,
whereupon he was put in irons and taken on board the
ship Ann and Mary lying in the Thames and bound for
Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus
requiring Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before
him with the cause of the detainer. On the motion, the
cause being stated as above indicated, Lord Mansfield re-
ferred the matter to the full court of King's Bench; where-
upon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. 8
The basis of the decision and the theme of the argument
were that the only kind of slavery known to English law
was villeinage, that the Statute of Tenures enacted in 1660,
expressly abolished villeins regardant to a manor and by
implication '-villeins in gross. The reasons for the decision
would hardly stand fire at the present day. The investiga-
tion of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively es-
tablished that there was not a real difference in status
added : ' ' Every man who comes into England is entitled to the protection of
the English law, whatever oppression he may heretofore have suffered and
whatever may be the color of hig skin. Quamvis Hie niger, quamvis tu
candidus esses and certainly Vergil's verse was never used to a nobler purpose.
Verg. E. 2, 19.
William Oowper in The Task, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his
well-known lines:
" Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free.
They touch our country and their shackles fall. ' '
?I use the spelling in Lofft. The State Trials and Lord Campbell have
"Somersett" and "Steuart."
s This was in direct opposition to the opinion of Sir Philip Yorke, At-
torney General (afterwards Lord Chancellor Lord Hardwicke) and Sir Charles
Talbot, Solicitor General (afterwards Lord Chancellor Lord Talbot) who had
pledged themselves to the British planters for all the legal consequences of
Slaves coming over to England. The law of Scotland agreed with that of
England.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 275
between the so-called villein regardant and villein in gross,
and that in any case the villein was not properly a slave
but rather a serf. 9 Moreover, the Statute of Tenures deals
solely with tenure and not with status.
But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely
that slavery, personal slavery, had never existed in Eng-
land and that the only unf ree person was the villein, who,
by the way, was real property, is certainly not correct.
Slaves were known in England as mere personal goods and
chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of
the twelfth century. 10 However weak the reasons given
for the decision, its authority has never been questioned
and it is good law. But it is good law for England, for
even in the Somerset case it was admitted that a concur-
rence of unhappy circumstances had rendered slavery
necessary 11 in the American colonies; and Parliament had
recognized the right of property in slaves there. 12 Con-
sequently so long as the slaves, Panis or Negro, remained
in the colony they were not enfranchised by the law of the
conqueror but retained their servile status.
The early records show the use of slaves. General
James Murray, who became Governor of the Quebec Forti-
8ee e.g., Vinogradoff, Villeinage in England, passim. Hallam's Middle
Ages (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock and Maitland, History of English
Law, Vol. 1, pp. 395, sqq. Holdsworth's History of English Law, Vol. 2,
pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167, 377-393.
10 See Pollock and Maitland ' History E*g. Law, Vol. 1, pp. 1-13, 395,
415; Holdworth's Hist. Eng. Law, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27, 30-33, 131, 160, 216.
11 "So spake the fiend and with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds."
Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, 11. 393, 394.
Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument based upon
supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name for greed or
worse.
"For example, the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, c. 7, enacted, sec. 4,
"that from and after the said 29th September, 1732, the Houses, Lands,
Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates situate or being within
any of the said (British) Plantations (in America) shall be liable" to be
sold under execution. Note that the Negroes are "Hereditaments and Eeal
estate, " as were the villeins a rule wholly different from that of the French
law.
276 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
fications and adjoining territory immediately after the fall
of Quebec and in 1763 the first Captain General and Gov-
ernor in Chief of the new Province of Quebec, 1 3 writing from
Quebec, November 2, 1763, to John Watts in New York
speaks thus of the promoting of agriculture in the
Province :
''I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without
servants nothing can be done, had I the inclination to em-
soldiers which is not the case, they would disappoint
and Canadians will work for nobody but themselves.
Slaves are certainly the only people to be depended
upon, but it is necessary, I imagine they should be born in
one ar other of our Northern Colonies, the Winters here
will not agree with a Native of the torrid zone, pray there-
fore if possible procure for me two Stout Young Fellows,
who have been accustomed to Country Business, and as I
shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is little
felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may
buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the
female offices about a farm. I shall begrudge no price, so
hope we may, by your goodness succeed. " 14
From time to time slavery makes its appearance in offi-
cial correspondence. Moreover, there are still subsisting
records which show the prevalence of slavery in the
province. 15 In January, 1763, there took place at Longueil
the marriage of Marie, slave of baroness de Longueuil, with
Jacques Cesar, slave of M. Ignace Gamelin. From 1763
to 1769 there are found records of the baptism of the
is His Commission is dated November 28, 1763, Shortt & Doughty, Consti-
tutional Documents, 1759-1761, pp. 126, sqq.
i* Canadian Archives, Murray Papers, Vol. II, p. 15 : the Quebec Act
mentioned immediately below is (1774) 14 George III, c. 83.
In 1774 the well known Quebec Act reintroduced the former French
Canadian law in civil matters while it retained the English law in criminal
matters; but the change made no difference in the condition of the slave.
is The three which follow I owe to the interesting paper of Mr. E. Z.
Massicotte, Archivist of Montreal published in Le Bulletin des Eecherches
Historiques for November, 1918, pp. 348 sqq. the advertisement in the
Gazette is to be found in Terrill'a Chronicles of Montreal. The paper was
2i Spanish dollars per annum, 10 sous per copy, published every Wednesday.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 277
children of slaves in the registers of the Parish of
Lachine. In the first issue of the Gazette of Montreal,
June 3, 1778, there is an advertisement by the widow Dufy
Desaulniers, offering a reward of six dollars for the return
/to her of a female slave who had run away on the 14th.
^ She was thirty-five years old and she was dressed in striped
calico of the ordinary cut and was of "tolerable stoutness.'*
Alexander Henry writing from Montreal, October 5,
1778, to the Governor Sir Frederick Haldimand, says that
he had obtained a Judgment in the Court of Common Pleas
against one Gillelande in the colonies who owed him a con-
siderable sum of money. "Hearing that a Negro of his
had deserted from him," said Henry, " and was lurking in
this Province I obtained an execution upon that judgment
and got the negro apprehended who is still in gaol."
General Powell who was the Commander there sent to
Mr. Gray the Sheriff desiring him to postpone the sale
until such time as the Governor should be made acquainted
with the matter. Mr. Gray thereafter informed Mr. Henry
that he mentioned the affair to Sir Frederic Haldimand,
who likewise ordered the sheriff to postpone the sale until
the Governor could confer with the Attorney-General. The
Attorney-General thereafter informed Mr. Henry that he
had spoken to the Governor, who was of the opinion that
the civil law should take its course. . . . Mr. Gray thought
he should have some definite authority to sell. . . . He
said: "There are some gentlemen from the Upper Coun-
tries 15 whom I presume will give more for him than any
person resident here and . . . they are now on their re-
turn." He asked that an order for sale should be sent
before the departure of these gentlemen. 15 The higher
" The ' ' Upper Countries ' ' were Detroit and Michilimackinae, sometimes
including the Niagara region at this time there were practically no residents
in what became the Province of Upper Canada and is now the Province of
Ontario. The letter is to be found in the Canadian Archives, B. 217, p. 21:
as no farther record appears, it is to be presumed that an order was made for
sale by the Sheriff.
The Report of James Monk Attorney-General at Quebec about to be men-
tioned is to be found in the Canadian Archives, B. 207, p. 105.
I
278 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTOBY
price which the gentlemen from the "Upper Countries "
would pay indicates the objection of those in the old settled
parts of the province to Slavery.
An official report made in 1778 by James Monk, At-
torney General at Quebec, to the Governor, Sir Guy Carle-
ton, (afterwards Lord Dorchester) gives a sufficiently full
account of an occurrence the subject of much controversy
and correspondence showing the significance of slavery at
that time. The Attorney General examined the several
papers, making a case of complaint, by Joseph Despin of
St. Francois Merchant a trader against Major de Earner
Commanding a Regiment of Light Infantry Chasseurs of
Brunswick Troops. Despin complained to Brigadier Gen-
eral Ehrenkrook, Commander of the Brunswick Troops at
Trois Eivieres, that Major de Barner by his orders or
otherwise at Midnight of the first of the previous June,
occasioned forcibly to be taken from said Despin ^..Negro-
woman slave, Despin 's property and suffered her to be
carried out of the province. He therefore prayed Briga-
dier General Ehrenkrook, that Major de Barner might
either return to him the said slave with damages or pay to
Despin the value thereof.
Upon this complaint an inquiry was made. In the
course of this inquiry Joseph Despin did not support his
complaint and charge with those legal proofs which could
entitle him to recover from Major de Barner thereupon;
" or induce a Court of Justice to consider Major de Barner
as having either given any others for the taking of, or even
had any knowledge touching the intended escape of the
Slave." The complaint of Despin was then deemed very
justly dismissed.
Upon the dismission of this complaint Major de Barner
requested of the Governor satisfaction and punishment
upon the accuser, and a notary, one Eobin, who prepared
notarial acts, in an unbecoming affrontive manner. This
request was made under three heads: first, that Despin
might be exemplarily punished, not merely for a false dis-
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 279
honoring accusation of Major de Earner, a commanding
officer and injurious to his whole battalion, but punishment
for the personal insults to Major de Earner and his char-
acter; second, that Despin might pay the expenses of pre-
paring and making out writings; and third, that the said
Robin, the notary, may be equally punished for using ex-
pressions in his acts hurtful and indecent to persons of
honor and character.
The Attorney General asserted that there is reason to
conclude from the several testimonies appearing in the
case, that Despin had lost his slave by means of some
soldiers belonging to the Battalion of Chasseurs which
Major de Earner Commanded, though not in the least by
the orders or with the knowledge or consent of Major de
Earner as charged.
One of the most extraordinary stories of the time is told
by William Dummer Powell afterwards Chief Justice of
Upper Canada, but in 1780 17 and later practising as a bar-
rister in Montreal. "Meeting in the Street of Montreal an
armed Party escorting to the Provost Guard several female
prisoners and Children/' says Mr. Powell, "curiosity was
excited and upon engaging the Non-Commissioned Officer
commanding the Escort, Mr. Powell was informed that
they were Prisoners of war, taken in the Kentucky Country
and brought into Detroit by a Detachment of the Garrison
and now arrived from thence. Further Enquiry after pro-
curing necessary relief to the first wants of the party, drew
from Mrs. Agnes La Force the following Narrative :
"That her husband was a loyal Subject in the Province
of North Carolina, 18 having a good Plantation well stocked
and a numerous family. That his political Sentiments ex-
17 In the same year a much wronged Negro petitioned Haldimand. His
petition dated at Quebec, October 17, 1778, reads: "To His Excellency
Frederick
Haldimand, Governor & Commander in Chief of all Kanady and the
territories thereunto belonging,
The Petition of Joseph King humbly sheweth that Your Petitioner has
been twice taken by the Yankys and sold by them each time at Public Vendue :
he has made his escape and brought two white men through the woods: he waa
280 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
posed him to so much Annoyance from the governing
Party, that he determined to retire into the wilderness,
that he accordingly mustered his whole family, consisting
of several Sons and their Wives and Children, and Sons-
in-law with their Wives and Children, a numerous band of
select and valuable Slaves Male and female, and a large
Stock of Cattle, with which they proceeded westward, in-
tending to retire into Kentucky.
' ' That after " the accidental death of the father they
pursued their route to the westward and settled with their
Slaves in the wilderness about five hundred miles from any
civil establishment. After a residence of three years, a
party of regular Troops and Indians from the British
Garrison at Detroit appeared in the plain and summoned
them to surrender. 18 "Belying upon British faith," says
Mr. Powell, "they open'd their Grate on condition of Pro-
tection to their Persons and property from the Indians;
but they had no sooner surrendered and received that
promise than her sons and sons-in-law had to resort to
arms to resist the Insults of the Indians to their wives and
Slaves. 19 Several lives were lost and the whole surviving
Party was marched into Detroit, about six hundred Miles,
where the Slaves were distributed among the Captors and
the rest marched or boated eight hundred miles further to
Montreal and driven into the Provot Prison as Cattle into
a Pound." 19
This story will be credited with difficulty but accident
some time after put into the hands of Mr. Powell a docu-
ment of undeniable credit, which, however, was unneces-
sary: for on Mr. Powell's representation of the case to Sir
a servant to Captain McCoy last winter in Montreal and came here (Quebec)
last spring. Your Petitioner has gone through many Perils and Dangers of his
life for making his escape from the Yankeys. He lioaps that Your Excellency
through the abundance of Your Benevolence will grant him his liberty for
which your poor Petitioner as in Duty bound will ever pray." Canadian
Archives, B. 217, p. 324.
is In the Petition referred to post, Mrs. La Force states that her husband
was "late of Virginia."
is I have followed the Powell MSS. in spelling, capitalization, etc.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 281
F. Haldimand the most peremptory orders to the Com-
mandant at Detroit to find out the slaves of Mrs. La Force
in whose ever possession they might be and transmit them
to their mistress at Montreal. But Detroit was too far
distant from headquarters and interests prompting to dis-
obedience of such an order too prevalent for it to produce
any effect; and the commandant acknowledged in answer
to a reiterated order that the slaves could not be produced,
although their names and those of their new masters were
correctly ascertained and the following list transmitted
with the order.
List of slaves formerly the property of Mrs. Agnes La
Force and in possession of others :
Negro Scipio in possession of Simon Girty 20
do Tim " " " Mr. Le Due.
do Ishener " " " do do
do Stephen " " il Captn. Graham,
do Joseph " " " Captn. Elliot,
do Peggy " " " do do
do Job " lt " Mr. Baby
do Hannah " " " Mr. Fisher,
do Candis " " " Capt. McKee.
do Bess Grace Rachel and Patrick-Indians'"
13
The case of Mrs. La Force and some similar cases led
Haldimand to require Sir John Johnson, the Superin-
20 They were taken in an expedition nominally under Captain Bird but
he had little control over the Indians and had only a few men of his own
British Regulars. He had had bitter experience of the cruelty and unrelia-
bility of the Indians in 1779 but had to go with them in 1780. This was not
one of the two large Forts which Bird took in his 1780 expedition, Fort
Liberty and Martin's Station, but a smaller fortification. It was taken June
26, 1780 (Can. Arch., B. 172, 480); that there were several small forts is
certain; that some of the prisoners brought to Detroit were from the small
forts and that they (or some of them) were not rebels appears from the
letter from De Peyster of August 4, 1780 (Canadian Archives, B. 100, p. 441) :
' * In a former letter to the Commander in Chief, ' ' said he, "I observed that it
would be dangerous having so many Prisoners here but I then thought those
small Forts were occupied by a different set of people."
282 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tendent of Indian Affairs, to report. He wrote from
Quebec, July 16, 1781, "Several complaints having been
made upon the subject of selling negroes brought into this
Province (Quebec) by scouting parties who allege a Eight
to Freedom and others belonging to Loyalists who are
obliged to relinquish their properties or reclaim them
by paying the money for which they were sold, I must
desire that you upon the most minute enquiry give in to
Brigadier General Maclean a Keturn of all Negroes who
have been brought into the Province by Parties in any
Respect under your Directions whether Troops or Indians,
specifying their names, their former masters, whether
Loyalists or Eebels, by whom brought in and to whom sold,
at what price and where they are at present. I shall direct
Cols. Campbell and Clans to do the same by which it will
be in my Power to reduce the Grievances now complained
of and to make such arrangements as will prevent them
in future. ' '
Johnson sent a return of Negroes to Maclean and Ma-
clean July 26, 1781, and they sent it on to Haldimand:
Clans and Campbell made returns direct to Haldimand in
August of the same year. Fortunately the covering letters
are extant as are the reports. There is also one Negro,
Abraham, reported in a Eeturn of Eebel Prisoners in and
about Montreal as having been taken June 18, 1781; and,
therefore, about a year after Mrs. La Force's capture. 21
"Of the fifty or more slaves named in this list/' says
Dr. T. W. Smith, "nearly half were sold at Montreal, a few
being carried by the Indians and Whites to Niagara. The
others were handed to their former owners. ' Charles'
1 taken at Balls Town making his escape out of a window in
Col. Gordon's house' was sold to the Eev. David C. DeLisle,
21 The well-known so-called Renegade, is in reality a loyal subject whose
reputation pays the penalty of a losing cause. The others are all well-known
loyalists of Detroit.
Mrs. La Force 's Petition to Haldimand is still extant. Canadian Archives,
B. 217, p. 116. Her name is included in the list of women and children re-
maining at Montreal, the list being dated Quebec, September 11, 1782, and she
being given as of Virginia and taken June 26, 1780.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 283
the Episcopal rector at Montreal, for 20 Halifax currency;
Samuel Judah, Montreal, paid 24 for * Jacob ' also a slave
of Col. Gordon, a rebel master, but for a Negro girl of the
same owner he gave 60; Nero, another of Col. Gordon's
slaves, captured by a Mohawk Indian, Patrick Langan sold
to John Mittleberger of Montreal for 60; 'Tom' was sold
by Captain Thompson of Col. Butler's Bangers for 25 to
Sir John Johnson who gave him to Mr. Langan; and Wil-
liam Bowen, a Loyalist owner, sold his recovered slave
' Jack' for 70 to Captain John McDonell of the Rangers.
* William,' who was also sold for 30 to Mr. McDonell and
afterwards carried to Quebec, had been taken from his
master's house by Mohawk Indians under Captain John
the Mohawk with a wagon and horses which he had got
ready to convey his mistress Mrs. Fonda wife of Major
Fonda to Schenectady . . . another Negro man, name un-
known, was sold 'by a soldier of the 8th Eegiment to Lieu-
tenant Herkimer of the Corps of Eangers, who disposed of
him to Ensign Sutherland of the Eoyal Eegiment of New
York.'"
Negroes were not the only victims of Indian raids. In
1782 Powell had another experience, which is indicative of
the practices of the Indians during the Eevolutionary
War. 22 In his letter to the Commissary of Prisoners at
Quebec he wrote :
Montreal, 22 August, 1782.,
"Sir
I should make an Apology for the Liberty I take but that I
consider it a public Duty.
When you were here some time since, I am informed that men-
tion was made to you of a young female slave 'bought of the In-
dians by a Mr. Campbell, a Publican of this Town, and that when
22 The correspondence, &c., is in the Canadian Archives, B. 129, p. 221,
225; B. 159, p. 152; B. 183, p. 284. A Negro taken "horse hunting" by a
party of Puttewatamies in the West is mentioned August 16, 1782, in B. 123,
p. 290. He belonged to Epharaim Hart from whom he deserted and was taken
about 20 miles up Cross Creek. I copy from a Manuscript of Powell's in my
possession which I have compared with a photostate copy of a manuscript in
the Canadian Archives.
284 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
you learned that she was the Daughter of decent family in Pen-
silvania 23 captured by the Indians at 10 years of age, your Human-
ity opposed itself to the barbarous Claim of her Master and you
Promised that she should be returned to her Parents by the first Flag
with Prisoners.
"In consequence of such a Promise," continued he, "the Child
had been taught to expect a speedy release from her Bondage, and,
finding that her Name was in the List permitted by his Excellency
to cross the Lines with a flag from St. Johns, 24 she imagined that
there could be no Obstacle to her Return; but, being informed
that Mr. Campbell had threatened to give her back to the Indians,
she eloped last Evening, and took refuge in my House from whence
a female Prisoner, (sometime a nurse to my children) was to sett
off this Morning for the Neighborhood of the Child's Parents.
Upon Application from Mr. Campbell to Brigadr. Genl. De Speht
setting forth that He had furnished her with money, an order was
obtained for the delivery of the Child to her Master and there was
no time for any other Accommodation than an undertaking on
my part to reimburse Mr. Campbell the Price he paid for her to the
Indians. This I am to do on his producing a Certificate from
some Military Gentleman, whom he says was present at the Sale.
I have no objection to an Act of Charity of this Nature, but all
Political Considerations aside, I am of opinion that the national
Honor is interested, that this Redemption should not be the Act
of an Individual. As Commissary of Prisoners I have stated the
Case to you, Sir, that you may determine upon the propriety of
reimbursing me, or not, the sum I may be obliged to pay on this
occasion.
"That all may be fairly stated I should observe that the Child
was never returned a Prisoner, 25 nor has drawn Provisions as such
although there can be no doubt of her political character, having
been captured by our Savages."
23 The western part of Pennsylvania is meant. This region was seething
with conflicts on. a small scale between the Loyalists and the Republicans.
The Indians for the most part took the side of the former.
2 * In what is now the Province of Quebec.
25 In 1780 Germain instructed Haldimand that "all prisoners from re-
volted Provinces are committed as guilty of high treason not as prisoners of
war" (Canadian Archives, B. 59, p. 54) but a change soon took place and
after some intermediate stages, Shelburne, the Home Secretary, in April, 1782,
instructed Haldimand that all American prisoners were to be held for ex-
change. Canadian Archives, B. 50, p. 164.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 285
The reply to this communication was :
"I am favored with your's by Saturday's post and have since
layed it before His Excellency the Commander in Chief, and I have
the Pleasure to inform you that he approves much of your Conduct
and feels himself obliged for your very humane Interposition to
rescue the poor unfortunate Sarah Cole from the Clutches of the
miscreant Campbell ; and I am further to inform you that your letter
has 'been transmitted by his Secretary to the Judges at Montreal, not
only to make Campbell forfeit the money he says he paid for the
Girl, but if possible to punish and make him an example to prevent
such inhuman conduct for the Future ; but in any Event you shall be
indemnified for the very generous Engagement you entered into."
It has been established that Mr. Powell had redeemed
his word the day it was given and paid Mr. Campbell
Twelve Guineas 26 on production of a string of Wampum
delivered by the Indians with the girl and the money paid
by Campbell. A cartel went forward August 22, 1782, and
in the list of prisoners sent south appears the name " Sarah
Coal." 27 Haldimand gave Mr. Justice Mabane, the man
of all work of his administration, instructions to see to it
that Campbell did not profit by his inhumanity and also to
take such steps that the practice should not prevail for the
future. 27
A petition presented to Haldimand in 1783, however,
26 By the Ordinance of March 29, 1777, 17 George III, c. 9, the guinea
was declared equivalent to 1.3.4, Quebec Currency: this would make the price
of the girl, $42.60. See note 30 post. It is to be presumed that Powell was
repaid. He nowhere complains that he was not as he certainly would have
done if he had cause to do so.
Negroes were frequently arriving in the colony and seeking aid and sub-
sistence. For example, we find Thomas Scott, J. P., reporting Thursday,
May 37, 1781: "The Bearer John Jacob a Negro man just arrived from
Montreal has applied to me for relief in his case as set forth in the Annexed
Paper. But as I apprehend that ean only be given him by His Excellency
the Governor I respectfully recommend him to His Excellency's notice."
Canadian Archives, B. 100, p. 72.
27 See Canadian Archives, B. 130, pp. 33, 34.
286 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
discloses another transaction with the Indians. 28 Jacob
Adams presented the petition December 13 of that year
from Carleton Island. He said:
"I have taken a Yankee Boy (by name Francis Cole) 29 with a
party of Messesagee Indians afterwards when I arrived at Carle-
ton Island with the said party of Indians and said Yankee Boy,
the Commanding Officer (Captain Aubrey) demanded the Prison-
ers Yizt. this Boy and an old man 30 the Indians refus'd giving
them up on which Capt. Aubrey gave me Liberty to purchase them
and so I did by paying sixteen Gallons Rum for the Boy which cost
me at this place twenty shillings, York Currency, pr. Gallon, 31 and
he the said Yankee Boy was to serve me the term of four years
(with his own lawfull consent) for my redeeming him. As for
the old man I likewise bought him for two Gallons Rum but
Capt. Aubrey requested I should send him Prisoner to Your Ex-
cellency. I acted accordingly. I likewise gave a shirt apiece to
each of the two Chiefs who belonged to said party in like manner I
lost twenty-four shillings York Currency by four Keggs which the
above Rum was put into. 32
''Now, may it please Yr Excellency this said Yankee Boy re-
mained very peaceably and quietly with me for the space of two
28 It is more than doubtful that the prohibition of the sale of white
captives by the Indians would be productive of good. The natural result
would rather be that the Indians would kill their white captives at once or
torture them to death. At the best the prisoners would in most cases, if
adults become "slaves and if young be adopted into the tribe. There are
numerous instances of white captives being slain because unsaleable while the
Negroes escaped death because they found a ready market. See the story of
Thomas Eidout, post, note 37. The order of Haldimand will be found in the
Canadian Archives.
2 Remembering that Sarah Cole was bought by Campbell from the Indians
at Carleton Island (near Kingston) it seems likely that Francis Cole was her
brother or some other relation. That Adams says nothing of Sarah is not at
all strange.
The Mississagua Indians occupied a great part of the territory now the
Province of Ontario and were always loyal to the British Crown.
so In the ' ' Return of Prisoners wha have requested leave to remain in the
Province made at Quebec, November 3, 1782, " appear the names of "Mich. &
Phoebe Roach to remain at Montreal to receive a child with the Savages and
a man at Carleton Island. These were white. The Report of the Negroes
follows. Canadian Archives, B. 163, p. 258.
si The York Shilling (or shilling in New York currency) was 12i cents,
one eighth of a dollar.
32 $5.00 for the rum ; $3.00 for the Ke^gs.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 287
months during which Time I took him several Journeys to Fort
Stanwix and Oswego and whilst I was absent he got acquainted
with some of the soldiers on this Island who persuaded him to
get off from me and accordingly he got off in the manner follow-
ing: when Lieut. Peppin of the 5th Kegiment and his Party were
embarking on board the Haldimand to go to Niagara, he privately
got on board and remained there Incog, for one Day and a Night
on which I made an application to Mr. Peppin to make a search
for him and accordingly he did and found him and likewise brought
him before the Commanding Officer who asked the Boy his Reasons
for Running away from me: he replied He did not chuse to live
with me on which Capt. Aubreay has sent him down as Prisoner
to Yr. Excellency.
"May it please Your Excellency I expect your Excellency will
please to take my Case into consideration by granting me the
Request of being paid for what I have lost by said Prisoner or the
Yankee Boy, to be returned to me. . . ," 33
There were not wanting at this time or later instances of
those convicted of crime buying their lives by enlistment
for life. One case of a mulatto, a slave, may be here men-
tioned. A mulatto called Middleton was convicted at
33 Canadian Archives, B. 216, pp. 14, sqq.
No proceedings seem to have been taken on this Petition and it is prob-
able that Mr. Adams had to stand the loss on Francis Cole the said Yankee
Boy as Campbell did on Sarah Cole of Pennsylvania.
Indians were not the only slavers. As soon as the Declaration of Inde-
pendence was promulgated, if not before, Boston began to fit out privateers to
prey on British trade. We read of four privateers reported by Governor Mon-
tague as seen in the Straits of Belle Island in 1776, two off Placentia in 1777 and
in 1778 committing daily depredations on the coast of Newfoundland. They har-
ried the unprotected fishermen and the farmers of Newfoundland and Labrador
but some at least of them went further. Those who had demanded political
freedom themselves denied even personal freedom to others. They seized and
carried away into slavery some of the unoffending natives, the Eskimos, who
were freemen and whose only crime was their helplessness. One instance will
suffice. The Minerva privateer of Boston, Captain John Grimes, Master,
mounting 20 nine pounders and manned with 160 men landed on Sandwich
Bay, Labrador, at Captain George Cartwright's station, took his brig, The
Countess of Effingham, loaded her with his fish and provisions and sent her off
to Boston. C'artwright not unnaturally said : 1 1 May the Devil go with them. ' '
"The Minerva also took away four Eskimo to be made slaves of." W. G.
Gosling, Labrador, Toronto, n. d., pp. 192, 244, 245, 333.
288 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Montreal in 1781 of a felony (probably larceny) which
carried the sentence of death. He was an expert mechanic
of a class of men much in demand in the army and he was
given a pardon conditioned upon his enlisting for life. He
chose the Second Batallion of Sir John Johnson's Koyal
American Regiment then in Quebec and was handed over
by Sheriff Gray to the officers of that corps after having
taken the oath of allegiance administered to all recruits. 34
Manv slaves wjexe employ ed^s ^atn^n, laborerj^aij.d
e find a letter from headquarters
at Quebec to Captain Maurer who was at Montreal, dated
October 6, 1783, which reads :
"Having had the Honor to communicate to His Excellency, the
Commander-in-Chief, your intimation that applications have been
made by the Proprietors of some Negro's Serving Capt. Harki-
mer's (Herkimer) Company of Batteau Men to have them restored
to them and desiring to receive His Excellency's Pleasure therein,
I am directed to signify to you His Excellency's Commands that
all such Negro 's to be given up on the Requisition of their owners,
provided they produce sufficient Proofs of their Property and
give full acknowledgments or Receipts for them which must be
taken in the most ample manner to prevent future claims and to
have the necessary recourse to those Persons who receive them
should different applications be made for the above Negro's." 35
Peace had come 36 and there was no more need for a
large army. But it was some years before the Indians of
the western country ceased from their practice of making
prisoners. 37
34 See Canadian Archives, B. 61, p. 83, where he is called a Negro. Ibid.,
B. 158, p. 263, where he is called a mulatto,
as Canadian Archives, B. 215, p. 236.
36 The Definitive Treaty of Peace between the mother country and her
revolted colonies, now become the United States of America, was signed at
Paris, September 3, 1783, but it had been incubating for months before that
date.
37 It may not be out of place to give some account of the capture by
Indians of Thomas Kidout, afterwards Surveyor General and Legislative
Councillor of Upper Canada. His story is given in his own words by his
granddaughter Lady Edgar in her interesting Ten Tears of Upper Canada.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 289
Thomas Ridout, born iu Dorsetshire, when twenty years of age came to
Georgia in 1774. After trading for a few years he left Annapolis, Maryland,
in 1787 for Kentucky with letters of introduction from George Washington,
Colonel Lee of Virginia and other gentlemen of standing. Sailing with Mr.
Purviance, his man James Black and two other men towards the Falls of the
Ohio, the party was taken by a band of about twenty Indians. Ridout was
claimed by an elderly man, apparently a chief. w r ho protected him from
injury, but could not save his hat, coat and waistcoat. Soon he saw tied two
other young men who had been taken that morning and set aside for death.
Ridout was able to secure their release. The Indians were Shawanese, Potta-
watamies, Ottawas and (Jhcrokees. One prisoner, William Richardson Watson,
said to be an Englishman but who had lived for some years in the United
States, they robbed of 7UO guineas and then burnt to death. Purviance, they
beat to death but Ridout was saved by the Indian who .claimed him as his
own. A white man, Nash, about twenty-two who had been taken by the
Indians when a child and had become a chief, encouraged him and told him
that he would be taken to Detroit where he could ransom himself. He was
more than once within a hairsbreadth of death but at length he was brought
by his master, Kakinathncca, to his home. He was a great hunter and went
every year to Detroit with his furs for sale, taking with him his wife Metsige-
mawa and a Negro slave. The chief had a daughter Altowesa, about eighteen
years of age "of a very agreeable form and manners." She saved Ridout
from death from the uplifted hand of an Indian who had his hand over him
ready to strike the fatal blow with his tomahawk.
At the end of three weeks the whole village set off for the Wabash.
Arriving at the Wabash his papers were rrad by the interpreter, a white man
who had been taken* prisoner several years before and held in captivity. The
Indians were assured that Ridout was an Englishman and not an American
and they consented that he might go with his master to Detroit for ransom.
The Indians were excessively enraged at the Americans who they claimed were
the cause of their misfortunes. The preceding autumn the Americans had
come to their village on the Scito River from Kentucky and in times of pro-
found peace and by surprise destroyed their village and many of their people,
their cattle, grain and everything they could lay their hands on.
Ridout witnessed the torture and heard the dying shrieks of an American
prisoner Mitchell who had been captured with his father Captain Mitchell on
the Ohio. The father had been liberated but the son given to a warrior who
was determined to burn him.
After three or four days, Ridout 's master collected his horses and peltry
and with his wife the Negro and Ridout set out for Detroit. On the way
there were met other Indians among whom was the noted 8imon Girty. A coun-
cil was held at which the murderer of Mitchell claimed Ridout as his but at
length Kakinathucca prevailed and Ridout 's life was again spared. The
murderer asserted that he was a spy but his papers proved his innocence. The
little party went on to Fort Miami where several English and French gentle-
men received Ridout with open arms. Mr. Sharpe clothed him and a French
gentlemen lent a canoe to carry the party and furs 250 miles by water to
Detroit. Reaching Detroit, which, it should be remembered, remained in
290 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
British hands until August 1796, he was received with every attenton and a
bed was provided for him at Government House. The officers furnished him
with money and gave him a passage to Montreal where he arrived about the
middle of July, 1788. Eidout settled in Upper Canada. In 1799, Kakina
thucca and three other Shawanese chiefs came to pay him a visit at York,
(Toronto), and were hospitably treated, the great and good Kakinathurca
receiving substantial testimony of the gratitude of the man he had saved
from a death of torture.
Bidout's memorandum of the fate of the other prisoners is terribly signifi-
cant: "Samuel Purviance, Killed; Barland, Killed; Wm. B. Watson, bnrnt;
James Black, beat to death; Symonds, burnt; Ferguson, sold for corn; a
negro woman unharmed."
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CHAPTER III
AFTER THE PEACE
Early in the summer of 1782^JHaldimand received orders
from Sir Guy Carleton then in New York to act only on
the defensive. This was due to the negotiations for peace
being on the way, and from that time it may fairly be said
that Canada was at peace.
One slave felt the movement in the air. This was Plato,
an old Negro slave who had been taken in Carleton 's opera-
tions against Fort George in 1780 and brought to Montreal
where he entered the service of St. Luc, a personage in
those days. Plato had belonged to a Mr. Stringer who, the
slave always asserted, never joined the rebels. But when,
on November 3, 1782, there was made by the Commissary
of Prisoners at Quebec a return of the prisoners who had
requested to remain in the province, Plato's name ap-
peared in the list. The next year he changed his mind and
on July, 17, 1783, he presented a petition to Haldimand
asking him to "excuse these few lines from a slave who
would wish to go again to his own Master and Mistress. "
He added : ' l The Gentleman I am now living with Mr. St.
Luc says he is very willing to let me go with the first party
that sets out from here" (Montreal). 1 Another Negro
slave Eoger Vaneis (Van Ness) who had also been taken at
Fort George declined to go. He was living with Lieutenant
Johnson and was to have his freedom on serving for a
time already about completed. 2
Thejdeclaj^tiojLof peace, howeveiy brought many mo,re
slaves into Canada. Even before the treaty was signed
some of those who fiad kept their faith to England's crown
and desired to live and die under the old flag made their
1 Canadian Archives, B. 163, p. 258: ibid., B. 163, p. 324.
2 Ibid., B. 163, p. 258.
293
294 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTO
way to the north. After the peftee-^wKen the cause was
lost, many thousands came. Majiv^^ slave-
holders and they brought the^jtev^jwitt^iu^u Some
settled in what was afterwards Lowej^Cj^nada, in Sorel and
elsewhere, some in the upper country, around Cornwall,
Kingston, and Niagara, and a very few crossed the river at
Detroit. 3
Eeturns made about the time show a large number of
slaves euphemistically disguised as servants in some
cases. A Report of 1784 shows 14 near Cataraqui (Kings-
ton). Another of the same year for the new townships on
the River St. Lawrence beginning at Township No. l r on
Lake St. Francis and running upwards, gives
1st Battn. late King 's E. Eifles ...................................... 25
Tps. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
Part Major Jessup 's Corps .......................................... 12
Tps. 6. 7 & pt. 8.
2nd Battn.
Tps. 3, 4, Cataraqui ............................................. 10
Capt. Grass, Party
Tp. 1 Gataraqui (apparently none)
Part Major Jessup 's Corps
Tp. 2 Cataraqui ................................................ 12
Major Eogers ' Corps ....................................... . ........ 14
Tp. 3 Cataraqui
Major VanAlatine J s Party of Loyalists (4) ........................... 17
90
In the return of the disbanded troops and Loyalists at
Sorel the same year, the number of servants is given at 5 ;
none near Chambly, 3 about St. John's, 40 about Montreal,
a As Britain kept possession of Detroit until 1796, many United Empire
Loyalists settled on the west side of the river at that point. A few remained
on the east side of the Niagara Eiver as Fort Niagara was held in the same way.
* Canadian Archives, B. 168, p. 42.
Different detachments of disbanded regulars on Tp. 5 Cataraqui, detach-
ment of Germane under Baron Kritzenstein on Tp. 5 Cataraqui and Eangers
of 6 Nations Department settled with the Mohawks on Bay of Quinte return
no servants. Canadian Archives, B. 168, p. 42. Eeport dated Montreal, July
1, 1784.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 295
and 8 about Lachine. 5 In the Niagara district in 1782
the blunt word " slave " 6 is used and the number given at
only one. In 1784 the first census in which slaves were
counted was made. In the District of Quebec there were
88, in the District of Trois Rivieres 4, and in the District
of Montreal 212. In what was afterwards the Province of
Lower Canada there were in all 304.
The sale and marriage of Negro slaves continued to be 1 ^
recorded: For~~exampTe, there'" are extant two notarial
"' of a female Negro slave called Peg, June 9,
1783 from Elias Smith to James Finlay and May 14, 1788
from Finlay to Patrick Langan. In each case the price
was 50 8 On Januaray 20, 1785 there took place at Christ
Church the marriage of Francis and Jane both slaves to
Colonel Campbell. On March 9, 1785, there was a sale of
a female Negro slave named Sarah, by James Morison,
merchant, as agent for Hugh McAdam, of Saratoga, New
York, to Charles Lepallieur, Clerk of the Court of Common
Pleas. The price was 36 louis. On April 1, 1785 Elizah
Cady of New York, sold to William Ward of Vermont, four
Negroes : Tobi 24 years, Joseph 20 years, Sarah 19 years;
and a child six months, the price being 250 louis. On April
26, William Ward sold three of these slaves at Montreal
to William Campbell that is Tobi, Sarah and the child for
$425. On May 6, William Campbell sold these three slaves
to Dr. Charles Blake for $300.
On September 5, there followed the sale of a Pani slave
s Canadian Archives, B. 168, pp. 44, 47, 48, 51, 55, 61, 63, 67, 68, 71, 77,
September, 1784. See also B. 168, pp. 81, 88, 92, 95, 99, 100, 101, 102. These
may be found in the Report for 1891 of the Canadian Archives Department,
pp. 5-20.
Ibid., B. 169, p. 1. There is a column for "Male Slaves" and one
for "Female Slaves." Thomas McMicken has the proud monopoly, he had
one male slave. The other fifteen householders had none. But then he had 20
hogs to look after and no one else had more than 14; most many fewer.
7 Canadian Archives, B. 225, 2. p. 406. Maasicotte B. R. H. ut supra.
8 Lafontaine ut supra, pp. 21, 22.
Those in the text are taken from Mr. Massicotte 's Article B.B.H. ut
supra. The letter of Campbell is Can. Arch., B. 162, p. 351. That of Doty,
ibid., p. 365 : the Report is ibid., p. 385.
296 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
called Charlotte, aged eighteen years, by Dame Marie-
Josephe Deguire, widow of Jean-Etienne Waden, to Jacob
Schieffelin, auctioneer, for 21 louis. The said slave had
been brought from Upper Canada by Mr. Waden in 1776.
To increase her value it was said that the slave had had
the measles and the small-pox and was not scrofulous nor
had any other defect.
On January 22, 1786, there took place at Christ Church
the marriage of the slaves, Thomas York and Margaret Mc-
Cloud. On March 17, 177, Samuel Mix, Merchant of Saint-
Jean on the Eichelieu, sold to Louis Gauthier, merchant
tanner of the Faubourg Saint Laurent, a female Negro
slave named Rose aged 14 years for the sum of 40 louis.
On June 6, 1789, Charles Lepallieur resold to James Mori-
son the female Negro slave Sarah whom he had sold to
him in 1785. The price was 36 louis. On the sixth of
June James Morison sold the same Sarah for 50 louis to
Joseph Andrews, at a profit of 14 louis. On April 3, 1790
there was a sale by Oliver Hasting to M. le chevalier Chs.
Boucher de la Bruere, de Boucherville, of a Negro of the
name of Antoine, aged eight years and a half. The price
was 90 minots de ble. On September 9, 1791 followed the
sale at auction of the female Negro slave Eose, aged 19
years, by William Matthews, merchant of Sorel, to Lam-
bert Saint-Omer, Merchant of Montreal, for 38 louis and
5 shillings. This slave had already belonged to S. Mix as
set forth above.
Alexander Campbell writing from Montreal August 16,
1784, to Major Mathews says that having sent to Albany to
recover some of his debts, Adam Fondea of Cauchnawago
of Tryon's County gave as an excuse for not paying his
debt that a certain Negro woman named Dine born in his
own family and his actual property was taken away from
his house by Captain Samuel Anderson of Sir John John-
son's First Batallion, and was still detained by him as
his property. Fondea being willing to pay the debt had
sent a power of attorney to take his slave, sell her and
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 297
pay the debt with the proceeds. Campbell asked that the
governor should order Dine to be seized and sold as no
Magistrate had the power or the inclination to give such
an order. No attention seems to have been paid to this
request.
On September 15, 1784, James Doty writing also from
Montreal says that "with some difficulty to myself I have
. . . purchased a Negro boy from Lieut. Clench of the In-
dian Department which boy has been allowed his provisions
drawn at Cataraqui ('Kingston) from the time of his first
coming into the Province with other Loyalists from N.
York last year." He asked to have this allowance con-
tinued. There* was no answer. The report of settlers
near Cataraqui for this year gave 3 "servants" and near
Oswegatchie 11. But the importation of Slaves was not
encouraged indiscriminately. 10
Th^ccustome(J abuses were not wanting. In an action
Poiree v. Lagord in the Court of Common Pleas at Mon-
treal July 1788, it was proved that Lagord had sold to
Poiree in September, 1787, a free Negro for 37.6. He was
ordered to repay the price with interest Another and
more celebrated case was that of the Negro Nero. In 1780
Haldimand sent a detachment of troops accompanied by
Mohawk Indians to attack Ballstown and the Saratoga
region. They captured a number of Negroes some of them
the slaves of Colonel Gordon of the American service.
These were claimed by the white men and Indians, and as
was the custom, they were brought to Montreal and sold.
One Negro called Dublin was known to be free. He was
liberated and enlisted in the army. Lieutenant Patrick
Langan acted as agent for the Indians and sold Nero to
John Mittberger for 60 December 5, 1780. Claiming the
Negro as a prisoner of war General Allan Maclean im-
10 In a letter from Henry Hope, Lieutenant-Governor dated Quebec, No-
vember 6, 1786, to Captain Enys, 29th Reg't., we read:
"I am 'by desire of Hie Excellency the Commander in Chief (Lord
Dorchester) to require that no negro slaves shall be permitted on any account
to paes into this Province by the Post under your command. ' '
298 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
prisoned him "in the public Provot." He made his escape
and went to his master Colonel Gordon and Mittleberger
sued Langan in 1788 for the price and for damages. In
January 1789 he was awarded judgment for the 60 and
interest. 11 About the same time Eossiter Hoyle, attorney
for the trustees of Mary Jacobs, obtained a judgment in
the Court of Common Pleas at Montreal that Donald Fisher
and Elizabeth his wife should forthwith deliver "two negro
women, the one named Silvia Jane, the other Euth Jane,"
which said Negro women, they had sold to Mary Jacobs by
a notarial deed for 50 or pay 50 with costs. 12
There are also in existence advertisements for the sale
of Negroes. In the Quebec Gazette of March 18, 1784, is
the advertisement of the sale of a female Negro slave, price
to be obtained on inquiry of Madame Perrault. In the
issue of March 25, 1785, there is advertised for sale a
Negro of about twenty-five years of age who has had the
smallpox. There appear also a few advertisements for
runaway slaves.
