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M 

JOURNAL 


OP  THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY. 


EDITED  BY 


JAMES  RICHARD  JEWETT,  AND  HANNS  OERTEL 

Professor  in  the  University  of  Chicago,  Professor  in  Yale  Universit 

Chlca«0>  IU-  New  Haven,  Conn. 


THIRTIETH  VOLUME 


THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 

NEW   HAVEN,   CONNECTICUT,  U.S.A. 

MCMIX  — MCMX. 


¥ 

Ab 

tf.30-3) 


Printed  by  W.  Drugulin,  Leipzig  (Germany). 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page 
/  ASAKAWA,  K.:  Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan  after  1600. 

Parti 259 

BARRET,  L.  C. :  The  Kasbmirian  Atharva  Veda,  Book  II 187 

BLAKE,  F.  R.:  Expression  of  the  ideaa  "to  be"  and  "to  have"  in 

the  Philippine  Languages 375 

CASANOWICZ,  J,  M. :  Note  on  Some  Usages  of  ]2^ 343 

GOTTHEIL,  R.  J.  H. :  A  Door  from  the  Madrasah  of  Barkuk  (with 

a  Plate) 58 

GOTTHEIL,  R,.  J.  H. :  The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret  .  .  .  132 
GRAY,  L.  H. :  The  Parsi-Persian  Burj  -  Namah,  or  Book  of  Omens 

from  the  Moon 336 

GRIEVE,  L.  C.  G.:  The  Dasara  Festival  at  Satara,  India  ....  72 

HIRTH,  F.;  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin 1 

HIRTH,  F. :  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu 32 

HIRTH,  F. :  Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories  .  .  46 
HOPKINS,  E.  W.:  Mythological  Aspects  of  Trees  and  Mountains  in 

the  Great  Epic 347 

JASTROW,  M. :  Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth 101 

MARGOLIS,  M.  L. :  Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  of  the 

Vocabulary  in  the  Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testament  with 

its   Semitic   Equivalents;    its   Necessity,    and   the   Means   of 

obtaining  it 301 

MICHELSON,  T.:  The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  of  the  Fourteen- 

Edicts  of  Asoka.  Part  I.  General  Introduction  and  the  dialect 

of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions 77 

OLIPHANT,  S.  G. :  The  Vedic  Dual.  Part  I.  The  Dual  of  bodily  parts.  155 
PRINCE,  J.  D.:  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz  (Cuneiform  Texts  from  the 

British  Museum,  Tablet  15821,  Plate  18) 94 


Page 
PRINCE,  J.  D. :  A  Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu  (Cuneiform  Texts 

from  the  British  Museum,  XV,  Plate  23)  with  Translation  and 

Commentary 325 

VANDERBURGH,  F.  A.:  A  Hymn  to  Bel  (Tablet  29623,  CT.  XV, 

Plates  12  and  13) 61 

VAKPERBURGH,  F.  A.:  A  Hymn  to  Mullil  (Tablet  29615,  CT  XV, 

Plates  7,  8  and  9) 313 

Proceedings  of  the  Meeting  in  New  York,  April  1909    ...  I 

List  of  Members   .     . XIII 

Constitution  and  By-Laws XXVIII 

List  of  Publications XXXI 

Notices  XXXII 


The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin. — By  FBIEDKICH  HIKTH,  Professor 
in  Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

THE  several  accounts  we  possess  in  Chinese  literature  of  that 
mysterious  country  in  the  extreme  west  called  Fu-lin  declare 
it  to  be  identical  with  the  country  known  in  ancient  times  as 
Ta-ts'in.  The  texts  of  the  T'ang  dynasty  speak  of  "Fu-lin, 
that  is  the  ancient  Ta-ts'in,"  or  of  "Tats'in,  also  called  Fu- 
lin,"  and  it  appears  that  the  two  names  were  interchangeable. 
From  the  Chinese  point  of  view  the  question  would,  therefore, 
be  simple  enough.  If  Ta-ts'in  is  Syria,  Fu-lin  must  be  Syria. 
I  am  nevertheless  disinclined  to  be  guided  by  this  kind  of 
logic  and  fully  admit  the  difficulty  of  the  Fu-lin  problem. 

My  present  view,  which  in  its  main  features  has  undergone 
little  change  from  the  one  expressed  twenty-five  years  ago  in 
my  first  study  of  the  subject,1  is  briefly  this:  Ta-ts'in  is  the 
Eoman  empire  with  all  its  grandeur  emanating  from  Rome,  its 
capital;  but  the  detail  placed  on  record  in  the  contempor- 
aneous Chinese  texts  is  confined  to  its  Asiatic  provinces,  for 
which  reason  not  Rome,  but  Antioch  is  described  as  the  ca- 
pital city.  Its  relations  to  China  were  of  a  commercial  kind. 
Fu-lin  is  the  Eastern  empire  of  Byzantium,  but  as  in  the  case 
of  Ta-ts'in,  the  Chinese  accounts  are  confined  to  certain  Asi- 
atic portions  of  it,  and  its  relations  to  China  were  chiefly 
ecclesiastical.  This  at  least  is  the  impression  I  have  received 
from  the  study  of  the  Fu-lin  chapters  in  the  Chinese  standard 
histories.  I  admit  that  Chinese  literature  contains  a  few  pas- 
sages, to  which  I  hope  to  revert  on  some  future  occasion, 
which  seem  to  involve  that,  besides  the  countries  described 
in  the  standard  accounts,  a  Greater  Ta-ts'in  and  a  Greater 
Fu-lin  were  not  unknown  in  China. 

1  China  and  the  Roman  Orient:  Researches  into  their  Ancient  and  Me- 
diaeval Relations  as  represented  in  old  Chinese  records.  Shanghai,  1885. 
I  shall  in  the  course  of  these  notes  refer  to  this  book  by  the  letters  R.  O. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  I. 


2  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

This  view  has  been  recently  abandoned  by  my  esteemed 
friend  Professor  Ed.  Chavannes,  who  thinks  that  Fu-lin  is  after 
all  Constantinople  and  not  Syria.1  His  arguments  are  briefly 

these. 

1.  The   name  Fu-lin   represents   the  Greek  accusative  iroXiv 
in  €15  rrjv  TroXiv,  Istan-polin,  according  to  Mas'udi  the  origin  of 
the  name  Istambul. 

2.  The  name  Fu-lin  appears  in  Chinese  literature  previous 
to  the  arrival  of  the  Nestorians  in  China. 

3.  It   may   have    been   brought    to    China    during   the    Sui 
period  by  the  Western  Turks,  who   had  been  visited  by  By- 
zantine ambassadors  in  568  and  576  A.  D. 

4.  The   king   of  Fu-lin  who  sent  ambassadors  to  China  in 
643   was    called   Po-to-li   (Jjfc  ^   #).     By  substituting  gfe  for 
%,  the  name  would  appear  as  Po-si-li,  which  may  stand  for 


5.  The  Arab  general  Mo-i,  who  was  sent  to  effect  the  siege 
of  Fu-lin,   may   be    identical   with   Muawia's  son  "Yezid  ben 
Muawia,"  one  of  three  emirs  who  attacked  Constantinople. 

6.  The   king   of  Fu-lin   who    sent  an    embassy  to  China  in 
1081  Mie-li-i-Ung-kai-sa  may  have  been  identical  with  the  pre- 
tender Nicephorus  Melissenus,  the  character  ffi  i  in  that  name 
being  a  mistake  for  ^  ss'i. 

Professor  jChavannes  justifies  the  changes  he  suggests  in 
connection  with  such  names  as  Po-to-li  and  Mie-li-i  by  the 
frequency  of  errors  in  the  tradition  of  Chinese  texts.  I  quite 
admit  this  argument  as  applying  to  certain  works,  such  as  the 
Ttfd-fu-yuan-kui,  from  which  his  "Notes  additionelles"  have 
been  mainly  derived.  This  work  bristles  with  mistakes;  but 
I  would  be  much  less  inclined  to  assume  such  errors  in  the 
texts  of  the  standard  histories,  the  tradition  of  which,  as  re- 
gards names,  compares  not  unfavourably  with  that  of  our  me- 


1  In  his  paper  entitled  "Notes  additionelles  sur  les  Tou-kiue  (Turcs) 
occidentaux"  in  T'oung-pao  ,  1904,  p.  37,  note  3,  in  which  he  says :  " J'ai 
identine  ce  pays  [Fou-lin]  avec  la  Syrie,  parce  que  j'acceptais  la  theorie 
soutenue  avec  beaucoup  de  talent  par  HIRTH  (China  and  the  Roman  Ori- 
ent) qui  voit  dans  le  terme  Fan-tin  (anciennement  but-lim]  le  nom  de  Beth- 
lehem, et  qui  considere  Po-to-li,  roi  du  Fou-lin,  comme  le  bathrik,  c'est- 
a-dire  le  patriarche  des  Nestoriens.  Un  nouvel  examen  de  la  question 
me  conduit^  cependant  a  reprendre  1'ancienne  identification  de  Fou-lin  avec 
Byzance." 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  3 

diseval  Greek  and  Latin  classics. *•  Conjectures  of  this  kind 
may  occasionally  become  necessary,  but  they  ought  in  all  cases 
to  be  supported  by  strong  circumstantial  evidence  and  ought 
also  to  admit  of  some  plausible  paleographic  explanation. 

I  have  called  this  paper  "The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin,"  and  I 
wish  to  indicate  thereby  that  I  do  not  by  any  means  pretend 
to  have  removed  all  doubt  from  what  may  remain  a  mystery 
for  ever.  I  cannot,  however,  refrain  from  placing  on  record 
the  arguments  which  have  induced  me  to  maintain  my  original 
view.  I  welcome  Professor  Chavannes'  criticism  as  the  best 
means  throwing  light  on  the  problem,  and  I  shall  be  happy 
to  hear  of  his  further  researches  in  the  direction  indicated. 
There  still  remain  quite  a  number  of  important  points  to  be 
settled  in  connection  with  both  Ta-ts'in  and  Fu-lin,  and  who 
knows  whether  some  unexpected  discovery  will  not  some  day 
either  shake,  or  confirm,  our  present  views,  if  not  furnish  clues 
which  nobody  has  thought  of. 

i.  The  old  sound  of  the  name  Fu-lin  (g|J  ^). 

The  first  character  jjj}jj ,  now  pronounced  fu  in  the  Mandarin, 
and  fat  in  the  Canton  dialect,  has  a  final  t,  according  to  all 
the  mediaeval  authorities  quoted  by  K'ang-hi  (Rad.  63,  5).  In 
the  Tsi-yun,  a  work  which  appeared  as  late  as  the  Sung  Dy- 
nasty, its  sound  is  described  as  JjJ  5jj£  -tJJ,  i.  e.,  _p(ok-m)a£, 
or  pat. 

The  second  character  ^,  now  pronounced  lin  in  the  Man- 
darin, and  lam  in  the  Canton  dialect,  was  according  to  the 
Tsi-yun  pronounced  ft  Jffj  -gj,  i.  e.,  I  (ik-k)  am,  or  lam,  and 
K'ang-hi  quotes  the  name  Fu-lin  (Fat-lam  or  Pat-lam]  as  an 
example  of  that  pronunciation  (Rad.  140,  8). 

As  a  further  example  of  the  old  sound  ending  in  w,  and 
not  in  n,  I  may  quote  the  name  of  one  of  the  priests  which 
appears  in  estrangelo  characters  as  Ephraem  (read  Abraham 
by  Kircher)  in  the  Syriac  part  of  the  Nestorian  inscription 
with  the  Chinese  transcription  JijjJ  ;jy(c,  =  fu-lin,  fat-lam  or  pat- 
lam.  I  need  not  say  that  ffi  and  jj^  are  identical  in  sound. 
Certainly  the  final  of  this  character  was  m,  and  not  n.  In 

i  Cf.  my  remarks  on  the  "Textkritik"  of  Chinese  authors,  R.  0., 
p.  8  seq. 

1* 


4  F.  Hirth, 

order  to  express  the  syllable  lin  in  iroAiv,  a  Chinese  transcriber 
of  the  sixth  century  would  have  selected  some  such  character 
as  $,  lin,  the  old  final  of  which  is  w,  rather  than  a  sound 
ending  in  m.  In  the  T'ang-shu-sM-yin,  chap.  24,  p.  3,  ad  vo-  • 
cem  Fu-lin,  the  sound  of  the  character  J£  is  described  as  # 
ft,,  i-  e.  Z  (ik-n)  am  =  lam. 

As  may  be  seen  from  E.  0.,  p.  287,  note  2,  I  do  not  doubt 
the  correctness  of  the  etymology  of  the  name  Istambul  =  Istan- 
polin  (efc  rrjv  v6Xw)  as  suggested  by  Mas'udi;1  but  we  have  to 
take  into  consideration  that,  as  Professor  Chavannes  says  him- 
self, it  applies  to  about  the  year  344  H.,  i.  e.,  the  tenth  cen- 
tury A.  D.,  whereas  the  name  Fu-lin  was  first  used  in  the 
sixth,  or  seventh,  century.  But,  even  granting  the  Byzantine 
Romans  of  that  early  period  having  called  their  capital  "Istan- 
polin,"  this  need  not  force  us  to  identify  the  name  with  Chi- 
nese "Fu-lin." 

2.  First  occurrence  of  the  name  Fu-lin. 

I  quite  agree  with  Professor  Chavannes  about  the  Sui-shu 
being  the  oldest  record  in  which  the  name  Fu-lin  is  mentioned. 
Indeed  I  called  attention  to  it  on  p.  17  and  p.  288,  note,  of 
my  book.     The  biographical  portion,  including  the  records  re- 
garding foreign  countries,  of  that  historian  was  completed  in 
636  A.  D.,  as  we  are  told  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  Imperial 
Library,2  that  is  just  a  year  after  the  arrival  at  Ch7ang-an  of 
the  first  Nestorian  mission  under  O-lo-pon  (probably  a  tran- 
scription for  Eabdn  or  Rabban, — id  est,  monasterii  propositus, 
Assemani,I?$Z.  Or.,  Ill  Pt.  ii,  pp.  911  and  913— also  very  common 
as  a  name).    It  seems  to  me  quite  possible  that  the  name  Fu-lin 
was  just  then   substituted  in  the  final  revision  of  the  Sui-shu 
text  for   that   of  Ta-ts'in,  which  may  have  been  the  original 
reading.     But  even  if  this  had  not  been  the  case,  why  could 
not   the  Chinese   have   received   notices   of  the  country  under 
its   new   name   Fu-lin   from   sources   not   connected   with  the 
arrival   of  its   natives,  just  as  well  as  Ta-ts'in  was  known  to 
them    at   the   time  of  the  general  Pan  Chau's  campaign  long 

i  For  a  careful  compilation  of  material  regarding  the  origin  and  history 
of  this  name  see  E.  Oberhummer  in  Pauly-Wissowa's  "Real-Encyclopadie," 
B.  v.  "Constantinopolis." 

-  Tsung-mu,  chap.  45,  p,  53. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  5 

before  the  first  Ta-ts'in  mission  reached  China  in  166  A.  D.? 
We  know  that  the  emperor  Yang-ti  tried  in  vain  to  have 
intercourse  with  Fu-lin.  Could  not  he,  or  his  representative 
Pei  K'u,  the  author  of  the  Sui-si-yu-Vu  (pf  jg  j[$  @),  have 
heard  the  name  as  being  identical  with  that  of  Ta-ts'in  through 
the  Nestorians  in  other  western  countries  which  had  then  come 
into  contact  with  China,  such  as  Persia,  which  is  described 
with  considerable  detail  in  the  Sui-slm,  with  its  city  of  Madain, 
then  the  see  of  Nestorian  patriarchs?  Certainly  the  appear- 
ance of  the  name  Fu-lin  in  Chinese  literature  previous  to 
that  of  the  Nestorians  in  China  does  not  argue  against  the 
identity  of  the  country  with  Syria.  Professor  Chavannes  refers 
to  the  three  trade  routes  quoted  from  Pe'i  K'ii's  work  in  the 
Sui-shu  (chap.  67,  p.  12),  the  northern  one  of  which  leads  by 
way  of  I-wu  (Hami)  past  P'u-lei-hai  (Lake  Barkul),  the  T'ie-lo 
(Tolos)  tribes,  the  court  of  the  Great  Khan  of  the  Turks,  and, 
crossing  the  rivers  that  flow  north,  to  the  country  of  Fu-lin 
and  to  the  western  sea."  The  route  thus  described  is  in  my 
opinion  not  the  later  road  to  Constantinople,  which  skirted 
the  Aral,  the  Caspian  and  the  Pontus,  since  the  several  rivers 
to  be  passed  in  it  flow  south]  "the  rivers  that  flow  north" 
must  be  the  Jaxartes  and  the  Oxus,  and  I  take  it  for  granted 
that  this  northern  route  would  have  taken  travellers  to  An- 
tioch  as  the  capital  of  Fu-lin.  Neither  John  of  Montecorvino 
nor  Rubruck  had  to  cross  the  "rivers  that  flow  north,"  nor 
does  Pegolotti  recommend  such  a  route  except  to  those  who 
may  have  merchandize  to  dispose  of  at  Urgendj  (see  Yule, 
Cathay  and  the  Way  Tliither,  p.  288). 

3.  Who  were  the  informants  through  whom  the  name  Fu- 
lin  became  first  known  in  China? 

We  know  from  the  Kiu-t' ang-shu  (R.  0.,  pp.  55  and  105, 
K  33)  that  the  emperor  Yang-ti  wished  to  open  intercourse 
with  Fu-lin,  but  did  not  succeed.  Professor  Chavannes,  who 
thinks  of  Constantinople,  maintains  that  the  name  Fu-lin  be- 
came known  in  China  through  the  Western  Turks,  and  he 
refers  to  the  relations  of  those  Turks  with  the  Byzantine  Court. 
"A  Chinese  envoy  at  the  court  of  the  Turkish  Great  Khan," 
he  says,  "may  have  met  some  of  these  Greeks,  or  heard  them 
spoken  about;  and  thus  the  name  of  Constantinople  came  to 


6  F.  ffirth,  [1910. 

China  in  its  form  Polin,  given  to  it  by  the  Greeks  themselves 
according  to  Masudi."  I  wish  to  offer  a  somewhat  different 
explanation.  In  the  introduction  to  the  chapter  on  the  western 
countries  the  Sui-slm  (chap.  83,  p.  1)  confirms  the  emperor" 
Yang-ti's  desire  to  have  communication  with  as  many  countries 
as  possible;  the  emperor,  therefore,  sent  expeditions  under 
Wei  Tsie  (^  fjj),  author  of  a  lost  work,  called  Si-fan-ki  (jg 
^|  i£)  and  quoted  in  the  T'ung-tien  in  connection  with  the 
Ephthalites,  and  Tu  Hing-man  (^t  fr  Ji)-  The  latter  visited 
the  regions  of  Western  Turkestan.  Other  officials  were  sent 
to  Japan,  Siam,  etc.1  After  that  he  appointed  Pel  K'ii  to  a 
special  post  in  north-west  Kan-su  with  a  view  of  inducing  foreign 
countries  to  send  envoys  to  China.  From  the  account  of  Po- 
ss'i  (jjj?  fljf,  i.  e.  Persia,  chap.  83,  p.  16)  we  learn  that  Yang-ti 
had  deputed  an  envoy  by  the  name  of  Li  Yii  (^  -g.)  for  the 
special  purpose  of  persuading  the  Persians  to  send  a  mission 
to  China,  and  Persian  ambassadors  actually  came  to  China 
together  with  Li  Yii,  offering  tribute  to  the  court.  This  Per- 
sian embassy,  according  to  the  Ts'6-fu-yiian-kui  (chap.  970, 
p.  3),  arrived  with  the  envoys  of  quite  a  number  of  other  states 
in  616  A.  D.,  probably  a  few  years  earlier,  since  the  wording 
of  this  record,  though  entered  under  that  special  year,  seems 
to  involve  the  Ta-ye  period  (605  to  617  A.  D.)  generally  as 
the  date  of  arrival. 

When  Yang-ti's  envoy  Li  Yii  arrived  in  Persia,  the  Persian 
throne  was  occupied  by  Khosru  II,  the  bitterest  enemy  of  all 
the  Christians,  including  his  political  opponent,  the  emperor 
Heraclius.  Syria  was  again  held  by  the  Romans,  after  it  had 
been  devastated  by  the  Persians  a  generation  ago.  Antioch, 
already  reduced  to  great  straits  by  the  earthquake  of  525  A.  D., 
had  been  sacked  and  destroyed  by  Khosru  I  in  540  A.  D.  If 
Antioch  was  the  capital  of  old  Ta-ts'in,  or  as  I  maintain,  of 
its  equivalent,  Fu-lin,  the  fall  of  this  city  would  mark  an  event 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  name  inasmuch  as  a  second  An- 
tioch had  been  built  on  Persian  ground.  Much  of  the  mystery 
surrounding  the  Ta-ts'in  and  Fu-lin  question  may  be  explained 
thereby.  I  quote  Rawlinson's  The  Seventh  Great  Oriental 
Monarchy  (London,  1876,  p.  395): 

"The  Persian  prince  [Khosru  I]  after  the  fall  of  Antioch 

1  See  Tsfo-furyfian-kui,  chap.  662,  p.  22  seq. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  1 

passed  the  winter  in  building  and  beautifying  a  Persian  An- 
tioch  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ctesiphon,  assigning  it  as  a 
residence  to  his  Syrian  captives,  for  whose  use  he  constructed 
public  baths  and  a  spacious  hippodrome,  where  the  entertain- 
ments familiar  to  them  from  their  youth  were  reproduced  by 
Syrian  artists.  The  new  city  was  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  Persian  satraps,  and  was  made  directly  dependent  upon 
the  king,  who  supplied  it  with  corn  gratuitously,  and  allowed 
it  to  become  an  inviolable  asylum  for  all  such  Greek  slaves 
as  should  take  shelter  in  it,  and  be  acknowledged  as  their 
kinsmen  by  any  of  the  inhabitants.  A  model  of  Greek  civili- 
zation was  thus  brought  into  close  contact  with  the  Persian 
court."  Rawlinson  adds  in  a  footnote:  "Here  the  Oriental 
accounts  are  in  entire  accord  with  the  Greek.  Mirkhond  and 
Tabari  relate  at  length  the  construction  of  this  new  Antioch 
in  the  vicinity  of  Al  Modain,  adding  that  the  name  given  to 
it  was  Rumia  (Rome),  and  that  it  was  an  exact  copy  of  the 
town  upon  the  Orontes." 

The  captivity  of  the  Antiochian  Christians  is  referred  to  by 
Barhebrseus *  and  in  Mar  Amr's  biographies  of  the  Nestorian 
patriarchs.2  Tabari  describes  the  new  city  in  two  passages3 
with  some  detail.  The  great  Persian  king  had  endeavoured 
to  build  this  new  Antioch  just  like  the  old  city  in  Syria,  and 
when  the  captives  entered  its  gates,  everyone  of  them  found  a 
home  so  similar  to  the  one  he  had  left  in  Syria  that  he  might 
imagine  to  be  there.  Khosru  I  did  not,  at  least  at  first,  inter- 
fere with  their  Christian  idiosyncracies,  but  the  history  of  the 
Nestorian  patriarchs  in  the  sequel  abounds  with  examples  of 
that  tenacity  with  which  the  heroes  among  them  would  rather 


1  J.  B.  Abbeloos   and   Tho.  J.  Lamy,    Gregorii  Barhebrcei  Chronicon 
Ecclesiasticum,  Paris  1877,  II  86 :  "Hie  (Chosroes  Anuschervan)  post  annos 
octo  Antiochiam  invasit  incenditque,   ejus  vero   incolas  captivos  abduxit 
atque  eis  Mahuzam   condidit,    quam  Antiochiam  appellavit,    eosque    illic 
habitare  jussit."     Mahuza  is  explained  by  Assemani  (BibL  Or.  Ill  Pt.  ii, 
p.  761)  to  be  a  city  in  Babylonia  "  apud  Ctesiphontem  ex   altera  fluminis 
parte,    ad  provinciam  patriarchalem  pertinens,   eademque  Bagdadi  subur- 
bium,  et  Carcha,  Corch  seu  Charch,  appellatur."     Professor  Jastrow  tells 
me  that  mahuza  is  Babylonic  for  city. 

2  Henricus  Gismondi  S.  J.,  Maris  Amri  et  Slibae  De  Patriarchis  Nestoria- 
norum  Commentaria,  Part  II,  containing  the  Latin  version,  Rome  1897,  p. 24. 

3  Th.  Nb'ldeke,   Geschichte  der  Perser  und  Araber  zur  Zeit  der  Sasani- 
den,  Leiden  1879,  pp.  165  and  239. 


8  R  Hirth,  [1910. 

undergo  martyrdom  of  any  kind  than  cease  to  be  faithful  to 
their  traditions.  Many  of  them  are  recorded  to  have  suffered 
death  and  torture  under  the  threats  of  Persian  kings  and 
Arabic  caliphs.  It  is  to  this  virtue  of  the  Syrian  captives 
that  Tu  Huan,  the  author  of  the  Hing-king-hi  (ft  3|  ft  g  fjj), 
who  had  been  made  a  prisoner  and  retained  in  Persia  for  ten 
years  after  the  battle  of  Tharaz  in  751  A.  D.,  refers  when 
he  says  of  the  people  of  Fu-lin,  which  country  he  places  in 
the  west  of  Sham  ("JiJ,  =  Damask):  "If  they  live  as  captives  in 
foreign  states  tliey  will  rather  accept  death  than  change  their 
national  customs."  I  have  adopted  Mr.  Playfair's  improved 
translation  of  this  passage,  though  I  do  not  with  him  apply 
it  to  the  Israelites  in  exile,  but  to  the  Christians  in  their 
second  Antioch  near  Madain.  *  A  prominent  case  of  Christian 
martyrdom  has  been  recorded  in  Mar  Amr's  work  (pp.  cit, 
p.  37)  as  having  occurred  in  the  third  year  of  Abul- Abbas 
(752  A.  D.;  "per  id  tempus  martyrium  fecit  Israel  medicus, 
cui  Deus  requiem  concedat").  Assemani  (II,  p.  432)  refers  to  it 
in  connection  with  the  imprisonment  of  the  patriarch  Jacob 
(754 — 773  A.  D.)  by  the  caliph  Abu-Jafar,  under  whose  reign, 
just  at  the  time  when  Tu  Huan  himself  lived  as  a  captive 
in  Persia,  the  Syrian  Christians  suffered  more  than  ever  under 
the  persecutions  of  Mohammedan  potentates.  These  were  the 
outposts  of  the  people  of  Fu-lin,  who  may  have  furnished  the 
Chinese  envoy  to  Khosru  II,  Li  Yii,  with  the  accounts  of 
their  country  in  Syria,  and  if  the  envoy's  visit  to  the  Persian 
court,  placed  in  the  Ta-ye  period  by  the  Chinese  historians,  took 
place  in  the  earlier  part  of  it,  when  Syria  was  still  protected 
by  the  Roman  army,  this  would  be  a  sufficient  reason  why  Yang- 
tr  s  wish  to  communicate  with  the  mother  country  Fu-lin  could 
not  be  fulfilled.  Such  certainly  was  the  state  of  things  pre- 
vious to  the  year  611  A.  D.,  when  Apameia  and  Antioch  were 
sacked  by  the  Persians  under  Khosru  II.  The  Emperor's 
commissioner  in  Central  Asia,  Pel  K'ii,  who  shared  his  master's 
ambition  to  see  ambassadors  of  all  the  great  countries  of  Asia 
at  the  steps  of  the  dragon  throne,  succeeded  in  a  wonderful 
manner;  for  he  communicated  with  all,  "only  T'ien-chu  (India) 
and  Fu-lin  (Syria)  he  did  not  reach  to  his  regret."2 

1  Cf.  Playfair,  "The  Mystery  ofTa-ts'in"  in  Journal  of  the  China  Br., 
R.  A.  S.,  Vol.  XX,  1885,  p.  78,  referring  to  &.  0.,  pp.  83  and  116,  Q  45. 

2  ffi  5C  ^  tt  3fc  7  3*  n  JJR,  Tang-shu,  chap.  221  A,  p.  25B. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin. 


4.  The  king  of  Fu-lin  Po-to-li. 

I  have  always  been  of  opinion  that  Ta-ts'in  and  Fu-lin  have 
to  be  looked  upon  as  the  representatives  of  the  Christian  world. 
Even  in  the  early  accounts  of  Ta-ts'in  we  may  notice  an  eccle- 
siastical colouring.  "Their  kings  are  not  permanent  rulers, 
but  they  appoint  men  of  merit.  When  a  severe  calamity  vi- 
sits the  country,  or  untimely  rain-storms,  the  king  is  deposed 
and  replaced  by  another.  The  one  relieved  from  his  duties 
submits  to  his  degradation  without  a  murmur."1  This  is 
clearly  neither  a  Roman  Emperor,  nor  a  praetor  or  proconsul, 
but  a  patriarch  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  patriarch  of  An- 
tioch  as  the  head  of  all  the  Christians  in  Asia.  With  the 
settling  of  so  many  Syrian  Christians  in  Persia  after  the  fall 
of  Antioch  in  540  A.  D.,  the  Nestorian  patriarch  in  Persia 
could  perhaps  lay  claim  to  that  dignity.2  His  residence  in 
exile  was  merely  a  makeshift;  to  his  own  flock  and  to  the 
Chinese  behind  them  he  was  the  patriarch  of  all  the  Christians, 
whatever  the  heterodox  clergy  in  the  west  may  have  thought 
of  it.  It  was  the  Nestorian  patriarch  who  sent  the  first 
Christian  missionaries  to  China,  and  whether  he  did  so  under 
orders  from  a  still  higher  patriarch  in  Antioch,  or  on  his  own 
authority,  it  seems  not  easy  to  decide.  We  have  a  direct  allu- 
sion to  this  crux  by  a  Byzantine  author,  the  archimandrite 
Nilos  Doxopatres,  a  notary  in  the  service  of  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  who  in  1143  A.  D.  wrote,  for  king  Rogers  II 
of  Sicily,  a  short  treatise  on  the  patriarchal  thrones. 3  Doxo- 
patres may  have  been  a  biassed  judge  owing  to  his  connection 
with  the  orthodox  church,  for  he  seems  to  ignore  the  schism 
when  he  says  that  "the  patriarch  of  Antioch  was  in  charge  of 
all  Asia  and  Anatolia  and  even  India,  whither  he  had  sent  a 
katholikos  ordained  by  himself,  styled  the  one  of  Romogyris, 
and  also  of  Persia  and  Babylon,  called  Bagdad  in  his  time, 

1  Hou-han-shu,  R.  O.,  pp.  41  and  100,  E  19  and  20. 

2  According  to  Assemani,  Bibl.  Or.,  Ill  Pt  ii,  p.  617,  the  Nestorian  Arch- 
bishop at  Seleucia  and  the  Metropolitan  of  Persia  had  to  proceed  to  Antioch 
for  their  ordination  by  the  Patriarch  previous  to  498  A.  D.,  after  which 
time  the  "Catholicus"  of  the  Nestorians   claimed  the   title   of  Patriarch, 
in  order  to  be  relieved  of  the  perilous  journey  to  Antioch. 

3  Krumbacher,   Gesch.  d.  lyzantin.  Litteratur,  2nd  ed.,  Miinchen  1897, 
p.  415  seq. 


10  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

and  that  he  had  under  him  altogether  thirteen  metropolitans."  * 
We  know  that  the  early  Christians  in  India  were  Nestorians. 
The  discovery  of  crosses  resembling  in  shape  the  one  appear- 
ing above  the  Nestorian  tablet  of  Si-an-fu  and,  moreover,  sur- 
rounded by  Pehlevi  inscriptions2  points  to  the  Nestorians  in 
Persia  as  their  originators. 

Doxopatres'  statement  seems  to  show  that  the  patriarch  of 
Antioch  (i.  e.  of  Syria  or  Ta-ts'in)  was  at  least  the  nominal 
head  of  the  Christians  of  Asia  and  that  the  several  metro- 
politans, including  those  of  the  Nestorians  in  Persia  and  in 
India,  were  nominally  appointed  under  his  authority.  If  the 
patriarch  of  the  Nestorians  appointed  his  own  men  to  the 
Persian  sees  and  to  those  of  India  and  China,  as  we  have  every 
reason  to  assume,  he  may  either  have  had  this  power  delegated 
on  him,  or  he  may  have  acted  on  a  self-assumed  authority,  look- 
ing upon  himself  as]  the  patriarch  of  Antioch  living  in  exile. 
According  to  my  personal  view  it  is  the  patriarch  at  the  head 
of  the  Christians  in  Asia  who  is  meant  by  the  term  "king  of 
Fu-lin,"  or  ,,of  Ta-ts'in,"  in  the  later  texts.  To  support  this 
theory  I  wish  to  refer  to  an  account  of  Ta-ts'in  dating  within 
scarcely  a  generation  after  the  time  when  Nilos  Doxopatres 
wrote  that  treatise  according  to  which  the  "patriarch  of  An- 
tioch" appoints  the  heads  of  all  the  other  churches  in  Asia, 
including  the  one  of  the  Christians  in  India.  This  it  appears 
to  me  we  may  infer  from  Chau  Ju-kua's  texts  regarding 
Ta-ts'in  and  T'ien-chu  (usually  translated  by  India,  but  here 
covering  the  Christian  settlements  in  that  country).  Chau  Ju- 
kua  says  of  his  T'ien-chu:  "The  country  is  subordinate  to  the 
country  of  Ta-ts'in  and  its  chiefs  are  selected  ly  Ta-ts'in."  * 
I  have  endeavoured  to  explain  this,  at  first  sight  startling, 
assertion  by  the  relations  existing,  previous  to  the  arrival  of 
the  Portuguese,  between  the  Indian  church  of  St.  Thomas  and 
the  Nestorian  patriarch  as  the  ecclesiastical  "King  of  Ta- 


1  ITaX;v    6    *Avf»%9J*f   KaTs7%sv    a-xasav    TT?V    'Aai'av    KCU 

Ivc/av,  &TTO-J  Kai  ««;  T&U  vwv  Ka&oX/K&v  x^orovccv  OTsM.ee;  T&V  jfaXofywvov  'Pw,ao- 
fjpsuf  Ktzt  alrqv  TT/V  Hepyia-j,  en  KAI  avnyv  -nyv  Ba/2uXwva  TT?V  vDv  Kakovfjihr/v  Bayca 
K<fKsT  yap  OTvXXtv  o  'Av7/ox*i«?  fysi  olv  firtTpoiro\e7s  ajftapw  %sKaTps7;.  Varia 

Sacra  Stephani  le  Moyne,  Leiden  1685,  II,  p.  211  seq.  Cf.  Renaudot, 
Ancient  Accounts  of  India  and  China,  London  1733,  p.  119. 

2  J.  Richter,  Indische  Missionsgeschichte,  Giitersloh  1906,  p.  36. 


Vol.  xxx.]  TJie  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  11 

ts'in."  i  On  entering  deeper  into  the  subject  I  am  encouraged 
in  maintaining  this  view,2  though  there  seems  to  be  some 
doubt  as  to  who  the  real  chief  of  the  church  has  been,  whe- 
ther the  patriarch  of  Antioch  or  the  one  of  the  Nestorians 
in  Persia.  The  Nestorian  primate,  to  whom  part  of  his  juris- 
diction may  have  been  ceded  by  the  Patriarch  of  Antioch 
(Privilegium  a  Patriarcha  Antiocheno  concessum  Primati  Se- 
leuciensi  ut  Episcopos  ordinare  possit.  Assemani,  III  Pt  i, 
p.  145),  seems  to  have  been  more  settled  in  his  authority  in  later 
centuries,  when  the  extension  of  his  dominion  had  grown  too 
much  for  his  western  colleague,  than  in  ancient  times.  I  do 
not  venture  to  say  that  Nestorian  patriarchs  called  them- 
selves "Patriarchs  of  Antioch."  There  is,  however,  a  strange 
synchronism  between  the  statement,  said  to  be  the  result 
of  an  error  by  Assemani  (Bibl.  Orient.,  Ill  Pt.  i,  p.  289: 
"Golius  apud  Hottingerum  in  Bibl.  Or.,  p.  62")  to  the  effect 
that  Elias  III,  catholic  of  the  Nestorians  1176 — 1190,  was 


1  See  "Chao  Ju-kua?s  Ethnography"  in  Journ.  of  the  E.  Asiat.  Soc., 
July  1906,  pp.  496—499. 

2  Ample    material    will    be    found    in   W.    Germann,    Die    Kirche    der 
Thomaschristen,  Giitersloh,  1877,  and  Hichter's  Indische  Missionsgeschichte. 
The  following  sentences  are  selected  from  Capt.   Charles  Swanston's  paper 
"A  memoir  of  the  Primitive  Church  of  Malayala,  or  of  the  Syrian  chris- 
tians   of  the  Apostle  Thomas   from  its  first  rise  to  the  present  time"  in 
Journ.  of  the  E.  Asiat.  Soc.,  Vol.  i,  pp.  172—192,  and  Vol.  ii,  pp.  51—62 
and  243-247. 

"In  825,  a  merchant  named  Job  conducted  into  Malabar,  from  Baby- 
lon, two  Syrian  ecclesiastics,  Mar  Saul  and  Mar  Ambrose,  sent  by  the 
Nestorian  patriarch  to  rule  over  the  church  of  St.  Thomas."  "These  pre- 
lates governed  the  church  in  Trovancor  for  many  years."  "They  were 
followed  by  a  succession  of  teachers  from  Syria,  who  ruled  over  the 
church"  (i,  p.  178).  "The  authority  of  the  Syrian  bishops  extends  to  all 
temporal  and  spiritual  matters"  (p.  180—181).  "The  Nestorian  patriarch 
of  Babylon,— a  vague  appellation,  which  has  been  successfully  applied  to 
the  royal  seat  of  Seleucia,  of  Ctesiphon,  and  of  Bagdad"  (p.  183).  "What- 
ever credit  may  be  thought  due  to  the  current  tradition  of  these  Chris- 
tians, that  the  Apostle  Thomas  planted  the  seeds  of  the  Gospel  among 
them,  so  much  may  be  considered  established  beyond  contradiction,  that 
they  existed  in  Trovancor  as  a  flourishing  people,  connected  with  the 
Syrian  church,  from  the  first  centuries  of  the  Christian  era"  (ii,  p.  234). 
"Their  liturgy  is  that  which  was  formerly  read  in  the  churches  of  the 
Patriarch  of  Antioch,  and  their  language  is  the  Syriac"  (p.  237).  "They 
hold  in  the  highest  respect  their  Patriarch  of  Antioch  or  Mosul,  and 
make  mention  of  him  in  their  prayers"  (p.  239). 


12  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

called  "Patriarch  of  Antioch,"  and  Chau  Ju-kua's  source,  the 
Ling-wai-tai-ta,  published  in  1178,  which  says  that  the  king 
of  Ta-ts'in  ("Patriarch  of  Antioch")  appoints  the  lord  of  T'ien- 
chu  (here  ruler  over  the  Christians  in  India).  Assemani  (1.  c.) 
admits  that  the  Melchite,  Maronite  and  Jacobite  Syrians  gave 
that  title  to  their  patriarchs,  but  by  no  means  the  Nestorians. 
For  Assemani's  views  on  the  patriarchal  title  among  Nesto- 
rians see  also  Bill  Or.,  Ill,  p.  57  seq. 

Chau  Ju-kua's  account  of  Ta-ts'in  *  is  mixed  up  with  a  good 
deal  of  ancient  lore,  of  which  it  has  to  be  freed  before  being 
taken  into  consideration.  Thanks  to  the  discovery  of  Professor 
Tsuboi  of  Tokio,  who  drew  attention  to  the  Ling-wai-tai-ta 
by  Chou  K'ii-fei,2  we  are  able  to  trace  about  one-third  of  the 
substance  of  Chau  Ju-kua's  work  to  this  earlier  writer,  who 
had  collected  notices  from  personal  enquiries,  but  did  not 
publish  them  for  a  number  of  years,  until  he  became  tired 
of  so  many  questions  addressed  to  him  about  them  by  his 
friends.  Thus  the  preface  of  his  work,  which  may  have  been 
partly  written  some  time  before  its  publication,  happens  to  be 
dated  1178  A.  D.,  i.  e.  thirty-five  years  after  the  time  in  which 
Doxopatres  wrote  his  treatise.  It  contains  the  account  of  Ta- 
ts'in  partly  copied  by  Chau  Ju-kua,  and  in  its  simplicity  makes 
the  impression  of  a  contemporaneous  record.3 

Chou  K'u-fei  says  (chap.  3,  p.  1):  "The  king  is  styled  Ma- 
lo-fu"  (5£  %fc  Jft  PJI  $,,  in  Cantonese  ma-lo-fat,  or  giving  the 
last  character  its  probable  old  sound:  ma-lo-pat).  Since  fu 
ijft  occurs  in  a  Sanskrit  transcription  for  Ilia  (see  Julien,  Me- 
thode,  etc.,  p.  104,  No.  309),  we  may  read:  ma-lo-pa.  This  I 
look  upon  as  the  title  by  which  "the  king,"  or  in  this  case 
the  patriarch,  was  known  to  Chou  K'u-fei's  informants.  It 
seems  to  correspond  to  Syriac  Mar-Ala,  which  was  indeed 
one  of  the  titles  by  which  the  patriarch  could  be  addressed. 
Mar  is  a  title  of  honour  given  to  learned  devotees  among  the 
Nestorians,  somewhat  like  our  "  Venerable,"  4  Ala  means  "father." 
Mar- Aba  may  thus  be  translated  by  "Venerable  Father."  Its 


2    «i 


R.  0.,  pp.  92—96  and  120—122. 

"Cheu   Ch'iife's  Aufzeichnungen   iiber  die  fremden  Lander",  etc.,  in 
Actes,  Xlle  Congres  Int.  des  Orient,  Rome  1899,  II,  pp.  69—125. 
a  Tsuboi,  op.  cit,  p.  107—110. 

4  "Mar,  Syriace,  Dominus  meus,  ut  post  Assemannum  observant  docti 
Hagiographi",  Ducange,  Glossarium,  etc.,  ed.  L.  Favre,  s.  v.  Mar. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  13 

Greek  and  Latin  equivalent  was  Patricius  (Trar/owaos,  patrik).1 
"Patricius,"  as  a  title,  may  be  applied  to  a  number  of  high 
positions  in  the  ancient  west.  Petros  Patrikios,  the  emperor 
Justinian's  ambassador  to  the  Eastern  Goths  in  534  A.  D. 
and  to  king  Kosru  of  Persia  in  550  and  560,  held  this  dig- 
nity. 2  Roman  prefects  and  even  church  dignitaries  could  hold 
this  title  after  Constantinus  the  Great,  its  supposed  creator.3 
But  I  cannot  quote  any  particular  instance  in  which  it  applies 
to  an  oriental  patriarch  of  either  Antioch  or  Madain.  4  The 
root  patrik  would  be  an  excellent  equivalent  for  Chinese  po- 
to-lik.  But  the  Aramean  form  for  the  word  "patriarch"  itself, 
batrirk,  would  be  fully  as  good  from  a  linguistic  point  of  view 
and  would  suit  even  much  better  on  account  of  its  sense. 
I  do  not,  therefore,  hesitate  to  adhere  to  my  original  iden- 
tification of  the  old  sound  po-to-lik  with  batrirk  against  Cha- 


Two  years  before  Chou  K'ii-fei  published  his  accounts  of 
Ta-ts'in  and  T'ien-chu,  in  1176  A.  D.  the  Nestorian  church  of 
Bagdad  was  under  its  patriarch  Elias  III,  elected  and  or- 
dained at  Madain,  where  he  was  endowed  with  a  greenish 
cloak,  "pallio  amictus  pistacini  coloris"  (Mar  Amr,  ed.  Gis- 
mondi,  II,  p.  64).  The  sacred  gown  here  translated  by  pallium 
is  by  later  authors  described  as  a  kind  of  "pluviale,"  or  rain 
cloak.  The  mistaken  description  of  this  gown  may  have  caused 
the  Chinese  author  to  speak  of  a  "green"  (^f)  umbrella,  by 
which  the  "king  of  Ta-ts'in"  is  protected  when  appearing  in 
public.  Elias  III  distinguished  himself  by  his  architectural 
works.  He  re-built  the  patriarchal  palace  together  with  the 


1  "Quern  enim   Graeci  Latinique  Patricium  vocant,  is  dicitur  Syriace 
Aba,  et  praefixo  Mar,   seu  Domini  titulo,   Mar-Aba,"  Assemani,  op.  cit. 
Ill,  Part  ii,  p.  92  (quoting  Bar  Hebraeus). 

2  Krumbacher,  op.  cit.,  p.  237. 

3  Du  Cange,  s.  v.  Patricius. 

4  As    a    title,    though    it    seems    certain    that    Cosmas    Indicopleustes 
(Migne,  p.  125)  speaks  of  a  "Catholic  of  Persia,"  i.  e.  the  head  of  the 
Nestorian   church,  under  the  name  of  HarpiKio;  at  a  time  when,  accord- 
ing to  other  sources  (Amr,  p.  23),  Mar  Aba  occupied  the   patriarchal  see 
(536—552  A.  D.).    This  may  be  the  basis  of  Assemani's  identification  of 
the  titles  Patricius  and  Mar  Aba  (cf.  also  J.  "W.  McCrindle's  note  on  the 
passage  referred  to    in    The    Christian    Topography  of  Cosmas,  London 
1897,  p.  24). 


14  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

Church  ("cellam  in  aedibus  Komanorum  reaedincare  coepit 
unfi  cum  ecclesia," — says  Mar  Amr,  cf.  Barhebraeus7  Clironi- 
con,  Abbeloos  and  Lamy,  Vol.  iii,  p.  370),  while  according 
to  the  Chinese  account  of  1178  the  king  of  Ta-ts'in  had  a 
subway  built  from  his  palace  to  the  Hall  of  Worship  (E.  6., 
p.  93).  Although  the  Nestorian  patriarchs  were  even  at  this 
time  crowned  at  Madain,  their  place  of  residence  had  since 
the  eighth  century  been  at  Bagdad,  for  which  reason  Chou 
K'u-fe'i,  and  with  him  Chau  Ju-kua,  speak  of  Ta-ts'in  as  k'the 
general  meeting  ground  for  the  nations  of  the  Western  heaven 
and  the  place  where  the  foreign  merchants  of  Ta-sh'i  [Arabs 
and  Persians]  assemble."  E.  0.,  R  1. 

The  king  of  Fu-lin,  who  in  643  A.  D.,  more  than  five  hun- 
dred years  before  the  time  of  Elias  III,  sent  an  embassy  to 
China,  did  so  at  a  time  when  Nestorians  were  in  full  grace 
with  the  Chinese  court.  The  emperor  T'ai-tsung  favoured 
them  with  a  message  under  his  imperial  seal  and  graciously 
granted  presents  of  silk.1  The  king's  name,  as  entered  in 
the  two  versions  of  the  Tang-shu,  was  Po-to-li  ($£  %  jj ,  in 
Cantonese  Po-to-lik).  What  I  consider  to  be  the  Syriac  trans- 
cription of  this  title  could,  of  course,  apply  to  the  orthodox 
patriarch  Mar  Joannes,  the  pontifex  of  Antioch,  who  died 
after  eighteen  years'  government  in  649  A.  D.,2  and  who  is 
distinctly  described  as  batrirk  /^i^a.  In  his  case — at  that 
early  time — the  title  batrirk  seems  certainly  unquestionable, 
whereas  his  Nestorian  contemporary  Jesujab  II  is  styled  ha- 
tulik  rA,okj8.3  On  the  other  hand  I  observe  that  the  Nesto- 
rian chiefs  are  styled  batrirk  in  Mar  Amr's  biographies 
throughout,  and  that  the  Nestorians  who  erected  the  tablet 
of  Si-an-fu  say  that  this  was  done  at  the  time  when  "the  father 
of  fathers"  Mar  Hananjesus  was  the  catholic  patriarch.*  This 
shows  that  the  title,  whether  accorded  to  their  primate  by 
orthodox  writers  or  not,  was  claimed  for  him  by  his  own 


1  R.  0.,  K  34  and  L  41. 

2  Barhebraeus,  op.  cit,  I,  p.  279. 

3  Barhebr.,  II.  p.  114.    Regarding  the  titles  by   which  the  early  Nes- 
torian chiefs  have  been  referred  to  see  Christ.  Harder,  Historiae  Prime  - 
tium  ecclesiae  Nestorianorum  ab  Amro  filio  Matthaei  Arabice  scriptae  ver- 
sionis  specimen.    Neumiinster,  1890,  p.  4. 

4  batrirkis  in  estrangelo  characters,  see  Havret,  La  stele  chretienne,  etc., 
I,  p.  LXXIX. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  15 

subordinates,  and  thus  circumstances  may  also  favour  the 
identification  of  the  person  called  Po-to-lik  with  the  patriarch 
Jesujab  II,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Nestorian  church 
from  627  to  646, — a  man  of  great  political  importance,  who 
had  acted  as  ambassador  of  the  Persian  court  to  the  em- 
peror Heraclius.  To  whichever  of  the  two  dignitaries  we  may 
give  the  preference,  we  have  to  consider  the  ecclesiastical 
character  of  certain  subsequent  missions  to  China.  One  of 
these  was  sent  in  719  A.  D.,  when  "their  lord"  (3£  £)  de- 
puted a  chief  of  T'"u-huo-lo  (Tokharestan)  on  a  mission  to  the 
Chinese  court.1  The  Nestorian  patriarch  was  probably  in  a 
position  to  do  so  through  one  of  his  subordinates,  some 
bishop  of  Balkh,  a  city  of  T'u-huo-lo  or  Tokharestan.  For 
only  sixty-two  years  later  the  Nestorian  chorepiscopus  of  Kum- 
dan,  Mar  Idbuzid,  who  had  his  name  engraved  on  the  Nesto- 
rian tablet  with  those  of  his  fellow  priests  in  estrangelo  cha- 
racters, calls  himself  "son  of  Milis,  priest  of  Balkh."  This 
Milis  was  evidently,  like  his  son,  a  Nestorian  priest,  and  since 
Idbuzid  probably  did  not  attain  the  dignity  of  chief  of  the 
church  of  Kumdan  as  a  young  man,  which  was  the  exception 
among  Nestorian  prelates,  it  would  appear  that  the  Nesto- 
rians  actually  had  a  church  with  priests  in  the  city  of  Balkh 
about  the  time  when  the  Fu-lin  embassy  of  719  A.  D.  came 
to  China.2  I  am  not  aware  that  the  Byzantine  Romans  had 
any  relations  with  Tokharestan  in  719  A.  D.,  when  they  had 
a  narrow  escape  of  seeing  their  capital  sacked  by  the  mos- 
lems.  A  few  months  later  Fu-lin  sent  "priests  of  great  virtue" 
with  tribute  to  China,  a  further  reason  for  regarding  these 
relations  as  more  of  an  ecclesiastical  than  a  political  char- 
acter. The  Ts'o-fu-yiian-kui  places  a  mission  of  priests  in  the 
year  742  A.  D.,  while  in  744,  according  to  the  Nestorian  In- 
scription, "there  was  (it  is  not  said  when  he  had  arrived)  the 
Ta-ts'in  priest  Ki-lw,  who  had  an  audience  with  the  Emperor." 


1  R.  0.,  K  38. 

2  Cf.  Assemani,    III  Part  ii,   pp.  482,   550   and   727  seq:    "In   notitia 
Metropoleon  apud  Amrum  Halac  vigesimum  locum  occupat,  quae  eadem 
est  ac  Balcha." 


16  F.  Hirtli,  [1910. 

5.  Political  facts  stated  in  Chinese  records  excluding  iden- 
tification with  Constantinople. 

The  Kiu-Vang-slm  says:  "Since  the  Ta-shi  [Arabs]  had 
conquered  these  countries  they  sent  their  commander-in-chief 
Mo-i  [Muawia]  to  besiege  the  capital  city  [of  Fu-lin];  by  means 
of  an  agreement  they  obtained  friendly  relations,  and  asked 
to  be  allowed  to  pay  every  year  tribute  of  gold  and  silk;  in 
the  sequel  tliey  became  subject  to  the  Ta-sh'i  [Arabs]."1 

Professor  Chavannes  agrees  with  me  in  explaining  the  name 
Mo-i  (Jgp  J^)  as  a  mutilation  of  the  sound  Muawia.  He  does 
not.  however,  refer  it  to  the  great  Muawia,  who,  before  he  be- 
came caliph,  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Syria  (Fu-lin) 
under  Othman,  but  to  his  son  Yezid,  in  order  to  show  that 
the  passage  refers  to  one  of  the  sieges  of  Constantinople.  In 
doing  so  he  seems  to  overlook  the  fact  that  Fu-lin  was  not 
only  conquered,  but  uin  the  sequel  became  subject  to  the  Arabs  f 
and  that  this  means  much  more  than  a  mere  temporary  con- 
quest may  be  shown  from  a  passage  of  the  Kiu-t'ang-shu  (chap. 
198  p.  29),  which  states  that  the  Ta-sh'i,  i.  e.  the  Arabs  of  the 
caliph  empire,  "in  the  beginning  of  the  Lung-so  period  (661 — 
664  A.  D.),  on  having  defeated  Po-ss'i  (Persia)  and  Fu-lin,  be- 
gan to  be  in  the  possession  of  rice  and  bread  stuff." 2  Fu-lin 
can  in  this  case  only  refer  to  Syria.  Constantinople  was  never 
subject  to  the  Arabs,  nor  did  the  imperial  dominions  outside 
of  Asia  supply  them  with  grain.3 


2 


ft-     S.   O.,  K  35;  cf.  L  43. 


3  Something  similar  is  remarked  in  the  Sung-sh/i,  ch.  90,  p.  18,  in  the 
account  of  a  mission  from  the  Ta-sh'i  having  arrived  at  the  Imperial  court 
in  995  A.  D.;  but  the  country  is  there  referred  to  under  its  old  name 
Ta-ts'in.  The  emperor  asked  the  Ta-sh'i  (Arab,  or  Persian,  of  the  Caliph 
empire,  then  divided  into  numerous  branches)  about  his  country,  upon 
which  he  replied:  "It  is  conterminous  with  the  country  of  Ta-ts'in,  and 
considering  it  a  dependency,  it  is  now  my  native  country  which  has  con- 
trol  over  it"  (||  *  ^  B  *  »  @  *  ^  B  ^  #  B  J9f  «  £)> 
Since  Syria  had  been  conquered  and  was  being  held  by  the  Fatimide 
Caliphs  residing  at  Cairo  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  Century,  the  mission 
referred  to  seems  to  have  come  from  the  Fatimide  portion  of  the  Ta-sh'i 
territories. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  17 


6.  Fu-lin  =  Bethlehem. 

My  identification,  which  may  at  first  sight  seem  strange,  is 
based  on  the  Nestorian  inscription,  in  which  it  is  shown  that 
the  priests,  with  their  "luminous  religion,"  came  from  Ta-ts'in, 
and  that  "a  virgin  gave  birth  to  the  holy  one  in  Ta-ts'in  Cj£ 
i%  H  8  1fc  'ifc  It)-"1  Since  Ta-ts'in,  according  to  all  Chinese 
accounts,  is  identical  with  Fu-lin,  this  is  equivalent  to  saying 
that  "a  virgin  gave  birth  to  the  holy  one  in  Fu-lin."  The  old 
sound  of  these  two  syllables,  as  shown  above,  was,  or  could  be, 
pat-lam]  and  it  seemed  to  me  that  "Bethlehem"  is  a  much  more 
appropriate  etymology  than  polin.  In  those  days,  when  an 
ecclesiastical  current  ran  through  the  politics  of  the  world, 
east  and  west,  Chinese  literature  called  the  great  nations  by  the 
birth-place  of  the  founders  of  their  religions.  Thus  the  T'ang- 
shu  account  of  India  (chap.  221A,  p.  24B)  is  introduced  by  the 
words  "The  country  of  T'ien-chu,  also  called  Mo-k'ie-to,"2 
because  Mo-k'ie-to,  i.  e.  Magadha,  was  the  little  country  where 
Buddha  was  born.  Later  on  Arabia  received  its  name  T'ien- 
fang  (J^  -ft,  "the  Heavenly  Square,"  i.  e.  the  Kaaba)  from 
the  sanctuary  in  Mohammed's  birth-place.  Similarly  we  read 
in  Chinese  books:  "Ta-ts'in,  also  called  Fu-lin,"  i.  e.  Bethlehem, 
because  it  was  the  birth-place  of  Christ. 

7.  The  Language  of  Fu-lin. 

We  possess  about  a  dozen  transcriptions  in  Chinese  char- 
acters said  to  represent  words  of  the  language  of  Fu-lin.  They 
occur  in  the  eighteenth  chapter  of  the  well-known  cyclopaedia 
Yu-yang-tsa-tsu  (§  fig  ^  ffl)  by  Tuan  Ch'ong-shi  (|£  $  5^), 
who  died  in  863  A.  D.3 

The  most  reliable  edition  of  this  work,  the  quotations  from 
which  in  cyclopaedias,  dictionaries  and  concordances  of  the 
present  dynasty  contain  a  number  of  fatal  misprints,  is  the 
one  published  in  the  Ming  collection  Tsin-tai-pi-shu  (JJ:  J|  jjj$ 
Iff:),  a  rare  work,  of  which  there  is  a  copy  among  the  Chinese 
books  of  Columbia  Library  in  New  York.  It  appears  that  a 


*  See  Havret,  La  stele  chretienne,  I,  p.  XXIII. 

2  3C  ^  B  &   0  *  *  K- 

3  Giles,  Chinese  Biogr.  Diet,  p.  788. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  I. 


18  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

bibliophile  by  the  name  of  Hu  Chon-hiang  (gj  f|  iff)  had 
planned  the  publication  of  a  collection  of  rare  prints  under 
the  title  Pi-ti'6-liuiJMn  (f£  flf}  ft  gj),  but  that  before  the 
work  saw  the  light,  the  blocks  from  which  it  was  to  have  been 
printed  were  partly  destroyed  in  a  conflagration,  when  the 
damaged  stock  of  blocks  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mau  Tsin  (£ 

m^  1598 1657  A.  D.),  who  published  it  under  the  above  title 

with  a  number  of  additions  constituting  the  greater  part  of 
the  collection,  in  all  144  works.  The  texts  added  bj  Mau 
Tsin  bear  on  every  page  the  name  of  his  studio  Ki-ku-ko  (ffi 
"fr  !9)»  an(i  tne  Yu-yang-isa-tsu  is  among  them.  * 

The  best  edition  next  to  this  is  the  one  of  the  collection 
Hiau-tsin-Vau-yuan  (Jf.  p:  f J  JR),  published  in  1805  by  Chang 
Hai-p'ong  (5g  f$  |||)  in  Chau-won  near  Soochow, 2  who  copied 
his  text  from  Mau  Tsin's  edition,  which  he  compared  with 
original  sources. 

The  eighteenth  chapter  of  the  Yu-yang-tsa-tsu  is  inscribed 
mu-p'ien  (T|C  ||),  i.  e.,  "chapter  on  trees,"  and  treats  chiefly  on 
exotic  trees  and  shrubs,  many  of  which  are  said  to  be  indi- 
genous of  India,  Persia,  or  Fu-lin,  giving  the  names  used  in 
those  countries  in  the  shape  of  transcriptions.  I  have  tried 
to  identify  some  of  these  names  with  the  assistance  of  my 
colleagues  Professors  R.  Gottheil  and  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,  and 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  they  are  neither  Latin  nor 
Greek,  but  Syriac. 

As  to  the  question  who  may  have  supplied  the  information 
regarding  these  foreign  words,  we  receive  a  clue  in  the  de- 
scription, on  p.  9,3  of  the  Asa  foetida  tree,  called  a-we'i  (fpf 
U).  Having  said  that  it  comes  from  K7ie-sho-na  (fjp  pg]  -j||$) 
in  Northern  India,  i.  e.  Ghazna  in  the  present  Afghanistan, 
where  it  is  called  hmg-yu^  and  that  it  also  comes  from  Persia, 
where  it  is  called  a-yii  (fpf  Jf ),  and  having  outlined  his  de- 
scription of  the  tree,  the  author  continues:  "This  is  identical 
with  what  the  priest  Wan  of  the  Fu-lin  country  says;  the 
priest  Ti-p'o  [Deva?]  of  the  Mo-kie-t'o  [Maghada]  country  says, 

etc.  (n^,^^m  ^  mmm^mm^^m  irw 

1  Hui-ko-shu-mu,  IV,  pp.  54 — 63. 

2  See  my  "Die  Lander  des  Islam  nach  chinesischen  Quellen,"  p.  17. 

3  I  shall  quote  numbers  of  pages  from  the  edition  of  1805. 

4  ^  JE  = Skt-  hingu,  Hind,  hing,   Dakh.  hinffu,    and    similarly   with 
various  foreign  writers.     See  Yule,  Anglo-Indian  Glossary,  s.  v.  Hing. 


Vol.  xxx.J  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  19 

We  may  be  allowed  to  assume  from  this  passage  that  the  in- 
formation on  plants  growing  in  Fu-lin  and  their  native  names 
were  supplied  by  a  priest  coming  from  Fu-lin  called  Wan. 
Here  two  priests,  the  one  of  Fu-lin  (Bethlehem),  the  other  of 
India  (Magadha),  are  placed  in  contrast  with  each  other  as 
representing  Christian  and  Buddhist  sources  of  information. 
The  following  extracts  are  from  the  Yu-yang-tsa-tsu.  The 
headings  ("The  Olive,"  "The  Fig,"  etc.)  have  been  added 
by  me. 

1.  The  Olive  (p.  10 B). 

"The  ts'i-tfun  tree  (^  flfj,  Canton  Dial,  ts'ai-fun)  comes 
from  Po-ssi  (Persia).  It  also  comes  from  Fu-lin.  In  Fu-lin 
it  is  called  ts'i-fi  (^  ^,  Canton  Dial,  ts'ai-fai).  The  tree 
measures  two  or  three  chang  (=  IS1^  or  23*/4  feet1)  in  height. 
Its  bark  is  green;  it  has  white  blossoms  like  the  pumelo  (yu, 
JJ),  and  these  are  very  fragrant.  The  fruits  are  like  those  of 
the  yang-Vau  (^  ffi ,  Actinidia  chinensis,  PL,  "a  climbing  shrub 
which  bears  edible  fruit  about  the  size  of  a  plum,"  Henry, 
"Chinese  names  of  Plants,"  in  J.  of  the  China  Branch,  R.  As. 
Soc.j  1887,  p.  281)  and  ripen  in  the  fifth  month  (June).  The 
inhabitants  of  the  west  press  them  into  oil  used  for  frying 
cakes  and  fruits,  as  we  in  China  use  ku-shong  (Jf  )]$,  a  kind 
of  hemp  seed?  Very  doubtful,  cf.  Bretschneider,  Botanicum 
Sinicum,  III,  pp.  376—378)." 

There  can  scarcely  be  any  doubt  about  the  identity  of  this 
tree  with  the  olive.  Ts'ai-t'un  is  Persian  and  Turkish  zeitun 
^yoj,  and  ts'ai-fai  of  the  language  of  Fu-lin  is  Aramean 
zaita  K'&UJ.  See  Immanuel  Low,  Aramtiische  Pflanzennamen , 
p.  136,  who  says  that  the  word  applies  both  to  the  tree  (Olea 
europaea,  L.)  and  its  fruit.  No  such  name  is  known  in  Greek. 


1  The  foot  of  the  T'ang  Dynasty,  during  whose  reign  the  text  of  the 
Yu~yang-tsa-tsu  has  originated,  was  much  smaller  than  the  present  Chi- 
nese foot.  Cf.  my  notes  in  "Bausteine  zu  einer  Geschichte  der  chinesi- 
schen  Literatur,"  Toung-pao,  Vol.  vii,  pp.  502—505.  The  Chinese  foot, 
ch"i.  J^,  of  the  K'ai-yiian  period  (713—742  A.  D.)  measured  about  23  '/2  cm., 
or  say  9 1/4  inches  English  measurement.  This  has  to  be  taken  into 
account  in  forming  an  approximate  idea  of  the  several  sizes  placed  on 
record  in  our  text.  The  chang,  T£,  or  Chinese  rod,  which  is  now  usually 
taken  as  ll3/4,  would  thus  correspond  to  scarcely  73/4  English  feet  in  the 
T'ang  period. 

2* 


20  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 


2.  The  Fig  (p.  12B). 

"A-i  (p}  |$,  Canton  Dial,  a-yik).  In  the  country  of  Po-ssi 
(Persia)  they  call  it  a-i  (fnf  ,10,  C.  D.  a-?/iA:;  the  second  char- 
acter was  read  jit  or  yit  during  the  T'ang  period,  see  Tang- 
sliu-sM-yin,  chap.  13,  p.  4).  In  Fu-lin  it  is  called  ti-ni  (jg 
{jg;  the  second  character  appears  as  J£,  chon,  in  all  the  other 
editions  and  quotations  I  have  seen,  a  mistake  which  has 
clearly  arisen  from  a  variant  of  the  second  character  ^,  K'ang- 
hi,  Had.  75,5,  being  confounded  with  Jft,  another  form  for 
chon).  The  tree  grows  to  a  height  of  14  or  15  cJi'i  (about 
11  feet).  Twigs  and  leaves  are  plentiful  and  luxuriant.  Its 
leaves  have  five  lobes  (^  ^  3£  ffi)  like  those  of  the  pei-ma 
(||j  |j  =  gf  jjj  ,  Ricinus  communis).  The  plant  has  no  flowers,  * 
but  fruits.  The  fruit  is  reddish  like  the  pei-tz'i  (f^  ^  =  ffi 
jfjjf  ^f,  the  Chinese  Diospyros  glutinifera?),  and  its  taste  re- 
sembles that  of  the  sweet  persimmon  (-g*  jfjj,  han-sh'i).  Once 
a  month  there  is  a  crop." 

The  Pon-ttfau-ltang-mu  (chap.  31,  p.  26)  has  under  the  head 
of  ivu-hua-kuo,  the  "flowerless  fruit,"  the  name  ying-j'i-huo,  ftfe 
0  S'  representing  the  old  sound  ang-it  and  apparently  a 
transcription  of  Hindustani  anjir.  The  Persian  name,  accord- 
ing to  the  Yu-yang-tsa-tsu  is  a-yit  =  ayir,  which  is  near 
enough,  though  not  as  perfect  a  transcription  as  ang-it,  to 
Persian  anjlr  j*g?\,  a  fig.  The  Aramean  name,  according  to 
Low,  p.  390,  is  te(n}ta  K'^Jr^^,  or  tena  rdire'^,  cf.  Biblical 
teenah  njNJJ\.  Our  Chinese  transcription  ti-ni  is  certainly  much 
nearer  the  Aramean  word  than  the  Greek  o-v/dj  for  fig,  or 
os  for  caprificus. 


3.  The  Myrtle  (p.  11  B). 

"The  mo  tree  (f£,  Canton  Dial,  mut,  used  up  to  the  present 
day  as  a  transcription  for  mur,  the  name  given  to  the  "myrrh" 
in  several  western  Asiatic  languages,  but  here  clearly  resorted 
to  as  a  transcription  for  Persian,  or  Pehlevi,  murd  >>*,*,  which 


1  A  botanical  prejudice,  which  has  caused  the  Chinese  to  call  the  Ficus 
carica  the  "flower-less  fruit"  (wu-hua-kuo,*  $&  ft  ft)  and  induced  Albertus 
Magnus  to  say  of  the  fig-tree:  "fructum  profert  sine  fiore"  (De  vegeta- 
bilibus,  ed.  Meyer  and  Jessen,  Berlin  1867,  p. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  21 

Professor  Jackson  informs  me  occurs  in  the  Bundehesh  in  the 
sense  of  "myrtle")  comes  from  Po-ss'i  (Persia).  In  Fu-lin  it  is 
called  a-t^'i  (fnf  £J|,  ^e  ^as^  character  being  also  read  so,  tso 
and  tsok,  K'ang-hi,  Rad.  120,  10,  and  Chalmers'  K'ang-hij 
p.  219).  It  grows  to  a  height  of  one  chang  (73/4  feet)  and 
more.  Its  bark  is  greenish  (or,  blueish)  white.  Its  leaves  re- 
semble those  of  the  huai  (^,  now  Sophora  Japonica  L.,  but 
possibly  differing  in  ancient  times,  see  Bretschneider,  Bot.  Sin., 
II,  p.  379),  though  they  are  longer.  The  flower  resembles  that 
of  the  EM  (J|j ,  Citrus  of  some  kind),  and  it  has  large  seeds 
(or,  berries),  black  in  colour,  resembling  in  size  those  of  the 
shan-chu-yu  ((Jj  31  $.•>  Cornus  officinalis,  S.  &  Z.,  see  Bret- 
schneider, Bot.  .Sin.  II,  p.  326  and  III,  p.  507  seq.).  Their 
taste  is  sourish  sweet  and  they  are  eatable." 

I    do    not    hesitate    to   identify    the    botanical    features    of 
this    plant  with   those  of  the  myrtle,    the  Aramean  name  of 

which  is  asa  rdjifxf;  Low,  p.  50:  myrtus  communis,  L. 

4.  Galbanum  (p.  11). 

"Pi-ts'i  (Jjjj  ^,  Canton  Dial,  pit-is* ai)  comes  from  Po-ss'i 
(Persia).  In  Fu-lin  it  is  called  han-po-li-t'o  (fj|  %Jj  ^L  p^;  this 
is  the  reading  of  the  Tsin-tai-pi-shu  edition;  other  editions 
have  substituted  £f[  tu,  or  tub,  for  the  first  character,  and 
the  T"lu-shu-tsi-ch>ong  gives  it  this  sound,  which  is  clearly  an 
error  easily  explained  by  the  similarity  of  the  two  characters, 
by  adding  in  a  scholion:  •§••  ^,  'having  the  sound  to,'  C.  D. 
tiit;  the  edition  of  1805  prints  Jfji,  Tzie,  or  huk.  Regarding 
lian,  -fjj ,  see  K'ang-hi,  Rad.  181,  3).  It  grows  to  a  height  of 
fully  one  chang  (7  3/4  feet)  and  has  a  circumference  of  more 
than  a  ch'i  (9*/4  inches).  Its  bark  is  green,  thin  and  very 
glossy.  The  leaves  are  like  those  of  the  a-we'i  (Asa  foetida), 
each  three  leaves  growing  on  the  twigs.  It  has  neither  flowers  nor 
fruits.  The  inhabitants  of  the  west  usually  cut  them  in  the 
eighth  month  (September),  and  till  the  twelfth  month  (Janu- 
ary) further  trimming  takes  place.  The  new  twigs  are  thus 
extremely  rich  and  juicy,  whereas  without  the  trimming  they 
would  wither  and  die.  When  cut  in  the  seventh  month  (Au- 
gust), the  twigs  yield  a  yellow  juice  somewhat  like  honey 
and  slightly  fragrant,  which  is  used  as  a  medicine  for  cer- 
tain cures." 


22  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

The  Cantonese  sound  pit-ts'ai  is  an  excellent  transcription 
of  Persian  birzay        j*>>,   "Galbanum"  (Johnson,  p.  267).    Its 


Aramean  equivalent  is  chelbdnita  K'&uinljj,   the    product  of 

Ferula  galbaniflua,  Boiss.  &  Buhse,  according  to  Low,  p.  163. 
The  defenders  of  the  identity  of  Fu-lin  with  Constantinople 
might  point  to  Greek  x0^/?"1"?*  which  is  indeed  its  botanical 
equivalent,  but  Professor  Gottheil  informs  me  that  -ita  is 
a  characteristic  Aramean  ending,  which  distinguishes  it  from 
other  Semitic  dialects  (bibl.  cheWenah  mn^H,  etc.)  as  well  as 
from  the  Greek  and  Latin  forms  of  the  word,  x^P™"!  an^ 
galbanum. 

5.  The  Nard  (p.  12). 

"Nai-chi  (|*  jjij£.  The  first  character  according  to  K'ang-hi, 
Rad.  75,  9,  could  be  read  7J  H  ty  =  not;  the  second,  as 
equivalent  to  |g,  could  be  read  ~~f  jg  -gj  =  ti,  Rad.  113,  4;  the 
Tsin-tai-pi-shu  edition  confounds  it  with  jig,  Rad.  113,  5.  The 
old  sound  may  thus  be  reconstructed  as  not-ti,  which  may 
stand  for  nar-ti,  or  nard)  comes  from  the  country  of  Fu-lin. 
It  is  a  herbaceous  plant  (miau,  "jg),  three  or  four  ctt'i  in 
height.  Its  roots  are  of  the  size  of  duck's  eggs,  its  leaves  are 
like  garlic  (suan,  J£,  Allium  sativum  L.).  From  the  centre 
of  the  leaf«rises  a  twig  of  great  length,  and  on  the  stem  there 
is  a  flower,  six-lobed,  of  reddish  white,  with  a  brownish  calyx, 
forming  no  fruit.  The  plant  grows  in  the  winter  and  dies  in 
the  summer,  and  it  is  related  to  our  greens  or  wheat  cereals. 
Its  flowers  are  pressed  into  oil  used  as  an  ointment  against 
colds.  The  king  of  Fu-lin  and  the  nobles  in  his  country  all 
use  it." 

The  name  of  this  plant  may?;  be  the  Persian  nard  >y,  or 
Biblical  nard  TT3,  or  belong  to  any  other  dialect  or  language, 
since  it  seems  to  be  international.  Our  author  does  not  say  any- 
thing about  the  language  of  Fu-lin,  as  he  does  in  other  accounts, 
and  it  apparently  "comes  from  Fu-lin,"  because  it  is  so  largely 

used  there.  Low,  p.  368,  gives  shebbalta  rtf&vLkz*  as  its  Ara- 
mean equivalent. 

6.  Jasmine  (p.  12). 

"Ye-si-mi  (|f  &  |g,  Canton  Dial,  ye-sik-maf)  comes  from 
the  country  of  Fu-lin.  It  also  comes  from  the  country  of 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  23 

Po-ssi  (Persia).  It  is  a  herbaceous  plant,  seven  or  eight  ch'z 
in  height.  Its  leaves  are  like  those  of  the  plum-tree  and  grow 
ample  all  the  year  round;  its  flowers  are  five-lobed  and  white  ? 
and  they  form  no  fruits.  When  the  blossoms  open  out,  the 
whole  country  is  filled  by  their  flavour  resembling  (in  this 
respect)  the  chan-t'ang  ()}  |g,  a  doubtful  tree  with  fragrant 
flowers,  Bretschneider,  Bot.  Sin.  Ill,  p.  467)  of  Ling-nan  (Can- 
ton). The  inhabitants  of  the  west  are  in  the  habit  of  gathering 
its  flowers,  which  they  press  into  an  oil  of  great  fragrance 
and  lubricity." 

Persian^/asww^ys^-^b  andAramean^/asmm  ^±afla*  are  clearly 
the  equivalents  of  this  name  ye-si-mi,  which  has  been  known 
in  China  since  about  the  year  300  A.  D.,  when  it  was  describ- 
ed in  the  Nan-fang-ts'au-mu-chuang  (jg  ^T  ^  Tfc  JR*  chap.  1, 
p.  2)  as  being  introduced  by  foreigners  in  Canton  under  the 
name  of  ye-si-ming  (J$  g|  >g).  In  another  passage  of  this 
work  (chap.  2,  p.  3)  the  Henna  plant  is  said  to  have  been  in- 
troduced by  foreigners  together  with  the  ye-si-ming  and  mo-li 
from  the  country  of  Ta-tsTin.  The  Jasmine  plant  and  the 
mo-li-hua  (^  ^ij  $;)  are  now  synonyms,  but  since  mo-li  is 
described  in  a  separate  paragraph,  in  which  it  is  said  that 
"its  flowers  are  white  like  those  of  the  ts'iang-mi  (|f  }|f ,  'wall 
rose',  Bretschneider,  Bot.  Sin.,  Ill,  p.  302)  and  its  fragrance 
exceeds  that  of  the  ye-si-ming",  it  appears  that  in  300  A.  D. 
it  denoted  some  other  fragrant  garden  plant,  imported  from 
Syria  together  with  its  name  mo-li.  The  latter  might  be 
connected  with  molo,  O\CO9  (=  /xcoAv,  Low,  p.  317:  Peganum 
Harmala  L.?).  The  old  work  referred  to  contains  a  number 
of  other  botanical  names  clearly  of  western  origin,  such  as 
hun-lu  (||:  H,  old  sound  hun-luk),  for  "frankincense,"  which 
may  be  a  transcription  of  Turkish  ghyunluk  ^^^  (cf.  R.  0., 
p.  266  seq.),  or  ho-li-lo  (fpj  ^  fjj,  Canton  Dial,  ho-li-lak),  the 
Terminalia  Chebula,  Retz,  or  Myrobalan,  called  halilag  ^bn 
and  similarly  in  old  Hebrew  medicinal  works  (Low,  p.  129).  But 
since  they  have  no  immediate  bearing  on  the  Fu-lin  problem, 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  trace  these  names. 


I  do  not  wish  to  commit  myself  to  identifications  about 
which  I  do  not  feel  tolerably  confident  both  from  the  botanical 
and  the  linguistic  point  of  view;  but  I  hope  to  return  to 
the  subject  as  soon  as  I  can  offer  some  plausible  suggestions 


24  F.  Hirth,  [.1910 

as  to  the  five  remaining  plant  names   said  to   belong  to  the 
language   of  Fu-lin,   viz:   a-po-ctton  (fnf  fjj  f),  a-pu-to   ($$  " 
ff),  kiin-han  (J|  '^),  a-li-ho-Vo  (fpj  5^  M  Ptfc)  and 


As  to  a-pu-to,  stated  (p.  9 B)  under  the  name  po-na-so  (|g 
$|>  *£)  to  come  from  Persia,  the  Pon-ts'au-kang-mu  (chap.  31, 
p.  25)  refers  this  name  to  the  Jack  fruit  (po-lo-mi,  $£  $|  $g, 
Artocarpus  integrifolia),  and  gives  as  its  Fu-lin  equivalent  a- 
sa-fo  (|^f  $j  ff).  But  I  doubt  whether  the  Jack  fruit  tree 
occurs  in  Syria,  to  say  nothing  of  Greece.  Mr.  W.  F.  Mayers, 
in  1869,  took  up  this  subject  in  Notes  and  Queries  on  China 
and  Japan,  Vol.  iii,  p.  85,  where  he  says:  "It  may  be  remark- 
ed en  passant,  that  an  identification  of  the  above  and  other 
sounds  attributed  in  the  Pon-ts'au  to  the  language  of  Fu-lin 
might  be  of  service  in  determining  the  precise  region  that  is 
indicated  by  this  name  in  Chinese  literature."  The  few  ex- 
amples I  have  endeavoured  to  trace  to  their  real  linguistic 
origin  seem  to  contain  a  broad  hint  as  to  the  language  of 
Fu-lin  being  Aramean,  and  to  the  country  where  it  was  spoken 
not  being  Constantinople,  but  Syria.  Pure  Syriac,  or  Ara- 
mean, was  particularly  the  vernacular  in  use  with  the  Nesto- 
rians  not  only  in  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Chaldsea  and  Persia, 
but  also  in  India,  Tartary  and  China,  whereas  other  denomi- 
nations used  a  kind  of  Syriac  mixed  with  Arabic  and  even 
Greek  elements.  See  Assemani,  op.  cit.,  p.  377  seq. 


8.  Pseudo-Fu-lin. 

The  account  of  Fu-lin  as  placed  on  record  during  the  Sung 
dynasty,  probably  in  connection  with  an  embassy  of  1081  A.  D., 
has  puzzled  the  Chinese  as  it  is  liable  to  puzzle  us,  if  we  com- 
pare its  detail  with  that  of  older  texts.  It  occurs  in  the  Sung- 
sh'i  (chap.  490,  cf.  E.  0.,  pp.  62—64,  108—109)  and  has  been 
reproduced  by  Ma  Tuan-lin  (Wdn-hien-t'ung-Vau,  chap.  330, 
cf.  R.  0.,  pp.  88—91,  119—120).  Ma  Tuan-lin  refers  to  "the 
historians  of  the  Four  Reigns"  (Q  ^  g  ^,  cf.  E.  0.,  p.  91, 
note),  who  held  that  "this  country  had  not  sent  tribute  to 
court  up  to  the  time  of  Yiian-fong  [1078—1086],  when  they 
sent  their  first  embassy  offering  local  produce",  and  he  draws 
attention  to  certain  discrepancies  in  the  accounts  of  the  T'ang 
and  Sung  dynasties. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Pu-lin.  25 

In  the  interpretation  of  this  mysterious  text  which  I  offered 
twenty-five  years  ago  (R.  0.,  pp.  298—301)  I  had  pointed  out 
the  possibility  of  its  covering  the  Seldjuk  dominions  in  Asia 
Minor.  I  am  still  inclined  to  maintain  this  view  on  geogra- 
phical grounds,  but  venture  to  suggest  a  few  slight  changes 
in  the  text,  which  would  place  us  in  the  position  to  adapt  its 
contents  to  the  political  condition  of  the  country  in  1081  A.  D., 
when  its  ruler  is  said  to  have  sent  ambassadors  to  China.  The 
king,  in  the  text  referred  to  (R.  0.,  pp.  62  and  108:  N  3)  is 
styled  Mie-li-i-ling-kai-sa,  %fc  jj  ffi  jj  gfc  ffi,  in  Cantonese  mlt- 
lik-i-ling-koi-sat.  I  still  think  that  the  two  last  characters, 
the  old  pronunciation  of  which  must  have  been  Itai-sat,  stand 
for  Greek  Kcuo-a/>,  and  that  ling,  f|,  is  a  somewhat  imperfect 
attempt  to  render  the  sound  Rum.  l  "Rum  kaisar"  would  have 
to  be  looked  upon  as  the  equivalent  of  the  title  "Emperor  of 
Rome,  or  the  Romans"  placed  before  the  Chinese  court  in  the 
garb  of  a  Turkish  combination  analogous  to  such  titles  as 
"Turgash  kakhan,"  i.  e.  "the  Great  Khan  of  the  Turgash"  and 
many  others  occurring  in  the  Old-Turkish  stone  inscriptions. 
The  three  first  characters  mie-li-i  would  represent  the  name 
of  the  ruler  who  calls  himself  "Emperor  of  Rome."  I  have 
(R.  0.,  p.  299)  drawn  attention  to  the  anachronism  committed 
by  the  several  learned  sinologues  who  identified  the  name  with 
that  of  Michael  VII  Parapinaces,  who  had  been  deposed  and 
withdrawn  into  a  convent  since  1078  A.  D.  This  was  the 
reason  which  had  induced  me  to  think  of  the  Seldjuk  Soliman  as 
the  ruler  adding  the  title  "kaisar"  to  his  own  as  "king  of  Rum." 
I  did  not  realise  then  that  in  1081,  when  that  embassy  arrived 
in  China,  another  person  lived  in  Asia  Minor  who  actually 
claimed,  and  was  subsequently  granted,  the  title  Kawra/>;  and  I 
now  agree  with  Chavannes  in  referring  to  Nicephorus  Melissenus, 
the  pretender  who  claimed  to  be  emperor  just  about  the  time 
when  the  embassy  referred  to  arrived  in  China.  Michael  VII 
Ducas  had  withdrawn  into  the  convent  of  Studion  early  in 
1078,  when  one  of  this  generals,  Nicephorus  Botaniates,  who 
had  been  stationed  in  Phrygia,  came  to  Constantinople  and 
was  crowned  as  Michael's  successor  on  the  13.  April  1078. 
He  had  to  fight  a  number  of  claimants  who  would  not 

*  It  may  not  seem  to  be  a  scientific  proof,  if  I  refer  to  a  P'idjin- 
English  conversation  with  a  Chinese  cook,  who  asked  for  "one  bottle  that 
leng  (rum)"  to  be  served  with  a  plum  pudding. 


26  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

recognise  his  authority.  Chief  among  these  was  Nicephorus 
Melissenus,  the  descendant  of  a  powerful  family  and  husband 
of  the  sister  of  Alexius  Comnenus,  the  emperor  who  succeded 
Nicephorus  Botaniates.  Nicephorus  Melissenus  had  made  an 
agreement  with  the  Seldjuk  Turks  of  Iconium  to  the  effect 
that,  in  consideration  of  their  assisting  him  in  gaining  the 
throne,  he  would  divide  with  them  the  provinces  conquered  by 
their  united  forces.  No  sooner  was  he  sure  of  this  support 
than  he  clad  his  feet  in  purple  shoes,  the  insignia  of  Imperial 
dignity,  and  began  to  march  about  in  Anatolia  with  the  troops 
of  his  allies,  the  Turks.  All  the  cities  he  approached  opened 
their  doors  and  recognised  him  as  emperor,  though  he  on  his 
turn  declared  these  same  cities  to  belong  to  the  Turks,  so 
that  through  his  treason  the  entire  former  proconsular  part 
of  Asia,  Phrygia  and  Galatia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks. 
From  Nicaea  he  prepared  an  attack  on  Constantinople.  Ale- 
xius, then  a  mere  general,  was  instructed  by  Botaniates,  the 
emperor,  to  meet  him,  but  for  reasons  of  his  own  he  did  not 
proceed  and  handed  over  command  to  a  feeble  eunuch,  who 
had  to  withdraw  from  Nicaea  at  the  end  of  1080.  Melissenos 
intended  to  attack  Constantinople  early  in  1081,  when  after 
a  medley  of  intrigues  his  brother-in-law  Alexius  was  elected 
emperor  by  the  acclamation  of  his  army.  Melissenus  then 
joined  arms  with  him,  and  after  the  two  armies  had  taken 
the  capital,  the  two  relatives  divided  the  empire  between  them. 
Alexius  got  the  European  provinces,  Melissenus  received  an 
apanage  and  the  title  Kalo-ap  (Anna  Comnena,  Alexias,  ed. 
Schopen,  Vol.  i,  p.  116.  For  further  details  see  the  historical 
works  of  Anna  Comnena,  Jo.  Cinnamus  and  Nicephorus  Bry- 
ennius  in  Niebuhr's  Corpus  Scriptt.  Hist.  Byzant.,  and  the  ab- 
stract in  W.  H.  Waddington's  paper  "Nicephore  Melissene, 
pretendant  au  trone  de  Byzance"  in  Revue  numismatique,  Nouv. 
ser.,  VoL  viii,  pp.  393—400). 

Although  the  title  "kaisar"  is  thus  shown  to  have  been  offi- 
cially conceded  to  Melissenus  in  the  beginning  of  April  1081, 
the  entire  political  situation  seems  to  suggest  that  he  actually 
claimed  it,  and  probably  had  coins  cast  in  his  name  as  kaisar, 
ever  since  his  commencing  to  pose  as  a  pretender  some  time 
in  1078.  If  the  embassy  that  arrived  at  the  Chinese  court  in 
1081  started  from  Asia  Minor  some  time  in  1080,  there  were 
at  the  time  practically  two  rulers  in  the  country  dividing 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  27 

supreme  power  between  themselves,  viz.:  1,  Melissenus,  the 
pretender,  who  considered  himself  emperor  of  Rome  and  claim- 
ed the  title  "kaisar",  and  2,  his  ally,  the  Sultan  of  Iconium, 
who  supported  his  claims  and  whose  name  was  Soliman.  Ta- 
king all  this  into  consideration,  we  cannot  well  assume  Soliman 
to  have  represented  himself  as  kaisar  in  his  credentials  to  the 
court  of  China.  The  one  man  who  was  a  kaisar  in  Asia  Minor 
by  usurpation,  if  not  by  right,  at  that  time,  was  Melissenus. 
This  has  led  me  to  again  examine  the  three  characters  pre- 
ceding the  words  ling-kai-sat  (=  Rum  kaisar),  and  which  I 
think  might  be  a  transcription  of  the  kaisar's  name,  viz.  Hie- 
li-i,  jj^  -ft  f^,  in  Cantonese:  mit-lik-i. 

The  stumbling  block  in  this  name,  it  appears  to  me,  is  the 
third  character  ffi,  i.  In  trying  to  find  a  solution  to  help  us 
out  of  the  difficulty  I  beg  to  call  attention  to  a  practice, 
occasionally  noticeable  in  the  prints  of  the  Sung  dynasty,  by 
which  some  characters  may  be  deprived  of  their  radical  or 
written  with  the  wrong  radical.  Thus  the  character  Jjjp,  sM, 
"lion,"  in  the  Hou-han-shu  (E.  0.,  p.  101,  E  39)  appears  as 
gjjj  in  the  Sung  edition  of  1242  (see  facsimile,  R.  0.,  p.  9). 
Chau  Ju-kua  (chap.  1,  p.  17B)  has  J^,  ting,  for  fj|,  tien,  "in- 
digo". In  the  ethnical  name  Sie-yen-fo,  which  is  clearly  the 
equivalent  of  the  name  Sir  Tardusch  in  the  Old  Turkish  stone 
inscriptions,  the  second  character  Jig,  yen,  must  have  been 
substituted  for  some  character  read  tan  (=  tar),  e.  g.  fj| ,  the 
original  radical  being  suppressed  (see  my  Nachworte  zur  In- 
schrift  des  Tonjukuk,  passim).  If  we  assume,  therefore,  that 
the  ^  in  the  kaisar's  name  stands  for  what  in  its  original 
transcription  may  have  appeared  as  |J,  the  radical  No.  140 
being  suppressed,  such  a  change  would  not  be  without  preced- 
ent. According  to  the  Chong-tzl-t'ung  (quoted  in  K'ang-hi, 
Had.  140,  6)  ||  was  used  by  mistake  for  -pf,  and  this  character 
again,  according  to  the  Tsi-yim,  could  have  the  sound  sin,  or 
sun  (H  f*  -tJJ  IT  ^f,  K'ang-hi,  Rad.  140,4;  cf.  Chalmers' 
K'ang-lii,  p.  206 B,  where  among  other  sounds  sun,  fo  /jf,  is 
given  to  the  two  interchangeable  characters  ^  and  ||).  The 
kaisar's  name  may  thus  in  its  transcription  be  reconstructed 
into  Mie-li-sun,  or  Cantonese  Mit-lik-sun,  the  finals  t  and  k 
of  which  may  disappear  by  elision  so  as  to  leave  us  as  the 
equivalent  of  the  probable  old  sound  some  such  name  as  Mi- 
lissun.  This  I  venture  to  look  upon  as  the  equivalent,  trans- 


28  F>  Hirth,  [1910. 

mitted  probably   by   an   interpreter  who  spoke  some  Turkish 
dialect,  of  the  Greek  name  MeAto-o-^vos. 

I  am  encouraged  in  this  view  by  the  mention  of  a  coin  the 
description  of  which,  after  a  slight,  but  plausible  change  in 
the  text,  seems  to  be  traceable.  The  passage  I  refer  to,  E.  0., 
N  16)  speaks  of  gold  and  silver  coins  without  holes  being 
cast  in  this  country,  which  the  people  are  forbidden  to  counter- 
feit and  which  are  described  by  the  following  words: 

mmm  m  f*  «  &  BE  « 

The  change  I  wish  to  suggest  in  the  text  is  the  substitution 
of  the  character  ^,  pei,  "the  back,"  for  |f  ,  kit,  "all,  alike;" 
"that  is."  The  two  characters  are  quite  similar  to  each  other 
and  may  easily  be  confounded.  Moreover,  hie  gives  a  poor 
sense,  whereas^'  is  constantly  used  in  opposition  to  ]g,  mien, 
"the  face,"  the  two  terms  in  numismatic  texts  meaning  the 
"obverse"  and  "reverse"  of  a  coin.  I  do  not,  therefore,  look 
upon  the  words  mi-lo-fo  (j§  ft  f$J),  the  standard  transcription 
for  "Maitreya  Buddha,"  as  the  king's  name,  but  translate:  "on 
the  obverse  [of  the  coin]  is  engraved  a  Maitreya  Buddha,  on 
the  reverse  there  is  the  king's  name."  It  is  quite  probable 
that  the  ambassadors  of  1081  brought  coins  with  them  to 
China  and  on  enquiry  declared  that  the  legend  on  the  reverse 
represented  the  king's  name,  and  that  some  of  these  coins  had 
been  preserved  in  the  Imperial  collections  at  K'ai-fong-fu, 
since  according  to  Edkins  (Chinese  Buddhism,  2nd  ed.,  p.  117, 
note)  "the  Kin-sh'i-tfu-shu-pu  contains  a  rude  representation 
of  a  gold  coin  of  Mi-li-i-ling-kai-sa."  I  regret  not  to  have  had 
an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  illustration  referred  to,  because  it 
might  have  given  us  a  chance,  rude  though  it  probably  is,  to 
compare  notes  with  a  silver  coin  of  Melissenus  the  pretender 
actually  preserved  to  our  days.  The  coin,  which  has  been 
described  by  Waddington  in  the  paper  quoted  from  the  Revue 
ymmismatique,  is  now  in  the  Bibliotheque  nationale  in  Paris. 
Mr.  Waddington's  illustration  and  description  (Fig.  1)  shows  on 
the  obverse  the  bust  of  the  Virgin,  facing,  with  hands  held  up 
in  prayer,  nimbus  and  the  usual  dress,  the  figure  being  described 
as  pr)Tr)p  0eoG  in  the  customary  abbreviation.  On  the  reverse 
we  find  the  legend  NIK^O/JW  SCO-TTOT^  TW  MeAto-ryvio  in  five  lines.  1 


i  Cf.  Warwick  Wroth,  Catalogue  of  the  Imperial  Byzantine  Coins  in 
the  British  Museum,  Vol.  ii  (London  1908),  p.  539,  and  the  illustration 
No.  11  on  Plate  LXIII. 


Vol.  xxx.j  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  29 


M-P  [0Vj.  Buste  de  face  et  mmb6  de  la  Vierge,  les 
mains  elev£ea ;  le  tout  dans  un  grenetis. 

r}  [Ke-BOH0ei]  NIKH4>OPCU  AGCnOTTMco  MCM- 
CHNco.-en  cinq  lignes ;  le  tout  dans  un  grenetis. 


Fig.  1. 
Coin  of  Melissenus  the  pretender  and  Mr.  Waddington's  description. 

It  looks  as  if  this  coin  has  something  to  do  with  the  one 
described  in  the  Sung-sh'i.  The  Chinese  scribe  who  first  pla- 
ced on  record  the  details  regarding  it  was,  of  course,  not  able 
to  read  the  Greek  legend  on  the  reverse,  but  he  must  have 
been  told  by  the  ambassadors  that  it  represented  the  king's 
name  Melissenus.  The  portrait  on  the  obverse  may  have  been 
mistaken  for  that  of  Maitreya,  the  Buddha  of  the  future  world 
so  familiar  to. Chinese  Buddhists, — a  male  deity,  it  is  true,  but 
generally  represented  as  a  beardless  youth  and  very  frequently 
with  the  nimbus  round  his  head  (cf.  Griinwedel,  Buddhistische 
Kunst  in  Indien,  Berlin,  1893,  p.  141 :  "in  Schmuck  und 
Tracht  eines  indischen  Gottes  oder  altindischen  Konigs  meist 
in  sehr  jugendlichem  Alter"). 

I  do  not  venture  to  throw  out  any  guesses  as  to  the  mo- 
tives which  may  have  caused  the  Byzantine  pretender  and  ally 
of  a  Seldjuk  sultan  to  send  a  special  mission  to  China.  Nor 
am  I  in  the  position  to  throw  light  on  the  names  mentioned 
in  connection  with  the  embassy  of  1081.  According  to  the 
Chinese  text  (R.  0.,  N  3)  the  king  sent  "ta-shdu-ling  l  Ni-sst- 
tu-ling  8si-mong  (^  f-  £J[  fft  ^  ^  ft  0  ^),  which  may  stand 
for  "the  governor  Nestorius  Simeon",  or  "the  governors  Nes- 
torius  and  Simeon."  The  two  names,  if  we  are  not  mistaken 
in  explaining  them  thus,  are  followed  by  the  words  ^'ij  ^,  pan- 
lai,  which  1  now  believe  means  that  they  came  in  company, 


1  Clearly  a  high  official,  since  in  the  passage  N  12  we  are  told  that 
"the  towns  and  country  districts  are  each  under  the  government  of  a 
shou-ling."  The  ta-shou-ling  must  have  been  superior  to  these  local  governors. 


30  F.  Birth,  [1910. 

—bringing  as  tribute  saddled  horses,  swords  and  pearls.  I  do 
no  longer  look  upon  the  character  p'an  as  part  of  the  name. 
^ij,  now  pronounced  flan,  must  have  been  identical  in  sound 
and  tone  with  f£  pan.  K'ang-hi,  Rad.  9,  5,  quotes  several 
T'ang  authorities  to  say  that  the  two  characters  are  identical 
in  sound  ({£  ^  ^'«J).  This  would  entitle  us  to  look  upon  the 
two  characters  as  interchangeable  and  to  assume  that  ffi  $£ 
may  be  a  verb  meaning  "to  come  in  company"  similar  to  {£ 
jg,  pan-yu,  which  is  backed  by  passages  in  P'd-won-yun-fu, 
chap.  26A,  p.  63B,  e.  g.  fft  {£  ;g  A  5S»  "who  traveled  in  the 
company  of  the  qld  man?"  I  am  encouraged  in  offering  this 
explanation  by  a  passage  of  the  Sung-sht  (chap.  490,  p.  16 B), 
where  an  Arab  embassy  is  stated  to  have  consisted  of  1.  the 
ambassador  (sh%,  '($?),  2.  an  assistant  ambassador  (fu-sh/i,  glj 
'gi),  and  3.  a  p'an-kuan  (fij  'g),  or  "companion  officer,"  "at- 
tache." Possibly  the  passage  involves  that  "the  king  sent  a 
ta~shou-ling,  accompanied  by  the  Nestorian  Simeon,  or  Simon, 
as  attache." 

Professor  Chavannes  in  his  recent  note  on  Fu-lin  (p.  39)  has 
made  an  important  discovery  in  connection  with  the  ruler  of  what 
I  call  Pseudo-Fu-lin,  and  this  may,  quite  reasonably,  have  in- 
duced him  to  fall  back  on  the  former  identification  of  Fu-lin 
with  Constantinople.  But  since  the  Sung  historians  maintain 
that  this  Fu-lin  had  never  sent  any  embassies  to  China  before, 
this  seems  to  involve  its  non-identity  with  the  Fu-lin  of  the 
seventh  and  eighth  century.  Although  merely  a  pretender, 
Melissenus  was  closely  related  to  the  Imperial  court  and  his 
representatives  ought  to  have  been  aware  of  the  fact,  if  court 
missions  had  gone  forward  from  Constantinople  to  China. 
The  ambassadors,  when  cross-examined  as  to  former  relations 
between  their  government  and  the  Chinese  court,  might  have 
referred  to  the  Fu-lin  embassies  of  643,  667,  701  and  719 
A.  D.  *  On  the  other  hand,  if  these  former  missions  had 
been  sent  by  Christian  patriarchs,  whether  of  Antioch,  Ma- 
dain,  or  Bagdad,  the  kaisar's  messengers  could  not  well  refer 
to  them  as  having  represented  the  Roman  emperors  whom 
they  had  to  look  upon  as  the  predecessors  of  their  chief.  Their 
silence  as  to  former  relations  would  thus  be  explained.  The 
Sung-slii  account  describes  a  mission  from  Fu-lin,  it  is  true; 


See  B.  0.,  p.  126 :  Index  to  Translations,  s.  v.  "Embassies". 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Mystery  of  Fu-lin.  31 

but  I  think  this  name  had  in  the  course  of  time  grown  into 
a  general  term  applied  to  the  Christian  world  at  large.  Ori- 
ginally designating  the  Nestorians  as  representing  the  Latin 
population  of  Syria  or  Ta-ts'in,  the  cradle  of  their  faith,  it 
was  later  on  applied  to  other  Christians,  those  of  Byzantium 
under  the  Sung,  and  even  the  Pope  of  Rome  under  the  Ming 
dynasty.  It  had  grown  into  a  term  which  covered  a  multitude 
of  nations  and  of  governments,  like  our  "America,"  which  may 
mean  the  United  States  in  one  sense  and  all  possible  coun- 
tries in  another. 


Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Riung-nu. — By  FRIEDBICH  HIKTH, 
Professor  in  Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

IN  his  paper  "Dr.  F.  Hirth  and  the  Hiung-nu,"  published 
in  the  Journal  of  the  China  Branch,  E.  A.  S.,  Vol.  xxxiv, 
pp.  137—141,  Mr.  T.  W.  Kingsmill  tries  to  show  that  the 
Hiung-nu  and  the  Huns  were  different  nations.  He  refers  to 
my  paper,  presented  to  the  philological  section  of  the  Royal 
Academy  of  Munich,  entitled  Uber  Wolga-Hunnen  und  Hiung- 
nu  (Miinchen,  1900).  The  main  object  of  that  paper  was 
to  establish  the  literary  proof,  based  on  a  text  of  the 
Wei-shu,  for  the  identity  of  the  Hiung-nu  of  Chinese  history 
with  the  Huns  of  Europe.  Mr.  Kingsmill  denies  this  identity, 
but,  as  I  propose  to  show  in  the  following  pages,  fails  to 
prove  his  point. 

A  subsequent  paper,  presented  by  me  to  the  Hungarian 
Academy  of  Sciences  in  Budapest  and  published  in  the  Revue 
Orientale  pour  les  etudes  Ouralo  -  Altaiques ,  Vol.  ii,  1901, 
pp.  81 — 91,  under  the  title  of  "Hunnenforschungen,"  and  a 
third  paper,  "Die  Ahnentafel  Attila's  nach  Johannes  von 
Thurocz,"  published  in  the  Bulletin  de  VAcademie  des  Sciences 
de  St.  Peter sbourg.  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  xiii,  pp.  220—261,  were 
apparently  not  known  to  Mr.  Kingsmill.  A  study  of  the 
Chinese  sources  quoted  in  them  might  have  prevented  several 
serious  errors  in  his  criticisms.  These  I  consider  inter- 
esting, because  they  illustrate  better  than  anything  else  the 
difference  in  our  methods  of  research.  I  have  on  several 
occasions  discussed  the  principles  by  which  I  am  guided  in 
this  respect  (cf.  my  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  152, 
170  et  passim).  In  identifying  the  ancient  Chinese  accounts 
of  foreign  countries,  we  should  above  all  endeavour  to  recognize 
facts,  and  only  after  these  have  been  established,  should  the  lin- 
guistic explanation  of  names  be  considered  as  furnishing  ad- 
ditional evidence.  Mr.  KingsmilFs  method  is  the  reverse  of 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  33 

this.  He  is  unfortunately  possessed  of  a  regular  mania  to 
discover  etymologies,  and  his  mind  once  being  set  on  what 
he  considers  similarity  in  sound,  all  passages  in  Chinese  con- 
temporaneous authors  which  might  warn  him  as  being  on  the 
wrong  track  are  ignored. 

As  an  example  we  may  consider  the  city  of  Ku-tsang  (#£  Uj$), 
mentioned  in  the  short,  but  important  text  of  the  We'i-sliu 
reproduced  below  on  p.  42.  In  this  text  it  is  said  that  the 
merchants  of  this  country  (Su-to,  or  Suk-tak,  H  %  ,  Alans) 
often  went  to  the  country  of  Liang  (Liang-chou-fu  in  Kan-su) 
for  trade1  and  that  at  the  capture  of  Ku-tsang  they  were 
all  made  prisoners  (&  £  fc)ft  ±/JK  Jt  X  £  tf  M  3  £  £); 
and  that  "in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Kau-tsung  [452  —  466 
A.  D.]  the  king  of  Su-to  (Suk-tak)  sent  ambassadors  to  ask  for 
their  ransom,  which  was  granted  by  cabinet  order  (]g  ^  ^ 

m  ®  £  a  «  «  ±  ts  n  »•" 

Mr.  Kingsmill's  imagination  here  forestalls  all  further  research, 
so  necessary  in  Chinese  historical  reading,  by  jumping  im- 
mediately to  one  of  his  linguistic  conclusions.  "  Ku-tsang  r,"  he  says 
"here  is  the  country  called  by  Ma  Tuan-lin  Kweishwang,  and 
by  the  Armenian  writers  Kushan.  It  formed  the  most  power- 
ful of  the  five  states  into  which  the  Ephthalite  kingdom  was 
divided,"  &c.  This  is  a  characteristic  example  illustrating  the 
dangers  of  basing  historical  inferences  on  mere  similarity  of 
sound.  It  is  typical  of  Mr.  Kingsmill's  method:  the  sound  of 
a  word  takes  possession  of  his  mind  to  such  a  degree  that 
all  logical  reasoning  is  temporarily  forgotten  in  the  pursuance 
of  a  mere  phantom.  The  nation  known  as  Kui-shuang,  or 
Kushan,  is  by  Armenian  writers  referred  to  Bactria,  by  the 
Arabo-Persian  reports  to  Tokharestan,  Transoxania,  &c..  (Th. 
Koldeke,  Tabari,  p.  115  note  2;  cf.  Ed.  Specht,  Etudes  sur 
VAsie  centrale,  I,  p.  8  seqq.)  and  has  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  Liang  country  of  the  Wei-shu.  Liang  was  the  seat 
of  an  independent  prince  of  Hiung-nu  extraction  by  the  name 
of  Tsti-k'u  Mu-kien  (•  ,  who  followed  his  father 


1  The  Aorsi  (Alans)  carried  on  considerable  trade,  bringing  Indian  and 
Babylonian  wares,  which  they  received  from  the  Armenians  and  Medians 
and  transported  on  the  backs  of  camels  from  the  Caspian  to  the  Palus 
Maeotis.  By  this  means  they  had  amassed  considerable  wealth,  and  wore 
ornaments  of  gold  (Strabo,  XI,  5,  8  p.  506,  Bunbury,  A  History  of  An- 
cient Geography,  London  1883,  Vol.  ii,  p.  278). 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  I.  3 


34  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

Tsii-k'ii  Mong-sun  (jp?  jg),  as  Prince  of  Ho-si  (Jpf  ft}  5£)  in 
that  little  dynasty  known  as  "the  Northern  Liang,"  and 
whose  biography  is  contained  in  the  We'i-shu  (chap.  99,  p.  14 B 
seqq.).  His  troubles  with  his  brother-in-law,  the  Toba  emperor 
T'ai-wu,  which  have  been  described  in  my  "Hunnenforschungen," 
led  to  the  siege  and  final  capture  in  439  A.  D.  of  Mu-kien's 
city  of  Ku-tsang.  Before  attempting  guesses  of  any  kind  Mr. 
Kingsmill  ought  to  have  consulted  the  P'e'i-won-yun-fu 
(chap.  22 c,  p.  150).  There  he  would  have  found  a  number 
of  passages  concerning  the  city  of  Ku-tsang,  the  analysis  of 
which  would  have  revealed  the  real  historical  basis  of  this  simple 
passage.  But  apart  from  this  he  might  have  read  the  whole 
account  in  plain  French  in  Deguignes'  Histoire  des  Huns, 
Vol.  i,  Part  ii,  p.  273.  It  was  at  this  capture  of  Ku-tsang 
that  merchants  hailing  from  the  distant  west  were  made 
prisoners  together  with  20,000  inhabitants  of  the  city,  who 
were  transferred  to  the  Toba  capital  in  Shan-si  (We'i-shu, 
chap.  4A,  p.  21).  Ku-tsang  was  the  residence  of  the  Tsii-k'u 
princes,  and  according  to  the  Shen-si-t'ung-ch'i  (quoted  in  the 
Tu-shu-tsi-cWong,  Sect.  6,  chap.  578,  ku-ch'i,  p.  2)  its  ruins  at 
some  time  or  other  were  known  to  exist  in  close  vicinity  to 
the  present  city  of  Liang-chou-fu  in  Kan-su. 

With  such  fundamental  errors  before  us  we  can  under- 
stand why  it  "is  impossible  for  Mr.  Kingsmill  to  arrive  at 
correct  results  in  the  most  simple  question  of  Chinese 
research.  To  expose  his  errors  would  require  a  volume, 
and  would  entail  more  valuable  time  than  we  can  afford. 
Moreover,  it  is  difficult  to  contradict  him,  because  he  makes 
mere  assertions  and  seldom  supports  his  opinions  by  reasons 
based  on  literature.  The  following  is  another  characteristic 
example. 

Of  the  country  of  K'ang-ku  (Jjfc  jg)  he  says:  "As  a  general 
mess  has  been  made  by  translators  over  this  country  of  K'angku, 
a  few  words  may  be  useful.  K'angltu  first  appears  in  Sz'ma 
Ts'ien,  and  is  there,  and,  in  the  early  Chinese  authors,  in- 
variably Kashgar"  No  proof  follows  this  startling  assertion, 
but  he  goes  on  to  speak  about  the  descendants  of  Seldjuk  in 
the  eleventh  century,  winding  up  with  a  sly  hit  at  those  wicked 
Sinologues  who  venture  to  differ,  in  saying:  "A  little  knowledge, 
says  Pope,  is  a  dangerous  thing,  and  in  no  instance  do  we 
find  a  better  exemplification  of  the  general  truth  of  the  aphorism 


Vol.  xxx.j  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hinny-nu.  35 

than  in  our  would-be  Chinese  authorities."  I  cannot  say  that 
this  kind  of  logic  will  convince  me  that  ancient  K'ang-kii  is 
Kashgar.  Has  Mr.  Kingsmill  ever  come  across  the  following 
passage,  describing  the  road  from  Tun-huang  to  the  west  along 
the  southern  slope  of  the  T'ien-shan  to  Su-lo  [J$j  fjf,  i-  e., 
the  real  Kashgar],  "which  is  the  northern  road;"  "west  of 
the  northern  road,"  the  account  continues,  "you  cross  the 
Ts'ung-ling,  whence  you  come  out  to  Ta-yuan  [Ferghana], 
K'ang-ku  [Sogdiana]  and  An-ts'ai  [the  Aorsi;  4fc  jg  H  ffi  JS 

««*-**«*«WW* 

This   passage   occurs    in   the    Ts'ien-han-shu   (chapter    118, 

p.  6)  and  is  certainly  somewhat  older  than  Mr.  Kingsmill's 
story  of  the  Seldjuks.  Or  does  Mr.  Kingsmill  maintain  that 
the  Ts'ung-ling  is  not  the  Ts'ung-ling?  I  do  not  intend  to 
recapitulate  the  arguments  which  have  induced  Chinese  scholars 
to  identify  K'ang-kii  with  Sogdiana  or  some  territory  in  this 
neighbourhood,  but  west,  not  east,  of  the  Ts'ung-ling.  These 
scholars,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  are  perfectly  satisfied  with 
the  "little  knowledge"  so  dangerous  to  them  according  to 
Mr.  Kingsmill. 

Another  fatal  mistake  committed  a  generation  ago  and 
repeated  usque  ad  nauseam  up  to  his  recent  effusion  about 
the  Hiung-nu,  is  his  identification  of  Ss'i-ma  Ts'ien's  An-ts'ai, 
also  transcribed  as  Yen-ts'ai  (^g  ^f ),  the  country  of  the  Aorsi, 
subsequently  called  by  western  and  Chinese  authors  alike  Alan, 
or  A-lan-na,  with  Samarkand.  To  arrive  at  this  idea  he  has 
to  do  violence  to  a  perfectly  plain  and  simple  passage  in  the 
Sh'i-ki  (chap.  123,  p.  5B).  It  occurs  in  Ss'i-ma  Ts'ien's  account 
of  An-si  (4£-  ,g,,  in  Cantonese  On-sdk),  i.  e.  Parthia,  the 
linguistic  basis  of  which  name  was,  I  am  glad  to  observe, 
first  correctly  recognized  by  Mr.  Kingsmill  as  Arsak,  the 
Chinese  account  substituting  the  name  of  its  kings  for  that  of 
the  country  (Journal,  China  Branch,  etc.,  Vol.  xv,  p.  8,  note  11). 
Unfortunately  later  editors  have  broken  this  text  into  two 
parts,  1.  An-si  (Parthia),  and  2.  T'iau-chi  (Chaldsea).  But 


1  The  character  3£,  k'i,  after  J§  yen,  found  in  the  present  standard 
editions,  has  been  clearly  interpolated.  It  does  not  appear  in  the  Kiiig-yu 
edition  (1034 — 1038  A.  D.;  Han-shu-si-yu-chuan-pu-chu,  chap.  1,  p.  5). 
Chavannes  (T'oung-pao,  1907,  p.  170)  is,  therefore,  right  in  not  translating 
it  at  all. 

3* 


36  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

since  T'iau-chi  is  represented  in  the  text  as  forming  part  of 
the  Parthian  empire,  I  presume  that  the  line  being  broken 
before  T'iau-chi  is  due  to  a  misunderstanding.  To  me  the 
passage  reads  as  follows :  §  Ji,  &c S  W  I1)  {&  tt  ^Ifc 

W  *  £•  *  ff  iitt/±  *  1.  IS  ft  ^  M  1$  W  ifc&c. 

Speaking  of  An-si  (Parthia),  the  author  says  in  this  passage: 
"West  of  it  there  is  T'iau-ch'i  (Chaldaea),  in  the  north  there 
is  An-ts'ai  (the  Aorsi,  or  Alans);  Li-kan  (Syria)  and  T'iau-ch'i 
(Chaldsea)  are  several  thousand  li  west  of  An-si  (Parthia) 
near  the  western  sea,"  &c. 

The  name  Li-kan  (^  $f)  of  the  Sh'i-ki  occurs  in  another 
transcription  in  the  Ts'ien-han-shu  (chap.  96A,  p.  14B),  accord- 
ing to  which  ambassadors  from  An-si  (Parthia)  brought  as 
tribute  to  the  emperor  Wu-ti  "big  birds'  eggs,"  i.  e.  ostrich 
eggs,  and  "jugglers1  from  Li-kien  (3$L  ff  p£  A)-"  Since  this 
passage  is  clearly  copied  from  a  parallel  passage  in  the 
Sh'i-ki  (p.  13B),  the  two  names  Li-kan  and  Li-Men  must  have 
been  identical  in  sound,  though  written  with  different  characters 
in  the  two  parallel  passages.  K'ang-hi's  mediaeval  authorities 
also  describe  the  two  characters  as  being  identical  in  sound.2 
The  name  occurs  again  in  the  Hou-han-shu  (chap.  118,  p.  9B), 
which  says:  "The  country  of  Ta-ts'in  (Syria)  is  also  called 
Li-kien  (^  Jg  g  —  ^g  ^  f$|)."  Since  this  third  transcription 
is  linguistically  identical  with  that  of  the  Ts'ien-han-shu,  I  do 
not  hesitate  to  look  upon  the  Li-kan  of  the  Sh'i-ki  as  a  variant 
of  the  name  which,  in  the  Hou-lian-shu  and  later  records,  is 
declared  to  be  another  name  for  Ta-ts'in,  or  Syria. 


1  A  specialty  of  Syrian  cities  often  sent  abroad.     Cf.  Marquardt,  Das 
Privatleben  der  Homer,  2.  Aufl.,  p.  338,   and  Mommsen,  Rom.  Gesch.,  V, 
p.  461.    Jugglers  and  musicians  came  from  Ta-ts'in  (Syria)  to  China  in 
120  A.  D.  (China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  37). 

2  It  appears,  however,  that  the  character  ijrp,  kien,  had  two  ancient 
sounds,  1.  Jean,  or  Jem,  2.  Jcem.   I  refer  to  the  work  of  Yang  Shon  (^J|  '|M> 
died  1529  A.  D.),  reprinted  in  the  Han-hai  collection,  Section  14,  under 
the  title  Chuan-chu-Jcu-yin-lio  (f|  ££  •£  -g-  8£),  where  the  character  $f 
appears  under  the  rhyme  yim  (-J-  (Jt)  |g)  with  the  following  note:  ^jj.  jj 

^  j£  II  If  K  £  S^  SK  1J  J&  —  "t-  T  do  not  quite  ^derstand 
on  what  authority  this  statement  is  made;  but  if  kien  ffi-  can  be  shown 
to  have  been  read  kem  during  the  Han  period,  this  would  tend  to  support 
from  a  linguistic  point  of  view  my  conjecture,  made  on  commercial 
grounds,  as  to  the  identity  of  Chinese  Li-kan  with  Rekem,  or  Petra  (see 
China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  157  seqq.  and  171). 


Vol.  xxx.]          Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  37 

Now  Mr.  Kingsmill,  who  is  so  fond  of  fanciful  and  in- 
genious combinations,  has  an  entirely  different  idea.  He  com- 
bines the  two  names  An-ts'ai  and  Li-kan,  each  of  which  may 
be  shown  from  ancient  texts  to  have  a  distinct  sense,  and 
gives  the  following  explanation  (Journal,  China  Branch,  &c., 
Vol.  xiv,  1879,  p.  7,  note  9):  "Im-ts'ai-li-kan  £  3g  **  ff.  It 
seems  most  likely  here  that  the  two  first  characters  are  in- 
verted and  that  we  should  read  Ts'ai-im-li-kan,  in  the  old 
pronunciation  Sal-im-ar-kand  for  Salmarkanda,  modern  Samar- 
kand, the  Marakanda  of  Strabo  and  Ptolemy."  And  that  in 
the  face  of  the  Shi-Id  itself,  on  page  4,  describing  the  country 
of  "An-ts'ai"  under  this  name  pure  and  simple  without  any 
inversion  and  without  the  alleged  appendix  Li-kan.  This 
description  reads  as  follows:  "An-ts'ai,  about  two  thousand  li 
northwest  of  K'ang-kii,  is  a  nomad  country  and  has  in  the 
main  the  same  customs  as  K'ang-ku.  Its  archers  number  fully 
a  hundred  thousand.  It  lies  close  to  a  great  ts'o,  which  has 
no  shores;  for  they  say  it  is  the  'Northern  Sea'  ( ^  ^  ^  J^ 

Jg  W  4b  PT  -  ={•  M  ft  •  ft  m  Jg  *  m  «  8  &  *  +  » 

«  &  *  &  fe  m  s  75  ft  m  s>." 

Sii  Sung  (Han-shu'Si-yti-chuan-pu-chtt,  chap.  1,  p.  30)  makes 
the  following  remarks  in  connection  with  the  last  sentence  of 
my  translation:  "The  Shuo-tvon  defines  the  word  ai  (Jg)  as 
meaning  'a  high  border;'  this  means  that,  since  in  looking  into 
the  far  distance  you  do  not  see  high  shores,  the  raised  parts 
must  appear  as  low."  A  ts'o  (}|)  thus  described  cannot  be 
an  ordinary  "marsh."  This,  it  is  true,  is  the  standard  sense 
of  the  word;  but  broad  sheets  of  deep  water  have  also  been 
called  ts'o,  e.  g.  the  T'ai-wu  Lake  near  Soochow,  which  is 
known  as  "Chon-ts'6"  (J|  }g),  or  the  Lob-nor,  which  is  called 
Yen-ts'6  (If  -}f ),  i.  e.  the  "Salt  Lake,"  or  Lake  Balkash,  which 
is  called  "the  biggest  ts'o  in  the  north-western  territories  ($ 
4t  tji  M  :fc  P  5"  Si-yu-shui-tau-ki,  chap.  4,  p.  42).  Moreover, 
the  text  adds  distinctly  that  "they  say  it  is  the  'Northern  Sea' 
(4t  }ft)>"  which  would  involve  a  gross  exaggeration,  if  ta-ts'o 
meant  a  mere  marsh.  It  is  for  these  reasons  that  I  have 
translated  "a  great  sea,"  and  not  "a  great  marsh,"  as  Mr. 
Kingsmill  does. 

I  do  not,  of  course,  object  to  the  more  literal  translation, 
as  long  as  it  is  understood  that,  since  it  is  said  to  be  "the 
Northern  Sea,"  we  must  not  think  of  a  marsh  in  the  or- 


38  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

dinary  sense  of  the  word.    I  have,  in  my  first  paper   on  the 
subject,  thought  of  the  Black  Sea  as  being   covered  by  this 
ta-ts'o,   but  since  its  first  mention   goes   clearly  back  to   the 
oldest  notice  of  the  An-ts'ai  (Aorsi),  as  placed   on  record  in 
the  Sh'i-ki,   we  have  to   look   for  their  seats  in  their  original 
homes  between  the  banks  of  the  Sea  of  Azof  and  the  Caucasus. 
The  Sea  of  Azof  is  described  as  a  palus,  i.  e.  "a  swamp,"  by 
Pliny  and   other  Romans.     Early  Greek   writers    speak   of  a 
Maioms  \ifivrj  (Dionysius  in  C.  Miiller,  Geogr.   Graeci  Minores, 
II,  p.  Ill),  and  Jordanes  (Mommsen,  p.  89seqq.),  in  his  account 
of  the  Hunnic   irruption,    also    styles  it  Palus  Mceotis.     This 
corresponds  to  what  we  know  about  the  physical  condition  of 
its  shores,  which  prompts  Karl  Neumann   (Die  Hellenen   im 
Skythenlande,  p.  536)  to  say:   "Es   verrat  Sachkenntnis,   wenn 
die   Griechen    die   Maitis   nie    ein   Meer,    sondern   stets    eine 
Limne  nannten."     Herodotus  (IV,  86)  held  that   the  Mseotis 
was  not  much  smaller  than  the  Pontus  itself,    and   Ptolemy 
exaggerates   its    northern    extension    through    more    than    six 
degrees  of  latitude  (Bunbury,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  ii,  p.  591  seq.).    This 
may  have    been   a    popular    error    among    the    ancients    long 
before  Ptolemy,  repeated  also  at  the  court  of  the  Indoscythians, 
where  Greek   traditions   had   been   taken  over  from  Bactria, 
and  where  Chang  K'ien  in  127  B.  C.  collected  his  notices  of 
western  countries  subsequently  reproduced  in  the  Sh'i-ki.    The 
Mseotis  is  said  to   be  frozen  in  its  northern  part  during  the 
winter  (K.  Neumann,  op.  cit.,  p.  65),  and  this,  too,  may  have 
helped  to  challenge  comparison  with  the  "Northern  Sea"  (:|fc 
$|),  if  this  term  refers  to  the  Arctic  Ocean  as  it  apparently 
does  in  a  passage  of  Pliny  (II,  67),  who  says:   "Ingens  argu- 
mentum  paludis  Mceoticae,  sive  ea   illius  oceani  sinus  est,   ut 
multos  adverto  credidisse,  sive  angusto  discreti  situ  restagnatio." 
It  appears  to  me  that  the  chief  mistake  made  by  Mr.  Kings- 
mill  in  his  attempts    at   identification   is    the  ignoring  of  in- 
formation, placed  on  record  in  notices   quite    as  valuable  as, 
though  later  than,   those  of  Ssi-ma  Ts'ien.     I  am,   of  course, 
fully  aware  that  the   Sh'i-ki,   in   its   chapter  123,  is  the  very 
oldest   source   regarding  the  Chinese   knowledge  of  AYestern 
Asia;  but  we  should  not  forget  that  between  the  time  when 
Chang  K'ien  laid  his  first  report  before  Wu-ti  (126  B.  C.)  and 
the  time  of  Ssi-ma  Ts'ien's  death,   not  much  more  than  forty 
years  may  have  elapsed   and  that  much   of  the  geographical 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  39 

knowledge  of  the  Chinese  during  the  earlier  Han  Dynasty  was 
placed  on  record  soon  after  the  Slii-ld  was  completed.  Pan 
Ku's  account  in  the  Ts'ien-lian-shu,  though  compiled  towards 
the  close  of  the  second  century  A.  D.,  was  based  on  records 
dating  from  the  earlier  Han  Dynasty  itself.  Pan  Ku's  own 
brother,  Pan  Chau,  must  have  returned  from  his  famous  ex- 
pedition to  the  west  with  a  tolerably  complete  knowledge  of 
the  facts  placed  on  record  in  the  Hou-han-shu,  and  during  the 
period  of  the  Three  Kingdoms,  at  the  beginning  of  the  third 
century  A.  D.,  the  knowledge  of  the  west  gained  three  hundred 
years  before  cannot  have  been  forgotten,  though  added  to  and 
modified.  Even  the  geographers  of  the  Sui  and  the  T'ang 
dynasties  (the  latter  with  one  notable  exception,  the  division 
of  foreign  territories  into  nominal  Chinese  administrative 
districts),  being  so  much  nearer  in  time  than  we  are  to  the 
Han  period,  must  have  been  in  the  possession  of  traditions 
much  more  valuable  as  a  source  for  identification  than  the 
linguistic  speculations  of  a  modern  European.  Mr.  Kings- 
mill's  Sal-im-ar-kand  is  one  of  these  speculations.  Why  ignore 
what  later,  though  still  ancient,  traditions  tell  us  about  An- 
ts'ai?  That  so-called  "old  tradition  which  made  Selm,  the 
son  of  .Feridun,  the  eponym  of  Samarkand"  is  extremely 
doubtful.  The  mention  of  a  number  of  other  supposed  foun- 
ders such  as  Alexander  the  Great  and  Shamar  Abu  Karib 
of  South  Arabia  (Yakut,  Vol.  iii,  p.  133),  shows  how  little 
we  know  about  the  origin  of  the  city,  so  that  nobody  can 
tell  whether  or  not  such  a  name  existed  at  all  during  the 
second  century  B.  C.  Of  An-ts'ai,  however,  we  read  in  the 
Hou-han-shu,  chap.  118,  p.  13:  "The  country  of  An-ts'ai  has 
changed  its  name  into  A-lan-liau  G£  ^  g  gfc  £  IW  Iff  f  fJ 
HI)."  Professor  Chavannes  has  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that 
by  this  name  two  different  countries  are  covered,  the  one 
being  called  A-lan,  the  other  Liau  (T'oung-pao,  1907,  p.  195 
note  2,  and  1905,  p.  559  note  1);  and  according  to  the  Wei- 
lio  (1.  c.,  p.  32)  An-ts'ai  is  also  called  A-lan  (g  ^  g  — 


1  Chavannes  (T'oung-pao,  1905,  p.  558,  note  5)  remarks  with  regard  to 
this  passage:  "Hirth  a  bien  montre  (China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  139 
note  1,  et  Uber  Wolga-Hunnen  und  Hiung-nu,  p.  249  —  251)  que  le  nom 
Yen-ts'ai  (prononce  An-ts'ai)  pouvait  etre  la  transcription  du  nom  du 
peuple  que  Strabon  appelle  les  "Aopaoi.  Le  temoignage  du  Wei-lio  que 


40  F.  Hirih,  [1910. 

But  we  have  yet  another  transcription  of  the  foreign  name 
represented  in  Chang  K'ien's  An-ts'ai.     In  the   biography   of 
the   General   Ch'on    T'ang   (£ft  ib    Ts'ien-han-shu,   chap.  70, 
p.  7B)  we  are  told  that  Chi-chi,  the  legitimate  Shan-yii  of  the 
Hiung-nu,  whom  I  look  upon  as  the  founder  of  Hunnic  power 
near  the  confines  of  Europe  ( fiber  Wolga-Hunnen,  &c.,  p.  269 
seqq.)  and  who  had  been  assigned  to  an  unclaimed  territory  by 
his  father-in-law,  the  king  of  K'ang-kii  (Sogdiana),  had  attacked 
the  capital  of  the  Wu-sun  and  terrorized  the  population  by 
his  violence;  that  the  Wu-sun  were  afraid  to  pursue  him  to 
his    retreat,   because   an   uninhabited    waste    on   the    western 
frontier  obstructed  the  road  for  a  thousand  li  (j|  Jg  ^  j|£ 
31  W  &  §  74  ^  JS  %  BL  =?  M);  and  that'  aftei;  having  com- 
mitted  all   possible   atrocities,   he   built   a   fortified  city  and 
"sent  ambassadors  to  exact  annual  tribute  from  the  countries 
of  Ho-su   (the  Aorsi)    and  Ta-yuan  (Ferghana),   which   these 
did  not  dare  to  refuse   (&ft  X  H  &  i*  ft  %  •'  X  Jft  ;£ 
j£  ^  ^).»     The  scholiast  Yen  Sh'i-ku   refers    to   Hu   Kuang 
(second  century  A.  D.)  as  having  said  that  "about  a  thousand 
li  north  of  K'ang-kii  there  is  a  country  called  An-ts'ai,  another 
name  of  which  is  Ho-su  ([i]  g),"   and   on  this   basis  he  con- 
cludes  that    the    names   An-ts7ai    and    Ho-su    are    identical. 
The  two  syllables  ts'ai  and  su  can   easily  be    explained,  both 
representing  ki  their  initials  a  sibilant  in  the  transcription  of 
foreign  names  and  both  representing  a  possible  sal,  sa,  so  or  su. 
The  ho  of  Ho-su  (fi|  g)  is  read  hop  in  Canton,   and  hah  in 
Foochow.     This  latter  sound  could  easily  be  proved  to  stand 
for    liar    or    ar.     But    Chinese    sound    authorities    class    the 
character  with  the  rhyme  "  27.  ^,"  i.  e.  hop,  and  this  is  pre- 
cisely what  they  do  with  a  number  of  characters  having  the 
same  final  as  an  $£,  e.  g.  Jg,  which  is  even  now  read  both  im 
(3fc  f)    and   yap   or   ap   ($  ||;   see   T'ang-yiin,    chap.  20   et 
passim;   Eitel,    Cantonese   Dictionary,   p.  190).     Though   quite 
different  in  sound  at  the  present  day,  the  two  characters  may 
have  been  interchangeable  at  some  time  or  other,  the  old  final 

les  An-ts'ai  (Aorsi)  ont  pris  plus  tard  le  nom  &A-lan  (Alani)  explique 
d'ailleurs  fort  bien  le  terme  Alanorsi  qui,  chez  Ptolemee,  embrasse  a  la 
fois  les  Alani  et  les  Aorsi;  il  est  vraisemblable  que  ce  royaume  comprenait 
deux  peuples  distincts,  les  Aorsi  et  les  Alani,  et  qu'il  fut  connu  d'abord 
sous  le  nom  du  premier  d'entre  eux  (Aorsi),  puis  sous  les  noms  de  tous 
deux  combines  (Alanorsi),  enfin  sous  le  nom  du  second  seul  (Alani)." 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mr.  Kings-mill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  •  41 

possibly  holding  the  middle  between  m  and  p.1  Yen  Sh'i-ku 
is,  therefore,  probably  right  in  assuming  the  identity  of  the 
two  names.  The  crux  in  the  identification  with  the  "Aopo-oi 
of  Strabo  is  the  old  final  m  in  the  first  syllable  of  An-ts'ai. 
Precedents  like  Tam-mo,  H  Jg,  for  Dharma  do  not  help  us, 
because  this  transcription  may  stand  for  Pali  Dhamma.  I  am 
in  doubt  about  Sam-fo-ts'i  (^  f$  ^,  Palembang  in  Sumatra), 
which  as  suggested  by  Groeneveldt  (Notes  on  the  Malay 
Archipelago,  p.  62,  note  3)  might  be  identical  with  Arabic 
Sarlaza  of  doubtful  tradition.  It  is  possible,  though  not  cer- 
tain, that  the  hill-name  T'am-man,  j|  fj|  |Jj,  the  Sa'ian  range, 
stands  for  Tarban,  or  Tarmal,  of  the  Old-Turkish  inscriptions 
(see  my  Nachworte  zur  Inschrift  des  Tonjukuk,  pp.  41  seq.  and 
87  seq.,  and  Parker  in  Thomson,  Inscriptions  de  I'  Orhhon  de- 
chiffrees,  p.  196).  But  why  must  we  have  a  linguistic  precedent 
for  m  =  r  at  all  in  the  face  of  so  much  circumstantial  evidence? 
We  have  other  Chinese  representatives  of  final  r,  which  in 
their  way  might  be  called  <x7ra£  Aeyo'/xei/a,  e.  g.  Hiian  Ts'ang?s 
ffit  ffi  P£'  nang-mot-to,  which  stands  for  Skrt.  Narmmada,  the 
River  Nerbudda  (Eitel,  2nd  ed.,  p.  107).  Altogether  I  lay 
more  stress  on  historical,  than  linguistical  identification. 
The  transcription  A- Ian  (pj  ||})  in  the  Hou-han-shu  and  We'i- 
lio  is  clear  and  as  little  dependent  upon  differing  ancient  and 
dialectic  sounds  as  any  foreign  name  in  Chinese  records;  it  is 
as  safe  as  if  it  were  written  in  some  alphabetic  language  to 
look  upon  it  as  representing  the  sound  Alan,  which  in  this 
neighbourhood  and  at  the  period  of  its  first  appearance  in 
classical  and  Chinese  literature  alike  can  only  apply  to  the 
Alans  as  a  nation.  According  to  the  Hou-han-shu,  we  have 
seen,  the  name  A-lan  had  been  changed  from  that  of  An-ts'ai, 
and  Pliny  (Nat.  Hist.,  IV,  80),  speaking  of  Scythic  tribes  says: 
"alias  Getae,  Daci,  Romanis  dicti,  alias  Sarmatae,  Graecis 
Sauromatae,  eorumque  Hamaxobii  aut  Aorsi,  alias  Scythae 
degeneres  et  a  servis  orti  aut  Trogodytae,  mox  Alani  et  Rhoxa- 

1  Pliny  (VI,  38)  refers  to  the  Aorsi  in  one  passage  as  Abzoae,  and  it 
appears  that  the  codices  here  offer  no  variants  of  this  exceptional  form 
(see  Nat.  Hist.,  rec.  Detlefsen,  I,  1866,  p.  238),  which  may  possibly  be  a 
mistake  for  Arzoae.  But  if  this  were  not  the  case,  it  might  help  to  ex- 
plain the  finals  m  and  p  in  the  two  Chinese  transcriptions.  Abzoae  might 
thus  be  a  Latin  mutilation  of  the  Greek  name  heard  with  the  digamma 
as  "A/o/xrot. 


42  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

lani."  In  other  words,  he  holds  that  the  Alani  were  nearly 
related  to,  or  formerly  called,  the  Aorsi.  This  view,  supported 
by  quite  a  number  of  other  arguments,  has  been  adopted  by 

modern    European    scholars    (cf. 

|}        X       -ft       %£       ^       Tomaschek    in    Pauly-  Wissowa, 
H       ;fe       B       Sk       ft       Beal-Encydo2)adie,etc.,s.\.«A.\8i- 

-zz        E        £0       ni,"  "Alanorsoi"  —  wahrschein- 
ttl        3E       /e        •    s   , .  ,    ^.    ,7       ,  ,  A , 

hch  em  Konglomerat  von  AAavot 

ffi       S$  ffi       und  "Aopo-oi,   —    and    "Aorsoi"). 

IS       J8       &       4t       E       That   part   of  the  Alans   which 

U        M       1S       "i       'S       figures  in  the  history  of  western 

«&        n        Y-p        4*        Europe  during  the  fifth  century 

soon  disappeared  without  leaving 

iRf  traces  of  its  existence;   but  the 

TH       1ft        S        "fr       eastern  Alans  continued  for  gene- 

-         ^       _L.       ^       rations  "in  their  old  seats  in  the 

steppes  between  the  Caucasus,  the 

^  River  Don  and  the  lower  Volga, 

ft  HI  HL  ^  right  among  the  Bulgars,  the  suc- 
j  ]&[  ^  —  cessors  of  the  Huns;  in  Tauris, 
:«&  r  13  /v  too,  we  find  traces  of  them  in  the 

towns  of  Sugdsea  [Sogdak],  and 

ffi  5fe  fa!  ?fi  Theodosia  (Kafa),  about  the  year 
Ira  ^  i5t  $15  500,  had  anAlanic  nameAbdarda 
Hg  fti  3/t  w  (Tomaschek)."  Under  the  Mon- 

"»H  P0  ''C5C  •->'  T  T  »     T  1 

.         jj.        „.        p       gols  the  Alans  were  termed  A-su 
**  ®       (fn(   3^),    and    sometimes    A-ssi, 

IS        i        3E       jfe       (fpf  ,§,),  the  name  A-?aw  occurring 
^       M       W       ^C       only   once   (Bretschneider,   "No- 
m       &       &       -)§       ^ces    °^  ^e  Mediaeval   Geogra- 
phy,"   &c.,     in    Journal,     China 

Branch,  &c.,  1875,  p.  261).  These  two  forms  may  possibly  be 
connected  with  the  ancient  names  An-ts'ai  and  Ho-su. 

With  this  material  in  hand  we  are  now  prepared  to  analyse 
what  Mr.  Kingsmill  thinks  an  "improved"  translation;  for, 
with  regard  to  my  own,  he  says:  "it  is  difficult  to  under- 
stand how  he  has  been  misled  in  the  translation  of  a  suffi- 
ciently simple  passage,  which  refers  to  the  Hiung-nu  only 
incidentally,  and  to  the  Hunni  not  at  all." 

I  here  insert  Mr.  Kingsmill's  so-called  translation  of  the 
Chinese  text  reproduced  above. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  43 

"Su(k)te(h)  is  situated  west  of  the  Ts'ung-ling;  it  was  the 
ancient  Im-ts'ai  and  was  also  known  as  Wannasha.  It  lies 
close  to  a  great  marsh  to  the  north-west  of  K'ang-ku,  and  is 
distant  from  Tai  16000  li.  In  former  days  the  Hiung-nu 
killed  its  king,  and  held  possession  of  the  country  for  three 
generations  up  to  the  time  of  King  (H)wui'rsz." 

"Formerly  the  merchants  of  this  country  went  in  numbers 
to  dispose  of  their  wares  in  the  land  of  Liang:  [a  party]  hav- 
ing entered  Kutsang  were  made  prisoners,  and  at  the  beginn- 
ing of  the  reign  Kao-ts'ung  [of  the  Wei]  the  king  of  Su(k)te(h) 
sent  a  mission  requesting  their  enlargement." 

"After  this  period  no  further  diplomatic  intercourse  took 
place." 

Before  attempting  any  rectification  I  have  to  make  a  slight 
correction  in  the  text.  The  character  g,,  ssi,  should  read  g,, 
/,  "a  sign  of  the  past,"  the  two  characters  being  easily  con- 
founded (cf.  Giles,  Synoptical  Studies  in  Chinese  Character, 
Noa.  966 — 968).  I  have  adopted  this  view  through  the  perusal 
of  a  paraphrase  furnished  in  a  recent  Chinese  treatise  on  the 
subject,  the  Han-si-yu-t'u-ttau  (g|  |f  Jfe£  g  5jc>  chap.  6,  by 
Li  Kuang-t'ing,  ^  ^  ££,  of  Canton,  preface  dated  1870),  which 

says:  £  A  #  *  £  *  «  ft  3E  &  IK  n  H  &  H  ffi  £  it  ffi 

fSi  £,  fS  H  i§>  i-  e-?  "In  the  beginning  of  the  T'ai-an  period 
of  the  emperor  W6n-ch'6ng  [in  reality  457  A.  D.  according  to 
We'i-shu,  chap.  5,  p.  5Bj  the  Hiung-nu  prince  Hu-ni?  [his  an- 
cestors] having  conquered  the  country  three  generations  ago 
(g,),  sent  ambassadors  to  ransom  them  [the  prisoners],  which 
was  granted  by  imperial  edict."  It  is  with  this  one  change 
in  the  text  that  I  now  add  my  own  translation  as  first  laid 
before  the  Munich  Academy. 

"The  country  of  Suk-tak  lies  in  the  west  of  the  Ts'uhg-ling. 
It  is  the  ancient  An-ts'ai  and  is  also^  called  Won-na-sha.  It 
lies  on  a  big  sea  [ts'6]  in  the  north-west  of  K'ang-kii  [Sog- 
diana]  and  is  16  000  li  distant  from  Tai.  Since  the  time  when 
the  Hiung-nu  killed  their  king  and  took  possession  of  their 
country  up  to  their  king  Hu-ni  three  generations  have  elapsed. 
The  merchants  of  this  country  often  went  to  the  country  of 
Liang  for  trade,  and  at  the  capture  of  Ku-tsang  they  were  all 
made  prisoners.  In  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Kau-tsung 
[452— 466  A.  D.]  the  king  of  Suk-tak  sent  ambassadors  to  ask 
for  their  ransom,  which  was  granted  by  cabinet  order.  From 


44  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

this  time  onward  they  sent  no  more  tribute  missions  to  our 
court." 

It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Kingsmill's  mistakes  are  those  of 
interpretation  rather  than  of  translation,  though  he  was  ap- 
parently not  satisfied  with  my  rendering  ^  J£  ^  by  the  Ger- 
man "bei  der  Eroberung  von  Ku-tsang."  ](£,  k'o,  means  "to 
conquer,"  whether  you  conquer  a  city,  a  country,  or  your  own 
self.  Cf.  Giles,  No.  6115:  ft  fti;->£\&  "to  attack  a  cit7  and 
not  conquer  it,"  or  "to  make  an  unsuccessful  attack  upon  a 
city."  Mr.  Kingsmill's  "a  party  having  entered  Ku-tsang"  is 
an  absolute  mistake.  The  relative  clause  fg  J|  J|  is  left  un- 
translated. Apart  from  the  different  spelling  of  names,  his 
mistakes  are  thus  the  only  points  in  which  Mr.  Kingsmill's 
rendering  differs  materially  from  the  one  he  found  in  my 
German  paper.  I,  therefore,  fail  to  see  what  induces  him  to 
say:  "it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  he  has  been  misled  in 
the  translation  of  a  sufficiently  simple  passage." 

As  regards  his  interpretation,,  the  one  point  of  his  dis- 
agreement, the  identification  of  the  country  called  An-ts'ai,  is, 
of  course,  the  pivot  on  which  the  entire  question  turns.  Chang 
K'ien,  in  his  report,  merely  placed  on  record  what  his  friends 
at  the  Indoscythian  court  had  told  him.  They  were  the  same 
informants  who  supplied  him  with  that  interesting  word  p'u-Vau 
(fljj  4§),  "the  grape,"=Greek  fiorpvs  according  to  Mr.  Kingsmill's 
own  happy  idea,  and  who  are  known  to  have  used  coins  with 
Greek  legends  as  shown  in  Cunningham's  papers  on  the  "Coins 
of  the  Indoscythians"  in  the  Numismatic  Chronicle.  Chang 
K'ien's  report  on  An-ts'ai  is  in  my  opinion  the  oldest  example 
of  the  introduction  into  Chinese  literature  of  a  piece  of  clas- 
sical lore,  to  wit,  the  story  of  the  Mcuoms  Ai/zn?  with  its  vast 
extension  to  the  north  and  its  connection  with  the  ^Keavo?, 
here  "the  Northern  Sep." 

According  to  my  view  Hu-ni  (4g  fg,  Hut-ngai)  is  Hernak,  the 
youngest  son  of  King  Attila,  who  after  the  death  of  his  father  in 
454  A.  D.  withdrew  to  the  extreme  parts  of  Scythia  Minor  ("Her- 
nac  quoque,  junior  Attilae  films,  cum  suis  in  extrema  minoris 
Scythiae  sedes  delegit."  Jordanes,  ed.  Mommsen,  p.  127),  which 
Strabo  identifies  with  the  present  Crimea,  and  here  according 
to  Tomaschek  the  Alans  had  their  city  of  Sogdak  (Sudak, 
Soldaia,  &c.)  since  212  A.  D.  All  this  is,  however,  immaterial. 
The  main  point  I  wish  to  contest  against  Mr.  Kingsmill  is  the 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mr.  Kingsmill  and  the  Hiung-nu.  45 

identification  of  the  term  An-ts'ai,  so  sadly  misunderstood  by 
him.  If  once  we  are  convinced  that  An-ts'ai,  A-lan  and  Suk- 
tak  must  be  the  Alans  of  western  sources,  we  are  justified  in 
drawing  the  following  logical  conclusions: 

1.  Of  the  Alans  we  know  from  European  sources  that,  just 
about  three  generations  before  the  embassy  sent  to  China  by 
the  state  of  Suk-tak  (former  Alans)  in  457  A.  D.,  they  were 
conquered  by  the  Huns. 

2.  Of  the  Suk-tak  nation  we  learn  in  the  Wei-slm  that  their 
ancestors,  the  An-ts'ai  (Aorsi,  Alans),  three  generations  before 
their  embassy  of  457  A.  D.,  were  conquered  by  the  Hiung-nu. 

3.  Since  the  same  nation  cannot  at  the  same  time  be  con- 
quered by  two  different  nations,  the  result  is  that  the  Huns 
and  the  Hiung-nu  are  identical.     Q.  E.  D. 


Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories. — By 
FKIEDRICH  HIBTH,  Professor  in  Columbia  University, 
New  York  City. 

THE  earliest  accounts  in  Chinese  literature  of  Western  terri- 
tories contain  no  allusions  of  any  kind  that  we  might  interpret 
as  referring  to  any  part  of  the  African  Continent.  The  name 
Li-kan,  or  Li-kien,  which  occurs  in  Ssi-ma  Ts'ien's  SM-ld  (about 
86  B.  C.)  is  there  coupled  with  that  of  T'iau-chi  (Chaldaea), 
and  since  in  records  that  date  from  a  few  generations  later  the 
term  is  persistently  declared  to  be  identical  with  that  of  Ta-ts'in, 
the  Eoman  empire  in  its  eastern  provinces,  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  look  upon  it  as  covering  the  Roman  Orient,  possibly  in- 
cluding Egypt.  This  is  also  the  case  with  the  accounts  of 
Ta-ts'in  contained  in  the  Hou-han-shu, — applying  mainly  to 
the  first  century  A.  D., — in  which  the  direction  of  the  silk  trade 
via  Antiochia  Margiana,  Ktesiphon,  Hira  and,  by  the  periplus 
of  the  Arabian  peninsula,  to  the  silk-buying  factories  of  the 
Phenician  coast,  such  as  Tyre,  Sidon  and  Berytos,  is  clearly 
indicated.1  Yet  no  mention  of  African  ports  can  be  traced 
back  earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  third  century  A.  D., 
when  fresh  information,  though  transmitted  unfortunately  in 
sorely  disfigured  texts,  had  reached  China.  I  refer  to  the 
account  of  the  We'i-Uo,^  where  the  city  of  Alexandria  is 
manifestly  meant  by  the  name  Wu-ch'i-san.  I  admit  that  the 
Wei-lio  is  not  very  clear  in  its  details  regarding  the  de- 
pendencies of  Ta-ts'in;  but  the  one  passage  I  refer  to  leaves 
but  little  doubt  that  Wu-ch'i-san  is  Alexandria.  It  says: 
"At  the  city  of  Wu-ch'i-san,  you  travel  by  river  on  board 
ship  one  day,  then  make  a  round  at  sea,  and  after  six  days' 

1  For   texts   and  translations  see  my   China  and  the  Roman    Orient, 
Shanghai,  1885,  passim. 

2  An  historical  work  referring  to  one  of  the  so-called  "Three  King- 
doms," the  state  of  We'i  (535  to  557  A.  D.)  and  compiled  between  239 
and  265  A.  D.    See  Chavannes,  "Les  pays  d'occident  d'apres  le  "Wei-lio" 
in  T'oung-pao,  Serie  ii,  Vol.  vi,  No.  5,  pp.  519,  seq. 


Vol.  xxx.]    Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      47 

passage  on  the  great  sea,  arrive  in  this  country  [Tats'in,  or 
its  capital  Antioch]."  This,  I  hold,  describes  the  journey  from 
Alexandria  to  Antioch.  The  first  character  of  the  Chinese 
transcription,  wu  (black),  may  stand  for  o  and  u  in  the  render- 
ing of  Indian  sounds;1  and  it  also  represents  the  vocalic  ele- 
ment of  the  first  syllable  (a,  o  or  e)  in  the  several  west-Asiatic 
forms  for  "ebony,"  such  as  Persian  abnus,  in  their  Chinese 
equivalent  ivu-man-tzi.'2  The  second  character  cWi  (slow) 
stands  for  di, 3  and  the  three  characters  may  be  said  to  stand 
for  adisan  or  odisan,  thus  furnishing  a  still  recognizable  dis- 
tortion of  the  name  Alexandria.  Unfortunately  Chinese  texts 
have  preserved  nothing  beyond  that  name,  assuming  our  inter- 
pretation of  its  transcription  is  at  all  correct. 

In  point  of  age  the  next  mention  in  Chinese  literature  of 
an  African  territory  is  an  account  applying  probably  to  the 
beginning  of  the  T'ang  dynasty.  It  occurs  in  a  text  devoted 
to  the  Ta-sh'i,  i.  e.,  the  Arabs  of  the  Khalif  empire,  in  the 
T  any-sliu  (chap.  221 B,  p.  19),  in  a  passage  describing  the 
extent  of  the  Ta-sh'i  dominions,  "in  the  east  of  which  there 
are  the  T'u-k'i-shi,"  i.  e.  the  Tiirgash  of  the  Old-Turkish  stone 
inscriptions,  the  "south-west  being  connected  with  the  sea." 
The  Tiirgash  being  mentioned  as  the  Eastern  neighbors  of 
the  Ta-sh'i  seems  to  indicate  that  the  account  belongs  to  the 
early  part  of  the  eighth  century.  It  reads  as  follows: 

"In  the  south-west  [of  the  Ta-shi,  or  Arabs]  is  the  sea  and 
in  the  sea  there  are  the  tribes  of  Po-pa-li  [in  Cantonese  and 
old  Chinese  Put-pat-lik,  which  I  look  upon  as  a  transcription 
of  Barbarik*}.  These  do  not  belong  to  any  country,  grow  no 
grain,  but  live  on  meat  and  drink  a  mixture  of  milk  and  cow's 
blood;  they  wear  no  clothes,  but  cover  their  body  with  sheep- 


i  St.  Julien,  Methode  pour  dechiffrer  et  transcrire  les  noms  Sanserifs,  etc., 
Nos.  1313  and  1314. 

-  See  my  "Aus   der  Ethnographic  des  Tschau  Ju-kua"  in   Stzb.  der 
philos.  Klasse  der  K.  bayer.  Akad.  d.   Wiss.,  1898,  III  p.  491,  note  3. 

3  Julien,  op.  cit.,  p.  204  No.  1876;  cf.  Schlegel,  "The  Secret  of  the 
Chinese  Method  of  Transcribing  Foreign  Sounds"  in  Toung-pao,  II, 
Vol.  i,  p.  249,  who  says  it  is  pronounced  ti  at  Amoy. 

*  See  my  paper  "Chinese  equivalents  of  the  letter  E,  in  foreign  names" 
in  Journ.  of  the  China  Branch,  E.  A.  S.,  Yol.  xxi  (1886),  p.  219.    As  there 
shown,  final  t  in  old  Chinese  stands  for  final  r\  I  stands  for  r;  and  £  before 
I  (or   r)  becomes  I  (or  r)  by  assimilation    (see   Schlegel   in    Toung-pao, 
1900,  p.  109). 


48  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

skins.  Their  women  are  intelligent  and  graceful.  The  country 
produces  great  quantities  of  ivory  and  of  the  incense  o-mo 
[in  Cantonese  o-mut  =  omur,  standing  for  Persian  ambar,  i.  e. 
ambergris]." 

"When  the  traveling  merchants  of  Po-ssi  (Persia)  wish  to 
go  there  for  trade,  they  must  go  in  parties  of  several  thousand 
men,  and  having  offered  cloth  cuttings  and  sworn  a  solemn 
oath  (lit.  "a  blood  oath")  will  proceed  to  trade." 

Another  account  written  generations  before  the  T'ang-shu, 
the  work  of  6u-yang  Siu  completed  in  1060  A.  D.,  occurs  in 
the  Yu-yang-tsa-tsu  by  Tuan  Ch'ong-slii,  who  died  in  863  A.  D. 
The  transcription  here  used  is  identical  with  that  of  the  T'ang- 
shu,  viz:  Po-pa-li  (Put-pat-lik  =  Barbarik).  Tuan  Ch'ong-shi 
says  (chap.  4,  p.  3B  seq.): 

"The  country  of  Po-pa-li  is  in  the  south-western  sea.  The 
people  do  not  know  how  to  grow  grain  and  live  on  meat  only. 
They  are  in  the  habit  of  sticking  needles  into  the  veins  of 
cattle,  thus  drawing  blood,  which  they  drink  raw,  on  having 
it  mixed  with  milk.  They  wear  no  clothes,  but  cover  their 
loins  with  sheep-skins.  Their  women  are  clean,  white  and 
upright.  The  inhabitants  make  their  own  countrymen  prisoners, 
whom  they  sell  to  the  foreign  merchants  at  prices  several 
times  [more  than  what  they  would  fetch  at  home].  The  country 
produces  only  elephants'  teeth  and  a-mo  [ambergris].  If  the 
Persian  merchants  wish  to  go  to  this  county  they  form  parties 
of  several  thousand  men  and  make  gifts  of  strips  of  cloth, 
and  then  everyone  of  them,  including  the  very  oldest  men  and 
tender  youths,  have  to  draw  their  blood  wherewith  to  swear 
an  oath,  before  they  can  dispose  of  their  goods.  From  olden 
times  they  were  not  subject  to  any  foreign  country.  In  fighting 
they  use  elephants'  teeth  and  ribs  and  the  horns  of  wild  oxen 
made  into  halberds,  and  they  wear  armour  and  have  bows 
and  arrows.  They  have  200,000  foot  soldiers.  The  Ta-shi 
(Arabs)  make  constant  raids  upon  them." 

My  identification  of  these  two  short  accounts,  which  appear 
to  be  derived  from  a  common  source  earlier  than  the  year 
863,  is  based  chiefly  on  the  great  similarity  which  the  Chinese 
transcription  bears  to  the  name  of  Berbera,  the  city  and 
country  on  the  east  coast  south  of  Abyssinia,  and  on  the 
mention  of  ivory  and  ambergris  as  the  chief  products.  Am- 
bergris was  as  a  matter  of  fact  exported  from  the  coast 


k 


Vol.  xxx.]    Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      49 

of  Berbera.  1  The  identification  is,  however,  further  supported 
by  a  later  account  of  the  same  country  in  the  Chu-jan-ch'i  of 
Chau  Ju-kua,  who  describes  it  under  the  name  Pi-pa-lo,  in 
Cantonese:  Pat-pa-lo,  which  is  another  intelligible  transcription 
of  the  foreign  sound  Barbara. 

Chau  ju-kua2  describes  the  country  as  follows: 
"The  country  of  Pi-pa-lo  contains  four  chou  (cities),  the 
remaining  places  being  villages  rivalling  each  other  in  influence 
and  might.  The  people  worship  heaven,  they  do  not  worship 
Buddha.  The  country  produces  many  camels  and  sheep,  and 
the  ordinary  food  of  the  people  consists  of  camels'  flesh,  milk 
and  baked  cakes.  The  country  has  ambergris  \lung-hien, 
lit.  "Dragon's  Spittle,"  the  standard  word  for  ambergris,  see 
Giles,  No.  4508],  big  elephants'  tusks  and  big  rhinoceros  horns. 
There  are  elephants'  tusks  which  weigh  over  a  hundred  catties 
and  rhinoceros  horns  of  ten  catties  and  more.  There  is  also 
much  putchuck,  liquid  storax,  myrrh,  and  tortoise-shell  of  great 
thickness,  for  which  there  is  great  demand  in  other  countries. 
Among  the  products  there  is  further  the  "camel  crane"  [lo- 
fo-hau,  i.  e.,  the  ostrich].  It  measures  from  the  ground  to 
the  top  of  its  head  six  or  seven  feet.  It  has  wings  and  can 
fly,  but  not  to  any  great  height.  There  is  an  animal  called 


1  See  Heyd,  Histoire  du  commerce  du  levant  au  moyen-age,  ed.  Furcy 
Raynaud,  Leipzig,  1886,  Vol.  ii,  pp.  571—574.     The  best  quality  is  found 
on  the  coast  of  Berbera  and  Zinj  (Renaudot,  Ancient  accounts  of  India 
and  China,  London,  1733,  p.  64). 

2  Regarding  this  author  see  my  papers  "Die  Lander  des  Islam  nach 
chinesischen  Quellen",  T'oung-pao,  Supplement,  Vol.  v,  Leiden  1894,  p.  12 
seqq.,  and  "Chao  Ju-kua,  a  new  source  of  mediaeval  geography"  in  Journal, 
E.  A.  £,  1896,  p.  57  seqq.     Chau  Ju-kua  probably  wrote   at  the  time  of 
the  last  Abbaside  caliph   Mustasim   (1242  to   1258  A.   D.),   since  in   his 
description  of  Bagdad  ("Die  Lander  des  Islam,"  etc.,  p.  41)  he  describes  its 
king  as  a  linear  descendant  of  Mohammed  the  Prophet,  and  adds  that  the 
throne  was  handed  down  to  his  own  times  through  twenty-two  generations. 
If  we  look  upon  Cossai  as  the  genealogical  head  of  the  several  generations 
the  sixth  of  which  saw  the  prophet  himself,  the  twenty-second  was  that 
of  the  caliph   Mustasim.     The  latest  date  mentioned  in  Chau  Ju-kua's 
work  is  1210  A.  D.    In  the  Ling-icai-tai-ta  by  Chou  K'u-fe'i,  published 
in  1178,  which  goes  over  the   same  field  as  the  Chu-fan-ch'i  and  from 
which  about  one-third   of  the  matter  placed   on  record  by  Chau  Ju-kua 
has   been   copied   (see  K.  Tsuboi,   "Cheu   Ch'iife's  Aufzeichnungen,"  etc., 
in  Actes,    XIIe   Congres  Intern,  des    Orientalistes,   Rome,   1899,    Vol.  ii, 
pp.  69-125).  no  mention  is  made  of  Pi-pa-lo. 

VOL.  XXX.     Part  I.  4 


50  M  Hirth,  [1910. 

tsu-la  [in  Cantonese:  tso-lap,  a  transcription  of  Arabic  zarafa, 
the  giraffe].  It  resembles  a  camel  in  shape,  an  oxen  in  size, 
and  it  is  of  a  yellow  colour.  Its  front  legs  are  five  feet  long, 
its  hind  legs  only  three  feet.  Its  head  is  high  up  and  turns 
upwards.  Its  skin  is  an  inch  thick.  There  is  also  a  mule 
with  brown,  white  and  black  stripes  around  its  body.  These 
animals  wander  about  the  mountain  wilds;  they  are  a  variety 
of  the  camel.  The  people  of  the  country  are  great  huntsmen 
and  hunt  these  animals  with  poisoned  arrows." 

Mr.  W.  W.  Rockhill,  who  has  collaborated  with  me  in  the 
publication  of  my  translation  of  Chau  Ju-kua's  ethnographical 
sketches,  holds  that  the  "four  cities"  referred  to  are  Berbera, 
the  Malao  of  the  Periplus.  and  Zeyla,  the  mart  of  the  Aualites 
of  the  Periplus  to  the  west  of  it;  and  to  the  east  of  Berbera, 
Mehet  or  Mait.  the  Moundon  of  the  Greeks,  and  Lasgori  or 
Guesele.  the  Mosullon  of  the  Greeks.  He  refers  to  Ibn  Batuta 
(II,  180),  who  says  of  Zeyla  that  it  was  an  important  city, 
but  extremely  dirty  and  bad-smelling  on  account  of  the  custom 
of  the  people  of  killing  camels  in  the  streets.  He  also  notes 
that  the  sheep  of  this  country  are  famous  for  their  fat.  At 
Mukdashau,  our  Magadoxo  or  Mugdishu,  he  says,  they  killed 
several  hundred  camels  a  day  for  food.  In  the  first  century 
A.  D.  the  Pejriplus  mentions  myrrh,  a  little  frankincense,  tin, 
ivory,  tortoise-shell,  odoriferous  gums  and  cinnamon  among 
the  exports  of  the  Berbera  coast. 

The  Chinese  name  "camel-crane"  is  a  translation  of  the 
Persian  name  of  the  ostrich,  shutur-murgh,  meaning  "camel- 
bird"  (Bretschneider,  Mediaeval  Researches,  London  1888,  Vol.  i, 
p.  144,  note  392).  Chou  K'ii-fei  refers  to  the  "camel-crane" 
in  similar  terms  in  his  account  of  the  Zinj  tribes,  but  he  adds 
that  it  eats  all  possible  things,  even  blazing  fire  or  red-hot 
copper  or  iron.  In  other  words  he  justifies  its  wellknown  charac- 
teristic, which  is  conveyed  in  the  popular  adage  the  "stomach  of 
an  ostrich."  The  Chinese  author  speaking  of  the  camel  as  the 
animal  from  which  the  "striped  mule"  is  descended  would  seem 
strange,  if  we  did  not  assume  that  his  remark  on  that  point 
refers  to  the  three  animals,  the  ostrich,  the  giraffe  and  the  mule. 
It  certainly  holds  good  for  the  giraffe,  which,  as  Mr.  Rockhill 
points  out,  was  held  by  some  to  be  a  variety  of  camel,  e.  g.  by 
Mas'udi  (Prairies  d'or,  III  3).  Mr.  Rockhill  has  the  following 
note  regarding  the  striped  mule  of  Pi-pa-lo:  "This,  I  suppose, 


Vol.  xxx.]    Early  Cliinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      51 

is  the  same  animal  as  the  hua-fu-lu,  or  "spotted  fu-lu"  of  the 
Ming-slii,  326.  Bretschneider  (Ancient  Chinese  and  Arabs,  21 
note  7)  says  that  "the  nua  fu-lu  is  probably  the  Hippotigris 
Burchelii,  or  Douw,  the  Tiger-horse  of  the  ancients,  which  was 
brought  several  times  to  Rome  from  Africa.  It  inhabits  the 
deserts  of  Eastern  Africa,  between  the  equator  and  the  tenth 
degree  of  northern  latitude,  whilst  the  two  other  species  of 
this  genus  of  the  horse  family,  the  Zebra  and  the  Quag y a, 
are  to  be  met  with  only  in  Southern  Africa."  Mr.  Rockhill 
refers  to  Barbosa,  who  says  that  the  people  of  Magadoxo  "use 
herbs  with  their  arrows." 

There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  the  Chinese  account  of 
Pi-pa-lo  refers  to  Berbera,  and  this  involves  a  broad  hint  as 
to  the  identification  of  another  sketch  of  Chau  Ju-kua's  which  is 
found  in  the  Chu-fan-chi  under  the  designation  Chuny-li.  It 
reads  as  follows: 

"The  people  of  the  country  of  Chung-li  go  bareheaded  and 
barefooted;  they  wrap  themselves  about  with  cotton  stuffs, 
for  they  dare  not  wear  jackets,  since  wearing  jackets  and 
turbans  is  a  privilege  reserved  for  the  ministers  and  courtiers 
of  the  king.  The  king  lives  in  a  brick  house  covered  with 
glazed  tiles,  the  people  live  in  huts  of  palm-leaves  thatched 
with  grass.  Their  daily  food  consists  in  baked  flour-cakes, 
sheep's  and  camel's  milk.  There  are  great  numbers  of  cattle, 
sheep  and  camels." 

"Among  the  countries  of  the  Ta-sh'i  (Arabs)  this  is  the  only 
one  which  produces  frankincense." 

"There  are  many  sorcerers  among  them,  who  are  able  to 
change  themselves  into  birds,  beasts  or  fish  and  by  these 
means  keep  the  ignorant  people  in  a  state  of  terror.  If  some 
one  of  them  while  trading  with  a  foreign  ship  has  a  quarrel,  the 
sorcerers  cast  a  charm  over  the  ship,  so  that  it  can  neither 
go  forward  or  backward,  and  they  only  release  the  ship  when 
the  dispute  has  been  settled.  The  government  has  formally  for- 
bidden this  practice." 

-Every  year  countless  numbers  of  birds  of  passage  alight 
on  the  desert  parts  of  the  country.  When  the  sun  rises  they 
suddenly  vanish  so  that  one  cannot  find  a  trace  of  them.  The 
people  catch  them  with  nets  and  eat  them;  they  are  remarkably 
savoury.  They  are  in  season  till  the  end  of  spring,  but  as 

4* 


52  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

soon  as  summer  comes  they  disappear  to  return  the  following 
year." 

"When  one  of  the  people  dies  and  they  are  about  to  put 
him  in  his  coffin,  his  kinsfolks  from  near  and  far  come  to 
condole.  Each  person  flourishing  a  sword  in  his  hand,  goes 
in  and  asks  the  mourners  the  cause  of  the  person's  death. 
'If  he  was  killed  by  someone7,  each  one  says,  'we  will  revenge 
him  on  the  murderer  with  these  swords.'  Should  the  mourners 
reply  that  he  was  not  murdered,  but  came  to  his  end  by  the 
will  of  heaven,  they  throw  away  their  swords  and  break  into 
violent  wailing." 

"Every  year  there  are  driven  on  the  coast  a  great  many 
dead  fish  measuring  as  much  as  twenty  ch'ang  in  length,  and 
two  cttang  through  the  body.  The  people  do  not  eat  the  flesh 
of  these  fish,  but  cut  out  their  brains,  marrow  and  eyes,  from 
which  they  get  oil,  often  as  much  as  three  hundred  tong.  They 
mix  this  oil  with  lime  to  caulk  their  ships,  and  use  it  also  in 
lamps.  The  poor  people  use  the  ribs  of  these  fish  as  rafters, 
the  back-bones  as  door-leaves  and  they  cut  off  the  vertebrae 
to  make  mortars  with." 

"There  is  a  shan  [hill,  range  of  hills,  island,  promontory,  or 
high  coast]  in  this  country  which  forms  the  boundary  of  Pi- 
pa-lo  [Berbera].  It  is  4,000  li  in  circumference;  for  the  most 
part  it  is  uninhabited.  Dragon's  blood  is  obtained  from  this 
shan  [hill,  island,  etc.],  also  aloes,  and  from  the  waters,  tortoise- 
shell  and  ambergris  [lung-hien,  lit.  Dragon's  Spittle]." 

"It  is  not  known  whence  ambergris  comes;  it  suddenly 
appears  in  lumps  of  from  three  to  five  catties,  driven  on 
the  shore  by  the  wind.  The  people  of  the  country  make 
haste  to  divide  it  up,  lest  ships  run  across  it  at  sea  and  fish 
it  up." 

The  essential  point  in  the  identification  of  this  country  of 
Chung-li  is  the  mention  of  a  shan,  which  may  mean  "a  range 
of  hills,"  at  the  boundary  of  Pi-pa-lo  (Berbera).  This  port, 
well-known  to  the  Arabs  of  the  thirteenth  century,  was  indeed 
separated  from  the  adjoining  high  plateau  by  a  range  of  hills, 
the  natural  boundary  between  the  territory  of  Berbera  and 
Somaliland.  The  extent  of  the  shan,  in  this  case  "a  plateau," 
being  stated  to  be  4,000  li,  would  point  to  a  large  tract  of 
land.  I  would  not  lay  too  much  stress  on  the  name  Chung-li; 


Vol.  xxx.]    Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      53 

but  final  ng  has  been  used  to  transcribe  final  m  (see  Julien, 
Methode,  etc.,  Nos.  485  and  486:  kang  for  Sanscrit  ham  and 
c/ham)]  chung,  middle,  is  pronounced  tsung  at  Shanghai,  and 
ts  is  quite  commonly  interchanged  with  initial  s.  e.  g.  in  the 
title  sengun,  "a  general,"  of  the  Old-Turkish  stone  inscriptions, 
which  stands  for  Chinese  tsiang-lmn.  Chung-li  may  thus  poss- 
ibly be  a  transcription  of  the  sound  Somali  or  Somal.  Another 
important  characteristic  is  the  remark  that  this  country  is  the 
only  one  among  the  Ta-shi,  or  Arab,  territories  which  produces 
frankincense.  This,  even  if  we  admit  the  coast  of  Hadramaut 
to  have  participated  in  this  industry,  is  a  broad  hint  as  to 
its  identification  with  Somaliland1. 

Mr.  Rockhill  is  of  the  opinion  that  the  island  of  Socotra  cor- 
responds to  Chau  Ju-kua's  Chung-li,  and  in  support  of  this  view 
he  quotes  a  number  of  interesting  parallels  from  mediaeval 
authors.  Thus  the  aloe,  mentioned  as  one  of  the  products  of 
Chung-li,  is  referred  to  by  Mas'udi  (III,  37),  who  calls  it 
socotri  from  the  name  of  the  island;  Marco  Polo  (II,  398-399, 
Yule,  2nd  ed.)  says  of  its  people,  "they  have  a  great  deal  of 
ambergris,"  and  he  relates  the  almost  identical  story  told  by 
Chau  Ju-kua  more  than  a  century  before  him  in  connection 
with  his  Chung-li.  He  says  (p.  399):  "And  you  must  know 
that  in  this  Island  there  are  the  best  enchanters  in  the  world. 
It  is  true  that  their  Archbishop  forbids  the  practise  to  the 
best  of  his  ability,  but  'tis  all  to  no  purpose,  for  they  insist 
that  their  forefathers  followed  it,  and  so  must  they  also.  I 
will  give  you  a  sample  of  their  enchantments.  Thus,  if  a  ship 
be  sailing  past  with  a  fair  wind  and  a  strong,  they  will  raise 
a  contrary  wind  and  compel  her  to  turn  back.  In  fact  they 
make  the  wind  blow  as  they  list  and  produce  great  tempests 
and  disasters;  and  other  such  sorceries  they  perform,  which 


1  F.  A.  Fluckiger,  Pharmakognosie  des  Pflanzenreiches,  3rd.  ed.,  Berlin 
1891,  p.  45  seqq.:  "Die  Bauine,  welche  den  Weihrauch  liefern,  wachsen 
im  Lande  der  Somalistamme,  im  auloersten  Osten  Afrikas,  sowie  auch  auf 
den  jenseits  liegenden  siidostarabischen  Kiistenstrichen  Hadramaut,  Schehr 
und  Mahrah."  "Der  meiste  und  geschatzteste  Weihrauch  wird  im  nord- 
ostliehen  Somalilande  gesammelt."  "In  Arabien  eingefiihrter  oder  dort 
gesammelter  Weihrauch  nimmt  auch  die  Namen  arabischer  Landschaften 
an,  z.  B.  Schehr,  Morbat,  Dhofar."  In  a  special  chapter  on  frank- 
incense Chau  Ju-kua  mentions  just  these  three  places  as  producers  of 
the  drug. 


54  F.  Hirth,  [1910- 

it  will  be  better  to  say  nothing  about  in  our  Book."  Chau 
Ju-kua  is  less  discreet,  when  he  informs  us  that  the  sorcerers 
of  Chung-li  changed  themselves  into  birds  or  fish,  in  order  to 
terrorize  the  population.  According  to  him  "the  Government 
has  forbidden  such  practices."  This  applies  in  Socotra  to  the 
"Archbishop," — in  reality  as  late  as  1281  a  bishop  ordained  by 
the  Nestorian  patriarch  of  Bagdad  (Assemani,  Bibl.  Orient.  IV, 
p.  780).  Kockhill  quotes  two  other  stories  of  sorcerers,  one  from 
Purchas'  Pilgrims  (IX,  254),  who  quotes  Friar  Joanno  dos 
Santos  (A.  D.  1597)  as  describing  quite  a  similar  trick  practised 
by  a  great  sorcerer  on  the  isle  of  Zanzibar,  and  another, 
mentioned  by  Ibn  Batuta  (IV,  227),  of  sorcerers  on  an  island 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  who  "raised  storms 
by  enchantment  when  vessels  did  not  pay  the  customary 
tribute." 

Taking  into  account  the  parallels  to  which  Mr.  Rockhill  has 
drawn  attention,  I  feel  tempted  to  accept  his  suggestion  as 
regards  Socotra.  The  translation  of  shan  by  "a  rocky  island" 
is  certainly  unobjectionable,  and  since  nearly  all  that  can  be 
shown  to  apply  to  Socotra  from  western  sources  occurs  in  the 
text  after  the  words  "there  is  a  shan  in  this  country,"  etc.,  the 
concluding  part  of  the  chapter  may  be  regarded  as  an  appendix 
to  the  account  of  Chung-li  describing  this  outlying  island  of 
Socotra.  The"  shan  being  stated  to  measure  "four  thousand 
li  in  circumference"  fairly  corresponds  to  the  ideas  current 
among  western  geographers  of  the  period,  if  we  look  upon 
the  li  not  as  the  Chinese  li,  but  as  the  thirtieth  part  of  a 
parasang,  or  a  stadium,  in  which  sense  I  have  shown  it  is  to 
be  taken  in  the  identifications  of  several  western  Asiatic 
itineraries  (see  my  China  and  the  Roman  Orient,  pp.  222-225). 
Four  thousand  li  would  thus  be  equal  to  133  parasangs.  This 
may  be  an  exaggerated  estimate  of  the  size  of  the  island,  but 
scarcely  more  so  than  the  statements  of  Yakut  (Wiistenfeld  III 
p.  102,  quoting  al  Hamadani)  and  Abulfeda  (Geogr.  d'A.,  ed. 
Reinaud  and  de  Slane,  Paris  1840,  p.  371,— kindly  furnished 
to  me  by  Prof.  Gottheil),— who  state  that  the  length  of  Socotra 
alone  was  "eighty  parasangs." 

This  part  of  the  coast  of  Africa  was  certainly  well-known 
and  much  frequented  by  Arab  and  Persian  traders  during 
the  thirteenth  century.  Chau  Ju-kua  is  well  acquainted 
with  its  products  such  as  frankincense,  aloe,  dragon's  blood 


Vol.  xxx.]    Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      55 

and    ambergris,    and    since    all   these  were   staple    articles    of 
the  Chinese  market,  we  may  infer  that  direct  commerce  was 
carried   on   through   the   mediation    of  Arab    skippers   plying 
between  Ts'iian-chou-fu  (Zaitun)  and  Canton  in  the  Far  East 
and  the  several  ports  en  route,  including  those  of  Africa,  and 
their  Arabian  homes.    We  need  not  be  astonished,  therefore, 
to  find  that  remnants  of  the  mediaeval  intercourse  between  the 
coasts  of  China   and  Eastern  Africa  have  actually  been   dis- 
covered.   In  April  1898  two  small  collections  of  Chinese  coins 
were  sent  to  me  for  identification,  one  by  Dr.  F.  L.  Stuhlmann, 
now  at  the  head    of  the  biological  and  agricultural  Institute 
at  Amani  (East  Africa),  the  other  by  Mr.  Justus   Strandes, 
both    well-known    African    travellers.      Dr.    Stuhlmann   wrote 
me   that  his   collection  of  eight   coins  had  been  excavated  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Mugdishu  on  the  Somali  coast  together 
with  a  great  many  broken  pieces  of  Chinese  celadon  porcelain, 
vitreous    paste    and    Arabic    coins ;    Mr.    Strandes,    who    had 
purchased   his   collection    of  seven   coins    at  the   same  place, 
wrote    in    similar   terms.      Both    collections    are   now    in    the 
"Museum    fur    Volkerkunde"    of  Berlin.      The    several    coins 
were  unfortunately  in    a   bad    state  of  preservation,  but  they 
were   without  exception  of  the  Chinese  type,  i.  e.  round  with 
a  square  hole  and  of  bronze. 

Those  coins  the  legends  of  which  I  was  able  to  identify 
are  all  dated  from  before  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  being  chiefly  re- 
presented. I  am,  therefore,  inclined  to  ascribe  them  to  the 
very  period  covered  by  Chau  Ju-kua's  account  of  Chung-li, 
which,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  Ling~ivai-tai-ta  of  1178  con- 
tains no  mention  of  these  territories,  must  be  placed  between 
this  date  and  Chau  Ju-kua's  time,  i.  e.  about  1242  A.  D. 
Chinese  junks  have  visited  Mugdishu  in  1430  (see  my  Ancient 
Porcelain,  Shanghai,  1888,  p.  62  and  note  155),  but  since  no 
coins  of  the  Ming  Dynasty  could  be  traced  in  the  two  small 
collections,  unless  they  were  among  the  few  hopelessly  dis- 
figured unidentified  specimens,  I  conclude  that  these  unique 
traces  of  Chinese  intercourse  so  far  discovered  had  nothing 
to  do  with  that  later  period. 

Of  the  east  coast  south  of  Somaliland  we  possess  short 
accounts  of  an  island  called  TJong-pa  and  of  a  country  E?un- 
lun-tsb'ng-Jd,  both  by  Chau  Ju-kua. 


56  F.  Hirth,  [1910. 

Ts'ong-pa,  in  Cantonese  Ts'ang-pat,  may  be  a  transcription 
of  Zanguebar,  or  Zanzibar. 

Chau  Ju-kua's  text  runs  as  follows: 

"The  Ts'6'ng-pa  country  is  an  island  of  the  sea  south  of 
Hu-ch'a-la  [Guzerat].  On  the  west  it  borders  on  a  great 
mountain." 

"The  inhabitants  are  of  Ta-sh'i  stock  and  follow  the  religion 
of  the  Ta-sh'i.  They  wrap  themselves  in  blue  foreign  cotton 
stuffs  and  wear  red  leather  shoes.  Their  daily  food  consists 
of  meal,  baked  cakes  and  mutton." 

"There  are  many  villages  and  wooded  hills,  and  lines  of  hills 
rising  one  above  the  other.''' 

"The  climate  is  warm,  and  there  is  no  cold  season.  The 
products  of  the  land  include  elephants'  tusks,  native  gold,  or 
gold  bullion,  ambergris  and  yellow  sandalwood." 

"Every  year  Hu-ch'a-la  [Guzerat]  and  the  Ta-sh'i  settlements 
along  the  sea-coast  send  ships  to  trade  white  cotton  cloth, 
porcelain,  copper  and  red  Id-pei  [cotton]  in  this  country." 

The  chief  difficulty  in  the  explanation  of  this  account  is  the 
mention  of  sandalwood  among  the  products  of  the  country, 
since  it  is  not  likely  that  Indian,  Timorese,  or  far-eastern 
varieties  were  brought  to  this  out-of-the-way  part  of  the 
Indian  Ocean  as  a  market.  I  do  not  know  whether  the  dye 
made  of  the  rock-moss,  or  orchil,  of  Zanzibar  may  possibly 
be  confounded  with  some  dye  made  of  sandalwood.  The 
mistake  might  perhaps  be  accounted  for  in  this  way. 

On  the  other  hand  we  have  unmistakeable  evidence  of  the 
importation  of  Chinese  porcelain.  The  late  Dr.  W.  S.  Bushell, 
in  a  review  of  my  book  on  "Ancient  Porcelain"  (North-China 
Daily  News,  May  9th,  1888)  has  the  following  remarks  on  this 
point: 

"Arabian  writers  tell  us  of  fleets  of  large  Chinese  junks 
in  the  Persian  Gulf  in  the  eighth  century,  and  the  return 
voyage  of  Marco  Polo  in  the  suite  of  a  Mongol  Princess  from 
Zayton  to  Hormuz  is  well-known.  The  "Chu  Fan-chi,"  a 
book  on  foreign  countries  by  Chao  Ju-kua,  an  author  of  the 
Sung  Dynasty,  was  published  a  century  before  the  time  of 
Marco  Polo.  Dr.  Hirth  quotes  this  to  trace  the  export  of 
porcelain  even  as  far  as  the  coast  of  Zanzibar,  the  great 
African  mart  of  ivory  and  ambergris,  which  is  described 


Vol.  xxx.]     Early  Chinese  notices  of  East  African  territories.      57 

under  the  name  of  Ts'eng-p'o.  I  may  add  that  Sir  John 
Kirk  during  his  residence  as  Consul -General  at  Zanzibar, 
made  a  collection  of  ancient  Chinese  celadon  porcelain,  which 
he  took  to  the  British  Museum  last  year.  Some  of  it  was 
dug  up,  I  believe  from  ruins,  mixed  with  Chinese  cash  of  the 
Sung  Dynasty,  a  striking  confirmation  of  the  Chinese  writer, 
who  was  Inspector  of  Foreign  Trade  and  Shipping  in  Fuhkien 
Province." 


A  Door  from  the  Madrasah  of  Barkuk.  —  By  RICHAED 
J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,  Professor  in  Columbia  University, 
New  York  City. 

THE  doors,  of  which  a  separate  photograph  for  each  wing 
is  here  given,  are  to-day  placed  in  the  entrance  to  the  Hispanic 
Museum  in  New  York  City.  They  were  bought  in  Cairo  some 
years  ago  by  Mr.  Archer  Huntington  and  belong  to  the  finest 
period  of  Egypto-Muhammedan  metal  work.  The  doors  are  in 
a  perfect  condition;  and  though  it  looks  as  if  in  one  or  two 
places  they  had  been  restored,  the  restoration  has  been  so 
cleverly  done  that  it  is  hardly  apparent.  Each  wing  is  made 
of  wood  completely  covered  with  bronze.  Along  the  sides  the 
metal  is  very  thin  and  artistically  kept  in  place  by  nails 
forming  diminutive  rosettes.  The  rest  of  the  wood  is  covered 
with  thick  pieces  of  metal  so  cut  as  to  form  polygonal  rosettes 
the  angles  of  which  are  filled  up  or  embossed  so  that  the 
rosettes  stand  out  in  relief.  All  of  the  embossed  work,  again, 
is  damaskeened  with  silver  and  part  of  the  unembossed  surface 
is  damaskeened  with  gold.  Each  leaf  has  a  finely  chiseled 
knocker  placed  about  two-thirds  of  the  way  up.  The  in- 
scription commences  at  the  lower  end  of  the  right-hand  leaf 
and  is  of  silver  damaskeened  in  placques  of  bronze.  It  is  in 
the  late  Naskhi  form  of  the  Mameluke  period,  and  reads  as 
follows:  \  jJl  LJjJl  L-*>O  blkJl  ^JJLl  lk)  _  II 


"Glory  to  our  master  the  Sultan  al-Malik  al-Zahir  Saif  al- 
dunya  wal-dm  Abu  Sa'id  Barkuk,  Sultan  of  Islam  and  the 
Muhammedans,  the  one  who  is  munificent  to  orphans  and  to 
the  poor,  the  help  of  warriors  and  of  those  who  fight  for  the 
faith.  It  was  finished  in  the  month  Rabic  al-Awwal  in  the 
year  seven  hundred  and  eighty  eight  of  the  Hijra." 

On  the  bosses  of  the  four  central  rosettes  is  the  name 
In  tne  centre  of  the  rosettes  in  the  middle  which  are 


A  door  from 


the  Madrasah  of  Barkuk. 


Vol.  xxx.]     A  Door  from  tJie  Madrasah  of  Barkuk.  59 

divided  into  halves  there  are  also  inscriptions  which  I   have 
not  been  able  to  decipher  satisfactorily. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  we  have  here  a  door  from  a  building 
put  up  by  the  Burjl  Mamluke  Zahir  Saif  al-Dm  Barkuk  who 
came  to  the  throne  in  784  A.  H.  (=  1382  A.  D.).  The  doors 
were  finished  in  April  of  the  year  1386.  It  is  also  evident 
that  the  doors  come  from  the  Barkukiyyah  l  or,  as  it  is  called, 
the  Zahiriyyah  al-Jadldah—  the  Madrasah  built  by  Barkuk  in 
the  Suk  al-Nahhasm,  which  served  also  as  a  convent  for  the 
Sufis.  Van  Berchem  has  given  in  his  Corpus  a  number  of 
other  inscriptions  similar  to  the  one  on  these  doors.  The 
Madrasah  has  been  often  restored;  within  recent  years  by 
Herz  Bey. 

The  inscription,  however,  contains  one  or  two  difficulties 
which  it  is  to  hard  surmount.  I  do  not  refer  to  the  form  y\  for 
^t;  that  is  not  at  all  uncommon;  but  to  the  manner  in  which 
the  date  is  expressed.  The  hundreds  placed  first  is  not  an 
impossible  construction,  as  compound  numbers  in  Arabic  can 
be  expressed  either  in  an  ascending  or  a  descending  scaie. 
But  here  the  units  are  placed  between  the  hundred  and  the 
decade,  which  will  not  do  at  all.  Indeed,  the  whole  order  of 
the  numerals  is  unusual  in  inscriptions.  In  many  hundreds 
of  inscriptions  coming  from  Egypt,  Syria  and  Mesopotamia 
I  have  not  found  one  case  in  which  the  order  of  the  numerals 
is  other  than  that  of  the  ascending  scale. 

In  addition  to  this,  the  last  word  of  the  inscription 
is  uncommon.     The  expressions  used  are:    *t^*^   and 


•  The  only  other  case  in  which  I  have 
found  it  used  is  in  the  inscription  of  Ahmad  ibn  Muzaffar 
al-dln  TJthman  ibn  Mankurus  on  the  fortress  of  Muhelbah  in 
Northern  Syria.2  The  want  of  space  may  have  occasioned  the 
use  of  the  shortened  form  in  our  inscription. 

It  would  be  hazardous  to  pronounce  a  judgment  upon  the 
genuineness  of  this  door.  But,  it  is  surprising  that  Van  Berchem 
in  his  Corpus  of  the  Arabic  inscriptions  at  Cairo3  mentions 

1  See  Van  Berchem,  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Ardbicarum,  pp.  297  et  seq.; 
Baedeker,  Egypte,  (1903),  p.  64;  Manuel  d'art  Musulman,  I  (par  H.  Saladin) 
pp.  140  et  seq.;  II  (par  G.  Migeon),  pp.  196,  209,  232. 

2  Van  Berchem,  Inscriptions  Arabes  de  Syrie  (Le  Caire   1897),  p.  86. 

3  loc.  cit.  p.  304. 


60     R.  J.  H.  Grottheil,  A  Doorjrom  the  Madrasah  ofBarkuk.  [1910. 

the  fact  that  in  the  year  1893  a  dealer,  Hatoun,  in  the 
Mouski  of  that  city,  had  for  sale  a  door  very  similar  (to  judge 
from  the  description  given  by  Van  Berchem)  to  the  one  at 
present  under  discussion.  The  inscription  is  exactly  similar 
to  the  one  I  have  given,  only  with  the  word  ^f^  omitted. 
Yan  Berchem  could  not  find  any  reason  for  the  slightest 
suspicion  and  pronounced  the  door  to  be  genuine;  but  Herz 
Bey  pronounced  it  to  be  a  piece  of  modern  work  manufactured 
in  the  selfsame  year  1893,  and  his  judgment  was  supported 
by  others  on  the  spot.1 

To  add  to  the  difficulty,  Migeon,  in  his  Manuel  d'art  Musid- 
man,  II,  p.  196,  gives  a  reproduction  of  a  mosque  door  which 
in  every  artistic  particular  is  an  exact  copy  of  the  one  under 
discussion,  with  the  exception  of  the  outer  border  which  has 
less  rows  of  nails  than  has  the  door  in  the  Hispanic  Museum. 
The  inscription,  however,  is  different  and  is  similar  both  in 
the  upper  and  lower  bands: 


"Glory  to  our  master  the  Sultan,  the  fighter  for  the  faith, 
Muhammad  al-N&zir  Sultan  of  Islam  and  the  Muhammedans," 
i.  e.  Nasir  al-Dm  Muhammad  ibn  Kala'un,  who  ruled  several 
times  in  Egypt  towards  the  end  of  the  13th  century.  Migeon 
states  that  these  doors  are  in  the  Arabic  Museum  in  Cairo; 
but  I  can  not  find  them  mentioned  in  the  latest  edition  of  the 
Catalogue  of  that  Museum.2 

1  loc.  cit.  p.  770. 

2  Catalogue  raisonne  des  monuments  exposes  dans  le  Musee  Nationale 
de   Vart  Arabe  .  .  .  par  Herz  Bey   (2nd  Ed.).    Le    Caire   1906.    pp.  173, 
177,  212. 

Postscript  (August  18.  1908).  In  a  letter,  dated  July  15. 
1909,  Herz  Bey  confirms  my  suspicions  in  regard  to  the 
genuineness  of  the  doors.  He  writes  that  they  were  made  in 
the  year  1892  by  an  Arab  workman  named  'All  al  -  Shiyashl 
(J^i^Jl  £j*)  for  the  Cairo  Street  of  the  Midway  Plaisance 
in  the  Chicago  World's  Fair.  cAli,  however,  could  not  come 
to  an  understanding  with  the  managers  of  the  "Street"  in 
regard  to  the  price,  and  the  doors  remained  in  Cairo,  where 
they  passed  into  the  possession  of  the  dealer  Hatoun. 


A  Hymn  to  Bel  (Tablet  29623,  CT.  XV,  Plates  12 
and  13). — By  FREDEEICK  A.  VANDERBUKGH,  Ph.  D., 
Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

THE  following  is  one  of  the  collection  of  twelve  unilingual 
non-Semitic  Babylonian  hymns  copied  from  tablets  in  the 
British  Museum  by  Mr.  L.  W.  King,  M.  A.,  Assistant  in  the 
Department  of  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  Antiquities,  and  pub- 
lished in  "Cuneiform  Texts  from  Babylonian  Tablets  in  the 
British  Museum  by  Order  of  the  Trustees,"  Volume  XV. 

Dr.  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  Professor  of  Semitic  Languages  in 
Columbia  University,  and  myself  have  now  translated  the  whole 
collection.  Professor  Prince  has  published  three:  viz.,  "To  the 
Goddess  Bau;"  "To  the  God  Nergal,"  and  "To  the  Goddess 
Girgilu."  "I  have  published  in  my  "Sumerian  Hymns"  four: 
"To  Bel;"  "To  Sin;"  "To  Adad;"  and  "To  Tammuz."  I  have 
another  "To  Bel"  that  is  expected  to  appear  in  the  Journal 
of  the  American  Oriental  Society,  and  still  another  "To 
Bel"  is  in  preparation.  The  one  of  which  a  transliteration, 
translation  and  commentary  are  given  in  this  Article  is  the 
fourth  and  last  one  "To  Bel"  in  the  collection. 

I  am  not  aware  that  the  hyrnn  treated  in  this  Article  has 
ever  been  translated  before  or  published. 

This  hymn  in  which  Bel  is  addressed  in  both  the  Eme-Ku 
and  the  Erne- Sal  dialects  of  the  non-Semitic  literature  of 
Babylonia  must  be  recognized  as  very  ancient.  It  is  evident 
that  Bel  is  invoked  here  as  the  ruler  of  the  nations  in  the 
same  spirit  in  which  he  is  honored  in  the  inscriptions  of  the 
kings  of  the  predynastic  and  early  dynastic  periods  from  the 
time  of  En-sag-kusanna  until  the  time  of  Hammurabi.  When 
the  hymn  was  composed,  Nippur,  Ur  and  Larsa,  the  three 
cities  therein  mentioned,  were  flourishing  towns. 

Our  copy  of  the  hymn,  however,  is  not  Old-Babylonian,  but 
New-Babylonian.  While  the  composition  is  very  old,  the  copy 
is  not.  For  example,  GIR  or  ELIM,  MA,  LUK  TA,  KAN, 
BIT  are  Old-Babylonian,  but  the  following  signs  are  New- 


62  Frederick  A.   Vanderburgh,  [1910. 

Babylonian:  BIT,  ZI,  UN,  AN,  KIT,  GA,  DA,  MI,  TUB,, 
IM,  EN,  NE,  DAMAL,  AZAG,  KA,  MAH,  SIS,  BL 

This  hymn  is  apparently  the  most  beautiful  and  interesting 
one  of  the  four  addressed  to  Bel  in  CT.  XV,  7-30.  The  con- 
ception of  the  subject  is  very  picturesque  and  the  lyrical 
quality  characteristic  of  the  religious  literature  of  the  Semitic 
race  is  fully  as  apparent  here  as  in  other  Babylonian  hymns. 
The  thought  is  wrought  into  rhythmic  stichs  for  recitation  in 
divine  service  with  some  traces  of  strophic  division.  The 
essential  attributes  of  the  god  and  the  power  he  exercises 
over  the  lands  are  dwelt  upon,  but,  above  all,  attention  seems 
to  be  focused  on  the  heroic  administration  of  Bel  in  the  con- 
quest of  an  insubordinate  city. 

As  to  thought  and  form  of  statement,  the  hymn  is  clearly 
divided  into  three  parts.  Lines  one  to  nine  contain  descriptive 
epithets  of  Bel's  divine  attributes.  (1)  Bel  is  known  as  the 
'mighty  one,'  expressed  by  the  Assyrian  kabtu,  synonymous 
with  either  gur  or  dim,  and  suggestive  of  the  Scriptural  idea 
'almighty.'  (2)  Bel  was  'lord  of  the  lands;'  this  umun  corre- 
sponds to  the  Semitic  belu,  'proprietor'  of  the  lands:  a  'lord7 
was  an  'owner.'  As  Anu  was  the  heaven  god,  Sin  the  moon 
god,  Sam  as  the  sun  god,  Istar  the  star  deity,  so  Bel  was  the 
earth  god.  (3)  Bel  was  a  'righteous'  god,  being  called  'lord 
of  righteous  command.'  (4)  Bel  was  a  god  of  'providence,' 
being  'father  of  the  word  of  destiny.'  (5)  Bel's  particular  care 
reached  over  the  Babylonians;  he  was  'shepherd  of  the  black- 
headed.'  (6)  Bel  was  a  god  of  vengence,  a  'wild  bull  executing 
judgment  on  the  enemy.'  (7)  Bel  was  omniscient,  'the  all- 
seeing  one.' 

Lines  ten  to  twenty  particularize  the  location  of  Bel's  do- 
minion. The  seat  of  his  cult  was  Nippur,  but  he  was  honored 
also  in  Ur  and  Larsa.  His  temple,  E-kur,  was  located  in 
Nippur,  whither  kings  and  princes  from  distant  lands  came 
to  do  him  homage. 

In  lines  one  to  twenty  it  may  be  noticed  that  with  a  single 
exception  a  characteristic  praise-refrain  is  observed  in  every 
stich. 

At  the  end  of  line  twenty  there  is  a  decided  change  in  style. 
Lines  twenty-one  to  thirty-four  delineate  the  experiences  of  a 
city  in  siege  under  the  surveillance  of  Bel.  Water  and  corn 
supplies  are  cut  off.  Scenes  of  famine  are  sketched  and  also 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Bel  63 

of  conflagration  and  pillage.     As  the   result  the  fear  of  Bel 
extends  over  the  lands. 


Transliteration  and  Translation. 

Obverse. 


1.  ni-tuk  gur(KIL)  M(tl)  eri-zu  ^'(SF)-e(BIT)  - 

Thou  art  the  mighty  one  of  old;  thy  desirable  city  -- 

2.  elim-ma  ni-tuk  g&r(KIL)   M(U)   eri-zu  ^(Sl)-e(BIT)  — 
O   king,   thou   art   the  mighty  one  of  old;    thy  desirable 
city  —  —  —  —  --  -----  ---  --- 

3.  u-mu-un  kur-kur-ra-ge(KIT)  gur(KTL)  !$(U)  eri-    -- 
0  lord  of  the  lands,  the  mighty  one  of  old;    city  -- 

4.  u-mu-un  sag-ga  si-da  gur(KIL)  M(U)  eri-  -- 

0  lord,  head  of  life,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  city  —  --- 

5.  dimmer  mu-ul-lil(KlT)  a-a  i(KA)  wa-dw-wa(MAL)  —  ne 
0  Bel,  fathei  of  the  word  of  destiny;  -- 

6.  siba  sag  glg(MI)-ga  gur(KIL)  M(U)  eri-  - 

0   shepherd  of  the  black-headed,  the  mighty  one  of  old; 
city   —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  —  — 

7.  i-de  gdba  «2(IM)-te-«a  gur(KIL)  $&(TT)  eri-  ---- 
0  thou  who  art  by  thyself  the  all-seeing  one,  the  mighty 
one   of  old;    city    —  —  —  - 

8.  ama  erw»(§AB)-na  di-'M  gur(KIL)  M(U)  eri-  ---- 
0  thou  wild  bull  executing  judgment  on  the  enemy,  the 
mighty  one  of  old;    city    • 

9.  ii-lul-la  ma-ma  gur(KYL)  3«(U)   eri-   --  -- 

0  thou  powerful  one    of  the   countries,  the  mighty  one  of 
old;    city  --  -- 

10.  eri-zu  en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu  gur(KIL)  6xa(LJ)  - 

In  thy  city  thy  Nippur,  the  mighty  one  of  old;   - 

11.  se-ib  e(BIT)-kur-ra-ta  gur(KIL)  6xa(U)  - 

In  the  foundation  of  E-kur,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  -- 

12.  ki  damal  ki  gal-ta  gur(KIL}  sa(U)  - 

In  the  broad  land  the  great  land,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  — 

13.  c^(TUL)  agaz  ki  azag-ta  gur(KTL)  M(U)  - 

In  the  glorious   dwelling  of  the  glorious  land,  the  mighty 
one  of  old;  —  '  —  —  ----  —  --- 


64  Frederick  A.  Vanderburgli,  [1910 

14.  &HLIB)-e(BIT)  dim-ma-ta  gur  (KIL)  M(U)    - 

In  the  midst   of  the   house  of  the  king,  the  mighty  one 
of  old;    - 

15.  e(BIT)  ka  mah-ta  gur  (KIL)  M(U)  - 

In  the  house  of  the  high  gate,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  - 

16.  e(BIT)  #&(MAL)  nun  mah-ta  gur  (KIL)  2a(tl)  -       -lea 
In  the  firm  house  of  the  exalted  prince,  the  mighty  one 
of  old;  - 

17.  ma-mu  §u-a-ta  gur  (KIL)  M(U)  -  -  ha 
In  the  entrance  of  my  land,  the  mighty  one  of  old ;  - 

18.  ma  e(BIT)-gal  mah-ta  gur  (KIL)  M(U)  -  -  ka 
In   the   land    of  the   exalted   temple,   the   mighty  one  of 

nlrl  • 

\JJ-\J.  * 

19.  $e-ib  uru-unu-ki-ma-ta  gur  (KIL)  &*(U)  eri-  -  ne  ka 
In  the  foundation  of  Ur,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  - 

20.  $e-ib  utu-unu-ki-ma-ta  gur  (KIL)  £a(U)  eri-zu  -    —  ne  ka 
In  the  foundation  of  Larsa,  the  mighty  one  of  old;  - 

21.  eri  a-dug  (KA.)-ga  a-gi-a-zu 

A  city  striveth;   it  is  turned  away  by  thee. 

22.  a-dug(KA)-ga  a-ta  gar(SA)-ra-zu 

It  striveth;  it  is  shut  off  from  water  by  thee. 

23.  eri  $e-kud(TAR)-da  ki-lal-a-zu 

It  is  a  city  with  corn  cut  off;  it  is  blocked  by  thee. 

Reverse. 

24.  [nu]-nag  nu-nag-a  ud-zal(NI)~zal(NI)-la  dl(RI) 

They  drink  not,  they  drink  not;  the  morning  dawneth. 

25.  dam  tur-ra-ge(KIT)  dam-mu  mu-ni-ib-bi 

To  the  young  spouse,  one  crieth  "My  spouse." 

26.  <ta(TUR)  tur-ra-ge(KIT)  cta(TUR)-ww  mu-ni-ib-bi 
To  the  little  child,  one  crieth  "My  child." 

27.  ki-el-e  $es-mu  mu-ni-ib-bi 

The  maid  crieth  "My  brother." 

28.  eri-ta  damal  gan-e  du(TISR)-mu  mu-ni-ib-bi 

In  the  city  the  bountiful  mother  crieth  "My  child." 

29.  cZft(TUR)  bdn(TUR)-da  a-a-mu  mu-ni-ib-bi 
To  the  strong  man  one  crieth  "My  father." 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Bel.  65 

30.  tur-e  d-e(UD.  DU)  maJi-e  aZ-d(UD.  DU) 

The  small  (flames)  break  out,  the  great  (flames)  break  out. 

31.  e-sir(BU)  e-gub  (Dty-ba  mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN) 
On  the  street  they  stand,  they  cry. 

32.  sal-la-l)i  ur-e  dm  (A.  AN)-da-ab-ld 
Their  booty  men  bear  away. 

33.  slg(PA)  gan-bi  mu  bar-ri  dm(A.  AN)-da~ab-ld 

The  staff  of  their  youth  the    king  of  judgment  beareth 
away. 

34.  Id  e-ne  ki-zu-ge(KlT)  ba-e-ni(IM) 
Those  lands  are  in  fear  of  thy  land. 

t*$w(ES)  za  er(A.  SI)  ttm(b)(~Ll!L)-ma  dingir  en-lil(KIT)- 

a-kam 

34  (lines)  Penitential  hymn  to  Bel. 

Commentary. 

1.  ni-tuk:  ni,  a  common  pronominal  verbal  prefix  of  the 
second  person;  tuk  means  primarily  'seize,'  'have,'  and  then 
in  an  intransitive  relation,  'be  present,'  'be.' 

gur(KILi):  the  question  might  arise  whether  the  sign  is 
not  IZ;  it  occurs  nineteen  times  in  the  tablet;  the  wedges 
seem  to  make  an  enclosure  of  an  equilateral  rectangle,  as  is 
always  intended  in  KIL,  but  usually  in  the  sign  IZ,  the 
horizontal  dimension  is  greater  than  the  vertical.  For  examples 
of  IZ  in  this  collection  of  hymns  in  CT.  XV,  see  Plates  10  :  24; 
11:13,  14,  15  and  16;  14:35;  16:6;  and  19:25.  For 
examples  of  KIL,  see  Plates  7  :  27;  9  :  2  and  3;  and  19  :  24, 
27  and  28.  Also  cf.  sign-lists  of  Delitzsch  in  Assyrische  Lese- 
stiicke,  vierte  Auflage,  and  Amiaud  in  Tableau  Compare  des 
Ecritures  Babylonienne  et  Assyrienne  Archaiques  et  Modernes, 
'gur  equals  kabtu.  If  the  sign  is  JZ,  the  value  is  ges,  equal 
to  idln-j  'hero.' 

M(U)  equals  labwu,  'old;'  see  Prince's  Hymn  to  Nergal  in 
JAOS,  XXVIII,  pp.  168-182.  Brummer,  in  Die  Sumerischen 
Verbal- Afformative  nach  den  altesten  Keilinschriften,  explains 
U  as  a  compound  sign,  equal  to  SI,  'eye,'  plus  LU,  'take 
away;'  giving  the  meaning  'take  away  the  eye,'  'become  old,' 
'elderly.' 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  I.  5 


66  Frederick  A.   Vanderburgli,  [1910. 

eri  or  the  Eme-Ku  uru  equals  alu,  'city,'  and  zu  is  the 
common  pronominal  suffix  'thy,'  phonetically  cognate  with  the 
personal  pronoun  za-e\  the  value  eri  for  ER  occurs  in  the 
ideogram  for  eridu\  see  Creation  Legend,  Tablet  82-5-22,  1048, 
CT.  XIII,  35-38,  Obverse,  line  8,  endw(ERI.  HI)  ul  ba-ni. 

t0» (&!)-! (BIT):  the  erasure  of  the  last  end  of  this  line 
precludes  satisfactory  explanation  of  this  word,  although  SI. 
BIT  is  sometimes  equal  to  amaru,  'see,'  igi  commonly  having 
the  meaning  'eye'  and  e  the  meaning  'house;'  i.  e.  'eye- 
structure.' 

2.  elim-ma:   by  the  process  of  gunation,  several  signs  have 
developed  from  GIR;    for  example,   KIS  by  the  addition  of 
MIN,  ANSU  by  the  addition  of  PA,  HUS  by  the  addition 
of  HI,  AZ    by  the  addition  of  UD,  UK   by  the  addition  of 
ZA,  and  ELIM,   or  more   exactly  ALIM,  by  the  addition  of 
ER(A.  SI).     The   sign  in  the  text  is   somewhat  indistinct;   it 
appears  to  be  GIR,  but  MA  as  a  phonetic  complement  \vould 
indicate  that  the  sign  was  ELIM.  GIR  equals  'power'.    ELIM 
means  'lord,'  'king.' 

3.  u-mu-un,    phonetic    representation,    is    sometimes    ideo- 
graphically   represented   by   the    corner  wedge  U;    the   value 
umun   may   be   shortened   to    u  or  mun  or  MM,  or  it  can  be 
lengthened   to  ii-mu-un-e,   having  the  defining  vowel  e,  as  in 
Plate  10  :  3  where  Bel  is   spoken  of,  and   Plate  17:2  and  3 
where  Sin  is  spoken  of.     umun  equals   'lord'  (u)   plus  'being' 
(mun). 

Mr,  'mountain,'  'land,'  is  probably  etymologically  connected 
with  /CM,  aSdbu,  hibtu,  'dwell,'  'dwelling':  hu  being  possibly  a 
shortened  form  of  kur.  ge  (KIT)  is  a  common  sign  of  genitive 
relation:  'lord  of  lands.' 

4.  sag-ga:   the  sign  is  quite  clearly  SAG,  but  perhaps  the 
clause  is  the  same  as  the  last  clause  in  Plate  10  :  4,  if  so, 
the    reading    should    be,    'lord   of  righteous    command,'    with 
dug(KA)-ya  instead   of  sag-ga,  dug-ga  being  equal   to  kibitu, 
'command,'  and  zi(d)-da  being  equal  to  kenu,  'righteous;'   see 
Vanderburgh,  Sumerian  Hymns,  p.  27. 

5.  mu-ul-lil(KIT)  is  Erne-Sal  for  en-lil(eUil),  mul(wul)  being 
dialectically  equal  to  en  (el).     The  meaning  of  Ul  is  somewhat 
confused  by  the  word's  having  been  wrongly  connected  with 
Zdkiku,  'wind;'  it  more  properly  means  'structure,'  'fulness.' 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Bel  67 

a-a  is  the  common  word  for  'father/  how  it  comes  to  mean 
'father'  is  somewhat  obscure;  it  may  be  shortened  from  ad-da, 
where  ad  equals  abu.  a  primarily  means  'water,'  but  also  means 
'father,'  perhaps  as  'seed-producer/  a~a  is  probably  a  phonetic- 
ally lengthened  a  equal  to  abu. 

i(KA):  the  meaning  of  KA  here  is  not  distinctly  indicated. 
KA  is  a  sign  which  has  many  meanings,  but  the  one  some- 
times represented  by  I  gives  tolerably  good  sense  here,  na- 
dw-wa(MAL)  is  phonetic  and  is  a  lengthened  form  for  nam 
which  equals  Zimtu. 

6.  siba  means  khe  who  grasps  the  staff,'  and  is  the  common 
word  for   'shepherd,'   though  LAH.  BA  sometimes  stands  for 
'shepherd.'     sag-gig  (M.l)-ga,   equal    to    salmdt   kakkadi,    is    an 
often   repeated    designation    for    Babylonians,    as   subjects    of 
Bel  or  some  other  ruler. 

7.  i-de  is   Erne-Sal   for   igi(ST),  equal   to  mu,  'eye.'    gala 
equals  pitu,  'open.'     m(LM)-te  equals  ramdnu,  'self/  although 
the  original  meaning   is  'fear,'  yet  when  applied  to  the   one 
who  causes  fear  it  comes  to  mean  'self.'    ni-te  literally  means 
'fear   a   fear.'    i-de  gaba  nl-te-na   then  means  'open  eyed  by 
thyself,'  na  being  a  pronominal  suffix  equal  to  -ka. 

8.  ama:    AMMU    originally  represented   the    'bull    of   the 
mountain,'  while  the  same  form  ungunated  by  the  addition  of 
the  sign  KUR,  'mountain,'  being  a  picture  of  the  bull's  head, 
represented  the  domestic  bull.    eriw(SAB)-«a  equals  'warrior,' 
'soldier,'   'enemy,'    and   di,    'to  judge.'     The  whole  expression 
ama  erim-na  di-di  occurs  in  Plate  10  :  7. 

9.  u-lul-la:  u  is  sometimes  a  nominal  prefix,  having  a  deter- 
minative  force,  like  a  in   a-lig\    see  Plate  19  :  2  and   3,  also 
Plate  20  :  4,  5,  6,  7,  8  and  9;    see  MSL.  p.  XVII,  and  u-tu, 
Br.  1070.     LUL   sometimes    equals  dannu,  see   Br.  7268   and 
7276.     Its  original  form  was  that  of  a  gunated  GIR;   in  the 
copy  of  Tablet  13963,  Plate  10  :  8,   it  has  been  mistaken  for 
GIR,  as  this  line  clearly  shows. 

ma-ma:  MA  is  not  so  common  an  ideogram  as  KUR;  MA 
means  'earth,'  KUR  means  'mountain.7  MA.  DA,  'strong  land,' 
seems  to  be  original  and  the  Assyrian  matu  a  loan-word. 

Besides  MA  and  KUR  there  seem  to  be  two  other  Sumerian 

• 

ideograms  for  mdtu,  namely  KALAM  and  sometimes  KI. 

5* 


68  Frederick  A.  Vanderburgh,  [1910. 

10.  en-lil  (KITyki,    'land    of   Bel,'    common    ideogram    for 
'Nippur.' 

11.  $e-ib  equals  M,  the  Erne-Sal  value  for   GAR  which  is 
equal  to  the  Eme-Ku  Seg  no  doubt;   the  Assyrian  equivalent 
is  libittu,  'layers  of  brick,'  from  Idbdnu.    ta  equals  'in,'  mean- 
ing 'source,'   as   is   shown  by  the  expression  kur  babbar  e-ta 
kur  babbar  $u-$&,  'from  the  land  of  the  rising  sun  to  the  land 
of  the  setting  sun.' 

12.  damal,  Erne-Sal   for   dagal,   equals  [rap$u,  'broad,'  and 
gal  equals  rabu. 

13.  du:  TUL  meaning  'to  cover,'  readily  yields  the  meaning 
$uUu,   'dwelling,'    with   the   value,   however,    of  du\   du-azag 
sometimes  has  the  meaning  of  Sadu,  'mountain.' 

14.  3d  (LIB)   is    a  proposition    or   rather  noun  in  the  con- 
struct state  followed  by  the  genitive  e(BIT).     dim-ma  equals 
Urru,  'king.'     Br.  4254. 

15.  kd  equals  Mlu,  'gate,'  while  ka  equals  pu,  'mouth.'    kd 
must   be    pronounced    differently    from    ka.  KA    represented 
'entrance   to    a   house/   but    KAGU   first  represented  'head,r 
then  'mouth.'     The   meaning   'high'  for  mali  is   derived   from 
that  of  being  'important'  or  'great.' 

16.  #d(MAL)    equals   SaMnu,   'establish,'   and   nun   equals 
rubu,  'prince.'     Br.  2629. 

17.  Su-a-ta  means  'in  the  entrance,'  or  'when  he  enters,'  su 
being  equal  to  erebu. 

18.  e(BIT)-gal,  'great  house,'  the  Sumerian  form  from  which 
the  Assyrian  ekallu,  'temple,'  is  derived. 

19.  uru(&I&)-unu-ki-ma,   Ur,  apparently  signifies  the   'pro- 
tected dwelling  place,'  uru  being  equivalent  to  nasdru.     But 
it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  ideogram  for  Ur  sometimes  takes 
the  form  uru-ab-ki]   see  Code  of  Hammurabi,  2  :  17.     It  also 
takes  the   form   uru-um-ki-ma>  in  which   ma  becomes   a  true 
phonetic    complement;    see   Hilprecht's    Old    Babylonian   In- 
scriptions chiefly  from  Nippur,  Nos.  14,  15,  18,  19  and  others. 
Ur  was  chiefly  famous  as  being  the  seat  of  the  cult  of  Nannar 
whose  temple  was  called  E-gissirgal. 

20.  utu-unu-ki-ma,  the  ideogram  for  Larsa   which  was  one 
of  the  old  seats   of  the  .cult  of  Sanaas",  means  the  'dwelling 
place  of  light.' 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Bel  69 

21.  dug(KA)  is  a  verb  with  the  meaning  here  of  mahasu', 
the  primary  significance  of  the  sign  suggests  that  the  meaning 
might   originate   from   a   contention   of  words,  zu  as  a  suffix 
here  is  subjective,  considered  as  a  relative  pronoun  the  ante- 
cedent does  not  appear  in  the  line. 

22.  a-ta  means  'from  water.7    gar(SA)  equals  eseru. 

23.  $e-kud(TAR,)-da   means   'with  corn  cut  off,'  kud  being 
equal  to  pardsu,  and  ki-lal  equals  sandku,  'blockade,'  literally 
'raise  up  the  ground.' 

24.  -nag:  no  doubt  the  text  should  be  nu-nag.    nu-nag-a: 
a  is  a  vowel  of  prolongation;   'to  drink  no  water'  would  be  a 
mi-nag.  ud-zal(NT)-la  means  seru,   'morning,'  ud  is  equal  to 
'light,'  and  zal  to  'shine,'  while  la  is  a  phonetic  complement. 
dl(RI)  equals  nabdtu. 

25.  dam  equals  hdiru,  'spouse.'    tur-ra  equals  sihru,  'young.' 
ge(KlT)   is   sometimes   represented   by  ana  although   always 
secondarily.     It  is   more  commonly  the    sign  of  the  genitive. 
mu-ni-ib-bi  equals  'one  speaketh  to  him,'  ni-ib  being  an  infix 
that   represents   a  dative,   the   ni  representing   the  'him'  and 
the  ib  the  'to',     bi  equals  kibu,  'speak.' 

26.  The  sign  DUMU  as  equal  to  maru  or  mdrtu  has  the 
value  du. 

27.  ki-el-e  equals  ardatu,  'maid,'  ki  being  a  prefix  of  deter- 
mination, while  el  means  'shining  one.'     $es  equals  alm\  there 
is    doubt    whether    the    archaic    form   meant    'protection'    or 
'other  one.' 

28.  damal  equals  nmmu,   'mother.'     gan-e  equals  alidu   or 
alidtu. 

29.  dw(TUR)  may  equal  amelu  and  TUB  with  DA  equals 
ban-da,  'strong.' 

30.  al-e(UD.  DU)  equals  nabdtu,  'light  up,'  'break  out,'  the 
prefix  al  being  the  same  as  an.     Probably  the  city  is  set  on 
fire,  so  it  is  the  flame  that  breaks  out. 

31.  e-sir(BU)    equals   stiku,   gub(DM)    equals    nazazu,   and 
sar-ri    equals    sarahu]   the   m(NIN)    at   the    end   may  be   a 
phonetic  prolongation  although  the  full  force  of  the  syllable 
is  not  very  clear. 

32.  sal-la-bi:   sal-la   equals   'booty,'  and  bi  is  a  pronominal 
suffix,    ur-e  equals  amelu.    In  dm  (A.  A.N)-da-ab-la  da-ab  is  an 


70 


Frederick  A.  Vanderburgli, 


[1910, 


infix  referring   to  the  object  sal-la  and  Id  is  the  verb   equal 
to  na$u. 

33.  slg(PA.)  may  equal   'staff,'  gan  'youth,'  mu  'king,'  and 
bar-ri  'judgment.' 

34.  e-ne  equals  Sunu. 

35.  llm(b):    the    sign   is   probably   LUL    which    sometimes 
means  'woe;'    see  Briinnow's    Classified  List,  7271.     er(K.  SI 
or  A.  IGI,  'water  of  the  eye')  commonly  equals  biMtu. 


Glossary. 


a-a,  5 

a-a-mu,  29 

a-dug(KA)-ga,  21 

a-gi-a-zu,  21 

al-e(UD.  DU),  30 

azag,  13 

ama,  8 

am  (A.  AN)-da-ab-ia,  32 

a-ta,  22 

i-de,  7 


i(KA),  5 
e-gub(DU)-ba^  31 
e-sir(BU),  31 
elim-ma,  2 
e-ne,  34 

en-lil(K!T)-a-kam,  35 
en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu,  10 
eri-zu,  1 
eri-ta,  28 
erim(SAB)-na,  8 
e(BIT),  15 
e(BIT)-gal,  18 
er(A.  SI),  35 
ud-zal(NI)-zal(NI)-la,  24 
ur-e,  32 

uru  (  SIS)-unu-ki-ma-ta,  19 
utu(UD)-unu-ki-ma-ta,  20 
usu(ES),  35 
u-lul-la,  9 


ii-mu-un,  3 
ba-e-ni(IM),  34 
ban(TUR)-da,  29 
bar-ri,  33 
gaba,  7 
gal-ta,  12 
gan-bi,  33 
gan-e,  28 
ga(MAL),  16 
gar(SA)-ra-zu,  22 
gig(MI)-ga,  6 
gur(KIL),  1 
dam,  25 
dam-mu,  25 
damal,  12 
di-di,  8 
dimmer,  5 
dingir,  35 
di(RI),  24 
dim-ma-ta,  14 
du(TUL),  13 
du(TUR),  26 
du(TUE)-mu,  28 
ka,  15 
ki,  12 
ki-el-e,  27 
ki-lal-a-zu,  23 
ki-zu-ge(KIT),  34 
lim(b)(LUL)-ma,  35 
ma,  18 


Vol.  xxx.] 


A  Hymn  to  Bel 


71 


ma-ma,  5 
ma-mu,  17 
mah-e,  30 
mah-ta,  15 
mu,  33 

mu-ul-lil(KIT),  5 
mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN),  31 
mu-ni-ib-bi,  25 
na-am-ma(MAL),  5 
ni-tuk,  1 
ni(IM)-te-na,  7 
nun,  16 
nu-nag,  24 


sag,  6 
sag-ga,  4 
sal-la-bi,  32 
siba,  6 
sig(PA),  33 
sa(LIB)-e(BIT),  14 

sa(U),  1 
se-ib,  19 

se-kud(TAR)-da,  23 
ses-mu,  27 
su-a-ta,  17 
tur-e,  30 
tur-ra-ge(KlT),  25. 


The  Dasara  Festival  at  Satara,  India. — By  LUCIA  C.  Gr. 
GKIEVE,  New  York  City. 

It  is  difficult  for  a  mere  European,  brought  up  on  a  dic- 
tionary and  accustomed  to  define  everything  accurately,  to 
grasp  the  Proteanism,  the  fluidity,  if  I  may  so  speak,  of  the 
Hindu  divinity  called  for  the  most  part  simply  Devi,  the 
goddess,  or  Mai,  the  mother,  or  more  simply  still,  Bai,  the 
woman.  Her  names  are  legion:  Mahalakshmi,  Mahasaraswati, 
Jogeshwara,  Kali,  Bhawani,  and  many  another,  often  strange 
and  uncouth.  But  in  the  ultimate  analysis,  each  female  di- 
vinitiy,  however  ^different  her  attributes  and  forms  of  worship, 
is  a  manifestation  of  the  same  "eternal  feminine,"  the  goddess, 
the  mother,  the  woman. 

In  every  Hindu  household  in  the  Maratha  country,  Devi 
is  one  of  the  panchaitana,  or  set  of  five  gods — the  others 
being  G-anapati,  Vishnu,  Sambh  and  Surya — represented 
by  five  small  stones  of  appropriate  colors  and  set  on  a  tiny 
table  in  a  particular  order,  according  to  the  chief  object  of 
the  householder's  devotion.  These  are  worshiped  every  morning 
directly  after  the  Sandhya;  but  they  may  each  and  all  be 
worshiped  separately  besides;  and  each  has  his  particular  day 
of  the  week  and  a  high  annual  festival.  Devi's  days  are 
Tuesday  and  Friday,  when  she  is  worshiped  with  red  and  yellow 
powder,  marigolds,  sweetened  milk  and  a  Sanskrit  prayer. 

Her  great  festival  occurs  in  Ashwin  (Sept.-Oct.)  during 
the  first  ten  days  of  the  new  moon,  and  is  called  Navaratra. 
Among  the  Maratha  Brahmans  are  three  classes:  Deshasthas 
or  hill  Brahmans,  Konkonasthas  or  Brahmans  of  the  western 
slope,  and  Karhadas,  so  called  from  their  chief  town.  These 
last,  being  devotees  of  Kali,  observe  this  festival  with  great 
solemnity.  During  the  whole  nine  days  they  do  not  shave; 
and  they  arrange  a  little  vessel,  called  abhishakpatra,  so  that 
water  or  oil  may  run  continually  on  the  head  of  the  image 
of  Devi.  On  the  tenth  day  they  kindle  the  horn  fire  (with  a 
Swedish  safety  match)  in  the  presence  of  many  Brahmans, 
and  end  the  day  with  a  great  feast. 

In  every  Hindu  house  this  festival  is  observed.  The  image 
of  Devi  is  set  up  on  its  little  throne.  Every  day  the  worshiper 


Vol.  xxx.]       The  Dasara  Festival  at  Satara,  India.  73 

makes  a  wreath  of  flowers,  usually  marigolds,  and  placing 
one  wreath  on  the  neck  of  the  image  the  first  day,  adds  an- 
other each  day.  In  front  of  the  image  a  square  is  made  of 
corn,  gram  or  barley,  mixed  with  dry  earth.  In  the  midst  of 
this  is  set  an  earthen  water-pot  (gager  or  ghat),  and  on  this 
they  hang  a  wreath  of  flowers,  adding  another  each  day. 
Every  day  cakes  of  wheat  are  prepared  for  'offering;  and  if 
the  family  be  sufficiently  rich,  a  married  woman,  a  Brahman 
and  an  unmarried  girl  are  brought  in  to  be  fed  and  worshiped. 
Every  day  in  Brahman  households,  a  Sanskrit  prayer,  Sapta- 
c^atti,  is  read  after  bathing,  and  the  worshiper  must  not  yawn 
nor  leave  his  place  on  any  pretence,  nor  make  a  mistake  in  a 
single  letter.  On  the  tenth  day  the  worship  is  concluded  by  a 
great  feast,  in  which  the  different  castes  follow  different  customs. 

This  tenth  day,  the  Dasara,  is  the  great  day  of  the  festival, 
and  in  Satara  the  greatest  feast-day  of  the  year.  Shivaji, 
the  liberator  of  the  Marathas  from  the  Mohamedan  yoke,  was 
a  devotee  of  Kali,  or  Bhavani,  and  of  course  made  much  of 
her  high  festival.  There  was  sound  reason  in  this;  for  it 
occurred  at  the  end  of  the  rainy  season  when  the  crops  were 
all  in,  and  settled  dry  weather  might  be  expected.  Further- 
more, this  tenth  day,  the  Dasara,  commemorated  the  setting 
out  of  Rama  on  his  march  against  Havana;  and  what  more 
appropriate  and  auspicious  day  for  summoning  his  army  to  march 
against  foes,  who  were  not  only  their  enemies  in  religion,  but, 
like  Ravana,  had  frequently  carried  off  their  women?  Assem- 
bling his  soldiery,  who  were  mostly  farmers  cultivating  little 
patches  of  ungenerous  soil  on  the  rough  hillsides,  he  personally 
inspected  every  man  and  horse  and  had  an  inventory  made 
of  all  their  possessions.  Then  their  horses  and  arms  were 
worshiped,  and  a  day  set  for  their  departure  to  the  predatory 
warfare  which  was  their  joy  and  strength. 

During  the  latter  days  of  Satara's  independence,  when  wealth 
had  increased  and  valor  departed,  the  Dasara  procession  was 
a  grand  sight.  Starting  from  the  Rang  Mahal,  or  chief  palace 
of  the  Maharaja,  on  the  upper  road,  the  procession,  numbering 
as  many  as  75  elephants  in  their  gay  housings,  with  instruments 
of  music,  chanting  priests,  prancing  horses  and  gorgeously 
apparaled  courtiers  and  servitors,  marched  to  the  Poyiche 
Naka,  or  city  limit,  two  miles  away;  and  frequently  the  head 
of  the  procession  had  reached  that  point  long  before  the  rear 


74  Lucia  C.  G.  Grieve,  [1910 

had  started.  Now  a  solitary  unhappy  elephant  and  a  few 
ponies  represent  the  kingly  state. 

But  to  the  people,  recalling  as  it  does  the  great  days  of 
old,  the  festival  is  as  dear  as  ever.  On  this  day  every  house 
is  whitewashed  or  painted;  wreaths  of  marigolds  are  strung 
across  the  tops  of  the  doors;  and  every  man  puts  on  a  new 
white  dress.  Those  who  have  horses  wash  them  in  warm  water 
and  give  them  an  offering  of  food;  wine,  or  eggs,  or  something 
supposed  to  be  specially  acceptable.  A  corner  of  the  house 
is  swept  clean  and  washed  with  cowdung;  and  instead  of 
swords  and  guns  and  other  weapons  whose  use  the  Govern- 
ment has  prohibited,  axes,  hoes  and  other  farm-implements 
are  carefully  washed  and  placed  on  this  spot,  and  are  given 
offerings  of  flowers  and  sandalwood  oil  and  red  and  yellow 
powder.  Brahmans  bring  a  drink  offering,  and  other  castes 
an  offering  of  flesh;  and  after  showing  it  to  the  tools  they 
divide  it  up  among  the  members  of  the  family. 

In  the  afternoon  the  horses  have  cloths,  generally  the  house- 
wife's best  sari,  strapped  on  their  backs;  wreaths  of  flowers 
are  placed  around  their  necks;  and  the  ladies  of  the  family 
lend  their  anklets  and  even  strings  of  gold  and  pearls  to  adorn 
the  horses'  hoofs;  and  if  there  be  alight-colored  creature,  patterns 
are  traced  on  his  flanks. 

In  these  degenerate  days,  if  the  horse  belongs  to  a  white 
man,  the  owner  is  supposed  to  worship  the  animal  by  giving 
a  coin  to  the  horse-boy;  and  this  particular  form  of  worship 
is  not  confined  to  Hindus  but  shared  by  Mohamedans  and 
outcastes.  Even  the  Sahib's  cats  and  dogs  have  their  wreaths 
of  marigolds  on  this  great  day. 

Early  in  the  afternoon,  the  gaily  dressed  horses,  and  litters 
containing  images  of  the  gods,  in  small  irregular  processions, 
are  brought  to  the  Raj-wada,  or  chief  market-square.  Here 
booths  are  erected  for  the  sale  of  cakes  and  sweets,  and 
especially  of  great  bundles  of  branches  of  kanchan,  mountain 
ebony.  Athletic  sports  of  all  sorts  are  carried  on,  interspersed 
with  songs  and  recitations  called  kirtans.  A  large  male  buffalo, 
reda,  has  been  fed  up  for  ten  days,  or  even  as  many  months. 
At  the  appointed  time  he  is  led  out  in  front  of  a  temple  of 
Bhavanl,  and  after  the  proper  ceremonies  some  descendant  of 
Shivaji's  family,  always  a  man  with  the  surname  of  Bhonsle, 
strikes  off  the  beast's  head  with  a  sword.  Two  strokes  may 


Vol.  xxx.]       The  Lasara  Festival  at  Satara,  India.  75 

be  given,  but  the  act  is  more  meritorious  if  only  one  suffices. 
The  meat  is  then  cut  up  and  distributed  to  any  who  will 
take  it.  Goats  and  hens  are  sacrificed  by  the  farmer  caste. 

The  sacrifice  of  these  animals  on  this  day  is  common 
throughout  the  Maratha  country  and  in  many  other  parts  of 
India.  Indeed,  the  Dasara  festival  is  a  national  one,  and  on 
it  soldiers  of  every  faith  worship  their  arms;  but  beyond  that, 
its  significance  and  mode  of  observance  are  different  in  the 
different  parts  of  the  country. 

As  soon  as  twilight  begins  to  fall,  the  great  procession  is 
formed  in  front  of  the  Rang  Mahal.  BhavanT,  Shivaji's  sword, 
which  he  considered  an  incarnation  of  the  goddess,  and  which 
is  now  kept  in  a  small  temple  in  the  Rani's  Palace,  is  placed 
on  a  palanquin  and  leads  off,  followed  by  the  Rajah's  elephant 
and  ponies,  the  Rajah  or  his  representative  in  an  open  carriage, 
the  bloody  sword  with  which  the  reda  was  slain,  and  the 
usual  oriental  rabble.  Crowds  of  people  of  all  sorts  line  the 
route,  and  congregate  especially  at  the  Naka,  or  sentry-box 
marking  the  city  limit.  For  Satara  is  an  un walled  town, 
Shivaji  believing,  like  the  King  of  Sparta,  that  soldiers  are 
better  than  bricks  for  defence. 

In  former  days  the  procession  went  farther,  for  the  purpose 
of  worshiping  an  apta  or  kanchan  tree,  the  mountain  ebony, 
which  was  then  cut  down  and  the  leaves  distributed  to  the 
crowd.  This  object  has  now  been  lost  sight  of;  the  procession 
merely  passes  a  little  beyond  the  city  limit  and  then  turns  and 
goes  back.  Throughout  the  Maratha  country,  everyone,  to  keep 
the  festival  properly,  must  walk  at  least  beyond  the  limits  of 
his  town  or  village,  to  commemorate  the  starting  out  of  the 
army  on  that  day.  When  the  procession  has  passed  the  Naka, 
a  man  comes  running  through  the  crowd  with  his  arms  full  of 
kanchan  branches,  which  he  distributes  to  the  hundreds  of 
eager  hands  reached  out  to  him.  The  recipients  pull  off  the 
leaves  and  bestow  the  mon  their  friends  and  acquaintance,  saying, 
"This  is  gold!"  This  little  ceremony  is  eminently  Hindu; 
kanchan,  besides  being  a  name  for  the  ebony  and  champak 
trees,  also  means  "gold,"  and  the  leaves  of  the  kanchan,  which 
in  size  and  shape  resemble  gold  coins,  are  called  "soni,"  the 
ordinary  word  for  gold.  This  giving  of  "gold"  leaves  is  said 
to  represent  the  distribution  of  money  among  the  crowd  "in 
the  brave  days  of  old." 


76     Lucia  C.  G.  Grieve,  The  Dasara  Festival  at  Satara.     [1910. 

The  deepening  darkness  is  put  to  flight  by  colored  lights, 
sky-rockets  and  other  fire- works ;  and  the  crowds  return  home 
to  feast  and  make  merry. 

This  festival  has  in  some  places  a  darker  side.  The  Kar- 
hada  Brahmans  are  strict  worshipers  of  Devi;  and  her  most 
acceptable  sacrifice  is  a  human  being.  This  caste  is  perhaps 
one  of  the  last  vestiges  of  the  dreaded  Thugs  who  used  to 
infest  India;  but  in  some  respects  their  organization  is  quite 
different,  though  on  that  I  need  not  dwell.  The  Government  has 
attempted  to  suppress  this  sect,  but  has  not  fully  succeeded. 
A  favorite  sacrifice  is  a  son-in-law,  who  is  invited  to  the  house 
of  his  wife's  parents  and  there  poisoned.  The  best  sacrifice 
is  a  wedded  wife,  and  in  return  Kali  promises  her  devotees 
great  wealth.  The  proper  method  of  conductingHhis  sacrifice 
is  to  invite  the  lady  to  visit  her  mother-in-law  for  the  whole 
ten  days'  festival.  There  she  is  made  much  of,  given  presents, 
bathed  in  perfumes,  clad  in  fine  new  garments,  and  wreathed 
with  flowers.  Meanwhile,  in  the  god-room,  a  hole  has  been 
dug  in  the  floor  in  front  of  Devi's  image,  the  sacred  horn,  fire 
is  kindled,  prayers  are  said  into  the  hole,  and  a  lighted  lamp 
set  in  each  corner.  At  the  right  moment  the  unsuspecting 
victim  is  brought  in  and  suddenly  thrown  into  the  hole,  and 
the  earth  piled  in  on  top.  While  I  was  in  Satara  an  attempt 
was  made  to  perform  this  sacrifice  in  a  nearby  village;  but 
at  the  last  minute  the  girl  discovered  the  plot,  and,  escaping, 
fled  to  her  fathers  house,  where  she  was  protected  against  her 
too  religious  friends. 

Since  the  British  Government  is  so  inconsiderate  and  op- 
pressive as  to  interferre  with  these  little  family  matters,  the 
usual  method  now  is  by  poison;  and  such  masters  in  the 
poisoning  art  are  the  Hindus  that  the  dose  may  be  administered 
many  days  previous  to  the  intended  death  of  the  victim.  It 
is  even  said  that  as  long  as  six  months  before  the  festival, 
poison  may  be  given  which  will  cause  the  victim  to  die  on 
the  proper  day.  Though  currently  believed,  this  is  not  easy  to 
credit;  and  by  its  nature  is  a  matter  not  susceptible  of  in- 
vestigation. 

Next  after  their  kindred-in-law,  the  best  sacrifice  is  a 
Konkon  Brahman;  and  in  such  dread  do  the  Konkonasths 
hold  their  Karhada  fellow-castemen,  that  they  would  rather 
die  of  starvation  than  risk  taking  food  at  their  hands. 


The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts  of 
AsoJca.  1:  General  introduction  and  the  dialect  of  the 
Shdhbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions.  —  By  TRUMAN 
MICHELSON,  Pb.  D.,  Bidgefield,  Conn. 

IN  investigating  the  dialects  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts  of  Asoka, 
it  is  necessary  to  remember  that  the  ShahbSzgarhi,  Mansehra, 
and  Girnar  redactions  are  translations  of  an  original  composed 
in  a  dialect  essentially  the  same  as  the  dialects  of  the  Dhauli, 
Jaugada,  and  Kalsl  (edicts  i — ix)  recensions  of  the  Fourteen- 
Edicts  and  the  dialects  of  the  six  versions  of  the  Pillar-Edicts; 
and  that  the  dialect  of  this  'Magadhan'  original  has  left  traces 
in  them.  The  dialect  of  the  Kals!  redaction  presents  a  rather 
curious  problem:  in  edicts  i — ix  the  dialect  is  practically  pure 
'Magadhan,'  with  but  few  traces  of  the  local  dialect,  but  in 
edicts  x— xiv  the  local  peculiarities  are  prominent;  yet  at  the 
same  time  the  dialect  is  intimately  related  with  the  dialect  of 
the  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  texts — for  these  two  redactions  are 
practically  the  same  in  both  content  and  language.  And  as 
a  matter  of  fact  we  can  find  a  few  faint  traces  of  the  local 
dialect  in  even  the  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  texts.  Examples  are 
Dhauli  vudhi  for  'Magadhan'  vadhim;  Dhauli  and  Jaugada 
bdbhana-  for  bambhana-.  (That  bambhana-  was  the  'Maga- 
dhan' correspondent  to  Sanskrit  brahmana — is  shown  by  the 
invariable  bambhana-  of  the  Kalsl  text  as  well  as  by  the  oc- 
currence of  bambliana-  in  Dh.,  J.  also.)  If  savatu  at  J.  ii,  9 
is  not  a  mere  blunder  for  savata  (Sanskrit  sarvatra) — which 
is  found  several  times  in  J.  as  well  as  Dh.,  and  the  'Maga- 
dhan' portion  of  K. —  it  is  a  local  peculiarity.  The  'Maga- 
dhan7 dialect  was  undoubtedly  the  official  imperial  language, 
and  hence — as  Pischel  has  very  justly  remarked— understood 
even  where  it  was  not  spoken  as  a  vernacular.  How  far  the 
'Magadhan'  dialect  as  a  koine  had  influenced  the  other  local  ver- 
naculars, is  impossible  to  say  with  certainty:  but  the  'Magadhisms' 
in  the  Girnar,  Shahbazgarhi,  and  Mansehra  recensions  give  the 
impression  that  they  were  taken  over  bodily  from  the  original 
manuscript,  and  were  really  foreign  to  the  spoken  vernaculars. 


78  T.  Midielson,  [1910. 

The  dialect  of  the  fragment  of  the  eighth  edict  of  the 
Sopara  version  (ed.  by  Bhagvanlal  Inaraji,  JBOAS.  xv,  282—288) 
must  be  passed  over  in  the  present  paper  for  two  reasons,  to 
wit,  that  the  fragment  is  extremely  small,  and  that  it  fairly 
bristles  with  easily  recognizable  'Magadhisms.'  Examples  of 
these  are:  nikhamitha,  line  5;  lieta,  l>aml)ha[na]-,  iyam,  hoti, 
line  6  (lioti  also  line  9);  dasane,  line  7;  vudhanam,  patividhane, 
line  7;  ye  (read  Ihuye),  line  9;  ane  (i.  e.  amne),  line  10.  It 
may  be  mentioned,  however,  that  the  dialect  agreed  with  that 
of  the  Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra  and  Girnar  recensions  in  main- 
taining r  as  opposed  to  the  I  of  the  Dhauli,  Jaugacla,  and 
Kalsi  versions  as  is  shown  by  rail  in  line  9.  This  fact  enables 
us  to  interpret  hiramna-  in  line  7;  it  is  a  cross  between  native 
hiramna-  (so  the  Girnar  text)  and  'Magadhan'  liilamna-  (so 
the  Jaugacla  and  Kalsl  redactions).  Shahbazgarhi  and  Man- 
sehra dhramma-  has  long  been  recognized  as  a  cross  of  the 
same  type  (cf.  Shb.  and  Mans,  dhrama-',  and  Dh.,  J.  and  K. 
dhamma-y,  and  I  have  tried  to  show  in  IF.  xxiii,  pp.  240,  241 
that  Shahbazgarhi  prati  is  to  be  judged  the  same  way;  moreover 
I  hope  to  show  in  my  forthcoming  paper  mentioned  below, 
that  crosses  of  this  type  are  far  commoner  than  supposed.  It 
is  perhaps  worth  while  noting  that  -jina  in  line  10  is  to  be 
read  rdjine,  and  so  is  identical  with  Mansehra  rajine  which 
has  been  recognized  as  standing  for  native  ratio  (i.  e.  rdno) 
through  the  influence  of  'Magadhan'  Idjiue. 

Another  point  that  must  be  born  in  mind  is  the  fact  that 
the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  recensions  is 
practically  identical.  In  my  opinion  if  we  had  texts  absolutely 
free  from  'Magadhisms,'  it  would  be  absolutely  identical.  It 
may  be  remarked  that  the  evidence  of  both  texts  makes 
it  comparatively  easy  to  detect  'Magadhisms'  in  either  in- 
dividual text.  Thus  Shahbazgarhi  prati  shows  that  Mansehra 
pati  is  a  'Magadhism;'1  similarly  Mansehra  spagram,  i.  e, 
spargam  (Sanskrit  svargam)  shows  that  Shahbazgarhi  spagam 
is  a  partial  'Magadhism'  (cf.  J.  and  K.  svagam):  the  evidence 
of  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  vagrena  (i.  e.  vargena)  con- 
firms this. 

There  are  certain  points  of  interest  to  the  general  Indo- 
European  comparative  philologist  in  the  dialects  of  the  Four- 

1  See  Michelson,  IF.  xxiii,  p.  240. 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  79 

teen-Edicts  of  Asoka.  For  example  long  syllabic  m  appears 
as  a— and  this  only — in  the  dialect  of  the  Girnar  version,  e.  g. 
atikrdtam  (Sanskrit  atikrdntam).  This  shows  that  this  dialect 
is  not  a  linear  descendant  of  Sanskrit.  Again  the  short  u  of 
Girnar  susrusd,  susrusatdm  is  noteworthy  in  view  of  Avestan 
susrusdmno.  Moreover  Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra,  and  Kalsi  Idti 
come  from  Md  +  iti,  not  kim  +  iti  as  Johansson  (Shb.  ii,  p.  52) 
has  shown,1  Likewise  it  is  worth  while  noting  that  Girnar 
srundru,  Shahbazgarhi  sruneyu,  Mansehra  §rumy[u]  agree  with 
Avestan  surunaoiti  in  structure  as  opposed  to  Sanskrit  srnoti 
as  I  shall  shortly  demonstrate  in  Zverg  Sp.  Furthermore  the 
fact  that  the  dialects  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra 
redactions  have  st  corresponding  to  Sanskrit  st(h)  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  the  lingualization  of  t  and  th  respectively  in  Aryan 
St  and  Zth  (Avestan  st)  was  Pan-Indie  and  not  Proto-Indic. 
(We  may  say  Pan-Indie,  even  if  this  is  not  strictly  accurate, 
for  nearly  all  the  Indie  languages  point  to  this:  cf.  Sanskrit 
st(li),  Girnar  and  Magadhl  Prakrit  st,  Pali  and  ordinary  Pra- 
krit, Dhauli,  Jaugada,  Kalsi,  etc.  tth  (written  th  on  the  Asokan 
inscriptions). 

But  in  fairness  I  should  remark  that  Girnar  ustdna-  and 
other  Middle-Indie  words  cited  by  Johansson  to  demonstrate 
his  thesis  that  I.  E.  tst(h)  became  st(li}  in  the  I.  E.  period,  in 
reality  are  not  valid  evidence,  quite  irrespective  of  the  cor- 
rectness or  falsity  of  his  contention,  as  I  hope  soon  to  show 
in  the  Indogermanische  Forscliungen. 

It  is  proper  for  me  to  state  that  with  Johansson  and  Franke, 
I  reject  Senart's  theory  of  historical  and  learned  orthography 
in  the  inscriptions  of  Asoka. 

Certain  linguistic  facts  mentioned  by  me  in  the  present 
paper  will  be  proved  at  length  in  my  'Linguistic  Notes  on 
the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  Redactions  of  the  Fourteen- 
Edicts  of  Asoka'  which  is  to  appear  in  the  American  Journal 
of  Philology,  presumably  in  numbers  119  and  120.  The  same 
applies  to  the  value  of  certain  symbols  used  in  these  texts; 
certain  linguistic  statements  concerning  the  dialect  of  the 
Girnar  redaction  will  also  be  fully  discussed  in  the  same  paper. 


1  According  to  Dr.  Block  the  reading  Idti  on  the  Rampurva  Pillar  is 
really  him  ti.  If  kiti  were  correct  we  should  connect  it  with  Shb.,  etc. 
kiti:  see  IF.  xxiii,  p.  253. 


80  T.  Michelson,  [1910. 

Where  there  is  dispute  regarding  the  precise  values  of 
certain  characters  in  the  Girnar  recension,  I  have  in  most 
cases  briefly  indicated  the  value  I  think  should  be  assigned 
to  said  characters,  and  the  reason  thereof.  But  I  expect  to 
take  these  up  systematically  later. 

In  certain  cases  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  whether  a  given 
form  in  the  Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra,  and  Girnar  redactions 
is  a  'Magadhism'  or  is  really  native  to  the  dialects  of  these 
texts.  For  example  in  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  ver- 
sions two  different  formations  in  the  gerund  are  to  be  found, 
namely,  one  in  ti  (i.  e.  ttl,  Yedic  tvl)  and  one  in  tu.  Now 
there  is  but  one  form  of  the  gerund  in  Dhauli,  Jaugada,  and 
Kalsl  recensions,  to  wit,  that  in  tu.  It  therefore  seems  plau- 
sible to  consider  the  gerunds  in  tu  in  Shb.  and  Mans,  to  be 
'Magadhisms,'  especially  as  but  one  form  of  the  gerund,  that 
in  tpd  (Sanskrit  tva),  is  native  to  the  Girnar  redaction.  Yet 
as  the  dialects  of  the  Shb.,  Mans.,  DL,  J.,  and  K.  texts  are 
in  concord  as  opposed  to  the  dialect  of  G.  in  some  particulars — 
few,  to  be  sure,  when  contrasted  with  the  linguistic  agreement 
of  the  dialects  of  Shb.,  Mans,  and  G.  as  opposed  to  the  dialects 
of  Dh.,  J.,  and  K. — this  conclusion  does  not  necessarily  follow. 

It  will  be  understood  that  in  giving  the  characteristics  of 
the  dialects,  the  'Magadhisms'  are  for  the  most  part  passed 
over  in  silence.  Where  there  is  room  for  doubt,  1  have  tried 
to  demonstrate  briefly  whether  the  form  is  a  'Magadhism'  or 
not.  Where  a  long  elaborate  proof  is  necessary  to  decide  the 
point  involved,  I  have  given  reference  to  my  paper  which  is 
to  appear  in  the  AJP. 

The  orthography  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Kalsl  recension,  limit  our  investigations 
to  a  certain  degree.  Thus  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether 
Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  puna  is  the  equivalent  of  Girnar 
puna  or  Kalsl  puna,  or  both;  for  vowel  quantities  are  not 
distinguished  in  the  Kharosthi  alphabet;  nor  is  I  distinguished 
from  I,  ft  from  u  in  the  Kalsl  redaction. 

Buhler's  editions  of  the  Girnar,  Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra, 
and  Kalsi  recensions  in  Epigraphia  Indica  ii,  447 if.;  and  his 
ed's  of  the  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  redactions  in  ZDMG.  39,  489  ff. 
and  37,  87 ff.  respectively  have  been  made  the  bases  of  our 
investigations;  though  his  ed's  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  in  ZDMG. 
43  and  44  have  been  consulted;  as  well  as  his  ed's  of  Dh. 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  81 

and  J.  in  the  1st  vol.  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  Southern 
India. 


Franke,  Pali  und  Sanskrit,  p.  108ff.  should  also  be  consulted 
for  dialectic  peculiarities.  Johansson's  essay  on  the  dialect 
of  the  Shahbazgarhi  (and  incidently  the  Mansehra)  redaction 
is  a  systematic  exposition  by  a  comparative  philologist.  I  have 
consulted  it  constantly,  but  the  material  in  this  paper  is  drawn 
from  the  inscriptions  themselves.  It  should  be  noted  that 
Johansson  does  not  state  what  the  characteristics  of  the  dialect 
are,  and  treats  the  general  relations  of  this  dialect  with  the 
dialects  of  the  other  redactions  only  in  a  general  way  (see  ii, 
pp.  24,  25).  The  present  paper  and  my  "Linguistic  Notes  on 
the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions  of  the  Fourteen- 
Edicts  of  Asoka"  which  is  to  appear  in  AJP.  (presumably  in 
no's  119  and  120),  are  designed  to  supplement  Johansson's 
work. — Konow's  treatise  on  the  dialect  of  the  Girnar  recension 
is  descriptive  only,  and  nearly  neglects  the  phonology. — Senart's 
treatment  of  the  various  Asokan  dialects  is  now  nearly  an- 
tiquated, though  valuable  at  the  time. 

With  this  general  introduction  ended,  we  will  now  proceed 
to  investigate  the  separate  dialects. 

Dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions.1 

The  most  important  characteristics  of  this  dialect  are:  three 
sibilants  which  correspond  as  a  whole  to  the  same  sounds  in 
Sanskrit,  though  subject  to  certain  phonetic  laws  which  have 
a  slightly  modifying  effect2  (pa&u-\  sramana-\  asilasa;  loc.  pi. 
-esu;  etc.);  r  is  not  assimilated  to  any  adjacent  consonants 
whatsoever3  (gravakam,  Sramana-,  susrusa,  sahasra-,  mitra-, 

1  In  the  following  citations,  the  forms  are  found  in  both  versions,  un- 
less expressly  stated  to  the  contrary. 

2  These  laws  are:   1.  s-  is  dissimilated  to  s  if  the  next  syllable  begins 
with  s,  2.  intervocalic  s  is  assimilated  to  s  if  the  preceding  syllable  con- 
tains s,  3.  siy  and  sy  become  ss  (written  s),   4.  Aryan  §t  and  sth  become 
st.     Exceptions    are  'Magadhisms'.     The    whole    matter   is    taken    up    in 
detail  in  my   paper  which   is   to  appear  in  the  AJP.  Examples  are:  sus- 
rusa, anusasisamti,  manusa-,  Shb.  tistiti,  Mans.  [ti]stitu. 

3  Such  is  the  view  of  Johansson.     In  AJP.  I  hope  to  show  that  we 
can  hardly  avoid  assuming  that  r  was   in   fact  assimilated   in  the  com- 
binations drs  and  arsy  (in  this  case  ss  not  ss  is  the  result). — In  the  same 
periodical  I  take  up  the  entire  question  as  to  whether  dhrawa-  is  merely 

VOL.  XXX.     Part  I.  6 


82  T.  MicMson,  [1910. 

parahramena,  agrena,  vagrena,  i.  e.  vargena,  athrasa,  i.  e.  ar- 
thasa,  dhrama-,  i.  e.  dharma-,  pruva-,  i.  e.  purva-,  savram,  i.  e. 
sarvam,  etc.);  vocalic  r  becomes  ir  ordinarily,  ur  after  labials 
(Shb.  kitram,  i.  e.  Idrtam,  Mans,  vudlirana,  vudhresu,  i.  e.  vurdh-, 
Shb.  mrugo,  i.  e.  murgo)]1  h  in  the  combination  7iw  is  assimi- 

graphic  for  dharma-  (as  Senart,  Biihler  and  Johansson  hold)  or  really 
represents  dhrama-  (as  Pischel  holds),  and  similar  combinations.  I  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  those  who  hold  that  dhrama-  is  merely  graphical 
for  dharma-  are  right.  The  matter  is  an  exceedingly  complicated  one, 
and  not  to  be  disposed  of  in  a  few  words.  I  therefore  ask  the  reader 
to  consult  my  article  in  A J P. —Johansson  holds  that  r  is  assimilated  to 
dental  stops  (which  then  become  linguals)  in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  (He  does 
not  discuss  the  dialect  of  Mans,  in  this  connection.)  I  have  exhaustively 
taken  up  this  problem  in  the  previously  mentioned  paper.  My  conclusions 
are  that  r  in  fact  is  retained  before  dental  stops  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans, 
but  that  'Magadhisms'  have  largely  supplanted  the  true  vernacular  forms 
in  both  texts.  Briefly  my  arguments  are  as  follows:  it  being  agreed 
that  the  language  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  is  practically  identical,  it  would  be 
strange  if  Mans,  and  Shb.  should  differ  in  such  a  point.  Now  in  Mans., 
athra-  (merely  graphic  for  artha-)  occurs  a  dozen  and  a  half  times;  so 
there  can  be  no  question  but  that  in  the  dialect  of  Mans,  r  is  not 
assimilated  to  an  immediately  following  th,  for  no  other  correspondent 
to  Skt.  artha-  is  found  ins  Mans.  This  makes  it  certain  that  the  single 
athra-  of  Shb.  is  the  true  native  form,  and  that  atha-  (i.  e.  attha-),  found 
more  than  a  dozen  times,  is  a  'Magadhism'  as  atha-  and  this  only  is  the 
correspondent  to  Skt.  artha-  in  the  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  versions  of  the 
Fourteen-Edicts  as  well  as  in  the  six  recensions  of  the  Pillar-Edicts.  As 
a  parallel  where  a  'Magadhism'  has  nearly  driven  out  the  native  form  in 
Shb.  but  never  occurs  in  Mans.,  we  have  sava-  (the  true  native  form  is 
savra-  which  is  found  several  times  in  Mans,  and  a  few  times  in  Shb.). 
The  word  athra-  in  Shb.  is  a  blend  of  native  athra-  and  'Magadhan' 
atha-  exactly  as  Shb.  and  Mans,  dhramma-  is  a  cross  between  dhrama- 
and  dhamma-  (this  last  has  long  been  recognized).  Mans,  vadhrite  (i.  e. 
vardh-}  and  vadhrayisati  (i.  e.  vardh-}  show  that  r  was  not  assimilated  to 
an  immediately  following  dh;  but  'Magadhisms'  have  largely  usurped  the 
place  of  the  true  native  forms  in  Mans.,  and  exclusively  obtain  in  Shb. 
(On  Shb.  diyadha-  see  AJP.)  'Magadhisms'  or  crosses  between  'Magadhisms' 
and  the  true  native  correspondent  to  Indie  rt  have  ousted  the  vernacular 
correspondent  in  both  Mans,  and  Shb. 

i  The  history  of  Indie  r  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans,  is  treated  in  detail 
in  the  paper  mentioned  above.  Scholars  are  divided  as  to  whether  mrugo 
represents  murgo  or  mrugo.  Biihler  holds  the  latter,  Johansson  the  former. 
Likewise  there  is  dispute  as  to  whether  vudhra-  represents  the  actual 
pronunciation  or  is  merely  graphical  for  vurdha-.  I  have  tried  to  show 
that  the  view  of  those  who  hold  that  mrugo  and  vudhra-  are  respectively 
merely  graphical  for  murgo  and  vurdha-  alone  is  tenable.  I  have  also 
tried  to  demonstrate  that  all  other  apparent  products  of  Indie  r  than  ir 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  83 

lated  (Iramana-)',  tm  is  retained1  (Mans,  atma-}',  sm  before  i 
becomes  sp-  (loc.  sing,  of  a-stems,  taken  from  the  pronominal 
declension,  *aspi,  *-asmi,  cf.  Avestan  -alimi  as  opposed  to  San- 
skrit -asmin)',  suv-  and  sv-  become  sp-2  (spamikena,  cf.  Dh.  J. 
K.  suvdmikena,  Shb.  spasunam,  Mans,  spasuna,*  Skt.  svasar-. 
Mans,  spagram,  K.  etc.  svagam,  Skt.  svargam):  viy  and  vy 
become  vv  4  (Shb.  gerundive  -tava-,  i.  e.  tavva-,  e.  g.  vatavo,  Skt. 
valdavyas  [see  Whitney,  Skt,  Gr.3  §  964  c  end],  divani,  Skt. 
divydni);  dv-  becomes  &-5  (Shb.  ladaya-,  a  mistake  for  1)ada£a-)', 
tv  becomes  it,  written  t  and  tt  (gerund  in  ti,  .Vedic  tm\  tada- 
ttaye,  Skt.  taddtva-)]iny  becomes  mm  (Shb.  saw  wa-,  Skt.  samyak-)\ 
Aryan  st  (Skt.  st,  Av.  st)  and  8th  (Skt.  sth,  Av.  $)  alike  become 
st  (Shb.  asto-,  so  probably  in  the  13th  edict,  Shb.  dipista,  Skt. 
(a)dipista\  Shb.tistiti,  Skt.  *tisthitvi,  Mans,  tistitu,  Skt.  *tisthitu}  ; 
w;  becomes  ww,  written  w  (Shb.  vananato,  Skt.  vyanjanatas);  d 
is  retained  in  the  Iranian  loan-word  d^pi;  intervocalic  j  becomes 
«/6  (Shb.  ra^a,  samaye,  Kamboya-,  Kmiboyesu,  prayuhotave; 


and  ur  in  both  Shb.  and  Maus.  are  either  'Magadhisms'  or  blends  of 
'Magadhisms'  and  native  forms;  and  that  r  does  not  lingualize  following 
dental  stops  in  the  true  native  forms  of  both  Shb.  and  Mans.  The  whole 
problem  is  exceedingly  complex  and  can  only  be  summarized  here. 

1  Native  tm  in  Shb.  is  completely  ousted  by  'Magadhan'  tt  (written  t) 
exactly   as    native  prati  by  'Magadhan'  pati  in   Mans.     (See  Michelson, 
IF.  xxiii,  pp.  240,  241.) 

2  The  exact  value  of  the  symbol  which  Biihler  transcribes  by  sp  is  in 
dispute.     Provisionally  I  follow  Biihler.     The  'Magadhan'  loc.  sing,  -asi 
has  largely  taken  the  place  native  -aspi  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans. 

3  Graphically  m  is  often  omitted. 

4  In  Mans,  the  'Magadhan'  gerundive  -taviya-  has  completely  usurped 
the  place  of  native  -tava-  as  Franke  already  has  said;   it  is  found  a  few 
times  in  Shb. 

5  In   my   judgment    (contrary    to    the    opinion    of   Johansson),.  Mans. 
duvadasa-  is  a  Magadhism  as  well  as  Shb.  duvi  and  Mans,  duve  (cf.  Kalsi 
duve,  etc.) 

s  Johansson,  Shb.  i,  p.  177,  63  of  the  reprint,  judges  Shb.  and  Mans. 
uyanaspi  (so  for  his  -asi)  wrongly.  According  to  him  it  is  'eigentl.  wohl 
ujana-  st.  ujjana."  Shb.  and  Mans,  uyanaspi  is  merely  graphical  for 
uyyana-.  That  is  to  say  that  -d  y-  in  word-composition  have  a  different 
history  than  -dy-  when  not  in  word-composition  (per  contra,  note  a/a, 
i.  e.  ajja).  The  same  holds  true  for  the  dialects  of  the  Girnar,  Dhauli, 
Jaugada,  and  Kalsl  recensions  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts;  cf.  G.  uydnesu, 
Dh.  (u}yan[asi\,  J.  and  K.  uydnasi  as  contrasted  with  G.,  Dh.,  J.  a/a, 
K.  ajd  (Skt.  adya,  Vedic  adya).  That  the  y  is  purely  graphic  for  yy 
and  the  j  for  jj  is  shown  by  Pali  uyyana-,  uyydma-,  ajja.  See  Henry, 
Precis,  section  87,  3  and  E.  Miiller,  Pali  Gr.  p.  49;  and  for  the  principle 

6* 


84  T.  Michelson,  [1910. 

Mans.  pra[yuho]taviye);  intervocalic  ~h  is  either  lost,  or  weakly 
pronounced  (ia,  Mans,  maa  as  contrasted  with  Shb.  wiaf/ia]); 
Indie  mil  appears  as  m  in  compounds  (Shb.  nik[r]amatu.  Mans. 
nikramamtu,  nikramisu;  Shb.  nikramanam)-^  h  as  the  corre- 
spondent to  Indie  dh  in  Shb.  iha\  Indie  *utthdnam2  is  retained 

Jacobi,  Erz.  section  36.  "Windisch  in  his  essay  on  Pali  (in  the  trans- 
actions of  the  International  Congress  of  Orientalists  held  at  Algiers)  over- 
looks this  fact  when  he  takes  Pali  uyyana-  as  a  Magadhan  relic.  In 
Prakrit  -d  y-  in  word-composition  necessarily  has  the  same  history  as 
-dy-  when  not  in  word  -  composition,  i.  e.  jj,  Magadhi  yy.  Against 
Johansson's  supposition  that  where  we  have  y  for  j  in  Shb.  (and  Mans.), 
it  can  be  safely  considered  a  'Magadhism'  is  the  following  important 
fact,  viz.,  that  y  for  j  is  never  found  in  the  Dhauli,  Jaugada,  or  Kalsi 
redactions  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts,  and  yet  it  is  agreed  that  the  dialect 
of  the  'Magadhan'  original — of  which  Shb.  and  Mans,  are  translations — 
was  composed  in  a  dialect  essentially  the  same  as  the  dialects  of  these 
redactions.  That  j  becomes  y  in  Magadhi  Prakrit  according  to  the  native 
grammarians  proves  nothing,  for  Magadhi  Prakrit  has  only  two  note- 
worthy agreements  with  the  Magadhan  dialects  of  the  Asokan  inscriptions, 
namely  that  I  takes  the  place  of  r  and  -e  of  original  -as  (-0  in  the  other 
dialects):  but  Magadhi  Prakrit  has  one  special  agreement  with  the  dialect 
of  the  Girnar  redaction,  namely  that  Aryan  st  (Skt.  st)  and  8th  (Skt.  sth) 
fall  together  in  st.  I  take  Shb.  and  Mans,  majura-  to  be  a  'Magadhism': 
cf.  the  correspondent  in  the  versions  of  Dh.,  J.,  K. 

1  Johansson  (Shb.  ii,  p.  17)   is  in  error  when  he  places  nikramisu  in 
the   same  category  as  dukaram,  Shb.  [dukatam,  Mans,  dukata   (final  m 
graphically  ommitted).    In  the  first  place  [du]katam  and  dukata  are  'Maga- 
dhi BIDS'  as  1  shall  show  in  AJP.  (cf.  Kalsi  dukatam),  and  so  must  be  left 
out  of  consideration.     In   the   second   place,   note  the  difference  in  Kalsi 
dukatam,  dukale  and  ntkhamatntv,  nikhamisu,  nikhamithd  (possibly  -thd), 
vinikhamane;  cf.  also  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  nikhamdvu  (for  the  formation 
see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  89,  footnote  2).    Shb.  joti-kamdhani  is  certainly 
a  'Magadhism'  as  is  shown  by  Mans,  agi-kamdhani,  K.  and  Dh.  agi-kam- 
dhdni',  Girnar  agi-khawtdhdni  points  in  the  same  direction,  cf.  the  contrast 
with  dukaram,   dukatam.    Johansson  read  Girnar  agilcamdhani,    and  so 
offered  an  explanation  which  he  thought  preferable  to  the  one  given,  but 
the  kh  is  absolutely  certain:  see  the  plate  in  Epigraphia  Indica  ii. 

2  I   see  no  reason  why  Shb.  uthanam,  i.  e.  utthdnam,   should  not  be 
considered  the  true  native  word,  and  hence  the  exact  equivalent  of  Skt. 
utthdnam.     The  fact  that  the  termination  in  any  case  is  the  vernacular 
one,  supports  this  view.    Per  contra  note  the  'Magadhan'  endings  -e  and 
-asi  in  Mans,  uthane,   Shb.  uthanasi,   Mans.  u[thanasi].    That   these  last 
cited  forms  are  'Magadhisms'  is  absolutely  certain  as  Johansson  previously 
saw.    Johansson  regards  Shb.  uthanam  also  as  a  'Magadhism'.    This  is 
highly  improbable  because  *uthdna-  never  is  found  in  any  of  the  so-called 
Magadhan  versions  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts.    That  the  th  of  Shb.  dhrama- 
dhithanaye  and  dhramadhithan[e]  is  not  a  careless  writing  for  th  is  shown 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  85 

(written  uthanam);  4c  appears  as  c1  (graphical  for  cc?  paca)1. 
the  r  of  Kerala- ;  the  nom.  sing.  masc.  of  a-stems  a  few  times 
apparently  ends  in  -a  (Shb.  jana,  etc.) ;  original  r-stems  become 
u- stems  (pituna,  Slab.bhratunam,  Shb.  spasunam,  'M.&ns.spasuna, 
Shb.  and  Mans,  matapitusu)',  nom.  pi.  of  the  cardinal  number  4 
caturo  (Shb.  cature  with  'Magadhan'  -e  for  -o);  the  locative 
plurals  pamcasu  (Shb.  pa[mca]su,  Mans.  pam[casu])  and  sasu 
by  the  analogy  of  a-stems;  the  genitive  sing,  of  the  first  per- 
sonal pronoun  maha  (Shb.  ma[ha],  Mans,  maa:*  see  above); 
ayo  *  as  a  nom.  sing,  (only  in  Shb.);  the  peculiar  optatives 

by  Mans,  dhramadhithanaye,  dhramadhithane,  Kalsl  dhammddhithdndye. 
[For  the  views  of  Johansson,  see  his  treatise  on  the  dialect  of  the  Shb. 
recension,  i,  pp.  165,  166  (51,  52  of  the  reprint),  168,  169  (54,  55),  170 
(56);  ii,  pp.  17,  18.]  These  forms  are  'Magadhisms.'  On  'Magadhan' 
uthdna-  and  Girnar  ustdna-,  see  my  coming  paper  in  IF. 

1  So  Biihler  reads  in  the  two  occurrences  of  the  word  in  Shb.  as  well 
as  Mans,  in  his  ed's  of  these  recensions  in  ZDMG.  43,  44;  but  in  his  ed's 
in  Epigraphia  Indica  ii  he  reads  pacha  for  the  occurrence  in  the  13th  edict 
for  both  Shb.  and  Mans.  (Biihler  in  El.  chh  for  cli);  so   that  I  am  not 
sure  but  his    readings    in    El.    are    really    a    mistake.     The    devanagarl 
transcript   in  ZDMG.  settles    the    reading    in    the    1st    edict.     If   not    a 
blunder,  then  Mans,  and  Shb.  pacha  (his  pachha]  in  the  13th  edict  are 
'Magadhisms;'  cf.  Kalsl  [pa]chd  (B's  [pa]chhd).    [His  reading  pacd  (pachd 
in  his  transcription)  in  the  13th  ed.  of  G.  in  ZDMG.  43  is  an  error.] 

2  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  section  118  (end)  explains  this  as  'wohl  eine  Kon- 
fusionsbildung  von  mama  und  aham.'    This  does  not  strike  me  as  con- 
vincing.    The  same  form  is  found  in  Prakrit.     Pischel's  explanation  (Gr. 
section  418)  that  it  corresponds  to  Skt.  mahyam  is  phonetically  impossible. 
The  simplest  solution  seems  to  me  is  that  maha  is  for  *mama  by  influence 
of  *mahyawi.    If  we  cared  to  go  outside  the  Indie  sphere,  other  solutions 
—all  more  or  less  bold— readily  would  suggest  themselves. 

3  According   to   Johansson,    Shb.  ii,    p.  46,    under    different    accentual 
conditions  -am  becomes  -am  and  -o  in  our  dialect.     I  am  not  convinced 
of  this.     To  begin  with,  a  considerable  portion  of  the  material  brought 
forward  in  reality  is  not  decisive  as  Johansson  himself  admits  (see  p.  45, 
footnote  1).     If  the  law  be   correct,  extensive  levelling  must  have  taken 
place.     It   should  particularly  be  observed   that  ay[am]  is   found  as  well 
as  ayo.    In  my  opinion  ayo  is  for  ayam  by  the  analogy  of  the  nom.  sing, 
masc.  of  other  pronouns  such  as  so,  yo,  etc.    The  form  ayi,  I  hold  to  be 
a  hyper-Magadhism :    see  IF.  xxiv,  p.  55.     lyo  is   a  blend  of  native  ayo 
and  'Magadhan'   iyam^  and   is  directly  comparable  to  dhramma-  a  cross 
between  native  dhrama-  and  'Magadhan'  dhamma-.   The  sole  support  for 
Johansson's  theory  according  to  the   text  of  Biihler  in  El.  seems  to  be 
dhramo,  ace.  sing,  at  Shb.  xii,  6 ;  and  it  is  not  venturesome  to  pronounce 
this  a  simple  error  (cf.  Mans,  dhramam  in  the  corresponding  passage  as 
well    as    the    quite    numerous    other    accusative    singulars    of    masculine 


86  T.  Michelson,  [1910. 

siyasu  and  hamneyasu  (Mans,  has  lacunas  where  the  forms 
would  otherwise  occur);  gerund  in  tti  (written  ti)  corresponding 
to  Vedic  -tvl  (Shb.  tistiti,  Mans,  darseti  *dar£ayitvi}\  certain 
lexical  features  such  as  atra,  apagratho  l  (Mans,  has  a  lacuna 
in  the  corresponding  passage),  Shb.  menati  (if  not  a  blunder 
for  ma-  it  corresponds  to  Gothic  mainjan.  Old  Bulgarian 
meniti),  Shb.  joti-  (Skt.  jyotis-),  Shb.  vuta  (i.  e.  vittta,  Skt. 
vptani),  Shb.  vidlienam  (if  not  a  mere  blunder;  see  Johansson, 
Shb.  i,  p.  134,  20  of  the  reprint),  Shb.  vracamti,  Shb.  and 
Mans,  tatham,2  Mans,  vain,  Shb.  vo,*  Mans,  asatasa,  Shb. 
a&amanasa,  Mans,  spasuna,  Shb.  spasunam,  Shb.  yo,  4  Shb. 


From  the  above  it  will  be  seen  how  much  nearer  to  San- 
skrit the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions 
is  than  the  dialects  of  the  other  versions  of  the  Fourteen- 
Edicts.  Geographically  this  is  just  what  we  should  expect. 


a-stems  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans.).  On  the  gender  of  ayo,  see  Johansson, 
1.  c.,  ii,  pp.  34  (footnote  2),  79.  lyam  in  both  Mans,  and  Shb.  is  a 
'Magadhism'.  I  may  add  that  J's  [imo]  vanishes  in  the  ed.  in  El.  and 
is  replaced  by  imam;  his  im[*o*]  by  im.  which  can  be  for  imam;  and  ayi 
is  read  at  Shb.  vi,  1,  ayo  at  Shb.  xiii,  11. 

1  On  the  etymology  of  this  word,  see  Buhler,  ZDMGr.  xliii,  p.  174. 

2  On  tatham,  see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  39. 

3  On   vo,   see  Johansson,    ii,  pp.  44,  45;  Franke,  Pu  Skt.,  pp.  105,  151. 
Mans,  ram  corresponds  to  Skt.  evam;  cf.  Johansson,  Shb.  i,  p.  154,  40  of 
the  reprint. 

*  The  etymology  of  this  particle  has  not  yet  been  solved.  Johansson, 
Shb.  i.  pp.  154,  155  (40  and  41  respectively  of  the  reprint)  rightly  saw 
that  Biihler's  explanation  was  untenable.  The  suggestion  of  Johansson 
that  yo  stands  for  *yava,  a  doublet  of  eva,  is  too  far-fetched.  His  alter- 
native will  not  be  taken  seriously.  Yo  is  a  fossilized  nom.  sing.  masc. 
of  ya-  as  is  shown  by  the  correspondents  to  Shb.  yo  (not  the  particle) 
at  x,  21  in  the  Mansehra  and  Kalsi  redactions,  namely,  yam.  Similarly 
Shb.  so  and  'Magadhan'  se  as  adverbs  are  fossilized  nom.  sing,  of  sa-  as 
is  shown  by  the  Girnar  correspondent  ta(*tad).  (Shb.  so  and 'Magadhan' 
se  are  treated  by  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  pp.  42—44  without  coming  to  any 
definite  decisions.  However  brilliant  his  suggestions  are,  his  combinations 
are  strained  and  complicated  as  compared  with  the  solution  offered  above.) 
Shb.  cayo  (also  hitherto  unsolved)  is  simply  ca+yo. 

5  On  the  etymology  of  this  word,  see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  98.  Here 
again,  I  think  Johansson  goes  too  far  afield  in  turning  to  extra-Indie 
Indo-European  languages  to  explain  this  difficult  word,  admitting  that 
occasionally  we  must  do  so  to  properly  explain  certain  Middle-lndic 
words.  I  see  no  reason  why  yamatro  may  not  be  analized  as  ya+makro, 
a  possessive  adj.  compound  meaning  'as  many  as.' 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  87 

Indeed  the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  hardly  belongs  to  the 
Middle-Indie  stage  of  developement. 

We  have  next  to  take  up  the  general  relations  with  the 
dialects  of  the  other  recensions. 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the  dialect  of  the  Girnar 

version. 

These  are  very  numerous.  It  is  instructive  to  notice  how 
much  more  striking  the  points  of  contact  are  between  the 
dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  and  the  dialect  of  G.  than  between 
the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  and  the  'Magadhan'  dialects. 

Examples  are:  final  -as  appears  as  -o;1  st  is  retained  (Shb. 
Mans,  nasti,  Girnar  ndsti;  Shb.  dJiramasamstave,  G.  dhamma- 
samstavo]  Shb.  \)ia]stino,  Mans,  hastine,  G.  hasti-;  Shb.  vistri- 
tena.  G.  vistatana,  etc.);  the  sound  r;  the  sound  n*  (Mans. 
dkramacarana,  Shb.  dhramacaranam,  G.  dhammacaranam;  Shb, 
Mans.  Iramana-,  G.  brdmfiana-,  etc);  fm  (written  mn  and  n) 
from  Indie  ny*  (Shb.  G.  amna-,  ana-,  Mans,  ana-)]  jn  becomes 
n  initially,  and  either  Tin  or  n  medially  (Shb.  natinam,  Mans. 
natina,  G.  ndtlnam;  Shb.  rana,  rano,  G.  rdna,  rano)]*  II  (written 


1  In  Mans.  'Magadhan'  -e  has  entirely  wiped  out  native  -o. 

2  In   cases  endings   n   is   replaced  by  n  through  the  analogy  of  other 
words  where  dental  n  is  obtained  phonetically.  This  is  true  for  Mans.,  Shb., 
and  G.     There  are  a  couple  of  cases  where  the  same  phenomenon  takes 
place  in   suffixes   in   the   dialect  of  Shb.     See  Johansson,   Shb.  i,  p.  168 
(52  of  the  reprint),  and  Michelson,  AJP.  xxx,  I.e.    J's  ka[lanaw]  vanishes 
in   Buhler's   ed.  in  EL  ii;   I  take  garana  to  be  a  blunder   for   *garalia, 
following    Biihler.      On   Tambapamni,    see    Michelson,    IF.   xxiv,    p.  55; 
also    on  Pitinika-.    On  Biihler's    reading   kdranam  in  G.  see  Michelson, 
1.  c.  p.  53. 