There arose also some complaints like the following:
In 1784 there was presented at Quebec to Sir Frederick
Haldimand, Governor in Chief, a petition from John Black
showing that the petitioner hath served as a seaman in
His Majesty's service on board the sloop, Happy Couple
of New York for which he had a certificate to shew, and
was then living servant to Mrs. Martin, the wife of Captain
Martin of this place, who wanted to deprive him of his
liberty and humbly begged His Excellency to grant him a
passport. 13
The immigration into Canada of those who had been
British subjects was ardently desired by the home authori-
ties. To encourage thisi immjgratip^n j jthelmperial Parlia-
11 I^afontaine ut supra, pp. 22, 23, 24, 44, 45, 46. Le Monde Illustr6 De-
cember 9, 1893. Massicotte, Bulletin des Eecherches Historiques for November,
1918, pp. 348 sqq.
12 Laf ontaine ut supra, p. 43. The advertisements spoken of are on p. 21.
is Can. Arch., B. 217, p. 397. What if anything was done on the petition
does not appear.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 299
ment in 1790 passed an Act 14 which had some effect in in-
creasing the slave^popiilation. Intended to encourage
"new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations
in America," it applied to all "subjects of the United
States." It allowej_aj_jnipptati^ into ^^Gt^^S^-
J^sma^sSBS^S^J2L^^^^^^^^^^S^ province of Quebec
(then including all Canada), Nova^cotia and every other
British territory in North America. It allowed the im-
portatibn by such Amel'^aT'su^Jects of "Negroes, house-
hold furniture, utensils of husbandry or cloathing free of
duty," the "household furniture, utensils of husbandry
and cloathing" not to exceed in value 50 for every white
person in the family and 2 for each Negro, any sale of
Negro or goods within a year of the importation to be void.
After the division of the Old Province of Quebec into
Upper and Lower Canada in 1791 the course of slavery was
different. 16
It seems appropriate to close this chapter by adding a
number of available advertisements including some of
runaway apprentices. 16
II s'est enfui de chez les Soussignes, la nuit du 12 du courant,
Un Negre Esclave nomine POMPfi d 'environ cinq pieds cinq pouces
d 'hauteur, robuste, il a ete achete dernierement de M. Perras,
negociant de cette ville; il avoit sur lui quand il a decampe un
gilet et des culottes brunes: Celui qui le ramenera aura HUIT
PIASTRES de Recompense, et les frais raisonnables qu'il aura
faits. Quiconque le retirera chez lui sera poursuivi suivant la
derniere rigueur de la Loi, par
JOHNSTON & PURSS.
RUN-AWAY from the subscribers, in the Night of the 12th inst.
a Sailor Negro Slave named POMPEY, about 5 Feet, 5 Inches
" (1790) 30 George III, c. 27.
is The division of the Province of Quebec into two provinces, that is,
Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the royal prerogative, Sec.
31, George III, c. 31, the celebrated Constitutional Act of Canada. Technically
and in law, the new province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791,
but there was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.
i These I owe to the kindness of the officers of the Canadian Archive* De-
partment of Ottawa.
300 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
high, and is Robust; he was lately bought of Mr. Perras, Mer-
chant in this Town; had on when he went away a brown Jacket
and Breeches. Whoever brings him to the Subscribers shall have
EIGHT DOLLARS Reward and reasonable Charges paid. Any
Person Harbouring him will be prosecuted according to the ut-
most Rigor of the Law, by
JOHNSTON & PURSS.
Run-away from the Subscriber, living in Quebec, on the Even-
ing of the 9th Instant, an indented Servant Woman, named
Catharine Osburn, about 20 or 21 years of Age, red f ac 'd, very fat
and rough skin'd, about 5 Feet 5 Inches high, a little mark'd with
the Small-Pox; She had on a purple coloured Stuff Jacket flower 'd
with green and white, a blue thick Kersey Petticoat, blue Stock-
ings with White clocks, an old red Cloak; and took with her two
new Shifts of good Dowlas Linen, seven plain and two lac'd caps.
She was inticed away by two discharg'd soldiers, John Linsey and
John McDonald, said to be going for New-England. McDonald
was formerly Turnkey at the Gaol; they were both of the 60th
Regiment. Whoever takes them up, and secures them, so that
they may be brought to Justice, shall receive Five Dollars Reward
for each of them ; and whoever secures the Woman, or brings her
to her Master, shall receive Five Dollars Reward, and all reason-
able Charges, paid by WILLIAM LAING.
N. B. All Persons are forbid to harbour or carry any of them
off. It is thought that they are still harbour 'd in and about this
City Quebec, 14th March, 1767. Quebec Gazette, 1767.
Whereas William Russey, an article 'd Servant to Mr. Suckling,
of this City, hath lately run-away, and absented himself from the
Service of his said Master : If any Person will give Information to
the said Mr. Suckling of the said Servant, so that he may be ap-
prehended and brought before John Collins, Esq; one of His
Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the District of Quebec, shall,
upon such Apprehension and Bringing, receive Eight Dollars Re-
ward, to be paid by me the Subscriber: And any Person or
Persons who shall, after this Notice, employ, harbour or conceal
the said Servant, will be prosecuted with the utmost Severity of
the Law, by me,
GEO. SUCKLING.
QUEBEC, 14th April, 1767.
Quebec Gazette, 1767.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 301
Run-away, from James Crofton, Vintner in Montreal, the Third
of May, 1767, a Mulatto Negro Slave, named Andrew, born in
Maryland Twenty-three Years of Age, middle sized, very active
and sprightly, has a remarkable large Mouth, thick lips, his Fingers
crooked, speaks good English and French, a little Dutch and Earse ;
is supposed to have with him forged Certificates of his Freedom,
and Passes. Whoever takes up and secures the said Negro, so that
his Master may have him again, shall have Eight Dollars Reward,
besides all reasonable charges, paid by Mr. Henry Boone, Mer-
chant, at Quebec, or James Crofton, at Montreal.
N. B. He is remarkable for being clean dres'd and wearing a
Handkerchief tied round his Head : is very well known to all the
Gentlemen at Quebec, that has been in Montreal, and who have
used my House, and was Three Months with Mr. Joseph Howard,
of Montreal Merchant, last Summer in Quebec. Quebec Gazette,
1767.
TO BE SOLD,
For no Fault, the Owner having no employ for him,
A likely Negro fellow, about 23 or 24 Years of Age; under-
stands Cooking, waiting at Table, and Houshold Work, &c, &c.
He speaks both English and French. For further Particulars
enquire of the Printers. Quebec Gazette, 1770.
From the Subscriber, on Sunday morning the 24th ult, about
four o'Clock, a Negro Lad named NEMO, born in Albany, near
eighteen years of age, about five feet high full round fac'd, a little
marked with the Smallpox, speaks English and French tolerably;
he had on when he went away a double-breasted Jacket of strip 'd
.flannel, old worsted Stockings, and a pair of English Shoes. Also
Negro Wench named CASH, twenty-six years old, about 5 feet
8 inches high, speaks English and French very fluently; she
carried with her a considerable quantity of Linen and other valu-
able Effects not her own; and as she has also taken with her a
large bundle of wearing apparel belonging to herself, consisting of
a black satin Cloak, Caps, Bonnets, Ruffles, Ribbons, six or seven
Petticoats, a pair of old Stays, and many other articles of value
which cannot be ascertained, it is likely she may change her dress.
All persons are hereby forewarned from harbouring or aiding them
to escape, and Masters of vessels from carrying them off, as they
may depend on being prosecuted to the utmost rigour of the Law ;
3i2 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
and whoever will give information where they are harboured; or
bring them back to the Subscriber at Quebec, or to Mr. George
Ross, Merchant at Sorel, shall have TEN DOLLARS Reward for
each, and all reasonable charges. HUGH RITCHIE.
N. B. The Lad was seen at Sorel on Friday morning the 29th
ult. and there is reason to believe they are both lurking thereabout.
QUEBEC, November 2, 1779.
Quebec Gazette, 1779.
Ran- Away on Sunday the 24th of October, JOHN BARCLAY,
an Apprentice, aged 15 years, small of his age, has short black and
lank Hair, dark hazle Eyes, good complexion a little freckled,
speaks good English and a little French: had on when he went
away a light grey Coat and Waistcoat, and stript cotton Trowsers
with leather Breeches under them. Whoever will apprehend him
or give information so that he may be apprehended, shall receive
Five Guineas Reward from
SHOOLBRED & BARCLAY.
QUEBEC, November 2, 1779.
Quebec Gazette, 1779.
Run Away from his bail, an indented servant man named
Christian Miller, born in Germany, by trade a Tailor, he is about
5 feet 9 or 10 inches in stature, well made, middling long black
hair, speaks English tolerably well, he was formerly a servant to a
German Hessian officer, one Mr. Seiffort, Lieutenant in Capt.
Schoels regiment, has very much the art and behvaiour of a sham
beau and has a variety of cloaths, viz. a Maroon Coat, a brown
ditto, lined with light blue silk, the one had Gold the other Silver
Buttons, a brown Great Coat and a variety of Waistcoats and
Breeches: Whoever will apprehend the said Run-away, so as the
subscriber may have him in custody shall receive FIVE GUINEAS
reward, over and above any reasonable expences; and all masters
of vessels, officers of the army and others, are forwarn'd not to
harbour or entertain him nor to be aiding in his escape, on pain of
being prosecuted as the law directs.
Note. If apprehended at Quebec, apply to Mr. Wm. Laing,
Merchant, or to the subscriber at Montreal.
(Signed) JOHN MITTLEBERGER.
MONTREAL, 4th July, 1782.
Quebec Gazette 1782.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 303
Ban Away from the subscriber, on Thursday evening the 21st
instant, an Apprentice Boy named JOSEPH POWERS, a Shoe-
maker, about fifteen years of age, of a fair complexion short hair,
speaks English and French, had on when he went away a Blanket
Coat, light blue Waistcoat and Breeches very dirty, a Check Shirt
much wore, a round Hat, and a pair of Slippers: this is to give
notice to the public that they are not to harbour the said Appren-
tice in their houses or families, otherwise they will be prosecuted
as the law directs.
ALEXR. WALLACE.
QUEBEC, November 27, 1782.
Quebec Gazette, 1782.
Ran-Away from the Printing-Office, On Monday night last,
an Apprentice Lad named Duncan M'Donell, about 19 years of
age, about five feet five inches high, of a fresh complexion ; speaks
English, French and Erse: all persons are hereby forwarn'd from
harbouring him, as they may depend on being prosecuted to the
utmost rigour of the Law, and whoever will bring him back shall
have One Guinea Reward from the
PRINTER.
QUEBEC, April 17, 1783.
Quebec Gazette, 1783.
TO BE SOLD.
A NEGRO WENCH about 18 years of age, who came lately
from New York with the Loyalists. She has had the Small t*ox
The Wench has a good character and is exposed to sale only from
the owner having no use for her at present.
Likewise will be disposed of a handsome Bay Mare.
For particulars enquire of the Printer.
Quebec Gazette, 1783.
A Gentleman going to England has for sale, a Negro-wench,
with her child, about 26 years of age, who understands thoroughly
every kind of house-work, particularly washing and cookery : And
a stout Negro boy, 13 years old: Also a good horse, cariole and
harness. For particulars enquire at Mr. William Roxburgh's
Upper-town, Quebec, 10th May, 1785.
Quebec Gabette, 1785.
304 JOUKNAL OF NBGBO HISTOBY
To be SOLD together.
A Handsome Negro Man and a beautiful Negro Woman
married to one another: the man from twenty-three to twenty-
four years of age, between five and a half and six English feet
high: the woman from twenty-two to twenty-three years of age;
both of a good constitution. For further information, such as
may be desirous of purchasing them must apply to Mr. Pinguet, in
the Lower-town of Quebec, Merchant.
Quebec Gazette. 1788.
CHAPTEE IV
LOWEB CANADA
The Province of Lower Canada continued the former
law irfcrariinal maHerl7je_English law, in civil matters
the French Taw^Tlt was not long before the status of the
sISve~^Became^ burning issued At the first session of the
first Parliament 1 of the new Province Lower Canada, Mr.
P. L. Panet, a member of the House of Assembly, moved
(January 28, 1793) for leave to introduce a bill for the
abolition of slavery in the province and leave was unani-
mously given. On the twenty-sixth of February, Panet in-
troduced a bill pursuant to leave given, and it was read in
French and in English. On the eighth of March, Mr. B.
Panet proposed the first reading of the bill and it was so
read. On the nineteenth of April Mr. P. L. Panet moved
that the bill be taken into consideration by the Committee
of the Whole on the following Tuesday. The motion was
debated and Mr. Debonne moved an amendment to table the
bill, which was carried 31 to 3. 2 There was no further
effort toward legislative dealing with slavery until 1799. 3
The sale of Negroes continued as indicated by the
1 Under the Canada Act of 1791, the provinces had each a parliament
or legislature, an upper house, the Legislative Council, of nominated mem-
bers, not fewer than seven in Upper and not fewer than fifteen in Lower
Canada, and a lower house, the House of Assembly, sometimes called the House
of Commons elected by the people, not fewer than sixteen in Upper and not
fewer than fifty in Lower Canada.
2 In the sister province a bill to the same effect was more fortunate in the
same year a little later. This will be considered in the next chapter.
s In a work of some authority, Bibaud 's Pantheon Canadien, page 211, it
is said that "Joseph Papineau, Notary Public, Member of the Legislature As-
sembly for Upper Quebec presented about 1797 a petition of the citizens of
Montreal for the abolition of slavery. ' ' If that be the case there was nothing
done on the petition, but it seems probable that the author refers to the peti-
tion of 1799 spoken of later in the Text.
305
306 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
records. 4 On the twelfth of May, 1794, Francois Boucher
de la Periere and Marie Pecaudy de Contrecoeur, his wife,
gave liberty to James, their Negro slave, aged 21 years, on
condition that he should live in the most remote parts of
the upper country. If, however, he left those parts, he
should return to slavery. On the fifteenth of December,
1795, Frs. Dumoulin, merchant of Bout de Pile sold to
Myer Michaels, merchant, a mulatto named Prince, aged
18 years, for the price of 50 louis.
On the sixteenth of January, 1796 there was found a bill
of sale of a female Negro slave named Kose, dated January
15, 1794, the vendor being P. Byrne, the purchaser Simon
Meloche, for the price of 360 shillings, deposited with the
Notary J. P. Delisle. On the third of September John Shu-
ter by notarial act promised his Negro, Jack, to give him
his liberty in six years, if, in the meantime, he served him
faithfully. Later, on November 2, 1803, Shuter declared that
Jack had fulfilled his obligation, and he accordingly emanci-
pated him. On the thirteenth of September, J. B. Eoutier,
merchant of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine, sold to Louis
Charles Foucher, Solicitor-General of His Majesty, Jean
Louis, a mulatto, aged 27 years, height 5' 10", the price being
1300 shillings. Eoutier declared that he had bought Jean
Louis as well as his mother at the Island of Saint-Domingue
in 1778. On the twenty-third of November Cesar, a free
Negro of New London, Connecticut, engaged for ten years
as a domestic to Dr. John Aussem, living in the Faubourg
Saint Antoine, with a salary of 30 louis in advance. Dr.
Aussem reserved to himself the right to sell the services of
his domestic to whomsoever he pleased during the ten years.
On the twenty-fifth of May, 1797 Dame Marie-Catherine
Tessier, Widow of Antoine Janisse, in his lifetime a voyager,
* From Massicotte ut supra in Le Bulletin des Recherches Historiques, Vol.
II, p. 136, it is said: "Une annonee publiee dans la Gazette de Quebec vers:
cette epoque (i. e., 1797) repreaente un negro courant a toutes jambes. 'II est
offert une recompense honnCte & qui remenera a son znattre marehand de Troia
Eivieres son esclave fugitif C'e pauvre diable pensait sans doute que la loi
qu'on proposait pourrait pas d'effet retroactif."
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 307
liberated her slave Marie Antoine de Fade, an Indian, aged
23 years, in recognition of her services which she had
rendered her, and in addition gave her a trousseau. On the
twenty-fifth of August Thomas Blaney, gold painter, sold to
Thomas John Sullivan, hotel-keeper of Montreal, the Negro
Manuel about 33 years old for 36 louis, payable in monthly
instalments of three louis each. On the same date and
before the same notary, Sullivan promised the slave to
liberate him in 5 years, if he served him faithfully. On
the twenty-second of November George Westphall, form-
erly Lieutenant of the 6th Eegiment, who owed 20 louis
to Richard Dillon, proprietor of the Montreal Hotel in
security for payment, delivered to his creditor a mulat-
ress, a slave called Ledy, aged 26 years. She was to work
with Mr. Dillon until he was repaid what was owed'him by
Westphall for principal and interest.
In the year 1793, there came up in the Court of Appeal
at Quebec a case involving slavery but nothing was really
decided. The plaintiff Jacob Smith sued Peter McFarlane
in the Court of Common Pleas for taking away his wife
and her clothes and detaining them. McFarlane claimed
that Smith's wife was his slave. The Court of Common
Pleas gave the plaintiff judgment for 100 and McFarlane
appealed to the Court of Appeal. The Court pointed out
that it was for McFarlane to prove that Smith's wife was
his slave and that he had not done so: but as there had
been error in the proceedings the case was sent back to be
retried. It is important to notice that the court considered
that if McFarlane could prove that Smith's wife was his
slave, he had the r.ight to take her away. 5
A lawsuit also arose over the Negro Manuel (Allen)
sold August 25, 1797, to Thomas John Sullivan. When
Blaney sold him for 36 Sullivan paid down only half and
the balance with interest 30.15.2 was sued for in the Court
of King's Bench at Montreal in 1798. Sullivan pleaded
that Manuel was not the plaintiff's slave but a free Negro
5 Lafontaine ut supra, pp. 49-51.
308 JOURNAL. OF NEGBO HISTOBY
and that he had run away March, 1798, at Montreal where
he continued to be : and Sullivan claimed to be reimbursed
the 18 which he had paid. On the sixth of October Manuel
himself came into the suit and claimed that "by the laws
of this land he is not a slave but a freeman." Evidence
was given that he had absconded from Sullivan's service
alleging as a reason that he was a freeman, "that other
blacks were free and that he wanted to be free also." In
February, 1799, the court held that no title or right to sell
Manuel has been shown and dismissed the action directing
the/return of the 18. 6
Hn 1797 the Imperial Act of 1732 for the sale of Negroes
and other hereditaments for debt in the American Planta-
tions was repealed so far as it related to Negroes 7 but this
made no difference in their status. VThe courts, however,
were becoming astute in favor of assisting those claiming
freedom. In February, 1798, a certain female Negro slave
called Charlotte belonging to Miss Jane Cook left her mis-
tress and refused to return. On information laid she was
committed by the magistrates to prison. She sued out a
writ of habeas corpus from the Court of King's Bench at
Montreal and Chief Justice, James Monk, ordered her re-
lease. On this becoming known, the Negroes of the city
and district of Montreal became very threatening in their
demeanor. Many renounced all service and one woman
called Jude who had been bought at Albany in 1795 for
80 by Elias Smith, a merchant of Montreal, left her
master and was committed to prison in the same way by
the magistrates. Being brought up in the Court of King's
Bench at Montreal on habeas corpus, Chief Justice Monk
discharged her March 8, 1798 without deciding the question
of slavery. The Chief Justice declared that he would set
free every Negro, articled apprentice, or domestic servant
who should be committed to prison in this way by the
Lafontain ut supra, pp. 52 & 56.
i For the Act of 1732 (5 George II, c. 7). The repealing Act was (1797)
37 George III, c. ll& (Imp.).
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 309
magistrates. But this was because the statute in force at
that time 8 gave power to the magistrates to cause such due
correction and punishment to be ministered to an appren-
tice as they thought fit and this empowered them to commit
apprentices to the house of correction as a punishment, but
it gave no authority to commit to a common gaol or other
prison.
These decisions alarmed the owners of slaves: and a
petition from many inhabitants of Montreal was presented
to the House of Assembly April 19, 1799, by Joseph Papi-
neau. This petition set forth the ordinance of the In-
tendant Baudot in 1709 9 the Act of 1732, 10 that of 1790, 11
the facts concerning Charlotte, Jude and the other Negroes,
the judgments of Chief Justice Monk, and the absence of
any house of correction. It prayed that an Act should be
passed that until a house of correction should be estab-
lished every slave, Panis or Negro who should desert the
service of his master, might be proceeded against in the
same way as apprentices in England, and be committed to
the common gaol of the District; and further that no one
should aid or receive a deserting slave or that there should
be passed a law declaring that there was no slavery in the
Province or such other provision concerning slaves should
be made as the House should deem convenient. 12 The peti-
tion was laid on the table.
In 1799 there was passed an Act providing houses of
correction for several districts, but no provision was made
s The Statute of 1562, 5 Elizabeth, c. 4, not repealed until 1814, 54 George
HI, c. 96 (Imp.).
9 See ante, p. 304.
10 Hid., p. 305.
11 Hid., p. 310.
12 "Ou qu'une loi puisse etre passee declarant qu'il n'y a point d'esclav-
age dans la Province; ou telle autre provision concernant les esclaves que cette
Ohambre, dans sa sagesse, jugera convenable. ' ' The Act of 1799 providing for
houses of correction (really the common goal) was 39 George II, c. 6 (L. C.),
and was to be in force for two years. It was amended and continued for four
years by the Act (1802) 42 George III, c. 6 (L. C.) and again by (1806) 46
George III, c. 6 (L. C.), until January 1, 1810 when it expired.
310 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
concerning slavery. Perhaps the wisdom of this house
proved insufficient to devise any t ' provision convenable. ' '
The next year another petition was brought in by Papi-
neau from certain inhabitants of the District of Montreal
saying that doubts had been entertained how far property
in Negroes and Panis was sustainable under the laws of the
province. They cited Baudot's ordinance, the recognition
of slavery for years, and stated that in a recent case the
Court of King's Bench at Montreal in discharging a slave
of Mr. Eraser's who had been committed to the house of
correction by three justices of the peace, had expressed
the opinion that the Act of 1797 13 had repealed all the laws
concerning slavery. They asked that the House should
pass an act declaring that with certain restrictions slavery
did exist in the province and investing the owners with full
property in the slave; and that this chamber should also
pass such laws and regulations in the matter as should be
thought advisable. 14
The petition on motion of Messrs. Papineau and Black
was referred to a committee of five, Papineau, Grant,
Craigie, Cuthbert and Dumas. The committee reported
and Cuthbert introduced on April 30, 1800, a bill to regulate
the condition of slaves, to limit the term of their slavery
and to prevent further introduction of slavery in the
province. The bill passed the second reading and was
referred to the Committee of the Whole, but got no further.
The next year Cuthbert introduced a similar bill with the
same result, and again in 1803. The reason for the failure
of these attempts was that any legislation on slavery would
in view of the decisions of the courts be reactionary and
change for the worse the condition of the slave.
The most celebrated of these decisions was in the case
13 See ante, note 7. The effect of this Act was probably not as stated.
The slave of Mr. Fraser 's was Robin alias Robert to be spoken of infra, page.
** The two reasons given for the request are the familiar ones. The peti-
tioners had paid large sums for the slaves who had left them and "they are
all wholly convinced that that class of men really lazy leading an idle and
abandoned life would attempt to commit crime. "
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 311
of Eobin, alias Eobert, a black. James Fraser, a Loyalist
of the colony of New York, became the owner of Eobin a
Negro man in 1773, before the American Revolution. The
colonies were successful and provisional articles of peace
were signed November 30, 1782. Congress proclaimed
them April 11, 1783 and it was almost inevitable that they
would become a permanent and definitive treaty. Article
VII provided for the speedy evacuation by the British
forces of territory to be allotted to the United States of
America "without carrying away any negroes or other
property of the American inhabitants/' There was al-
lowed full time for everyone who desired to live under the
British flag to leave New York. James Fraser made up
his mind to go to Nova Scotia and obtained a pass from
William Walton, the Magistrate of Police of the city, for
his slave Eobin and another, Lydia, September 23, 1783. 15
Fraser went to Shelborne, Nova. Scotia, and the following
year in September he went to "the Island of St. John," 16
accompanied by Eobin who was and acknowledged himself
to be Fraser 's property. Afterwards Fraser brought him
to the Current of Saint Mary near the city of Montreal
where Fraser became a farmer. Eobin, infected with the
pernicious doctrines of freedom then rather prevalent left
Fraser, March 19, 1799, and went to live with Eichard, a
tavern keeper in Montreal. Fraser laid an Information
before Charles Blake, a justice of the peace, and January
31, 1800, Charles Blake, Eobert Jones and James Dunlop,
justices of the peace of the District of Montreal committed
Eobin to the "Common Gaol and House of Correction at
Montreal" with a warrant to Jacob Kuhn "Keeper of His
is The definitive treaty was in fact signed September 3, 1783, but not
ratified by Congress until January 14, 1784. The armistice had been con-
cluded January 20, 1783. In the definitive treaty, Article VII contains the
same provisions as to Negroes as the corresponding article in the preliminary
articles.
is Isle St. Jean so called from about the end of the sixteenth century until
1798, when it was given the name Prince Edward Island out of compliment to
Prince Edward, Duke of Kent (father of Queen Victoria), then commanding
the British Forces in North America. The name it still retains.
312 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Majesty's Jail and House of Correction " to receive "a
negroman named Eobert who refuses to go home to his
owner and him safely to keep till he may be discharged or
otherwise dealt with according to law."
In the February Term 1800 of the Court of King's
Bench for the District of Montreal 17 Mr. A. Perry, his ad-
vocate, obtained a writ of habeas corpus and on the tenth
of February the black was produced in court. Mr. Perry
for the black and Mr. Kerr for James Fraser presented
their arguments upon this day and on the thirteenth of
February, and after consideration and consultation the
court five days later ordered the discharge of Eobin alias
Eobert from his confinement under the warrant. 18
The decision proceeded on the ground that the Act of
1797 which repealed the provision for the sale of Negroes
to answer a judgment had revoked all the laws concerning
slavery. Eemembering that the Act of 1732 was intended
to change the common law of England which did not allow
the sale of land under a writ of execution, fieri facias, it
should probably be considered that the sole effect of the
repeal of the act as regards Negroes was to exempt them
from sale under fieri facias, without affecting their status.
And it is well known that slavery continued in the West
India Islands and in Upper Canada long after the Act of
1797.
IT The Judges were James Monk, Chief Justice and Pierre Louis Panet
and Isaac Ogden, Puisne Justices.
Lafontaine ut supra, pp. 56-63. It has often been said that it was
Ohief Justice Osgoode who gave the death blow to slavery in Lower Canada.
For example, in James P. Taylor's Cardinal facts of Canadian History, To-
ronto, 1899, or p. 88 we find a statement that in 1803, Chief Justice Osgoode in
Montreal declared slavery inconsistent with the laws of Canada. But Osgoode
became Ohief Justice of the Province in July, 1794. Continuing as such Chief
Justice, 'he became Chief of the Court of King's Bench for the District of
Quebec later on in the same year on the coming into force of the Act of 1794,
34 George III, c. 6, which erected two Courts of King's Bench one for each
District. James Monk became Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench for
the District of Montreal, which position he retained until 1825. Osgoode re-
signed his position and went to England in 1801 and lived in England until his
death in 1824: he was never Chief Justice at Montreal.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 313
The effect of the decisions while not technically abolish-
ing slavery rendered it innocuous. The slave could not be
compelled to serve longer than he would, and the burden of
slavery was rather on the master who must support his
slave than on the slave who might leave his master at will.
The legislature refusing to interf ere, ,iha, law of slavery
continued in this state until the yeajr J833^^n^JheJni-
perial Parliament passed the celebrated act which forejver l^"
Canada passed no legislation on slavery, the
extradition of fugitives was made impossible and Canada
became therefore an asylum for the oppressed in the United
States.^ Before the Act of 1833 there was one instance of ,
a reqiiest from the Secretary of State of the United States
for the delivery up of a slave. The matter was referred to
the Executive Council by Sir James Kempt, the Admin-
istrator of the Government. 20 The report of the Execu-
19 One result of these decisions was to induce the escape of Negro slaves
from Upper Canada where slavery was lawful to Lower Canada. For example-
one hears of two of the three slaves whom Captain Allan brought with him into-
Upper Canada from New Jersey running away to Montreal. The owner pursued
them to Montreal and searched for them in vain for ten days. The third slave,
a woman, he sold with her child.
The Statute is (1833) 3, 4, William IV, c. 73 (Imp.). One result of this
Act is exceedingly curious and to the philosophical lawyer exceedingly interest-
ing. Slaves which had been real estate, as soon as the act was passed ceased to
be such, and the benefit to be obtained from their labor until fully enfran-
chised and the money to be paid by the legislature as compensation for their
freedom became personal estate. See the luminous judgment of the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council in Richard v. Attorney General of Jamaica,
Moore's Report of Cases in the Judicial Committee (3848), Vol. 6, p. 381.
In a note on p. 35 of a paper in the Transactions of the Eoyal Society of
Canada, 1900, on La Declaration de 1732 M. L'Abbe" Auguste Gosselin, Litt.D.,
F.R.S.. Can., we read:
' ' On trouve dans le livre de Mgr. Tanguay A travers les Begistres, p. 157,
une notice sur 1 'Esclavage au Canada, avec un 'Tableau des families posseclant
des esclaves de la nation des Panis ' L 'esclavage ne f ut definitivement aboli
par une loi, en Canada, qu 'en 1833. ' '
The learned author does not mean that there was legislation on slavery in
Canada in 1833, or that it was Canadian legislation which abolished slavery;
for such was not the case.
20 From September 8, 1828, to October 19, 1830.
314 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
tive Council shows the view held that "the Law of Canada
does not admit a slave to be a subject of property/'
At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province
of Lower Canada held at the Council Chamber in the
Castle of St. Lewis, on Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir
James Kempt, the Administrator of the Government, the
following proceedings were had :
"Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The
Honble. the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery,
Mr. Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's reference of
a letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul
Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State
of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United
States of America together with the Slave.
"May it please Your Excellency,
"The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the
subject matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to
aid the Officers of the Government of the United States of America
in the execution of the laws of that dominion and they regret
therefore the more that the present application cannot in their
opinion be acceded to.
' ' In the former cases the Committee have acted upon the prin-
ciple which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a
crime has been committed and the perpetrator is punishable ac-
cording to the Lex Loci of the country in which it is committed,
the country in which he is found may rightfully aid the police of
the country against which the crime was committed in bringing
the criminal to justice and upon this ground have recommended
that fugitives from the United States should be delivered up.
"But the Committee conceive that the crimes for which they
are authorized to recommend the arrest of individuals who have
fled from other Countries must be such as are mala in se, and are
universally admitted to be crimes in every nation, and that the
offence of the individual whose person is demanded must be such
as to render him liable to arrest by the law of Canada as well as by
the law of the United States.
"The state of slavery is not recognized by the law of Canada
nor does the law admit that any man can be the proprietor of
another.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 315
"Every slave therefore who comes into the province is im-
mediately free whether he has been brought in by violence or
has entered it of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from
thenceforth be lawfully infringed without some cause for which
the law of Canada has directed an arrest.
"On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been
taken cannot pretend that the slave has been stolen from him in
as much as the law of Canada does not admit a slave to be a sub-
ject of property.
"All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's
Wisdom." 21
21 Canadian Archives, State K, p. 406.
J
CHAPTEE V
UPPER CANADA EARLY PERIOD
The first Parliament of the Province of Upper Canada
sat at Newark formerly and now Niagara-on-the-Lake, Sep-
tember 17, 1792.^jThe very first act of this first Parliament
of Upper Canada reintroduced the English civil la/w. 1
This did not destroy slavery, nor did it ani^mrate_the
condition of the slave. It2wa|3faffier~^[r^^fi] for as
the English law did not, like the civil law of Borne and the
systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at
all, when it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery,
It had no room for the slave except as a mere piece of
property. Instead of giving him rights like those of the
"servus," he was deprived of all rights, marital, parental,
proprietary, even the right to live. In the English law and
systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the
master was bound to respect. 2 At one time, indeed, it was
understood in the English colonies that the master had the
jus vitce necisque over his slaves; but at the beginning of
the eighteenth century the Crown much to the anger and
disgust of the colonists made the murder of a Negro a
capital offence, and at least some of the governors vigor-
ously upheld this decision. 3
; Upper Canada was settlejl^ilm^sj^^^
revolted
colonies and kept their faith to the Crown.^Many of them
1 The Statute is (1792) 32 George III, c. 1 (U. C.).
2 Compare the opinion of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the
United States in the celebrated Dred Scott case. 19 Howard, 354, pp. 404, 405.
s See as to this Reginald W. Jeffery, The History of The Thirteen Colonies
of North America 1497-1763 (London), p. 190. This interesting work which
I have found accurate gives Governor Spotswood as enforcing the Royal decree
rigidly.
316
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 317
brought their slaves as^ well as their other property to the
new land. The statute of 1790 encouraged this practice. 4
The firsJ^Lie^ was
John TjJTaves^ SimcoeT^jHe hated slavery and had
against it in the House of Commons in England.
Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he was
soon made fully aware by the Chloe Cooley case that the
horrors of slavery were not unknown in his new province.
There came up to the Executive Council the complaint that
a Negro girl thus named had been cruelly forced across
the border and sold in the United States by one Vroomen.
Much indignation was expressed by both citizens and
officials.
* See ante, p.
5 This is copied from the Canadian Archives, Q. 282, pt. 1, pp. 212 sqq. ;
taken from the official report sent to Westminster by Simcoe. There is the
usual amount of uncertainty in spelling names Grisley or Crisley, Fromand,
Frooman, Froomond or Fromond (in reality Vrooman).
The following is a report of a meeting of his Executive Council:
"At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln, Wednes-
day, March 21st, 1793.
"Present
"His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut. -Governor, &c., &c.,
The Honble. Win. Osgoode, Chief Justice,
The Honble. Peter Eussell.
"Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended the Board
for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage committed by one
Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province, residing near Queens Town, or the
West Landing, on the person of Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by
binding her, and violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and
delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to prove the truth
of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or Crisley).
"William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this Province
says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at Mr. Froemans near
Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he was going to sell his Negro
Wench to some persons in the States, that in the Evening he saw the said Negro
girl, tied with a rope, that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Froo-
man with his Brother and one Vanevery, forced the said Negro Girl into it,
that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did not assist or
was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said Negro Girl, but that all the
others were, and carried the Boat across the Eiver; that the said Negro Girl
was then taken and delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by Froo-
mand, that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in the
same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her, and in that con-
318 JOURNAL OF NBGBO HISTORY
The Attorney-General was John White 6 an English
lawyer of no great eminence indeed but of sufficient skill to
know that the brutal master was well within his rights in
acting as he did. He had the same right to bind, export,
and seJLJu& slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow.
(^Chloe Cooley^had no rights which Vrooman was bound to
respect ; and It was no more a breach of the peace than if
he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the
direction to prosecute and nothing could be done unless
there should be an actual breach of the peace.
It is probable that it was this circumstance which
brought about legislation. At the second session of the
First Parliament which met at Newark, May 31, 1793, a
bill was introduced and unanimously passed the House of
Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the
Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal
assent was given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law. 7
Simcoe, as wast his duty, reported to Henry Dundas
afterwards Lord Melville, Secretary of State for the Home
Department concerning this Act September 28, 1793.
dition delivered to the man . . . Wm. Grisley farther says that he saw a negro
at a distance, he believes to be tied in the same manner, and has heard that
many other People mean to do the same by their Negroes.
"RESOLVED That it is necessary to take immediate steps to prevent the
continuance of such violent breaches of the Public Peace, and for that pur-
pose, that His Majesty's Attorney-Oeneral, be forthwith directed to prosecute
the said Fromond.
" ADJOURNED. "
e John White was called to the bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple. He
practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and through the influence
of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd, and of Chief Justice Osgoode was ap-
pointed the first Attorney General of Upper Canada. It is probable, but the
existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced and had
charge in the House of Assembly of the bill for the abolition of slavery passed
in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. His manuscript diary is still extant, a copy
being in the possession of the writer: One entry reads under date Newark
Tuesday March 6 1793 "John Young from Grand Eiver came with Mr. Mae-
Michael respecting his runaway negro. Rec'd 5 Dole."
* The statute ie (1793) 33 Geo. Ill, c. 7 (U. C.). The Parliament of
Upper Canada had two houses, the Legislative Council, an upper house, ap-
pointed by the Crown ; and the Legislative Assembly, a lower house or House of
Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected by the people. The Lieutenant
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 319
Simcoe had discovered that there was much resistance to
the slave law. There were many plausible arguments of
the demand for labor and the difficulty of obtaining
"Servants to cultivate Lands. " "Some possessed of Ne-
groes, " said he, "knowing that it was very questionable
whether any subsisting Law did authorize Slavery and
having purchased several taken in war by the Indians at
small prices wished to reject the Bill entirely; others were
desirous to supply themselves by allowing the importation
for two years. The matter was finally settled by under-
taking tq_secure the property already^Btained upon condi-
tion that anT5mn!9i^
tion and that Slavery should be gradually ^ abol^Led^Jf
The Act recited that it was- unjust that a people who
enjoy freedom by law should encourage the introduction
of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish
slavery in the province so far as it could be done gradually
without violating private property. It repealed the Im-
perial Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada,
and to enact that from and after the passing of the act
"No Negro or other person who shall come or be brought
into this Province . . . shall be subject to the condition of
a slave or to bounden involuntary service for life." With
that regard for property characteristic of the English-
Governor gave the royal assent. The bill was introduced in the Lower House,
probably by Attorney General White, as stated in last note, and read the first
time, June 19. It went to the committee of the whole June 25, and was the
same day reported out. On June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent
up for concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the first
time, went into committee over it the next day, June 28, and July 1, when it
was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down to the Commons
-July 2. That house promptly concurred and sent the bill back the same day.
See the official reports: Out. Arch. Eeports for 1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25,
26, 27, 28, 32, 33. Out. Arch. Eep. for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38,
41, 42.
s Canadian Archives, Q. 279, 2, p. 335.
White in his diary says "To the 21 June, some opposition in the House
not much" under date June 25 when the Bill was in Committee of the whole
he says ' ' Defeated the Slave Bill hardly : Met much opposition but little argu-
ment. ' '
320 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso
which continued the slavery of every " negro or other
person subjected to such service" who had been lawfully
brought into the province. It then enacted that every
child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro mother
or other woman subjected to such service, should become
absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the
master in the meantime to provide "proper nourishment
and cloathing" for the child, but to be entitled to put him
to work, all issue of such children to be free whenever born.
It further declared that any voluntary contract of service or
indenture should not be binding longer than nine years.
Upper Canada w^s_Jl^_^r^t.JRritish^ossession to provide
by legislation for the abolition of slavery. 9
9 Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the legislation of 1793.
When giving the royal assent to the bill he said: "The Act for the gradual
abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it has been thought expedient to
frame, in no respect meets from me a more cheerful concurrence than in that
provision which repeals the power heretofore held by the Executive Branch of
the Constitution and precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of
slaves, and I cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as
may be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to
condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the law of
the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the emancipation of
their offspring." See Ont. Arch. Sep. for 1909, pp. 42-43.
I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue severity by
the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law, and undue
severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It is practically
certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have been promoted with
Simcoe at the head of the government as his sentiments were too well known.
Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Eights (1777), Pennsylvania and
Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to that of Upper Canada
in 1780; Connecticut and Khode Island in 1784, New Hampshire by her Con-
stitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in 1793; New York began in
1799 and completed the work in 1827, New Jersey 1829. Indiana, Illinois.
Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were organized as a Territory in 1787 and
slavery forbidden by the Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known
in part of the Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in
Michigan by tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding
the prohibition of the fundamental law (Mich. Hist. Coll., VII, p. 524).
Maine as such probably never had slavery, having separated from Massachu-
setts in 1820 after the Act of 1780; although it would seem that as late as
1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 321
It will be seen that the statute did not put an end to
slavery at oi^7Qnf6se who were lawfully slaves remained .
slaves for" life unless manumitted and the statute rather
discouraged manumission, as it provided that the master
on liberating a slave must give good and sufficient ^ecurity
that the freed man would not become a public charge/^ But,
defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In
1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return, and
while the government was being administered by the time-
serving Peter Eussell, 10 a bill was introduced into the
Lower House to enable persons "migrating into the prov-
ince to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was
contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of
eight to four. In the Legislative Council it received the
three months ' hoist and was never heard of again. 11 The
abolished in that State (Commonwealth v. Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209). (Sea
Cobb's Slavery, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's The Negro
in the New World, an exceedingly valuable and interesting work, but not
wholly reliable in minutiae, pp. 355 et seq.)
1 Eussell became administrator of the Government of Upper Canada,
July 21, 1796, and held that position until the arrival of the new Lieutenant-
Governor General Peter Hunter, August 16, 1799.
"On*. Arch. Sep. for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 75; ibid, for 1910, pp. 67,
68, 69, 70.
The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson,
member for Addington and Ontario. He was a Virginian Loyalist, who in
1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada, later
Lower Canada; and in 1792 to Upper Canada. Accustomed from infancy to
slavery, he saw no great harm in it no doubt he saw it in its best form.
The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young
Solicitor General, the son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer.
He studied law in Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly
for Stormont in the election of 1796, and again in 1804.
The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made
by the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert
Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public
measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a
Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German would
be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were men of
considerable public spirit and great personal integrity. For Cartwright see
The Life and Letters of Hon. Eichard Cartwright, Toronto, 1876. For
Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La Roche foucault's Travels in Canada in
1795 (Toronto, 1817), in Ont. Arch. Rep. for 1916; Miss Carnochan's Queen-
322 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
argument in favor of the bill was based on the scarcity of
labor which all contemporary writers speak of, the induce-
ment to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada where
they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery
as in New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevit-
able appeal to. greed.
After this bill became law, slavery gradually disap-
peared. Public opinion favored manumission and while
there were not many manumissions inter vivos 12 in some
measure owing to the provisions of the act requiring secur-
ity to be given in such case against the free man becoming
a public charge, there were not a few emancipated by will. 13
ston in Early Years, Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub. No. 25; Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub.
Vol. 6, pp. 73-95.
There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there
were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in attend-
ance that session, viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant; and the bill
passed the committee of the whole.
12 Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is recorded in Detroit
of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for 45 New York Currency
($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold him again January, 1795,
for 50 New York Currency ($125.00). (Mi<;h. Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 417.)
But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780 the price ranged to $300 for a man
and $250 for a woman (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 659). The number of
slaves in Detroit is said to have been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (Mich. Hist.
Coll., VII, p. 524).
13 A number of interesting wills are in the Court of Probate files at
Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them deserves special mention, viz.: that of
Robert I. D. Gray, the first Solicitor General of the Province, whose death was
decidedly tragic. In this will, dated August 27, 1803, a little more than
a year before his death, he releases and manumits "Dorinda my black woman
servant . . . and all her children from the State of Slavery," in consequence
of her long and faithful services to his family. He directs a fund to be
formed of 1,200 or $4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her
heirs and Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda 's son, he gave 200
acres of land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of Whitby
and also 50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose body servant
and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards Chief, Justice Powell;
but he had the evil habit of drinking too much and when he was drunk he
would enlist in the army. Powell got tired of begging him off and after a
final warning left him with the regiment in which he had once more enlisted.