3  In    Mans,  we  have   doublets  with  ?m*[(written  n);   e.  g.  ana-,  ana-, 
manati,  manati.     Similarly  Mans,  punam,  punam  but  always  Shb.  punam 
(Or.  pumnam,  Ski.  pwnyam).    I  know  no  thoroughly  satisfactory  explanation 
of  the  doublets.    The  best  I  can  offer  at  present  is  that  as  n  and  n  alike 
were   foreign  to  the  dialect  of  the  Magadhan  scribe,  he  was  careless  in 
distinguishing    the    two   or  was    ignorant   of   their   proper    usage.     The 
forms  with  n  then  are  purely  fictitious.     For  the  possibility  of  the  prin- 
ciple, see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  43. 

^  The  alphabets  of  Shb.,  Mans.,  and  G.  hinder  us  from  being  positive 
in  the  matter.  For  Shb.  rana,  rano  can  be  either  ranTid,  ranno  or  rand, 
rano  (and  conceivably  rannd,  ranno);  while  G.  rand,  rano  can  be  either 
rand,  rano  or  rdnnd,  ranno  (it  will  be  recalled  that  long  vowels  are  not 
shortened  before  two  consonants  in  the  dialect  of  G.).  Pali  and  the 
various  Prakrit  languages  point  to  mi  in  the  forms.  Shb.,  Mans,  anapemi, 


88  T.  Michelson,  [1910. 

1)  from  Indie  ly  (Shb.  Mans,  kalana-,  G.  kaldna-;  cf.  Pali 
kalldna-);  Wi  is  retained  in  the  correspondents  to  Skt.  Wiavati, 
bhuta-i  [as  a  participle]  (Shb.  Mans.  Wwti,  G.  Wiavati]  Shb. 
Mans,  bhuta-,  G.  Uiuta-}\  partial  agreement  is  not  assimilating 
r  to  adjacent  consonants2  (Shb.  Mans,  savratra,  i.  e.  sarvatra, 
G.  sarvatra;  Shb.  Mans,  parakramena,  G.  parakramena;  Shb. 
G.  priyo,  Mans,  priye;  Shb.  Mans,  sramana-,  G.  sramana-\ 
Shb.  satasahasra-,  G.  satasahasra-;  Shb.  Mans,  bramana-,  G. 
lrdmhana-j  etc.);  Indie  &s  becomes  ccft,  initially  c/z3  (written 
c/i  in  both  cases),  e.  g.  Shb.  acliati,  G.  achatim,  Shb.  [cham]ti,' 
G.  c/za&[m];  £?/  becomes  cc  (written  c),  e.  g.  Shb.  opaca,  G. 
apacam\  initial  ?/  is  retained  in  relative  pronouns  and  adverbs 
(frequently  omitted  in  the  'Magadhan'  versions;  so  it  would 
appear  that  it  was  either  wholly  lost  in  actual  pronunciation 
or  very  weakly  pronounced);  evam  not  hevam  is  the  correspon- 
dent to  Sanskrit  evam]  the  inflection  Shb.  rana,  rano,  G. 

Shb.  anapayavni,  Shb.  anapitam,  Mans,  anapita,  Shb.  anapesamti,  Mans. 
anapayisati  offer  some  difficulty  when  contrasted  with  G.  afiapat/dmi, 
•anapitam,  dnapayisati.  Johansson  (Shb.  i,  p.  165,  51  of  the  reprint)  con- 
siders the  initial  a  as  long  and  that  n  phonetically  became  n.  Note  that 
we  have  the  same  phenomenon  in  Pali,  e.  g.  rannd,  ranno,  yanTio,  dndpeti, 
dnatti.  In  ordinary  Prakrit  jn  becomes  nn  (initially  n),  in  Magadhi  and 
PaisacI  nn.  For  the  agreement  of  Pali  with  Shb.  Mans,  in  this  point  as 
opposed  to  G.,  Mote  Pali  hirannam,  Shb.  [h]i[ra]na-,  Mans.  Jdna-  (read 
hirafia-},  G.  hiramna-. 

1  'Magadhan'  hoti  has  nearly  everywhere  usurped  the   place  of  native 
bhoti  in  Mans.;  similarly  Jrnta-  (written  huta-)  the  place  of  bhuta-  (written 
bhuta-)]  hotu  has  everywhere  taken  the  place  of  bhotu.    In  Shb.  hoti  is 
found  a  couple  of  times.    In  G.  hoti  is  found  a  few  times  but  bhavati  is 
greatly  predominant.    That  hoti  is  a  'Magadhism'  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  the  Dhauli,  Jaugada,   and  Kalsi  redactions   have   hoti  and  this  only 
as  the  correspondent  to  Sanskrit  bhavati.     Similarly  regarding  huta-  and 
hotu. 

2  The  law  for  the  retention  or  assimilation  of  r  in  conjoint  consonants 
in  the  dialect  of  G.  is :  r  is  retained  after  stops  and  sibilants ;  and  before 
v;  is  assimilated  to  following  stops,  sibilants,  and  nasals.    Exceptions  are 
'Magadhisms.' 

3  Where  we  have  Mi  in  G.,  Shb.,  Mans.,   these  are  'Magadhisms'  as  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the  dialects  of  the  Dhauli,  Jaugada,  and  Kalsi 
recensions,    kkh  (written  kh,   kh  and    not  kkh    of  course  initially)  is  the 
regular  correspondent  to  Indie  ks.    Cf.  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  23.    [Accord- 
ing to  Johansson,  Buhler  reads  sam[chi]tena  in  ZDMG.;  in  EL  he  reads 
samkhitena.]     I  may  add  that   I   reject  Pischel's  'law'  as  Johansson   and, 
I  think,  Bartholomae  before  me.     As  to  whether  Aryan  zzli  is  reflected 
by  jjh  in  Middle-Indie  languages,  at  present  I  am  not  able  to  judge. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  89 

rand,  rdno  (and  not  -jin-)\  mayd  (written  maya  in  Mans,  and 
Slib.)  as  the  inst.  sing,  of  the  1st  personal  pronoun  (and  not 
mamayd)\  aham  (and  not  haham)  as  the  nom.  sing,  of  the 
1st  personal  pronoun;  y  (and  not  h)  in  the  ending  of  the 
1  st  person  sing,  of  the  optative  (Shb.  vracheyam,  G.  gacheyam) ; 
o-conjugation  of  karoti,  prati  (not  in  Mans.),  and  not  pati, 
corresponding  to  Skt.  prati  (see  Michelson,  IF.  xxiii,  pp.  240, 241). 

In  the  American  Journal  of  Philology  I  shall  show  that  it 
is  possible  that  the  law  in  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi 
and  Mansehra  versions  that  s  converts  a  following  intervocalic 
s  to  A'  is  to  be  connected  with  the  law  that  in  the  dialect  of 
the  Girnar  redaction  original  s  (historical  s)  converts  a  following 
st  to  st]  it  is  also  probable  that  Shb.  Mans,  st  and  G.  st 
from  Aryan  8th  are  to  be  brought  into  correlation:  observe 
the  retention  of  the  sibilant  and  the  deaspiration  in  both  cases, 
even  if  the  final  result  is  different.  It  is  certain  that  in  the 
dialects  of  all  three  recensions  that  Indie  sth  becomes  st,  but 
'Magadhisms'  by  chance  take  the  place  of  the  native  sounds 
in  the  case  of  both  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  versions. 

It  is  more  problematic  if  the  law  that  in  the  dialect  of  the 
Girnar  recension  that  original  drs  and  drsy  become  as  (Michel- 
son,  IF.  xxiv,  pp.  53,  54)  should  !in  any  way  be  united  with 
the  apparent  law  that  in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  that 
r  is  assimilated  to  an  immediately  s  after  d  (Michelson,  AJP. 
xxx),  as  vowel  quantities  are  not  distinguished  in  the  Kharosthi 
alphabet  nor  are  gemmations.  If  the  two  are  to  be  brought 
into  rapport  with  one  another,  the  law  would  be  as  follows:  r  is 
assimilated  to  an  immediately  following  s  in  the  combinations 
drs  and  drsy  in  the  dialects  of  Shb.  Mans,  and  G.  becoming  as(s) 
in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  Mans.,  as  in  the  dialect  of  G. ;  original  drs 
remains  in  Shb.  Mans.1  but  becomes  as  in  the  dialect  of  G. 


1  Cases  where  the  r  is  omraited  are  probably  'Magadhisms.'  Yet  it  is 
possible  that  the  process  which  was  completed  in  the  case  of  ars,  was 
beginning  to  take  place  in  the  case  of  drs,  and  hence  the  graphic 
fluctuation.  The  fact  that  r  is  assimilated  before  s  but  not  before  other 
consonants  in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans.,  may  be  accounted  for  by 
the  fact  that  .9  as  well  as  r  is  a  lingual  consonant:  r  would  naturally  be 
more  readily  assimilated  to  a  consonant  of  its  own  class  than  other  con- 
sonants. I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  the  American  Journal  of 
Philology  I  have  shown  that,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Johansson,  r  is  not 
assimilated  to  immediately  following  dental  stops  in  our  dialect,  nor  are  the 
dental  stops  converted  to  lingual  stops  by  the  influence  of  the  preceding  r. 


90  T.  Miclielson,  [1910. 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the  dialects  of  both  the 
Kalsi  and  Girnar  redactions. 

These  are  but  few  in  number.  Examples  are:  the  contraction 
of  ayi  to  el  (Shb.  Mans,  pujetaviya,  K.  pujetaviya,  G.  pujetaya,  a 
blunder  for  *pujetavya\  Shb.  leklmpesami,  K.  lekhapesami;  Mans. 
liape&ati,  Shb.  [hapesati],  G.  hapesati]  Shb.  [vadhe]£amti,  anape- 
samti]  Slib.aloceti,  G.alocetpa,  Mans.  draseti;  Shb.  vijetavi[ya]m, 
G.  vijetavyam;  Shb.  prativedetavo,  patrivedetavo,*  G.  prativede- 
tavyam);  the  phonetic  correspondent  to  Sanskrit  manusya-, 
Shb.  Mans,  manusa-,  i.  e.  manuka-,  G.  manusa-  i.  e.  manussa-, 
K.  manusa-,*  i.  e.  manussa-',  -eyu  (and  not  etnt)  as  the  ending 
of  the  3d  person  pi.  of  the  optative  active  (Shb.  avatrapeyu, 
sruneyUy  Shb.  Mans,  vaseyu,  susruseyu,  Mans.  sruney[u],  Mans. 
liaveyu,  G.  vaseyu,  K.  suneyu,  sususeyu,  huveyu,  -neyu  i.  e. 
*haneyu). 

It  is  an  acknowledged  fact  that  in  edicts  i — ix,  the  dialect 
of  the  Kalsi  recension  is  practically  pure  'M&gadhan,'  with 
but  few  traces  of  the  native  dialect.  In  edicts  x — xiv  the 
local  dialect  is  prominent,  but  '  Magadhisrns '  are  not  in- 
frequent. It  is  probably  due  to  this  that  we  are  unable  to 
point  out  more  special  points  of  contact  of  the  dialects  of 
Shb.,  Mans.,  G.,  and  K. 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the  dialect  of  the  Kalsi 

recension. 

For  the  reason  stated  above,  few  special  points  of  contact 
can  be  shown,  even  if  they  existed.  Examples  are:  the  con- 

1  In  Dh.  and  J.  ayi  is  uncontracted ;  as  also  in  the  'Magadhan'  portion 
of  K.  'Magadhan'  ayi  for  e  has  forced  itself  into  several  words  in  Shb.r 
Mans.,  and  G.     I   consider  that  Johansson's   attempt  to  formulate  a  law 
determining  under  what  circumstances  ayi  is   retained    and  when   con- 
tracted in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans,  (the  dialect  of  Gr.  is  not  treated) 
is  a  failure.     In    my  judgement  ayi  phonetically  contracts  to  e  in  the 
dialects  of  Gr.,   Shb.,   and  Mans,  under  all  circumstances.     The  fact  that 
Shb.  and  Mans,  are  not  always  in  agreement  in  the  use  of  ayi  and  e 
distinctly  points  in  this  direction.    For  the  principle  involved,  see  Franke, 
Pali  and  Sanskrit,  p.  109. 

2  On  Shb.  prati  and  patri,  see  Michelson.  IF.  xxiii,  pp.  240,  241. 

3  This  is  the  true  native  word.     Manusa-,  in  the  'Magadhan'  portion 
is  due  to  the  influence  of  'Magadhan'  munisa-  which  is  also  found  in  the 
'Magadhan'  portion  of  K.    This  does  not  affect  the  fact  that  'Magadhan' 
munisa-   itself  is  a  contamination  of  *manusa-  and  *pulisa-  (Michelson, 
IF.  xxiii,  p.  254 ff.). 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  91 

traction  of  aya  to  e  in  the  3d  sing,  indicative  and  3d  pi.  of 
the  imperative  of  the  causative1  (Shb.,  Mans.,  K.  pujeti,  Shb. 
pat[r]ivedetu^  Mans,  pativedetu,*1  K.  [pati]vedemtu,  Shb.  rocetu,- 
K.  locetu,*  Shb.  Mans,  aradlietu,2  Shb.  aradheti,  Mans,  ara- 
dheti,  Shb.  vadheti,  Shb.  anuneti)\  Shb.  Mans.  K.  kiti  from 
*kid  *iti  (Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  52);  imam  (written  also  ima  in 
Shb.  and  Mans.)  as  nom.  ace.  sing,  neutre;  i  in  the  gen.  sing, 
of  Shb.  Mans,  etisa,  K.  etisa  (as  shown  by  Shb.  imisa  we 
should  expect  this  in  Mans,  and  the  corresponding  form  in 
K.,  but  'Magadhisms'  have  usurped  the  place  of  the  native 
words). 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the  dialects  of  the  Dhauli, 
Jaugada,  and  Kalsl  (edicts  i — ix)  recensions. 

It  will  probably  always  be  a  matter  of  dispute  as  to  what  are 
special  points  of  contact  between  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbaz- 
garhi  and  Mansehra  redactions  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
dialects  of  the  'Magadhan'  versions  on  the  other.  For  it  is 
sometimes  difficult  to  determine  whether  the  seeming  points 
of  contact  are  not  after  all  nothing  more  than  'Magadhisms' 
in  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  versions.  In  some  cases 
absolute  tests  are  wanting,  and  the  matter  becomes  more  or 
less  subjective.  For  example,  I  am  persuaded  that  gerunds  in 
tu,  the  iy  passive,  the  word  cu  'but'  in  Shb.  and  Mans,  are 
really  'Magadhisms',  and  not  special  points  of  contact  with 
the  dialects  of  the  'Magadhan'  versions.3  I  am  confident  that 

1  The  contraction  of  aya  in  these  forms  is  foreign  to  the  dialects  of  the 
Girnar,  Dhauli,  and  Jaugada  redactions   of  the  Fourteen-Edicts.    Hence 
where   aya  remains  uncontracted  in   these  forms  in  Shb.  Mans.  K.,  we 
can  safely  conclude  that  these  cases  are  'Magadhisms.'    (Exactly  as  where 
ayi  remains  uncontracted  to  e  in  the  dialects  of  Shb.,  Mans.,  G.,  and  K.) 
Johansson,  Shb.  i,  p.  141,  142  (27  and  28  of  the  reprint)  attempts  to  for- 
mulate  a   law   determining    under  what  circumstances    aya   phonetically 
remains  or  is  contracted  to  e-  successfully  in  my  judgment,  only  he  does 
not  make  use  of  the  principle  of  'Magadhisms'  in  explaining  the  apparent 
exceptions.     Anuneti  included  for  convenience. 

2  3d  pi.;  m  graphically  omitted. 

3  For  an  argument  in  favor  of  holding  such   gerunds  in  -tit  as  occur 
in  Shb.  and  Mans,  to  be  'Magadhisms',  see  above  p.  82.    An  argument  to 
show  that  the  iy  passive  in  Shb.  and  Mans,  is  a  'Magadhism'  is  that  we 
should  otherwise  have  to  assume  that  iyi  remained  or  was  contracted  to 
1  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans,  under  unknown  conditions  ;  whereas  iyi  remains 
in  Dh.,  J.,  and  K.    Moreover  the  present  passive  in  iy  is  the  only  present 


92  T.  Michelson,  [1910. 

the  following  are  real  points  of  contact  and  not  'Magadhisms': 
the  contraction  of  ava  to  o  in  the  correspondents  to  Skt. 
Wiavati,  Wiavatu  (Mans.,  Shb.  Wioti,  Shb.  Hhotu\  Dh.  J.  K. 
hoti,  hotu);  original  vocalic  m  appears  as  a  +  a  nasal  (Shb. 
Mans,  atikramtam,  Dh.  J.  K.  atikamtam}\  the  initial  i  of  iti 
is  lost  after  immediately  preceeding  vowels;  the  dat.  sing,  of 
a-stems  ends  in  -aye  (written  -aye  in  Shb.  and  Mans.);  the 
oblique  cases  in  the  sing,  of  a-stems  ends  in  -dye1  (written 
-aye  in  Shb.  and  Mans.) ;  samtam  as  a  nom.  sing,  of  the  present 


passive  found  in  the  dialects  of  the  Pillar-Edicts.  The  fact  that  Mans. 
ara.  isu  (i.  e.  arabhisu)  corresponds  to  Shb.  a[rabh]i[yisu]  points  in  the 
same  direction.  'Magadhan'  s  for  native  s  should  be  observed  in  the  ter- 
mination of  both  words.  Note  too  the  Shb.  passive  hamnamti  (*hani/-) 
with  active  ending. — It  should  be  noticed  that  cu  (and  not  tu)  alone  is 
found  in  the  Kalsi  redaction  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts  as  well  as  the  various 
recensions  of  the  Pillar- Edicts.  The  tu  of  the  Dhauli  redaction  of  the 
Fourteen-Edicts  then  would  be  a  trace  of  tthe  true  local  vernacular  (cf. 
above).  —  This  does  not  make  it  possible  to  declare  cu  the  phonetic 
equivalent  of  Skt.  tu,  as  t  before  u  remains  in  the  dialect  of  the  Delhi- 
Sivalik  version  of  the  Pillar-Edicts  (cf.  tuthdyatandni,  Skt.  tustydyatandni] 
On  the  etymology  of  cu  see  Michelson,  IF.  xxiii,  p.  256  ff.  I  may  add 
that  I  hold  Shb.  and  Mans,  hida  to  be  a  'Magaihism'  also.  Similarly 
Mans,  hidam,  if  not  a  pure  blunder. 

1  Johansson's  explanation  of  this  form  is  wholly  erroneous.  As  Pischel 
(see  his  Gr.  d.  Pkt.-Sprachen)  rightly  saw,  aye  corresponds  phonetically 
to  Sanskrit  dydi.  For  the  use  of  dye  (*dydi)  as  a  gen.  sing,  no  question 
will  be  raised.  The  use  of  aye  as  an  inst.  sing,  is  thus  to  be  explained 
*iyds  and  *iyd,  the  gen.  and  inst.  sing,  of  ^-sterns  respective  phonetically 
fell  together  in  *iyd\  likewise  *uvds  and  *uvd  of  the  ^7-stems;  after  the 
syncretism  of  the  gen.  and  dative,  iye  did  duty  as  a  gen.  also:  now  as 
iyd  had  the  function  of  both  gen.  and  inst.,  iye  was  made  to  serve  as  an 
inst.  Hence  dye  of  <z-stems  also  was  used  as  an  inst.  It  would  be 
possible  to  assume  that  dye  simply  levelled  ayd.  Another  hypothesis  that 
is  also  plausible  is:  the  inst.  a^a  was  levelled  to  dyd  by  influence  of  the 
gen.  sing,  dyd  (*dyds)\  so  when  dye  came  to  be  used  as  a  gen.,  it  also 
was  used  as  an  inst.  As  a  matter  of  fact  all  the  above  forces  may  have 
played  a  part  in  bringing  about  the  result. — The  original  loc.  sing.,  what- 
ever it  may  have  been,  was  simply  wiped  out  in  favor  of  dye.  For  dya 
in  the  oblique  cases  of  a-stems  in  Pali,  and  in  the  Girnar  redaction  of 
Fourteen-Edicts;  as  well  as  in  the  dialects  of  the  Pillar-Edicts  see  my 
forth-coming  essay  on  the  dialect  of  the  Girnar  redaction.  The  dat.  sing, 
of  a-stems  in  dye  is  simply  borrowed  from  the  a-stems.  Pischel  (see  his 
Gr.  d.  Pkt.-Sprachen)  already  saw  the  possibility  of  this  explanation,  but 
rejected  it  on  what  appears  to  me  insufficient  grounds.  Johansson's  ex- 
planation is  untenable  as  Pischel  presumably  saw.  See  also  Michelson, 
IF.  xxiii,  p.  243. 


Vol.  xxx.]         The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  etc.  93 

participle  (written  samta  once  in  Mans.);  similarly  Shb.  Mans. 
karamtam  (written  also  karatam  in  both  Shb.  and  Mans., 
karata  in  Shb.),  Kalsl  kalamtam  (written  also  kalamta,  kalata)] 
the  optative  siya  (written  siya  in  Shb.  and  Mans.).  It  should 
also  be  noted  that  in  these  dialects  the  nom.  sing,  neutre  of 
a-stems  is  frequently  replaced  by  the  nom.  sing.  masc.  (Shb. 
-o,  Dh.,  J.,  K.  -e\  in  Mans.  'Magadhan'  -e  replaces  native  -o). 
And  the  vocalism  of  ucavuca-  (written  ucavuca-  in  Shb.  and 
Mans.)  in  the  dialects  of  J.,  Dh.,  and  K.  is  deserving  of 
mention  in  contrast  with  Girnar  ucdvaca-.  (Such  is  the  reading 
of  J.  in  ASSI.) 


A  Hymn  to  Tammuz  (Cuneiform  Texts  from  the  British 
Museum,  Tablet  15821,  Plate  18)  with  translation 
and  commentary  by  Professor  J.  DYNELEY  PEINCE, 
Ph.  D.,  Columbia  University,  New  York. 

Transliteration  and  Translation. 

Obverse. 

1. ama-mu-ra  nu-un-ti 

(Lament)  for  my  mighty  one  who  liveth  no  more. 

2. nu-un-ti  ama-mu-ra  nu-un-ti 

who  liveth  no  more,  for  my  mighty  one  who 

liveth  no  more. 

3. mu-lu nu-un-ti  ama-mu-ra  nu-un-ti 

—  —  —  —  who  —  —  —  liveth  no  more;  for  my  mighty 
one  who  liveth  no  more. 

4.  —  — du  mu-ud-na-mu  nu-un-ti 

-  my  spouse  who  liveth  no  more. 

5.  — mu  mu  nu-un-ti 

my —  -  who  liveth  no  more. 

6.  -  -  — dimmer  gal  mu-an-na  nu-un-ti 

-  —  great   god    of  the  heavenly  year  who    liveth 
no  more. 

7.  u-mu-un-e  a-ra-li  nu-un-ti 

Lord  of  the  lower  world  who  liveth  no  more. 

8.  u-mu-un-e  sar-ra  lamga  ki  nu-un-ti 

Lord  of  vegetation,  artificer  of  the  earth,  who  liveth  no  more. 

9.  lax(?)-ba  en  dimmer  dumu-zi  nu-un-ti 

The  shepherd,  the  lord,  the  god  Tammuz  who  liveth  no  more. 

10.  u-mu-un-e  ba-ta(?)-ba  nu-un-ti 

The  lord  who  giveth  gifts  who  liveth  no  more. 

11.  mu-ud-na-bi-ta  (an-na}-lta  nu-un-ti 

With  his  heavenly  spouse  he  liveth  no  more. 

13.  — mu-tin-na  nu-un-ti 

(The  producer  of)  wine  who  liveth  no  more. 

14.  - lum-lum-lta  na-am-mal  nu-un-ti 

Lord  of  fructification;  the  established  one  who  liveth  no  more. 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz.  95 

15.  u-mu-un  (gir}-ka  na-dm-mal  nu-un-ti 

The  lord  of  power;  the  established  one  who  liveth  no  more. 

16.  gud  kala-a-dim  alam-ne-en  dib  (LUydib  (LU)-fo  u-Za  (ty-a-dim 

ne-tuS  (KU) 

Like  a  mighty  bull  is  his  appearance;    the    forceful   one, 
like  an  ancient  bull  he  coucheth. 

17.  gud  kala-a-dim  alam-ne-en  ma  bir-bi  ii-8a  (ty-a-dim  ne-tu$ 

(KD). 

Like  a  mighty  bull  is  his  appearance;  in  his  ship  of  plenty 
like  an  ancient  bull  he  coucheth. 

18.  me-e-zu(?)-da(?)  LI  ga-a-an-ma-kud 

In  accordance  with  thy  word(?)  the  earth  shall  be  judged. 

19.  su-gir-ma  LI  ga-a-an-ma-kud 

(Thus)  the  high  parts  of  the  earth  verily  shall  be  judged. 

20.  — mu-lu  -  -  me-a  ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu  (KA) 

who —  verily  they  shall  cry  out 

for  it. 

21.  [suku  (PAD)  nu]-ku-a-mu  ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu  (KA) 

For  food  which  they  have  not  to  eat  they  shall  verily  cry  out. 

22.  (a)  nu-nag-a-mu  ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu  (KA) 

For  water  which  they  have  not  to  drink  they  shall  verily 
cry  out. 

23.  (ki}-el  sag-ga-mu  ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu  (KA) 

Verily  the  maiden  who  is  pleasing  shall  cry  out  for  it.  - 

24.  (kala)  $ag-ga-mu  ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu  (KA) 

Verily  the  warrior  who  is  acceptable   shall  cry  out  for  it. 

25. a(?)-zu  gir-e  kur  d$  ba-Sub  (RU) 

-  thy  -  —  the  mighty  one,  the  land  with 

a  curse  is  destroyed. 

26.  -  — —  gir-e  Jmr  a$  ba-sub  (RU) 

-  the  mighty  one,  the  land  with  a  curse  is 
destroyed. 

Reverse. 

27.  (gir)  Itur-ra  i-de  ugun  (DAR)  nu  ugun  (DAR)  hur-e 
Power  of  the  land  (is  he).    With  (his)  gift  no  gift  can  vie. 

S.  (gir)  kur-rd  gu  (KA)  xu-tu-ul-xu-tu-ul-e 
Power  of  the  land  (is  he).     The  Word  which  overcometh 

disease. 

!9.  gir  u-mu-un-da  u-mu-un-da 
Power  he  exalteth,  exalteth. 


96  D-  Prince,  [1910. 

30.  [hiku  (PAD)]  nu-lm-a-mu  u-mu-un-da 

Food  which  they  have  not  to  eat  he  raiseth  up. 

31.  a  nu-nag-a-mu  u-mu-un-da 

Water  which  they  have  not  to  drink  he  raiseth  up. 

32.  ki-el  Mg-ga-mu  u-mu-un-da 

The  maiden  who  is  pleasing  he  raiseth  up. 

33.  kala  sag-ga-mu  u-mu-un-da, 

The  warrior  who  is  acceptable  he  raiseth  up. 

34.  kola  mu-lu-zu-ne  mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma 

The  mighty  one  who  destroyeth  your  people. 

35.  dimmer  db-u  tur  mu-lu-zu-ne  mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma 

The  god  Ninib  destroyeth  even  the  least  among  your  people. 

36.  i-de-bar  sag-ga-ni  Nina  nam-ba-e-bi-bi 
With  her  gracious  aspect  Nina  speaketh. 

37.  sar-bar  sag-ga-ni  xu-ub-na-an-ni-bar-ri 

In  her  gracious  rising  verily  she  shineth  forth. 

38.  (hi)  am-dirig-ga-na  ur-ba  kala(?)  alam 

Where  she  waxeth  full,  her  procreative  power  is  mighty 
of  aspect. 

39.  mu-lu-mal   PA  gubu   (KAB)-gub(D13)-bi-na   $am-elteq-ga 

xu-ba-e-ku 

The   creative   one  (with)  the  staff  of  her  left  hand,  verily 
she  establisheth  the  cleansing  im4i£-herb. 

40.  <ji-sa  (DI)-da~ni  im-e-a-an-me 

With  her  sceptre  of  judgment  she  commandeth. 

41.  mu-lu-mal  li-du-ni  im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-me 

The  creative  one  with  her  firm  voice  she  speaketh  to  him. 
XLI.  er-lim-ma  dimmer  dumu-zi-da 
XLI  lines.     A  hymn  for  the  god  Tammuz. 


Commentary. 

The  present  hymn  to  Tammuz  in  Erne-sal  is  one  of  a  series 
found  in  Gun.  Texts  from  the  British  Museum,  Vol.  xv,  plates  10 if 
Of  these  Dr.  F.  A.  Vanderburgh  has  published  in  his  thesis 
"Sumerian  Hymns"  (Columbia  University  Press,  1908)  Plates  10, 
15—16,  17,  19  and  also  Plates  11—12  in  the  JAOS,  1908. 
I  have  published  Plates  14,  22,  and  23  in  the  AJSL,  while 
Dr.  Vanderburgh,  who  is  at  present  preparing  for  publication 
Plates  7,  8,  9,  and  13—12,  has  aided  me  with  the  present 
text  by  many  valuable  suggestions. 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz.  97 

Obverse. 

Line  1.  ama  =  AM  'bull'  I  render  'mighty  one.'  Note  that 
the  gocl  Ea  is  also  called  a  bull  in  ii,  58,  52. 

Line  3.  mu-ud-na  =  xcCiru  'spouse;'  cf.  Br.  1304.  Here  the 
bereaved  Istar  is  probably  speaking. 

Line  6.  dimmer  gal  mu-an-na  'great  god  of  the  year  (lit. 
'name')  of  heaven,'  in  contradistinction  to  the  present  condition 
of  Tammuz  as  lord  of  the  lower  world  arali,  line  7,  whither 
he  had  been  transported,  leaving  the  heavenly  (or  upper)  year 
destitute  of  vegetation. 

Line  8.  u-mu-un-e  sar-ra  'lord  of  (spring)  vegetation.'  Note 
that  sar  =  SAR  =  kiru  'plantation,'  Br.  4315  and  see  Prince, 
Materials,  p.  283. 

The  mourning  ceremonial  for  Tammuz  took  place  just  before 
the  summer  solstice  which  was  followed  by  a  season  of  rejoicing 
at  his  re-appearance.  For  this  mourning-ceremonial  which 
was  evidently  practised  -at  Jerusalem  in  the  time  of  Ezekiel, 
cf.  Ezek.  viii,  14: 

own  DP  mm  miesn  b&  IPN  mrr  rvn  nyp  nns  b«  TIN  Km 

m&n  n«  JYOID  map*1 

Probably  also  in  Zech.  xii,  10,  the  words  TITH  hy  1SDD  refer 
to  the  ritual  lamentation  for  Tammuz. 

lamga  /a;  he  was  the  artificer  of  the  earth,  because  he  was 
the  cause  of  plant  life  especially.  For  lamga,  cf.  Prince  op. 
cit.  221. 

Line  9.  lax(?)-la.  Although  the  first  sign  is  obscure,  it 
is  most  probably  lax  of  the  combination  lax-la  ^re'u  'shepherd,' 
IV,  27,  la. 

The  Sumerian  form  dumu-zi  'son  of  life,'  i.e.,  'life  itself 
=  the  god  of  life  par  excellence,  is  clearly  the  original  of  the 
Semitic  corrupted  name  of  this  god  Tammuz,  which  appears 
also  as  the  name  of  the  fourth  month.  Note  the  fuller  form 
dumu-zi-da  in  line  42,  showing  that  the  full  form  of  the  word 
for  'life'  in  Sumerian  was  zid. 

Line  10.  ba-ta(?)-ba.  This  seems  clearly  la  verbal  prefix 
+  the  locative  infix  -ta-  +  the  root  la  =  B  A  =  qd$u  *  give, 
bestow,'  Br.  107. 

Line  13.  I  assume  that  some  word  meaning  'producer,'  i.  e. 
<of  wine'  has  been  erased  here. 

Note  the  ES.  form  mu-tin-na  for  ge$-tin.  See  Prince,  op. 
cit.,  p.  247  =  kardnu  'wine.' 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  I.  7 


98  £>•  Prince,  [1910. 

Line  14.     On  lum  =  LUM,  see  Prince,  op.  cit,,  p.  227. 
na-am-mal  seems  to  consist  of  the  abstract  prefix  nam-  +  mal 
=  GA  =  Sdkanu,  Prince,  p.  231. 

Line  15.  This  line  evidently  contains  gir-emuqu  'power/ 
Br.  9184  +  the  genitive  suffix  -ka. 

Line  16.  The  second  sign  here  must  clearly  be  read  Mia 
owing  to  the  following  vowel  of  prolongation  -a,  and  not  lig, 
as  is  frequently  the  case.  The  suffix  I  read  dim  and  not  gim, 
as  the  hymn  is  in  ES. 

On  alam,  see  Prince,  29.  This  is  not  a  certain  reading  for 
the  sign  QALAM.  Note  that  Hrozny  reads  this  sign  with 
value  alana,  probably  associating  it  with  Sem.  Idnu  'appearance/ 
Br.  7299,  which  seems  to  be  its  meaning  here. 

The  suffix  ne-en  seems  to  consist  of  the  demonstrative  ele- 
ment ne-  +  the  verbal  -en,  seen  in  men  'to  be.' 

Note  that  the  combination  dib  (LiU)-dib  (LU)-&i  has  the 
meanings  sitpuru,  Br.  10740;  $itbu$u>  Br.  10741;  and  sitmarru, 
Br.  10742.  Hence  my  translation. 

u-sa(U)-a-dim  consists  of  sa='\3 =labiru  'ancient,'  Br.  9465, 
+  the  prolonging  vowel  -a  +  the  suffix  dim  (G-IM)  =  'like  unto.' 
tus  (KU)  =  asdbu  'sit,  dwell',  Br.  10523.  The  god  is  con- 
ceived of  as  sitting,  i.  e.,  couching  like  a  powerful  bull  resting. 
The  couchant  attitude  is  no  doubt  suggested  by  the  fact  that 
the  god's  power  is  temporarily  at  rest  in  the  lower  world. 

Line  17.  ma  =  elippu  'ship,'  Br.  3683.  This  is  his  ritual 
ship  of  state  or  wealth;  bir  =  gibtu  'wealth,'  Br.  2029,  probably 
referring  to  the  ceremonial  of  carrying  the  image  of  a  god  in 
a  small  symbolical  ship. 

Line  18.  me-e-zu(?)-da  'in  accordance  with  thy  word;'  me 
=  qulu  'utterance',  Br.  10370.  LI  means  ergitu  'earth,'  Br.  1104; 
perhaps  this  is  correct  here  in  connection  with  the  verb-root 
tar-kud  =  ddnu  'judge,'  Br.  364.  The  prefix  ga  although  pre- 
cative  properly,  I  render  here  as  'shall,'  expressive  of  the  singer's 
hope  and  thus  also  in  the  following  lines. 

Line  19.  su-gir  I  render  as  'highlands';  see  Br.  233  =Elam- 
tu  =  ma  =  mdtu  'land',  Prince,  228.  This  combination  seems 
to  be  in  genitive  apposition  to  the  following  LI  =  err-itu  (see 
just  above  on  line  18). 

Line  20.  me-a  here  is  perhaps  the  cognate  accusative  of 
gu  (KA)  and  means  'they  cry  a  crying' =  * they  cry  lustily 
for  it1 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz.  99 

Line  21.  sufai  (PAD)  =  Jmrmatu  'food,7  Br.  9929.  In  nu- 
ku-a-mu,  ku  =  akalu  'eat,'  Br.  882,  passim.  I  supply  this  muti- 
lated line  from  kindred  passages.  Note  also  below  line  30. 

Line  22.  Note  the  parallelism  here  with  line  21.  nag  =  $atu 
'drink,'  Prince  251. 

Line  23.  Jd-el  =  ardatu  'maid-servant.'  For  full  discussion, 
see  Prince  204.  In  §ag-ga-mu,  sag  =  damqu,  Br.  7291  +  the 
relative  suffix  -mut  in  this  case  probably  not  the  -mu  of  the 
first  person,  but  the  indeterminative  relative  possessive  -mu 
discussed  Prince,  p.  XXI. 

Line  25.  as  =  arratu  'curse,'  see  Prince,  41.  xub  (RU)  =  ma- 
qdtu  'overwhelm,'  Br.  1432.  Literally:  'the  land  he  over- 
whelmeth  (with)  a  curse.'  I  render  it  passively  "is  destroyed" 
here,  because  the  curse  is  negative  on  the  part  of  Taramuz, 
consisting  in  his  absence. 

Reverse. 

Line  27.  The  first  sign  here  must  be  gir  =  emuqu  'power' 
fully  discussed,  Prince,  149.  (gir)  kur-ra  seems  to  me  to  be 
an  epithet  of  the  god.  i-de  I  take  as  prepositional;  cf.  Br.  4005: 
maxar;  here  =  'before'  or  'in  comparison  with.'  ugun  (DAR) 
=  the  abstract  prefix  u-+gun  =  biltu  'gift,  tribute/  See  Prince, 
341.  In  the  last  part  of  the  line  pap  must  be  =  nakdru]  here 
«='vie  with,'  Br.  1143. 

Line  28.  xu-tu-ul  xu-tu-id-e  by  repetition  means  'to  over- 
come disease  thoroughly.'  Note  xutul  =  xatu  $a  murci,  Br.  2056: 
'overcome  disease.'  Here  Tammuz  is  the  life  giving  Word,  a 
conception  which  has  many  parallels  in  early  Semitic  literature 
and  which  culminated  in  the  Word  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John. 

Line  29.  I  must  regard  -da  here  as  a  verb  =  nasu  'lift  up;' 
see  Br.  6654  =  Saqft  'be  lofty.' 

Lines  30 — 33  inch  are  parallel  with  lines  21 — 24  incl.  above. 

Line  34.  The  suffix  -zu-ne  ought  to  mean  "your  people" 
(mulu  =  niSti,  Br.  1339).  See  Prince,  p.  XXIII  §  10  on  -zu-ne 
which  can  sometimes  but  incorrectly  mean  'their.'  xa-lam-ma 
must  signify  'destroy';  see  Br.  11850:  xa-lam  =  xulluqii  'destroy.' 

Line  35.     The  god  ab-u  =  Ninib,  Br.  3836. 

Line  36.  i-de==naplu8u  'look,  aspect/  Br. 4010.  lar=namdru 
'shine  forth,'  Br.  1775.  i-de-bar  is  a  combination  which  means 
'aspect'  in  this  connection.  Sag  =  damqu  'gracious,'  Br.  7291. 
nam-ba-e-'bi-'bi]  the  prefix  nam  is  not  necessarily  negative;  cf. 


100  D.  Prince,  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz. 

Prince,  p.  XXIX  §  34:   it  merely  serves  here  to  strengthen 
the  ordinary  fca-prefix.     bi-bi  =  qibu  'speak',  Prince,  57. 

Line  37.  sar  =  nipxu  'rising,'  as  of  the  sun  or  a  planet, 
DW  474.  sar-bar  is  a  synonym  or  a  parallel  of  i-de-bar  of 
the  preceding  line.  I  render  the  precative  force  of  xu-  in 
xu-ub-nani-bar-ri  as  'verily  she  shineth  forth;'  note  that  bar 
=  namdru  'shine  forth/  Br.  1775.  pitu  'open  out,'  Br.  179L 

Line  38.  (lei)  really  =  'place;'  here  probably  =  'where,  wher- 
ever.' dm-dirig  =  'fullness,'  with  abstract  prefix  dm  +  dirig  'be 
full/  Prince,  81.  I  render  ur-  here  as  bultu  'procreative 
power,'  Br.  11258  +  the  3  p.  suffix  -ba.  The  sign  after  BA 
is  probably  lig  or  kala,  as  it  seems  to  be  pronounced  in  this 
hymn  (note  above  line  16  LIG  -a  =  kala-a).  hala(?)  +  alam 
must  mean  'mighty  of  aspect.' 

Line  39.  mu-lu-mal  'she  who'  (relative  mulii)  +  nial  =  saJcdnu 
'establish,  make,'  Br.  5421.  This  must  be  an  epithet  applied 
to  Nina.  PA  can  only  indicate  the  goddess's  sceptre  of  power; 
Br.  5573:  xattu  'sceptre,  staff.'  liab  =  gubu  =  Sumelu  'left 
hand,'  Br.  2684.  I  believe  that  DU  =  gub  is  a  gloss  giving 
the  reading  of  KAB  =  giib(u).  sam-nag-ga;  this  nag  =  elteq 
=  uxulu  'a  cleansing  plant  like  a  soap/  DW.  43;  the  prefix 
gam  =  II  is  the  determinative  for  'plant.7  ~ku  here  must 
=  nadu  'put  in  a  specified  place,'  Br.  10  542. 

Line  40.  In  gi-sa  (DI)-dan-ni,  0t  =  'reed/  Prince,  138;  sa 
(DI)  =  milku  'counsel,  judgment,7  Br.  9531 ;  da  is  probably  the 
infixed  postposition  before  the  suffix  -ni  'her.'  me  =  qdlu 
'speak,'  Br.  10361. 

Line  41.  li-du  appears  in  li-du  an-na  =  elitum  Sa  zamdri 
'high  voice  in  singing.'  It  is  probable  that  LI  was  pronounced 
ngu(b),  a  cognate  of  me  =  qdlu  'speak.'  du  in  li-du  =  M/nu 
'firm,'  Br.  4884.  In  im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-mc,  'unto  him'  is  contained 
in  the  -r-  element. 

It  should  be  noted  that  in  lines  36—41  the  goddess  Nina, 
the  consort  of  Tammuz,  is  represented  as  being  the  revivifying 
power  acting  against  the  destructive  force  of  Ninib.  Nina  is 
thus  associated  with  Tammuz  in  this  hymn  as  a  life-giver  after 
the  winter  solstice.  While  she  and  Tammuz  are  away,  all 
vegetation  ceases. 

Line  41.  er-lim-ma,',  the  second  syllable  is  really  lib,  probably 
pronounced  Urn  in  conjunction  with  the  following  -ma. 


Another   Fragment   of  the  Etana  Myth. — By   MORRIS 
JASTROW  jr. 

I. 

BY  a  fortunate  chance  the  Berkshire  Athenaeum  of  Pitts- 
field  Mass,  has  come  into  possession  of  one  of  the  tablets  of 
Ashurbanapal's  library. !  Like  the  other  specimens  known  to 
exist  in  this  country,2  this  one  also  was  brought  to  this  country 
by  the  Rev.  Dr.  W.  F.  Williams,  who,  being  at  Mosul  while 
Layard  was  conducting  his  excavations  in  the  region,  obtained 
some  tablets  from  native  Arabs.  Three  fragments  are  now 
in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Talcott  Williams  of  Philadelphia  (son 
of  Rev.  Dr.  Williams),  a  fourth  after  passing  through  several 
hands  came  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  George  Harding,  a  Trustee 
of  the  Berkshire  Athenaeum  who  about  two  years  ago  presented 
it  to  the  institution.  My  attention  was  called  to  it  during  a 
visit  to  Pittsfield,  and  I  wish  to  express  my  obligations  to 
Mr.  H.  H.  Ballard,  the  curator  of  the  Athenaeum  who  kindly 
placed  the  very  interesting  specimen  at  my  disposal  for  study 
and  copying.  It  measures  8'/2  x  10  cm.  and  contains  parts 
of  31  lines  on  the  obverse  and  parts  of  24  lines  on  the  reverse 
together  with  a  colophon  showing  parts  of  6  lines.  By  com- 
parison with  similar  colophons,  the  one  on  our  text  can  be 
completed,  adding  about  3  more  lines.  Completing  the  tablet 
in  this  way,  we  are  enabled  to  estimate  the  number  of  lines 
missing  at  the  top  of  the  obverse  at  about  9  lines.  How 
many  lines  are  missing  at  the  bottom  of  the  obverse  and  at 
the  top  of  the  reverse,  it  would,  of  course,  be  difficult  to  say, 

1  Discovered  at  Kouyunjik  by  Layard  (1849).     See  Jastrow,   Did  the 
Babylonian  Temples  have  Libraries  (PAOS.  XXVII,  147  seq.)  and  Bezold's 
Introduction  to  his  Catalogue  of  the  Cuneiform   Tablets  in  the  Kouyunjik 
Collection  etc.  (Vol.  5). 

2  Two  have  been  published  by  me  (1)  "A  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian 
Dibbara   Epic"   (Phil.  1891)  and    (2)   "A   New  Fragment   of   the   Etana 
Legend"  (Beitrdge  zur  Assyriologie,  Bd.  III.  pp.  363-383). 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  II.  8 


102  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

but  from  the  comparison  of  this  fragment  with  the  twelve 
others  known  to  us  and  a  study  of  the  various  editions 
of  the  text  that  they  represent,  the  conclusion  may  be 
reached  that  the  obverse  of  our  fragment  covered  about 
70  lines  and  the  reverse  about  54. l  The  tablet  when  received 
contained  considerable  incrustation.  Thanks  to  careful 
treatment  at  the  Chemical  Department  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania  (for  which  I  am  under  obligations  to  my 
colleague  Prof.  E.  F.  Smith  and  to  his  assistant  Mr. \Yallace) 
and  to  a  thorough  soaking  of  the  tablet  in  water,  many  lines  or 
individual  characters  that  were  at  first  obscured  became  entirely 
legible,  or  sufficiently  so  as  to  enable  me  to  practically  make 
out  all  of  the  tablet  that  has  been  preserved.  Conjectural 
restorations  are  indicated  in  the  transliteration  and  translation 
by  being  placed  within  brackets.  The  clay  of  the  tablet  is 
of  the  reddish  color  that  is  characteristic  of  so  many  of  the 
tablets  of  Ashurbanapal's  collection.  The  characters  are  care- 
fully written  but  often  difficult  to  read  especially  in  the 
crowded  portions.  An  interesting  feature  is  the  small  double 
wedge  frequently  appearing  in  some  of  the  lines,2  indicating  that 
in  the  copy  from  which  our  tablet  was  copied  a  line  ended  at 
the  mark  in  question.  The  bearing  of  this  feature  on  the  inter- 
pretation will  be  shown  further  on.  As  to  the  holes  evidently  in- 
serted into  the  clay  before  the  characters  were  inscribed,  scholars 
still  waver  between  the  supposition  that  they  were  made  to 
protect  the  tablet  from  cracking  in  the  course  of  baking,  or 
as  receptacles  for  wooden  pegs  on  which  the  tablet  rested 
while  the  one  side  was  being  inscribed.  Probably  neither 
supposition  is  correct.  Tablets  can  be  burned  without  air 
holes — witness  the  large  historical  clay  cylinders  and  the 
business  documents— and  the  attempt  to  steady  the  tablet  by 
means  of  pegs  at  the  places  indicated  by  the  holes  would  hardly 
prove  very  effective.  The  holes  are  both  too  close  together 
and  too  irregularly  distributed  to  make  this  supposition  a 
plausible  one.  I  have  sometimes  thought  that  they  were  in- 
serted as  a  kind  of  guide  to  the  scribe  in  copying  his  tablet, 
but  this  thesis  also  encounters  objections. 


*  The  colophon  takes  up  9  lines  and  these  being  more  widely  spaced, 
the  reverse  contains  fewer  lines  than  the  obverse.   See  below  pp.  113—123. 
2  On  the  reverse  11.  3.  12.  16.  17.  19.  20.  21.  22. 


.Vol.  xxx.]     Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  103 

That  the  tablet  belongs  to  the  Etana  myth  follows  from  the 
colophon  and  is  confirmed  by  the  context.  It  is  therefore  a 
curious  chance  that  two  of  the  four  fragments  of  the  royal 
library  that  found  their  way  to  this  country  should  form  parts 
of  one  and  the  same  series. 

II. 

The  fragment  reads  as  follows:1 

Transliteration. 
Obverse 

[about  9  lines  wanting]. 


it-ba-ru  a-[-nd-ku] 
[eru]  pa-yu  i-pu-sam-ma  [a-na  siri  izakkar] 

-  so,  ru-a-u-iu  - 
5.  [lim-ni-ta]*-ma  kab-[ta-ti  nu-u-ri-is]* 

il  [GAL-la]5  $a  Hani  [a-Sak-fat,  ni-kul-ma]* 
al-ka(?)1  ni-zak-pa-am-ma  -- 
ni-it-ma-a  irsitim  -- 

ina  viabar  (il)  SamaS  ku-ra-di  ma-mit  it-[mu-u] 
10.  [*a]  i-ta-a  sa  (il)  Samas  [it-ti-ku] 

(il)  Samas  Um-ni§  ina  ka-at  ma-ld-si  [limabJiis(?)s 

'  Restored  portions  and  conjectural  readings  in  brackets. 

2  A  variant  writing  to  ru-'-u-tu.    Of.  Muss  -  Arnolt,  Assyr.  Dictionary, 
p.  941a  where  it  is  used  of  the  friendship  between  ox  and  horse. 

3  Restored  according  to  rev.  1.  8.   Traces  of  lim  and  ta  are  discernible. 

4  Restoration    likewise    based    on    rev.    line  8    only    that—  since    it    is 
Shamash  who  is  bringing  the  charge  against  the  eagle,  —  rev.  1.  8    reads 
tu-u-ri,  whereas   here  where  the  eagle  and  serpent  are  forming  a  plan, 
we  must  read  nu-u-ri,   corresponding  to  the  verbs  in  11.  7  —  8  which  are 
in  the  first  person  plural. 

&  Traces  discernible.     Cf.  rev.  1.  9. 

6  Restored  according  to  rev.  1.  9  but  nikul  again  instead  of  takul. 

i  The  first  sign  can  hardly  be  anything  else  than  al,  though  Gestin 
(Briinnow  Nr.  5004)  is  possible.  The  second  sign  is  very  puzzling.  I 
have  settled  upon  ka  as  the  most  likely,  though  it  looks  as  though  the 
scribe  had  started  to  write  a  different  sign  —  perhaps  Sun  (Briinnow  Nr.  250). 

s  Compare  for  lines  10—11,  the  parallel  in  the  other  fragment  of  the 
Etana  myth  published  by  me  obv.  1.  13  (Beitrage  zur  Assyr.  Ill,  p.  364), 
where  we  can  now  restore  after  ka-at  the  word  ma-li-?i  and  which  on 
the  other  hand  enables  us  to  restore  the  end  of  11.  10  and  12  of  our 
text.  Note  also  that  in  the  other  fragment  11.  10—11  appear  as  one  line, 

8* 


104  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

$a  i-ta-a  $a  (il)  SamaS  [it-ti-ku] 

li-is-su-Su-ma  ni-ri  --- 

kdk-ku  mur-tap-pi-du  eli-Su  - 
15.  gi3-par-ru  ma-mit  (il)  Samas  lib-bal-ki-tu-$u-ma  [li-bar-ru-su]  l 

iS-tu  ma-mit  [(il)  Sama$]  it-mu-u  irsitim  -- 

iz-zak-pu-nim-ma  sa-da-a  e-lu-[u  ur-Jja  e-te-ku-n] 

umu  I  (kam)  ta-a  Hi  i-na-sa-ru[-u]  2 

alpu  rimu  pu-ri-mu  eru3  i-bar-ram-[ma] 
20.  siru  ik-kal  i-ni-i-u  ik-ka-lu  mare  [siri(?)] 

ar-mi  sabite  siru  i-bar-ram-[ma] 

eru  ik-kal  i-ni-i-u  ik-ka-lu  mare  [en(?)] 

sa-ap-pa-ri  di-da-ni  eru  i-bar-ram-[ma] 

siru  ik-kal  i-ni-i-u  ik-ka-lu  mare  [siri(?)] 
25.  ----  kak-ka-ri  siru  i-bar-ram-ma 

[eru  ik-kal  i-ni]-'i-u  ik-ka-lu  mare  [eri(?]} 

[eru  ir-bi  ak-]-kul-li  mare  eri  ir-bu-u  i-si-ti 

[istu  mare  eri]  ir-bu-u  i-bi-ti 

[i$tu  mare  eri]*  li-mut-tu  ik-pu-du-ma 
30.  [eru  lib-ba-]bhi  li-mut-tu 

[ik-pu-ud-ma  a-na  a-ka-li  ad-mi  sa  ruja]5-^u  is-kun 

[number  of  lines  lacking  about  30]. 

Reverse. 

[number  of  lines  lacking  about  30J. 


though  with  the  indication  that  in  the  text  from  which  it  was  copied  there 
were  two  lines  as  in  our  text.  The  word  limut  is  of  course  conjectural 
but  some  such  word  must  have  stood  there. 

1  Parallel   line  in  the   other  fragment    obv.   12    which    suggests    the 
restoration  at  the  close. 

2  Of.  the  phrase  la  na-sir  mamit  Hani  rabuti  ( VR.  8,  67). 

3  So  the  compound  ideograph  Id-Hu  is  to  be  read  and  not  nasru,  as 
is  shown  by  the  phonetic  writing  e-ru-u  in  the  fragment  published  by 
Scheil  (Rec.  des  Travaux,  xxiii,  p.  21 ;  rev.  11.  2  and  4).    This  is  confirmed 
by  [e]-ru-u  in  the  fragment  K.  1547  rev.  20  (Beitrage  zur  Assyr.  ii,  p.  445) 
which  in  turn  corresponds  to  rev.  21a   of  our  fragment  where  the  ideo- 
graphic writing  Id-Hu  occurs. 

4  Restoration  suggested  by  the  other  fragment  obv.  2  which  itself  may 
now  be  restored  as  follows:  istu  mare  eri  [li-mut-tu  ik-pu-du-ma]. 

5  The  restoration  [lib-ba-]su  is  quite  certain.    Traces  of  ba  discernible. 
Cf.  the  other  fragment  obv.  3  where  no  doubt  limuttu  is  to  be  added. 

6  Restored  according  to  the  other  fragment  obv.  5. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  105 

-  [u-mi-]sam-ma  im-ta-na-Jja-[ra  (il)  SamaS] 
[i-na]  su-ut-ta-ti  a-ma-ta-ma  man-nu  i-di-ki  i-sak-na  tuS-Se 

arad-ka 
5.  [ia-]a-8i  eru  bid-lit- an-ni-ma 

[a-na]  u-mi  da-ru-u-tl  zi-kir-kalu-us-te  eS-me 
(il)  SamaS  pa-su  epuS-ma  a-na  eri  i-zak-kar-[$u] 
lim-ni-ta-ma  kctb-ta-ti  tu-u-ri-is 
(il)  GAL-la  so,  ildni  a-sak-ku  ta-kul 
10.  ta-ma-ta-a-ma  la  a-sa-an-ni  ka-ak-ka-friy 

a-lik  a-me-la  sa  a-sap-pa-rak-ka  kat-ka  li-is-[bat] 

(il)  E-ta-na  u-mi-sam-ma  im-ta-alj-Jja-ra  (il)  feamas 

ta-kul  (il)  Samas  ku-bur  su-'-e-a  irsitim2  mithar-ti3  i-da-am 

ae-li-[ia] 

ildni  u-kab-bit  e-dim-ma  ap-kid 
15.  ig-dam-ra  ma8-$ak-ki-ia  (&AL}EN-ME-LI  (mes) 
Jaz-li-ia  ina  tu-ub-bu-ln4  ildni  iy-dam-[ru-] 
be-lum  ina  pi-i-ka  li-sa-am-ma  id-nam-ma  Sam-ma  Za  a-[la-di] 
kul-li-man-ni-ma  sam-ma   Za  a-la-di  bil-ti  u-sulj-ma  su[-ma 

$uk-na-an-ni]b 

(il)  SamaS  pa-su  i-pu-uS-ma  a-na  (il)  E-ta-na  i-zak-[kar-$u] 
20.  a-lik  ur-lia  e-ti-ik  sad-a  a-mur  su-ut-ta-tum  ki-[rib-3a  bi-ri]6 
ina  lib-bi-Sa  na-di  eru  u-kal-lim-ka  $am-[ma  sa  a-la-di] 
a-na  zi-kir  (il)  Samas  ku-ra-di  (il)  E-ta-na  ii-lik  [ur-ha  e-ti-ik 

Sad- a] 

i-mur-ma  su-ut-ta-tum  ki-rib-sa  ib-ri  ina  lib-[bi-Sa  na-di  eru] 7 
ul-la-nu-um-ma  ul-tak-ka-as-[su]s 


1  From   this   line  on  to  the  middle  of  1.  21   we  have  a   duplicate  in 
Harper's   2d   fragment,    Beitrdge  zur  Assyr.,   II,  p.  394  (K.  1547  Rev.). 
Lines  5  to  10  of  this  fragment  may  now  be  restored  according  to  our  text. 

2  The  reading  confirmed  by  ir-si-[ti\  in  Harper's  fragment  1.  9.    Note 
that  line  13  of  our  text  covers  two  lines  in  Harper's  fragment  (11.  8—9). 

3  Briinnow  Nr.  11261  or  perhaps  rapasti  as  Harper  restores  (ib.  p.  392, 
line  10). 

4  Correct  Harper's  reading  accordingly.     Of.  IV  R2  20  Nr.  1,  27  az-lu 
tu-ub-bu-hu. 

5  Restored  according  to  the  duplicate  1.  16. 

6  Restoration  based  on  1.  23. 

7  According  to  1.  21. 

s  See  the  line  before  the  colophon  to  K  2606  rev.— parallel  to  our 
text  [ul-]la-nu-um-ma  us-ta-ka-as-su.  Correct  Harper's  reading  of  the 
line  accordingly.  For  ullanum  in  the  sense  of  "recently  just  now,"  see  e.  g. 
Virolleaud,  I? Astrologie  Chaldeenne,  Sin  Nr.  Ill,  4;  xviii,  29  etc. 


106  M.  Jastroiv,  [1910. 

Colophon. 

25.  eru  pa-su  i-pu-sam-ma  ana  (il)  Samas  leli-hi  [i-zak-kar] 

duppu  II  (kam)  ala  i-si  tum(?) 

ekal  ASur-lan-apal  §ar  [kiSSati  sar  mat  A$ur(kiy\.1 

$a  (il)  Nabu  (il)  Ta$~me-tum  uz-nu  ra-[pa-as-tum  isruku-Zu] 

i-lm-uz-zu  end  na-mir-tum  [ni-sik  dup-sar-ru-ti} 

30.  $a  ina  sarrdni  a-lik  mah-ri-ia  [mimmu  $ip-ru  su-a-tii   la 

i-lm-uz-zu\ 

[ni-me-ki  (il)  Nabu  ti-kip  sa-an-tak-ki  ma-la  ba-as-mu 
ina  duppdni  a$-tur  as-nik  ab-ri-e-ma, 
a-na  ta-mar-ti  si-ta-as-si-ia  Id-rib  ekal-ia  u-kin]. 

Translation. 

[Obverse.] 

1.  [Let  us  form(?)]  friendship  [you  and  I(?)]2 
Verily,  a  friend  I  [to  thee  will  be  (?)] 
[The  eagle  (?)]3  opened  his  mouth  and  [to  the   serpent  (?) 

spoke], 

[An  agreement  (?)]  of  friendship  [let  us  naake(?)], 
5.  The  wicked  and  mighty  (?)  let  us  crush  (?) 4, 

[The  gallu] 5  of  the  gods,  [the  a&akku  let  us  destroy], 

1  Restored   according  to  II  E,  21,  26-34;  33;  38;  IV  R2  55  etc.  etc. 

2  "While  the  restorations   in  this    and   in  the  4th   line   are   of  course 
purely  conjectural,  it  is  evident  that  the  serpent  and  eagle  are  proposing 
to  form  an  alliance. 

3  Room  for  two  signs— hence  the  suggestion  to   read  ID-HU,  though 
of  course  it  is  possible  that  the  serpent  is  addressing  the  eagle. 

4  nu-u-ri-is  (like  tu-u-ri-is  rev.  8)  from  amst«(?),  perhaps  related  to  resu 
(Muss-Arnolt,  Assyr.  Diet,  p.  104b)  like  arasu  to  resu.    One  is  naturally 
inclined   at  first  to  take  limnita   and  kabtati  as   permansives   "evil  and 
wicked  art  thou"  but  there  are  various  obstacles  in  the  way.     One  should 
expect  kabtata  as  in  the  4th  tablet  of  the  Creation  Story  1.  3.    To  denounce 
one  as  "  evil  and  mighty "  would  be  a  strange  combination.     I  prefer  to 
take  both  words  as  descriptive  epithets.    The  force  of  the  ma  which  as 
the  combining  element  outside  of  verbs  is  not  infrequent  in  divination 
texts  (see  e.  g.  IV  R2  34  Nr.  1,  obv.  4)  seems  to  be  that  of  conveying  a 
compound  term  "powerfully  wicked"  or  "wickedly  powerful." 

5  The  addition  of  la  to  Nun  points  to  the  reading  gallu  and  I  have 
no   hesitation   in    identifying   this   with   the   well-known    designation  of 
a  particular    demon,    for    which,   to   be  sure,    the    ordinary    ideographic 
designation   is    Te-Lal  (Briinnow  Nr.  7732)    but    which    is    also    written 
phonetically  gal-lu-u  and  gal-lu.    See  Muss-Arnolt,  Assyr.  Diet.,  p.  217a. 
The  juxtaposition  with   the  demon  aSalcku  leaves  no  doubt   as   to    the 
identification. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  107 

—  let  us  set  up 

Let  us  lay  a  ban  on  the  earth 

In  the  presence  of  Shamash,  the  warrior,  the  ban  they  laid. 
10.  Whoever  [transgresses]  the  bounds  of  Shamash, 

May  Shamash  grievously  through  the  destroyer1  [cut  off]! 

Whoever  [transgresses]  the  bounds  of  Shamash, 

May  he  remove  him  and  - 

May  the  overpowering  weapon  [fall]  on  him  —  - 
15.  May  the  sling,  the  ban  of  Shamash  hit  him  [and  catch  him]! 

When  they  had  laid  the  ban  [of  Shamash]  on  the  earth 

They  set  up,  they  ascended  the  mountain  [they  took  the 
road(?)]. 

For  one  day  they  kept  the  charm2  of  the  god. 

An  ox,  a  wild  ox,  a  wild  ass,  the  eagle  caught, 
20.  The  serpent  ate, 3  drew  back,  the  young  [of  the  serpent  (?)]  ate. 

A  mountain  goat,  gazelles,  the  serpent  caught, 

The  eagle  ate,  drew  back,  the  young  [of  the  eagle  (?)]  ate. 

A  wild  mountain  gazelle,4  a  didanu,b  the  eagle  caught, 

The  serpent  ate,  drew  back,  the  young  [of  the  serpent  (?)] 

ate. 
25.  -  -  of  the  ground6  the  serpent  caught, 

[The  eagle  ate,  drew  back],  the  young  [of  the  eagle  (?)]  ate. 


1  -For  mahisu  in  the   sense  here  taken  it  is   sufficient  to  refer  to  the 
passage  in  the  hymn  to  Shamash  ZA.  IV,  p.  31,  col.  Ill,  29  where  the  word 
appears  in  juxtaposition  with  mu-tir-ru  buli  "destroyer  of  cattle." 

2  Instead  of  ta-a  one  is  tempted   in  view  of  the  preceding   lines  to 
read  i-ta-a,  the  accidental  omission  of  the  i  being  due  to  its  resemblance 
to  the  preceding  kam.    However,    tu  as  a  synonym   of  mamitu   is   no 
doubt  correct. 

3  The  reading  ik-rib  "drew  near"  is  of  course  possible  here  and  in  the 
succeeding  lines,  but  in  view  of  ik-ka-lu,  the  preference  is  to  be  given  to 
ik-kal,  just  as   in  the  Deluge  myth  (Gilgames  XI,  ]55)  ik-kal  i-sa-ah-hi 
"ate  and  went  away"  which  is  a  partial  parallel  to  our  passage.    Of.  Muss- 
Aruolt,  Assyr.  Diet.,  p.  34b.    Whether  at  the  end  of  the  line  we  are  to 
restore  eru  or  siru  is  also  open  to  question,   though  the  general  sense  is 
not  affected  whichever  reading  we  adopt. 

4  Of.  II  B,  6,  6d.     Our  passage  fixes  the  correct  reading  of  the  term 
with  an  s  and  not  sap-pa-ru  as  has  been  hitherto  assumed.    Delitzsch  in  his 
Assyrische  Tiernamen,  p.  48  read  correctly  sapparu,  but  his  comparison 
of  a  very  doubtful  Arabic  term  .-ft-Co  "young  gazelle"  is  not  acceptable. 

*  Or  di-ta-nu  as  II  B,  6,  7d. 

6  It  is  tempting  to  restore  sah  kakkari  in  view  of  II  E,  24  Nr.  1  rev. 
19,  but  the  traces  do  not  favor  this. 


108  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

[When  the  eagle  stirred  up]  tribulation  (?y  the  young  of  the 

eagle  raised  an  uproar.2 

[When  the  young  of  the  eagle]  raised  an  uproar, 
[When  the  young  of  the  eagle]  planned  evil, 
30.  [The  eagle  directed  his  heart]  in  evil  design. 
[To  eat  the  young  of  his  friend]  he  determined.3 


[Reverse.] 

[the  eagle]  daily  faced  Shamash. 

[In]  the  hole  I  will  die  and  he  who  stirred  up,  should  settle 

the  strife4  of  thy  servant. 
5.  Me  the  eagle  let  me  live  and 
Eternally,  I  will  glorify  thy  name. 
Shamash  opened  his  mouth  and  spoke  to  the  eagle. 
The  wicked  and  mighty  one  didst  thou  carry  off. 
The  powerful  one  of  the  gods,  the  asakku  didst  thou  con- 
sume. 

10.  Therefore  thou  shouldst  die5  and  to  the  unseen (?)6  land 
Go!    The  man  whom  I  shall  send  to  thee  may   he    seize 

hold  of  thee. 7 
Etana  daily  faced  Shamash,  8 

«  The  reading  ak-kul-li  is  suggested  by  the  following  isitu. 

2  Cf.  e-si-ti  mdti  (I  K,  40  col.  IV,  36)  by  the  side  of  esitu  and  i-sit-tu 
(see  Jastrow,  Religion  Babyl.  u.  Assyr.,  I,  p.  480  note  12  and  II,  p.  54 
note  7).     The  general    sense    is    "uproar."     "Geschrei"    as   I    rendered   it 

11,  p.  54,  is  perhaps  better  than  "Vernichtung"  (I,  p.  480),  though  destruction 
is  also  involved. 

3  While  the  restorations   in   these   lines  are  again  purely  conjectural, 
the  general  context  has,  I  think,  been  correctly  caught  with  the  help  of 
the  fragment  above  (p.  103,  note  8)  referred  to. 

4  For  tu§-se  in  connection  with  diku  see  the  Hammurabi  Code  col.  VIII, 
2  tu-u$-sa-am-ma  id-ki.    The  contrast  to  diku  would  naturally  be  sakanu. 

s  The  emphatic   form   ta-ma-ta-a-ma  conveys  the   force  of  deserving 
death;  it  is  a  threat  rather  than  a  mere  assertion. 

6  asannu  is  a  new  word  and  evidently  a  description  of  the  dwelling- 
place  of  the  dead.     One  is  reminded  of  the  a-§ar  la  a-ri  "unseen  place" 
in  the  incantation  IV  R2  16,  47a  which,  as  1.  51  a-£ar  la  a-si-e  shows, 
refers  to  the  nether  world. 

7  Evidently  in  the  sense   of  furnishing  assistance,  as  in  the  passages 
quoted  by  Muss-Arnolt,  Assyr.  Diet.,  p.  861a. 

8  The  phrase  implies  an  appeal  to   the  god  (as  above  1.  3)— making 
the  direct  statement  that  Etana  opened  his  mouth  etc.  superfluous. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  109 

Thou  hast  consumed,  o  Shamash,  the  strength  (?)  of  my  sheep, 

in  the  whole  earth  the  young  (?)  of  my  lambs.1 
The  gods  I  have  honored,  the  shades,  I  have  regarded, 
15.  The  priestesses2  have  put  an  end3  to  my  offerings.4 

My    lambs    through    slaughter5    the    gods    have    put    an 

end  to. 
0  lord!    By  thy  command  may  some  one  go  out  and  give 

me  the  plant  of  birth! 
Show  me  the  plant  of  birth,  tear  out  the  fruit G  and  [grant 

me]  an  offspring! 

Shamash  opened  his  mouth  and  spoke  to  Etana. 
20.  Take  the  road,  pass  to  the  mountain,  seek  out  the  hole, 

[look]  within  it. 
Wherein  the  eagle  has  been  thrown,  I  will  show  thee  the 

plant  [of  birth]. 


1  A  difficult  line.    The  parallelism  with  az-li-ia  leaves  no  doubt  as  to 
the   force  of  su-'e-a.    In  the  Gilgames  epic,  ku-bur  (VI,  123,   147,  188) 
written  as  in   our  passage,  occurs   in   connection  with  the   "horns"    and 
"tail"  of  the  divine  bull,  and  the  general  sense  of  "strength"  fits  the  con- 
text.    The  "strength  of  my  sheep"   would  be  equivalent  to  "my  strong 
sheep."    As  a  parallel  to  this,  I  am  inclined  to    take  i-da-am  az-li-ia, 
connecting  the  former  with   admu  "offspring".     Naturally,  this  is  merely 
offered  as  a  suggestion.      To  take  idam  as  a  verbal  form  from  da'amu 
"dark"  gives  no  good  sense.     Shamash  being  addressed  could  not  be  the 
subject,  as  little  as  irsitum  which  is   feminine.     If  my  interpretation  is 
correct,  idam  as  a  parallel  to  kubur  would  have  more  specifically  the  force 
of  "vigorous."     Is  this  perhaps  the  underlying  sense  of  the  stem  addmu 
from  which  we  get  admu  in  Assyrian  "young,  vigorous"  and  DIN  in  Hebrew, 
— parallel  to  vir  "the  strong  one"  as  the  designation  of  "man" — by  the 
side  of  the  other  word   for  man  among    the   Semites  Bh3X    ^^°1    e^c* 
=  Assyrian  ensu,  nise,  teniseti  etc.  as  the  "weak"  one? 

2  Our  text  shows    that  "priestesses"    are    introduced — not   priests    as 
Harper  assumed — hence  the  feminine  plural  igdamra.    The  syllabary  V  R 
13  rev.  49  is,  accordingly,  to  be  restored  [Sal  En-]-Me-Li  =»  &a-il-tu.     In 
the  text  IV  R  60*  B  obv.  7  we  have  the  masculine  equivalent  with  ma&saku 
as  in  our  case.    See  Jastrow,  A  Babylonian  Parallel  to  the  Story  of  Job 
(Journal  of  Bibl.  Literature,  XXV,  p.  159  notes  84—85). 

3  igdamra  I  take  in  the  sense  of  "destroy"  as  implying  the  rejection 
of  the  offerings.     IV  R  60*  C  rev.  99  sahatu   "  destroy "  is  employed  in 
the  same  way. 

4  mas-sak-ki-ia.     Cf.  Jastrow  ib.  note  85. 

5  Not  as  a  sacrifice  but  as  an  actual  destruction. 

6  biltu  I  take  as  a  reference   to   the  tearing  out  of  the  plant — not  to 
the  birth  of  a  child  as  Harper  assumed. 


110  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

On  the  order  of  Shamash  the  warrior  Etana  took  [the  road 

passed  to  the  mountain], 
Sought  out  the  hole,  looked  within  it,  [wherein  the  eagle 

was  cast], 
(Where)  recently  he  had  been  left  to  perish.1 

Colophon. 

25.  The  eagle  opened  his  mouth  and  to  Shamash  his  lord  [spoke]. 

2nd  tablet  of  the  series  ala  i-si  tum(?) 

Palace    of  Asurbanapal,    king    [of   the    universe,    king    of 

Assyria], 

Whom  Nebo  and  Tasmit  [have  granted  wide]  understanding, 

Endowed  with  clear  vision  [for  the  glorious  art  of  writing] 2, 

30.  Whereas  among   the  kings  before  me  [none  had  acquired 

that  art]. 

[The  wisdom  of  Nebo,  the  grouping  (?) 3  of  all  extant  col- 
lections (?)45 

On  tablets  I  wrote,  compiled  and  revised,  to  be  seen  and 
to  be  read  in  my  palace  I  placed.5] 


1  II,  1  from  sakasu. 

2  nisik  dupsarruti  is   to  be  taken   as   a  compound  term  "writing-art" 
and  to   be    connected   directly  with  the  preceding  ena  namirtum.    The 
latter  phrase  might  be  rendered  "  clear  insight."    To  separate  nisik  dup- 
sarruti from  what  precedes  as  Myhrman  does  (ZA,  XVI,  p.  167),  following 
Delitzsch,  Assyr.  Worterbuch,  p.  293,  is  to  lose  the  force  of  the  whole  line. 

3  ti-kip—tor  which  Delitzsch's    explanation  (Assyr.   Thiernamen,  p.  8), 
connecting  it  with  talmudic  *pn  "join"  still   seems  to  be  the  most  satis- 
factory.    Of.  also  II  R  49,  Nr.  1  obv.  13  and  III  R  57,  Nr.  6,  52  seven 
ti-ik-pi  stars  =  seven  "joined"  stars. 

4  santakku  is  certainly  to  be  derived  from  sataku  with  inserted  n,  as 
the  variant  sa-tak-ki  (V  R  51,   col  IV,  55)   shows.     My    suggestion    for 
santakku  is  based  on  the  circumstance  that  the  ideograph  for  the  word 
is  the  sign  Tis  (Meissner,  Nr.  7563)  in  S.  A.  Smith,  Keilschrifttexte  Asur- 
banipals,  I,  p.  112,  15  =  V  R  13  and  elsewhere  (see  Muss-Arnolt,  Assyr. 
Diet.,  p.  787b)  in  the  phrase  sabe  santakkika  =  "thy  collected  troops." 

5  It  is  of  course  possible  that  the  colophon  contained  several  additional 
lines  like  IV  R2  56  and  V  R  51.    A  collection  of  all  the  various  colophons 
and  a  careful  renewed  study  of  them  is  much  to  be  desired,  as  a  supple- 
ment to  Delitzsch's  discussion  in  his  Assyrische  Thiernamen,  pp.  6—11  and 
in  the  Assyr.   Worterbuch,  pp.  293—294.     Such  a  study  would  show  that 
the   various    classes    of  texts   had   distinctive   colophons.     See   Jastrow, 
Reliffion   Babyloniens  und  Assyriens,    II,   p.  226   note   1    for   the   form 
characteristic  of  divination  texts. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  Ill 

III. 

The  general  character  of  the  contents  of  the  fragment  is 
clear.  The  obverse  evidently  opens  with  a  scene  between  the 
serpent  and  the  eagle,  in  the  course  of  which  the  two  agree 
to  form  a  friendship  in  order  to  carry  out  some  plan  of  attack 
together.  That  plan  involves  the  capture  and  destruction  of 
demons  and,  apparently  also,  of  placing  the  entire  earth  under 
a  ban.  The  serpent  and  eagle  swear  a  powerful  and  binding 
oath  in  the  name  of  Shamash  who  is  here  viewed  in  his 
usual  role  of  judge  and  punisher  of  those  who  do  wrong. 

The  next  scene  leads  us  to  the  mountain  whither  the 
serpent  and  eagle  have  gone.  During  the  one  day  that  they 
kept  the  agreement,  they  succeeded  in  capturing  a  number  of 
animals  and  sharing  them  together.  Then  the  catastrophe 
occurs.  Prompted  apparently  by  a  suspicion  of  the  serpent's 
fidelity,  the  eagle  plans  an  attack  upon  the  young  of  the 
serpent.  At  this  point,  unfortunately,  the  obverse  of  the  frag- 
ment breaks  off,  and  when  the  thread  of  the  narrative  is  again 
taken  up  on  the  reverse,  we  find  the  eagle  thrown  into  a  hole 
and  in  a  state  of  utter  despair  appealing  to  Shamash  to  help 
him  out  of  his  predicament.  The  sun-god  reproaches  him  for 
what  he  has  done,  but  acceding  to  the  eagle's  prayer  to  let 
lii m  live,  declares  that  he  will  send  a  man  to  his  assistance. 
The  third  scene  introduces  us  to  the  man  who  is  none  other 
than  Etana.  He  is  a  shepherd1  whose  flocks  have  evidently 
suffered  through  the  ban  that  has  been  laid  upon  the  earth. 
They  have  failed  to  bring  forth  young  and  Etana,  accordingly, 
appeals  to  Shamash  to  show  him  the  plant  of  birth.  Shamash  in 
reply  tells  Etana  to  go  to  the  mountain  to  the  hole  wherein 
the  eagle  has  been  thrown  and  there  he  will  see  the  plant  of 
birth.  The  fourth  scene  takes  us  back  to  the  mountain  but 
with  the  meeting  of  Etana  and  the  eagle,  our  tablet — the 
second  of  the  series — closes, 


1  See  K  2606  obv.  6  ri-e-um-Si-na  (Harper,  Beitrage  zur  Assyr.,  II, 
p.  399).  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  on  cylinders  representing  Etana's 
flight,  a  shepherd  with  his  flocks  is  pictured  as  looking  at  the  eagle 
bearing  Etana  aloft.  According  to  Dr.  "W.  H.  Ward's  plausible  explanation, 
the  accompaniments  to  a  scene  on  a  cylinder  stand  in  a  direct  connection 
with  the  main  representation,  symbolizing  other  episodes  that  belong  to 
it.  In  this  case,  therefore,  the  shepherd  would  be  Etana  feeding  his  flocks. 


112  M.  Jastrow,  [191  o. 

In  order  now  to  understand  the  purport  of  these  four 
scenes  it  is  necessary  to  pass  to  a  consideration  of  the  other 
fragments  of  this  myth  that  are  known  to  us.  It  is  the  merit 
of  Dr.  E.  J.  Harper l  to  have  added  to  the  three  fragments 
dealing  with  a  story  of  the  eagle,  serpent  and  Etana  found 
by  George  Smith2  among  the  tablets  of  Ashurbanapal's  library, 
seven  others  in  one  way  or  the  other  connected  with  the  two. 
An  eleventh  fragment— also  from  this  library  was  published  by 
me  as  indicated  above3  and  a  twelfth — in  the  older  Babylonian 
script — by  Scheil.4 

Harper  divided  his  ten  fragments  into  three  groups  as 
follows: — (1)  containing  a  story  of  the  serpent  and  the  eagle 
together  with  what  he  calls —erroneously  however— a  prayer  of 
Etana  for  his  son,5  (2)  the  story  of  Etana's  ride  on  the  back  of 
the  eagle,  (3)  an  assembly  of  the  gods.  In  my  publication  of  the 
llth  fragment,  I  suggested6  a  somewhat  different  order  but 
Jensen's  discussion  of  the  fragments7  together  with  the  study 
of  the  13th  fragment,  herewith  published,  has  led  me  to  a 
modification  of  my  views.  The  new  fragment  shows  that 
Jensen  was  right  in  his^  suggestion  that  the  llth  fragment 
though  ending  with  the  consignment  of  the  eagle  to  a  hole  in 
which  he  is  to  die  does  not  necessarily  involve  the  death  of 
the  eagle.  My  contention,  therefore,  that  the  episode  of  the 
eagle  with  Etana  must  be  placed  before  the  discomfiture  of 
the  eagle  was  erroneous.  I  now  accept  Harper's  view  which 
is  adopted  by  Jensen  that  the  story  of  the  serpent  and  the 
eagle  comes  before  that  of  the  eagle  and  Etana.  There  is 
now  also  no  reason  for  questioning8  the  connection  of  K  8578 
with  Rm  79,  7—8,  43  as  proposed  by  Harper,  but  on  the  other 
hand  the  new  fragment  while  confirming  my  suggestion  that 
the  first  line  of  K  8578  obv.  is  to  be  completed  in  accord- 
ance with  the  colophon  to  K  2606  rev.,  raises  the  question 
whether  K  8578  represents  the  4th  tablet  of  the  series? 

1  Die  Babylonischen  Legenden  von  Etana,  Zu,  Adapa  und  Dibbarra 
(Beitrdge  zur  Assyr.,  II,  pp.  391—408). 

2  Chaldaean  Genesis  (5th  ed.),  pp.  138—144.      3  See  above  p.  101,  note  2. 

4  Recueil  des  Travaux,  xxiii,  pp.  18—23. 

5  It  is  an  appeal  of  Etana  to  the  sun-god. 

6  Beitrdge  zur  Assyr.,  Ill,  p.  371. 

7  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek,  VI,  1,  p.  100  note  2. 

8  As  was  done  by  me  in  Beitrdge  zur  Assyr ,  II,  p.  370.    See  Jensen's 
strictures  KB,  VI,  1,  p.  102. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  113 

Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the  fact  *  that  the  colo- 
phon of  our  fragment  contains  as  the  opening  line  of  the 
following  tablet  the  same  words  as  in  the  colophon  to  K  2606 
rev.  Moreover,  the  last  line  of  K  2606  rev.  would  appear  to 
be  identical  with  the  last  line  of  our  fragment.  In  the  case 
of  our  fragment,  however,  the  colophon  states  that  this 
tablet  is  the  2nd  of  the  series,  whereas  K  2606  is  entered 
as  the  3rd  tablet  of  the  series.2  It  follows  that  we  have 
here  two  different  editions  of  the  text  and  that  what  covered 
only  two  tablets  in  the  one  copy  covered  three  tablets  in 
the  other.  The  marks  on  the  reverse  of  our  tablet  indicating 
the  ends  of  lines  in  the  copy  from  which  our  fragment  was 
copied  shows,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the  12  fragments  from 
Ashurbanapal's  library  represent  different  copies.  Since  K  2606 
represents  on  the  obverse  the  account  of  the  assembly  of  the 
gods  —Harper's  third  episode — we  would  have  to  assume  in 
order  that  K  2606  rev.  and  our  fragment  should  represent 
duplicates  of  one  another,  that  the  broken  off  portion  of  the 
obv.  and  the  rev.  of  K  2606  contained  considerably  more  than  the 
episodes  which  in  our  fragment  cover  the  obverse  and  reverse. 
A  consideration  of  this  thesis  will  show  that  it  is  improbable. 
The  new  fragment,  as  will  presently  be  shown  belongs  to  a  tablet 
much  longer  than  any  of  the  others  and  to  assume  that  K  2606 
should  represent  part  of  a  tablet  again  twice  as  long  (at  least) 
as  the  new  one  is  certainly  highly  improbable.  Moreover,  if  K 
2606  belongs  to  a  tablet  so  much  larger  than  the  one  of 
which  the  new  fragment  forms  a  part,  we  would  certainly  not 
expect — since  the  tablets  of  any  edition  of  a  series  are  of  the 
same  size— that  what  covered  two  tablets  in  the  edition  of 
which  the  new  fragment  is  a  part  should  require  three  tablets 
in  the  other  edition  but  rather  the  reverse.  A  simpler  solution 
will  be  suggested  in  the  course  of  this  discussion. 

IV. 

The  analysis  given  of  the  new  fragment  shows  that  it 
belongs  to  Harper's  first  group.  The  next  point  to  be  made 
clear  is  its  relationship  to  the  other  fragments  of  this  group. 

1  See  above  p.  105,  note  8. 

2  A  renewed  examination  of  the  fragment  kindly  made  by  Mr.  L,  W. 
King  confirms  Harper's  reading  (3  wedges). 


114  If.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

Taking  up  K  1547  first,  we  note  that  the  reverse  is  a 
duplicate  of  the  reverse  of  the  new  fragment  which  we  will 
designate  hereafter  as  the  13th, — 11.  5 — 20  of  the  former 
=  11.  10— 20a  of  the  latter,  i.e.  16  lines  against  11 1/2  lines, 
indicating  that  we  have  two  different  copies  before  us.  The 
indications  in  11.  16,  17,  18  and  19  of  the  ends  of  lines  in 
the  text  from  which  the  13th  fragment  was  copied  show 
that  the  scribe  had  an  original  before  him  in  which  the  lines 
agreed  with  the  length  of  those  in  K  1547.  The  obverse  of 
the  latter  shows  no  points  of  agreement  with  the  obverse  of 
the  new  fragment  but  corresponds  with  the  rev.  of  K  2527, — 
11.  23—42  of  K  2527  =  11.  1—24  of  obv.  of  K  1547.  Now, 
the  obverse  of  K  1547  begins  with  the  appeal  of  the  serpent 
to  Shamash  for  revenge  upon  the  eagle  who  has  eaten  the 
young  of  the  serpent.  The  lower  edge  of  the  obverse  of  K 
2527  is  preserved  so  that  we  have  on  the  reverse,  as  on  the 
obverse  of  K  1547,  the  continuation  of  the  story — the  advice 
of  the  sun-god  to  the  serpent  to  enter  the  carcass  of  a  wild 
mountain  bull  and  to  pounce  upon  the  eagle  as  he  swoops  down 
to  eat  the  flesh  of  the  carcass.  The  immediate  continuation 
of  this  episode  is  furnished  by  the  reverse  of  the  llth  frag- 
ment. Evidently  the  first  seven  lines  l  correspond  to  K  2527 
rev.  35—42  and  to  K  1547  obv.  17—24.  The  practical  agree- 
ment in  regard  to  lines  (7  as  against  b>)  shows  that  these 
three  fragments  belong  to  tablets  of  about  the  same  size. 

The  strategy  succeeds,  the  eagle  is  caught,  stripped  of  his 
feathers  and  altogether  badly  battered  is  thrown  into  a  hole  and 
there  left  to  die.  This  hole  is  evidently  in  the  mountain,  for  it  is 
to  this  hole  to  which  Etana  is  sent  by  Shamash.  The  two  tablets 
therefore,— K  2527  and  the  llth  fragment— closed  with  this 
episode,  while  the  reverse  of  K 1547  represents  the  continuation. 
The  obverse  of  the  llth  fragment  contains  the  incident  of  the 
treachery  of  the  eagle  and  joins  on  to  the  end  of  the  obverse  of 
the  13th  fragment— 11.  2-5  of  the  1 1  th  fragment  =  11.  29—31 
of  the  13th  fragment,  though  the  lengths  of  the  lines  do  not 
correspond.  The  new  fragment  thus  furnishes  a  piece  of  the 
narrative  that  takes  precedence  to  what  is  contained  on  the 
other  three— namely,  the  alliance  between  the  eagle  and  the 


i  Some  of  my  readings  must  be    corrected  as  Jensen  (K.  B.  VI,  1, 
p.  106  seq.)  very  properly  pointed  out. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myili.  115 

serpent,  and  their  adventures  until  the  point  of  treachery. 
Again,  the  obverse  of  K  2527  represents  the  episode  after  the 
destruction  of  the  young  of  the  serpent  by  the  eagle,  namely 
the  appeal  of  the  serpent  to  Shamash,  but  we  have  no  means 
of  accurately  determining  the  size  of  the  gap  between  where  the 
obverse  of  the  llth  fragment  breaks  off  and  where  the  obverse 
of  K  2527  takes  up  the  thread,  but  it  was  probably  not  large. 
At  the  top  of  the  obverse  of  the  llth  fragment  only  a  few 
lines  are  missing,  for  the  end  of  the  reverse  represents  in  all 
probalities  the  last  line  of  the  tablet,  followed  by  the  colophon. 
Assuming  that  K2527  and  the  llth  fragment  represent  parallel 
texts,  both  must  have  begun  at  the  point  represented  by  1.  27  of 
the  obverse  of  the  13th  fragment,  which  marks  a  new  phase  in 
the  narrative  —the  beginning  of  the  treachery.  We  thus  obtain 
for  these  two  tablets  (a)  obverse  =  20  lines  of  the  llth  frag- 
ment plus  20  lines  of  K  2527  =  40,  to  which  we  may  add  as 
a  maximum  a  gap  of  say  10  lines  =  50  lines  and  (b)  reverse 
=  21  lines  of  K  2527  plus  17  additional  lines  of  the  llth 
fragment  =  38  lines  which  with  3  or  4  lines  of  the  colophon 
would  bring  the  total  to  about  42  lines.  The  break  of  circa 
30  lines  at  the  end  of  the  obverse  of  the  llth  fragment  and 
the  beginning  of  the  reverse  (20  of  which  are  filled  up  by  the 
obverse  of  K  2527)  must  of  course  be  distributed  between 
the  two  sides.  We  thus  obtain  for  the  total  length  of  each 
of  the  two  fragments  between  90  and  100  lines,  both  covering 
the  following  episodes:  (1)  treachery  of  the  eagle  and  destruction 
of  the  young  of  the  serpent,  (2)  appeal  of  the  serpent  to 
Shainash,  (3)  advice  of  Shamash,  and  (4)  success  of  the  strategy 
and  the  discomfiture  of  the  eagle.  The  new  fragment  covers 
this  entire  field  and,  in  addition,  starts  at  a  point  further 
back — the  story  of  the  alliance  and  of  the  adventures  of  the 
eagle  and  serpent  in  the  mountain.  It  also  continues  the 
story  after  the  discomfiture  of  the  eagle,  furnishing  three  new 
episodes:  (1)  the  appeal  of  the  eagle  to  Shamash  for  rescue, 
(2)  the  appeal  of  Etana  for  the  plant  of  birth,  (3)  the  coming 
of  Etana  to  the  place  of  the  eagle  in  the  mountain.  The 
length  of  this  tablet  must  therefore  have  been  considerably 
greater,  namely,  27  lines  till  the  obverse  of  the  llth  fragment 
plus  90  to  100  lines,  and  since  at  the  top  of  the  obverse  only 
a  few  lines  are  missing,— inasmuch  as  we  have  the  close  of 
the  reverse  preserved — we  may  estimate  the  length  of  the 


116  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

tablet  to  which  the  13th  fragment  belongs  at  about  130  lines 
— perhaps  only  124  lines  divided  between  the  two  sides. 
The  episode  of  the  alliance  and  of  the  adventures  of  the  eagle 
and  serpent  with  which  the  obverse  of  the  13th  fragment  begins 
— say  from  33  to  a  maximum  of  36  lines — not  being  sufficient 
to  cover  an  entire  tablet,  we  are  justified  in  assuming  that 
in  the  editions  to  which  K  2527  and  the  llth  fragment  be- 
longed, the  tablet  that  preceded  began  at  a  point  further  back 
than  the  account  of  the  alliance  and  the  adventures,  which 
could  have  been  narrated  on  the  reverse.  In  other  words 
the  relation  of  the  edition  of  K  2527  and  the  llth  fragment, 
which  we  may  call  edition  A,  to  the  edition  of  the  13th  frag- 
ment, which  we  may  call  B,  is  about  the  same  as  the  edition 
of  K  1547 — the  obverse  of  which  =  reverse  of  K  2527,  and 
which  we  may  call  C,  is  to  A;  i.  e. 

(a)  obverse  of  A  in  tablet  no   x   of  the    series  =  rev.  of 
B,  and 

(b)  obverse  of  C  in  tablet  no  x  of  the   series  =  rev.  of  the 
preceding  tablet  in  A, 

which  means  that  the  tablets  of  edition  B  contain  much 
more  than  edition  A,  and  the  tablets  of  edition  C  much 
less  than  A.  "What  therefore  would  be  the  2nd  tablet  in 
B  would  be  the  3rd  tablet  in  A,  while  a  part  of  it  in  C 
would  even  run  over  into  the  4th  tablet.  The  point  is  of 
importance  for  the  relationship  of  the  two  remaining  joined 
fragments  of  Harper's  first  group  K  8578  and  Rm  79,  7 — 8,  43. 
Before  taking  these  up,  attention  must  be  called  to  the 
relationship  of  K  1547  to  the  13th  fragment.  Just  as  K  2527  and 
the  llth  fragment  end  with  the  same  episode— the  discomfiture  of 
the  eagle, — so  K 1547  and  the  13th  fragment  end  with  the  coming 
of  Etana  to  the  eagle,  but  while  the  first  pair  represent  parallel 
texts,  this  is  not  the  case  with  the  latter  pair,  for  the  obverse  of 
the  13th  fragment  begins  at  a  point  considerably  further  back 
than  the  obverse  of  K  1547  which  (so  far  as  preserved)  starts 
with  the  advice  of  Shamash  to  the  serpent.  Since  at  the  most 
six  lines  on  the  bottom  of  the  reverse  are  missing  to  bring  it 
to  the  point  where  the  13th  fragment  closes,  there  are  (making 
allowance  for  a  colophon  on  the  reverse)  at  the  most  10  lines 
missing  at  the  top  of  the  reverse.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  counting 
8  lines  back  on  K  2527,  line  22  (=  top  of  obverse  of  K  1547) 
would  bring  us  to  the  beginning  of  Shamash's  answer  to  the 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  117 

appeal  of  the  serpent  and  with  which  K  1547  in  all  probabilities 
began.    The  total  length  of  K  1547  would  thus  be  8  +  24+17 
(additional  lines  on  the  llth  fragment)  up  to  the  discomfiture 
of  the  eagle  =  49  lines.     Then  the  24  lines  of  the  reverse  of 
the  13th  fragment  plus  a  few  lines  missing  at  the  top  would 
make  the  total  length  of  this  table  about  80  lines.    The  three 
editions  would  thus  be  made  up  of  tablets  as  follows: 
Edition  A  ==  Tablets  of  90  to  100  lines 
Edition  B  =  Tablets  of  124  to  130  lines 
Edition   C  =  Tablets  of  about  80  lines. 

The  calculation  is  naturally  only  approximate  for  the  length 
of  the  lines  differs  somewhat  also  in  the  three  editions  but  it 
is  close  enough  for  our  purposes.  The  result  reached  above 
is  thus  confirmed  that  what  corresponds  to  the  2nd  tablet  of 
the  series  in  B  would  reach  into  the  3rd  tablet  in  A  and 
perhaps  into  the  4th  tablet  in  0. 

Coming  now  to  the  two  joined  fragments,  they  evidently  con- 
tained the  second  address  of  the  eagle  to  the  sun-god  pro- 
mising to  do  all  that  was  asked  of  him,1  and  the  dialogue 
that  ensued  between  the  eagle  and  Etana  upon  the  coming  of 
Etana  to  the  hole  wherein  the  eagle  lay.  Etana  asks  the  eagle 
to  show  him  the  plant  of  birth2  but  here,  unfortunately,  the 
fragment  breaks  off.  The  colophon  to  the  13th  fragment, 
however,  shows  that  the  3rd  tablet  of  edition  B  began  with 
an  address  of  the  eagle  to  Shamash  and  since  K  8578  etc. 
begins  with  eru  pi-i-8u,  Jensen  accepts  my  suggestion,  made 
at  the  time  of  the  publication  of  the  llth  fragment,  that  this 
line  is  to  be  restored  according  to  the  colophon  of  K  2606 
which  tallies  with  that  of  the '13th  fragment.  Through  the 
contents  of  this  fragment  the  conjecture  is  strengthened,  if  not 
indeed  definitely  confirmed,  since,  as  we  have  seen  it  contains  an 
episode  to  which  K  8578  etc.  naturally  joins  on.  We  may  there- 
fore with  perfect  safety  assume  that  K  8578  represents  either 

1  11.  5—6  "whatever   he    will   say  to  me  [I  will   do],   whatever  I  will 
say  to  him  [let  him  do].     See  Jensen  KB  VI,  1,  p.  110.    The  reference 
is  to  Etana.     L.  7  "according  to  the  command  of  the  warrior  Shamash, 
[Etana   took  the    road]"    begins    the  episode    of  Etana's    coming  to    the 
eagle,  accompanied,  apparently,  by  a  young  eagle  to  show  him  the  way. 

2  Line  12seq.  evidently  repeats  in  substance  rev.  17seq.  of  the  13th  frag- 
ment—the same  appeal  being  made  by  Etana  for  the  plant  of  birth,  but 
this  time  addressed  to  the  eagle. 

VOL    XXX.     Part  II.  9 


118  M-  Jastrow,  [1910. 

the  beginning  of  the  3rd  tablet  of  edition  B  or  the  4th  (or  more 
probably  the  5th)  of  edition  C.  To  which  of  these  two  editions 
it  actually  belongs,  it  is  of  course  impossible  to  say.  Dividing 
the  contents  of  all  the  fragments  of  the  first  group  now 
known  to  us  (KK  1547,  2527,  8578  etc.)  and  the  llth  and 
13th  fragments  into  episodes  we  obtain  the  following  survey: 

(1)  The  alliance  between  the  eagle  and  serpent  and  the  ad- 
ventures  of  the  two  recounted  on  the  obv.  of  the  13th  frag- 
ment 11.  1—26. 

(2)  The  treachery  of  the  eagle    proposed   and    carried  out 
despite  the  warning  of  a  "very  wise"  young  eagle  recounted 
(a)  on  the  remaining  portion  of  the  13th  fragment,  11.  27seq. 
and  (b)  on  the  llth  fragment  obverse. 

(3)  The  appeal  of  the  serpent  to  Shamash  for  revenge  on 
the  eagle,  recounted  on  K  2527,  11.  1—14. 

(4)  Advice  of  Shamash  to  the  eagle  recounted  (a)  K  2527 
obv.  15 — 28  (including  6  missing  lines),  (b)  K  1547  obv.  1—9 
(circa  8  lines  missing). 

(5)  The  carrying  out  of  the  strategy  proposed  by  Shamash 
and  ending  with  the  discomfiture  of  the  eagle  recounted  (a)  on 
the    reverse    of  the    llth   fragment    (end    of  tablet)    (b)    rev. 
30—42  of  K  2527   (circa  17  lines  missing  to   end  of  tablet) 
(c)  K  1547  obv.  11.  10 — 24  (circa  17  lines  missing  of  episode). 

(6)  The  appeal  of  the  eagle  to  Shamash  for  rescue  and  the 
latter's  decision  to  send  Etana  to  help  the  eagle  out  of  his  plight, 
recounted   (a)  on  the   reverse  of  the  13th  fragment  11.  1 — 11 
and  (b)  on  the  rev.  of  K  1547  11.  1 — 6  (circa  6  lines  missing). 

(7)  Etana's    lament    and    request    for    the    plant    of  birth 
recounted  (a)  on  the  reverse  of  the  13th  fragment  11.  12—18 
and  (b)  on  the  reverse  of  K  1547  11.  7—16. 

(8)  Address  of  Shamash  to  Etana   and   the    order    to    the 
latter  to  go  to  the  hole  in  the  mountain  into  which  the  eagle 
has  been  cast,  recounted  (a)  on  the  reverse  of  the  13th  frag- 
ment 11.  19—24   (end   of  2nd    tablet   of   edition  B.)    and   (b) 
K  1547  rev.  17 — 20   (circa  6  lines   missing  to  end  of  tablet). 

(9)  Second  address  of  the  eagle  to  Shamash,  the  coming  of 
Etana  and  the  dialogue  between  the  eagle  and  Etana  recounted 
on  K  8578  +  Em  79,  7—8,  43   (3rd  tablet    of  edition  B   or 
5th(?)  tablet  of  edition  C). 

Let  us  now  take  up  the  fragment  K  2606  which   contains 
in  the  colophon  the  indication   that   it  is  the  third  tablet  of 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  119 

the  series  ala  i-si  "he  left  the  city".  Scheil  does  not  appear 
to  have  noticed  that  the  fragment  published  by  him,  which  I 
designate  as  the  12th,  runs  parallel  to  a  considerable  extent 
•with  K  2606, J  so  that  in  part  the  latter  can  be  restored 
through  comparison  with  the  former, 2  and  vice  versa  some  read- 
ings of  Scheil  can  be  corrected.  But  on  the  other  hand  the 
two  fragments  are  not  duplicates.  Not  only  do  they  diverge 
from  a  certain  point,3  but  Scheil's  fragment  is  a  large  tablet 
dating  from  the  Hammurabi  period  with  two  columns  to  each 
side.4  The  two  accounts  appear  to  stand  in  the  relation  to 
each  other  of  the  beginning  and  end  of  an  episode.  In  both 
a  state  of  anarchy  is  described,  due  apparently  to  the  hostility 
of  the  Igigi.3  The  land  is  without  a  ruler.  Authority  is 
lacking,  habitations  and  sanctuaries  are  not  built,  and  the  city6 
is  besieged  by  the  Igigi,  but  while  the  description  of  the  terror 


1  11.  10-16  of  K  2606  correspond  to    11.  1—9  of  the  1st  col.  obv.  of 
the  12th  fragment. 

2  In  K  2606  1.  9,    we  must  evidently  read   [ra-]-bu-tum ;  11.  9—11  can 
now  be  restored  according  to  11.  1—3  of  the  llth  fragment.    In  1.  4  of  the 
12th  fragment  we  must  read  according  to  K  2606,  12  kali-si-na  i-lu  i-gi-gu. 
For  the  latter  we  have   in  K  2606  the  ideographic  form.     In  1.  2  of  the 
llth  fragment  read  im-ta-li-ku.    The  traces  of  an  additional  line  seem  to 
have  been  omitted  by  Harper  between  lines  12  and  13.    Scheil's  reading  for 
the  beginning  of  1.  7  can  hardly  be  correct,  while  if  we  substitute  ina  u-mi- 
su-ma  (like  K  2606  1.  14)  we  get  a  perfect  sense.    In  1.  9  of  the  fragment 
we  must  read  la  ba-nu-u  kib-ra-ti  ni-is  pa-ra-ak-ki  like  1. 16  of  K  2606.   L.  8 
of  the  fragment  evidently  contains  the  phonetic  writing  uk-ni-a-am  for  the 
ideograph  Za-Gin  (=uknu,  Briinnow,  Nr.  11776)  in  1. 15  of  K  2606.  Of.  Scheil, 
Recueil  des  Travaux,  xxiii,  22  who  wrongly,  as  it  now  turns  out,  rejected 
the  proposed  reading.    At  the  close  of  1.  10  of  the  12th  fragment  we  must 
evidently  read  e-lu  da-ad-nim  =  elu  da-ad-mi  (1.  18  of  K  2606).  At  this  point 
the  two  texts  divide.    It  should  be  noted  that  this  12th  fragment  now  in  the 
J.  Pierpont  Morgan  Collection  in  New  York  (see  Johns,   Catalogue  of  the 
Collection  p.  22)  is  not  only  badly  preserved  but  very  difficult  to  read,  so 
that  without  a  parallel  text  one  easily  misreads  certain  signs. 

3  See  close  of  preceding  note. 

*  Apart  from  palaeographic  evidence,  the  tablet  has  also  the  ear  marks 
of  the  Hammurabi  period  in  the  expanded  phonetic  writings  like  uk-ni-a  am, 
ma-a-tam  si-im-tim  etc.  The  determinative  for  deity  is  omitted  before 
Etana— also  characteristic  of  the  Hammurabi  period.  The  tablet  is  a 
valuable  indication  of  the  age  of  the  Etana  story. 

5  Seven  in  number.     Of.   1.  17    of  K  2606   (U)   si-bit-tum   with   1.  19 
(and  12)  the  ideographic  form  5  -f  2. 

6  1.  19  ala  Igigi  su-tas-Jtu-ru[-u].   The  city  is  evidently  the  one'referred  to 
in  the  opening  line  of  the  series  ala  i-c,i,  and  where  the  subject  is  some  god 

9* 


120  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

in  regard  to  which  the  Annunaki  hold  counsel  is  continued 
in  the  12th  fragment,  in  K  2606  the  goddess  Ishtar  1  is 
represented  as  intervening.  She  looks  about  for  a  king  and 
places  him  in  control,  while  En-lil  looks  out  for  the  sanctuaries 
of  the  gods(?).2  It  would  be  in  accord  with  the  character 
of  the  Babylonian  style  of  poetic  composition  to  repeat  at 
the  close  of  an  episode  the  description  of  the  conditions  exist- 
ing at  the  beginning,  witness  the  frequent  descriptions  of 
primaeval  chaos  in  the  Babylonian  creation  myth.  Unfortunately, 
the  reverse,  of  K  2606  is  not  preserved  with  the  exception 
of  the  closing  line  and  a  part  of  the  last  line.  The  colophon 
furnishes  as  the  opening  of  the  4th  tablet,  a  line  that  agrees 
with  the  one  given  in  the  13th  fragment  for  the  3rd  tablet,  and 
since  the  preserved  portion  of  the  closing  line  in  K  2606  agrees 
with  the  closing  line  of  the  13th  fragment,3  it  would  be  too 
strange  a  coincidence  if  the  two  tablets  did  not  close  with 
the  same  incident — the  coming  of  Etana  to  the  place  where 
the  eagle  lies. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  what  covered  three  tablets  in  one  copy 
corresponds  to  two  tablets  in  another,  the  tablets  of  the  former 
must  have  been  of  a  smaller  size  and  we  cannot  therefore 
assume  that  from  the  point  where  the  obverse  of  K  2606 
breaks  off  to  the  end  of  the  reverse  there  should  have  been 
included  all  the  eight  episodes  covering  about  125  lines  em- 
braced in  the  13th  fragment.  We  are  thus  confronted  with 
a  problem  for  which  no  definitive  solution  can  be  offerred 
until  more  fragments  of  the  narrative  come  to  light,  but  the 
most  reasonable  conjecture  is  to  assume  that  various  versions 
of  the  tale  existed,  differring  considerably  from  one  another 
and  in  which  episodes  were  included  in  one  version  that 
were  omitted  in  another.  So  much  is  clear  that  the  anarchy 
described  in  the  12th  fragment  and  in  K  2606  must  have 
preceded  the  rescue  of  the  eagle  by  Etana,  and  since  the 
narrative  can  now  be  carried  back  continuously  to  the  alliance 

who  is  represented  as  deserting  the  city.  If,  as  is  possible  from  the 
reference  in  1.  24,  the  god  is  Enlil,  the  city  in  question  might  be  Nippur. 

1  Also  designated  as  In-nin-na  in  1.  22. 

2  The  reading  1.  24  pa-rak-ke  Hani,  seems  to  me  preferable  to  paral&e 
schame  which  Harper  proposes.  The  photograph  (p.  505)  favors  either  reading. 

3  In  the  13th  fragment  we  have  as  the  closing  line  ul-la-nu-um-ma 
ul-tdk-ka-as-[su}  and  in  K  2606  .  .  .  la-nu-um  us-ta-ka-as-su. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  121 

between  the  eagle  and  the  serpent,  the  state  of  anarchy  must 
have  preceded  this  incident  also.  There  is  every  reason, 
therefore,  to  believe  that  Scheil J  is  right  in  his  supposition 
that  the  state  of  anarchy  represents  the  beginning  of  the  entire 
narrative,2  just  as  the  Gilgamesh  epic  opens  with  a  description 
of  terror  and  confusion  existing  in  Uruk. 

Accepting  this  as  a  working  hypothesis,  we  would  have  to 
assume  that  the  first  tablet  of  the  copy  of  which  the  13th  frag- 
ment represents  the  2nd,  contained  the  episode  of  the  state 
of  anarchy  and  the  restoration  of  order.  Then  followed  the 
eight  episodes  covered  by  the  2nd  tablet,  after  which  came 
another  address  of  the  eagle  to  Shamash— perhaps  a  second 
appeal— then  presumably  an  answer  of  the  sun-god  and,  finally, 
the  coming  of  Etana  to  the  eagle.  The  joined  fragments 
K  8578  +  Rm  79,  7 — 8,  43  represent  the  beginning  of  this  im- 
mediate continuation  of  either  the  13th  fragment  or  of  K  1547. 

The  episode  in  the  12th  fragment  and  with  which  K.  2606 
begins  must  therefore  be  removed  from  the  position  assigned 
to  the  latter  by  Harper  as  a  third  group  and  placed  before 
the  nine  episodes  into  which  we  have  divided  the  first  group. 
Harper's  second  group  consisting  of  the  joined  fragment  and 
supplemented  by  three  further  fragments  and  recounting  Etana' s 
flight  on  the  back  of  the  eagle  remains  where  it  is  and  would 
thus  form  the  conclusion  of  the  tale.  The  flight  naturally 
follows  the  rescue  of  the  eagle  by  Etana.  Taking  the  joined 
fragment  Rm  2,  454  +  79,  7—8,  280  as  one,  it  is  clear  that 
this  and  K  8563  are  duplicates  or  parallels  and  that  both 
began  with  the  story  of  the  flight.3  K  3651  of  which  only 
a  part  of  the  obverse  is  legible,  joins  on  at  1.  18  to  the  re- 
verse of  Rm  2,  454  etc.  while  Rm  522  (only  one  side  preserved) 
duplicates  K  3651,  beginning  with  1. 12  of  K  3651  and  extending 

1  1.  c.  p.  18. 

2  If  this  be  so,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  as  above  pointed  out,  that 
K  2606  being  the  3rd  tablet  of  the  series  represents  the  repetition  of  the 
description  as  an  introduction  to  an  account  of  the  restoration  of  order 
by  Ishtar  and  Enlil. 

3  Harper   has    confused    the    obverse    and    reverse    of   K   8563.      In 
K  8563,  the  beginning  of  the  obverse  is  preserved.    Lines  6—17  of  K  8563 
=  11.  1—16  of  obverse  of  Rm  2,  454  etc.    The  reverse  of  K.  8563  refers 
to   the    "death"    of  the  king(?)   Etana   (1.  4)   and   to    his    shade  (e-dim- 
mu-su  1.  7)    and   therefore  furnishes    some    incident  that   followed   upon 
the  flight. 


122  M.  Jastrow,  [1910 

5  lines  beyond  the  latter,  11.  26—30  of  Rin  522  corresponding  to 
11.  24  to  27  of  the  reverse  of  Em  2,  454  etc.1  If  we  are  to  assume 
that  these  two  fragments  (K  3651  and  Rm  522)  also  began  with 
the  account  of  the  flight,  we  would  have  to  suppose  for  the 
former  at  least  40  additional  lines  at  the  top,  which  would 
give  us  a  tablet  of  at  least  130  lines  and  for  the  latter  an 
addition  of  50  lines  at  the  top  which  would  give  us  a  tablet 
of  160  lines.  This  is  most  unlikely  and  it  is  much  more 
probable  that  both  fragments  began  with  the  second— and 
fatal — flight  to  the  place  of  Ishtar,  the  first  ending  successfully 
with  the  arrival  at  the  gate  of  Anu,  Enlil  and  Ea.2  This  second 
flight  forming  a  new  episode  would  be  an  appropiate  place  at 
which  to  begin  a  new  tablet.  The  joined  fragment  and  K  8563 
would  thus  contain  both  episodes,  while  the  other  fragments 
would  begin  with  the  second  flight— the  same  relationship 
therefore  as  between  K  2527  and  K  1547.  If  we  assume 
(as  above  suggested),  that  the  story  of  Etana's  coming  to  the 
eagle  extended  into  the  5th  tablet  of  edition  C,  we  may  sup- 
pose that  the  episode  of  the  first  flight  was  still  told  in  this 
tablet  and  that  the  two  fragments  therefore  represent  the 
beginning  of  the  6th  tablet  of  this  edition — and  in  all  pro- 
babilities the  last  tablet  of  the  series. 

The  larger  size  of  the  tablets  of  edition  B  (to  which  the  13th 
fragment  belongs)  warrants  us  in  assuming  that  both  flights 
were  included  in  one  tablet.  Rm  2,  454  might,  therefore, 
represent  the  4th  tablet  of  edition  B  though  this  would  assume 
a  long  narrative  in  the  3rd  tablet  before  the  actual  flight 
began.  Perhaps  here  too  it  may  be  more  reasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  the  other  two  fragments  represent  the  4th  tablet 
of  edition  B  and  the  5th  of  edition  A,  while  Rm  2,  454  which 
is  a  much  broader  tablet  than  the  others  (see  the  photographs 
in  Harper,  BA,  II,  p.  509  compared  with  p.  503)  would  then 
represent  a  fourth  edition  of  the  narrative — complete  perhaps 
in  three  or  at  the  most  in  four  tablets.  Certainly,  the  fatal  issue 
of  the  second  flight  must  bring  us  to  the  end  of  the  narrative. 
The  result  of  our  examination  thus  shows  that  the  fragments 
so  far  recovered  represent  five  and  probably  six  different 
copies  of  the  text: 

1  Note  also  that  11.  18-23  of  reverse  of  Rm  2,  454  etc.  =  11.  17-25 
of  reverse  of  Rm  522  =  11.  18—24  of  K  3651  obverse. 

2  11.  34—36  of  reverse  of  Rm  2,  454  etc.    See  also  below  p.  125. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  123 

(1)  Edition  A  in  5  tablets 

(2)  Edition  B  in  4  tablets 

(3)  Edition  C  in  6  tablets 

(4)  Edition  D  in  3  or  4  tablets 

(5)  A  fragment  of  an  edition  (K  2606) 

which  may  not  have  contained  all  the  episodes.  All  these  are  in 
the  Kouyunjik  collection,  to  which  is  to  be  added  the  (6)  frag- 
ment of  the  Hammurabi  period — a  large  tablet  with  two  columns 
to  each  side — representing  the  beginning  of  the  story  and 
which  probably  told  the  whole  story  in  one  tablet. 

V. 

Combining  now  to  the  various  fragments  of  the  story  and 
leaving  aside  the  possibility  that  in  some  version  or  versions 
certain  episodes  were  not  included,  we  may  reconstruct  the 
story  so  far  as  known  to  us  up  to  the  present  as  follows. 
The  scene  is  laid  in  a  city  which  has  been  deserted  by 
its  patron  deity  or  possibly  by  the  gods  in  general.  A 
state  of  confusion  and  anarchy  exists,  due  apparently  to  the 
hostility  of  the  Igigi.  The  Anunnaki  hold  a  counsel  in  order 
to  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  affairs.  The  goddess  Ishtar  and 
the  god  Enlil  appear  to  be  the  ones  designated  to  come  to  the 
rescue.  A  king  is  put  in  control  on  earth  by  the  goddess, 
while  on  high  Enlil  aids  in  re-establishing  order.  As  in  so 
many  of  the  Babylonian  myths,  we  thus  have  a  correspondence 
between  occurrences  on  earth  and  phenomena  in  the  heavens. 
Confusion  and  anarchy  below  is  paralleled  by  disturbances 
on  high.  During  this  state  of  anarchy,  productivity  ceases 
on  earth.  The  sheep  do  not  bear  young,  the  gods  are  deaf 
to  appeals  or  powerless  to  intervene  against  the  ravages  com- 
mitted by  hostile  powers. 

Eagle  and  serpent  are  next  introduced  as  forming  an  alliance 
to  carry  on  a  work  of  destruction.  They  defy  the  authority  of 
Shamash  who  represents  order  and  justice.  From  the  fact  that 
the  king  whom  Ishtar  places  in  control  is  also  designated  as 
re'u  "shepherd"  and  that  Etana  appears  in  the  story  as  a 
shepherd,1  we  may  perhaps  be  permitted  to  conclude  that  the 
king  who  is  installed  or  possibly  re-installed  by  Ishtar  is  none 
other  than  Etana.  However  this  may  be,  there  is  certainly  a 

*  See  above  p.  111. 


124  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

direct  connection  between  the  ravages  committed  by  the  eagle 
and  serpent  and  the  distress  of  Etana,  both  being  due  to  the 
general  confusion  that  exists  through  the  lack  of  control  on 
the  part  of  those  higher  powers  that  represent  order  and  the 
harmonic  working  of  the  laws  of  nature.  The  state  of  affairs 
reminds  one  somewhat  of  the  conditions  that  prevail  during 
the  period  that  Ishtar  is  retained  as  a  prisoner  in  the  lower 
world,  during  which  time  likewise  the  animals  do  not  bring 
forth  their  young.1  In  this  case  we  have,  as  is  generally 
recognized,  a  nature  myth  portraying  the  change  of  seasons; 
and  in  view  of  the  frequency  with  which  this  motif  reoccurs 
in  Babylonian  myths,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  conditions 
portrayed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Etana  story  rest  on  the 
same  general  basis — a  portrayal  of  the  rainy  and  stormy 
season  in  the  heavens  and  on  earth,  which  could  be  sym- 
bolically represented  as  a  time  of  confusion  and  disorder. 

All  this,  however,  must  be  viewed  as  merely  conjectural  until 
a  fortunate  chance  shall  bring  to  light  more  fragments  of  this 
part  of  the  narrative. 

The  alliance  between  the  eagle  and  the  serpent  comes  to 
an  untimely  end.  They  go  into  the  mountains  to  hunt  for 
food.  Each  is  accompanied  by  a  young  brood.  First  the  eagle 
kills  an  animal  and  shares  it  with  his  young  (or  with  the  young 
of  the  serpent),  then  the  serpent  kills  an  animal  and  shares  it 
with  his  young  (or  with  the  young  of  the  eagle),  but  the  eagle 
seizes  the  opportunity  while  the  young  of  the  serpent  are 
engaged  in  eating  to  pounce  down  upon  them.  He  does  this 
despite  the  warning  of  one  of  the  young  eagles,  described  as 
"very  clever"  or  "very  wise",  who  urges  him  not  to  break  the 
laws  of  Shamash  i.  e.  not  to  run  counter  to  the  laws  of  righte- 
ousness and  justice.  The  eagle  consumes  the  young  of  the 
serpent  and  the  latter  appeals  to  Shamash  for  revenge  for  the 
injury  inflicted.  Shamash  listens  to  the  serpent  and  proposes 
a  strategy.  He  advises  the  serpent  to  conceal  himself  within 
the  carcass  of  a  wild  bull — one  of  the  animals  slain  during 
the  alliance  between  the  eagle  and  the  serpent  — and  then  when 
the  eagle  swoops  down  upon  it,  to  seize  him  and  tear  him  to 
pieces.  The  strategy  succeeds.  Again  the  young  eagle  warns 
the  father  eagle  and  again  the  latter  pays  no  heed  to  the 


Gun.  Texts  XV,  PI.  46  rev.  6—7. 


Yol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  125 

warning.  He  lands  upon  the  bull,  the  serpent  jumps  out, 
tears  the  wings  and  feathers  of  the  eagle  and  the  latter  is 
left  to  die  in  a  hole  in  the  mountains.  He  does  not  die 
however.  It  is  now  the  eagle's  turn  to  appeal  to  Shamash 
to  whom  he  promises  eternal  obedience,  if  only  the  sun-god 
will  help  him  out  of  his  plight.  At  the  same  time  Etana 
"the  shepherd"  daily  appeals  to  Shamash  to  again  bring  about 
fertility  among  his  sheep.  He  asks  the  sun-god  to  show  him 
the  plant  of  birth  that  he  may  give  it  to  his  flock.  Through 
the  new  fragment  the  meeting  of  the  eagle  and  Etana  is  for 
the  first  time  made  dear.  The  plant  of  birth  grows  in  the 
mountains  in  the  very  hollow  into  which  the  eagle  has  been 
cast.  Shamash  reveals  this  to  Etana  who  takes  the  road  to  the 
mountain  and,  guided  by  one  of  the  young  eagles  (if  Jensen's 
restoration  KB  VI,  1  p.  110,  8  is  correct),  comes  across  the 
eagle.  The  eagle  appeals  to  Etana  to  release  him  from  the  hole 
and  as  a  reward  promises  to  fly  with  Etana  to  the  dwelling  of 
the  gods.  We  are  unfortunately  left  in  doubt  whether  Etana 
secures  the  desired  plant  and  the  gap  in  the  narrative  at  this 
point  also  prevents  us  from  ascertaining  the  purpose  of  the  flight. 
In  a  general  way  we  may  conjecture  that  the  eagle  holds  out 
the  hope  to  Etana  of  being  placed  among  the  gods,  in  other 
words  of  securing  immortality  like  e.  g.  Ut-napishtim,  the 
'  ero  of  the  deluge.  This  is  a  favorite  theme  in  Babylonian 
vths  which,  it  will  be  recalled  is  introduced  into  the  Gil- 
mash  epic.1  Etana  mounts  on  the  back  of  the  eagle  and 
Aether  they  fly  upwards.  They  reach  the  heaven  of  Anu 
and  at  the  gate  of  Anu,  Enlil  and  Ea — i.  e.  the  ecliptic,2 
they  make  a  halt.  So  far  so  good.  Again  a  gap  occurs  in 

1  See  Jastrow,  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  (English  ed.)  pp.494seq. 

2  The   ecliptic,   known   as   the  larran  Samsi   "road  of  the  sun"  (see 
Kugler,    Sternkunde    und   Sterndienst   in    BabeL   I,   p.  259;    Thompson, 
Reports  of  the  Astrologers  etc.,  Nrr.  88,  103;  Virolleaud,  UAstrologie  Chal- 
deenne,  Ishtar,  Nrr.  XXI,  73 ;  XXV,  57,  58  etc.  etc.),  is  divided  into  three 
sections,  known  as  the  "road  for  Anu,"  "road  for  Enlil"  and  "road  for  Ea" 
respectively  (Virolleaud,  Ishtar  Nr.  IV).    The  gate  of  Anu,  Enlil  and  Ea  13 
therefore  synonymous  with  the  entrance  point  of  the  ecliptic.    The  Etana 
myth  thus  assumes  the  established  astrological  system,  as  is  also  indicated  by 
the  goal  of  the  second  flight— the  station  of  Ishtar,  identified  in  the  astro- 
logical system  with  the  planet  Venus.    See  Jastrow,  Religion  Babyloniens 
und  Assyriens,  IT,  pp.  441  and  444sf#.    In  the  Adapa  myth,  the  hero  also 
reaches  the  gate  of  Anu  (Jensen,  Keilinscliriftl.  BibL,  VI,  1,  p.  96). 


126  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

the  narrative  and  when  the  thread  is  once  more  taken  up,  we 
find  the  eagle  urging  Etana  to  continue  the  journey  in  order 
to  reach  the  place  where  Ishtar — i.  e.  the  planet  Venus — dwells. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  first  flight,  a  distance  of  three  kasbu 
or  six  hours  is  covered.  Whether  at  this  point  the  eagle's 
strength  is  exhausted  or  whether  the  goddess  herself  inter- 
venes, at  all  events  the  precipitous  descent  begins.  The  eagle 
falls  through  the  space  of  three  double  hours  and  reaches  the 
ground.  The  close  of  the  narrative  is  missing  but  clearly  the 
purpose  of  the  flight  has  failed.  We  are  left  to  conjecture 
what  happened  to  Etana  and  to  his  ancient  "airship." 

In  view  of  the  composite  character  of  so  many  of  the  stories 
that  have  come  down  to  us  from  ancient  Babylonia,1  it  will 
not  seem  hazardous  to  assume  that  in  the  Etana  myth  two 
originally  independent  tales  have  been  combined,  one  based 
on  a  nature  myth  and  describing  a  state  of  anarchy  and  con- 
fusion in  a  city  which  was  deserted  by  its  patron  deity  or  by 
the  gods  in  general.  During  this  period  all  fertility  ceases. 
The  Igigi  are  hostile  to  the  city  and  among  those  who  suffer 
from  the  anger  of  the  gods  is  Etana,  the  shepherd  whose 
sacrifices  to  the  gods  are  of  no  avail  in  bringing  about  fer- 
tility among  his  flocks.  Order  is  restored  through  the  inter- 
vention of  Ishtar— the  goddess  of  fertility  in  cooperation  with 
Enlil.  After  the  restoration,  Etana  appeals  to  Shamash — or 
perhaps  originally  to  Ishtar  to  show  him  the  plant  of  birth 
of  which  he  has  heard  and  through  which  his  sheep  can  again 
be  brought  to  bear  young.  The  request  is  granted.  Etana, 
it  would  appear,  is  also  reinstated  as  ruler  over  his  people  and 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  tale  ended  with  the 
transfer  of  Etana  as  a  favorite  of  the  gods— like  Ut-napish- 
tim — to  a  place  among  the  immortals. 

A  second  tale  is  that  of  an  alliance  formed  by  the  eagle 
and  the  serpent,  the  treachery  of  the  former  and  his  punish- 


i  For  the  creation  story  see  the  author's  paper  "On  the  Composite 
Character  of  the  Babylonian  Creation  Story"  in  the  Noldeke  Festschrift 
Yol  II,  pp.  969—982;  for  the  Gilgamesh  epic,  the  author's  Religion 
of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  (English  edition),  pp.  513 seq.  and  Hermann 
Schneider,  Die  Entwicklung  des  Gilgameschepos  (Leipziger  Semitistische 
Studien,  V,  1)  who  (p.  83)  calls  attention  also  to  the  parallels  between 
Etana  and  Gilgamesh  which  led  to  the  later  confusion  of  the  two  by 
Greek  writers. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  127 

ment  through  the  intervention  of  Shamash — the  representative 
of  justice  and  order.  This  tale  appears  to  be  a  piece  of 
ancient  folklore  rather  than  a  myth,  to  which  there  has  been 
added  after  the  manner  of  folk  tales  a  moral — not  to  break 
the  decrees  of  Shamash. 

These  two  tales— the  modified  nature  myth  and  the  folk-tale 
with  a  moral — were  combined,  just  as  in  the  Gilgamesh  epic  the 
two  independent  series  of  tales  of  Gilgamesh  and  Etana  were 
combined.1  The  alliance  of  eagle  and  serpent  who  join  forces 
in  a  warfare  against  the  animals  of  the  mountains  is  made  a 
feature  of  the  confusion  that  reigns  while  the  gods  manifest 
their  anger  or  hostility.  The  serpent's  appeal  to  Shamash 
for  vengeance  suggests  Etana's  appeal  to  the  god  for  the  plant 
of  birth  and  the  complete  link  between  the  two  tales  is  brought 
about  by  the  meeting  of  Etana  and  the  eagle  in  the  mountain 
where  the  sought  for  plant  is  to  be  found.  The  transfer  of 
Etana  to  the  gods  leads  to  the  episode  of  the  eagle  carrying 
him  thither  as  a  reward  for  helping  the  eagle  out  of  his  sad 
plight.  That  through  the  combination  both  tales  underwent 
a  modification  is  surely  natural.  So  it  is  a  reasonable  con- 
jecture that  in  the  story  of  the  eagle  and  the  serpent,  the 
former  actually  dies  after  being  torn  to  pieces  by  the  serpent. 
Indeed  if  one  reads  the  description,  it  is  difficult  to  see 
what  else  can  happen  to  the  eagle  except  death.  There 
seems  to  be  nothing  left  of  him  after  the  serpent  finishes  his 
work.  In  order  to  connect  the  two  tales,  the  eagle  is  revived 
and  is  rescued  by  Etana.  Similarly,  in  the  original  tale  of 
Etana,  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  that  he  was  actually 
placed  among  the  gods.  This  is  shown  by  the  success  of  the 
first  flight  in  which  the  goal  is  attained,  since  the  heaven  of 
Anu— the  highest  part  of  heaven2 — is  reached.  The  second 
flight  is  clearly  a  duplicate  of  the  first  and  betrays  in  the 
language  used  its  dependance  upon  the  former.  It  is  a  favorite 
theme  with  the  Babylonian  theologians  to  whom  we  owe  the 
preservation  and  final  form  in  which  the  old  folk  tales  and 
popular  myths  were  cast,  that  man  cannot  come  to  the  gods, 
nor  can  he  find  out  what  is  in  store  for  him  after  death,  beyond 
the  certainty  that  he  will  be  condemned  to  inactivity  in  a 


1  See  the  references  in  the  preceding  note. 

2  Gilgamesh  Epic,  XI,  115. 


128  M.  Jastrow,  [1910. 

gloomy  subterranean  cavern.  There  may  be  exceptions  but 
that  is  the  general  rule.  It  would  be  quite  in  keeping  with  this 
spirit  if  in  the  combination  of  the  two  tales,  Etana  is  pictured 
as  prevented  from  attaining  his  goal.  Instead  of  being  brought 
into  the  presence  of  Ishtar  he  is  thrown  down  to  the  earth. 
Just  as  he  appears  to  be  approaching  his  goal,  the  eagle  with 
Etana  on  his  back  falls  through  the  great  space  of  three 
double  hours *•  that  he  has  traversed— just  as  Gilgamesh  after 
all  his  wanderings  comes  back  to  Uruk  whence  he  started  out 
with  his  main  purpose — the  securing  of  immunity  from  death- 
unaccomplished.  The  two  tales  thus  combined  are  made  to  teach 
a  lesson  or  rather  two  lessons, — (a)  one  that  the  laws  of  Shamash 
cannot  be  transgressed  without  entailing  grievous  punishment 
and  secondly — and  more  important — (b)  that  man  cannot  be  im- 
mortal like  the  gods.  It  is  this  lesson  which  the  Babylonian 
theologians  made  the  burden  of  the  composite  Gilgamesh  epic, 
as  is  shown  by  the  close  of  the  tale  on  its  present  form.  It  is 
this  lesson  likewise  which  is  illustrated  by  the  tale  of  Adapa 
who  through  a  deception  practised  on  him  forfeits  immortality;2 
and  it  is  this  same  lesson  which,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  Etana 
myth  in  its  final  form  was  intended  to  convey. 

In  view  of  the  new  and  important  fragments  of  the  myth 
that  have  been  found  since  Harper  published  his  study  of  the 
text  fifteen  years  ago,  it  would  be  profitable  to  reconsider  in 
detail  the  many  parallels  of  the  story  found  among  other 
nations  and  to  some  of  which  Harper  already  called  attention. 3 


1  That  the  2nd  flight  is  merely  a  duplicate  of  the  first  is  seen  in  the 
persistance  of  the  "three  double  hours"   as  the  distance  traversed.     In 
reality  the  two  flights  cover  six  double  hours  and  the  eagle  ought  to  fall 
this  distance  before  reaching  the  earth, 

2  See  Jensen,  EeilinschriftlicJie  Bibliothek,  VI,  1,  pp.  94—101. 

3  Beitrage  zur  Assyriologie,  II,  pp.  404—407.    In  the  story  of  the  Kai 
Kaus  or  Kavi  Usan,  the  King  of  ancient  Iran  (990  B.  C.  according  to 
traditional  accounts),  who  attempts  to  fly  to  heaven  with  the  help  of 
eagles  and  comes   to  grief,  we  can   see   the   influence   of  the    myth    of 
Etana,  transformed  and  adapted  to  teach  the  lesson  of  punishment  for 
heaven-defying  pride.    In  a  paper  on  this  story,  read  before  the  American 
Oriental   Society,  April  21st,  1909,  under  the  title  "A  Legend  of  Aerial 
Navigation  in  Ancient  Persia,"  Professor  Jackson  gave  the  various  Persian 
and  Arabic  sources  for  the  tale,  viz:  The  Pahlavi  Dinkart  9.  22,  5—12 
(translation  by  West  in  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  v.  37,  pp.  220—223); 
Tabari's  Annales  (ed.  de  Goeje  I,  pt.  1,  p.  603);  Firdusi,  Shahname  (ed. 
Vullers  &  Landauer   1,  411-412,  11.  461—486;   2,   1638,  11.  2018-2019); 


Vol.  xxx.]       Another  Fragment  of  the  Etana  Myth.  129 

To  do  so,  here,  however,  would  carry  us  too  far  and  must  be 
left  for  some  other  occasion. 

Al-Tha'alibi,  Histoire  de  Eois  des  Perses  (ed.  Zotenberg,  Paris,  1900, 
p.  165),  told  in  connection  with  Kai  Kaus'  building  of  a  high  tower  in 
Babylon,  from  which  the  attempt  to  reach  heaven  by  means  of  eagles 
was  made.  This  interesting  combination  of  the  aerial  flight  with  a  tale 
that  is  evidently  suggested  by  the  biblical  story  of  the  Tower  of  Babel, 
is  a  direct  consequence  of  the  introduction  of  the  moral  element  in  the 
old  nature  myth.  The  biblical  story,  voicing  the  same  warning  against 
ambitious  pride,  was  associated  with  the  tale  of  Kai  Kaus  and  the  latter 
made  the  central  figure  of  the  combined  tales. 

May  we  perhaps  see  in  the  Hight  of  Ganymede  with  the  eagle  to  the 
seat  of  the  gods  and  in  Psyche's  flight  with  the  winged  Cupid  and  her 
fall  to  earth,  (as  told  in  Apuleius'  beautiful  tale  of  Cupid  and  Psyche 
— Metamorphoseon  V,  104)  traces  with  modifications  of  the  episode  in  the 
Etana  myth?  Cf.,  moreover,  Meissner,  ZDMG.  48,  p.  190,  note  5  about 
the  story  of  Kai  Kaus. 


." 


30- 


The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret. — By  RICHARD 
J.  H.  GTOTTHEIL,  Professor  in  Columbia  University, 
New  York  City. 

THE  minaret  is  usually  considered  to  be  one  of  the  most 
distinctive  features  of  the  Muhammadan  mosque  and  the  history 
of  its  origin  is  naturally  of  interest  to  the  student  both  of  Islam 
and  of  the  history  of  architecture.  But  unlike  the  Mihrab 
(prayer-niche)  and  Minbar  (pulpit),  the  references  to  the 
minaret  in  Arabic  literature  are  very  few;  and  the  traditions 
that  have  gathered  around  it  are  so  scarce  as  to  make  one 
feel  that  the  religious  significance  that  attaches  to  the  Mihrab 
and  the  Minbar  are  entirely  wanting  in  the  Minaret.  Indeed, 
the  name  itself  is  strange,  and  in  no  way  expressive  of  the 
purport  for  which  the  object  was  built.  The  word  J^LL*  can 
have  meant  originally  only  "an  object  that  gives  light".  As 
such,  it  is  used  in  old  Arabic  poetry  for  the  oil  lamp  or  rush 
light  used  in  the  cell  of  the  Christian  monk,  exactly  parallel 
to  the  Syriac  mendrta\l  from  which,  however,  it  is  not  neces- 
sary to  derive  the  word,  as  Guidi  and  Fraenkel2  have  done, 
seeing  that  the  formation  is  perfectly  regular.  It  is  then  used 
for  a  "light-tower"  or  "light-house";3  the  signification  "a  monk's 
cell  or  chamber  for  retirement",  given  by  Lane 4  from  the 
Kanz  al-Mtiruf  must  be  a  late  and  a  local  one.  Schwally 
has  suggested,5  and  he  is  followed  by  Douttee,6  that  the  ap- 
plication of  the  word  manaratun  to  the  tower  of  a  mosque  is 
due  to  the  light  held  by  the  Muezzin  as  he  recites  the  call 
to  prayer  at  night  which  gives  the  onlooker  below  the  idea 
of  a  light-tower;  but  the  explanation  strikes  one  as  involved 
and  far-fetched.  The  transfer  of  the  name  from  a  light-tower 

1  Guidi,    Delia  sede  primitiva   del  popoli    Semitici,    p.  38.    Cfr.  e.  g. 
Imrulkais  (ed.  Ahlwardt)  148,  87.     Ibid.  152,  20  *>U*  =  ^L^o^  . 

2  Guidi,  loc.  tit.,  p.  37;  Fraenkel,  Aramdische  Fremdworter,  p.  270. 

3  See,  e.  g.,  the  description  of  the  lighthouses  of  the  coast  of  Syria  in 
al-Mukaddasi  (Ed.  de  Goeje),  p.  177. 

4  p.  1728.  5  ZDMG.  52,  145. 

6  Les  Minarets  et  Vappel  a  la  priere  in  Revue  Africaine,  43,  339. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  133 

to  the  tower  of  a  mosque  must  have  been  occasioned  by  the 
resemblance  of  the  one  to  the  other.  It  is  impossible  to  fix 
the  time  at  which  this  transfer  was  made.  The  earlier  and 
more  significant  designation  of  the  minaret  is  mi'dhanah  or 
midhanah  (pronounced  in  the  language  of  the  street  ma'dhanah)1 
—"a  place  from  which  the  time  of  prayer  is  announced"',  but 
it  occurs  seldom  in  the  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
seems  to  have  been  driven  out  completely  by  the  more  common 
word  mandrah. 

It  is  generally  conceded  that  the  earliest  mosque  in  Islam 
had  no  minarets  at  all.2  The  mosques  built  in  the  days  of 
Mohammed  at  Kuba  and  Medinah  were  so  simple  that  there 
was  no  place  for  building  anything  like  a  tower,  even  if  the 
means  and  the  necessary  skill  had  been  available.  Caetani, 
in  his  monumental  Annali  di  Islam,*  has  shown  that  the 
mosque  at  Medinah  was,  at  first,  intended  simply  as  a  dar  or 
private  dwelling  for  the  prophet  and  his  family:  there  was  no 
intention  to  build  a  place  of  assembly  for  the  faithful.  A 
court  with  a  portico  around  it,  through  which  one  entered 
into  the  living-rooms  of  the  family  was  all  that  it  contained. 
The  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  wall  which  was  to  preserve 
the  privacy  of  the  dar.  We  have  here,  in  embryo,  the  open 
Salm  and  the  closed  Liivdn  of  the  later  mosques.  Bilal,  the 
first  Muezzin,  was  in  general  the  herald  of  Mohammed,  not 
only  the  caller  to  prayer.  The  Adhan  itself  was  copied  from 
the  Christians  and  the  Jews.4  Ibn  Hisham  tells  us  that  when 

1  Or  mdd-na]  Lane,   Cairo  Fifty   Years  Ago,  p.  78.    In  a  story  told  in 
Kitdb  al-Aghdnl  xx,  85  <4oiL*}  z^Lixo  and  <*aa-*^o  are  used  promiscuously. 

2  The  historians  of  architecture,   then,   go   too    far  when  they  say,  as 
does  Adamy,  Architektonik  auf  historischer  und  astketiscker    Grundlage^ 
II,  16:  "Em  oder  mehrere  Tiirme,  Minarets,  waren  gleichfalls  notwendige 
Bestandteile  fur  die  Moscheen".     So,  also,  Adolf  Fah,   Grundrifi  der  Ge- 
schichte  der  bildenden  Kiinste  (Freiburg  1897)  p.  272:    "wesentlich   waren 
endlich  die  Minarets";  and  Liibke,   Grundrifi  der  Kunstffeschichte,  13th  ed. 
II,  70:   "Minarets  .  .  .  sind  ebenfalls   unumganglich".     The  Adhdn,    itself, 
however,  is  necessary:  Dardir,  Shark  akrab  al-masdlik  p.  46: 


3  I,  438  et  seq. 

4  Of  course,  Mohammedans   do   not  admit  this:   in  fact,   the  Jews  are 
presumed  to  have   been    surprised;   al-ZurkanT,    Shark  al-Muwatta,  121: 


*0-^  ^4-  •     Mohammedan  Scholastics  have   all  sorts 
of  conceits   in  regard   to  the  origin  of  the  ddhdn,  e.  g.  that  Gabriel  was 

VOL    XXX.     Part  II.  10 


134  R.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

the  first  Moslems  came  to  Medinah  they  prayed  without  any 
preliminary  adhdn.1  But  the  Moslems  heard  the  Jews  use  a 
horn,2  and  the  Christians  the  Nakus  or  clapper  (the  so-called 
ayia  £uAa  or  o-^/ze^T/ooV,  a  long  piece  of  wood  struck  with  a 
flexible  wabil,  the  Aramaic  nakosha,  which  is  still  in  use  among 
the  Nestorians 3) ;  and  they  wanted  something  similar  for  their 
own  use.  So  Mohammed  gave  the  command  "Rise,  0  Bilal, 
and  summon  to  prayer!"  Later  tradition  has  embellished 
this  simple  account.  Al-Nawawl  gives  the  words  in  this  wise 
';Go  to  some  prominent  place  and  summon  to  prayer".4  It 
was  quite  natural  that  Bilal  should  make  use  of  a  position 
from  which  he  could  best  be  seen  and  heard.  Upon  one 
occasion,  during  the  Umrat  al-Kasa  in  the  year  7,  Mohammed 
ordered  Bilal  to  recite  the  Adhdn  from  the  top  of  the  Kacbah;5 

the  first  to  recite  it  in  heaven  (al-Sharkam,  Haehiyah  I,  231),  and  that 
Adam  or  Abraham  was  the  first  on  earth  to  follow  the  custom  (al-Zur- 
kani.  loc.  cit.\ 

1  ed.  Wustenfeld,  p.  347:  J^f-V.  ^  \y*j£  ^^-  < 

l;  al-Kastallam,  Irshdd  al-Sdri  II,  3 

0^3   ^^  .    Cfr. 

Muslim,  al-  Sahih  (Delhi  1309),  p.  164;  al-Zurkani,  Shark  al-Muicatta,  p.  121. 

2  As  far  as  we  know,  the  Jews  used  the  horn  (shofar)  only  on  certain 
festivals.     On  the  Arabic  pronunciation    of  j^"*    see  al-Kastallani  (loc. 
dt.)  ^o^^\,\  i"j^.y,\  jo^xio  JL^jsxsiJLl  ^j^xJl  C^^  J5^^\  o-*-**^^ 
(=  jmsn?;  cfr.  Jawallki,  ed.  Sachau,  p.  94;   Ibn  Hisham,  ed.  Wustenfeld 
II,  108).    The   earlier  traditions   use  the  word   ^^>  (Muslim,    al-Sahlh, 
p.  164)  or  ^3^  (Ibn  Hisham  I,  348;  al-Zurkani,  Shark  al-Mmvatta,  p.  121; 
al-Si'utl.  al-Hasffis.  al-Kubra,  Hyderabad  1319,   I,   196).     Another   word 
used  appears  in  various  forms :  j^-9",  £-^,  J-^,  &&  (Ibn  Hisham  II,  108). 
Lisdn  (X,  131,  174)  and    Taj  al-lArus  (V,  478)   decide   for   5-0,    though 
there  are  authorities  against  them.    Another,  and  later,  tradition  mentions 
a  fire-signal:    £>\  \j^S£  ^0^1^50,  *^_?^.   '*&^\    C^S*,   \_^Jjo   ^  \5j** 
£)\>y\  5^-*^.  ^>\  J^~>   f*\3  tcoyJU  \j*y*a*^\  \^  \2Jfa^%  Muslim  loc.  cit.\ 
al-Bukhari  (ed.  Krehl)  I,  75;  ZurkanT,  loc.  cit;  Ibn  Hisham  II,  108  (note 
in  one  Ms.). 

3  Payne-Smith,  Thesaurus  Syriacus  2466.    The  Nakus  was  indeed  used 
at   first  for   the  early  morning  ddhdn  in  Fostat;    al-Makrlzi,  al-Khitat, 
2nd  ed.,  iv,  8.     On  the  use  of  the  word  in  the  older  poetry,  see  Jacob,  Das 
Leben  der  vorislam.  Araber,  pp.  85,  122  and  Douttee,  Les  Minarets,  passim. 

4  j^b    £*2>j*   (J\;  al-Kastallam,  ibid.  p.  3;   Zain  al-'Abidin,  al-Bahr 
al-Rd'ik,  p.  268  JU  ^^o  g  ^\>^\  £^0.^. 

5  Ibn  Saad,  Biographien,  ed.  Sachau,  III,  1,  p.  167;  Wellhausen,  Mo- 
hammed in  Medinah,  p.  302.     Ibn  Hisham,  p.  822,  says  only  that  Moham- 
med ordered  Bilal  to  recite  the  adhdn;  but  see  Die  Chroniken  der  Stadt 
Mekka,  iv,  109. 


Vol.  xxx.]      The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  135 

which  to  some  of  the  Meccans  appeared  to  be  an  unholy  act. 
Upon  another  occasion,  so  the  tradition  runs,  Bilal  issued 
the  call  from  the  top  of  a  high  house  that  happened  to  be  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  mosque;1  and  in  the  time  of  the 
Umayyads,  the  poet  al-Farazdak  still  speaks  of  the  Adhan  as 
being  pronounced  "on  the  wall  of  every  city".2  Even  in  the 
later  law  books  it  was  laid  down  that  "the  Muezzin,  if  he  is 
on  the  road,  may  call  to  prayer  while  riding;  if  he  descends 
(from  his  beast)  he  must  halt,  but  if  he  is  riding,  he  need  not 
halt".3  The  example  set  by  Mohammed,  and  especially  by 
Bilal,  was  followed;  even  though  no  formal  prescription  can 
be  found  in  reference  to  the  ceremony.  If  the  Mosque  is 
large,  says  a  later  authority,  "there  is  no  harm  if  a  Muezzin 
call  to  prayer  from  each  one  of  its  sides,  so  that  all  that 
are  near  it  may  hear  him  at  one  and  the  same  time."4 

There  is  then,  as  will  be  seen,  no  mention  of  a  special  place 
for  the  Muezzin.  We  first  hear  of  minarets  in  connection  with 
the  mosque  of  Medinah  under  the  Umayyad  Walid  ibn  'Abd 
al-Malik  (86-96  A.  H.).5  This  holds  good,  also,  for  the  early 
mosques  built  outside  of  the  Balad  al-Haram.6  The  mosque 
of  Kufah  was  built  by  Sacd  ibn  abi  al-Wakkas  in  the  year 
17; 7  and  that  of  Basra  by  Abl  Musa  al-Ashcarl  in  the  same 
year;8  but  in  connection  with  neither  of  these  is  anything 
said  about  a  minaret.  The  one  attached  to  the  Basra  mosque 
is  said  to  have  been  added  by  Ziyad  ibn  Abl  Sufyan  during 
the  Caliphate  of  Mu'awiyah.9  One  of  the  earliest  mosques 
built  was  that  of  'Amr  ibn  al-Asi  in  Fostat,  Egypt.  It  was, 


1  Ibn  Hisharn  p.  348;  Zain  al-'Abidln,  Al  Bahr  al-Rffik  p.  268  cAbd  al- 
Rahman  ibn  al-Kasim,  Kitdb  al-Mudaivivanah  I,  60  in  the  name  of  Malik 
ibn  Anas.,  al-Shafi'T,  Risdlah  II,  152  ,J*  J-<o   c£^U  «-****  ^b  ^3 
fLoNJl  *\Loj  ?\^.\  j<3£v-»*JU  j4g&.  Cfr.,  also,  al-Si'utl,  al-Hasais  al-Kubra 
I,  196  (but  only  Lolsx*»l  US'wXa*). 

2  £>\>b   UjSy   <3>l-o    >^~~°      A-ojw*  J^  jyi  <3  \U  ^Xs^;  cited 
on  the  authority  of  Ibn  Barn,  Lisdn  XVI,  150. 

3  'Abdal-Rahman  ibn  al-Kasim  in  note  1. 

4  al-Kastallan!  II,  17. 

s  Schwaily  in  Z.  D.  M.  G.  LII,  143,  citing  al-Samhudl. 
6  For  the  mosques  built  in  the  Maghreb,  see  W.  and  G.  Margais,  Les 
monuments  arabes  de  Tlemcen  (Paris  1903),  p.  46. 

"  al-Biladhurl  (ed.  de  Goeje),  p.  275;  Yakut  IV,  325. 
s  al-Biladhurl,  pp.  346,  347 ;  Yakut  I,  640. 
9  al-Biladhurl,  p.  348. 

10* 


136  E.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

to  judge  from  the  accounts,  a  very  simple  building,  without  even 
a  concave  mihrab  and  with  a  very  low  roof:1  and  certainly,  it 
had  no  minaret.  There  is  a  definite  tradition  that  before  the 
time  of  Maslamah  ibn  Mukhallid,  one  of  Mu'awiyah's  governors 
in  Egypt  (ca.  36  A.  H.),  there  was  no  elevated  place  at  all 
for  the  Muezzin.  Mu'awiyah  ordered  him  to  increase  the  size 
of  the  mosque  and  "to  build  sawami'"  for  the  adhdn.  So 
Maslamah  constructed  for  the  jdmi'  four  saivami'  at  its  four 
corners.  He  was  the  first  one  to  construct  them  in  it;  they 
having  not  existed  before  this  time  .  .  .  the  stairway,  by  means 
of  which  the  Muezzins  mounted  was  in  the  street,  until  Khalid 
ibn  Sa'ld  transported  it  inside  the  mosque".  What  the  sau- 
mcCah  was,  we  do  not  know.  The  Arabic  lexicographers  derive 
it  from  a  root  meaning  "to  be  sharp,  pointed"  or  "to  be 
provided  with  points  or  teeth";2  but  the  root  is  one  that  is 
very  rare  in  Arabic  and  it  has  no  congener  in  the  other 
Semitic  tongues3.  The  word  seems  to  have  come  to  the 
Arabs  from  the  name  given  to  the  cell  of  the  Christian  monk— 
perhaps"  in  connection  with  the  Stylites  who  lived  on  the  top 
of  a  pillar.  At  least,  both  Bar  cAli4  and  Bar  Bahlul5  gloss 

1  al-Makrm,    al-Khitat,  2nd   ed.   IV,  6;    Abu-1-Mahasin   1,  76;    Lane- 
Poole,  The  Story  of  Cairo,  p.  42.    The  same  is  true  of  the  Jami1  al-Askar, 
the  second  mosque  built  in  Cairo. 

2  Taj  al-'  Arils   V,  411: 


Lisan  X,  76: 
Zain  al-cAbidm,  al-Bahr  al-Ra'ik,  p.  268: 

Zamakhshari,  Asds  al-Balaghah    s.  v.  : 


o     o  iw 

i.  e.  a  sort  of  cloak:  so,  also,  al-JauharT  s.  v.  : 
c__;UiL:a_n^  y&**\j  (3  ^^  ^xi^oJ  ^^UaXJ\  CU 
jo^yil)  \  *<$j>3  ^«-o^Jl^.  In  some  traditions,  the  word  is  used  for  the 
place  of  the  Muezzin;  al-Sarakshi,  al-Masbut  I,  138:  ^5^0  c^  *^\  ^ 
^XA-O^O  ^j  and  cfr.  Idrlsi,  ed.  Dozy  and  de  Goeje,  139.  9. 

3  Georg  Hoffmann  (Z.  A.  IX,  336)  connects  with  it  the  word  ^-^} 
"a  whirlwind  of  dust1'.  Similar  formations  are  discussed  by  al-Sicuti, 
Muzhir  II,  77.  .  4  Ed.  Hoffmann,  No.  968. 

5  Ed.  Duval  221,  26.  Al-Kindl,  in  his  account  of  £Ain  Shams,  says 
that  the  figures  upon  the  obelisks  are  covered  by  a  A~stx>^o;  which,  of 
course,  can  mean  only  "a  pointed  hat"  or  "tapering  hood"  (Oestrup  in 
Bulletin  de  I'Acacl  Royale  de  Danemark,  1896,  No.  4.  p.  200)  whence  the 


Vol.  xxx.]      The  origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  137 

the  Syriac  estond  by  sainna'ah',  and  when  the  Caliph  al-Walid 
mounted  up  to  the  southern  tower  of  the  great  Church  in 
Damascus  before  demolishing  it,  he  found  a  monk  living  there 
in  a  sort  of  hermitage  (saumaah),  which  he  refused  to  leave.1 
In  the  twelfth  century  the  traveller  Ibn  Jubair  found  the 
custom  still  prevalent;  a  Mohammedan  anchorite  inhabited 
the  western  minaret,2  which  place  the  philosopher  al-Grhazali 
used  as  a  retreat.  It  is  only  in  the  Maghreb  that  the  term 
saumcfah  remained  in  use  among  the  Mohammedans.3  Ibn 
Abi  Zar'  in  his  description  ol  the  mosque  of  the  Kairuanese 
at  Fez  uses  it  interchangeably  with  manardh.*  It  has  gone 
over  into  Spanish  as  "zoma". 5 

Nor  does  it  seem  that  all  mosques,  even  in  later  times, 
had  minarets;6  and  the  historians  of  architecture  go  too  far 
when  they  describe  them  as  necessary  parts  of  the  building. 
Al-Nucaiml,  who  lived  in  the  fifteenth  century  (or  his  epi- 
tomizer),  in  his  description  of  the  city  of  Damascus,7  gives 
us  a  more  or  less  complete  account  of  two  hundred  and  one 
mosques;  to  which  he  adds  twenty-eight  by  name  only.  He 
is  very  careful  to  mention  the  peculiarities  of  each  building. 
But  only  twenty  of  the  whole  number  are  said  to  have  had 
minarets.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  that  he  makes  mention  of 
the  fact  only  when  the  minaret  was  in  some  way  noteworthy: 


note  has  gore,  through  Ibn  Zulak,  into  Yakut  III,  763,  and  from  here 
into  al-Makrlzi  I,  31,  al-KazwTnl  I,  149  and  indirectly  into  al-Si'uti,  Husn 
al-Mukhadarah  I,  32.  Ibn  lyas  (in  Arnold,  Chrestomathia  p.  56)  has 


1  Al-Nu'aimi,  Tanblh  al-Tdlib  in  J.  A.  ix  Ser.  VII,  p.  189;  Muhammed 
ibn  Shakir,  Uyim  al-Tawdrlkh  in  Quatremere,  Histoire  des  Mamlouks  II, 
p.  264.     On  al-Walld's  activity  in  building  mosques,  see  de  Goeje,  Frag- 
menta  pp.  4,  3  ;  12,  7. 

2  Ed.  de  Goeje  p.  266,  19;  Fr.  Schiaparelli  p.  257. 

3  W.    and    G.    Margais,    Les    Monuments   arabes    de     Tlemcen    (Paris 
1903),  p.  45. 

4  <_.^kL\  ^^oMl  ed.  Tornberg,  pp.  30-32. 

5  P.  de  Gayangos,  History  of  the  Mohammedan  Dynasties  in  Spain  I* 
notes  p.  499;  though  this  is  doubtful.    The  word  was  entered  in  the  first 
ed.  of  Engelmann,   Glossaire  des  Mots  espagnoles  (Leiden  1861)  p.  99,  but 
it  is  omitted  in  the  second  ed.  (1869)  by  Dozy. 

6  Therefore,  if  there  is   no  minaret,  the  adhan  is  to  be  recited  at  the 
door;  al-Ramli,  Nihayat  al-Mulitaj  (Cairo  1886)  I.  305: 


7  See  Sauvaire  in  J.  A.  ix  Ser.  VI,  409  et  seq. 


138  E.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

for,  in  most  cases,  the  mere  fact  is  adduced  or  the  additional 
note  that  it  was  made  of  wood  or  was  recently  constructed. 
The  conclusion  to  be  drawn  is  that  out  of  the  large  number 
of  mosques  in  the  city,  only  very  few  were  provided  with 
minarets. 

In  the  same  manner  at  Jerusalem,  neither  the  Kiibbat  d- 
Saklird  nor  the  Masjid  al-Aksd  had  a  minaret;  the  style  of  their 
architecture,  of  course,  made  it  impossible.  At  a  later  time, 
four  were  added  on  the  Haram  area.  The  only  author  that 
seems  to  mention  them  is  Mujir  al-Din  (a  late  writer  of  the 
fifteenth  century),  who  asserts  that  those  that  were  to  be 
seen  at  his  day  occupied  the  same  position  as  did  their 
predecessors  during  the  reign  of  cAbd  al-Malik  (72  A.  H.).  * 

The  origin  of  the  minaret  is  not  apparent  at  first  sight. 
Franz  Pascha,  in  his  "Baukunst  des  Islam"2  sees  no  con- 
nection with  the  architecture  of  any  other  faith  or  race: 
"Ohne  Vorbild  wurden  die  Minarete  . . .  erfunden";  with  which 
Pool  is3  in  substantial  agreement:  "With  Christians,  bells  doubt- 
less led  to  the  idea  of  towers,  and  with  Moslems  the  call  to 
prayers  by  the  human  voice  led  to  minarets".  Schwally, 4 
however,  looks  for  some  outside  influence,  but  does  not  find 
it :  "  Wahrscheinlich  sind  die  Muslime  nicht  von  selbst  auf 
diese  Gebetstiirme  verfallen.  Aber  wo  sind  die  Yorbilder, 

• 

durch  die  ihre  Architekten  oder  Bauherren  bestimrot  wurden, 
zu  suchen?" 

From  what  has  preceded  it  is  evident  that  the  idea  of  the 
minaret  arose  during  the  'Umayyad  dynasty  and  in  Syria.  In 
part,  it  was  copied  from  the  towers  of  the  Christian  Churches. 
Whether  the  sawdmi*  which  Mu  awiyah  ordered  his  lieutenant 
in  Egypt  to  build  on  the  mosque  of  Amr,  were  towers  of  any 
pretentious,  we  know  not.  But  the  suggestion  of  a  tower  as 
the  place  from  which  the  call  to  prayers  was  to  be  made,  or 
as  belonging  to  a  religious  edifice  seems  to  have  come  from 
the  great  church  in  Damascus  which  al-Walid  finally  turned 
into  a  mosque.  Mohammad  ibn  Shakir  says  expressly5  that 

1  Uns  al-Jalil  (Cairo  1283),  p.  379. 

2  Handbuch  der  Architektur,  1886,  II,  17. 

3  Studies  in  Mohammedanism,  1892,  p.  336. 

4  Z.  D.  M.  G.  LII,  144. 

s  Quatremere,  Histoire  des  Mamlukes  11,273;  J.A.  1896,  ix  Ser.VII,  423. 
In  fact  "at  each  angle  of  this  temple  there  was  a  small  tower  erected 


Vol.  xxx.]     Tlie  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  139 

the  western  and  eastern  minarets  existed  a  long  time  before 
the  days  of  al-Walid.  Al-Walid  built  the  northern  one  called 
madhanat  al  'Arus,  after  a  favourite  designation  of  the  city 
as  "the  bride  of  the  world".1  What  these  towers  had 
been  used  for  is  not  certain;  the  variations  in  Mohammedan 
traditions  seem  to  evidence  this  uncertainty.  The  one  upon 
which  al-Walid  mounted  is  said  to  have  been  called  alrSd'ah, 
which  would  suggest  a  clock  tower.  Yakut  has  the  tradition 
that  this  same  minaret  was  originally  a  fire-temple  and  that 
a  flame  rose  up  from  it  into  the  air.2 

But  there  was  a  more  general  influence  at  work,  of  which 
the  towers  on  the  Damascus  church  are  only  one  expression. 
The  earlier  explorations  of  de  Vogue  and  the  more  recent 
ones  of  the  Princeton  expedition  to  Northern  Syria  leave 
little  doubt  that  the  Church  at  Damascus  merely  followed,  in 
respect  of  its  towers,  an  older  Syrian  and  (we  may  add) 
Mesopotamian  tradition.  In  the  basilica  of  Tafha,  which  com- 
petent authorities  date  from  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries, 
de  Vogue  sees  the  transition  from  the  Roman  basilica  used 
for  civil  purposes  to  the  Christian  Church:  "to  the  right  of 
the  fagade",  he  says,  "there  is  added  a  tower  in  three  stages" 
— a  style  of  architecture  common  in  the  Hauran. 3  One  has 
only  to  study  the  construction  of  the  other  Syrian  Basilica — 
e.g.  at  Hass  (fourth  century),4  at  Kasr  al-Banat  (fifth  century),5 
of  Kalb-Luzeh  and  Termanin  (sixth  century)  to  see  here  the 
origin  of  the  church  steeple. 

This  Syrian  and  Mesopotamian  tradition  leads  us  back — of 
course — to  the  Ziggurats  of  the  old  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
shrines.  With  regard  to  the  Syrian  Christians,  the  evidence 
is  not  more  direct  than  that  sketched  above.  Even  if  such 
Ziggurats  had  been  standing  in  their  day,  they  were  too  fervent 
anti-idolaters  to  have  adopted  anything  as  specially  heathen 
as  a  Ziggurat  would  have  appeared  to  them.  In  building 
towers  they  merely  followed  the  architectural  tradition  as  it 

by  the  Greeks  for  astronomical  purposes";  Guy  le  Strange.  Palestine  under 
the  Moslems,  p.  230. 

'  Mukaddasl,  p.  159.  2  n,  596. 

3  La  Syrie  Centrale,  I,  57 ;  Butler,  The  American  Archaeological  Ex- 
pedition to  Syria,  p.  409. 

4  See  illustration  in  Butler,  loc.  cit.  p.  220 ;  who,  however,  places  it  in 
the  sixth  century.  5  Butler,  loc.  cit  p.  156. 


140  E.  J.  H.  Gottlieil,  [1910. 

was  current  in  the  country;  for  such  towers  were  not  un- 
common in  other  than  religious  edifices — in  large  houses  and 
even  in  connection  with  funeral  monuments.  *  It  was  different 
with  the  Mohammedans.  They  showed  very  little  distaste  to 
accept  ideas,  formulas,  as  well  as  architectural  and  other 
traditions  from  systems  that  had  preceded  them  or  were  even 
their  rivals.  What  originality  Islam  possesses  lies  more  in  the 
ethical  and  religious  fervour  which  they  imported  into  that 
which  they  borrowed.  The  proof  of  this,  in  the  present  con- 
nection, is  to  he  seen  in  the  two  minarets  of  Samarra:  the 
so-called  Mauliyyah  and  the  minaret  of  the  mosque  of  Abu 
Dulaf. 

During  the  last  two  years,  these  have  been  the  subject  of 
careful  investigation  on  the  part  of  two  travellers — the  General 
de  Beylie  and  Ernst  Herzfelcl.  De  Beylie's  Prome  et  Samarra^ 
is  valuable  especially  because  it  gives  us,  in  addition  an  ob- 
servant description  of  the  mosque  of  Abu  Dulaf,  about  fifteen 
kilometres  north  of  Samarra  in  the  very  heart  of  the  desert, 
and  which  has,  also,  a  helicoidal  minaret.  Herzfeld's  work  is 3 
strong  on  the  historical  and  archaeological  side.  Herzfeld  holds 
that  the  architects  of  al-Mutawakkil,  in  building  the  minaret 
of  Samarra  (850)  followed  a  tradition  which  they  had  brought 
with  them  from  Persia,  and  that  this  minaret  goes  back  to 
the  Ziggurat  through  Persian  affiliations — more  specifically 
through  the  celebrated  Tirbal  of  Gor  or  Phiruzabad.  He 
seems  to  deduce  this  from  the  fact  that  this  was  the  only 
Ziggurat  at  the  time  that  had  retained  sufficient  of  its  old 
form  to  serve  as  a  model.  The  point  must  remain  undecided. 
At  least  as  late  as  the  fourth  century — as  Herzfeld  himself 
admits — Ammian  mentions  such  a  tower  at  the  Nahar  Malka 
near  Ctesiphon  and  Zozimus  knew  of  several  at  Bersabra, 
i.  e.  al-Ambar.  The  Borsippa  tower  which  was  described  by 
Harpocriton  in  his  Cyranides  365-355 4  B.  C.  and  which  was 
in  use  under  the  Seleucid  kings  up  to  296  B.  C.  was  still 
recognized  as  a  Ziggurat  by  the  Jewish  traveller  Benjamin 


1  De  Vogue,  loc.  cit.\  Kraus,  Geschichte  der  Christlichen  Kunst  I,  308 
speaks  of  these  small  towers  as  "die  zu  den  Emporen  fiihrenden  Treppen 
aufzunehmen."  2  Paris  1907. 

3  Samara,  Berlin  1907.    An  illustration  of  the   Samarra  minaret  can 
also  be  seen  in  Sachau,  Am  Euphrat  und  Tigris,  p.  86. 

4  De  Miely  in  Revue  Arcliaeologique,  1900,  p.  412. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  141 

of  Tudela  in  the  twelfth  century.1  That  which  distinguishes 
the  Samarra  minarets  from  the  tower  at  Gor  and  from  the 
relics  mentioned  by  the  writers  of  the  fourth  century  is  the 
fact  that  it  is  helicoidal  or  round.  Dieulafoy  says  expressly 
of  the  tower  at  Gor2  that  "each  of  the  stages  is  square  and 
less  in  size  than  the  preceding  one".  Ammian  compares  the 
tower  at  the  Nahar-Malka  with  the  Pharos  at  Alexandria, 
which  evidently  was  not  purely  helicoidal.  The  idea  that  is 
peculiar  to  them  all  is  that  of  a  tower  with  an  outside  ramp ; 
and  it  seems  evident  that  we  must  look  for  the  original  of 
both  the  helicoidal  and  the  square  or  staged  tower  in  the 
Babylonian  Ziggurat. 

It  must,  however,  be  confessed  that  cogent  proof  of  this 
statement  can  not  at  present  be  given.  Herzfeld  believes  that 
the  Ziggurat  was  simply  a  massive  pile  of  bricks  with  an 
outer  ascending'  ramp  and  that  the  Babylonians  and  Assyrians 
did  not  build  what  we  are  accustomed  to  call  "staged-towers". 
He  also  holds  that  they  were  not  merely  portions  of  the  Temple 
proper  or  adjunct  to  it;  but  that  they  also  served  as  fortresses 
and  were  used  for  astronomical  purposes.  But  it  seems  to 
me  that  he  is  mistaken  in  his  interpretation  of  what  evidence 
we  have  regarding  the  Ziggurat,  When  one  commences  to 
sift  that  evidence,  it  becomes  surprisingly  meagre;  and  we 
can  reasonably  doubt  whether — as  is  currently  believed — every 
temple  had  a  Ziggurat.  The  following,  however,  seems  to  me 
to  be  sufficient  to  prove  that  the  Ziggurat  was  indeed  a  stage- 
tower.  3 

a.  The  ruins  of  the  so-called  "observatory"  at  Khorsabad. 
This  is  distinctly  stated  to  contain  evident  traces  of  three 
stages  and  a  part  of  a  fourth — each  stage  receding  from  the 
one  below  it.4 

1  J.  Q.  B.  XVII,  519. 

2  L'art  antique  de  la  Perse,  IV,  52. 

3  I  have  omitted  those  remains  that  have  not  been  definitely  examined ; 
e.  g.  at  Kalah  Shergat— "Triimmer  etwa  von  einem  Tempel,  einem  Stufen- 
turm  oder  einem  anderen  monumentalen  Bau";  Sachau,  Am  Euphrat  und 
Tigris,  p.  113. 

4  On  the  authority  of  Place,  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Histoire  de  Vart  dans 
rantiquite,  II,  403.    At  Assur  the  height  neither  of  the  older  towers  nor 
of  that  of  Shalmanezer  II  can  now  be  determined;  W.  Andrae,  Der  Anu- 
Adad  Tempel  in  Assur  (Leipzig  1909),  pp.  13.  64— though  in  the  recon- 
struction four  stages  are  given. 


142  R.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

b.  The  ruins  of  the  stage-tower  at  Borsippa  brought  to  light 
by  Sir  Henry  Rawlinson.    Three  stages  are  said  to  be  clearly 
defined.    Hilprecht  speaks  of  the  "six  or  seven  stages  still  to 
be  recognized7';1  but  upon  what  authority,  I  do  not  know.    Its 
Babylonian  name  was  E.  UR.  IMIN.  ANKI,  which  Sumerio- 
logists  translate  either   as   "Temple   of  the    seven  planets    of 
Heaven  and  Earth"  or  "Temple  of  the  seven  directions  (spheres) 
of  Heaven  and  Earth"  (bit  sibitti  Jjammame  same  u'irsitim).'2 
The  name,  however,  need  not  necessarily  stand  in  any  relation 
to  the  architectural  features  of  the  tower  or  Ziggurat. 

c.  At  Mughayyar  Loftus3   seems   to  have  found  traces  of 
two  storeys  of  the  Ziggurat,  though   his  description  is  not  at 
all  clear.     The   second  storey   "recedes  several  feet  from  the 
lower  wall",  though  it   is   closer  to   the   edge  of  the  first  at 
its  North-  West  end  than    at  the  South-East.     He  speaks   of 
a    gradual   stepped  incline  between  the    two    storeys,   though 
its   connection   with  the  entrance  in  the  lower  storey   is  not 
defined.      Taylor4   describes    a    staircase,   three   yards    broad, 
leading  up  to  the  edge  of  the  basement  of  the  second  storey; 
but  no  further  traces  appeared.     There  seems  to  be  no  posi- 
tive  evidence    that   we   are  at  all  in  the  presence   of  a  Zig- 
gurat. 

d.  For  Birs  Nimrud   we   are    dependent   upon  the   general 
description   given   by  Eich,  5  who  saw  traces  of  at  least  four 
stages,  each   one  receding  from  the  one  below.     No  mention 
is  made  of  a  rampart. 

e.  At  Abu  Sharain,  also,  there  is  little  positive  evidence  of 
a  Ziggurat.     There  is  a  large   basal  substructure  upon  which 
some  edifice  has  been  erected,  and  to  which  an  inclined  plane 
led  up  6.     Too  little  has  remained  of  the  upper  part  to  deter- 
mine its  character. 

f.  At  Tell-Loh  the   excavators   are  said  to  have  found  the 
remains  of  some  sort  of  a  building  with  terraces  receding  one 


1  Explorations  in  Bible  Lands,  p.  184. 

2  Schrader,  K.  A.  T.3  p.  616.    Langdon,    Building  Inscriptions  of  the 
New-  Babylonian  Empire  I,  57  translates:    "House  of  the  oracular  deity 
of  the  seven  regions  of  earth  and  sky". 

3  Travels  and  Researches  in  Chaldaea  and  Susiana,  p.  128. 

4  J.  R.  A.  S.  XV,  261. 

5  Babylon  and  Persepolis,  p.  167. 
e  Taylor  in  J.  R.  A.  S.  XV,  404. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  143 

from  the  other.  *•    It  is  quite  doubtful  whether  this  is  part  of 
a  Ziggurat  at  all. 

g.  At  Nippur  Hilprecht  assumes  that  there  was  a  Ziggurat 
of  five  stages,  but  no  reason  is  given  for  this  assumption ;  and 
I  am  not  aware  that  the  special  monograph  on  the  subject 
"E-kur,  the  Temple  of  Bel  at  Nippur"  has  ever  been  pub- 
lished. He  confesses  that  very  little  is  left  of  the  higher 
stages  of  the  Ziggurat  of  Ur-Gur.2  Haynes  found  only  con- 
siderable remains  of  a  sloping  second  terrace.  Peters,  however, 
thinks  that  there  is  sufficient  warrant  for  supposing  an  original 
Ziggurat  of  two  stories,  upon  which  Ur-Gur  built  one  of  three.3 
He  confesses,  however,  that  the  two  upper  stages  of  Ur-Gur's 
Ziggurat  "were  so  ruined  by  water  that  it  was  difficult  to 
trace  or  restore  them".4  Of  the  supposed  causeway,  only  so 
much  was  found  as  lead  up  "to  the  top  of  the  first  terrace 
of  the  Ziggurat".5 

h.  At  Bismaya,  too,  the  results  have  been  very  unsatis- 
factory and  hardly  warrant  the  supposition  that  traces  of  a 
real  Ziggurat  have  been  found.  According  to  Banks,6  the 
small  amount  of  the  rubbish  in  the  place  in  which  it  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  would  warrant,  at  best,  the  conjecture 
of  a  Ziggurat  of  two  or  three  stages.  In  fact,  not  more  than 
one  stage,  in  reality,  was  found  with  a  flight  of  steps  leading 
up  and  this  may  be  nothing  more  than  an  elevated  platform 
for  some  building.  Further  down  in  the  so-called  plano-convex 
temple,  the  base  only  of  some  building  was  unearthed:  nothing 
compels  us  to  hold  that  this  was  part .  of  a  temple-tower. 

i.  The  so-called  Tirbal  of  Jaur  or  Gor  (Firuzabad).  Herz- 
feld  represents  this  to  be  also  merely  a  tower  "von  quadrati- 
schem  Grundrifi  mit  aufierer  Wendelrampe".  But  Dieulafoy, 
who  has  examined  the  ruins  minutely  says  distinctly  that  the 
tower  "is  composed  above  the  platform,  of  four  stages  . .  . 
Each  stage  is  square  and  recedes  from  the  preceding  one  by 
a  space  equal  to  */io  of  the  base".7 

'j.  The  account  of  the  temple  of  Bel  at  Babylon  given  by 
Herodotus8.     Whatever  value   we  may  place   upon  his  trust- 


1  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Histoire  de  I  art  dans  I 'antiquite,  II,  398;  Hil- 
precht, loc.  cit.  p.  232.  2  Loc.  cit.  p.  374. 

3  Nippur,  II,  122,  124.  *  Loc.  cit.  p.  162. 

'•>  Loc.  cit.  p.  147-8.  e  A.  J.  S.  L.  1905,  pp.  30-32. 

7  Uart  antique  de  la  Perse,  IV,  79,  85.  8  j}  180. 


144  .K.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

worthiness,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  idea  that  he  intended 
to  convey.  After  mentioning  the  first  tower,  he  speaks  of  an 
aAAos  Trv/ayos  =  another  tower  having  been  erected  upon  this  first 
one  (erejoos,  i.  e.  7™/>yos),  and  so  on  up  to  the  eighth. l  He  would 
hardly  have  described  each  one  of  these  as  an  individual 
tower,  if  the  whole  had  been  one  massive  structure.  Harpo- 
criton,  also,  mentions  three  towers  superimposed  as  still  stand- 
ing in  his  days ;  and  he  did  not  regard  it  as  one  single  tower. 2 
And  finally,  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  though  much  too  succinct 
in  his  account,  speaks  of  the  outer  rampart  as  if  it  were  not 
continuous:  hwpZ  D^IJJ  Dt?  DHll  D^YJ  m»N  mwy\  rntPJJ  ^31 
"and  every  ten  cubits  there  are  ways  (or  slopes),  by  means 
of  which  one  goes  in  a  circle,  encircling  it  until  one  reaches 
the  top".3  He  seems  evidently  to  have  a  stage-like  arrange- 
ment in  mind.  Unfortunately  it  is  impossible  to  verify  these 
statements.  The  bricks  have  all  been  carried  off  to  be  used 
in  other  buildings;  and  all  that  remains  to  mark  the  spot  is 
a  depression  called  by  the  Arabs  al-sahn,  "the  bowl".4 

k.  Representations  in  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  art;  twro  of 
which  only  have  come  down  to  us:  the  representation  on  the 
so-called  Loftus  boundary-stone  and  the  relief  from  the  wall 
of  the  palace  of  Sargon  at  Nineveh.  The  first  of  these  Herz- 
feld  ignores  entirely;  yet  there  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  the 
stage  character  of  the  tower  it  is  meant  to  represent.5  As 
regards  the  second,  Herzfeld6  is  at  pains  to  prove  that  it 
does  not  represent  a  Ziggurat  at  all;  but  his  argument  is  not 
at  all  convincing.  The  rather  crude  manner  in  which  the 
Assyrian  artists  expressed  themselves  need  not  deter  us  from 
seeing  in  the  two  curves  that  flank  the  portal  an  attempt  to 
picture  the  inclined  planes  of  a  Ziggurat.  Herzfeld  suggests 
that  they  represent  two  towers;  but  then  there  would  be  no 
reason  for  the  curves.  And  the  portal  reminds  us  of  a  similar 
portal  which  is  part  of  the  Tirbal  of  Gor,  as  described  by 

1  Zehnpfund,  Die   Wiederlierstdlung  Nineves  (A.  0.  V,  4;    1903)  p.  23 
speaks  of  six  stages;    but  does  not  give  his  authority  for  the  statement. 

2  Revue  Archaeologique,  1900,  p.  412  et  seq. 

3  Adler's  translation,  J.  Q+R.  XVII,  527;  The  Itinery  of  Benjamin  of 
Tudela  (1907),  p.  43  is  not  quite  exact. 

4  Hilprecht,  loc.  cit.  p.  553. 

5  See  e.  g.  Hommel,  Babyl.  Assyr.   Geschichte,  p.  19;   Hincke,   A  Neiv 
Boundary- Stone  of  Nebuchadrezzar  I  from  Nippur,  Phil.  1907,  pp.  17,239. 

6  Loc.  cit.  p.  27. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret  145 

Dieulafoy:  "on  passait  d'abord  sous  une  porte  signalee  actuelle- 
ment  par  les  naissances  d'un  arceau  de  60  cm.  d'epaisseur, 
puis  on  s'engageait  sous  une  gallerie  recouverte  d'un  berceau 
en  partie  conserve".1 

A  reminiscence  of  the  Babylonian  stage-tower  may  also  be 
seen  in  the  stories  told  about  the  famous  tower  in  the  castle 
of  Ghumdan  in  San'a.  The  ordinary  report  was  that  it  was 
seven  stories  high;  i.  e.  that  it  had  seven  stages;2  though  al- 
Hamdam,  in  his  Iklil,  is  certain  that  it  had  twenty,  and  not 
seven,  stories.,3  A  glance  at  the  picture  of  the  castle  given 
in  the  Corpus  Inscriptionum  Semiticarum*  will  show  how  the 
mistake  arose.  The  rock  has  evidently  been  built  upon  in 
terrace-like  formations. 

The  evidence  here  adduced  does  seem  sufficient  to  permit 
the  view  that  real  stage-towers  did  exist  in  connection  with 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  temples.  But  it  may  be  wrong  to 
assume  that  these  were  the  only  kind  of  towers  constructed 
there.  The  two  round  towers  in  the  mosques  of  Samarra 
and  Abu  Dulaf  seem  to  point  to  the  possibility  that  some  of 
the  Babylonian  Ziggurat  may  have  been  built  in  a  similar 
round  form. 

It  is,  however,  in  another  part  of  the  Mohammedan  world 
that  we  are  able  to  trace  the  further  influence  of  the  old 
Mesopotamian  tradition.  All  through  the  Middle  Ages,  Egypt 
stood  in  close  connection  with  Irak  and  with  Persia:  until  the 
Ottoman  Turks  brought  the  influence  of  Constantinople  to 
bear  upon  the  land  of  the  Nile.  The  great  centres  of  literary 
and  of  artistic  development  in  Irak  made  their  influence  felt  in 

1  I  am  not  able   to   follow  Jeremias   in  attributing  a  cosmic  character 
to  the  Ziggurat;  Das  Alter  der  baby lonischen  Astronomic,  1908,  pp.  32-34. 
Max  von  Oppenheim,  Vom  Mittelmeer  zum  Persischen  Golf  II,  240,  speaks 
of  the  tower  of  'Akar  (cAkr)  kuf,  to  the  north-west  of  Bagdad  as  a  relic 
of  the  Babylonian  period  (cfr.   also,  Niebuhr,   Reisebeschreibung  II,  305 ; 
Rich,  Narrative  of  a  Journey  to  the  site  of  Babylon,  p.  80;  Ker  Porter, 
Travels,  II,  275;  Layard,  Nineveh  and  Babylon  p.  476).    But  Peters,  Nippur, 
I,  188,  354,    is    probably  right    in   holding    that   it  does  not  contain  the 
remains  of  a  Ziggurat.     The  Arabic  legends  in   regard  to  its  origin  can 
be  read  in  Tabari  II,  917  etc.;    Yakut  I,  863;  al-Hamadhanl  pp.  196,  210; 
Hamzae  Ispahanensis  Annalium  Libri  X,  ed.  Gottwaldt,  p.  35. 

2  Yakut  III,  811;  al-Kazwinl  II,  33.     Cfr.  Caussin  de  Perceval,  Essai 
I,  75. 

3  D.  H.  Muller,  Die  Burgen  und  Schlosser  Sudarabiens  I,  13,  15,  56. 
*  Vol.  IV,  1.  Tab.  1. 


146  E,  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

the  land  which  has  so  seldom  heen  ruled  by  men  of  its  in- 
digenous races.  One  of  the  earliest  monuments  of  Arab  archi- 
tecture is  the  mosque  of  Ibn  Tulun  in  Cairo.1  There  can 
be  little  doubt  of  the  connection  of  its  "corkscrew  tower"  on 
the  one  hand  with  the  Pharos2  in  Alexandria,  on  the  other 
with  the  minaret  of  Samarra.  We  can  have  some  correct 
idea  of  the  form  of  the  Pharos  from  the  description  left  us 
by  Arabic  writers,  from  a  mosaic  in  St.  Mark  at  Venice 
(twelfth  century)  and  from  a  curious  representation  found  in 
some  manuscripts  of  two  noted  Arabic  writers — Yakut3  and 
al-Kazwinl. 4  It  was  of  three  storeys;  the  first  square,  the 
second  octagonal  and  the  third  round. 5  The  minaret  of  Ibn 
Tulun,  also,  has  three  storeys,  but  the  forms  of  the  second 
and  the  third  are  reversed.  Now,  it  is  quite  possible  that  in 
building  his  minaret,  Ibn  Tulun  was  partly  inspired  by  the 
Pharos  at  Alexandria.  We  know  that  he  repaired  it  and 
added  a  Kubbah  or  dome  on  the  top. 6  But  there  is  a  distinct 
tradition,  upon  the  authority  of  al-Kudaci  (died  454-5  A.  H.) 
that  Ibn  Tulun  fashioned  both  his  mosque  and  its  minaret 


1  See  e.  g.  Coste,  Architecture  Arabe,  plate  XXXVII ;  Lane,  Story  of 
Cairo  p.  73;   £.   Corbet,    The    Life  and   Works  of  Ahmad  ibn  Tulun  in 
J.  B.A.  S.  1891,  p.  527;  De  Beylie,  Prome  et  Samara,  p.  122;    Saladin, 
Manuel   a"1  art  Mnsulman,   I,  81 ;    Kaiser  and  Roloff,  Agypten  Einst  und 
Jetzt,  1908,  p.  199.    Lane-Poole,  A  History  of  Egypt,  p.  65  adds  "Archi- 
tects, however,  throw  doubts  on  the  antiquity  of  Ibn  Tulun's  minaret''; 
but  no  arguments  are  adduced. 

2  Alfred  H.  Butler  was  the  first  to  suggest  that  the  Pharos  served  as 
a  model  to  the  workmen  of  Ibn  Tulun;    see  Academy,   Nov.  20.   1880; 
Arab  Conquest  of  Egypt,  p.  398.     Van  Berchem  (Corpus,  p.  481)  holds 
the  same  view.     On  the  other  hand,  Herzfeld  (loc.  cit.  p.  35)  thinks  that 
the  Pharos   was   rebuilt   in  accordance  with  the  form  of  the  minaret  of 
Ibn  Tulun.  3  i?  263.  *  H,  93. 

s  Hardly  four,  as  Butler,  Arab  Conquest  of  Egypt,  p.  391  asserts.  See 
Ehitat,  2nd  ed.,  I,  254.  The  earliest  coins  containing  a  representation  of 
the  Pharos  are  dated  in  the  year  15  of  Domitian,  i.  e.  80  A.  D.  Here  it 
has  in  reality  only  two  stages,  seemingly  square.  On  the  coins  of  Corn- 
modus  the  representation  is  strictly  conventionalized:  three  round  towers 
superimposed.  See  E.  D.  J.  Dutilh  in  Bulletin  de  VInstitut  Egypt.  1897, 
p.  24.  Herzfeld  (loc.  cit.  p.  33)  suggests  that  the  form  of  the  Pharos 
itself  is  not  Greek,  but  that  it  was  inspired  by  Babylonian  precedents. 

e  Khitat,  2nd  ed.  pp.  253,  254  (cfr.  al-Si'utl,  Husn  I,  44).  The  text  is 
not  quite  plain:  "Ahmad  ibn  Tulun  made  some  repairs  in  it  and  placed 
on  the  top  a  Kubbah  of  wood,  that  whoever  entered  it  (the  manarah) 
might  be  able  to  go  to  the  top.  It  was  spacious,  but  without  a  stairway". 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  147 

after  those  of  Samarra.  There  is  little  reason  to  doubt  the 
correctness  of  this  tradition,  or  to  call  it — as  Herzfeld  does— 
"Geschichtskonstruktion".  Al-Kuda'l  stood  in  high  renown 
among  Mohammedan  historians  of  Egypt,1  and  his  work  was  used 
liberally  by  all  who  have  written  on  the  history  and  the  anti- 
quities of  the  country.  Ahmad  ibn  Tulun  had  spent  part  of 
his  youth  in  Samarra;'2  and  when  he  succeeded  in  swinging 
himself  upon  the  throne  of  Egypt,  he  kept  up  connection  with 
his  friends  in  that  city. 3  It  was  with  him  that  commenced 
that  artistic  influence  of  Mesopotamia  in  Egypt  which  had 
formerly  belonged  to  Syria.  It  was  one  more  avenue  opened 
through  which  that  artistic  influence  of  late  oriental  civilization 
was  to  affect  the  early  Middle  Ages,  on  which  Strzygowski  has 
dwelt  so  often.4  And  one  is  tempted  to  see  both  in  the 
Pharos  and  in  the  minaret  of  Tulun  nothing  more  than  a 
combination  of  the  square  or  angled  Ziggurat  and  the  round 
one  that  has  been  presupposed  in  order  to  account  for  the 
Samarra  towers. 

But  in  one  important  particular  the  minaret  of  Ibn  Tulun 
differed  from  the  Pharos;  and  here  we  must  see  the  direct 
influence  of  Mesopotamia.  In  the  Pharos,  the  ascent  was 
covered  and  was,  therefore,  an  integral  part  of  the  building. 
Yakut  says  "It  has  a  wide  stairway  which  a  horseman  can 
ascend  with  his  horse";5  "The  ascent  is  roofed  over6  with 
slabs  that  rest  upon  the  two  walls  that  enclose  the  staircase. 
One  mounts  up  to  an  elevated  platform  with  encircling  battle- 


1  See  Becker,  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  Agyptens,  I,  20;    idem  in  Z.  A. 
XXII,  430;    N.  A.  Koeriig,    The  History  of  the  Governors  of  Egypt  by 
al-Kindi  (N.  Y.  1908),  p.  23.     Strzygowski  (Jahrbuch  der  Konigl.  Preuss. 
Kunstsammlungen,  1904,  p.  246)  also  accepts  the  testimony  of  al-Kuda'I. 

2  Tabari  III,  1670;  Vollers,  Fragmente  aus  clem  Mugrib  des  Ibn  Sa'id, 
p.  7;    Abul-Mahasin  H,  6.  .3  Vollers,  loc.  cit  p.  47,  15. 

4  Loc.  cit.  p.  237.     Cfr.  Rene  Dussaud,   Les  Arabes  en  Syrie  avant 
V Islam  (Paris  1907),  p.  45.    On  the  general  question,  see  Migeon,  Manuel 
d'Art  Musulman  II,  71,  102,  459  et  seq. 

5  Consequently,    there    were  no    steps.     Ibn    Khurdadbeh,    Kitcib  al- 
Masdlik,  (ed.  de  Goeje)  p.  114,  16  has  ^>  ^^ ,  which  reminds  him  of 
the  ascent  in  the  minaret  of  the  Samarra  mosque.    Mas'udi  has  the  same 
expression;    and  the   doubt  of  Butler  (Arab  Conquest  of  Egypt,  p.  392, 
note  2)  "it  does  not  seem  quite  clear  whether  there  were  actual  steps  or 
an  inclined  plane  for  mounting  the  tower",  is  not  justified. 

UJ 

6  Yakut  has  CXaJLco  and  not  the  unintelligible  CXJuu**j  of  al-Kazwini. 


148  R.  J.  S.  Gotfheil,  [1910. 

ments,  from  which  one  has  an  outlook  over  the  sea.  In  this 
there  is  a  space  as  if  it  were  a  square  tower  which  one 
ascends  by  another  series  of  steps  unto  another  place  from 
which  one  can  look  down  upon  the  roof  of  the  first.  It  is 
also  surrounded  by  battlements.  In  this  space  there  is  a 
pavilion  like  a  watchman's  cabin".  That  he  is  speaking  here 
of  an  inner  staircase  *  is  plain  from  his  statement  a  little 
further  on  that  this  staircase  winds  around  "something  like 
an  empty  well"— a  fact  that  is  also  reported  by  the  Chinese 
author  of  the  thirteenth  century  Chao-Yu-Kua  in  his  ethno- 
graphic work  Chu-fan-chah:  "in  the  middle  of  the  tower  there 
was  a  spring".2  Idrlsl  (twelfth  century)  says  explicitly:  "one 
mounts  by  means  of  a  wide  staircase,  constructed  in  the 
interior,  just  as  is  the  custom  in  mounting  mosques". 3  The 
minaret  of  Ibn  Tulun,  however,  has  its  ascent  outside,  in  the 
form  of  a  rampart,  just  as  was  the  case  with  the  Ziggurat. 4 
The  persistence  of  this  tradition  in  Mesopotamia  itself  is  seen 
in  the  tower  built  at  Bagdad  by  the  Caliph  al-Muktafi  in  the 
eleventh  century  (the  Kiibbat  al-himar  or  "Cupola  of  the  Ass") 
"ascended  by  a  spiral  stair  of  such  an  easy  gradient  that  the 
Caliph  could  ride  to  the  summit  on  a  donkey  trained  to  an 
ambling  gait".5 

The  combination  of  the  square  or  angled  base  surmounted 
by  a  circular  tower  remained  the  predominant  type  of  the 
.Egyptian  minaret;  though  the  ascent  has  been  placed  inside. 
This  general  character,  of  course,  admitted  of  certain  variations. 
The  minaret  upon  the  tomb-mosque  of  Kalacun  is  made  up 
of  a  square  base,  surmounted  by  another  square  retrocessing 
and  by  a  circular  top;  that  on  the  tomb-mosque  of  Barkuk 

1  Hirth,  Die  Lander  des  Islam  nach  chinesischen  Quellen.    Supplement 
au  Vol.  V  du  Toung-Pao,  Leiden  1894,  p.  53. 

2  Description  de  LAfrique,  p.  139. 

3  Van  Berchem,  Saladin  and  de  Beylie  have   correctly  described  the 
Pharos   as  telescopic  in   form;    while  the  minarets  at  Samarra  and  Abu 
Dulaf  are  helicoi'dal.    See  Prome  et  Samarra,  p.  115,  note. 

<  Guy  le  Strange,  Bagdad  during  the  Abbasid  Califate,  p.  254.  A 
similar  tower  "up  which  four  horses  could  be  driven"  is  mentioned  by 
Chao-Yu-Kua  as  existing  at  Lu-Mei,  which  Hirth  supposes  to  be;Da- 
mascus.  If  this  is  so,  the  author  must  confound  the  tower  to  which  he 
refers  with  some  other— perhaps  the  Pharos  itself,  as  de  Goeje  suggests: 
loc.  cit.  p.  47. 

*  Coste,  Plate  IX;  Saladin  1,  112.  Cfr.,  also,  the  minaret  of  al-Grhuri, 
Coste,  Plate  XXXVI;  Prisse  d'Avennes,  L>Art  Arabe,  plate  XXVI. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  149 

of  a  square  base,  followed  by  a  circular  construction,  and 
then  by  a  round  top  resting  on  pillars. 1  Sometimes  the  cir- 
cular part  was  broken  into  an  hexagonal  or  an  octagonal. 
The  minaret  on  the  mosque  of  al-Hasan  has  a  square  base 
surmounted  by  an  octangular  tower;  which  is  followed  by  a 
second  octangular  tower;  the  whole  surmounted  by  a  top  piece 
resting  upon  columns. 2  This  is  also  the  form  of  the  minaret 
on  the  madrasah  of  Muhammad  ibn  Nasr.  The  minaret  of 
the  tomb-mosque  of  Kait-Bey  has  a  square  base  that  develops 
before  the  first  stage  is  finished  into  an  hexagonal.  Upon 
this  is  a  circular  tower,  surmounted  by  a  round  top  resting 
on  pillars.3  At  other  times  the  square  base  was  broken  as 
in  the  minaret  of  the  mosque  of  al-Mu'ayyid,  where  it  is 
hexagonal; 4  or  in  that  of  the  Azhar  where  it  is  also  hexagonal — - 
surmounted  by  a  decagonal,  and  this  is  crowned  by  two  towers 
that  support  the  top  piece.5 

Both  forms,  the  square  and  the  round  tower,  have,  however, 
persisted  uncombined  in  various  parts  of  the  Moslem  world; 
the  cleavage  is  rather  marked.  The  square  minaret  persisted 
in  Syria 6  (whenever  Egyptian  influence  was  not  at  work),  as 
can  be  seen  in  the  "Ma'dhanat  al-'Arus"  in  the  Cathedral 
mosque  at  Damascus"  and  even  in  the  general  character 
of  the  "Minaret  of  Jesus"  there.  That  of  the  mosque  of 
Zakariyya  (the  cathedral  mosque)  at  Aleppo  is  a  simple  square 
all  the  way  up.8  The  Umayyads  carried  this  form  into  Spain; 
the  most  noted  example  to  day  being  the  Giralda  at  Sevilla, 9 
which  has  been  copied  faithfully  in  the  tower  of  the  Madison 
Square  Garden  of  New  York  City.  It  was  also  carried  into 
Africa,  where,  to  this  day,  the  usual  form  of  the  minaret  is 
square.  Witness  the  Jama  Zaitoun  at  Tunis,  the  minaret  of 
the  Kalaa  Beni  Hammad  (the  Berber  capital  of  North  Africa) ; 
the  Katubia  in  Morocco,  the  Mosque  at  Oran  or  the  Mansurah 

1  Coste,  Plate  XIV. 

2  E.  T.  Rogers  and  Miss  Rogers  in  Art  Journal,  1880,  p.  77. 

3  Coste,  Plate  XXXII. 

*  Coste,  Plate  XXXI;  Saladin  I,  144. 

5  Coste,  Plate  XXXVII.  6  Mukaddasi  (ed.  de  Goeje),  p.  182. 

7  Saladin  I,  72.  The  top  of  the  "Minaret  of  Jesus"  is  evidently  a 
later  addition.  8  Saladin  1, 105. 

9  Saladin  I,  232;  Adolf  Fah,  GrundrijS  der  Gesch.  der  bildenden  Kiinste, 
p.  280;  Liibke,  Gesch.  der  Architektur,  p.  81;  W.  and  G.  Mar^ais,  Les 
Monuments  Ardbes  de  Tlcmcen,  p.  45. 

VOL.  XXX.     Part  II.  11 


150  R.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  [1910. 

at   Tlemcen. !     Only  in  a  few  cases,  as   at  Hamonda  Pasha 
in  Tunis,  is  the  absolute  square  broken  into  a  hexagonal. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  round  minaret  is  generally  found 
in  Mesopotamia  and  the  countries  further  east. 2  Some  of  the 
great  mausoleums,  it  is  true,  seem  to  represent  an  angular 
base  surmounted  by  a  short, 3  pointed  tower — such  as  the  tomb 
of  Zubaidah  the  wife  of  Harun  al-Rashid  near  Bagdad  with 
its  pyramidal  stalactite  top  or  the  tomb  of  Hasan  al-Basri  at 
Zobair  near  that  same  city,  with  its  tower  curiously  formed 
of  eight  stages  in  telescopic  arrangement.4  Nor  are  peculiar 
forms  wanting;  e.  g.  the  minaret  in  the  Suk  al-Ghazal  at 
Bagdad,5  which  though  round  increases  in  width  towards  the 
top  where  it  finishes  in  a  beautiful  stalactite  top  (similar  to 
the  minaret  at  Amadieh6),  or  the  minaret  at  al-Anah  with 
its  eight  regular  storeys, 7  which  reminds  one  forcibly  of  some 
of  the  towers  recently  found  at  Axum. 8  In  some  cases,  but 
at  a  later  period,  the  round  form  was  frankly  discarded — as 
in  the  minaret  of  the  Bibi  Khanum  at  Samarcand9 — that 
noble  structure  erected  by  Timur  to  his  much-beloved  wife — • 
which  is  octagonal  in  form,  or  in  that  of  the  Royal  Tekie  at 
Teheran,  which  is  square. 10  But  in  general,  one  will  find 
round  minarets  of  one  sort  or  another  from  Mesopotamia  up 
to  the  confines  of  China.  There  is,  of  course,  much  variety 
in  the  details  of  these  round  minarets,  and  their  architecture, 
has  been  affected  by  local  taste  and  racial  traditions.  The 
Minar  Kalan  (the  great  minaret)  at  Bokhara  is  an  immense 
structure  "36  feet  at  the  base  and  tapering  upward  to  a  height 
of  210  feet".11  At  times  a  sort  of  spiral  is  worked  into  the 
tower,  as  at  the  Imperial  mosque  of  Ispahan,12  or  at  the 
"Gur  Amir",  the  mausoleum  of  Tamerlane.  In  the  Minar  of 

i  Saladin  I,  198,  217,  224,  228  etc.  2  Saladin  I,  289. 

3  Saladin  1,320;  de  Beylie,  Prome  et  Samarra,  p.  32. 

4  Revue  du  Monde  Musulman  VI,  645. 

5  De  Beylie,  Prome  et  Samarra,  p.  48. 

6  Binder,  Am  Kurdistan,  p.  207.  7  ^.,  p.  69. 

8  Jahrb.  des  KaiserL  deutschen  Arclidolog.  Inst.  1907,  pp.  45,  46.  Cfr. 
Am.  Journ.  of  Archaeol.  XI,  340. 

o  Skrine  and  Ross,  The  Heart  of  Asia,  p.  392. 

10  Revue  du  Monde  Musulman  IV,  483;    Jackson,    Persia   Past  and 
Present,  p.  417. 

11  Skrine  and  Ross,  The  Heart  of  Asia,  p.  374. 

12  Saladin  I,  397. 


Vol.  xxx.]     TJie  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  151 

the  Kutab  mosque  at  Delhi,  the  smooth  surface  is  broken  by 
projecting  ribs  which  form  flutes  which  are  alternately  angular 
and  circular  up  to  the  first  storey;1  circular  in  the  second 
and  angular  in  the  third.  The  fourth  storey  is  plainly  round.2 
It  is  this  round  form,  though  much  smaller  in  circumference, 
that  has  been  adopted  by  the  Turks  and  which  they  evidently 
learned  in  Mesopotamia%  It  is  this  style  that  is  found,  again 
with  very  few  exceptions,  in  Constantinople  and  the  Balkan 
Peninsula. 3 

But  it  is  not  only  in  Mohammedan  countries  that  the  idea 
first  expressed  in  the  Babylonian  Ziggurat  has  survived.  I 
should  not  like  to  be  misundertood  as  falling  in  with  the 
Babylonian  exaggerations  of  some  of  our  most  learned  As- 
syriologists  and  of  seeing  everything  through  spectacles  coloured 
by  the  grandeur  of  the  antique  world.  But  in  matters  of  art 
and  of  architecture  especially,  the  borrowings  and  the  in- 
fluences have  been  so  numerous,  that  one  civilization  may  be 
said  to  stand  upon  the  shoulders  of  its  predecessor.  It  is  a 
well-known  fact  that  the  early  Christian  basilica  had  no 
towers  attached  or  superposed.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
earliest  Byzantine  churches  in  Italy — the  classic  home  of  the 
campanile.  Even  to  this  day  there  are  none  attached  to  the 
cathedral  of  Parenzo  (535-543),  of  Prado  (571-586)  or  to  that 
of  San  Lorenzo  at  Milan  (6th  century),  which  are  among  the 
earliest  examples  of  church  architecture  in  the  West.  It  is 
true  that  some  of  the  old  Italian  churches  have  at  present 
campaniles  adjoining.  This  is  the  case  with  a  number  of  the 
Ravenna  churches — the  Basilica  Ursiana,  Sant'  Apollinare 

1  Ferguson,  History  of  Indian  and  Eastern   Architecture,  p.  505.    A 
similar  method  is  employed  in  many  of  the  grand  palaces  of  Mesopotamia 
and  in  the  Minar,  or  lighthouse   at  Beni  Hammad  in  North  Africa.    See 
De  Beylie  in  J.  A.  Xil  (1900)  p.  197. 

2  Ferguson,  loc.  cit.  John  J.  Pool,    Studies  in  Mohammedanism  (1892) 
p.  336  "It  is  not   exactly  a  minaret,   that  is   to  say,  it  is  not  now,  if  it 
ever   was,    connected   with    a  mosque,   but  it  is   a  lofty  turret  or  tower 
which  is  called  a  minar". 

3  One  might   go   still   further  and   examine  the  connection  that  exists 
between   the  Babylonian  Ziggurat  and  the  stage-temples   found  in  Tur- 
kestan, at  Turfan,  Astana  and  Syrchab  (Griinwedel,  Bericht  tiber  archdo- 
logische  Arbeiten  in  Idikutschari  und  TJwgebung  in  Abhandl.  Phil.  Philol. 
Elasse  der  Bayer.  Akad.  1906,  p.  49;  Hegel  in  Petermanrfs  Mitteil.  for 
1879,  1880  and  1881);   but  such  an  examination  would  be  foreign  to  the 
scope  of  the  present  paper. 

11* 


152  R.  J.  H.  GottMl,  [1910. 

Nuovo,  Sant  Apollinare  in  Classe.  San  Vitale  is  even  sur- 
mounted by  two  towers.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  the 
towers  on  San  Vitale  are  not  campaniles  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  term,  but  merely  means  for  reaching  the  gallery. l  As 
regards  the  campaniles  themselves,  all  authorities  agree  that 
though  the  main  edifices  of  the  churches  are  of  the  fifth  and 
sixth  centuries,  the  campaniles  wer^e  erected  at  least  two 
centuries  later.2  The  dating  of  the  campanile  is  in  no  way 
affected  by  the  undoubted  fact  that  the  bell  was  used  in 
connection  with  early  Christian  churches.  Gregory  of  Tours, 
towards  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  seems  to  be  the  first 
to  mention  it  as  part  of  the  church  paraphanalia. 3  The 
Chronicle  of  the  abbots  of  Fonteinelle,  speaking  of  the  years 
734-738,  mentions  the  "Campanum  in  turricula  collocandum 
ut  moris  est  ecclesiarum". 4  Some  of  the  belfries  (e.  g.  of  St. 
Satyrus)  are  supposed  to  be  as  old  as  the  sixth  century. 5  But 
belfries  are  not  towers.  The  oldest  campaniles  are  supposed 
to  date  from  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century — those  of 
Santa  Maria  della  Cella  at  Viterbo  and  Sant  Ambrogio  at 
Milan:  though  that  of  Sant  Apollinare  in  Classe  is  held  by 
some  to  be  of  the  eighth  century.6  The  campanile  of  Sant' 
Apollinare  Nuovo  is  however  reliably  dated  between  850 
and  878.  - 

It  is  therefore  a  pertinent  question — whence  did  this  ad- 
dition to  church  architecture  come?  The  writer  of  the  article 
"Kirchenbau"  in  the  Protestantische  Real-Encydopadie1  is  of 
opinion  that  it  was  an  original  conception  both  in  Italy  and 
in  the  Frankish  Empire,  and  that  it  had  no  connection 
whatsoever  with  the  East.  I  understand  this  to  be  also  the 
meaning  of  Adolf  Fan's  words:  "Ein  neues  Element  bilden 


1  "...  le  torri  della  basilica  di  San  Vitale,   dalla  muratura  sincrona 
ad  essa,  furono  erette  per  dare  accesso  alia  gallerie  superiore";   Yenturi, 
Storia  deW  arte  Italiana  (Milan  1902)  II,  160. 

2  G.  T.  Rivoira,  Le  origini  della  architettura  Lombardia  (Rome  1901), 
1,49  et  seq.;  Venturi,  loc.  cit.\   Ch.  Diehl,  Eavenne  (1903)  p.  48. 

s  Venturi,  loc.  cit.  II,  149;   Protest.  Real-Encycl.  VI,  704. 

*  Cited  from  Eulart,  Manuel  $  archeologie  frangaise  p.  174  in  Arthur 
Kingsley  Porter,  Mediaeval  Architecture  (N.  Y.  1909)  I,  81,  note  3. 

6  Rafiaele  Sattaneo,  Architecture  in  Italy  (London  1896)  p.  255. 

6  Dehio  and  Van  Bezold,  Die  kirchliche  Baukunst  des  Abendlandes, 
I,  135.  7  X,  786. 


Vol.  xxx.]     The  Origin  and  History  of  the  Minaret.  153 

die  meist  kreisnmden  Turme". l  But  one  might  well  ask  in 
return — if  they  were  not  necessary  as  belfries,  what  purpose 
did  they  serve?  In  Ravenna  they  could  hardly  be  needed  as 
towers  of  defence,  since  the  whole  city  was  enclosed  by  a 
wall.  Nor  could  they  be  used  as  light-houses;  for  that  pur- 
pose they  were  too  far  distant  from  the  shore.  It  is  certainly 
peculiar  that  the  rise  of  the  campanile  or  church  tower  syn- 
chronizes with  the  coming  of  the  Arabs  into  the  Mediter- 
ranean. The  first  Arab  raid  upon  Sicily  is  said  to  have  taken 
place  in  the  year  701  ;2  and  though  Sicily  and  certain  parts 
of  Southern  Italy  did  not  come  under  their  direct  rule  until 
the  Aghlabites  were  strong  in  Africa  during  the  ninth  century,3 
Arab  influence  permeated  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  long  be- 
fore that.  I  do  not  know  what  authority  there  is  for  the 
statement  that  the  columns  for  the  basilicas  at  Ravenna  were 
made  in  Istria  by  oriental  workmen;4  but  Ravenna  was  a 
great  centre  from  which  Oriental  influences  passed  on  into 
Europe — not  only  in  art,  but  also  in  decoration,  in  mosaics, 
and  in  miniatur-painting  as  well.5  The  basilica  of  St.  Mark 
at  Venice,  supposed  to  contain  the  remains  of  the  saint  brought 
thither  in  828  from  Alexandria,  is  adorned  with  columns 
garnered  in  the  East;  and  the  campanile  has  an  "ascent  by  a 
continuous  inclined  plane  built  between  an  inner  and  outer 
wall  and  turning  with  a  platform  at  each  angle  of  the  tower" 
which  reminds  one  at  once  of  the  ascent  in  the  Pharos  at 
Alexandria.  Like  the  minaret,  the  campanile  could  be  either 
round  or  square.  Most  of  the  early  examples  are  round;  but 
square  ones  are  not  wanting,  e.  g.  at  San  Giovanni  Evangelista, 
San  Francesco  and  San  Michele  in  Affricisco  in  Ravenna. 
And  like  the  minaret,6  the  campanile  was  at  first  not  an 
integral  part  of  the  church  building.  It  was  generally  placed 
near  to  it,  sometimes  even  leaning  upon  it;  until  in  the  church 


1  Grundrij)  der  Gesch.  der  Uldenden  Kiinste,  p.  228. 

2  Weil,  Chalifen  I,  478. 

3  Weil,  loc.  tit.  II,  249;  Muller,  Islam  I,  551. 

4  Baedeker,  Italic  Septentrionale  (1892),  p.  301. 

5  Ch.  Diehl,  Ravenne,  pp.  107-109 ;  Venturi,  Storia  delV  Arte  Italiana 
II,  110,  127;  Corrodo  Ricci,  Ravenna  (Bergamo  1902),  pp.  5,  7,  64. 

e  Lane,  Cairo  Fifty  Years  Ago,  p.  108  ".  .  .  not  otherwise  connected 
with  the  mosque  than  by  an  arch,  over  which  is  a  way  to  the  terraces 
above  the  arcades". 


154  E.  J.  H.  Gottheil,  The  Origin  a.  History  of  the  Minaret.    [1910. 

spire  it  became  almost  a   necessary  part  of  every  Christian 
place  of  worship. 

It  seems  to  me,  therefore,  that  a  possible  explanation  of 
the  sudden  appearance  of  the  campanile  in  Italy  during  the 
eighth  and  ninth  centuries,  would  be  that  they  are  due  to 
Mohammedan  influence.  Whether  this  influence  came  from 
Egypt,  or  from  Syria  and  Mesopotamia,  or  even  from  the 
Maghreb,  is  a  point  upon  which  I  should  not  like  to  insist. 
But  this  much  does  seem  to  follow  from  a  study  of  the  history 
of  the  monuments,  that  the  old  idea  of  the  Ziggurat  or  tower 
in  some  way  connected  with  worship  at  a  shrine  has  filtered 
down  to  us  through  the  Mohammedan  minaret  and  finds  its 
expression  to  day  in  our  church  steeple. 

April  1909. 


The  Vedic  Dual:  Part  I,  The  Dual  of  Bodily  Parts.— 
Dr.   SAMUEL   G-BANT  OLIPHANT,  Professor  in  Olivet 
College,  Olivet,  Mich. 

NEITHER  native  nor  occidental  grammarians  have  adequately 
defined  the  scope  of  the  dual  in  Sanskrit,  but  both  agree  on 
the  general  strictness  of  its  use.  The  great  Panini  states  the 
general  rule  for  grammatical  number  with  the  utmost  sim- 
plicity,— bahusu  bahuvacanam  ]  dvyeltayor  dvivacandikavacane 
(I.  4.  2 If.),  i.e.:  In  the  case  of  many,  the  plural;  in  the  case  of 
two  (or)  one,  the  dual  (or)  the  singular  (is  used).  As  regards 
the  dual  he  appears  to  know  only  two  exceptions.  In  I.  2.  59, 
he  states: — asmado  dvayoQ  ca,  or  that  the  plural  of  the  first 
personal  pronoun  may  be  used  of  two,  and  in  the  next  section 
he  adds: — phalgumprosthapaddndrit  ca  naksatre,  or  that  the 
plural  may  be  used  instead  of  the  dual  of  the  lunar  mansions 
plialgum  and  prostliapadd.  We  may  add  that  both  of  the 
Paninean  exceptions  are  found  in  Vedic. 

Whitney  (Sk.  Gr.  §  265)  admits  "only  very  rare  and  spo- 
radic exceptions'5  to  its  strict  use  "in  all  cases  where  two  ob- 
jects are  logically  indicated,  whether  directly  or  by  combination 
of  two  individuals."  Speijer  (Sk.  Syn.  §  26)  states:— "In  all 
periods  of  the  language  the  dual  is  the  proper  and  sole  num- 
ber by  which  duality  is  to  be  expressed".  He  thinks  it  not 
improbable  that  in  the  voluminous  mass  of  Sanskrit  literature 
sundry  instances  may  be  found  of  duality  expressed  by  the 
plural  number  but  he  is  confident  that  "the  number  of  such 
exceptions  cannot  be  but  exceedingly  small". 

Students  of  Vedic  syntax,  however,  occasionally  observing 
some  of  the  phenomena  to  be  presented  in  this  study,  have 
had  an  idea  that  this  strictness  of  use  was  not  as  well  main- 
tained in  the  older  period  of  the  language.  Professor  Del- 
briick,  for  instance,  in  his  Altind.  Syn.  (p.  102)  asks:  ,,Steht  der 
Plural  als  allgemeiner  Mehrheitskasus  auch  da,  wo  man  den 
Dual  zu  erwarten  hatte?"  and  adds:  ,,Es  giebt  unzweifelhaft 
im  Veda  Stellen,  an  welchen  der  Plural  auffallend  erscheint". 

The  first  instance  he  cites  is  that  of  RV.  III.  33,  which  we 
notice  here  as  it  does  not  recur  in  the  subsequent  study.  In 


156  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

this  hymn  the  two  rivers,  Vipat  and  Qutudri,  are  described  in 
stanzas  1 — 3  in  the  dual.  In  stanzas  4,  6,  8  and  10,  the  rivers 
speak  in  the  first  plural,  but  this  is  an  exception  recognized 
in  all  periods  of  the  language.  (Of.  Pan.  I  c.\  Speijer,  op.  c. 
§  25).  In  5,  9,  11  and  12  they  are  addressed  in  the  plural, 
a  not  uncommon  mark  of  great  respect  in  the  later  language, 
though  Speijer  (Ved.  u.  Sk.  Syn.  10  g.)  pronounces  it  post- 
Vedic  and  post-Paninean.  In  the  closing  13th  stanza  the 
waters  are  addressed  in  the  plural,  naturally  enough  as  dpas 
is  plurale  tantum.  The  latter  half  stanza  returns  to  the  dual 
as  the  address  is  dropped  and  the  two  rivers  are  compared  to 
two  bulls.  Surely  everything  is  normal  enough,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  unusual  plural  of  the  second  person  in  address 
in  the  Vedic.  Had  we  plurals  in  the  descriptive  stanzas  1 — 3 
and  plural  and  dual  transposed  in  13,  Delbruck  might  well 
have  thought  the  numbers  remarkable.  He  is  still  less  happy 
in  his  citation  of  RV.  IV.  38.  3,  for  he  overlooks  the  fact  that 
the  padbhis  belong  to  a  horse,  in  which  case  the  dual  is  hardly 
to  be  expected.  The  other  instances  he  cites  are  fully  con- 
sidered in  §  6  of  the  present  study. 

With  truer  insight  Professor  Bloomfield  has  long  been  of 
the  opinion  that  for  some  reason  or  other  the  hieratic  lan- 
guage of  the  RV.  admitted  the  dual  more  freely  than  the 
Atharvanic  or  popular  speech.  This  needed  closer  definition. 
It  was,  then,  to  investigate  the  phenomena  associated  with 
the  Vedic  dual  and  to  determine  the  extent  of  the  supposed 
encroachments  of  the  plural  upon  its  domain  that  this  study 
was  undertaken.  In  its  preparation  all  the  dual  substantives 
and  adjectives,  including  participles,  have  been  collected  from 
the  entire  Rig  and  Atharva  Vedas.  These  have  been  grouped 
into  several  parts  as  follows:  1,  The  dual  of  natural  bodily 
parts;  2,  the  dual  in  comparisons;  3,  the  dual  of  implemental 
pairs;  4,  the  dual  of  cosmic  pairs;  5,  the  dual  of  conventional, 
customary  or  occasionally  associated  pairs;  6,  the  elliptic  dual; 
7,  the  dual  dvandva  compounds;  8,  the  anaphoric  dual;  9,  the 
attributive  dual.  These  have  been  studied  each  as  a  unit  and 
also  in  its  relation  to  the  others. 

The  present  paper  is  concerned  only  with  the  first  of  these, 
the  dual  of  natural  bodily  parts,  for  these  have  been  the  center 
of  the  doubt  and  the  controversy.  The  study  has  for  con- 
venience of  treatment  been  subdivided  into  seven  parts,  three 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  157 

of  which  have  to  do  with  the  supposed  use  of  the  plural  for 
the  dual.  We  shall  consider  first  the  duality  of  bodily  parts, 
naturally  dual,  (a)  when  associated  with  an  individual;  (b)  with 
a  duality  of  persons;  (c)  with  a  plurality  of  persons:— and 
then  a  plurality  of  bodily  parts,  naturally  dual,  associated  (a) 
with  a  plurality  of  persons;  (b)  with  a  duality  of  persons;  (c) 
with  an  individual.  The  seventh  section  on  a  duality  of  natu- 
rally singular  parts  is  added  for  completeness.  The  conclu- 
sions reached  from  the  study  of  each  section  will  be  presented 
at  the  end  of  the  section. 


§1- 

A  duality  of  bodily  parts,  naturally  dual,  ascribed  to  an  individual. 

dnsa,  'shoulder'.     RV.  0—3—6  (§  4)1;  AV.  1—6—0. 

ansau,  RV.  I.  158.  5d,  (dasasya);  AV.  IX.  7.  7,  (rsabhasya); 
X.  2.  5C,  (piirusasya);   X.  9.  19b,  (aghnyayas);    XL  3.  9, 
(odanasya):  ansabhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  2C  =  AV.  II.  33.  2C, 
(yaksminas).     See  also  §  2  (AV.)  and  §  3  (RV.). 
aks&n,  'eye'.    RV.  1—0—9  (§§  4,  6);  AV.  0—1—0. 

aksnos,  AV.  XIX.  60.  lb,  (mantrakrtas). 
tiksi,  'eye'.    RV.  1—0—0;  AV.  3-2—1  (§  4). 

aksim,  AV.  X.  9.  14h,    (agbnyriyas);   XL  3.  2,   (odanasya). 
dksi,  'eye'.     RV.  0—7—0;  AV.  0—14—0. 

aksi,  RV.  I.  72.  10b,  (divas);  I.  116.  16C7  17C,  (rjragvasya); 
X.  79.  2a,  (agnes): 

aksyau,  AV.  I.  27.  ld,  (paripanthinas);  IV.  3.  3a,  (vya- 
ghrasya);  V.  23.3%  (kumarasya);  V.  29.  4y  (pigacasya); 
VI.  9.  lb,  (vadhuyos);  VI.  9.  lc,  (vrsanyantyas);  XIX. 
50.  lc,  (vrkasya):  aksibhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  la  =  A  V.  II. 
33.  la,  (yaksminas);  AV.  XL  3.  34ad,  (odanadatas):  aksyos, 
AV.  V.  4.  10b,  (takmagrhitasya);  VI.  24.  2a,  (adyuttasya); 
VI.  127.  3b,  (amayavinas).  See  also  §  2  for  one  RV.  and 
two  AV.  duals.  The  remaining  dual  will  be  included  in 
pt.  II. 

1  For  the  sake  of  convenience  this  section  is  made  a  repertory  of  all 
the  terms  indicating  parts  of  the  body  of  which  the  dual  is  found  in  either 
Veda  and  a  statement  is  given  of  the  number  of  times  the  word  is  used 
in  each  grammatical  number.  References  are  given  to  the  following  sec- 
tions or  to  the  parts  of  the  study,  for  the  use  of  the  plurals  and  of  such 
duals  as  do  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  section. 


158  8.  G.  Oliphant.  [1910. 

anukya,    "ansayor   madhyadehasya   ca    sahdhi"   (Say.),   AY. 

2—1-0. 

anukye,  AV.  XI.  3.  9,  (odanasya). 
anuvfj,  'flank'.    AV.  0 — 1—0. 

anuvrjau,  IX.  4.  12b,  (rsabhasya). 
asthwat,  'knee7.     RV.  0—2—0;  AV.  0—8—0. 
'  asthivantau,  RV.  VII.  50.  2b,  (mantrakrtas);  AV.  IX.  4. 12C; 
7.  10,  (rsabhasya);  X.  2.  2b;  XL  8.  14a,  (piirusasya);  X. 
9.  21a,  (aghnyayas): 
asthivadbhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  4a=AV.  II.  33.  5a,   (yaksmi- 

nas);  AV.  XI.  3.  45%  (odanadatas),  45d,  (tvastur). 
dnda,  'testis'.    AV.  0—1—0. 

andaii,  IX.  7.  13,  (rsabhasya). 
andi,  'testis.'   AV.  0—1—0. 

andyaii,  VI.  138.  2d,  (piirusasya). 
irma,  'fore- quarter.'    AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 
irmabhyam,  X.  10.  21%  (vagayas). 
uchMh&y  'sole.'   AV.  0—1—0. 

uchlakhau,  X.  2.  ld,  (piirusasya). 
upastha,  'lap.'    RV.  61—2—0;  AV.  15—0—0. 

See  §  7  and  pt.  IV. 
uru,  'thigh'.     RV.  1—6—0;  AV.  1—13—0. 

uru,  RV.  X.  85.  37C=AV.  XIV.  2.  38C,  (vadhuyos);   RV. 

X.  90.  lld=AV.  XIX.  6.  5d;  RV.  X.  90.  12%  (piirusa- 
sya); X.  162.4%  (striyas);  AV.  VIII.  6.  3b,  (kanyayas); 
IX.  7.  9,  (rsabhasya);  IX.  8.  7%  (amayavinas) ;  X.  2.  3C; 

XI.  8.  14%  (piirusasya) ;  X.  9.  21%  (aghnyayas);  XL  3.  44b, 
(odanadatas):  uriibhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  4a=AV.  II.  33.  5% 
(yaksminas) ;  AV.  XI.  3.44%   (odanadatas):  urvos,  RV. 
VIII.  70.  10C,  (indrasya  dasasya  va);  AV.  XIX.  60.  2% 
(mantrakrtas).     See  §  2  (AV.)  for  the  remaining  dual. 

oni,  'breast'.    RV.  0—1—0.     Of.  pt.  III. 

onyos,  IX.  101.  14b,  (matur). 
ostha,  'lip'.    RV.  0— l(pt.  II.)— 0;  AV.  1—1—0. 

osthau,  AV.  X.  9.  14%  (aghnyayas). 
kaphduda,  'elbow'.    AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 

kaphaudaii,  X.  2.  4%  (piirusasya). 
harasna,  'fore-arm'.     RV.  1 — 2 — 0. 

karasna,  III.  18.  5d,  (agnes);  VI.  19.  3%  (indrasya). 
Ic&rna,  'ear'.     RV.  5—8—3  (§§  4—6);  AV.  2—11—0. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  159 

karna,  RV.  IV.  23.  8d,  (ayos);  IV.  29.  3a;  VI.  38.  2a,  (in- 
drasya);  VI.  9.  6a,  (mantrakrtas);  VIII.  72.  12C,  (ghar- 
masya);  AV.  X.  2.  6b,  (piirusasya);  X,  9. 13b,  (aghnyayas); 
XII.  4.  6%  (vagayas);  XII  5.  22,  (brahmagavyas);  XVI. 
2.4,  Us,  (mantrakrtas):  karnabhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  lb= 
AV.  II.  33.  lb,  (yaksminas);  AV.  IX.  4.  17C,  (rsabhasya); 
IX.  8.  2a,  (amayavinas):  karnayos,  AV.  VI.  141.  2b, 
(vatsasya);  XIX.  60.  lb,  (mantrakrtas).  See  part  II. 
for  the  other  two  duals  (RV.). 
Mrnaka,  'outspread  leg'.  AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 

karnakau,  XX.  133.  3a,  (kumaryas). 
'kagaplaka,  'buttock.7    RV.  0—1—0. 

kagaplakaii,  VIII.  33.  19C,  (asangasya). 
kuksi,  'dank,  loin.'     RV.  4—5—1  (§  6);  AV.  3—5-0. 
kuksi,  RV.  II.  11.  llc;   X.  28.  2d;    86.  14d;   AV.  II.  5.  4b, 
(indrasya);    AV.   IV.    16.  3C,    (varunasya);    IX.    5.  20d, 
(ajasya);   X.  9.  17b,  (aghnyayas):   kuksibhyam,   AV.  II. 
33.  4C,    (yaksminas):   kuksyos*,  RV.  III.    51.  12a;    VIII. 
17.  5%  (indrasya). 
kulpM,  'ankle.7     RV.  0—1—0.     Cf.  gulpha. 

kulphaii,  VII.  50.  2b,  (mantrakrtas). 
kroda,  'breast.7    AV.  2—1—0. 

krodaii,  X.  9.  25%  (aghnyayas). 
gabhasti,  'hand.7     RV.  6—23—0. 

gabhasti,   VI    19.  3a;   VII.  37.  3C,    (indrasya):   gabhastyos, 
I.    82.  6b;    130.  4»;    III.    60.  5b;    V.   86.  3C;    VI.   29.  2C; 
45.  18a;    VIII  12.  7b;  X.  96.  3b,  (indrasya);   IX.  76.  2% 
(somasya).     See  §  3  for  the  other  twelve  duals. 
gavinikd,  'groin.7     AV.  0—2—0. 

gavinike,  I.  11.  5 b,  (nary as);  IX.  8.  7b,  (amayavinas). 
gamni,  'groin.7    AV.  0 — 5 — 0. 

gavmyos,  I  3.  6a,  (amayavinas),    V.  25.  10b— 13b,  (naryas). 
gulpha,  'ankle.7     AV.  0—2—0.     Cf.  kulpha. 

gulphau,  X.  2.  lb,  2a,  (piirusasya). 
caksan,  'eye.7    AV.  0—1—0. 

caksani,  X.  2.  6b,  (purusasya). 
caksus,  'eye.7    RV.  36-0-1  (§  4);  AV.  78—1—3  (§§  4,  6). 

caksusT,  AV.  IX.  5.  21a,  (ajasya). 
jaghana,  'buttock,  haunch.7  RV.  1—1—1  (§  4);  AV.  1-0—0. 

The  one  dual  belongs  to  part  II. 
jangha,  'leg.7     RV.  2—0—0;  AV.  0—2—3  (§  6). 


160  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

janghe,  AY.  X,  2.  2C,  (purusasya):  janghayos,  XIX.  60.  2a, 

(mantrakrtas). 
jdnu,  'knee.'     RV.  1—0—0;  AV.  1—3-0. 

janubhyam,  IX.  8.  21%  (amayavinas) :  X.  2.  3b,  (piirusasya): 

janunos,  X.  2.  2d,  (purusasya). 
daristm,  'tusk,  molar,  fang.7   RV.  0—1—1  (§  6);  AV.  0—4—1 

(§  6)- 

danstra,  RV.  X.  87.  3a  =  danstrau,  AV.  VIII.  3.  3a,  (agnes): 
danstrabhyam,  AV.  X.  5.  43a,  (vaic,  vanarasya) :   danstra- 
yos,  IV.  36.  2C;  XVI.  7.  3,  (vaigvanarasya). 
danta,  'deciduous  middle  incisor'.     AV.  0—4 — 0. 

dantau,  VI.  140.  lc,  2d,  3b,  3d,  fcigos). 
dos&n,  'fore-leg.'    AV.  0—2—0. 

dosani,  IX.  7.  7,  (rsabhasya);  X.  9. 19a,  (aghnyayas). 
nds,  'nose,  nostril.'    RV.  0—1—0;  AV.  2—1—0: 

nasos,  RV.  V.  61.  2C,  (agvasya);    AV.  XIX,  60.  lb,  (man- 
trakrtas). 
ndsa,  'nose,  nostril.'    RV.  0— l(pt.  II.)— 0;  AV.  0—1-0. 

nase,  AV.  V.  23.  3b,  (kumarasya). 
nasika,  'nose,  nostril.'     RV.  0—1—0;  AV.  1—4—0. 

nasike,  AV.  X.  2.  6b,  (purusasya);  X.  9.  14a,  (aghnyayas); 
XV.  18.  4,  (vratyasya):  nasikabhyam,  RV.  X.  163.  la= 
AV.  II.  33.  1%  (yaksminas). 
ndcti,  'retovahe'  (Say.),  'seminal  ducts.'     AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 

nadyau,  VI.  138.  4a,  (purusasya). 
nrbahti,  'arm  of  man.'   RV.  0 — 1 — 0. 
nrbahubhyam,  IX.  72.  5a,  (sotur). 
paksd,  'wing.'  RV.  3—5—2  (§  4);  AV.  1-6-1  (§  6). 
paksa,  RV.  I.  163.  lc;  VIII.  34.  91',  (gyenasya);  X.  106.  3% 
(c,akunasya) :   paksaii,    AV.  IV.    34.  lc,    (odanasya);    VI. 
8.  2'\  (suparnasya);   VIII.  9.  14b,   (yajnasya);  X.  8.  18a; 
XIII.   3.  14a,   (hansasya);   X.   9.  25C,    (aghnyayas).      See 
§  3  for  the  other  two  RV.  duals. 
patdurd,     'side,  costal  region.'     AV.  0—1 — 0.     See  §  3  for 

the  only  dual. 
pativedana,  'husband-finder,  breast?'     AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 

pativedanau,  VIII.  6.  lb,  (kanyiyas). 

pad,  'foot.7    RV.  16— 10-8  (§§4—6);  AV.  11—13—7  (§6). 

pada,  RV.  I.  24  8C,  (suryasya);  VI.  29.  3a;  X.  73.  3a,  (in- 

drasya);   X.  90.  lld  =  padau,   AV.  XIX.    6.  5d;   padau, 

RV.  VI.  47.  15C,    (purusasya);   AV.  I.  27.  4a,    (mantra- 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  161 

krtas);  VI.  9.1%  (vadhuyos);  X.  1.21%  (krtyas);  XL 
8.  14%  (purusasya);  XIX,  49.  10%  (stenasya):  padbhyam, 
RV.  X.  90.  12'1,  14l  =AV.  XIX.  6.  6d,  8C,  (purusasya); 
AV.  V.  30.  13d,  (fimayavinas) ;  XII.  1.  28C,  (mantrakrtas): 
pados,  RV.  X.  166.  2C,  (sapatnaghnas) ;  AV.  I.  18.2% 
(striyas);  XII.  4.  5%  (viklindvas).  See  also  §  6  and 
pt.  II. 
pani,  'hand.'  RV.  0-2—1  (§  6);  AV.  1—1—0. 

pani,   RV.   IV.  21.  9a,    (indrasya);    VI.    71.  lc,    (savitiir): 

panibhyam,  AV.  II.  33.  6C,  (yaksminas). 
pdda,  'foot.'    RV.  2—0—2  (§  6);  AV.  1—5—1  (§  6). 

padabhyam,    AV.   IX.    8.  21%    (amayavinas) ;    XL    3.  46% 
(odanadatas):  padayos,  XIX.  60.  2b,  (mantrakrtas).    See 
also  §§  2  and  3. 
padakd,  'little  foot.'     RV.  0—1—0. 

padakaii,  VIII.  33.  19b,  (asangasya). 
parevA,  'side.7    RV.  1—0—0;  AV.  2—5—0. 

pargve,  IX.  4.  12%    (rsabhasya);  IX.  5.  20d,  (ajasya);  IX. 
8.  15%    (amayavinas);    XL  8.  14C,    (purusasya):   pargva- 
bhyarn,  II.  33.  3b,  (yaksminas). 
pdrsni,  'heel.'     RV.  1—1-0;  AV.  2—3—1  (§  4). 

parsm,  AV.  X.  2.  1%  (purusasya):  parsnibhyam,  II.  33.  5b 
=  RV.   X.    163. 4b,   (yaksminas):   parsnyos,   VI.   24.  2b, 
(adyuttasya). 
prdpad,  'forepart  of  foot.'     AV.  0—1  —  0. 

prapados,  VI.  24.  2b,  (adyuttasya). 
prdpada,    'front    part    of   foot'.      RV.    0—1—1    (§  6);    AV. 

1—3—1  (§  4). 

prapadabhyam,    RV.   X.   163.  4b  =  AV.  II.   33.  5b,  (yaks- 
minas); AV.  X.  3.  47%  (odanadatas);  XL  3.  47d,  (savitiir). 
barjahyd,  'nipple.'     AV.  0 — 1 — 0. 

barjahye,  XL  8.  14C  (purusasya). 
•  bdhdva.  'arm.'     RV.  0—3—0. 

bahava,  II.  38.  2b,  (savitiir).    See  §  2  for  the  other  two  duals. 
lahu,  'arm,  fore-leg.'     RV.   2—50—10  (§§  4—6);   AV.  2— 

19-7  (§  4). 

bahii,  RV.  I.  95.  7a;  X.  142.  5C,  (agnes);  I.  102.  6a;  III. 
51.  12C;  VI.  47.  8C  =  AV.  XIX.  15.  4C;  VIII.  61.  18C; 
77.  11%  (indrasya);  I.  163.  1%  (harinasya);  I.  190.  3b;  IV. 
53.  3C.  4C;  VI.  71.  lb,  5a;  VII.  45.  2a;  79.  2d,  (savitiir); 
V.  43.4%  (somasiitvanas);  X.  90.  llc,  12b  =  AV.  XIX. 


162  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

6.  5%  6b,  (purusasya);  X.  102.  4d,  (vrsabhasya) ;  X.  121. 4C; 
AY.  IV.  2.  5C,  (hiranyagarbhasya);  AY.  VI.  65.  lb,  (c,a- 
tros),  VI.  99.  2C,  3a;  XIX.  13.  1%  (indrasya);  VII.  70.  4a 
5%  (prtanyatas) ;  IX.  4.8%  (yarunasya);  IX.  7.7,  (rsa- 
bhasya);  X.  2.  5a,  (purusasya);  X.  9.19%  (aghnyayas): 
bahubhyam,  RV.  II.  17.  6a;  IV.  22.  2b,  (indrasya),  VII. 

22.  lc,  (sotur) ;   X.  81.  3C,  (vigvakarmanas)  =  AY.   XIIL 
2.  26C,  (suryasya);  X.  163.  2d=  AV.  II.  33.  2d,  (yaksmi- 
nas):    bahvos,  RY.  I.  51.  7C;    52.  8C;    63.  2b;    80.  8C;    II. 
11.  4b,   6C;    20.  8C;    36.  5b;    III.  44.  4d;    IV.  22.  3C;    VI. 

23.  ld;  46.  14d;  VII.  25.  lc;    VIII.  96.  3'\  5";  X.  52.  5C; 
153.  4b,  (indrasya);  V.  16.  2b,  (agnes);  VII.  84.  lc,  (yaja- 
manasya);   AV.  VII.  56.  6%  (garkotasya) ;    XIX.  60.  ld, 
(mantrakrtas).    For  the  other  duals,  six  RY.  and  one  AY. 
see  §§  2  and  3. 

bhurij,  'hand,  arm.'     RY.  0—4—0;  AY.  0—1—0. 

bhurijos,  RY.  IX.  26.  4a,  (sotur).     The  other    four   duals 

belong  to  part  III. 
Wieda,  'pudenda.'     RV.  0—1—0. 
bhedaii,  IX.  112.  4C,  (naryas). 
Mrd,  'brow.'     RY.  0—1—0. 

bhruvos,  IV.  38.  7d,  (dadhikrayas). 
matasna,  'lung.'     RV.  0—1—0;  AV.  0—2—0. 

matasne,  AY.  X.  9.  16%  (aghnyayas):   matasnabhyam,  II. 

33.  3C  =  RY.  X.  163.  3C,  (yaksminas). 
muskd,  'testis,  pudendum.7    RV.  0—1—0;  AV.  0—7—0. 
muskau,  AY.  IV.  37.  7%  (gandharvasya) ;  VI.  127.  2b,  (ama- 
yavinas);   XX.  136.  lc,  2b,  (naryas  mahanagnyas) :  mus- 
kabhyam,    VIII.    6.  5C,    (kany%as) :    muskayos,   RV.    X. 
38.  5d,  (indrasya);  AV.  VI.  138.  4d,  5d,  (naryas). 
?raji,  'pudendum?'     RV.  0—1—0. 

raji,  X.  105.  2C,  (patnyas).  So  GRY.  and  BRY.  GWB. 
and  LRV.  take  it  as  some  kind  of  a  maned  animal. 
PWB.  merely  cites  Sayana's  two  guesses — rajasl  dya- 
vaprthivav  iva  or  maliantau  ranjakau  surydcandrama- 
sdv  iva. 
vartman,  'eyelid.'  AY.  0—1 — 0. 

vartmabhyam,  XX.  133.  6C,  (kumaryas). 
vrltka,  'kidney.'     RV.  1—0—0;  AY.  0—2—0. 

vrkkau,  VII.  96.  ld,  (purusasya);  IX.  7.  13,  (rsabhasya). 
$ipra,  *lip.'    RV.  0—6—2  (§  4). 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  163 

Qipre,  I.  101.  10b;  III.  32.  1«;  V.  36.  2a;  VIII.  76.  10b;  X. 

96.  9b,  (indrasya):  giprabhyam,  X.  105.  5C,  (indrasya). 
Qirsakapala  i  'cranial  hemisphere.'     AV.  0—1 — 0. 

girsakapale,  XV.  18.  4,  (vratyasya). 

tfnga,  'horn.7     RV.  2—6—5  (§§  4,  6);  AV.  2-8-1  (§  4). 
grnge,  RV.  V.  2.  9d  =  AV.  VIII.  3.  24d;  RV.  VIII.  60.  13b, 
(agnes);    IX.  5.  2b;    70.  7b;    87.  7C,   (somasya);    AV.  II. 
32.  6%  (krmes);  VIII.  3.  25%  (agnes);  IX.  7.  1,  (r.sabha- 
sya);  X.  9.  14b,  (aghnyayas) ;   XX.  130.  13,   (pfdakavas, 
cf.    129.  9,    10):    grngabhyam,   IX.    4.  17%    (rsabhasya); 
XIX.  36.  2%  (manes).     See  part  II.  for  the   other  RV. 
dual. 
Qrfai,  'hip/    RV.  0-1—0;  AV.  0-6—0. 

grom,  AV.  IX.  4.  13b;  7.  9,  (rsabhasya);  X.  2.  3C,  (puru- 
>asya);    X.    9.  21b,    (aghnyayas):    gronibhyam,   RV.   X. 
163.4*;    AV.   II.   33.  5C,    (yaksminas);    AV.   IX.  8.  21b, 
(amayavinas). 
grdtra,  'ear.'    RV.  2-0—0;  AV.  19-4—0. 

grotre,  AV.  XL  3.  2%  (odanasya);  XIV.  1.  llc,  (suryayas, 
cf.  RV.  X.  85.  llc— grotram):  grotrabhyam,  XL  3.  33ad, 
(odanadatas). 
s&ktlii,  'leg.'    RV.  1—0—0;  AV.  1—1—0. 

sakthibhyam,  X.  10.  21b,  (vagayas). 
sakthi,  'leg.'    RV.  0-2-0;  AV.  0—3—0. 

sakthya,   RV.  X.  86.  16b,   17d  =  sakthyau  AV.  XX.  126. 
16b,  17d,  (indrasya);  sakthyau,  AV.  VI.  9.  lb,  (vadhuyos). 
sandhi  (jdnunos),  'knee-joint.'     AV.  1 — 1—0. 

sandhi,  X.  2.  2d,  (piirusasya). 

stana,  'nipple,  teat.'   RV.  3— l(pt.  II.)- 0:  AV.  1—3—5  (§  6). 
stanau,    AV.  IX.  1.  7b,    (madhukagayas) ;   X.  2.  4C,    (piiru- 
sasya). 

See  §  6  for  the  other  dual. 
Mnu,  'jaw.'     RV.  1—5—1  (§  6);  AV.  1—6-0. 

hanu,  RV.  IV.  18.  9b;  V.  36.  2%  (indrasya);  X.  79.  lc, 
(agnes);  X.  152.  3b  =  AV.  I.  21.  3b,  (vrtrasya);  AV.  VL 
56.  3b,  (svajasya);  X.  9.  13b,  (aghnyayas);  XIX.  47.9% 
(vrkasya):  hanvos,  RV.  I.  52.  6d,  (vrtrasya);  AV.  X. 
2.  7a.  8C,  (piirusasya). 
lidsta,  'hand.'  RV.  29—17—5  (§§  4,  6);  AV.  22—18—4 

(§  4). 
hasta,  RV.  IV.  21.  9a;  VIII.  68.  3-\  (indrasya);  hastau,  RV. 


164  8.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

X.  117.  9a;  AY.  XL  8.  14b,  15%  (piirusasya);  AV.  VI. 
81.1%   (naryas);   VII.  26.  8C,  (visnos);    VII.  109.  3C,  (ki- 
tavasya);  VIII.  1.  8d,  (amayavinas) ;  XIX.  49.  10b,  (ste- . 
nasya):    hastabhyam,    AV.   III.    11.8%    (satyasya);    VI. 
102.  3%  (bhagasya);  XL  3.  48%  (odanadatas);  XL  3.48d, 
(rtasya);  XIX.  51.2,  (pusnas):  hastayos,  EV.  I.  24.4% 
(savitur);  I.  38.  lb,  (pitiir);  I.  55.  8a;  81.  4e;  176,  3a;  VI. 
31.  lb;  45.  8%    (indrasya);   I.  135.  9=,  (vayos);   I.  162.  9% 
(Samitur);    IX.  18.  4b;    90.  ld,  (somasya);  AV.  I.  18.  2b, 
(striyas):  XVIII.  3.  12%  (mantrakrtas).     For   the    other 
duals  see  §  3  (1  EV.,  4  AV.)  and  pt.  II.  (2  EV.). 
In   this   section    are   listed    146    of  the    191    duals    of   the 
natural  bodily  parts,  found  in  the  EV.,  and  212  of  the  225  such 
duals  in  the  AV. 

Of  the  EV.  instances,  96  pertain  to  the  various  gods.  In- 
dra  leads  with  65.  Savitar  follows  with  10  and  Agni  is  close 
behind  with  9.  Only  39  pertain  to  human  beings,  and  of  these 
11  pertain  to  the  yaksmin.  (consumptive)  of  X.  163,  a  hymn 
distinctively  Atharvanic  and  at  home  in  AV.  II.  33.  Seven 
pertain  to  animals,  3  to  demons  and  1  to  the  inanimate  gharmd. 
The  different  sphere  of  the  AV.  is  well  shown  in  its  con- 
trasts to  these  numbers.  Humanity  comes  to  the  front  with 
124  duals  and  the  sick  still  lead  with  30.  The  animals  get 
49  duals  and  the  gods  drop  to  the  third  place  with  only  24 
duals  in  all.  Indra  still  leads  them,  but  with  a  paltry  7. 
Agni  is  a  close  second  with  his  6  and  Savitar  has  but  a  single 
dual.  The  demons  have  5;  inanimate  objects  9,  of  which  4 
pertain  to  the  odand. 

Thus  these  duals  clearly  establish  the  hieratic  character 
of  the  EV.  and  the  demotic  character  of  the  AV.  The  im- 
portance of  this  distinction  will  appear  later. 

Only  in  4  instances  out  of  these  358  duals  is  there  the 
slightest  need  to  comment  upon  any  grammatical  usage.  In 
three  instances  the  dual  is  predicate  to  a  singular— AV.  IX. 
7.  S—bdlam  urti  (strength  his  thighs)  and  id.  13—krodho  vrkkdu 
manyur  anddu  (anger  his  kidneys,  wrath  his  testes).  In  EV. 
X.  85.  llc — grotram  te  cakre  dstdm  (thy  chariot  wheels  were 
an  ear)  shows  the  reverse,  a  singular  predicate  to  a  dual. 
The  AV.  XIV.  1.  llc  has  this  pada  with  the  normal  Qrotre. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  165 

§  2. 

A    duality    of  bodily   parts,   naturally   dual,   associated   with   a   duality   of 

persons. 

The  RV.  has  five  instances  of  this  phenomenon: — dksi  (CLQ- 
vinos),  I.  120.  6C, — aksl  gubhas  pati  dan,  (Hither  your  eyes, 
ye  lords  of  splendor);  bahdvd  (mitrdvdrunayos),  V.  64.  2% — 
ta  bahava  sucetiina  pra  yantam  asma  arcate,  (Stretch  forth 
with  kindly  thought  those  arms  unto  this  one  that  sings);  VII. 
62.  5a, — pra  bahava  sisrtam  jlvase  na,  (Stretch  forth  your  arms 
to  grant  us  life) ;  bahubhyam  (mitrdvdrunayos),  VIII.  101.  4-[, 
— bahubhyam  na  urusyatam,  (Keep  us  in  safety  by  your  arms); 
bdhvos  (mitrdvdnmayos),  V.  64.  lc, — pari  vrajeva  bahvor  jagan- 
vansa  svarnaram,  (As  in  the  pen-fold  of  your  arms  encom- 
passed ye  the  realm  of  light). 

The  AV.  also  has  five  instances: — diisdu  (a$vinos),  IX.  4.  8b 
— indrasyaujo  varunasya  bahu  agvinor  ansau  marutam  iyaih 
kakut,  (Indra's  strength,  Varuna?s  arms,  the  Agvins'  shoulders, 
this  Marut's  hump) ;  aksyau  (vadhilyor  vadhuag  ca),  VII.  36. 
7a, — aksyau  nau  madhusaiiikage,  anlkam  nau  samanjanam,  (Of 
honey  aspect  be  our  eyes,  an  ointment  be  our  face) ;  uruWiydm 
(mitrdvarunayos^  XL  3.  44d, — tatag  cainam  anyabhyam  urii- 
bhyani  pragir  yabhyam  caitam  purva  rsayah  pragnan  |  uru  te 
marisyata  ity  enam  aha  |  tarn  va  °/  mitravarunayor  urubhySm 

tabhyam  enam  pragisam  tabhyam  enam  ajigamam  \  (-If 
thou  didst  eat  this  with  other  thighs  than  those  with  which 
the  Eishis  of  yore  did  eat  it,  thy  thighs  will  die',  thus  says 

one  to  him. 'With  the  thighs  of  Mitra-Varuna,  with 

these  I  ate  this',  etc.) ;  pdddbhyam  (agvinos),  XL  3.  46A, — tatag 
cainam  anyabhyam  padabhyam  °/ — °/— °/  agvinoh  padabhyam 

°/  °/  ('If  with  other  feet',  etc. —'With  the  feet  of  the 

Agvins,  etc.);  bahubhyam  (agvinos*),  XIX.  51.  £b, — agvinor  ba- 
hubhyam pusrio  hastabhyam  prasuta  a  rabhe  (With  the  Agvins' 
arms,  with  Pushan's  hands,  I,  impelled,  seize  thee). 

It  will  be  noticed  that  nine  of  these  ten  passages  refer 
either  to  the  Agvins  or  to  Mitra-Varuna.  Though  it  is  true 
that  of  all  the  Vedic  pantheon  the  deities  of  these  respective 
groups  are  the  ones  most  intimately  associated,  that  Mitra  is 
so  closely  assimilated  to  Varuna  that,  as  Macdonell  (Ved. 
Myth.,  p.  27)  observes,  he  has  hardly  an  independent  trait  left, 
that  only  on  the  rarest  occasions  are  the  Agvins  separable, 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  H.  12 


166  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

yet  there  is  never  a  unification  of  the  members  of  either  dual. 
Nowhere  are  they  invoked  in  the  singular;  nowhere  described 
by  a  singular  epithet;  nowhere  is  a  singular  verb  predicated 
of  them.  The  immediate  context  in  at  least  seven  of  our  pas- 
sages would  positively  forbid  such  an  hypothesis  as  an  ex- 
planation of  the  dual. 

Nor  are  they  metri  causa,  as  the  plural  will  scan  in  each 
of  the  eight  metrical  passages.  That  they  are  mere  gram- 
matical lapsus  linguce  or  due  to  laxity  of  thought  on  the  part 
of  the  Bishis,  should  be  our  dernier  ressort.  We  hold  that 
this  interpretation  is  unworthy  and  unnecessary  and  that  a 
study  of  the  passages,  both  by  themselves  and  in  contrast  with 
those  of  §  5,  in  which  a  plurality  of  these  same  bodily  parts  is 
associated  with  these  same  dual  divinities,  reveals  a  conscious 
purpose  in  the  selection  of  the  grammatical  number.  In  the 
passages  before  us  this  purpose  is  the  dissociation  and  in- 
dividualization  of  the  members  of  the  duality.  Such  an  as- 
sumption is  made  imperative  by  AY.  VII.  36.  1,  where  the 
eyes  and  singular  face  must  individualize  the  bride  and  the 
groom.  Each  ndu  receives  its  full  interpretation  only  in  "of 
each  of  us." 

In  AV.  IX.  4.  8,  the  phrase  marutam  iydm  kahut  requires 
the  individualization  of  the  Maruts,  for  they  can  possess  no 
collective  kdkut.  The  natural  extension  of  this  distributive 
idea  to  the  former  part  of  the  pada  gives  the  clearest  and 
best  explanation  of  the  dual,  agvinor  ansau. 

If  we  compare  the  five  RV.  passages,  each  having  the  idea 
of  duality  so  strongly  explicit  in  it,  with  those  of  §  5,  we  can 
hardly  decide  otherwise  than  that  in  the  passages  with  the 
dual,  the  Rishis  address  the  deities  with  an  implied  'each  of 
you',  and  in  those  passages  that  have  the  plural,  with  an  im- 
plied 'both  of  you'. 

We  have  thus  a  logically  consistent  and  satisfying  explana- 
tion of  the  eight  such  duals  found  in  the  metrical  portions 
of  the  Yedas.  In  each  of  the  two  passages  from  the  Odana 
Sukta  (AV.  XI.  3),  the  same  explanation  may  apply,  if  not 
so  obvious  and  compelling,  or  the  duals  may  in  each  instance 
be  echoic  of  the  perfectly  normal  duals  of  the  same  words 
immediately  preceding. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  167 

§3. 

A   duality   of  bodily   parts,   naturally   dual,   associated   with    a  plurality  of 

persons. 

We  find  twenty  instances  in  the  B,V.: — (i),  aitsayos  (marii- 
tarn),  V.  57.  6*, — rstayo  vo  maruto  ansayor  adhi  saha  6jo  bah- 
vor  vo  balaiii  hitam  |  nrmna  oirsasv  ayudha  rathesu  vo  vigva 
vah  c,rir  adhi  tanusu  pipiQe  ||  (Lances  are  on  your  shoulders 
twain,  O  Maruts;  energy  and  strength  are  placed  together  in 
your  arms;  manliness  on  your  heads,  weapons  on  your  cars, 
all  majesty  is  moulded  on  your  forms);  (2),  gabhastyos  (marit- 
tdm),  I.  64.  10C, — astara  isum  dadhire  gabhastyoh  (The  archers 
have  set  the  bow  in  their  hands);  (3),  I.  88.  6M,— isa  sya  vo 
maruto  'nubhartri  prati  stobhati  vaghato  na  van!  |  astobhayad 
vrthasam  anu  svadhaiii  gabhastyoh  || l  (This  invigorating  hymn, 
O  Maruts,  peals  forth  in  praise  to  meet  you,  as  the  music  of 
one  in  prayer.  Joyously  did  Gotama  make  these  sing  forth 
a  gift  of  praise  unto  your  hands);  (4),  V.  54.  llf,—  ansesu  va 
rstayah  patsii  khadayo  vaksassu  rukma  maruto  rathe  c.ubhah  j 
agnibhrajaso  vidyiito  gabhastyoh  <}iprah  girsasu  vitata  hiran- 
yayih  ||  (Lances  on  shoulders,  spangles  on  feet,  gold  on  your 
breasts,  splendor  on  your  car,  fire-glowing  lightnings  in  your 
hands,  visors  wrought  of  gold  arranged  upon  your  heads); 
(5),  yabliastyos  (somasutvdndm) ,  IX.  10.  £b,— hinvanaso  ratha 
iva  dadhanvire  gabhastyoh  |  bharasah  karinam  iva  ||  (Driven 
on  like  chariots  the  Somas  flow  in  the  hands,  like  hymns  of 
the  singers);  (6),  IX.  13.  7C,— dadhanvire  gabhastyoh  (they  flow 
in  the  hands);  (7)  and  (8),  IX.  20.  £b;  65.  6b,— mrjamano 


1  The  passage  is  difficult  and  has  no  satisfactory  explanation  in  com- 
mentator or  translator.  The  principal  mooted  points  are  the  substantive 
implied  in  a,  the  subject  and  object  of  astobhayad  in  c,  the  syntax  and  re- 
ference of  dsdm  in  c  and  of  gabhastyos  in  d.  Stanzas  4  and  5  are  replete 
with  ^the  idea  of  the  excellence  and  potency  of  Gotama  s  former  hymns. 
Here  he  expresses  his  confidence  of  continuing  merit  and  the  consequent 
acceptance  and  approval  of  the  present  effort,  the  anubhartrl  of  a.  Asto- 
bhayad has  the  Gotama  of  4  and  5  for  its  subject,  and  its  object  is  implied 
in  dsdm,  the  antecedent  of  which  is  esd  anubhartrl  of  a.  The  case  of 
dsdm  is  the  partitive  gen.  after  the  idea  of  'give,  present'  implied  in  asto- 
bhayad (cf.  Speijer's  Sk.  Syn.  §  119  and  E.  Siecke,  De  gen.  in  ling.  Sansk. 
imp.  Ved.  usu  §  7,  p.  36).  Gabhastyor  depends  upon  same  idea  of  'present* 
in  the  verb,  and  refers  to  the  Maruts.  This  gives  at  least  a  consistent  sense 
and  a  possible  syntax. 

12* 


168  8.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

gabhastyoh  (cleansed  in  the  hands);  (9)  and  (10),  IX.  36.  4b  and 
64.  5b,— gumbhamana  rtayiibhir  mrjamano  gabhastyoh  (made 
radiant  by  pious  men,  cleansed  in  their  hands) ;  (n),  IX.  71.  3\ 
— adribhih  sutah  pavate  gabhastyoh  (Soma  pressed  by  the 
stones  becomes  clear  in  the  hands);  (12),  IX.  107.  13d, — tarn 
Im  hinvanty  apaso  yatha  ratham  nadisv  a  gabhastyoh  (Skilful 
men  drive  him  as  a  car,  in  streams  in  their  hands) ;  (13),  IX. 
110.  5C, — garyabhir  na  bharamano  gabhastyoh  (Borne  on  by 
the  arrows,  as  it  were,  of  the  hands);  (14),  paksd  (vmdm),  VIII. 
47.  2C, — paksa  vayo  yathopari  vy  asme  garma  yachata  and 
(15),  VIII.  47.  3b, — vy  asme  adhi  garma  tat  paksa  vayo  na 
yantana  (Spread  your  protection  over  us  as  birds  spread  their 
wings);  (16),  bahubhyam  (dngirasdm),.  II.  24.  7C,— te  bahu- 
bhyam dhamitam  agnim  agmani  (They  leave  upon  the  rock  the 
fire  enkindled  with  their  arms);  (17),  bahubhyam  (dyundm),  X. 
7.  5cj — bahubhyam  agnim  ayavo  'jananta  (With  their  arms  did 
men  generate  Agni);  (18),  bdhvos  (marutam),  see  no.  1  above; 
(19),  bdhvos  (nrndm),  VI.  59.  7b, — indragni  a  hi  tanvate  naro 
dhanvani  bahvoh  (Indra-Agni,  men  are  stretching  the  bows 
in  their  arms);  (20),  hdstdbhydm  (mantrakftdm),  X.  137.  7a,— 
hastabhyam  dagaQakhabhyam  (With  our  hands  of  ten  branches 
we  stroke  thee). 

The  AV.  furnishes  these  six  instances: — (i),  patdurdu  (strl- 
ndm),  XL  9.  14b, — pratighnanah  sam  dhavantu  urah.  pataurav 
aghnanah  (Let  them  run  together,  without  anointing,  smiting 
each  her  breast  and  thighs);  (2),  pdddbhydm  (devdndm),  X. 
7.  39a, — yasmai  hastabhyam  padabhyam  vaca  grotrena  caksusa 
[Unto  whom  (Skambha),  with  hands,  with  feet,  with  voice,  with 
hearing  and  with  sight  (the  gods  continually  render  tribute)]; 
(3)  and  (4),  Mstdbhydm  (mantrakftam),  IV.  13.  7a  and  c, — hasta- 
bhyam dagagakhabhyam  ....  anamayitniibhyam  hastabhyam 
tabhyam  tvabhi  mrgamasi  ||  (With  our  hands  of  ten  branches, 
....  with  hands  that  banish  disease,  with  these  we  stroke  thee); 
(5),  VI.  118.  P, — yad  dhastabhyam  cakrma  kilbisani  aksanam 
ganam  upalipsamanah  (If  we  have  committed  sins  with  our 
hands,  in  our  desire  of  the  troop  of  the  dice);  (6),  X.  7.  39*, 
see  no.  2  above. 

An  examination  of  these  passages  in  detail  will  readily 
show  in  twenty-two  of  them  the  same  clearly  marked  in- 
dividuality of  action  among  the  plurality  of  actors  that  we  found 
in  the  preceding  section  in  the  case  of  the  duality  of  actors. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  169 

In  fifteen  of  the  twenty  instances  in  the  RV.,  it  will  be  seen 
at  once  that  the  specified  act  naturally  and  imperatively  de- 
mands the  exercise  of  both  of  the  given  bodily  members  for 
its  performance.  Such  are  the  acts  in  nos.  2  and  19,  aiming 
the  bow;  in  nos.  16  and  17,  kindling  fire  with  the  fire-sticks; 
in  nos.  14  and  15,  birds  spreading  their  wings;  in  nos.  5  to 
13  inclusive,  the  pressers  cleansing  the  soma.  In  all  the  AV. 
passages  we  have  evidence  of  the  individual  element  in  the 
action.  In  no.  1,  the  sg.  uras  and  dual  pataurau  serve  this 
purpose;  in  nos.  2  and  6  the  singulars  of  b  as  well  as  the 
duals  of  a  indicate  the  individual  rather  than  the  collective 
homage  of  the  gods;  in  no.  5  the  gamblers  seek  forgiveness 
each  for  his  own  sins,  not  for  their  joint  offences;  in  nos.  3 
and  4  and  in  RV.  no.  20,  it  is  the  shaman  that  acts.  It  may 
be  that  in  AV.  nos.  3,  4  and  5  and  E-V.  no.  20,  we  have  a 
single  subject  speaking  in  the  first  plural  and  that  these  really 
belong  in  §  1  rather  than  here. 

It  remains  to  show  that  the  same  explanation  holds  in  the 
other  four  passages.  We  should  remember  that  the  Rishis 
have  all  the  Oriental  exuberance  and  liveliness  of  fancy,  love 
of  variety  and  of  profuse  ornamentation.  They  excel  also  in 
the  use  of  the  swift,  bold  and  sometimes  startling  transition. 
They  were  often  consummate  artists,  masters  of  word-painting. 
They  exhibit  their  skill  now  throughout  an  entire  hymn,  now 
in  a  stanza  that  is  a  miniature  master-piece,  now  in  a  single 
word  that  is  athrill  with  poetic  concept.  The  difficulty  is  for 
the  cool,  logical  and  too  often  phlegmatic  Occidental  mind  to 
appreciate  the  riotous  luxuriance  of  their  imagination  and  the 
art  that  is  in  its  expression. 

In  our  no.  4  of  the  RV.  the  swift  transition  from  the  plu- 
rals of  a  and  b  to  the  duals  of  b  and  c  and  then  back  to  the 
plurals  of  d  is  but  a  part  of  the  Rishi's  artistic  equipment,  of 
his  professional  stock  in  trade,  by  which  he  presents  to  view 
now  the  group,  now  the  individual  member  of  it  and  now 
again  the  group.  To  us,  unfamiliar  with  the  real  nature  of 
the  vidi/ut,  it  may  seem  to  accord  ill  with  the  imagery  of  the 
context  and  even  to  make  the  picturesque  almost  grotesque, 
to  represent  the  individual  Maruts  as  clutching  with  both 
hands  their  missile  bolts,  but  surely  there  is  nothing  incon- 
gruous in  this  to  the  Hindoo  familiar  with  that  magnificent 
but  appalling  electrical  display  by  which  the  whole  arch  of 


170  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

heaven,  from  zenith  to  horizon,  is  made  to  glow  with  such  con- 
tinuous flashes  of  flame  that  the  intense  inky  blackness  of  the 
monsoon  night  is  made  to  rival  the  brilliance  of  the  tropical 
noonday. 

In  nos.  1  and  18  of  the  RV.,  which  are  from  successive 
padas  of  the  same  re  and  separated  only  by  our  alphabetic 
scheme  of  listing,  the  transition  from  the  plurals  of  a  and  ~b 
to  the  duals  of  c  and  d  may  be  compared  in  effect  to  a  paint- 
ing in  which  individual  Maruts  are  strongly  limned  in  the 
foreground  and  the  Marut  host  sketched  in  more  vague  and 
shadowy  outlines  in  the  background.  Too  fanciful?  There 
are  scores  of  such  artistic  transitions  in  the  RV.  Again  as 
the  lances  are  the  vidyut  flashes  the  Rishi  is  not  without  skill 
in  his  art  when  he  makes  them  in  their  play  rest  upon  both 
shoulders  of  the  individual  Maruts.  In  no.  3  of  the  RV.  a 
like  interpretation  presents  an  individualistic  touch  at  the 
close  of  the  re  that  has  opened  with  a  collective  plural  ad- 
dress. Gotama's  gift  of  song  is  unto  you,  0  Maruts,  yea  unto 
you  individually  as  well  as  collectively. 

So  in  every  instance  cited  the  use  of  the  dual  resolves  the 
plurality  of  persons  and  presents  the  component  individuals. 
The  art  of  the  hieratic  Rishi  is  pronounced  in  at  least  four 
of  the  passages  and  the  demotic  shaman  of  the  AY.  shows  no 
parallel.  The  results  accord  with  those  of  §  2  and  are  the 
proper  contrast  to  those  derived  from  the  study  of  the  next 
section. 


§4. 

A  plurality    of  bodily  parts,  naturally  dual,  associated  with  a  plurality  of 

persons. 

We  find  these  thirty-five  instances  in  the  RV.: — (i),  dnsesu 
(marutdm),  I.  64.  4C, — ansesv  esam  ni  mimrksur  rstayah  (The 
lances  on  their  shoulders  beat  down);  (2),  I.  166.  9C,— ansesv 
a  vah  prapathesu  khadayo  (Spangles  on  your  shoulders  in  your 
journeys);  (3),  I.  166.  10C,—  ansesv  etah  pavisu  ksura  adhi  (On 
shoulders,  buckskins;  on  fellies,  knives);  (4),  I.  168.  5C,— aisam 
ansesu  rambhimva  rarabhe  (On  their  shoulders  rests,  as  it 
were,  a  lance) ;  (5),  7.  54.  IP,— ansesu  va  rstayah  patsu  kha- 
dayo (Lances  on  your  shoulders,  spangles  on  the  feet);  (6),  777. 
56.  13*, — ansesv  a  marutah  khadayo  vo  (On  your  shoulders,  0 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  111 

Maruts,  are  spangles);  (7)  aksdni,  (purusdndm],  VII,  55.  6>c, — 
ya  aste  yac.  ca  carati  yag  ca  pacjati  no  janah  |  tesaih  sarii 
hanmo  aksani  (Of  him  who  sits  and  him  who  walks  and  him 
who  looks  on  us,  of  these  we  close  the  eyes);  (8),  aksdbhis 
(ydjamdndndm),  I.  89.  8b,  — bhadram  pacjemaksabhir  yajatrah 
(May  we  with  our  eyes  behold  the  good,  ye  adorable  ones); 
(9)  and  (10),  I.  139.  2^, — dki'biQ  cana  manasa  svebhir  aksabhih 
somasya  svebhir  aksabhih  (Not  with  the  thoughts,  the  mind, 
but  with  our  own  eyes,  our  own  eyes  of  Soma  given,  have  we 
behold  the  golden  one);  (u),  IX.  102.  S\— kratva  gukrebhir 
aksabhir  rnor  apa  vrajaiii  divah  (With  our  eyes  clear  with 
wisdom  unbar  the  stall  of  heaven);  (12),  apihahsebhis  (devdndm), 
X.  134.  7C, — paksebhir  apikaksebhir  atrabhi  sarii  rabhamahe 
(To  your  wings,  to  your  shoulders,  there  do  we  closely  cling); 
(13),  kdrnebhis  (ydjamdndndm),  I.  89.  <Sa,— bhadram  karnebhih 
grnuyama  deva  (May  we,  0  Gods,  with  our  ears  hear  the 
good);  (14),  cdJcsaiisi  (purusanam),  V.  1.  4b,— caksunsiva  surye 
saiii  caranti  (As  the  eyes  of  men  turn  to  Surya);  (15),  jaglidndn 
(d^vdndtn),  VI.  75.  13{\ —  a  janghanti  sanv  esam  jaghanaii  upa 
jighnate  (He  lashes  their  backs,  lashes  their  haunches);  (16), 
paksan  (vlnCim),  I.  166.  10d, — vayo  na  paksan  vy  anu  griyo  dhire 
(As  birds  their  wings,  the  Maruts  spread  their  glory  out); 
(17),  pakaebhis  (devdndm),  same  as  no.  12  above;  (18),  padbhis 
(ydjamdndndm),  IV.  2.  14h, — padbhir  hastebhig  cakrma  tanu- 
bhih  (We  have  done  with  our  feet,  our  hands,  our  bodies); 
(19),  X.  79.  2*, — atrany  asmai  paclbhih  sam  bharanty  uttana- 
hasta  namasadhi  viksii  (With  their  feet  they  gather  food  for 
Agni,  with  upraised  hands  and  reverence  in  their  dwellings); 
(20),  patsu  (marutdm),  see  no.  5  above;  (21),  Idhdvas  (nrudm), 
X.  103.  13C, — ugra  vah  santu  bahavo  (Strong  be  your  arms, 
0  heroes,  in  battle);  (22),  bdhun  (ydtudhdndm),  X.  87.  4d, — 
pratico  bahun  prati  bhandhy  esam  (Break  their  arms  raised 
against  you);  (23),  bdhubhis  (marutdm),  I.  85.  £b, — pra  jigata 
bahubhih  (Advance  with  your  arms);  (24),  (agnimdnthandndm), 
III.  29.  6*, — yadl  manthanti  bahiibliir  vi  rocate  (When  they 
rub  Agni  with  their  arms,  he  shines  forth);  (25),  (mahato 
mdnyamdndndm),  VII.  98.  4b, — saksama  tan  bahubhih  gaca- 
danan  (We  shall  subdue  them  confiding  in  their  arms);  (26), 
lidlmsu  (marutdm),  I.  166.  _/#b, — bhuruni  bhadra  niiryesu  ba- 
hiisu  (Many  goodly  things  are  in  your  manly  arms);  (27),  VIIL 
20.  10\ — rukmaso  adhi  balmsu  (Golden  ornaments  upon  their 


172  S.  O.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

arms);  (28),  giprds  (marutdm)1,  V.  54.  11A,—  giprah  girsasu  vi- 
tata  hiranyaylh  (Visors  of  gold  arranged  upon  their  heads); 
(29)  *,  VIII.  7.25^, — giprah  clrsan  hiranyaylh  (Visors  of  gold 
upon  their  heads);  (30),  grngdni  (grngmdm),  III.  8.  10% — grn- 
ganlvec  chrnginaiii  sarii  dadrgre  casalavantah  svaravah  prthi- 
vyam  (The  sacrificial  posts  set  in  the  earth  and  adorned  with 
knobs,  seem  like  the  horns  of  horned  creatures);  (31),  (sak- 
thdni  (marutdm),  X.  61.  <?c, — vi  sakthani  naro  yamuh  putrakrthe 
na  janayah  (The  heroes  spread  their  thighs  apart  like  women 
in  childbirth);  (32),  hdstebhis  (ydjamdndndm),  see  no.  18  above; 
(33)*  hdstdir  (manlsmdm),  IX.  79.  4d, — apsii  tva  hastair  dudu- 
hur  mamsinah  (Sages  have  with  their  hands  milked  the  sorna 
into  the  waters);  (34),  hastesu  (marutdm),  I.  37.  3]\ — iheva 
cjnva  esam  kaga  hastesu  yad  vadan  (The  whip  in  their  hands 
is  heard  as  if  here,  when  they  crack  it);  (35),  I.  168.  3d. — 
hastesu  khadig  ca  krtic,  ca  saiii  dadhe  (A  ring  and  a  dagger 
are  held  in  their  hands). 

The  AV.  has  fourteen  instances  of  its  own: — (i),  cdksurtsi 
(Qdtrundm},  III.  1.  6C, —  caksunsy  agnir  a  dattam  (Let  Agni 
take  their  eyes);  (2),  cdksusdm  (purusdndm),  V.  24.  9*, — suryac, 
caksusam  adhipatih  (Surya  is  overlord  of  eyes);  (3),  pCirsnis 
(durndmnmdm),  VIII.  6.  ^5b, — purah  pfirsmh  puro  mukha 
(Whose  heels  are  in  front,  in  front  their  faces);  (4),  prdpaddni 
(durnCmnmam},  VIII.  6.  15% — yesam  pagcat  prapadani  (The 
fore-parts  of  whose  feet  are  behind) ;  (5),  bdhdvas  (nrndvi),  XL 
9.  1%—je  bahavo  ya  isavo  (What  arms,  what  arrows!);  (6), 
(gdtrunam),  XL  9.  13*, — muhyantv  esam  bahavah  (Let  their 
arms  fail);  (7),  (8)  and  (9),  baMn  (gdtrundm),  III.  19.  2%  VI. 
65.  £c,  XL  10.  16C, — vrgcami  gatrunam  bahun  (I  hew  off  the 
arms  of  the  foemen);  (10),  gfngdni  (durndmmndm),  VIII.  6.14b, 
— ye  purve  badhvo  yanti  haste  gfngaiii  bibhratah  (Who  go 
before  a  bride,  bearing  horns  in  the  hand);  (n),  hastesu  (yd- 
jamdndndm),  IV.  14.  £b,—  kramadhvam  agnina  nakam  ukhyan 
hastesu  bibhratah  (Stride  ye  with  fire  to  the  vault  of  heaven, 
bearing  potfires  in  your  hands);  (12),  (13)  and  (14),  (brahmd- 
nam),  VI.  122.  5b,  X.  9.  27^,  XL  1.  27^  —  brahmanam  hastesu 
praprthak  sadayami  (1  place  these  separately  in  the  hands  of 
the  Brahmans). 

1  Say.  glosses  the  former  by  iismsamayyas  (consisting  of  head-dresses), 
the  latter  by  firastrdndni  (head  protectors).  The  name  is  doubtless  due 
to  some  resemblance  to  the  real  fiprds,  'lips'. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic,  Dual  173 

The  AV.  has  also  three  repetitions  from  the  RV.:  altsini, 
IV.  5.  5C=  aks&ni  RV.  VII.  55.  6';  lahavas,  III.  19.  7b  =  RV. 
X.  103.  13C;  bdhfin,  VIII.  3.  6d  =  RV.  X.  87.  4d. 

A  comparison  of  these  passages  with  those  of  §  3  in  which 
the  dual  is  associated  with  a  like  plurality  of  persons,  shows 
that  in  these  the  plural  is  thought  of  as  general  and  collec- 
tive. The  Rishis  here  view  the  concert  rather  than  the  in- 
dividualization  of  the  action.  In  nos.  18  and  32  of  the  RV. 
tanubhis  shows  there  is  no  idea  of  individuality.  So  do  viksti 
of  no.  19,  the  plural  simile  janayali  of  no.  31,  and  the  con- 
text of  no.  27,  which  has  taniisu  in  12I},  rathesu  in  12C  and 
griyas  in  12d.  In  no.  7  tesdm  is  plainly  "of  all  these",  not 
uof  each  of  these".  Nos.  8,  9,  10,  13,  14,  21,  22,  25,  32  and 
33  are  obviously  general  and  collective,  not  specific  and  in- 
dividual. In  nos.  1  to  6,  20,  23,  26  to  29,  34  and  35  the 
Rishis  refer  to  the  Marut  host,  not  to  individual  members  of 
it.  A  comparison  of  no.  15  with  the  no.  14  of  §  3  shows  that 
here  the  simile  looks  to  the  ensemble  of  wings.  So  the  com- 
parison in  no.  31  is  general.  In  nos.  16,  24  and  31  the  use 
of  both  the  bodily  members  is  indeed  necessary  in  any  single 
case,  but  comparison  with  nos.  16  and  17  of  §  3  shows  that 
the  Rishis  by  the  plural  generalize  the  act  that  the  dual  would 
individualize.  So  with  the  remaining  passages,  nos.  12,  15 
and  17  of  the  RV.  and  all  of  the  AV.,  the  plural  is  general 
and  synthetic  where  the  dual  would  resolve  the  group  into  its 
components. 

§5. 

A    plurality    of   bodily  parts,    naturally   dual,  associated  with  a  duality  of 

persons. 

There  are  but  three  instances  of  this  phenomenon,  all  in 
the  RV.  The  passages  are: — (i),  Mrndis  (a$vinos),  L  184.  2(]. 
— rrutam  me  achoktibhir  matlnam  esta  nara  nicetara  ca  kar- 
ntiih  (Hearken,  ye  heroes,  to  the  invocations  of  my  hymns,  ye 
who  are  worshipped  and  are  observant  with  your  ears);  (2), 
pa<!bhis  (mitrdvarunayos),  V.  64.  7l\ — sutarii  somaiii  mi  hasti- 
bhir  a  padbhir  dhavantam  nara  bibhratav  arcanfmasam  (As 
to  the  soma  finger-pressed,  hither  speed  with  your  feet,  O 
heroes,  supporting  Arcananas);  (3),  "baliuWils  (mitrdi'iirunayos), 
VI.  67.  7(1, — sum  ya  racmeva  yamatur  yamistha  dva  janaii  asa- 


174  8.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

ma  bahiibhih  svaih  (The  peerless  twain  who  by  their  arms  as 
with  a  rein,  best  control  the  peoples). 

Concert  of  action  is  clearly  indicated  in  all,  but  most  clearly 
in  the  third  passage.  The  invocation  of  the  first  and  second 
passages  has  an  implied  "both  of  you."  Compare  and  contrast 
the  passages  in  §  2. 


§  6. 

A  plurality1  of  bodily  parts,  naturally  dual,  ascribed  to  an  individual. 