Davis is said to have been in the battle of Waterloo; he certainly crossed the
ocean and returned later on to 'Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Corn-
wall, Ontario, a well-known character with him, died the last of all those
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 323
The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also di-
minished by what seems at first sight paradoxical, that is,
their flight across the Detroit Eiver into American terri-
tory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity were British in
fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the Ordi-
nance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery nor in-
voluntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than
as punishment of crime " was a dead letter: but when
who had been slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper
Canada.
In the Canadian Archives, M. 393, is the copy of a letter, the property of
the late Judge Pringle of Cornwall, by Eobert I. D. Gray to his sister Mrs.
Valentine dated at Kempton February 16, 1804, and addressed to her ''at
Captain Joseph Anderson 's, Cornwall, Eastern District ' ' : speaking of a trip
to Albany, New York, he says:
' ' I saw some of our old friends while in the states, none was I more
happy to meet than Lavine, Dorin's mother. Just as I was leaving Albany I
heard from our cousin Mrs. Garret Stadts who is living in Albany in obscurity
and indigence owing to her husband being a drunken idle fellow, that Lavine
was living in a tavern with a man of the name of Broomly. I immediately
employed a friend of mine, Mr. Eamsay of Albany, to negotiate with the man
for the purchase of her. He did so stating that I wished to buy her freedom,
in consequence of which the man readily complied with my wishes, and
altho' he declared she was worth to him 100 (i.e., $250) he gave her to me
for 50 dollars. When I saw her, she was overjoyed and appeared as happy
as any person could be, at the idea of seeing her child Dorin, and her children
once more, with whom if Dorin wishes it, she will willingly spend the re-
mainder of her days. I could not avoid doing this act, the opportunity seemed
to have been thrown in my way by providence and I could not resist it. She
is a good servant yet healthy & strong and among you, you may find her
useful, I have promised her, that she may work as much or as little as she
pleases while she lives but from the character I have of her, idleness is not
her pleasure, I could not bring her with me, she wanted to see some of her
children before she sets out; I have paved the way for her, and some time
this month, Forsyth, upon her arrival here will forward her to you. ..."
Then follows a pathetic touch:
"I saw old Cato, Lavine 's father at Newark, while I was at Col 1 - Ogden'e;
he is living with Mrs. Governeur is well taken care of & blind poor fellow
came to feel me, for he could not see, he asked affectionately after the
family/ 7
In the will of the well-known Colonel John Butler of Butler's Bangers
there are bequests to his son Andrew of "a negro woman named Pat": to
his grandson John of "a Negro Boy named George . . . until the said negro
arrives at the years that the Law directs to receive his freedom" and to
John's sister Catharine "a negro girl named Jane" for a similar time.
324 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Michigan was incorporated as a territory in 1805, the Ordi-
nance of 1787 became legally and at least in form effec-
tive. Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit,
then a real land of the free ; so many, indeed, that we find
that a company of Negro militia composed entirely ^of
escaped slaves from Canada was formed in Detroit in 1806
to assist in the general defence of the territory. 14
i* Michigan Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 659. But the actual effect of the Ordi-
nance of 1787, even after 1805 was not absolute. "As late as 1807 Judge
Woodward refused to free a negro man and woman on a writ of habeas
corpus, holding in effect that as they had been slaves at the time of the sur-
render in 1796, there was something in Jay's Treaty that forbade their
release. ' ' Michigan as a Province, Territory and State, 1906, p. 339. ' ' There
is a tradition that even as late as the coming of Gen. John T. Mason, as Sec-
retary of the Territory in 1831, he brought some domestic slaves with him
from Virginia. It is not improbable that a few domestic servants continued
with their old Masters down to the time of the adoption of the State Con-
stitution" (in 1835) ibid., p. 338, note.
Before Detroit and its adjoining territory were given up by the British to
the Americans under Jay's Treaty, August, 1796, there were many instances
of slaves escaping from the United States territory to British territory in
that neighborhood and vice versa. One instance of escape from British ter-
ritory will suffice.
Colonel Alexander McKee, a well-known and very prominent Loyalist of
Detroit, lost a mulatto slave in 1795 and his friend and colleague Captain
Matthew Elliott sent a man David Tait to look for him in what is now
Indiana. Tait's success or want of success is shown by his affidavit before
George Sharp a justice of the peace for the Western District of Upper
Canada residing in Detroit. The whole deposition will be given as it illus-
trates the terms on which the two peoples were living at the time in that
country, and shows that even then the charges were made which were after-
wards made one of the pretexts for the War of 1812. It is given iu the
Mich. Hist. Coll., Vol. XII, pp. 1^4, 165.
' ' DEPOSITION
"I being sent by Captain Elliott in search of a Molato man name Bill
the property of Colonel McKee, which was thought to be at Fort Wayne, But
on my Arrival at the Glaize was inform 'd by the officer there that he was
gone, they said he had gained his liberty, by getting into their lines he being
stole from their Country.
"They abused the Gentlemen in this place very & Told me that Governor
Sancom (Simcoe) Colonel England and Captain Elliott caused bills in print to
be dropped near their fort, Encouraging their Soldiers to desert.
' ' They called Coll McKee & Capt Elliott dam 'd rasculs and said that they
gave the Indians Bum to make them Drunk to prevent them from going to
Gbunsil & That Capt Brent they said was a Dam 'd rascul and had done every-
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 325
The number of slaves in Upper Canada cannot be ascer-
tained with anything approaching accuracy. The returns
of the census of 1784 show that very many of the 212 slaves
in the District of Montreal, which then extended from the
Rivers St. Maurice and Godfrey to the Detroit Eiver de
jure and to the Mississippi de facto, were the property of
the United Empire Loyalists on the St. Lawrence in terri-
tory which in 1791 became part of the new Province of
Upper Canada.
The settlement crept up the St. Lawrence and Lake
Ontario so as to be as far as the Eiver Trent by the end
of the eighteenth century : and Prince Edward County had
also its quota of settlers. Until the nineteenth century had
set in there were practically no settlers from the Trent to
near York (Toronto) but that splendid territory of level
clay and loam land covered by magnificent forests of beech
and maple gradually filled in and by the 30 's was fairly
well settled. In the latter territory there were very few,
if any, slaves. 15
Farther east, however, in what became the Eastern and
Midland Districts there were many slaves. It is probable
that by far the greatest number had their habitat in that
region. When York became the provincial capital (1796-7)
slaves were brought to that place by their masters. In the
Niagara region there were also some slaves, in great part
bought from the Six Nation Indians as some of these in the
eastern part of the province were bought from the Mis-
thing in his power against them. But they said in Course of Nine Months
that they Expected to be in full possession of Detroit and all the Country
between their & it & I begged liberty to withdraw when Major Hunt told me
to make the best of my way from Whence I came, while I was getting ready
to return the Serjeant of their Guard came & Told me it was the Majors
orders that I should leave the place immediately & not to stay about any of
the Indian Camps. Which Orders I obeyed.
(signed) DAVID TAIT.
Sworn before me at Detroit 4th August 1795.
GEO SHARP, J. P. W. D."
Indian Affairs, M. G. VII.
15 I have found no reliable accounts of slaves in this region some tradi-
tions which I have investigated proved unreliable and illusory.
326 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
sissaguas who had a rendezvous on Carleton Island near
Kingston. In the Detroit region there were many slaves,
some of them Panis; 16 and many of both kinds, Panis and
Negro bought from the Shawanese, Pottawattainaies and
other Western Indians, taken for the most part from the
Ohio and Kentucky country. Most of these slaves were
west of the river, few being in the Province of Upper
Canada de jure. Omitting Detroit, the number of slaves
in the province at the time of the Act of 1793 was prob-
ably not far from 500. 17
In the Eastern District, part of which became the Dis-
trict of Johntown in 1798, there were certainly some slaves.
Justus Sherwood one of the first settlers brought a Negro
slave Caesar Congo to his location near Prescott. Caesar
was afterwards sold to a half pay officer Captain Bottom
settled about six miles above Prescott and after about
twenty years service w T as emancipated by his master.
Caesar afterwards married a woman of color and lived in
Brockville for many years and until his death. Daniel
Jones another old settler had a female Negro slave and
there were a few more slaves in the district. 18
16 I cannot trace many Panis slaves in Upper Canada proper ; that there
were some at Detroit is certain and equally certain that some were at one time
on both shores of the Niagara Eiver. I do not know of an account of the
numbers of slaves at the time; in Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male
and 78 female slaves in a population of about 2,550 (Mich. Hist. Coll., X,
p. 326) ; Nov. 1, 1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller
population (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIII, p. 53) ; in 1778, 127 in a population of
2,144 (Mich. Hist. Coll., IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782 (Mich. Hist.
Coll., VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIII, p. 54).
The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787, forbidding slavery "northwest of
the Ohio Kiver" passed with but one dissenting voice, that of a delegate from
New York was quite disregarded in Detroit (Mich. Hist. Coll., 1, 415) ; and
indeed as has been said, Detroit and the neighboring country remained British
(de facto) until August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till
that date.
17 This is indicated by a number of facts none of much significance and
all together far from conclusive but it is a mere estimate perhaps not much
more than a guess and I should not be astonished if it were proved that the
estimate was astray by 100 either way. Indeed contemporary estimates gave
for the Nassau District alone in 1791, 300 Negro slaves and a few Panis.
Col. Mathew Elliott in 1784 brought more than 50 slaves to his estate at
Amherstburg.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 327
It is possible that this part of the province was the home
of a Negro who at the age of 101 appeared at the Assize
Court at Ottawa in 1867 to give evidence. He was born in
the Colony of New York in 1766, had been brought to Upper
Canada by his master, a United Empire Loyalist, had
fought through the war of 1812 on the British side, was
present at the Battles of Chippewa and Lundy's Lane and
was wounded at Sackett's Harbor. 19
In the Midland District at Kingston such leading fami-
lies as the Cartwrights, Herkimers and Everetts were slave
owners. Further west the Ruttans, Bogarts, Van Al-
stynes, 20 Petersons, Aliens, Clarks, Bowers, Thompsons,
Meyers, Spencers, Perrys, Pruyns, speaking generally all
the people of substance had their slaves. 21
is See letter of Sheriff Sherwood, Papers #c, Ontario Historical Society -
1901, Vol. 3, p. 107. Justus Sherwood came from Vermont, originally from-
Connecticut, joined Burgoyne's army in 1777 and came to Canada in 1778 r
joined Rogers' Rangers and served during the war. He came to Prescott in
1784. He had had a not unusual experience with the Continentals. Hiff
"Negroe wench and two negroe children" had been seized and" sold to Wm.
Drake." (Second Ont. Arch. Kep., 1904, p. 820.) Daniel Jones, father of
Sir Daniel Jones of Brockville, came from Charlotte County, New York (ibid,,
p. 398). He was also a native of Connecticut.
19 He was in full possession of all his faculties and had been brought to
Ottawa to prove the death of one person in 1803 and of another in 1814.
The action was Morris v. Henderson "Ottawa Citizen" May 3, 1867. Robert
I. D. Gray mentioned in note 13 above, came from this district.
20 A Van Alstyne Major Peter Van Alstyne was elected to represent
Prince Edward County in the first Legislative Assembly when Philip Dorland
was unseated because he would not take the prescribed oath being a Quaker.
21 See the interesting paper read before the Women's Historical Society
Toronto by Mrs. W. T. Hallam, B.A., and published in .The Canadian
I Churchman, May 8, 1919, republished in pamphlet form. I am authorized by
I Mrs. Hallam to make full use of her researches and I take advantage of this
permission. Mrs. Hallam has also the following:
"There is an old orchard between Collins Bay and Bath, Ontario, now
used as a garden, which belongs to the Fairfield family. The children of this
[Loyalist family brought the seeds in their pockets from the old home in Ver-
mont, and here lie buried the slaves belonging to the Fairfield and Pruyn
families. On the way over they milked the cows, which were brought with
them, and sometimes the milk was the only food which they had. The old
Fairfield Homestead, built in 1793, is still standing, but the negro quarters are
unused, for as those who live there say, "On a hot day you would declare the
slaves were still there."
328 JOUKNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
may be noted that there are many records of births,
eaths and marriages of slaves. In the Eegister for the
Township of Fredericksburg (Third Township) of the
Eeverend John Langhorn, Anglican clergyman, we find in
1791, November 13, that he baptized "Richard son of
Pomps and Nelly a negro living with Mr. Timothy Thomp-
son. " 22 On October 6, 1793, "Richard surnamed Pmyn a
negro, living with Harmen Pruyn," on March 2, 1796,
* ' Betty, surnamed Levi, a negro girl living with Johannes
Walden Meyers " of the Township of Thurlow. On April
22, 1805, "Francis, son of Violet, a negro woman living
with Hazelton Spencer 23 Esq. by Francis Green." We find
Miss Alice Fairfield of the White House, Collins Bay, a descendant of
these Fair-fields gives the following account in a paper read before the
Woman's Historical Society, Toronto (of which Mrs. Seymour Corley of
Toronto has been good enough to furnish me a copy) "In March 1799,
Stephen Fairfield married Maria Pruyn (from Kinder Hook, N. Y.), whose
marriage portion ineluded several slaves. They remained with the family as
a matter of course after the law had given them their freedom. Of their
devotion a story is told "Mott" the old black nurse of my great grand-
mother walked to York (Toronto) a distance of 160 miles in cold weather to
warn her of a plot against her property the shoes were literally worn off her
feet." The writer adds "The Tory branch of the Fairfield family that came
to Canada were from Paulet County, Vermont . . . they brought some
* niggers ' as they called their black slaves, into Canada. " lt The first apples
grown in the country were raised from the seeds of apples with which the
Children had filled their pockets at the old home. ' '
A contributor to the Napanec Banner writes:
tl There has been considerable controversy of late whether slaves ever
were owned in this section of Canada. The Aliens brought three slaves with
them who remained with the family for years. Thomas Borland also had a
number of slaves who were members of the house-hold as late as 1820. The
Pruyns who lived on the front of Fredericksburg had, we are informed, over
a dozen slaves with them. The Kuttans of Adolphustown brought two able-
bodied slaves with them. Major Van Alstyne also had slaves; so had John
Huyck who lived north of Hay Bay, and the Bogarts near neighbors, and the
Trampours of the opposite side of Hay Bay. The Clarks of Ernesto wn, now
called Bath, owned slaves who were with them years after their residence in
Canada. The Everetts of Kingston Township and the Cartwrights of King-
ston had theirs."
22 A man of considerable note: in 1800 appointed with Richard Cart-
wright, Commissioner to settle the finances between the two Provinces.
23 Member for Lenox, Hastings and Northumberland Counties in the first
Legislative Assembly: and afterwards Sheriff.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 329
that "Francis, son of Violet ... by Francis Green as was
supposed" was buried January 17, 1806. 24
In a paper by the late J. C. Hamilton, a barrister of
Toronto, he says that Lieutenant Governor Sir Alexander
Campbell had favored him with a note concerning slaves
at Kingston, which concluded "I had personally known two
slaves in Canada : one belonging to the Cartwright and the
other to the Forsyth family. 25 When I remember them in
their old age, each had a cottage, surrounded by many com-
forts on the family property of his master and was the
envy of all the old people in the neighborhood." 26
York (Toronto) and its neighborhood were settled later
but they received their quota of Negro slaves, at least the
town did. In 1880, the Gazette at York announces to be
sold "a healthy strong negro woman, about thirty years
of age; understands cooking, laundry and the taking care
of poultry. N. B. She can dress ladies ' hair. Enquire
of the Printers, York, Dec. 20, 1800. " 27
The best people in the capital owned Negroes. Peter
Eussell who had been administrator of the government of
the province and therefore the head of the State adver-
tised in the Gazette and Oracle of February 19, 1806 :
"To be sold: a Black Woman named Peggy, aged forty
years and a Black Boy her son named Jupiter, aged about
fifteen years, both of them the property of the Subscriber.
The woman is a tolerable cook and washerwoman and per-
fectly understands making soap and candles. The boy is
tall and strong for his age, and has been employed in the
country business but brought up principally as a house
servant. The price of the woman is one hundred and fifty
dollars. For the boy two hundred dollars payable in three
24 The Pruyns of Fredericksburg are credited with, owning more slaves
than any other family in that region. Mrs. Hallam, ut supra, p. 4.
The above extracts are taken from the Registers published by the Ont.
Hist. Soc., Vol. 1.
25 Both prominent families in Kingston.
26 Trans. Can. lust., Vol. 1 (1889-1890), p. 106.
27 For this and the following incident see that most interesting book
"Toronto of Old" by Henry Scadding, D.D., Toronto, 1873, pp. 293, 294, 295.
330 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
years with interest from the day of sale and to be secured
by bond, &c. But one-fourth less will be taken for ready
oney."
Peggy was not a satisfactory slave, she had awkward
visions of freedom. On September 2, 1803, Eussell ad-
vertised: "" The subscriber's black servant Peggy not
having his permission to absent herself from his service,
the public are hereby cautioned from employing or har-
bouring her without the owner's leave. Whoever will do
so after this notice may expect to be treated as the law
directs."
Peggy was not the only slave who was dissatisfied with
her lot. On March 1, 1811, William Jarvis, the Secretary
of the Province "informed the Court that a negro boy and
girl, his slaves, had the evening before been committed to
prison for having stolen gold and silver out of his desk in
Ms dwelling house and escaped from their said master;
and prayed that the Court would order that the said
prisoners with one Coachly a free negro, also committed
to prison on suspicion of having advised and aided the said
boy and girl in eloping with their master's property. . . ."
It was "ordered that the said negro boy named Henry
commonly called Prince be recommitted to prison and there
safely kept till discharged according to law and that the
said girl do return to her said master and Coachly be dis-
charged." 29
Jarvis had slaves when he resided at Niagara. We find
in the Eegister of St. Mark's Parish there an entry of Feb-
28 Henry Scadding's Toronto of Old, p. 296. Dr. Scadding, speaks of his
' ' in former times ' ' gazing at Amy Pompadour with some curiosity.
Miss Elizabeth Kussell, sister of the Administrator, had a slave, a pure
ISTegro Amy Pompadour, whom she gave to Mrs. Denison wife of Captain John
Denison, an old comrade in arms of her brother 'a.
29 Ibid., p. 292. The boy if he had stolen his master's money would be
guilty of grand larceny, a capital offence at the time and consequently not
tried at the Quarter Sessions. He was, therefore, recommitted to prison to
await the Court of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery commonly
called the Assizes.
The master probably withdrew the charge against the girl and Coachly,
or they may have been so fortunate as that there was no evidence against them.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 331
ruary 5, 1797, of Moses and Phoebe, Negro slaves of Mr.
' ' Sec 'y Jarvis. ' ' Nor is this a unique entry for we find this :
"1819 April 4, Cupitson Walker and Margt. Lee (of
Colour)," but these may have been free.
There were baptized : ' ' 1793, January 3, Jane a daughter
of Martin, Col. Butler's Negro," "1794, September 3, Cloe,
a mulatto," "1800, March 29, Peggy a mulatto (filia
populi)," "1807, May 10, John of a negro girl (filius
populi) " and in the same list was a soldier shot for deser-
tion, a soldier who shot himself, "an unfortunate stranger,"
"E. B. Tickel, alas he was starved," an Indian child, "Cut-
nose Johnson, a Mohawk chief" and there is recorded
the burial of "Mrs. Waters a negro woman," September
29, 1802. 80
Slaves continued to run away. Colonel Butler in the
Upper Canada Gazette of July 4, 1793, advertised a reward
of $5 for his "negro-man servant named John." 31 On
August 28, 1802, Mr. Charles Field of Niagara advertised
in the Herald: "All persons are forbidden harbouring, em-
ploying or concealing my Indian Slave Sal, as I am de-
termined to prosecute any offender to the extremity of the
law and persons who may suffer her to remain in or upon
their premises for the space of half an hour, without my
Iso gee the lists in the Out. Hist. Soc. Papers (1901), VoJL 3,
In the list of marriages are found: "1797, Oct. 12, Cuff Williams and
Ann, Negroes from Mr. C. McNabb"; "1800, Dec. 1, Prince Robinson and
Phillis Gibson, Negroes" and six other marriages down to 1831 between per-
sons ' ' of Colour ' \ These last were probably not slaves.
That Joseph Brant " Thayendinaga, ' ; the celebrated Indian Chief, had
Negro slaves has been confidently asserted and as confidently denied. That
there were Negroes in his household seems certain and their status was inferior.
Whether he called them slaves or not, it is probable that he had full control
of them.
See Stones' Life of Brant, New York, 1838. He rather boasted of his
slaves. He was attended on his journeys and at table by two of them, Patton
and Simon Gauseville. Hamilton in his Osgoode Hall, Toronto, 1904, says
(p v 21) : "Thayendinaga lived surrounded with slaves and retainers in bar-
barous magnificence at Burlington." But that is rhetoric.
si Trans. Can. Inst., Vol. 1 (1889-1890), p. 105.
332 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
written consent will be taken as offending and dealt with
accordingly. " 32
There was always a demand for good slaves. For ex-
ample, in the Gazette and Oracle of Niagara October 11,
1797, W. & J. Crooks of West Niagara "Wanted to pur-
chase a negro girl of good disposition": a little later,
January 2, 1802 the Niagara Herald advertised for sale
"a negro man slave, 18 years old, stout and healthy; has
had the Smallpox and is capable of service either in the
house or out-doors. The terms will be made easy to the
purchaser, and cash or new lands received in payment."
On January 18, 1802, the Niagara Herald proclaimed for
sale: "the negro man and woman, the property of Mrs.
Widow Clement. They have been bred to the business of
a farm ; will be sold on highly advantageous terms for cash
or lands." 33
Slavery in Upper^ Cnnada_ continued until^the Imperial
Act of ISSS^TSit there does not seeirPto be any recoi
- ,,__ w- ^-' - - -* "^^ r _~-*~"* f ~~**^~^_ [ _^--^ "**- ^-^ *^^^ ~^-- 9f_^ * . . * a -
> sales after 4Oj6L_ Probably the last slavesto become free
a* I me were two who are mentioned by the late Sir Adam Wilson,
Chief Justice successively of the Courts of Common Pleas
and Queen's Bench at Toronto. These were "two young
slaves, Hank and Sukey whom he met at the residence of
Mrs. O'Reilly, mother of the venerable Miles O'Reilly, Q.
C., in Halton County about 1830. They took freedom
under the Act of 1833 and were perhaps the last slaves in
the province." 35
32 Dr. Seadding ut supra, p. 295. This is almost the only trace of Panis
slavery in Upper Canada, proper, which I have found. The attempt to make
a crime by the advertiser is not without precedent or imitation : it was, however,
merely a threat and a brutum fulmen.
33 Dr. Seadding ut supra, pp. 294, 295.
Such advertisements as these of 1802 indicate an uneasiness as to the
security of the slave property. Dr. Seadding remarks "Cash and lands were
plainly beginning to be regarded as lees precarious property than human
chattels," ibid., p. 295.
"See supra, p.
so Trans. Can. Inst., ut supra, p. 106.
These if actual slaves could not have been very young. If they were
brought into the province after the Act of 1793 they would become free ipso
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 333
In the Detroit neighborhood there were undoubtedly
many slaves, Panis and Negro : most of these were lost to
the province on the delivery up of the retained territory in
1796 under the provisions of Jay's Treaty. But some were
on the Canadian side and some were brought over by their
masters on the surrender. Colonel Matthew Elliott who
settled in 1784 just below Amherstburg brought many
slaves, some sixty it is said. The remains of slave quar-
ters are still in existence on the place. Jacques Duperon
Baby the well-known fur-trader had at least thirty.
Antoine Louis Descompte dit Labadie, who raised a
family of thirty-three children was the owner of slaves
also. He was a wealthy farmer of the Township of Sand-
wich (now Walkerville) and died in 1806, aged 62. On
May 26, 1806, he made at Sandwich his will by which he
made the following bequest: "I also give and bequeath to
my wife the use or service of two slaves that she may select,
as long as she continues to be my widow. ' ' After a number
of bequests there follows: "I will that all my personal
property not here above bequeathed as well as my slaves
with the exception of the two left to my wife, be portioned
out or sold, and that the proceeds arising therefrom be
equally divided between my said wife and the nine chil-
dren 36 born out of my marriage with her. ' '
Some of these slaves were probably Panis. There is
extant a parchment receipt dated at Detroit, October 10,
1775, which reads :
" Je certifie avoir vendu et livre au Sieur Labadie, une esclave
Paniese 37 nominee Mannon pour et en consideration de la quan-
tite de quatre-vingt minots 38 de Ble de froment qu'il doit me payer
facto. If born after that Act they would not properly speaking be slaves at
all but only subject to service until the age of 25.
If they were slaves they must have been at least 37 in 1830; but probably
they were born after 1793 and had not attained the age of 25 in 1833. They
might then be young as described by Sir Adam.
* Labadie had been twice married.
37 For "Panise."
88 The French Minot is 39.36 litres; the Canadian 36.34 litres or 63.94
pints the bushel is 64 pints the Canadian minot is consequently almost
exactly ,one bushel.
334 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
a mesure qu'il aura au printemps prochain, donne sous ma main
au Detroit ce dixieme jour d'Octobre, 1775.
Temoin (Signe) James Sterling 39
Signe) John Porteous.
Some of the reports of judges who presided over crim-
inal assizes, moreover, contain references to slavery. Mr.
Justice Powell tried a Negro, Jack York, with a jury at
Sandwich for burglary in 1800. He was found guilty and
in accordance with the law at that time, was sentenced
to death. Powell respited the prisoner that the pleasure
of the Lieutenant Governor might be known. The Lieu-
tenant-Governor at that time was General Peter Hunter a
rigid disciplinarian. Hunter wrote Powell that as York
had been convicted of "the most atrocious offence without
any circumstances of doubt or alleviation " he was to be
hanged. When York was made aware of his fate, he
promptly escaped from the ramshackle gaol at Sandwich.
In the proceedings Captain McKee informed the judge
that the main witness had "been an Indian prisoner re-
deemed by his father and had lived in his kitchen and he
did not think her credit good. ' ' She was one of Mr. James
Girty's three Negroes and "known to be saucy." 40
39 Essex Historical Society Papers and Addresses, Vol. 1, Windsor, Ont.
(1913), pp. 13, 39, 48-52.
This is translated thus: I certify that I have sold and delivered to Mr.
Labodie a Panis slave called Manon for and in consideration of 80 minots
(practically 80 bushels) of wheat which he is to pay me as he has it the coming
spring given under my hand at Detroit this 10th day of October, 1775.
WITNESS: (Signed)
(Signed) JOHN PORTEOUS. JAMES STERLING. "39
40 The fact was that Jack York had broken into McKee 's dwelling house
to commit rape and lie had committed rape on the person of Mrs. Ruth Suffle-
mine (or Stufflemine).
-4-g^ Powell's report is dated from Mount Dorchester, September 22, 1800.
Vanadian Archives, Sundries U. C. 1792-1800; Hunter's decision in May is in
Canadian Archives Letters Hunter to Heads of Departments, p. 65; York's
escape is ibid., p. 84; the Death Warrant is referred to in Canadian Archives
Sundries U. C. 1792-1800.
There were certainly slaves in the Western District. The will of Antoine
Louis Descomps Labadie made May 2'6, 1806, contains a bequest "I also give
and bequeath to my wife Charlotte, the use or service of two slaves that she
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 335
Another report nearly a score of years later may be of
interest. It can be best understood in its historical setting.
During the war of 1812, as soon as the American invasion
of Canada began, prices of all commodities began to soar. 41
There was a great demand for beef for the troops regular
and militia and the commissariat was not too scrupulously
particular to inquire the source whence it might come.
The result was that a crime which had been almost un-
known suddenly increased to alarmingly large proportions.
Cattle roaming in the woods were killed and the meat sold
to the army. Prosecutions were instituted in many cases.
It was found that the perpetrators were generally, but by
no means always, landless men, not infrequently refugee
slaves, who had come to the province from the United
States. The offence was punishable with death : 42 and con-
victions were not hard to obtain. But the punishment of
death was not in practice actually inflicted.
Whatever the cause, the crime continued until normal
conditions were reestablished when it became as rare as it
had been before the war. At the Fall Assizes, 1819, at
York before Mr. Justice Campbell and a jury, a man of
color, Philip Turner, was convicted of stealing and killing
a heifer and sentenced to death: Mr. Justice Powell who
may select as long as she continues to be my widow." "A black boy slave
to Mrs, Benton, widow of the late Commodore of the Lakes" seems to have
been as bad as Jack York. Convicted at Kingston of a house robbery, a
capital crime he had the ' ' benefit of clergy ' ' that is, set free as a first offence.
But he did not mend his .ways. He committed burglary and was convicted at
Kingston 1795 before Mr. Justice Powell. The judge sentenced him to be
hanged but recommended a pardon. He said the boy was said to be 17 but
looked no more than 15 and in view of his education as a slave he hoped that
his ' ' would not be the first capital example. ' ' Can. Arch., B. 210.
In a memorial by the judges of the Court of King's Bench to the
Lieutenant Governor, January 10, 1814, they point out that prices have doubled
since the war. The prices before the war and at the time were of bread 1 /
and 2 / ; of beef 6 d and 1 / ; of wood 7/6 and 15 /.
Before 1772, this was not a crime at all but only a civil trespass; the
Waltham Black Act (1722) 9 George I, c. 22 made it a felony punishable with
death without benefit of clergy. This continued to be the law in England until
the Act (1827) 7, 8 George IV, e. 27 (Imp.), and in Upper Canada until 1841.
336 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
had been in the Commission of Oyer and Terminer with
Campbell reported to the Lieutenant-Governor 43 that there
had as yet been no execution for this offence in the province
and recommended that the sentence should be committed to
banishment for life from His Majesty's dominions. 44
Tradition has it that Turner was a refugee from the United
States and begged to be hanged rather than sent back
where he would be again enslaved. 45
When the fugitive slave reached the j>piL J*JLJ2pp er
Canada he became aSSrwaSlfree i jariith --altilie rigl^_aiid
privileges of any other freeman : but sometimes the^f ormer
condition of servitude had unhappy results. One caseTwHT
suffice. John Harris was ~ar slave i iii Virginia. He rented
a house in Richmond and lived in it with his wife Sarah
Holloway. Harris was a painter and gave the greater part
of his earnings to his master. The wife earned money by
washing and gave to her mistress part of her scanty earn-
ings. The wife's second name was that of her master
Major Hallo way in whose house she had been married in
1825 to Harris by the Eeverend Eichard Vaughan, a Bap-
tist minister, a free man. The couple had three children.
In 1833 Harris effected his escape to Upper Canada and
came to Toronto (then York) in the spring of 1834 under
the name of George Johnstone. In 1847 he obtained from
John Beverley Eobinson, Chief Justice of Upper Canada a
deed of three acres of land part of Lot 12 in the First Con-
cession from the bay east of the river Don in the Town-
ship of York. He died without a will in February, 1851.
The deserted wife after his escape married a man by the
43 Sir Peregrine Maitland.
** Banishment existed as a punishment in Upper Canada until 1841, when
it was finally abolished and succeeded by imprisonment. Banishment was a
very common alternative for hanging. I have counted as many as four cases
at one assize.
* 5 The tradition is a floating and rather indefinite one. It has some
plausibility but there is nothing which to my mind can be dignified by the
name of proof. The facts of the Turner case will be found in a Keport by
Mr. (afterwards Chief) Justice Powell to Sir Peregrine Maitland's Secretary
Edward McMahon, November 1, 1819, Canadian Archives, Sundries, U. C., 1819.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 337
name of Brown. She continued a slave until the fall of
Eichmond and died in 1869 or 1870. 46
4 Canadian Archives, Q. 324, pp. 432, 436 Letter, June 8, 1818, from
"Thos. N. Stewart, Capt. H. P. late Royal Newfoundland Regiment" to the
Roght Honourable Earl Bathurst, dated from Barnstable, North Devon.
Turning to a more pleasant subject, while it may not be strictly within the
purview of this treatise, it may be permitted to bring to light from the files of
the Canadian Archives a story of a poor black woman who showed true, hu-
manity. It may be considered by some at the expense of her patriotism. That
will not be admitted by everyone, for what share did the Negro have in America
in which he lived more than in Britain which offered him freedom?
When in May, 1813, General Dearborn took Fort George in Upper Canada,
one of his prisoners was Captain Thomas N. Stewart of the Royal Newfound-
land Regiment who was wounded. Taken to the United States, he was with
several other British officers kept for months a close prisoner at Philadelphia as
a hostage under the retaliation system. *
"At length," said he, "I with fourteen other officers made my escape
from the prison ait Philadelphia by sawing off the iron bars with the springs of
watches, but from the active search which was made ten of my companions
were retaken in the course of three days. I ... attribute my success (as well
as that of two more British officers) in being enabled to elude the vigilance of
the enemy to the kindness and humanity of a poor black woman to whose pro-
tection we committed ourselves in our real character and situation: and not-
withstanding a reward of one hundred dollars was offered for the apprehension
of each officer without our even 'being able to reward her in an equal degree,
she persevered in affording us comfort and accommodation, greatly to her own
risk and loss by the total resignation of her small hut and a tender of her
services to our use visiting us only at night with provisions, &c. This she con-
tinued to do for eight days. When it was thought that the active search was
in a great degree abated I ventured by night to leave the abode of this black
woman with the intention of going to the Headquarters of the British Army
in Canada and this I ultimately succeeded in accomplishing."
His companions leaving one by one at different times also succeeded in re-
turning to the service of their country. Having only $70 and having to travel
600 miles, Capt. Stewart could give the woman only $20: and all she received
from all the officers was only $50. He wrote Earl Bathurst, Secretary of State
for War and the Colonies asking that she should be remunerated and saying
that he would ' ' be most happy to give the address and the source thro ' which
communication could be made. ' ;
Bathurst replied June 13, asking for particulars, and Captain Stewart
June 18 wrote again on the eighteenth of June saying that the matter required
the utmost circumspection and excusing himself from giving information until
he had communication with America, hoping to point out the precise object
whom "His Lordship has thought worthy of remuneration."" No doubt the
matter then passed into the Secret Service, as no further correspondence is pre-
served in documents open to the
338 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
About that time the eldest son came to Canada, and he
brought an action as the heir-at-law against one Cooper,
the person in possession. All the facts were clear and the
only difficulty in the way was as to the validity of the
marriage of the Negro. Chief Justice William Buell
Richards, of the Court of Queen's Bench tried the case at
the Fall Assizes, 1870, at Toronto. Evidence was given
by a Virginia lawyer and judge 47 that there was no law in
Virginia either authorizing or forbidding the marriage of
slaves because " slaves were property and not persons for
marital purposes. ... In short, by the law of Virginia,
slaves were but jjroperty, treated as property exclusively,
except where by special Statute they were made persons.''
On this evidence, therefore, the Chief Justice dismissed
the action. The plaintiff appealed to the full Court of
Queen's Bench urging that the slaves had done all they
could to make their marriage legal. In vain, they w r ere not
British subjects and the rules of international law were
too rigid to allow of the court holding the marriage legal.
Mr. Justice Wilson in giving the judgment of the Court
said: 48
"This is, no doubt, an unfortunate conclusion, for the
plaintiff is undoubtedly the child of John Harris and Sarah
The motion was hoard in Trinity Term, 34 Vietoriae i.e. in February, 1871,
see the report in Ml Upper Canada Queens Bench Reports, p. 182: Harris v.
Cooj>er. The Court was composed of the Chief Justice William Buell Richards,
afterward Sir William Buell Richards, Chief Justice of Canada, Mr. Justice
Joseph Cm-ran Morrison, afterwards a Judge of the Court of Error and
Appeal, and Mr. Justice Adam Wilson, afterwards successively Chief Justice
of the Court of Common Pleas, and of the Court of Queen's Bench.
47 Two years after her first husband's death, that is, in 1853, the widow
who had then married one Scott sold the lot to Mr. Boomer for $300. Mr.
Boomer sold two acres to Edward Osborne and he to Cooper for $800. By
Is71 the land had appreciated in value so as to make it worth a lawsuit. Of
course, the widow never had any right to sell the land, but it was at least
ungracious for her son to repudiate her deed.
48 The law of Virginia as to marriages of slaves even with the consent of
the master was fully and clearly stated by the Court of Appeals of Virginia
in the case of Scott r. Raub (1872) 88 Virginia, 721. See also the decision
of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Hall v. United
States, 92 U. S. 127; and in Alabama, Matilda v. Gardner, 24 Alabama, 719.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 339
who were made man and wife in form and by all the usual
solemnities of real matrimony. The parents were of ma-
ture age, of sound sense, reason and understanding. The
father had a trade which he followed by permission of his
master for a yearly sum which he paid to him for the
privilege, or as it is said 'he hired his own time. 7 He
rented a house for himself; he was married with the con-
sent of those who could give it by a minister in orders and
in form at least under the sanction of religion: he lived
with the woman he had taken as his wife and had children
by her and left her only to gain his freedom; yet it is mani-
fest by the force of positive human law, there was no
marriage and no legitimate issue." 49
^o 31 Upper Canada Queens Bench Reports at p. 195, 1871.
CHAPTER VI
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA
Before the Act of 1793, there was some immigration of
slaves fleeing from their masters in the United States.
After the Act of 1793, however, a slave by enteringJQpger
^
master^rTle3T^mn5mir Legislation of the United States
in the same year 1 increased the number of those fleeing to
the province under this law. Slaves who had effected their
escape to what were considered free States were liable to
be reclaimed by their masters. Shocking instances of the
forcing into renewed slavery of the escaped slave and even
of enslaving the free persons of color are on record and
there are told worse which never saw the open light of day.
1 The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793.
Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less commented
upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on the subject of
fugitive slaves, at least of those slaves who were his own.
A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H.;
Washington on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her to Joseph
Whipple the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The letter is still
extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in London in 1877 for ten
guineas. (Magazine of American History, Vol. 1, December, 3877, p. 759.)
Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he made the speech reported in
Charles Sumner 's Works, Vol. Ill, p. 177. Washington in the letter described
the fugitive and particularly expressed the desire of ' ' her mistress ' ' Mrs.
Washington for her return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New
Hampshire for he added.
' ' I do not mean by this request that such violent measure should be used
as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case if she has adherents;
or even uneasy sensations in the minds of well disposed citizens. Rather than
either of these should happen, I would forego her services altogether and the
example also which is of infinite more importance."
In other words if the slave girl has no friends or "adherents" send her
back to slavery if she has and they would actively oppose her return, let her
go and even if it only be that "well-disposed citizens" disapprove of her
capture and return let her remain free.
340
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 341
Eli Whitney's invention of the cotton gin about the
same time 2 made slaves much more valuable and not only
checked the movement toward gradual emancipation but
increased the ardor with which the fugitive was pursued.
From 1793 the influx of fugitive slaves into the province
never quite ceased. The War of 181^) saw former slaves
in the Canadian militia "~ fightmF against their former
, ^ , f - i r j -u
masters and Canada as an asylum of freedom became
known in the South by mysterious but effective means.
"^^TarljTalTTS^ the
Western Reserve to Canada in great numbers and one
group of Underground Eailway workers in Southern Ohio
is stated to have passed on more than 1000 fugitives before
1817. " 3
It is not proposed here to give an account of the cele-
brated UndergrqundJRailway. It is sufficient to say that
it was the cause of hundreds of slaves reaching the prov-
ince. 4 Some slaves escaped by their own efforts in what
can fairly be called a miraculous way. No more dramatic
or thrilling tales were ever told than could be told by some
of these refugees. Some having been brought by their
masters near to the Canadian boundary then clandestinely
or by force effected a passage. Some came from far to
the South, guided by the North Star. Many were assisted
by friends more or less secretly. These refugees joined
2 Whitney's first patent was 1784. His rights were firmly established in
Canada's Part in Freeing the Slave, Ontario Historical Society, "\
Papers, etc. (1919), quoting Birney's James G. Sirney and His Times, p. 435. \
Mr. Landon's paper is of great interest and value and I gladly avail )
myself of the permission to use it.
* A fairly good account of the Underground Eailroad will be found in
William Still's Underground Eailroad, Philadelphia, 1872, in W. H. Mitchell's
Underground Railway, London, 1860; in W. H. Siebert's Underground Eailway,
New York, 1899, and in a number of other works on Slavery. Considerable
space is given the subject in most works on Slavery.
One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and
Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini, many
stations; Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Boss, Memoirs of a Re-
former, Toronto, 1893, and Mich. Hist. Coll., XVII, p. 248.
342 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY .
settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed
in the western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of
Essex and Kent and elsewhere. 5 Some of them settled in
other parts of the province, either together or more usually
sporadically. Toronto received many. These were su-
perior to most of their race, for none but those with more
than ordinary qualities could reach Canada. 6
The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain
quiet when their slaves reached this province. Sometimes
they followed them in an attempt to take them back. There
are said to have been a few instances of actual kidnapping.
There were some of attempted kidnapping. Most of these
are merely traditional but at least one is well authenti-
cated. 7
In May, 1830, a young man with finely chiselled features,
bright hazel eyes, apparently a quadroon or octoroon ap-
plied for service at the house of Charles Baby, "the old
Baby mansion in the . . . historical town of Sandwich"
in Upper Canada on the Detroit Kiver. He said he had
escaped from slavery in Kentucky, had arrived on the
previous evening at Detroit and had crossed the river to
Canada as quickly as possible. He had been a mason but
understood gardening and attending to horses and had
other accomplishments. He was engaged and proved a
5 The Bnxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known. The Wilber-
force Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free Negroes but
they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees. See Mr. Fred Lan-
don's account of this settlement in the recent (1918) Transactions of the
London and Middlesex Hist. 8oc., pp. 30-44. For an earlier account see A.
Steward's Twenty Tears a Slave (Rochester, N. Y., 1857).
6 "The Kingdom of Heaven suffereth violence and the violent take it by
force. ' ' There can be no doubt that the Southern Negro looked upon Canada
as a paradise. I have heard a colored clergyman of high standing say that
of his own personal knowledge dying slaves in the South not infrequently
expressed a hope to meet their friends in Canada.
7 Souvenirs of the Past, by William Lewis Baby, Windsor, Ontario, 1896.
Mr. Baby is a member of an old French-Canadian family of the highest repute
for honor and public service. Charles Baby was the author's brother. The
author lived with him and tells the story of his own knowledge. The quota-
tions are from Mr. Baby's book.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 343
satisfactory servant "respectful, cleanly, capable, lithe and
active as a panther/ 7 His former master came from Ken-
tucky and reclaimed him after the lapse of six months.
The recognition was mutual and immediate. The Ken-
tuckian, offered $2000 to Baby for the return of Andrew
his former slave, but the offer was indignantly refused. It
turned out that Andrew had taken his master's favorite
horse to assist him in his flight but had turned it loose after
riding it some twenty-five miles. Whether for this reason
or for some other, the Kentuckian did not appeal for the
extradition of Andrew 8 but determined to use violence.
A short time afterwards five desperadoes from Detroit
attempted to kidnap Andrew while the family were at
Church, but they were successfully resisted by Andrew and
Charles Baby until the service was over and the people
were seen hastening home. The would-be kidnappers made
their escape across the river. Finding it dangerous to
keep Andrew so near the border, the neighbors took up
a subscription and he was sent by stage to York (Toronto).