We  expect  the  plural  when  a  plural  numeral  is  added. 
There  are  these  instances:  B,V.  dksdbhis  (agnes],  I.  128.  3d, — 
gatam  caksano  aksabhih  (Observant  with  a  hundred  eyes);  X. 
79.  5C, — tasmai  sahasram  aksabhir  vi  cakse  (He  looks  on  him 
with  a  thousand  eyes);  pddds  (ghrldsya\  IV.  58.  3a, — catvari 
gfnga  trayo  asyo  pads  (Four  are  his  horns  and  three  his  feet) ; 
bah&n  (urunasya),  II.  14.  4b, — nava  cakhvansam  navatirii  ca 
bahun  (Showing  nine  and  ninety  arms);  bdhusu  (bramandasyd), 
VIII.  101.  13C, — citreva  praty  adargy  ayaty  antar  dagasu  ba- 
husu (Radiant  Usas  is  seen  advancing  amid  the  ten  arms); 
gfnga  (ghrtasya),  IV.  58.  3a, — see  pddds  above;  hdstdsas  (glir 
tdsya),  IV.  58.  3b, — dve  glrse  sapta  hastaso  asya  (Two  are  his 
heads  and  seven  his  hands). 

AV.  padbhis  (purusasya),  XIX.  6.  2*, — tribhih  padbhir  dyam 
arohat  (With  three  feet  he  climbed  the  sky);  caksunsi  (bha- 

1  The  plural  is  the  natural  number  in  the  following  instances:  RV 
padbhis,  IV.  38.  3C  (agvasya  dadhikras);  panibhis,  II.  31.  2d  (=  gapha  ag- 
vasya);  pddds,  I.  163.  9a  (agvasya);  prdpaddis,  VI.  75.  7C  (agvasya). 

AV.  jdfiffhds,  IX.  7.10  (rsabhasya);  X.  9.  23a  (aghnydyas);  jdnghabhiS) 
IV.  11.  10b  (anaduhas);^afeawam,  IX.  3.  4C  (=sthuna  vigvavarayas) ;  padds, 
IV.  15.  14d,  (manddkasya);  IX.  4.  14C  (rsabhasya);  'padbhis,  III.  7.  2b  (hari- 
nasya);  IV.  11.  10a  (anaduhas);  IV.  14.  9d  (ajasya);  patsu,  VI.  92.  ld  (a§- 
vasya);  pdddn,  XIV.  1.  60a  (asandyas);  stands,  IX.  7.  14;  X.  9.  22b;  10.  7d 
(aghnyayas);  stdndn,  XII.  4.  18b  (vagayas);  stanebhyas,  X.  10.  20d  (vagayas). 

Twice  in  AV.  such  a  plural  is  resolved  into  two  duals: 
pdddu,  XV.  3.  4  (asandyas  vratyasya). 

tasya   grlsmaQ    ca   vasantag  ca  dvau  |  padav  astam  garag  ca  varsag 
ca  dvau.     (The  summer  and  the  spring  were  two  of  its  feet,  the 
autumn  and  the  winter  were  two). 
stdndn,  VIII.  10.  13  (virajo  vagaya  iva). 

brhag  ca  rathamtaram  ca  dvau  stanav  astam  |  yajnayajniyam  ca  va- 
madevyam  ca  dvau.  (B.  and  R.  were  two  of  her  teats,  Y.  and  V« 
were  two). 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual.  175 

vasya)  XI.  2.  5h, — yani  caksunsi  te  bhava1  (To  the  eyes  that 
thou  hast,  be  homage,  0  Bhava).  In  this  latter  instance  the 
numeral  is  expressed  in  the  sahasrdksa  of  3d,  7b  and  17*. 

That  these  plurals  are  due  to  poetic  tropes  or  to  mythic 
or  mystic  creations  of  Hindoo  fancy  admits  of  no  question. 
No  one  thinks  of  a  literal  interpretation.  The  hundred  or 
the  thousand  eyes  of  Agni  are  the  bright  flames  that  dart 
forth  beams  of  light  in  all  directions.  The  metaphor  requires 
the  plural.  The  numeral  is  intensive.  By  its  use  Agni  is  re- 
presented as  sharp-sighted  or  omnivident.  The  nine  and  ninety 
arms  of  the  Asura  Urana  mean  only  that  the  demon  is  many- 
armed  or  strong-armed.  The  ten  arms  of  Irahmdnda  are,  as 
Sayana  says,  the  ten  digas  or  regions  of  the  universe. 

It  is  liturgical  mysticism  that  turns  the  glirta  into  a  gdura, 
or  Indian  buffalo,  and  then  proceeds  to  invest  it  with  the 
symbolism  of  such  an  odd  plurality  of  natural  members,  four 
horns,  three  feet,  two  heads  and  seven  hands.  Speculation  as 
to  the  interpretation  of  these  symbolic  members  was  rife  among 
the  native  commentators2  and  their  inability  to  think  the  Ri- 
shi's  thoughts  after  him  is  shown  in  the  great  variety  of  con- 
clusions reached.  Without  undertaking  to  decide  among  them 
we  know  that  the  plural  members  are  mystic  and  symbolic 
and  that  the  Rishi  had  no  conscious  conception  of  the  result- 
ant zoomorphic  incongruity  of  his  fancy.  The  addition  of 
the  hands  shows  that  the  idea  of  an  actual  gdura  is  not 
present  to  his  consciousness. 

In  AV.  XIX.  6,  the  shifting  mythic  symbolism  produces 
an  almost  continuous  change  in  the  anatomy  of  the  cosmic 
piirusa.  In  1  he  has  a  thousand  arms,  a  thousand  eyes  and 
a  thousand  feet;  in  2,  three  feet;  in  4,  four  feet;  in  5  and  6, 
two  arms  and  two  feet;  in  7,  one  eye.  There  are  similar 
changes  in  the  corresponding  RV.  X.  90,  but  they  do  not 
come  so  apace. 

Of  the  same  nature  are  the  plurals  implied  in  dvigu  com- 
pounds. Thus  in  RV.  I.  31.  13b,  Agni  is  caturaksd]  in  I.  79. 12% 
sahasrdksa;  in  V.  43.  13d,  a  tridhdtugrnyo  vrsabhds',  in  V.  1.  8C, 


1  Bhava  is  identified  with  Rudra.     Cf.  VS.  16.  18.  28;  39.  8  and  QB, 
6.  1.  3.  7.     In  RV.  2.  1.  6;  AV.  7.  87.  1;  TS.  5.  4.  3.  1;  5.  5.  7.  4  and 
QB.  1.  7.  3.  8;  6.  1.  3.  10  this  deity  is  identified  with  Agni. 

2  Vid.  TA.  10.  10.  2a;  GB.  1.  2.  16;  Sayana  on  RV.  I.  c  ;  and  MahT- 
dhara  on  VS.  17.  91.    The  last  is  especially  rich  in  alternatives. 


176  S.  0.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

a  sahdsragrngo  vrsaWias]  in  VIII.  19.  32b,  a  sahasramusko  devds ; 
in  I.  97.  6%  he  is  vigvatomukha',  in  III.  38.  4d,  vigvdrupa;  etc., 
etc.  These  dvigu  compounds  are  figurative  allusions  to  the 
phenomena  of  fire,  celestial  or  terrestrial.  A  similar  inter- 
pretation explains  all  such  in  either  Yeda. 

Closely  akin  to  these  plurals  with  numerals  are  those  in 
metaphors  and  poetic  symbolism  in  which  the  number  is  ob- 
viously determined  by  the  figure.  A  clear  instance  is  B-V. 
X.  127.  1, — rdtn  vy  akhyad  dyatl  purutrd  devy  dksabhis  (The 
goddess  Night,  as  she  approaches,  looks  about  in  many  a  place 
with  her  eyes).  Her  eyes  are  the  stars  and  the  plural  is  as 
natural  here  as  is  the  dual  in  RV.  I.  72.  10b,  in  which  ciksi 
divas  (eyes  of  the  sky)  are  the  sun  and  moon. 

A  number  of  such  instances  cluster  about  Agni.  In  RV. 
I.  146.  2  he  is  transformed  into  an  uksd  malidn  that  urvy&h 
pado  ni  dadheiti  sCindu  (Plants  his  feet  upon  the  broad  earth's 
back).  The  tauropoeia  justifies  the  plurality  of  feet.  In  III. 
20.  2,  the  Rishi  says  to  Agni — tisrds  te  jihvd  ....  tisrd  u  te 
tanvb  (three  are  thy  tongues,  .  .  .  three  also  thy  bodies),  in 
which  the  plurals  are  due  to  the  symbolism  of  the  metaphors. 
Sayana  identifies  the  three  tongues  as  the  three  sacrificial 
fires,  gdrliapatya,  dliavamya  and  daJcsina  and  makes  the  three 
bodies  pavaka,  pavamdna  and  $uci.  Other  interpretations  have 
been  given  but  none  that  impugns  the  figure  which  justifies 
the  plurals.  Our  principle  becomes  clear,  if  we  compare  two 
such  passages  as  V.  2.  9d — giglte  Qfnge  rdksase  vimhse  (He 
whets  his  horns  to  gore  the  Raksas)  and  I.  140.  6d — Wilmo  nil 
gf-ngoii  davidhdva  durgfbliis  (Like  one  terrific  he  tosses  his 
horns).  In  the  former  the  tauropoeia  is  complete  and  the 
duality  of  horns  naturally  follows;  in  the  latter  the  simile  in 
which  Agni  is  compared  to  a  bull  rampant  in  the  jungle 
suggests  the  metaphor  by  which  the  tips  of  flame  are  called 
his  horns.  The  flames  are  uppermost  in  thought  and  the  plu- 
rality of  horns  inevitably  follows.  Sayana  well  says  gmgd 
grngavad  unnatd  jvdlds  (flames  shooting  up  like  horns)  and 
Yaska  (Nir.  I.  17)  gives  grngdni  as  one  of  the  eleven  syno- 
nyms of  'flames.'  In  II.  2.  4cd, — pfgnydh  patardm  citdyantam 
aksdbhih  pdtlio  nd  pdyum  jdnasl  ublie  dnu  (The  bird  of  the 
firmament,  observant  with  his  eyes,  as  guard  of  the  path  looks 
at  both  races).  The  first  metaphor  avifies  the  celestial  Agni 
and  suggests  the  second,  in  the  transition  to  which  the  first 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  177 

fades  away  as  the  plurality  of  phenomena  comes  to  the  front 
in  thought  and  leads  to  the  plural  eyes  in  the  new  metaphor. 
Sayana's  svalaydir  jvdldrupdir  avayavdili  (his  own  members 
having  the  form  of  flames)  expresses  the  idea. 

Similar  is  RV.  X.  21.  7cd, — ghrtdpratikam  mdnuso  m  vo  made 
guJcrdm  cetistham  aksabhir  vivahsase  (With  butter-smeared  face 
you  are  merry  in  spirit,  bright,  observant  with  your  eyes,  you 
wax  great).  In  a  Agni  is  an  rtvij  (priest);  in  c  the  personi- 
fication is  fading  from  thought  in  the  transition  to  the  new 
figure  in  d.  Sayana's  vydptdis  tejobhis  (far- extending,  radiant 
flames)  well  explains  the  metaphor  in  aksdbhis  and  its  plural 
form.  Parallel  to  this  is  VIII.  60.  13, — gicdno  vrsabho  yathd 
agnili  gfhge  ddvidhvat  \  tigmd  asya  hdnavo  na  pratidhfse  su- 
jdmbhah  sdhaso  yahiih  (Like  a  bull  Agni  doth  whet  and  toss 
his  horns.  Sharp  are  his  jaws  and  not  to  be  withstood,  with 
good  teeth,  strong  and  swift).  The  simile  in  a  and  b  shows 
the  proper  duality  of  horns.  In  c  comes  the  new  figure  and 
its  natural  resultant  in  the  plural  hdnavo.  So  in  X.  79  we 
have  a  shift  from  Jidnu  in  lc  and  aim  in  2a  to  sahdsram  ok- 
sdbhir  in  5C. 

The  sacrificial  aspect  of  Agni  in  II.  13.  4C, — dsinvan  ddn- 
strdih  pitur  aiti  bhojanam  (Insatiate  with  his  tusks  he  eats 
his  father's  food)  should  be  contrasted  with  the  zoomorphic 
Agni  of  X.  87.  3ab, — ubhobhaydvinn  upa  dhehi  ddhstrd  hiitsrdh 
clgdno  'varam  pdraiii  ca  (Apply  thy  tusks  destructive,  whet- 
ting both,  the  upper  and  the  lower).  The  dual  of  the  latter 
is  required  by  the  personification;  the  plural  of  the  former  is 
as  necessary  to  the  metaphor  of  the  consuming  flames.  In  it 
the  personification  is  arrested  and  the  metaphor  predominates. 
There  is  no  need  of  disregarding  the  usual  distinction  between 
ddnstra  and  ddnta,  as  is  so  often  done  in  the  interpretation 
of  the  former  passage. 

One  passage  relating  to  Agni  remains.  This  is  the  much 
mooted  4  IV.  2.  12,— dtas  tvdm  dfQydn  agna  etdn  padWiih  pa^yer 


1  For  a  summary  of  the  earlier  discussion  of  this  passage  and  of  the 
word  padbhih,  see  M.  Bloomfield  in  A.  J.  P.  XI.  350  ff.  and  in  Actes  du 
XIVe  Congres  International  des  Orientalistes,  I.,  or  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University  Circulars,  1906,  no.  10,  p.  15ff.  In  the  latter  paper  Professor 
Bloomfield  concludes: — "Shocking  as  may  seem  the  paradox,  we  shall, 
I  think,  have  to  endure  it,  that  Agni  is  here  said  to  see  with  his  feet; 
of  course,  the  pun  as  well  as  the  paradox  between  padbhih  and  pa^yer 


178  8.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

ddbhutdn  aryd  evaih.  We  believe  that  Sayana's  gloss  on 
padbhih — pdddis  svatejcbhih  pagya  (He  sees  with  his  feet,  his 
own  bright  flames) — embodies  the  Bishi's  meaning  so  far  as 
the  noun  itself  is  concerned.  We  do  not,  however,  feel  com- 
pelled to  construe  it  with  pagyer.  It  is  not  so  unusual  for 
words  at  the  beginning  of  successive  padas  to  be  syntactically 
connected  that  we  may  not  construe  padbhih  with  dtas  or 
with  the  implicit  idea  of  motion  in  dtas.  The  passage  would 
then  mean: — Hence  (speeding)  with  thy  feet  (i.  e.,  thy  nimble 
jets  of  flame)  mayst  thou,  0  Agni,  noble  one,  behold  those 
wondrous  ones  (i.  e.,  the  gods)  in  visible  presence  (i.  e.,  go 
thither  carrying  our  oblations  and  prayers).  In  either  case 
the  passage  swings  right  into  line  with  all  the  others  con- 
sidered relative  to  Agni  and  the  metaphor  affords  ample  ex- 
planation of  the  plural.  In  the  latter  case  the  paradox  and 
supposed  difficulties  of  the  passage  vanish. 

We  shall  next  consider  the  passage  X.  99.  12  that  has  so 
long  proved  a  puzzle  for  the  commentators:  eva  malio  asura 
vaksdtliaya  vamrakdh  padbliir  upa  sarpad  indram  \  sd  iyandli 
~karati  svastim  asmd  isam  Arjarii  suksitim  vigvam  dWidh  \\  (Thus, 
Asura,  for  his  exaltation  did  the  great  Vamraka  crawl  upon 
his  feet  up  to  Indra.  That  one,  when  supplicated,  will  give 
him  a  blessing;  food,  strength,  secure  dwelling,  all  will  he 
bring  him). 

Bloomfield  has  shown  (II.  cc.)  that  padblns  everywhere  means 
primarily  "with  the  feet"  and  has  argued  plausibly  for  an 
occasional  secondary  meaning,  "quickly,  nimbly,  briskly,  etc." 
Cf.  our  colloquial  "with  both  feet."  This  word  may,  then,  be 
considered  to  lie  within  this  range  of  meaning.  Vamrdka,  too, 
is  a  mooted  word.  Its  possibilities  are,  however,  either  an 
ant,1  or  a  Eishi,  or  a  demon.  In  a  study  to  be  published 
separately  the  writer  has  maintained  that  Vamraka  is  here  Ant, 
the  personified  type  of  his  genus.  If,  then,  vamraka  is  ant, 
the  plural  padWiis  is  natural;  if  Eishi  or  demon,  the  plural  is 

may  have  invited  an  unusually  daring  poet  to  this  tour  de  force.  Of 
itself  the  likening  of  the  nimble  jets  of  flame  to  moving  feet  is  not  out 
of  the  Rishi's  range.  The  exact  sense  of  the  passage  is  not  quite  clear, 
but  its  obscurities  are  not  likely  to  affect  our  judgment  of  padbhih  either 
one  way  or  another." 

1  So  PWB.  and  GWB.  Sayana,  Griffith  and  Ludwig  take  it  as  name 
of  a  Rishi;  GRV.  as  that  of  a  demon. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual.  179 

the  intensive  with  Bloomfield's  secondary  meaning  or  else  due 
to  a  paronomasia  upon  the  literal  meaning  of  his  name.  In 
any  case  the  difficulty  of  the  plurality  of  feet  is  removed. 

In  I.  163.  llcd,  it  is  said  of  the  horse:— tava  gfngani  visthitd 
purutrd  dranyesu  jdrWmrdnd  caranti  (Tossing  thy  horns  out- 
spread in  all  directions,  thou  rangest  in  the  wildernesses). 
With  this  we  must  compare  9a  preceding: — hiranyagrngo  Jyo 
asya  pddd  (Golden-horned  is  he,  of  iron  are  his  feet).  Sayana 
explains  the  implied  Qfngdni  of  9a  by  unnata  girasko  hrdaya- 
ramcina  crngasthdmya  girorulio  (Prominent  hairs  of  the  head 
made  fast  at  its  centre  and  occupying  the  usual  place  of  horns) 
and  the  expressed  gfngani  of  llc  by  giraso  nirgatdh  grngastha- 
wli/tih  kecdh  (Hairs  growing  out  from  the  head  in  the  usual 
place  of  horns).  Sayana  is  thus  consistent  and  we  believe 
him  alone  of  the  commentators  1  to  be  correct.  He  undoubtedly 
means  the  foretop.  As  liari  is  the  predominant  color  of  the 
Vedic  horse,  hiranya  is  a  natural  epithet  for  the  foretop.  What 
could  better  suggest  the  comparison  in  llcd  than  the  waving, 
tossing  hairs  of  a  heavy,  shaggy  foretop?  The  metaphor  alone 
is  ample  reason  for  the  plural  horns.  We  have  also  the  addi- 
tional reason  that  in  this  hymn  the  horse  is  a  celestial  ani- 
mal actually  identified  in  3a  with  Aditya,  the  sun,  and  cours- 
ing the  heavens  in  6  and  7.  This  identification  is  more  or 
less  prominent  throughout  the  hymn.  The  foretop,  then,  re- 
presents also  the  beams  of  the  sun. 

In  IX.  15.  4ab,  the  Kishi  says  of  Soma  in  the  press: — esa 
rnigani  dodhuvac  chigite  yutliyb  vfsd  (He  brandishes  his  horns; 
he  whets  them  as  a  bull  of  the  herd).  Oidenberg's  identifi- 
cation of  the  horns  of  soma  here  with  the  horns  of  the  moon 
affords  no  explanation  for  the  plural  and  seems  otherwise  in- 

1  LRV.  renders  9a  "mit  goldenem  [vorder]  hufe  erz  die  beiden  [hinter] 
fiisze"  and  in  llc  renders  gnigdni  by  "hufen."  We  believe  the  pddd  of 
9a  is  the  padds  of  the  padapathi,  not  the  dual  of  LRV.  GRV.  renders 
9a  "Goldhufig  ist  er,  Eisen  seine  Fiisse"  and  gnigdni  of  llc  by  "Hufe". 
This  reduces  the  poetic  figure  to  a  mere  comparison  of  material  com- 
posing horn  and  hoof.  Wilson  renders  9a  "His  mane  is  of  gold,"  etc., 
and  llc  "The  hairs  of  thy  mane,"  etc.  This  does  not  render  Sayana 
properly.  On  top  of  the  head  "in  the  usual  place  of  horns,"  i.  e. 
between  the  ears,  is  the  foretop,  not  the  mane.  Griffith  translates  literally 
"horns"  in  both  passages,  citing  Say.  in  9a  for  "mane"  and  commenting 
on  llc  "Meaning,  here,  perhaps,  hoofs."  The  meaning  must,  of  course, 
be  the  same  in  both  passages. 


180  8.  O.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

consistent  with  the  entire  context.  Occidental  commentators 
are  silent.  Sayana  glosses  grngam  by  grngavad  unnatdn  an- 
gun  abliisavakale  (Stalks  or  filaments  of  the  soma  plant  that 
project  like  horns  at  the  time  of  the  pressing).  This  suits 
the  case  admirably.  The  figure  explains  the  number  and  leads 
on  naturally  to  the  simile  of  &. 

The  omnific  Vigvakarman  is  the  universal  father  and  the 
architect  of  the  world.  In  X.  81.  3  the  Bishi  s&jsi—vicvdtag- 
caksur  utd  vigvdtomukho  vigvdtobdhur  utd  vigvdtaspdt  \  sdm 
Mhubhydm  dhdmati  sdm  pdtatrdir  dytivdbliumi  jandyan  devd 
ekah  \\  (With  eyes  and  face  on  every  side,  and  arms  and  feet 
on  every  side,  with  twain  arms  and  with  wings  he  kindles  the 
fire,  that  lone  god  creating  heaven  and  earth).  The  implied 
plurals  of  the  compounds  of  a  and  fr  are  hyperbolic  and  in- 
tensive. Cf.  our  "He  is  all  eyes,  all  ears,"  etc.  The  dual  of 
c  is  noticeable.  Though  the  god  may  have  multiple  arms  yet 
in  twirling  the  fire-sticks  naturally  but  two  are  used.  The 
plural  pdtatrdir  may  best  be  considered  as  poetic  hyperbole 
again,  akin  to  the  implied  intensive  plurals  of  a  and  b.  With 
two  arms  Vic^vakarman  starts  the  fire;  with  many  wings  he 
fans  into  fervent  heat  the  flames  that  are  to  fuse  heaven  and 
earth  for  his  welding.  There  is  the  prosaic  alternative  that 
pdtatrdir  may  mean  "pinions,"  i.  e.  "wing-feathers"  rather 
than  "wings." 

There  is  a  poor  imitation  of  the  passage  in  AV.  XIII.  2. 26 
— yo  vigvdcarsanir  utd  vigvdtomukho  yo  vigvdtaspdnir  utd  vig- 
vdtasprthah  \  sdm  bdhubhydrn  Widrati  sdm  pdtatrdir  dyavdprthivl 
jandyan  devd  ekah  \\  The  diversity  of  bodily  members  in  c  may 
mean  that  the  god,  Surya  this  time,  bears  heaven  and  earth 
in  his  two  arms  and  that  the  poet  gives  him  the  hyperbolic 
plurality  of  wings  to  indicate  the  swiftness  and  strength  of 
his  flight. 

In  a  description  of  Indra  in  R,V.  III.  36.  8  we  have:  hradd 
iva  kuksdyah  somadhdndh  sdm  i  vivydca  sdvand  purtini  (Like 
lakes  are  his  flanks,  soma- containing;  verily  he  holdeth  full 
many  a  libation).  In  the  RV.  kuksi  occurs  only  in  connection 
with  Indra.  It  is  found  five  times  in  the  dual  and  only  here 
in  the  plural.  This  unique  plural  may  be  considered  as  a 
hyperbole  in  thorough  keeping  with  6C,  in  which  the  sorna- 
filled  Indra  is  too  vast  for  heaven  to  contain  him. 

But  one  more  instance  remains.     This  is  the  AV.  XL  6.  22C 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual  181 

—yti  devil}  panca  prad'iQo  ye  devd  dvadaga  rtdvali  \  samvatsa- 
rdsya  ye  dditstrds  te  nah  santu  sddd  givCih  \\  (The  five  divine 
regions,  the  twelve  divine  seasons — the  fangs  of  the  year,  let 
these  ever  be  propitious  to  us).  The  numerals  in  a  and  b  and 
the  metaphor  sufficiently  warrant  the  plural.  There  is  the 
alternative  of  taking  dditstrds  as  the  equivalent  of  dantds.  So 
V.  Henry,  Les  Livres  X,  XI  et  XII  de  PAtharva  Veda,  has: 
"En  totalisant  probablement,  soit  done  5  +  12  =  17  x2  (parce 
que  toute  entite  celeste  a  son  double  terrestre  et  reciproque- 
ment)  =  34,  ce  que  qui  donne  une  denture  a  peu  pres  nor- 
male". 

Excluding  from  the  count  the  natural  plurals,  the  plurals 
with  numerals  attached  and  those  implied  in  the  dvigu  epi- 
thets, we  have  left  in  the  RV.  a  total  of  thirteen  instances 
in  which  a  plurality  of  bodily  parts,  naturally  dual,  is  ascribed 
to  an  individual.  The  AY.  contributes  one  independent  in- 
stance and  one  adaptation  from  the  RV.  These  include  in 
their  number  nearly  all  the  mooted  instances  of  plural  for  dual 
in  Yedic. 

It  was  some  of  these  that  raised  Delbriick's  question  l  and 
led  him  to  remark: — "Es  ist  merkwriirdig,  dafi  vom  Soma  ge- 
sagt  wird  Qfnqdni  dodhuvaf1,  9.  15.4,  wahrend  es  von  Agni3 
8.  60.  13  heifit  gfnge  davidhvat.  In  derselben  Stelle  wird  von 
den  hdnavas  des  Agni  gesprochen.  Ich  mochte  dahin  auch 
iiatUhis*,  4.  38.  3,  rechnen,  bemerke  aber,  daft  Ludwig  das 
Wort  durch  'Schlingen'  iibersetzt.  Diese  und  ahnliche  Falle 
lieften  sich  wohl  so  erklaren,  dato  man  sagt,  der  Dual  stehe 
eben  nur  da,  wo  die  Beidheit  hervorgehoben  wird,  man  konne 
rfugani  sagen,  wenn  nur  die  Mehrheit  ausgesprochen  werden 
soil,  Qfnge  wenn  man  'beide  Horner'  sagen  will". 

Our  study  of  the  passages  shows  how  utterly  unsatisfactory 
is  Delbriick's  conclusions.  As  there  was  need  of  caution  in 
entering  upon  this  disputed  matter  we  have  considered  each 
instance  separately  and  in  detail  and  we  think  an  ample  rea- 
son for  the  plural  has  been  found.  The  numerical  plurals  and 
the  dvigu  compounds  furnished  the  key  as  their  figurative 
interpretation  is  beyond  question.  The  next  advance  was  the 
extension  of  a  like  exegetical  method  to  the  interpretation  of 

i  See  p.  1  above.          2  See  p.  39.    Cf.  RV.  I.  140.  6,  p.  36. 
3  Sed  p.  37.  «  See  n.  on  p.  34.    The  reference  is  to  the  feet 

of  the  mythical  horse,  Dadhikra. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  II.  13 


182  S.  G.  Qliphant,  [1910. 

the  passage  referring  to  the  eyes  of  Ratrl,  which  is  indispu- 
tably correct;  then  to  the  seven  passages  referring  to  the 
plural  members  of  Agni,  and  then  to  the  remaining  five  pas- 
sages of  the  RV.  and  the  two  of  the  AV.  Every  instance 
yields  readily  to  the  same  solvent.  The  poetic  figure, — met- 
aphor, paronomasia,  hyperbole,  etc.,  or  a  combination  of  these, 
— that  flits  before  the  Rishi's  mind  at  the  moment  or  the 
mythic  concept  of  his  imagination,  fixes  the  plural.  In  not  a 
single  instance  could  the  dual  have  been  used  without  a  de- 
cided poetic  loss. 

It  is  in  this  section  alone  that  any  plural  of  bodily  parts 
could  be  considered  as  an  encroachment  upon  the  domain  of 
the  dual.  So  far  as  these  fifteen  instances  out  of  the  entire 
five  hundred  and  fifteen  considered  in  these  pages  are  con- 
cerned, the  encroachment,  if  it  may  be  so  termed,  is  purely 
artistic  and  not  syntactical. 

The  disparity  of  instances  between  the  RV.  and  the  AV.  is 
but  another  indication  of  the  enormous  difference  between  these 
two  Vedas  in  poetic  power  and  artistic  skill.  The  study  of 
the  "Dual  in  Comparisons77  reveals  the  same  striking  difference 
in  the  use  of  figurative  language.  We  have  in  this  section 
the  same  principles  operating  in  metaphors  that  we  find  there 
to  be  operative  in  similes.  The  two  studies  illumine  each 
other  and  together  show  that  the  mooted  use  of  plural  for 
dual  in  Yedic  is  simply  the  difference  between  the  highly 
figurative  and  richly  poetic  language  of  the  hieratic  Rishi  and 
the  more  prosaic  diction  of  the  Atharvan  Shaman,  the  differ- 
ence between  the  imaginative  conceptions  of  a  poet  and  the 
mechanical  composition  of  a  versifex. 

It  is  but  simple  justice  to  the  much- contemned  Sayana  to 
note  that,  whatever  may  be  his  lack  of  merit  in  some  other 
respects,  in  several  of  these  passages  he  alone  of  all  commen- 
tators has  caught  the  spirit  and  meaning  of  the  ancient  Rishis. 
Our  method  of  interpretation  was  wrought  out  before  reading 
his  commentary,  but  we  are  glad  it  is  supported  by  him. 

§7. 

A  duality  of  bodily  parts,  naturally  singular,  associated  with  a  duality  of 

persons. 

The  RVo  has  these  eight  instances: — (i),  updstlia  (pitror 
usdsas=---  divasprtliivyos],  L  124.  od,— obha  prnanti  pitror  upas- 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Vedic  Dual.  183 

thfi  (Filling  both  laps  of  her  parents);  (2),  tanva  (arvinos), 
I.  181.  4b, — arepasa  tanva  namabhih  svaih  (Unblemished  bo- 
dies, with  marks  their  own);  (3),  VII.  72.  1\ — sparhaya  griya 
tanva  gubhana  (Radiant  in  body  with  an  enviable  beauty); 
(4),  tanva  (menayos),  II.  39.  £c, — mene  iva  tanva  Qumbhamane 
(Like  two  dames  adorning  their  bodies) ;  (5),  tanva  (usasos), 
III.  4.  6{\ — a  bhandamane  ustisfi  upake  uta  smayete  tanva  vi- 
rupe  (Night  and  Dawn,  closely  united,  come  hither  beaming 
and  smile;  different  in  hue  are  their  bodies);  (6),  tanva  (dl- 
vdvprthivyos),  IV.  56.  6*, — punane  tanva  mithah  (Making  pure 
their  bodies  alternately);  (7),  tanva  (indragnyos},  X.  65.  £b, — 
mitho  hinvana  tanva  samokasa  (Speeding  each  the  other,  hav- 
ing bodies  with  one  dwelling);  (8),  gepa  (=1  hdrl  yajamanasya}, 
X.  105.  £b, — harl  yasya  suyuja  vivrata  ver  arvantanu  c,epa 
(Whose  twain  dun  steeds,  well-yoked,  swerving  apart,  thou 
seekest  after,  fleet  stallions). 

There  is  no  clear  instance  in  the  AV.,  as  the  tanfi  of  IV. 
25.  5b,  like  that  of  RV.  X.  183.  2b,  is  better  taken  as  a  loc. 
sg.  Some  consider  tanva  in  our  nos.  2  and  3  to  be  inst.  sg. 

These  eight  duals  are  obviously  normal  and  need  no  com- 
ment in  explanation  or  justification.  They  make  the  list  of 
the  duals  of  the  bodily  parts  entirely  complete  for  the  two 
Yedas. 

Our  study  of  the  dual  of  the  natural  bodily  parts  has  been 
based  only  upon  the  two  oldest  monuments  of  the  language, 
the  Rig  and  the  Atharva  Veda.  Among  the  results  we  may 
repeat  by  way  of  summary  the  following. 

We  have  found  191  such  duals  in  RV.  and  225  in  AY., 
also  62  plurals  in  RV.  and  37  in  AV.  referring  to  the  same 
bodily  parts.  Of  the  duals,  158  in  RV.  and  212  in  AV.  per- 
tain to  individuals  and  the  dual  expresses  in  each  instance 
the  natural  number  of  the  bodily  parts  specified.  Of  these 
as  duals,  there  is  no  need  of  comment,  as  they  are  admittedly 
characteristic  of  the  language  at  all  periods.  Their  numerical 
distribution,  however,  has  been  found  to  indicate  strongly  the 


1  A  much  mooted  passage.  Because  of  the  close  similarity  of  a  to  I. 
63.  2a,— yad  dlidrl  indra  vivrata  ver — we  prefer  Bergaigne's  (II.  256)  inter- 
pretation, and  incline  to  modify  it  by  accepting  Sayana's  ^epavantdu  as 
the  sense  of  $epd.  Cf.  hastin  as  an  analogous  synecdochical  metonym. 

13* 


184  S.  G.  Oliphant,  [1910. 

marked  contrast  between  the  hieratic  character  of  the  RV. 
and  the  demotic  nature  of  the  AY.  An  attentive  scanning 
of  the  list  will  reveal  many  interesting  and  not  unimportant 
details  which  neither  our  space  has  permitted  nor  our  special 
theme  has  required  that  we  should  indicate.  These  have  been 
thought  an  ample  justification  for  the  publication  of  the  en- 
tire list,  which  is  also  more  complete  than  Grassmann's  and 
contains  several  corrections  of  his.  t 

We  have  found  only  eight  duals,  all  in  RV.,  of  bodily  parts 
naturally  singular,  referring  to  a  duality  of  persons.  The 
number  of  such  "pure"  duals  seems  rather  surprisingly  small, 
less  than  two  percentum  of  the  Vedic  duals.  Their  entire 
absence  from  the  AV.  in  also  striking. 

We  have  found  only  two  instances,  both  in  AV.,  of  a  phe- 
nomenon natural  enough,  yet  so  rare,  duals  arising  from  the 
resolution  of  natural  plurals. 

We  have  found  that  of  the  naturally  dual  parts  of  the 
body,  both  duals  and  plurals  are  used  in  reference  to  a  dual- 
ity or  a  plurality  of  individuals,  that  the  dual  resolves  the 
group  and  presents  the  acts  of  the  component  individuals, 
that  the  plural  merges  the  individual  into  the  concert  of  the 
group,  that  of  a  dualic  group  the  dissociative  dual  is  far 
more  frequent  than  the  synthetic  plural  (10  to  3),  while  of 
a  plural  group  the  plural  is  just  twice  as  frequent  as  the 
dual  (52  to  26),  that  the  resolution  of  a  plural  group  is 
far  more  numerous  (20  to  6)  in  the  RV.  than  in  the  AV. 
and  is  sometimes  attended  by  distinctively  hieratic  and 
artistic  characteristics  and  that  its  "ambal"  nature  is  very 
marked. 

We  have  found  that  24  plurals  in  RV.  and  20  in  AV. 
refer  to  individuals,  but  in  4  instances  in  RV.  and  16  in  AV. 
this  plural  expresses  the  natural  number  of  bodily  parts  and 
in  7  in  RV.  and  2  in  AV.  plural  numerals  are  attached 
showing  the  figurative  or  symbolic  nature  of  the  plurals.  For 
the  remaining  15  instances  we  have  found  a  simple  logical 
and  consistent  explanation,  based  not  upon  any  preconceived 
notions  but  upon  ample  evidence  furnished  by  the  Vedas 
themselves.  Contrary  to  the  impression  of  eminent  scholars 
we  find  that  Vedic  Sanskrit  does  not  admit  plurals  for  duals 
with  any  marked  freedom  and  that  the  supposed  encroach- 
ment of  plural  upon  dual  is  purely  an  artistic  phenomenon  in 


Vol.  xxx.]  The   Vedic  Dual  185 

every  instance  and  one  characteristic  of  the  higher  reaches 
of  hieratic  art. 

Incidentally  we  have  given  a  new  or  a  modified  interpre- 
tation to  several  passages,  the  more  important  of  which  have 
been  briefly  noted. 

Finally,  and  by  way  of  anticipation  also,  we  may  add  that 
the  conclusions  drawn  from  the  remaining  parts  of  our  study 
give  ample  confirmation  to  our  main  conclusions  from  the 
foregoing. 


The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda,  Book  Two.  —  Edited, 
with  critical  notes,  by  LEROY  CAEE  BAKKET,  M.A., 
Ph.D.,  Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  N.H. 

Prefatory. —  The  second  book  of  the  Kashmirian  AV.  is 
here  presented,  elaborated  upon  about  the  same  methods  and 
principles  as  was  the  first  book,  published  in  volume  26  of 
this  Journal.  As  in  the  first  book  so  here  the  transliteration 
is  regarded  as  of  first  importance:  the  publication  of  Bloom- 
field's  Vedic  Concordance  makes  it  unnecessary  to  report 
variants  in  full  as  was  done  for  the  first  book,  but  if  a  hymn 
or  a  stanza  appears  in  the  Concordance  then  at  least  one 
reference  is  given,  so  that  practically  all  the  new  material  is 
immediately  evident. 

It  will  be  noted  that  sometimes  the  transliteration  of  an 
entire  hymn  is  given  followed  by  an  emended  version,  while 
again  transliteration  and  emendation  proceed  stanza  by  stanza: 
no  strong  objection  will  be  made  to  this  freedom,  if  it  is 
remembered  that  the  work  is  still  in  an  experimental  stage. 
But  it  may  be  objected  that  while  the  word  "experimental" 
is  used  here  in  the  preface,  further  on  the  emendations  are 
proposed  with  an  air  of  considerable  certainty:  for  I  am  sure 
it  has  not  been  possible  to  indicate  successfully  just  the  shade 
of  certainty  I  feel  concerning  the  proposed  readings.  Let  us 
discuss  the  situation.  Here  is  a  manuscript,  the  sole  and  only 
one  of  its  kind,  written  in  such  a  slovenly  fashion  and  so 
corrupt  that  in  many  places  the  true  reading  can  never  be 
attained:  some  of  the  hymns  it  presents  are  known  in  other 
texts,  the  rest  are  not  known  in  any  other  text.  In  editing 
a  hymn  which  appears  both  here  and  elsewhere  one  is  con- 
stantly tempted  to  think  that  the  Paipp.  reading  is  only  a 
corruption  of  the  reading  given  by  the  other  text,  because 
one  gets  to  feel  that  any  and  all  mistakes  are  liable  to  appear 
in  this  manuscript  The  easy  thing  then  is  simply  to  set 
down  the  reading  of  the  other  text  as  the  correct  reading  of 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  III.  14 


188  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

the  Paipp.,  but  just  because  it  is  easy  it  creates  a  tendency 
that  needs  to  be  restrained.  When  we  take  up  new  hymns 
there  is  always  a  temptation  to  indulge  freely  in  conjectural 
emendation,  which  is  indeed  a  pretty  pastime,  but  not  pro- 
ductive of  firmly  founded  results:  when  a  pada  or  a  stanza 
seems  senseless  (a  conclusion  which  may  sometimes  be  reached 
too  readily)  it  would  not  be  difficult,  at  least  in  some  cases, 
to  write  one  sensible  and  suitable  to  the  context.  But  this  is 
not  criticism.  Emendations  are  suggested  here  which  are  pure 
conjecture  and  not  to  be  regarded  in  any  other  light;  surely 
here  if  anywhere  conjectural  emendation  has  its  opportunity 
but  here  as  everywhere  its  value  is  very  slight.  Such  are  the 
principles  I  have  tried  to  follow  in  editing  this  text:  this 
statement  of  them  may  be  taken  too  as  a  protest  against 
certain  methods  of  textual  criticism,  the  methods  of  those  who  so 
gaily  chop  or  stretch  texts  to  make  them  fit  a  preconceived  theory. 
The  transliteration  is  given  in  lines  which  correspond  to  the 
lines  of  the  ms. ;  the  division  of  words  is  of  course  mine,  based 
upon  the  edited  text.  The  abbreviations  need  little  explana- 
tion: Q.  is  used  to  refer  to  the  AY.  of  the  Qaunikiya  School, 
and  ms.  (sic)  is  used  for  manuscript  to  avoid  confusion  with 
the  other  abbreviation  MS.  The  signs  of  punctuation  used  in 
the  ms.  are  pretty  faithfully  represented  by  the  vertical  bar 
(=  colon)  and  the  "z"  (=  period):  in  transliteration  the  Roman 
period  stands  for  a  virdma.  The  method  of  using  daggers  to 
indicate  a  corrupt  reading  is  that  familiar  in  the  editions  of 
classical  texts. 

Introduction. 

Of  the  ins. — This  second  book  in  the  Kashmir  ms.  begins 
f.  29b,  1.  6  and  ends  at  the  bottom  of  f.  48b— 19J/2  folios;  of 
these  f.  43  is  badly  broken  and  from  f.  42  a  the  larger  part  of 
the  written  surface  has  peeled  off:  other  than  this  there  is 
practically  no  damage  to  the  ms.  in  this  part.  There  are  as 
many  as  20  lines  to  the  page  and  as  few  as  15,  but  the  most 
of  the  pages  have  17  to  19  lines. 

Numbering  of  hymns  and  stanzas. — In  this  book  there  are 
no  stanza  numbers  and  furthermore  the  end  of  a  stanza  is 
not  regularly  indicated  by  a  mark  of  punctuation;  often  a 
visarga  or  virama  is  the  only  indication  of  the  end  of  a  hemi- 
stich. Most  frequently  the  colon  is  the  mark  used  if  any 


Vol.  xxx.]  TJie  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  189 

mark   appears.     Except  when   rewriting  a  stanza  corrections 
of  punctuation  have  not  been  mentioned  regularly. 

The  hymns  are  grouped  in  anuvakas,  all  properly  numbered 
save  the  tenth.  The  anuvakas  consist  of  five  hymns  each  save 
that  the  sixth  has  six.  Practically  all  the  hymns  are  num- 
bered,— only  three  times  is  the  number  omitted  and  only  five 
times  is  the  wrong  number  written.  At  the  end  of  No.  49 
stands  a  sort  of  colophon,  imam  raksamantram  digdhandhanam 
(sic)]  after  some  formulae  which  are  thrust  into  the  middle  of 
No.  50  stands  iti  agnisuktam;  and  after  No.  69  stands  iti 
saclrtasuktam  (sic). 

Accents. — The  accentuation  in  this  book  is  about  as  poorly 
done  as  the  punctuation.  Accents  are  marked  more  or  less 
fully  on  30  stanzas  of  12  different  hymns,  not  counting  a  very 
few  cases  where  an  accent  stands  lonesomely  on  one  single 
word:  in  no  hymn  is  the  accentuation  marked  on  all  the 
stanzas.  No  marks  appear  after  f.  36  b.  I  have  marked  the 
accents  in  transliterating,  but  have  not  attempted  to  edit  them 
in  the  emended  portions  because  they  seem  to  have  no  value. 

Extent  of  the  look. — This  book  contains  18  anuvakas  each 
having  5  hymns,  except  that  anu  6  has  6,  so  that  I  have  num- 
bered 91  hymns:  but  hymns  1  and  2  of  anu  17  seem  to  be 
in  reality  only  one.  The  lacunae  in  f.  42  and  f.  43  have  not 
concealed  the  fact  that  anu  12  and  anu  13  had  5  hymns 
each,— provided  of  course  that  the  numbers  written  are  correct, 
as  they  seem  to  be.  The  mutilation  of  the  two  folios  has  taken 
away  No.  63  entire  and  parts  of  Nos.  60,  61,  64,  and  65. 

The  word  "hymn"  means  kancla  whether  verse  or  prose,  and 
there  are  at  least  20  hymns  that  are  non-metrical.  The 
90  hymns  as  they  now  stand  in  the  ms.  present  approximately 
470  stanzas,  thus  showing  an  average  of  5  stanzas  which  is 
clearly  the  norm  here  as  well  as  in  Q.  2  for  65  hymns  here 
certainly  have  5  stanzas  each;  only  4  have  more  than  6  stanzas. 
1  hymn  has  3  stanzas  =  3  stanzas 

3  hymns  have     4       „        each  =12        „ 

65       „  „         5        „  „  =325        „ 

10       „  „         6        „  „  =    60 

1  7  7 

»  «  »  «  n 

»  n  «  n  =        8  „ 

2  „          „      11        „  „  -    22        „ 
83  hymns  437  stanzas 

14* 


190  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

83  hymns  have  437  stanzas 

2  hymns  possibly  have  6  stanzas  each  =    12  stanzas 
5  hymns  (uncertain)  show  about  17        „ 

1  is  entirely  lost 

~~91  hymns  466  stanzas. 

Counting  in   the  5  formulae  which    appear   in  the  middle  of 
No.  50  we  have  the  approximate  total  of  470  stanzas.  1 

In  Book  One  we  saw  that  67  out  of  112  hymns  clearly  had 
4  stanzas  so  that  it  seems  that  the  verse-norm  for  Books  One 
and  Two  is  the  same  in  Q.  and  Paipp. 

New  and  old  material. — In  Book  One  about  150  stanzas  out 
of  425  were  new  material:  here  in  Book  Two  about  270  out 
of  the  470  are  new.  There  are  50  hymns  which  may  properly 
be  called  new  though  a  number  of  them  contain  padas  or 
even  stanzas  which  are  in  the  Concordance.  The  greater  part 
of  the  new  material  is  in  the  second  half  of  the  book;  17  of 
the  first  46  hymns  are  new  and  33  of  second  44  are  new. 
Perhaps  it  is  also  worth  while  to  note  here  that  of  the 
36  hymns  in  Q.  2  18  appear  in  Paipp.  2  in  fairly  close  agree- 
ment just  as  19  of  the  35  in  Q.  1  appear  in  Paipp.  1. 

This  book  contains  hymns  and  stanzas  which  appear  in 
Books  1—7  and  19  of  Q.;— 1  hymn  of  Q.  1;  18  of  C.  2;  3  of 
Q.  3;  2  of  Q.  4;  8  of  Q.  5;  4  of  Q.  6;  2  of  Q.  19;  and  some 
scattered  padas  of  C.  7.  Of  the  RV.  there  are  2  hymns  and 
some  stanzas,  of  MS.  2  hymns  and  some  stanzas,  of  TB.,  Vait., 
and  KauQ.  1  hymn  each. 

ATHARVA-VEDA  PAIPPALADA-QAKHA. 
BOOK  TWO. 

1.  [f.  29  b  1.6.] 
Q.  4.  7.  2—6. 

om  nama  sti  i 

lotamayai    z    z    om    rasam   pracyarh  visam   arasam    yad 

udicyam  yathedai 

i  It  will  be  understood  that  the  figures  given  are  not  minutely  exact, 
— could  not  be  and  need  not  be:  the  total,  470  stanzas  is  a  minimum. 
The  ms.  shows  about  900  stanzas  for  Books  1  and  2;  from  this  we  may 
roughly  estimate  5500  stanzas  for  the  entire  manuscript. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmiri  an  Atharva  Veda.  191 

s    adharacyam    karambhena    vi    kalpate    karambham   krtva 

turlyam  pivassaka  • 
m  udahrtam  ksudha  krtva  justano  jaksivipyasya  nu  rurupah 

vi  te  madam : 
sarayati  cantam   iva  patayamasi  |  pari  tva  varmive  gantam 

varcasa • 
sthapayamasi  |  pari  gramyavacitarh  pari  tva  sthapayamasi  | 

tva! 
sta  vrksaiva   sthasarh   abhisate   na  rurupah  pavastvarh  yas 

tva  pariy  akri  I 
narh  durusebhir  ajanir  uta  |  prakrlr  asi  tvam  osadhl  atisata 

na  ru : 
namah  z  i  z 

The  invocation  may  be  read  om  namo  'sti  lotamayai.  The 
stanzas  may  be  read  thus:  arasaiii  pracyaiii  visam  arasaiii  yad 
udicyam  |  athedam  adharacyarh  karambhena  vi  kalpate  z  I  z 
karambham  krtva  turiyaiii  pivaspakam  udahrtam  |  ksudha  kila 
tva  dustano  -j-jaksivlpyasya  na  rurupah  z  2  z  vi  te  madaiii 
sarayati  carum  iva  pStayamasi  |  pari  tva  varmeva  gantvaiii 
vacasa  sthapayamasi  z  3  z  pari  gramam  ivacitaiii  pari  tva 
sthapayamasi  |  tistha  vrksa  iva  sthaman  abhrisate  na  rurupah 
z  4  z  pavastaiii  tva  pary  akrman  durgebhir  ajinair  uta  |  pra- 
krir  asi  tvam  osadhe  ebhrisate  na  rurupah  z  5  z  1  z 

2.  [f.  29  b  1.  14] 

avidyad  dyavaprthivT  avidya  bhagam  a9vina!  I 
avidya  vrahmanaspatirh  krnomy  asam  visam 
Read  avedya  in  a,  b,  and  c;  arasaiii  in  d. 

vaso  hedada  visam  yad  ena : 

d  aham  agitharh  utair  adadyat  praruso  bhavadi  jagadas  punah 
Pada  d   may  be  read  bhavami  °  °,  but  for  the  rest  I  see 
nothing. 

m5  bibhe  I 
r  na  marisyasi  pari  tva  masi  vigvatah  rasarh  visasya  navidam 

udhna I 
[f.  30  a.]    s  phena  madann  iva  z 

Read  pami  in  b,  udhnas  phenaiii  in  d.  Pada  a  =  Q.  5.  30.  8a; 
c  =  SMB.  2.  6.  18c. 

apavocad  apavakta  prathamo  daivya  bhisak.  sam  aga  • 
cchasindraga  yavayava  co  visadusanih 


192  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

In  VS.  16.  5  and  elsewhere  is  a  variant  of  ab;  a  possible 
reading  for  cd  is  sam  u  gacchaslndraja  yavayava  ca  visa- 
dusanah:  read  daivyo  in  b. 

yag  ca  pistarh  yag  capistam  : 
yady  agrharh  yag   ca   dehyarh   devas   sarvasya  vidvarh  so 

rasarh  krnuta  visarh  I  I 
z  2  z 

Read:  yac  ca  pistarii  yac  c&pistaih  yac  ca  grhyam  yac 
cadehyam  |  devasya  sarvasya  vidvan  so  'rasaih  krnutam  visam 
z  5  z  2  z 

3.   [f.  30  a  1.4.] 
Q.  2.  10. 

ksettriya  tva  nirrtya  jahasigarhsa  druho  muncasi: 
varunasya  p§gat.  |  anagasam  vrahmana  tva  krnomi  giva  te  I 
dyavaprthiviha  bhutarh  can  te  agnis  saha  dhibhir  astu  mam 

gavas  sa  i 
hosadhlbhih    gam    anlariksam    sahavatam    astu   te    gam    te 

bhavantu  pradi ! 
gag    catasrah    ya    devis    pradigag    catasro    vatapattir    abhi 

suryo  vi  I 
caste  |  tasv   edam  jarasa    a   dadami  pra  ksyam   eta  nirrtis 

paracah : 
suryam  rtam  camaso   grahya  yatha  deva  muncantu  asrjan 

pare  • 

tasah  eva  tv^rh  ksettriyarh  nirrtya  jahimigamsa  druho  muficai 
mi  varunasya  p§ca  ahomoci  yaksml  durita  vadadyld  druhah  i 
patrad  grahyag  cod  amoci  juharivartim  avidat  syunam  apy 

abhuta : 
bhadre  sukrtasya  loke  z  3  z 

This  hynin  appears  also  in  TB.  2.  5.  6.  1 — 2,  and  all  but 
the  fifth  stanza  in  HGr.  2.  3.  10;  4.  1:  it  will  be  noted  that  our 
version  is  more  like  these  than  the  Q.  version.  For  Ppp. 
version  read: 

ksetriyat  tva  nirrtya  jamigansad  druho  muncami  varunasya 
pac,at  i  anagasam  vrahmana  tva  krnomi  give  te  dyavaprthiviha 
bhutarii  z  1  z  gam  te  agnis  saha  dhibhir  astu  gam  gavas 
sahausadhibhih  |  gain  antariksarii  sahavatam  astu  te  gaiii  te 
bhavantu  pradic,ag  catasrah  z  2  z  ya  devis  pradigag  catasro 
vatapatnir  abhi  suryo  vicaste  tasv  etam  jarasa  a  dadhami 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  193 

pra  yaksma  etu  nirrtis  paracaih  z  3  z  suryam  rtam  tamaso 
grahya  yatha  deva  muiicanto  asrjan  paretasah  |  eva  tvaiii 
ksetriyan  nirrtya  jamigansad  druho  muiicami  varunasya  pagat 
z  4  z  amoci  yaksmad  duritad  avadyad  druhah  patrad  grahyag 
cod  amoci  |  aha  avartim  avidat  syonam  apy  abhud  bhadre 
sukrtasya  loke  z  5  z  3  z] 

4.  [f.  30  a  1.  14.] 

Q.  2.  14. 

nissalarh  dhisnyam  dhisanam  ekava: 
dyam    jighatsvam    sarva9    candama     napatiyo    nagayamas 

sadatva  |  ya  i 
devagha  ksettriyad  yadi  va  purusesita  |  yad  astu  dagvibhyo 

jata) 
nagyatetas    sadatva    pari    dhamany    asam    asrar    gastham 

ivasaram  |  |  : 
[f.  30b.]    ajiso   sarvan   ajin    yo  na£yatetah   sadatva  nira  vo 

gosthad  ajamasi : 
nir  yonin  nrpanaga  |  nir  vo  magumdya  duhitaro  grhebhyag 

catayamasi  |  I 
amusminn  adhare  grhe  sarvasvant  arayah  |  tatra  papma  ni 

yacchatu  sa  I 
rvag  ca  yatudhanyah  z  4  z 

Read:  nissalarii  -j-dhisnyaiii  dhisanam  ekavadyarii  jighatsvam  | 
sarvag  candasya  naptyo  nagayamas  sadanvah  z  1  z  ya  deva 
aghas  ksetriya  yadi  va  purusesitah  |  yadi  stha  dasyubhyo  jata 
nacyatetas  sadanvali  z  2  z  pari  dhamany  asam  aguh  kastham 
ivasaram  |  ajaisaiii  sarvan  ajin  vo  nagyatetas  sadanvah  z  3  z 
nir  vo  gosthad  ajamasi  nir  yoner  nir  upanasat  |  nir  vo  magun- 
dya  duhitaro  grhebhyag  catayamasi  z  4  z  amusminn  adhare 
grhe  sarvas  santv  arayyah  |  tatra  papma  ni  yacchatu  sarvac. 
ca  yatudhanyah  z  5  z  4  z 

Our  ms.  offers  no  help  towards  solving  the  troublesome 
st.  la. 

5.  [f.  30  b,  1.  4.] 

Q.  2.  12. 

dyaVaprthivI  urv  antariksam  kse  • 
ttrasya    pattrir    gayo    dbhutah    utantariksam    urvatagopam 

tesu  tapyantam  ma  • 
yi  tasyamane  z 


194  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

For  b  read  ksetrasya  patny  urugayo  'dbhutah;  in  cd  read 
uru  vatagopam  te  'nu  °  °  tapyamane. 

yadam  indra  snuhi  somapa  ya  tva  hrda  9ocata  i 
johavimi  |  vi^casi  tarn  kuligeneva  vrksam  yo  smakarh  mana  i: 
dam  hinasti  | 

In  a  read  idam  and  grnuhi,  in  b  yat  tva,  in  c  vrgcami,  and 
in  d  'smakam. 

idam  dev§9  9rnute  yajniya  sta  bharadvajo  ma  I 
hyam  uktyani  9arisatu  |  pa9e  sa  baddho  durite  bhy  ucyatam 

yo  smakam  i 
mana  idam  hinasti 

In  a  read  grnuta  ye  yajniya  stha,  in  b  ukthani,  in  c  cbhi 
yujyatam,  and  in  d  yo  csmakaiii. 

a9itibhis  tisrbhis  samagebhir  aditye  • 
bhir  vasubhir  angirobhih  |  istapurtam   avatu  nah  pitfnsLmm 

amum: 

dade  harasa  daivyena 
In  c  read  istapurtam  and  pitfnam. 

dylvaprthivi  ami  ma  didhyatam  1 
vicve     dev§so    anu     mS     rabhadhvam    |    angirasas    pitaras 

somy^sah  |  : 
papas  aricchatv  apakamasya  karta  z 

In  a  read  didhyatbaiii,  in  d  papam  arcchatv. 

ativa  yo  maruto  manyate  no  I 
vrahma    va    yo    nirhdvisatas    kriyamanam    tapuhsi    tasmai 

vrajanani  santu  vra  • 
hmadvisam  abhi  tarn  9603  dyauh 

In  b  read  nindisat  kriyamanam,  in  c  vrjinani. 

a  dadami  te  padam  samiddhe  jatavedasi  |  i 
agni  9arlram  vevestu  imam  gacchatu  te  vasu  | 
In  a  read  dadhami,  in  c  agni^  and  vevestv. 

sapta  pranan  astau  majna  i 
[f.  31  a.]   s   tans  te  vi^asi   vrahmana  yamasya  gaccha  ma- 

danam  agnito  arankrtah  z  z  : 
z  5  z  prathamanuvakah  z      z 

Read:  sapta  pranan  astau  majjnas  tans  te  vrgcami  vrah- 
mana yamasya  gaccha  sadanarn  agniduto  aramkrtah  z  8  z  5 
z  prathamanuvakah  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  195 

6.  [f.  31  a,  1.2.] 
Q.  2.  1. 

vends  tat  pa9yanta  paramam  padarh  yatra  • 
vi9varh  bhavaty  ekanadam  |  idam  dhenur  aduhaj  jayamanas 

svarvido  bhyanukti  I 
r  virat. 

The  simplest  emendation  in  a  would  be  venas,  but  to  let 
venas  stand  and  read  pacjat  as  in  Q.  is  possible.  In  b  read 
ekamdam.  Reading  idaiii  dhenur  aduhaj  jayamana  we  have 
tho  same  pada  as  RV.  10.  61.  19d.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  the  reading  of  d  in  our  ms.  is  only  a  corruption  of  Q. 
abhy  anusata  vrah. 

prthag  voced  amrtarh  na  vidvan  gandharvo  dhama  paramam 

guha  yat.  |  |  • 

trini  pad^ni  hata  guhas*  vas  t§ni  veda  sa  pitus  pitdsat. 
In  a  read  pra  tad  and  nu,  in  c  nihita  guhasya,  and  in  d  yas. 

sa  no  : 
bandhur  janit§  sa  vidhart§  dh§mani  veda  bhuvanani  vicva 

yatra  dev§  • 
amftam  anaganS  samSne  dh§mann  addhlrayanta 

In  b  read  dhainani,  in  c  amrtam  ana^anas,  and  in  d  dhamany 
adhy  airayanta.  In  the  margin  the  ms.  gives  "to  ba." 


pari  vi9va  bhiivana  • 
ny  ayam  upacaste  |  prathamaj^  rtasya  vacas  ivaktri  bhuva- 

nestha  dha  I 
sramn  esa  natv  eso  agnih 

In  b  read  upatisthe,  in  c  vacam  iva  vaktari,  and  for  d 
dhasyur  esa  nanv  eso  agnih. 

pari  dyavaprthi  sadyayam  rtasya  ta  I 
nturh    vitatam    drkecarh  |  devo    devatvam    abhiraksamanas 

samanarh  bandhum  i 
vi  pari9chad  ekah  z  i  z 

Read:  pari  dyavapvthivi  sadya  ayam  rtasya  tantuiii  vitataiii 
drge  kam  |  devo  devatvam  abhiraksamanas  samanaiii  bandhuiii 
vi  pary  aicchad  ekah  z  5  z  1  z 


196  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

7.  [f.  31  a,  1.11.] 
Q.  2.  5  (in  part). 

indra  jusasva  yahi  9ura  piva  su : 
ta9ca  madho9  cakana  carun  madathah  |  a  tva  vigantu  mutasa 

indra  I 
prnasya  kuksi  vidhy   acatru   dhehy  a  nah   indra  jathararh 

prnasva  madho  i 
rasya  sutasya  |  |  upa  tva  madesu  vajo   stu  |  indras  turasad 

jaghana : 
vrtrarh  sasaha  catrur  mamu9   ca  |  vajrir  made   somasya9* 

ti  hava  me ! 
kiro  jusasya  indra  syagubhin  matsa  madaya  mahe    ranaya 

z  2  z: 

Read:  indra  jusasva  yahi  gura  piba  sutasya  madhoQ  ca  | 
cakanag  carur  madaya  z  1  z  a  tva  vigantu  sutasa  indra 
prnasva  kuksi  |  viddhy  agatro  dhiyehy  a  nah  z  2  z  indra 
jatharam  prnasva  madhurasasya  sutasya  |  upa  tva  madas  suvaco 
fsthuh  z  3  z  indras  turasad  jaghana  vrtrarii  sasahe  gatrun 
•fmaniug  ca  |  vajrl  made  somasya  z  4  z  grudhi  havarii  me  giro 
jusasvendra  svayugbhir  matsva  j  madaya  mahe  ranaya  z  5  z  2  z 

8.  [f.  31  b,  1.  1.] 

Q.  4.  3. 

ud  itye    kramarh   trayo   vyaghrah  puruso   vrkah    hrg   veda 

suryo  hrg  devo  i 
vanaspatir  hrn  manavantu  9attravah   paramena  patha  vrka 

pare  • 
na  stenor  arsatu  |  tato  vyaghras  parama   aksau  ca  te  hanu 

ca  te  vyaghrarh  i 
jambhayamasi  |  at   sarvah   vrhsatin   nakharh   yat   sarhnaso 

vi  yan  na  i 
so  na  sarhnasa  |  purna  mrgasya  danta  upa9rrna  u  paristayah 

vyaghrarh  I 
datutam  vayarh  prathamarh  jambhayamasi  [  ad  iku  stenam 

ahyarh  yatu  i 
dhanam   atho  vrkam.  |  naivaraspasain  na   grhas  para9  cara 

dvipac  catu  i 

spanto  ma  hihsir  indrajas  somajasih  z  om  indrajas  somaja: 
asih  z  3  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  197 

Read:  ud  ito  ye  'kraman  trayo  vyaghrah  puruso  vrkah  |  hrg 
devas  suryo  hrg  vanaspatir  hrn  me  namantu  Qatravah  z  1  z 
paramena  patha  vrkah  parena  steno  arsatu  |  tato  vyaghras 
paramena  z  2  z  aksyau  ca  te  harm  ca  te  vyaghra  jambhayamasi  | 
at  sarvan  viiic,atiiii  nakhan  z  3  z  yat  saiiinamo  na  vi  namo  vi 
yan  namo  na  sarimamah  |  murna  mrgasya  danta  upaglrna  u 
prstayah  z  4  z  vyaghram  datvatara  vayam  prathamam  jam- 
bhayamasi |  ad  ittha  stenam  ahim  yatudhanam  atho  vrkam 
z  5  z  •j-naivaraspasain  na  grhas  parag  cara  dvipac  catuspanto^ 
ma  hiiisir  indrajas  somaja  asi  z  6  z  3  z 

In  st.  1  hiruk,  as  in  Q.,  might  just  as  will  be  written.  If 
st.  2  and  3  were  combined  we  would  have  a  hymn  of  five 
stanzas,  the  norm  of  Bk.  2.  In  st.  6  we  get  good  meaning  by 
writing  dvipac  catuspan  no  ma  °  °;  the  meter  is  correct  without 
no:  parag  eara  is  a  good  ending  for  pada  b,  but  the  rest 
seems  hopeless. 

9.  [f.  31  b,  1.9.] 
Q.  1.  34.  1  (partly). 

yam  viru  madhujata  madhune  tva  panamasi  |  : 
madhor   adhi  prajato  si  sa  no  madhumadhas  krdhih  jihva- 

yagre  me  • 
madhu   jihvamule    madhulakarh  |  yatha    mam   kaminy    aso 

yam  vai 

va  mam  anv  a  yasT  pari  tva  paritannuteyaksanakam  avi ! 
dvise  |  yatha  na  vidvavahi  na  vibhavava  kada  cana  rajni  • 
vruhi  varunay§9vaya  purusaya  ca  |  patha  me  pathye  revati  i 
jay  am  a  vaha  sadhuna  |  jay  am  me  mittravaruna  jay  am  : 
devi  sarasvati  |  jayan  me  agvinaubha  dhattam  puskarasrja : 
z  4  z 

Read:  iyaiii  virun  madhujata  madhune  tva  khanamasi  | 
madhor  adhi  prajatasi  sa  no  madhumatas  krdhi  z  1  z  jihvaya 
agre  me  madhu  jihvamule  madhulakam  |  yatha  mam  kaminy 
aso  yam  va  mam  anv  ayasi  z  2  z  pari  tva  paritatnuneksunagain 
avidvise  |  yatha  na  vidvisavahe  na  vibhavava  kada  cana  z  3  z 
rajne  vruhi  varunayagvaya  purusaya  ca  |  patha  me  patye  revati 
jayam  a  vaha  sadhuna  z  4  z  jayaiii  me  mitravaruna  jayam  me 
devl  sarasvati  |  jayam  me  agvinav  ubha  dhattaih  puskarasraja 
z  5  z  4  z 

For  st.  5  cf.  below,  35.  5. 


198  '  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

10.  [f.  32  a,  1.  1.] 

g.  2. 9. 

dagavrksa    samcemam    ahihsro    grahyac    ca   |    atho    yenarh 

vanaspate  i 
jivanam  lokam  un  annaya  | 

Read  muncemam  in  a,  enarii  in  c,   and  lokam  unnaya  in  d. 

yag  cakara  niu  niskarat  sa  eva  suvisa  : 
ktama  sa  eva  tubhyarh  bhesajam  cakara  bhisajati  ca  | 

Read  sa  (for  mu)  in  a,  subhisaktamah  in  b,  and  bhesajani 
in  d  (or  possibly  with  Q.  bhisaja  gucih):  but  bhisajati  ca 
might  stand. 

catam  te  devavi : 
dam  vrahmanam  ud  vivrdha  catam  te  bhy  ottamam  avidarh 

•  bhumyam  adhi 

Read  deva  avidan  in  a,  vrahmana  uta  vlrudhah  for  b;  ebhy 
uttamam  avidan  in  cd. 

agai 
d  ud  agad  ayam  jivanarh  vratam   apy    agat.   abhuta  putra- 

narh  pita  I 
nfnam  ca  bhagavattama 

Read  abhud  u  in  c,  and  bhagavattamah  in  d. 

adhitam  adhy  agad  ayam  adhi  jivapuragat.  I 
catam  te   sya  virudhas   sahasram  uta  bhesajah  z  5  z  anu- 

vakarh  2  z  • 

Read:  adhltim  adhy  agad  ayam  adhi  jivapura  agat  |  Qataiii 
te  'sya  virudhas  sahasram  uta  bhesaja  z  5  z  5  z  anuvakah  2  z 

11.  [f.  32  a,  1.  8.] 
Q.  2.  4. 

dirgh^yutvatha  vfhate  ranaya  rsyambho  rksam§nas  sadaiva  | 

ma! 
nis  sahasraviryas  pari  nas  patu  vigvatah 

Read  in  a  °yutvaya,  in  ab  ranayarisyanto  raksamanas; 
patu  in  d. 

idam  viskandharh  sate  • 
ayam   raksopa   badhate   |   ayam   no   vigvabhesajo    j  anginas 

patv  anha  • 
sah  I 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva   Veda.  199 

Head  sahate  in  a;  raksan  apa  seems  best  in  b.  Our  ms. 
here  spells  the  name  of  this  amulet  with  a  nasal  instead  of 
jangida  as  in  Q.;  I  am  retaining  it  as  possible  peculiarity  of 
the  Ppp. 

devair  dattena  manina  janginena  mayobhuvah  viskandham 

sarva  • 
raksarisi  vyayama  samahe  | 

For  b  read  janginena  mayobhuva;  for  d  vyayame  sahfimahe. 

khana9  ca  tva  j  anginas  ca  viskandhad  a 
bhi  muficatam  |  aranyad  aty   adyatas  krsyanyo    rasebhyah 

z  i  z  i 

Read:  c.anac,  ca  tva  janginag  ca  viskandhad  abhi  muiicatam  | 
aranyad  anya  abhrtas  krsya  anyo  rasebhyah  z  4  z  1  z 

In  a  sanas,  the  reading  of  Q.,  seems  better;  but  khanas  is 
not  impossible. 

It  will  be  noted  that  our  st.  1  is  composed  of  hemistichs 
which  are  st.  lab  and  st.  2cd  in  Q.;  Whitney  suggests  that 
the  two  hemistichs  between  have  fallen  out  in  the  ms.:  insert- 
ing them  would  bring  this  hymn  to  the  norm  of  five  stanzas. 
They  read  maniiii  viskandhadiisanaih  jangidam  bibhrmo  vayarn, 
and  jangido  jambhfid  vicarad  viskandhad  abhic.ocanat. 

12.  [f.  32  a,  ,1.14] 

0.  2.  26. 
yeha  yantu  pacavo  yeyur  vayur  yasarh  mahatararh  tujosa  | 

tvasta  ye  i 

sarh  rupayeyani  veda  asmins  tarn  gosthe  savita  ni  yacchat.  |  • 
Read  eha  and  ye  pareyur  in  a,  yesaiii  sahacaraiii  jujosa  in  b; 
in  cd  rupadheyani  vedasmin  tan. 

imam   gostharh  pacavas    sarh    sravantu    vrhaspatir    a  naitu 

prajanam.     si  i 

ni'vall  nay  at  v  agram  esam  ajinmukhe  anumatir  ni  yacchat.  |  i 
Read  nayatu  prajanan  in  b,  figram  in  c:  probably  ajimukhe 
in  d. 


sarh  sam  sravantu   pacavas   sam   §9V§  huta  paiirusah  sam 

dhanyasya  spha  i 
tibhis  sarhsravena  havisa  juhomi  | 

In  b  read  ae,vfi  uta  purusah;  in  c  we  probably  have  only  a 
corruption  of  dhanyasya  ya  sphatis,  which  is  the  reading  in  (J. 


200  L,  C.  Barret,.  [1910. 

sarh  sihcami  gavam  ksl  i 
[f.  32  b.]  ram  sam  ajyana  balaih  rasam  samsiktasmakarh  vira 

mayi  gavac  ca  gopa  I 
tau 

Read  sincami  in  a,  ajyena  in  b,  samsikta  asmakam  in  c. 
In  the  top  margin  of  f.  32  b  is  written  gam  ream0. 

ahnami   gavam    ksiram   aharsam  dhanyam  rasam  aharisam 

asmakam  : 
viran  a  patnim  edam  astakam  z  2  z 

Read:  a  harami  gavam  ksiram  aharsam  dhanyarii  rasam  | 
aharsam  asmakam  viran  a  patnim  edam  astakam  z  5  z  2  z 

13.  [f.  32  b,  1.  3.] 
Q.  3.  14. 

sam  vat  srjatv  aryam§.  sam  pui 
s§   sam  vrhaspatih   sam   indra   yo   dhananjaya  iha  pusyati 

yad  vasu  |  i 

In  a  read  vas,  in  c  dhanamjaya;  in  d  read  pusyata  as  in  Q., 
or  pusyatu  as  Whitney  suggests. 

ihaiva    gava   yeneho    saka    iva   pusyata  |  iho    yad    ya    pra 

jayadhvam  ma  I 
yi  samjnanam  astu  vah 

In  ab  read  etaneho;  in  c  I  would  incline  to  the  reading 
gavah  for  yad  ya. 

maya  gavo  gopatyas  sacadhvam  mayi  vo  gostha  iha: 
posayati  |  rayas  posena  bahula  bhavantir  jiva  jiva  i 
ntlr  upa  va  sadema  | 

In  a  we  might  read  gopatayas  (=  bulls),  but  gopatina  as  in 
Q.  is  better;  read  jlvantir  upa  vas  sadema  in  d. 

sam  vo  gosthena  susada  sam  rayya  sam  sapustya  a  I 
harjatama  yan  nama  tena  mas  sam  srjamasi  | 
Read  aharjatasya  in  c,  and  tena  vas  in  d. 

samj§n§nam  vihrtam  a  i 

smin  gosthe  karisinlm  bibhratis  somya  havis  svavefa  sa  eta: 
nah  z  3  z 

Read:  samjagmana  avihruta  asmin  gosthe  karisimh  |  bibhratis 
somyam  havis  svave^a  ma  etana  z  5  z  3  z 

This  stanza  and  the  first  appear  MS.  4.  2.  10;  the  readings 
of  st.  5  a  and  d  are  similar  to  those  in  MS. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  201 

14.  [f.  32b,  1.  11.] 

<\  2.  32. 

udyann  adityas  krimm  hantu  suryo  nimrocam  ra9mi  I 
bhir  hantu  ye  ntas  krimayo  gavl  nah 

Read  adityas  in  a,  nimrocan  in  b,  and  'ntas  and  gavi  in  c. 

yo  dviglrsa  caturaksas  krimi  I 

9  9§rgo  arjunah  hato  hatatrata  krimin  hatamahata  hata9vasa|  • 
In  b  read  krimis  sarango,  in  c  hatabhrata  krimir,   and  for 
d  hatamata  hatasvasa. 

hato    raja   krimmam  'utai*arh   sthapacir*  hatah  |  hataso   sya 

vesa : 
so  hatasas  parive9asas 

In  b  read   utaisam  sthapatir,  in  c  'sya  ve^aso;   in  d  pari- 
vegasah. 

pa  te  99rnami  9rnge  yabhya  yattarh  vi  i 
tadayasi  |  atho  bhinaddi  tarn  kumbharh  yasmin  te  nihatarh 

visam  |  : 

In  a  read  pra  te  Qrnami,  for  b  yabhyarii  vitudayasi;  in  c 
bhinadmi,  and  in  d  nihitaiii  visam. 

a  : 
ttrivat  tva  krme  hanmi  kanvavaj  jamadagnivat.    agastyarh 

vrahmana  : 
sarve  te  krimayo  hatah  z  4  z 

Read:    atrivat    tva    krme    hanmi    kanvavaj    jamadagnivat  | 
agastyasya  vrahmana  sarve  te  krimayo  hatah  z  5  z  4  z 

15.  [f.  32  b,  1.  18.] 

g.  2. 31. 

indrada  ya  mahi  drsa  • 
[f.  33  a.]  t  krimer  vi9vasya  tarham  taya  pina9ma  sarh  krmlri> 

dr9a  vakhalvan  iva  |  dr  I 
stam  adrstam   adruham   atho  kuriram  adruham  |  alganduna 

sarva  9alulana  i 
krimana  vacasa  jambhayami  |  alganduna  hanmi  mahata  va- 

dena- 

dunaddunarasa  bhuvam  I  srstam  asrsti  ny  akilasi  n          a  ya  1 

'  vacan    J 


202  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

tha  krimmam    nyakhilacchavataih    atvaharhtnyaharh   glrsa- 

nyam  a: 
tho   pargvayam  krmlrh   avaskavarh   yaram    krimma    vacasa 

jambhayama  I 
si  |  ye  krimayas  parvatesu  ye  vanesu  |  ye  osadhisu  pagusv 

apsv  antah  I 
ye  smakarh  tanno  sthama  caktrir  indras  tan  hantu  mahata 

vadhena  |  5  z • 
z  a  3  z 

Read:  indrasya  ya  main  drsat  krimer  vigvasya  tarham  | 
taya  pinasmi  saiii  krimin  drsada  khalvan  iva  z  1  z  drstam 
adrstam  adruham  atho  kurlram  adruham  |  algandun  sarvan 
galulan  krimin  vacasa  jambhayamasi  z  2  z  algandun  hanmi 
mahata  vadhena  duna  aduna  arasa  abhuvan  |  srstan  asrstan 
ni  kirami  vaca  yatha  krimlnarii  -j-nyakhil  aQchavatailrj-  z  3  z 
anvSntnyaiii  Qirsnyam  atho  parsteyaiii  krimin  |  avaskavam 
vyadhvaram  krimin  vacasa  jambhayamasi  z  4  z  ye  krimayas 
parvatesu  ye  vanesu  ya  osadhisu  pagusv  apsv  antah  |  ye  csmakaiii 
tanvo  sthama  cakrur  indras  tan  hantu  mahata  vadhena  z  5  z 
5  z  anuvakah  3  z 

The  reading  of  our  ms.  in  st.  3c  does  not  force  upon  us 
anything  different  from  the  reading  of  C.,  —  gistan  acistftn 
ni  tirami;  jind  in  st.  3d  we  probably  have  only  a  corruption 
of  the  reading  of  Q.,  —  nakir  ucchisatai. 

16.  [f.  33  a,  1.9.] 
Q.  2.  27. 

yag  catfn  sanjayat  sahamanabhibhur  asi  j  samun  pratipraco  i 
jayarasa  krnv  ovadhe  |  suparnas  tvamn  avidadat  sukhacas 

tvakhanam  na  : 
sa  |  indras  tva  cake   hvo  asurebhyas  taritave  |  payas  indro 

vy  asnan  ha  : 

ntava  asurebhyah  |  tayaham  catfn  saksiye  indrac  calavrkan  i : 
va  rudra  jalajabhesaja  nllagitva  karmakrt.  prsnarh  durasyato  i 
jahi  yo  sman  abhidasati  |  tasya  prsnaih  jahi  yo  na  indra- 

bhida  i 
sate  |  adhi    no    vruhi    gaktibhis    pragi    mam    uttararh   krdhi 

z  i  z: 

Read:  ya  gatrun  samjayat  sahamanabhibhur  asi  |  samun 
pratiprago  jayarasan  krnv  osadhe  z  1  z  suparnas  tvanv  avindat 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva   Veda.  203 

sukaras  tvakhanan  nasa  |  indras  tva  cakre  bahav  asurebhyas 
staritave  z  2  z  patam  indro  vy  agnad  hantava  asurebhyah  | 
tayahaiii  gatrun  saksya  indras  salavrkan  iva  z  3  z  rudra  jalasa- 
bhesaja  nilagikhanda  karmakrt  |  pragarii  durasyato  jahi  yo 
'sman  abhidasati  z  4  z  tasya  pragaiii  tvaiii  jahi  yo  na  indra- 
bhidasati  |  adhi  no  vruhi  gaktibhis  pragi  mam  uttaraih  krdhi 
z  5  z  1  z 

In  Q.  the  second  hemistich  of  st.  1  is  used  as  a  refrain  for 
six  stanzas  to  which  our  st.  5  is  added  as  a  seventh;  it  is  not 
beyond  our  ms.  to  fail  utterly  to  indicate  a  refrain,  but  I  have 
preferred  to  arrange  in  five  stanzas.  For  st.  la  Q.  has  nee 
chatrun  pragaiii  jayati;  elsewhere  6ur  ms.  follows  it  closely. 

17.  [f.  33a,  1.  16.] 
Q.  2.  30. 

yathedarh  bhumyadi  vatas  trnam  mathayathi  |  eva  ma9nami 

te  mano  ya : 
tha  mam  kamity  aso  eva  mam  atvayasi  | 

In  a  read  bhumya  adhi,  in  b  mathayati;  in  c  mathnami,  in 
d  karniny,  and  in  e  m&m  abhyayasi. 

yemagarh  patikama  • 
janikamo  ham  agamam.  a9vas  kanikradad  yatha  bhagenaharh 

sahal 
gamam  | 

In  a  read  eyam  agan,  in  b  'ham  agamam;  in  d  sahagamam. 

sa    cen    nayatho    agvina    kamina    sarh    ca    nesitah    sarvan 

ma  • 
[f.  33  b.]  nasy  agmata  mam  caksuhsi  sama  vrata  | 

In  a  read  sam  cen,  in  b  nesathah;  for  cd  we  may  read 
saiii  vaiii  manansv  agmata  saiii  caksunsi  sam  u  vrata. 

yad  antararh  tada  bahyarh  yad  bslhyam  tad  anta  i 
ram.  kanyanam  vigvarupanam  mano  grnadh  osadhe  | 

In  a  read  tad;  in  d  grhmtad  is  probably  nearest  to  the 
reading  of  the  ms.; — Q.  has  grbhaya. 

yas  suparna  raksa ! 
na  va  na  vaksana  va  ttratanpitarh  manah  |  9alyeva  gulma- 

lum  yatha     i 
z  2  z. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  III.  ]  ;> 


204  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

Read:  yas  suparna  raksana  va  yas  suparna  vaksana  va  | 
tatra  ta  arpitaiii  manag  c.alya  ha  kulmalarii  yatha  z  5  z  2  z 

This  version  of  this  stanza  is  fully  as  good  as  the  version 
in  Q.  but  it  does  not  help  to  relieve  the  obscurity. 

18.  [f.  33 b,  1.4.] 
Q.  6.  38. 

sihhe  vyaghra  uta  y§.  prdakau  tvisir  agnaii  vrahmane  siirye  : 
y§.  |  indrarh  ya  devi  subhaga  vavardha  s§L  5  naitu  varcas§L 

sariivi : 
dana  | 

Read  vrahmane  in  b ;  in  d  we  might  read  sa  a  na  etu,  but 
sa  na  aitu,  as  in  C.,  seems  much  better. 

y£.  hastini  dvipini  y§  yd  hiranyaye  tvisir  agvesu  pu  i 
rusesu  gosii     indram  ya  devi  subhaga  vavardha  sa  a  naitu 

varca  i 
sa  sarhvidana  | 

In  a  read  dvipini  ya  hiranye:  d  as  in  st.  1. 

y§  raj  any  e  dundubhaV  Syatayarh  tvisi  1 
r  agvenayarh   stanayitna   gosu  yili  indram  ya  devi  subhaga 

vava  I 
rdha  sa  a  naitu  varcasa  sarhvidana  | 

In  b  we  may  safely  read  stanayitnor  ghose,  but  for  agvenayaiii 
I  find  nothing  satisfactory, — unless  perhaps  agvinayam;  to  omit 
ya  after  ghose  would  improve  the  metre.  Read  d  as  in  st.  1» 

rathe  aksisu  paribhasva  v§L : 

je  parjanye  v5te  varunasya  gusme     indram  y§  divi  subha: 
ga  vavardha  s5  5.  netu  varcasa  sarhviddna  | 
In  a  read  aksesu  vrsabhasya  vaje;  d  as  in  st.  1. 

ya  rudresu  ya  : 

vasusv  adityesu  marutsu  ya  |  tvisir  ya  vigvesu  devesu  sa  nai  1 
tu  varcasa  sarhvidanam.  z  3  z 

Read:  ya  rudresu  ya  vasusv  adityesu  marutsu  ya  tvisir  vi§- 
vesu  devesu  |  indram  ya  devi  °  °  °  »  samvidana  z  5  z  3  z 

This  restoration  of  st.  5  is  not  entirely  satisfactory  but  is 
fairly  plausible;  it  has  no  parallel  in  Q.  or  in  TB.  2.  7.  7.  1 
and  2  where  the  rest  appears. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  205 

19.  [f.  33  b,  1.  14.] 

yadi  gadanarh  yadi  na  I 

vyanam  nadmaih  pare  nrpatis  sakha  nah  vi9ve  devaso  abhi  ! 
raksatemarh  yatha  jivo  vidatham  a  vidasi  |  yady  avare  ya  • 
di  vagha  pare  yadi  dhanvini  nrpatis  sakha  nah  yady  at  sudr  • 
tyarh  yadi  samrtyam  nrpatis  sakha  nah  adhasparmyatam 

adhane I 
[f.  34  a.]  bhavanv  ena  suryarh  maghavanarh  prtanyarh  vigve 

dev§so  bhi  raksatemarh  |  ya  ! 
tha   jivo  vidatham    a  vidasi  |  imam   mrtyu   mainam   hinsir 

yo  mam  I 
hrdam   anu  saca   gopa  |  yo   maharh  pipanti   yom   aham  pi- 

parmi  su  • 
prajasa  varh  maghav^m  surir  astu  z  4  z 

Read:  yadi  gadhanam  yadi  navyanaiii  nadmaih  pare  nrpatis 
sakha  nah  |  vigve  devaso  abhi  raksatemam  yatha  jivo  vidatham 
a  vidasi  z  I  z  yady  avare  yadi  vaccha  p&re  yadi  dhanvani 
nrpatis  sakha  nah  |  vigve  devSso  °  e  z  2  z  yady  at  svadhrtyam 
yadi  samrtyaiii  nrpatis  sakha  nah  |  vigve  devaso  °  °  z  3  z 
•j-adhasparmyataih  adhane  bhavanv  ena  suryarii  maghavanaiii 
prtanyaiii*j-  |  vigve  devaso  °  °  z  4  z  imarii  mrtyo  mainam  hinsir 
-J-yo  marii  hrdam  anu  saca  gopa  |  yo  mam  piparti  yam  aham 
piparmi'j-  suprajasam  maghavan  surir  astu  z  5  z  4  z 

For  st.  4ab  we  might  perhaps  write  adhas  patyantam 
adhare  bhavantu  ye  nas  suriih  maghavanam  prtanyan;  but  one 
could  hardly  insist  upon  it. 

20.  [f.  34  a,  1.4.] 

im§i  n§vam  §L  rohata  : 
acchidrarh  parayisnuvarh   nara9ahsasya    ya    grhe    gatSritra 

bhagasya : 
ca  |  upadho   gulguna  yaksmas   samtv  aghnya  |  rudrasyesva 

yatudhana : 
n   atho   raj  no  bhavasya  ca  rudra  vaigate   dvipadarh  catus- 

padarh  tayor  va  : 

yam  aguvake  syama  |  paktrir  vithvi  pratibhusanti  no  vayarh  de  • 
vanarh  sumatau  syama  |  pratlci  nama  te  mata  fatavaro  ha  te  ! 
pita  |  tato  ha  jajnise  tvam  amirity  arundhati  mata  nama : 
si  matrtau  amrtasyaiva  vasi  arundhati  tvam  sarvam  abhijl  i 

vam  adhayudham.  z  5  z  anu  4  z 

15 


206  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

For  the  first  stanza  we  may  read,  imaih  navam  a  roha- 
tacchidram  parayisnvam  |  naragansasya  ya  grhe  gataritra 
bhagasya  ca.  With  much  hesitation  the  following  is  proposed 
for  the  second  stanza:  upabaddhs  gulgulunayaksmas  santv 
aghnyah  |  rudrasyesva  yatudhanan  atho  rajno  bhagasya  ca. 

To  emend  the  rest  and  divide  it  into  stanzas  seems  im- 
possible; but  a  few  points  are  clear.  A  stanza  probably  ends 
with  vayam  devanam  sumatau  syama,  and  for  the  first  pada 
of  this  we  might  read  rudro  va  agate  catuspadam;  for  the 
other  two  padas  I  can  suggest  nothing.  Beginning  with  praticl 
we  have  three  good  padas  of  eight  syllables  each;  in  the  rest, 
which  amounts  to  about  one  stanza  I  can  suggest  only  the 
possibility  of  reading  matrto  amrtasyaivasi. 

We  seem  to  have  here  a  charm  for  protection  of  cattle; 
and  there  are  indications  of  the  use  of  an  amulet. 

21.  [f.  34  a,  1.  12.] 
Q.  2.  36. 

a  no  agne  sumatim  ska  I 

ndaloke  idamam  kumaryam  ma  no  bhagena  justa  varesu  suma  I 
nesu  valgur  osam  patya  bhavati  snurhbhageyam    | 

In  ab  we  may  probably  read  with  Q.  sambhalo  gamed 
imam  kumarlrii  saha  no;  in  c  read  samanesu  and  in  d  bhavati 
subhageyam. 

yam  agne  nan  pa  • 

tirii  videstas  somo  hi  raja  subhagam  krnotu  suvana  putra  I 
n  mahisi  bhavasi  gatva  patirii  subhage  vi  raja  | 

In  a  read  iyam  and  videsta,  in  b  subhagam  krnoti;  in  d  vi 
rajah. 

somoju  • 
[f.  34  b.]  sto  aryamna  sambhrto  bhaga  dhatur  devasya  satyena 

krnomi  patirvedanam.  |  |  • 

For  ab  read  somajustam  vrahmajustam  aryamna  sambhrtaiii 
bhagam,  and  in  d  pativedanam.  Perhaps  however  the  nomina- 
tive may  stand  in  ab. 

yathakhamram  maghavarh  carur  esu  priyo  mrganam  susada 

babhuva |  yam  I 
vayam  justa  bhagasyastu  sampriya  patyaviradhayantT 

For  a  read  yathakharo  maghavaiiQ  carur  esa;  in  c  iyani 
vadhu. 


! 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  207 

bhagasya  na  : 
vam    a    ruha    purnam    anuparasvatim    trayopah    pusahitarh 

yas  pati  I 
s  patikasyarh 

In  a  read  roha,  in  b  anupadasvatlm ;  for  c  tayopa  pusahito, 
and  in  d  pratikamyah. 

idam  hiranyam  gulguluv  ayas  ukso  atho  bhaga  |  e  I 
te  patibhyas  tvam  adhuh  patikamaya  vettave  z  i  z 

Read:  idam  hiranyam  gulgulv  ayam  aukso  atho  bhagah  |  ete 
patibhyas  tvam  adus  pratikamaya  vettave  z  6  z  1  z 

22.  [f.  34  b,  1.6.] 

Q.  3.  17  (in  part). 

yunakta 
slra  vi  nu  yug§L  tanotu  krte  ksettre  vapateha  bajarh  |  vira 

jas  su  I 

nistas  sabhara9chin  no  nediya  it  srnyah  pakvam  a  yuvam  sf 
ra  yumjanti  kavayo  yug§  vi  tanvate  pfthak.  dhlra  devesu  su 
mnayo  anudvahas  purusa  ye  krnanti  |  langalam  phalam  su 
mana  jisphatya  9unam  kenago  anv  etu  vaharh  gunarh  phalo 

vina  • 

dann  ayatu  bhumim  gunasir^  havisa  yo  yajatrai  supippal§  • 
osadhayas  santu  tasmai  cunan  naro  I5ngalena  anadudbhih  • 
parjanyo  bijam  irya  do  |  hinotu  gunasirsl  kr : 
nutam  dhanyena  indrah  sitam  ni  grhnatu  t§m  pust  mahyam 

raksa  I 
[f.  35  a.]  ntu  s§l  nah   payasvatT  duham  littaram  uttaram  sa- 

mam  |  lid  asthad  rathajid  go  I 

jid  agvajid  dhiranyajit  sunftaya  parivrtah  |  ekagcakrena  savi  • 
t§  rathanorjo  bh§gais  prthivin  ety  aprnarh  z  2  z 

There  are  just  24  padas  here  but  they  do  not  fall  readily 
into  stanzas;  the  first  two  are  st.  2  and  1  in  Q.  but  our  second 
adds  a  pada  to  Q.  1:  our  third  must  end  with  santu  tasmai 
but  this  gives  five  padas  the  first  of  which  seems  out  of  place 
here;  in  st.  4  it  seems  almost  necessary  to  insert  a  pada  b  in 
accord  with  MS.  We  may  read  as  follows: 

yunakta  sir  a  vi  nu  yuga  tanota  krte  ksetre  vapateha  bijam  | 
virajag  gnustis  sabhara  asan  no  nediya  it  srnyah  pakvam  a 
yuvan  z  1  z  slra  yunjanti  kavayo  yuga  vi  tanvate  prthak  |  dhlra 
devesu  suinnayav  anadvahas  purusa  ye  krnvanti  z  2  z  -j-laii- 
galaiii  phalam  sumanaji  sphatyarj-  Qunam  kinago  anv  etu  vahan 


208  C.  L.  Barret,  [1910. 

£unam  phalo  bhindann  etu  bhumim  |  gunaslra  havisa  yo  yajatai 
supippala  osadhayas  santu  tasmai  z  3  z  gunam  naro  langale- 
nanadudbhir  bhagah  phalaih  slrapatir  marudbhih  parjanyo 
bijam  iraya  no  hinotu  gunasira  krnutam  dhanyam  nah  z  4  z 
indrah  sitam  ni  grhnatu  tarii  pusa  mahyam  raksatu  |  sa  nah  paya- 
svatl  duham  uttaram-uttaram  samam  z  5  z  lid  asthad  rathajid 
gojid  agvajid  dhiranyajit  sunrtaya  parivrtah  |  ekacakrena  savita 
rathenorjo  bhagais  prthivim  ety  aprnan  z  6  z  2  z 

Stanzas  1,  2,  3,  and  5  here  are  2,  1,  5,  and  4  in  Q.;  the 
other  two  appear  MS.  2.  7.  12  and  elsewhere.  The  omission 
of  4b  can  easily  be  accounted  for  by  the  similarity  of  endings. 
It  might  be  a  better  arrangement  to  put  the  colon  after  sum- 
nayau  and  take  langalam  °  °  in  as  st.  2e. 

23.  [f.  35  a,  1.3.] 

gavarh  grha  • 
nam  rasam   osadhinam  anujyestharh  varca  ayur  vikalpyas 

ma  ma  hinsih  i 
pitaro  vardhamano  bhadr^  gacchahsim  abhi  lokam  ehi  | 

Read  osadhinam  in  a,  vikalpayah  in  b :  for  c  I  am  inclined 
to  propose  ma  ma  hitsisuh  pitaro  vardhamana,  although  the 
second  person  in  d  makes  somewhat  against  this;  in  d  I 
believe  aiic,ain  is  the  third  word  so  we  might  read  bhadra 
gacchangam  abhi  lokam  ehi,  though  bhadram  would  seem  better 
in  some  respects. 

yadidam  bhaktam  i 
yadi    v§  vibhaktarh    ksettrarh    devSnam   yadi    va   pitfnarh  | 

ud  u  surya  i 
ud  ite  diva  manusyavac  chiva  no  stu  prthivi  uta  dyauh. 

With  ksetram  in  b  the  first  hemistich  may  stand:  at  the 
end  of  c  one  naturally  thinks  of  the  contrast,  gods  and  manes, 
so  we  might  read  ete  deva  manusya  va  or  ud  it  te  °  ° ;  for  d 
civa  no  cstu  prthivy  uta  dyauh. 

urjo  varh  i 
bhago  vara  prthivyam  devair  dvaro  vrahmana  varh  dhara- 

yami  |  givarh  93  i 

gmam  avasanarh  no  stu  ratim  devebhih  pitrbhir  manusyaih 
In  a  I  think  bhagam   should   be   read,   and  varaya  seems 
possible;  in  b  perhaps   devir  would  be  good:  read  cstu  in  c, 
and  in  d  ratir  might  stand. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva   Veda.  209 

vi9vavaso  i 
stv  asadanam  kulayam  gandharva  sovedaso  mahyam  ucuh 

ma  ma  hifi  i 
519  cheva  dhiyanta  heto  9antam  himas  pari  dadhmo  manu- 

syam 

In  a  I  think  we  may  read  'stv  asadanaih  kulayam,  in  b 
ganclharvas  suvedaso:  in  c  if  we  have  second  person  we  should 
write  ma  ma  hinslc,  c,iva,  but  hinsic  chiva  if  third  person;  I 
do  not  think  hetog  is  possible;  at  the  beginning  of  d  c,atam 
himan  is  probable. 

rudra  utse  sa  I 
dam  aksiyamane  deva  madanti  pitaro  manusyah  yam  bhago 

bhai 
gapate9  ca  deva  urviras  tarya  9aradas  tarema  z  2  z. 

Read:  rudra  utse  sadam  aksiyamane  deva  madanti  pitaro 
manusyah  |  yam  bhago  bhagapatig  ca  deva  •{•urviras  tarya -j- 
^aradas  tarema  z  5  z  3  z 

In  some  respects  these  stanzas  seem  to  have  a  connection 
with  funeral  rites,  but  their  meaning  and  intent  is  wholly 
unclear;  the  corrections  proposed  are  based  almost  entirely  on 
palaeographic  possibility  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  compel- 
ling, or  even  satisfactory. 

24.  [f.  35  a,  1  13.] 

yam  a  I 
smin  yaksmas  puruse  pravista  isitam  daivyam  saha  |  agnis 

tarn  ghr  i 
tavodano  apa  skandayatv   atiduram  asmat.   |   so   nyena  sap 


tvam  asmai  pra  savamasi  |  yas  tva  yaksmo  devesita  isitas 

pi! 
[f.  35  b.]  trbhi9  ca  yah  tasmat  tva  vi9ve  deva  muncantu  pary 

arihasah  te  te  yaksma  i 
m  apa  skandayatv  adhi  |  ya  tvam  eno  nyakrtarh  yada  tvam 

akrtam  ahrtah  ta  I 
smat   va  vi9va   bhutani   muncantu   pary    arihasah     tani    te 

yaksmam  apa  ! 
skandayatv  adhi  yad  va  sadr9§  yad  va  cakara  nistya  tasmat 

tva  pr  i 
thivi    mata    muncatu    pary    arihasah    sa    te    yaksmam    apa 

skandayatv  adhi  |  ! 


210  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

apaskandena    havisa    yaksman    te    nafayamasi   |   tad    agnir 

aha  tad  u  I 
soma  aha  vrhaspatis  savita  tad  indrah  te  te  yaksmam  apa 

skandaya • 
tv  adhiduram  asmat.    so  tyena   maprgchatarh  tvam   asmai 

pra  suvamasi  z : 
z  3  z. 

Read:  yo  asmin  yaksmas  puruse  pravista  isitam  daivyani 
sahah  |  agnis  tain  ghrtabodhano  apa  skandayatv  atiduram 
asmat  |  so  'anyena  samrcchatam  tvam  asmai  pra  suvamasi  zl  z 
yas  tva  yaksmo  devesita  isitas  pitrbhic,  ca  yah  |  tasmat  tva 
viQve  deva  muncantu  pary  anhasah  |  te  te  yaksmam  apa  skan- 
dayantv  atiduram  asmat  z  2  z  -fyat  tvain  eno  'nyakrtam  yad  a 
tvam  akrtam  ahrtah-J-  |  tasmat  tva  vigva  bhutani  muncantu  pary 
anhasah  |  tani  te  yaksmam  apa  skandayantv  atiduram  asmat 
z  3  z  yad  va  dadarga  yad  va  cakara  nistyam  |  tasmat  tva 
prthivi  mata  muncatu  pary  anhasah  |  sa  te  yaksmam  apa  skan- 
dayatv atiduram  asmat  z  4  z  apaskandena  havisa  yaksmam  te 
nagayamasi  |  tad  agnir  aha  tad  u  soma  aha  vrhaspatis  savita 
tad  indrah  |  te  te  yaksmam  apa  skandayantv  atiduram  asmat  | 
so  'nyena  samrcchatam  tvam  asmai  pra  suvamasi  z  5  z  4  z 

The  first  stanza  appears  in  the  Parigistas  of  the  AV.  Ib. 
1.  5.  In  stanza  Sab  the  sense  seems  to  be  "whatever  sin  or 
evil  has  laid  hold  on  thee;"  as  a  possibility  consider  yat  tvam 
eno  cnyakrtam  yad  a  tvam  akrtam  ahrtam.  The  two  p&das 
which  stand  at  the  end  of  1  and  5  should  doubtless  stand  at 
the  end  of  the  others  also. 

25.  [f.  35 b,  1.  9.] 

agne  agra  indra  bala  aditya  ya  ido  iduh  yudho 
idhi  pratisthitaya  hota  jaitraya  juhuti  |  abhiyuktasya  pradhane  • 
naya  vo    rdharam    icchatam    havlsy    agre  vidyatarh    prati- 

grhnata  juhvataih  I 

jayatra  rajna  varunena  jayatra  rudrena  ke9ina  |  bhavena  ji 
snuna  jay  eta  par j  anyena  sahiyasa  astra  tarn  prena  vrhhata 
astra  sarvye  ni  yudhyata  gandharvena  tvisimata  rathena 

upayo  i 
dhina    |    sinivaly    anu    matir   vahagvan    isanginah    jayanto 

bhii 
prathatamitrarh    sakam    indrena    medina   z   5    z   anuvakam 

5  z:- 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslnnirian  Atliarva  Vtda.  211 

For  the  first  hemistich  of  st.  1  no  reconstruction  works  out 
satisfactorily  but  for  the  second  hemistich  we  might  read  yudho 
adhi  pratisthitaya  hota  jaitraya  juhoti.  Pitda  a  of  st.  2  seems 
good  as  it  stands  but  the  rest  seems  past  mending.  For  the 
other  three  stanzas  the  following  reading  may  be  found  accept- 
able: jaitra  rajna  varunena  jaitra  rudrena  kegina  |  bhavena 
jisnuna  jayeta  parjanyena  sahlyasa  z  3  z  astra  -j-taiii  prena-(- 
vrnhatastra  sarvena  yudhyata  |  gandharvena  tvisimata  ratheno- 
payodhina  z  4  z  sinlvaly  anu  matin  vahagvan  isanginah  |  jayanto 
'bhi  prathatamitran  sakam  indrena  medina  z  5  z  5  z  anuva- 
kah  5  z 

Possibly  mandrena  might  stand  in  st.  4a;  and  in  st.  6b 
isvanginah  might  seem  a  good  reading.  This  is  surely  a  charm 
for  success  in  battle. 


26.  [f  35b,  1  17.] 

yat  svapne  ni  jagattha  yad  va  gepise  nrtam  agnis  tat  tas- 

mad  enaso  : 
[f.  36  a  ]  vrahma  muncatv   ahhasah  yad  aksesu  dudrohitam 

yad  va  mitrebhyas  tvam  somas 

tval 
tasmad    enaso    vrahma    muncatv    ahhasah    yada    kumaras 

kumaresu  yad  va  jyaya  I 
s   taresu   nimeta   krtva   gepise   tacat  krnvo  agadarii  givarii  | 

pratidmiphalam ! 
ha  tvam   apamarga  babhuvyathah   sarvam   gaccha  patham 

adhi  maryo  yavaya  tvam  |  : 
pra    apamarga    osadhmam    vigvasam    eka    ut    pati    tena    te 

mrjum  asthi  I 
tarn  atha  tvam  agadag  carah  z  i  z 

Read:  yat  svapne  ni  jagantha  yad  va  gepise  'nrtam  |  agnis 
tva  tasmad  enaso  vrahma  muncatv  anhasah  z  1  z  yad  aksesu 
dudrohitha  yad  va  mitrebhyas  tvam  |  somas  tva  tasmad  °  °  ° 
z  2  z  yat  kumaras  kumaresu  yad  va  jyayans  turesu  |  -j-nimeta 
krtva  Qepise  -{-tagat  krnvo *j-  agadaui  givam  z  3  z  praticinaphalo 
hi  tvam  apamargo  babhuvitha  |  sarvan  mac  chapathan  adhi 
varlyo  yavayas  tvam  z  4  z  apamarga  osadhln&ita  vigvasam  eka 
it  patih  |  tena  te  mrjma  asthitam  atha  tvam  agadag  cara 
7  5  z  1  z 


212  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

In  st.  2d  it  would  probably  be  safe  to  read  krnve.  St.  4 
occurs  Q.  7.  65.  1,  and  st.  5  is  Q.  4,  17.  8. 

27.  [f.  36  a,  1.6.] 
Q.  19.  36. 

gatavaro  aninagad  raksamam  raksari : 
si  tejasa  |  aroham  varcasa  saha  manir  dunamagatanam 

In  b  read  yaksman  raksansi,  in  c  arohan,  and  in  d  durna- 
macatanah. 

grngabhyam  rakso ! 
nudate  mulena  yatudhanyah  |  madhyena  yaksmam  badhate 

nainarh  papmati  tatrati  |  i 
In  a  read  c.rngabhyam,  and  in  d  papmati  tarati. 

ye  yaksmaso  arbhaka  mahamco  ye  ca   gapathinah  |  sarvan 

dunnamaha  mani ! 
9  gatavaro  amnagat. 

In  b  read  mahanto,  and  perhaps  we  should  read  c,abdinah 
as  in  g.;  in  c  read  durnamaha. 

gatam  virani  janayag  chatam  yaksmann  amavapat. : 
dunnastris  sarvas  tridhva  apa  raksansy  apakramim.  | 

In  a  read  viryani  janayan,  as  suggested  by  Whitney;  for  b 
c,atam  yaksman  apavapat:  for  cd  durnamnas  sarvans  trdhvapa 
raksansy  apakramit. 

gatam  aham  dunnamani  I 
nam    gandharvapsarasarh    gatam    gatam    sunvatmam    gata- 

varena  varaye  z  2  z : 

Head:  gatam  aham  durnamnlnam  gandharvapsarasam  gatam  | 
gatam  ca  gvanvatinaih  gatavarena  varaye  z  5  z  2  z. 

28.  [f.  36a,  1.  13.] 
g.  6.  71,  with  additions:  TA.  2.  6.  2. 

vigvam  vijmi  prthivava  pustam  ayad  ayatu  prati  grhnamy 

annam  vaigvanarasya  ma: 
hato  mahimna  agnis  tad  vigva  suhitam  krnotu  | 

For  this  stanza  cf.  MS.  4.  11.  1.  In  a  read  vivyajmi  prthivlva, 
in  b  anyad  ay  at;  in  cd  mahimnagnis  tad  vigvam  suhutam. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  213 

yad  annam  adbhir  bahudha- 
viruparh   vasu   hiranyam   a^vam    uta   gam   ajam   avirh    yad 

annam  admy  anrtena  de  I 
va  udasyan  uta  va  karisyan.  | 

In  a  read  admi,  in  b  vaso  and   avim;  in  c  anrtena,  and  in 
d  dasyann  adasyann  uta  °. 

yan  ma  hutarh  yad  ahutam  ajagama  ya  • 
smad   anna  manasod   rarajimi  z  yad   devanam   caksusaka- 

9inagnis  tad  dho  1 
ta  suhutam  krnotu  | 

In  b  read  annan;  in  cd  it  seems  best  to  read  with  TA  cak- 
susy  ago  asty  agnis  °  °. 

jamadagnis  kasyapas  sadv  etad  bharadvajo  madhv  annam  1  1  ! 
krnotu  |  pratigrhitre  gotamo  vasistho  vi9vamitro  nah  prati- 

ranty  ayuh  : 

pathena  pratirady  ayuh  zz  3  zz  ! 

Read:  jamadagnis  kagyapas  sadhv  etad  bharadvajo  madhv 
annam  krnotu  |  pratigrahitre  gotamo   vasistho  vi^vamitro  nah 
tirantv  ayuh  z  4  z  3  z 


29.  [f.  36  b,  1.  1.] 

agne   yajnasya  caksur    edarh  vid^mi   yathedam   bhavisyati 

svaha  |  agne  yajnasya: 
crotram  agne    yajnasya   prana  |  agne    yajnasyapanah    agne 

yajnasyatmam  agne  : 
yajnasya    sarva   idam    vidami   yathedam   bhavisyati   svaha 

z  4  z  I 

Read:  agne  yajnasya  gaksur  edaih  vidami  yathedam  bhavi- 
syati svaha  z  1  z  agne  yajnasya  grotram  edaih  °  °  °  z  2  z  agne 
yajnasya  prana  edam  °  °  °  z  3  z  agne  yajnasyapana  edaiii  °  °  ° 
z  4  z  agne  yajnasyatman  edam  °  °  •  z  5  z  agne  yajnasya  sar- 
vam  edam  vidami  yathedam  bhavisyati  svaha  z  6  z  4  z 
In  the  margin  the  ms.  has  agni  rcaiii. 

30.  [f.  36  b,  1.  4.] 

RV.  1.  89.  2,  3;  10.  15.  2  (=  Q.  18.  1.  46);  MS.  4.  14.  17. 

devSnarh  bhadrd  sumatir  rjuyatarii  devSnam  ratrir  abhi  nu 

ni  vartatam.  I 


214  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

devSnam  sakhyam   lipa   sedima  vayam   devdnam  ayus  pra 

tirantu  jiva  i 
se| 

In  a  read  rjuyatam,  in  b  ratir  abhi  no;  and  in  d  deva  na 
ayus. 

tan  purvaya  nivida  humate  vayam  bhagam  mittram  aditir 

daksam  asri  i 
dhim    aryamnam    varunam    somam    agvina    sarasvatl    nas 

subhaga  mayas  karat,  |  i 

In  a  read  humane,  in  b  mitram  aditim  and  asridham;  in  c 
aryamanam. 

idam    pitfbhyo    namo    astv    adya    ye    pdrvaso    ye    parasas 

pareyiih  ye  p§rthi  i 
ve  rajasy  a  nisata  ye  va  nunarh  suvrjinasi  viksu 

In  b  read  ye  'parasas  pary  lyuh;  in  c  nisatta,  and  in  d 
suvrjanasu. 

pratyanco  agne  sarvah: 
patantu   krtyakrte   ripave   martyayah   kravyad   etrna  sa  me 

mrda  krivi  I 
snu  ma  dhehi  nirrter  upasthe 

In  a  read  sarvah,  in  b  martyaya.  In  c  kravyad  and  me 
mrda  seem  clear,  and  probably  kravisno  at  the  end  of  c; 
perhaps  a  subject  for  dhehi  should  be  supplied  before  ma. 
This  stanza  has  no  parallel. 

jayassag  gansad  uta  va  kamyasah  sajai 
taggahsad    uta   jamigahsa    anadistam    anyakrtam    yad    enas 

tan  nas  tasma  i 
j  jatavedo  mumugdhi  z  5  z 

Read:  jyayasa^  ^ansad  uta  va  kamyasas  sajatagansad  uta 
jamiQansad  |  anadhrstam  anyakrtam  yad  enas  tan  nas  tasmaj 
jatavedo  mumugdhi  z  5  z  5  z 


31.  [f.  36  b,  1.  13.] 

imau  padau  pra  haramy  a  grhebhyas  tvasta: 
yendras  pagcad  indras  purastad  indro  nas  patu  madhyatah 
Read  svastaye  in  b;  indras  pagcad  in  c. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  215 

indram  bhayam  vigva! 
tah  cudra  ca  narya  ca  indrah  pathibhir  adrava  asamrddha- 

ghaya I 
vah 

Read  bhayan  in  a,  canarya  in  b;  in  cd  a  dravat  asamrddha 
aghayavah. 

indram  hasyatam  vidhi  vi  nas  paean  iva  carat.  |  idamarh 

pantha  i 
m  aduksama  sugo  svastivahanarh  | 

In  a  we  might  read  hrsyatam  vidhir,  or  possibly  harsayatam; 
for  b  vir  nas  °:  for  cd  emam  pantham  aruksama  sugaiii  °, 
which  is  Q.  14.  2.  8  cd. 

yatra  vigva  pari  dviso  vrnakti  I 
nindatesv    antam    ety    anahatah    paravrajata   kim    tat    tava 

kam  vaksana  I 
nn  iva  | 

Read  vi^van  in  a,  and  with  ninditesv  in  b  we  have  a  possible 
reading.  In  the  rest  I  see  no  good  reading;  perhaps  paravrnjata 
is  intended. 

vicvanco  yantag  gaphala  vigvahcah  parimanthinah  vigvak.  I 
[f.  37  a.]  punarbhava  mano  asamrddhaghayavah  z 

Read:  visvaiico  yantu  -j- gaphala  visvancah  paripanthinah  | 
visvak  punarbhuva  mano  asamrddha  aghayavah  z  5  z. 

In  a  gabala  would  seem  very  good:  padas  cd^  occur  Q.  1. 
27.  2  cd  which  has  connections  into  which  our  stanzas  evi- 
dently fit  (cf.  Whitney's  Trans.). 

svasti  vyacakagam  svasti  pratyuca  I 

kagam  svasti  paridigdham  ny  apa  svasty   apsaihtah   pari- 

vrajam  svarija  svastena  sa  me  • 
bharad  vajarh  svasti  punarayanam  z  6  z  anu  6  z 
In  the  top  margin  the  ms.    gives  svasty  rca  °. 
Out  of  this  I  have  been  unable  to  make  anything  more  than 
the  division  of  words  may  indicate,   except  that  apsaihtah  is 
probably  for  apsv  antah. 


216  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

32.  [f.  37  a,  1.  3.] 

ye  uttara  rja: 
yate  madhugo  madhugad  adhi  vedahe   tad  bhesajarh  jihva 

madhumati  piva     : 
madhumat   ye   paurnamasi    madho    grngo    adho    puspakarh 

madhuman  parvatam  asi  |  : 
yato   jatasy    osadhe  (  garbho   sy    osadhmam    apam    garbha 

utasitah  atho  soma  I 
sya  tratasi  madhura  prava  me  vaca  |  grunarh  vaharh  madhu- 

gasya  pitfnam  eva  • 
jagrabhah  yo  ma  hiranyavarcasaih  krnomi  paurusam  priyarh  | 

priyarh  ma  kr  I 
nu  devesu  priyarh  rajasu  ma  krnu  priyam  sarvasya  pacyata 

uta  gudra  u  i 
tarya  z  i  z 

Read:  ya  uttarad  ajayate  madugho  madughad  adhi  |  vedamahe 
tad  bhesajaih  jihva  madhumati  piba  z  I  z  madhumati  paurna- 
masi madhoQ  Qrngo  atho  puspakam  |  madhuman  parvatam  asi 
yato  jatasy  osadhe  z  2  z  garbho  csy  osadhlnam  ap^ih  garbha 
utasitha  |  atho  somasya  bhratasi  madhuna  prava  me  vacah 
z  3  z  Qronim  vaham  madughasya  pitfnam  eva  jagrabha  |  yo 
ma  hiranyavarcasaih  krnoti  purusaiii  priyam  z  4  z  priyam  ma 
krnu  devesu  priyam  rajasu  ma  krnu  |  priyam  sarvasya  pagyata 
uta  gudra  utarye  z  5  z  1  z 

In  st.  la  the  ms.  might  be  transliterated  uttarad  aja  °. 
The  last  stanza  occurs  Q.  19,  62.  1. 

33.  [f.  37  a,  1.10.] 

udna  vana  hrda  vana  mukhena  jihvaya  vana  |  prapina  : 
payasa  vanarh 

Read  udhna  in  a,  vana  in  c. 

vaccha    se    padau    tatvarh   vacchaksyau    vamccha   saktau 

viccham  a  i 
nu  pra  de  vano  nimnarh  var  iva  dhavatu  z 

Read:  vanccha  me  padau  tanvam  vaiicchaksyau  vanccha 
sakthyau  |  vlcim  anu  pra  te  vano  nimnam  var  iva  dhavatu  z  2  z 

For  ab  see  below  No.  90.  2  and  Q.  6.  9.  2;  for  cd  cf.  Q. 
3.  18.  6. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  217 

urdhvani  te  lomani  tisthanty  aksau  I 
kamena   9isyatam  simida  vatsena  gaur   iva  udhna  suraiva 

pa9yatam  | 

In  a  read  tisthantv,  for  b  aksyau  kamena  Qusyataiii;  in  c 
gimivata  and  probably  gor,  in  d  udhnas  and  srjyatam  rather 
than  pacjatam. 

ima  ! 
gavas  sabandhavas  samanam  vatsam   akrata  |  hinnati  kani- 

kratir  addhara  ni  ! 
ravid  vasa 

A  possible  reading  for  c  would  be  mahimnabhikanikratir, 
which  carries  one  on  to  think  of  something  like  aravid  vrsa 
at  the  end  of  d. 

9rngopasa  galabhusa  aghnyac  carmavasim  |  gavo  ghrta  I 
sya  mataras  ta  vatseva  nayamasi  z  2  z 

Head:  grngaupaga  galabhusa  aghnyag  ^armavasinlh  |  gavo 
ghrtasya  mataras  ta  vatsa  iva  nayamasi  z  5  z  2  z 

34.  [f.  37 a,  1.  16.] 

yac  ca  varcas  kanyasu  ya9  ca  I 
hastisv  ahitarh  hiranyesu  tad  varcas  tasya  bhaksi  iha  var- 

casah 
Read  yac  ca  in  a  and  b;  in  d  bhakslya  or  bhaksiha. 

ya9  ca  ! 
varco    rajarather    ya9    ca    rajasv    ahitam    niske    rukse    yad 

varcas  tasya  bhaksi  i  i 
ha  varcasah 

Read  yac  in  a  and  b;  d  as  above;  in  a  rajarathe  seems 
good. 

yad  apsu  yad  vanaspatau  yad  agnau  ya9  ca  surye 

yajne  daksi  : 

nayarh  varcas  tasya  bhaksi  iha  varcasah 
Read  yac  ca  in  b;  d  as  above. 

varcasvan  me  mukham  astu  va  • 
[f.  37  b.]  rcasvatarhdu  me  9irah  varcas vam  vi9vatas  pratyan 

varcasvam  varno  stu  me  z 

Read  varcasvan  in  a,  varcasvad  uta  in  b;  varcasvan  and 
pratyan  in  c,  and  varcasvan  varno  cstu  in  d. 


218  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

subhagarh ; 
me  mukham  astu  subhagam  uta  me  girah  subhago  vigvatas 

pratyan  subhago  va  I 
rno  stu  me  z  2  z 

Read:  subhagam  me  mukham  astu  subhagam  uta  me  girah  | 
subhago  vi^vatas  pratyan  subhago  varno  fstu  me  z  5  z  3  z 

35.  [f.  37  b,  1.  3.] 

ud  amau  suryo  agat  sahavat  ta  nama  ma  |  aham  te  madhuma  I 
ti  madhugam  madhumattara  | 

Read  asau  in  a,  tan  nama  mama  in  b;  madughan  in  d. 

yad  girisu  parvatesu  gosv  agvesu  yan  madhu  |  i 
surayarh  sicyamanayarh  kilale  madhu  tan  mayi  | 
Read  girisu  in  a. 

yatha  sura  ya  ! 
tha    madhu    yathaksa    adhidevane    yathaha    gavyato    mana 

eva  sam  abhi  te  I 
manah 

Read  mam  in  d.     Of.  Q.  6.  70.  1  for  ab. 

ya  te  padam  padena   rsyatam   manasa  manah  pratyarhcam 

agrabham  tva  a  i 
£vam  iva9vabhidhanya  | 

Read  yatha  in  a,  padenarsyatam  in   ab;  pratyancam  in  c, 
and  tvagvam  in  cd. 

mahyarh  tva  dyavaprthivi  mahyarh  devi  sarasva  i 
tl  |  mahyam     tva     madhyarh    bhumya    ubhav    antau    sam 

asyatarh  z  4  z 

Read:    mahyam  tva  dyavaprthivi  mahyam    devi  sarasvat!  | 

mahyam  tva  madhyam  bhumya  ubhav  antau  sam  asyatam  z  5  z  4  z 

Por  this  last  stanza  cf.  below,  No.  90  st.  5,  and  Q.  6.  89.  3. 

36.  [f.  37  b,  1.  9.] 

ya  vai9vade  i 
vir  isavo  ya  vasunam  ya  rudrasya  somasya  ya  bhagasya  | 

vigve  deva  i  i 

savo  yavatir  vas  ta  vo  agnina  garmana  gamayami  | 
Read  isavo  in  a. 

ya  adide  I 
vir  isavo  ya  vasunam  ya  rudrasya  agvino  yavatls  tah  vigve 

deva  isa  I 
vo  yavatir  vas  ta  vo  devas  savita  gamayati  | 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  219 

Read  in  b  rudrasyagvinor;  the  visarga  indicates  that  the 
hemistich  ends  with  tah  and  yavatls  seems  out  of  place  here, 
where  another  genitive  would  be  appropriate;  a  possible  reading 
might  be  ya  vrhaspateh. 

yas  te  gnisavo  vata  ya: 
te    apam    ugchrityam    uta    va    marutsu    |   indrasya    samna 

varunasya  raja  ta: 
vat  suryo  vrhata  9amayati  | 

Read  for  a  yas  te  'gna  isavo  vata  yas  te,  in  b  probably 
utsrstyam;  in  c  rajna,  and  in  d  ta  vas  seems  better  than  tavat. 

ma  vrhy  adityo  ma  vasubhyo  ma  rudraya: 
gnaye  paktivaya  |  indrasya  guco  varunasya  ya  gucis  ta  vo 

devy  al 
9amayati  | 
In  a  ma  bibhrhy  aditya  seems  possible,  in  b  parthivaya. 


ca  vate  vi9vagvate  ya9  ca  rudrasya  dhanvani  |  agnii 
s  tva  vasor  Tra9anas  tva  sarva  bhesajas  karat,  z  5  z  anuva  7  zl 
Read:  yag  ca  vate  visvagvate  yag  ca  rudrasya  dhanvani  | 
agnis  tva  vasor  iganas  tva  sarva  bhisajas  karat  z  5  z  5  z 
anuva  7  z.  In  cd  ta  and  tas  would  improve  this  very  un- 
certain reconstruction. 

37.  [f.  37b,  1.  19.] 
cittirh  yaktasi  manasa  cittin  devan  rtavrdhah  jatavedas  pra 

nas  ti: 
[f.  38  a]  ra  agne  vi9vamarudbhih 

In  view  of  MS.  2.  10.  6  it  seems  clear  that  in  yaktasi  we 
have  the  root  yaj  ;  yaksasi  might  be  the  reading,  but  yaksyami 
may  be  worth  consideration.  If  vigvamarudbhih  is  not  accept- 
able, we  might  read  vidvan  or  vigvan. 

yavayayavayassad  dvesahsi  yavamaye  I 
na  havisa  yas  te  mrta  dvisvapmyasya  bhavas  sa  te  tudanta 

etarh  pra: 
hinmah 

In  a  read  yavayasmad;  in  c  dussvapnyasya,  and  perhaps 
mrto  rather  than  mrta.  In  Q.  19.  57.  3  occurs  the  phrase  sa 
mama  yah  papas  tarn  dvisate  pra  hinmah;  imitating  this  we 
might  reconstruct  dvisate  tudanta  °  °,  and  this  would  call  for 
bhavo. 

VOL.  XXX.     Part  II  r.  16 


220  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

yatha  kalarh  yatha  capham  yatharno  son  nayanti  |  eval 
dussvapnyarh  sarvas  apriye  sun  nayamasi  z 

This  is  Q.  6.  46.  3  (=  19.  57.  1) ;  read  yatharnaiii  sarii  in  b, 
sarvam  in  c  and  sarii  in  d. 

araro  hig  catam  adya  gal 
gavam  bhaksiya  gatam  ajanam  catam  avmam  catam  acva- 

narh  purusa: 
nam  tatrapi  bhaksayamum  amusyayanam  amusyah  patrarh 

tam  aham: 
nirrtaye  preksyami  tam  mrtyoh  pacaye  badhnyami  sa  baddho 

hato  stu  |  I 
sa  tato  ma  mocih  z  i  z 

This  prose  portion  falls  into  two  parts  thus  giving  the  normal 
five  stanzas  to  this  hymn.  At  the  beginning  araro  might  be 
vocative  of  araru  (cf.  Q.  6.  46.  1)  and  hie.  might  conceal  some 
form  of  the  root  hid:  read  -j- araro  hie,-}-  gatam  adya  gavam 
ooo.  purusanam  tatrapi  bhaksiya  z  4  z 

For  the  rest  there  are  similar  passages  in  Q.  16.  7.  8  and 
8.  Iff.  Read:  amum  amusyayanam  amusyah  putram  tam  aham 
nirrtaye  presyami  tam  mrtyoh  page  badhnami  |  sa  baddho  hato 
'stu  sa  tato  ma  moci  z  5  z 

With  this  hymn  cf.  Q.  6.  46  and  19.  57. 

38.  [f.  38  a,  1.  8.] 

ye  nag  gapanty  apa  te  bhavantu  vrksan  va  I 
vrhnam  api  tam  jayama  |  bhrajiya  ayus  pratirarh  dadhanarh  va: 
yam  devanam  sumatau  syama 

In  b  I  think  we  must  read  vrknan  api  tan;  the  margin  cor- 
rects to  draghiya  in  c,  and  we  must  read  dadhana:  padas  cd 
occur  frequently  but  not  together. 

krtyakrtam  payasvan  adargata  agneh  |  ; 
pratyasva  nu  dhuddhyasva  prati  sma  raivatam  dahah  | 

For  b,  a  possible  reading  is  a  dharsata  agnih;  in  c  prathasva 
and  yudhyasva  are  probable;  d  can  stand,  but  risato,  or  the 
like,  would  seem  better. 

yas  tva  krtye  pratigha: 
ya    vidvan    aviduso    grham.    |   punas    tva    tasma    dadhimo 

yatha  kr: 
krtam  hanah 

In  pratighaya,  I  think,  lies  the  verb  of  the  first  hemistich 
and  we  might  read  pra  jaghana  as  a  possibility:  in  c  it  would 
seem  safe  to  restore  tasmai  dadhmo,  and  in  d  krtyakrtam  hanat, 


Vol.  xxx.J  The  Kashmirian  Atltarca  Veda.  221 

punas  krtyam  krtyakrte  hastigrhya  para  naya  uto  tvai 
m  uttama  punas  tatarmaiva  sudanamsvarh  | 

Read  hastagrhya  in  b;  uto  tvain  uttama  punas  is  probably 
a  good  pada  but  for  d  I  see  nothing.  Padas  ab  occur  Q.  5. 
14.  4ab. 

krtya  yantu  krtyakrtam  vrki: 
vavimato   grham  stokarh   pakasva  vardhatarh  ma  vrvrsta  | 

osadhlr  iva  |  : 

Read:  krtya  yantu  kr.tyakr.tam  vrkivavimato  grham  |  stokaih 
pakasva  vardhataiii   saiiivr>ta  osadhlr  iva  z  5  z  2  z 
Q.  6.  37.  1  d  reads  vrka  ivavimato  gvham. 

39.  [f.  38  a,  1.  16.] 

Vait.  24.  1. 
yat   te    grava    bahucyuto    cakro   naro    yad   va    te    hastayor 

adhuksam  tat  tapya: 
yatarii  ut  te  nistyayatam  soma  rajan.  z 

In  a  read  'cucyon,   in  b  adhuksan;   ta  Spyayatam  tat  in  c. 

yat  te  grabna  cicrdas  so  • 

ma  rajin  priyany  anga  sukrta  paroni  |  tat  samjatsvajeneto: 
vardhayasva  anagamo  yatha  sadam  it  samksiyema  z  z  ofh 

ana: 
[f.  38  b]  gamo  yatha  sadam  it  samksiyema 

In  a  read  gravna  cicchidus  and  rajan,  in  b  puruni;  for  cd 
tat  saiiidhatsvajyenota  vardhayasvanagaso  °  °. 

yam  te  tvacam  babhrutam  ta  yonir  hrdyami 
sthana  pracyuto  di  vasuto  si  tasmai  te  soma  luptam  asmakam 

etad  u : 
pa  no  rajan  sukrte  hvayasva  | 

In  a  read  bibhidur  yarn  ca  yonim,  in  b  sthanat  and  yadi 
vasuto  'si  with  yad  va  (as  in  Vait.)  for  hrdy&m ;  in  c  we  may 
read  guptam  as  in  TB.  3.  7.  13.  3. 

sam  pranapanabhyam  sam  caksusa  sam  • 
crotrena  gacchasya  soma  rajan.  |  yat  te  vilistam  sam  u  tanv 

ayattaj  ja: 
nitam  nas  sangamam  pathmam. 

In  b  read  gacchasva ;  in  c  viristam  sam  u  tat  ta  etaj,  in  d 
jamtfin  and  samgamane. 

16* 


222  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

abac  gariram  payasa  sam  etv  a- 
nyo  nyo  bhavati  varunosya  |  tasmai  tado  havisa  vidhemah 

vayam  syamal 
patayo  rayinam. 

In  a  read  ahag  and  sam  ety,  in  b  anyo  'nyo  and  varno  4sya; 
in  c  ta  indo  and  vidhema. 

abhyaksaranti  jihvo  ghrtenaga  paruhsi  tal 
vardhayanti  |  tasmai   te  soma  nasa  yad   visat  vapa  no  raja 

sukrte  hvayal 
sva  z  3  z 

Read :  abhiksaranti  juhvo  ghrtenanga  parunsi  tava  vardhay- 
anti |  tasmai  te  soma  nama  id  vasat  copa  no  rajan  sukrte 
hvayasva  z  6  z  3  z 

40.  [f.  38  b,  1.  9.] 

ihata  devlr  ayam  astu  pantha  ayarh  vo  lokag  garanaya  • 
sadhuh  idam  bavir  jusamana  ud  ita  ksipra  jfia  varunena 

prasuta  z  • 
In  a  read  ihaita  and  pantha;  in  d  ksipra  rajiia  and  prasutah. 

ihata  raja  varuno  dadabhir  devo  devesu  haviso  jusatah  krnu  • 
sva  pantha  madayan  durdibhir  anena  babhro  mahata  prthi- 

vyam. 

In  a  the  reading  of  the  ms.  may  be  rdabhir.  Head  in  a 
ihaitu;  in  this  context  dadhabhir  seems  to  be  possible  but  it 
is  hard  to  give  up  the  thought  of  some  form  or  compound  of 
rta;  in  MG.  2.  11.  17  occurs  praitu  raja  varuno  revatlbhih: 
in  b  jusatam  ought  to  stand.  In  c  read  pantham,  and  we 
might  consider  drtibhir  as  a  possibility. 

pri: 

yad  dhriyad  va  madayan  abhunja  tirokoghanam  iha  ranltu  |  a  I 
neneve   gam  mrjata   dvisimato  jahy  osram   gabhum  ajanah 

adhrsnatah  |  : 

Out  of  this  all  I  can  get  is  tvisimato  j&hy  and  perhaps 
gatrun  ajanan  adhrsatah. 

ye  parato  madhyato  ye  ca  yanta  ye  apsumado  nihatas  tire 

agnayah I 
te  devaja   iha   no   mrdunn  apag    ca  jihvan    ubhaye  saban- 

dhavah 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  223 

Opposite  the  first  of  these  lines  the  margin  gives  saihcayaih, 
and  there  is  a  correction  to  jinvan  over  jihvan.  In  a  read 
yanti,  in  b  apsusado  nihitas;  in  c  mrdann  and  in  d  ta  a 
jinvan. 

idam  • 
vapo  hrdayam   ayam   vasv   aritavari   iha  tvam   eta  9akvarl 

yatraivam  : 
vegayamasi  z  4  z 

Read:  idaiii  va  apo  hrdayam  ayam  vatsa  rtavarih  |  ihettham 
eta  gakvarir  yatraivam  vegayamasi  z  5  z  4  z 

This  is  Q.  3.  13.  7;  we  might  read  idam  vasv  in  b;  for  d 
Q.  has  yatredaiii  vegayami  vah. 

41.  [f.  38  b,  1.  18.] 
RV.  10.  159;  ApMB.  1.  16. 

ud  asau  suryo  agad  ud  ayam  masako  i 
bhagah  tenaham  vidvala  patim  abhy  a  I 
[f.  39  a.]  saksi  visasahih  | 
Read  mamako  in  b. 

aham  ketur  aham  murdhva  aham  ugra  visada  1 
ni  |  named  apa  kradam  patis  sehanaya  upacara  | 

Read  murdhaham  in  a,  visadam  in  b;  mamed  apa  kratuiii 
in  c  and  upa  carat  in  d. 

mama  putra  i 

9  9attruhano  vo   me   duhita  virat.  |  utaham   asmi   samjaya  i 
patyar  me  9loka  uttamah 

Read  gatruhano  ctho  in  ab;  patyur  in  d. 

yena  devas  surebhyo  bhavanti  marmattara  • 
idam  utakra  devasapattra  kilabhuvam 

In  a  a  good  reading  would  be  deva  asurebhyo;  for  b  read 
bhavanty  amarmantarah,  and  for  cd  idaiii  tad  akri  deva 
asapatna  kilabhuvam. 

sapattra  sapatnyaghni  • 
jayaty  abhibhuvarT  musnamy  anyasam  bhagam  vamo  yaste- 

yaca  i 
m  iva  z  5  z  anu  8  z 

Read:  asapatna  sapatnaghni  jayanty  abhibhuvar!  |  musnamy 
anyasam  bhagaiii  varco  astheyasam  iva  z  5  z  5  z  anu  8  z 

In  d  vamam  would  be  about  as  good  as  varco.  This  hymn 
has  a  sixth  stanza  in  the  other  texts. 


224  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

42.  [f.  39  a,  1.  7.] 

Of.  Q.  2.  24. 

sarabhaka  seragabha  punar  bho  ya  I 
nti  yadavas  punar  hatis  kimidinah  yasya  stha  dam  atta  yo 

va  pra  : 
hi  tarn  utta   mma   samsamany   ata  gevrka  cevrdha  sarpan- 

sarpa  I 
srokan   mro   jyarnyatro   jarjunva   paprado    punar   vo    yanti 

yadavah  |  • 
punar  jutis  kimidinah   yasya   stha   dam  atta  yo  na  pra  |  hi 

tarn  utva  I 
sma  marhsany  atta  z  i  z 

Read:  gerabhaka  gerabha  punar  vo  yantu  yatavas  punar 
hetis  kimidinah  |  yasya  stha  tarn  atta  yo  vah  prahait  tarn  atta 
sv&  mansany  atta  z  1  z  cevrdhaka  gevrdha  punar  vo  °  °  |  °  z 
2  z  sarpanusarpa  °  °  |  °  z  3  z  mrokSnumroka  °  °  |  °  z  4  z 
j-jyarnyatro  jarjunva  paprado-j-  punar  vo  yantu  yatavas  punar 
jutis  kimidinah  |  yasya  stha  tarn  atta  yo  vah  prahait  tarn  atta 
sva  mansany  atta  z  5  z  1  z 

At  the  beginning  of  5  it  would  be  impossible  to  emend 
with  any  certainty;  it  is  barely  possible  that  jurni  (Q.  st.  5) 
is  there  and  perhaps  also  arjuni  (Q.  st.  7);  yet  it  is  fairly 
clear  that  these  should  all  be  grouped  in  one  stanza,  and 
that  they  are  names  of  male  demons.  Cf.  our  No.  91  and  the 
comments. 

43.  [f.  39  a,  1.  12.] 
Q.  2.  16. 

dyavaprthivi  upagrute  ma  i 

patam  svaha  |  dhanayayuse  prajayai  ma  patam  svaha  |  prana  i 
panau  mrtyor  ma  patam  svaha  |  surya  caksusi  ma  pahi  sva  i 
ha  |  agne  vigvambhara  vigvato  ma  pahi  svaha  ] 
Read  dyavaprthivi  upagruter:  the  kanda  is  no.  2. 

44.  [f.  39  a,  1.  15.] 
Cf.  Q.  2.  17. 

ayurma  : 

agni  ayur  me  dha  svaha  varcodagner  varco  me  dha  svaha  tejo  • 
dagnis  tejo  me  dha  svaha  sahoda  agnes  saho  me  dha  svaha  |  i 
balada  agnir  balam  me  svaha  z  3  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  225 

Read:  ayurda  agna  ayur  me  dah  svaha  z  1  z  varcoda  agne 
varco  me  dah  svaha  z  2  z  tejoda  agne  tejo  me  dah  svaha 
z  3  z  sahoda  agne  saho  me  dah  svaha  z  4  z  balada  agne 
balaiii  me  dah  svaha  z  5  z  3  z 


45.  [f.  39  a,  1.  18.] 

Q.  2.  17. 

ayur  asya  a  i 
[f.  39  b.]  ayur  me  dhehi  svaha  |  varco  si  varco  mayi  dhehi 

svaha  J  tejo  I 

si  tejo  mayi  dhehi  svaha  |  saho  si  saho  mayi  dhehi  svaha  j  • 
ballam  asi  balarh  mayi  dhedhi  svaha  |  4  z 

In  1  read  ayur  asy  ayur  mayi;  in  2,  3,  and  4  read  csi;  in 
5  balam  and  dhehi. 