This place he reached in safety. "He made good" and
lived a respectable and useful life undisturbed by any fear
of Kentucky vengeance. 9
The law as to such attempts was authoritatively stated
in 1819 by John Beverley Eobinson, Attorney General of
Upper Canada, afterwards Sir John Beverley Eobinson,
Bart, Chief Justice of Upper Canada. The opinion will
be given in his own words : 10
"In obedience to Your Excellency's comments I have perused
the accompanying letter from G. C. Antrobus Esquire, His
Majesty's charge d' affaires at the Court of Washington and have
attentively considered the question referred to me by Your Excel-
lency thereupon namely "Whether the owners of several Negro
Slaves who have fled from the United States of America and are
now resident in this Province can be permitted to come hither and
8 As was done in the case of Solomon Mosely, spoken of infra, p.
9 I have not been able to verify other tales of attempted abduction to my
satisfaction, there are, however, several stories which may be true.
10 Canadian Archives Sundries, U. C., 1819.
344 JOURNAL or NEGRO HISTORY
obtain possession of their property, and whether restitution of
such Negroes can be made by the interposition of the government
of this Province" and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion
to your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having
adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all ques-
tions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of the
person being the most important civil right protected by those
laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition of these
Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged, here
they are free For the enjoyment of all civil rights consequent to
a mere residence in the country and among them the right to
personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the Laws of
England in cases similar to that under consideration, must not-
withstanding any legislative enactment that may be thought to
affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to these Negroes
as well as to all others under His Majesty's Government in this
Province. The consequence is that should any attempt be made by
any person to infringe upon this right in the persons of these
Negroes, they would most probably call for, and could compel the
interference of those to whom the administration of our Laws is
committed and I submit with the greatest deference to Your Ex-
cellency that it would not be in the power of the Executive Gov-
ernment in any manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges
in the exercise of their duty upon such an application. ' ?11
Then came a number of applications for the return of
runaway slaves cloaked under criminal charges, the pre-
tence being made that they had committed some crime and
that it was desired to bring them to trial and punishment.
There can be no doubt that in the absence of some constitu-
tional provision every country has the right to keep out
criminals and, if they have entered the country, to hand
them over to the authorities of the country whence they
came ; but the rules of international law have never gone so
far as to make it obligatory on any country to send away
immigrant criminals even if demanded by their former
country. It has always been the theory in Upper Canada
that the Governor had the power, independently of statute
11 John Beverley Robinson was the son of Christopher Robinson mentioned
above.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 345
or treaty to deliver up alien refugees charged with crimes. 12
This was not wholly satisfactory and the legislature took
the matter up and passed an act governing such cases, Feb-
ruary 13th, 1833, 13 providing for the apprehension of fugi-
tive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them
up to justice. This provides that on the requisition of the
executive of any foreign country the governor of the prov-
ince on the advice of his executive council may deliver
up any person in the province charged with "Murder,
Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if committed within
the province would have been punishable with death, cor-
poral punishment, the pillory, whipping or confinement at
hard labour." The person charged might be arrested and
detained for inquiry, but the act was permissive only and
the delivery up was at the discretion of the Governor-in-
Council.
It was under this act that the extradition of Thorntoir
Blackburn was sought but finally refused. The case was
this: Two persons of color named Blackburn, a man and
his wife, were claimed as slaves on behalf of some person
in the State of Kentucky. They were arrested in Detroit
in 1833 and examined before a magistrate, who, in accord-
ance with the law of the United States, made his certificate
and directed them to be delivered over as the personal
property of the claimant in Kentucky. The sheriff took
them into custody but when one of them was on the point
12 The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph Fisher,
1 Stuart's L. C. Eep. 245.
is This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This statute came
forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada, 1859, but
was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic. c. 91 (Can.).
The Act of 1833 was drawn by Chief Justice Robinson and introduced by
him into the Legislative Council of which he was Speaker it was a ' ' Govern-
ment measure. ' ' Notice of bringing in the bill was given November '28,
1832; the bill brought in November 30; read the second time December 3
passed the committee of the whole on the fourth of December and was finally
passed by the Council the following day. It reached the Legislative Assembly
the same day where it was passed without opposition and received the Eoyal
Assent February 13, 1833.
346 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
of being removed from the prison to be restored to Ms
owner, he was violently rescued and directed across the
river into Canada. On the day before the rescue of Thorn-
ton Blackburn his wife eluded the jailer in disguise and
escaped to Canada.
The Upper Canadian Government was, therefore, called
upon to return these prisoners to the United States. Upon
examining the record in the case, however, the Attorney Gen-
eral of Upper Canada in reply to the Governor for infor-
mation in the case, advised that the so-called offences of
Thornton Blackburn in trying to effect his own escape from
persons seeking to return him to slavery could not be con-
strued as rioting or rescuing a prisoner from an officer of
the law as had been set forth in the requisition papers from
the Michigan authorities and certainly could not be applied
to Thornton Blackburn's wife who, as the evidence showed,
had taken no part at all in the rescue.
The council 14 was thereafter called upon to consider the
question whether, if a similar charge had been committed
in Canada, the offenders would be liable to undergo any of
the punishments provided for in the act passed at the
session of the Canadian Legislature in 1833. The Attorney
General 15 was of the opinion that had the government been
confined to the official requisition that had accompanied it,
he might have been warranted in delivering up these
persons inasmuch as there was evidence on which, accord-
ing to the terms of the Canadian law, a magistrate would
have been warranted in apprehending and committing for
34 At the meeting were present His Excellency Sir John Colborne, K. C. B.
Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. and Eev. John Strachan, U.D., Archdeacon of
York, the Honorable Peter Robinson, the Honorable George Herchmor Mark-
land, the Honorable Joseph Fells, and the Honorable John Elmsley. The Execu-
tive Council at that time was very much under the influence of the Chief
Justice and Dr. Strachau, then Archdeacon afterwards the first Anglican
Bishop of York or Toronto.
is Robert Sympson Jameson an English barrister of the Middle Temple,
a familiar friend of Coleridge and Southey and the husband of Anna Jameson
of some literary note.
The report is from the Canadian Archives, State J., p. 137.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 347
trial persons charged with riot, forcible rescue and assault
and battery. The Attorney General believed, however,
that the Governor and the Council were not confined to
such evidence since, though limited in their authority to
enforcing the provisions of the act against fugitives from
foreign States, on being satisfied that the evidence would
warrant the commitment for trial, yet in coming to that
conclusion, they were bound to hear not ex parte evidence
alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment ; for
even with the authority so to do, they were not required
to deliver up any prisoner so charged, if for any reason
they deemed it inexpedient so to do.
The conclusion of the Attorney General, therefore, was
that Blackburn and his wife were not charged with any
of the offences enumerated in the statute of Canada and
that the Governor and Council were not authorized by its
provisions to send them out of the province. He said,
moreover: "It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar
feature in this case that two of the persons whom the
Government of this Province is requested to deliver up are
persons recognized by the Government of Michigan as
slaves and that it appears upon these documents that if
they should be delivered up they would by the laws of the
United States be exposed to be forced into a state of
slavery from which they had escaped two years ago when
they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they should be
sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the riot
and punished they would after undergoing their punish-
ment be subject to be taken by their masters and continued
in a state of slavery for life, and that, on the other hand,
if they should never be prosecuted, or if they should be
tried and acquitted, this consequence would equally follow.
The next case was not so happy in its result. It caused
much excitement at the time and is not yet forgotten.
Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave, came to the
province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he
had reached after many days travel from Louisville, Ken-
348 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTOKY
tucky. His master followed him and charged him with the
larceny of a horse which the slave took to assist him in
his flight. That he had taken the horse there was no
doubt and as little that after days of hard riding he had
sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in the Niagara
Gaol. A prima facie case was made out and an order sent
for his extradition. 16
is The Executive Council on September 7th 1837 recommended his extradi-
tion. The following is a copy of the Proceedings:
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL CHAMBER AT TORONTO Thursday 7th September 1837
REQUISITION FOR SOLOMON MOSELY
Bead the Requisition of the Governor of the State of Kentucky and other
documents relating to the surrender of Solomon Mosely a fugitive from the
State of Kentucky charged with Horse stealing.
Read also the Attorney General opinion thereon as follows:
ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
TORONTO 6th September 1837
Sir,
I have the honor to report that in my opinion there is sufficient proof of
the guilt of Solomon alias John Mosely a fugitive from the State of Kentucky
charged with horse stealing in that Country to Warrant His Excellency the
Lieutenant Governor (with the advice of the Executive Council to deliver him
up upon the request made by the Governor of the State referred to.
I have the honor to be &c
(Signed) Cs HAGERMAN, Atty, Gen
J JOSEPH ESQ,
Civil Secretary.
The Council concur in the above opinion of the Attorney General and
consider that the case comes within 3rd Wm 4 Ch 7 and therefore advise His
Excellency the Lieutenant Governor to deliver up the Fugitive alluded to in
the requisition of His Excellency the Governor of the State of Kentucky.
Can. Arch. State J. Upper Canada, p. 595.
In a despatch from Head to Lord Glenelg, October 8, 1837, Can. Arch.
398, p. 149, Head says: "In a case brought before me only a few days
previous to that which is the subject of this communication (i.e., the Jesse
Happy case) I insisted on giving up to the Governor of the Commonwealth
of Kentucky (a slave) who in order to effect his escape had been guilty of
stealing his Master's horse." It was suggested that the real object was to
get him back to his Master not to punish him for the crime. But the crime
was perfectly proved and the Council followed the judicial opinion in the
Thornton Blackburn case that as the black had been shown to have committed
an offence clearly coming within the statute of 1833, they could not advise a
course to be taken " different from that which should be pursued with respect
to free white persons under the same circumstances." They, therefore, ad-
vised an order for extradition.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 349
The people of color of the Niagara region made the
Mosely case their own and determined to prevent his de-
livery up to the American authorities to be taken to the
land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing that
there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and
that death alone could set him free. Under the leadership
of Herbert Holmes, a yellow man 17 a teacher and preacher,
they lay around the jail night and day to the number of
from two to four hundred to prevent the prisoner's de-
livery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military
guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled to a
wagon from the jail yard, to go to the ferry across the
Niagara Kiver. Holmes and a man of color named Green
grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod gave the order
to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes dead and
another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once.
Mosely, who was very athletic leaped from the wagon and
made his escape. He went to Montreal and afterward to
England, finally returning to Niagara, where he was joined
"by his wife, who also escaped from slavery.
An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green.
The jury found "justifiable homicide " in the case of
Holmes. "Whether justifiable or unjustifiable " there was
not sufficient evidence before the jury to decide in the
case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was the
only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was
forcibly resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal
order of the proper authority. In the case of Green the
doubt arose from the uncertainty whether he was bayon-
eted while resisting the officer or after Mosely had made
his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the fact has
never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken
against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the
people of color were arrested and placed in prison for a
17 To his people he seems to have been known as "Hubbard Holmes" he
is always called a " yellow man," whether mulatto, quadroon, octoroon or
other does not appear.
350 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
time. The troublous times of the Mackenzie Kebellion
came on and the men of color were released, many of them
joining: a Negro militia company which took part in pro-
tecting the border.
The affair attracted much attention in the province and
opinions differed. While there were exceptions on both
sides, it may fairly be said that the conservative and gov-
ernment element reprobated the conduct of the blacks in
the strongest terms, being as little fond of mob law as of
slavery, and that the radicals including the followers of
Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in
the cause of liberty. That Holmes and Green and their
followers violated the law there is no doubt ; but so did Oliver
Cromwell, George Washington and John Brown. Every
one must decide for himself whether the occasion justified
in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be con-
demned in the courts of earth. 18
It was, however, only when the alleged crime was recent
and followed up promptly that the rigid rule of extraditing
slaves accused of crime was applied. A case which came
before the Executive Council a few days after Mosely's is
a good illustration of the care taken in such cases. Jesse
Happy, a slave in Kentucky, had made his escape to
Canada, stealing a horse with which he outran his pur-
suers. Knowing the indisposition of the Canadian authori-
ties to return fugitives from slavery, the Governor of Ken-
tucky undertook to have this fugitive extradited on the
ground that he was charged with a felony in that common-
wealth. It appeared that the real object of the application
from Kentucky was not so much to bring Happy to trial
for the alleged felony as to reduce him again to a state of
slavery. In the report of the Attorney General reference
was made to an application for extradition in a case in
18 The contemporary accounts of this transaction, e.g., in the Christian
Guardian of Toronto, and the Niagara Chronicle, are not wholly consistent.
The main facts are clear; although there is some doubt as to the time, the
military guard ware ordered to fire.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 351
which the offence had been recently committed, and because
of this fact the requisition was honored. In the case of
Jesse Happy, however, the alleged offence had been com-
mitted four years prior to making an effort to have him
extradited. No process had been issued in the State of
Kentucky nor had any steps been taken to punish him for
felony. It was suggested, therefore, that the real object of
this apprehension was to give him up to his former owners
and to deprive him of the personal liberty secured to him
by the laws of Canada.
As the delivery of the slave under these circumstances
would subject him to a double penalty, the one of bein&
punished for the crime and the other of being returned
to a state of slavery even if he should be acquitted, the
Canadian authorities were in a dilemma; for punishment
of the felony was in strict accordance with the statutes of
Canada whereas the enslavement of the fugitive was in
direct opposition to the genius of its institutions and the
spirit of its laws. Yet as the council 19 could not take the
position that because a man happened to be a fugitive slave
he should escape the consequences of crime committed in
a foreign country to which a free man would be amenable,
action was suspended so as to give the accused time to
furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the petition on his
behalf, and not wishing to make of this a precedent with-
out the support of the highest authority, the matter was
submitted to the Government in England with a request for
their views upon this case as a matter of general policy. 20
Lord Palmerston having had the matter brought to his
attention by Lord Glenelg, Secretary of State for War and
the Colonies, recognized its very great importance. He ac-
cordingly had it submitted to the Law Officers of the Crown.
19 Present, Allen, Hon. Augustus Baldwin and Hon. William Henry
Draper (afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, 1856, Chief
Justice of the Province of Upper Canada, 1863, and President of the Court of
Error and Appeal 1868 till his death, 1877).
20 Canadian Archives State J., p. 597.
352 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
The opinion of these officers Sir John Campbell and Sir
Eobert Mousey Eolf e appears from a letter from W. T. H.
Fox Strangeways, Parliamentary Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs addressed February 25, 1838, to Sir
George Gray of the Colonial Department. This officer
said:
"I have received and laid before Viscount Palmerston
your Letter to me of the 6 December 1837 with its accom-
panying copy of a Dispatch from Sir Francis Head, in
which that officer requests Instructions for his guidance, in
the general case of Fugitive Slaves who, having escaped to
Canada may be demanded from the Canadian Authorities
by the Authorities of the United States on the plea of their
having committed crimes is the last mentioned Country and
in the particular case of Jesse Happy, who having escaped
to Upper Canada more than four years ago, had been
demanded from the Lieut. Governor of that Province, upon
the ground of a charge of Horse Stealing.
" These two questions have by direction of Lord Pal-
merston been submitted to the Law Officers of the Crown,
and I am directed by his Lordship to state to you the
opinion of these officers for the information of Lord
Glenelg.
' 'The Law Officers report upon the general question,
that they think that no distinction should in the case con-
templated, be made between the demand for Slaves or for
Freemen.
"It is the opinion of the Law Officers that in every case
in which there is such Evidence of criminality as, accord-
ing to the terms of the Canadian Statutes, would warrant
the apprehension of the accused Party, if the alleged of-
fence had been committed in Canada, then on the requisi-
tion of the Governor of the Foreign State, the accused
Party ought to be delivered up, without reference to the
question as to whether he is or is not a Slave.
"The Law Officers desire however that it should be dis-
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 353
tinctly understood, that the Evidence for this Purpose must
be evidence taken in Canada, upon which (if false) the
Parties making it may be indicted for Perjury.
"The Law Officers remark further on this point that
the 3rd Section of the Provincial Statute enables the Gov-
ernor to refuse to deliver up a Party, whenever special cir-
cumstances may render it inexpedient to accede to the de-
mand made to the Governor on such a point.
"The Law Officers, reporting upon the subject of Jesse
Happy state that they do not think that there was in that
case such evidence of criminality, as, according to the Laws
of the Province of Upper Canada would warrant the ap-
prehension of Jesse Happy if the offence charged had been
committed in U. Canada.
"The Law Officers indeed go farther, and say that so
far as there is any evidence of the Facts, what took place
was not Horse Stealing according to the Laws of Upper
Canada, but merely an unauthorized use of a horse, with-
out any intention of appropriating it.
"The Law Officers conclude by, stating, that upon these
grounds, they are of opinion, that Jesse Happy ought to be
set at liberty, and that instructions to that effect should be
sent to the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada." 21
On the ninth of May Glenelg wrote to Sir George Arthur
who succeeded Bond Head as Lieutenant Governor of
Upper Canada, saying : ' ' With reference to my Dispatch to
Sir Francis Bond Head of the 4th December last No 255, I
enclose for your information the copy of a letter from the
Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs stating the
substance of the opinion given by the Law Officers of the
Crown in respect to the restitution of Fugitive Slaves who
may be demanded from the Government of Upper Canada
21 Canadian Archives, G. 84, p. 277. The letter to Sir George Arthur is
ibid., G. 84, p. 275. The despatch from Lord Glenelg to Sir Francis Bond
Head dated January 4, 1837, has endorsed on it a pencil memorandum " Jesse
Happy has been liberated by Lieutenant Governor's command November 14,
1837, " ibid., G. 83, p. 238.
354 JOURNAL. OF NEGRO HISTORY
on the plea of their having committed crimes at the places
from which they have fled. In conformity with the opinion
of the Law Officers of the Crown I have to desire that Jessie
Happy, the individual with respect to whom this question
was raised shall be forthwith set at liberty/'
It is impossible not to see that the very stringent rules
laid down by the Law Officers of the Crown at Westminster
were intended to be in favorem libertatis. Happy was re-
leased November 14th, 1837, and so far as appears from
the official records no further application was ever made
for the extradition of a runaway slave until after 1842.
That year the well-known Ashburton Treaty was con-
cluded 22 between Britain and the United States. This by
Article X provides that "the United States and Her
Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual requisitions . . . de-
liver up to justice all persons . . . charged with murder,
or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson
or robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.
. . ." Power was given to judges and other magistrates to
issue warrants of arrest, to hear evidence and if "the evi-
dence be deemed sufficient ... it shall be the duty of the
. . . judge or magistrate to certify the same to the proper
executive authority that a warrant may issue for the sur-
render of such fugitive."
It will be seen that this treaty made two important
changes so far as the United States was concerned. It-
made it the duty of the executive to order extradition in a
proper case and took away the discretion. It gave the
courts jurisdiction to determine whether a case was made
out for extradition. 23 Thesejihangesjnade it more difficult
22 Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842.
23 It was held in the Province of Upper Canada that the Act of 1833 was
superseded by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States, but that
it remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg. v. Tubber, 1854, 1,
P. R. 98). Since the treaty our government has refused to extradite where the
offence charged is not included in the treaty. In re Laverne Beebe (1863),
3 P. R. 273 a case of burglary. The provisions of the treaty were brought
into full effect in Canada (Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of
1849, 12, Vic. c. 19; C. S. C. (1859), c. 89.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 355
in many instances for a refugee to escape ; but the courts
tEte as ever in finding reasons against the return
The case of John Anderson is a well-known one in evi-
dence. He was born a slave in Missouri. As his master was
Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton. He married
a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one
Brown. In 1853, Burton sold him to one McDonald living
some thirty miles away and his new master took him to his
plantation. In September 1853 he was seen near the farm
of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his wife. A
neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him
and questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory
he ordered his four Negro slaves to seize him, according to
the law in the State of Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued
by Diggs and his slaves. In his attempt to escape the fugi-
tive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs died in a few
hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in
1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been
living under the name of John Anderson, and three local
justices of the peace committed him under the Ashburton
Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by the Court
of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner
was brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.
The motion was heard by the full court. 24 Much of the
argument was on the facts and on the law apart from the
form of the papers, but that was hopeless from the begin-
ning. The law and the facts were too clear, although Mr.
Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The case
turned on the form of the information and warrant, a some-
what technical and refined point. The Chief Justice Sir
John Beverley Eobinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed
that the warrant was not strictly correct, but that it could
be amended. Mr. Justice McLean thought it could not and
should not be amended.
2* The 'Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice McLean
(afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice Burns.
356 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
The case attracted great attention throughout the prov-
ince, especially among the Negro population. On the day
on which judgment was to be delivered, a large number of
people of color with some whites assembled in front of
Osgoode Hall. 25 While the adverse decision was an-
nounced, there were some mutterings of violence but the
counsel for the prisoner 26 addressed them seriously and im-
pressively, reminding them "It is the law and we must
obey it." The melancholy gathering melted away one by
one in sadness and despair.
Anderson was recommitted to the Brantford Jail. 27
The case came to the knowledge of many in England. It
was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery So-
ciety and many persons of more or less note. An applica-
tion was made to the Court of Queen's Bench of England
for a writ of habeas corpus, notwithstanding the Upper
Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in jail at
Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the
writ 28 but it became unnecessary owing to further proceed-
ings in Upper Canada.
25 The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais de Justice of
the Province.
26 Mr. Samuel B. Freeman Q. '., of Hamilton, a man of much natural
eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human nature; he was
always ready and willing to take up the cause of one unjustly accused and
was singularly successful in his defences. I have heard it said that it was
Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q. C., who so addressed the gathering but he does not
seem to have been concerned in the case in the Queen 's Bench.
27 The case is reported in (1860) 20 U. Can. Q. B., pp. 124-123. The
warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.
28 The case is reported in (1861) 3 Ellis & Ellis Reports, Queen's Bench,
p. 487; 30, Law Jour., Q. B., p. 129; 7 Jurist N. S., p. 122; 3 Law Times,
N. S., p. 622; 9 Weekly Rep., p. 255.
It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at Westminster
(1862) 25, 26, Vic. c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the courts in 'England to
issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British possession which has a court
with the power to issue such writ. The Court was Lord Chief Justice Cock-
burn and Justices C'rompton Hill and Blackburn, a very strong court. The
Counsel for Anderson was the celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ
was specially directed to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and
the jail keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 357
In those days the decision of any Court or of any judge
in habeas corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant
might go from judge to judge, court to court 29 and the last
applied to might grant the relief refused by all those previ-
ously applied to. A writ of habeas corpus was taken out
from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada, the
Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term,
1861, and the court unanimously decided that the warrant
of commitment was bad and that the court could not re-
mand the prisoner to have it amended. 30 The prisoner was
discharged. No other attempts were made to extradite
him or any other escaped slave; and Lincoln's Emancipa-
tion Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an
attempt being ever repeated. 31
29 Common Law of course, not Chancery.
3<> The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry Draper, C. B.,
Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of
Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's Bench and of the Supreme Court of
Canada and Mr. Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the
Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and of Ontario.
Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a
lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise, afterwards Justice
of the Court of Queen's Bench and afterwards Counsel for the Crown on both
arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q. C., a man of deservedly high reputation, and
Robert Alexander Harrison, afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's
Bench, an exceedingly learned ami accurate lawyer.
The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11. Upper Can.,
C. P., pp. 1 sqq.
31 Canadian Archives, Sundries U. C., L807.
It would be unfair to the United States to say or suggest that all the
flights for freedom were in the one direction. Very early trouble was ex-
perienced by Canadian owners of slaves from their running away to the United
States. The following letter tells its own story. D. M. Erskine the British
representative writing from New York, May 2(3, 1807, to Francis Gore,
Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, says:
' ' I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 24th
ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the Proprietors of Slaves in the
Western District of the Province of Upper Canada.
"I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His Majesty's
subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertion of their slaves into
the Territory of the United States, and of Persons bound to them for a term
of years, as also of his Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Repre-
sentation to the Government of the United States will at present avail in
358 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late had occasion to
apply to them for the Surrender of various Deserters under different circum-
stances and always without success.
"The answer that has been usually given, has been, 'That the Treaty
between Great Britain & the United States which alone gave them the Power
to surrender Deserters having expired, it was impossible for them to exercise
such an authority without the Sanction of the Laws.'
"I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs
the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some arrangements may be
entered into to obviate in future the great Losses which are therein described."
In the Life and Adventures of Wilson Benson, written by himself
(Toronto, 1876), is found the following, pp. 34-30:
"In 1849 I shipped on the schooner Rose of Milton, Capt. Hamilton,
cruising on Lakes Ontario and Erie. In one trip to the town of Erie, Pennsyl-
vania, for a cargo of coal, while lying at the dock, a diminutive negro man,
with a white beard, came on board the vessel, and inquiried of me if this was
a British vessel. On being informed that it was, he desired to be secreted,
stating that he was a runaway slave, and that his pursuers were on his track.
I at once secreted him in a closet which served as a store-room for vegetables,
&c., and as we were almost ready to set sail, I did not discover his presence
to either Captain or crew until we were some distance out on the lake. When
he appeared, Capt. Hamilton inquired of me where I had obtained 'that child,'
and on being informed, expressed some anxiety, as we were liable to be cap-
tured had we been followed by a steamer. As it was, he merely looked up at
the rigging, and exclaimed, 'Blow, breezes, blow!' The negro, who knew no
other name than 'Sambo' we brought to Toronto. On one occasion, when I
offered him some molasses, he shook his head and made grimaces expressive of
disgust. He informed me that the slaves employed on the sugar plantations,
when beaten by their masters, in order to obtain an indirect revenge, spat in
the syrup, and committed other filthy things as an imaginary punishment upon
the whites. I frequently saw Sambo in Toronto, and many times he expressed
thankfulness to me for his deliverance. I may here mention that shortly after
the arrival of Sambo on board the Rose of Milton at Erie, two suspicious-
looking men, dressed in plain clothes, came aboard and paced up and down
the deck several times, and as all the crew were absent at the time, I felt some
apprehenson for the safety of the poor fugitive; but seeing nothing of a
suspicious appearance, and the almost entire absence of the crew, they sauntered
away. I made several other trips up and down the lakes during that summer
on the same vessel."
CHAPTER VII
SLAVERY IN THE MARITIME PROVINCES
The French population of the territory by the sea, the
Acadians, are described by the poet as:
Men whose lives glided on like rivers that water the woodlands,
Darkened by shadows of earth, but reflecting an image of heaven.
History does not bear out this idyll; but whatever their
faults, at least the Acadians had the negative virtue of
possessing no slaves, 1 Panis or Negro : nor was it until the
coming of the people whose native air was too pure for a
slave that the curse came upon the land.
The permanent settlement by the English of Acadia may
fairly be considered as beginning when in 1749 Cornwallis-
founded Halifax. 2 Negro^jsl^v^
tionjof^ Halifax from the beginning or very shortly after..
Where tKey~came from is uncertain and it has been sug-
gested that they came with the original settlers across the
ocean. In the absence of any other explanation more
plausible, this might be accepted. Lord Mansfield's deci-
sion in the Somerset case was a quarter of a century in the
future. But it seems more probable that they were
brought from the English Colonies, and some almost cer-
tainly were.
The official records of the country exhibit much evi-
dence to this effect. In September, 1751, the Boston Even-
ing Post advertised "Just arrived from Halifax and to be
sold, ten strong hearty, Negro men mostly tradesman, such
1 So far at all events as appears from any records that I have seen it is
just possible however that "La Liberte, le neigre" mentioned in de Meulles'
Census of Acadia in 1696 was a black slave, notwithstanding his name.
2 From 1720 on, Annapolis Royal had a fairly firm government and settle-
ment but it was not until Halifax was founded that it became certain that the
country would remain English.
359
360 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
as caulkers, carpenters, sailmakers and ropemakers. 3 Any
person wishing to purchase may enquire of Benjamin Halli-
well of Boston." Such an advertisement indicates that
shipbuilding was slack at Halifax and more brisk at Bos-
ton. A conjecture may be hazarded that these slaves had
been taken by their master to Halifax to build ships and
then returned to the colony when required no longer in
Acadia.
Some such conjecture receives a little assistance from a
will still on record in Halifax. It was made February 2S,
375:2, by Thomas Thomas "late of Now York but now of
Halifax" and disposed of his "goods, chattels and negros"
including one bequest to this effect: "all my plate and
my negro servant Orange that now lives with me at Halifax,
I leave and bequeath to my son."
In the same year, The Halifax Gazette of May 15 con-
tains the advertisement "Just imported and to bo sold by
Joshua Manger at Major Lockman's store in Halifax,
several Negro slaves as follows : A woman aged 35, two
boys aged 12 and 13 respectively, two of 18 and a man
aged 30." In the Halifax Gazette of Saturday, May 30,
1752, sale is advertised thus: "Just imported and to
be sold by Joshua Mauger, at Major Lockman's store in
Halifax, several negro slaves, viz., a very likely negro
wench, of about thirty-five years of age, a Creole born, has
been brought up in a gentleman's family, and capable of
doing all sorts of work belonging thereto, as needle-work
of all sorts and in the best manner; also washing, ironing,
cooking, and every other thing that can be expected from
such a slave: also two negro boys of about 12 or 13 years
old, likely, healthy, and well-shaped, and understand some
English. Likewise two healthy negro slaves of about 18
years of age, of agreeable tempers and fit for any kind of
business : And also a healthy negro man of about 30 years
3 This and rrfost of the facts, dates, etc., in this chapter are taken from
the Rev. Dr. T. Watson Smith 's fascinating article The Slave in Canada in the
Nova Scotia Historical Society's Collections, Vol. X, Halifax, 1899.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 361
of age." In September 1759, a Halifax merchant, Malachy
Salter wrote to his wife then visiting relatives in Boston
informing her of the state of the family, saying that " Jack
is Jack still but rather worse. I am obliged to exercise
the cat or stick almost every day. I believe Halifax don't
afford another such idle, deceitful villain" " Pray pur-
chase a Negro boy if possible."
In the year of the surrender of Montreal, the Halifax
Gazette, November 1, 1760, advertised "To be sold at public
auction on Monday the 3rd of November, at the house of
Mr. John Eider, two slaves, viz., a boy and a girl, about 11
years old ; likewise a puncheon of choice cherry brandy with
sundry other articles."
Some legal sanction, moreover, was given slavery. A
General Assembly the first Elective Legislature in what is
now Canada, met at Halifax in 1757. In 1762 the second
session of the third General Assembly passed an act 4
which seems not to have received very much attention from
legists 5 and writers. It contains a recognition of slavery.
The act provides by section 2 that "in case any soldier,
sailor, servant, apprentice, bound servant or negro slave
or any other person whatsoever shall leave any pawn or
pledge with a vendor of liquor for the payment of any
sum exceeding five shillings for liquor such soldier, sailor,
servant, apprentice bound servant or negro slave ... or
the master or mistress of such servant, apprentice, bound
servant or negro slave" might by proceedings before a
Justice of the Peace obtain an order for the restoration of
the pawn or pledge and the vendor might be fined 20
shillings "for the use of the poor." 6
For this reason slavery could easily continue as sub-
sequent records prove. In July, 1767, Charles Proctor of
* (1762) 2 George 111, c. 1 (N. S.), Statutes at Large, Nova Scotia,
Halifax, 1805, p. 77.
B It is referred to in a letter from Ward Chipman to Chief Justice Blowers
to be mentioned later. See post, p.
This Act was continued in 1784 by (1784) 24 George III, c. 14 (N.S.).
Statutes at Large, Nova Scotia, p. 238.
362 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Halifax sold Louisa, a "Mulotta" girl, to Mary Wood of
Annapolis for 15 currency 7 and next year Mary Wood
assigned the girl to her daughter Mrs. Mary Day. In
June, 1767, James Simonds of the St. John River wrote to
Hazen and Jarvis at Newburyport, Massachusetts, a letter
in which he complains of "that rascal negro, "West" who
cannot be got to do a quarter of a man's work. In an
advertisement in a Halifax paper in 1769 are offered for
sale to the highest bidder "two hogsheads of rum, three of
sugar and two well-grown negro girls aged 14 and 12."
These were clearly a consignment from the West Indies.
The executors of John Margerum of Halifax deceased, in
their accounts give credit for 29.9.44 "net proceeds of a
negro boy sold at Carolina." In 1770 the executors of
Joseph (lerrish of Halifax lost 30 on the sale of three
Negroes for 150 to Richard Williams and Abraham Con-
stable, the Negroes having been appraised at 180: and a
Negro boy named John Fame was not then sold. In April
1770, Mrs. Martha Prichard of Halifax, widow, bequeathed
to her daughter, wife of Moses Delesdernier a Negro slave
woman named Jessie. If Mrs. Delesdernier did not wish
to retain the slave, she was to be sold and the proceeds of
the sale given to Mrs. Delesdernier. If she kept her, the
slave at the death of Mrs. Delesdernier was to be the prop-
erty of her son Ferdinand. By the same instrument the
testatrix bequeathed to her grand-daughter a mulatto slave
John Patten two and a half years old.
By the census of the year 1771 the Rev. James Lyon,
the first Presbyterian Minister in Nova Scotia, is shown to
have owned a colored boy, the only Negro in the township
of Onslow and John Young in the township of Amherst
also a Negro boy, the only one in the township. In An-
napolis, Magdalen Winnett owned a man, woman and girl;
Joseph Winnett owned a woman and a boy; Ebenezer
Messenger and Ann Williams each a man, and John Stork
7 "Halifax currency" was at this time nine-tenths of Sterling 10 cur-
rency = 9 sterling and the 5 / dollar being 4/6 sterling.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 363
of Granville owned a man the only Negro in the township ;
and Henry Evans of Annapolis had the previous year
owned a colored girl.
Jacob Kurd of Halifax offered in 1773 a reward of 5
for the apprehension of his runaway Negro, Cromwell, a
" short thick set strong fellow, " strongly pock marked
"especially on the nose" and wearing a green cloth jacket
and a cocked hat. In July 17.73, in the Nova Scotia Gazette
and Weekly Chronicle the executor and executrix of Joseph
Pierpont of Halifax advertised "a Negro named Prince
to be sold at private sale/' This perhaps indicated a
repugnance to offering human beings for sale by auction.
In the Nova Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle, March
27, 1775 is an advertisement for the sale of a "likely well-
made negro boy-about 16 year old."
In the inventory of the estate of the late John Eock
appeared in 1776 a Negro woman named Thursday. She
was inventoried at 25 but sold for 20. In this year also a
Windsor farmer, Joseph Wilson left by will two Negro
women Byna and Sylla to his wife. In January 1779 the
Nova Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle advertised for
sale an able Negro woman, about 21 year old, "capable of
performing both town and country work and an exceedingly
good cook. ' ' In the same year Daniel Stratford of Halifax
left to his wife a Negro man slave Adam for life, after her
death to become the property of his daughter Sarah
Lawson. Matthew Harris of Picton sold for 50 to
Matthew Archibald of Truro, tanner, a "Negro boy named
Abram, about 12 years of age" born of Harris ' Negro
slave in Harris' house in Maryland.
In 1780 rewards were offered, one of 3 guineas, for the
apprehension and delivery at the office of the Command-
ing Officer of Engineers at Halifax of two runaway Negro
men; another "a handsome reward to be paid for secur-
ing in any gaol a Negro boy Mungo about 14 years old and
well built" the owner Benjamin De Wolfe of Windsor to
be notified. That year the executors of Colonel Henry
364 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Denny Denson of West Falmouth debit themselves with
75 received for " Spruce, " 60 for "John" and 30 for
" Juba" and credit themselves with 2.11.6 paid for taking
two of these to Halifax probably for sale there.
Abel Michener of Falmouth advertised in 1781 a reward
of 5 for the capture of a Negro named James ; and Samuel
Mack of Port Medway wanted a Negro named "Chance"
returned.
Richard Wenman of Halifax in September of that year
agreed to give his Negro, Cato, his liberty "if he will faith-
fully serve my said daughter, Elizabeth Susannah Pringle
two years." Captain Wilson of the transport Friends
requested in 1782 that masters of vessels will not ship as a
seaman his runaway Negro lad Ben, saying: "He is my
own property."
There is no need for further particularization; for we
now come to the year of the definitive peace between the
mother country and the new republic. As in the upper
country so by the sea there was a great influx of Loyalists,
accompanied in many instances by their slaves. There-
after sales, advertisements for auctions, rewards for run-
away slaves, bequests of slaves, &c., are very common and
there were some manumissions. That, however, was not
the cause of the great increase in the Negro population of
the Maritime Province. The Island of St. John, after-
wards Prince Edward Island had been set off as a separate
province in 1769 but the Province of Nova Scotia included
what became the Province of New Brunswick until 1786.
During the Revolutionary War, the British com-
manders, Sir Henry Clinton in particular, had made it a
point to invite the slaves to the British line and many had
accepted the invitation. No few of these refugees were of
material service to the British troops in various ways both
menial and otherwise. At the peace Washington demanded
the return of these quondam slaves. 8 Sir Guy Carleton
8 It will be remembered that in the Treaty of Peace it was agreed by
Article VII "His Britanic Majesty shall with all convenient speed and without
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 365
refused but made a careful inventory of them with full
description, name, former master, etc., so that Washington
might claim compensation from the British Government, if
he saw fit. 9 In addition to these slaves somewhere about
3,000 freed Negroes accompanied the British troops on their
withdrawal from New York, nearly all coming to Nova
Scotia. Many of these after suffering great hardships
were sent to Sierra Leone on the West Coast of Africa in
1792. Some remained in the province where their de-
scendants are found until this day; but not in any very
great numbers. The Loyalists, however, retained their
property in their own slaves; and immigration was en-
couraged by the Act of 1790. 10
The trade in Negroes was very brisk for some years.
For example, on June 24, 1783, the Nova Scotia Gazette and
Weekly Chronicle advertised for sale a Negro woman, " 25
years of age, a good house servant/' On December 11,
1783, Captain Alexander Campbell late of the South Caro-
lina Loyalists sold to Captain Thomas Green late of the
Royal Nova Scotia Foot a Negro woman named Nancy for
causing any destruction or carrying away any negroes or other property of the
American inhabitants withdraw his armies, garrisons and fleets from the said
United States. . . ."
Sir Guy Carleton claimed that the Negroes who had taken refuge in the
British lines at once lost their status of slavery and became free. They were
"not Negroes or other property of the American, " a rather technical not to
say finely drawn distinction but in favorem libertatis; and in any event Britain
would not betray the helpless who had put their faith in her.
Washington did make a claim ; but the United States had not carried out
its part of the contract and Britain would not and never did pay. Jones'
"Loyalist History of New York, Vol. 2. p. 256, says that the number of Negroes
who found shelter in the British lines was 2-000 at least; probably this is an
underestimate. Hay's Historical Reading at p. 249 gives the number of
Negroes who came into Nova Scotia with their Masters at least 3000 and of
free Negroes 1522 at Shelburne, 182 at St. John Eiver. 270 at Guysborough,
211 in Annapolis County, and a smaller number at other places. 1200 were
sent to Sierre Leone in 1792.
10 See ante, p. . The Negro population in 1784 estimated at about 300G
was included in the 28,347 of Disbanded Troops and Loyalists called New
Inhabitants, Can. Arch., Report for 1885, p. 10. There were some free Negroes
in various companies of the British forces in one capacity or another.
366 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
40. Nancy two years later was sold by Green to Abraham
Forst of Halifax and a year later still with her child Tom
to Gregory Townsend.
A shipment was made by John Wentworth from Halifax
to Surinam, Dutch Guiana, of nineteen Negro slaves, "all
American born or well seasoned . . . perfectly stout,
healthy, sober, orderly, industrious and obedient. " These,
said he, "I have had christened and would rather have
liberated them than send them to any estate that I am not
sure of their being treated with care and humanity which
I shall consider as the only favour that can be done to me
on this occasion "by his correspondent. 11
On October 29, 1787, John Rapalje, a Royalist, sent from
Brookligne (Brookland or Brooklyn Ferry) to George
Leonard by desire of his (R's) father a Negro woman
named Eve about 35 years and her child named Suke about
15 to sell as he himself cannot go to Nova Scotia. Eve
was one of the best servants "perfectly sober, honest " and
the only fault she had was her near sight.
The records show occasional manumission also. In 1784
the inventory of the estate of John Porter late of Cornwallis,
a Negro man is valued at 80. That same year Charles
Montague of Halifax says : " I have only one Negro, named
Francis; he is to have his freedom." In May 1787, Mar-
11 The Negroes sent were Abraham, James, Lymas, Cyrus, John, Isaac,
Quako, January, Priscella, Kachel, Venus, Daphne, Ann, Dorothy and four
children Celia, William, Venus, Eleanora reserving Matthew and Susannah at
home. All these had been christened, February 11, 1784. ' ' Isaac is a
thorough good carpenter and master sawyer, perfectly capable of overseeing
and conducting the rest and strictly honest; Lymas is a rough carpenter and
sawyer; Quako is a field negro has met with an accident in his arm which
will require some indulgence. The other men are sawyers and John also a
good axeman. Abraham has been used to cattle and to attend in the house,
&c. All the men are expert in boats. The women are stout and able and
promise well to increase their numbers. Venus is useful in the hospital, poultry
yard, gardens, etc. Upon the whole they are a most useful lot of Negroes."
John Wentworth, last Koyalist Governor of New Hampshire and after-
wards Sir John Wentworth, Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia, doubtless
believed himself to be a good man and a good Christian.
The story of Eve and Suke infra is told by Archdeacon Raymond, 3 N. B.
Mag., 1899, p. 221.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 367
garet Murray, widow of Halifax by her will manumitted
her two Negro women Marianne and Flora; and (when he
was 21) her Negro boy Brutus. From the records of a
trial at Shelburne, in a magistrate's court in 1788 it ap-
pears that one Jesse Gray of Argyle had sold a Negro
woman for 100 bushels of potatoes. At a trial the owner-
ship by Gray was proved and the sale confirmed.
We now come to the times of a Chief Justice whose
heart was set on destroying slavery in the province of
Nova Scotia, therein wholly differing from the Chief Justice
of New Brunswick, George Duncan Ludlow, who had re-
ceived his appointment on the separation of that province
in 1784. The forward-looking jurist was Thomas Andrew
Strange who became Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in
1791. 12 The same impulse for liberty which about this
time was noted in the upper country mainfested itself from
time to time by the sea. Slaves ran away from their
masters ; the masters pursued arid imprisoned them. Some
blacks claimed freedom without fleeing. When a writ of
habeas corpus came up in the Supreme Court, Chief Jus-
tice Strange did his best to avoid giving a decision. He
knew that slavery was lawful but he knew it was detest-
able and he pursued a course which did not require him to
stultify himself but which would nevertheless confer sub-
stantial benefits upon the black claiming liberty.
He endeavored in every case to bring the parties to an
agreement to sign articles whereby the master would have
the services of the Negro for a stated time, after the expira-
tion of which the Negro received his freedom. When the
master refused this, as sometimes there was a refusal, the
Chief Justice required the matter to be tried by a jury,
which usually found for the Negro. 13
12 He went to England in 1796 (it was said, for a visit) resigned his posi-
tion in Nova Scotia, was Knighted and appointed Recorder of Fort St. George,
Bombay, India.
13 A collateral ancestor of my own, the Reverend Archibald Riddell, had
the advantage of a similar proceeding a century before. Being apprehended
for taking part in the uprising of the Covenanters in Scotland he was given
368 JOUKNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
The practice adopted was like the practice in cases of
alleged villenage in England. It was recognized that
slavery might exist in Nova Scotia, but it was made as diffi-
cult as possible for the master to succeed on the facts.
Except the act already mentioned there was no statute
recognizing slavery and an attempt in 1787 to incorporate
such a recognition in the statute law failed of success by a
large majority. The existing act, too, was given what
seems a very forced and unnatural interpretation so as to
emasculate it of any authority in that regard.
Salter Sampson Blowers, the Attorney General, fully
agreed with the Chief Justice's plan. On one occasion he
threatened to prosecute a person for sending a Negro out
of the province against his will. 14 The Negro managed to
get back and the master acknowledged his right, so that no
proceedings were necessary. After a number of verdicts
for the alleged slaves, masters were generally very willing
(or sold) with others to a Scottish Laird who chartered a vessel and proceeded
to take his human chattels to America for sale. The plague broke out on the
ship, the Laird and his wife died of it as did some of the crew. When the
ship reached New Jersey, there being no master, the "slaves" escaped up
country. The Laird's son-in-law and personal representative came to America
and claimed Riddell and others. The governor called a jury to determine
whether they were slaves and the jury promptly found in their favor. Riddell
preached in New Jersey until the Revolution of 1688 made it safe for him to
return to Scotland. Juries in such cases are liable to what Blackstone calls
' ' pious perjury. ' ' All this practice was based upon the common law pro-
ceedings when a claim was made of villenage. When a person claimed to be
the lord of a villein W 7 ho had run away and remained outside the manor unto
which he was regardant, he sued out a writ of neif, that is, de nativo
habendo. The sheriff took the writ and if the nativus admitted that he was
villein to the lord who claimed him, he was delivered by the sheriff to the
lord of the manor; but if he claimed to be free, the sheriff should not seize
him but the Lord was compelled to take out a Pone to have the matter tried
before the Court of Common Pleas or the Justices in Eyre, that is, the assizes.
Or the alleged villein might himself sue out a writ of libertate probanda: and
until trial of the case the lord could not seize the alleged villein. The curious
will find the whole subject dealt with in Fitzherbert 's Natura Breviitm,
pp. 77 sqq.
i* This is very much like the Chloe Cooley case in Upper Canada. I do
not know what form the prosecution could possibly take if the Negro was in
fact a slave. See Chapter V, note 5 ante.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 369
to enter into articles whereby the slave after serving faith-
fully for a fixed number of years was given his freedom.
After Blowers became Chief Justice, 1797, 15 he con-
tinued Chief Justice Strange 's practice with marked re-
sults. In one case of which he tells where he had dis-
charged a black woman from the Annapolis gaol on habeas
corpus and an action had been brought, the plaintiff proved
that he had bought her in New York ; but the Chief Justice
held that he had not proved the right of the seller so to
dispose of her and directed the jury to find for the de-
fendant which they promptly did.
* Slavery continued, however. Almost every year we
find records of sales, advertisements for runaway slaves,
bequests of slaves, &c, till almost the end of the first decade
of the 19th century, the latest known bill of sale is dated
March 21, 1807 and transfers a " Negro Woman named
Nelly of the age of twenty five or thereabout." It was,
however, decadent and from about the beginning of the
19th century was quite as much to the advantage of the
Negro in many cases as that of the master.
15 It is said that August 1797 was the date of the last public slave sale
at Montreal, that of Emmanuel Allen for 36.
The last advertisement for sale by auction of a slave in the Maritime
Provinces seems to be that in The Eoyal Gazette and Nora Scotia Advertiser
of September 7, 1790, where William Millet of Halifax offers for sale by
auction September 9 "A stout likely negro man and sundry other articles."
In 1802 the census showed that there were 451 Blacks in Halifax; in 1791
there were 422.
Dr. T. Watson Smith says in a paper "Slavery in Canada" republished
in "Canadian History/ 7 No. 12, December, 1900, at p. 321.
"About 1806, so Judge Marshall has stated, a master and his slave were
taken before Chief Justice Blowers on a writ of habeas corpus. When the
case and the question of slavery in general had been pretty well argued on
each side, the Chief Justice decided that slavery had no legal place in Nova
Scotia. ' '
I have not been able to trace such a decision and cannot think that it has
been correctly reported. Dr. Smith is wholly justified in his statement "there
is good ground for the opinion that this baneful system was never actually
abolished in the present Canadian Provinces until the vote of the British
Parliament and the signature of King William IV in 1833 rendered it illegal
throughout the British Empire."
370 JOURNAL, OF NEGBO HISTORY
A final effort to legalize slavery in Nova Scotia was
made in 1808. Mr. Warwick, member for Digby Township,
presented a petition from John Taylor and other slave
owners setting up that the doubts entertained by the courts
rendered their property useless and that the slaves were
deserting and defying their masters. They asked for an
act securing them their property or indemnifying them for
their loss. Thomas Eitchie member for Annapolis intro-
duced a bill to regulate Negro servants within the province.
The bill passed its second reading January 11, 1808, but
failed to become law; and the attempt was never renewed.
New Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia in
1784. The Chief Justice of that province was not as averse
from slavery as his brother of Nova Scotia. One of the
most interesting and celebrated cases came before the Su-
preme Court of New Brunswick in Hilary Term, February
1800. Captain Stair Agnew who had been an officer in the
Queen's Bangers settled opposite Predericton. He was a
man much thought of as is shown by his being chosen for
thirty years to represent York County in the Legislature.
He owned a slave Nancy Morton 16 who claimed her free-
dom and whom apparently he had put in charge of one
Caleb Jones. A writ of habeas corpus was obtained di-
rected to Jones and the matter was arranged to be argued
before the full court of four judges. For the applicant ap-
ie I. Allen Jack, Q. ., D. C., L., of St. John, New Brunswick, gives a full
account of this case from which (and similar sources) most of the facts are
taken. In a paper read before the Royal Society of Canada May 26, 1898,
Trans. R. S. Can., 1898, pp. 137 sqq., Dr. Jack conjectures that Nancy Morton
is the Negro female slave conveyed by bill of sale registered in the office of
the Register of Deeds, St. John's, N. B. Slaves were treated as realty as
regards fieri facias under the Act of 1732 (see ante, p. ) and at least
''savoured of the realty." The bill of sale registered January 31, 1791, was
dated November 13, 1778, and was executed by John Johnson of the Township
of Brooklyn in King's County, Long Island, Province of New York. It con-
veyed with a covenant to warrant and defend title to Samuel Duffy, Inn-
keeper for 40 currency (say $100) "a certain negro female about fourteen
years of age and goes by the name of Nancy," pp. 141, 142. However that
may be, Stair Agnew bought Nancy from William Bailey of the County of
York in the Province of New Brunswick for 40 with full warranty of title
as a slave.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 371
peared Ward Chipman 17 and Samuel Denny Street for the
master, Jonathan Bliss, Attorney General of the province,
Thomas Wetmore, John Murray Bliss, Charles J. Peters
and Witham Botsf ord, all men of ability and eminence. On
the Bench were Chief Justice Ludlow and Puisne Justices
Allen, Upham and Saunders.
The addresses of the Attorney-General and Mr. Chip-
man are extant. The former divided his speech into thirty-
two heads ; the latter took eighty pages of foolscap for his.
The arguments were extremely able and exhaustive, 18
everything in history, morals and decided cases being
brought to bear. The case took two full days to argue and
after careful consideration the court divided equally, the
Chief Justice and Mr. Justice Upham affirming the right
of the master and Mr. Justice Allan and Mr. Justice
Saunders held for the alleged slave.
The return of Jones to the writ was that Nancy "was
at the time of her birth and ever since hath been a female
Negro slave or servant for life born of an African Negro
slave and before the removal of the said Caleb Jones from
Mary Land to New Brunswick was and became by purchase
the lawful and proper Negro slave or servant for life of
him the said Caleb Jones . . . , that the said Caleb Jones
in the year of our Lord 1785 brought and imported the
said . . . Nancy his Negro slave or servant for life into
the Province of New Brunswick . . . and has always
hitherto held the said . . . Nancy as his proper Negro
slave or servant for life ... or by laws he has good right
and authority to do. . . ," 19
17 He was born in Boston in 1753, the son of John Chipman, a member of
the Bar. Graduating at Harvard, he joined the Boston Bar and practised
in that City until 1776. After the Peace he went to England and in 1784
sailed for New Brunswick of which he was appointed Solicitor General. After
a quarter of a century of successful practice he was appointed 1808 a puisne
judge of the Supreme Court. He died in February, 1826.
His services to Nancy Morton were given without fee or hope of reward.
is That of Mr. CTiipman is given in Trans. E. Soc. Can., 1898, pp. 155-184.
19 It will be seen that the return sets up that Jones bought and owned
the slave and the case was argued on that hypothesis, but the historians say
that Captain Stair Agnew was the owner. The point is not of importance.
372 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
The Chief Justice based his opinion on what he called
the i4 Common Law of the Colonies " and although that
expression was ridiculed at the time and has been since,
there is no difficulty in understanding it. He meant custom
recognized as law not contained in an express legislative
enactment. In that sense a modern lawyer will agree that
he was right. Practically all the English colonies had
slavery thoroughly recognized and often without or before
legislation; and all the well known legal maxims asserted
the cogency of such custom. 20 Mr. Justice Allen considered
that no human power could justify slavery and his brother
Sauuders agreed with him. It would seem that these
judges were concerned with what the law should bo, the
others with what it actually was. 21
In the result the return was held sufficient and the
master had his slave. But the decision of the divided
court had its effect. Agnew reconveyed Nancy to Wil-
liam Bailey from whom he had bought her and she bound
herself to serve for fifteen years, then to receive her free-
dom. 22 The result of this case was that while slavery was
20 Mos regit legem, Mos pro legc, Leges moribvs servit'iit, Consuetudo est
optimus interpres legum, custom is the life of the law, custom heroines law,
&c., &c. That slavery was necessary and therefore legal in the American
Colonies was admitted in the Somerset case.
21 The modern lawyer, in my opinion, would find no difficulty in coming to
the same conclusion as the Chief Justice.
Mr. Chipman in his interesting correspondence with Chief Justice Blowers
(Trans. B. Soc. Can., 189s, pp. 348 sqq.) admits that if his opponents had hit
upon the Nova Scotia Statute of 1762 as revised in 1783 "the conclusiveness
of their reasoning on their principles would have been considered as demon-
strated. ' ' He adds : "In searching your laws ujKm this occasion I found this
clause but carefully avoided mentioning it," which raises a curious question
in legal ethics.
22 The reconveyance to Bailey, a quit claim deed, is witnessed by George
Leonard and Thomas Wetmore and is dated February 22, 1800. The in-
denture by which Nancy bound herself for fifteen years is dated February
23, 1800.
If Dr. Jack is right in his conjecture the argument took place when she
was 36 and she would receive her freedom when she was 51. Agnew chal-
lenged Judge Allen for some reflection upon him by the Judge; the challenge
was declined and Agnew then challenged Street who accepted and they
fought a bloodless duel. Street later in 1821 fought a duel with George Lud-
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 373
not formally abolished, it before many years practically
ceased to exist. 23
Prince Edward Island was 1 called Isle St. Jean until
1798. In this island slavery had the same history as in
the other maritime provinces. Shortly after the peace
Negro slaves were brought into the Island by their United
Empire Loyalist masters. As late as 1802 we find re-
corded the sale of "a Mulatto boy three years old called
Simon" for 20, Halifax currency, then 18 sterling, and
a gift of "one Mulatto girl about five years of age named
Catherine. " We also find Governor Fanning (1786-1804),
freeing his two slaves and giving one of them, Shepherd, a
farm.
In Cape Breton which was separate from 1784 to 1820,
Negro slaves were found as early as the former date:
"Cesar Augustus, a slave and Darius Snider, black folks,
married 4th September 1788, " "Diana Bestian a Negro
girl belonging to Abraham Cuyler Esq" was buried Sep-
tember 15, 1792 and a Negro slave was killed in 1791 by
a blow from a spade when trying to force his way into a
public ball in Sydney. 24 In this province, too, slavery met
the same fate.
There is now to be mentioned an interesting series of
circumstances. 25 During the War of 1812-15 the British
navy occupied many bays and rivers in United States terri-
low Wetmore over words which passed on leaving the Court. Wetmore was
struck in the head and died in a few hours. Street was tried and aquitted.
One result of this case was that Mr. Justice Upham freed his slaves. His wife
had six inherited 'from her father and he himself had some, one a girl born
in the East Indies whom he had bought from her master in New York, the
master of a ship, afterwards married a soldier in Colonel Allen's regiment.
23 What is believed to be the last advertisement for the sale of a slave
in any maritime province is in the New Brunswick, Royal Gazette of October
16, 1809 when Daniel Brown offered for sale Nancy a Negro woman, guaran-
teeing a good title. The latest offer of a reward for the apprehension of a
runaway slave is said to be in the same paper for July 10, 1816.
2* For this act the perpetrator was excluded by his masonic lodge; being
brought to trial before the Supreme Court in August 1792 he was "honourably
acquitted" and afterwards he was reinstated by his lodge.
25 Seldom mentioned and never much boasted of in the United States.
374 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOBY
tory and in some cases troops were landed where there was
a slave population. These forces came into possession of
many slaves, mostly voluntary fugitives, some seduced and
some taken by violence from their masters. Admiral
Cochrane in April 1814 issued a proclamation inviting all
those who might be disposed to emigrate from the United
States for the purpose of becoming free settlers in some of
"His Majesty's Colonies" to come with their families on
board of the British men of war and offering them the
choice of joining the British forces or being sent as free
settlers to a British possession. He did not say "slaves"
but no one could mistake the meaning. 26 Negroes came
in droves. Some were taken to the Bahamas and the Ber-
mudas where their descendants are to be found until this
day; many were taken to Nova Scotia and New Bruns-
wick. 27
When the Treaty of Peace was concluded at Ghent, De-
cember 24, 1814 the United States did not forget the slaves
who had got away from the home of liberty. Article 1 pro-
vided for the delivery up of all places taken by either party
without carrying away any property captured "or any
slaves or other private property." The United States
demanded the restoration of "all slaves and other private
property which may now be in possession of the forces of
26 The word Camouflage may be new. The practice antedated humanity.
27 There is a record of 371 arriving at St. John from Halifax on May
25, 1815, by the Romulus, who had taken refuge on board the British Men of
War in the Chesapeake. The Negro settlement at Loch Lomond was founded
by them.
At the Census of 1824, 1421 " persons of color" were found in New
Brunswick. The Very Kev. Archdeacon Raymond, an excellent authority,
thinks most of these "were at one time slaves or the children of slaves," but
many were not slaves in New Brunswick.
Those that were brought by Admiral Cochrane to Halifax became a great
burden to the community. It was proposed in 1815 by the British Govern-
ment to remove them to a warmer climate, but this scheme does not seem to
have been carried out. By a census taken in 1816 there was found to be 684
in Halifax and elsewhere in Nova Scotia. In the winter of 1814-15 they had
suffered rather severely from small pox and were vaccinated to prevent its
spread. Some were placed on Melville Island.
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 375
His Britannic Majesty. " The British officers refused to
surrender the slaves contending that the real meaning of
the treaty did not cover the case. At length in 1818 a
convention was entered into that it should be left to the
Emperor of Eussia 28 to decide whether the United States
by the true intent of Article 1 was entitled to the restitu-
tion or full compensation for the slaves.
In 1822 the Emperor decided in favor of the United
States. Thereupon the next year (1824) a mixed com-
mission of two commissioners and two arbitrators deter-
mined the average value to be allowed as compensation ; 29
for slaves taken from Louisiana $580: from Alabama
Georgia and South Carolina, $390; from Virginia, Mary-
land and all other States $280.
The commissioners adjourned for the purpose of en-
abling evidence to be obtained as to the numbers. Clay
submitted to the British Government that 3601 slaves had
been taken away but was willing for a settlement to accept
the price of 1650. Britain declined, but the commissioners
failed to agree and finally by diplomacy in 1827 Britain
agreed to pay 250,000 or $1,204,960 in full for slaves and
other property. Thus Britain assured the freedom of
more than 3,000 slaves and paid for them, a fitting prelude
to the great Act of 1833 whereby she freed 800,000 slaves
and paid 20,000,000 for the privilege. 30
28 Presumably because he had the greatest number of serfs in the world
and was, therefore, the best judge of slaves.
29 Of course, Britain refused to give up a single fugitive. She could not
betray a trust even of the humblest. She knew that in "the land of the free
and the home of the brave " for the Negro returned to his master, to be brave
was to incur torture and death and death alone could make him free.
so The Act (1833) 3, 4 William III, c. 73 (Imp.), passed the House of
Commons August 7 and received the Royal Assent August 28, 1833; and there
were no slaves in all the British world after August, 1838.
CHAPTER VIII
GENERAL, OBSERVATIONS
The curse of Negro slavery affected the whole English
speaking world; and that part of the world where it was
commercially profitable resisted its abolition. The British
part of this world does not need to assert any higher sense
of justice and right than had those who lived in the
Northern States ; and it may well be that had Negro slave
service been as profitable in Canada as in the Cotton States,
the heinousness of the sin might not have been more mani-
fest here than there. Nevertheless we must not too much
minimize the real merit of those who sought the destruction
of slavery. (^S^ves,._cUd aiot .pay so well^ JnjCanada as in
Georgia, but they paid. *\
It is interesting To note the various ways in which
slavery was met and finally destroyed."^In Upper Canada,
the existing slaves, 1793, remained slaves but all those
born thereafter were free, subject to certain conditions of
serviced There was a statutory recognition of the existing
status and provision for its destruction in the afterborn.
This continued slavery though it much mitigated its sever-
ity and secured its downfall in time. But there were slaves
in Upper Canada when the Imperial Act of 1833 came in
force. The Act of 1793 was admittedly but a compromise
measure ; and beneficial as it was it was a paltering with sin.
\In Lower Canada, there was no legislation, and slavery
was never formally abolished until the Imperial Act of
1833 ;p>ut the courts decided in effect if not in form that
a master had no rights over his slave, and that is tanta-
mount to saying that where there is no master there is no
slave. The reasoning in these cases as in the Somerset
case may not recommend itself to the lawyer but the effect
is undoubtedly, "Slaves cannot live in Lower Canada."
376
THE SLAVE IN CANADA 377
In Nova Scotia,J,]^ that slavery did
not_jexist.^~Indeed the course of procedure presupposed
that it did exist, but the courts were astute to find means
of making it all but impossible for the alleged master to
succeed ; aj^jlaj^i^L,disappared accordingly.
In New Brunswick the decision by a divided court was
in favor of the master; but juries were of the same calibre
and sentiments in New Brunswick as in Nova Scotia and
the same results were to be anticipated, if Nova Scotian
means were used ; and the slave owners gave way.
Injthe_jold land, jud^al^decisiqn destroyed slavery on
the British domain; but conscience and sense of justice and
right~impeTI(edTts destruction elsewhere by statute; and
the same sense of justice and right impelled the Parliament
of Great Britain to recompense the owners for their prop-
erty thus destroyed. If there be any more a^rji^ic^ct of
any people in any ageof the world's history I have failed
to hear or read of it./
In the United States, slavery was abolished as a war
measure. Lincoln hating slavery as he did would never
have abolished it, had he not considered it a useful war
measure. No compensation was paid, of course. 1 Every-
where slavery was doomed and in one way or another it
has met a deserved fate.
WILLIAM REN WICK RIDDELL
JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT OF ONTARIO,
OSGCODE HALL, TORONTO,
February 5, 1920
1 1 had with the late Hon. Warwick Hough of St. Louis, Missouri, who
had been an officer in the Southern Army, several conversations on the subject
of slavery. He gave it as his firm conviction that, had the South succeeded in
the Civil War, it would shortly have itself abolished slavery and sought re-
admission to the Union. His proposition was that the power and influence
of the planter class was waning, while the manufacturers, merchants and the
like were increasing in number and influence and they would have for their
own protection abolished slavery. I have not met a Northerner or a Canadian
who agreed with this view; but a few Southerners have expressed to me their
general concurrence with my friend's proposition.
BOOK EEVIEWS
Africa and the Discovery of America. Volume I. By LEO
WIENER, Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures at
Harvard University. Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, Pa., 1920.
Pp. i-xix, 1-290.
The present volume is the first of a series in which Professor
Wiener will show that Arabicised Negroes, chiefly Mandingoes,
brought to America as slaves, profoundly influenced the culture of
the Indians, and were an important, if not always direct factor in
establishing the modus vivendi between the Indians and the Euro-
peans, which made practicable the colonization of the New World.
The book is packed with valuable data, newly discovered, and
brought together for the first time. It should be read slowly, and
read through at least twice before judgment is passed on it. With
the first reading comes a shock. One learns that the Journal of
the First Voyage, and the First Letter of Columbus are literary
frauds, though containing material which came from Columbus 's
own pen, and that tobacco, manioc, yams, sweet potatoes and
peanuts are not gifts of the Indian to the European. Yet with
a more intimate study of the subject matter, the conviction in-
creases that the author has built upon the bed-rock of fact, and
that his position is unassailable.
Jt is impossible, within the limits of a review, to do more than
to emphasise the most important of his discoveries. In his studies
of the First Letter, and of the Journals giving account of the first
and the second voyages of Columbus, Professor Wiener seeks to
determine how much testimony they give pertaining to Indian
names and things, after the elimination of all that is not Indian.
The non-Indian elements are of two sorts; the names of the
Islands, and the words for "gold," etc. Columbus, dominated by
the fixed idea, that, sailing westward, he would find a short cut to
India, China and Japan, began with the first sight of land, to be
engrossed with the task of identifying each newly discovered
country with seme island or district of the Far East, named on
his maps. He was an ignorant man, though he knew Ptolemy and
Marco Polo by heart, credulous, uncritical, not consciously dis-
honest, but unready to correct false impressions caused by his
378
BOOK REVIEWS 379
ignorance and gullibility. His notes, as may be seen from a re-
production of a page of his manuscripts (facing p. 38), were in
an execrable hand. The forger of the Journal of the First Voyage
was no puzzle expert, and made mistakes in deciphering scrawls.
Thus, for example, the note Giaua min., i.e., Java minor, was read
Guanahin, the same destined to masquerade as Guanahani, the
Indian name of the first island sighted on October 12, 1492.
Perhaps the best specimen of such ghost-words in the Journal
is the name Carib. This is nothing but Marco Polo's Cambalu,
the capital of the Grand Khan, successively misread as Canibal,
Caniba, Cariba. So also, "canoe" is a ghost-word, traced to a
misreading of scaphas as canoas in the manuscript, or the Gothic
text of the Latin version of the First Letter. It is interesting to
learn that maize, in the forms masa, maza, ultimately from Portu-
guese mararoca, is the African name for Guinea corn. The trans-
ference of the name from Guinea corn to Indian corn, "rests on a
misunderstanding of a passage in Peter Martyr's First Decade"
(p. 123).
The question arises whether or not there had been a colony of
Europeans, with African slaves in America, before the arrival of
Columbus.
Fray Ramon Pane, Oviedo, and Las Casas give conico as the
Indian word for "farm, plantation." This is clearly the Man-
dingo kunke "farm." The Indian word for "golo," according to
the Journal entry for January 13, 1493, is caona. It is found also
in the name of Cacique Caonabo, called in the Journal of the
Second Voyage "master of mines," the name being explained
in the Libretto as "lord of the house of gold." Now the words
for "gold" in the Negro languages are mostly derived from
Arabic dinar, which, through Hausa zinaria, and Pul kanyera,
reaches Vei as kani. Evidently canoa, written also guani, is noth-
ing but this Vei word. In "Cacique Caonabo," we have three
Mande words in juxtaposition. Cacique is not far removed from
kuntigi, Soso kundzi, "chief," caona, that is kani, is "gold," and
boi, from Arabic ~beii, bai, is "house." The chance that three such
words should be identical in the dissimilar languages of Africa and
America, is nil. The words are African, though represented as
belonging to the spoken language of the New World. Moreover,
Ramon Pane, in the account he wrote for Columbus of the Indian
religion, gives as Indian words, the Mande toto, "frog," and the
I
380 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Malinke kobo, "bug." What is more important, he imputes to
the Indians, a knowledge of the terrible West African itch, or
craworaw, which he calls by the supposed Indian name caracaracol.
The critic faces a dilemma. Either Ramon Pane lied, or he told
the truth. Either he fabricated stories of Indians, which he drew
from books or manuscript relations by Spanish and Portuguese
traders, who were writing about Negroes in Africa, or there had
been in Hispaniola, a pre-Columbian colony of European adven-
turers, with their African slaves, who taught the Indians the
Negro words for "farm, gold, frog, bug, itch," etc., and also
African folk-lore. No other hypothesis is possible.
The documentary and philological history of tobacco smoking
and the cultivation of edible r^ets, shows additional convincing
evidence of the influence of Africa on the culture of America in the
colonial period. Columbus never saw the Indians smoking to-
bacco. According to the Journal of the First Voyage, on October
15, 1492, an Indian brought him a ball of earth and certain
precious dried leaves. On November 16, two Spaniards reported
that the Indians, carrying firebrands and leaves, used them to
"take incense." In the Journal of the Second Voyage, Columbus
(this part of the Journal is definitely ascribed to him by his son)
writes of Indians spreading powder. on a table, and sniffing it
through a forked reed, thereby becoming intoxicated. Now the
first account is suspiciously like a book-story of Oriental hashish-
taking, the second has no implication of smoking at all, while the
third describes nothing but the process of taking a sternutatory.
Indeed this last account is clearly based on a book account, in
which there was a play on the Arabic words tubbdq "styptic"
and tabaq "table." Ramon Pane, when he tells of Indians sniffing
the powder, calls it caboba, a mere Italianisation of the Arabic
qasabah "reed," transferring the name of the inhaler to the drug.
Smoking tobacco through a forked reed of the sort described, has
been proved by trial, to be impossible. As late as 1535, Oviedo
is unable to tell a straightforward story of Indians smoking to-
bacco, but he adds the significant fact that the Negroes in the West
Indies smoked and cultivated tobacco. Negroes, by the way were
first allowed to come to America in 1501, two years later, Ovando,
the governor of Hispaniola complained that they joined with the
Indians to make trouble. By 1545, "smoking had become fairly
universal in America" (p. 127). It cannot be argued that half a
BOOK EEVIEWS 381
century is too short a time for a new vice to become so widespread.
Consider the case of banana culture. Oviedo says that the first
bananas were introduced into America in 1516. Within twenty
years, the fruit was universally cultivated, while the Spanish name
platano has survived in a large number of derivatives in the In-
dian languages.
As far as the linguistic history of the tobacco-words in the
Indian languages is concerned, it leads back to an eastern origin.
In Arabic, tubbdq means " styptic." Tobacco leaves were used
as a styptic by the Indians of Brazil in the sixteenth century.
The Low Latin equivalent of the Arabic tubbdq "styptic," is
bitumen, whence Portuguese betume, and French betun, petun.
"The French traders," says Professor Wiener, "at the end of the
sixteenth century, carried the word and the Brazilian brand of
tobacco to Canada, and petun became imbedded in several Indian
languages. The older Huron word for "tobacco" is derived from
the Carib yuli, which itself is from a Mandingo word. Thus, while
the Carib and Arawak influence is apparent in the direction from
Florida, to the Huron country, the Brazilian influence proceeds up
the St. Lawrence. The whole Atlantic triangle between these
two converging lines was left uninfluenced by these two streams,
and here, neither Carib nor Brazilian words for "tobacco," nor
the moundbuilders' craft have been found. Here the "tobacco"
words proceeded northward from Virginia, where the oldest form
of the words is an abbreviated Span, tabaco, or Fr. tabao (p. 191).
The Carib yuli "smoke," is found in Carib and Arawak, side by
side with derivatives of Mande tama, taiva, which are also in the
Algonkian languages. The fact that the Hurons, apparently the
first Indians to plant tobacco, have no native word for the plant is
significant. It shows that the Hurons learned to smoke from the
Arawaks or Caribs, then already under Negro influence, and at a
time prior to the introduction of the tobacco-plant into Canada by
the French. When we consider, then, that tobacco is native to
Africa, that tubbdq and petun are the ancestors of the Indian
names for the weed, that by 1503, Negroes in large numbers were
living in America, deserting their masters to join the Indians,
that the Negroes in America smoked and raised tobacco, the con-
clusion is inescapable that tobacco smoking was discovered and
tanght by them to the Indians and the Europeans.
"The tobacco-pipe in America," says Professor Wiener, "began
382 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
its career as a Mandingo amulet" (p. 184). This statement will
distress the American archaeologists, but the arguments in support
of it cannot be overcome. A counter-claim of pre-Columbian an-
tiquity for pipes found in the mounds cannot be made, since it is
so clearly shown that the mounds are not prehistoric, but were
fortifications erected along the lines of communication from
Florida to the Huron country, to protect the overland trade estab-
lished in the beginning of the sixteenth century.
In the Jouranl of the First Voyage, we find mention of ajes
and niames, as name of edible roots, but the account hopelessly
confusjes reports of yams, sweet potatoes and manioc. Neither
yams nor sweet potatoes are native to America, and both bear in
America, only African names. Oviedo indeed, says distinctly,
that the name is "a foreign fruit, and not native to these Indies/'
also, that "it came with that evil lot of Negroes, ... of whom
there is a greater number than is necessary, on account of their
rebellions" (pp. 203-4). Now in Africa the yam (Dioscorea),
cultivated before the coming of the Europeans, is known by names
derived from Arabic arum and gambah, e.g., Ewe ode, adze, Man-
dingo nyambe, Malinke nyeme kit,, whence the supposed Indian
names, aje, age, niame, igname, used indiscriminately of any edible
roots. The African names of the manioc have come from Arabic
'uruq "roots," notably in the Congo languages, yoka, yeke, edioko,
plural madioka, whence, as the plant was introduced into America,
it was known there as vuca, mandioca. As to sweet potatoes and
peanuts, the former were cultivated in Asia before the discovery
of America, while the latter, mentioned by Ibn Batutah as an
article of food in Africa, took to the New World, their African
names mandube, goober and pinder (compare Mozambique man-
duwe, Basunde nguba, Nyombo pinda). Professor Wiener's con-
clusion is that manioc culture was taught to the Brazilian Indians
before 1492 by Portuguese castaways, who knew of the economic
importance of the plant in Africa, while the peanut, spreading
north and south from the Antilles, may also have reached America
a few years before Columbus.
The numerous full-page illustrations are extremely helpful in
aiding the reader to a clear understanding of difficult points in the
discussion.
The book is epoch-making. To all seekers of the truth, the
coming of the second volume, in which Professor Wiener will deal
BOOK REVIEWS 383
exhaustively with the Negro element in Indian culture, will be an
eagerly anticipated event.
PHILLIPS BARRY, A.M., S.T.B.
CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETTS
A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages.
By SIR HARRY H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc. (Cambs).
Oxford : at the Clarendon Press, 1919, pp. 815, 2 sketch maps.
The author of this monumental work, in the opinion of the
reviewer, is in himself a composite of many of the capacities,
which, combined or singly in her subjects have made the greatness
of Britain. He has been a great colonial administrator, a dis-
tinguished African explorer; he is a talented artist, and has re-
cently astonished the literary world by producing what H. G.
Wells declares to be one of the best first novels he has ever read.
The contributions of Sir Harry Johnston to the sciences of botany,
zoology, and anthropology are truly prodigious. It is in the last
named field that his major interests have lain, and a succession of
important works have established him as the foremost authority
upon the ethnology of Africa and upon the anthropology of the
Negro race.
This ponderous volume on the Bantu and Semi-Bantu lan-
guages is the first part of a work which represents the fruit of
many years of study of multitudinous African languages and dia-
lects. The major portion of the book consists of illustrative vo-
cabularies of 366 Bantu and 87 Semi-Bantu languages and dialects
with an extensive bibliography. A competent criticism of this
portion of the work can be made by no one but a philologist with a
special knowledge of African languages. The present reviewer
does not possess these qualifications. Nevertheless it is obvious
to any student of Africa that the publication of this work places
a mine of useful information at the disposal of the linguist, the
grammarian, and the missionary, and will also be invaluable to the
student of African ethnology and to the physical anthropologist.
The first chapter sketches the history of research into the Bantu
laguages. The contributions of various philosophists are ap-
praised.
The second chapter on the distribution and character of the
Bantu languages is of greatest interest to the layman and to
the general anthropologist. We are informed that the Bantu
384 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
languages "constitute a very distinct type of speech which, as
contrasted with others amongst the group of Negro tongues, is
remarkable as a rule for Italian melodiousness, simplicity and fre-
quency of its vowel sounds, and the comparative ease with which its
exemplars can be acquired and spoken by Europeans" (p. 15).
"This one Negro language family now covers the whole of the
southern third of Africa, with the exception of very small areas
in the southwest (still inhabited sparsely by Hottentot and Bush-
man tribes) and a few patches of the inner Congo basin" (p. 15).
Throughout Africa, north of the Bantu border line, the traveller
meets with numerous languages widely different and mutually in-
comprehensible whereas with a knowledge of one Bantu language
it is not difficult to understand the structure and even the vocabu-
lary of others. The importance of this language family in Africa
is therefore obvious. The author defines clearly the special and
peculiar characteristics of Bantu languages. There follows an
interesting discussion of the origin and spread of these languages.
Probably the parent speech was spoken originally in the very heart
of Africa, somewhere between the basins of the Upper Nile, the
Bahr-al-ghazal, the Mubangi, and the Upper Benue. The archaic
Bantu seem first to have moved eastward, toward the Mountain
Nile and the Great Lakes. Probably they remained in the Nile
Valley north of the Albert Nyanza ' * till at least as late as three or
four hundred years before Christ late enough to have been in
full possession of goats and oxen and to have received the domestic
fowl from Egypt or Abyssinia. They then embarked upon their
great career of conquering and colonizing the southern third of
Africa" (p. 22).
The original Bantu invaders found before them in Central and
South Africa other peoples Negroes of different types, pygmies,
Bushmen, and Hottentots. "The first great Bantu migrations un-
doubtedly emanated from the vicinity of the Victoria Nyanza and
the north Tanganyika, and were directed round and not through
the Congo forests" (p. 24). On the basis of linguistic, ethno-
logical and anthropological evidence Sir Harry is led to deduce
that at a critical period in their career the Negro speakers of the
early Bantu languages were brought under the influence of a semi-
Caucasian race from the north or northeast. This contact gave
rise to the many handsome-featured pale-skinned castes and ruling
clans in so many of the Bantu peoples.
BOOK KEVIEWS 385
The following statement is of great anthropological importance :
"The Bantu-speaking peoples of Africa, ... do not constitute a
race apart from the other negroes or offer any homogeneity of
physical type. But on the whole they represent so much the aver-
age negro type that 'Bantu' is still in favor as a physical defini-
tion among craniologists. In reality, they are just fifty millions
of Negroes whose speech belongs to one of the many language
families of 'Negro type'; only in this case the language family
instead of being confined in its range to a hundred villages or two
hundred square miles, is spread over the southern third of Africa
say over 3,500,000 square miles from the Cameroons, the Northern
Congo, the Nyanzas, and the Mombasa coast to Cape Colony
and Natal" (p. 25), Bantu languages are spoken by peoples of
diverse physical types.
"Yet about the Bantu speech and the culture which accom-
panies it (ordinarily) there is a suggestion, strengthened by the
association of these languages with metal working (iron more
especially), with agriculture, cultivated plants, and cattle-keeping,
that adds to the impression derived from their legends, their re-
ligious beliefs, games, and weapons. It is thought that the Bantu
language family was finally moulded by some non-Negro incomers
of possibly Hamitic aflinities, akin at any rate in physique and cul-
ture, if not in language, to the dynastic Egyptians, the Galas, and
perhaps most of all to those 'Ethiopians' of mixed Egyptian and
Negro-Nubian stock that down to one thousand years ago inhabited
the Nile basin south of Wadi Haifa and north of Kordofan."
(Pp. 25-26.)
Sir Harry attributes most of the higher cultural elements asso-
ciated with the Bantu languages to the non-Negro invaders. He
believes that the Bantu invasions of southern and central Africa
cannot be referred back much earlier than the second century
B. C., and that the differentiation of the more than two hundred
forms of Bantu speech occurred subsequently and rapidly.
To the student of African ethnography this volume is a great
disappointment in one respect. The sketch map showing the dis-
tribution of Bantu and Semi-Bantu languages is absurdly inade-
quate. The writer of this review had confidently expected an
authoritative large-scale map showing the distribution of linguistic
families, dialects, and tribes. It is to be hoped that such a map
will form a part of the completed work. E. A. HOOTON.
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
386 JOUBNAL OF NEGBO HISTOEY
History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, 1877-1896.
By JAMBS FORD RHODES, LL.D., D.Litt. Volume VIII, 1877-
1896. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1919. Pp. 484.
This is supposed to be a continuation of Mr. Rhodes History of
the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the Final
Restoration of Home Ride at the South in 1877. As one, however,
considers the treatment of the former work in comparison with this
recent treatise, he must conclude that the author has not main-
tained the standard set in his earlier volumes which show deeper
insight and a more scientific point of view. Persons who have
looked forward to the continuation of Mr. Rhodes 's comprehensive
history from the transition period of Hayes' administration will
certainly be disappointed in observing how he has failed in trac-
ing the threads of history, which in our time, have become mo-
mentous. After reading the volume one is still at a loss as to what
forces in our national life the author considers as being actually in
the making during the period which the volume covers.
The work begins with a treatment of Hayes' administration
setting forth facts which have appeared elsewhere in the author's
studies in this particular period. As in other works, the author
defends almost everything Hayes did and arraigns the Reconstruc-
tion Republicans who were opposed to him. He then presents in
an unscientific way the brief discussion of economic questions bear-
ing on railroad rates, wages, strikes, mobs and riots. Financial
depression, the silver question and the valuable service of John
Sherman are given considerable attention. Valuable facts are set
forth in his discussion of civil service reform, the tariff commis-
sion and the Chinese question. Too much of the book, however, is
devoted to merely political matter involving a detailed discussion
of campaigns and elections at the expense of the economic, con-
stitutional and diplomatic movements decidedly influencing the
history of this country.
In this work the author pays very little attention to the Negro
except as he leaves the impression that the race was justly deprived
of the suffrage and of holding office. He makes reference to the com-
plaint of the Republicans to show that in disfranchising the Negro
in the South to make that section solidly Democratic that every
white voter in the South thereafter possessed the political power of
two white voters in the North. He mentions also the federal elec-
tion laws and the Force Bill but finally concludes that the experi
BOOK EEVIEWS 387
ment of making the Negro a citizen was a failure. Here again Mr.
Khodes shows his lack of knowledge of human affairs in that he
studies history only in the present tense. No man at present is
wise enough to say whether we shall finally obtain more good than
bad results from the Reconstruction, for we are too close to that
part of our history to make a proper estimate of these events.
The Negro Tear Book. Edited by MONROE N. WORK, Director of
Department of Records and Research, Tuskegee Normal and
Industrial Institute. The Negro Year Book Publishing Com-
pany, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama, 1919. Pp. 523.
There has appeared for 1918-1919 a new edition of the Negro
Tear Book to which students of Negro Life and History have
learned to look for information concerning the Negro. This volume
appears with a table of contents and a useful index to the numer-
ous facts compiled. The volume not only covers the field of former
editions but includes also much up to date material throwing light
on Negro current history. The very first portion of the work is
entitled Fifty -three Tears of Progress, 1866-1919. This is a
statistical study of Negro schools, Negro ownership of property,
and Negro enterprise. The reader will be interested in such in-
formation as illiteracy, music, painters, actors, occupations, agri-
culture, business, and the study of crime.
The Negro Year Book is a desirable step in the right direction.
Mr. Work and his coworkers deserve unusual praise for this under-
taking in a field where for a number of years yet to come the
returns must necessarily be meagre. The work meets a long felt
want of statistical information as to exactly what the Negro people
are doing. These facts will serve not only as an inspiration to the
race itself but to refute so much misinformation often circulated
to do Negroes injury. It is earnestly hoped that the managers
of this work will find it possible in the near future to publish an
annual volume and to this end the public should give the move-
ment unstinted support to make such an undertaking financially
profitable.
NOTES
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has pub-
lished a monograph entitled Negro Migration during the War by
Mr. Emmett J. Scott, Secretary-Treasurer of Howard University.
This is the first effort at a detailed treatment of the movement of
the Negroes from the South to the North. It has such interesting
chapters as the causes of the migration, stimulation of the move-
ment, the call of the self-sufficient North, the draining of the black
belt, efforts to check the movement, the effect of the migration on
the South, the situation in the congested districts in the North and
West, and remedies for relief. Persons who have an interest in
this conspicuous event of our internal history will find it profitable
to read this volume.
The Illinois Centennial Commission has published Volume V of
the Modern Commonwealth, a history of that State. On page 21
appears this paragraph:
"Half way between the native stock and the foreign born
stands the Negro population, practically all of whom have drifted
into the state since the Civil War. In 1870 there were only 28,762
Negroes in Illinois, but since that time they have been increasing
steadily and, with the exception of the decade 1880-1890, at a
more rapid rate than the white population. Especially rapid was
the growth in the decade ending with 1870, when it was 277 per
cent or almost four times the rate of increase of the white popula-
tion. As a result of this influx of Negroes the proportion which
they constitute of the total population has increased very steadily
from 1.1 per cent in 1870 to 1.9 per cent in 1910. But the
absolute number is still small, amounting only to 109,049 at the
last census. "
The American Negro Academy has published Number 20 of its
Occasional Papers containing a study of Alexander Crummell,
an Apostle of Negro Culture by William H. Ferris. This disserta-
tion sets forth not only the main facts of the life of the subject of
the sketch but gives also some interesting history in connection
with the founding of the American Negro Academy.
Major John R. Lynch, one of the most conspicuous figures of
the Reconstruction period now living, has discovered certain errors
388
NOTES 389
in the Reconstruction records published in the January number of
the Journal of Negro History, and has written the editor the fol-
lowing letter to make the necessary corrections:
4352 FoRESTTOrLE AVENUE,
CHICAGO, May 17th, 1920.
Editor, Journal of Negro History.
In compliance with your request I write this to point out a few
errors which appeared in the January 1920 issue of the Journal
covering the Reconstruction period.
Page 67 the name of Benjamin F. Turner appears as a member
of the 43d Congress, and Jeremiah Haralson as a member of the
44th Congress. Turner was a member of the 42d but not of the
43d Congress.
Haralson and Rapier were members of the 43d Congress,
both having been elected in 1872.,
On page 73, Rubert Gleed should be Robert Gleed. A. R. Davis
should be A. K. Davis, Dr. Stiles should be Dr. Stites, W. H. Fonte
should be W. H. Foote.
On page 74, H. M. Faley should be H. M. Foley. To the list
of Colored men elected to that Legislature should be added the
name of J. M. Wilson, of Marion County.
On the same page is the statement: "John R. Lynch elected
speaker of the House." This is incorrect. Lynch was elected
speaker in January 1872, by the Legislature that was elected in
November 1871. The man who was elected speaker in January
1870, by the Legislature that was elected in November 1869, was
Judge Freeman B. Franklin, a white Republican from Yazoo
County. Shortly after the adjournment of the first session of
that Legislature speaker Franklin died. When the second session
convened in January 1871 Hon. H. W. Warren, a white Repub-
lican from Leake County was elected speaker for the unexpired
term.
Respectfully yours,
(Signed) JOHN R. LYNCH.
HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE
OBJECT Founded in 1868 by General
Samuel G. Armstrong to train selected
youth who should go out to teach and
train their people. The Institute was
designed to instruct Negro youth in
morality, industry, and thrift, as well as
in earnest and practical Christianity.
LOCATION On Lower Peninsula of Vir-
ginia, within three miles of Old Point
Comfort. The Institute is reached by the
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad and by
steamers from Baltimore, Washington, and
New York (via Norfolk).
HAMPTON TODAY An industrial village
with over 1300 students; 1100 acres; 140
buildings, instruction farm of 835 acres;
and 200 teachers and workers. Hampton
stands for "a sound body, a trained capac-
ity, and an unselfish outlook on life."
Hampton is on the State of Virginia list
of approved four-year secondary schools.
COUHSES FOB BOYS (a) Preparatory
Department of one or two years; (b) Reg-
ular four-year courses : (1) Academic-
Normal; (2) Agriculture; (3) Business;
(4) Trade Course in one of thirteen
trades (Blacksmithing ; Bricklaying and
Plastering ; Cabinetmaking ; Carpentry ;
Machine Work ; Painting ; Printing ;
Shoemaking; Steamfitting and Plumbing;
Tailoring ; Tinsmithing ; Upholstery ;
Wheelwrighting.
COURSES FOB GIBLS (a) Domestic Sci-
ence Work Class and Day School Prepar-
atory Department; (b) Regular four-year
courses: (1) Academic-Normal; (2)
Home Economics ; (3) Matron's Course.
NEEDS 3135,000 annually above regu-
lar income; 34,000,000 Endowment Fund;
Scholarships: Full Annual, 3100; Annual
Academic, 370 ; Annual Industrial, 330 ;
Endowed, 32,500.
OFFICERS James E. Gregg, Principal ;
George P. Phenix, Vice Principal ; Frank
K. Rogers, Treasurer; Wm. H. Scovffle,
Secretary.
INFORMATION Catalogue covers details.
For copy address: Hampton Institute, Va.
THE NEGRO YEAR BOOK
A permanent record of current events, an encyclopedia of
460 pages of historical and sociological facts relating to the
Negro. General and special bibliographies.
This publication presents a succinct, comprehensive and
impartial review of the events of each year as they affect
the interests and indicate the progress of the Negro race.
It also provides a compact but comprehensive statement of
historical and statistical facts relating to the Negro.
In addition to its interest for the general reader, the book
is especially adapted for use in schools where historical and
sociological courses on the Negro are given. Price, 75
cents, paper cover, SI. 25, board cover.
1918-1919 Edition Now on Sale
Negro Year Book Publishing: Company
TUSKEQEE INSTITUTE ALABAMA
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UO
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Standard life Insurance Company
ATLANTA, GEORGIA
Is an old line legal reserve Life Insurance Company
owned and operated by colored people
Began operation in 1913.
Has a paid in capital of $125,000.
Has assets of over $500,000.
Has insurance in force of over $10,000,000.
Issues policies from $500 to $5,000 on all mod-
ern plans.
Has paid policyholders since organization nearly
$200,000.
Has paid to colored physicians nearly $75,000.
Has paid to agents and employes, all members
of the race, nearly $200,000.
Has outstanding loans to colored people, amount-
ing to $100,000.
Operates in 10 states and employs 350 agents,
and 62 clerks and stenographers in its offices.
Is helping to bring about the economic emancipation
of the race and deserves by its clean business methods
the patronage and cooperation of all thinking people.
Standard Life Insurance Company
HOME OFFICE ATLANTA, GEORGIA
HEMAN E. PERRY, President HARRY H. PACE, Sec'y-Tre...
A college that has its students devote one-half
their time to actual, useful work is so in line with
common sense that we are amazed that the idea
had to be put in execution by an ex-slave as a life-
saver for his disenfranchised race. Our great dis-
coveries are always accidents: we work for one
thing and get another. I expect that the day will
come, and ere long, when the great universities of
the world will have to put the Tuskegee Idea into
execution in order to save themselves from being
distanced by the Colored Race.- Elbert Hubbard in
"A Little Journey to Tuskegee."
Perhaps there is a deserv-
ing young man or woman
in your community who
needs A CHANCE.
If so, perhaps Tuskegee
Institute offers the very op-
portunity which he wants.
Tuskegee is not only a
school. It is an institution;
an influence.
It helps the worthy stu-
dent to help himself.
Location unsurpassed for Healthfulness.
Forty trades and industries for young men and women.
Excellent Library and Normal course.
Smith-Hughest Vocational Courses for advanced students.
Home Economics Agriculture Industries
Tuskegee Institute is no place for sluggards. From rising bell to taps, there is a
full program drill, class-room, shop, farm, etc. Perhaps your boy needs just the
sort of training which Tuskegee offers. Write for catalogue and information.
ROBERT R. MOTON, Principal
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama
HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Founded 1867 especially for the education of the Negro, although no
race is excluded: coeducational: number of students, 1918-19, 1452.
The College of Howard University consists of the Junior College
comprising the first and second years and the Schools of Liberal Arts.
Journalism, Education, and Commerce and Finance covering the third
and fourth years. Students in the Junior College* may so plan their
work as to lead directly to specialized schools of two years or continue
their college course in the School of Liberal Arts, thus making up the
four year course. The University maintains also a School of Music, a
School of Applied Science and a School of General Service giving
courses covering four years of specialized college work.
Howard University offers courses for students preparing for al-
most any walk of life. Among the professional departments are the
School of Religion, the School of Medicine, and the 'School of Law.
Two years of college work will hereafter be prerequisite to admission
to these schools, in case the applicant is a candidate for a degree.
For further information, write
THE REGISTRAR, HOWARD UNIVERSITY
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Inform yourself as to
The Exodus of the Negroes
By Reading This New Book
A Century of Negro Migration
By DR. CARTER G. WOODSON
220 Page* Price $1.10
This is the first effort to trace the causes which have during
the last century set the Negro population Amoving from South to
North, fleeing from bondage and oppression in quest of a land offer-
ing asylum to the oppressed and opportunities to the unfortunate.
Why they have gone, where they have settled and what they are
doing are all carefully explained.
From the following table of contents a better idea of the book
may be obtained :
I Finding a Place of Refuge
II A Transplantation to the North
III Fighting it out on Free Soil
IV Colonization as a Remedy for Migration
V The Successful Migrant
VI Confusing Movements during the Civil War
VII The Exodus to the West
VIII The Migration of the Talented Tenth
IX The Exodus During the World War
Bibliography
Index
Thi. book may b. obtained from
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OF
NEGRO HISTORY
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
The Association for the Study of
Negro Life and History, inc.
ROBERT E. PARK, PRESIDENT
JESSE E. MOORLAND, SECRETARY-TREASURER
CARTER G. WOODSON, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH AND EDITOR
1216 You Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL
ROBERT E. PARK, The University of Chicago WILLIAM G. WILLCOX, New York City
JRSSR E. MOORLAND, Washington, D. C. L. HOLLINGSWORTH WOOD, New York City
CARTER G. WOODSON, Washington, D. C. THOMAS J. JONES, New York City
JULIUS ROSENWALD, Chicago, 111. A. L. JACKSON, New York City
GEORGE FOSTER PEABODT, Saratoga Springs MOORFIELD STOREY, Boston, Mass.
JAMES H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Va. IRVING METCALF, Oberlin, Ohio
JOHN R. HAWKINS, Washington, D. C. R. E. JONES, New Orleans, La.
EMMETT J. SCOTT, Washington, D. C.
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Five Ways to Help This Cause:
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Contribute to our Research Fund
Collect and send us the historical materials bearing
on the Negroes of your community
Urge every Negro to write us all he knows about hit
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$20,000 NEEDED
Help us raise annually the sum of $20,000 to finance the
work of collecting and publishing the materials bearing on
Negro life and history. Our efforts have hitherto been restric-
ted to what we have been able to induce interested individuals
to undertake in their respective localities. Moving at this
slow rate and in such an unsystematic way, the work will pro-
ceed so slowly that many valuable documents and the testi-
monies of slaves and masters will be lost to the world and the
story of the Negro will perish with him.
To raise this fund we are appealing to all persons profess-
ing an interest in the propagation of the truth. We need
4 persons to contribute annually 1,000 each
8 " " " " 500 "
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The following persons have contributed to our support
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C. E. Mitchell 16
George H. Hamilton . . . . 10
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All contributions should be sent to J. E. Moorland, Sec-
rotary-Treasurer of The Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History, 1216 You Street, Northwest, Washington,
D. C.
The Association is incorporated and the Secretary-Treas-
urer is bonded.
Volume III contains about 288 pages of dissertations entitled:
The Story of Josiah Henson.
Elizabeth Barrett Browning and the Negro.
Palmares, The Negro Numantia.
Slavery in California.
Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Mathematician and As-
tronomer.
George Liele and Andrew Bryan, Pioneer Negro Baptist
Preachers.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part I.
Fifty Years of Howard University, Part II.
More about the Historical Errors of James F. Rhodes.
Slavery in Kentucky.
The Beginnings of the Miscegenation of the Whites and
Blacks.
Gerrit Smith's Efforts in behalf of the Negroes in New York.
The Buxton Settlement in Canada.
It contains also about 135 pages of documents of the following
series:
California Freedom Papers.
Thomas Jefferson's Thoughts on the Negro.
Letters of Governor Edward Coles bearing on the Struggle of
Freedom and Slavery in Illinois.
What the Framers of the Federal Constitution thought of
the Negro.
Volume IV contains 260 pages of dissertations entitled:
Primitive Law and the Negro.
Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing the Emancipated Negroes.
Lemuel Haynes.
The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada.
The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures with Special Reference to
the Negro.
(Continued on next page)
The Company of Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa.
The Employment of Negroes as Soldiers in the Confederate
Army.
The Legal Status of Free Negroes and Slaves in Tennessee.
Negro Life and History in the Schools.
Abbe Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann.
Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917.
The Life of Charles B. Ray.
The Slave in Upper Canada.
In the volume appear also 222 pages of documents designed as:
Benjamin Franklin and Freedom.
The Proceedings of a Migration Convention and Congressional
Action respecting the Exodus of 1870.
Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918.
Notes on Slavery in Canada.
Persons who preserve their single numbers in good con-
dition may obtain any one of these volumes by return-
ing the corresponding numbers with $1 .00* This means
that the subscriber receives full credit for the subscrip-
tion fee of $2.00 in making this exchange*
A COMBINATION OFFER
Avail yourself of the opportunity to purchase at
greatly reduced rates Dr. Carter G. Woodson's The
Education of the Negro Prior to 1861, his A Century
of Negro Migration and The Journal of Negro History.
Purchased separately these cost:
The Education of the Negro
Prior to J86J . . . . $2.15
A Century of Negro Migration \ .\
The Journal of Negro History,
a year
Total .
Price of the three together . .
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Volume I contains more than 250 pages ol dissertations
entitled :
The Negroes of Cincinnati prior to 1861.
The Story of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards.
The Passing Tradition and the African Civilization.
African Proverbs.
The Historic Background of the Negro Physician.
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero.
Colored Freemen as Slave Owners in Virginia.
The Fugitives of the Pearl.
Lorenzo Dow.
The Attitude of the Free Negro toward African Colonization.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among
the Negroes of the Colonies.
The Defeat of the Secessionists in Kentucky in 1861.
The Negroes of Guatemala during the Seventeenth Century.
It contains also more than 200 pages of the following series
of documents:
What the Negro was thinking during the Eighteenth Century.
Letters showing the Rise and Progress of the early Negro
Churches of Georgia and the West Indies.
Eighteenth Century Slaves as advertised by their Masters.
Transplanting Free Negroes to Ohio.
The Proceedings of a typical Colonization Convention.
Travelers' Impressions of American Slavery from 1750 to 1800.
Some Letters of Richard Allen and Absalom Jones.
(Continued on next page)
Volume II contains 292 pages of dissertations entitled:
The African Slave Trade.
The Negro in the Field of Invention.
Anthony Benezet.
People of Color in Louisiana.
The Development of the Slave Status in American Democracy.
John Woolman's Efforts in behalf of Freedom.
The Tarik E Soudan.
From a Jamaica Portfolio Francis Williams.
The Formation of the American Colonization Society.
The History of the High School for Negroes in Washington.
Our New Possessions The Danish West Indies.
Some Historical Errors of James Ford Rhodes.
The Struggle of Haiti and Liberia for Recognition.
Three Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman.
Catholics and the Negro.
Notes on the Nomoli of Sherbroland.
The African Origin of the Grecian Civilization.
It contains also about 100 pages of documents of the fol-
lowing series:
Letters of Anthony Benezet.
Observations on the Negroes of Louisiana.
The Conditions against which Anthony Benezet inveighed.
Letters, Laws, Narratives and Comments bearing on the Danish
West Indies.
Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation
in the Danish West Indies.
Letters of George Washington bearing on the Negro.
The Will of Robert Pleasants.
Proceedings of the Reconstruction Meeting at Mobile, Alabama.
(Continued on next page)
THE JOURNAL
OF
NEGRO HISTORY
VOL. V OCTOBER, 1920 No. 4
DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED
STATES AND GEEAT BRITAIN BEARING ON
THE RETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES, 1783-1828 1
Diplomatic relations bearing on the Negro of the Revo-
lutionary period constitute one of the mooted questions of
American foreign policy. Yet although this question was
then one of the disturbing factors in our relations with
Great Britain, it has hitherto passed unnoticed. 2 As a
1 This dissertation is the result of the researches of Mr. A. G. Lindsay
under Dr. C. G. Woodson at Howard University during the academic year 1919-
1920 and was submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studies in candidacy
for the degree of Master of Arts. Dr. C. G. Woodson was the chairman of this
committee.
The following sources were used in the preparation of this manuscript:
American State Papers, Foreign Relations; American State Papers, Confidential
Documents; American State Papers, Wait's Edition; Annals of Congress;
Diary of John Quincy Adams, in his Memoirs; Diplomatic Correspondence;
Force, American Archives; Journals of Congress; Journals of Continental Con-
gress; McDonald's Source Book of American History; Niles Register; Treaties
and Conventions, Edition 1889; United States Statutes at Large.
The following works were also consulted: John Adams, Works; Van Tyno,
The American Revolution; American Historical Association Reports; BaJbcock,
Rise of American Nationality; Benton, Naval History of England; Channing.
History of the United States; Ford, Washington's Writings; Ford, Jefferson's
Writings; Fiske, Critical Period; Gibb, Administrations of Washington and
Adams; The Journal of Negro History; Morse, John Adams; Naval Chronicle
of England; Ramsay, History of South Carolina, Edition, 1809; Sparks, Wash-
i?i(jton; Moore, International Arbitration; Moore, Digest of International Law ;
Wharton, Digest of International Law, Edition, 1887; Halleck, Elements of
Law; Wheaton, Elements of Law, Edition, by Dana.
2 Ramsay, History of South Carolina, Edition, 1809, Vol. I, pp. 474-475.
391
392 JOURNAL, OF NEGKO HISTOBY
large number of Negroes were taken from the United States
by Great Britain during the Kevolutionary War there fol-
lowed so much effort to secure the return of these Negroes
that the subject had to be dealt with in the Treaty of Paris
which ended the war in 1783. So numerous were the in-
fractions of the stipulation prohibiting the carrying off of
the Negroes and so fruitless were the discussions resulting
from the non-fulfillment of the articles in the treaty that
several diplomatic representatives were sent on missions to
Great Britain, the last of which ended with the Jay Treaty
of 1794. Obviously, no satisfactory settlement as to the
Negro could then be reached. An array of evidence from
the sources 3 shows that the question was frequently dis-
cussed and that its significance lies in its absence from the
stipulations of the Jay Treaty. It is evident, moreover,
that the United States was not satisfied with this treaty
and that between Great Britain and this country there was
widening a breach which culminated in the War of 1812,
during which Great Britain committed the same offence
that she did during the war for independence. 4
How can one account then for the unfavorable attitude
of Great Britain toward the return of the Negro fugitives?
The humanitarian spirit of Great Britain which, by the
celebrated decision of Lord Mansfield in the Somerset case
in 1772 guaranteed to every man his freedom as soon as he
set foot on British soil, extended beyond the limits of the
empire. Although this decision of the judge evoked some
unfavorable comment, for slavery was the "normal condi-
tion of the Negro/' his ideas were disseminated by the mili-
tary authorities defending the Crown in America. During
the Revolutionary War many of the British commanders
issued proclamations of freedom to the Negro slaves. Lord
Dunmore, the dethroned Governor of Virginia, was among
the first to issue a proclamation of freedom 5 to all Negroes
a American Historical Association, Vol. I, p. 273. F. A. Ogg, American
State Papers, Vol. IV, p. 304.
* Moore, International Arbitrations, p. 350.
s Van Tyne, American Revolution, p. 61 ; Force, American Archives, 4th
Series, III, 1385.
THE EETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 393
who would fight for the King. Soon thereafter, Clinton, 6
the Commander-in-chief of the British forces in America,
issued a proclamation to the same effect. Still later, Corn-
wallis issued a proclamation specifying the grant of * ' free-
dom and protection" to all Negroes who would seek his
command. Whatever motive prompted the issuance of
these orders, it is evident that the status of the Negro dur-
ing this "emergency" as regarded by Great Britain was
that of a freeman.
To these proclamations many Negroes responded. For
instance, General Greene learned on Long Island that a
group of Negroes aggregating two hundred (200) had in
July, 1776, sought freedom within the British lines and had
been accepted as a regiment in that vicinity. 7 He reported,
moreover, to General Washington in 1781 that enough Ne-
groes in North Carolina to form two regiments had sought
British freedom and protection and that they were being
organized by the British. 8 Whether they came within the
British lines as a result of these proclamations or in recog-
nition of the laws of war "it has been computed by good
judges" says Eamsay, 9 "that at the evacuation of one part,
two hundred and forty-one Negroes and their families were
taken off to St. Lucia in one transport, the Scimitar; and
that between the years 1775 and 1783, 25,000 Negroes, that
is, one-fifth of all the slaves, were taken from the State of
6 Proclamation tf Whereas the enemy have adopted a practice of enroll-
ing Negroes among their troops, I do hereby give Notice that all Negroes taken
in Arms or upon any military Duty shall be purchased for the public service at
a stated price; the money to be paid to the captors. But I do most strictly
forbid any Person to sell or claim right over any Negroes the property of a
Rebel who may take refuge with any part of this Army. And I do promise to
every Negro who shall desert the Rebel Standard full Security to follow within
the dines any occupation which he may think proper/' Given under my
Hand at Headquarters, Phillipsburg, the 30th day of June, 1799.
H. CLINTON.
By his Excellency J s Commander
JOHN SMITH, Sec.
Journal of Continental Congress, II, 26; Van Tyne, American Revolution.
7 Force, American Archives, I, 486, Fifth Series.
* Journal of Continental Congress, II, 26.
Ramsay, History of South Carolina, Edition, 1809, I, 474.
394 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
South Carolina." In Georgia, 10 there was made a report
that the loss was much greater, probably three-fourths or
seven-eighths of all the Negroes in the State. Again, from
!an estimate made at the time, Jefferson observed that
about thirty thousand Negroes were taken from Virginia. 11
From the other slave-holding States which were invaded
by the British, many other Negroes were carried away from
their masters. So effectively was the scheme carried out that
fear was expressed throughout the South less the economic
position of that section would be threatened. In conse-
quence of such actions on the part of Great Britain, Gen-
eral Washington receded from the position of excluding
Negroes from the American Army and took drastic steps in
preventing the carrying away of other Negroes by Great
Britain. 12
Considered, therefore, as an American slave in time of
peace and an American soldier in time of danger, it is no
anomaly that the status of the Negro complicated the nego-
tiations between military representatives of Great Britain
and the United States. Extended but fruitless negotia-
tions ensued. A satisfactory settlement of the return of
the Negroes seemed impossible. With independence as-
sured through the representatives assembled, the Treaty of
Paris was negotiated in 1783. Franklin urged in his commu-
nication with Oswald, 1779, that the question as to the return
of Negroes taken away by Great Britain be adjusted imme-
diately. 13 This suggestion was strengthened by the sup-
port given it by the American representative, Henry
Laurens, who had been in confinement in London during
the war and whose chance arrival on the closing day gave
the subject increased importance. Thus credit for the in-
corporation of the article on the Negro into the Treaty of
Paris is given to Henry Laurens. 14
1 Moore 's Historical Notes, 14 ; Journal of Negro History, Vol. I, p. 117.
11 Jefferson's Works, Vol. II, p. 426.
12 Sparks, Washington's Works, III, 218.
isChanning's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 348-369.
i* American Historical Association Eeport, Vol. I, p. 273.
THE BETURN or NEGRO SLAVES 395
By the Seventh Article of the Treaty of Paris, 15 it was
stipulated that the British troops should withdraw from
the United States without carrying away or destroying any
property belonging to the citizens of the United States.
In spite of this agreement at the peace conference, this
stipulation was not fulfilled by Great Britain. Convincing
evidence of an infraction of this stipulation is seen in a
letter written by General Washington to Sir Guy Carleton,
May 6, 1783, in which the former expressed himself as being
surprised to hear that embarkations of Negroes had taken
place during the whole of that year. 16 He, moreover, ex-
pressed his private opinion to the effect that such an action
"is totally different from the letter and spirit of the
treaty." A few days thereafter the Virginia delegates in
Congress wrote to the Governor of Virginia that they
would make this the subject of a "pointed remonstrance
from our minister in Europe to the British Court with a
demand for reparation and in the meantime urge General
Washington to insist on a more faithful observance of that
stipulation at New York." 17
Notwithstanding further orders which were issued by
Sir Guy Carleton, May 12, 1783, to prevent the carrying
away of any Negroes or other property of the American
inhabitants many other infractions of the provision were
is Article 7, Treaty of Paris. "There shall be a firm and perpetual peace
between his Brittanie Majesty and the said States, and between the subjects of
the one and the citizens of the other, wherefore all hostilities both by sea and
land shall from henceforth cease: All prisoners on both aides shall be set at
liberty, and his Brittanie Majesty shall with all convenient speed, and without
causing any destruction or carrying away any Negroes or other property of
the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons and fleets from
the said United States, and from every port, place and harbour within the same;
leaving in all fortifications the American artillery that may be therein; and
shall also order and cause all archives, records, deeds and papers belonging to
any of the said states or their citizens which in the course of the war may have
fallen into the hands of his officers to be forthwith restored and delivered to
the proper states and persons to whom they belong. ' '
McDonald, Documentary Source Boole of American History, p. 208.
is American Historical Association Report, 1874, p. 421. Waits, American
State Papers, Vol. I, p. 279.
i? Journal of Negro History, Vol. II, pp. 411-422.
396 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
reported. 18 Even General Washington remarked 19 that
"some of his own slaves and those of friends living with
him were probably carried away to New York." " If by
chance, ' ' continued he, i l you should come at the knowledge
of any of them, I will be much obliged by your securing them
so that I can obtain them again." So numerous were the
violations of this part of the treaty that Thomas Jefferson,
Secretary of State, in a letter written to Vergennes, the
Foreign Minister of France, asked for suggestions from
France in regard to the infractions of this article of the
Treaty of Paris. In it, he expressed the objection of the
Crown, which was to the effect that Negroes had come
within the British lines under the promise of freedom and
protection and that this promise was fulfilled by Great
Britain in preference to the stipulation in the treaty. 20
The situation became more aggravated. The breach be-
tween the two countries was gradually widening. Sensing
this acute situation, Washington suggested that Carleton
meet him in a conference at Orangetown, New Jersey, May,
1783. At one of their meetings Washington called the at-
tention of Carleton to several resolutions passed by Con-
gress relating to the return of all Negroes and other prop-
erty of American inhabitants taken away by the British
forces. Concerning these, Carleton replied that he wished
to be considered as giving no construction of the treaty,
but that he "conceived it could not have been the intention
of the British Government by the treaty of peace to reduce
themselves to the necessity of violating their faith to the
Negroes who came within the British lines under the proc-
lamation of the predecessors in command." 21 In point of
fact, however, he said "delivering up the Negroes to their
former masters would be delivering them up some to exe-
cution and others to punishments which would in his own
is Sparks, Washington, Vol. VIII, Appendix, p. 544.
19 Washington to Daniel Parker in Ford's Washington's Writinc/, X,
246-247.
20 Ford's Edition of Jefferson's Writings, p. 127.
21 Journal of Negro History, Vol. II, p. 417.
THE BETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 397
opinion be a dishonorable violation of the public faith/'
He concluded, nevertheless, that if the sending off of the
Negroes should hereafter be declared an infraction of the
treaty, "compensation ought to be made by Great Britain
to the owners. " 22
In regard to the last suggestion of Carleton, Washington
observed that many difficulties would arise in compensating
the proprietors for their Negroes. He also thought it im-
possible to ascertain the value of the Negroes, for the value
of a slave, contended he, ' l consists chiefly in his industry and
sobriety. " Another difficulty Washington observed was
that of identifying the slave. He was of the opinion that the
slave would give the wrong name of his master. Washing-
ton considered this conduct on the part of General Carleton,
moreover, a departure from both the letter and spirit of the
Seventh Article of the Treaty of Paris.
In answer to these contentions Carleton said that as the
Negroes were free and secured against their masters they
could have no inducement to conceal their true name or that
of their masters. In commending compensation Carleton
was of the opinion that he was pursuing a course which
would operate most for the security of the proprietors. "If
the Negroes were left to themselves, " he remarked, "num-
bers of them would very probably go off and not return to
the parts of the country from whence they came or clandes-
tinely would get on board the transports in such a manner
as would not be in his power to prevent.' 7 "In either
case," continued Carleton, "an inevitable loss would ensue
to the proprietors." 23 But as the business was then con-
ducted they had at least a chance for compensation.
In conformity with these views, Carleton suggested that
commissioners be appointed by the two countries "to agree
upon the mode of compensating as well as the amount and
other points with respect to which there was no provision
made in the treaty." This suggestion was approved by
Congress, and in compliance with it Egbert Benson, William
22 Ford, Washington's Writings, X, 241-243.
23 Journal of Negro History, II, 418.
393 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
Smith, and Daniel Parker were appointed 24 with specific
instructions from Washington to "assist representatives of
Great Britain in inspecting and superintending the em-
barkation of persons and property in fulfillment of the
Seventh Article of the Treaty of Paris. " 25
These commissioners began their work immediately by
examining the claim of one Phillip Lott to a Negro named
Thomas Francis 26 on board a vessel called the Fair Ameri-
can in New York harbor and about to be carried to the
island of Jamaica. Concerning this inquiry a pointed re-
monstrance was made to Sir Guy Carleton. After the de-
tails of the examination were presented to him, the com-
missioners requested Great Britain to prohibit its represen-
tatives from carrying away the Negro and to deliver Francis
to Lott. Notifying Washington, June 14, 1783, of their
progress, the commissioners reminded him that Sir Guy
Carleton intimated an impropriety in the claim, as the
property was not suggested to be in danger of being sent
away. "This left room," said the commissioners, "for an
idea that possibly property about to be sent away would be
restored . . . and we conceive it is now reduced to a cer-
tainty that all applications for the delivery of property will
be fruitless and we therefore desist from them." 27
A few days later the commissioners reported to Wash-
ington that in superintending an embarkation of fourteen
transports bound for Nova Scotia "about 3000 souls, among
whom were at least 130 Negroes who appeared to be prop-
erty of the citizens of the United States," were carried
away. They also indicated that these embarkations were
made in spite of their presence and remonstrance and for
this reason asked General Washington for "further direc-
tions on this subject." 28 Other reports of the commis-
sioners to General Washington, June 17, 1783, show that on
many other occasions Negroes not residing within the Brit-
24 Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI, p. 335.
25 Ford, Washington's Writings, X, 241-243.
26 American State Papers Foreign Eelations, I, p. 190.
27 IUd., I, p. 191.
28 Ibid., I, pp. 188-192.
THE EETUBN OF NEGRO SLAVES 399
ish lines were taken away. To the remonstrances of the
commissioners, Sir Guy Carleton gave a deaf ear. They,
in the meantime, wrote General Washington that they had
interpreted Carleton 's silence as a "determination that
all future applications should remain equally unnoticed. "
That they realized that their efforts were fruitless goes
without saying, for they confessed that their work was in-
effective and that the British vessels were never subjected
to any rigid inspections and it was, therefore, impossible
to determine, from the register provided by Sir Guy Carle-
ton, the exact number of Negroes carried away in those
vessels. 29
The work of the commissioners, nevertheless, was note-
worthy. They called Washington's attention to the fact
that Sir Guy Carleton affected to distinguish between the
cases of such Negroes as came within the British lines in
consequence of the promise of freedom and protection pro-
mulgated by Carleton 's predecessors and such as came in
either ^previous to the proclamations or subsequent to the
cessation of hostilities. "Negroes of the first description/'
insisted Carleton, "were not included in the treaty. " The
commissioners soon realized that even this limited con-
struction given to the article was not intended to be fulfilled
by Carleton J s subordinate officers. They based their con-
tention upon the fact that printed certificates granting Ne-
groes the privilege of embarking 30 were distributed by the
commandant of New York City, "as their convenience
might require." 31 These certificates fell into the hands of
29 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. I, pp. 188-192.
so Blank certificate New York, April 23, 1783.
This is to certify to whomsoever it may concern that the bearer hereof
a Negro restored to the British Lines in consequence of the
proclamation of Sir William Howe and Sir Henry Clinton, late Commanders-
in-chief in America; and that the said Negro has hereby his excellency's Sir
Guy Carleton 's permission to go to Nova Scotia or wherever else
may think proper.
By order of
BRIGADIER GEN. BUCK.
E. WILLIAMS,
Major of Brigade.
si American State Papers, Vol. I, pp. 190-192.
400 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
many persons for whom they were not intended. So loosely
were they distributed that one was picked up by the com-
missioners who transmitted the same to General Wash-
ington.
On the other hand, the commissioners insisted that the
treaty stipulated specifically that his Brittanic Majesty
should withdraw all his armies, garrisons and fleets from
the United States and from every port, place and harbor
within the same without causing any destruction or carry-
ing away any Negroes or other property of the American
inhabitants. 32 With these two interpretations of the Sev-
enth Article invariably insisted upon by Carleton on the one
hand and the commissioners on the other an agreement was
less likely to be reached and, in spite of the efforts to the
contrary, the deportation of Negroes took place steadily
until all the British departed. 33
In the meantime, Congress was discussing the ratifica-
tion of the Treaty of Paris. The non-observance of the
Seventh Article on the part of Great Britain and the de-
struction worked by Carleton evoked many resolutions op-
posing the ratification of the treaty for the expressed rea-
son that it did not provide for the loss of Negroes. One of
these resolutions was to the effect that it was "inexpedient
to concur in passing laws necessary for carrying into effect
the treaty." 34 These efforts of Congress, however, like
those of the commissioners were of no avail. Complaints of
American citizens of the loss of their property were ex-
pressed by the representatives in Congress. They, to be
sure, had their effect, for soon thereafter, Congress trans-
ferred the question of the return of Negroes to the realm of
actual diplomacy. 35
John Adams, 1788, who, by the way, was one of the rep-
resentatives of the United States who signed the Treaty of
32 McDonald 's Source Boole of American History, p. 208.
ss American Historical Association Eeport, Vol. I, p. 276.
3* Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, p. 970.
ss Report of the American Historical Association, pp. 413-444; Diplomatic
Correspondence 1783-1789 (3 Vol. ed.), II, 340.
THE RETURN OF NEGKO SLAVES 401
Paris, received an appointment as representative of this
country to England to settle the alleged violations of the
Treaty of Paris. He was instructed in 1785 to press for a
fulfillment of the terms of the treaty of peace on the part of
Great Britain. 36 He had little time, however, to press his
claim before representatives of Great Britain were inquiring
why the United States did not perform her part in this re-
ciprocal contract. To these inquiries, Adams replied that
"America could not; that it was hardly a government at
all." He, moreover, informed Congress that the reason
assigned by Laurens for incorporating the Seventh Article
was that the people of the United States would be unable to
comply with the part of the treaty which respects debts
unless the provision which respects Negroes was made.
"This construction," he continued, "was never denied and
that it seemed to be understood by the ministry that on a
settlement with the United States compensation must be
made."
Obviously, then, both Great Britain and America under-
stood that the Seventh Article would be fulfilled by Great
Britain only when the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Articles
were fulfilled by the United States. 37 This point, however,
was discussed pro and con for many months and was sel-
dom admitted by the American diplomatic representatives,
Adams himself said that he could "get no comfort from his
mission." The construction given the Seventh Article
making its fulfillment by Great Britain contingent upon the
execution of other provisions only complicated matters.
Another mission was planned in 1789, 38 but before
another representative was appointed Washington urged
upon Gouverneur Morris, who contemplated visiting Lon-
don, "to find out the reasons why Groat Britain had not com-
plied with the Seventh Article. " In a letter written to Mor-
ris, October 13, 1789, Washington desired Morris to con-
se Morse, John Adams, p. 235.
ST Adams' Works, Vol. VIII, p. 303.
33 American Historical Association Report, 1894, p. 422. McLaughlin.
American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. I, p. 122.
402 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
verse with his Brittanic Majesty 's Ministers as to whether
there was any objection to performing those articles re-
maining to be performed on his part. " Learn with pre-
cision," he concluded, "what they mean to do on this
head." In compliance with this request, on April 7, 1790,
Morris interviewed the British representative, the Duke of
Leeds, who gave to him only "general assurances" for a
faithful observance of the articles and, becoming a "little
embarrassed," could not say how the matter in regard to
the Negroes stood. After many days of silence, the Duke of
Leeds, April 23, 1790, "lamented every circumstance"
which delayed the fulfillment of engagements on the part
of the United States. 39 He also indicated that, if circum-
stances rendered their final completion impracticable, he
had no scruples in declaring the object of Great Britain
would be to "retard the fulfillment -of such subsequent
parts of the treaty as depend entirely upon Great Britain
until redress is granted to their subjects upon the specific
points of the treaty itself or a fair and just compensation
for the non-performance of those engagements on the part
of the United States." 40
Informing Washington of his progress, May 29, 1790,
Morris disclosed the fact that he was no longer contending
for the return of the Negroes, for that would involve either
"breaking faith" with those whom they had seduced by the
offer of freedom or the violation of the stipulation which
they had made with the United States in the Treaty of
Paris. In presenting America's side, however, he insisted
upon compensation in order that it would not be difficult for
the planters to show that they had sustained a heavy loss
from the want of men to cultivate their lands and thereby
produce the means of paying their debts. To this the Duke
of Leeds replied that he wished to "consider -the treaty
subject generally" and thought that some compensation
could be mutually made. He declared, nevertheless, that he
so American Historical Association Eeport, 1894, p. 422.
40 American State Papers, Confidential Documents, Vol. X, p. 80.
THE EETUBN OF NEGRO SLAVES 403
would rather "make a new treaty than perform the Seventh
Article of the Treaty of Paris/' 41
Subsequent diplomatic negotiations between Jefferson
and Hammond, the Minister of Great Britain, indicate that
Washington was not satisfied with the status of the case
after Jefferson cited specific infractions of the Seventh
Article of the treaty, enclosing documents supporting these
claims. Hammond informed the United States, November
30, 1791, that the King had suspended the execution of the
Seventh Article in consequence of the non-compliance on
the part of the United States of the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth
Articles. In short, he insisted that the stipulations should
be performed in the order in which they stood. He stated,
moreover, that the "two objects were so mutually connected
with each other as not to admit of separation either in the
mode of discussing them or in any subsequent engagements
which might result from that discussion. m2
It was soon evident then that such extended discussions
were fruitless. This state of affairs, to be sure, could not
exist very much longer. Citizens of the United States were
pressing "more zealously " for the return of the Negroes.
For almost a decade the subject had been discussed with-
out an amicable adjustment. In a communication to the
Congress, April 16, 1794, Washington showed that he had
grasped the situation by informing that body of the fact
that "despatches received from our minister in London
contain a serious aspect of our affairs with Great Britain. "
He suggested, therefore, to the Senate that an envoy extra-
ordinary be sent to England. To this end Washington ap-
pointed John Jay to settle the infractions of the Treaty of
Paris. 43
In Jay's instructions nothing was specifically said con-
cerning the carrying away of the Negroes by the British,
but, as it appeared from subsequent transactions, it is quite
41 American State Papers, Confidential Documents, Vol. X, p. 85.
a McLaughlin, Western Posts and British Debts, p. 423 in American His-
torical Association Report, 1894.
American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. I, pp. 470-472.
404 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
certain that the infractions of the Seventh Article as well
as those of other articles were to be adjusted. In this wise,
the "irrepressible question " relating to the return of Ne-
groes carried away by Great Britain during the Bevolu-
tionary War became one of the purposes of Jay's mission. 44
During the negotiation with Grenville there took place
many heated debates, in which each party accused the other
of the first aggression. Meanwhile Jay ascertained, Sep-
tember 13, 1794, that Grenville supported the contention
held by his predecessors, that the article of the treaty was
intended to prevent depredations at the departure of the
army ; that no alteration in the actual state of property was
intended by the Seventh Article; that every Negro who
strayed or escaped from the American lines and came into
the lines of the British Army became by the laws of war
British property ; and that to extend the Seventh Article of
the treaty to include Negroes who came within the British
lines under the proclamation of freedom was to give it a
"wider latitude than the terms of it would warrant." 45 In
short, Grenville contended that in regard to those within
the British lines before the signing of the treaty they were
"left entirely without restrictions." 46
In reply to Grenville 's argument Jay divided the subject
of the Negroes into three groups: first, the Negroes cap-
tured or disposed of during the course of the war; second,
the Negroes who remained with and belonged to American
citizens within the British lines; and third, the Negroes
who, confiding in the promise of freedom, fled from their
masters and took refuge with the British. Concerning the
first two groups, no extended discussion followed. Gren-
ville stated, however, in regard to the second group, that he
was "not so sure." The last-named group on the other
hand, produced much pourparler, for Jay maintained that
these Negroes were "clearly comprehended by the terms of
the treaty. ' ' According to his argument, Negroes could not
44 Jay to Kandolph, American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 485.
45 American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 485.
* Hid., p. 486.
THE EETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 405
by "mere flight " alter their slave character. He soon ap-
preciated the difficult position of England in trying to keep
the pledges of freedom offered to the Negroes and at the
same time fulfill, according to the American interpretation,
the article of the treaty in regard to the return of Negroes.
During the negotiation Jay admitted, moreover, that the
carrying away of Negroes was justifiable in view of the
promises of freedom and protection promulgated by British
military representatives. 47 He concluded, however, with
the thought that "Great Britain ought not to expect to
escape the consequence of the folly of her Generals in
America. " For this reason he restated the idea expressed
by other American representatives to Great Britain, that
compensation should be obtained for the Negroes carried
away. In spite of Jay's change of position Grenville per-
sisted with unyielding opposition in the view that such slaves
were no longer American property. "On this point " wrote
Jay to Eandolph, "we could not agree."
Concerning this question, Jay said, moreover, 48 that
"various articles have been under consideration but did not
meet with mutual approbation and consent. ' ' Sensing the
situation Eandolph declared to Jay, December 3, that he
was extremely afraid that the reasoning of Grenville about
the Negroes would not be satisfactory. "Indeed I own,"
said Eandolph, "that I can not myself yield to its force."
Eandolph knew of the anti-British sentiment in the South
and realized that the treaty would be opposed by the South
because that section would feel that it had been neglected, 49
should it receive no compensation for the Negroes carried
away by the British.
In a communication to Jay two weeks later it is obvious
that there was no concerted opinion even in America in re-
gard to the much mooted question. Jay and Eandolph, for
instance, differed as to whether the slaves concerned ever
became the property of Great Britain. Jay held that the
47 American Historical Association Eeport, Vol. I, pp. 273-298.
48 American State Papers, Vol. I, p. 501.
40 Ibid., p. 509.
406 JOURNAL or NEGRO HISTORY
Negroes in question never became the property of Great
Britain whereas, Eandolph held that while property is ac-
quired in movables as soon as they come within the power
of the enemy, yet " property rights thus acquired in war
may by the treaty of peace be removed. " 50
To the contention of Great Britain that the Seventh
Article meant merely an engagement against further depre-
dations, Eandolph declared the stipulation "superfluous";
for he maintained that the mere cessation of war meant that
much. To this point, Grenville declared the treaty " odi-
ous, " if the stipulation were interpreted to include Negroes
who sought British lines under the promise of freedom and
protection "on the basis of common morality." Great
Britain was not to be expected to execute a stipulation with
such an interpretation. Obviously, then, Great Britain
would not recede from her position. Citizens of America,
especially those deprived of their property, were beginning
to think that our diplomatic relations were not properly
taken care of by Jay. Expressions of disapproval of the
treaty by resolutions in the Senate evinced the temper of
the people. Jay, in the meantime was called "traitor";
his mission was declared a failure and the treaty was at-
tacked from many sides.
At this juncture special mention must be made of the
objections of the southerners on the ground that the treaty
did not provide for the return of their property, while the
objection of the North was not so pressing. In fact, north-
erners acquiesed in the opinion of Hamilton who had sub-
stantially the same view that Grenville had. 51 Thus we see
the first glimpse of the North becoming estranged from the
South because of the difference of opinion in regard to the
Negro.
The leading source of dissatisfaction of the treaty of
Jay seemed to be a failure to get compensation for the Ne-
groes carried away by Great Britain. The stipulation,
so American Historical Association Eeport, Vol. I, pp. 273-298.
si Annals of Congress ith Session, 1795-96, p. 1006.
THE KETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 407
moreover, was not definite, for many constructions could be
placed upon it. The words of the treaty, moreover, were
too vague and uncertain to express accurately the intention
of the signers. Whether Negroes whom the British carried
away could any longer be considered American property,
seemed to be the crux of the situation. Although no definite
settlement could be reached by the two nations, authorities
of international law 52 give the case to Great Britain. One
rule which was recognized by the foremost nations of the
world was to the effect that a slave escaping in war becomes
free. Concerning this Halleck says that such slaves cannot
be regained by their former masters. 53 Woolsey says that
"a slave sojourning to a free land cannot be treated as his
master's property as destitute of jural capacity." To the
same purport, Heffter says "in no case is a state bound to
allow the slavery which subsists in others." Dana, in his
edition of Wheaton's International Law supports this con-
tention. 54
Dissatisfied with results but not discouraged, however,
Washington appointed commissioners, December 7th, 1798,
to work with commissioners from Great Britain and pro-
ceed with the infractions of the treaty. A short time there-
after President Adams in an address to Congress, Novem-
ber 23, 1797, reported that several decisions on the claims
of citizens of the United States for losses and damages sus-
tained by reason of irregular and illegal captures or con-
demnations of their vessels or other property had been
made by the commissioners in London, conformably to the
Seventh Article of the Treaty. "The sums awarded by
the Commissioners," said he, "have been paid by the Brit-
ish Government; a considerable number of other claims
where costs and damages and not captured property were
the only objects in question have been decided by arbitra-
tion, and the sums awarded to the citizens of the United
States have also been paid." 55 These decisions served to
*2 Halleck, Elements of Law, p. 358.
Ibid., p. 359.
54Wheaton's Edition by Dana, page 441.