46.  [f.  39  b,  1.  3.] 
Q.  2.  18. 

picacaksi  i 

nam  asi  pigacajambhanam  asi  svaha  |  yatudhanakslnam  a  • 
si  yatudhanajambhanam  asi  svaha  |  sadanvaksinam  asi  i 
sadanvajambhanam  asi  svaha  |  sapattraksinam  asi  sapattra  • 
jambhanam  asi  svaha  |  bhratrvyaksinam  asi  bhratrvyajaja  i 
mbhanam  asi  svaha  z  5  z  a  9  z 

Read  °ksayanam  in  each  formula,  pigacajambhanam  in  1, 
sapatna0  in  4,  and  bhratrvyajambhanam  in  5.  The  kanda  is 
no.  5. 

In  the  margin  the  ms.  has  raksamantram  va  agnih. 

47.  [f.  39  b,  1.  8.] 

a  te  sauvlryarh  • 

dade  mayi  te  sauvlryarh  |  a  sauvarco  dade  mayi  te  sauvarcah  |  • 
a  sautejo  dade  mayi  te  sautejah  a  saunrmnarh  dade  mayi  i 
te  saunrmnarh  |  a  te  saugukrarh  dade  mayi  te  saugukram 

z  i  z  : 
At  the  beginning  of  2,  3,  and  4  read  a  te. 


226  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910, 

48.  [f.  39  b,  1.  12.] 

Q.  2.  19. 

ofh  agna  yat  te  tapas  tena  tarn  prati  tapa  yo  sman  dvesti 

yam  ca  vaya  : 
n    dvismah  z   te    haras    tena   tarn  prati   hara  yoh  te  cocis 

tena  tarn  prati  I 
coca  te  rcis  tena   tarn  praty  area  |  agne  yat  te  jyotis  tena 

tarn  prati  da  i 
ha  yo  sman  dvesti  yam  ca  vayam  dvismah  z  2  z 

Read:  agne  yat  te  tapas  tena  tain  prati  tapa  yo  fsman 
dvesti  yam  ca  vayarii  dvismah  z  I  z  agne  yat  te  haras  tena 
tarn  prati  hara  °  °  °  z  2  z  agne  yat  te  gocis  tena  tarii  prati 
goca  °  °  °  z  3  z  agne  yat  te  'rcis  tena  tarn  praty  area  °  °  °  z  4  z 
agne  yat  te  jyotis  tena  tarii  prati  daha  yo  rsman  dvesti  yam 
ca  vayam  dvismah  z  5  z  2  z 

49.  [f.  39  b,  1.  15.] 

praci  di  I 
g  gayatrarh  devata  yad  devesu  pitrsu  manusyegu  nag  gaka- 

raya  : 
ttarh  tasyavedanam   asi   z   svam   cemam  asmad  yaksa  tas- 

mad  ama  • 
[f.  40  a.]  yetu  svaha  |  daksina  dig  rathantaram  devata  pratici 

dig  vamadevam  i 

devata  udici  dig  yajnayajniyarh  devata  urdhva  dig  vrhaddeva ! 
ta  yad  devesu  manusye  |  cva  nag  cakarayattarh  tasyavedanam 

asi  z  mum  : 
cemam   asmad   yaksa  tasmad  amayatu  svaha  z  3  z  imam 

raksa  i 
mantram  digdhandhanam  z  z 

Read:  praci  dig  gayatrain  devata  yad  devesu  pitrsu  manu- 
syesu  nag  cakarayattvam  tasyavedanam  asi  |  sam  cemam  asmad 
yaccha  tasmad  amayatat  svaha  z  1  z  daksina  dig  rathantaram 
devata  °  °  °  z  2  z  pratici  dig  vamadevyam  devata  °  °  °  z  3  z 
udicl  dig  yajnayajniyam  devata  °  °  °  z  4  z  urdhva  dig  vrhad 
devata  yad  devesu  pitrsu  manusyesu  nag  cakarayattvam  tasya- 
vedanam asi  |  sam  cemam  asmad  yaccha  tasmad  amayatat 
svaha  z  5  z  3  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  227 

These  formulae  are  suggestive  of  the  sphere  of  the  Yajur 
Veda.  The  emendation  proposed  is  open  to  a  number  of  ob- 
jections, but  it  is  fairly  close  to  the  ms.  and  offers  a  reasonable 
meaning.  In  the  colophon  \ve  might  read  digdhanam. 

50.  [f.  40  a,  1.5.] 

agnim  vayam  trataram  havamahe  imam  traya  • 
tasmad  yaksma  tasmad  amayata  jusano  agnir  ajyasya  trata  : 
trayatam  svaha  ( 

Read  ya  imam  trayate  'smad  yaksmat  tasmad  amayatat  | 
jusano  °  °  z  1  z 

mitravarunau  vayam  tratarau  havamahe  ya  : 
v   ayimarh   trayite    smad  yaksma  tasmad  amayata  jusanau 

mitra  : 
varunav  ajyasya  tratarau  trayetam  svaha  | 

Read  yav  imaiii  trayete  'smad  yaksmat  tasmad  amayatat  | 
jusanjlu  °  °  z  2  z 

marutan  vayam  tratrT  I 
n    havamahe    imam    trayamta    smad    yaksmad    amayata    | 

jusanau  maru  i 
tajyasya  trataras  tray  an  tarn  svaha  z 

Read  maruto  vayam  tratfn  havamahe  ya  imam  trayante 
csmad  yaksmat  tasmad  amayatat  |  jusSna  maruta  ajyasya0 
°  z  3  z 

agnaya  ghrtapataye  svaha  |  i 

agninagni  grhebhya  svaha  |  vajasyan  agniye  svaha  |  agnim  • 
vayam  svagnaya   svaha  |  tena    vrahmana   tena?    chandasa 

taya  devataya  i 
ngirasvad  devebhyas  svaha  z     z  iti  agnisuktam.  z     z  i 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  believe  that  these  formulae  belong 
in  this  place,  thrust  into  the  midst  of  five  stanzas  so  sym- 
metrical; but  we  cannot  throw  them  out  entirely.  The  first 
and  last  are  in  the  Concordance:  in  1  read  agnaye,  for  the 
second  perhaps  agninagne  grhebhyas  svaha  can  stand,  vajasya 
is  good  at  the  beginning  of  3  and  agnaye  should  be  read,  in 
4  svagnayas  is  probable,  and  in  5  read  tena  for  tenag;  perhaps 
in  5  we  should  insert  dhruvas  sldata  (or  the  like)  before 
devebhyas,  as  these  words  appear  in  the  numerous  occurrences 
of  this  formula. 


228  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

pitfn    vayam    bhratfn    havamahe    |    imam    trayantammabh 

yaksma  tasma  I 

d  amayata  |  jusanas  pitarajyasya  trataras  trayantam  svaha  z: 
Read  vayam  tratrn  and  the  rest  as  in  st.  3  except  jusanas 
pitara. 

vrhaspatirh  vayam  trataram    havamahe  imam   trayatasmad 

yaksma  : 

tasmad  amayata  jusano  vrhaspatir  ajyasya  trataram  tra! 
yatarh  svaha  z  4  z 

Read :  vrhaspatim  vayam  trataram  havamahe  ya  imam  trayate 
'smad  yaksmat  tasmad  amayatat  |  jusano  vrhaspatir  ajyasya 
trata  trayatani  svaha  z  5  z  4  z 

51.  [f.  40  a,  1.  19.] 

agnirh  vayam  trataram  yajamahe  meni ! 
[f.  40  b]    hana   valagahanarh  jusano    agnir    ajyasya    meniha 

valagaha : 

trata  trayatam  svaha  z  indrarh  vayam  jusana  indra  ajyasya  z: 
somarh  vayam  trataram  yajamahe  menihalam  valagahanarh 

jusa: 

nas  soma  ajyasya  meniha  valagaha  trata  trayatam  sva  : 
ha  z  vigvan  devans  vayam  tratrn  yajamahe  menighno  valaga  : 
ghnas  trataras  trayantam  svaha  z  vrhaspatim  vayam  trataram: 
yajamahe  menihalam  valagahanam  jusano  vrhaspati  |  : 
r  ajyasya  meniha  valagaha  trata  trayatam  svaha  z  5  z  • 
z  anu  z 

Read:  agnim  vayam  trataram  yajamahe  menihanam  valaga- 
hanam |  jusano  aguir  ajyasya  meniha  valagaha  trata  trayatam 
svaha  z  I  z  indram  vayam  °  °  |  jusana  indra  ajyasya  °  °  z  2  z 
somam  vayarh  °  °  °  |  jusanas  soma  ajyasya  °  °  z  3  z  vi(}van 
vayam  devans  tratrn  yajamahe  menighno  valagaghnah  |  jusana 
ajyasya  menihano  valagahanas  trataras  trayantam  svaha  z  4  z 
vrhaspatim  vayam  trataram  yajamahe  menihana  valagahanam  j 
jusano  vrhaspatir  ajyasya  meniha  valagaha  trata  trayatam  svaha 
z  5  z  5  z  anu  10  z 

52.  [f.  40  b,  1.  9.] 
TB.  2.  7.  17. 

ye  kecinas  prathamas  satram  asita  yebhir  abhrtarh  : 
yad  idarh  vi  rocate  bhyo  juhomi  ha  visa  ghrtena  a^van  gorna! 
man  ayam  astu  vlrah 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva   Veda.  229 

In  a  read  asata,  in  c  tebhyo ;  in  cd  ghrtenagvavan  goman  •  • 
vlrah.  Our  pada  d  is  very  nearly  Q.  6.  68.  3  d ;  TB.  has  rayas 
posena  varcasa  saiii  srjatha. 

nante  ranas  tapaso  mucyate  sudvina: 

vniyam  diksarh  vi9amyarh  hy  etat.    prapya  ke9§stuvate  ka: 
nyano  bhavantu  tesarh  vrahme9e  vapanasya  namnya 

In  a  read  narte  vrahmanas,  and  sudvinammyam  vaginiyarii 
hy  etat  would  giv<*  a  good  pada  b;  TB  has  dvinainni  diksa 
vaginl  hy  ugra.  For  the  rest  it  seems  best  to  read  with  TB 
pra  kegas  suvate  kandino  bhavanti  tesam  vrahmed  ige  vapanasya 
nanyah  z  2  z 

yenavapat  sal 

vita  9irsno  agre  ksurena  rajno  varunasya  ke9§n.  |  I 
tena  vrahmano  vapatedam  asya9yamo  dirghayur  ayam  astu  I 
vlrah  z 

In  cd  asyayusman  seems  the  most  satisfactory.  Cf.  Q.  6. 
68.  3  and  Whitney's  Translation. 

ma  te  ke9am  anugada  vanta  etat  taya  dhata  dadha  I 
tu  te  |  tubhyam  indro  varuno  vrhaspatis  savita  varco  dadharii  |  • 
In  a  read  ma  te  kegan  anugad  varca,  in  b  tatha;  in  d  'dadhan. 
This  stanza  appears  MG.  1.  21.  8. 

a  roha  prostharh  visahasya  9atfn  ajasradiksam  va9ini: 
hy  ugra   dehi  daksinam  vrahmanebhyo  atho  mucyasva  varu : 
nasya  p§9at.  z  i  z 

Read:  a  roha  prostham  visahasva  gatrun  ajasram  dlksfi 
vacini  hy  ugra  |  dehi  daksinam  vrahmanebhyo  atho  mucyasva 
varunasya  pacat  z  5  z  1  z 

53.  [f.  41  a,  1.1.] 
MS.  2.  6.  3. 

ye  devas  purassado  gninetra  raksohanas  te  nas  pa  • 
ntu    tebhyo    namas    tebhyas    svaha  |  ye    deva    daksinasado 

yamanetra  raksohana ! 
s  te    nas    pantu   tebhyo    namas    tebhyas    svaha  |  ye   devas 

pa9catsado  marunnetra  rakso : 
hanas  te  nas  pantu  tebhyo  namas  tebhyas  svaha  |  ye  deva 

uttaratsadas  somanetra : 


230  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

raksohanas  te  nas  pantu  tebhyo  namas  tebhyas  svaha  |  ye 

deva  antariksassado  I 

vrhaspatinnetra  raksohanas  te  nas  pantu  te  no  vantu  tebhyo 

namas  tebhyas  svaha    |  |  i 

z  2  z 

In  1  read  'gninetra  in  2  daksinatsado,  in  5  antariksatsado 

vrhaspatinetra  and  'vantu;  it  seems  probable  that  the  phrase 

te  no  'vantu  should  be  read  in  each  formula  as   it  occurs  in 

each  one  in  MS. 

54.  [f.  41  a,  1.  7.] 
KS.  15.  2;  MS.  2.  6.  3. 

agnaye  purassade  raksoghna  svaha  |  yamaya  daksinatsa  I 
de  raksoghne  svaha  |  marudbhyas  pagcatsadbhyo  raksoha- 

bhyas  svaha  |  somaya • 
uttarasade  raksoghne  svaha  |  avaspate  divaspate  raksoghne 

svaha  |  | : 
vrhaspataye  antariksasade  raksoghne  svaha  z  3  z 

In  1  read  raksoghne,  in  3  raksohabhyas,  in  4  somayottaratsade; 
a  possible  reading  in  5  is  avaspataye  divassade;  in  6  read 
antariksatsade. 

55.  [f.  41  a,  1.  10.] 

divo  jato  diva: 
s  putro  asmaj  jatarh   sahat    saha   agvattham   agre  jaitrayat 

sahadevarh  dama  i 
si  |  tarn  tvam  a  yatha  ratham  upa  tisthantu   raj  anas  surna- 

tibhyo  vi  vabhuve  |  i 
tvaya  vayarh    devajatas   sarvas    pra  9ocayamasi  |  uta  satya 

utanr : 
tah  yo  acvatthena  mittrena  sumatir    iva   gacchati  jayac  ca 

sarva  i 
s    prtana    yag    ca    satya    utanrtah    adharanco    ni    druvantu 

sumatya ! 

ululakrta  |  agvattha  mittram  purusarh  ye  vata  prdanya  z  4  z  I 
The  following  seems  a  possible  reading:  divo  jato  divas 
putro  asmaj  jatam  sahat  sahah  |  agvattho  agre  jaitrayat  saha- 
devam  damasi  z  1  z  tam  tvam  a  yatha  ratham  upa  tisthantu 
rajanah  |  samrtibhyo  vai  vibhuve  z  2  z  tvaya  vayam  devajata 
sarvas  pra  gocayamasi  |  uta  satya  utanrtah  z  3  z  yo  acvatthena 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmir  ian  Atharva  Veda.  231 

mitrena  samrtlr  iva  gacchati  |  jayac  ca  sarvas  prtana  yag  ca 
satya  utfmrtah  z  4  z  adharaiico  ni  dravantu  samrtya  ulu- 
lakrtah  |  agvattha  mitraiii  purusaiii  ye  'vata.s  prtanyanti  z  5 
z  4  z 

The   emendations  are  rather  bold  but  in  keeping  with  the 
evident  intent  of  the  charm:  cf.  Q.  3.  6. 


56.  [f.  41  b,  1.1.] 
Cf.  TS.  5.  5.  10.  3  and  4;  Q.  3.  26  and  27. 

ugra  nama  stha  tesam  vas  puro  grahah  praci  dik  tesam  vo 

agnir  isavah: 
te  no  mrdata  dvipade   catuspade  tesam  vo   yany  ayudhani 

va  isavas  tebhyo  I 
namas  tebhyas  svaha  z  kravya  nama  stha  tesam  vo  daksinad 

grha  daksina  di  • 
k  tesam  va  apa  isavah  virajo  nama  stha  tesam  vah  pa9cad 

grha  praticT! 
dik  tesam   vas    kasa    isavah   avastha    nama   stha   tesam    va 

uttarad  grha  udi- 
ci  dik   tesam   vo    vata   isavah  uttare   nama    stha  tesam   va 

upari  grha  I 
urdhva  dik  tesam  vo  varsam  isavah  te  no  mrduta  dvipade 

catuspade  te  • 
sarh  vo    yany    ayudhani   ya  isavas   tebhyo  namas  tebhyas 

svaha  z  5  z  • 
z  anu  ii  z 

Read:  ugra  nama  stha  tesam  vas  puro  grhah  praci  dik  tesam 
vo  agnir  isavah  |  te  no  mrdata  dvipade  catuspade  tesam  vo 
yany  ayudhani  ya  isavas  tebhyo  namas  tebhyas  svaha  z  1  z 
kravya  nama  stha  tesam  vo  daksinad  grha  daksina  dik  tesaiii 
va  apa  isavah  |  te  no  °  °  °  z  2  z  virajo  nama  stha  tesam  vah 
pagcad  grhas  pratici  dik  tesaiii  vas  karna  isavah  |  te  no  •  °  ° 
z  3  z  avastha  nama  stha  tesam  va  uttarad  grha  udici  dik  tesaiii 
vo  vata  isavah  |  te  no  °  -  •  z  4  z  uttare  nama  stha. tesaiii  va 
upari  grha  urdhva  dik  tesam  vo  varsam  isavah  |  te  no  mrdata 
dvipade  catuspade  tesaih  vo  yany  ayudhani  ya  isavas  tebhyo 
namas  tebhyas  svaha  z  5  z  5  z  anu  11  z 


232  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

57.  [f.41b,  1.9.] 

yadidam  divo  yady  avajagama  yady  antariksad  ya: 
di  parthivoyah  yadi  yajfio  yajnapate  sargas  tebhyas  sarvebhyo 

manasa  i 
vidhema  | 

Read  ava  jagama  in  a,  perhaps  prthivyah  at  end  of  b ; 
yajnapates  in  c,  and  namasa  in  d. 

yam  indram  ahur  yam  mitram  ahu  yama  somam 

ahuh  yam  agnim  a  : 
hur  yam  ahus  tebhyas  sarvebhyo  namasa  vidhema  | 

Read  ahur  at  end  of  a,  yam  somam  ahur  yam  agnim  ahuh 
for  b;  for  c  we  might  read  yam  varunani  vrhaspatirn  ahus. 

yad  indriya  jalpyah : 
prordhnavanti    svapunarh   durbhutam    abhi    ye    sinanti  |  ye 

devanam  rtvijoi 
yajniyanam  tebhyas  sarvebhyo  namasa  vidhema  | 

For  a  yad  indriyaya  jalpya  prardhnavanti  would  seem  pos- 
sible; in  b  read  svapnam. 

ye  gsa9ana  nanama  I 
sa  ni  yanti  suryasya  ragmir  anu  sam  caranti  |  ye  devanam 

dharmadhrto  babhu  I 

vus  tebhyas  sarvebhyo  namasa  vidhema  | 
In  a  read  ^agamana  namasa,  in  b  ragmin. 

svarbhisiyer  abhi  ye  bhayanti  yebhyah : 
[f.  42  a]  krnvanti  yo  rodayanti  ye  va  strmarh  pratirupa  babhu- 

vus  tebhyas  sarvebhyo  namasa : 
vidhema  z  i  z 

Read:  surisu  ye  rabhanti  ye  bhanti  -[-ye  bhyah  krnvanti-j- 
ye  rocayanti  |  ye  va  strinam  pratirupa  babhuvus  tebhyas  sar- 
vebhyo namasa  vidhema  z  5  z  1  z 

The  reading  suggested  for  pada  a  is  of  course  only  a  bare 
possibility.  Several  of  the  padas  of  this  hymn  occur  elsewhere 
also  but  in  dissimilar  context. 

58.  [f.  42  a,  1.  2.] 

vyavrttau  payau  gavau  vigvati  vijnatata  vidvesanarh  kilasi : 
tayatainau  vy  ata  dvisah  vi  kilinav  ata   dvisat  vasatibhyas 

samabhyah  atho  I 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  233 

Imukam    iva    khadiram    agnir    vam    astv    antara    sihhas    te 

caksuso  vyaghrah  pari : 
sum  jane  agnir  vastv  antera  yatha.  vam   na9§sati  vi  dyaur 

vy  ata  tad  vayas  tata  kal 
patyavah    vya   osadhe  praraspasy    agnir    iva    tam    dahah    | 

vyavayyarhtu  hrdayani  vi  ci  • 
ttani   manansi    ca  atho   ya  tamno   sangatam  tad   vam  astu 

vidhulakam  |  asti  vaisami 
vidvisam    ubhau    sannetara   vi9vancau    pary    a    vartayetam 

yatha  vam  na9§sati  • 
z  2  z 

The  transliteration  praraspasy  in  line  5  is  not  certain. 
It  seems  pretty  clear  that  six  stanzas  are  intended  here, 
the  first  to  end  vy  ata  dvisah  bat  out  of  it  I  get  nothing. 
Pada  a  of  st.  2  I  cannot  reconstruct  out  of  vi  kilinav  ata  dvi^it 
but  for  bed  it  seems  possible  to  read  vasantibhyas  sama- 
bliyah  |  atholmukam  iva  khadiram  agnir  vam  astv  antarah. 
Tho  second  hemistich  of  st.  3  is  probably  to  be  read  agnir 
vam  astv  antaro  yatha  vam  nac.o  asati.  St.  4d  is  clear  as  it 
stands  agnir  iva  taiii  dahah  and  for  pada  a  vi  dyaur  vy  ety 
tad  vayas  seems  possible.  For  st.  5  we  may  read  vy  ava  yantu 
hrdayiini  vi  cittani  manansi  ca  |  atho  yat  tanvo  sangatam  tad 
v;iiii  astu  vidhulakam;  it  seems  possible  to  connect  vidhulakam 
with  vidhura.  Though  not  wholly  satisfactory  we  may  read 
for  st.  6  c  d  visvancau  pary  a  vartayetaiii  yatha  varii  nago 
I;  and  the  words  ubhau  sannetara  seem  good  in  pada  b. 
Other  than  the  above  I  am  unable  to  suggest  anything;  it 
is  fairly  clear  that  this  is  a  charm  to  drive  away  a  disease  or 
demon,  perhaps  one  afflicting  cattle. 

59.  [f.  42  a,  1.9.] 
Q.  5.  28.  3—11,  1,  12. 

trayas  posa  trivrta9  9rayantas  anaktu  pusa  payasa  ghrtena  |  : 
anyasya    bhauma    purusa    bhauma    bhuma    pa9unam    dahi 

9rayantam  z 

In  a  read  posas  and  Qrayantam,  for  c  annasya  bhuma  puru- 
bhuma,  and  in  d  ta  iha  grayantam. 

imam  a: 
ditya    vasuna    sam    aksatesam    agne    vardhayamavrdhanah 

yasmim  ttrivr9  chetam ! 
pusayisnur  imam  indra  sam  srja  viryena  | 


234  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

Read  in  ab  uksateraam,  in  b  vardhaya  vavrdhanah;  in  c 
trivrc  chrayataiii  posayisnur. 

bhumis  tva  patu  haritena  vigva  I 
bhir  agnih  pipartu  payasa  majaisa  virudbhis  te  arjuno  sarh- 

vidanam  va  I 
rco  dadhatu  sumanasyamanam 

In  a  read  vigvabhrd,  in  b  sajosah;  in  c  arjunam,  °manam 
at  end  of  d. 

dvedha  jatarh  janmanedam  hiranyamm  agner  ekam  I 
priyatam  babhuvah  somasyaikarh  hihsitasya  parapatad  apam 

ekam  ve  i 
daso  retahus  tat  te  hiranyam  trivrtastv  ayuse 

In  a  read  tredha  and  hiranyam,  in  b  priyatamaiii  babhuva, 
in  c  somasyaikarii  and  parapatat  (before  colon);  in  d  vedhaso 
reta  ahus,  in  e  trivrd  astv. 

triyayusam  jamadagnes  kai 
£yapasya  triyayusam  tredhamrtasya  caksanam  trmy  ayuhsi 

nas  krdhi  | 
In  b  read  triyayusam,  in  d  nas. 

tra: 
yas    s*parnas  travitayam    ekaksaram  abhisambhuya    gakra 

praty  uha  mr : 

*     *     *     *     *na  vigva  z  divas  tva  patu  haritam  ma- 
in a  read  suparnas  trivrta  yad  ayann,  in  b  gakrah;  for  the 
second  hemistich   praty  auhan  mrtyum  amrtena  sakam  antar 
dadhana  duritani  vi^va. 

Inasmuch  as  f.  42  b  is  badly  defaced  I  give  now  all  that  is 
legible  on  it. 

*na  vigva  z  divas  tva  patu  haritam  ma 

*ya  patu  pra  harad  devapurayarh  imasti 

*tah  tans  tvarh  bibhratayusman  varcasvan  utta 

*amrtam  hiranyam  yabhedeh  prathamo  devo  a 

*nomy  anu  manyatam  trivrta  vadhena  |  nava  pra 

*  Ir  *  ayutvaya  catacaradaya  harite  tri 

*n*  rajasavistitani  |  a  ta  tritattva 

*harjatassa  yan  nama  tena  te  ci  gr 

*  z  3  z  yajnentam  tapasa  vr 

*  y  *  nih  upah  *  tagne  jarasas  parasta 

*pati  grhnati  vidvan  vr 

*s*ad  a 


Vol.  xxx.]  Tfie  KasJimirian  Atharva  Veda.  235 

Drawing  on  Q.  to  fill  the  lacunae  we  may  read  the  remain- 
ing stanzas  as  follows:  divas  tva  patu  haritara  madhyat  tva 
patv  arjunam  |  bhumya  ayasmayaiii  patu  praharad  devapura 
ayam  z  7  z  imas  tisro  devapuras  tas  tva  raksantu  sarvatah  | 
tas  tvaiii  bibhrad  ayusman  varcasvan  uttaro  dvisitam  l)hava 
z  8  z  puraiii  devanam  arnrtam  hirariyam  ya  abedhe  prathamo 
devo  agre  |  tasmai  namo  daga  pracih  krnomy  anu  manyatani 
trivrd  abadhe  me  z  9  z  nava  pranan  navabhis  sam  mimlte 
dlrghayutvaya  gataQaradaya  |  harite  trini  raj  ate  trlny  ayasi 
trlni  rajasavis^itani  z  10  z  a  tva  crtatv  aryama  pusa  vrhaspatih  | 
aharjatasya  yan  nama  tena  te  'ti  crtamasi  z  11  z  3  z 

60. 

Q.  6.  122.  4  and  1. 

The  visible  fragments  of  the  last  four  lines  of  f.  42  b  (given 
above)  are  clearly  parts  of  Q.  6.  122;  Whitney  reports  st.  2 
and  3  as  being  in  Paipp.  16.  Drawing  from  Q.  we  may  get 
the  following  possible  reconstruction:  yajnani  yantam  tapasa 
vrbantam  anv  a  rohami  manasa  sayonih  |  upahuta  agne  jarasas 
parastat  trtlye  nake  sadhamadaui  madema  z  1  z  taiii  prajanan 
prati  grlmati  vidvan  vrhaspatih  prathamaja  rtasya  |  asmabhir 
dattaiii  jarasas  parastad  acchinnam  tantum  anu  sam  tarema 


61.  [f.  43a,  1.  1.] 

**  *  ****** 

ne     paspari  vi£va  bhuvanani  g*pa  antariksasya  *     *  vi  *  *  * 
na  bilarh  te  ghrta9cutam  nadinarh  pathe  su9rutam  juhomi  | 

pravidvan  *  * 
mumugdhi  pa9anyasya  pattri  vidhava  yathasat.  |  anaturena 

varun*  * 
the  no  svastibhir  ati  durgani  vesyat.  |  tarn  a9vina  pratigrhya 

svast* 

dosavena  pusa  se  sam  pra  yacchat.  z  5  z  anuvakam  12  zz 
Read:  *  |  paspara  vigva  bhuvanani  gopa  antariksasya  mahato 
vinianah  z  z*  *na  bilam  te  ghvtaQcutam  nadmfuii  patye 
suQrutam  juhomi  |  pravidvan*  *  mumugdhi  ^pag  anyasya  patnl 
vidhava  yathasat  z  z  anaturena  varun*  *the  no  svastibhir 
ati  durgani  viksat  |  tarn  agvina  pratigrhya  svastaye  -j-  dosavena 
pusa  me  sani  pra  yacchat  z  z  5  z  anuvakah  12  z 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  III.  17 


236  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910 

Of  course  it  is  impossible  to  know  how  many  stanzas  pre- 
ceded these,  but  it  seems  probable  to  me  that  the  hymn 
originally  contained  five;  for  six,  or  possibly  seven,  lines  stood 
after  the  last  line  visible  on  f.  42  b  and  probably  not  more 
than  two  lines  are  broken  from  the  top  of  f.  43:  about  that 
amount  of  space  would  be  required  for  the  last  three  stanzas 
of  no.  60  (if  it  had  five)  and  the  first  two  and  a  half  of  no.  61, 

62.  [f.  43  a,  1.  5.] 

ye  pig* 
ca  imam  vidyam  akutim  mohayantu  nah  tesarh  tvam  agne 

nagaya  varca* 
ttam  atho  prajarh  nagayagne  pigacanam  varcag  cittam  atho 

prajanam  yath* 
gam  mahyam  dharayathaharh  kamayantu  me  |  agarh  myaham 

radhatv  indriyena 
*  *tam  tvam   agne   kravyadas   sarvari  pigacah   arcisa  daha 

prati  dah* 
*danah   sura   devah    vicarsana   yo   no    durasyad    vesana 

yathagam 
*nah    enas    pagugmitsahty    agayam    purusesu    ca  |  tans 

tvam  sahasra 
***pi*Hci*?5**haz*z*         *         *         *         *         * 

Read:  ye  pic,aca  imam  vidyam  akutim  mohayanti  nah  |  .tesarn 
tvam  agne  nagaya  varcag  cittam  atho  prajam  z  1  z  nagayagne 
pigacanam  varcag  cittam  atho  prajam  |  yathagam  mahyam 
dharaya  yatha  ha  kamayantu  me  z  2  z  5,gam  mahyam  radha- 
yatv  indriyena  *  *  *  tarn  |  tvam  agne  kravyadas  sarvSn  pigacan 
arcisa  daha  z  3  z  prati  daha  yatudhanan  sura  devan  vicar- 
sanm  |  yo  no  durasyad  vesanarn  yathagam  *  *  *  nah  z  4  z 
ye  nas  pagun  agna  icchanty  agayam  purusesu  ca  |  tans  tvam 
sahasracaksasas  pigacan  arcisa  dah'a  z  5  z  1  z 

64.  [f.  43  b,  1.  1.] 

********** 

mi  reksatim  devanam  sarvesam  sajatana  *  d*v*nirrtir  h*  *: 
*agyapasya    pratisaro    dyaus    pita    prthivi    mata    yathabhi 

cakru  deva  i 
s    tathabhi   krnuta   punah    yas    krtya    nilavatT    yas    krtyas 

pagyavatih  : 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva   Veda.  237 

krtya  y§9  cakrun  lohinis  ta  ito  na^ayamasi  |  yadiva  yad  i  I 
ma  jahur  ime  bhadrasi  sunvati  |  krtyasi  kalyany  asi  samurh 

karta  i 
rasvam  jahi  z  3  z. 

Beginning  with  the  second  line  visible  on  this  page  we  have 
the  last  three  stanzas  of  the  third  hymn  in  anuvaka  13;  the 
first  one  of  these  is  very  near  Q.  3.  9.  1.  The  following  gives 
some  emendations  which  seem  possible:  kagyapasya  pratisaro 
dyaus  pita  prthivl  mata  |  yathabhi  cakra  devas  tathabhi  krnuta 
punah  z  z  yas  krtya  nilavatlr  yas  krtyiis  pegyavatih  |  krtya 
yag  cakrur  lohinis  ta  ito  nagayamasi  z  z  -j-  yadiva  yad  ima 
jahur  ime*(-  bhadrasi  sunvati  |  kj-tyasi  kalyany  asi  samum  kar- 
taramyam  jahi  z  z  3  z 

The  first  stanza  varies  decidedly  from  Q  in  pada  a,  where 
Q  has  kargaphasya  vigaphasya.  The  form  pegyavant  is  not  in 
the  lexicon,  but  it  seems  a  possible  formation  from  pig.  For 
pada  a  of  the  last  stanza  we  might  read  yad  deva  yad  imag 
cahur;  aramyam  in  pada  d  is  not  satisfactory.  The  general 
sphere  of  the  hymn  seems  to  be  indicated  in  the  second  stanza. 

65.  [f.  43  b,  L  6.] 

vrhat  te  varcas  prthatam  apa  dyam  mittrebhy  eti  i 
sudubhis    suvarcah    rte    raja    varuno    vravitu    tasmat   tvam 

havisa  bhaga  • 
dama  z  9atam  heman  tan  dagaya  sapattrah  vi9as  tva  sarvan 

guhguvo  bhava  : 
ntu  z   ya    stotipanam    praty    ut    patayas    tva    sujato    vilaha 

tvam  n*ica  z  • 
indras  tvam  yoktre  adhime  vinakty  asmai  yas  tva  yacchan- 

darh  praty  urn  si  * 

sbha  jigisam  prtanas  saparye  vrhas  tarn  avajahghani* 
*  rasya  te  balim  soma  srjatan  upa  sam  * 

****:;:*****  *** 

[f.  44  a.]    ro    abhya   prayunga    damaya   sapatnan.  |  rte    raja 

varuno  vravitu  tasmat  tvam  • 
havisa  bhagadasa   z   9atam    heman   tan   damaya   sapatnan 

vi9as  tva  sarva  i 
n  guhguvo  bhavantu  z  4  z 

The  number  of  lines  lost  from  f.  43  cannot  be  ascertained, 
but  it  is  probable  that  this  hymn  contained  not  less  than  six 
stanzas.  In  the  last  stanza  it  may  be  possible  to  read  in  b 

17* 


238  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

bhagadha  asah,  in  c  heman  tan  damaya,  in  d  vic,as  tvas  sarva 
gungavo.  In  the  first  stanza  in  pada  a  it  seems  possible  to 
read  prathatain  abhi,  in  b  mitro  'bhy  and  suvarcah  (but  I  see 
nothing  for  sudubhis),  and  the  next  two  p3das  as  in  the  final 
stanza.  Further  than  these  I  cannot  make  suggestions:  this 
seems  to  be  a  charm  for  the  increase  of  a  king's  glory  and 
dominion. 

66.  [f.  44  a,  1.3.] 

bhagaya  raj  fie  prathamam  juhomi  vigve  deva  i 
uttare   madayantam   z  ugam   patnibhya   ugatlbhya   abhyah 

patim  agni  a  vaha  • 
ratahavya  | 

In  b  read  madayantam  followed  by  colon;  in  d  agna  and 
ratahavya. 

patim  vrnlsva  havisa  grnanas  tarn  a  vahat  savita  tam  te  a  • 
gnih  tam  imdra  masmi  gatagaradaya  bhagabhakta  bhaga- 

vati  suvirah  |  : 

In  a  grnana  is  probably  the  better  reading,  in  b  savita:  in 
c  we  seem  to  have  indra  but  masmi  I  cannot  solve;  in  d  read 
suvira. 

yam  arsa  sam  patim  asye  didesita  janed  icchantam  tam  iya 

vahasi  |  I 
sumangaly  apatighm  suseva  rayas  posena  ucisa  sutasva 

In  a  we  may  read  asyai  didegitha,  but  for  arsa  I  have 
nothing;  in  b  it  seems  clear  that  we  must  read  tam  iha  vahasi 
and  icchantam  fits  the  connection  very  well,  but  jane  dhitsan- 
tam  is  a  possibility,  I  think.  In  d  we  may  read  sam  isa 
srjasva. 

yat  te  pa  : 

tim  aryama  jayamanam  yam  dhata  ca  kalpajam  iha  vahasi  |  a  : 

bhi  varena  havisa  juhomi  |  prajam  naitu  sumanasyamanarh 

In  a  read  jayamanam,  in  b  yam  and  kalpajam;  in  d  nayatu. 

patim  te  dya  i 
vaprthivi   a   dhatam   patim  mittravaruna  vato   gnih   saptar- 

sayo  di  i 
tis  soma  indras  te  tva  devas  pativatm  krnvantu  z  5  z  anu 

13    ZZ  : 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  239 

Read:  patim  te  dyavaprthivl  a  dhatam  mitravaruna  vato 
cgnih  |  saptarsayo  cditis  soma  indras  te  tva  devas  pativatiih 
krnvantu  z  5  z  5  z  anu  13  z 

67.  [f.  44  a,  1.  13.] 

ya9    tvaraya    pra    vive£a   janur   janivat  uta  |  atho   tanvam 

pasprga  ta  I 
m  ito  nin  nayamasi. 

The  ms.  is  slightly  cracked  and  the  first  of  pada  a  is  not 
clear.  In  a  read  yas  tvarayas,  for  b  I  have  no  suggestion: 
in  c  read  pasparc,a,  in  d  nir. 

nis  tvaraya  nayamasi  |  ya  iman  pra  vive  : 
gatah  atmanam   asya  ma  hirisir  anyatra  cara  meha  bhuh  | 
For  b  read  ya  imam  pra  vivegitha,  with  colon  following:  in 
c  asya. 

yejara  i 
yemam    upayasi  dhehasyai   rayiposanam.  prajam   ca  tasya 

ma  hih  1 
sir  anyatra  cara  meha  bhuh  j 

In  a  I  think  we  must  read  yo  'rayemam,  in  b  dhehy  asyai 
rayas  °. 

yejaraye  vihayasi  hanami  vi  • 
rudha  tva  |  atho  khanatramis  tva  varsena  yatha  bhagarh 

For  a  we  might  read  yo  'rayemam  vyayasi;  for  the  second 
hemistich  I  have  no  suggestions. 

yejaraya  : 

[f.  44  b.]   suryarh   strsu    yam    avato   kyarh   yat  pautrsadyam 

daurbhagyarh  tarn  ito  nir  nayamasi  z  i  I 

For  a  we  might  read  yo  crayas  suryam  strlsu,  but  b  seems 

hopeless  and  so  leaves  us   uncertain  about  a:  with  pautrasa- 

dyarn  the  second  hemistich  can  stand.    The  stanza  is  number 

5,  the  hymn  number  1  (in  anu  14). 

68.  [f.  44  br  1.  2.]  . 

agner  vo  balavato  balena  manyu  vya  nayamasi  |  indrasya 

vas  somasya  vah  vrhaspa  . 
ter  vas  prajapater  vo  balavato  balena  manyur  va  nayamasi  | 

yat  te  suryarh  divi  deve  : 
su  varcas  tasya  no   dehi  tamasi  pracetarh  aham  ca  vigras 

tvisitas  tvisiman  i  i 
mam  vacam  vi  9aksiya  z  2  z 


240  L.  C.  Barret,  [191  o. 

Read:  agner  vo  balavato  balena  manyum  ava  nayamasi  | 
indrasya  vo  °  °  |  somasya  vo  °  °  |  vrhaspater  vo  e  °  |  prajapater 
vo  balavato  manyum  ava  nayamasi  |  yat  te  surya  divi  devesu 
varcas  tasya  no  dehi  tamasi  pracetasah  z  aham  ca  vigras 
tvisitas  tvisiman  imam  vacam  vi  cakslya  z  2  z 

We  might  also  read  vi  nayamasi,  and  dhehi  might  be  even 
better  than  dehi.  If  the  formulae  are  to  be  numbered  it  seems 
that  we  must  count  six. 

69.  [f.  44  b,  1.  5.] 

vatas  purastat  pavamena  bhasvan  namas  te  I 
vidma  te  namadheyam  ma   no    hihsih    tapodas    puro    dak- 

sinatah  pavamena  bhasva  i 
n  namas  te  vidma  te  namadheyam  ma  no  hihsih  |  vigvayur 

vigvajanmas  prati  : 

cya  digas   pavamena  bhasvan.    namas   te  vidma  te   nama- 
dheyam ma  no  hihsih  z  ': 
givo  vaigvadeva  udicya  digas    pavamena   bhasvan.   namas 

te  vidma  te  namadhe  i 
yam  ma  no  hihsih  z  atisthava  barhaspatya  urdhvaya  digas 

pavamena  bha  i 
svan.  namas  te  vidma  te  namadheyam  ma  no  hihsih  z  3  z 

iti  sadrta  i 
suktam.  z  z 

Read:  vatass  purastat  -j-pavamena  bhasvan  namas  te  vidma 
te  namadheyam  ma  no  hinsih  z  1  z  tapodas  puro  daksinatah 
-j-pavamena  •  °  z  2  z  vi^vayur  vigvajamnas  pratlcya  digas 
•f*  pavamena  e  °  z  3  z  Qivo  vaigvadeva  udicya  dic,as  -j-pavamena  ° 
°  z  4  z  atisthava  barhaspatya  urdhvaya  digas  -j-pavamena 
bhasvan  namas  te  vidma  te  namadheyam  ma  no  hinsih  z  5  z 
3  z  iti  sadrcasuktam  z  z 

In  the  margin  opposite  this  hymn  is  written  sadrtasuktarii 
vata  purastat.  Probably  pavamanena  should  stand  for  pava- 
mena. 

70.  [f.  44  b,  1.12.] 

apa  dyor  apa  utanad  apaskadya  vaded  ahim  kalyany  ayatah  i 
smrtam  sumanas  santu  vidyatah  | 

In  a  it  seems  possible  to  read  apo  dyor  apa  uttarad,  in  b 
apaskandya  vadhed  ahim:  in  c  I  think  we  should  have  kalyanl, 
followed  by  ayatah  rather  than  ayatah;  smrtani  is  hardly 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmir ian  Atharva  Veda.  241 

satisfactory  and  I  have  thought  of  rtaiii,  but  no  suggestions 
can  be  made  with  confidence;  for  d  it  seems  as  if  we  must 
read  sumanasas  santu  vidyutah. 

yat  parjas  tayitnussa  sarh  sam  vyatate  jagat.  pa  ! 
tantu  dvitlya  trayavati  prthivi  prati  modate  | 

The  transliteration  of  pada  a  is  not  certain  owing  to  a 
crack  in  the  ms.  We  may  read  for  ab  yat  parjanyas  tanayit- 
nus  sam  sam  vyathate  jagat:  in  c  patanti  would  seem  better, 
and  if  a  form  of  dvitlya  is  to  stand  it  would  probably  be 
dvitiyas;  trayavati  cannot  stand,  I  think,  and  trsyavatT  would 
be  a  pretty  emendation  though  the  change  to  twelve  syllables 
for  d  is  rather  sudden;  if  trsyavati  seems  worth  consideration 
I  would  be  inclined  to  push  conjecture  a  little  further  and 
read  in  c  udanvatir  yas.  Cf.  RV.  5.  83.  9. 

esenabhy  arkam  divrka£ve  • 
dhenum    kam    iva    ahihs    tvam    vidyutam   jahi    masmakarh 

purusam  vadhih  | 

Pada  b  seems  to  end  with  iva,  before  which  gam  is  probable 
though  dhenukam  is  possible;  one  may  suspect  that  the  syllables 
rkac,ve  are  a  corruption  of  rsabho  or  else  of  a  verb-form  from 
the  root  arc,  while  the  letters  div  could  lead  us  in  several 
directions:  I  think  the  import  of  the  hemistich  is  'the  thunders 
roar  lustily.'  For  cd  we  may  read  ahins  tvam  vidyutam 
jahi  masmakaiii  purusam  vadhih. 

abhikra  I 
ndah   stanayitnor   avasphurjad    acanya   uta   |   deva   maruto 

mrdata  nah  patu  no  : 
duritad  avadyat. 

Read  abhikrandah  in  a  and  avasphurjad  in  b;  the  hemistich 
in  this  form  is  slightly  asymmetrical  but  it  results  from  the 
simplest  emendation:  in  c  read  mrdata  (the  ms.  so  corrects), 
in  d  pantu. 

vicite  pari  no  nama  aditya9  carma  yacchata  |  yuyata  • 
parnino  9aram  utaparno  rsada9a  z  4  z 

Read:  vrjlte  pari  no  nama  adityag  c.arma  yacchata  |  yuyota 
parninaui  garam  utaparnain  ri^adasah  z  5  z  4  z. 

The  first  pada  is  a  variant  of  Q.  1.  2.  2  a. 


242  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

71.  [f.  44b,  1.  18.] 
Of.  Q.  5.  14. 

krtavyadhana  vidva  tarn  739  ca : 
kara  tarn  ij  jahi  da  tvam  icaklise  vayarh  vadhaya  9am  sasi- 

mahe  yatha  : 
[f.  45  a]  tva  devy  osadham  praticmam  phalarh  krtam  eva  tvam 

krtyane  krtam  hastigriha  para : 
yanah   punas   krtyam  krtyakrte  praticinam    phalarh  krtam. 

eva  tvam  krtyane  kr: 
tarn  hastigri  para  nayah  punas  krtya  krtarhkrti  go  dhenuka 

vaturh  mum  nayat.  |  : 
9aktur   vya9aktupe9yarh    praticis    prati    tad    vasat.     yan   te 

cakrur  vantanesu  va : 
nta  kukhur  vratasu  ca   manduke  krtyam   yam  cakrus  taya 

krtyakrto  jahi  I 
agnir  vaitus   pratikulam   anukulam  ivodakam    9uke    rathai- 

vartatarh  krtyekrtya: 
krtamtah  z  5  z  anu  14  z 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  ms.  writes  the  four  padas  begin- 
ning praticlnaih  phalam  twice;  evidently  a  dittography.  Stanzas 
1  and  5  here  are  9  and  13  of  Q.  5.  14,  and  Q.  5.  14.  4ab  also 
appears;  with  st.  4  cf.  Q.  4.  17.  4. 

Read:  krtavyadhani  vidhya  tarn  yag  cakara  tarn  ij  jahi  na 
tvam  acakruse  vayarii  vadhaya  sain  QiQlmahi  z  1  z  yatha  tvam 
devy  osadhmam  pratlcinaphalam  krtam  |  eva  tvam  krtyena  krtam 
hastagrhya  para  nayah  z  2  z  punas  krtyarn  krtyakrte  gaur  dhe- 
nuka -j-vatum  mum-j-  nayat  |  -f-gaktur  vyagaktupegyam-j-  praticis 
prati  tad  vasat  z  3  z  yam  te  cakrur  vartanesu  *(•  vanta  kukhur 
vratasu  ca-j-  |  manduke  krtyam  yam  cakrus  taya  krtyakrto  jahi 
z  4  z  agnir  ivaitu  pratikulam  anukulam  ivodakam  |  sukho  ratha 
iva  vartatam  krtya  krtyakrtam  pun  ah  z  5  z  5  z  anu  14  z 

In  st.  2  b  the  neuter  is  difficult  but  not  impossible,  I  think. 
In  st.  3b  vatsam  nayat  would  be  a  good  reading;  and  in  3d 
perhaps  pratlcl  would  be  better. 

72.  [f.  45  a,  1.  7.] 

agnir  dyumnena  suryo  jyotisa  dyaur  mahi : 
mna   antariksa   vyacasa  di9a9abhis  prthivi   payobhir   idam 

rastram  vardhaya  i 
ntu  prajavat.  | 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kaslimirian  Atliarva  Veda.  243 

Read  antariksaih,  dic.a  ac.abhih  and  payobhih,  punctuating 
after  each  pair  of  words  down  to  idaih. 

tvasta  rupena  savita  savena  ahar  mittrena  varunena  ratri  I 
pusa  pustir  bhagamsena  bhagaday  idarh   rastram  vardhay- 

antu  prajavat. 

Read  mitrena,  pustibhih,  and  possibly  bhagadheyena  bha- 
gadha. 

yani  vi  • 
gvakarmani  jaghana  medimamtara   dyakaprthivi    ubhe  |  ta- 

syahuh  ksa I 
ttriyam  garbham  pari  ma  vapatha  murdhani  carayasva 

We  may  feel  certain  in  reading  dyavaprthivi,  k?atriyarii  and 
dharayasva;  vigvakarma  ni  would  seem  a  better  reading:  it  is 
probable  that  antara  stands  before  dyava  °,  and  sedima  is 
possible  palaeographically,  giving  sedimantara. 

• 

9chandahsy  abhito  mayukha^sto : 
ma  tuma  ya  jarasyah  purlsam  tasyahuh  ksattriyam  nirmitam 

pari  ma  va  • 
pattha  murdhani  dharayasva  | 

We  might  read:  chandansy  abhito  mayukhas  stoman  -j-tuma 
ye  jarasyah  |  purisam  tasyahuh  ksatriyam  nirmitam  °  °  z  4  z 

parani  tasya  vratatha  yapi  mahati  madaspa  I 
dam  krnusva  durdharaya  va  ma  tva   dabharh  sapattra  dip- 

satus  tava  rastra : 
m  uttamarh  dyumnam  astu  z  i  z 

Read:  parani  tasya  -j- vratatha  yabhi  sahate  sadaspadaih 
krnusva  durdharaya  va  |  ma  tva  dabhan  sapatna  dipsatas  tava 
rastram  uttamani  dyumnam  astu  z  5  z  1  z 

73.  [f.  45a,  1.  16.] 

idam  tarn  mittravaruna  havir  vam  yenagre  • 
deva  amrtatvam  ayan.  |  yenasmai  ksattram  adhi  dharayojo 

sapattras  pra  I 
di9as  santv  asmai  | 

Read  tan  mitra0  in  a,  ksatram  in  c,  and  dharayaujo  'sap- 
atnas  in  cd. 


244  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

ghrtasya  dhara  mittravaruna  duha  varh  dhenur  anupa : 
[f.45b]  sphuranti  deva  savitota  vayur  agnir  bhutasya  patir  iha 

garma  yacchat.  | 
Read  mitra0  in  a,  duhe  in  b;  devas  in  c, 

9am  nas  tarn: 
mittravaruna  grnitam  tredha  mitra  bahudha  vageram  jayate 

seno  apa  gho  • 
sa  etat  prthak  satvano  bahudha  bhavantarh 

In  a  read  tan  mitra0,  in  b  vageran;  in  c  read  eti,  and  if 
seno  (=  sena)  does  not  seem  acceptable  we  will  have  to  read 
senapa  or  jayante  sena. 

hanama  mitravaruna  samitram  bha  : 
vasa  bhadre  sukrtasya  loke  parayan  nas  savita  devo  agnir 

jayamedam  ha ! 
visa  kagyapasya  | 

In  a  it  almost  seems  that  we  must  read  amitran;  in  b  read 
bhavama,  in  c  parayan. 

vato  yam  mittravaruna  tad  aha  havisy  antaram 

nirmitam  ka  I 
gyapasya  adhvaryavo  maruta  yasyasan  tena  devebhyo  varu- 

nani  cakruh  i 
om  tena  devebhyo  varimani  cakruh  z  2  z 

Head:  vato  yan  mitravaruna  tad  aha  havisy  antaram  nir- 
mitam kacjapasya  |  adhvaryavo  maruto  yasyasan  tena  devebhyo 
varim&ni  cakruh  z  5  z  2  z 

74.  [f.  45 b,  1.  7.] 
Q.  3.  3. 

asikrat  svapa  iha  bhava  : 
d  agne   dambha  rodasi   urucT  |  amum  naya    namama  rata- 

havyo  yunjanti  supraja: 
sam  pafica  janah  | 

For  this  stanza  cf.  RV.  6.  11.  4  and  MS.  4.  14.  15.  Read  in 
a  acikradat,  in  b  dambhaya  where  Q.  has  vyacasva;  in  c  namasa 
ratahavyam. 

dure  digchantam  argasa   indram  a  gyavayantu 

sakhyaya  ri  I 

pum  yadi   gayatriyarh    vrhatim   arkam  asmai  sautramanya 

dadrgantu  devah  |  i 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  245 

In  a  read  cit  santam  arusasa,  in  b  cyava°  and  vipram ;  in  c 
yad  gayatriih,  and  in  d  dadhrsanti. 

adbhyas  tva  raja  varuno  juhava  somas  tvayarh  hvayati  par- 

vatebhyah  indras  tva ! 

yam  hvayati  vidbhyabhyah  gyeno  bhutva  visa  patema9 
In  c  read  vidbhya  abhyag,  and  in  d  vic.a  a  patemah. 

9yeno  havin  nayatv  a  para  I 
smad    anyaksettre    aparusyam    carantarh   a9vinam  pantham 

krnutarh  sajan  te  garbharh : 
sajata  abhi  sarh  sarh  vigadhvarh 

In  a  read  havir,  in  b  anyaksetre  aparuddham  carantam;  in 
c  a^vina  and  sugam,  in  d  abhi  samvigadhvam. 

9yeno  havis  ka9yapasyopa  9ikse  indrarh  vatah  prai 
hito  duta  va  visi  ya  catrun.  |  senagrai  viso  vrsanano  adhara 

kasi! 

Reading  Qiksaty  we  can  get  a  good  pada  a;  and  for  pada 
d  we  might  consider  as  a  possibility  vic.o  vrsan  a  no  adharan 
carasi:  the  form  visi  is  probably  for  vic.i,  and  senagrai  for 
senagre,  but  for  the  rest  I  have  nothing. 

yas   te    havam  prati  nistyat   sajata  uta  nistya  z  2  z  apata 

indra  tarn  : 
mitvayatheham  ava  gayah 

Read :  yas  te  havam  prati  tisthat  sajata  uta  nistyah  |  apan- 
cam  indra  tarn  mitvathemam  ava  gamaya  z  6  z 
\ 

hvayanti  tva  panca  j  any  ah  pati  mitravarsa  i 
ta  indragm  vi9ve  deva  vi9i  ksemam  adhldharam  z  3  z 

Read:  hvayantu  tva  panca  janah  prati  mitra  avrsata  |  indragnl 
vigve  devas  te  vi^i  ksemam  adldharan  z  7  z  3  z 

75.  [f.  45 b,  1.  18.] 

prajapatir  a- 
nuvartis   sa   prajabhir  anuvantih    sa   manuvarti   anuvantim 

krnotu  |  i 
[f.  46  a]  indro  nuvantis  sa  viryenanuvartis  somo  nuvantis  sa 

osadhibhir  anuvartih  i 
apo  nuvartayas  tas  parjanyenanuvartayah  ta  manuvartayor 

anuvartim  krao  i 


246  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

tu  |  devanuyartayas  te  mrtenanuvartayah   te  manuvartayor 

anuvartim  kr : 
notu  z  4  z 

Read:  prajapatir  anuvartis  sa  prajabhir  anuvartih  |  sa  manu- 
vartir  anuvartim  krnotu  z  1  z  indro  'nuvartis  sa  viryen anu- 
vartih |  sa  °  e  °  °  z  2  z  somo  'nuvartis  sa  osadhlbhir  anuvartih  j 
sa  °  °  °  °  z  3  z  apo  'nuvartayas  tas  parjanyenanuvartayah 
te  manuvartayo  anuvartim  krnvantu  z  4  z  deva  anuvartayas 
te  'mrtenanuvartayah  |  te  manuvartayo  anuvartim  krnvantu 
z  5  z  4  z 

76.  [f.  46  a,  1.4.] 

payo  mahyam  osadhayas  payo  me  virudho  dadham  | 

apam  payasva  I 
d  yat  payas  tenve  varsantu  vrstayah 

In  b  read  dadhan,  in  c  payasvad  and  in  d  tad  me. 

payo   mahyam  parasvanto  hastino   me  payo  da- 
dham |  pa  i 

yas  patatrino  mahyam  vinaya  me  payo  dadham  | 
In  b  read  dadhan,  also  in  d. 

payasvandre  ksettram  astu  paya: 
svad    rtu    dharh   |   aharh   payasvan   bhuyasam    gavo    mota 

payasvatih 

For  ab   read  payasvan  me  ksetram  astu   payasvad  uta  me 
dhaman;  read  ma  uta  in  d. 

payo  mahyam  a : 

psarasam    gandharva    me    payo  ^dadham  |  payo   me    vigva 

bhutani  vato  dadhatu  me  pa: 
yah 

In  a  read  apsaraso,  in  b  dadhan. 

payo  mahyam  dyavaprthivi  antariksarh  payo  dadhat.  |  payo 

me  vigva  bhui 
tani  dhata  dadhatu  me  payah 

payas  prthivyam  paya  osadhlsu  payo  dhi: 
vy    antariksa   payo    dhah    payasvatis    pradigas    santu    ma- 
hyam. z      z\ 
z  5  z  anu  15  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  247 

Read:  payas  prthivySiii  paya  osadhlsu  payo  divy  antarikse 

dhah  I  payasvatis  pradigas  santu  mahyam  z  6  z  5  z  anu  15  z 

For  the  last  stanza  cf.  VS.  18.  36;  MS.  2.  12.  1,  and  others. 

In  the  margin  opposite  st.  I  is   written  payas  prthivyaiii  e. 


77.  [f.  46  a,  1.  12.] 

aham  bibharmi  te  mano  aharh  cittam  aham  vra ! 
vratam  mamed  apa  kratav  aso  mamasag  ced  asidapi  |  amna- 

saistra  samhi  : 
te    ramatam    mano    mayi    te    ramatam    manah    amjanasya 

madhusasya  kusthasya  na  : 
latasya  ca  |  virodikasya  mulena  mukhena  mardanam  krtam 

madhu  me  antar  a  I 
sya    mukhena    mandanam    krtam.   |   tatro    tvam   vivartasva 

naracT  iva  vartasi  |  : 
yatha  nemi   rathacakrarh  samantarh  pari  sasvaje   eva  pari 

sasva  ma  yatha: 
[f.  46  b]  sam  payite  manah  z  i  z 

The  sphere  of  this  is  clear,  it  is  a  love-charm;  cf.  Q.  6.  102 
and  the  many  others.  The  division  of  the  padas  presented  by 
the  ms.  into  stanzas,  and  the  details  of  emendation  raise  many 
difficulties  which  cannot  be  convincingly  settled.  The  last 
stanza  is  perfectly  clear  and  is  equivalent  to  Q.  6.  8.  1 :  read 
svajasva  mam  in  c  and  payate  in  d.  We  may  feel  sure,  I 
think,  that  the  next  to  the  last  stanza  begins  madhu  me;  it 
seems  possible  to  read  for  the  first  hemistich  madhu  mayy 
antar  a  syan  mukhena  mardanam  krtam:  in  pada  c,  read  tatra, 
and  at  the  end  of  d  perhaps  vartase,  but  for  naracl  I  can 
suggest  nothing  unless  we  take  an  entirely  different  turn  and 
read  the  hemistich  tatra  tvam  vai  varcasvan  aranl  iva  vartasi. 
Another  stanza  is  as  follows:  anjanasya  madughasya  kusthasya 
naladasya  ca  |  vlrudhas  tasya  °  •  krtam;  but  the  emendation 
in  pada  c  is  not  very  forceful.  To  start  now  with  the  first 
words,  reading  vratam  in  b  and  mamed  aha  in  c  we  get  three 
padas  of  st.  1,  and  in  view  of  Q.  1.  34.  2  I  think  we  might 
read  for  d  mama  cittam  a  sldasi  (Q.  °  upayasi).  In  the  remain- 
ing part  we  find  a  whole  pada  written  twice,  the  correct  form 
being  mayi  te  ramatam  manah  (Q.  6. 102.  2d  has  vestataiii)  which 
would  be  a  good  fifth  pada  for  st.  1  were  it  not  for  the  inter- 
vening letters  amnasaistra  and  these  seem  beyond  emendation. 


248  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

78.  [f.  46  b,  1.  1.] 

yathedam  agvina  trinam  vato  havatu  bhumyam  e  I 
va  vayam  vahamasi  yam  vayam  kamayamahe  | 
Read  trnam  in  a,  vahati  bhumyam  in  b. 

utva  mata  sthapayatu  pra : 
tva  nudatam  agvina  |  da  gvagur  iva  mataram  mam  evajotu 

te  manah 
Read  ut  tva  in  a,  probably  sa  Qvagrur  in  c  and  evarnotu  in  d. 

yathal 
ksirarh  ca  sarpig    ca  manusyanam   hrye   priyam.  |  evaham 

asya  nariyai 
hrdo  bhuyasam  uttamah 
Read  hj*de  in  b,  narya  in  c. 

agnes  tva  tapas  tapatu  vatasya  vraji  ma    sprksa   ta : 
ni  sadanani  madhava  ut  tistha  prehy  agnivat  te  krnomi 
In  b  read  dhrajir  ma  sprksat,  in  c  sadhava. 

suryas  tva  tapas  tapa: 
tu  vatasya  vraji  ma  sprksa  tati  sadanani  madhava  ut  tistha 

prehi  su : 
ryavat  te  krnomi  z  2  z 

Read :  suryas  tva  tapas  tapatu  vatasya  dhrajir  ma  sprksat  | 
tani  sadanani  sadhava  ut  tistha  prehi  suryavat  te  krnomi  z  5 
z  2  z 

79.  [f.  46  b,  1.8.] 

hiranyapuspi  subhaga  rupag  cayam  sumangala : 
tav  enam  bhadraya  dattam  amrtav  amrte  bhage 
Read  sumangalah  in  b. 

hiranyapidvam  haritarh  tat  te  ange  : 
su  rohati  tenemam  agvina  nari  bhagenabhi  sincatam 
In  a  read  hiranyapindam,  in  c  narim,  in  d  sincatam. 

yatha  rupasudhrta  i 
s  trpyanto  yanti   kaminah   eva  tva   sarve    devarah    petayo 

yarhtu  kaminah: 
In  d  read  pretaro  yantu. 


Vol.  xxx  ]  The  Kaslimirian  Atharva  Veda.  249 

hiranyaksa  madhuvarno  hiranyaparicantane  ankarh  hiranya 

yas  tuva  tenai 
syaih  patim  a  vaha 

Read :  hiranyakso  madhuvarno  hiranyaparicchandanah  |  anko 
hiranyo  yas  tava  tenasyai  °  °. 

yadi  vaspa  dirocanam  yadi  va  nabhyas  tira  |  yam 

tva  ma- 
hyam  osadhir  amkena  ma  nyanaya  z  3  z 

This  stanza  appears  Q.  7.  38.  5,  which  has  tirojanam  in  a; 
this  seems  to  me  better  than  the  tirocanam  of  the  commen- 
tator. Read:  yadi  vasi  tirojanam  yadi  va  nadyas  tirah  |  iyam 
tva  mahyam  osadhir  ankena  me  nyanayat  z  5  z  3  z 

80.  [f.  46  b,  1.  14.] 

punas  pranarh  punar  apanum  a  I 
smai  punar  vyanam  uta  soma  dhehi  |  atmanam  caksur  udite 

samanas  tarn  anu  pa : 
hi  tarn  anu  jiva  jagavi  | 

Read  apanam  in  a,  adite  in  c  and  probably  samanam;  in  d 
jivaiii  jagrhi:  the  omission  of  the  second  anu  would  improve 
the  metre. 

tvasta  rupena  savita  savena  ahar  mitrena  • 
varunena    ratri    indro    jyesthena    vrahmanaya    vrhaspatih 

pusasmai  puna: 
[f.  47  a]  r  asarh  dadhatu 

Read  asuiii  in  d;  dadatu  would  be  better  too,  in  view  of 
st.  5d  and  RY.  10.  59.  7  a  punar  no  asuiii  prthivi  dadatu. 

yathaditya  vasavo  ye  ca  rudra  vi9ve   deva  aditir  ya" 

ca  ra! 
tri  yajno  bhagas  savita  ye  ca  |  deva  yamo  smai  punar  asam 

dadhatu  | 
Read  'smai  and  asum  in  d;  the  colon  should  follow  ratri. 

somo  raja: 
asucit  te  punar  ma  indro  marudbhir   a9vina  te  bhisaj  yad 

agnl  rudro  vasuvi  i 
t  ta  punar  dat. 

The  first  pada  of  this  stanza  seems  to  have  been  lost;  for 
pada  b  I  read  somo  raja  vasuvit  te  punar  dat:  pada  c  begins 
with  indro;  read  te  in  d. 


250  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

punar    dyaur    devl    punantariksam    agnir    vatah    pavamano 

bhisajyai 
tu  |  grahyas  pa^am  nirrtyas  pacam  mrtyoh  pargad  vak   ca 

devl  punar  da! 
datu  z  4  z 

Read :  punar  dyaur  devl  punar  antariksam  agnir  vatas  pava- 
mano bhisajyatu  |  grahyas  pagan  nirrtyas  pagan  mrtyoh  pagad 
vak  ca  devl  punar  dadatu  z  5  z  4  z 

81.  [f.  47  a,  1.  6.] 

idarh  caksur  patavari  ma  hihsit  purayusah  yad  varh  ! 
tamo  yad  u  lapisam  apa  vacam  ni  dadhmasi  | 

Read  rtavarl  in  a,  in  b  pura  ayusah  might  be  better:  at 
the  end  of  c  I  would  read  yat  kilbisam,  in  d  vaca  (with 
apavacam  as  an  alternative). 

idarh  dhehy  ada  ganam  yatho  ! 
rmati  rohati  |  ayasmayas  taranku9o   aksaur  aram  sam  apu 

lampatu  z 

In  a  we  may  read  adhigunam  or  adhi  gandam,  in  b  yathor- 
myadhi  or  better  yathormir  adhi:  in  d  upa  limpatu  seems 
probable,  and  the  locative  dual  might  stand  at  the  beginning; 
I  would  suggest  then  aksyo  rasam  upa  limpatu. 

yama  I 
hy  abhyam   ujayam  nrcaksa  yam  9ansena9   9akta  nir  yam 

suparna  ud  ahu9  caksu  1 

r  uditer  anantam  somo  nrcaksa  mayi  tad  darmam  dhatu  j 
The  first  two  padas  do  not  connect  well  with  either  the 
preceding  or  following,  and  it  is  possible  that  they  were  padas 
cd  of  a  stanza  whose  first  hemistich  has  fallen  out:  a  possible 
reading  would  be  yarno  hy  abhyam  uj  jayan  nrcaksa  yam 
gansena.  It  seems  possible  to  read  nir  ayan  suparna  with 
some  form  of  gakti  at  the  beginning  of  the  pada;  read  uditeh 
and  insert  colon;  the  last  two  words  are  probably  dharmam 
dadhatu. 

yatha  caksus  suparna  i 
9ca  yatha  9va9ru  yatha  9unah  eva  me  a9vina  caksus  krnu- 

tam  puskara  I 
sraja  | 

Read  suparnasya  in  a,  gvagror  in  b;  krnutaih  puskarasraja 
for  d:  with  this  stanza  cf.  Q.  3.  22.  4. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  261 

yasyas    suparnam    prapata9    caksusa    caksur    a    dadhe 

tasyaha  samu  I 
draje  uva  caksusa  caksur  a  dadhe  z  5  z  anu  16  z     zz  I 

The  second  pada  looks  as  if  pada  d  had  displaced  a  more 
appropriate  pada  b;  yet  if  we  might  read  for  a  yas  suparnasya 
prapatag  perhaps  b  could  stand:  in  c  we  might  read  samudraih 
jetave.  This  is  stanze  5  of  hymn  5  in  anu  16. 

There  are  suggestions  in  the  first  two  stanzas  of  healing 
some  disease  of  the  eye,  in  the  last  two  the  suggestions  are 
rather  of  a  charm  for  keenness  of  vision ;  of  course  both  could 
stand  in  the  same  hymn. 

82  and  83.  [f.  47  a,  1.  14.] 

agnis  te   haras   sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  vatam  te  pranas 

sisaktu  ! 
suryam    te    caksus    sisaktu   antariksarh   te    grotram    sisaktu 

paramam  te  paravatarh  I 

manas  sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  z  i  z  apas  te  rasas  sisaktu  i 
yatudhana  svaha  |  osadhis  te   lomani   sisajantu    samudraih 

de  va  I 
s  sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  z  2  z 

Head:  agnini  te  haras  sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  z  1  z  vatam 
te  pranas  sisaktu  °  °  z  2  z  suryam  te  caksus  sisaktu  °  °  z  3  z 
antariksam  te  grotraiii  sisaktu  °  °  z  4  z  paramam  te  paravatam 
manas  sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  z  5  z  1  z 

apas  te  rasas  sisaktu  yatudhana  svaha  z  1  z  osadhis  te 
lomani  sisajantu  °  •  z  2  z  samudraih  te  -j-vas  sisaktu  yatu- 
dhana svaha  z  3  z  2  z 

In  83.  3  vak  would  seem  a  good  reading. 

The  ms.  so  clearly  separates  these  formulae  into  two  groups 
that  I  have  not  felt  it  advisable  to  unite  them  in  spite  of 
their  unity  as  regards  content.  Opposite  83  the  margin  has 
raksamantram  ha  4. 

84.  [f.  47  a,  1.  18.] 

idam  te  giro  bhinadmi  ya  i 
tudhana  svahedarh  te  mastiskam  ni  tarananaddi  bhumyarh 

te  hano  bhina  I 
[f.  47  b.]    dmi    yatudhana    svahedam    te   jihva   ni   te    griva 

bhinaddi  yatudhana  svahedam  : 

VOL.  XXX.     Part  III.  18 


252  L.  C.  £arret,  [1910. 

te  skandha  ni  idarh  te  sau  bhinadmi  yatudana   svahedamn 

te  bahu  ni  te  hrda  I 
yam  bhinaddi  yatudhana   svahedam  te  parisur  ni  te  grom 

bhinaddi  yatudha  i 
na   svahedam   te   kloma   ni  te   prsthe  bhinadmi  yatudhana 

svahedam  te  vasta  ni  i 
idam    ta    uru    bhinaddi    yatudhana     svahedam    te    janghe 

bhinaddi  yatudhana  sva  i 
hedam   te   gulhau   bhinaddi  yatudhana  svahedam  te  padau 

ni  te  tvacam  bhinaddi  : 
yatudhana  svahedam  te  pranam  ni  idam  te  parunsi  bhinaddi 

yatudhana  sva  i 
hedam  te  majjo  ni  taranenaddi  bhumyam  z  3  z 

Read:  idam  te  giro  bhinadmi  yatudhana  svaha  |  idam  te 
mastiskam  ni  tarhanena  bhinadmi  bhumyam  z  I  z  idam  te 
hanu  °  °  |  idaiii  te  iihvam  m  °  °  °  z  2  z  idaih  te  grlvam  °  °  | 
idam  te  skandhan  m  °  °  °  z  3  z  idam  te  hastau  °  °  |  idam  te 
bahu  ni  °  °  °  z  4  z  idam  te  hrdayam  °  °  |  idam  te  pargur 
(Wackernagel,  Altind.  Gr.  §  51)  ni  °  e  °  z  5  z  idam  te  grom 
°  °  |  idam  te  kloma  ni  °  °  °  z  6  z  idam  te  prsthe  °  °  |  idam 
te  Vastham  ni  °  °  °  z  7  z  idarii  te  uru  °  °  |  idam  te  janghe 
ni  °  •  °  z  8  z  idam  te  gulhau  °  °  idam  te  padau  ni  °  °  ° 
z  9  z  idam  te  tvacam  °  °  |  idaih  te  pranam  ni  °  °  °  z  10  z 
idam  te  parunsi  bhinadmi  yatudhana  svaha  |  idam  te  majja 
ni  tarhanena  bhinadmi  bhumyam  z  11  z  3  z 

85.  [f.  47  b,  1.  8.] 

nandasodalam  anta  • 
kajisnu  haparajita   amum  bhrunany   arpaya   svayam  pafan 

yayati  a  • 
srar  aitu  sahakratur  atu  ma  prano  atho  balam  mano  dadhatu 

bhadraya  agni  i 
r  vi9vad  vasu  ma  svastaye   daksina   ma   daksinato  daksina 

patu  sa  : 
vyatah  pafcad   anam  vyadhat   patu  sarvasya  bhavahebhya 

catam  apo  divya  mittra  i 
sya    ca    daksinah   |   dhata    savita    rudras    te    no    muncantv 

ahhasah  |  9atam  pa9a  i 
tu  varunasya  vrahmanaspate9  9a  te  mantan  pa9§m  no  vi 

9atat  pace  I 
bhyo  vayantam  z  4  z 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmir ian  Atfiarva  Veda.  253 

This  seems  little  more  than  words  and  phrases  put  together 
without  connection,  though  there  is  in  several  places  indication 
of  prayer  for  protection;  such  as  vyadhat  patu,  muncantv 
anhasah.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  metrical. 

At  the  very  beginning  I  think  nandasodaram  is  not  im- 
probable, then  probably  antakajisnum  and  aparajitam,  these 
being  in  agreement  with  amum;  doubtless  we  should  read 
bhrunany,  but  it  seems  hardly  possible  to  construe  two  accusa- 
tives with  arpaya.  If  asrar  is  a  verb,  as  seems  possible,  we 
would  want  to  read  yayaty  asrah  (followed  by  a  period). 
Reading  aitu  ma  prano  and  bhadrayagnir  we  would  get  a 
fairly  good  sense  for  aitu  sahakratur  °  °  °  vic.vad  vasuh 
(followed  by  period),  though  it  would  be  quite  possible  to  put 
the  period  after  bhadraya  and  then  read  vasur  ma  °;  enaih 
vyadhat  patu  would  be  the  last  words  which  can  stand,  but 
it  seems  that  a  full  stop  comes  after  bhavahebhya.  Of  course 
dhata  °  °  °  anhasah  is  good  but  of  the  rest  I  can  make  nothing 
though  many  of  the  words  are  obvious. 

The  above  suggestions  really  offer  no  help  in  solving  this 
hymn,  for  there  is  nothing  in  it  that  gives  a  solid  base  from 
which  to  work;  at  least  I  cannot  see  it. 


86.  [f.  47  b,  1.15.] 

pracim  digam  astham  agnir  mavatv  ojame  ba  : 

laya  digam   priyo  bhuyasam   ami   mitva  me  digo  bhavantu 

ghrtapratlka  : 

daksinam  digam   astham   indro  mavatv   ojase  balaya  prati- 

cim  di  I 

gam  astham  varuno  mavatv  aujase   balaya  udiclm   digam 

astham  : 

somo  mavatv  aujase  balaya  dhruvarh  digam  astham  visnur 

mavatv  auja  i 

[f.  48  a]  se  balaya  urdhvam  digam  astham  vrhaspatir  mavatv 

aujase  balaya  I 

digam  priya  bhuyasam  anu  mittra  me  digo  bhavantu  ghrta- 
pratlka z  : 

z  5  z  a  17  z 
Read:   pracliii  digam   astham   agnir   mavatv  ojase  balaya  | 

dizain   priyo    bhuyasam   anu   mitra  me  di$o  bhavantu  ghrta- 

pratlkah   z  I  z  daksinaiii   di^am   astham   indro   mavatv  •  °  | 

18* 


254  L.  C.  Barret.  [1910. 

digam  °  °  °  z  2  z  praticlrii  digam  asthaih  varuno  mavatv  «  «  | 
digam,  •  °  °  z  3  z  udlcirii  digam  asthaih  somo  mavatv  •  •  | 
digaih  °  °  °  z  4  z  dhruvarii  digam  asthaih  visnur  mavatv  °  °  | 
digaih  °  °  °  y  5  z  urdhvam  digam  asthaih  vrhaspatir  mavatv 
ojase  balaya  |  digam  priyo  bhuyasam  anu  mitra  me  digo 
bhavantu  ghrtapratlkah  z  6  z  5  z  anu  17  z 

87.  [f.  48  a,  1.  3.] 
Kaug.  107. 

manayi  tahtu  prathamam  pagced  ahvyatanvata  tarn  • 
nan   pra  vravimi   va   cadir  na  santurvari  sadurvyas  tantur 

bhavati  sadhu  I 
n    odur    ito    vrkah    atho    horvarlr    yuyarh   prattar    vodheva 

dhavaja  kharga  i 
la  yurva  paturir   apa   agram   ivayanam   |  patantu   pratvarir 

ivorvarih  i 
sadhuna   patha    avacyu   tautubhyete    tedevagvatarav    iva   | 

pra  stomas  u  i 
rvarmam    khasayanam    astvavisam    |    narl    pancamayosam 

sutravat  kr  i 

nutam  vasu  aristo  sya  vastha  priyamda  vasi  tatautira  z  i  z  : 
Read:  manayai  tantum.  prathamam  pagyed  anya  atanvata  | 
tan  narlh  pra  vravimi  vas  sadhvir  vas  santurvarih  z  1  z  sadhur 
vas  tantur  bhavatu  sadhur  otur  etu  vrtah  |  atho  horvarlr  yuyam 
pratar  vodheva  dhavata  z  2  z  khargala  iva  patvarir  apam 
ugram  ivayanam  |  patantu  patvarir  ivorvarih  sadhuna  patha 
z  3  z  avacyau  te  totudyete  todenagvatarav  iva  |  pra  stomam 
urvarmam  gagayanam  astavisam  z  4  z  narl  pancamayukham 
sutravat  krnutam  vasu  |  aristo  csya  vasts,  •{•  priyamda  vasi 
tatautira -j-  z  5  z  1  z 

The  reading  of  2b  may  not  seem  good  but  I  regard  it  as 
probable;  Bloomfield  reports  sadhur  otu  as  the  reading  of 
three  mss.  but  reads  in  his  text  sadhur  etu  ratho.  In  2dBl. 
reads  vodhave.  In  5b  Bl.  reads  krnute  vasu,  though  all  but 
one  of  his  mss.  have  krnutam;  in  his  note  he  suggests  the 
reading  here  given.  For  priyamda  in  5d  we  should  probably 
read  prendra  as  in  Kaug.  but  for  the  rest  our  reading  seems 
as  hopeless  as  that  of  Kaugika. 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  255 

88.  [f.48a,  1.10.] 
RV.  10.  152. 

9asa  ittha  mahah   asy  amittrakhaghato  adbhutah  na  yasya 

hanya  : 
te  sakha  na  jiyate  kada  cana 

In  a  read  mahan,  and  in  b  amitrakhado. 

vrkso  vi  mavrdho  jahi  vi  vrttrasya  I 

hanu  ruja  vi  manyumanyu  vrttrahann  amittrasyabhidasati  | 
Read:   vi   rakso    vi   mrdho  jahi   vi  vrtrasya   hanu  ruja  |  vi 
manyum  indra  vrtrahann  amitrasyabhidasatah  z  2  z 

vi  nl : 
ndra   vi    mrdo   jahi    nlda    yatsva    pradhanyatah    adhamarh 

gamaya  taso  yo  : 
asma  abhi  dasati  | 

Eead:  vi  na  indra  mrdho  jahi  mca  yaccha  prtanyatah  | 
adhamam  gamaya  tamo  yo  asman  abhi  dasati  z  3  z 

svastida  vi9§m  pati  vrttrahai 

vi  mrdo  jahi  vrsendras  pura  etu  nas  somapa  abhayankarah I 
In  a  read  patir,  in  b  vrtraha  and  vi  mrdho  or  vimrdho;  jahi 
does  not  fit  in  well  here,   and  the   reading   of  RV.  is  much 
preferable  °  vimrdho  vagi. 

apendra  dvisato  mano  pa  jijyasato  vadham  vi  maha9  9arma 

yaccha  vai 
riyo  yavadha  vadham  z  2  z 

Read:  apendra  dvisato  mano  'pa  jijyasato  vadham  |  vi  mahac 
(jarma  yaccha  variyo  yavaya  vadham  z  5  z  2  z 

89.  [f.  48  a,  1.  17.] 

yo  titaro  manis  tenati  taru! 
sva  sah  sapattrah  dvisato  mane  prnutasva  prdanyatah  | 

In  a  read  devo  yo  'titaro;  in  b  I  think  tarusva  dvisah  is  the 
best  of  several  possibilities:  in  c  read  sapatnan,  and  for  d  pra 
nutasva  prtanyatah. 

prnui 

[f.  48 b]  tasva   pra   dahasva   sapattrah  dvisato    mane  tarapi 

mahatam  dusvasam  varco  bhankti  I 
pradanyatarh 


256  L.  C.  Barret,  [1910. 

In  a  read  pra  nutasva,  in  b  sapatnan;  in  b  ati  or  ava  would 
be  better  and  then  mahatvam  dvisam  is  at  least  possible;  in  d 
read  bhandhi  prtanyatam. 

varco  jahi  manyum  jahy  akutirh  dvisatam  mane  |  devo 

yo  til 

taro  manis  tenati  tara  dhurvata  | 
In  c  read  'titaro  and  in  d  dhurvatah. 

ye  dhurvanti  ye  druhyanti  ye  dvisanti  pra: 
tanyatah  |  sarvah   sapattras   te  manir  na  manyum  dvisatas 

karat. 
In  b  read  prtanyantah;  in  cd  sarvan  sapatnaiis  te  manir  nir. 

tava  citte  ta! 
va  vrate  tavaivadhaspadam  cararh  |  devo  yo  nyataro  manis 

tenati   tara  dusvama: 
z  3  z 

Read :  tava  citte  tava  vrate  tavaivadhaspadam  karam  |  devo 
yo  'titaro  manis  tenati  tarusva  dvisah  z  5  z  3  z 

For  5d  and  Ib  tenati  tara  dustaran  might  seem  as  good 
as  the  reading  given  above. 

90.  [f.  48 b,  1.  6.] 

Q.  6.  9. 
a  te  mana9  caksu9  ca  a  ma  te  hrdayarh  dade  pados 

te  padyam  a: 
dade  yatha  tisthasi  me  vafe  vafe 

In  ab  read  mana£  caksu^  ca;  in  c  pados,  and  in  d  vage 
only  once.  This  stanza  and  the  last  one  do  not  appear  in  Q., 
nor  elsewhere. 

vahccha  se  padau  tanvam  vacchaksur  van: 
ccha  saksnyu  akso  vrsanyantyas  kega  osthau  mam  te  kamena 

asyatam 

For  a  read  vanccha  me  °;  for  b  vancchaksyau  vanccha  sak- 
thyau;  in  c  aksyau  and  in  d  c.usyatam:  the  sign  transliterated 
a  in  asyatam  might  be  a  poorly  formed  c.u. 

mai  tva: 
dusanimrgam  nomi  hrdayasprgam  mamed   apa  kratav  aso 

mamasa  i 
9  ced  asa9  ced  asidapi 


Vol.  xxx.]  TJie  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.  257 

For  the  first  hemistich  I  think  we  may  read  mayi  tva 
dosanisprgam  krnomi  hrdayasprgam;  in  c  read  aha,  and  for  d 
see  hymn  77  where  I  suggested  mama  cittam  a  sldasi. 

yasarh  nabhir  arohanarh  hrdi  samvananam  krtam  |  : 
gavo  ghrtasya  mataro  amu  sam  vanayantu  me 
In  a  read  yasarii,  in  d  amuih. 

mahyam  tva  dyavaprthi- 
vi  sahyarh  devi  sarasvati  mahyam  tvendra9  cagni9  cahoratre 

ni  yacchatam.  z: 

Read:    mahyam   tva  dyavaprthivl  mahyam  devi  sarasvati 
mahyaiii  tvendrag  cagnig  cahoratre  ni  yacchatam  z  5  z  4  z 
For  st.  5  cf.  above  Nos.  9.  5  and  35.  5. 


91.  [f.  48b,  1.  13.] 
Cf.  Q.  2.  24. 

bhulir  muly   arjum    punar    vo    yanti    yadavah    punar   jutis 

kimidinii 
yasya  stha  [dam    atta  yo  va   prahit  tarn  utta  ma  samsany 

attah  acchavo  jigha! 
cchavah    havisyavas    pagyavah    sphatihari    ramahari    vata 

jute  sa: 
nojavah  punar  vo  yanti  yadavah  punar  jutis  kimidinl  yasya 

stha  da- 
rn atta  yo  va  prahit  tarn  utta  mamsany  attah  z  z  om  tvam 

utta  sma: 

mamsany  attah  zz  5  z  anuva  18  z     z  iti  atharva! 
[f.  49  a]    ni    pipaladacakhayam    dvitiyas    kandas    samaptah 

z     z 

Q.  2.  24  is  a  hymn  of  eight  stanzas  divided  between  male 
and  female  kimidins;  above  in  No.  42  we  have  a  hymn,  seem- 
ingly of  five  stanzas,  devoted  to  the  male  kimidins  and  here 
are  the  stanzas  against  the  females.  An  arrangement  in  five 
stanzas  may  be  made  with  some  degree  of  reason,  but  to  emend 
the  words  which  are  supposed  to  be  names  of  the  demons  is 
not  possible :  feminine  vocatives  are  called  for,  and  I  can  only 
suggest  as  more  or  less  plausible  arjuni,  jighatsavah,  sphati- 
hari, ramahari,  manojavah.  Taking  up  these  suggestions  we 
may  read  as  follows:  bhuli  muly  arjuni  punar  vo  yantu  yatavah 


258        L.  C.  Barret,  The  Kashmirian  Atharva  Veda.        [1910. 

punar  jutis  kimldinlh  |  yasya  stha  tarn  atta  yo  vah  prahait  tarn 
atta  sva  mansany  atta  z  1  z  acchavo  jighatsavah  punar  °  °  ° 
z  2  z  havisyavas  pa^yavah  «  °  •  z  3  z  sphatihari  ramahari 
0  o  o  z  4  z  vatajute  manojavah  punar  vo  yantu  yatavah  punar 
jutis  kimldinlh  |  yasya  stha  tarn  atta  yo  vah  prahait  tarn  atta 
sva  mansany  atta  z  5  z  5  z  anu  18  z  z  ity  atharvani  paippa- 
ladagakhayani  dvitlyas  kandas  samaptah  z  z 


on  Village  Government  in  Japan  After  1600,  I.— 
By  K.  ASAKAWA,  Ph.  D.,  Yale  University,  New  Haven. 
Conn. 

Introduction. 

IN  the  year  1600,  Tokugawa  leyasu,  through  his  victory  at 
the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  became  the  virtual  ruler  of  feudal 
Japan,  and  proceeded  to  elaborate  that  careful  system  of 
government  which,  with  remarkably  few  changes,  continued  to 
exercise  an  undisputed  sway  over  the  nation  till  the  middle 
of  the  nineteenth  century.  In  this  system  culminated,  and 
with  it  ended,  the  feudal  regime  of  Japan.  Each  of  the  larger 
phases  of  the  system, — its  relation  to  the  Emperor  and  civil 
nobility,  to  religious  institutions,  and  to  the  military,  agricul- 
tural, and  mercantile  classes  of  society,  and  its  moral,  intel- 
lectual,  economic  and  institutional  contributions  to  the  present 
era  of  Japanese  history, — presents  a  field  of  fruitful  study. 
It  is  the  aim  of  this  essay  to  analyze  some  of  the  leading 
features  of  the  rural  aspects  of  the  great  system. 

Generally  considered,  the  main  objects  of  this  system  can 
hardly  be  said  to  have  been  entirely  selfish.  Coming  after 
nearly  three  centuries  of  continual  civil  war,  leyasu  was  as 
eager  to  restore  at  last  the  peace  and  order  for  which  the 
nation  had  long  yearned,  as  to  perpetuate  the  political  power 
of  his  own  family.  It  was  in  fact  the  primary  motive  of  his 
policy  that  the  power  of  his  house  should  depend  upon  the 
stability  of  the  realm1.  It  may  indeed  be  said  that  every 
important  phase  of  the  political  system  which  he  built  was  so 
designed  as  to  subserve  this  double  purpose. 

It  is  this  full  consciousness  of  its  aims  that  characterizes 
:he  Tokugawa  regime  and  distinguishes  it  from  its  predecessors 
.n  the  history  of  feudal  Japan.  leyasu  and  his  councillors 
ivould  run  no  risk  and  leave  nothing  to  nature,  wherever  their 
iiuman  intelligence  guided  them.  They  made  every  effort  to 


260  K.  Asakctwa,  [1910. 

avail  themselves  of  the  wisdom  to  be  derived  from  the  study 
of  the  past  political  experience  of  both  Japan  and  China2,  and 
sought  to  adapt  it  to  the  peculiar  conditions  prevailing  in  the 
feudal  Japan  of  the  early  seventeenth  century,3  always  with" 
the  steadfast  purpose  of  insuring  peace  and  of  perpetuating 
the  new  regime. 

The  general  system  so  framed  was  characterized,  in  all  its 
phases,  by  a  studied  balance  of  two  elements  seemingly  contra- 
dictory to  each  other,  namely,  government  by  rigid  laws  and 
government  by  discretion.  The  historian  who  sees  only  the 
former,  in  which  an  elaborate  machinery  was  set  in  motion, 
as  it  were,  regardlessly  of  the  men  operating  it,  would  be 
puzzled  to  meet  everywhere  almost  an  excess  of  liberty  that 
was  left  for  the  exercise  of  the  personal  sense  of  equity  and 
proportion  of  the  individual  administrator.  Nor  would  one 
succeed  in  regarding  the  latter  element  the  only  basic  prin- 
ciple of  the  Tokugawa  rule.  It  would  seem  that  largely  by 
a  harmony  of  the  two,  the  one  not  less  important  than  the 
other,  was  served  the  primary  aim  of  leyasu's  government. 

1.  Government  by  rigid  laws,  which  one  might  term  institu- 
tionalism,  may  be  conveniently  discussed  as  in  the  following 
analysis.  In  the  first  place,  a  Chinese  political  idea  was  used 
to  explain  and  emphasize  the  actual  division  of  social  classes. 
The  nation  was  conceived  as  falling  into  two  main  classes, 
rulers  and  ruled,  with  a  broad  division  of  labor  between  them: 
the  rulers  to  govern  and  in  return  to  be  supported,  and  the 
ruled  to  support  and  in  return  to  be  governed.4  True  to  the 
feudal  nature  of  the  society,  the  rulers  were  mostly  warriors,5 
and  the  ruled  were  mostly  tillers  of  the  soil.  The  separation 
between  the  noble  functions  of  the  former  and  the  ignoble 
services  of  the  latter  was  distinct  and  decisive,  each  class 
living  a  separate  life  from  the  other,  with  its  own  laws,  edu- 
cation, taste  and  views  of  life.6  Less  than  two  millions  of  the 
fighting  class  were  thus  superimposed  upon  more  than  twenty- 
four  millions  of  the  producing  class.7 

In  the  second  place,  let  it  be  noted  that  in  each  of  the 
two  classes,  and  in  their  mutual  relationship,  there  had 
developed  in  the  course  of  previous  history  an  ill-defined  but 
important  division  of  sub-classes,  which  the  Tokugawa  rulers 
now  organized  in  a  minute  and  rigid  gradation  of  rank.  To 
enumerate  but  a  few  of  the  chief  steps  in  the  hierarchy,  such 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  261 

as  concern  the  subject  of  this  essay.  The  Suzerain8  appointed 
about  forty  Intendants9  with  regular  salaries  over  his  own 
Domain  Lands.10  He  also  received  allegiance  of  more  than 
two  hundred  large  and  small  Barons,11  who.  with  some  of 
their  vassals,  ruled  over  their  respective  Fiefs.10  The  suzerain's 
domain  lands  were  assessed  as  equivalent  to  about  a  fourth 
of  the  aggregate  of  the  fiefs  of  all  the  barons.10  His  intendants 
stood  in  their  respective  districts  in  immediate  relation  with 
representatives  of  the  peasants,  but  the  barons  and  their  larger 
land-holding  vassals  were  removed  from  the  rural  population 
under  them  by  one  or  more  intermediate  grades  of  officials,12 
whom  we  might  conveniently  designate  Bailiffs. 

The  peasants  of  each  Village 13&  u  were  themselves  divided 
into  classes,  according  to  their  tenures.15  They,  however, 
were  all  under  their  Village-Head,16  usually  one  but  sometimes 
more,  either  elected  or  hereditary,  and,  holding  office  annually, 
for  a  term  of  years,  or  for  life.  He  was  assisted  by  several 
Chiefs,16  and  was,  with  the  latter,  under  the  counsel  and 
supervision  of  one  or  more  selected  Elders.16  In  larger  fiefs 
there  frequently  were  District-Heads,  who,  being  also  of  the 
ant  birth,  each  discharged  in  a  group  of  villages  func- 
tions similar  to  those  of  the  heads  of  individual  villages.17 

In  the  third  place,  all  these  grades  were  held  together  by 
a  carefully  studied  system  of  checks  and  balances.  These 
evidently  conceived  in  accordance  with  the  two  familiar 
principles  that  have  characterized  many  a  bureaucratic  govern- 
ment in  history,  and  were  especially  developed  in  China, iy 
namely,  the  principles  of  responsibility  and  of  delegation, — the 
delegation  of  the  suzerain's  powers  to  his  subordinate  officials, 
and  the  responsibility  of  each  functionary  for  his  official 
conduct  to  those  above  him.  Each  official  was  inviolable,19  so 
long  as  he  acted  within  the  powers  delegated  to  him,  and  each 
law  was  sacred,20  so  long  as  it  embodied  the  just  will  of  the 
highest  authorities.  Every  person,  however  high,  was  answer- 
able for  his  act  to  his  superiors,  and  the  suzerain's  punishment 
for  wrongs  committed  by  even  the  greatest  baron  was  swift 
and  was  witnessed  by  all 'men  under  him.21  It  was  very 
common  that  the  officials  or  even  all  the  members  of  a  corpor- 
ate body  Avere  punished  for  a  grave  offence  committed  by  one 
of  the  latter,  or  otherwise  held  responsible  for  the  due  perfor- 
mance of  public  duties  enjoined  on  them.  This  was  especially 


262  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

the  rule  with  rural  communities,  with  city  wards,  and  with 
merchant  and  artisan  gilds.22  It  would  not  be  difficult  to  see 
that  the  double  chain  of  delegation  and  responsibility  was 
forged  in  order  to  hold  the  society  solidly  together. 

2.  Beside  these  rigorous  institutional  arrangements  of  the 
Tokugawa  regime,  the  latitude  it  carefully  and  generously  left 
to  the  individual  administrator  for  the  exercise  of  his  sense 
of  equity  and  right  proportion  is  all  the  more  remarkable  by 
contrast.  Unless  the  suzerain's  motive  of  deliberately 
balancing  these  two  opposite  principles  is  thoroughly  appre- 
ciated, the  story  of  his  government  is  apt  to  baffle  us  at 
every  turn,  and  has  in  fact  betrayed  many  writers  into  in- 
evitable errors.  Rule  by  discretion  should  be  absent  [in  no 
form  of  government,  and  is  likely  to  play  a  large  part  in  a 
feudal  government,  which  usually  comprises  arrangements 
essentially  private  and  personal  in  origin.  In  the  Tokugawa 
regime,  discretionary  conduct  of  affairs  formed  a  predominant 
feature  of  its  operation,  and,  what  is  more  important,  was 
maintained  side  by  side  with  a  rigid  institutionalism,  some 
phases  of  which  we  have  analyzed,  both  elements  supplementing 
and  rectifying  each  other.  The  law  was  framed,  or,  at  least, 
such  was  the  ideal,  with  the  conscious  intention  at  the  same 
time  to  guide  the  blind  magistrate  by  its  provisions  and  to 
allow  the  wise  magistrate  to  supply  them  with  his  wisdom.23 
Once  promulgated,  therefore,  the  law  was  a  ready  instrument 
in  the  hands  of  benevolent  and  experienced  rulers.24  Not 
seldom  was  it  expanded,  bent,  or  even  overridden,  to  give 
free  play  to  a  higher  sense  of  equity.25  This  was,  in  short, 
a  system  of  government  one  half  of  whose  success  depended 
upon  the  skill  and  the  justice  of  the  individual  official,  the 
other  half  being  provided  for  by  minute  laws.  The  first  half, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  was  ever  liable  to  be  turned  to  abuses  by 
corrupt  men,  and  the  second  always  tended  to  become  mech- 
anical and  unwieldy.  The  careful  combination  devised  by  the 
Tokugawa  rulers  served  their  aims  with  rare  success,  but 
failed  them  in  the  end,  for,  indeed,  no  human  hand  could 
strike  an  even  balance  and  effect  a  complete  organic  union 
of  the  two  factors  for  all  time. 

So  much  for  the  general  system.  We  are  now  ready  to 
devote  our  attention  to  that  part  of  the  Tokugawa  regime 
which  concerned  the  rural  population,  and  observe  how  it 


Vol.  xxx.]       Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  263 

illustrates  the  general  reflections  we  have  made,  and  how  its 
peculiar  conditions  reacted  upon  the  entire  system. 

The  peasants  were  a  class  destined,  as  has  been  said,  to 
be  ruled  by  warriors  and  in  return  to  support  them  with 
fruits  of  their  labor.  It  was  first  of  all  necessary  to  keep 
them  submissive.  There  was  no  thought  of  ever  allowing  them 
to  take  part  in  the  government  of  the  country  or  even  of  the 
fief.  Not  only  would  they  be  incapable  of  the  work,  but  it 
would  in  all  probability  result  in  breaking  the  very  fabric  of 
feudal  society.  Nor  was  it  a  difficult  problem  to  enforce 
passive  obedience  upon  the  peasants,  for,  habitually  employing 
dull  wood  and  metal  as  tools,  as  they  do,  and  depending  on 
mute  but  irrestible  forces  of  nature,  the  peasants  are  always 
the  mildest  and  most  patient  class  of  people.  The  rank  and 
dignity  of  the  authorities  command  from  them  more  genuine 
respect  than  from  merchants  in  the  cities.  Political  ideas 
grow  but  slowly  among  the  peasants.  Their  mental  horizon 
is  apt  to  be  limited  to  their  own  interests,  which  are  at  once 
circumscribed  and  protected  by  custom.  Only  when  these 
interests,  their  only  citadel,  are  unreasonably  attacked,  they 
would  be  seen  to  lose  their  equanimity  and  become  as  fero- 
cious as  an  enraged  ox.  So  long  as  their  interests  are  safe- 
guarded, however,  peasants  would  be  a  malleable  material  in 
the  hands  of  a  wise  ruler.  This  was  especially  the  case  with 
the  Japanese  peasants.  They  had  for  centuries  been  inured 
to  passivity.  They  were  in  most  instances  accustomed  to  a 
gregarious  mode  of  living  in  old  hamlets, — a  fact  which  tended 
to  develop  fixed  social  forms  and  sanctions  and  a  cordial 
spirit  of  mutual  dependence  and  assistance  among  them- 
selves. It  will  be  seen  later  that  this  tendency  was  promoted 
by  the  Tokugawa  rulers  with  extreme  care.  Altogether, 
this  was  not  a  life  conducive  to  independence  of  thought 
and  action. 

Obedience,  however,  might  not  be  contentment.  It  was 
necessary  to  control  the  peasants  in  such  a  way  as  to  render 
them,  not  only  submissive,  but  also  contented, — so  contented, 
if  possible,  that  they  would  counterbalance  whatever  unstable 
elements  of  society  there  existed  in  and  out  of  their  circle, 
and  throw  the  weight  of  their  native  desire  for  order  and 
conservatism  in  the  interest  of  peace  and  of  the  perpetuation 
of  the  regime. 


264  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

This  double  task  was  at  once  imperative  and  difficult,  for 
the  Japanese  peasants  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  less 
easily  contented  and  should  therefore  be  appeased  with  all  the 
greater  solicitude,  than  the  serfs  of  the  thirteenth.  Not  only 
did  they  form  the  bulk  of  the  nation,  and  were,  from  the 
economic  standpoint,  the  support  of  the  entire  body  politic;26 
not  only  was  there  a  degree  of  community  of  interest  between 
them  and  the  warriors,  as  against  the  rising  burgher  class;27 
but  also,  more  important  than  these  circumstances,  the  peas- 
ants' position  in  relation  to  the  land  they  tilled  and  to  the 
warriors  who  drew  revenues  from  the  land  had  materially 
risen  since  the  earlier  period.  Under  the  stress  of  the  conti- 
nual civil  strife  that  raged  before  1600,  warriors  found  that 
they  could  no  longer  retain  their  role  of  seigneurs  over  landed 
estates,  where  they  had  for  generations  lived,  in  time  of  peace, 
amid  their  serfs,  and,  in  time  of  war,  defended  their  castles  with 
their  retainers.  They  were  now  obliged  to  betake  themselves  to 
the  castles  of  the  greater  lords,  to  remain  in  their  immediate 
neighbourhood,  and  to  leave  their  land  to  be  managed  largely  by 
the  tillers  themselves.  From  this  time  on,  political  conditions2^ 
accelerated  the  change  already  begun.  By  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  most  serfs  had  turned  freer  tenants,  and 
many  of  the  latter  had  become  proprietors  employing  tenants 
and  laborers.29  A  long  experience  had  led  the  peasants  to 
feel  that  the  lord — and  the  lord  became  an  impersonal  being 
in  the  eyes  of  the  peasants  living  on  the  suzerain's  domain 
lands'— cared  much  less  for  the  land  they  tilled  than  for  the 
dues  levied  upon  it.  This  was  in  fact  a  fundamental  point: 
the  fiscal  obligation  of  land,  rather  than  the  land  itself,  was 
now  a  controlling  principle  of  the  institutional  life  of  the 
peasant.  Between  the  lord  and  his  land,  the  tilling  of  which 
he  had  overseen,  had  now  stepped  forth  the  peasant,  who  had 
formerly  stood  behind  the  land,  and  the  lord's  eye  had  turned 
perforce  from  the  land  to  what  the  peasant  should  bring  to 
him  from  it.  The  peasant  had  become  the  virtual,  though 
not  theoretical,  owner30  of  cultivated  land.31  This  was  a 
transitional  state  of  things  betokening  a  greatly  advanced 
social  position  of  the  tiller  of  the  soil.  For  although  the 
process  could  not  in  all  cases  have  resulted  in  his  improved 
material  condition,  he  must  nevertheless  under  these  circum- 
stances have  become  more  mindful  of  his  rights  and  interests. 


Vol.  xxx.]        Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  265 

To  illustrate.  The  lord's  right  of  seizure  over  land32  had 
vanished,  and  even  his  right  of  escheat  or  mortmain,  as  tin- 
medieval  jurist  of  Europe  would  call  it,  was  very  imperfect.33 
Succession  by  testament  was  common;34  a  collateral  relative 
of  the  deceased  to  whom  the  latter  had  willed  his  holding 
inherited  it  without  purchase-money  ever  being  paid  to  the 
lord,  and  was,  in  default  of  a  will  and  of  a  nearer  relative, 
even  compelled  to  do  so,  in  order  that  the  same  dues  as 
before  would  be  forthcoming  from  the  estate.  As  regards 
these  dues,  they  were  almost  all  levied  on  the  productive 
capacity  of  each  holding,35  capitation  or  house  taxes  being 
unpopular  and  unimportant,  a  fact  indicating  how  far  was 
the  peasant  removed  from  personal  servitude  to  the  lord. 
Regulations  concerning  alienation  of  land  by  sale,  gift,  or 
mortgage,36  and  its  division,  were  primarily  actuated  by  the 
motive  that  the  act  should  not  affect  the  fiscal  issues  of  the 
land.37  In  matters  of  personal  rights,  also,  the  same  consider- 
ation largely  prevailed.  Change  of  residence  between  different 
juirts  of  the  country  was  discouraged,  mainly  because  it  might 
introduce  elements  tending  to  disturb  the  unity  of  village 
customs,  and  thereby  conduce  to  unrest  and  a  consequent 
fiscal  derangement.38  Marriage39  was  in  no  way  interfered 
with,  so  long  as  it  did  not  directly  or  indirectly  tend  to 
diminish  the  public  revenue  of  the  village.  When,  in  later 
years  of  this  period,  the  running  away  of  impoverished  peasants 
became  frequent,  the  lord  seldom  exercised  a  right  of  pursuit,40 
provided  the  land  deserted  by  the  absconders  was  taken  care 
of  by  their  relatives  or  by  the  village  and  yielded  the  same 
dues  as  before. 

All  this  points  to  a  condition  that  deeply  and  radically 
affected  all  classes  of  the  feudal  society,  and  exercised  a 
specially  profound  influence  upon  the  rural  policy  of  the  period. 
The  peasants  were,  indeed,  still  the  "ruled"  class,  but  it  is 
easy  to  see  that  their  interests  called  for  the  most  scrupulous 
consideration  of  the  suzerain's  government.  The  barons,  too, 
on  their  part,  would  court  the  good-will  of  the  village  popu- 
lation within  their  fiefs,  for  no  lord  could  hope  to  wield  influ- 
ence for  a  long  time  over  discontented  peasants.  The  latter 
would  often  find  a  ready  listener  in  the  suzerain  himself,  who, 
while  openly  discountenancing  popular  riots  and  direct  appeals, 
would  eagerly  puuish  the  baron  for  maladministration  and 


266  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

indirectly  right  the  wrongs  of  the  aggrieved  peasantry. 
Whether  the  suzerain  or  the  baron,  the  inevitable  criterion 
of  distinguishing  a  good  from  a  bad  lord  was  the  one's  regard 
and  the  other's  disregard  for  rural  interests.41  And  these 
interests  could  be  studied  only  with  sincere  zeal  and  sympathy, 
for  the  peasants  would  not  express  themselves  until  it  was  too 
late — until  their  long  pent-up  grievances  burst  forth  in  violant 
mobs.  The  greatest  stress  was,  therefore,  laid  everywhere 
upon  the  need  of  studying  agricultural  conditions  and  minis- 
tering to  them  with  justice  and  skill.42  Under  these  circum- 
stances, it  was  exceedingly  difficult  at  once  to  secure  from 
the  peasants  the  degree  of  submission,  and  to  grant  them  the 
degree  of  satisfaction,  which  were  both  absolutely  necessary 
lor  the  success  of  the  regime.  The  ingenious  and  thorough 
manner  in  which  this  delicate  work  was  generally  contrived 
to  be  done  by  the  feudal '  authorities  is  worthy  of  a  careful 
study. 

In  the  first  place,  the  Tokugawa's  village  administration 
was  an  example  of  extreme  paternalism  at  once  kind  and 
stern.  It  was  here  that  the  greatest  care  was  taken  in 
balancing  law  and  equity,  inflexible  justice  and  generous  dis- 
cretion. The  fundamental  conception  was  that  the  peasant 
was  at  once  too  passive  and  too  ignorant  to  provide  for  the 
morrow,  so  that  his  ills  should  receive  official  attention  even 
before  he  himself  perceived  their  symptoms.43  It  was  unneces- 
sary, and  sometimes  dangerous,  that  he  should  understand 
what  the  authorities  were  doing  for  him,  for  they  were  afraid 
that  his  too  much  knowledge  might  interfere  with  their  exercise 
of  equity  and  arbitrary  adjustment.  He  "should  be  made  to 
follow,"  as  said  Confucius,  and  as  was  habitually  repeated  by 
the  Tokugawa  rulers,  "but  should  not  be  made  to  know".44 
The  peasants,  accordingly,  should  not  be  allowed  to  become 
over-wealthy,  for  "if  they  grew  too  rich,"  said  a  practical  ad- 
ministrator, "they  would  cease  to  work,  and  employ  poor 
warriors  to  till  their  land,  and  so  the  distinction  between  the 
classes  would  pass  away;"45  yet  the  moderate  holdings  of  the 
peasants  were  zealously  protected  by  law  and  by  precept,  so 
that  they  would  not  become  too  poor.  They  should  know  in 
general,  but  not  in  exact  detail,  how  their  lands  were  valued, 
how  their  taxes  were  remitted  or  reduced  in  hard  years,  and 
what  were  the  finances  of  the  entire  fief  or  domain  land.46 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  267 

Nor  was  the  penal  law  given  publicity  among  them,47  and 
most  legal  provisions  came  to  them  in  the  form  of  moral 
admonitions.45  Yet  the  peasants  were  fairly  well  advised  as 
to  the  general  nature  of  the  rights  and  obligations  of  their 
own  class  and  of  the  officials  directly  concerned  with  their 
affairs'.  This  knowledge  was  further  reinforced  by  a  qualified 
right  granted  the  peasants  to  appeal  from  an  unjust  official  to 
the  baron  or  intendant,  and  thence  to  the  suzerain's  council.49 
Much  of  this  paternalism  and  this  limited  publicity  and 
protection  was  extended  to  the  rural  population  by  the  rulers, 
and  was  utilized  by  the  latter,  in  a  manner  at  once  effective 
and  characteristic  of  their  general  policy.  Ever  since  the 
Reform  of  645,  the  Chinese  village  institution  known  usually 
as  pao  or  lin  had  been  familiar  to  Japan.  It  consisted  in 
dividing  the  inhabitants  of  each  village  into  groups  each 
comprising  a  certain  number  of  house-fathers,  who  were  held 
responsible  for  the  order,  the  good  behavior,  and  the  perfor- 
mance of  the  political  obligations  of  all  the  members  of  the 
respective  groups.50  The  institution  was  copied  in  Japan  after 
the  seventh  century,51  and,  despite  the  general  social  changes 
which  followed,  lingered  till  the  beginning  of  the  seventeeth. 
Then  the  early  Tokugawa  government  seized  upon  it,  and 
forced  it  on  the  lower  warrior  classes  and  the  entire  village 
and  municipal  population  throughout  the  realm.52  The  normal 
group  of  peasants,  usually  termed  the  five-man  group,  consist- 
ed of  five  land-holding  house-fathers  living  near  together,  with 
all  their  family-members,  dependents,  and  tenants.53  It  was 
continually  ordered,  and  the  order  was  well  carried  out,  that 
every  inhabitant  in  the  village,  no  matter  what  his  status  or 
tenure,  should  be  incorporated  into  the  system.54  That  this 
old  institution  should  now  be,  as  it  was,  so  eagerly  resuscitated 
and  so  universally  extended,  was  evidently  due  to  a  belief 
based  upon  the  past  experience  in  China  and  Japan,  that  the 
system  would  enable  the  rulers  to  attain  with  the  least 
possible  cost  and  friction  a  large  part  of  the  aims  of  village 
administration — to  secure  peace  and  order,  to  afford  the  exact 
degree  of  control  and  freedom  that  was  deemed  necessary,  to 
insure  a  prompt  return  of  the  taxes,  to  inculcate  the  moral 
principles  most  desirable  in  an  agricultural  society  under  a 
feudal  regime,  and,  above  all,  to  hold  the  people  responsible 
for  most  of  these  results. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  III.  19 


268  -ST.  Asahawa,  [1910. 

Let  us  observe  how  these  things  were  done  through  this 
simple  institution.  The  responsibilities  and  the  rules  of  conduct 
of  the  villagers  were  made  known  to  them  through  edicts, 
public  sign-boards,  and  also  oral  exhortations  given  by  the 
intendant  or  bailiff  and  the  village-head.55  The  more  impor- 
tant of  these  rules  were  re-iterated  to  the  peasants  with  great 
persistence.56  Gradually,  from  about  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  the  older  custom  of  certain  warrior- officials  to 
present  to  their  lords  written  pledge  under  oath  to  fulfil  their 
orders,  repeating  them  as  nearly  as  was  practicable  in  the 
form  they  had  been  given,  was  extended  to  the  five-man  group 
in  the  village  with  respect  to  its  duties.  By  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  there  probably  were  few  villages  in  Japan 
that  did  not  keep  their  so-called  group-records  (kumi-cho).*\ 
The  record  began  with  an  enumeration  of  such  laws  and 
precepts  as  had  been  repeatedly  given  to  the  villagers,  and. 
ended  with  an  oath  that  those  would  be  strictly  obeyed  and 
enforced  in  the  village.  All  the  house-fathers  put  their  names 
and  seals  after  the  oath  in  the  order  of  their  groups  in  the 
village.  The  record  was  then  periodically — in  some  instances 
as  often  as  four  times  in  the  year  or  even  once  a  month- 
read  and  fully  explained  by  the  village-head  to  all  the  people 
in  his  charge.  As  new  laws  were  enacted,  or  as  the  village 
population  changed,  the  record  was  revised  and  made  anew, 
with  the  usual  oath  and  affixed  seals.58 

These  laws,59  which  were  thus  published  among  the  people 
through  edicts,  sign-boards  and  group-records,  and  for  the 
execution  of  which  the  peasants  were  held  responsible  by  means 
of  the  system  of  the  five-man  group,  are  among  the  important 
sources  for  the  study  of  our  subject.  Attempts  may  be  made 
to  reconstruct  the  rural  government  under  the  Tokugawa  upon 
the  basis  of  these  laws.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that 
they  were  never  the  whole  of  the  laws  relating  to  village 
administration.  As  has  been  stated,  the  penal  side  of  the 
laws  was,  except  in  a  few  rare  cases,  carefully  concealed  from 
the  peasants,  the  latter  being  merely  told  what  to  do  and  what 
not  to  do.47  Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that,  even  after 
studying  penal  laws  from  other  sources,  we  could  not  be  certain 
that  all  the  law  thus  collected  presented  a  sound  basis  for  a 
discussion  of  the  entire  subject.  In  order  to  obtain  a  com- 
prehensive survey  of  the  institutional  life  of  the  village,  it 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  269 

would  seem  that  one  should  do  three  more  things  from  a 
vastly  greater  amount  of  materials.  The  laws  should  be  inter- 
preted in  the  light  of  the  social  and  political  conditions  which 
called  them  forth.  Then  it  should  be  studied  how  far  the 
laws  were  actually  enforced,  how  much  they  accomplished  the 
result  they  were  purported  to  bring  about,  and  how  they 
reacted  upon  the  society.  Finally,  one  should  carefully  examine 
if  there  were  not  certain  conditions  in  the  life  of  the  village 
and  of  the  nation  that  were  too  universal  or  too  vital  to  find 
expression  in  the  laws  or  to  be  materially  affected  by  their 
operation. 

From  these  points  of  view,  it  may  almost  be  said  that  the 
first  problem  of  the  village  administration  under  the  Tokugawa, 
— of  the  paternal  rule  over  the  responsible  village  and  the 
five-man  group, — concerned  its  financial  affairs,  and  that  most 
of  its  other  features  were  so  modelled  as  to  facilitate  the 
collection  of  the  taxes.  Simple  morals  were  inculcated  for 
the  sake  of  peace  and  order,  and  economic  life  was  carefully 
regulated  for  the  maintenance  of  moderate  prosperity,  but  the 
peace  and  the  prosperity  subserved  steady  fiscal  returns  of 
the  village.  Nor  is  this  strange  when  we  consider  that  the 
peasants  constituted  the  large  class  of  people  whose  foremost 
part  in  the  life  of  the  State  was  to  furnish  the  means  to 
carry  on  the  government  of  the  nation.  The  warriors  ruled 
the  peasants,  and  the  peasants  fed  the  warriors  and  them- 
selves. Few  provisions  of  the  laws  for  the  village  had  no  bearing, 
direct  or  indirect,  upon  the  subject  of  taxation;  few  phases  of 
the  entire  structure  of  the  feudal  rule  and  of  national  welfare 
were  not  deeply  influenced  by  the  solution  of  this  fundamental 
problem.  It  is,  therefore,  not  impossible,  as  we  are  about  to 
do,  to  treat  the  whole  subject  of  village  government  with  its 
financial  problem  as  its  center. 

If  we  might  be  allowed  to  anticipate  a  conclusion  of  this 

discussion,  we  should  venture  to  say:  it  was  probably  inevitable, 

but  it  was  none  the  less  a  tragic  outcome  of  the  Tokugawa 

regime,  that,  between  the  mounting  expenses  of  the  government 

and  the  falling  or,  at  best,  stationary  productivity  of  the  soil. 

the   taxes   should,   as  they   did,  grind  upon  the  peasants  with 

increasing   weight,   and  that  this   fundamental  malady  should 

uuilly  sap  the  vitality,  not  of  the  nation,  but  of  the  whole 

•vernment.     It  has  often  been  said  that  had  there 

1!' 


270  K.  Ascikawa,  [1910. 

been  no  pressure  from  foreign  Powers  causing  the  downfall  of 
the  Tokugawa  government  in  1868,  its  days  had  then  been  all 
but  numbered,  and  the  statement  seems  the  most  tenable 
on  the  financial  side  of  the  question.  That  such  a  result  was 
inevitable  appears  to  have  been  due  primarily  to  the  fact  that, 
from  the  economic  standpoint,  the  feudal  system  in  general 
was  costly,  and  that  the  Japanese  feudalism  after  1600  was 
particularly  wasteful. 

It  needs  no  reminder  that  feudalism  as  such  would  afford 
too  inefficient  an  economic  organization  for  a  government  whose 
growing  budgets  must  be  supported  only  by  an  increasing 
wealth  of  the  nation.  Agriculture,  upon  which  the  feudal 
society  was  built,  was  at  the  mercy  of  natural  forces,  and  at 
its  best  could  not  support  a  large  population.  What  few  people 
subsisted  therein  could  not  hope  to  increase  their  wealth  at  a 
rapid  rate  or  on  a  large  scale,  because  they  were  encumbered 
by  regulations  designed  to  maintain  rigid  and  stable  classes 
of  society,  and  by  customs  which  frowned  upon  sudden  de- 
partures from  the  settled  routine  of  life,  and  because  the 
intercommunication  between  the  fiefs  was  inadequate,  if  not 
restricted.  Even  when  it  was  tolerably  free,  its  economic 
value  was  small,  in  proportion  that  money  was  scarce,  credit 
undeveloped,  and  capital  immobile.  Under  these  conditions, 
both  the  population  and  the  wealth  of  a  normal  feudal  society 
would,  as  long  as  it  retained  its  character,  remain  almost 
stationary. 

It  will,  however,  require  an  explanation  that  the  economic 
organization  of  Japan  under  the  Tokugawa  was  abnormally 
wasteful  even  as  a  feudal  society.  Out  of  the  many  circum- 
stances that  may  be  thought  to  have  contributed  to  this  state 
of  things,  we  may  introduce  three  at  this  stage  of  discussion, 
namely: — the  separation  of  the  warrior  from  land;  an  exhaustive 
degree  of  paternalism,  attended  by  some  serious  errors,  in  the 
economic  policy  of  the  government;  and  finally,  a  long  reign 
of  peace  breeding  luxury  and  extravagance.  The  first  of 
these  conditions  awaited  the  Tokugawa  at  their  accession  to 
power  in  1600. 

(1)  Separation  of  arms  from  land.  It  has  already  been 
alluded  to  that  the  continual  turmoil  during  the  period  of  feudal 
anarchy  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  had  forced 
many  a  warrior  to  become  a  professional  fighter,  and  to  leave 


Vol.  xxx.]        Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  271 

the  country  and  to  live  near  his  lord's  castle.  The  introduc- 
tion of  gun-powder  about  1543,  and  the  consequent  progress 
in  organized  tactics,  accelerated  this  process.  A  further 
impetus  was  given  by  Nobunaga  and  Hideyoshi,  who  for 
political  reasons  forced  large  bodies  of  warriors  to  migrate 
from  one  place  to  another.  During  the  period  of  civil  wars, 
the  military  service  of  the  vassal  was  often  compensated  for 
in  money  or  in  rice.  When  a  baron  apportioned  a  piece  of 
land  to  his  vassal,  it  often  meant  that  the  latter  was  granted 
the  right  over  the  dues  from  the  land  ($f  ^  0  1$  ft], 
instead  of  over  the  land  itself  ("f  $fa  (7)  £p  'ff).  In  this 
case,  he  was  far  from  overseeing  its  cultivation  in  person,  for 
he  lived  in  his  lord's  castle-town. 

This  custom  had  so  long  been  established  in  1600,  was  so 
strongly  reinforced  by  the  increase  of  dispossessed  warriors 
of  the  Osaka  party  in  that  and  subsequent  years,  and  indeed 
so  much  facilitated  the  control  of  the  warrior  class,  that  the 
Tokugawa  found  it  not  only  impossible,  but  also  impolitic,  to 
return  to  the  older  system  of  feudal  arrangement.60 

It  was  a  natural  order  of  things  that  the  congregation  of 
warriors  in  the  castle-towns,  and,  as  it  was  now  required  of 
a  large  number  of  warriors  in  each  fief,  in  the  assigned 
quarters  in  Bdo,  should  tend  toward  a  greater  cost  of  living 
than  before.  What  was  more  important,  the  separation  of 
arms  and  land  made  the  collection  of  taxes  more  indirect  and 
expensive  than  in  former  days.  It  was  common  in  the  early 
years  of  the  fourteenth  century  that  a  knight  with  his  atten- 
dants on  foot  could  be  maintained  on  seven  acres  of  the 
average  rice-land.  Such  a  condition  was,  however,  regarded 
unthinkable  in  the  Tokugawa  period,61  and  the  difference  was 
generally  attributed62  to  the  greater  cost  of  living  and  of  tax- 
collection  due  to  the  warrior's  absence  from  the  country.  It 
will  be  seen  later  how  the  otherwise  expensive  system  of  in- 
direct collection  through  several  grades  of  officials  led,  also, 
to  inevitable  leakage  and  corruption.63 

(2)  Economic  paternalism.  In  their  zeal  at  once  to  secure 
rural  tranquility  and  to  insure  steady  returns  of  the  taxes, 
the  Tokugawa  rulers  continued  throughout  the  period  to  enact 
and  enforce  minute  regulations  of  agriculture,  which  must 
have  had  a  benumbing  effect  upon  the  economic  sense  of  the 
people.  In  one  fief,  the  hereditery  estate  of  the  peasant 


272  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

family  was  limited  to  between  500  and  5000  momme  in  pro- 
ductive value,  representing  probably  about  1.25  to  12.5  acres 
of  the  average  rice-land,  and  in  few  places  in  Japan  estates 
smaller  than  10  Icoku  in  assessed  productive  value,  or  perhaps 
about  2.5  acres  of  the  same  quality  of  land,  were  allowed  to 
be  divided  amongst  children.64  Agriculture  was  encouraged 
with  great  care.  The  villagers  should  look  after  the  fields  of 
those  who  were  unable  to  work,  and  all  should  equally  share 
the  disaster  of  a  drought  or  an  inundation.  Subsidiary  occu- 
pations, especially  the  production  and  manufacture  of  silk, 
were  in  many  places  fostered  and  controlled.65  Careless 
cutting  of  bamboo  and  trees,66  the  raising  of  useless  and 
harmful  crops,  including  tobacco,67  the  building  of  new  houses 
upon  cultivated  land,  and  a  host  of  other  actions,  were  for- 
bidden on  pain  of  joint  punishment  of  the  village  or  the  group. 
Public  granaries 6S  were  established  everywhere,  and  the  manu- 
facture of  sake^  was  kept  within  bounds. 

Other  occupations  received  perhaps  more  interference  and 
certainly  much  less  fostering  care  than  did  agriculture.  The 
change  of  a  peasant  into  a  merchant  was  not  permitted. 7(> 
The  dimensions  of  woven  fabrics,  the  output  of  merchandise, 
and  the  scale  of  wages  of  several  forms  of  labor,  were  often 
fixed  by  law,  while  commercial  transactions  at  rates  higher 
or  lower  than  current  prices  were  declared  illegal.71  The 
repeated  debasing  of  coins  by  the  Edo  government,  and  the 
unfortunate  custom  of  allowing  certain  cities  to  issue  copper 
coins  and  many  fiefs  to  circulate  paper  currency,72  must  have 
seriously  interfered  with  the  growth  of  credit  and  legitimate 
commerce,  and  reacted  unfavorably  upon  the  economic  life  of 
the  village. 

Most  stringent  were  restrictions  relating  to  communication. 
There  were  many  barriers  at  strategic  points  on  the  approaches 
to  Edo,  and,  besides,  minor  passes  impeded  travel  between 
and  even  within  fiefs.73  Indeed,  the  very  village  could  be 
considered  a  barrier  in  itself,  for  no  unknown  character 
should  find  in  it  even  a  night's  lodging,  it  being  illicit  even 
for  a  hotel  to  keep  an  unaccompanied  stranger  for  more  than 
one  night.  Nor  should  the  peasant  go  out  of  the  village  to 
pass  a  night  elsewhere  without  an  explicit  understanding  with 
village  officials.  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  regulations  of 
communication  were  enforced  with  a  large  measure  of  success.74 


Vol.  xxx.]       Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  273 

It  would  be  unjust,  however,  not  to  appreciate  the  probable 
motives  which  had  compelled  the  authorities  to  issue  these 
paternal  measures  of  economic  control.  The  prosperity  of  the 
warrior  and  the  peasant  depending  on  the  success  of  the  rice 
harvest,  their  interests  were,  especially  in  bad  years,  largely 
common,  but  antagonistic  to  that  of  the  rice  merchant.'27  If, 
in  years  of  rich  crops,  the  peasant  rejoiced  and  the  warrior 
suffered,  for  the  latters  income  in  rice  would  sell  cheap,  even 
then  the  merchant,  who  bought  the  grains  at  a  low  price, 
pleased  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  It  was  considered 
essential  for  the  officials  to  insure  the  steady,  mild  prosperity 
of  the  farmers,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  prevent  the  merchants 
from  profiting  at  the  expense  of  the  rulers  and  the  bulk  of 
the  ruled.  Few  things  were  more  dreaded  as  a  dissolvent 
force  of  social  organisation,  than  the  passing  of  the  control 
of  the  economic  life  of  the  nation  from  the  warrior  to  the 
merchant.7411  It  is  an  important  phase  of  the  history  of  this 
period,  which  falls  beyond  the  scope  of  this  paper,  that  this 
perilous  situation  steadily  grew  up  despite  all  the  effort  of 
the  feudal  government  to  arrest  its  progress.  The  presentiment 
felt  by  the  authorities  of  this  impending  crisis  is  reflected  in 
the  nervous  zeal  with  which  they  continually  issued  strict 
economic  measures,  some  of  which  have  been  described. 

(3)  Peace  and  luxury.  It  would  be  difficult  to  gage  the 
evils  of  so  extreme  a  form  of  economic  paternalism,  for, 
immense  as  they  must  have  been,  they  were  largely  negative. 
Flagrant,  positive  evils  resulted  from  the  long  period  of  peace 
lasting  for  more  than  two  and  a  half  centuries,— the  golden 
peace  for  the  creation  of  which  the  founders  of  the  Tokugawa 
regime  had  exhausted  their  wisdom,  with  so  large  a  degree 
of  success,  and  which  enabled  the  brilliant  civilisation  of  the 
Edo  period  to  rise. 

We  have  space  enough  merely  to  allude  to  the  enormous 
expenses  which  the  peace  policy  of  the  suzerain  entailed  upon 
all  the  barons  throughout  Japan.  The  baron's  own  income, 
after  deducting  from  it  the  emoluments  for  his  retainers,  was 
seldom  large,  and  yet  he  had  to  bear  sundry  expenses  very 
onerous  in  proportion  to  his  means,  and,  besides,  render  his 
regular,  though  seemingly  voluntary,  dues  to  the  suzerain. 
Other  occasional  requisitions  from  the  latter  for  special  pur- 
poses were  a  source  of  continual  embarrassment  to  the  baron. 


274  ZT.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

Many  a  baron  was  thus  obliged  to  borrow  heavily  from  his 
vassals,  who  could  rarely  expect  reimbursement.  Unfortunately, 
when  the  circumstances  of  the  baron  and  the  vassals  became 
more  straitened,  their  luxurious  habits  had  advanced  too  far 
to  be  checked,  much  less  to  be  eradicated.  What  had  greatly 
tended  to  bring  about  this  condition  was  the  fact  that  each 
baron  was  obliged  to  pay  his  annual  visit  to  the  suzerain's 
court  at  Edo  with  his  full  retinue,  and  to  maintain  two 
establishments  worthy  of  his  rank,  one  at  the  Capital  and  the 
other  at  his  castle-town.  Edo  was  the  fountain-head  of  luxury 
and  extravagance,  and  its  fashions  were  through  this  system 
of  continual  communication  quickly  diffused  into  all  the  chief 
centers  of  culture.  There  was  little  doubt  that  the  system 
helped  the  prosperity  of  the  Capital  and  of  the  towns  on  the 
high  roads,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  warriors  and  peasants. 
It  was  the  suzerain's  policy  to  impoverish  the  barons,  and  it 
was  the  barons'  part  to  replenish  their  coffers  from  the 
peasants.  The  periodic  absence  of  the  baron  and  some  of  his 
vassals  at  Edo  had  also  resulted  in  many  a  case  in  conspiracy 
or  corruption  among  the  retainres  in  the  fief,  which  again 
bore  heavily  upon  the  tax-paying  class.75 

In  the  meantime,  the  suzerain's  own  finances  at  Edo, 
despite  the  great  care  with  which  the  fiscal  administration  of 
his  domain  lands  through  his  intendants  was  supervised, 
showed  deficits  that  swelled  as  the  luxury  of  his  court  pro- 
gressed. They  were  barely  balanced  by  the  seigniorage  derived 
from  an  increasing  adulteration  of  the  gold  and  silver  cur- 
rency.72 Many  of  the  suzerain's  immediate  vassals  residing  at 
Edo  were  plunged  into  abject  poverty.76 

Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  there  was  something  radi- 
cally anomalous  in  the  very  idea  of  a  perpetual  tranquillity 
of  a  feudal  society — an  "armed  peace,"  or,  peace  of  an  agri- 
cultural community  guarded  exclusively  by  a  warrior  class 
which  did  neither  fight  nor  produce.  All  the  numerous 
sumptuary  laws77  enacted  during  this  period  for  the  warrior 
classes  could  not  check  the  growth  of  luxury  and  extravagance 
of  the  unproductive  and  unoccupied  men  of  arms.  Indeed, 
sumptuary  laws  in  a  society  where  one  class  produces  at  best 
a  fixed  amount  of  wealth,  and  the  other  spends  it  on  an 
increasing  scale,  are  highly  significant.  Here  they  are  always 
necessary  and  always  ineffective. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Notes  on  Villages  Government  in  Japan.  275 

All  these  evils  were  greatly  intensified  by  the  luxurious 
habits  that  had  seized  upon  the  peasants  themselves.  Before 
we  discuss  the  effects  of  peace  and  luxury  upon  the  econcrtnic 
life  of  the  village,  let  us  first  observe  how  the  peace  itself 
had  been  secured  therein. 

Here,  again,  the  paternalism  of  the  government  was,  for 
evident  reasons,  hardly  less  exhaustive  than  in  other  matters 
of  village  administration.  The  family  institutions— marriage, 
adoption,  succession,  and  inheritance — were  well  guarded  and 
controlled.  The  group  and  the  entire  village  were  made  to 
be  actively  interested  in  the  peace  and  in  the  maintenance  of 
each  household.78  The  peasants  should  watch  and  correct 
one  another's  conduct,79  and  disputes  should  as  far  as  possible 
be  adjusted  by  mutual  conciliation. 8°  Private  expulsion  of  an 
unruly  member  was  rarely  permitted,81  while  sales  of  persons 
were  illegal.82  Virtues  which  were  inculcated  among  the 
villagers,  and  for  the  practice  of  many  of  which  they  were 
made  responsible,  were:  filial  piety,  concord  within  the  family, 
diligence,  patience,  obedience,  charity,  and  mutual  helpfulness 
in  the  hamlet.83  It  was  a  common  duty  of  the  village  to 
provide  necessary  measures  for  preventing  and  extinguishing 
fires,  and  arresting  robbers  and  disorderly  persons.84  Most 
heinous  were  riots  of  all  kinds;  for  the  mobbing  of  an  inten- 
dant's  office,  for  example,  not  only  were  the  culpable  parties 
beheaded,  but  also  the  village-officials  were  fined,  deprived  of 
land-holdings,  or  banished.85  Peasants  were  strictly  forbidden 
to  own  fire-arms  or  to  carry  swords.86  It  has  already  been 
shown  that  no  one  might  without  permission  lodge  a  stranger 
or  himself  stay  out  of  the  village  even  for  one  night.74  All  the 
servants  hired  into  the  village  had  personal  sureties  responsible 
for  their  good  behavior.87  Catholic  converts  were  excluded 
most  rigorously.88  Dealings  in  smuggled  foreign  wares  were 
forbidden.89  No  books  interdicted  by  the  censor  were  to  be 
admitted,90  while  the  study  of  Confucian  classics  by  the 
peasants  was  discouraged.6  Festivals  should  not  be  celebrated 
on  a  larger  than  the  usual  scale,  and  no  novel  religious  sects  or 
practices  should  be  initiated.  The  Buddhist  church,  whose  rights 
were  very  narrowly  circumscribed,  was  utilized  as  an  agent  of 
peace  and  contentment.91  It  is  not  possible  to  enumerate  other 
details  of  the  careful  measures  which  were  provided  for  the  pur- 
pose of  maintaining  the  unity  of  village  customs  and  population. 


276  K  Asakawa,  [1910. 

It  is  more  important  to  know  that  not  only  did  these 
measures  successfully  insure  the  social  stability  for  which  they 
were  intended,  hut  the  effects  they  produced  contained  evils 
which  could  not  have  been  entirely  foreseen,  but  which,  once 
grown,  no  new  laws  could  eradicate.  The  artificial,  dead 
peace,  together  with  the  debased  currency  of  the  period,  had 
continually  tended  to  breed  luxury  even  among  the  toiling 
population  of  the  village,  and,  furthermore,  luxury  did  often 
so  operate  as  to  reduce  the  productive  capacity  of  the  peasant 
family.  The  logic  of  this  serious  condition  is  clearly  shown 
in  an  outspoken  memorial92  written  in  1790  by  a  man  in  the 
Sendai  fief  who  was  familiar  with  rural  conditions  of  the 
period  and  strove  to  improve  them. 

"Formerly",  says  he  in  one  passage  of  this  interesting 
document,  "when  the  farmer  could  bring  up  two,  three,  four 
or  five  sons,  all  the  younger  sons  were  hired  out  by  other 
farmers  as  soon  as  they  were  old  enough,  saved  their  wages, 
and  married  or  were  adopted  into  families.  There  was  every- 
where an  abundant  supply  of  cheap  labor  for  the  field.  The 
farmers  could  also  keep  horses,  which  yielded  manure.  The 
productive  power  of  the  soil  was  therefore  large,  and  rice  was 
plentiful.  They  could  likewise  afford  daughters.  Marriage 
was  inexpensive,  the  population  increased  at  the  normal  rate, 
and  the  Heavenly  Law  was  fulfilled."  But  now,  continues  the 
writer,  marriages  cost  the  man  nearly  30  kwan  and  the  woman's 
family  almost  40.  It  being  increasingly  hard  to  maintain  a 
household,  the  average  peasant  seldom  had  more  than  three 
children,  and  the  poorer  tenant  only  one  child.  Labor  was 
scarce  and  dear,  having  risen  from  5  or  6  Itwan  to  more 
than  10,  and  rising  every  year.  Horses  were  fewer,  and  manure 
less.  It  being  in  many  instances  impossible  to  take  care  of 
one's  own  holding,  it  was  rented  to  some  one  else  who  seemed 
willing  to  till  it,  but  who  would  be  inclined  to  neglect  the 
land  that  was  not  his  own.  In  recent  years  most  land  yielded 
on  the  average  only  15  to  16  koJcu  per  did  (74.5  to  79.5  bushels 
per  2.45  acres),  instead  of  the  former  average  of  20  (nearly 
100  bushels).  Yet  the  peasants  understood  little  the  cause 
of  their  trouble,  and  did  not  abate  their  thoughtless  extra- 
vagance. 

It  is  true  that  this  document  speaks  of  conditions  in  a 
particular  fief,  but,  while  some  districts  fared  better,  there 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  277 

were  others  whose  lot  was  still  worse.93  The  universal  and 
persistent  enactment  of  sumptuary  regulations  for  the  rural 
population 94  has  led  some  writers  to  fancy  that  the  Japanese 
peasants  must  have  been  a  model  of  frugality,  but  it  is  another 
evidence  of  the  prevailing  trend  for  needless  luxury  and  the 
increasing  difficulty  of  checking  it.  The  village  life  under  the 
Tokugawa  would,  of  course,  be  considered  extremely  simple, 
according  to  the  modern  standard,  but  it  was  in  many  places 
positively  extravagant  in  proportion  to  their  limited  earning 
capacity.115 

To  sum  up  the  forgoing  discussion  of  the  wastefulness  of 
the  Tokugawa  feudalism.  Peace  and  luxury  led  the  peasants 
to  spend,  and  the  same  condition,  added  to  the  peculiar  feudal 
arrangement  of  the  period,  impelled  the  warriors  more  and 
more  to  absorb,  the  wealth  of  the  nation  that,  owing  to  the 
exclusion  of  foreign  trade  and  to  the  inadequate  economic 
organisation  of  society,  could  not  be  increased  correspondingly, 
and  did  in  many  instances  diminish.  We  shall  discuss  briefly 
how  these  conditions  influenced  the  system  of  taxation,  and 
how  the  latter  reacted  upon  the  life  of  the  village. 

The  taxation  of  the  Tokugawa  period  clearly  reflects  the 
important  characteristics  of  its  feudal  system.  The  separation 
of  the  warrior  from  land  had  resulted  in  the  peasant's  finan- 
cial obligations  acquiring  the  general  appearance  of  being 
public  taxes  to  the  government,  rather  than  personal  dues  to 
the  lord.  The  State  as  a  whole  was  largely  feudal,  but  smaller 
districts  were  more  bureaucratic  than  feudal,  and  it  is  here 
that  one  has  to-  discover  the  working  of  the  system  of  taxation. 
There  was  very  little  in  the  whole  system  that  savored  of 
obligations  due  directly  from  the  peasant  to  the  lord.  .There 
were  no  banalities;  whatever  corvee  originated  in  the  per- 
sonal relationship  had  become  overshadowed  by  or  incor- 
porated into  the  corvee  for  the  public;  the  peasant  had 
no  opportunity  to  entertain  the  lord  at  his  own  house,  and 
was  explicitly  forbidden  to  entertain  his  agents;  and  con- 
tions  of  land  were  rare  and  meant  merely  changes  of 
cultivators. 

The  principal  tax  was  the  land-tax,  levied,  as  has  been 
said,35  not  upon  each  peasant  as  an  individual  person,  but  on 
the  officially  determined  productive  capacity  of  each  holding. 
From  the  purely  fiscal  point  of  view,  the  peasant  would  be 


278  K.  Asdkawa,  [1910. 

considered    an   instrument   to    make  the   holding    continue  to 
yield  what  it  should. 

The  Tokugawa  inherited  this  system  from  the  earlier  feudal 
ages,  which  in  their  turn  had  accepted,  though  with  serious 
changes,  the  Chinese  notion  of  land-tax  adopted  in  Japan  in 
the  seventh  century.  "We  are  unable  here  to  trace  the  interesting 
evolution  of  this  tax  in  Japanese  history,  but  the  following 
data  would  be  necessary  for  an  understanding  of  the  Tokugawa 
system.  The  land-tax  was  originally,  when  it  was  copied 
from  China,  a  capitation-tax,  paid  by  the  head  of  each  family 
as  a  unit,  but  assessed  on  the  basis  of  the  equal  pieces  of 
land  alloted  to  all  the  peasants  in  the  family  above  five  years 
of  age.  From  thus  being  a  personal  imposition  levied  through 
the  family,  the  tax  changed,  during  the  transitional  and  the 
first  feudal  periods,  into  a  tax  still  levied  through  the  family 
(now  nearly  identical  with  the  house) 51  but  assessed  on  its 
land -holdings.  From  this  point  on,  this  fundamental  nature 
of  the  tax  remained  constant,  but  the  method  of  its  assessment, 
which  had  been  made  uncertain  at  the  aforesaid  change  in 
the  nature  of  the  tax,  gradually  tended  to  become  uniform 
and  definite.  At  length,  under  Hideyoshi,  at  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  the  principle  had  been  firmly  established 
that  the  tax  on  each  holding  should  be  assessed  at  a  certain 
rate  upon  the  annual  productive  capacity  measured  and  recorded 
in  terms  of  hulled  rice.95 

In  the  meantime,  the  ratio  between  the  tax  on  land  and 
its  annual  productivity,  which  in  the  eighth  century  was  at 
most  5  per  cent,  had  risen  high  during  the  thirteenth,  due 
largely  to  the  fact  that  the  land-tax  superseded  other  taxes, 
and  then  remained  substantially  the  same  till  1600  at  50  per 
cent,  more  or  less.  A  strong  tradition  had  grown  up  that 
the  tax  should  not  be  raised  much  beyond  this  limit.  Nor 
could  this  rate,  high  as  it  may  seem,  be  considered  extortionate 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  period.  For,  it  should  be 
remembered  that,  in  the  conception  of  the  feudal  lawyer,  the 
peasant  was  the  virtual  but  not  the  theoretical  owner30  of  the 
land  he  tilled,  and  his  land-tax  was  rather  a  rent  than  a  tax. 
Even  as  a  rent,  the  rate  could  not  be  said  to  have  been 
always  excessive.  When,  after  the  fall  of  the  feudal  govern- 
ment, a  complete  survey  of  the  cultivated  area  of  Japan  was 
made  between  1873  and  1881,  it  was  discovered  that  an 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  279 

annual  tax  of  3  °/o  of  the  average  assessed  value  of  agri- 
cultural land  would  give  a  sum  equal  to  the  land-tax  levied 
under  the  feudal  rule.96 

In  1600,  when  the  Tokugawa  came  to  power,  they  accepted 
in  general  the  current  method  of  assessing  the  productivity 
of  land  and  the  prevalent  tax-rate,  and  modified  and  elaborated 
them  with  their  characteristic  care.  While  they  were  in  no 
position  to  initiate  a  much  lower  rate  of  taxation,  they  showed 
an  unmistakable  disposition  to  lighten  the  burden  of  the 
peasant  by  various  devices,  some  of  which  follow. 

(1)  The  annual  productive  power  of  each  land-holding  was 
measured    with   scrupulous    care,    and    determined   usually    a 
little  below  its  actual  capacity.97    What  was  more,  there  was 
a  constant  tendency  to  make  the  tax-rate  itself  definitely  fixed 
beyond  the  caprice  of  the  collector.    This  rate,  even  including 
the  minor  levies98  connected  with  the  main  tax,  was,  at  least 
in  the  domain  land,  often  below  50  °/o."    The  assessment  was 
probably   at   the   time    considered  as  not  unreasonable.     The 
apparent  iniquity  of  the  feudal  tax  arose,  not  so  much  from 
its  rates,  as  from  the  method  of  its  collection,  and  from  the 
too   infrequent   revision   of  the   recorded   productivity  of  the 
holdings.     The   former   of  these  difficulties  will  be  discussed 
in   the  Notes  ^2  &  103.     AS   regards  the  -latter,    the    probably 
complete  records  made  during  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,    and    the    confessedly    partial    revision   of  the    early 
eighteenth   century,  seem  to   have  remained  unaltered  except 
in    cases    of  urgent   need.     It   is    easy  to   see  that  both  the 
area   and   the   productivity  of  most  pieces  of  land  must  have 
changed   much   during   the   more   than   two  centuries   of  the 
regime.      That    such   was    the    case    was    abundantly   proved 
during  the  recent  survey  just  referred  to.100 

(2)  The  Tokugawa  government   allowed  a  greater  freedom 
than   in  the  earlier  period  of  partially  commuting  the  land- 
tax   into   money.^   Local   customs   varied    on    this    point,    but 
frequently  as  much  as  half  the  tax  was  thus  paid  in  money.101 
That  this  was  an  important  gain  for  the  peasant  will  be  seen 
when  we   note   that   the  village  was  held  responsible  for  the 
collection102  of  the  tax,   and  for  its  transportation,   either  to 
Edo,  if  the  village  was  situated  in  a  domain  land,  or  to  the 
lord's  store-houses,  if  it  formed  a  part  of  a  fief.103    This  burden 
remained  oppressive,  for  no  region  was  permitted  to  commute 


280  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

all  its  taxes  into  money,    but   the   burden  would    have    been 
greater  but  for  the  limited  commutation  allowed. 

(3)  The  old  system  of  remitting  taxes  for  special  reasons 
was  minutely  elaborated  under  the  Tokugawa.  Remissions 
partial  or  entire,  temporary  or  permanent,  were  granted  to 
wood  and  waste  land,  land  reserved  for  public  purposes,  newly 
tilled  land,  land  once  recorded  but  long  since  non-existent, 
land  wasted  by  natural  calamities,  and  the  like.104  In  this 
connection  may  also  be  mentioned  the  loans  of  seed-rice  and 
rice  for  food  issued  by  the  authorities  in  bad  years.105 

In  fact,  the  land-tax  could  not,  from  its  very  nature  and 
from  the  strength  of  the  customary  law,  be  increased  beyond, 
say,  60  per  cent.,  at  most,  of  the  estimated  productivity  of  the 
soil.  There  were  other  items  of  taxation,  however,  which 
could  be  and  were,  especially  in  fiefs,  expanded  almost  in- 
definitely. These  were:  corvees,  sundry  customary  taxes,  and 
special  taxes  on  products  and  occupations.  Generally  speaking, 
all  the  three  kinds  of  taxes  were  apt  to  be  more  uniform  in 
the  domain  land  than  in  the  fief,  and,  within  the  latter,  in 
the  baron's  own  land  than  in  the  land  granted  to  the  vassal. 

The  corvees  were  of  two  different  kinds:  labor  for  the 
baron  or  his  vassal,  whichever  it  may  be,  who  had  the  superior 
right  over  the  land  in  which  the  peasant  lived,  and  labor  for 
the  public.  The  former  was  rendered  in  repairing  the  fences 
and  thatched  roofs  of  the  lord's  buildings,  transporting  his 
wood  for  fuel,  and  the  like;  the  latter  consisted  mainly  in 
repairing  roads,  bridges  and  other  public  works.  The  corvees 
were  levied  either  on  the  holding  in  land  or  on  the  adult 
peasant,  and  were  often  commuted  in  money.  They  were 
sometimes,  in  the  first  part  of  the  period,  partially  paid  for, 
and  the  expenses  for  extraordinary  public  works,  as,  for  example, 
after  a  flood  or  an  earthquake,  continued  to  be  supplied  by 
the  authorities.  The  general  tendency  in  the  fiefs  was,  however, 
toward  a  gradual  increase  of  the  imposition  of  unpaid  labor. 
In  1616,  the  corvee  in  the  Akita  fief  was  236  day-men  per 
100  hoku]  in  1845,  it  was  in  the  Sendai  fief  as  high  as  6000  or 
more  day- men.  In  1799,  the  Mito  fief  employed  nearly  two 
million  day-men  out  of  the  peasant  population  of  two  hundred 
thousand.106  These  figures  do  not  include  the  poorly  paid 
service  of  the  post-horse  system,  which  proved  a  great  burden 
to  peasants  near  the  high  roads.107 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Villages  Government  in  Japan.  281 

Of  the  customary  taxes,  some,  as,  for  example,  straw,  bran, 
hay,  and  wood  for  fuel,  seem  originally  to  have  been  used, 
at  least  in  part,  in  connection  with  the  corvee  for  the  lord, 
but  were  later  commuted  into  rice  and  money,  and  became 
independent  dues.  There  were  several  other  taxes,  including 
dues  for  the  baron's  groceries,  for  the  bait  for  his  hawks  and 
fodder  for  his  horses,  for  the  performance  of  Shinto  ritual 
services  at  Ise,  and  the  like,  which,  beginning  as  incidental 
or  local  dues,  became  customary  and  universal  within  the  fie£ 
The  villages  of  the  domain  lands  paid  fixed  taxes  whose  issues 
were  intended  for  the  maintenance  of  the  post-horse  system, 
of  the  officials  in  charge  over  the  suzerain's  store -houses  in 
Edo,  and  of  men  employed  in  his  kitchen,  all  levied  on  the 
peasant  holdings.  On  the  same  basis  were  imposed,  in  both 
domain  lands  and  fiefs,  dues  paid  in  beans,  a  kind  of  sesame, 
millet,  and  glutinous  rice,  as  well  as  those  levied  nominally 
on  certain  domesticated  plants,  on  the  use  of  grass  on  waste- 
land and  of  ponds  and  rivers,  and  many  other  items.  These 
taxes  would  be  considerable  in  the  aggregate,  even  if  each 
was  small  and  did  not  increase,  but  in  many  a  fief  some  of 
them  were  neither  small  nor  fixed.  At  Mito,  for  instance,  the 
bean,  sesame,  and  millet  taxes  alone  amounted  to  nearly  10 
per  cent,  of  the  recorded  annual  productivity  of  land;  at  Akita, 
the  bran,  straw,  and  hay  taxes,  converted  into  money,  increased 
from  4.8  Ibs.  of  silver  per  100  koku  of  the  productive  value 
of  the  holding  about  1650  to  32.3  Ibs.  about  I860.  These  were 
conspicuous,  but  not  extreme,  examples.  Perhaps  not  the 
least  objectionable  feature  of  the  customary  taxes  was  that 
frequently  they  were  collected  by  officials  specially  despatched 
to  the  villages  at  a  time  when  the  latter  had  already,  paid 
their  annual  land-tax  and  were  again  almost  as  poor  as  before 
the  harvest.  The  fear  that  the  main  tax  might  suffer  if  the 
customary  dues  were  collected  at  the  same  time  with  it  was 
so  great  that  the  latter  were  usually  preceded  by  the  former. 
Xor  were  they  always  consolidated,  as  they  sometimes  were, 
to  a  large  saving  of  the  expense  of  collection.  Commuting  in 
money  was  not  always  a  blessing,  for  the  rates  would  bo  un- 
fovorable,  particularly  when  the  taxes  had  been,  as  they  often 
were,  farmed  out  to  private  collector- 

The  evils  of  farming  were  probably  more  frequent  with  the 
taxes  on  various  secondary  occupations  and  products  other 


282  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

than  the  grains.  These  dues  were  extremely  numerous  in 
every  fief  or  domain  land.  They  did  not  always  fall  directly 
on  the  farmers,  but  nevertheless  redounded  to  them  in  the 
form  of  increased  prices  of  articles.  As  we  come  nearer  the 
end  of  the  period,  especially  after  1800,  we  see  barons'  govern- 
ments recklessly  multiplying  the  kinds  of  taxes  of  this  class.109 

Over  and  above  these  multifarious  taxes,  there  were  expenses 
of  the  village  administration  to  be  borne,  including  the  salaries 
of  village-officials,  repairs  of  the  public  works  of  the  village, 
cost  of  policing  the  village  against  fire  and  robbery,  of  enter- 
taining visiting  officials,  of  making  petitions,  and  the  like. 
They  were  levied  either  on  the  holding,  on  the  individual 
peasant,  or  on  each  peasant  family.  They  were  at  first  almost 
negligible,  and,  in  the  suzerain's  domains,  where  the  accounts 
of  the  village  were  to  be  open  to  the  inspection  of  the  peasant, 
continued  to  be  comparitively  light.  In  some  fiefs,  however, 
it  was  not  uncommon  that,  owing  to  the  venality  of  village 
and  higher  officials,  the  village  expenses  equalled  or  exceeded 
the  total  amount  of  taxes  for  the  fiefs.110 

That  the  bribery  of  the  officials  was  a  frequent  and  serious 
evil  is  reflected  in  the  continuous  repetition  of  the  instructions 
issued  to  them  on  this  point  and  in  the  persistent  order  to 
the  peasants  to  impeach  corrupt  officials.  Unfortunately,  however, 
there  was  every  temptation  for  corrupt  practices  to  grow  up 
between  the  feared  but  ill-paid  official  on  the  one  hand  and 
the  passive  and  blindely  self-interested  peasant  on  the  other. 
For  a  considerate  though  illegal  act  of  an  official  at  the 
assessment  or  collection  of  a  tax,  a  farmer  would  be  induced 
to  entertain  him  at  his  house,  to  bribe  him,  to  sell  him  things 
at  a  nominal  cost,  or  to  borrow  from  him  at  usurious  rates. 
Examples  of  self-denying  rural  administrators  were  not  wanting, 
but  more  frequently  both  people  and  officials  came  to  regard 
taxation  as  a  field  for  secret  dealings  and  understandings.111 
These  easily  escaped  the  notice  of  special  supervisers  that  the 
suzerain  and  the  baron  occasionally  sent  in  circuit  about 
villages,112  and  continued  to  raise  the  expenses  of  the  peasant. 

Moreover,  it  should  be  noted  that,  both  the  suzerain  and 
the  baron  ordered  special  irregular  requisitions  in  addition  to 
the  regular  taxes.  Indeed,  it  was  one  of  the  suzerain's  fa- 
vorite methods  of  weakening  the  barons  to  impose  requisitions 
upon  the  fiefs  for  extraordinary  needs,  such  as  the  building 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  283 

and  repairing  of  the  temples  at  Nikko  and  Edo  and  of  the 
Imperial  palace,  his  own  journeys  to  Kyoto,  the  reception  of 
foreign  envoys,  and,  in  the  later  years,  the  defense  of  the  coast 
against  European  aggression.  Besides  these  requisitions  from 
Edo,  which  were  borne  ultimately  by  none  but  the  tax-payers, 
the  people  of  specially  ill- governed  fiefs  were  subjected  to 
illegal  and  irregular  exactions  by  warrior -officials,  some  of 
whom  even  went  to  the  extent  of  collecting  the  next  years' 
taxes  in  advance.113 

All  these  numerous  taxes — levied  in  so  complex  a  manner 
on  the  peasant  holdings,  families  and  individuals,  paid  at  so 
high  rates  in  money,  labor,  rice  and  other  products,  and, 
above  all,  increased  so  continuously  in  many  of  their  secondary 
items, — were,  nevertheless,  insufficient  to  meet  the  growing 
expenditures  of  the  government.114  Still  more  unfortunately, 
when  the  tax-rates,  originally  high  enough,  were  being  raised, 
the  productive  power  of  the  peasant  family  was,  as  will  be 
remembered,  already  declining.  If,  in  1650,  from  his  holding 
of  1  c//o  (2.45  acres)  of  rice-land,  a  peasant  paid  out  of  the 
average  crop  of  20  koku  (about  100  bushels),  5  hoku,  of  the 
land-tax,  2  or  3  of  the  other  taxes,  and  netted  the  remaining 
six-tenths  of  his  income,  he  would,  in  1800,  be  able  to  raise 
but  15  hoku  on  the  same  land,  while  his  land-tax  and  other 
dues  had  risen  to  10  or  more  and  village  expenses  absorbed 
at  least  5.  He  had  become  a  mere  tool  to  move  t'he  spade.115 
How  was  he  to  provide  for  his  farming  implements,  horse  and 
harness,  incidental  expenses,  irregular  imposts,  sickness,  and 
calamity?  Where  was  the  money  to  buy  the  very  manure? 
This  last  question  was  serious,  for  although,  it  is  true,  the 
Japanese  peasant  was  fortunate  in  being  able  to  rely  so  largely 
on  human  labor  and  human  manure,  it  was  none  the  less 
becoming  more  and  more  difficult  to  go  without  buying  other 
manure,  as  new  land  was  tilled,  rotations  of  crops  were  dis- 
carded, and  the  farming  was  growing  yearly  more  intensive.116 
When  the  farmer  wished  to  borrow,  he  had  to  submit  to  rates 
of  interest  as  high  as  25  or  30  per  cent,  per  annum,  so  that, 
it  was  said  about  1720,  a  debt  of  five  ryo  would  ruin  his 
family  in  five  years.117  That  the  average  peasant  did  subsist 
despite  these  alarming  conditions  was  due  to  the  sundry  crops 
of  cereals  and  vegetables  he  was  obliged  to  raise,  and  to  such 
subsidiary  industries,  including  the  silk- culture,  as  he  was 

VOL.  XXX.    Pait  in.  20 


284  K.  Asalcawa,  [1910. 

compelled  to  pursue.118  These,  of  course,  if  they  brought  to 
him  the  needed  income,  also  made  his  otherwise  arduous  life 
toilsome  to  the  extreme.119  Signs  of  his  weariness,  both 
material  and  moral,  are  visible  from  the  early  years  of  the 
regime,  and  continued  to  multiply  through  the  period.  12°  Conser- 
vative as  he  naturally  was,  his  fortune  altered  and  his  land 
changed  hands  with  much  ease.121 

One  will  now  be  able  to  appreciate  the  deeper  significance 
of  those  minute  measures  of  economic  and  moral  paternalism 
of  the  feudal  authorities  which  were  discussed  earlier  in  this 
paper.  It  was  by  dint  of  these  measures  that  the  meagre 
prosperity  of  the  peasant  might1*  be  maintained  at  all.  The 
government  was  not,  however,  content  with  negative  orders 
alone,  but  also  eagerly  encouraged  the  tilling  of  new  land, 
putting  restrictions  only  where  they  were  necessary,122  and,  it 
must  be  admitted,  succeeded  in  making  the  acreage  of  culti- 
vated land  probably  twice  as  large  at  the  end  of  the  period 
as  at  the  beginning.1 23  It  would  be  difficult  to  overestimate 
the  importance  of  this  great  fact,  and  yet  it  was  not  a  pure 
gain  to  the  peasant.  The  consequent  decrease  of  waste-land 
deprived  him  much  of  the  manure  which  Nature  had  afforded 
in  the  form  of  decayed  hay,  while  at  the  same  time  more 
manure  than  before  was  needed  in  his  increasingly  intensive 
farming.116  Also,  enlarged  crops  of  rice  throughout  Japan 
tended,  except  in  years  of  famine,  to  check  the  price  of  this 
cereal,  which  the  farmer  sold,  from  advancing  in  proportion 
to  the  continual  adulteration  of  coins  and  rise  of  prices  of 
other  things,  which  he  bought.124  Unfortunately,  too,  there 
was  little  outside  market  to  which  surplus  rice  could  be  ex- 
ported, for  Japan's  door  was  closed  almost  totally  against 
foreign  trade.  Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  so  long  as  the 
principal  form  of  agricultural  labor  remained  manual,  the  very 
limit  of  the  working  capacity  made  an  indefinite  expansion  of 
the  cultivated  area  a  physical  impossibility.  Small  as  was 
the  average  landed  estate  in  Japan,  it  seemed  in  general  to 
have  been  even  too  large  for  the  holding  peasant  to  manage.125 
It  is  highly  interesting  to  see  that  this  fundamental  condition 
served  to  make  Japan  persist  as  a  country  of  essentially  small 
farming,  in  spite  of  the  universal  need  for  more  wealth.  This 
condition  not  only  (tended  to  limit  the  size  of  the  estate  of 
the  average  peasant,  but  also,  together  with  the  taxes  too 


Vol.  xxx.j      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  285 

high  in  relation  to  the  rent,  made  it  an  unprofitable  invest- 
ment for  the  rich  to  enlarge  their  landed  properties.126  This 
natural  equilibrium  was  only  the  more  strongly  insured 
by  the  restrictions  imposed  by  law  upon  the  alienation  of 
land. 

The  selling  and  mortgaging  of  land  was,  indeed,  a  necessity 
for  the  penurious  peasant.  The  authorities,  in  their  anxiety  to 
prevent  aggrandisement  by  the  rich  few,  forbade  a  permanent 
sale  of  old  land,  and  restricted  mortgage.127  However,  "without 
free  sale  of  land,'7  wrote  Tanaka  Kyugu,  about  1720,  "what 
province  or  what  district,  whether  in  a  fief  or  in  a  domain 
land,  would  be  able  to  pay  all  its  taxes?"  Mortgages  often 
meant  permanent  transfers,  and  always  were  attended  with 
high  rates  of  interest.  Hence,  illicit  or  specially  permitted 
sales  were  effected  under  all  conceivable  devices  to  elude 
the  law.36  It  should  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  the 
peasant  cheerfully  parted  with  his  hereditary  holdings  of  land. 
On  the  contrary,  few  things  were  done  more  reluctantly  than 
this  extreme  measure,  which  deprived  the  farmer  of  the  only 
material  basis  of  his  humble  status,  lowered  him  in  the  eyes 
of  his  neighbours,  and  disgraced  him  in  the  memory  of  his 
ancestors.  Thus  the  peasant  struggled  on  between  his  family 
pride  and  his  penury,  and  between  the  restrictions  of  sale 
and  mortgage  and  the  forced  necessity  of  modest  livelihood. 
The  general  tendency  among  the  rural  population  was  not  to- 
wards a  greater  inequality,  but  towards  a  continual  change  of 
fortune  within  limited  bounds. 

The  loss  of  the  peasant  estate  was  liable  to  be  followed  by 
more  regrettable  circumstances.  While  the  poor  peasant  might 
be  hired  by  a  more  fortunate  neighbour  as  farm-hand,  he  oftener 
chose  to  migrate  to  a  city  and  take  service  under  a  warrior 
or  a  merchant,  for  it  would  give  him  a  higher  wage  with  less 
labor  than  on  the  farm.  When  he  returned,  he  would  have 
acquired  the  speculative  point  of  view  and  the  extravagant 
habits  that  ruled  in  the  larger  cities.  He  thus  carried  about 
him  a  certain  restless  and  flippant  air,  and  the  half- exhausted 
inhabitants  of  the  village  contained  elements  susceptible  exactly 
to  this  sort  of  influence.  Soon  every  part  of  the  country  came 
to  feel  a  longing  for  easy  money  and  easy  life.  From  the 
end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  supply  even  for  menial 
service  in  the  warrior's  or  merchant's  household  was  growing 

30 


286  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

scarce.  In  order  to  remedy  this  difficulty,  the  authorities, 
who  in  the  earlier  years  had  taken  great  pains  to  forbid  sales 
of  persons  and  to  limit  the  terms  of  personal  service,  were 
now  obliged  to  modify  the  law  to  a  considerable  extent.  12s 
Every  district,  if  not  every  village,  contained  landless  persons 
who  would  live  rather  by  speculation,  trading  on  popular 
superstitions,  contracts,  gambling,  fraud,  or  robbery,  than  any 
from  of  honest  labor.129  Especially,  provinces  near  Edo  were 
infested  with  the  most  desperate  classes  of  brigands.130 

These  dangerous  elements  in  the  rural  population  made 
themselves  felt  in  years  of  famine.  They  led  or  joined  dis- 
contented peasants,  hundreds  or  thousands  of  whom  would 
rise  in  mobs,  as  it  often  happened  in  different  parts  of  Japan, 
and  everywhere  in  1787 — 8,  and  destroy  and  rob  merchants' 
establishments  and  demand  radical  changes  of  prices.  As  was 
characteristic  with  uneducated  peasants,  they  were  on  these 
occasions  extremely  foolhardy,  coarse  and  cruel,  but.  when 
confronted  with  strong  armed  forces,  broke  down  abruptly.131 
It  was  in  order  to  prevent  these  events  that  good  rulers  filled 
public  granaries  in  ordinary  years,  and  in  famines  opened 
them  and  fed  poor  peasants  on  generous  scales.132  A  success 
of  these  measures  was  always  considered  a  mark  of  wise  rural 
administration,  for  it  was  tacitly  understood  that  the  people 
should  not  be  expected  to  be  able  to  provide  for  their  own 
needs  in  hard  years. 

Riots  took  place  only  at  unusual  times.  What  was  of 
continual  occurrence  in  all  parts  of  Japan  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  the  Tokugawa  period  was  the  desertion  of  the 
impoverished  peasant  of  his  ancestral  home  and  hamlet.  In 
ordinary  years,  the  estate  of  the  runaway  would  be  cultivated 
and  its  taxes  paid  by  his  relatives  or  village,33,  40  but  at  every 
slight  increase  of  hardship  such  large  numbers  would  abscond 
that,  despite  the  rigorous  laws  of  the  joint  responsibility  of 
the  village,  much  cultivated  land  would  be  laid  waste,  or  at 
best  be  thrust  into  unwilling  hands  and  decline  in  productivity. 
A  literal  enforcement  of  law  would  only  increase  the  number 
of  runaways.  Nothing  is. more  significant  of  the  rural  govern- 
ment under  the  Tokugawa  than  this  subject  of  the  desertion 
of  the  peasant.133 

The  peasant  wishing  to  run  away  was  apt  to  find  a  ready 
solution  of  his  problem  in  the  multiplicity  of  land  tenures  that 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  287 

prevailed  in  feudal  Japan.  There  were,  besides  the  estates 
of  civil  nobles  and  of  religious  institutions,  the  suzerain's  domain 
lands,  the  baron'  fiefs,  and  lands  apportioned  to  some  of  their 
vassals,  with  a  great  diversity  of  financial  laws  and  customs.134 
The  deserter  from  a  fief  might  pass  into  a  domain  land,  as  it 
often  took  place,  or  the  reverse.  He  might  also  pass  from  the 
baron's  own  land  to  land  held  by  one  of  his  vassals.  It  was 
not  uncommon  that  a  vassal's  land  was  situated  adjacent  to, 
or  even  in  the  same  village  with,  a  holding  of  his  lord.  A 
destitute  peasant  in  the  latter  would  either  in  some  manner 
transfer  the  title  over  what  little  patches  of  land  still  remained 
in  his  hands  to  a  person  in  the  vassal's  territory,  preferably  to 
its  manager,  who  was  generally  regarded  one  of  the  most 
sinful  of  all  men,  or  else  himself  move  into  the  territory.  The 
process  of  removal  might  also  be  reversed,  according  to  the 
circumstance. 

One  remarkable  fact  in  the  economic  history  of  this  period 
is  the  apparently  slow  increase  of  population  beside  a  great 
extension  of  the  area  of  cultivated  land.  The  latter  increased 
from  perhaps  5000000  in  1600  to  more  than  11500000  acres 
at  the  end  of  the  regime,123  while  the  former  rose  from 
26060000  in  1721  to  only  26900000  in  1847.13s  Allowing  for 
the  probable  inexactness  of  the  official  statistics,136  it  is  worthy 
of  note  that,  after  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  down 
to  1867,  cases  of  considerable  increase  of  population  in  the 
provinces  are  rarely  met  with.137  Evidently  the  terrible 
famines  which  visited  Japan  repeatedly  at  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  decim- 
ated the  people.138  For  under  no  condition  would  an  isolated 
agricultural  community  be  so  helpless  as  under  a  universal 
failure  of  crops  and  famine.  Yet  it  is  striking  that  the  nation 
should  have  been  so  slow,  as  it  was,  to  recuperate.  The 
successive  famines  reducing  the  population  raised  the  wages, 
it  was  complained,  but  the  natural  equilibrium  which  should  be 
expected  did  not  follow.  In  a  few  fiefs,  the  population 
slowly  increased  between  the  famines  and  the  end  of  the 
period,  but  their  taxable  population  actually  decreased.139 
An  explanation  would  suggest  itself  that  it  was  the  small 
land-holding  peasantry,  rather  than  the  total  population,  that 
did  not  increase.  It  has  already  been  shown  that  circum- 
stances led  peasants  in  many  places  to  have  recourse  to  illicit 


288  K  Asdkawa,  [1910. 

sales  and  mortgages,  to  menial  service  to  the  merchant  and 
warrior  classes,  to  irregular  modes  of  life,  and  to  desertion. 
Not  a  few  turned  peddlers  and  petty  merchants,  much  against 
the  policy  of  the  government,70  and  thereby  created  more 
intermediate  steps  between  the  producer  and  consumer,  raising 
prices  and  producing  nothing. 

There  were  not  absent  certain  forces  that  counteracted  the 
tendency  of  the  taxable  population  to  remain  stationary. 
Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the  conscious  measures  adop- 
ted in  many  districts  to  increase  their  peasant  population,  either 
by  generally  good  administration,  by  forbidding  infanticide 
and  -giving  bounties  for  births,  by  inducing  people  of  other 
classes  and  districts  to  settle  down  as  farmers,  or  by 
encouraging  the  opening  of  hitherto  uncultivated  land.140 
Besides,  the  laws  restricting  changes  of  residence  and  sales  of 
land,  the  high  taxes  of  land  discouraging  aggrandisement  by 
the  rich,  the  general  economic  conditions  still  too  little  ad- 
vanced to  make  the  comparative  disadvantage  of  the  agricul- 
tural occupation  overwhelming,  and,  also,  the  tenacious  family 
institutions  breeding  conservative  views  of  life, — these  circum- 
stances, too,  must  have  tended  to  make  the  peasant  think 
twice  before  abandoning  his  status.  In  the  main,  however, 
nothing  cotild  resist  the  two  mighty  forces  that  silently  but 
surely  carried  the  regime  to  its  destiny.  The  first  was  the 
fundamental  question  of  land  versus  population.  If  the  average 
rice-land,  such  as  formed  the  basis  of  taxation  under  the 
Tokugawa,  was  capable  of  supporting  the  population  at  the 
rate  of  one  person  on  every  one  and  a  quarter  acres,141  it 
would  have  taken  thirty  million  acres,  instead  of  the  five  to 
eleven  and  a  half  millions  of  the  cultivated  area  during  this 
period,123  to  maintain  Japan's  rural  population  of  about  twenty- 
four  million  souls.  The  actual  rate  was  only  one  half  acre 
per  head.142  It  is  true  that  potatoes,  oranges,  grapes,  cotton, 
and  a  few  other  crops  more  valuable  than  rice  were  raised  in 
some  districts,  but  these  were,  except  the  first,  purely  local, 
and  their  cultivation  was  generally  not  allowed  to  encroach 
upon  that  of  rice.  It  is  also  true  that  the  government  was 
alive  to  the  danger  of  over-population,  and  forbade  indefinite 
divisions  of  estates,36  &  45  but  this  measure  created  undesirable 
social  conditions  among  the  younger  sons  of  the  peasant.143  It 
must  be  admitted,  too,  that  the  peasant  family  could  and 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  289 

usually  did  undertake  the  silk-culture  and  other  secondary 
occupations,  and,  indeed,  these  were  the  saving  elements  of  the 
rural  life.  Nevertheless,  one  can  hardly  avoid  the  general 
conclusion  that  the  Japan  under  the  Tokugawa  contained  a 
population  as  large,  if  not  too  large,  as  could  be  supported 
by  her  intensive  agriculture. 

The  second  fundamental  question  was  the  productive  power 
of  the  soil  versus  the  expenditures  of  the  government,  the 
latter  increasing  and  the  former  relatively  decreasing  though 
perhaps  absolutely  increasing.144  The  economics  of  the 
nation  were  inadequate  to  support  the  finances  of  the  State. 
One  has  but  to  remember  with  what  unceasing  effort,  though 
with  ultimate  failure,  the  paternal  rulers  strove  to  bridge  the 
widening  gap  with  the  labor  of  the  peasant,  whom  they  caressed, 
exhorted,  threatened,  and  wearied. 


In  conclusion,  let  us,  from  the  historical  point  of  view,  sug- 
gest a  few  other  lines  of  criticism  of  the  regime  than  have 
already  been  touched  upon.  One  may  attempt  to  judge  the 
merit  of  a  movement  by  comparing  its  final  results  with  its 
original  objects.  Ask,  therefore,  if  the  ingenious  and  elaborate 
polity  of  the  Tokugawa,  so  far  as  it  concerned  village  admini- 
stration, succeeded  in  attaining  its  primary  object:  namely,  to 
secure  the  submission  and  the  contentment  of  the  peasant 
population  to  a  degree  that  it  would  cheerfully  and  without 
friction  contribute  the  fruits  of  its  labor  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  warrior  class,  and  to  the  perpetuation  of  the  power  of 
the  Tokugawa. 

To  this  general  question  no  impartial  student  would  hesi- 
tate to  return  an  affirmative  answer.  It  was  nothing  short 
of  genius  in  statesmanship  that  wove  the  great  fabric  of  the 
Tokugawa  government;  it  completely  overwhelmed  the  lawless 
elements  of  which  the  Japan  of  the  seventeenth  century  was 
full,  and  continued  without  serious  interruptions  to  exercise 
an  almost  absolute  control  over  national  affairs  during  the 
rule  of  fifteen  successive  suzerains.  The  profound  peace  thus 
brought  about  enabled  a  large  part  of  Japan's  arable  land 
to  be  turned  to  cultivation,  numerous  arts  and  industries  to 
be  built  up,  and  a  highly  diversified  civilization  to  be  developed 


290  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

and  diffused  among  the  people.  If  this  wonderful  regime  failed 
to  prevent  the  rise  of  certain  evils,  they  would  be  found  to  have 
been  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  government  was  essen- 
tially feudal,  and  that  it  had  to  be  built  upon  the  existing 
conditions  of  the  family  and  society.  Nor  did  the  evils  harm 
any  one  so  much  as  they  did  the  suzerain's  own  government. 

It  would,  however,  be  unjust  to  ignore  the  evils,  even  if  we 
lay  aside  the  question  how  much  they  were  within  the  moral 
control  of  the  suzerain.  They  were  many,  and  some  of  them 
have  been  of  immense  magnitude.  To  be  brief.  Just  as  the 
suzerain's  policy  toward  the  feudal  classes  had  subdued  them 
at  the  cost  of  their  true  vigor  and  their  genuine  loyalty  to 
himself,  so  his  control  of  the  peasants  stifled  their  enterprise, 
limited  their  wealth,  and  levelled  down  their  conditions.  If 
they  did  not  rise  in  a  general  revolt,  it  was  because  they 
were  thoroughly  deprived  of  not  only  the  opportunity,  but  also 
the  energy,  to  protest.  When  at  last  the  national  crisis  came 
in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century,  just  as  the  feudal 
classes  chose  to  make  no  serious  effort  to  defend  the  waning 
power  of  the  Tokugawa,  but,  on  the  contrary,  furnished  men 
to  efface  it,  so  the  peasants,  also,  proved  surprisingly  indifferent. 
The  great  Revolution  was  begun  and  consummated  by  dis- 
contented warriors,  with  the  rural  population  too  weary  and 
too  meak  to  lift  a  finger  in  the  cause  of  their  own  liberation. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  great  reform  was  accomplished 
without  a  drop  of  the  peasants's  blood  being  shed,  but  the 
fact  does  not  reflect  honor  upon  them.  They  are  still  largely 
passive  under  the  new  rights145  that  have  been  heaped  upon 
them.  What  has  been  training  them  since  the  Revolution  is  not 
so  much  their  new  political  power,  for  as  yet  hardly  one  in  every 
forty  farmers  has  a  vote,146  as  the  national  system  of  education, 
their  amalgamation  with  the  other  classes  of  society,  which  is 
growing  apace,  and  the  object  lessons  in  public  interest  taught  by 
the  stirring  events  that  have  transpired  about  them  in  the  East. 

If,  however,  the  peasant  has  emerged  from  the  feudal  regime 
with  little  added  wealth  and  energy,  he  has  also  inherited 
from  it  two  important  legacies:  a  moderate  but  secure  holding 
in  land,  and  a  wonderful  capacity  for  discipline.  These  are 
the  great  material  and  moral  debts  of  the  new  age  to  the  old. 
History  will  probably  tell  of  what  immense  value  the  heritage 
has  been  for  the  upbuilding  of  a  steady  and  collected  nation. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  291 

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Tokugawa  government],  compiled  by  the  Department  of  Justice.    Tokyo, 
1878—95.     In  2  series.     Series  I,   edicts  and  orders,  in  6  vols.,  444,  506, 
749,  622,  746,  660  pages.     Series  II,   penal  laws  and  laws  of  equity,    in 
4  vols.,  676,  772,  818,  ?  pages. 

The  penal  part  of  Series  II   is  in  substance  the  KWA-JO  RUI  TEN.     See 
Note  47,  below. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  293 

22.  KWA-JO  RUI-TEN  HON-MON,  ft  fa  &  M  #  £,  [edicts 
and  notes  relating  to  penal  law  and  administration  of  criminal  justice], 
compiled  by  order  of  the  suzerain,  in  1742.    Edited  by  Tokyo  University, 
1881.    2  vols.,  131,  190  pages. 

This  is  the  main  text  of  the  KWA-JO  RUI-TEN,  which  was  an  enlarged 
edition  of  the  KU-ZHI-KATA  0-SADAME-GAKl  compiled  in  1742,  and, 
therefore,  it  is  presumed  that  the  present  work  is  identical  with  the  latter. 
See  Note  47,  below. 

23.  KEN-PO  BU-RUL  fc  &  ffi  JR,   [notes  and  orders  relating  to 
details  of  government].    Anonymous.    Manuscript.     10  vols.  (o.  8.) 

24.  RUI-REI  HLROKU,   &  #lj  $£  $c,    [orders    and    precedents 
relating  to  penal  law],   compiled  by  Ono  Hiroki,  ^  ff-  g|  $J  (d.  1841). 
Manuscript.     10  vols.  (o.  s.) 

25.  GEN-PI  ROKU,  jg  %  £$,   [notes  on  judicial  business].    Anon. 
Manuscript.    1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

26.  RITSU-REI  DAI HLROKU,  fe  &  %  j£  ft,  [notes  on  penal 
law  and  details  of  official  business],  compiled  by  (?)  Ono  Hiroki.    Manu- 
script.     11   VOls.  (O.  8.) 

27.  BUN-DEN  SO-SHO,  ffi  $  J|  |f. 
The  same  as  the  above. 

28.  KU-ZHI  KATA   YO-REI,  &  ^  #  S  flJ.  [notes  on  judicial 
business  at  the  suzerain's  high  court].    Anon.     Manuscript.    4  vols.  (o.  s.) 

29.  GO-TO-KE  REI-JO,  $  ft  $  fa  H%  fedicts  and  orders»  and 
customs,  of  the  Tokugawa  government].    Anon.    Manuscript.    36  vols.  (o.  s.) 

30.  KO-SA1  ROKU,  &  $&  $%,  [orders  and  notes  relating  to  official 
business].     Anon.     Manuscript.     8  vols.  (o.  s.) 

31.  ON  TOME-GAK1,  ffij  {g  ^. 

The  same  as  the  above,  with  alterations  in  the  last  part. 

32.  RITSU-REI  ROKU,  \%  fa  £$,  [orders  of  the  suzerain's  govern- 
ment, 1764—1846].     Anon.     Manuscript.     8  vols.  (o.  s.) 

33.  JI-KATA  KO-SAI  ROKU,   Mf  j^T  &  ft  &>  [°rders  and  Pre' 
cedents  regarding  to  village  administration  in  the  suzerain's  domain  land]. 
Anon.     Manuscript.     7  vols.  (o.  s.) 

34.  KO-SAI  HIKKI  SEI-ZANHI-ROKU,  &  jfc  |£  IE  ff  Ul  ®  £K- 
[private  notes   on  judicial  business].     Anon.     Manuscript.     5  vols.  (o.  s.) 

b5.  GO-KATTE-GATA  0-SADAME-GAKI  NARABI  NI  UKA- 
GAI  NO  UE  OSE-  WATASARE-GAKI,  &  )§  ^  ^f  '$  fc  ^  jf 
ffl  £,  JL.  ?fi  V$  $&  ^,  [orders  and  notes  relating  to  the  financial  ad- 
ministration of  the  domain  lands].  Anon.  Manuscript.  1  vol.,  257  leaves. 

36.  TOKUGAWA    ZHI- DAI    MIN-ZHI    KWAN-REI    SHU, 
i&  Jf!  flf  ft  K  V  fft  ft]  H>    [laws   and  precedents  relating  to  civil 
matters  during  the  Tokugawa  period],  compiled  by   officials  of  the  De- 
partment of  Justice.    No  date.    Manuscript,  copied  from  the  original  kept 
in  the  archives  of  the  Department.     11  vols.,  2458  leaves. 

37.  Min-zhi  kwan-rei  rui  shit,  .R  AJJ".  j'['[  $ij  gj  ^,    [customs  relating 
to  civil  affairs  in  the  last  years  of  the  Tokugawa  rule,  collected  through 
oral  testimonies  given  by  old  people],   by  special  commissioners  of  the 
Department    of  Justice   despatched    to   all  the  larger  sections  of  Japan 
Proper,  1877.     1  vol.,  597  pages. 


294  K.  Asakaiva,  [1910. 

38.  Materials  for  the  study  of  private  law  in  old  Japan,  with  notes 
and  an  introduction,  by  Professor  John  Henry  Wigmore.  In  the  Trans- 
actions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  20,  supplement,  parts  I.  IT, 
III,  and  V,  Tokyo.  1892,  203+41,  138,  426+17,  112  pages. 

Largely  based  upon  the  two  works  mentioned  above.  Highly  valuable,  but 
unfortunately  not  yet  completed. 


39.  SUI-CHIN  EOKU,  Pfc  ft  £$,  [laws  and  notes,  relating  mainly 
to  financial  matters,  of  the  Tokugawa  period],  compiled,  at  the  request  of 
the  Department  of  Finance,    by  the  late  Count  Katsu  Awa,  jjf:  4§r  |^ 
(1823—99).    Tokyo,  [1890].    35  bks.  in  2  vols.,  1187,  1270  pages. 

40.  SUI-CEINYO-ROKU,  Pfc  ft  |£  $$,  [sequel  to  the  above],  by 
the  same.    Tokyo,  1890.     10  bks.  in  1  vol.,  901  pages. 

41.  KWA-HEI  HI-ROKU,  ^  ^  ft  H,    [secret   memorandum  on 
currency],  prepared  by  some  authority,    about    1842.    In  the  On-chi  so- 
sho  ffl  £0  H  !r  series,  (12_vols.,  Tokyo,  1891),  vol.  5,  pp.  1—45. 

42.  Yu-ri  Ko-sei,  fe  %\]  &  JE,    [life   of  Yuri   Kosei,    1829—1909]    by 
Haga  Hachiya,  ^  j£  A  SB-     Tokyo,  1902.     1  vol.,  325-J-58  pages. 

Contains  an  account  of  the  Tokugawa  system  of  currency. 

43.  So   chd   ko,   fH  S3  ^>    [brief  history  of  taxation  in  Japan],    by 
Miura  Chiharu,  H  M  ^  #•     Nagoya,  1869.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

Not  always  reliable. 

44.  Dai  Ni-hon  so-zei  shi,   fc  13  ^  ^3.  ^&  7[v>  [history  of  Japanese 
taxation  till  1880],  compiled  by  Nonaka  Hitoshi?,  Jf>  pf»  If,  and  others, 
of  the  Department  of  Finance.    Tokyo,  [1885].     30  vols.  (o.  s.) 

This  is  a  convenient  compilation,  but  contains  errors. 

45.  Den-so  en-kaku  yo-ki,    ffl  fl  '}&  f  g  |£,   [brief  history  of  the 
land-tax  in  Japan],  by  Koda  Shisei,  2JE  0  ^  Jj£,  of  the  same  Depart- 
ment.   Tokyo,  1896.    1  vol.  (o.  s.)    Contains  Kcku-daka  ko,  ^  ^  ^,  and 
errata  of  the  Dai  Ni-hon  so-zei  shi. 

46.  DEN-SEI  HEN,  0  flj  |j,   [excerpts   from  sources  and  litera- 
ture relating  to  land  and  taxation],  compiled  by  Yokoyama  Yoshikiyo, 
IS  LJj   A  ?ff>  of  tlie  former  Gen-ro-in.    Tokyo.  1883.     11  vols.  (o.  s.) 

To  be  used  with  caution. 

47.  Den-en  rui-setsu,   03  IS  iff  |j£,   [notes  on  land  and  taxation],   by 
Komiyama  Mokunoshin,  >]•»  §"  ill  ^  j§  (early  18th  century),  and  revised 
and  augmented  by  Tani  Motonori,  §  ^  ^  (d.  1752),  Oishi  Hisayoshi?, 
Jt  fi  &  $£  (d.  1797),  and  Yamauchi  Tadamasa?,   [ij   ft  j|  JE  ,    1842. 
In    the    Zoku-zoku   gun-sho    rui-zhu    |f  J(  |$  ^  H  |5§    series,    VII., 
(Tokyo,  1907).  267—354. 

48.  Ji-kata   han-rei  roku,   Jft  ~ft  Ji  f?'J  Wk*  [treatise  on  the  taxation 
and   rural   administration    of  the  suzerain's  domain  lands],  compiled  by 
Oishi    Hisayoshi?,    1794.     2    copies.    (1)  Eevised    edition   by  Okura  Gi?, 
^  H£  H»  1886.     11  vols.  (o.  s.).     (2)  Manuscript.     11  vols.  (o.  s.) 

Citations   in   the  Notes  are  from  (1),   its   numerous  misprints  being  checked 
with  (2). 


Vol.  xxx.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  295 

49.  Ji-kata  ochi-bo  ahu,  Jfi  Jj  &  fg  jg,  [notes  on  financial  admini- 
stration of  the  domain  lands],  by  Yasumichi?,  jj|  $f.  Revised  by  Otsuki 
Tadaoki.  ft  R  S-  ft-  Tokyo,  1870.  14  vols.  (o.  B.) 

50 .Ji-kata  tai-ffoi  s/m,  Jg  -ft  ^  Jj£  £f  [ditto]|  by  Kat5  Takabumi, 
Zffl  111  PPJ  3t-  Osaka,  1874.  2  series,  8  vols.  (o.  B.) 

51.  Ji-kata  ko-sho  roku,  Jfi  #  X  IS  IX,    [practical    notes  on  public 
works  in  the  domain  lands].     Anon.    Manuscript.     1  vol.,  146  leaves. 

Many  illustrations  and  accounts. 

52.  JI-KATA- GAKARI  ATSUKAI-HO  SHU-SEI,  ]fa  -ft  \&  fR 
fi  SI  $t    [practical   notes    on   financial  administration].     Anon.     1796. 
Manuscript.     4  vols.  (o.  s.) 

53.  0#  TOR1-KA  KOKORO-E  GAKI,  ft)  Jft  ®  ,&  $  *,  [prac- 
tical  notes   on  taxation  in  the   domain  lands],    copied  by  one  Miyasaka, 
'§  $1JL-     Manuscript,     2  vols.  (o.  s.) 

54.  BAN-SHU_GO  NEN-GU  MAI  OSAME-HARAI  KA-SHI NO 

^^fl'SSZiS0-**  TOMEf  »»**»*»»»# 

£,  ill  ijji  4^ IP  JtJ  W»  [documents  relative  to  transporting  tax-rice  from 
Harima  to  Osaka,  in  1831].     Manuscript.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

55^ BAN- SHU  GO  NEN-GU  GO  K WAI- MAI  IKKEN,  f$  ffl  ^) 
^  R  ffl)  51  ?K  "~ "  ft*  [docaments  relative  to  transporting  tax-rice  from 
Harima  to  Edo,  in  1833].  Manuscript.  2  vols.  (o.  s.) 

56.  Ta-Jiata  ken-mi  on  tori-ka  shi-tate  ho,  ffl  ^i  |g  ^  |gl  H  ©  ft 
-JA  'ii»  [practical  notes  on  assessing  taxes  and  making  accounts],  by  Ko- 
bayashi  Tetsuzhiro,  >J>  ffi  $fr  ^  jj|),  of  the  financial  department  of  the 
suzerain's  government,  1848.     Manuscript,     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

57.  Wata  ken-mi  shi-yo  cho,     £    ^  ^  ^  ft  f^  lpft>  [notes  on  mea- 
suring the  productive  power  of  cotton-land  in  Yamato,  Settsu,  Kawachi, 
and  Idzumi],  compiled  by  Ono  Chu-sai,  -fa  ^  *,  gf.    No  date.    Manu- 
script.    1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

58.  Chi-so  kai-sei  ho-koku  sho,  ]fa  |£  &  IE  ^  ^  itf,  [report  to  the 
Prime  Minister  Sanjo   on  the  reform  of  the  land-tax],  by  (now  Marquis) 
Matsukata  Masayoshi,   ^  ^  j£  ^,  then  Minister  of  Finance.    Tokyo, 
1882.     1  vol.,  197  pages. 

59.  Fu-ken  chi-so  kai-sei  ki-yo,  j|J  -JJJ  jfa  fl  E4  j£  $G  3£»  [reports 
of  the  three  Cities  and  thirty- six  Prefectures  on  the  change  of  the  land- 
tax],  compiled  by  the  Department  of  Finance.    Tokyo,  [1882?].    1  vol., 
39  sections. 

60.  Go-nin-ffumi  sei-do  no  ki-gen,  5£  A  iJi  ^J  ^  ^  jfc  *iS»  [°n  tne 
origin  of  the  five-man  group  system],  by  Prof.  Miura  Shuko?,  H  fffi  Jii 
ft-    The  Ho-ri  ron-so  f±  3g  |&  ^  series,  No.  9.    Tokyo,  1900.    1  vol., 
83  pages. 

60 a.  Go-nin-gumi  sei-do,  3E  A  Ifl.  "$•]  S»  [°n  tne  five-man  group 
system],  by  Prof.  Hodzumi  Nobushige?,  $|  ^  $jt  g.  The  same  series. 
No.  11.  Tokyo,  1902.  1  vol.,_241+38  pages. 

61.  GO-NIN-GUMI  CHO   I-DO   BEN,   Z  A  $11  IE  H  (R!  Sh » 
[parallel   articles    of  several   five-man    group  records],    compiled    by  the 
Department  of  Justice.    Tokyo,  1884.    Manuscript,  copied  from  the  ori- 
ginal in  the  Department  archives.     1  vol.,  120  leaves. 


296  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 

62.   MURA  SHO-YA  KOKORO-E  BEKI  JO-JO,  M  ffi  M  RT  <& 

|H  ft  ft,   [general  instructions  to  village-heads],   by  the  government  of 
Kyoto,  1869.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

_63.  MURA  SHO-YA  TOSHI-YORI  YAKU  KOKORO-E  BEKI 
JO-JO,  $  j£  M  ^  ^  f^  Pj  >fr  |f  ft  ft,  [general  instructions  to 
village-heads  and  village-chiefs] ,  by  the  government  of  Osaka,  1872. 
1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

64.  0-SHO-YA  YAKU  KOKORO-E  BEKI  JO- JO,  ^  j£  M  & 
"Pi  >fr  i%-  ft  ft'  [general  instructions  to  district-heads],  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Osaka,  1872.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

65.  GUN-CHU-SEI-HO,  B5  41  M  *Ji»  [general  instructions  to  pea- 
sants], by  the  government  of  Kyoto,  1869.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

These  four   works  are   interesting  as  survivals  in  early  years  of  the    new 
era  of  the  old  method  of  village  government. 


66.  BI-HAN  TEN-KE1,  ff  Sf  Jl  JflJ,   [orders  of  Ikeda  Mitsumasa, 
Vfo  ffl  7t  fl&  lord  of  Okayama  1642-71],  compiled  by  Yuasa  Zho-zan, 
Wf  ^  *%  lii  (1708-81).     Manuscript.    4  vols.  (o.  s.) 

67.  BI-HAN  TEN-ROKU,  flfi  $f  H  H,    or,   Ytf-ITI  ROKU,    ft 
T$£  $1)    [life    and    laws    of    Ikeda    Mitsumasa],     by    Mimura    Nagatada, 
H  +»|  7K  *>•     No  date-    Manuscript.     1749.    4  vols.  (o.  s.) 

68.  Tsugaru  Nobumasa  kj,  ^  11  ft  ft  5V»   Llife  of  Tsugaru  Nobu- 
masa,  lard  of  Hirosaki  1646—1710],  by  Tozaki  Satoru,  ^  (Ig1  ^;.    Tokyo, 
1902.     1  vol.,  362  pages. 

69.  En-kyo  fu-setsu  shit,  5{E  ^  HI  nit  ^'  [rumors  about  Matsudaira 
Norimura,   ^  ^p  ^  S,  lord  of  Sakura  and  councillor  to  the  suzerain 
1723—45].     Anon.     Manuscript.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

Gossipy. 

70.  Gin-dai  i-zhi,  jjk  S  iS  V.   [notes  on  the  life  of  Hosokawa  Shi- 
gekata,  ft  Jl|  fi  K,  lord  of  Higo  and  Bungo,  1718-85].    Anon.    Manu- 
script.   4  vols.  (o.  s.) 

71.  YO-ZAN  KO  SEI-KI,  j§  tlj  &  -\\l  ft,  [life  of  Uesugi  Haru- 
nori,  Jl  ^  ffi  ^,  lord  of  Yonezawa,   1751—1822],  compiled  by  Ikeda 
Nariaki?,  ftfc  ffl  ^  ^.    Tokyo,  1906.     1  vol.,  1056  pages. 

72.  NOZOKI  TAI-KWA  0,  ~j£  j5  ^  ^  ^,  [life  and  writings  of 
Nozoki  Yoshimasa,  j£   ^p    ^  j^,  1735—1803  twice  councillor  to  Uesugi 
Harunori],    compiled   by  Suibara  Ken?,    ^  ]^  |f .    Tokyo,  1898.    1  vol., 
926+84  pages. 

73.  U-YO   SO-SHO,    J$  \>jj  ^  ^,    [writings    of   Uesugi  Harunori, 
with  notes  on  his  life],  compiled  by  Yaoita  Bai-seteu,  ^  JH  |^  $$  ^£, 
Nozoki  Tai-kwa,  Hara  Raku-zan,  J!^  |?|  tlj,  and  Asaoka  Nan-koku,  |fj|]5] 
l^j  ^f .    Yonezawa,  1879—83.    3  series,  (kan-to,  gyo-so,  and  sei-toku),  in 

6  vob.  (o.  8.) 

Largely  superseded  by  the  l?st  two  works. 

74.  Uesugi  Yo-zan  ko.  [life  of  the  same  lord],  by  Kawamura  Makoto?, 
Jll  ^  1$.    Tokyo,  1893.     1  vol.,  364  pages. 


Vol.  xxx.J      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  297 

75.  Sei-zan  kan-wa,  ^  [jj  |J$  gjf,  [notes  on  the  life  of  Hosoi  Hei-shQ, 
fel  rtt  ^p  |Hi  once  tutor  and  councillor  to  the  same  lord].   Anon.    Manu- 
script.    1  VOl.   (0.  8.) 

76.  Shirakawa  Raku-o  ko  to  Tokugaiva  zhi-dai,    &  ?Pj  ^$  f£  &  i. 

f*  jl|  fl£  f^'  tlife  and  times  of  Matsudaira  Sadanobu,  fe  Zp.  g?  f^?  iord 
of  Shirakawa  and  councillor  to  the  suzerain,  1759— 1829J,  by  Professor 
Mikami  Sanzhi,  H  Jl  §  ^fc.  Tokyo,  1891.  1  vol.,  198  pages. 

77.  Egawa  Tan-an,  £t  jl|  ^  /?£,  [life  of  Egawa  Tarozaemon,  heredi- 
tary intendant  of  Nirayama,  Idzu,  1801—65],  by  Yada  ShichitarS,  ^  [H 
k  ~k  fsl).    Tokyo,_1902.     1  vol.,  243  pages. 

78.  KWAI-KYU  KI-ZHI,  |ft  •  fc  V»  [Hfe  of  Abe  Masahiro,  |*pf 
"Si)  IK  5i»  l°r(i  of  Fukuyama,  once  chief  councillor  to  the  suzerain,  1819 
—58],  compiled  by  Haraano  Shokichi,  'g[  |f  ^  "g.    Tokyo,  1899.    1  vol., 
872+157  pages. 

79.  Gei-han  san-zhu-san  nen  roku,  ^  ^  ^  +  H.  ^  IS>  [an  account 
of  the   financial    experiences    of   the  Hiroshima    fief   between   1833   and 
1863],  by  Kotakagari  Gen-gai?,  >J*  H  JJ  jJC  JJ[.    Tokyo,  1893.     1  vol., 
184  pages. 

80.  Hiroshima   Mo-gyu,    ]f|  ||,^  ^  ^,    [stories    from  the  Hiroshima 
fief],  by  the  same  author.     Tokyo,  1905.     1  vol.,  139  pages. 

81V  AIDZU  KYU-ZHI  ZAKKO  BASSUI,  ^  '}#  "K  V  H  ^ 
}^  ^  [documents  and  notes  relating  to  Aidzu,  being  an  abridgement  of 
the  AIDZU  KYU-ZHI  ZAKKO,  compiled  by  Mukai  Yoshishige,  f^j 
3t  In  S'  3  vols.].  Dated  1662.  Manuscript.  1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

82.  ON  KE-MI  TE-TSUDZUKI,  §0  4  Ji  ^  $%>  (h™  to  measure 
the  productive  power  of  land,  in  the  Okayama  fief].    Anon.    No  date. 
Manuscript.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

83.  DAI-ZEN  ON  KE-MI  YO-SHU,  ^  &  $  ^  %  $  ^,  [guide 
to  measuring  the  productive  power  of  land,  in  the  same  fief].    Anon.    No 
date.     Manuscript.     1  vol.  (o.  s.) 

84.  SEN-DAI  HAN  SO-ZEI  YO-RYAKU,  111]  j|  0  fl  $£  ^  Bfr, 
[documents    relating    to  the   financial  administration   of  the  Sendai  fief], 
edited  by  Yamada  Ki-ichi,   [jj   O  ^  — -,  of  the  prefectural  government 
at  Sendai.     [Sendai,  1888].    5  vols.,  255  leaves. 

85.  Shu-ffi   tca-sho,   jj|  ^  ft  tfr,    [notes  on  philosophy,    ethics,    and 
politics],  by  Kumazawa  Ban-zan,  ffe  '}p  ^|   [lj  (1619—91).     16  bks.     In 
the  Ni-hon  rin-ri  i-hen    0  ^  ft  S  ;ft  li  series,  (10  vols.,  Tokyo,  1901 
—03),  I,  255—600. 

86.  Shil-gi  gwai-sho,  ^  ^  ^  t!f,  [sequel  to  the  above],  by  the  same 
author.     16  bks.    In  the  same  series,  II.  9—332. 

87.  Min-kan  sei-yo,  j£  |"i]  ^  ^-,  [notes  on  rural  administration],  by 
Tanaka  Kyngu-emon  Nobuyoshi?  ffl  *$*  1 ft  IS  ^6  ffi  H  -W  "§•  Prefaces 
dated  1720  and  1721.  Manuscript.  2  series,  7  and  8  vols.  (o.  s.) 

Fearless  criticisms  by  a  practical  administrator  of  the  rural  government  of 
domain  lands.  The  work  attracted  the  attention  of  the  wise  suzerain  Yoshi- 
mune,  who  gradually  raised  the  author  to  the  position  of  intendant.  See  To, 
XIII.  962,  XIV,  278. 


298  K.  Asakawa,  [1910. 


88.  Kei-zairoku,  $M  iP?  m<  [views  on  government],  by  Dazai  Shun-dai, 
iC  ¥  #  it  (1680—1747),  1729.    Manuscript.     10  vols.  (o.  s.) 

Thoroughly  Confucian. 

89.  Shun-dai  zatsu-wa,  J§j?  >fg  $f|  fjf,  [miscellaneous  notes  on  history, 
morals,  and  literature],  by  Muro  Kyu-so,  §?  #|  J|    (1658—1734),    1732. 
5  bks.    In  the  Ni-hon  rin-ri  i-hen  series,  VII.  81—309. 

90.  So-bo   ki~gen,   j|[  ^  ^  "g",    [political  and    social  criticisms],    by 
Nakai  Chiku-zan,  pf*  #  fj   tlj  (1730—1804),  1789.    Kyoto,  1868.    5  vols., 
280  leaves. 

91.  Byd-kan   cho-go,    jfjif  f^j  ^  pjf,    [miscellaneous   notes],    by   Inoue 
Kin-ga,  #  _t  ^  ffi  (1733—84).    In  the  On-chi  so-sho  series,  XI,  70  pages. 

92.  Ama  no  taku  mo,  5g  0  jjz  <^  |f|,  [miscellaneous  notes],  by  Mori- 
kawa  Takamori  ^  J||  ^  ^,  c.  1790.    In  the  same  series,  XI,  122  pages. 

93.  O-mei-kwan   i-so,    ©  p,|  |§  jfi  §!,    posthumous    ethjco-political 
works    by   Hosoi   Hei-shu,    once   tutor   to    Uesugi   Harunori   and    other 
barons,  (1728—1801).    6  bks.    In  the  Ni-hon  rin-ri  i-hen  series,  IX.  9—161. 

Good  examples  of  the  great  influence  of  Confucian  ideas  on  rural  government. 

94.  Ho-toku  givai-roku,   3j$  fj§  ^  $1,    views  by  Ninomiya  Takanori 
(Son-toku),  ZL  ft"4t  tt  (1786— 1856),  compiled  by  his  pupil  Saito  Taka- 
yuki,  g  |H  ^  ft.    2  bks.     InJ;he  same  series,  X.  397—439. 

95.  Ninomiya  sen-sei  go-rui.  HL  *§£  ^fc  tf£  p&  JB,  sayings  of  Xinomiya 
Takanori,   compiled  by  the  same  pupil.    4  bks.    In  the  same  series,  X. 
440-542. 

96.  Chi-so  ron,  }fa  ffl  f&,  [on  the  land-tax  and  its  relation  to  the  life 
of  the  peasantry],  by  the  late  Fukuzawa  Yukichi,  jjfg  ^jj|  |fj  "§,     about 
1893.    In  the  Fukuzawa  Yukichi  zen-shu  (^  j||)f  V. 

97.  Ho-sei  ron-san,  '}J  "$lj  |j^  ^,  [seventy-eight  essays  and  addresses 
on  the  institutional  history  of  Japan  by  various  scholars],  edited  by  the 
Koku-gaku-in,  g  $  g£.    Tokyo,  1903.     1  vol.,  1446  pages. 

98.  Ho-sei  ron-san  zoku-hen  ($j|  j$j|),   [sequel  to  the  above,  containing 
fifty-seven  more  essays  and  addresses],  edited  by  the  same.    Tokyo,  1904. 

1  vol.,  914  pages. 

99.  Tokugawa   sei-kyo  ko,    $&  Jl[  1^  ^jl  ^,    [evolution    of  political- 
philosophical    ideas    during    the   Tokugawa   period],    by   Prof.    Yoshida 
To-go,   ^  ffl  ^  f5.     Tokyo,  1894.    2  vols.,  206,  212  pages. 

100.  Dai  Ni-hon  chi-mei  zhi-sho,  ^  0  ^  Jfc  ^g  ||  ^,    dictionary 
of  Japanese  historical  geography],  by  the  same  author.    Tokyo,  1900—07. 
4  vols.,  cxxxiv-f-288  +  4752  pages. 

101.  Koku-shi  dai  zhi-ten,    @  ^  ^  f|  .ffi.,   [dictionary  of  Japanese 
history],    by    Yashiro    Kuniji?,    /\.  f^  H  }pf,    Hayakawa    Zhunzaburo, 

-?  Jil  M  H  IK,  and  Inobe  Shigewo,  #  If  j|  S  SI-     Toky°'  1908' 

2  vols.,  2390  and  220  pages. 

102.  Shi-gaku  zasshi,  j£  ^  J{|  |J,  [monthly  journal  devoted  to  history]. 
Tokyo,  1890—. 


Vol.  xxx.]       Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 


299 


Abbreviations. 

The  following  abbreviations  are  used  in  the  Notes  for  those  works  which 
receive  frequent  reference.  Two  capitals,  (for  example,  'BE'),  are  used  for 
each  old  work  which  consists  primarily  of  sources;  a  capital  and  a  small 
letter,  (for  example,  'Mi'),  for  each  old  secondary  authority;  three  capitals, 
(for  example,  'DSR'),  for  each  recent  work  consisting  mainly  of  sources; 
and  a  capital  and  two  small  letters,  (for  example,  'Hrs'),  for  each  recent 
secondary  authority. 


AI       81.  AIDZUKYU-ZHIZAK- 

KO  BASSUL 
BG      55.  BAN-SHU GO 

KWAI-MAI  .... 
BK      66.  BI-HAN  TEN-KEI. 
Bms       6.  Baku-matsu  shi. 
BO      54.  BAN-SHU  .  . .  OSAME- 

HARAI 

BR      67.  BI-HAN  TEN-ROKU. 
Chk     58.  Chi-so     kai-sei     ho-koku 

sho. 

Chr      96.  Chi-so  ron. 
Dch   1UO.  Dai  Ni-hon   chi-mei   zhi- 

sho. 

De       47.  Den-en  rui-setsu. 
DKM    i.  DAI  NI-HON  KO-MON- 

ZHO. 
DNR    7.  DAI    NI-HON    NO-SEI 

RUI-HEN. 

DNS     8.  DAI  NI-HON  NO  SHI. 
Dns     44.  Dai  Ni-hon  so-zei  shi. 
DO      83.  DAI-ZEN  ON KE-MI.... 
Dse     45.  Den-so  en-kaku  yo-ki. 
Dsg     10.  Dai  Ni-hon  san-gyo  zhi- 

seki. 

DSH  46.  DEN-SEI  HEN. 
DSR     2.  DAI      NI-HON      SHI- 

RYO. 

En       69.  En-kyo  fu-setsu  roku. 
Eta      77.  Egawa  Tan-an. 
Fuk     59.  Fu-Ken  chi-so  kai-sei  ki- 

yo- 

GGI    61.  GO-NIN-GUMI  OHO  I- 

DO  BEN. 
Ggk     60.  Go-nin-gumi     sei-do    no 

ki-gen. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  III. 


Ggs     60a.  Go-nin-gumi  sei-do. 

Gi        70.  Gin-dai  i-/.hi. 

GK      35.  GO    KATTE-GATA    O 

SADAME-GAKI. 
GS      65.  GUN-CHU  SEI-HO. 
Gsr      79.  Gei-han  san-zha-san   nen 

roku. 

GT      29.  GO  TO-KE  REI-JO. 
Hmg   80.  Hiroshima  mo-gyu. 
Hrs     97.  H5-sei  ron-san. 
Hrz     98.  Ho-sei  ron-san  zoku-hen. 
Ht       94.  Ho-toku  gwai-roku. 
JG       52.  JI-KATA-GAKARI    A- 

TSUKAI-HO  SHU-SEI. 
Jh        48.  Ji-kata  han-rei  roku. 
JK      33.  JI-KATA  KO-SAI  RO- 
KU. 

Jk        51.  Ji-kata  ko-sho  roku. 
Jo        49.  Ji-kata  ochi-bo  shu. 
Jt        50.  Ji-kata  tai-gai  slid. 
KB      23.  KEN-PO  BU  RUI. 
KH     41.  KWA-HEI  HI-ROKU. 
KK     20.  KEN-KYO  RUI-TEN. 
KKK  78.  KWAI-KYU  KI-ZHI. 
Km      18.  Kei-zai    mon-do  hi-roku. 
KR     22.  K WA  -  J  0      RUI  -  TEN 

HON-MON. 

KRE  11.  KO-ZHI  RUI-EN. 
Ksd   101.  Koku-shi  dai  zhi-ten. 
Kw      16.  Kwan-no  waku-mon. 
KY     28.  KU  -  ZHI  -  KATA     YO- 

REI. 

Kz       88.  Kei-zai  roku. 
Mi       87.  Min-kan  sei-yo. 
MK     62.  MURA    SHO-YA 

KYOTO. 


300    K.Asdkawa,  Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.    [1910. 


Mkr 

37. 

MO 

63. 

Ng 
Ngh 
Nn 

12. 
14. 
95. 

Nns 

9. 

NTK 

72. 

Ny 
Nz 

13. 
17. 

OK 

82. 

Om 

93. 

00 

64. 

OT 

53. 

RD 

26. 

RH 

24. 

RR 

32. 

Sb 

90. 

SCR 

39. 

SCY 

40. 

Sd 

89. 

SDS 

84. 

Sg         86. 


Min-zhi  kwan-rei  rui-shu.  Shr  76. 

MURA    SHO-YA   ....  Shz    102. 

OSAKA.  Smw  19. 

No-gyo  zen-sho. 

No-gyo  hon-ron.  Sw  85. 

Ninomiya  sen-sei  go-rui.  Tbf  5. 

Ni-hon  no-gyo  sho-shi. 

NOZOKI  TAI-KWA  0.  Tk  15. 

No-gyo  yo-wa. 

No-sei  za-yu.  TKR  21. 

ON     KE-MI    TE-TSU- 

DZUKI.  TMK  36. 

0-mei-kwan  i-so. 

0-SHO-YA....  OSAKA. 

ON    TORI-KA    KOKO- 

RO-E  GAKI. 

RITSU-REI    DAI    HI- 

ROKU.  Tnk  68. 

RUI-REI  HI-ROKU.  To  3. 

RITSU-REI  ROKU.  Tsk  99. 

So-bo  ki-gen.  Tt  56. 

SUI-CHIN  ROKU.  US  73. 

SUI-CHIN  YO-ROKU.  Uyz  74. 

Shun-dai  zatsu-wa.  Wa  57. 

SEN-DAI  HAN  SO-ZEI  Wig  38. 

YO-RYAKU.  YZS  71. 

Shu-gi  gwai-sho.  Zo  4. 


Shirakawa  Raku-p  ko  . . . . 
Shi-gaku  zasshi. 
Simmons-Wigmore, 

Notes 

Shu-gi  wa-sho. 
Tokugawa    baku-fu    zhi- 
dai  shi. 

Tokugawa   baku-fu   ken- 
ji  yo-ryaku. 

TOKUGAWA  KIN-REI 
KO. 

TOKUGAWA  MIN-ZHI 
KWAN-REI  SHU. 
z  .  .  .  .  zhin-zhi  hen, 
d  .  .  .  .  do-san  hen, 
f  .  .  .  .  fu-do-san  hen, 
s  .  .  .  .  so-sho  hen. 
Tsugaru  Noburaasa  ko. 
Tokugawa  zhikki. 
Tokugawa  sei-kyo  ko. 

Ta-hata  ken-mi 

U-YO  SO-SHO. 
Uesugi  Yo-zan  ko. 
Wata  ken-mi  .... 
Wigmore,  Materials  .... 
YO-ZAN  KO  SEI-KI. 
Zoku  Tokujrawa  zhikki. 


(Note:  The  Notes  accompanying  this  article  will  appear  in  a  subsequent 
number  of  the  Journal.) 


Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  of  the  Vocabulary 
in  the  Greek  Versions  of  the  Old  Testament  with  its 
Semitic  Equivalents:  Its  Necessity  and  the  Means  of 
obtaining  it— By  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

(NB.  The  sigla  for  the  Septuagint  codd.  are,  in  the  book  of  Genesis,  those 
of  the  larger  Cambridge  edition ;  for  the  other  books,  those  of  Swete's 
manual  edition  or  those  used  in  his  Introduction]  the  figures  refer 
to  manuscripts  in  the  edition  of  Holmes-Parsons.  A  =  Lucian.  The 
abbreviations  of  the  Biblical  books  are  for  the  most  part  the  same 
as  in  the  Oxford  Concordance.) 

THE  first  of  the  canons   laid   down  by  the    The  first  La^ar- 
noted  Septuagint  scholar  LAGAKDE  requires  on       ^ian  Canon 

the  part  of  the  student  who  aims  at  recovering  the  original 
text  of  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Old  Testament,  a  "know- 
ledge of  the  style  of  the  individual  translators,"  with  which 
is  coupled  a  "faculty  of  referring  variant  readings  to  their 
Semitic  original,  or  else  of  recognizing  them  as  inner-Greek 
corruptions."  It  is  ohvious  that  LAGARDE  has  reference  merely 
to  the  material  side  of  the  task  and  ignores  the  formal 
questions  of  orthography  and  grammar  altogether.  It  is  a 
matter  with  which  the  future  editor  will  have  to  grapple, 
whether,  for  example,  he  should  admit  forms  with  anaptyxis, 
as  dyav/DMtyta,  dyav/otai/,  -acrOai.1  He  will  have  to  choose  between 
r/yav  and  rjyov^  rjydyocrav  and  yyayov 3,  crvvr)£e  and  crlw/yyaye 4,  <£ay?j 
and  </>ayecrai  5,  epya  and  epydcry 6,  8iavoL\Otj(rovTai.  and  8iai'Oiy?y<rovTat ". 

"With  a  view  to  all  such  questions  the  editor  will  have  to  study 
the  grammatical  evidence  presented  by  the  papyri  and  other 

1  Ay«vpiafM   is    found  .Jb  4 to  253;    13"  B*C.  160.  161.  250.  252.  253. 
Compl.;    Is  627  AB«c.bQ.  22.  51.  86.  87.  91.  93.  97.   109mg.  147.  233. 
302 mg.  306.  309.  Compl.;    Je  31(48)2  AB«.  239;    Ba  434  Omn  exc  49.  51. 
62.  88.  90.  231.    Compl.  Aid.  (106   reads   a-yaXXio/ta) ;    Ju    10  s   74;    ayavpiav, 
-8*601  Jb  3i*  AB«C.  55.  106.  137.  139.  250.  252.  258;  39*i  160.  252.  253; 
ibid.  23  160.  252.  253.     See  DIETERICH,  Untersuchungen  zur  Geschichte  der 
griechischen  Sprache,  p.  33  sqq.  2  II  K  6  3  Tjyov  AX.  A.  alii. 

2  I  Es  1 19  -of  AN.  58.  64.  119.  243.  248.  Aid.,  -wrav  rell. 

*  Jd  1120  ffvvr£e  BM.  16.  52.  57-59.  63.  77.  85.  107.  120.  131.  144.  209. 
-236.  237.  5  Ge  3>s  <t>aye<rai  r.  e  Ge  4  '2  cpya<rr)  la?  Phil-codd. 

7   Ge   35   diavoiyrja-ovrai  TO. 
VOL.  XXX.     Part  IV. 


302  Max  L.  Margolis,  [1910. 

contemporaneous  literature  in  order  to  determine  the  linguistic 
forms  with  which  the  translators  may  be  credited.  In  this 
sense  the  way  has  "been  paved  by  HELBING'S  "Grammatik  der 
Septuaginta"  J  which,  however,  ignores  the  cursives  entirely. 
There  will  be  also  questions  of  internal  Greek  syntax  on  which 
the  Semitic  original  has  no  bearing. 

is  really  a  rule  What  LAGAKDE  really  means  by  the  original 
for  identifying  text  of  the  Septuagint  is  that  text  which,  from 
the  Greek  with  among  the  conflicting  forms  it  has  assumed  in 
the  Semitic.  of  its  transmission,  conforms  to 


the   Semitic    original    underlying   the   translations    ("die  Vor- 

lage")  and  to  the   conception  of  its  meaning  on   the  part  of 

the  translators  (their  exegesis).     The  .First  Lagardian   Canon 

is   thus   a   rule   for   identifying   the    Greek  with  the   Semitic, 

the  Greek  text,  buried  at  present  in  a  mass  of  variants,  with 

the  great   unknown  quantity,    the  "Vorlage,"  with  which  the 

prototype    of  the   received  Masoretic   text  was  by  no  means 

wholly  idendical.    After  an  elimination  of  the  irrational  element 

of  chance  corruptions  or  of  the  disfiguring  element  of  conscious 

alteration  (diaskeuastic  corrections  and  interpolations),    there 

remains  the  stupendous  task  of  retroversion  for  which  indeed 

a  knowledge  of  the  style  of  each  individual  translator  is  an 

all-important  prerequisite.    The  pitfalls  are  many,  not  the  least 

Retroversion    being  mechanical  haste.     LAGAKDE  himself  was 

must  not  lie     a  sinner  in  that  direction.     Following  the  lead 

mechanical.     Of  Le  26  ^,  he  referred  pera  Trapprjo-las  =  openly, 

publicly  (comp.  Talmudic   fcODiTlB::)  Pr  10  ^  back  to    rTP&Dlp. 

He  forgot  that  he  was  dealing  with  a  translation  which  aims 

at  elegance  rather  than  at   literal   accuracy,    as  well  as  the 

fact  that  the  rendering  in  Le  is  equally  free.     rtt'jpDIjp  means 

properly  uith  head  erect;  one  can  be  made  to  walk  with  head 

erect,  but  one  cannot  reprove  a  friend  with  head  erect.    It  is  a 

question  of  Hebrew  idiom  pure  and  simple.  The  Hebrew  phrase 

underlying  juera  irapp^a-ia^  Pr  10  10  remains  an  unknown  quantity. 

Retroversion  un-  The  phrase  occurs,  for  instance,  also  I  Ma 
scientific  is  pass-  41S:  Kal  ^  ra£Ta  \dftere  o-KvXa  /cat  (>«V.  Sixt.) 
ages  wanting  in  ^  w  Who  win  attempt  to  render  it 

the  Hebrew.       •    ,     T-T  i         «    A  <•  /•          • 

into  Hebrew?  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  passages 

wanting  in  the  Hebrew,  all  attempts  at  retroversion  are  un- 


Gottingen  1907. 


Vol.  xxx.]     Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  etc.          303 


scientific.  Take,  for  example,  the  plus  Le  10  9: 
ptvwv  vfiuv  TT/DOS  TO  0vcnacmj/3iov.  Ryssel  (in  Kittel's  Bible) 
renders:  nrQT&n  DDllpn  IK  (comp.  Ex  4032);  but  hti  DDfitriO  IK 
nnt&n  (comp.  Ex  28  43  30  20)  i8  just  as  possible.  Not  even  the 
particle  is  certain;  for,  though  IK  will  suggest  itself  first,  1  is 
quite  as  correct  (comp.  Ex  38  '27  (40  32)).1 

It  may  be  even  laid  down  as  a  canon  that  Certainty  of  iden- 
certainty  of  identification  is  possible  only  when     lifioaiion  poss- 

the  translator  has  misread  or  misinterpreted  the  ii»l«'  <>»ly  "hen 

original.    Just  as  complete  identity  is  often  a  1|LO  on-llial  has 

less  reliable  criterion  of  the  affinity  of  lang-  . 

(^111  1  S  1  II  M*  I*|H*(M  f  *  (1  • 

uages  than  differentiations  of  sound  regulated 
by  law,  so  it  is  only  through  variation,  provided  it  is  psycho- 
logically explainable,  that  we  may  with  certainty  arrive  at  the 
true  text  underlying  a  translation.  Thus  dyopevovs  Is  60  n 
corresponds  to  D^rtt;  but  D^O  or  D'Tttpb  or  (if  the  sense  be 
"led  as  captives")  D^3fc  would  be  possible  equivalents,  and  we 
cannot  say  with  absolute  certainty  that  our  text  was  read  by 
the  translator.  But  ayd/^veu  La  1  4  to  which  ntttt  corresponds 
in  the  Hebrew,  points  with  necessity  to  nwrtt  as  its  equivalent, 
and  to  nothing  else;  for  both  nUW  and  ntMJl}  =  JTtttt2  are  re- 
ducible to  one  and  the  same  consonantal  text. 

Not  merely  a  "knowledge  of  the  style  of  ^  knowledge  of 
the  individual  translators"  leads  to  correct  the  style  of  the  in- 
identification,  but  equally  a  knowledge  of  dividual  Hebrew 
the  style  of  the  individual  Hebrew  writers.  writers  equally 
Otherwise  anachronism  ensues.  When  Kittel 
(in  his  Bible)  puts  down  o-w/rjx^0"0"'  8e  Ge  37  35  ==  ^rjpjl  as  a 
variant  for  toj5stl,  he  not  only  misconceives  the  paraphrastic 
character  of  the  translation  (hence  also  the  free  addition  /cat 
rXOov},  but,  which  is  less  pardonable,  burdens  the  Jahvist  with 
an  expression  which  occurs  but  once  in  E  (Ex  32  *),  and  is 
elsewhere  in  the  Hexatcuch  confined  to  P. 


1  The  proportion  of  1  to  IK  for  Greek  rj  is  163 :  251  in  the  Septuagint, 
'2  •.  3   in  Aquila,   5  :  4  in  Symm.,   1  :  4  in   Theod..  3  :  8  in  AL.,   0  :  1   in 

2  In  accordance  with  a  well-known  orthographic  rule;  see  WELLHAUSEN, 
Der  Text  der  Biicher  Samuelis,  pp.  v-vii.    Comp.  Ex  15  22  w«*l  (5 

18 '  *«:ri_  (5  (inaa'i  M)  /  wa;i. 


304  Max  L.  Margolis,  [1910. 

The  "units"  of        It  is  furthermore  gratuitous  to  assume  that 

indiYidual trails-  each  of  the  Biblical  books  was  rendered  by  a 

lations  still  to  be  new  an(j   "individual"   translator.     Prologues, 

determined.  a§    in    the    cage    Qf   Ecclesiasticus?    and    colo. ' 

phons.  as  at  the  end  of  Job  or  Esther,  are  rare;  for  the  most 
part  we  are  left  to  internal  evidence  to  determine  the  limits 
of  a  "unit"  of  translation.  The  "higher  criticism"  of  the  Greek 
version  is  in  its  very  beginnings.  We  may  assume,  for  example, 
that  the  Twelve  are  the  work  of  one  translator;  the  question 
is,  how  much  more?  A  singular  rendering  like  a-wdyav  for 
Hebrew  njj?  (suggested  by  njjji  o-wayeo-ftu  Ge  1  9  Je  3  17  and 
njjjp  o-waycoyTJ  Ge  1  10)  which  meets  us  Mi  5  "t(^  l  occurs  again 
twice  in  Je  8  15  2  and  27(50)". 3  It  would  be  reasonable  to 
ascribe  both  Jeremiah  and  the  Twelve  to  one  and  the  same 
translator,  provided  of  course  a  sufficient  number  of  similar 
criteria  were  available. 

The  method  of  In  order,  however,  to  discover  the  total  sum 
Procedure.  of  criteria,  the  student  must  obviously  collect 
his  data  from  the  wliole  of  the  Greek  Old  Testament,  where- 
upon he  may  proceed  to  distribute  them  among  the  various 
groups  of  translators  thus  brought  to  light.  The  right  method 
would  be  first  to  ascertain  the  attitude  of  the  general  sum  of 
translators  towards  all  of  the  phenomena  which  go  to  make 
up  a  translator's  style;  on  the  basis  of  similarity  or  dissimil- 
arity of  "reaction,"  the  idiosyncracies  of  the  individual  trans- 
lators will  reveal  themselves.  For  a  translator's  style  is  the 
total  sum  of  "reactions,"  of  the  ways  in  which  the  original  is 
handled  by  him  in  the  various  provinces  of  grammar,  rhetoric, 
semantics,  and  exegesis. 

Illustrations :          Take,  for  example,  the  use  of  the  historical 

The  Historical     present  (with  Se  or  preceding  KC.L)  to   express 

Present.          ^ne    ne"brew    i    consecutivum   cum   imperfecto. 

Examples  are  frequent  in  K  4;    there  is  just  one  example  in 

Jd. 5     How    far   the    usage    extends    beyond    the    books    just 

mentioned,   remains  to   be  investigated.    It  is   clear  that,   in 

order  to  establish  the  interrelation  of  various  books,  the  student 

must  go  through  the  entire  Old  Testament  in  Greek. 


1  h  was  apparently  taken  as  nota  accusativi;  passivum  pro  active? 

2  Activum  pro  passive.  *  «"Nj2»^  /  •Tli?'?*? 

*  E.  g.,  IK  58.il  7  ibis  1021  135  17  ibis  son  mK  18  «.  s 


Vol.  xxx.]     Complete  Inched  ion  for  the  Jdettti/ication  etc.          305 

Or  take  the  criterion  of  "subordination  in  Subordination  in 
the  place  of  coordination."  The  following  types  the  place  of  <  •>- 
are  met  with:  ordination. 

(a)  Kal  \a/3ova-a  fyaycv    te«m   Hpm    (6.  g.  Ge  3  6    41    41  14bi»j; 

(b)  Kal    raxvvavrfs   /caTayayere    DfiTlim    DJVintDI     (e.   g.,   Ge  45   13 
De  23  i3<14>  30»); 

(C)  e&rayaywv  KaTa^vrevcrov  avrovs  IDJJBrn  IttK^ri  (e.  g.,  Ex  15  17 
Jb  3921); 

(d)  eVayaywv  ^awxAoKTGi  (re  ^rP^l   ntytf   (e.  g.,  Ex  33  s  1); 

(e)  KCW  cWciAaro  <£ayeu/    ^D«H   .  «  .   12P1    (e.  g.,   Ge  2  16  2    3  1:  3 
43   16   4    EX  6  26   5    NU  21   16   G    JK  14  13   7;    ibid.   34   9). 

Or,    "the   generic   singular  for  the   Semitic     The  Generic 
plural";    e.  g.,    Si  4  l2    o    dyairuv    avrrjv  dya-jry.  /         Singular. 
"OilX   n^UnX;  47  -2  TOU  dycnri/ja-avros  avrov  j  VU(niS). 

Or,  conversely,  "the  plural  for  the  generic  The  Plural  for  the 
singular  in  Semitic;"  e.g.,  Ge  4  20  r^v  KO.TOI-  Generic  Singular. 
Kovvrtov  I  D^;  Ne  12  J4  *cu9  TOIS  aviniypcvois  (apparently  neuter 

plural)    kv  avro6S    (sc.   fv  TOLS  yaCo^vAaKt'ois)   ap^ovcriv  ruv 

nnyn  nto1?  ann  Duip1?  /  onj;n  n^b  onn  DiiDb;  Pr  11 102  d 

o-ovrat  TroAas  /  mp  ^H;  Is  1  23  dyaTrwvres  85/oa1"  /  i 
13  l5  omvc?!1   (rvvrjyij.€voi.   ticrtv  j  HSDin   7D.  J2 

Or,  "participial  construction  in  the  place  of    Participial  Con- 
a  finite  verb  in  relative  clauses;"  e.  g.  Ex  20  2        struction. 
6    gayayuv    (re  13    -JTlNXin    1t^«;     29  46    o    e£ayayu>i>    avrovs   /    1Bf« 
Dn«    TINXVI;    Ru  4  i5    17  dyaTrrjo-ao-a    <r«  /  "jnnn«  1ty«    and  else- 
where. 

Or,    conversely,    "a    relative  clause  in  the    Relative  Clauses 
place  of  a  Semitic  participle;"  e.  g.  I  Es  5  69     i"  the  place  of 
(Ezr  4  2)    Ss  fjxTi'iyayw  (var.  peryKurcv)  /  H^ttH;       1'articiplcs. 
1">  41  s  Bv  YjydTrrja-d  =  ^n^  /  "Onif;  and  elsewhere. 


I  15.  55.  73.  78.  Lucif.  2  9.  3  omn  exc  n.  <  A. 
5  omn  exc  75.                                7  945.             8  Omn  exc  A. 

9  The  translator  took  '\y\  0^2^  as  a  general  expression  summing  up 
the  preceding  particulars;  in  such  cases,  the  Hebrew  may  and  may  not 
prefix  the  conjunction  which  the  translator  is  free  to  express  if  he  so 
chooses;  comp.  DC  15  21  jn  Dl»  *?3  IIP  IK  HDD  xw^"  *)  ™f>\6i>,  ^  (var.  $  Kcd, 
Kal)  rras  /*w/ios  TrovT}p6t  AF.  alii.  10  But  Tras  rts  ayaTa  Qm8. 

II  or  106  off 01  A. 

12  neo  as  an  equivalent  of  r\Q*  also  De  32  33  (unless  =  HDOK  /  neon) 
and  Is  29  ';  Je  722  (unless  1DD  -»  an  abbreviated  IBDX,  comp.  Arabic  and 
Aramaic  imperatives  of  «"B  verbs).  1S  AF  alii. 


306  L.  Margolis,  [1910. 

Complete  Indue-  From  an  imperfect  collation  like  the  pre- 
tion  prevents  in-  ceding  it  becomes  evident  that  (1)  a  phe- 
dividualizing'  nomenon  may  indeed  be  characteristic  of 
what  is  general  certam  groups  Only;  (2)  when  a  phenomenon 
is  scattered  over  a  wide  area  (possibly  the  entire  area),  it 
ceases  to  be  a  mark  of  individual  style,  but  becomes  a  general 
characteristic  of  translation  from  Semitic  into  Greek;  (3)  cer- 
tain manuscripts  or  groups  of  manuscripts  (=  recensions)  show 
a  predilection  for  a  certain  stylistic  peculiarity.  Thus  I  find 
that  Lucian  frequently  substitutes  the  aorist  for  the  historical 
present.1  But  such  results  are  conclusive  only  when  complete 
induction  is  available;  otherwise  the  student  runs  the  risk  of 
individualizing  what  is  general. 

and  renders  Many  identifications,  uncertain  at  the  first 

identification  blush,  become  incontrovertible  when  supported 
possible.  by  further  evidence  which  the  complete  in- 
duction alone  will  bring  to  light.  That  7ra/>ax/o7J/za,  =  on  the 
spot,  is  the  equivalent  of  °innn,  nnnn  II  K  3  12  Jb  40  ?(12),  a 
matter  of  doubt  for  the  editors  of  the  Oxford  Concordance,  is 
corroborated  by  Ps  65  (66)  17  2  (=  ^nn  /  nnn).  ||  We  are  safe 
in  identifying  ISo>Kav  foXdvo-av  Je  43  (36)  20  with  HpSH,  if  we 

compare  Tre^vAay/zei/ji  =  JII^D1?   Ge  41  36.  ||    Si  44  l   avSpas  evSofovs 

for  "TDH  WN  ceases  to  be  strange  when  Sofa  =  IDH  Is  40  6  is 
compared.  ||  EC  2  26  rov  vpoa-Qdvai  =  ryh  (^p1!"6)  /  tpb  (1bfc6), 
just  as  Le  19  25  AL.  *cal  o-wafere  =  *)bfe6  /  *)N?inb.  \\  When  it 
is  remembered  that  in  99  instances  avdytw  is  employed  for 
rftgn,  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  identify  K<U  iTravayovrojv  Za  4  12 

with  D^5§01  /  &CP^?P'   II    Ps  15  (16)  4   (rwaydyo)  ras  (Tvvaya>yas  av- 

™v  must  certainly  be* reduced  to  DiJDJ?  DiD«  (Di?«)  /  DTODi  Tj'Dg, 
which  proves  that  in  the  archetype  *pDN  was  written  *]DiS, 
that  is,  with  the  2  expressed,  though  perhaps  "assimilated'7  in 
pronunciation.  The  evidence  is  afforded  by  the  knowledge  that 
<rwayetv  =  D3D  in  11  cases.  ||  The  last  two  examples  are 
illustrations  of  transposition  for  which  other  instances  are 
available.  Thus  Na  2  3  <4>  l/wrat'foi/ras  =  D^VgOP  /  n^Vno ;  comp. 
epira&iv  ==  b^nn  Ex  10  2  Nu  22  29  Jd  19  25  I  K^  6  31  4 

I  Ch  10  4,    4/>i7raty/x,aTa  =    Dv'l/^ri    Is  66  4,    e/^TraiKTat  =  do.    ibid. 

3  4.  ||  Is  35  2  /cat  6  Aa6s  fiov  =  jnBh  /  jn^ni,  just  as  Ps  28  (29)  6 
KOI  6  ^ydwrq/iei/os  =  jr^^J  /  JVIBh.  While  the  latter  identification 


E.  g.,  Jd  1  '  IK  10  21   17  2  HI  K  18  40. 


Vol.  xxx.]     Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  etc.          307 

is  supported  directly  by  De  32  l5  33  5-26  Is  44  -,  we  may  cite 
in  substantiation  of  the  former,  examples  like  Ex  17  •">  Jo 
7  11.  i  IB.  24  2  10  293  where  6  Aao*  =  h&W,  or  Jd  20  «  where 
o  Aaos  4  =  ^fcOty  *3D,  or  Mi  2  12  where  a  Aaos  O{TOS  °  or  6  Aaos6 
=  ^nt?11,  or  Si  45  16  where  6  Aads  ooi;7  ==  h**\W  ^3,  also  Je 
43  (36)  (i  where  6  Aaos  3  an(l  Si  48  '5  where  6  Aads9  =  miJT. 
Instructive  is  also  Ps55(56)ut  where  6  Aads  corresponds  to 
nil',  comp.  Sanhedrin  95  a  (and  parallels):  HiV5?  ^*W  nDiD 
r6Ti&^,  "the  Community  of  Israel  is  likened  unto  a  dove".  || 
Only  through  the  juxtaposition  of  the  total  number-  of  passages10 
win  re  euAa/3eto-0ai  m/a  or  O.TTO  TWOS  =  2  HDH  was  it  possible  for 

Prof.   NESTLE11    to    identify   Kal    tv\a/3ovfJL€vov<s  TO   6Vo/*a  avrov    Ma 

3  1B  with  10^2  ^H^  in  the  place  of  our  1Dtf  'ntfrftt  and  thus 
to  bring  to  light  a  reading  which  is  unquestionably  the  original. 
He  acknowledges  his  indebtedness  to  my  article  "AAMBAN6IN 
(including  Derivatives  and  Compounds)  and  its  Hebrew-Ara- 
maic Equivalents"  which  appeared  in  the  AJSL.,  XXII  (1906;, 
11  Off.,  closing  with  a  confirmation  of  my  own  statement  that 
we  may  obtain  through  just  such  work  as  I  am  planning,  "in 
the  place  of  the  brilliant,  but  uncertain,  guesses,  results  which 
may  be  predicted  with  almost  mathematical  accuracy." 

Results  which  are  equally  certain  are  afforded  It  equally  leads  to 
by  a  possession  of  the  complete  material  when  the  recognition 
we  turn  to  inner-Greek  corruptions.  A  few  of  inner-Gr<»<>k 

M1        ,    i  .  corruptions. 

examples  will  not  be  amiss: 

III  K  8  46    K<U    €7ra£ets    avrovs    Sixt.    (==  B.  92.   120.  158.  247j    / 

02  nciS"!  has  been  recognized  as  faulty.  Mr.  Burney  emends 
Kal  Irakis  avTo??12;  he  compares  Ps  7  12,  where  opyrjv  .«rayo>i/  = 
DJJt,  and  Is  26  21  eVaya  Try  6pyr}v  /  ]iy  Tpfi^j  he  should  have 

added    ibid.   42  25   Kat  i-jri^yayev  ITT'  avrovs  opyrjv  /  HDH  V?J^  *]2^'I|<1 

and  Si  5  s  cTraywyvj  =  m2$.  But  he  fails  to  account  for  the 
"alteration"  in  the  parallel  passage  .11  Ch  6  36  Kat  Trara^eis  au- 
for  which  no  variant  reading  is  available.  Nevertheless, 


i  Omn  exc  54.  75.  2  BM.  29.  30.  59.  63.  64.  72.  77.  85mff. 

3  A.  16.  52.  77.  *  AGA.  alii.  5  A.  6  26. 

7  (7ou>x*.  248;  atfroO  23.  70.  £.  8  A.  9  omn. 

to  pr  24  23  (3Q5)  Na  1  7  Ze  3  n.  n  ZAW.,  XXVI  (1906),  290. 

12  Comp.  the  reading  /cat  e7ra£«y  e?r  avrovs  44.  52.  55.  64.  71.  74.  106.  119. 
121   (with  the  error  -&t  /  -£«»\  123.  134.  144.  236.  242-246.  Aid.  Cat.  Xic. 
^  1.  ed  £•  Kal  fTrapeis  or  ai'rous  A;  Kal  tbi>  ^Tra-'dyrjs  (tirdZis  Compl.)  ^TT'  ai/roi/s  A. 

13  A:  Kal  £<i.v  dvfMudr^  fir'  octroi's. 


308  Max  L.  Hargolis,  [1910. 


we  must  emend  here  likewise:  KOI  eTrafeis  a-urois  or  ITT 
The  emendation  is  rendered  plausible  by  the  knowledge  that 
in  four  other  places  that  have  come  under  my  observation 
€7ra£o>  has  by  its  side  the  corrupt  variant  Trara^w.1 

The  corrupt  reading  aTrax^o-^o-eor^at  n  /  <Mrax&?T€  Ge  42  1& 
finds  its  analogy  in  Is  16  14  where  axfeVfl^s2  or  ax&o-tfeis3  is 
found  for  ax^S5-  ^he  latter  is  of  course  the  correct  reading; 
the  translator  pointed  'ton  (or  'ton,  ton)4/  "to*?- 

Is  28  20  TOV  r)fj.as  o~vvax&r)vai  is  apparently  corrupt.  In  the 
first  place  >//Aas  BtfAQ5  is  itacistic  error  for  V/ACCS  F6;  but 
the  whole  is  corrupt.  The  translator  wrote  TOV  p)  crvvaxQfjvai 
=  6.  With  the  aid  of  the  emended  text,  we  arrive  at  the 
reading  Disnno  /  D33nrD;  (TOV)  /xr?  c.  infin.  =  )D  c.  infin.,  as 
may  be  seen  from  such  an  example  as  /^  €7rayayeiV  =  "liSJD  Is 
54  9.  7  ||  Hence  we  are  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  trans- 
lator with  his  TOV  /xr)  oia7rop€V€o-Oai  p^Se  avaKcx/xTrrcti/  Za  9  8  pointed 
his  text  SBtol  IbtfD  /  2WM  lajjo.  ||  An  then  to  the  solution  ot 
a  more  difficult  problem:  I  K  13  6  M  Trpoa-ayav  OLVTOV  is  re- 
ducible to  Ufaap  for  the  received  t^ai  ""S.  For  the  graphic 
variant  ^  /  D  I  cannot  quote  another  instance  from  my  own 
observations;  but  undoubtedly  examples  will  be  found.  On  the 
other  hand,  I  have  met  with  a  sufficient  number  of  the  (exege- 
tical)  misreading  (misinterpretation)  of  \&  into  #  and  vice 
versa,  and  in  this  very  verb  I  am  in  a  position  to  cite  Is  53  7 
where  both  6  Trpoo-TJx^  and  2  ayxxnpcx^1?  presuppose  #3}  for  the 
Masoretic  t^ai  The  form  t^ii  for  n^a,  which  suggested  itself 
to  the  translator,  is  no  more  impossible  than  NbO  for  flKiP,  or 
]ii:  for  nn.  ||  This  observation  leads  to  another  find.  Je  44(37)  ^ 
we  read  d-yopaa-at  /  p"?n^.  The  consonants  are  supported  by 
'A6  829  a:  10  5  11  $12;  just  how  the  word  was  pointed  by  them, 
may  still  be  a  matter  of  doubt  ;  at  all  events,  they  took  it  as 
a  denominative  from  pbn.  According  to  Giesebrecht,  the  ren- 


1  Le  26  25  (16.  73.   77);  IV  K  6  i»  (243);  Je  22  7  (106);  25  "  (A).     Con- 
versely we  find  the  corrupt  eira^u  B.  42   for  the  correct  7rard£oj  rell  Ez 
22  ts  (Roth  stein's  retro  version  ViiOrn  is  thus  rendered  problematical). 

2  93.  3  62.  147  (bad  orthography).    The  corrupt  reading  underlie 
.11  &  h.  4  Comp.  Am  7  11.  *•    Is  23  i  Je  47  (40)  1. 

5  Also  24.  49.  51.  62.  106.  147.  306.  309.  Compl.  Hier. 
e  =  Sixt  (and  rell  ex  sil).  7  Activum  pro  passive. 

*  ^fpivQrivan.  9  fj.epL<7a<r6ai.  1°  iTPiDnS  J<i^S^. 

11   l\juo  o^v.flnoV.  12  ut  divideret  possessionem. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  etc.          309 

tiering  of  the  Septuagint  goes  back  to  the  same  consonants 
and  to  the  same  interpretation.  But,  to  say  the  least,  that 
is  by  no  means  obvious.  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  that 
dyopafav  corresponds  in  two  passages  l  to  nj^,  just  as  in  five 
passages2  it  represents  the  synonymous  njj?,  while  Ne  10  3t 
dyopao-pos  =  ngo.  Hence  it  may  be  readily  conjectured  that 
the  translator  read  in  his  text  np^  /  p^n^>,  that  is,  the  same 
consonants  transposed,  and  that  his  grammar  permitted  him 
to  see  in  the  word  the  form  l$hh  as  a  possible  by-form  of 


Da   11  ^    0  Kal  ol  viol  avrov  <rvvd£ov(riv  o\\ov  ava    utcrov 

contains  two  corruptions:  for  ava  pea-ov   read  with  AA.  alii  Sv- 

i/a/zewv,-*    and   for   a-wagova-iv  read   crwotyovcri  Kal  (rvvd$ov(riv.      Note 

the  variant  arvva\^ova-iv  88  for  a-vva^ova-iv,  and  the  insertion  of 
/cat  o-wco/rovo-t  after  TroAAwi/  in  A.  The  whole  is  then  =  lim 
D^l  D^>TI  )1DH  1SDN1  TtiJV  ^;  o-waTrrciv  SC.  TrdAc/iov,  comp.  with 
the  object  expressed  verse  24  6  =  nonW  mjnn,  De  2  9-24 
=  JlDrte  rnjnn  and  ibid.  s.  19  =  mjnn.  Apparently  crvvfyovo-t 
was  miswritten  into  o-wafovo-t,  and  then  /cat  a-wdgova-tv  was 
omitted;  o-wa^  —  and  o-waf  —  are  proved  as  possible  variants 


1  Ne  10  31  and  II  Ch  1 16;    in  the  latter  passage,  Tnon  is  expressed  by 
A  (to  6.\\dyfjL«Ti}.     Also  2  ^  67  (68)  w  nnp1?  is  rendered  J^xaj. 

2  I  Ch  21  24bis  Si  37  11   Is  24  2;  AL.  Ge  47  i». 

3  Observe  that  while  ftSD  supply  an  object  denoting  "portion,  possess- 
ion"— the  "land  of  Benjamin"  and  chapter  32  are  responsible  for  this  cu- 
rious bit  of  exegesis—,  certain  Greek  manuscripts  (xc.amgQmgA)  rightly 
add  aprov,  "to  buy  food",  a  most  natural  thing  to  do  during  the  moment- 
ary raising  of  the  siege.    It  is  true,  imsrr  Jb  4025(30)  is  rendered  by  9 
ayopdo-oveiv  avrbv  (against  @  /zeptretfoirat  5£  avrdv,     'A  -r)fuaeiiffov<ni>  avrov,    S  5ta- 
/j.epi<rdri<rovTai  sive  -OfoeTai) ;    as  nsn   and  p^n  are  synonyms,   it  may  still  be 
possible  to  reduce  a.yopd<rat  in  Je  to  the  received  p^Ti^.    If  so,  that  would 
be  another  illustration   of  the  value   of  complete  induction.     But   it  re- 
mains difficult  to  see  how  nsn  and  ayopafav  could  be  equivalent.    Perhaps 
the  Theodotionic  rendering  belongs  to  the  first  half  of  the  verse  (Via*.; 
comp.  De  2  e  where  nan    is   rendered  in  (5   by  \7^e<r0e    U    ayopdo-are  = 
natffi). — An  interesting  variant  in  the  Je  passage   is  droSpcw-at  (239).     Of 
course,  it  may  be  a  corruption  from  ayopdvou.    On  the  other  hand,  it  may 
represent  the  Masoretic    p'pnj?  in  the  sense  "to  slip  through,    run  away" 
(see  Giesebrecht  ad  locum).    (Another  variant  is  irapoiKHrai  26  =  ?) 

*  Swa^ews    Q,   is  corrupt,    as  it  does  not  agree  with  TO\\WI>;    the  ab- 
breviated Sui/a/xew  (so  A)  was  incorrectly  resolved. 


310  Max  L.  Margolis,  [1910. 

not  only  from  the  reading  in  codex  88  but  also  from  De  32  23  1 
and  IV  K  5  11.2 


II  K  3  23  rjKowav  A  for  Hebrew  IfcC  is  certainly  suspic- 
ious ;  ?xOr}o-av  B.  rell  is  graphically  somewhat  distant.  But  an 
instance  like  Le  1  10  avrov  54.  75  for  avro  will  suggest  the 
possibility  that  ^/covo-av  is  a  misheard  r/Koo-av.  Since  JJKOV  is 
used  as  an  aorist,  the  ending  -oo-av  for  -ov,  so  frequently  met 
with  in  the  Greek  of  the  Septuagint  in  aorists,  becomes  in- 
telligible.3 

K  and  TT  are  found  interchanged  in  a  number  of  instances. 
I  have  noted  some  in  a  previous  paper.4  Observe  the  addi- 
tional examples:  Za  9  4  Kara£a  5  /  Trara&i  6  ;  ibid.  12  4  Kara£a>7/ 


The  meaningless  Karara^ere  w  Ge  44  29  is  due  to  ditto- 
graphed  ra;  the  correct  reading  is  of  course  Karajeje  =  DJYTTinO). 
The  same  error  occurs  Ge  44  ^  9  III  K  3  1  10  Am  3  "  u 
Jl  3(4)  2.  12  The  next  step  is  the  simplex  rafere^  (hence  also 
without  an  intermediary  Is  26  5  14);  and,  conversely,  Je  19  8  15 
Ez4414-  16 

How  complete  in-  "Whether  the  student  of  the  Septuagint  aims 
duction  may  be  at  rest0ring  the  Greek  original  as  it  left  the 
translators'  hands,  or,  more  ultimately,  at  a 
recovery  of  "the  Semitic  "Vorlage,"  he  is  always  face  to  face 
with  problems  of  identification.  Whatever  is  isolated,  depending 
upon  a  particular  constellation,  cannot  of  course  be  covered 
by  a  general  rule.  But  all  those  facts  which  are  general, 
conditioned  by  causes  which  may  occur  again  and  again, 
must  be  formulated  as  rules,  and  as  such  be  placed  at 
the  service  of  students.  The  complete  induction  of  the 


58  /  ffvvd^u  rell. 

2  firia-vva^ei  247  /  'cmawdfa  71.  119.  243. 

3  Comp.  Is  538  tycei  Qmg.  62.  90.  144.  147.  233.  Clem- Rom.  Just-Mar. 
Chrys  as  a  synonymous  variant  for  tfx.drj  rell. 

*  ZAW.,  XXVI  (1906),  88. 

s  K*AQa.  36.  40.  42.  49.  62.  86.  95.  106.  147.  185.  311. 

e  Btfc.a  c.b.  reli  =  mn(i)|).  ?  K*.         8  rell  =  nrx  £). 

9  t*.  10  247.  ii- 198.  12  62.  147. 

13  Jl  3(4)2  (311).  u  Ta&«  36  /  wwd&w  rell. 

15  KaTa&  B.  rell  /  rd&  AGA  =  "nat?  (I). 

16  Karatowny  BQ.  rell  /  roW^  A.  26.  42.  49.  90.  91.  106.  198.  238.  239. 
306.  Aid.  =  TU^CI),  the  intermediate  Karara^ovaiv  is  found  in  62. 


Vol.  xxx.]      Complete  Induction  for  the  Identification  etc.         311 

sum   total  of  general,   typical   facts  can  be  secured  only  by 
two   methods   of   procedure   which    can   be    easily   combined. 
On  the  one  hand,  each  article  in  the  Concor-     Lexical  equa- 
dance  to  the  Septuagint  and  the  other  Greek  tions. 

Versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  such  as  we  possess  in  the 
Oxford  publication,  must  be  gone  through  for  the  purpose  of 
establishing  all  lexical  equations.  It  is  obvious,  following  as 
it  does  from  the  nature  of  Semitic  speech,  that  derivatives 
and  compounds  must  be  treated  in  conjunction  with  the 
primary  words  and  the  simplicia.  It  has  been  shown  in  this 
paper  how  the  equation  of  tird-yew  nvl  or  «rt  TWO.  =  n  *)3K  is 
substantiated  by  the  equation  eTraywyjj  =  n*Dy.  The  Greek 
compounds  often  serve  merely  to  mark  the  "  Aktionsart".1 
Whether  we  say  in  Greek  oVayyeAActi/,  cwrayycAAeij',  or  the  sim- 
plex dyyeAAav,  the  Semitic  equivalents  will  in  most  cases  be 
indifferently  the  same.  Where,  on  the  other  hand,  the  pre- 
verb  retains  its  local  force,  as  in  the  case  of  ayeiv,  the  Semitic 
equivalent  will  naturally  differ,  and  the  differences  will  be- 
come evident  as  the  compounds  are  studied  in  their  totality 
and  with  a  view  to  each  other. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  text  of  the  vers-  Grammatical 
ions  must  be  investigated  with  a  view  to  gram-  equations. 
matical  equations.  I  use  the  two  terms,  lexical  and  gram- 
matical, in  their  widest  connotations.  When  I  say,  cfyeiv  = 
JH},  I  abstract  from  all  grammatical  differences,  such  as 
the  correspondence  of  the  active  to  the  Kal,  of  the  passive 
to  the  Semitic  passive,  of  the  aorist  to  the  perfect,  and  the 
like.  Equally,  when  I  treat  of  the  equations :  aorist  =  per- 
fect, lav  c.  conjunct,  aor.  =  DN  c.  imperf.,  or  of  such  stylistic 
peculiarities  as  "adjectivum  pro  nomine  in  genit.",  or  "ac- 
tivum  pro  passivo",  I  abstract  from  the  lexical  meaning  of 
the  words  or  phrases  entering  into  consideration.  While 
a  modicum  of  grammatical  observation  is  necessary  for  the 
proper  grouping  of  lexical  equations  within  each  article,  the 
material  for  a  grammatical  Concordance  may  be  gathered 
direct  from  the  texts.  Complete  induction,  at  all  events,  can 
be  had  only  by  means  of  the  two  lines  of  investigation,  the 


1  See  the  lucid  exposition  by  MOULTON,  A  Grammar  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment Greek,  vol.  i:  Prolegomena,  chapter  vi. 


312 


Max  L.  Margolis,  Complete  induction  etc. 


[1910. 


lexical  and  the  grammatical.  It  is  a  stupendous  work,  but 
it  must  be  done:  it  is  of  utmost  importance  not  only  for 
purposes  of  textual  criticism,  but  equally  for  a  study  of  the 
oldest  exegesis  of  Scriptures.  And  the  results  will  have  a 
decided  bearing  upon  an  understanding  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment likewise  which,  in  language  and  range  of  ideas,  is  linked 
to  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Hellenistic  garb. 


A  Hymn  to  Mullil  Tablet  29615,  CT.  XV,  Plates  7, 
8  and  9. — By  Kev.  FBEDERICK  A.  VANDERBUHGH,  Ph.  D., 
Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

PLATES  7,  8  and  9  in  Volume  XV  of  Cuneiform  Texts  from 
Babylonian  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum  contain  texts  of 
sixteen  tablets  of  Sumerian  Hymns  which  are  very  important. 
The  hymns  are  of  sufficient  length  and  variety  to  afford  a 
good  idea  of  what  Babylonian  Psalmody  consists.  Not  one  has 
less  than  thirty  lines,  and,  in  the  collection,  seven  different 
deities  are  addressed:  Bel,  Sin,  Adad,  Nergal,  Bau,  Kirgilu, 
and  Tammuz,  gods  whose  functions  relate  to  almost  every 
phase  of  Babylonian  theology. 

This  hymn,  addressed  to  Bel,  who  is  called  in  the  colophon, 
line  74,  Mu-ul-lil,  is  the  first  in  the  collection  and  one  of  the 
longest  umlingual  Babylonian  hymns  on  record.  The  first 
sixteen  or  eighteen  lines,  however,  and  the  last  thirteen  are 
too  badly  broken  to  give  a  connected  discourse.  From  line  20 
to  line  63,  the  text  is  in  fairly  good  condition. 

This  hymn  dwells  upon  the  majesty  of  Bel's  word.  The 
.Non-Semitic  Bel,  older  than  Nannar  or  Samas,  who  were 
successively  rivals  of  Bel  as  local  gods,  came  to  be  recognized 
as  "the  Lord  of  the  lands."  The  place  of  his  dwelling  was  in 
the  temple,  E-kur,  located  at  Nippur,  probably  the  "house" 
referred  to  in  this  hymn.  As  "the  Lord  of  the  lands",  he  was 
•conceived  of  as  controlling  the  destinies  of  men.  Thus,  we 
find  him  approaching  men  and  speaking  to  them,  as  the  follow- 
ing hymn  shows.  The  fuller  development  of  Bel's  position,  as 
belonging  to  a  triad,  where  Anu  was  considered  god  of  heaven, 
Bel,  god  of  earth,  and  Ea,  god  of  the  deep,  was  Assyrian. 
We  have  no  trace  of  this  thought  in  our  hymn. 

My  translation  of  this  very  difficult  hymn  and  its  commen- 
tary have  had  the  cooperation  of  Dr.  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  Pro- 
fessor of  Semitic  Languages  in  Columbia  University,  and 
Author  of  Materials  for  a  Sumerian  Lexicon,  whom  I  have 


314  Frederick  A.  Vanderburgli,  [1910. 

consulted  while  preparing  this  work,  and  who  is  himself  just 
publishing  a  translation  of  the  interesting  Hymn  to  Kirgilu 
from  the  same  collection,  Plate  23. 


Transliteration  and  Translation. 
Obverse. 

BKOKEN  TEXT. 

1.  —  —  -  —    nun(?)-e-bi  ma-te 

-  his  prince  (?)  approacheth. 

2. [-b]i  ma-te 

-  —  his  -    —  approacheth, 

3.  -  -  O 

4.  -  -  [ 

5.  -  -  a  ^in(DU) 

6.  -  mu-un-$i-gar(SA)  &f(RI) 

—  —  —  — —  —  it  is  done;  it  is  established. 

7.  -  —  —  [-e]-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-la  e£(RI) 

-  the  word  of  Mullil,  it  is  established. 

8.  — dimmer  gu-la-a  es(RI) 

-  of  Gula,  it  is  established. 

9.  -  -  [-a]m  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld  eS(RI) 

-  of  Mullil,  it  is  established. 

10.  -  -  ma-ab-gu-la-a  e$(RI) 

-  —  which  maketh  it  great ;  it  is  established. 

11.  -  -  ma-ab-hul-a  e$(Rl) 

— which  maketh  it  evil;  it  is  established. 

12.  -  -  %(PA)  ^e(GAN)-z>2-^(KA)-#a  e2(RI) 

-    [bearing]   the    sceptre  (?),   let    him    speak;   it   is 
established. 

13. —  —  --  nu-mu-da-ma(MA)-ma(M.A) 

-  on(?)  the  one  who  begetteth  not 

14.  -  —  nu-mu-da-zi-zi 

-  —  the  one  who  giveth  no  life. 

15.  -  -  sar-ra  mu-ub-bi-ir 

-  — •  the  one  who  bindeth  the  forest. 
16. —  bi  sila(TA!R)-a  mu-ub-ri 

-  the  one  who  setteth  up  the  road. 


Vol.  xxx.]  .1  HymntoMullil  315 


17.  -  -  [-a]b(?)-tt-e  me-ri  « 

-  the  one  who  lifteth  up,  who  lif'teth  up  the  dagger. 

18.  --  [-n]a-dm-da  $am(\J)-sun(SE)-na-ge  sag  im-da-sty(PA)-gi 

-  the  one  who  at  the  fixed  period  (?)  of  plant- 
growth  smiteth  the  head. 

19-  -  ~  gig-ga-bi-e$  am(A.AN)  bi-til(Tl)-U 

-  (to  the  sick  one)  (?)  thou  givest  life. 

LOED   OF   ABUNDANCE. 

20.  [da]m-a  nu-mu-un-til(TI)-li-en  ma-al-la  nu-mu-un-til(TI)'li-en 
To(?)  the  spouse  that  liveth  not,  the  husband  (?)  that  liveth  not, 

21.  dam-ma   nU'mu-un-til(Tl)-li-en  dumu(TUR)-a  nu-mu-un- 


the  wife  that  liveth  not,  the  child  that  liveth  not  (thou 
givest  life). 

22.  zal(NI)  nigin  ne-en  ^aZ(NI)  Sa(LIB)  ne-en 
Abundance  of  everything  there  is,  abundance  in  the  midst 

(of  the  land)  there  is. 

/  / 

23.  gam(TJ)  hi  imina-li  ki-bi-ta  3aw(U)  ku  me-en 

The  food  of  that  land  is  sevenfold,  in  that  land  food  to 
eat  there  is. 

24.  tur  amar(ZUR)-bi  a  nag  an-me-en 

In  the  resting  place  of  their  young  water  to  drink  there  is. 

25.  ga-$a-an  me-en  mu-lu  M-$M(KU)  eri-a  &wr(BAB>-ra  me-en 
Lord  art  thou  who  for  the  gate  in  the  city  art  protector. 

26.  el  hi  sug-bi  ma  su-a  me-en 

In  the  shining  land  on  its  water-ways  shipping  thou  in- 
creasest. 

27.  pe$  a  sug-ra  ba-an-nigin-na  me-en 

Plentifulness  of  water  thou  causest  the  water-ways  to  enclose. 

28.  mu  gig  gin(Dl5)  en-yd(MAL)  pes  me-en  kud(TA.U)-mu 
lid  me-en 

When  an  epidemic  sickness  is  spread  over  the  established 
city  my  (its)  judge  in  the  gate  thou  art. 

29.  Id  U  Id  ne-en  e(BIT)  damal  mulj  ^d(MAL)  sag  e(BIT)  iir- 
ra-bi  me-en 

Over  the  land,  the  high  land,  over  the  broad  house  thou 
art  established;  thou  art  head  over  the  house  and  its 
structure  (beams). 


316  Frederick  A.  Vanderlurgli,  [1910. 

30.  lid~$d(LIB)-ni-mdl(IG-)  d  (ID) -nu-mdl(lG)  me-en 

In  the  midst  of  their  cattle  when  they  are  without  power 
thou  art. 

31.  nin  gin(DU)  $dl-mdl(IGc)  Ud-Sd(LlE)-nu-mdl(IG)  me-en 
Faithful  lord  of  compassion  in  the  midst  of  the  cattle  that 
are  unsustained  thou  art. 

LOED   OF  NEAE   APPEOACH. 

32.  u-mu-un-na   e-ne-dm-ma(M.AIj)-ni   na-ma-da-te    mu(-lu)-da 
ni-ma-te 

The  lord  whose  word  approacheth,  to  mankind  it  is  near. 

33.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  gu-la-ge  na-ma-da-te  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 
The  word  of  Gula  approacheth,  to  mankind  it  is  near. 

34.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  na-ma-da-te  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 
The  word  of  Mullil  approacheth,  to  mankind  it  is  near. 

35.  e(BIT)  zi-mu  eri-a  ma  ni-in-u  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 

My  true  house  which  in  the  city  of  the  land  endureth,  to 
mankind  it  is  near. 

36.  mu-lu  zi-mu  eri-a  ma  ni-in-u  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 

My  faithful  folk  (priesthood)  who  in  the  city  of  the  land 
endure,  to  mankind  they  are  near. 

37.  g(BlT)-mw  zu  gal-gal-la  ga-ma-te  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 

My  house  of  great  wisdom,  may  it  be  near;  to  mankind  it 
is  ne^r. 

Reverse. 

38.  [mu]-lu  led  si  ll-ll  ga-ma-te  mu-lu-da  ni-ma-te 

He  of  the  gate  of  the  high  tower  (horn),  may  he  be  near; 
to  mankind  he  is  near. 

LOED   OF   SUPPLICATION. 

39.  damal(?)  gan  me-en  ud-da  gal)-da-pe$  mu-lu-na  mu-pad-de 
Mighty,   productive  one  thou  art,  let  light  extend,   to  his 
people  he  shall  speak. 

40.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  gu-la-ge  ga-ba-da-pe$  mu-lu-na  mu-pad-de 
The  word  of  Gula,  may  it  extend,  to  his  people  it  shall  speak. 

41.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  ga-ba-da-pe$  mu-lu-na  mu- 
pad-de 

The  word  of  Mullil  may  it  extend,  to  his  people  it  shall 
speak. 


Vol.  xxx.J  .1  II  urnn  In  Mitllil.  .17 

42.  ud-da  e(BIT)  azay-cja  ga-ba-da-pes  mu-lu-na  mu-pud-de 
The  light  of  the  shining  house,  may  it  extend,  to  his  people 
it  shall  speak. 

43.  e(BlT)  azag  g(BIT)  pisan(&lT)-na  r/a-W/f-/**  mu-lx-na 
mu-pad-de 

The  shining  house,  the  house  of  vessels,  may  it  extend,  to 
his  people  it  shall  speak. 

44.  mulu  1ml  Id-ne  gdl(lGr)-gdl(lG)  e-ne  zi  mu-pad-de  e-ne 
Sinners  at  the  altar  prostrate  themselves,  for  life  they  speak. 

45.  e(BIT)  ri-a-ni  gal(IG)-gal(IGr)  e-ne  zi  mu-pad-de  e-ne 

In  the  house  of  their  protection  they  prostrate  themselves, 
for  life  they  speak. 

46.  di»i-md(MAL)-ni    sar   mu-un-na-ra   i-dib(W)    mu-un-na- 
ab-bi 

Before  their  king  they  hold  a  festival,  the  word  they  speak. 

47.  dim  dimmer  gu-la  dim  dimmer  bara  gin(Gri)-gin(GI)-na 
i-dib  (LU)  mu-un-na-ab-bi 

To   the  queen,   to   Gula   the    queen,   to    the   deity  of  the 
shrine,  they  turn,  the  word  they  speak. 

LOED   OF   MAJESTY. 

48.  za-e  ud-da  ga-$a-an~mu  za-e  ud-da  a-ba  da-pe$  a-na  a-a- 


Thou  who  art  the  light,  my  lord,  thou  who  art  the  light, 

who  can  reach  (to  thee)  !  What  can  measure  itself  (with  thee)  ! 

49.  e-ne-tnn  dimmer  gu-la-ge  za-e  ud-da  a-ba  da-pe$  a-na  <>•"- 


The  word  of  Gula,  thou  who  art  the  light,  who  can  reach 
(to  thee)!    What  can  measure  itself  (with  thee)! 
50.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  za-e  ud-da  a-ba  da-pe$  (a)-na 


Word  of  Mullil,  thou  who  art  the  light,  who  can  reach  (to 
thee)!  What  can  measure  itself  (with  thee)! 

51.  a  f/a-$d-an-mu  tur-zu-da  du(KAK)-e  alam-zu  ta-a-an  nir/in 
Father,  my  lord,  in  thy  court  where  thou  art  creative,  who 
can  encompass  thy  image! 

52.  mulu  gam-ma-zu  Id  nu-un-gam  alam-zu  ta-a-an  nigin 

Of  the  men  who  bow  to  thee   in  the   lands  which  submit 
not,  who  may  encompass  thy  image! 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  IV.  23 


318  Frederick  A.  Vanderburgh,  [1910. 


53.  <fomu(TUR)    #wr(?)(KU)    gam-ma  h'l    $e-ir   nu-un-ma-al 
alam-zu  ta-a-an  nigin 

Of  the  lofty  (?)  sons  who  bow  down  and  exercise  no  power, 
who  may  encompass  thy  image! 

54.  dtMiw(TUR)  dur(?)(KTJ)  dg(?)(RA.M.)-ga(?)  li-a  gu  tuS(?) 
(KU)  i&(TUM)-£fu  zal(NI)  $im-e  ba-nd. 


LORD    OF   RECOMPENSE. 

55.  ogfd(MIR)  sag  mulu-e-da  e-ne  $u  d  kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de 
With  crowned  head  among  the  people  (and)  with  uplifted 
hand  he  pronounceth  judgment. 

56.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  gu-la-ge  e-ne  $u  al  kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de 
The   word    of   Gula,    it    with    uplifted    hand   pronounceth 
judgment. 

57.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  e-ne  $u  al  hud  (TAR)  -hud 
(TAR)-cte 

The   word    of  Mullil   it   with   uplifted    hand   pronounceth 
judgment. 

58.  igi(SI)-ni-da  ud-de  e(BIT)  bar-ri  ud-de  ga-ba-bi-e$(RI) 
The  light  of   his  face   in  the   house  of  decision,   may  it 
establish  light. 

59.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  gu-la-ge  e(BIT)  lar-ri  ud-de  ga-ba-bi-eS  (RI) 
The  word  of  Gula  in  the  house  of  decision,  may  it  estab- 
lish light. 

60.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  e(BIT)  bar-ri  ud-de  ga-ba- 


The  word  of  Mullil  in  the  house  of  decision,  may  it  estab- 
lish light. 
61.  a-ba  ba-   -a-de  a-ba  fca-£w#(TUK)-#d(MAL)-e  a-ba  ba-an- 


Who  can  —  —  who  can  grasp  it!    Who  can  keep  it! 

62.  e-ne-dm  dimmer  gu-la-ge  a-ba  ba-tug(T\]K)-gd(M.A.'L)-e.  a-ba 
ba-an-si-dg  (RAM  )-e 

The  word  of  Gula,   who  can  grasp  it!    Who  can  keep  it!" 

63.  e-ne-am  dimmer  mu-ul-lil-ld-ge  a-ba  ba-tug(T\3K)-ga(MA.Ij)-e 
a-ba  ba-an-si-[dg(RAM)-e] 

The  word  of  Mullil,  who  can  grasp  it!   Who  can  keep  iti 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Mullil.  319 

BKOKEN  TEXT. 

64.  dumu(T\]R)-mu  -  -  ba  lad  a#(RAM)-e 
My  son  -                   -  who  can  measure  it! 

65.  -  -  ba  bad  a-ba  ba-an-dg(RAM)-e 

-  who  can  measure  it! 

66.  -  -  a-ba  ba-an-dg  (RAM)-e 

who  can  measure  it! 

67. -  a  mu  -  -  a-ba  6a-aw-d#(RAM)-e 

who  can  measure  it! 

68.  -  —     an-si-dg(RAM.)-e 

can  keep  it! 

69.  -  -  e§  ba  al  bi  e$  mal-e  a-ba  ba-an- 

-  who  can  - 

70. —  -  -  an-da  ku  mal-e  a-ba  ba-an-si-  - 

-  —  who  can  keep 
71.  -  -  ku  mal-e  a-ba  ba-an-si-dg(RA.M.)-e 

-  who  can  keep  it! 

72  -  in-dug (K A) -ga  $es-ra  ba-an-da-$ub(RU) 

-  speak  —         -  brother  —         -  throw  - 

73.  -  in-dug  (KA.}-ga  -          -  ba  an-da  $w&(RTJ) 

speak  -  — throw  — 

74.  —  -  —  him -ma  dimmer  mu-ul-lil 

of  penitence  to  Mullil. 

75.  —  —   -  -  —  mu-bi  im 

-  its  lines  in  the  tablet. 

Commentary. 

Lines  1  to  19.    Broken  Text. 

The  beginning  of  each  line  up  to  line  20,  being  erased,  a 
connected  translation  for  this  section  is  precluded.  The 
closing  words  of  each  line,  however,  giving  some  complete 
clauses,  are  intact.  Some  of  the  characteristics  of  Bel  or 
Mullil  who  seems  to  be  the  subject  of  the  hymn  therefore 
crop  out  here. 

1.  bi  is  no  doubt  a  pronominal  suffix  in  this  line,  te,  occur- 
ring here  and  many  times  farther  on,  has  in  it  the  idea  of 
'approaching,'  telu  being  the  Assyrian  equivalent. 

3.  gin  is  a  value  of  DU  that  might  possibly  fit  here,  equal  to 
Mnu  'set,'  or  the  value  gub  might  do,  equal  to  nazazu  'stand.' 

23* 


320  Frederick  A.  Vanderlurgli,  [1910. 

6.  mu-un  is  a   common  verbal   prefix   signifying    completed 
action,   Si  an   infix  of  location  or  direction,    and  #ar(SA)  or 
possibly  the  Erne  Sal  value  mar  as  a  verb,  if  we  take  its  most 
usual   meaning,    equals  the  Assyrian  $akdnu.     <?3,  one   of  the 
values    of  RI,    equal   to    nadu,    gives   the    meaning   'establish' 
which  is  probably  the  one  intended   for  the  close  of  this  and 
the  following  six  lines. 

7.  e-ne-dm  is  probably  the  subject  of  e£(BI).    e-ne-dm  equals 
amdtu  and  is  a  dialectic  phoneticism  for  inim(KA),  Br.  508. 
e-ne-dm  occurs  15  or  16  times   in  this  hymn,     e-ne-dm  is   an 
'authoritative  word.'     It  sometimes  stands  for  the  god  himself; 
see  line  50.    mu-ul-lil-la  is  the  Erne  Sal  form  in  Sumerian  for 
Bel's  name. 

8.  gu-la-a  equals  rcibu  'great,'    and  was  also  the  name  of  a 
goddess.     She  appears  in  this   hymn  evidently  as  the  consort 
of  Bel.    The  gods  sometimes  had  more  than  one  consort.    The 
chief  consort  of  Bel  was  Belit.    The  goddess  naturally  possessed 
the  same  qualities  as  the  god  with  whom  she  was  consorted, 
but  in  a  diminutive  degree.    Gula  is  more  generally  known  as 
the  consort  of  Nin-ib. 

11.  Jml,  the  common  Sumerian  word  for  'evil.' 

12.  We    cannot  state  with   much  certainty  the  relation  of 
PA  in  this  sentence.    Jje(QA.N)-in-gug(KA)-ga  is  clearly  a  verb 
in  the  precative  construction,    in  may  be  a  part  of  the  preca- 
tive  prefix,  lie-in  being  dialectic  for  gan. 

13.  wa(MA)  =  alddu,   Br.  6769,   and  the   infix  da   may   be 
locative,  the  pronominal  representative  being  understood. 

14.  zi  is   one  of  the   common  words    for   'life,'  =  Assyrian 
napi$tu,  but  here  evidently  a  verb. 

15  &  16.  sar-ra  =  Mru,  Br.  4315.    ul)  and  U  are  verbal  in- 
fixes, MSL.  p.  XXIV.    ir  =  bamfi,  Br.  5386. 

17.  U  =  na$u,  Br.  6148.   me-ri  is  phonetic  for  the  Erne  Sal: 
mer  (AD),  patru.     dm  (A.  AN)  seems  to  occur  sometimes  as  a 
verbal   prefix,    Br.  p.  548,    but    it    serves   more   usually   as    a 
suffix  equal  to  the  verb   'to  be.'     In  da-ab}   dab,  'unto  it,'  we 
have  the  pronominal  object  represented  by  ab. 

18.  |(H»(U)-SMw(SE)-na,  a  word  not  often  found  outside  of 
the  collection  of  hymns  in  CT.  XV,  is  explained  by  Professor 
Prince  in   his   translation  of  some  of  these  hymns,  as  'plant- 
growth.'     It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  sign  SE  in  this  com- 


Vol.  xxx.]  .1  /-If/mn  to  Midlil  321 

bination  in  these  inscriptions  is  not  very  readily  identified; 
the  phonetic  complement  >*a,  however,  helps  to  confirm  the 
reading  of  the  sign  as  sun.  %(PA)  *+ma  'smite,'  Br.  5576. 

19.  eS  is  sometimes  a  postposition,  Br.  9998.  til(TI)  —  ba> 

Lines  20  to  31.    Lord  of  Alum/lance. 

The  Assyrian  Creation  Legends  assume  that  Bel,  the  old 
god  of  Nippur,  was  the  god  of  the  earth  par  excellence,  and 
that  it  was  he  who  prepared  the  earth  for  the  habitation  of 
mankind.  See  Jastrow,  Religion  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria, 
p.  140. 

20  &  21.  dam  —  aSSatu  and  dumu(T^R)  =  maru,  and  the 
jiarallellism  between  the  two  lines  would  suggest  that  ma-al-la 
must  mean  'husband,'  being  a  dialectic  form  for  mdl(IG) 
which  equals  ba$u,  also  sakanu,  signifying  'substance/  'exist- 
ence,' &c. 

22  &  23.  *aZ(NI)  =  barii  'be  abundant,'  Br.  5314.  uigin  = 
•irn,  Br.  10335.  imina-bi  =  sibitti-Sunu  or  sibitti-su.  Sam 
ku  =  rttu  ahdlu,  'food  to  eat.' 

24.  tur  =  tarhaxu  and  amar(ZiUR)  =  burn  'offspring.'  a  nag 
=  me  $atu  'water  to  drink.'  &wr(BAB)-ra  in  25  means  'pro- 
tector,5 from  nasara. 

26  &  27.  These  two  lines  go  together  and  illustrate  how 
Bel's  and  Ea's  provinces  overlap  each  other,  as  regards  the 
water-courses,  sug  =•  #usu  and  su  =  ruddu.  pes  =  rapasu 
'extent,'  from  which  we  derive  the  idea  'plentifulness,'  and  a 
may  equal  mu  'water.'  ba-an-nigin-na  is  a  verb;  the  prefix, 
one  of  usual  occurence,  in  a  pronominal  way  takes  up  the 
remote  object  just  given,  nigin  as  a  verb  =  palidru;  above, 
it  is  a  noun. 

28.  This  and  the  following  three  lines  offer  a  considerable 
difficulty  in  translation,    mu  =  Sattu  from  the  fuller  form  mu- 
an-na  'name  of  heaven,'  i.  e.,  'year.'     Prom  gig  'sick'  and  gin 
'going'  we   get  the  translation  'epidemic  sickness.'    kucl(TAR) 
=  danu  'judge.' 

29.  II  =  elu  or  na$u,  and  muJj,  although  usually  a  preposition, 
seems    here   to   have   the   place   of  a   postposition,     ur-ra  = 

/e  'beam.' 