55 American State Papers Foreign Eelations, Vol. II, p. 46.
408 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
allay the discontent in America. Still later, Adams in-
formed Congress that "such progress had been made in the
examination and decision of cases . . . which were the sub-
ject of the Seventh Article that it is supposed the Commis-
sioners will be able to bring their business to a conclusion
in August of the ensuing year. ' >56
No account of the final settlement of these claims, how-
ever, is found in the sources. Dissatisfaction became more
intense. Claimants were pressing on all sides for a fair
compensation for the loss of their property. So serious
was the situation that the House of Representatives went
beyond its accustomed limitation and discussed in 1798 the
treaty-making power of the United States. Pressure had
been brought to bear upon the representatives of the people
because the Jay Treaty had been ratified by the President
and Senate and it did not contain a provision covering the
return of the Negroes.
Further efforts, nevertheless, were made to adjust the
differences between the two countries. They, however,
were of little avail. The Eepublican policy of Jefferson
which this country strictly followed from 1801 to 1809 had
as its basic principle that governments ought to do as little
as possible. Hence our army and navy were cut down to
the extent that the American Government could not assert
itself against foreign encroachment. Particularly in 1804
our relations with Great Britain became worse when the
Jay Treaty of 1794 by agreement was allowed to expire.
To compel Great Britain to come to terms Congress enacted
a non-important act which never had the desired effect.
Soon thereafter the continental system and the paper
blockade engaged the attention of the American Govern-
ment. Negotiations had failed. Great Britain would not
make a treaty. The accumulation of injuries called for
action of some kind. To yield and say nothing meant to
give up the rights of an independent nation. For this rea-
son Jefferson introduced in 1807 the Embargo with which
ss American State Papers Foreign Relations, Vol. II, p. 48.
THE RETUBN OF NEGRO SLAVES 409
he hoped to force France as well as Great Britain to come
to terms to recognize the United States as a "free sov-
ereign and independent nation." Meanwhile a spirit of
nationality was developing in the country. Soon thereafter
war was declared and waged against Great Britain to win
the respect and honor which every nation deserves.
^^-In this state of war the provisions of the Treaty of Paris
and the Jay Treaty were nullified. In response to an in-
quiry as to whether these treaties, so far as they were not
fully executed, terminated by the War of 1812, the British
Department of State in a communication replied that "with
respect to the treaties you are informed that they were
claimed by Great Britain at the conclusion of the Treaty of
Ghent to have terminated by the War of 1812."
Against this view the United States protested. In the
decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the
case of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel v. the
Town of New Haven, the view was expressed that pro-
visions of a treaty remain in full force in spite of war. 57
The general rule of inter-national law, however, is that war
terminates all subsisting treaties between the belligerent
powers. 58 The United States, moreover, soon acquiesed in
this view, for President Polk in his message to Congress,
December 7, 1847, said, "a state of war abrogates treaties
previously existing between the belligerents."* 9 Great Bri-
tain then was legally excused by the best authorities of the
world from executing fully the provisions of the Treaty of
1783 and the Jay Treaty of 1794.
As a result, the same policy in regard to the carrying
away of Negroes was followed during the War of 181 2. 60
While the British forces were occupying the forts and har-
bors of the United States, Negroes came within their pos-
session. Many were induced to run away while others
were captured in battles. From the Dauphin Islands-pos-
57 Moore, Digest of International Law, Vol. V, page 372.
ss Ibid., page 375.
59 Ibid., pp. 375-376.
6 <> American State Papers Foreign ^Relations, Vol. IV., p. 106.
410 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
sessions claimed to be without the limits of the newly ac-
quired Louisiana territory the British carried away slaves.
In fact, from whatever places the British occupied they
carried away Negroes. Many Negroes came also into the
possession of the British by the proclamation of Admiral
Cockrane of Great Britain, April 2, 1814, setting such loyal
adherents free. In effect, this proclamation extended an in-
vitation to all persons desiring to change their slave status.
Although the proclamation 01 did not specify the Negroes,
the meaning and object of Admiral Cochrane was evidently
to bring Negroes within the British lines. Many, to be
sure, responded to the proclamation. As many more, no
doubt, were carried away from the United States by the
British under the veil that they were captives in the war
and, therefore, no longer the property of American inhab-
itants.
With victory assured and the representatives of Great
Britain and America assembled in Ghent, July 11, 1814, one
of the first questions for the commissioners to consider was
evidently the return of the Negroes. This question had
primary consideration in the final draft of the Treaty of
Ghent. By the first article of the treaty it was provided that
"all possessions whatsoever taken by either party during
the war or which might have been taken after the signing
of this treaty shall be restored without delay and that these
61 This proclamation was:
' ' Whereas it has been represented to me that many persons now resident
in the United States have expressed a desire to withdraw therefrom, with a
view of entering his Majesty 's service, or of being received as Free Settlers in
some of his Majesty 's colonies
' ' This is therefore to give notice
' ' That all those who may be disposed to emigrate from the United States
will with their families be received on board his Majesty's ships or vessels of
war or at the military ports that may be established upon or near the coast of
the U. S. where they will have their choice of either entering his Majesty's sea
or land forces, or of being sent as Free Settlers to the British possessions in
North America or the West Indies where they will meet all due encouragement.
"Given under my hand at Bermuda this 2nd day of April, 1814.
"By Command of VICE ADMIRAL WILLIAM BALHETCHET
"ALEX. COCHRANE."
Niles Register, Vol. VI, p. 242.
THE RETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 411
possessions should not be destroyed. " It specified, more-
over, that artillery, public and private property, originally
captured in the forts of the United States should not be
carried away. 62
Negroes were carried away by the British forces after
the treaty was signed as well as before. In Georgia many
Negroes came into possession of the British at Cumberland
Island fortified by Admiral Cockburn. 63 In a letter dated
November 22, 1914, Joseph Cabell gave evidence to support
the above-mentioned facts when- he declared that he was on
board a British squadron in Lynnhaven Bay at the time
Major Thomas of York attempted to recover his Negroes,
who had gone off to the British and that the destination of
the Negroes on board the ships was a subject of curiosity
and concern. Soon, however, he learned that they were
to be sold in the Bahamas. 64 From another reliable source
comes the information that a shameful traffic had been car-
2 Article I, Treaty of Ghent:
' ' There shall be a firm and universal peace between His Britannic Majesty
and the United States, and between their respective countries, territories, cities,
towns, and people, of every degree, without exception of places or persons.
All hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease as soon as this treaty shall have
been ratified by both parties as hereinafter mentioned. All territory, places,
and possessions whatsoever 'taken by either party from the other during the war
or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty excepting only the is-
lands hereinafter mentioned, shall be restored without delay, and without caus-
ing any destruction or carrying away any of the artillery or other public prop-
erty originally captured in the said forts or places and which shall remain
therein upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or
other private property. And all archives, records, deeds, and papers, either of
a public nature, or (belonging to private persons which in the course of the
war may have fallen into the hands of the officers of either party, shall be as
far as may be practicable forthwith restored and delivered to the proper
authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the islands
on the Bay of Passama-Quoddy as are claimed by both parties shall remain in
the possession of the party in whose occupation they may be at the time of the
exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision respecting the
title to 'the said islands shall have been made in conformity with the fourth
article of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty as to such possession
of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, shall in any manner
whatever be construed to effect the right of either. ..."
3 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. Ill, p. 75C.
e* Ibid., Vol. Ill, page 751.
412 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
ried on in the West Indies. 65 Secretary Monroe presented
to the Senate, moreover, an affidavit of a Captain Williams
who had been a prisoner in the Bahamas for some time. In
this he declared that he had been present at the sale of Ne-
groes taken from the vicinity of Norfolk and Hampton.
"This affidavit, " said Monroe, "was voluntarily given and
the facts have been corroborated by a variety of circum-
stances. ' '
Such information was given in the Senate. In discuss-
ing the ratification of the treaty the Senate suggested that
commissioners be appointed to carry into effect the first
article. In line with this view John Quincy Adams, Henry
Clay, and Albert Gallatin were authorized to supervise the
execution of this article. In a communication to Secretary
Monroe, Feb. 23, 1815, the commissioners reported that "all
slaves and other private property are claimed to be deliv-
ered up. ' ' 66
So much progress in so short a time was remarkable.
To adjust all the claims in an amicable way would hardly
occur. It was soon learned by the commissioners that "all
slaves and other private property " were delivered up by
the British using as their guide a different construction of
Article I. "The construction/' Monroe said, "ignored
the distinction which existed between public and private
property." Had it been intended he continued, "to put
slaves and other private property on the same ground with
artillery and other public property the terms "originally
captured in the said forts or places which shall remain
therein on the exchange of the ratification of the Treaty "
would have followed at the end of the sentence after "slaves
and other private property. M6T With their construction,
he contended that both interests, the public and private
would have been subject to the same limitation. Besides,
Monroe held that the restrictive words immediately follow-
ing ' ' artillery and other public property ' ' was not intended
6* Moore 'a International Arbitration, page 350.
e Naval Chronicle, Vol. XXIV, page 213.
7 Moore's International Arbitration, p. 352.
THE EETUKN OF NEGRO SLAVES 413
to include the words " slaves and other private property. "
If "the slaves and other private property" are placed on
the same footing with artillery and other public property,
"the consequences must be that all will be carried away."
Monroe learned, furthermore, that Mr. Baker, Charge
D'affaires of Great Britain, had placed another construction
on Article I of the treaty. In this new construction he had
made a distinction between slaves who were in British ships
of war in American waters and those in the ports held by
British forces at the time of the exchange of ratifications. 08
Monroe and the commissioners, on the other hand, were of
the opinion that the United States was entitled to all slaves
in possession of the British forces within the limits of the
United States forts or British ships of war. Concerning
this opinion Baker wrote April 3, 1815, that it could not be
shown that Monroe's construction was sanctioned by the
words of the Article. ' ' If this construction had been known
then," he remarked, "we would have decidedly objected to
it and proposed others." 69
Accessible reports indicate that the governments of
Great Britain and the United States persisted in the con-
structions given by their respective representatives. Cla-
velle, the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in the
Chesapeake, claimed that the treaty meant only such slaves
or other private property should be delivered up as were
"originally captured in the forts or places to be restored."
In conformity with their construction of the Article, Cla-
velle refused furthermore to restore the slaves taken from
Tangier Islands, because they were not originally captured
there. The United States, on the other hand, was of the
opinion that the country was entitled to all slaves within its
limits on the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty.
The United States believed, finally, that the carrying away
of Negroes applied to both kinds of property because the
word was common to both descriptions.
By the usage of civilized nations in cases of invasion
s American State Papers, Vol. IV, p. 105.
Ibid., p. 108.
414 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
private property with the exception of maritime captures
was respected. This meant, in effect, that none could be
lawfully taken away. Influenced by this usage Great Bri-
tain receded from her position and declared that the claim
of the United States to indemnification for her slaves had
never been resisted. In the meantime Great Britain de-
clared April 10, 1816, that she could not consider any prop-
erty which had been previous to ratification of the treaty
removed on shipboard as "property forming a subject for
a claim of restoration or indemnification. " In spirit, these
two declarations were contradictory. Besides they made
the subject more difficult and puzzling.
In the meanwhile the work of the commissioners con-
tinued. In their efforts to take an inventory of the slaves
so that the claims might be adjusted, they encountered the
opposition of Clavelle and Cockburn. It was clearly evi-
dent that the efforts of the commissioners would be of no
avail. . More coercive means were necessary to settle such
an extended and controversial question. In a convention
of commerce between Great Britain and the United States
October 20, 1818, representatives realized that an agree-
ment in regard to the Negroes was hardly possible. The
representatives from the United States, therefore, offered
to refer the differences to some friendly sovereign or State
to be named for that purpose. They agreed further to con-
sider the decision of such a friendly sovereign or State to
be "final and conclusive." 70
Very soon thereafter the Emperor of Eussia offered to
use his good offices as mediator and after a short discussion,
his proposal was accepted. To this end there was con-
cluded on June 30, 1822, a convention in which the adjust-
ment of the claims for indemnity was left to a mixed com-
mission. This action was followed by desultory and ex-
tended discussions which terminated, nevertheless, in the
final disposition of the controversy. The point of difference
was decided in favor of the United States. In handing
TO American State Papers, Vol. IV, p. 126.
THE RETURX OF NEGRO SLAVES 415
down his decision the Emperor held that the limitations as
to the restitution of public property bore no relation to
private property. In effect, he said that the treaty pro-
hibited the carrying away of any private property whatever
from the places and territories stipulated in Article I of the
Treaty of Ghent. He contended that ' ' the United States was
entitled to consider as having been carried away all slaves
who had been transported from those territories on board
of English vessels within the waters of American territories
and who for that reason had not been restored." 71
In compliance with the decision of the Emperor of Rus-
sia a mixed commission, one commissioner and one arbi-
trator from Great Britain as w r ell as the United States met
July 30, 1822, at Washington, I). C., under the Emperor's
mediation. 72 For the United States Langdon Cheves was
the commissioner and Henry Sewell the arbitrator; for
Great Britain George Jackson was the commissioner and
John McTavish the arbitrator. George Hay was appointed,
also, by the President of the United States to give such in-
formation and support that might be needed since indi-
vidual claimants could not be present. The purpose of the
commission was to prove the average value of the Negroes
at the time of the ratification of the treaty and to deter-
mine the validity of individual claims. In the event no
agreement could be reached recourse was had to the Em-
peror of Russia whose decision would be "final and con-
clusive. " This action was insisted upon by America,
whereas Great Britain persisted in refusing to submit such
matters to the Emperor. Their progress, as a result, was
not very marked. In considering the "definitive lists" 73 of
claims these commissioners encountered many more doubt-
ful and intricate problems. Claims not contained in this
list were not to be taken cognizance of; nor was the British
government required to make compensation for them. With
71 Moore's International Arbitration, p. 36r>.
TS American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. V, p. 214.
73 Maryland, 714; Va., 1721; S. C., 10; Ga., 833; La., 259; Miss., 22: Del..
2; Ala,, 18. D. C., 3 page 801, Vol. V, American State Papers.
416 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
respect to compensation, Great Britain promised to pro-
duce all evidence which was in the possession of her naval
and military officers concerning the number of slaves car-
ried away. It was provided by the commission that no
payment was to be made within twelve months. September
11, 1822, the board unanimously agreed on the average
value of slaves as follows :
Each slave from Louisiana $580
Each slave from Georgia, South Carolina, Alabama 390
Each slave from Maryland, Virginia and other States 280
The next difficulty of the board occurred in regard to
the allowance of interest on claims. Concerning this point,
Cheves held that a reasonable compensation for the injury
sustained should have been granted. "A just compensa-
tion, " said Cheves, "is the reestablishment of the thing
taken away with an equivalent for the use of it during the
period of detention. " In reply to this Jackson held that
the convention of 1822 did not grant the commissioners the
power to fix interests and, besides, that interests not being
a part of the debt could not be allowed. Kealizing the
futility of his claims Cheves offered to submit the difference
to arbitration, but Jackson declined.
Equally difficult questions arose in regard to the slaves
taken away from Dauphin Island in Mobile Bay. 74 This
island, controlled by the British during the war, was later
surrendered to the United States. Concerning this Jack-
son held that it was not legally at the time of the ratifica-
tions of the treaty a part of the United States, that is, it
was not a part of Louisiana but belonged to West Florida,
which was not ceded to the United States until 1819. 75 In
regard to this Cheves offered to refer these claims to arbi-
tration, but in this view Jackson refused to acquiesce. The
situation did not become any better even when Eufus King
was sent as our minister to England to succeed Henry Clay
who became John Quincy Adams's Secretary of State.
T* Moore, International Arbitration, p. 377.
Ibid., p. 377.
THE RETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 417
Continued disagreement of the representatives of Great
Britain and the United States resulted. Their failure to
agree upon the provisions of the Convention of 1822 that
matters under dispute be referred to arbitration made the
work of this convention of little avail. Clay's offer of
settlement was not favorably received in Great Britain.
As to a basis of compromise, Clay said that the " total num-
ber of slaves on the definitive list was 3,601 ; that the entire
value of all the property for which the indemnity was
claimed including interest might be stated at $2,693,120. "
Eealizing that this large sum would never be secured, Clay
suggested that $1,151,800 might be used as the minimum in
the negotiation. He used as a guide the fact that Parlia-
ment had appropriated 250,000 pounds to cover the awards
of the commission. This sum, Mr. King observed also, was
nearly the sum mentioned as a minimum by Clay in his in-
structions to him. Even with this information, the commis-
sioners made little progress.
On the other hand, Mr. Vaughan, the British Envoy at
Washington, said April 12, 1826, "that His Majesty's Gov-
ernment regretted to find themselves under the absolute
impossibility of accepting the terms of compromise offered
by the envoy from the United States in London. " He did
not admit, moreover, that the question of interest should be
referred to arbitration, but maintained that the demand
was unwarranted by the convention and unfounded by the
Law Officers of the Crown. 76 In reply to his observation,
Clay informed Vaughan of the fact that Great Britain's
representatives had refused to refer many questions to arbi-
tration and that if this refusal to cooperate in this regard
should be upheld it would virtually be making him the final
judge of every question of difference that arose in the joint
commission. 77 This disagreement continued until 1825,
when the commissioners met to collect and weigh evidence.
Soon thereafter, Albert Gallatin, who had been appointed
American State Papers, Foreign Eelations, Volume VI, page 344; 746.
77 Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 746.
418 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
Envoy of the United States to London, was authorized to
treat with Canning on the oft-discussed question. During
the first interview he discovered that, while there was a
great reluctance to recede from the ground already taken
by Jackson, there was also a disposition to settle that con-
troversy. 78 Following the instructions given to King, Gal-
latin used the 250,000 pounds as the basis of settlement.
This sum he was authorized to accept. He, however, did
not make this offer known immediately but waited for the
formal offer of $1,200,000 from the British Government ; and
in conformity with his instruction of a later date, Gallatin
offered as an ultimatum an acceptance of $1,204,960, which
the British Government reluctantly agreed to pay. 79
On November 13, 1826, a convention to carry out this
agreement was concluded. The amount specified above was
to cover all claims under the award of the Emperor of Kussia.
It provided, moreover, that the money was to be paid in
Washington, in the current money of the United States, in
two installments; the first twenty days after the British
Minister in the United States should have been officially
notified of the ratifications of the convention, and the sec-
ond August 1, 1827. In this way the convention of 1822
was annulled, save as to the two articles relating to the
average value of slaves which had been carried into effect,
and as to the third article as related to the definitive list
which had also been carried out. 80 This ended the work of
the board. After ratification had been exchanged the board
adjourned, March 26, 1827.
This left one more matter to be disposed of, that of
executing the provisions of the commission of 1826. In
compliance with this Congress passed an act, March 2,
1827, to carry out this agreement. 81 A convention was
thereby called to meet in Washington July 10th and pro-
ceed with the consideration of claims, "allowing such fur-
78 American State Papers, Foreign Eelations, Vol. VI, p. 348.
Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 352.
so Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 372.
si Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 339
THE RETURN OF NEGRO SLAVES 419
ther time for the production of evidence as they should
think just." As soon as the claims were validated and the
principal amounts ascertained seventy-five per cent of the
principal was paid with the explanation that when all claims
were settled, the other twenty-five per cent would be paid,
if the fund permitted it. If it did not, then the remainder
would be distributed in proportion to the sums awarded.
In these negotiations, Langdon Cheves and Henry Sewell,
who had only recently represented the United States in
London, together with James Pleasants of Virginia, were
appointed commissioners. They considered not only the
claims on the definitive list but also those deposited in the
Department of State and which had not been previously
adjusted.
The conflicting interests of payments and the inconclu-
sive evidence which were presented made the work of this
convention more difficult. The records were very poor and
contained little of the information desired. For this reason
many claims were denied ; especially was this true in Mary-
land and Virginia. 82 Many of the claimants of other States
nevertheless were compensated. Seventy-five per cent was
granted them, the sum totalling $600,000 being paid. This
condition of affairs caused a clash among the 1,100 claim-
ants, 700 of whose petitions on the definitive list were ex-
amined. Many other claimants were seeking evidence to
secure compensation. They were not successful, however,
for Cheves opposed the admission of hearsay testimony as
well as the testimony of slaves. Well informed as to the
progress of the commission, Congress passed an act May
15, 1828, 83 specifying August 31st as the last day on which
the commission would meet. Of that entire amount awarded
$1,197,422.18 had been paid to the claimants. The remain-
ing sum was "distributed and paid ratably," to all the
claimants to whom compensation had been made. The work
of the Convention of 1827 thus ended.
ARNETT G. LINDSAY
&2 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. VI, page 855.
83 Four Statutes at Large, page 269.
THE NEORO IN POLITICS 1
A treatise on the Negro in politics since the emancipa-
tion of the race may be divided into three periods ; that of
the Reconstruction, when the Negroes in connection with
the interlopers and sympathetic whites controlled the
Southern States, the one of repression following the resto-
ration of the radical whites to power, and the new day when
the Negro counts as a figure in politics as a result of his
worth in the community and his ability to render the parties
and the government valuable service.
While the echoes of the Civil War were dying away, the
South attempted to reduce the Negro to a position of peon-
age by the passage of the black codes. Many northern men
led by Sumner and Stevens, who at first tried to secure the
cooperation of the best whites, became indignant because of
this attitude of the South and were reduced to the neces-
sity of forcing Negro suffrage upon the South at the point
of the bayonet, believing that the only way to insure the
future welfare of the Negro was to safeguard it by giving
him the ballot. Under the protection of these military gov-
ernments, the Negroes and certain more or less fortunate
whites gained political control. The southern white men,
weary and disgusted because of the outcome of their at-
tempts at secession, maintained an attitude of sullenness
and indifference toward the new regime and accordingly
offered at first very little opposition to the Negro control of
politics. The Negroes, upon their securing the right of
suffrage, however, turned at once to their former masters
i This article was written under the direction of Dr. C. G. Woodson, under
whom the writer prosecuted various courses in history during the year 1919-
1920 at Howard University. The writer is indebted to him for valuable sug-
gestions and many important facts which Dr. Woodson incorporated into the
dissertation before publishing it. The writer was aided too by suggestions and
facts obtained from Mr. W. T. Andrews, the editor of the Baltimore Herald,
Professor Kelly Miller, and Mr. A. Phillips Eandolph, of New York City.
420
THE NEGKO IN POLITICS 42)
for political leadership, 2 but the majority of these southern
gentlemen refused to "lower their dignity " by political
association with the Negroes. The few southern gentlemen
who did affiliate with the Negroes were dubbed ' ' scalawags ' '
by their former friends and cast out of southern society.
The Negroes were then forced, because of the lack of
cooperation on the part of the southern whites, to accept
the leadership of certain northern men who came South for
the sole purpose of personal gain and exploitation. These
men were in some cases of an extremely low order and
were in a large measure responsible for the corruption of
Eeconstruction days. They were contemptuously called
" carpetbaggers " by the southern whites because they were
so poor that they could carry all of their possessions in a
carpet bag. Some of these white men were conscientious,
however, and served these States honorably. Most Negroes,
therefore, were under the leadership of these three elements :
southern men who were regarded by their neighbors as men
of the lowest possible order, unscrupulous adventurers
from the North, and some intelligent members of their own
race like B. K. Bruce, John R. Lynch, R. B. Elliot, and John
M. Langston. This ill-assorted group of politicians recon-
structed the Southern States.
The wisdom of this policy has been widely questioned.
From the point of view of most white men studying Recon-
struction history this effort to make the Negro a factor in
politics was a failure, the elimination of the Negro from
politics was just, and the rise of the Negro to political
power even today is viewed with alarm. The opinions of
the biased historians in this field will be interesting. Sev-
eral writers refer to the Negro carpet bag movement as an
effort to found commonwealths upon the votes of an igno-
rant Negro electorate, as working an injustice both to the
whites and the blacks in that it made the South solidly
democratic. 3 J. Gr. de R. Hamilton, exaggerating the actual
2 The Journal of Negro History, Vol. V, pp. 110-111.
s Eckenrode, Political History of Virginia during Eeconstruction, pp. 127,
128, and Thompson, Eeconstruction in Georgia, p. 400.
422 JOURNAL OF NEGKO HISTORY
basis of Keconstruction in the southern commonwealths,
which were never fully controlled by the Negroes, speaks of
the work as having left as a legacy "a protest against any-
thing that might threaten a repetition of the past, when
selfish politicians, backed up by the Federal Government,
for party purposes, attempted to Africanize the State and
deprive the people through misrule and oppression of most
that life held dear/' 4 John W. Burgess calls the effort an
"extravagant humanitarianism which had developed in the
minds of the Reconstruction leaders to the point of justify-
ing, not only the political equality of the races but the
political superiority at least in loyalty to the Union, the
constitution and republican government, of the uncivilized
Negroes of the South/' 5 Burgess sees justice in subject-
ing the inferior to the superior class but none in subjecting
the superior to the inferior.
Of these radical utterances historians need take but little
notice. They are of value here for the reason that they
show the lack of scientific Reconstruction history. No intel-
ligent man who lived through this stormy period or who
has read documents bearing on its history will contend that
these commonwealths were Africanized merely because the
Negroes along with the formerly disfranchised and ignorant
poor whites were given the right of suffrage. It will be
difficult to prove that the majority of poor whites in the
South were at this time sufficiently intelligent and experi-
enced in statecraft to give those commonwealths a much
better government than that administered by the Negroes
and " Carpet baggers"; for the South had been ruled by
few aristocratic families, most of whom because of partici-
pation in the Civil War, could not on the cessation of hos-
tilities be given the reins of government. A few who had
not had any such connection with the Confederacy haughtily
refused to cooperate with the Negroes in the reconstruction
of these governments, although they were persistently in-
4 Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina, p. 607.
5 Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, p. 218.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 423
vited by the Negroes who were thus advised by Thaddeus
Stevens and Charles Sumner, who showed foresight in try-
ing to secure the cooperation of the best white element in
the South. 6 These statesmen, however, are generally sland-
ered by uninformed writers who contend that Sumner and
Stevens did not thus proceed. The Negroes not only sought
the leadership of the whites but showed unusual humane-
ness toward their poverty-stricken former masters by pass-
ing, as they did in South Carolina, stay laws to postpone the
payment of their many war debts secured by mortgages on
their property.
Statistics show, moreover, that with the exception of
South Carolina and Mississippi, no State and not even any
department of a State government was ever dominated alto-
gether by Negroes. The Negroes never wanted and never
had complete control in the Southern States. 7 The most
important offices were generally held by white men. Only
two Negroes ever served in the United States Senate, Hiram
B. Bevells and B. K. Bruce; and only twenty ever became
Representatives in the House : and all of these did not serve
at the same time, although some of them were elected for
more than one term.
The charge that the men who were elected to office by
the Negroes were always of the most debased and degen-
erate type is untrue. Because of the refusal of the southern
aristocracy to cooperate with them, however, the Negroes
were forced to elect such men as they were able to secure.
Numerous promising and respectable whites who were
elected to office by the Negroes, became corrupt and un-
principled on account of the treatment tendered them by the
aristocratic whites. From among the Negroes themselves,
the very best men available w r ere chosen to hold offices.
Among these were former slaves who had been made trust-
worthy servants of their masters and free Negroes who had
c The Journal of Negro History, Vol. V, pp. 110-111.
7 This statement is based on information obtained from numerous partici-
jiants in the Reconstruction of the Southern States. Among these are John R.
Lynch, Thomas E. Miller, T. T. Allain, and P. B. S. Pinchback.
I
424 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
received some education. Some of these Negroes served in
their official capacity with honor and credit. A number of
them were also respected by certain fairminded southern
whites. 8
Numerous examples of the high regard which the whites
of certain communities had for the Negro leaders can be
cited. Samuel J. Lee, of Charleston, South Carolina, was
considered by his white contemporaries as one of the best
criminal lawyers which the State had produced. At his
death all local courts were declared adjourned and the
entire city paid him homage. The late Bishop Isaac Clin-
ton served, as Treasurer of Orangeburg, South Carolina,
for eight years. Like Mr. Lee, he was held in high esteem
by his white neighbors and upon the occasion of his funeral,
the business of the community was suspended as a mark of
respect to his memory. In certain communities, as in South
Carolina, some Negroes were, retained as office holders for
a number of years after the supremacy of the Democratic
party was assured. In Georgetown, South Carolina, Mr.
George Harriot was Superintendent of Education for the
county for years under the Democratic party. Beaufort,
South Carolina, retained Negroes as sheriffs and school
officials until a few years ago. 9
J. T. White, Commissioner of Public Works and Inter-
nal Improvements in the State of Arkansas; M. W. Gibbs,
Municipal judge in Little Eock, and J. C. Corbin, State
Superintendent of Schools in the same State, had records
equally as creditable. The same may be said of F. L. Car-
doza, State Treasurer of South Carolina, Richard T.
Greener, a professor in the University of that common-
wealth, Oscar Dunn, Lieutenant-Governor of Louisiana and
P. B. S. Pinchback, Acting Governor of that State. 10 The
record of Dubuclet, according to Dr. Woodson, should re-
s This is the testimony of white persons obtained by the writer.
8 These facts were obtained through Mr. W. T. Andrews who lived in
South Carolina.
10 Simmons, Men of Mark, pp. 113, 829, 948, 1023; Woodson, A Century
of Negro Migration, pp. 124-125.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 425
ceive special mention. In contradistinction to the rule of
stealing from the public treasury, this man who served as
Treasurer of the State of Louisiana even after the other de-
partments of the government had been taken from the Ne-
groes, in as much as the term of service of the Treasurer
was six years rather than four, was investigated with a
view to finding out some act of misuse of the public funds
that he might be impeached and thrown out of office. The
committee, of which E. D. White, now Chief Justice of the
United States Supreme Court, was chairman, reported after
much deliberation that Dubuclct's funds had been honestly
handled and that there were no grounds on which proceed-
ings against him could be instituted. 11
Despite the above mentioned instances of commendable
Negro officials, however, the majority of the Negro func-
tionaries were incompetent and as a result these govern-
ments could but collapse. The charge of corruption laid at
the door of the Negro carpetbagger governments is to a
large extent true. The corruption resulted largely from the
work of the interlopers from the North and the " scala-
wags, " using the Negroes to reach their own personal ends.
In some of this corruption, however, the Negro was an apt
scholar and freely participated. The Negroes were not as
a whole prepared for the political privileges which were
vouchsafed to them and they were to a large extent under
the wrong sort of leadership. It is equally true, however,
that governments were corrupt throughout the United
States at this period. The Reconstruction period was one
of corruption and if the Negro governments were of a lower
order than a few others, they were not far out of accord
with the times. The white people, who assumed control
of the government on overthrowing the Eeconstruction
regime, instituted in several States a rule of corruption
surpassing even that of their predecessors. Coming back
into office like hungry persons who had been exposed to
11 Report of Joint Committee to Investigate the Treasurer 's Office, State
of Louisiana, to the General Assembly, 1877, pp. 7-12. Majority Report; Jour-
nal of Negro History, Vol. II, pp. 77-78.
426 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
the cold atmosphere of an exile, the radical whites filled
their purses from the coffers of the public treasury and de-
faulted to the amount of thousands of dollars which the tax
payers have had to replace in the years thereafter. 12 The
disgraces of Reconstruction, therefore, have been exag-
geratingly flaunted by the South for the same purpose that
it proclaims the widespread false charge of rape of the
present day to justify the persecution of the Negro for
being "unusually criminal. "
The Negro was finally driven from southern politics
through violence and fraud. The chief agent of the south-
ern whites in accomplishing this was a secret organization
known as the Ku Klux Klan. This organized mob killed
off or drove the leading " Carpetbaggers " out of the South
and intimidated the Negroes into submission by perpetrat-
ing numerous outrages upon them. After the whites re-
gained control of the government, through their agents of
terror the political ascendancy of the Negro was at end.
The unscrupulous northern friends of the Negro having
discovered that they could no longer successfully exploit
them, therefore, abandoned them in the midst of their
calamity. The whites proceeded to solidify the Democratic
party and to eliminate the Negro entirely from politics in
the South. .
Politically, however, Reconstruction was in several re-
spects a success. In the first place, the reconstructed gov-
ernments wore democratic, lifting a standard that the back-
ward commonwealths of the South must still struggle for
years to reach. In this social upheaval the poor white man
was politically emancipated by receiving the boon of suf-
frage theretofore restricted to persons owning property and
given a free and open door to office holding, which, under
the old regime had been restricted to the few aristocrats
dominating the country and State governments. These Ne-
groes gave the South its improved judicial system and did
their work so well in framing some of the constitutions that
12 Lynch, Facts of Reconstruction, ch. III. Jowrnal of Negro History,
Vol. II, p. 30.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 427
many of them with the exception of the clauses antagonistic
to the Negro remained about as they were for many years.
Although the Democrats got control of the State in 1877,
the constitution of South Carolina of 18G8 was not changed
materially until 1893.
The Negro as a factor in reconstruction, moreover, in-
stituted education at the expense of the public. Through
the establishment of public schools with well equipped build-
ings and prepared teachers they removed from that system
the stigma formerly attached to persons 13 educating their
children at public expense. They, therefore, made of edu-
cation a foundation upon which real democracy must build.
It is only short sightedness on the part of writers to infer
that because the Negro was in a few years thereafter de-
prived of the ballot that the good work which was done
during the years that they were permitted to participate in
the affairs of these States could be so easily overthrown,
especially so when this progressive part of the program of
the reconstructed governments which the restored whites at
first abandoned has later been taken up and carried out.
Although weakened by the reaction of the North against
the methods employed by politicians in maintaining the re-
constructed governments at the South, which moved Presi-
dent Hayes to withdraw the troops from that area, the Ne-
groes were still of some concern to the Republicans. To
retain their support the Republicans often spoke of foisting
upon the South the Force Bill to guarantee fair elections
but rather abandoned the Negro to the fate of working out
his own salvation with his oppressors. In all of the cam-
paigns up to 1888 there was the usual waving of the "bloody
shirt" to array the Negro against the South and of urging
the Negro to vote the Republican ticket to pay the debt he
owed the party for his freedom, hypocritically threatening
also to undo many of the things which had been done to the
Negro since Reconstruction. There was no sincerity in
is Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi; Woodson, The Education of the
Negro Prior to 1861, p. 17.
428 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
these vote-getting declarations, however, and the Negro in
the South remained politically doomed.
Nothing will better bring out this treatment of the Negro
by the Eepublican party than a study of the consideration
given the race in the various platforms of that party fol-
lowing the Civil war. The Kepublicans in the convention
of 1868 declared themselves in sympathy with all oppressed
peoples struggling for their rights and recognized the prin-
ciples laid down in the Declaration of Independence as a
true foundation of democratic government. That same
year, however, the Democratic party recognized the ques-
tion of slavery and secession as having been settled but
denounced Negro supremacy. 14
In 1872 the platform of the Eepublican party was some-
what more outspoken. It carried a reference to the sup-
pression of the rebellion, the emancipation of four million
slaves, the grant of equal citizenship and the establishment
of universal suffrage. It said, moreover, that "neither law
nor its administration should attempt any discrimination in
respect to citizens by reason of race, creed, color, or previous
condition of servitude. 15 The Liberal Eepublicans, rallying
in a different quarter that year, declared in their platform
their belief in the equality of all men before the law and the
duty of the government in all its dealings with the people
to mete out equal and exact justice to all of whatever nativ-
ity, race, color or persuasion, religious or political. The
Liberal Eepublicans pledged themselves to maintain the
union of States, emancipation, and enfranchisement and to
oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thir-
teenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments of the Con-
stitution. They advocated the removal of the disabilities of
Confederates, the establishment of civil government at the
South, universal amnesty, and impartial suffrage. 16
In 1876 the Negro was given further mention by the
various parties. The Prohibitionists took the lead in the
i Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, 260.
is Ibid, 291.
Ibid., 287.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 429
declaration for equal suffrage and eligibility to office with-
out distinction of race, religious creed, property or sex. 17
The Eepublicans referred in their platform to the perma-
nent restoration of the southern section to the Union and
the complete protection of all citizens in the free enjoyment
of all their rights as an issue to which the Eepublican party
stood sacredly pledged. "The power to provide for the
enforcement of the principles embodied by the recent con-
stitutional amendments, ' ' continues the platform, ' ' is vested
by those amendments in the Congress of the United States,
and we declare it to be a solemn obligation of the legislative
and executive departments of government to put into imme-
diate and vigorous exercise all their constitutional powers
for removing any just cause of discontent on the part of
any class, and for securing to every American citizen com-
plete liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil,
political, and public rights. To this end we imperatively
demand a congress and a chief executive whose courage and
fidelity to these duties are placed beyond dispute or
recall" 18
The National Democratic platform of that year, how-
ever, spoke for the democracy of the whole country and de-
clared its faith in the permanence of the Federal Union, and
devotion to the Constitution of the United States with its
amendments universally accepted as a final settlement of
the controversies that engendered the Civil War; but took
a bold stand for reform as necessary to rebuild and estab-
lish in the hearts of the whole people of the Union eleven
years ago happily rescued from the danger of a secession
of States but now to be severed from a corrupt centralism
wjiich after inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of carpet
bag tyrannies, had "honey-combed the offices of the Federal
government itself with the contagion of misrule and locked
fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the paralysis
of hard times. " 19
17 Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, 310.
is Ibid., 316, 317, 318.
430 JOUBNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
In 1880 The Kepublican party made no particular men-
tion of the grievances of the Negroes but recited its record
in suppressing the rebellion, reconstructing the Union with
freedom instead of slavery as its corner stone, the trans-
formation of four million human beings from the likeness
of things to the rank of citizens and removing Congress
from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves and
charging it to see that slavery shall not exist. It declared,
moreover, that the South must be divided by the peaceful
agencies of the ballot that all opinions might there find free
expression and to this end the honest voter must be pro-
tected against terrorism, violence or fraud. 20
In 1884 there was no specific reference to the Negro
unless it be found in the statement that the Republican
party had gained its strength by " quick and faithful re-
sponse to the demands of the people for the freedom and
equality of all men ; for a united nation, assuring the rights
of all citizens/' 21 The platform of the Democratic party
carried a declaration equally as emphatic in that it said,
"the preservation of personal rights; the equality of all
citizens before the law; the reserved rights of the States
and the supremacy of the Federal government within the
limits of the constitution will ever form the true basis of
our liberties." It further said; "Asserting the equality of
all men before the law, we hold that it is the duty of the
government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out
equal and exact justice to all citizens, of whatever nativity,
race, color, or persuasion, religious or political." 22
Giving some impetus to the movement for woman suf-
frage which the Republicans had by various platforms
theretofore encouraged, the Prohibitionists carried in their
platform in 1888 the declaration that the right of suffrage
rests on no mere circumstance of race, color, sex or nation-
ality and that "where, from any cause, it has been held
from citizens who are of suitable age and mentally and
20 Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, 356, 359.
21 Ibid., 387.
22 Ibid., 393, 396.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 431
morally qualified for the exercise of an intelligent ballot, it
should be restored by the people through the legislature of
the several States, on such basis as they may deem wise. 23
To protect the Negroes in their political rights, however,
the Federal Government as administered by the Eepublican
party during these years furnished little encouragement,
through its much talked of enforcement of the Fourteenth
and Fifteenth Amendments. Bills providing for adequate
military protection of the Negroes at the polls were enacted
but the Supreme Court of the United States declared that
the Federal Government did not possess the authority to re-
strain mobs from interfering with elections. The Supreme
Court conceded that the Fifteenth Amendment forbade the
denial of the right to vote by any State on account of race,
color, or previous condition of servitude, but easily conceded
that no violation of this amendment could occur when a
hostile mob excluded Negroes from the polls. Yet although
the mob thus quickly triumphed in undoing the democratic
reforms of Reconstruction, the South hoped thereafter to
reach the same end by imposing on the Negroes a legal dis-
ability; for the Fifteenth Amendment did not assert the
right of the Negro to vote. It merely said that suffrage
could not be denied on account of race, color, or previous
condition of servitude. As the Negro was generally poor
and in the midst of the economic depression of the South too
often had to wander from place to place to seek a livelihood,
he could be easily eliminated by the poll tax, the resident re-
quirement, and educational tests.
Thus it happened. Mississippi under its new constitu-
tion in 1890 eliminated the Negro and in the next twenty
years all of the cotton States except Florida and Texas fol-
lowed its example. Arkansas based the franchise on a one
year poll tax in 1893; South Carolina required residence,
enrollment, and poll tax in 1895 ; Delaware adopted an edu-
cational test in 1897, Louisiana resorted to the same test
and poll tax in 1898 and North Carolina fell in line in 1900.
23 Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, 432.
432 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
Alabama established the residence, registry and poll tax
requirement in 1901; and Virginia, Georgia and Oklahoma
based suffrage on property, literacy or poll tax in 1902,
1908, and 1910 respectively. As these measures bore heavily
also upon certain ignorant whites they were relieved of this
disability by the "Grandfather Clause " specifying that the
persons deprived by these regulations of the right to vote
might be placed upon the roll of voters if they had exer-
cised this privilege before the year 1867 or were descended
from such voters. This was essentially the clause adopted
in North Carolina, Alabama, Virginia, and Georgia. 24 The
Supreme Court, however, has declared the "Grandfather
Clause" a violation of the Fifteenth Amendment.
During the campaigns after 1888 the Eepublican party
made no special mention of the Negro as it had formerly
and did not show any inclination to shoulder the grievances
of the race. At this time the Eepublicans were face to face
with a large element of political reformers led by the Demo-
crats who, prior to the campaign of 1884 had carried Penn-
sylvania and New York and made such other inroads in
northern strongholds as to convince the leaders of the Ee-
publican party that the Negro issue and the "bloody shirt"
would no longer suffice to hold those voters who had been
won by the intelligent appeal for deliverance from the cor-
rupt practices in the local and national governments. This
movement culminated in the election of Grover Cleveland
in 1884 and in his election the second time in 1892.
To attach Negroes to their cause, to be sure, the Ee-
publicans were very deferential to them in the national
conventions, where they were of much service in naming
candidates for the national ticket although they could not
vote in the South and were not sufficiently numerous in the
North to be a large factor at the polls. At the convention
in 1884, the national committee had named ex-Senator
Powell Clayton of Arkansas as temporary chairman of the
convention, an arrangement which was supposed to be in
24 Thorpe, Federal and State Constitutions; Paxson, The New Nation, p. 199.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 433
the interest of Mr. Elaine. The young men of the party led
by Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Koosevelt effected the
nomination from the floor of John E. Lynch, a distinguished
man of color of Mississippi, and the vote by delegates
elected him to the position by 431 to 387 given to Mr. Clay-
ton. 25 Frederick Douglass received one vote for the nomi-
nation for President in 1888. 26
After the complete undoing of the Keconstruction the
Negroes were at a loss politically. A number of the fore-
most Negro politicians, among whom were Frederick Doug-
lass, John E. Lynch, B. K. Bruce, John M. Langston, John
C. Dancy, and a few others, were given positions in the
service of the Federal Government of high sounding titles
and little importance, such as Eegistrar of the Treasury,
Eecorder of Deeds, Auditor of the Navy and diplomatic
posts in Negro countries. A greater number of Negroes
found an outlet in the civil service. Even up until the
present day it is an ardent desire of the Negro to obtain a
civil service appointment. In these positions the Negroes
were able to earn a comparatively easy living but were not
able to do anything constructive for the uplift of their
people.
The Negroes, however, had continued to support the
Eepublican party to the full extent of their strength. But it
soon became clear that the support of Negro leaders was
little more than an effort directed toward obtaining a few
unimportant offices. The Eepublicans, having long since
discovered that the Negro vote of most communities can be
changed neither to harm nor to help them, have consequently
ceased to consider the danger of losing their support of
great import. The Democratic party, moreover, has con-
tinued almost unswervingly its attitude of aloofness from
the Negro. The onesidedness of the Negro vote has been
declared by some Negroes to be the cause of its non-im-
portance. With this political view some few of them have
25 Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, pp. 385-386; Paxson, The
New Nation, p. 128.
26 Stanwood, A History of Presidential Elections, p. 447.
434 JOURNAL, OF NEGRO HISTORY
allied themselves with the Democratic party, feeling that
the division of the Negro 's vote may work an improvement
in his political status. Because of ex-President Taft's atti-
tude of indifference toward the Negroes a number of the
Negro politicians supported Roosevelt's party in 1912 and
many voted for Wilson in 1916.
With the Negro in this weak position, however, there
developed in the South a movement to remove from the Re-
publican party the stigma of its connection with the Negro
by eliminating the members of that race from the circles of
control in the South. This movement has been generally
known as a "Lily-Whiteism." For the last twenty-five
years, therefore, there have come to the National Republi-
can Conventions from the various Southern States contest-
ing delegations, one white and the other black, each one
claiming to be the properly accredited representative of the
Republican party in the State concerned. In some States
the "Lily- Whites" have actually held conventions from
which the Negroes were excluded or which they were not
permitted to attend. Because of the difficulty of making
good their claim as properly accredited delegates they have
abandoned this method for the subterfuge of holding their
conventions in hotels or other exclusive places which Ne-
groes, because of the social proscription of the race, are
prohibited from entering by an already well established un-
written law.
As a matter of fact the Republican party in such com-
monwealths no longer exists and these delegates whether
white or black represent merely rotten boroughs. As they
are of use, however, in selecting the candidate to be nomi-
nated for president, the administration has been very re-
luctant to interfere with the proposed reform in these quar-
ters for the reason that such delegates are usually made up
of persons appointed by the President of the United States
to Federal positions in the South. As the President usually
desires to be reelected and can control such a coterie, it has
been very difficult to find one with the courage to give his
influence in the direction of reform.
THE NEGRO IN POLITICS 435
Early in the winter of the year when the president is to
be nominated, persons supporting the administration usu-
ally visit the South laying plans for lining up these pro-
spective delegates. Politicians interested in other candi-
dates make similar tours through the South sometimes lav-
ishly handling funds to the extent of buying up delegates.
As the whites are in a much better position to secure the
few Federal appointments allotted in the South, after the
election, since the abandonment of the policy of appointing
Negroes to these positions, the Negroes have usually ex-
acted a much larger compensation for their services in the
pre-convention struggle than whites have required, thus
shamelessly disgracing themselves in the eyes of those who
would expect the leaders of the race to play a more honor-
able role.
There are in certain sections of the South a number of
men who devote all of their time to electing these delegates
for service in these conventions and- secure therefor ade-
quate remuneration for a livelihood from administration to
administration. The pliant Negro delegates at the conven-
tion in Chicago in 1908 and 1912 were unequal to the task
of nominating a progressive candidate because of their
machine like attachment to the candidacy of William How-
ard Taft, whom the American people would not accept.
The Negro delegates, however, did much better in the con-
vention of 1916 and still further improved by the time of the
conventions of 1920, when it was impossible for any pre-
convention arrangement or plan to be so carried out that
any candidate could come to the convention saying that he
had the Negroes to vote in any particular way. It is en-
couraging, moreover, to add that numbers of these dele-
gates had received no funds from any quarter whatever, but
along with white men promoting their party had contributed
to the campaign funds and had paid their own expenses to
the convention. They were, therefore, given a more dig-
nified position in the management of the party affairs and
were in many respects shown the same consideration as that
436 JOURNAL OF NEGBO HISTORY
given the white delegates, serving on various important
committees and placed in strategic positions in the manage-
ment of the campaign without regard to color.
In drawing to a close this discussion of the Negro in
politics I wish to accentuate the fact that while the Negro
is at present practically a political nonentity, he is yet po-
tent, as is illustrated in various parts of the country. For
example, at present there are two Negro councilmen in
Chicago, two aldermen in New York, one assemblyman in
New York, two councilmen in Baltimore, three Negro mem-
bers in the West Virginia legislature, one in the Califor-
nia legislature, and one in the Indiana legislature. In sev-
eral of the cities of the North there is such a large Negro
population and so much appreciation among the Negroes
of their political power that they are now launching a
movement to nominate and elect members of their race to
represent them in Congress. It is likely that this may soon
be effected in Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia.
NORMAN P. ANDREWS
HENEY BIBB, A COLONIZEE
The underground railroad has been characterized by one
historian of the Negro race as a "safety valve to the insti-
tution of slavery " since it tended to remove from the slave
States those Negroes whose special abilities and leadership
might have,involved them in insurrections. 1 Their abilities
frequently found an outlet in another land, under different
conditions and in an entirely orderly way. Negroes who
fled to Canada were given considerable material aid by the
government of Canada and treated with sympathy by its
people. Their own leaders, however, played no small part
in the progress that they made in the British provinces and
the names of Josiah Henson, Martin R. Delany and Henry
Bibb stand for intelligence, energy and high qualities of
service on behalf of the race in Canada.
Henry Bibb, born in slavery and without more than the
barest rudiments of education, became prominent in the
anti-slavery crusade, was actively associated with the Lib-
erty Party in the State of Michigan during the forties and
when the Fugitive Slave Bill of 1850 drove thousands of his
people out of the North and into Canada he set himself
vigorously to the task of settling them on the land, provid-
ing schools and churches, and through his paper, The Voice
of the Fugitive, exercised a good influence upon them at a
time when their minds might be expected to be unsettled.
Garrison and others who were active in the anti-slavery
movement paid tribute to his services in that cause.
Bibb's career in slavery is told in his narrative pub-
lished in New York in 1849. 2 He was born in Shelby
1 Williams, G. W., History of the Negro Eace in America, N. Y., 1883, Vol.
II, p. 58.
2 See The Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, an Amer-
ican Slave, written by himself, with an introduction by Lucius Matlack, New
York, 1849. I am indebted to the Brooklyn Public Library for the loan of this
book.
437
438 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
county, Kentucky, in May, 1815, the son of a slave mother
and a white father, and his childhood he sums up by say-
ing that he was ' ' educated in the school of adversity, whips
and chains. " Of his early life he writes:
"I was a wretched slave, compelled to work
under the lash without wages and often without
clothes enough to hide my nakedness. I have often
worked without half enough to eat, both late and
early, by day and by night. I have often laid my
wearied limbs down at night to rest upon a dirt
floor, or a bench without any covering at all, be-
cause I had nowhere else to rest my wearied body,
after having worked hard all the day. I have been
compelled in early life to go at the bidding of a
tyrant through all kinds of weather, hot and cold,
wet or dry, and without shoes frequently until the
month of December, with my bare feet on the cold
frosty ground, cracked open and bleeding as I
walked."
From the slaveholder's standpoint he was a most unsatis-
factory servant, being an incorrigible runaway, a blemish
on his moral character which probably accounted for the
frequency with which he changed owners, six separate sales
being recorded at prices ranging from $850 to $1200. The
plantation punishments had no effect upon him save to in-
crease his desire for freedom.
As with many another slave the very evils of the system
served a purpose in Bibb's life. Denied education of a
normal kind he became observant and his mind was en-
lightened by what he saw and heard. "Among other good
trades," he says, "I learned the art of running away to
perfection. I made a regular business of it and never gave
it up until I had broken the bonds of slavery and landed
myself in Canada where I was regarded as a man and not a
thing."
Ill treatment was the incentive to the first attempt of
Bibb to secure his freedom. This was in 1835 and the next
few years were occupied with repeated unsuccessful efforts
to get away and to take his wife and child with him. He
HENRY BIBB, A COLONIZER 439
had heard of Canada and his thoughts ever turned in that
direction. On several occasions his flights led him as far
as the Ohio River, the boundary of freedom, but some force
seemed always at hand to drag him back. At the end of
1837 he managed to reach Cincinnati and spent that winter
at Perrysburg with a community of Negroes settled there.
The next summer he risked his freedom in attempting to
bring his wife North, was captured, lodged in .jail at Louis-
ville, and managed to escape within a few hours after being
locked up. A year later he renewed the attempt, was again
captured, and this time was sold, together with his wife, to
a trader who dealt in the New Orleans market. It was in
the fall of 1839 that the man and wife were exposed for sale
in a slave yard on St. Joseph Street and in the narrative
there is an interesting account of the trade in this southern
city. Newly arrived blacks were taken before a city official
who inspected their backs to see if they were scarred and
also examined their limbs to see if they were sound. To
determine their age the teeth were examined and the skin
pinched on the back of the hand. In the case of old slaves
the pucker would remain for some seconds. There was also
rigorous examination as to mental capacity. Slaves who
displayed unusual intelligence, who could read or write or
who had been to Canada were not wanted. Bibb notes that ~
practically every buyer asked him if he could read or -write
and if he had ever run away. Of the slave yard itself he
writes :
"All classes of slaves were kept there for sale,
to be sold in private or public young or old, males
\ or females, children or parents, husbands or wives.
VEvery day, at ten o'clock, they were exposed for
sale. They had to be in trim for showing them-
selves to the public for sale. Everyone's head had
to be combed and their faces washed, and those
who were inclined to look dark and rough were
compelled to wash in greasy dish water in order
to make them look slick and lively. When specta-
tors would come in the yard the slaves were
ordered out to form a line. They were made to
440 JOTJBNAL OF NEGRO HlSTORY
stand up straight and look as sprightly as they
could; and when they were asked a question they
had to answer it as promptly as they could, and
try to induce the spectator to buy them. If they
failed to do this they were severely paddled after
the spectators were gone. The object for using
the paddle in the place of a lash was to conceal the
marks which would be made by a flogging. And the
object for. flogging under such circumstances is to
make the slave anxious to be sold." 3
The Bibbs were eventually sold to a Bed Eiver planter
with whom they had a most miserable existence. For at-
tending without leave a religious meeting on a neighboring
plantation Bibb was ordered to receive five hundred lashes.
To avoid this he took his wife and child and they hid in a
swamp. Dogs tracked them down and every slave on the
plantation witnessed the punishment that was given.
Shortly afterwards the planter sold Bibb to a party of
southern sportsmen but refused to sell the wife whom Bibb
never saw again. The new owners quickly resold him to an
Indian from whom he managed to escape and successfully
made his way through the Indian Territory, Missouri and
Ohio to 'Michigan and Detroit. 4 He was never in the South
again.
Bibb's arrival in Detroit came at what proved for him
a most opportune time, since it gave scope for his abilities
to be utilized in the anti-slavery cause, particularly in the
State of Michigan. The Detroit Anti-Slavery Society had
been formed in 1837 and by the end of 1840 there were simi-
lar societies all over the State. Michigan, at this time, was
probably better organized and more united in sentiment
3 Compare with this description of a New Orleans slave pen the descriptions
of Richmond auctions by W. H. Russell, My Diary North and South, N. Y.,
1863, page 68, and William Chambers, Things as they are in America, London,
1854, pages 273-286.
* He says that his abject in going to Detroit was to get some schooling. He
was unable to meet the expense, however, and as he puts it : "I graduated in
three weeks and this was all the schooling I ever had in my life." His teacher
for this brief period was W. C. Monroe who afterwards presided at John
Brown J s Chatham Convention in May, 1858.
HENRY BIBB, A COLONIZER 441
than any other of the Northwestern States. It was the era
of the Liberty Party whose platform "asserted the over-
mastering importance of the one question of the existence
of slavery, and the necessity of bringing about a separation
of the national government from all connection with the in-
stitution/' This third party was facing in 1844 a crisis
over the question of the annexation of Texas for which the
South was a unit and on which the political organizations
of the North were divided. Bibb had attended a conven-
tion of free colored people held in Detroit in 1843 and the
next year he began to give addresses throughout the State
in the interestsjofJLiherty _ Party candidates, a full ticket
for both Congress and the State legislature having been
nominated. It was a bitter contest in which he engaged.
The Whigs pointed out that they w r ere standing out against
the annexation of Texas, a slave empire in itself, and that
votes for a third party would but pave the way for a Demo-
cratic victory. This is exactly what happened. In Michi-
gan the Liberty Party polled six and a half per cent of the
votes, but even this added to the Whig vote would not have
brought victory. 5 Bibb continued to work for the Liberty
Party during 1844 and 1845, going also into Ohio with
Samuel Brooks and Amos Dresser. They were more than
once mobbed and their meetings broken up by rowdies. Of
their work Bibb writes :
"Our meetings were generally appointed in
small log cabins, schoolhouses, among the farmers,
which were sometimes crowded full; and where
they had no horse teams it was often the case that
there would be four or five ox teams come, loaded
down with men, women and children to attend our
meetings. The people were generally poor and in
many places not able to give us a decent night's
lodgings. We generally carried with us a few
pounds of candles to ligh,t up the houses wherein
we held our meetings after night; for in many
places they had neither candles nor candlesticks.
3 See Smith, Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest, New York,
1897.
442 JOUBNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
After meeting was out we have frequently gone
three to eight miles to get lodgings, through the
dark forest where there was scarcely any road for
a wagon to run on. I have travelled for miles over
swamps where the roads were covered with logs
without any dirt over them, which has sometimes
shook and jostled the wagon to pieces where we
could find no shop or place to mend it. We would
have to tie it up with bark, or take the lines to tie it
with and lead the horse by the bridle. At other
times we were in mud up to the hubs of the wheels. "
Bibb found his real work when, with the passing of the
Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, there began a trek of colored
people out of the Northern States into Canada. 6 Before
the end of 1850 several thousand of these people had crossed
the border and the situation was one that called not only for
the aid of generous Canadians but for all that leaders
among their own people could do for them. Jtjyfla Herny
Bibb 's belief that the future of the people of color in Canada
depended upon getting them settled on the land and his
mind turned to the possibilities of establishing a distinctly
Negro colony on land that might be secured as a grant from
the Canadian government or, if necessary, purchased from
the government as had been done in the case of the Buxton
settlement established by Eev. William King in what is now
Southwestern Ontario. Bibb succeeded in organizing his
colonization society, its object being "to assist the refugees
from American slavery to obtain permanent homes and to
promote their social, moral, physical and intellectual de-
velopment. " It was proposed that 50,000 acres of land
should be purchased from the government at an estimated
cost of about two dollars an acre, the purchase money to be
derived partly from contributions and partly from the sale
of the land. Each family settling was to receive 25 acres,
five acres to be free of cost provided they cleared and culti-
vated it within three years from the time of occupation.
The remaining twenty acres was to be paid for in nine an-
e See The Journal of Negro History, Vol. V, No. 1, January, 1920, pp.
22-36.
HENRY BIBB, A COLONIZER 443
nual installments. Only landless refugees were to receive
grants, transfer except after fifteen years occupation was
forbidden and all lands vacated by removal or extinction of
families were to revert to the parent society. Money re-
turned to the society was to be spent on schools, for pay-
ment of teachers and for the purchase of new land. The
whole business of the organization was to be in the hands
of a board of trustees. 7
At the beginning of 1851 Bibb had established a little
newspaper, published bi-monthly and known as The Voice
of the Fugitive. In the issue of March 12, 1851, he raises
the question as to what the fugitives stand most in need of
and holds that charity is but a handicap to their progress
and that they must work for their own support, preferably
on the land. The recommendation of a recent convention
at Sandwich is quoted to the effect that the refugees should
go into agriculture, and that to this end an effort should be
made to secure a grant of land from the Canadian govern-
ment, this land to be disposed of in 25-acre plots. Bibb
suggested that there should be at least 20,000 acres secured
at once.
To aid in forwarding the plans Bibb enlisted the sup-
port of a number of Michigan people and at a meeting held
in Detroit on May 21, 1851, the Befugee's Home Society
was organized with the following officers : president, Deacon
E. Fish, Birmingham; vice-president, Kobert Garner; sec-
retary, Eev. E. E. Kirkland, Colchester; assistant secre-
tary, William Newman. It was decided that an effort should
be made to secure 50,000 acres of land. New officers appear
to have been elected almost immediately after the society
had started operations, the new executives being as follows:
president: J. Stone, Detroit; vice-president, A. L. Power,
Fannington ; secretary, E. P. Benham, Farmington ; treas-
urer, Horace Hallock, Detroit. 8 The whole movement was
i This plan was recommended by a convention of colored people held at
Sandwich, C. W., early in 1851. See The Voice of the Fugitive, March 12, 1851.
A file of this paper for 1851-2 is in the library of the University of Michigan
at Ann Arbor.
s The Voice of the Fugitive, June 4, 1851.
444 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
heartily approved at a convention of colored people held at
Sandwich on May 26, 1851. The Canada Land Company
offered to sell large blocks of land to the Society at from
two to four dollars an acre but no large purchases were
immediately made. Instead, the society began. a canvass
for funds, sending out Charles C. Foote of Commerce and
E. P. Benham of Farmington for this purpose. A letter
from Foote in The Voice of the Fugitive of July 30, 1851,
says "The plan seems popular and he looks forward to
the day when the colored people will nestle in the mane of
the British lion. ' ' In the latter part of 1851 a purchase of
land was made from the Canada Company and a contract
was entered into for further purchases as soon as the funds
should be available.
At the meeting of the Society held in Farmington on
January 29, 1852, the following officers were elected: presi-
dent, Nathan Stone, Detroit; vice-president, A. L. Power,
Farmington ; treasurer, Horace Hallock, Detroit ; recording
secretary, E. P. Benham, Livonia ; corresponding secretary,
Mrs. Mary Bibb, Windsor; executive, William Lolason, De-
David Hotctkiss, Amherstburg; and Henry Bibb, Windsor,
troit; Colman Freeman, Windsor; Elisha Vanzant, Detroit;
Vanzant and Bibb were appointed trustees, the latter re-
porting the purchase of 200 acres of land at three dollars
an acre. It was decided to reserve ten acres for school
purposes, to send out J. F. Dolbeare as agent to collect
funds and to make Bibb's newspaper the official organ of
the society. 10
The second annual report of the Anti-Slavery Society
of Canada (1853) reported that at that time the Befugee's
Homo Society had purchased 1328 acres of land of which
600 acres had been taken up by settlers. The scheme was
considered a good one but it was emphasized that good
management would be needed. The progress of the Elgin
or Buxton settlement showed that success was possible.
9 The Voice of the Fugitive, Nov. 19, 1851.
10 ibid., Jan. 29, 1852. See also The Liberator, June 11, 1852.
HENRY BIBB, A COLONIZER 445
When Benjamin Drew visited Canada in 1854 he found
that the Society had purchased nearly 2,000 acres of land,
that forty of the 25-acre plots had been taken up and that
there were 20 families located. A school was being main
tained during three-fourths of the year, intoxicating liquors
had been completely banned and a society known as the
True Band had been organized to look after the best moral
and educational interests of the colony. 11 The colony was
fortunate in the first teacher that was engaged for the
school. This was Mrs. Laura S. Haviland, who came in the
fall of 1852 and began her work in the frame building which
had been erected for general meeting purposes. So great
was the interest in her Bible classes that even aged people
would come many miles to attend. Similar success at-
tended her experiment of an unsectarian church. In her
autobiography she tells something of the conditions in the
colony while she was there. In their clearings the settlers
raised corn, potatoes and other vegetables while a few had
put in two or three acres of wheat. Mrs. Haviland 's ac-
count of the colony is much more favorable than some of
the adverse stories that were sent abroad regarding it. 12
Kev. W. M. Mitchell, who was a Negro missionary among
his own people in Toronto, makes the following reference
to the colony in his ' ' Underground Eailroad":
" About ten miles from Windsor there is a set-
tlement of 5000 acres which extends over a large
part of Essex county. It is called the Fugitives'
Home. Several years ago a very enterprising and
intelligent fugitive slave . . . bought land from
the government, divided it into 20-acre plots and
sold it to other fugitives, giving them five to ten
years for payments. Emigrants settled here in
such hirge numbers that it is called the Fugitives'
Home. The larger portion of the land is still un-
cultivated, a great deal is highly cultivated and
many are doing well."
11 Ibid., The Eefuyce, or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada re-
lated bit themselves, Boston. 1856, pp. 32.M26.
12 Hairlaiid, A Woman's Life Work, Grand Rapids, 1881, p. 192.
446 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
The writer goes on to point out the evidences of the
material advancement of the colony. There were two
schools, the government paying half the salary of the
teacher and the other half being collected from the parents.
The school he found was also used for the church services,
though the spirituality of the people seemed low. 13
The record of Henry Bibb's activities in Canada show
that he took a broad view of the refugee question. He as-
sociated himself actively with the Anti-Slavery Society of
Canada at its formation in 1851 and at the first annual
meeting held in Toronto in 1852 was elected one of the vice-
presidents. In the reports of this organization will be
found several references to his work. He was also the first
president of the Windsor branch of the Anti-Slavery So-
ciety and made several tours through the western end of
Upper Canada visiting the Negro communities and speak-
ing on the slavery issue. In his newspaper, The Voice of
the Fugitive, he chronicled every movement that would aid
in the uplift of his people and set forth their needs in an
admirable way. Its columns give a large amount of infor-
mation concerning the fugitives in Canada after 1850.
Bibb's colonization plan was a well-meant effort to im-
prove the status of the Negro in Canada. While it lacked
the permanence of the Elgin settlement, which even today
preserves its character, it opened the way for a certain
number of the refugees to provide for their own needs and
it lessened to some extent the congestion of refugees in
border towns like Windsor and Sandwich. It is a debat-
able question whether segregation of these people was wise
or not. At that time it seemed almost the only solution of
the very pressing problem. After the Civil war many of
the Negroes in Canada returned to the United States and
those who remained found conditions easier. There was
usually work for any man who was willing to labor and it
is a well-recorded fact that many of the fugitives, entering
the country under the most adverse of circumstances, suc-
is Mitchell, Underground Railroad, London, 1860, pp. 142-149.
HENRY BIBB, A COLONIZER 447
ceeded in getting ahead and gathering together property.
Benjamin Drew's picture of the Canadian Negroes as he
found them in the middle of the fifties is favorable and
when Dr. Samuel G-. Howe investigated the Canadian situa-
tion on behalf of the Freedmen's Inquiry Commission in
1863 14 he was able to report:
"The refugees in Canada earn a living, and
gather property; they marry and respect women;
they build churches and send their children to
schools; they improve in manners and morals
not because they are picked men but simply be-
cause they are free men. Each of them may say,
as millions will soon say, 'When I was a slave, I
spake as a slave, I understood as a slave, I thought
as a slave; but when I became a free man I put
away slavish things. ' '
FRED LANDON
i* Howe, The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West, Report to the Freed-
men's Inquiry Commission, Boston, 1864. The Freedmen's Inquiry Commis-
sion was instituted by Stanton in 1863 to consider what should be done for
slaves already freed. The members of the Commission were Dr. Samuel G.
Howe, Robert Dale Owen and James Mackay.
MYETILLA MINEE
A century ago it was generally conceded that a person
unfitted for any other occupation either public or private
could at least be a teacher, for many teachers of the col-
onies were felons and convicts brought to America to serve
as indentured servants. This egregious error, however,
was discovered by the pioneers of the new era in education,
who saw clearly enough that the strength of the nation de-
pended upon the professional as well as the academic equip-
ment of its teachers and thus the training school for teach-
ers had its birth. Its influence has been most significant in
raising the standards of efficiency in the elementary schools
and equally significant is its need in the high schools and
colleges of this country.
Xo one in the District of Columbia can think of the
benefits derived from the professional teacher training
without immediate recollection and sacred memory of its
pioneer and benefactress, Myrtilla Miner. For her noble
character, her high ideals, her progressive methods in edu-
cation, her struggles against opposition in the pursuit of
her Godgiven task, her lasting contribution of an organized
institution for the training of teachers in the spirit of the
Master to serve all humanity, the citizens of the District of
Columbia and especially the people of color must ever re-
vere her memory. 1
On the 4th of March, 1815, in Brookfielcl, Madison
1 The facts set forth in this sketch were obtained largely from Ellen M.
O'Connor's Myrtilla Miner, A Memoir; W. S. Montgomery's Historical Sketch
of the Education for the Colored Race in the District of Columbia, 1807-1905 ;
and The Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the condition and
improvement of the Public Schools in the District of Columbia, submitted to
the Senate June 1868 and the House, with additions, June 17, 1870-1871.
Some valuable facts were also obtained from former pupils of Miss Myrtilla
Miner now residing in the District of Columbia and from public spirited citi-
zens who cooperated with her.
448
MYBTILLA MINER 449
County, New York, Myrtilla Miner, of poor and humble, yet
of industrious parentage, was born. As a child, though
frail of physique and deprived of o_pportunity, her indom-
itable will enabled her to overcome the obstacles of poverty
and superstition as well as poor health. Wading through
them all she earned enough by arduous labor in the hop-
fields near her home to purchase books for her further en-
lightenment. These struggles against fate, however, were
the rocks upon which her noble character was built. Here
were sown the seed of sympathy for the weak, appreciation
for the struggling, and respect for the ambitious.
After a year's training at Clinton, Oneida County, New
York, where she obtained the elements of education under
the most adverse circumstances of ill health and lack of
funds, Miss Miner accepted a call to teach in Mississippi in
order to pay the debts incurred for the training she had
already received. Her experience in Mississippi was in-
deed invaluable, for there she learned through horrible ex-
periences the evils of the institution of slavery. She boldly
protested against the cruelties of the slaveholders and the
institution in general. She innocently requested permis-
sion to teach the slaves of the planter whose daughters she
was then instructing. When told that such was a criminal
offense against the laws of Mississippi and that she should
"go North and teach the 'Niggers/ " Miss Miner with an
intrepid spirit resolved then and there that she would go
North and teach them. Out of this unpleasant experience
developed the determination to found a Normal School for
girls of color in the city of Washington.
Returning North, Miss Miner found other difficulties
than poor health confronting her in her efforts to establish
a school for the Negro youth in the District of Columbia.
Funds had to be raised, pro-slavery opposition had to be
overcome, and public sentiment had to be changed at least
to indifference. Each of these in itself was sufficiently
colossal to try the strength, physical and moral, of the
ablest anti-slavery agitators of that day. It was at the
450 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
time of the passage of that infamous Fugitive Slave Law,
when freedmen and runaways like William Parker, Jerry
McHenry and Joshua Glover were knocked down, beaten,
bound and cast into prison; when abolitionists were incar-
cerated for their anti-slavery propaganda and giving aid to
the fugitives; when even our valiant Frederick Douglass
admitted himself too timid to support any such project as
that undertaken by Miss Miner in the city of Washington. 2
It was in times such as these that this fearless and resolute
little woman, with an enthusiasm that seemingly glistened
in her penetrating eyes, determined to give her life to the
cause of alleviating suffering, dispelling ignorance, and
liberating the oppressed Americans in body and mind.
With the small sum of one hundred dollars that she had
secured from Mrs. Ednah Thomas, 3 of Philadelphia, a mem-
ber of the Society of Friends, Miss Miner started out upon
her great work in behalf of the Negro children of the Dis-
trict of Columbia. Her thrift prompted her to solicit funds
of various and peculiar sorts. Donations of old papers,
books, weights, measures and other castaway material were
transformed by this real teacher into valuable material for
the instruction of her undeveloped pupils.
Funds of the material sort were not the only difficulties
that beset her road of progress, for pro-slavery opposition
assailed Miss Miner from every side. 4 Such propaganda
2 O'Connor, Memoir of Myrtilla Miner, Letter of Frederick Douglass, p. 23.
3 Special Eeport of Commissioner of Education, Washington, D. C., Henry
Barnard, 1868, p. 207.
* She had eoino friends, however, as the following shows:
"There are in the United States 500,000 free people of color. They are
generally, although subject to taxation, excluded by law or prejudice from
schools of every grade. Their case becomes at once an object of charity which
rises infinitely above all party or sectional lines. This charity we are gratified
in being able to state has already been inaugurated, through the devoted labors
of an excellent young lady from Western New York by the name of Miss
Myrtilla Miner who has established and maintained for the past four years in
the city of Washington a school for the education of free colored youth. This
school is placed there because it is national ground, and the nation is respon-
sible for the well-being of its population; because there are there 11,000 of thia
suffering people excluded by law from schools and destitute of instruction ; be-
MYBTILLA MINER 451
as the following appeared in the National Intelligencer, a
Washington newspaper of pro-slavery sentiments and was
spread far and wide. (1) The school would attract free
colored people from the adjoining States, (2) it was pro-
posed to give them an education far beyond what their
political and social condition would justify, (3) the school
cause there are in the adjoining States of Maryland and Virginia 130.000
equally destitute, who can be reached in no other way; and because it is hoped
through this means to reach a class of girls of peculiar interest, often the most
beautiful and intelligent, and yet the most hopelessly wretched, and who are
often objects of strong paternal affection. The slaveholder would gladly edu-
cate and save these children, but domestic peace drives them from his hearth;
he cannot emancipate them to be victims of violence or lust; he cannot send
them to Northern schools, where prejudice would brand them, and it is pro-
posed to open an asylum near them, where they may be brought, emancipated,
educated and taught housewifery as well as science, and thus be prepared to
become teachers among their own mixed race.
"In its present condition this school embraces boarding, domestic economy,
normal teachers and primary departments, and is placed under the care of an
association consisting of the following trustees: Benjamin Tatham, New York;
Samuel M. Janney, Loudoun County, Virginia; Johns Hopkins, Baltimore;
Samuel Rhoads and Thomas Williamson, Philadelphia; G. Bailey and L. IX
Gale, Washington; H. W. Bellows, New York; C. E. Stowe, Andover; H. W.
Beecher, Brooklyn, together with an executive committee consisting of S. J.
Bowen, J. M. Wilson and L. D. Gale, of Washington; and M. Miner, Principal,
and William H. Beecher, of Reading, Secretary.
' l The trustees state that a very eligible site of three acres, within the city
limits of Washington, of the northwest, has already been purchased, paid for
and secured to the trustees, and that all which is now wanted is $20,000 where-
with to erect a larger and more suitable edifice for the reception of the appli-
cants pressing upon it from the numerous free colored blacks in the District
and adjacent States. The proposed edifice is designed to accommodate 150
scholars and to furnish homes for the teachers and pupils from a distance. The
enlarged school will include the higher branches in its system of instruction.
"There was a meeting yesterday afternoon, in an ante-room of Tremont
Temple, of gentlemen called together to listen to the statements of the Secre-
tary of the Association regarding this school. The meeting was small, but em-
braced such gentlemen as Hon. George S. Hillard, Rev. Dr. Lathrop, Rev. C. E.
Hale, and Deacon Greele, all of whom are deeply interested in the project.
* ' The meeting decided to draw up and circulate a subscription paper, and
counted upon receiving $10,000 for the purpose in this city. The pastors of
several churches in New York had pledged their churches in the sum of a
thousand dollars each. Mr. Beecher will solicit subscriptions in most of the
principal towns of Massachusetts. The designs and benefits of the project will
be fully set forth at a public meeting in this city in the course of a fortnight. ' '
The Boston Journal, April 18, 1857.
452 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
would be a center of influence directed against the existence
of slavery in the District of Columbia, and (4) it might
eiK'i.nger the institution of slavery and even rend asunder
the Union itself. 5
The truth of some parts of this declaration was quite
evident and irrefutable, for education, as Miss Miner under-
stood it, was destined to make every slave a man and every
man free. This, of course, increased the difficulty of Miss
Miner's task but her faith was abiding and her courage
unabated. Miss Miner realized fully that the lot of the
eight thousand free people of color of the District of Co-
lumbia was but little better than that of the 3,000 slaves,
for the former, though free according to the letter of the
law, in actual life had no rights that a white man was com-
pelled to respect. They were not admitted to public insti-
tutions, could not attend the city schools, could not testify
against a white man in court, and could not travel without
a pass without running the risk of being cast into prison.
Amidst it all, on the 6th day of December 1851, in a
rented room about fourteen feet square, in the frame house
on Eleventh Street near New York Avenue then owned and
occupied as a dwelling by Edward C. Younger, 6 a Negro,
Myrtilla Miner with six pupils established as a private in-
stitution for the education of girls of color the first Normal
5 An extract from Walter Lenox 's article opposing Miss Miner 's School,
follows :
"With justice we can say to the advocate of this measure, you are not com-
petent to decide this question: your habits of thought, your ignorance of our
true relations to the colored population, prevent you from making a full and
candid examination of its merits, and, above all, the temper of the public mind
is inauspicious, even for its consideration. If your humanity demands this
particular sphere for its action, and if, to use your own langu< T e, prejudice
would brand them at your northern schools, establish institutions in the free
States, dispense your money there abundantly as your charity will supply, draw
to them the unfortunate at your own door, or from abroad, and in all resppcts
gratify the largest impulses of your philanthropy; but do not seek to impose
upon us a system contrary to our wishes and interests, and for the further
reason that by so doing you injure the cause of those whom you express a wish
to serve." National Intelligencer, May 6, 1857.
6 Special Report, Commissioner of Education, Washington, D. C., 1868,
p. 207.
MYBTILLA MINER 453
School in the District of Columbia and the fourth one in the
United States. Increase of enrollment soon forced her to
secure accommodations and within two months she had
moved into a house on the north side of F Street between
Eighteenth and Nineteenth, near the house then occupied
by William T. Carroll and Charles H. Winder. This house
furnished her a very comfortable room for her growing
school of well-behaved girls, from the best Negro families
of the District of Columbia. Threats on the part of white
neighbors to set fire to the house forced her to leave the
home of the Negro family with whom she had stayed but
one month and to seek quarters elsewhere. Miss Miner then
succeeded in getting accommodations in the dwelling-house
of a German family on K Street, near the K Street market.
After tarrying a few months there, she moved to L Street
into a room in the building known as the * ' The Two Sisters,"
then occupied by a white family. But the inconvenience of
holding school in rented quarters of private dwellings
proved a very unpleasant one indeed ; for not only did she
suffer the lack of comfort which such quarters naturally
could not offer, but found herself constantly harassed by
the necessity of moving to escape the enmity and persecu-
tion of her white neighbors.
A new day, however, was to dawn. With the aid of
Harriet Beecher Stowe, Dr. Gamaliel Bailey and a few such
faithful Philadelphia friends as Thomas Williamson,
Samuel Khoads, Benjamin Tatham, Jasper Cope and Cath-
erine Morris, enough funds were raised to purchase a site
of three acres or more for a permanent home on a lot near
N Street and New Hampshire Avenue, between Nineteenth
and Twentieth Streets, Northwest. Though the environ-
ment of this new home was most pleasing and beautiful,
being surrounded with flowers and fruit trees, the enmity
of the white hoodlums still followed her. She and her pu-
pils were frequently assailed with torrents of stones and
other missiles. Once threatened by mob violence, Miss
Miner bravely and defiantly exclaimed, "Mob my school!
454 JOURNAL or NEGRO HISTORY
You dare not! If you tear it down over my head I shall
get another house. There is no law to prevent my teaching
these people and I shall teach them even unto death!"
Testimony of some of Miss Miner's former pupils upholds
such a defiance as truly descriptive of her fearless nature.
In its earlier days the Miner Normal School was sup-
ported by private funds and directed by a board of trustees
consisting of Benjamin Tatham and H. W. Bellows of New
York; Samuel M. Janney of Virginia; Johns Hopkins of
Baltimore; Samuel Ehoads and Thomas Williamson of
Philadelphia ; G. Bailey and L. D. Gale of Washington ; C.
E. Stowe of Andover; H. W. Beecher of Brooklyn, together
with an executive committee consisting of S. J. Bowen, J.
M. Wilson and L. D. Gale of Washington; Miss Miner,
principal and William H. Beecher, secretary.
The curriculum of the school then embraced boarding,
domestic economy, teachers' training course and the pri-
mary departments. It is interesting to note that some of
the advanced ideas in education today, such as student self-
government, vitalized teaching, socialized recitation, and
civic as well as personal hygiene, were taught and prac-
ticed by Miss Miner during the fifties of the last century.
As an illustration of pupil self-government, I quote the
following from the Memoir of M. Miner by Mrs. Ellen M.
O'Connor, concerning a visit made by Miss Margaret Rob-
inson of Philadelphia to Miss Miner's school: "In the win-
ter of 1853 accompanied by a friend, I visited the school of
Myrtilla Miner, under circumstances of peculiar interest.
Arriving about ten A. M., we learned from a pupil at the
door that the teacher was absent on business of importance
to the school. We were not a little disappointed, suppos-
ing all recitations would await her coming. What was our
surprise on entering to find every girl in her place, closely
occupied with her studies. We seated ourselves by polite
invitation ; soon a class read ; then one in mental arithmetic
exercised itself, the more advanced pupils acting as moni-
tors; all was done without confusion. When the teacher
MYRTILLA MINER 455
entered she expressed no surprise, but took up the business
where she found it and went on." On one occasion, being
obliged to leave for several days, Miss Miner propounded
to the pupils the question, whether the school should be
closed, or they should continue their exercises without her?
They chose the latter. On her return she found all doing
well, not the least disorder having occurred.
As to vitalized teaching, Matilda Jones Madden, one of
Miss Miner 's pupils, wrote the following: " She gave special
attention to the proper writing of letters and induced a
varied correspondence between many prominent persons
and her pupils, thus in a practical way bringing her school
into larger notice with many of its patrons and friends and
vastly increasing the experience of her pupils. "
Mrs. John F. N. Wilkinson, a former pupil of Miss
Miner, of Washington, D. C., states that Miss Miner held
classes in astronomy with the larger girls who were re-
quired to meet at the school in the evenings to study their
lessons from nature. Mrs. Amelia E. Wormley, the mother
of the writer, residing in Washington, also a pupil of Miss
Miner, recalls vividly the emphasis which Miss Miner placed
upon the teaching of physical culture and the tenderness
with which she handled the younger children of her school. 7
The school increased in usefulness and importance. As
a result of this, on March 3, 1863, the Senate and House of
Eepresentatives passed an act to incorporate this institu-
tion for the education of girls of color in the District of
Columbia. By the act William H. Channing, George J. Ab-
bot, Miss Miner, and others, their associate and successors
were constituted and declared a body politic and corporate
by the name and title of ' ' The Institution for the Education
of Colored Youth, " to be located in the District of Co-
lumbia. Though this act of Congress legalized the insti-
tution, the school appears to have lapsed into inactivity
from 1863 to 1871 because of the absence of its guiding
7 This statement is based on information obtained from Mrs. John F. N.
Wilkinson and Mrs. Amelia E. Wormley, who were pupils of Myrtilla Miner.
456 JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
spirit, Miss Miner. On account of ill health she was com-
pelled to give up the work, and the strain and stress of civil
affairs reduced national interest and support to a minimum.
After a sojourn of three years in California in search of
renewed energy and more funds for the fulfillment of her
plans and the consummation of her ideals, Miss Miner de-
departed from this life at the home of Mrs. Nancy M. John-
son of Washington, D. C., on the 17th of December 1864.
In 1871 the work of the school was resumed in connec-
tion with Howard University. A preparatory and Normal
Department was opened and controlled by this institution
but supported by the Miner Funds. The school existed in
this connection until September 13, 1876, when it began a
separate and independent existence which lasted until 1879
when it was taken over by the school system of the District
of Columbia. From 1879 to 1887 the Miner Normal School
was jointly controlled by the Board 8 of Trustees of the
Public Schools of the District and the Miner Board of Trus-
tees, the principal's salary being paid by the Miner Board
to which she made her reports while the obligation of keep-
ing up the enrollment of the school was assumed by the
Trustees representing the District Government.
In 1887 the Trustees of the District assumed full charge
of the school thus centralizing authority and management.
The unification of the dual management under District
authority added keener interest on the part of the citizen-
ship of the community and a deeper feeling of responsibility
on the part of the faculty. Fortunately for the institution,
moreover, the women who succeeded Miss Miner as the
heads of this institution caught the great spirit of their
predecessor and in their efforts to continue the useful work
which she had done, followed so closely in the path which
she had trodden as to assure success and preclude any
necessity for general reorganization.
The first of these women to take up the work of Miss
Miner, was Miss Mary B. Smith, of Beverly, Massachu-
s Report of Board of Education, Dr. John Smith, Statistician.
MYRTILLA MINER 457
setts, who was assisted by her sister Miss Sarah E. Smith.
These two worthy ladies were succeeded by Miss Martha
Briggs who is characterized by Dr. W. S. Montgomery in
his Historical Sketch on Education for the Colored Race in
the District of Columbia, 1807-1905, "as a born teacher
whose work showed those qualities of head and heart that
have made her name famous in the annals of education in
the character of the graduates. The student teachers
caught her missionary spirit and went forth from her pres-
ence stronger souls, full of sympathy to magnify the teach-
er's vocation and to inspire the learner. Many of the
women who sat at her feet are laboring in the schools here
now, filling the highest positions and in beauty and richness
of character running like a thread of gold through the
teaching corps."
Miss Briggs was succeeded in 1883 by Dr. Lucy E.
Moten, who after faithful and successful service for thirty-
seven years, retired June 20, 1920. As principal of the
Miner Normal School, Dr. Moten graduated the majority
of the teachers now employed in the public schools of the
District. She saw the Normal course lengthened from a
one year course to that of a two year course, offering
greater opportunity for broader professional equipment of
the student teachers, the results of which are manifest in
the Washington Public Schools today. This school, how-
ever, is destined in the near future to undergo other changes
in the line of progress. It may be the extension of the
course to three years or the development of a Teacher's
college of four years which will offer courses leading to a
degree. With an enthusiastic whole-hearted response of
the teaching corps of Washington, D. C., to the slogan of
the new Superintendent, Dr. Frank Washington Ballou
"Hats off to the past and coats off to the future," The
Miner Normal School will reach higher in its aim to serve
and realize the ideals of its noble founder and benef actress^
whose struggles and sacrifices are sacred in the memory of
every teacher of color in the District of Columbia.
G. SMITH WORMLEY.
COMMUNICATIONS
During the last five years a number of valuable facts
have come to the office of the editor in various communica-
tions from persons interested in the work which the Asso-
ciation has been promoting. While these communications
do not as a whole bear upon any particular phase of Negro
history, they will certainly be valuable to one making re-
searches in the general field. Some of these follow.
A SUGGESTION
WASHINGTON, D. C., Dec. 23, 1916.
CARTER G. WOODSON,
My Dear Sir: I notice by the press your Connection with the
''Douglass" celebration. It might interest you to receive the en-
closed from a rank abolitionist of the John Brown School. After
service in Kansas with the Brown element, then in open rebellion
against the United States, as typified in men like Judge Taney,
who decided that the black man had no rights the white man was
bound to respect, I entered the Union army and served in it as a
private in the 5th Wis. Infy and as Adjt. of the 7th Eastern Shore
Md. Infy 3 years and 6 rnos. ... I wish some of your influential
men would start a movement to erect a monument here for old
John Brown, who gave his life to free the country from the great
curse of slavery.
Cordially,
(Signed) JOHN E. RASTALL.
SOME INTERESTING FACTS
MARION, ALABAMA
July 7th 1916
DR. C. G. WOODSON
Dear Sir:
Absence from home has prevented my replying to your request
sooner.
The majority of masters in this section of the country were
kind to their slaves. They gave them plenty of good wholesome
458
COMMUNICATIONS 459
food, good clothes, (warm ones in winter) comfortable homes and
attention from Doctors when sick. There were churches on nearly
every plantation and ministers provided to preach to them. The
only very cruel masters were Northern men who treated their
slaves like beasts. For many years it was against the law to teach
neg 