30  &  31.  These  two  lines  have  parallel  thoughts  and  con- 
sequently should  be  explained  together.  Their  duplicates  in 
Plate  24,  possessing  slight  phonetic  variations,  help  to  a  cor- 


322  Frederick  A.  Vanderburgh,  [1910. 

rect  reading.  Perhaps  IGr  should  be  read  gal,  but  line  11  of 
Plate  24  gives  ma-al.  Possibly  lid  is  a  loan-word  from  the 
Semitic  lidu  which  is  connected  with  alddu,  but  there  are 
lexicographic  references  which  connect  it  with  lu,  making  it 
equal  to  the  feminine  littu  'wild  cow.'  It  is  interesting  to  note 
also  that  the  sign  LID  has  a  value  db  =  arJm  'wild  ox:  gin 
(DU)  =  kanu  and  8al  =  remu. 

32  to  38.   Lord  of  Near  Approach. 

The  Babylonian  theologian,  as  pointed  out  by  Professor 
Jastrow,  regarded  Bel  as  representing  providential  forces 
which  operate  among  the  inhabited  portions  of  the  globe. 
This  idea  is  apparent  here  in  the  lines  about  Bel's  near 
approach. 

32.  Possibly  it  is  well  to  note  the  difference  between  na- 
ma-da-te  and  ni-ma-te.  The  first,  it  will  be  noticed,  has  the 
infix  da  which  the  second  does  not  have.  This  must  be 
because  of  the  locative  relation  of  da  to  the  noun  preceding 
the  verb.  Another  difference  is  that  the  first  verb  has  the 
prefix  na  where  the  second  has  ni.  na  does  not  often  occur 
as  a  prefix;  when  it  does,  it  usually  belongs  to  the  verb  of 
the  third  person,  na  may  probably  be  a  harmonic  equivalent 
of  ni.  ni  and  ne  are  both  used  with  an  aorist  tense.  If  te 
means  'is  approaching,'  ni-te  must  mean  'is  near.'  ma  as  a 
prefix  would  be  a  harmonic  equivalent  of  mu,  but,  as  an  infix, 
must  have  reference  to  matter  going  before,  mu-da  seems  to 
be  a  scribal  error  for  mu-lu-da;  see  the  same  refrain  in  line  33. 

35.  ni-in-u:  nin  (ni-in)  is  a  reduplication  referring  to  the 
indirect  object,  probably  to  ma  'land.'  it  as  equivalent  to 
labdru  can  mean  'endure.'  Possibly  a  value  should  be  chosen 
for  U  as  meaning  'old'  that  may  take  the  phonetic  complement 
-ra;  instances  with  U  +  ra  meaning  'old'  are  on  record.  On 
the  other  hand,  ra  may  not  be  a  phonetic  complement  at  all. 

38.  si  =  karnu  'horn.'     Notice    the   precative    form    of  the 
verb,  ga-ma-te;  the  infix  da  now  has  dropped  out. 

39  to  47.   Lord  of  Supplication. 

The  thought  passes  here  from  that  of  Bel  giving  command 
to  his  people  to  that  of  the  people  offering  prayer  to  Bel. 

39.  damal  =  gabsu  and  gan  =  alidu.  gab-da-pe§  seems  to  be 


Vol.  xxx.]  A  Hymn  to  Mullil  323 

for  ga-ba-da-pes ;  see  the  next  line,  where  ga  is  plainly  precative. 
pe§  =  rapaSu  'extend'  as  above,    pad  -=  tamu  'speak.' 

43.  _pisan(SIT)-/ia  =  pisannu  'vessel;'  we  are  guided  by  the 
phonetic   complement   in  determining  this  value  of  §IT;    the 
value    Sid   would    have    given    alaktu    'going,'    hti  =  menutu 
'counting,'  and  sangu  =  sangu  'priest.'     Sacrificial  vessels  are 
no  doubt  referred  to. 

44.  ~ki-ne,  'place  of  fire,'  hence 'altar.'    gdl(I(jr)  =  labanu,  Br. 
2241.     ri  in  line  45  =  hatdnu  which  gives  us  the  word   'pro- 
tection.' 

46.  sar:  the  right  Assyrian  equivalent  for  this  word  here  is 
isinnu,  Br.  4311.    No  other  meaning  for  SAR  will  suit  in  this 
line.     From  sar  as  'forest'  we  easily  pass  to   the  conception 
'park'  and  then  to  the  'festival'  that  might  be  held  there,    ra 
=  ramu,  Br.  6362.  ?'-£?#>  (LU)is  the  same  as  the  Assyrian  kubu. 
i-dib  is  said  to  mean  'seizing  speech'  and  i-nim,  referred  to 
above,  'high  speech.'     It  may  not,  however,    be   safe  often  to 
regard  the  parts  of  such  composite  words  as  having  ideographic 
value,    bi  =  kibu  and  nab  (na-db)  calls  up  the  double  object, 
direct  and  indirect,    giving   such  a   use  as  in  'they  speak   it 
to  him.' 

47.  dim  =  Sarru,  Br.  4254,  and  of  course  we  can  say  'queen,' 
if  dim  can  mean  'king.'     bara  =  parakku  and  gin(GrI)  =  tdru. 

48  to  54.    Lord  of  Majesty. 

The  last  two  lines  of  this  section  are  exceedingly  difficult, 
lines  51  and  52  also  give  considerable  trouble. 

The  thought  that  the  loftiness  of  the  deity  as  incomparable, 
found  here,  appears  in  other  hymns,  particularly  the  great 
bilingual  hymn  to  Nannar,  published  in  IV  R.  9.  See  Vander- 
burgh's  Sumerian  Hymns. 

48.  a-ba  =  mannu  'who?5  a-na  =  minu  'what?'  a-rt-a^(RAM); 
reduplication  of  a  for  a  verbal  prefix  is  unusual;  d^(RAM)  = 
madadu  'measure.'    In  line  50,   wa,   by  scribal   error,   stands 
for  a-nn. 

51.  ttir,  'court;'  see  line  24.  du(KAK)  =  banu,  epe$u,  ritu,  &c. 
abnn,  according  to  Sb.  378,  but  salam,  according  to  Br.  7297, 
giving  the  Assyrian  lanu  and  salimi  'image.'  ta-a-an  =  minu 
'what?;'  Br.  3969.  a-an  above  =  'what?'  ta  alone  also  can  — 
'what?;'  Br.  3958.  mgin  =  saharii  similar  in  meaning  to  pa- 
Ijaru;  see  lines  22  &  27.  gam  in  52  —  kandSu  'bow  down.' 


324          Frederick  A.  Vanderlurgh,  A  Hymn  to  Mullil.        [1910. 

53.  efwww(TUR)  ==  mdru  'son;'  see  line  21.  ^r(KU);  possibly 
KU  =  rubu;  if  so,  the  value  would  be  dur,  Br.  10498  &  10547. 
It  would  not  alter  the  sense  very  much,  if  we  should  read  KU 
as  equal  to  ltakl&  and  say  'son  with  weapons.'     su  =  emuku 
power.'     $e-ir   is    dialectic   for   nir  =  beht,,   etellu,    Sarru    and 
other    synonyms,     ma-al    is    the    same    as   gdl(IG-)  =  SaMnu 
'establish.' 

54.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  tell  how  KU  and  RAM  should 
be  read  in  this  line.     If  the  fourth   sign   is  ga   the  value  of 
RAM  is  ag.    RAM  can  =  uru  'command,'  yielding  a  parallel 
with  f5(TIJM)  'wrath.'   li-a  (disu)  'luxuriant  growth'  +  gu  'vege- 
tation' form  a  parallel  with  zal(NI)  'abundant'  +  $im-e  'herbage.' 
The  second  KU  read   as  ins  (ctMbu)  makes  a  parallel  to  nd 
(rabdsu). 

55  to  63.    Lord  of  Recompense. 

In  passing  from  the  previous  section  to  this,  there  is  a 
change  in  the  pronouns  used.  In  that  section  Bel  is  referred 
to  with  the  pronominal  suffix  -zu  'thy;'  in  this  section  by  the 
suffix  -ni  'his.' 

55.  aga(M.TR)\  this  sign  signifies  'crown,'  and  the  value  ago, 
is  apparently  from  the  Semitic  agu.    al  =  sjiru  'lofty,'  Br.  5749. 
TAR  we  have  had  above;  with  the  value  hud,  required  by  the 
phonetic  complement  de,  we  are  led  to  some  such  meaning  as 
'judge,'  danu,  Br.  364,  line  28. 

mulu-e-da;  in  line  33  and  elsewhere,  we  have  mu-lu-da;  is 
there  any  difference  in  these  two  phrases  except  phonetically? 
Is  -e-,  in  a  case  like  this,  equal  to  the  definite  article  'the?' 

58.  igi(SI)  =  pdnu,  Br.  9259.     bar  =* pirtitu,  Br.  1788. 

61.  %(TUK)  =  aMzw  'seize.' 


A  Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu  (Cuneiform  Texts  from 
the  British  Museum,  XV.,  Plate  23)  with  translation 
and  commentary. — By  Professor  J.  DYNELEY  PRINCE, 
Ph.D.,  Columbia  University,  New  York  City. 

THE  following  Erne-Sal  hymn  to  the  goddess  Kir-y't-ln 
(obv.  4;  also  Nin-kir-gi-lu,  rev.  14)  is  distinctly  a  prayer  for 
fructifying  rain,  the  granting  of  which  in  this  petition  is  made 
the  chief  function  of  the  deity.  That  Kir-gi-lu,  occurring 
also  Reisner,  Sum.  Bab.  Hymnen,  NO.  III.,  PI.  137,  col.  iii,  4, 
was  none  other  than  Istar  seems  apparent  from  obv.  4,  where 
Kir-gi-lu  is  mentioned  as  the  tutelary  deity  of  the  E-Nana, 
the  temple  of  Istar.  Istar  herself  was  the  personification  of 
fertility,  the  great  mother  of  all  that  manifests  life  (Jastrow, 
Religion,  Eng.  Ed.,  p.  459),  so  that  a  hymn  of  this  character, 
praying  for  plenty,  is  perfectly  natural. 

The  exact  meaning  of  the  name  Kir-gi-lu  is  not  clear,  but 
it  seems  undoubtedly  to  be  connected  with  the  idea  of  plen- 
teousness.  Note  that  the  sign  KIR-PES  «=  mamlu  'fullness/ 
6933;  also  KIR-GAL,  6941;  =  maru  'be  fat,'  6934;  =  rap&Su 
'extend,'  6936;  Md$u  'to  triple'  =  'multiply,'  6937,  all  which 
meanings  are  in  harmony  with  the  general  idea  of  fertility 
(MSL.  269).  *  For  further  discussion,  see  also  below  on  obv.  2. 

In  obv.  20,  21,  I  have  rendered  DA-MU  as  Bau,  in  spite 
of  the  absence  of  the  god-determinative  AN.  Here  it  should 
be  noted  that  in  some  forms  of  the  Babylonian  theology, 
Bau  was  the  mother  of  Ea,  the  deity  of  the  ocean;  viz.,  of 
water.  Jastrow  has  suggested  (Religion,  p.  61)  that,  since  Ea 
represents  the  waters  of  the  abyss  or  lower  realm,  Bau,  his 
mother,  probably  was  the  deity  of  the  waters  of  the  upper 
realm;  i.  e.,  the  clouds,  which  makes  an  allusion  to  her  in  the 
present  hymn  peculiarly  appropriate  and  implies  her  identi- 
fication by  the  writer  with  the  water-giving  Istar. 

MSL. --=  John  Dyneley  Prince,  Materials  for  a  Sumerian  Lexicon, 
Leipzig,  1905.  Numbers  not  preceded  by  a  title  are  references  to  Briinnow's 
Classified  List. 


326  J.  D.  Prince,  [1910. 

An  interesting  feature  of  this  hymn  is  the  occurrence  of 
glosses  giving  the  Erne-Sal  pronunciation  of  certain  signs;  e.  g., 
obv.  5;  UN  =  u\  UBUR  =  u-bi-ur  for  u-bu-ur;  also  rev.  8, 
zu-ur  zu-ur,  written  under  a  sign  which  otherwise  might  be 
difficult  to  place. 

I  am  especially  indebted  to  the  .Rev.  Drs.  F.  A.  Vander- 
burgh  and  Robert  Lau  for  many  valuable  suggestions  in  con- 
nection with  the  rendering  of  this  difficult  hymn. 

CT.  XV.  PI.  23. 

Obverse. 

1.  du(UL)-e  pa-pa-al-ta  er(A-Sl)  £e?(A-AN)-4tt 

For  growth  in  the  bud;  a  lamentation  for 'rain 

2.  azag-zu-mu  nin  ga-ta  dimmer  Kir-gi-lu 

My  glorious  wisdom,  lady  endowed  with  plenty,  goddess 
Kirgilu, 

3.  &w--sMn(GUL)-sttn(GUL)    MU-GIG-IB  ga-ta   dimmer 

an-na 

who  irrigatest  the  earth,  goddess  endowed  with  fulness, 
deity  of  heaven, 

4.  nin-zi-mu  ga-ta  dimmer  e  Nana-a-ra 

0  my  faithful   lady,    endowed  with   fulness,  goddess   of 
the  house  of  Istar! 

5.  dimmer  it(UN)-ma  i-de  ma-al  ama  ubur  zi-da 

0  goddess  of  my  people  (land),  wise  one,  mother  of  un- 
failing breast! 

6.  la-bar  lil-e  ga-ta  dimmer  sal-Sag 

Messenger  of  mercy,  endowed  with  fulness,  goddess  of  grace! 

7.  dw(UL)-e  pa-pa-al-ta  tu$(K1J)-a-ta 
When  growth  dwelleth  in  the  bud, 

8.  du(\]Ij)-e  pa-pa-al  dimmer  azag-ga-ta 

the  growth  of  the  bud  (is)  from  the  goddess  of  glorious 
fulness. 

9.  dw(UL)-e  pa-pa-al  dara(IB)-a-ta 

When  the  growth  of  the  bud  becometh  full, 

10.  ~ki-ag(RA.M.)  me-e  ma-ar  ba-an-ag  an-na 

the  beloved  one  establisheth  the  decree;  heaven  ordaineth  it. 

11.  mulu-di  ama-mu-ra  dug(KA}-ga-na-ab  me-na  mu-un-gaba-e 
For  the  man  of  judgment  who   prayeth   to  my  mother, 

his  command  she  setteth  forth. 


Vol.  xxx.]          A  Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu.  327 

12.  fja-ta  dimmer  Gir-gi-lu-ge(KlT)  dug(KA)-ga-na-ab  me-na 

mu-un-gaba-e 

For  him  who  prayeth  to  the  fulness  of  Grirgilu,  his  com- 
mand she  setteth  forth. 

13.  la-bar  lil-e  ga-ta  dimmer  sal-Say-bi  me-na  mu-un-gaba-e 
(She)  the  messenger  o'f  mercy,  endowed  with  fulness,  his 

lady  of  grace,  his  command  she  setteth  forth. 

14.  dimmer  ses-ld-ra  mu$(QI.S)-gi-ta  dug(KA)-ga-na-ab  me-na 

mu-un-gaba-e 

For  him  who  prayeth  to  Nannar  (Sin)  with  devout  in- 
clination (?),  his  command  she  setteth  forth. 

15.  mus(Gl&)-gi  ama  dimmer  azaij-ga-ta  a-a-mu-ra  dug(KA)~ 

ga-na-ab 

For  him  who  prayeth  devoutly  inclining  (?)  before  the 
divine  mother  endowed  with  glorious  fulness;  (viz.,) 
to  my  father, 

16.  me-na  azag  mu-un-tu(K\3)  mu-un-gaba-e  me-na  mu-un- 

gaba-e 

his  glorious  command  she  setteth  forth;  his  command 
she  setteth  forth. 

17.  me-na    za    mu-un-tu(KU)   mu-un-gaba-e    me-na   mu-un- 

gaba-e 

His  command  as  a  jewel  she  fixeth;  she  setteth  it  forth; 
his  command  she  setteth  forth. 

18.  azag  ni-tuk-a  azag-mu  ba-ti 

The  glorious  one  she  is;  my  glorious  one  she  liveth. 

19.  za-gin(K[JR,)  ni-tuk-a  za-mu  ba-ti 

A  crystal  she  is;  my  jewel  she  liveth. 

20.  lil  e$(AB)  da-mu  ide  (Sl)-ni-$6(KU)  ba-gul 

The  storm  of  the  house,  the  goddess  Bau  before  its  very 
face  rendereth  nought. 

21.  (Ul  e*[AB])  da-mu  ide  (8l>»i-$6(KU)  ba-xul 

The  storm  of  the  house,  Bau  before  its  very  face  de- 
stroyeth. 

22 a-a-mu  ide(&I)-ni-$u(K\J)  ba-pi-(el) 

(the  welfare?)  of  my  father  before  his  very  face  she 
seeketh  (?). 

23 a-a-mu  ide(&I)-ni-*u(KU)  ba 

of  my  father  before  his  very  face  she 

24 ?-dW(LU)  nu-a-Se  er(A-§I)  £?0(A-AN>da 

lament  for  lack  of  grain ;  lamentation  for  rain 


328  J.  D.  Prince,  [1910. 

25  ........  (JF/r)-#J-?tt-#e(KIT)  i-dib(LU)   nu-a-3e  er(A-SI) 


.......  of  Kirgilu;  a  lament  for  lack  of  grain;  a  lamen- 

tation for  rain  ..... 

Reverse. 

1  ...........  i-di6(LU)-md  we-  a  ....... 

..........  ray  lament;  the  voice  of  ........ 

2  .............. 

3.  u-siin-na  a-se-ir  er(A.-&I)-ra-ta  ...... 

The  gift  of  vegetation  (in  return  for)  penitential  psalms 
and  tears  (she  will  grant?). 

4.  damal-saqqad-mu  er(A.-Sl)-xul  ag-na  me-(na)  ....... 

0    my  broad  headdress   (all  sufficient   protection),   I(?) 
making  sad  lament,  the  voice  ..... 

5.  me-e  dimmer  En-lil  tub(KU)-bi  &g(A-AN)  ide(ST)  ^w(DTJ) 

a-ma  lu  ..... 

The  decree  of  Bel  is  established;  the  rain  goeth  forward; 
my  water  .  .  . 

6.  a  eri-gul-a-mu  ga  se#(A-AN)  ufe(§I)  gin(D\J)  a-mu  lu  ...... 

Water   for   my    city    laid   waste;    plenteous    rain    goeth 

forward;  my  water  .... 

7.  e-gul-la  eri-gul-la-mu  zi  ....... 

For  my   house   laid  waste,   for  my  city  laid  waste,  life 
(hath  been  decreed?) 

8.  su-ni-el-ta  im-ta  zur-zur  er(A-SI)  gig  ni-ib- 

With  her  exalted  hand  in  the  rain-storm  she  establishes 
it;  (in  response  to)  troubled  weeping  ..... 

9.  gaba-ni  su-id)  azag  ga  al  gul-e  er(A-&I)-gig  ni-ib-bad(BJ&) 
Her  breast  is  glorious  (and)  shining;  the  devastation  (in 

response  to)  troubled  weeping   (she  will  remove?). 

10.  iir-ni  u-lad-tir-ra-ni  sag(?)  er(A-SI)-gig  ni-ib-  .... 
Her  step  (tread)  the  seed  of  her  vegetation  graciously  (?) 

(in  return  for)  troubled  weeping  (will  cause  to  be?). 

11.  utuga-a  e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi  mw^(GIS)  ba-an-tuk-a-ta 
When  on  the  day  of  plenty,  with  her  many  streams  (?) 

she  giveth  ear, 

12.  en  rftttnw(TUR)  dimmer  Nin-M-gal-la-ge(KIT)   nin-a-i 

^i't(KU)  mu-un-na-ni-me-en 

the  lord,  the  son  of  the  goddess  Allatu  (Ninkigal),  unl 
his  lady  is  inclined. 


Vol.  xxx.j  .1  Hi/mn  to  tlie  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu.  329 

13.  azag-zu-mu    nint/a-ta    dimmer  Gir-gi-lu  kur-ta    nam-ta-e 

(UD-DU)  ' 

My    glorious   wisdom,    lady    endowed    with    fulness,    the 
goddess  Girgilu  over  the  land  cometh  forth. 

14.  er(A>-&I)-lib(m)-ma  dimmer  Nin-Kir-gi-lu 

A  penitential  psalm  to  the  goddess,  the  lady  Kirgilu. 

15.  sal-zi-du  i-dib(L\J)  ya-man-ku-tin  mulu  nam-mu-un-zi 
Faithful  lady,  may  (her)  word  give  life;   she  is  the  one 

who  endoweth  with  life! 

16.  du(UIj)-e  pa-pa-al-la  ga-man-ku-tin 

The  growth  of  the  bud  may  she  endow  with  life! 

17.  du(\JL)-e  ki-azag-mu  ga-man-kn-tin 

The  growth  of  my  pure  place  may  she  endow  with  life! 

18.  kiazag  ld-?-na  ga-man-ku-tin 

The  glorious  place;  the  place  of  ...  may  she  endow  with 
life. 

19.  /r/-a//(RAM?)  me-e  mar(?)-ra-mu  ga-man-ku-tin 

The  beloved  one  (the  plaint  which  I  make?)  may  she 
endow  with  life-giving  effect! 

20.  azag  a-a-mu  ba-til-la-ia 

The  glorious  one;  when  she  giveth  life  to  my  father; 

21.  za  a-a-mu  ba-til-la-ta 

The  jewel;  when  she  endoweth  my  father  with  life! 

Commentary. 

Obverse. 

1.  du(UL)  =  Suklulu  'complete,'  9142.  The  original  meaning 
of  the  sign  seems  to  be  'advance,7  as  seen  in  Sitbti  'advance, 
cause  to  advance,'  9162.  It  also  means  naqapu  'gore,'  said  of 
a  bull,  9144.  For  this  root-idea  'push,'  see  MSL.  85,  s.  v. 


pa-pa-al-ta,  with  sufiix  -fa;  also  7,  8,  9.  See  5631—5632: 
gi$(IZi)  pa-pa-al  geStin  =  dillatu  and  papallu  ;  loanword,  papal 
may  be  for  pal-pal,  a  fuller  form  of  PA-PA  'staff,  shoot  of  a 
plant.'  Of.  5629:  U  PA-PA-PA  =  araru  'a  sort  of  plant.'  I 
render  'vegetation'  here. 

er(A-SI),  also  rev.  3:  'weeping'  (lit.  'water  of  the  eye'); 
'lamentation'  (see  MSL.  104). 

'water  of  heaven'  =  'rain.'  See  especially,  MSL.  313. 


330  J.  D.  Prince,  [1910. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  this  line  is  the  heading  of  the 
inscription.  Note  the  refrain-like  recurrence  of  the  words 
dn(l]ii)-e  pa-pa-al  in  obv.  7,  8,  9.  Obv.  25  is  possibly  another 
heading  for  the  second  part  of  the  hymn  given  in  the  reverse. 

2.  Azag-zu-mu.     I  render   'my   (mu)  glorious  wisdom   (azag 
=  ellu,  9890  +  zu  =  nimequ  'deep  wisdom,7  136).     The   con- 
ventional  Semitic   translation    of  this    combination   is  emuqtu 
'deep  wisdom;'  cf.  Reisner,  Hymnen,  plate  135,  NO.  III.,  col. 
iii.,  3;  a  parallel  passage. 

nin-ga-ta,',  lit.  'lady  endowed  with  breast'  =  'plenteousness' 
(MSL.,  Ill:  ga  'breast,  milk,  plenty5)- 

dimmer  Kir-gi-lu,  the  name  of  the  goddess.  See  also  In- 
troduction for  discussion.  Kir-pe$  =  6933:  mamlu  'fulness7 
(MSL.  269).  gi  seems  also  to  mean  'plenteousness'  (MSL.  136). 
The  name  then  appears  to  mean  'the  lady  who  embraces 
(LU-DIB)  copious  plenty,'  an  epithet  harmonizing  admirably 
with  her  character  as  set  forth  in  this  hymn,  where  she  is  the 
giver  of  plenty-bringing  showers.  It  is  not  certain  whether 
the  signs  KIR-GI-LU  should  not  be  read  Pe$-gi-lu,  or  even 
PeS-gi-dib,  pe$  being  the  usual  Sumerian  value  for  KIR 
(MSL.  269). 

3.  kur-sun-sun   'who  irrigatest  the   earth.'     sun  =  gul  must 
denote   irrigation   here   from   the    context,   which    demands    a 
benevolent    function    of    the    goddess.     With    the    value   gid, 
however,  it  means  'inundation;'  cf.  rev.  6:  gul  =  abdtu  'destroy 
by  water.' 

mu-gig-ib  =  1319:  iUaritu  ' goddess;'  cf.  also  Reisner,  Hymnen, 
pi.  135,  III.  col.  iii,  5:  mu-gig-an-na  =  il  iStarit  il  A-nim  'the 
goddess  of  heaven.'  mu-gig  seems  to  mean  'heavy'  or  'important 
name,'  being  a  grandiloquent  equivalent  for  the  goddess  Istar, 
whose  name  was  all  powerful.  Note  that  gig  =  kibtu  'heaviness, 
trouble,'  9232.  ib  perhaps  =  baru  'be  full,'  as  in  obv.  9,  q.  v. 

4.  nin-zi-mu   'my   faithful  lady;'   zi  =  kenu  'faithful,'  2313, 
probably  not  'lady  of  life7  here,  as  nin-zi  suggests  nin-zi-da, 
the  fuller  form  (see  below  on  obv.  5).    Reisner,  Hymnen,  135, 
III,  col.  iii,  8:  rubdtum  kettum  'lady  of  faithfulness/ 

e  nand  'the  house  of  Nand'  was  probably  e-an-na  in  Erech. 
Note  the  dative  ~ra  for  the  genitive  -^e(KIT). 

5.  dimmer  w(UN)-wm.    .Un,  here  with  the  new  value  w(ES) 
especially  glossed  in,  =  mdtu  'land,'  5914,  or  niSu  'people,'  5915. 
The  usual  EK  value  is  kalama.    The  suffix  ma  here  is,  I  think, 


1 


Vol.  xxx.J          .1  Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu.  331 

the  ES  suffix  md  =  EK  -mu  of  the  first  person.  See  also 
rev.  1.  Elsewhere  in  this  hymn,  the  ordinary  EK  -mu  of  the 
first  person  is  used,  as  obv.  2—4;  rev.  6,  etc.,  perhaps,  however, 
applied  purely  ideographically  and  to  be  pronounced  md,  since- 
the  hymn  is  unmistakably  ES. 

I'de  ma-alj  lit.  'having  eye7  •=  'perception'  =  mudu  'wise  one,7 
4011.  On  the  val.  awa,  see  MSL.  30. 

The  sign  UBUR  with  value  ubur  (5553)  also  -=  ugan,  5552. 
The  word  u-bur  seems  to  be  a  combination  of  the  abstract 
u-  +  bur  'vessel,'  MSL.  63,  and  probably  means  'the  vessel  par 
excellence?  hence  'breast,  teat.'  Note  that  the  gloss  here  in- 
dicating the  pronunciation  is  written  u-bi-ur  and  not  u-bu-ur 
as  might  be  expected.  This  practically  gives  the  consonantal 
value  b  to  the  syllable  &f,  an  unusual  phenomenon. 

:-i-da  =  kenu  'fixed,  unfailing,'  2313. 

•i.  la-bar  =  suhkallu  'messenger,'  993. 

Hl-e  must  =  siUtu  'mercy'  here,  5932,  although  this  meaning 
is  not  well  established.  The  context  certainly  requires  a  bene- 
volent sense,  lil  seems  to  occur  in  an  opposite  sense  in  obv.  20; 

dimmer-sal-$ag]  I  render  'goddess  of  grace,'  regarding  sal  as 
the  abstract  prefix  (as  in  sal-xul  =  limuttu  'evil,'  10958)  before 
Sag  =  dumqu  'grace,'  7292. 

7.  ta£(KTJ>o-fa  'when  it  is  established;'  lit.:  'when  it  dwells.' 
KC  =  aS&bu  'dwell,'  10523. 

9.  dara(LB)-a-ta  'when  it  becometh  full.'    See  MSL.  72.    IB 
means    'be  plenteous';    cf.  DAR  =  tarru,  3471  and  dara(IE) 
=  isxu  'a  swarm  of  fish,'   10483.     Hence  the  rendering  here. 

10.  7a-o#(RAM)  =  nardmu  'beloved,'  971. 

me-e  =  qulu  'voice,  decree,'  10370  and  10374:  parqu  'decree.' 
md-ar  must  be  ES  for  gar  =  Sakdnu  'establish,'  11978. 
ba-an-ag  'makes,  ordains;'  ag  ==  epe$u  'do,  make,'  2778;  also 

rev.  4.     Here  ba-an-ag  may  be  construed  participially  'maker 

of:'  kheaven  is  the  maker  of  it.' 

11.  malu  'man,'  6398   +  di  =  denu  'judgment,'  9525. 
ama-mu-ra  'to  (-ra)  my  (-mu)  mother'  (ama;  see  on  obv.  5). 
dug(KA.)-ga-na-ab]  lit.:  'to  him  who  (nab)  speaketh  (dug-ga 

=  qilii,  531). 

me-e\  here  with  third  personal  suffix  -na. 

t/aba  =  pafdru  'loosen,  solve;'  here  =  'set  forth,'  4488. 

14.  Ses-Jfi-ra  'to  Xannar,'  the  moon-god.  Cf.  CT.  XV.,  pi.  xvii, 
obv.  2 — 5,  and  see  Vanderburgh,  Sumer.  Hymns,  p,  45,  for  the  term. 


332  J.  D.  Prince,  [1910. 

mu$ (GrIS) -yi-ta  'with  (ta)  inclination'  =  mu$(G:lS)-gi.  I 
assign  the  ES  value  mu$  to  GrIS  which  seems  to  serve  here 
as  an  abstract  prefix  to  the  root  gi,  which  connotes  the  idea 
'bending.'  The  sense  appears  to  require  the  idea  'prostration 
in  worship.' 

15.  a-a-mu-ra  'to  my  father;'  a-a  =  abu,  11690. 

16.  If  the  third  sign  is  Sw&(RU),  it  seems  to  mean  nadu, 
1434:  'fix,  place'  and  qualifies  me-na  'his  command/  but  I  am 
inclined  to  read   it   as    azag,   owing   to  2 a  in  line  17   and  a 
similar  parallelism  between  lines  18  and  19. 

wi*-?w-iw(KU)  'she  established'  (also  obv.  7).  KU,  10528 
=  kanu  'fix,  establish'  (see  MSL.  210,  211).  'In  rev.  5,  KV-bi 
must  be  read  tub(K\3)-bi,  with  the  same  meaning. 

17.  za;  also  obv.  19  =  abnu  'stone'  or  'jewel,'  MSL.  359—360. 
Of.  Rev.  20. 

18.  ba-ti  'she  liveth'  (MSL.  330). 

19.  za-gin(KUR)  'jewel,  shining  object'  (MSL.  362),  usually 
with  ideogram  tak  =  abnu  'stone,3  11773.    Note  that  zagin  is 
repeated  in  the  second  member  here  by  the  simple  za  'jewel7 
(see  on  obv.  17). 

20.  lil-eS(A.E)  da-mu\  a  very  difficult  combination.    The  first 
sign   may  be   7z7(KIT)  =  Mru  'wind,'  5933;   zaqiqu   'tempest,' 
5934.     e£(AB)  means  Mtu  'house,'  Sb.  189,  while  da-mu  may 
signify  the  goddess  Ba-u,  6662,  in  spite  of  the  absence  of  the 
god-sign  AN.     See  above  Introduction. 

z<2e(SI)-W2-M(KU)  can  only  mean  then  'before  its  very  face;' 
viz.,  directly,  without  resort  to  subterfuge,  she  destroys  the 
storm  of  the  hostile  house,  or  perhaps  the  storm  which  attacks 
^my  house.' 

ba-gul;  gul  must  =  abdtu  'destroy',  8954  (cf.  rev.  6,  7),  here 
used  in  rhymed  assonance  with  the  clear  xul  of  the  following  line. 

21.  ba-xul',  by  paronomastic  association  xul  =  qullulu  'slight, 
treat  lightly,'  9500;  lamdnu  'treat  evilly,'  here  associated  with 
the  preceding  gul. 

22.  ba-2)i-(el).     Thus  Dr.  Lau,   who  cites   7977:   ba-pi-el-la(l) 
=  i§te,  'cares  for,  seeks.' 

Line  23,  although  very  mutilated,  seems  to  imply  a  bene- 
volent sense;  viz.,  that  the  goddess  aids  the  father  after  destroy- 
ing the  foes. 

24.  i-dib(L1]),  also  obv.  25,  rev.  1,  =  qubu  'lament,'  4040. 
Note  also  rev.  15. 


Vol.  xxx.]          A  Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lu.  333 

nu-a-Se  must  be  the  privative  nu  'lack  of  4-  a-se  'irrigation  of 
grain.'  On  the  following  words,  see  on  obv.  1.  This  is  perhaps 
a  heading  of  the  reverse  part  of  the  hymn. 

Reverse. 

1.  i-dib(L1J)-md,  with  apparent  ES  suffix  md  of  the  first 
person.  See  on  obv.  5. 

3.  u-sun-na  'gift   of  vegetation.'     The   second   sign   here  is 
clearly   se,  sum,  but  to  bo   read  sun  with  the  following   -na 
complement,  as  Dr.  Lau   has  suggested.     The  preformative  u 
must  mean  'plant,'  6027.     The  whole  combination  then  means 
•plant-giving.' 

a-$e-ir  =  tamxu  'penitential  psalm,'  11574.  This  combination 
was  probably  identical  with  a-$i,  obv.  1,  which  has  the  val.  er. 

4.  darned  Saqqad-mu  means  literally:  'my  broad  headdress;' 
Saqqad  =  kubSu  'headdress,'  8864,  MSL.  310.    The  meaning  of 
the  line  is  obscure.    Possibly  "headdress"  means  protection  of 
the  head,  referring  to  the  goddess  as  a  protecting  force.     Cf. 
also  PI.  XXIV,  line  10  of  Ct.  XV. 

5.  The    decree    of  En-lil  =  Bel,    who    is    the    god    having 
authority    over    the    storm    (see  Vanderburgh,    Sum.  Hymns, 
pi.  15,  line  15). 

tiib(KU)-li  'it  is  established.  See  on  obv.  16—17.  On  Zeq 
(A-AN),  see  on  obv.  1. 

ide(o!)-gin(DU)  must  mean  that  after  the  supplication  to 
the  goddess  was  made,  the  fructifying  rain  then  went  on.  The 
allusion  in  the  word  a-mu  at  the  beginning  of  the  final  muti- 
lated phrase  is  of  the  same  character. 

6.  eri-gul-a-mu  seems  to   mean  'my  city  laid  waste;'  gul  is 
the  same  sign  as  in  obv.  20  =  dbdtu  'destroy,'  8954. 

&#(A-AN),    I  render,    'plenteous   rain,'  regarding  ga  as 
standing  in  adjectival  relation  to  £e#(A-AN). 

7.  e-gul-la   eri-gul-la-mu\   here   the   possessive   -ma   applies 
evidently  to  both  the  nouns  e  and  eri.    The  sign  zi  must  mean 
'life'  (MSL.  363—364),  as  the  context  demands  a  promise. 

8.  su-ni-el-ta  'with  her  glorious  hand;'   $u  'hand'  being  the 
symbol  of  the  goddess's  power. 

im-ta   'in   the    rain-storm;'    im  =  zunnu  'rain,'  8374.     The 
goddess  establishes  the  coming  of  plenty  by  the  coming  rain. 
zur-zur  =  kunnu  'establish,'  9087  (9071);  note  the  gloss  here 
r  zu-ur. 

VOL   XXX.     Part  IV.  24 


334  J.  D.  Prince,  [1910. 

er(A.-Ql)-gig  may  commence  a  phrase  meaning  'in  reply  to 
troubled  weeping  she  will  bestow  rain  or  plenty.'  Note  that 
gig  =  margu  'troubled,'  9235. 

Then  follows  a  verb  with  the  prefix  nib-  as  in  the  following 
line  9. 

9.  su-ub  =  masaSu  'glitter,  shine,'  203. 

I  cannot  render  ga-al,  as  the  line  is  very  obscure. 

10.  A  difficult  line.     I  regard  the  first  sign  as  ur  =  kibsu 
'step,'   11891.     Perhaps    her    step    or   tread    calls   forth   vege- 
tation? 

u-kul-tir-ra-ni]  a  difficult  combination.  I  am  inclined  to 
render:  u,  probably  merely  the  abstract  preformative  here 
+  lml  =  zeru  'seed/  1668  +tir  =  kistu  '.plantation,'  7661.  The 
sign  rendered  sag  'graciously'  is  very  obscure  in  this  text. 

11.  utu,  ga-a  can  only  mean  'on  the  day  of  plenty,'  =  ga-a, 
as  in  rev.  6.     e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi  is  very  doubtful,    as  the  sign  I 
read  gul  might  just  as  well   be  RAM.     The   sense   seems  to 
be  that  e  =  iku  'water-stream,'  5841  (MSL.  92—93).     If  the 
second    sign  is  gul-sun,  this  is  the  gul-sun  'inundation'  as  in 
obv.  3,  read  sun.     The  reduplication  would  then  indicate  the 
plenteousness  of  the  fructifying  waters. 

wu$  ==  ES  for  gis;  ink  must  mean  'give  ear'  =  Semu,  5727. 
The  suffix  -ta  appended  here  makes  the  whole  clause  de- 
pendent, as  in  rev.  20 — 21.  We  have  a  precisely  similar 
construction  in  Turkish  dediklerinde  'when  they  said'  (-de 
=  'when'). 

12.  In  connection  with  Nin-ki-gal  =  Allatu,  the  goddess  of 
the   lower  world,  note  that   she  was  regarded  as   a  represen- 
tative of  production  as  manifested  in  the  earth. 

mu-un-na-ni-me-en\  lit.:  'he  is  (men)  to  her'  =  ni\  i.  e.,  'he 
is  inclined  towards  her  to  do  her  will.' 

13.  waw-ta-e(UD-DU)  'she  cometh  forth'  (e  =  agu  'go  forth'). 
The  ft -prefix  nam-  is  not  necessarily  negative. 

14.  er(A-ST)-lib(m)-ma\  see  Prince,  JAOS.  xxviii,  180. 
With   this    colophon   the   hymn  proper  ends.     Then   follow 

seven  lines  of  what  appears  to  be  additional  addresses  to  the 
goddess,  possibly  the  work  of  another  hand. 

15.  sal-zi-du   'faithful   lady;'   zi-du   for   zi-da  =  kenu   'firm, 
faithful'  occurs  also  IV,  28,  29  a. 

ga-man-ku-tin  must    mean   'may  she  (prec.  ga-)    endow  it 


Vol.  xxx.]  .1   Hymn  to  the  Goddess  Kir-gi-lii.  335 

(-man-)  with  life  (kn-thi)\  leu  =  'establish'  +  tin  =  lalatu 
'life,'  9853.  This  is  the  refrain  of  the  next  three  lines. 

wu-lu  as  subject  here  must  mean  'she  is  the  one  who,'  as 
mulu  =  rel.  $a  =  'who,  the  one  who.' 

In  nam-mu-un-zii  we  have  again  a  ^."M-pivfix  which  is 
clearly  not  negative,  as  in  line  13,  rev. 

20.  ba-til-la-ta,  with  suffix  -ta  =  'whea,'  as  in  rev.  11. 

21.  These  lines   close  with  an  unfinished  clause,  indicating 
that  they  were  probably  jottings  from  a  parallel  hymn. 


24= 


The  Parsi-Persian  Burj-Ncnnali,  or  Book  of  Omens  from 
the  Moon. — By  Louis  H.  GKAY,  Ph.D.,  German  Valley, 

New  Jersey. 

THE  title  of  Burj-Namali,  "Zodiacal  Sign  Book,"  is  applied 
to  a  short  Parsi-Persian  poem  "in  26  couplets,  stating  what 
the  first  appearance  of  the  new  moon  portends  in  each  sign 
of  the  zodiac"  (West,  in  Grundriss  der  iranischen  Pliilologie, 
ii.  128).  It  is  contained  on  folio  64  of  a  most  interesting 
collection  of  rivayats  and  other  Parsi-Persian  material  (for  a 
partial  list  see  West,  op,  cit.,  pp.  123-128)  preserved  in  a  manu- 
script belonging  to  the  University  of  Bombay  (BIT  29).  '-All 
the  26  couplets  are  written  in  double  columns,  and  occupy 
three-quarters  of  folio  64  &"  (letter  of  Darab  Dastur  Peshotan 
Sanjana,  Bombay,  June  29,  1909).  The  whole  manuscript  is 
officially  entitled  "Revayet-i  Darab  Hormazdyar — Autograph  of 
the  compiler,  written  A.  Y.  1048,  A.D.  1679,"  and  is  bound  in 
two  volumes,  the  first  containing  folios  1-287,  and  the  second 
folios  308-556.  In  view  of  the  exceptionable  value  of  the 
collection  for  students  of  Zoroastrianism,  the  following  de- 
scription of  the  codex,  most  kindly  sent  me  by  Fardunji 
M.  Dastur,  Registrar  of  the  University  of  Bombay  (Feb.  3, 
1910),  may  well  find  permanent  record  here.  "This  Rivayat 
was  obtained  for  the  Bombay  Government  at  Bharuch  by  Pro- 
fessor Martin  Haug  in  January  1864,  and  was  shortly  after- 
wards bound  in  two  volumes.  Originally,  it  must  have  con- 
tained 556  folios,  each  10  {/i  inches  high,  8  3/4  inches  wide,  and 
all  written  21  lines  to  the  page;  but  47  of  these  folios  were 
lost  before  1864,  namely  folios  35-43,  160,  161,  288-307,  428-441, 
535,  and  540.  The  contents  of  folios  160,  161  were  recovered, 
in  1893,  from  another  MS.  (W),  formerly  belonging  to  the 
Revd  Dr.  John  Wilson  of  Bombay  and  now  in  the  library  of 
the  Earl  of  Crawford  at  Wigan  in  Lancashire,  which  is  des- 
cended from  this  MS.  and  was  written  in  1761-2  by  Noshlrvvan 
Babram  of  Bharuch.  W  is  also  an  imperfect  MS.,  as  55  of 


Vol.  xxx.]  Louis  H.  Gray,  The  Parsi-Persian  Burf- Ndmah.    337 

its  folios  (corresponding  with  folios  65-107  of  this  MS.)  have 
never  been  written;  but  all  deficiencies  of  this  MS.  can  be 
supplied  from  W,  except  the  contents  of  fols.  535  and  540, 
which  must  have  been  lost  before  1762.  This  MS.,  itself,  is 
probably  the  original  compilation  of  Darab  Hormazdyar  Framroz 
Kiyamu-d-dln  (or  Ka\v;unu-d-din)  Kal-Kubad  Harajiyar  Pad  am 
Sanjanah,  and  contains  eleven  colophons  written  in  his  name 
and  varying  in  date  from  20  April  to  21  November,  1679,  at 
which  latter  date  the  compilation  was  completed.  His  names 
and  dates  occur  on  13  a  8-10,  30  a  11-15,  34  a  (centre),  5n // 
(bottom),  78  a  (bottom),  106  b  (bottom),  108  a  5-6,  198  b  3-4, 
484  a  4-7,  518  b  5-8,  and  550  a  16-18;  the  dates  of  which  are 
six  years  earlier  than  that  of  Darab's  supposed  original  Rivayat 
at  Balsar  mentioned  in  the  Parsl  Pralals,  p.  16,  n.  3. J  Other 
copies  of  Darab's  Rivayat  exist  in  the  Mulla  Firuz  Library, 
and  in  that  of  Dastur  Dr.  Jamasp  Minochiharji,  both  in  Bombay; 
and  in  some  cases  the  arrangement  of  the  contents  varies,  as 
appears  from  the  catalogue  of  the  Mulla  Firuz  Library  (Bom- 
bay, 1873),  pp.  172-178.2" 

In  BIT  29  the  Burj-Ndmah  immediately  follows  the  Mar- 
Nam  ah,  a  similar  list  of  omens  to  be  drawn  from  the  appear- 
ance of  a  snake  on  each  of  the  days  of  the  month.  This  Mar- 
Ndmah  I  have  already  considered  at  some  length  in  a  paper 
which  will  appear  in  the  Hoshang  Memorial  Volume  now  in 
press  at  Bombay;  and  the  present  contribution  may,  accord- 
ingly, be  regarded  as  a  continuation  and  supplement  of  my 
study  of  the  "Snake  Book." 

The  Burj-Ndmah  goes  back,  as  we  have  seen,  to  1679,  and 
it  is  probably  of  somewhat  earlier  date,  for  it  is  scarcely 
likely  that  Darab  Hormazdyar,  the  compiler  of  the  manuscript 
which  has  preserved  it,  was  also  its  author.  In  my  study  of 
the  Mdr-Ndmah  I  have  suggested  that  the  whole  basal  system 
of  this  sort  of  augural  calendars  may  have  been  derived  ul- 
timately from  Babylonia.  Perhaps  the  same  suggestion  may 
be  made  in  the  case  of  the  Burj-Ndmah,  though  whether  the 
"  astrological  forecasts  for  the  various  months,  taken  from  ob- 


1  Two  more  references  to  the  Parsl  Prakas  are   given  by  "West  (op. 
cit.,  p.  126),  but  the  work  is  unfortunately  inaccessible  to  me. 

2  This  catalogue  fails,  however,  to  mention  anything  corresponding  to 
the  Burj-Ndmah. 


338  Louis  H.  Gray,  [1910. 

servatious  of  the  moon,''  listed  by  Bezold  (Catalogue  of  the 
Kouyunjik  Collection,  K  5847,  K  6468,  82-3-23  33  [pp.  745, 
789,  1816]),  furnish  any  parallels  is,  of  course,  impossible  to 
tell  until  these  tablets  shall  have  been  edited.  It  is  at  least 
certain,  from  the  description  of  Ahlwardt  (Verzeiclinis  der 
arabischen  Handschriften  der  konigliclien  Bibliotliek  zu  Berlin, 
v.  301-302),  that  the  Berlin  Arabic  manuscripts  5904-5905  do 
not  come  under  our  category,  despite  their  "Deutungen  aus 
dem  Stand  des  Blondes  in  den  zwolf  Tierkreis-Zeichen  auf 
allerlei  Ereignisse." 

The  tone  of  the  Burj-Ndmah  is  more  specifically  Zoroastrian 
than  is  the  Mar-Namah.  The  form  of  the  bismilldh  is  dis- 
tinctly Iranian  (the  article  on  the  bismilldh  by  Goldziher  in 
Basting's  Encyclopaedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  ii.  666-668,  en- 
tirely ignores  the  Zoroastrian  adaptation  of  this  phrase,  though 
referring  to  Arabo-Greek  forms,  current  especially  in  Egypt, 
such  as  iv  6v6[j.aTL  TOV  Qtov  TOV  lAo^ovos  (fciXavBpcoTrov  •  for  a  particul- 
arly elaborate  Zoroastrian  bismilldh  cf.  that  prefixed  to  all  three 
versions  of  the  Sikand-Gumamg  Vijdr  [ed.  Hoshang  and  West, 
pp.  3, 181]),  j£>\>  ^b^.^0  >^\  ?Lo.  A  specifically  Parsi-Persian 
word  is^Uu*1  (v.  3),  which  is  a  faulty  transcription  of  the  Pahlavl 
/.u^  "making"  (cf.  Justi,  Bundaliesli,  p.  207,  Spiegel,  Ein- 

leitung  in  die  traditionellen  Scliriften  der  Par  sen,  ii.  385).  When 
the  new  moon  is  seen  in  Capricornus,  the  Asdm  voliu  (Tasna 
xxvii.  14)  is  to  be  recited  (verse  20;  on  this  prayer  as  a 
QriSdmruta,  or  "prayer  to  be  thrice  repeated,"  cf.  Vendlddd 
x.  8,  Nirangistdn  35);  and  when  the  new  moon  is  seen  in 
Aquarius,  the  TaOd  ahu  vairyo  (Yasna  xxvii.  13)  must  be  re- 
peated (verse  23;  liturgically  this  prayer  is  a  cadrusdmruta, 
or  "prayer  to  be  repeated  four  times"  [Vendiddd  x.  11,  Ni- 
rangistdn  36];  for  further  literature  see  Mills,  in  Hastings,  op. 
cit,  i.  238-239,  and  JBAS.,  1910,  pp.  57-68). 

There  is,  however,  one  non-Zoroastrian  trait  in  the  Burj- 
Ndmah — its  matter-of-fact  acceptance  of  the  vice  of  paederasty 
(verses  10,  21,  23),  against  which  both  the  Avesta  and  the 
Pahlavl  texts  polemise  (cf.  Vendiddd  viii.  26-32,  Ddtistdn-i 
Denik  Ixxii.  6-7).  It  is  true  that  this  vice  occurred  among 
other  Indo-Germanic  peoples  than  the  Greeks,  from  whom 
Herodotus  (i.  135)  states  that  the  Persians  learned  if  (cf. 
Schrader,  Reallexilton  der  indogermanisclien  Alter tumskunde, 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Parsl-Persian  Burj-Nanaili.  339 

pp.  438-439);  and  the  impossibility  of  making  any  people  par- 
ticularly guilty  for  its  introduction  is  shown,  were  such  proof 
necessary,  by  its  occurrence  among  the  American  Indians 
(Waitz,  Anlhroimlwjie  der  Nalurvollter,  iii.  113,  383;  see  also 
Post,  Grundriss  dcr  ethnologischen  .///>vy/rm/(<^,  ii.  391-392  for 
legislation  against  it  among  American  Indians,  Semites,  and 
Aryans).  Despite  the  statement  of  Herodotus  and  the  pro- 
hibitions of  the  Avesta,  however,  I  am  inclined  to  doubt  whe- 
ther paederasty  was  wide-spread  among  the  Persians  until  a 
much  later  period,  which  perhaps  began  with  the  Mohammedan 
invasion  of  Iran.  That  it  was  lamentably  common  among  the 
Arabicised  Persians  is  only  too  plain  from' the  TJiousand  Nights 
and  Out  Sight  (cf.,  for  example,  Payne's  translation,  ix.  69  sqq.). 
To  some  extent  the  practise  formed  part  of  the  Babylonian  cult 
(cf.  the  determined  resistance  to  the  DHShp  in  Deut.xxiii.  17-18, 
I  Kings  xiv.  24,  xv.  12,  xxii.  46,  II  Kings  xxiii.  7),  and  this  may 
perhaps  have  lingered  on  (possibly  furthering,  if  not  even  more 
powerful  than,  the  maleficent  influence  of  Greece),  to  be  still 
more  enhanced  by  the  sensuality  of  the  Arab  invaders.  But 
on  the  other  hand,  India  seems  free  from  this  vice,  even  so 
minute  a  scholar  as  Schmidt  recording  nothing  regarding  it 
in  his  Beitrdge  zur  indischen  ErotiJt. 

This  absence  of  paederasty  from  India,  combined  with  the 
repeated  mention  of  it  in  the  Burj-flamah,  makes  it  probable 
that  the  poem  was  composed  in  Persia,  not  in  India,  and  that, 
as  already  intimated,  Darab  Hormazdyar  was  merely  its  com- 
piler, not  its  author.  How  far  previous  to  1679  it  was  written 
is,  of  course,  uncertain,  but  it  may  well  be  several  centuries 
older,  especially  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  analogous 
Mar-Ndmah,  contained  in  the  same  collection,  occurs  in  prin- 
ciple in  al-Blruni's  Chronology  of  Ancient  Nations  (tr.  Sachau, 
p.  218),  written  in  1000  A.D. 

For  the  text  of  the  JBurj-Ndmah,  here  published  and  trans- 
lated for  the  first  time,  I  am  indebted  to  the  courtesy  of 
Darab  Dastur  Peshotan  Sanjana,  High  Priest  of  the  Parsis 
at  Bombay,  who,  at  my  request,  made  the  transcript  for  me 
from  BU  29  in  June,  1909.  The  text  and  its  translation  are 
as  follows: 


340  Louis  H.  Gray,  [1910. 


y 


y 

iU 
y   ^     f 

*r^  /^ 

joj  ^>-*^T  j*  y 

oly    OJ^   uT^   ^.^^          ^^^   ^.j^   CU^Uw  8^sr?  10 
^-^  3^    O^^;      Ob  y  L5X^  ^  ^oyi.  ^  y  3^ 

y  c?-^ 

^ 

^=r 

sr?  15 


b\   ^  a,> 

L> 

r?      \   20 


y  ^s^'  ^  y»    Jo  y 

y   ^;>^  ^f>*£  o-^^* 

i      sLo  y 


In  the  name  of  God,  Compassionate,  Omnipotent! 
(1)  By  the  grace  of  the  Lord  I  shall  tell,   so   far  as  poss- 
ible, what  the  days  bring  according  to  each  new  moon. 


1  MS.  UA*.  2  Dastur  Darab's  transcript  has 


Vol.  xxx.]  The  Parsi-Persian  Burf-Namdh.  341 

(2)  When  thou  seest  the  new  moon  from  the  sign  of  Aries, 
at  that  instant  gaze  on  the  fire; 

(3)  If  in  that  moon  thy  affairs  should  be  better,   consider 
(that  to  be)  from  the  making  of  a  grain-jar. 1 

(4)  Also  from  Taurus  (when  the  new  moon  appears),   gaze 
(and)  look  on  a  cow  if  this  month  is  to  be  better  for  thee. 

(5)  When  thou  seest  the  new  moon  in  the  sign  of  Gemini, 
at  that  moment  gaze  on  her  shining; 

(6)  Beware  of  mirage  and  look  not  on  water  if  that  month 
is  to  be  most  good  for  thee. 

(7)  When  thou  seest  the  moon  in  the  sign  of  Cancer,  hark 
thou  to  tidings  from  the  speech  of  this  physician; 

(8)  Then  look  to  the  gate  of  the  soul,  though  for  verdure 
(this  sign)  is  good,  Auvaran  (?). 

(9)  When  thou   seest  the   new  moon   in  the    sign   of  Leo, 
gaze  a  while  upon  the  sky; 

(10)  Ask  thy  need  of  a  pure  king;  look  not,  so  far  as  pos- 
sible, on  boy  or  woman,  O  famous  one! 

(11)  When  in  the  sign  of  Virgo  thou  seest  (the  new  moon), 
be  wise  from  its  meaning,  harken  to  me  thus: 

(12)  Look  not  on  women  (and)  make  thy  musician  of  smoke,2 
unless  thou  wouldst  make  thyself  particularly  sorrowful; 

13)  Recite   thou    praise    of  God    with    perfect   sincerity   if 
fortunate  doings  are  to  be  in  that  new  moon. 

(14)  When  in  the  sign  of  Libra  thou  seest  the  moon,  gaze 
on  a  mirror  and  on  armour  smooth; 

(15)  Ask  thy  need  of  the  Creator  of  the  world.     Likewise 
of  the  sign  of  Scorpio  I  shall  tell,  so  far  as  possible: 

(16)  Look   on   Scorpio  with   a  good  gaze;   young   man,   in 
tradition  it  is  not  blind  and  not  deaf;3 

(17)  Look  not  on  an  abominable  object,  0  famous  one,  if 
with  goodness  that  moon  is  to  come  to  thee. 

(18)  When   the  moon   enters  the   sign  of  Sagittarius,   look 
straightway  on  silver  and  gold; 

(19)  Look  not  on  the  face  of  the  sick  then;  be  on  thy  guard 
that  thou  mayest  be  joyful. 


1  The  meaning  of  this  line,   if  I  have  rightly  rendered  it,  is  very  un- 
clear to  me. 

2  I.e.  of  nothing;  in  other  words,  "have  no  musician." 

3  The  meaning  of  the  allusion  is  unknown  to  me. 


342      Louis  H.  Gray,  The  Parsi-Persian  Burj-Namah.      [1910. 

(20)  When  thou  seest  the  new  moon  in   the  sign  of  Capri- 
cornus,  straightway  recite  the  A$lm  ahu  (Asdm  vohu)   thrice; 

(21)  Look  not  on  the  sick  and  likewise  (not)  on  boys,    else 
wilt  thou  be  unhappy  in  that  month. 

(22)  When  in  Aquarius  thou  seest  the  new  moon,  recite  the 
Ayta  ahu  vair  (YaOa  ahu  vairyo),  listen  unto  them; 

(23)  Ask  thy  need  of  the  mighty  Creator;  look  not  on  boy 
or  woman,  0  famous  one! 

(24)  When  thou  seest  the  moon  in  the  sign  of  Pisces,  look 
straightway  on  gem  and  jewels; 

(25)  Look  and  be  happy  then;  be  happy,   and  it  will  not 
be  harm  to  thee. 

(26)  Likewise  is  the  snake  now,  0  Creator,  if  the  king  be 
guardian. 


Note  on  Some    Usages  of  p£. — By  J.  M.  CASANOWICZ, 
National  Museum,  Washington,  D.  C. 

IN  a  former  article  in  this  Journal l  a  number  of  passages 
from  the  Old  Testament  were  quoted  in  which  •  b  is  not  a 
preposition  but  an  emphatic  particle,  meaning  'verily'.  Pro- 
fessor Haupt  pointed  out  to  me  that  this  emphatic  b  can  also 
be  traced  in  some  cases  of  pV,  which  is  then  not  a  compound 
of  the  preposition  b  and  the  adverb  p,  meaning  'thus',  = 
'therefore',  but  of  the  emphatic  b  and  the  adjective  p,  meaning 
'verily  thus',  as,  for  instance,  in  Micah  i,  14,  or  'very  well', 
as  in  Gen.  iv,  15;  xxx,  15;  Jud.  viii,  7;  I  S.  xxviii,  2,  while  in 
some  passages  it  is  to  be  rendered  by  'not  so',  'but',  'yet' 
(=  Arabic  lalrin). 

In  the    following   passages  of  the  176  in  which  p^  occurs 
the  adopting  of  an  emphatic,  instead  of  a  causal  or  argument- 
ative, meaning  for  it  would  seem  to  establish  a  better  logical 
connection  of  the  context, 
p^  'verily'. 

l.  Is.  xxvi,  14.   Diwm  mgs  p^  ic|;s  bz  D^KBI  VJT  bz  D*™ 

fob  131  ^>3  12SH1,  'the  dead  will  not  live,  the  shades  will  not 
rise.  Verily  thou  hast  visited  to  destroy  them  and  cause  all 
memory  of  them  to  perish'.  The  difficulty  of  'b  here  in  its 
usual  causative  or  argumentative  meaning  was  perceived  by 
Delitzsch  (in  loco)  and  in  Brown-Driver-Briggs  in  their  Hebrew 
and  English  Lexicon,  p.  487 a,  who  explain  it  (as  also  in  Is. 
Ixi,  7;  Jer.  ii,  33;  v.  2;  Job  xxxiv,  25;  xlii,  3)  as  'inferring  the 
cause  from  the  effect,  or  developing  what  is  logically  involved 
in  a  statement'.  But  we  would  expect  "Q  instead  of  p7.  But 
taking  'b  in  the  emphatic  meaning  the  second  hemistich  is  an 
epexegatical  climax  of  the  first:  They  will  not  live,  they  will 
not  rise:  yea,  or,  to  be  sure,  thou  didst  visit  upon  them  a 
radical  punishment. 

1  Vol.  16,  Proceedings,  pp.  clxvi-clxxi. 


344  J.  M.  Casanowicz,  [1910. 


2.  Is.  xxvii,  9.   inKton  npn  -HB  to  nn  npr  py  iw1;  HSD  p^ 

'151,  vv.  7  and  8  read:  'Has  he  smitten  it  as  he  smote  the 
smiter?  Or  was  it  slain  as  its  slayers  were  slain?  By  aff- 
righting it,  by  sending  it  away  dost  thou  contend  with  it;  he 
drove  it  away  with  his  rough  blast  in  the  dry  of  the  east  wind'. 
V.  9  then  goes  on  to  say:  'Verily  by  this  —  i.  e.,  only  in  this 
way  —  will  the  sin  of  Jacob  be  expiated  and  this  will  be  the 
fruit  of  removing  his  sin',  &c.  So  also  Gratz,  Monatsschr. 
fur  Gesch.  u.  Wissensch.  d.  Jdth.  1886,  21,  'wahrlich'.  How- 
ever, the  connection  of  v.  9  with  the  preceding  and  succeeding 
passages  is  rather  loose,  and  it  is  possibly  out  of  place  here. 

3.  Is.  ixi,  7.    an5?  rvnn  nbiy  nn&fe  un*  njtfp  D2n*o  p^>.   If 

the  reading  of  v.  6  in  the  MT.  is  correct,  viz,  'For  your 
shame  ye  will  have  double,  and  for  confusion  they  (or,  you) 
will  rejoice  over  their  (your)  portion',  'b  introduces  an  em- 
phatic parallelism:  'Yea,  in  their  own  land  will  they  possess 
double  and  their  joy  will  be  everlasting'.  See,  however,  the 
emendations  of  v.  6  by  Oort  (quoted  in  the  critical  notes  to 
Kautzsch's  translation)  and  Cheyne,  SBOT,  Isaiah,  Hebr.  edition, 
pp.  66  and  161. 

4.  Jer.  v,  2.     Ijntf11  Ipts6  p^>  TO^  ni!T  ^H  DN1,    'and  though 
they  say,    As  Jhvh  lives,  surely  they  swear  falsely7.     So  the 
ARVV.     This  makes  unnecessary  the  adoption  of  an  advers- 
ative  meaning    for   'b   here.     Duhm    (in    Marti's    Kurz.  Hdk.) 
would  change  the  'sinnlose'  pb,  after  viii,  6,  into  p^  orp  fc6 
and  strike   "Ipti6.     But   for    swearing   falsely   yst?}    is   always 
combined  with  IptP  or  K1$.    In  taking  an  oath  it  is  not  prim- 
arily a  question  of  right  or  wrong,  but  of  true  or  false. 

5.  Micah  i,  14.     ro   nBhID  by   DTJI^  ^nn  p5?,    'thus    thou 
must  indeed  give  a  parting  gift  to  Moresheth  Gath'.    So  Haupt. 

6.  Zach.  xi,  7.     ]K3n  "J}$   ]lb  ]&*  n«  HV1«1,    'so  I  fed   the 
flock  of  slaughter,  verily  the  poor  of  the  flock'.     So  the  RV. 

LXX,  ets  TTJV  Xavaavtrtj/  ==  '2JH  ^i^?^- 

7.  Job  xxxiv,  25.     1K3T1   fib*b  ^DHI   DnnngJS   T3!  p5?,    v.  24 
reads:    'He  breaks  the   mighty  without  an  inquiry  and    sets 
others  in  their  place',     'b   introduces   not  the  cause,    but  the 
reason    of   'without   inquiry':    'Verily   he   knows   their   works 
(sc.,  without  inquiry),    and  so  he  overturns  them  in  the  night 
so  that  they  are  crushed'.    So  Vulg.:  novit  enim  opera  eorum; 

LXX:   o  yvw/DtCwy  avr&v  ra  e/>ya,   omitting  'b. 

8.  Job  xlii,  3.    ps  *Ai  Tnun  p^  njn  *b*  nsg  0^50  nt  v 


Vol.  xxx.j  Note  on  Some  Usages  oj  }3b.  345 


fc6l  "OIOO  rflN^W,  'who  is  this  that  hides  counsel  without 
knowledge;  thus  indeed  I  have  uttered  that  which  I  under- 
stood not,  things  too  wonderful  for  me,  which  I  knew  not.7 
Kamphausen  (in  Bunsen's  Bibelwerk),  'nay'  ("ja");  Budde  '(in 
Nowack's  Hdk.)  strikes  3a  to  avoid  the  difficulty  of  the  'b, 
while  Duhm  considers  it  a  marginal  gloss.  LXX:  TI?  8«  dv- 

ayycAet  //06  =  "b  Tr   ^   SD. 

p^,  'very  well',  'all  right'. 

9.  Gen.  xxx,  15.  n«  DJ  nnp^  ••&»  ns  ^nnp  &j>»n  r6  ION™ 
TO  wn  nnn  nWn  TJDJ;  33^  p^  ^m  i»«m  <»  'wn,   'and 

she  (Leah)  said  unto  her,  Is  it  not  enough  that  thou  hast 
taken  away  my  husband,  that  thou  also  takest  away  my  son's 
love  apples?  And  Rachel  said,  Very  well,  he  shall  lie  with 
thee  to  night  for  thy  son's  love  apples.  LXX:  o\>x 

while  Vulg.  omits  b. 

10.  Jud.  xiii,  7.     'TO  JttO^SI  rQT  n«  m.T  nr>l  p^  )1p 

n^girn  n«i  iinpn  ^ip  n«  DDi^n  n«  ^11,  v.  6  reads,  'And 

the  princes  of  Succoth  said,  Are  the  hands  (properly,  palms) 
of  Zebah  and  Zalmunna  in  thy  hands,  that  we  should  give 
bread  to  thy  hosts?'  And  Gideon  said,  Very  well,  when  Jhvh 
will  have  given  Zebah  and  Zalmunna  into  my  hand  I  shall 
thresh  your  flesh  with  thorns  of  the  wilderness  and  with  briars.' 
So  also  Kautzsch  and  Nowack:  'Nun  gut'. 

11.  IS.  xxviii,  2.  ?pny  nfejp  *WK  n«  jnn  nn«  p^  "in  *ID«^, 

v.  llj  'and  Achish  said  unto  David,  know  thou  assuredly  that 
thou  wilt  go  with  me  into  the  campaign,  thou  and  thy  men?' 
'And  David  said  unto  Achish,  Very  well,  thou  wilt  learn  what 
thy  servant  will  do.'  Kautzsch  and  Nowack:  'Gut  nun'.  LXX: 
oirw  vvv  71/0077;  Vulg.:  nunc  etiam  (nny  for  nnN).  The  meaning 
of  'verily'  or  'surely'  (so  AV.)  for  'b  would  also  be  proper  here. 
pX  'not  so',  'but',  'yet'. 

12.  Gen.  iv,  15.    Dp;  D^njntf  pp  nn  *7D  niiT  b  IfcfcOl,  v.  14  \ 
'and  I  will  be  a  fugitive   and  .wanderer  on  the  earth,    and  it 
will  come  to  pass  that  whosoever  finds  me  will  slay  me.'   'And 
Jhvh  said  to  him,  Not  so,  whosoever  slays  Cain  vengeance  will 
be  taken  on  him  sevenfold.'    LXX:  ovx  ovrws;  Vulg.:  nequarn- 
quam.    Tuch,  'dennoch',  'aber  doch'. 

13.  Jud.  xi,  24.    *p^«  viw  nny  p^  nns^  b*  nj;^  ^jpt  no«^, 
v.  7,   'and  Jephthah  said  unto  the  elders  of  Gilead,    Did  not 
you  hate  me  and  drive  me  out  of  my  father's  house,  and  why 
have   you   come   now  when   you   are   in   distress?'    'And    the 


346        J.  M.  Casanowicz,  Note  on  Some  Usages  of  pi.         [1910. 

elders  of  Gilead  said  unto  Jephthah,  But  now  we  have  turned 
again  to  thee.'  Kautzsch:  'Ja'.  Still,  the  argumentative  meaning 
of  'i  would  here  also  be  in  place:  'therefore',  i.  e.t  either 
because  we  want  to  make  good  the  wrong  done  to  you  by  us 
(Nowack),  or  because  we  are  now  in  distress  (Konig,  Histor.- 
Compar.  Syntax  der  Hebr.  Spr.  §  373  p.). 

14.  Is.  x,  24.    n^  I&B  KTH  i«  ni«ns  nviiK  ^T«  IDS  HD  pi 

'U1  TIPKB  ]VS,  v.  23  'for  a  strict  decree  of  destruction  will  the 
Lord  God  Sabaoth  execute  upon  all  the  land'.  'Yet,  thus 
says  the  Lord  God  Sabaoth,  Fear  not  my  people  who  dwell 
in  Zion  because  of  Asshur,  etc.' 

15.  Is.  xxx,  18.  TiiK  -o  DSDrni  on;  pii  DD}}ni  mm  nan1;  pii 

'131  mrp  DSfc^D,  v.  17,  'thousand  at  the  war-cry  of  one,  and  the 
war  cry  of  five  shall  ye  flee,  till  you  are  left  like  a  pole  on 
the  top  of  a  mountain  and  like  a  signal  on  a  hill.'  'And  yet, 
Jhvh  waits  to  be  gracious  to  you,  and  yet,  he  rises  to  show 
mercy  to  you,  for  a  God  of  right  is  Jhvh,'  etc. 

16.  Jer.  xxx,  16.    13^  ^Bb  DiD  Ipnx  im   li^  ^iDK   is  p5?, 
v.  15b,    'thy  pain  is  incurable  on  account  of  the  multitude  of 
thy  iniquities;    because  thy  sins  were  multiplied  have  I  done 
these  things  to  thee.'     'But  all  they  that   devoured   thee  will 
be   devoured,    and   all  thy  adversaries  will  everyone  of  them 
go  into  captivity.' 

17.  Hos.  ii,  16.   Turn  won  rprotoi  rpns»  ^:«  mn  pi 

TQ^  i^?  v-  15b,  ian(i  she  went  after  her  lovers  and  forgot  me.' 
'But  behold,  I  will  prevail  on  her,  and  will  lead  her  into  the 
wilderness  and  speak  to  her  heart.' 

In  Ezekiel,  with  his  tendency  to  lengthy,  discursive  argu- 
ments, the  function  of  pi  seems  sometimes  to  be  to  sum  up 
and  clinch  as  it  were  such  an  argument1;  so  perhaps  xviii,  30; 
xx,  30;  xxiv,  6;  xxxi,  10;  xxxvi,  22;  xxxix,  25. 

i  Similar  to  h&,  cf.  vol.  16,  p.  clxvii  f. 


ERRATA. 

In  vol.  30,  p.  359,  line  14,  read  "refuge"  for  "refuse";  p.  365, 
foot-note  1,  line  4,  read  "Vasistha"  for  "Vaslstha";  p.  371, 
note  1,  line  2,  read  "dvlpas"  for  "dvipas";  p.  372,  line  29,  read 
••  In-side"  for  "besides";  and  p.  372,  line  33,  read  "Symplegades" 
for  "simple  edges". 


ie  Punjab.  8.  44.  31,  on  which,  as  on  the  £ami  and  Inguda 
(nuts),  it  is  said  that  camels  are  fattened,  2.  51.4;  though  the 
i^  a  holy  tree,  being  the  birth-place  of  Agni,  13.  85.  44, 
Mii'l  use  itself  contributes  to  holiness.  Thus  the  "great  tree 
at  whose  foot  the  king  sits"  is  described  as  punyadhara,'  or 
"bestowing  good"  in  a  religious  sense,  3.  24.  24. l 

N ' .  says  it  is  a  Kadamba-tree.  It  is  described  as  latdvatanctvanatafy  (bent 
under  its  canopy  of  creepers),  a  phrase  perhaps  borrowed  from  R.  5.  16.  28. 


348  E.Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

Of  tabu-trees  there  are  a  number.  *  Thus  only  sinners  make 
a  free  use  of  Palasa  (bulea  frondosa]  and  Tinduka  wood  for 
seats  and  tooth-picks,  respectively,  obviously  because  they  are 
sacro-sanct,  7.  73.  38.  The  last  mentioned  tree  it  utilized  (as 
are  others)  to  point  a  moral.  It  is  productive  of  a  short 
fierce  blaze  and  a  sluggish  coward  is  exhorted  to  imitate  this: 
"Better  to  blaze  for  a  moment  than  smoulder  long"  (aldtam 
tindukasyeva  muhurtatn  api  hi  jvala)  5.  133.  14 f.  Similarly, 
the  Salmali-tree  is  an  image  of  mortals'  (inconstant)  thoughts, 
"tossed  by  the  movement  of  the  wind  like  the  seed  of  the 
Salmali",  5.  75.  19,  etc.  The  Sala  is  opposed  to  the  creeper 
as  strength  to  weakness,  5.  37.  63  (said  of  the  heroes  and  their 
foes),  and  the  same  image  gives  the  epic  equivalent  of  noblesse 
oblige:  "As  the  Syandana-tree,  though  slight  in  size,  is  able 
to  endure  much,  so  a  noble  family  sustains  a  weight  not  to 
be  borne  by  inferior  people,"  5.  36.  36;  with  another  image 
following  a  few  verses  later:  "Even  a  great  tree  cannot  with- 
stand a  great  wind,  while  many  by  being  united  together  (in 
a  grove)  endure  the  hurricane,"  ib.  62  (sigliratamdn  vdtdn 
saliante  'nyonyasamsraydt}.  Compare  12.  154.  4f. 

But  of  ordinary  (not  supernatural)  trees,  some  are  distinctly 
"revered."  The  most  general  case  is  the  "one  tree  in  a  vill- 
age", because  it  is  not  specified  of  what  sort  it  is.  Standing 
alone  it  affords  shade  and  a  resting-place  and  for  this  reason 
it  is  a  cditya  arcanlt/ah  and  supiijitah,  that  is,  "revered  and 
honored"  (like  a  divinity;  grdmadruma,  1.  151.  33).  The  cditya- 
vrhsa  is  "thus  an  image  of  the  grandeur  of  Garutmat,  the 
heavenly  bird,  2.  24.  23.  Yet  only  one  such  tree  is  noticed 
in  the  texts,  the  famous  Aksaya-vata  of  Gaya.2  Trees  suit- 


1  The  names  of  a  number  of  trees  whose  fruit  must  not  be  eaten  are 
given  in  13.  104.  92.    Their  use  as  food  is  tabu,  pratisiddhdnna.     These 
are  the  pippala  or  ficus  religiosa,  the  vata  or  ficus  indica,   the  sana-ti'QQ 
(cannabis  sativa),  the  sdka  or  tectona  grandis,  and  the  udumbara  or  ficus 
glomerata.    A  list  of  unguent-making  trees  is  given  just  before,  priyangu, 
sandal,  bttva,  tagara,  kesara,  etc.,  13.  104.  88.    In  13.  98.  39  are  mentioned 
woods  to  make  dhupa  (incense).  The  Sami,  pippala,  and  pdldsa  are  especi- 
ally spoken  of  as   samidhas,    wood    for  making  sacrificial  fire,    and  are 
mentioned   along  with  the  udumbara,   12.  40.  11.     In  13.  14.  58,  ascetics 
live  on  the  fruit  of  the  Asvattha,  though  this  is  a  tabu-tree  (=  Pippala). 
It  represents  the  male  element  in  the  production  of  fire,  versus  the  Saml. 

2  This  is  mentioned  several  times,  yet  not  as  a  tree  in  itself  undying, 
but  as  conferring  deathlessness,  dkf&yakarana,  or  as  making  endless  the 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  349 

able  for  an  asylum  of  Saints  arc  enumerated  in  13.  14. 
46  f.1  All  cditya  trees  are  homes  of  spirits.  12.  69.  41f. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  tree  called  Bhandlra,  the  holy 
Nyagrodha  of  Vrndavana.  is  mentioned  in  the  early  epic  only 
in  the  South  Indian  recension,  at  2.  53.  8  f.  The  famous  Kha- 
•dira  is  known  as  a  tree  used  for  staking  moats,  3.  284.  3. 

The  ficus  religiosa,  Pippala  or  Asvattha-tree  (the  sun  is  called 
the  axvaUJut,  i.  e.  life-tree)  is  the  chief  of  all  trees,  6.  34.  26, 
and  typifies,  with  its  roots  above  and  its  branches  below,  the 
tree  of  life,  rooted  in  God  (above),  6.  39.  1  f.  He  who  dai'y 
honors  this  tree  worships  God  (Visnu  is  identified  with  nyag- 
rodha-udumbara-asvattha,  13.  149.  101),  13.  126.  5  (it  is  as 
holy  as  a  cow  or  rocand,  ib.).  The  four  Vedas  are  "word- 
branched  Pippal  trees",  7.  201.  76. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Vibhitaka-tree  stands  in  disrepute 
-as  an  unholy  tree  (see  3.  66.  41,  entered  by  Kali);  while,  in 
general,  "from  one  and  the  same  tree  are  produced  evil  and 
good"  (only  SI.  5.  33.  22,  ekasmdd  vdi  jay  ate  lsac  ca  sac  ca). 
This  refers  to  implements  etc.  made  of  the  tree,  for  harmful 
or  for  religious  purposes.  The  sin  of  Indra,  divided  among 
trees,  rivers,  mountains,  earth,  and  women,  5.  13.  19,  etc.,  seems 
to  have  had  no  effect  upon  the  holiness  of  trees  in  general. 
The  "tree  of  good"  and  "tree  of  evil"  are  metaphors.  The 
hero  of  the  epic  is  a  "great  tree  of  virtue,"  whose  trunk  and 
branches  are  his  brothers,  though  as  with  the  Asvattha  (above) 
the  roots  are  here  divine  (brahma]  but  also  the  Brahmanas). 
He  is  thus  opposed  to  the  "tree  of  evil,"  the  foe,  as  the  6ala 
to  the  vine,  5.  29.  53  and  56.2  Cf.  Mmadruma,  12.  255.  1. 

Magical  trees   are  for   the  most  part  supernatural,    either 

offering  there  given  to  the  Manes.  It  maiks  the  place  where  the  Asura 
Gaya  fell,  or  his  sacrifice;  3.  F4.  83:  87.  11;  95.  14;  7.  66.  20;  13.  88.  14 
(proverb);  R.  2.  107.  13;  my  Great  Epic,  83,  n.  -2. 

1  dhava-/;akubha-kadamba-ndrikeldih   kurabakaketaka-jambu-pataldbhih 
vafa-varunaka-vatsandbha  bilvdih  sarala-T\,apittha  prii/dla-sdla-  tnldih 

(47)  ladarl-kunda-punnagair  asokd-mrd'-tinntktakn l(< 
madhiikaih  Uovidartis  ca  campakaih  panasdis  tathn 

(48)  vani/air  bahuvidhdir  vrks<~<ih  phalapuspapradair  yutam 

. . .  kadatisandasolhitam  (ksetram  tapasdm  .    devagandharvasevitam). 

2  In  this  place  occurs  also   the  common  figure  of  the  wood  and  the 
tiger,  which  mutually  protect  each  other,  5.  29.  54  f.;  also  ib.  37.  46;  and 
of  the  lion,  ib.  37.  64.  The  "wood- dwellers",  it  may  be  remarked,  are,  un- 
less qualified  as  saints,  hermits,  etc.,  simply  "robbers"  7.  55.  5,  etc. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  IV.  Q5 


350  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

belonging  to  unearthly  places  or  to  prehistoric  times,  though 
of  course  plants  that  instantly  heal  wounds  are  in  the  hands 
of  the  wiseacres.  Compare  for  example,  6.  81.  10:  "Thus 
speaking  he  gave  to  him  a  fine  wound- curing  strength-endow-' 
ing  plant  and  he  became  free  of  his  wounds."  The  Slesmataka 
(fruit)  stupifies:  slesmdtakl  Imnavarcali  srnosi  (you  fail  to  under- 
stand), the  commentator  says  that  to  eat  the  leaf  or  fruit 
dulls  the  intellect,  3.  134.  28.  But  medicinal  plants  belong 
especially  to  the  mountain  of  plants  (whence  aid  was  brought 
to  the  brother  of  Rama)  Gandhamadana  (below),  and  the  epic 
gives  a  special  list  of  trees  that  grow  on  this  favored  mountain 
in  the  Himalayas,  3.  158.  43  f.  (saptapatra,  etc.).  In  this  realm 
of  plants  and  vines,  mythology  is  almost  absent  and  even  philo- 
sophy scarcely  more  than  affirms  that  plants  are  sentient,  but 
"they  know  not  where  their  leaves  are,"  12.  251.  8. 

There  is  an  implicit  denial  of  any  active  belief  in  the  action 
of  Karma  ever  resulting  in  a  man  being  reborn  as  a  vegetable; 
the  worst  he  has  to  fear  being  re-birth  as  an  insect,  a 
demon,  or  a  low  savage.  But  vines  and  insects  serve  the 
poet  better  than  the  metaphysician  and  here  the  vines  are 
Love's  arrows  and  ear-rings,  and  the  bees  are  like  Love's  arrows 
(tilakaits  tildkdn  iva,  trees  were  the  tilaka,  forehead  marks,  etc.) 
3.  158.  66  f. 

That  trees  were  sentient  beings  is  philosophically  proved  in 
12.  184.  ]0f.;  but  the  tales  of  the  earlier  period  assume 
this.  Thus  in  the  account  of  Bhaglratha,  the  text  of  the  South 
Indian  recension  says:  "The  trees,  turning  toward  him  with 
their  faces,  stood  bowed  down,  wishing  to  go  after  their  lord", 
SI.  7.  16.  14.1  It  is  true  that  in  3.  230.  35,  the  "mother"  of 
the  trees  is  kind  and  gives  boons  and  is  compassionate,  so 
that  those  who  wish  sons  revere  her  in  a  Karanja-tree,  where 
she  has  her  abode,  while  under  a  Kadamba-tree  is  worshipped 
Lohitayam,  3.  230. 41,  the  daughter  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  nurse  of 
Skanda;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  goddesses  are 
dryads,  not  so  much  divine  trees  as  spirits  in  trees.  They  are 
vegetal  divinities,  but,  like  many  other  divinities  of  like  nature, 
they  are  savage  and  eat  human  flesh  and  are  compassionate  only 
when  appeased  by  offerings.  The  name  given  to  them  (only  here!) 

i  B.  has  "the  trees  here  going  after  him,  the  lord,  king  (raja,  sic) 
wish  to  arrive  there  where  the  two  space- devourers  Makha-Mukhau  went." 
In  12.  269.  24 f.,  trees  desire  and  attain  heaven. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc. 

is  Vrksikas,  dryads,  and  they  are  described  as  "goddesses  born 
in  trees  who  must  be  worshipped  by  those  desiring  children."  * 

Nevertheless,  this  Buddhistic  attitude  is  off-set  by  a  few 
passages,  such  as  that  already  cited,  in  which  not  spirits  in 
trees  but  the  trees  themselves  act,  think,  speak,  etc.,  un- 
doubtedly a  more  primitive  thought  than  that  of  a  spirit  in 
the  tree.  Thus  in  the  age  of  Prthu  Vainya,  "when  people 
lived  in  caves  and  trees,"  not  only  were  all  the  trees  good, 
so  that  clothes  pleasant  to  touch  and  wear  could  be  made 
of  their  bark,  7.  69.  5  and  7  (vrksah  in  SI.),  but  the  trees 
personified  came  to  Prthu  Vainya  and  begged  a  boon  of  him, 
wherupon  he  commanded  earth  to  milk  out  their  wish,  and 
the  trees  rose  first  to  milk  earth,  so  that  the  Sala  became  the 
calf,  the  Plaksa-tree  the  milker,  and  the  Udumbara  the  vessel, 
7.  69.  10  f.  Or,  if  this  seems  too  mystic  to  be  primitive,  one 
could  appeal  to  the  tree-marriage.  In  3.  115.  35  f.  (cf.  13.  4. 
27  f.),  two  wives  want  children  and  embrace  trees,  one  a  Pippala 
and  the  other  a  fig  (Asvattha  and  Udumbara),  at  the  proper 
time,  and  also  (it  must  be  said)  take  medicine.  The  trees, 
however,  are  exchanged,  so  that  the  woman  who  should  have 
'jail  a  warrior  son  from  the  heroic  tree  bore  a  priestly  son, 
and  the  priest's  daughter,  who  wanted  a  saintly  son,  got  a 
fighter ;  through  embracing  the  Asvattha  instead  of  the  Udumbara. 

The  "trees  of  gold",  which  one  sees  with  disastrous  results 
in  a  dream,  seem  to  be  connected  with  the  idea  expressed  at 
5.  46.  9  in  the  words  "the  tree  of  ignorance  has  golden  leaves". 
As  it  is  elsewhere  expressed  "Him  whom  the  gods  wish  to 
destroy  they  make  mad;  (so  that)  he  sees  things  upside  down," 
and  "he  who  is  to  die  sees  things  inverted;  he  sees  golden 
trees,"  that  is,  to  see  trees  of  gold  is  to  share  in  the  more 
general  delusion  of  seeing  things  inverted  or  turned  about,  the 
sign  of  madness  precedent  to  death.  - 

More  particularly,  to  see  golden  trees  in  a  cemetery  presages 
death.  In  3.  119.  12,  "On  committing  this  crime  he  saw  golden 

i  3.  231.  16  (vrksesu  jdtdh;  hence  vrksikafy  with  SI.  better  than  the 
vrddhikc  ndma  ndmatah  of  B.).  ."Tree-girded  Siva,"  7.  202.  35,  is  in  SI. 
still  more  emphatically  "the  tree"  (epithet  of  Siva),  SI.  7.  203.  32. 

-  A  parallel  maranacihna  occurs  in  R.  B.  3.  59.  16:  "He  that  is  about 
to  die  smells  not  the  expiring  lamp,  hears  not  a  friend's  word,  sees  not 
Arundhatl"  (a  star).  Cf.  AJP.  20.  23,  and  add  R.  2.  106.  13;  3.  30.  15; 
Ml.h.  12.  322.  44.  -House-grown"  trees  are  forbidden,  13.  127.  15. 

25* 


352  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

trees  in  full  bloom  on  the  earth  of  the  Pitr- world  (cemetery)", 
cdmiharabhdn  ksitijdn .  .pitrlohaWiumdu.  But  the  addition  of 
the  significant  cemetery  is  not  necessary.  In  6.  98.  17,  mu- 
mursur  hi  narah  sarvdn  vrhscm  pasyati  Itancanan,  "he  that  is 
about  to  die  sees  all  trees  golden"  (the  moral:  so  thou  wilt 
die  because  thou  seest  things  wrong,  viparitani). 

The  later  epic  lays  a  good  deal  of  stress  upon  tree-worship, 
doubtless  reviving  old  practices  as  well  as  bringing  in  new 
ideas.  Not  only  is  Siva  identified  with  the  bdkula,  the  sandal- 
wood  tree,  and  the  chada-tree,  13.  17.  110  (the  last  is  the 
saptapatra,  N,),  and  with  the  world-tree  (ib.  lSr.),  and  especial 
efficacy  attributed  to  the  grov*e  of  Deodars,  ib.  25.  27  (from 
the  wood  of  this  tree  the  sacrificial  posts  are  made,  according 
to  epic  tradition);  but  the  mere  planting  of  trees  is  extolled 
as  a  meritorious  act  calculated  to  insure  the  planter  "fame 
on  earth  and  rewards  in  heaven,"  ib.  58.  24,  since  such  plant- 
ing "saves  one's  ancestors"  and  "gods,  saints,  and  demigods 
have  their  resort  in  trees,"  ib.  26  and  29.  On  the  other  hand, 
one  who  cuts  down  the  lords  of  the  forest  on  the  day  of  the 
new  moon  is  guilty  of  Brahman-murder,  13. 127.  3.  One  should 
offer  a  lamp  to  a  karanjaka  tree,  holding  in  his  hand  the 
root  of  the  suvarcala,  the  latter  being  both  the  name  of  a 
plant  and  of  the  Sun's  wife,  if  he  desires  offspring,  ib.  123.  8. 

Besides  other  wonderful  trees  there  are  five  trees  of  Para- 
dise which  the  epic  writers  regard  as  capable  of  being  trans- 
planted to  earth.  Thus  the  heavenly  tree  called  Parijata  was 
seized  by  Krsna  and  carried  off  by  him  in  defiance  of  Indra, 
whose  defence  was  useless,  5.  130.  49.  In  Har.  7168f.,  this 
tree  is  identified  with  another  heavenly  tree,  the  Mandfira; 
but  in  7.  80.  30  the  latter  appears  to  be  an  independent  tree 
on  Mount  Mandara.  The  Nairrtas  in  the  north  country  guard 
the  Saugandhika-vana  (cf.  pundarlkavandni,  7.  97.  7)  in  the 
same  way  as  the  gods  guard  their  sacred  trees  in  heaven,  and 
the  trees  there  are  called  santdnakds  (nag as)  or  immortal 
trees,  distinct  from  the  remarkable  Kadali- trees  which  also 
grow  on  the  grassy  places  of  the  favored  region,  5.  111.  12  f. 
Bloody  bodies  in  battle  are  likened  to  Parijata- vanani  in  7, 
187.  34  (red);  but  the  heavenly  trees  are  not  described  in 
detail.  Even  the  earthly  banyan  is  figured  only  by  allusion 
and  implication,  though  it  is  probably  the  model  of  the  "hundred- 
branch  tree"  to  which  Drupada  is  likened  because  of  his 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc. 

numerous  descendants,  5.  151.  14.  But  magical  trees  are  not 
confined  to  heaven.  In  the  land  of  demon-,  Daityas.  in  the 
town  called  Hiranyapnra,  there  are  also  "trees  that  b ear  fruit 
and  flowers  at  will  and  go  at  will,"  5.  100.  15.  Many  even 
of  the  sacred  asylums  on  earth  have  trees  which  grant  v  i 
Thus  in  the  Alaniba-tirtha  the  trees  grant  wishes,  1.  ^9.  40, 
and  other  trees  there  have  branches  of  gold,  silver,  and  beryl; 
one  of  the  banyans  being  the  resort  of  the  little  Valakhilya 
saints,  who  hang  from  the  branches  head  down,  1.  30.  2.  (-)n 
the  Utsava  hill  there  are  also  Kalpavrksas  (wish-granting 
>i,  1.  219.  3,  though  this  is  an  artificial  creation.  Just  as 
Indra.  has  a  TtalpalatiM,  or  magic  vine  granting  every  wish, 
so  the  AwTpa-tree  grants  wishes.  This  is  so  well  known  (though 
rarely  referred  to)  as  to  introduce  a  simile  in  3.  281.  5:  "though 
adorned  with  care  he  seemed  less  like  a  (beautiful)  fcaZpa-tree 
than  like  a  criitf/i.i-lrQQ  in  a  cemetery,"  na  kalpavrksa  sadrso.. 
;"(>lru,nitv(it.  Of.  8.  94.  44,  and  the  kapparukkho. 

The  trees  of  earthly  districts  almost  merge  with  those  of 
heaven,  as  one  climbs  the  mountains  to  the  upper  world ;  but 
in  those  divisions  of  earth  known  as  Dvlpas  are  to  be  found 
similar  trees,  and  where  it  is  etymologically  possible  the  local 
tree  is  adored  by  the  inhabitants.  Thus  in  Saka-dvipa  the 
.a,  tree  is  worshipped,  6.  11.  28. 

Of  the  divine  trees  three  or   four  are  specially  prominent. 
The  grove  of  Kadali-trees  seen  by  Bhima  on  Mt.  G-andhama- 
dana  is  leagues  in  extent  and  the   grove  is  "golden"  and  di- 
vine.    It  lies  on  the  way  to  heaven,  a  narrow  path,  on  which 
the  hero  is  stopped  by  Hanumat,  to  prevent  his  being  cursed. 
But  he  discovers  that   this  golden  grove  of  plantains,   pisang 
.   kadallsanda,    conceals  the  further  end  of  the    "road  to 
the  world  of  the  gods",  devalolmsya   margah,  3.  146.  51,  58, 
13.    Seven  trees  are  "kings,"  14.43.3. 

East  of  Meru,    6.  7.  14  f.,   in  Bhadrasva-dvipa,    there  is   a 

great  mango-tree  which  always  bears  fruit  and  flowers  and  is 

a  league  high.   It  is  frequented  by  Siddhas  and  Caranas  and 

its  juice  gives  immortal  youth,  ib.  18  (the  Kalfimra-tree).    The 

e  of  the  Dvipa  Jambu,  is  derived  from  the  Jambuvrksa, 

•ed    "south   of  Xila   and  north  of  Nisadha"    (mountains), 

called  Sudarsana.  an  eternal  tree  which  grants  all  desires  and 

is   frequented  by  Siddhas,  etc.     It   is  one  thousand  and  one 

hundred  leagues  in  height  and  touches  the  sky;  its  fruit  being 


354  E.  Wasliburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

measured  by  fifteen  and  ten  hundred  cubits  (2500  aratni).  Its 
juice  makes  a  river  -which  flows  around  Meru  to  the  Northern 
Kurus.  The  red  gold  used  for  gods'  ornaments,  like  indrago- 
pas  in  color,  comes  from  it  and  is  hence  called  jdmbiinada 
(red  gold),  6.  7.  20-26. 

As  the  juice  of  this  tree  makes  a  river,  so  the  Ganges  itself, 
which  among  the  gods  is  called  Alakananda  (Alaka  is  Kubera's 
city,  and  Alaka  designates  an  inhabitant  thereof,  3.  162.  13) 
has  its  source  at  the  great  jujube-tree  which  grows  on  Mount 
Kailasa,  mahanadl  ladarlprabkava,  revered  by  gods  and  seers 
as  well  as  by  the  aerial  Saints  called  Vaihayasas,  and  by 
Valakhilyas,  and  Gandharvas,  3.  142.  4  f.  The  tree  grows  be- 
side the  Ganges,  according  to  3.  145.  51  and  is  reached  only 
by  a  long  journey  through  many  districts  of  northern  Mlecchas 
and  hills  inhabited  by  Vidyadharas,  Yanaras,  Kinnaras,  Kim- 
purusas,  Gandharvas,  and  Caranas  (so  SI.  3.  145.  16),  till  one 
gets  to  the  asylum  of  Nara-Narayana,  which  is  full  of  "heavenly 
trees,"  i.  e.  "always  bearing  fruit  and  flowers/'  on  Mt.  Kailasa. 
The  Badari-tree  is  huge,  with  a  thick  trunk  and  its  boughs 
afford  constant  shade.  It  is  of  incomparable  beauty  and  its 
fruits  are  sweet  as  honey.  The  rest  of  the  description  is  the 
usual  picture  of  heaven.  There  are  no  mosquitoes  or  gnats; 
the  grass  is  blue  (ntia)  and  soft  as  snow.  The  "songs  of  glad 
birds"  resound.  There  is  an  absence  of  thorns,  darkness,  sor- 
row, hunger,  thirst,  cold,  heat;  but  the  place  is  full  of  sacri- 
ficial glory  and  holy  beauty,  brdhmyd  laksml,  though  it  had 
no  light  from  the  sun.  The  badarl  is  the  most  important  of 
the  many  "divine  trees"  found  there,  ib.  27  f.  As  Saka-dvlpa 
has  its  tree  of  wonders  worshipped  by  the  inhabitants,  6.  11. 
27;  so  Salmalika-dvlpa  has  a  Salmali-tree,  6.  12.  6.  This 
tree  also  is  worshipped,  just  as  Mt.  Kraunca  in  worshipped  in 
Krauiica-dvlpa,  ib.  7. 

These  last  passages  already  reveal  the  close  connection 
between  the  trees  divine  and  the  mountain  heights,  and  more 
particularly  show  that  the  idea  not  only  of  a  divine  tree  but 
of  a  divine  grove  was  as  familiar  to  the  Hindu  as  to  the 
Assyrian,  German,  or  Roman.  Such  a  grove,  called  vanant 
divyam,  or  devaranyani  (plural,  5.  14.  6;  186.  27),  devodydna, 
upavana,  vandnta,  banana,  drama,  nandana,  etc.,  is  not  only 
sacred  to  the  gods  but  is  where  the  gods  themselves  perform 
religious  rites.  In  3.  118.  9f.,  Yudhisthira  journeys  from  Sur- 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  355 

paraka  past  a  place  by  the  sea  and  arrives  at  the  sacred 
grove  where  the  gods  practiced  austerity.  There  he  sees  the 
ayatandni  (templa)  of  Kcika's  son  and  of  the  Vasus,  troops 
of  Maruts,  Asvins,  Vaivasvata  (Yama),  Aditya,  the  lord  of 
wealth,  Indra,  Visnu,  lord  Savitar,  Bhava,  Candra,  the  day- 
maker,  the  lord  of  waters,  the  troop  of  Sadhyas,  Dhatar,  the 
Pitrs,  Rudra  with  his  troop,  SarasvatI,  the  troop  of  Siddhas, 
"and  whatever  (other)  immortals"  (there  are). 

2.    Mountains. 

The  shrines  but  not  the  gods  are  found  in  this  lowland 
place.  The  gods  dwell  upon  the  "  ownerless  "j  (13.  66.  36) 
mountains,  the  high  places;  and  it  is  significant  that  it  is  net 
upon  the  Seven  Hills  of  the  more  southern  district  but  chiefly 
on  the  thousands  of  hills  of  the  northern  country  that  one 
finds  the  gods. i  Bharata-land  comprises  the  Seven  Hills. 

It  is  said  in  3.  39.  40  that  "the  assemby  of  gods,  tridasdndm 
mmagamdh,  is  found  on  the  best  of  mountains"  (Himavat); 
and  in  7.  54.  25,  u  The  gods  of  old  made  sacrifice  on  the  top 
of  Himavat."  When  Nahusa,  as  king  of  the  gods,  devendra, 
sported  in  "all  the  parks  and  pleasure-groves"  familiar  to  the 
divinities,  he  lived  "in  Kailasa,  on  the  top  of  Himavat,  on 
Mandara,  the  White  Mountain,  Sahya,  Mahendra,  and  Malaya," 
as  well  as  by  seas  and  streams,  5.  11.  llf.  But  when  the 
Panclus  go  to  seek  the  gods  they  travel  to  the  northern  dis- 
tricts to  "divine  Haimavata,  holy,  beloved  of  Gods,"  3.  37.  39. 
It  is  in  the  northern  mountains  also  that  one  finds  the  most 
famous  shrines  of  the  saints.  The  Agastya-vata  (but  also  Mt. 
Kufijara),  Vasistha's  mountain,  parvata,  and  the  still  more 
ronowned  Bhrgu-tunga,  are  visited  by  Arjuna  in  the  Hima- 

i  The  Seven  Hills  of  TS.  6.  2.  4.  3  (where,  3.  4.  5.  1,  Visnu  and  not 
£iva  is  "overlord  of  the  hills")  remain  in  epic  tradition  as  the  seven  Kula- 
parvatas,  6.  9.  11  (cf.  the  seven  mountains  in  £aka-dvipa,  6.  11.  13).  They 
are  perhaps  the  "seven  doors  of  heaven",  TB.  3.  12.  2.  9.  They  comprise 
the  Orissa  chain,  Mahendra;  the  southern  part  of  the  western  Ghat?, 
Malabar  (Malaya);  the  northen  part  of  the  western  Ghats,  Sahya;  Sukti- 
mat  location  in  the  east  but  doubtful);  the  Gondwana  range  called  Bear- 
mountain,  Rksavat;  the  (eastern)  Vindhya;  and  the  northern  and  western 
Vindhya,  Pariyatra.  In  SI.  (only)  4.  3.  36,  Arjuna  is  called  "the  eighth 
mountain",  implying  the  same  ordinary  number  of  mountain  ranges. 
Among  the  Seven  Hills,  Mahendra  is  best  known  as  a  holy  place,  1.  215. 
13;  3.  85.  16  f.  (Rama-tlrtha).  Twelve  mountains  are  "kings,"  14.43.4. 


356  E.  Wasliburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

layas,  1.  215.  1  f.  (with  tunga  cf.  tanka,  mountains-slope,  only 
in  the  pseudo-epic). 

The  mysterious  element  comes  to  the  fore  in  the  descript-  . 
ion  of  one  of  the  holy  places  in  the  hills:  "Clouds  arise  with- 
out wind  to  bring  them;  stones  fall;  the  wind  is  always  blowing 
and  ever  rains  the  god  (nityam  devas  ca  varsati).  One  hears 
a  sound  as  of  reading  but  (the  reader)  is  not  seen.  A  fire 
burns  there  (of  itself)  both  morn  and  eve.  Flies  and  mos- 
quitoes interrupt  devotion.  Melancholy  is  born  there  and  a 
man  longs  for  his  home",  3.  110.  3  f . l 

A  religious  explanation  of  these  phenomena  is  essayed  by 
the  traveller's  guide.  The  gods  do  not  like  to  be  seen  and  so 
they  made  this  place,  which  is  their  resort,  inaccessible-  It 
is  on  Hemakuta  (Esabhakuta).  When  the  gods  "gather  at 
the  river"  (Nanda  is  its  name),  only  a  great  saint  may  as- 
cend the  mountain.  For  here  the  gods  sacrifice.  The  grass 
is  sacred  (kusa)  grass  and  the  trees  grow  like  sacrificial  posts 
and  are  used  as  such  by  the  gods.  "Here  with  the  saints 
live  ever  the  gods  and  it  is  their  sacred  fire  which  burns  morn 
and  eve.  On  bathing  here  all  sins  are  destroyed,"  ib.  15  and 
18.  The  weird  sounds,  however,  have  an  historical  explanation. 
The  great  saint  Rsabha,  who  lived  in  this  holy  place,  was 
once  disturbed  in  his  meditations  by  a  party  of  tourists,  which 
made  him  very  angry  and  he  gave  orders  to  the  mountain: 
"If  any  man  speaks  in  this  place,  throw  stones  at  him  and 
raise  a  wind  to  stop  his  noise,"  ib.  9  f.  Hence  came  the  uni- 
versal rule  that  one  should  keep  silence  in  the  presence  of 
holiness.  "Sit  thou  down  in  silence"  (tusmm  Cissva),  says  Lo- 
masa,  3.  114.  16,  "for  this  is  the  grove  divine  of  Brahma"  (the 
Self- existent).  But  mountains  in  general  are  holy  and  have 
a  purifying  effect,  according  to  12.  36.  7  and  264.  40. 2 

The  myths  of  the  mountains  imply  for  the  most  part  that 
they  are  living  beings  and  of  course  divine.  With  other 
divinities  the  rivers,  seas,  and  mountains  approach  and  adore 
Siva,  13.  14.  399;  or  Indra,  saying  "hail  to  thee",  5.  17.  22. 

1  ib.  6 :  nirvedo  jayate  tatra  grlidni  smarate  janah.    In  the  beginning 
of  the  description  another  reading  is:  "With  the  sound  (of  speech)  clouds 
arise".     For  volcanic  mountains,  see  8.  81.  15. 

2  Among  punydni  are  dharanibhrtas  ("earth-holders";  the  hills  uphold 
earth)  and  bathing  and  visiting  the  places  of  the  Gods,  devasthanabhiga- 
mana,  12.  36.  7.    Mountains  assist  at  a  sacrifice,  ib.  321.  182. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mytlioloyical  Aspects,  etc.  357 


So,  conversely,  a  human  ix-iu-j-  is  n-pivsj  ntrd  us  revering  Mt. 
Kaivata  and  all  (other)  divinities  and  as  '-walking  the  dt-asil" 
around  the  mountain,  1.  220.  6.  Compare  14.  59.  4f.  and 
the  adoration  of  mountains  and  trees,  in  13.  166.  31  f.  In 
another  passage  it  is  said  that  the  local  mountain  i>  i  •<  \x-red 
by  offerings  of  flowers  and  perfumes  and  cars  (?  supratitfkita), 
2.  21.  20,  although  here  Caityaka,  one  of  the  five  hills  sur- 
rounding a  town,  is  revered  rather  as  a  memorable  place. 
There  the  minotaur,  mai'usddn  rxtthJm,  which  destroyed  the  in- 
habitants, was  slain  by  Brhadratha,  who  (perhaps  with  the 
\\i'\[i  of  the  propitious  mountain)  killed  the  monster  and  made 
three  drums  of  its  hide,  ib.  16  f.  Possibly  the  fact  that  the 
hills  are  represented  as  running  red  with  metal,  dhdtu,  or 
chalk  washed  down  in  the  rainy  season  may  have  helped  in 
personifying  the  mountains  as  bleeding  beings  (with  whom 
bleeding  men  and  elephants  are  often  compared),  but 
this  was  not  necessary  in  a  land  where  everything  was  alive.- 
One  hill  in  particular,  said  to  be  five  (or)  six  thousand 
leagues  in  height,  is  called  "garlanded/7  Malyavat,  but  it  is 
garlanded  with  the  samvariaha  fire,  and  here  reside  those 
who  have  fallen  from  the  world  of  Brahma.  They  precede 
Aruna  and  then  enter  the  moon  after  66000  years,  6.  7.  28. 
It  runs  off  to  east  and  west  into  little  hills  called  (uniquely) 

'ikds  (purvapurvdnugandikas  and  aparagamfikds,  6.  7.  28  f. 
The  title  of  Himavat  as  "Guru  of  mountains,"  sailayura  (rare 
and  late),  9.  51.  34,  of  itself  imparts  personality  to  the  mountain. 
So  a  mountain  begets  children  upon  a  river,  1.  63.  35  f.  Here 
the  mountain,  Kolahala,  in  expressly  said  to  be  "gifted  with 
intelligence,"  cetandyuktah.  His  daughter  was  called  Girika. 
Mountains  speak,  12.  333.  30;  as  an  echo,  334.  25. 

On  the  assumption  that  mountains  are  alive  rests  one  of 
the  oldest  legends  in  regard  to  them.  RV.  2.  12.  2,  yah  prthiviih 
rt/athamdnam  adrnihal  yah  parvatdn  prakupit&n  aramndt 
("Indra  made  firm  the  shaking  earth  and  brought  to  rest  the 

ird  mountains")  is  explained  by  the  legend  narrated  in 
^I>.  1.  10.  13:  tesCtm  indrah  paksdu  acchinat  tdir  wid»i  adnnliat 
cvlndra  out  off  the  wings  of  the  mountains  and  made  earth 
firm").  In  the  epic,  "like  the  mountains  with  wings  out  off" 

1  Compare  7.  93.  36,  adrtyanta  \lrayah  kale  gdirikambusiavd  iva  (gai- 
,  «.  78.  28,  etc.);  dhatttn,  3.  158.  94  f.;  6.  93.  37,  and  often.    N.  takes 
,  13.  17.  118,  as  Meru  (epithet  of  Siva). 


358  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

is  a  standing  simile,  e.  g.  6.  93.  36.  That  the  old  legend  is 
in  mind  is  shown  by  the  addition  of  the  words  "of  old,"  as 
in  7.  26.  65,  where  an  elephant  is  likened  to  "a  winged  moun- 
tain of  old";  and  ib.  37,  a  fight  of  elephants  "resembles  that 
of  two  mountains  of  old,  winged  and  wooded."  But  at  pre- 
sent it  is  "something  unknown  that  hills  should  move,"  7.  103.  6. 

Historically  interesting  is  the  fact  that  in  times  of  distress 
(Kali,  as  reflecting  history)  the  upper  castes,  when  over-taxed, 
as  an  alternative  to  serving  a  Sudra  king  take  refuge  in 
mountain- caves,  girigahvana,  not  (apparently)  artificial  but  the 
common  resort  of  tigers  and  other  wild  animals,  3.  190.  61; 
7.  107.  12  (of  animals),  as  well  as  of  Mlecchas,  who  in  7.  93. 
48  are  described  as  habitually  living  in  caves,  girigahvana- 
vdsinali.  They  are  here  savages,  like  those  of  the  north,  Par- 
vatlyas,  who  fight  with  stones,  an  art  unknown  to  the  Kurus, 
7.  121.  33.  In  the  history  of  Sunda  and  Upasunda  it  is  said 
that  "they  sent  to  Yama's  home  even  him  who  sought  refuge 
in  inaccessible  places,"  samlmam  api  durgesu,  1.  210.  20.  So, 
when  afraid  of  the  Kaleyas,  "some  retreated  to  caves;"  kecid 
yuhdh  pravivigur  nirjhardM  cd  'pare  gritdh,  3.  102.  14.  The 
kandaras  (caves,  a  rare  word  in  Mbh.  but  common  in  R.)  are 
thus  utilized  by  beasts  and  saints  alike,  guhdkandara  (sauillnds), 
3.  100.  17;  ib.  40.  28.  In  2.  31.  17  the  caves  of  Orissa  are 
mentioned  (pray ay du  daksindpatliam,  gulidm  dsddaydm  dsa 
Kiskindlmm  lokavisrutdm)  as  being  already  famous.  Of.  darl, 
3.  64.  6;  Itandara,  ib.  110;  tatasdnukandaram,  3.  40.  28. 

Later  legends  representing  the  mountains  as  very  much  alive 
occur  in  the  accounts  of  the  Vindhya,  the  Kraunca,  and  the 
Mainaka  mountains.  The  fact  that  Kraunca  is  the  son  of 
Mainaka  and  Mainaka  is  the  son  of  Himavat,  gives  even  a 
genealogical  tree;  but  the  descent  is  not  always  so  given  and 
Kraunca  itself  or  himself  is  also  called  the  son  of  Himavat. 
Although  the  Vindhya  legend  is  more  popular,  the  story  of 
Mainaka  is  more  directly  connected  with  the  tale  of  the  winged 
mountains.  The  epic  use  of  Mainaka  is  to  compare  with  this 
mountain  a  steadfast  hero  or  elephant.  For  Mainaka  was  the 
only  mountain  that  escaped  or  resisted  Indra,  when  the  others 
had  their  wings  cut  off.  "Like  Mainaka  cast  on  the  ground 
by  great  Indra"  is  the  incredible  fall  of  Bhima  (as  hard  to 
realize);  it  is  parallel  to  the  "drying  of  ocean  or  removal,  visar- 
pana,  of  Meru,  or  the  overthrow  of  Indra  at  the  hands  of 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  359 

Vrtra,  or  the  fall  of  the  sun,  7.  3.  4f.;  9.  12  f.  Stereotyped 
is  the  phrase  "stood  firm  as  Mainaka,"  e.  g.  6.  92.  26;  7.  92. 
17;  99.  28;  123.  2;  9.  19.  45,  etc.,  referring  not  to  being  un- 
shaken by  the  wind,  as  is  Vindhyagiri,  7.  92.  53,  but  to  its 
firmness  against  Indra  Nagari  ("foe  of  the  mountains"). 

In  3. 134.  5f.,  Mainaka  is  said  to  be  as  superior  to  all  other 
mountains  as  Indra  to  other  gods,  or  as  Ganges  to  other 
rivers.  It  is  situated  north  of  Kailasa  (q.  v.)  and  is  famous 
for  the  mass  of  gems  and  jewels  deposited  there  by  Maya  in 
or  near  the  lake  Bindusaras,  where  Danavas  sacrifice,  2.  3.  3. 
It  is  spoken  of  as  having  a  vinasana  (see  below,  Meru)  in  the 
interior  of  the  mountain  where  Aditi  "cooked  food  of  old  for 
the  sake  of  a  son,"  3.  135.  3.  The  legend  that  Ocean  gave 
the  mountain  refuse  when  it  escaped  from  Indra  is  preserved 
in  1.  21.  35,  "Mainaka's  asylum-giver  is  ocean."  There  is  a 
watering-place  there  of  some  renown,  13.  25.  59.  It  is  to 
(hundred-peaked)  Mt.  Mainaka  that  a  Raksasa  with  "one 
hundred  heads"  is  compared,  7.  175.  63. 

Mt.  Kriiurica   is   called    the   White   Mountain,   because    of 
the  white  silver  there  (Himavat  is  famous  for  gold-mines  and 
gems),    3.  188.  112.     Compare  13.  166.  30-31,   "Himavat  rich 
in  herbs  divine,  Vindhya  in  metals,   Tirthas,  and  herbs;   and 
Sveta   full   of  silver"   (rajatdvrtah).     It  is   guarded   by  seven- 
headed  dragons  and  in  it  is  the  golden  lake  where  the  mothers 
of  Kumfira  (Skanda)  bore  him  (by  proxy).     Skanda  shot  at 
Mt.  Kraunca   and  it  fled  but  afterwards  returned:    "Skanda 
drew  his  bow  and  shot  his  arrows   at  the  White  Mountain, 
and   with    his    arrows    he    split    the    mountain    Kraunca    (cf. 
Kraunca-nisudaka,  epithet  of  Skanda),   the  son  of  Himavat .  . 
Kraunca   fell  uttering  fearful  howls  and  the  other  mountains 
seeing  his  fall   began  to  shout.     But  Skanda  split  the  White 
Mountain,  lopping  off  one  peak  and  the  White  Mountain  fled 
in  fear  from  earth,"  3.  225.  10 f.;  9.  46.  84.     In  3.  229.  28.  this 
mountain  is  called  "Rudra's  seed;"  though  it  was  son  of  Himavat 
(whom  Menaka  bore  to  Himavat).    Compare  8.  90.  68;  9.  17.  51 ; 
and  the  seed  of  Rudra  (Agni)  cast  on  Meru  by  Ganges,   9. 
44.  9;  13.85.  68. 

The  legend  of  Vindhya  (renowned  for  metals  and  plants, 
13.  166.  31)  represents  that  range  of  hills  as  angry  with  the 
sun  for  refusing  to  go  round  it  as  it  does  around  Meru,  in  a 
respectful  manner  (pradaksinam).  Vindhya  resolved  to  hide 


360  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910, 

the  sun's  light,  and  for  that  purpose  began  to  grow  till  it 
shaded  earth  from  the  light  of  sun  and  moon.  The  gods 
h egged  it  to  stop  growing,  but  to  no  purpose.  Then  the  great 
saint  Agastya  got  permission  from  it  to  pass  over  it  both  on 
his  way  south  and  on  his  way  back.  But  as  Agastya  (the 
civilizer  of  the  South)  never  came  back,  the  mountain  could 
grow  no  more  and  is  still  waiting  for  the  saint's  return  before 
it  grows  higher,  3.  103.  16  and  104.  12  f.  As  the  mountain 
rages  here,  so  it  may  rejoice,  "as  a  mountain  rejoicing  in  heart 
receives  the  rain,"  4.  64.  5,  that  is,  shows  its  bravery,  since 
"water  is  the  destruction  of  mountains,"  parvatdndm  jalcnh 
jard  (as  travel  is  the  destruction  of  bodies;  lack  of  fortune,, 
of  women;  and  word-arrows,  of  the  mind),  5.  39.  78. 

Another  story  illustrates  a  popular  belief.  The  "G-athas  of 
the  gods"  say  that  there  was  a  saint  called  Baladhi,  who  de- 
sired to  have  an  immortal  son.  The  gods  were  kindly  dis- 
posed toward  him  because  he  had  been  religious;  but  they 
said  "No  mortal  is  seen  (to  be)  immortal;  but  he  shall  have 
a  life  conditioned  by  a  cause,"  nimittdyuh.  Then  he,  think- 
ing "mountains  are  indestructible,"  said:  "Let  his  life  last  as 
long  as  the  mountains"  (let  the  mountain  be  the  cause).  Then 
Medhavin,  his  son,  was  born  but,  being  arrogant,  he  insulted 
the  saints.  One  of  the  saints,  Dhanusaksa,  after  vainly  curs- 
ing him,  took  the  form  of  a  buffalo  and  charging  against  the 
mountains  reduced  them  to  ashes.  So,  the  cause  (of  life) 
being  destroyed,  Medhavin,  the  son  of  Baladhi,  was  also  dest- 
troyed.  A  Gatha  is  sung  about  it  to  this  day  ("no  one  can 
escape  what  is  ordained;  Dhanusaksa  the  great  seer  split  the 
mountains").  * 

In  connection  with  the  mountain-myths  may  be  mentioned 
the  story  of  the  nymph  turned  into  stone,  like  similar  tales 
in  Greek  mythology.  The  Apsaras  JRambha,  wife  of  Tumburu, 
was  thus  turned  into  a  rock  on  failing  to  seduce  Visvamitra 
as  she  came  under  the  curse  of  that  saint,  5,  117.  16,  etc. 

1  This  is  the  version  in  SI.  3.  135,  which,  at  vs.  52,  inserts  half  a 
a  dozen  verses  showing  that  the  seer  himself  became  a  buftalo.  The 
words  in  B.  makisdir  bhedayamdsa  parvatdn  are  changed  to  maharsir 
and  so  in  the  Gatha:  maharsir  Wiedayamdsa  Dhanusdltso  mahidhardn. 
B.,  135.  52  and  55,  represents  the  saint  splitting  the  mountains  "by  means 
of  buffaloes."  So,  in  the  story  of  Kolahala  (p.  357,  above),  Vasu  out- 
raged by  its  behavior,  kicked  a  hole  in  it,  through  which  the  river  escaped. 


Vol.  xxx.j  Mythological  Aspects,  etc. 

Other  legends  abound,  connecting  some  mountain  with  a 
god  or  saint,  as  in  the  landing  of  the  ark  on  X;nib;indii;iM;i. 
3,  187,  50.  Often  the  Puranic  story  is  just  alluded  to.  a< 
when  ( lovardhana  is  mentioned  as  the  }>l:i<  Yi:nu-I\r?na 

{called  mahii'h'i'ihrl  in  13.  149.  32)  upheld  the  hill  for  the 
of  the  cows,  5.  130.  46;  13.  159.  17  gam  uddadhara  (SI. 
7.  11.  4,  ddvdn  mitktvd  .  .  dhrtva  Qovardliannm),  VP.  5.  11. 
In  the  mountain  Mahendra  (Orissa  chain)  lived  Rama  (after 
Dejecting  the  ocean")  at  the  command  of  Kasyapa  Mfirica  to 
"leave  the  earth."  {  what  time  he  extirpated  the  warriors.  7.  70. 
21  :'.  On  the  ]S armada  river  is  the  beryl-mountain  (sometimes 
located  in  the  north)  and  in  this  locality  "Kausika  drank 
soma  with  the  Asvins  and  Cyavana  paralyzed  Indra  and  won 
Sukanya  as  his  wife,"  3.  121.  19.  Both  epics  have  the  story 
of  Gandhamfulana  (also  a  name  of  Havana,  3.  283.  5)  as  the 
home  of  medicinal  plants,  utilized  by  Hanumat  to  cure  Rama's 
brother.  It  bears  the  epithet  maluiusadhisamayuldah  parvatdh, 
7.  139.  86.  In  both  epics,  Mandara  is  the  instrument  used 
by  the  gods  to  churn  ambrosia  from  the  ocean,  1.  18.  13 
=  RB.  1.  46.  21  (C.  45.  18,  less  exactly  like  Mbh.). 

This  Mandara,  "Indra's  golden  mountain,"  jdinbunadaparvata, 
3.  139.  16,  is  identical  with  Indra-Klla,  3.  37.  42,  and  is 

cially  invoked  as  the  home  of  Sadhus  and  Munis.  It  is 
through  the  grace  of  this  mountain  that  priests,  warriors,  and 

i'armer-mcrchant  caste  attain  heaven.  Tirthas  (3.  26.  121'.), 
sweet  streams,  nymphs,  and  the  sound  of  Yedic  recitation  are 
found  there,  3.  42.  22  f.  In  1.  18.  11,  it  is  supported  by  the 
sacred  tortoise  (Visnu).  Vrtra,  it  is  said  in  3.  101.  15,  "fell 
like  Mandara  hurled  of  old  from  the  hand  of  Visnu."  Else- 

re  it  associated  with  Mt.  Sveta:  "We  shall  see  the  White 
Mountain  and  Mt.  Mandara,  where  are  the  mai/ivum  Yaksa 
and  Kubera  the  king  of  Yaksas,  88000  Gandharvas  and  four 
times  as  many  Kimpurusas  and  Yaksas"  (who  with  Raksasas 
guard  the  mountain),  3.  139.  5.  In  3.  163.  4,  it  lies  east  of 
(Meru  and;  Gandhamadana  and  "illuminates  all  the  earth  as 
far  as  the  sea;  and  the  region  is  protected  by  Indra  and 
Kubera.''  Also  here  it  is  said  that  when  Soma  and  the  stars 
hav«-  gone  around  Meru  they  "return  to  Mt.  Mandara,"  i.  e.. 

i  So  Yudhisthira  on  leaving  Kubora's  mountain  "goes  to  earth"  (and 
•addresses  it  as  a  person,  drastd  tar/  '<o>ii,  auf  Wiedersehen !),  3.  176.  20. 


362  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

to  the  east  (SI.  has  \sagaram).  It  is  located  in  the  north, 
with  Mandakim,  in  5.  111.  12,  and  in  the  South  in  5.  109.  9, 
its  grottoes  (as  in  the  Indraloka  ascent,  called  kimjas]  being 
especially  mentioned.  In  5.  110.  9,  it  is  found  in  the  west. 
Here  the  root  of  Himavat  is  said  to  extend  (in  the  western 
district)  toward  Mandara,  inapproachable,  sunk  in  the  ocean. 
The  fact  that  these  three  statements  are  virtually  one  de- 
scription weakens  the  force  of  each  statement  and  makes 
the  eastern  (Bengal)  position  of  Mandara  more  probable,  as 
this  accords  with  tradition  (at  the  present  day  "Mandar- 
giri"  is  near  Bhagalpar,  Bengal).  The  fact  that  Mandara  is 
especially  Indra's  mountain  also  helps  to  establish  its  geo- 
graphical position,  since  "Indra's  district"  is  the  east. 

But  the  epic  has  a  vague  notion  of  the  northern  mountains,, 
the  approach  to  which  was  difficult  and  the  ascent  impossible 
except  to  very  great  saints  and  heroes.1  The  Pandus  see,  as 
they  ascend  from  the  south,  the  peaks  of  Kailasa,  Mainaka, 
the  foot  of  Gandhamadana  (-pddas),  and  Sveta;  whence  they 
journey  seventeen  days  to  the  back  of  Himavat  and  "four 
days  later"  come  to  the  White  Mountain,  "like  a  huge  mass 
of  clouds  and  full  of  gems  and  gold"  (gold  is  in  all  the 
mountains,  2.  50.  21;  9.  44.  15,  etc.)  without  having  yet 
reached  Gandhamadana,  3.  158.  ISf.  But,  when  one  stands 
on  Gandhamadana,  the  "mountain  of  Indra  and  Kubera"  (that 
is,  Mt.  Mandara)  lies  to  the  east,  as  opposed  to  Samyamana,. 
the  region  of  the  south  (of  Yama),  to  the  abode  of  Varuna 
and  the  Asta-mountain  (where  the  sun  sets;  itself  opposed  to 
Udaya,  sunrise-hill),  and  to  the  abode  of  Brahma,  "great 
Meru,  which  illuminates  the  north,"  while  next  (to  the  east) 
is  the  "abode  of  Visnu."2  Compare  the  confused  account  of 
the  Mahaparsva  mountains,  and  those  "beyond  Kailasa  and 
Mandara,"  13.  19.  20,  53. 


1  Cf.  aruruksur  yatha  mandaJi  parvatam  Gandhamadanam,  (boasting) 
"like  a  fool  who  (pretends  he)  is  going  to  climb  Mt.  Gandhamadana,"  5. 
160.  94. 

2  Asta  maMdhra,  5.  181.  16;  asto  ndma  parvata,  5.  110.  6  (astamana 
=  astam-ayana}.     The  Udaya   hill   appears  at  3.  224.  11.     The   Asta   is 
conceived  as  a  real  "mountain-king,"  and  there  "and  in  the  sea  dwells 
Varuna  protecting  all  creatures,"  3.  163.  10.    The  gods  find  Siva  on  Mt. 
Mandara,  7.  94.  57,  though  his  regular  abode  is  Kailasa,  whose  lofty  peak 
serves  the  hyperbole  of  the  poets  as  an  image,  "high  as  peaked  Kailasa 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mi/tholoffical  Aspects,  etc.  363 

Despite  the  fact  that  the  gods  roam  about  as  they  will  and 
an-  constantly  found  in  each  others'  pleasure-groves,  they  are 
ascribed  in  general  not  only  to  certain  regions  but  also  to 
certain  mountains.  Thus:  "The  Raksasas  (rateahsi,  sc.  live)  on 
Himavat;  on  Kailasa  (Hemakuta)  live  the  Guhyakas;  serpents 
and  Nagas  on  (Mt.)  Nisadha;  Gokarnam  is  a  grove  of  asceticism 
(cf.  13.  18.  6,  Krsna  practiced  asceticism  there);  the  White 
Mountain  is  said  to  belong  to  all  the  gods  and  Asuras;  the 
Gandharvas  (live)  ever  on  Nisadha,  likewise  the  Brahmarsis 
on  Nlla;  but  the  resort  of  gods  is  the  Peaked  hill"  (sritgavdits 
tu  .  .  devantim  pratisa  near  air,  a  special  range).  6.  6.  51  f.  Then 
follows  the  statement  that  the  fire  of  destruction  (satitvartaka) 
and  the  saints  who  precede  Aruna  (above,  p.  357)  are  on  top 
of  Malyavat,  ib.  7.  28.  Only  devl  Sandili  ("Agni's  mother;" 
cf.  13.  123.  2f.)  is,  however,  especially  ascribed  to  Mt.  Srngavat 
at  6.  8.  9.  which,  like  Meru,  has  three  peaks,  one  of  gold,  one 
of  gems,  and  one  of  all  kinds  of  jewels,  6.  6.  4  and  6.  8.  8. 
The  flank  of  Meru  called  Karnikara  (wood)  is  a  favorite  resort 
of  Pasupati  and  Urna;  and  Hiranmaya  is  especially  the  moun- 
tain oi  Garuda,  6.  6.  24  and  6.  8.  6.  The  Gandharvas  too 
live  on  Mandara  (q.  v.),  on  Meru  (in  Saka-dvlpa),  6.  11.  15; 
and  in  Kusa,  ib.  12.  14,  while  "all  the  districts"  (sub  Krauria- 
dvipa)  have  gods  and  Gandharvas,  ib.  12,  21.  Harigiri,  "Visnu's 
hill,"  is  in  Kusa-dvlpa  6.  12.  11.  Skanda  gives  his  special 
mountain,  near  Ellora.  the  name  of  devagiri,  "hill  of  the  god" 
(not  "gods'  hill").  The  devakuta  (tlrtha)  of  3.  84.  141  (ib.  149, 
ilif  "lake  of  Pitamaha"  near  the  &ailaraja)  may  refer  to  the 
-hill  of  gods"  (in  general).  The  statement  in  12.  27.  21,  that 
Draupadi  grieves  for  her  five  sons  "like  earth  deprived  of  five 
mountains"  does  not  limit  the  number  of  mountains  in  any  way. 

Further  examination  of  the  data  leads  into  the  realm  of 
cosmology  and  ethnology,  with  which  mythology  on  its  religious 
>idr  is  less  nearly  connected.  Yet  a  word  must  be  said  in 
regard  to  the  conception  of  the  Himalayas  in  general  and  the 
site  of  the  world-mountain  Meru.  It  is  evident  that  the  epic 

stood  he,  with  club  upraised,"  6.  94.  23,  etc.  "High  as  Mandara,"  1.  207. 
3^  (gopuras).  Gandhamadana  (Kubera's  own  mountain)  is  where  Pitamaha 
receives  in  audience  the  gods  and  seers,  6.  65.  42.  The  pddas  (above)  of 
this  mountain  suggest  the  simile  of  1.  136.2,  padacdrlva  parvatah  (Karna 
in  arena)  "like  a  footed  mountain."  The  pada..  foot  (plain),  of  Himavat 
is  '-sno\vyr  (hairnet),  7.  55.  39. 


364  E.  Waslibiirn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

poets  are  acquainted  with  the  world  as  it  appears  from  the 
Gangetic  plains,  where  the  Eastern  Ocean  is  known  but  not 
near;  where  the  "western  littoral"  is  also  known  but  distant, 
as  are  the  "Punjab  kings,"  the  mountaineers,  and,  more  remotely', 
the  kings  of  the  Sakas,  Pahlavas,  Daradas,  Kambojas,  Yavanas, 
etc.,  e.  g.  5.  4.  15f.  But  the  flight  of  Indra  to  "the  end  of 
the  worlds"  sets  him  in  a  lake  on  an  island  in  the  sea  north 
of  Himavat,  5.  10.  45;  14.  8;  and  when  Arjuna  goes  north  be 
finds  beyond  the  White  Mountain  the  land  of  Kimpurusas, 
protected  by  Drumaputra,  and  still  farther  the  land  (protected 
by  Guhyakas)  called  Hataka,  near  lake  Manasa,  where  there 
were  "streams  of  saints,"  rsikulyas,  and  near  Hataka  (which 
gives  its  name  to  a  kind  of  gold)  he  comes  on  the  country 
protected  by  the  Gandharvas  (the  Gandharva-nagara  is  localized 
here),  whence  he  seeks  to  cross  the  "northern  Hari-Varsa"  or 
unconquerable  land  of  the  Northern  Kurus,  2.  27.  29  to  28.  11 
(and  expanded  in  ST.),  just  as  Bhlma  gets  to  the  extreme 
south  when  he  comes  to  Tamralipta,  2.  30.  24.  Jambudvipa, 
3.  79.  4  and  6.  1.  8  (yavat  tapati  suryo  lii  Jambudvlpasija 
mandalam)  and  14.  85.  39,  is  India. 

Himavat  itself  is  often  personified,  though  too  huge  to  be 
always  thought  of  as  individual.  .For  the  most  part  it  serves- 
as  does  any  hill  (1.  188.  7),  for  a  type  of  stability,  endurance, 
and  size.  'A  standing  solemn  asseveration  is,  "Himavat  shall 
fall  (or  burst)  and  earth  shall  burst"  (ere  such  or  such  happen), 
where  the  common  distinction  between  earth  and  mountain 
again  appears. l 

A  general  description  in  3.  108.  4f.,  lauds  Himavat's  peaks, 
rivers,  forests,  caves,  lions,  tigers,  birds  (the  kinds  being  given 

1  caled  dhi  H.  sailah,  etc.,  5.  82.  48;  cf.  pated  Dydur  H,  siryet,  3.  12. 
130,  and  oft.  In  3.  32.  10,  it  is  said  that  even  Hiraavat,  if  "divided  up 
and  not  added  to."  Widksyamdno  liy  andvdpah,  might  he  destroyed.  Its 
hugeness  leads  to  the  phrase  "hide  Himavat  with  a  handful  of  grass." 
3.  35.  23  (like  "hiding  Meru,"  ib.  29);  "it  cannot  be  moved,"  13.  35.  20; 
typical  of  dhdirya,  1.  188.  9.  The  most  striking  personification  of  Himavat 
occurs  at  13.  25.  62.  vikhydto  Himavdn  punyah  Sailkara-svasuro  girih, 
dkarali  sarvaratnandm  siddhacdranasevitali,  "Mt.  Himavat,  a  mine  of 
gems  of  all  sorts,  is  called  Siva's  father-in-law;  it  is  holy  and  cultivated 
by  saints  and  singers"  (Siva's  wife  is  Parvati,  "  daughter  of  the  moun- 
tain"). Hence  perhaps  Siva  is  called  Haima,  but,  as  he  "lives  in  moun- 
tain caves,"  it  may  be  that  Mima  means  "living  on  Himavat,"  as  he  is 
Merudhaman,  "living  on  Meru,"  13.  17.61,  64  (Mima),  and  91.  Himavat 
is  also  "father  of  Ganges,"  6.  119.  97  and  of  Mt.  Abu  (below). 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  365 

in  detail),  Kinnaras,  Apsarasas,  elephants,  Vidyadharas,  jewels, 
and  snakes.  In  particular  it  is  famous  for  its  gold-mines  and 
gold-bearing  waters.1 

Kailasa  is  of  all  the  mountains  in  Him:ivut  the  most  famous 
and  serves  as  a  means  of  comparison  when  one  wishes  to 
ilt->cribe  towers  etc.,  which  in  Sanskrit  as  in  our  parlance  are 
called  "sky-scrapers,"  divisprt,  as  in  1.  185.  19;  2.  34.  20;  cf. 
(not  in  B)  SI.  1.  96.  56,  Kdildsasiklidrdir  gopnrnih.  Even 
the  house  of  lac  is  compared  with  it,  1.  146.  12,  or  a  man,  as 
Balanuna  is  "like  the  Kailasa  peak,"  1.  220.  20.  It  lies,  as 
described  in  Vana,  beside  the  upper  Ganges  but  beyond  the 
Northern  Kurus  and  is  near  Mt.  Mainaka,  3.  145.  17  f.,  41 
and  51  (also  SI.  1.  243.  31).  The  Sabha  of  Kubera  is  "like 
the  peak  of  Kailasa'*  2.  10.  2.  It  is  said  to  be  six  leagues  (!) 
high.  All  the  gods  assemble  upon  it,  and  the  Yak?as,  Raksasas, 
to  be  seen  there  are  without  number,  3.  139.  llf.  The 
monster  jujube  described  as  being  there  and  in  Gandhamadana 
(ib.  and  above)  shows  perhaps  that  no  'great  distinction  was 
felt  between  them,  unless  one  was  a  part  of  the  other.  Accord- 
ing to  3.  12.  43,  Krsna  once  lived  there  (SI.  quite  different, 
vdirdjabhavane  for  KdildsabJtavane).*  The  two  mountains  else- 
where, as  at  a  later  date,  are  differentiated. 

1  Compare  5.  111.  24,  the  "gold-mine  of  Himavat,"  hdimavatah  kana- 
kdkarah,  and  -gold-giving  lake,"  found  at  Uslra-blja.    In  3.  82.  55,  Arbuda 
is  -son  of  the  Himalayas,"  himavatsuta,  "where  there  was  of  old  a  cleft 
in  the  earth"  and  asylum  of  YasTstha.     As  it   is  near  Prabhasa  (on  the 
Gujarat  coast)   it  must  be  the  modern  Mt.  Abu,  and  not  Mainaka,   as 
later  in  VP.    The  gold  comes  from  "Rudra's  seed,"  9.  44.  15.    Gold  in  the 
"essence;"  sara,  of  (all)  mountains  (as  honey  is  of  flowers),  13.  17.  14. 

2  The  commentators  here   understand  badarl  and  vdisdld  to   refer  to 
the  jujube  tree  and  not  to  the  stream   or  asylum  of  Narayana  so  called 
(5.  111.  4).    But  anyway  Kailasa  seems  to  include,  as  a  range,  the  further 
hill  called  Muinaka   and  Gandhamadana.     Cf.  the   later  rajatddri  "silver 
hill,"  as  epithet  of  Kailasa,  with  the  statement  above  regarding  £veta. 
In  3.  158.  17,  where  the  heroes  see  Gandhamadana  and  £veta  after  Kai- 
lasa and  Mainaka,  SI.  has  Meru  for  £veta.    In  the  more  or  less  stereo- 

1  geographical  scheme  of  6.  6.  11'.,  Gandhamadana  lies  north  of 
avat,  which  is  north  of  Nisadha,  and  Nisadha  is  the  mountain  west 
of  Hemakiita  (Kailasa).  According  to  a  v.  1.  in  SI.  "black  men"  live  on 
Gandhamadana  (in  B,  they  are  "  happy"  hrstd},  krsna  nardh),  6.  6.  31  (36). 
Jn  1.  119.  48,  Gandhamadana  is  this  side  of  Indra-Klla  and  beyond  Hima- 
vat (cf.  3.  37.  41);  it  is  protected  by  Saints,  Siddhas,  and  by  mahdbhutas. 
Indradyumna-lake  and  Hansa-kuta  lie  beyond  it  (ib.  50).  It  is  accessible 
only  to  ascetic  mortals,  and  the  visdld  badarl  is  there,  3.  140.  22;  141.  23. 

XXX.    Part  IV.  26 


366  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

Mt.  Meru,  if  no  cosmological  theory  stood  opposed,  would 
seem  to  be  a  hill  "beaten  by  rain,"  7.  166.  14;  174.  20,  etc., 
like  other  hills  of  the  north  country,  only  surpassing  all  and 
reaching  higher  than  the  sun,  so  that  the  sun  goes  around  it,' 
3.  104.  2.  It  is  Meru-giri,  trikuta,  the  best  of  peaked  moun- 
tains, 5.  65.  5  (it  has  three  golden  peaks,  6.  82.  27),  and  it  is 
covered  with  cloud  but  not  stirred,  mathita,  by  the  wind,  7.  156. 
81  f.  ("Wind  shall  bear  away  Meru,  and  the  sky  fall,"  ere  this 
thing  shall  happen,  is  said  as  above  of  Himavat,  5.  160.  98). 
The  "rocks  of  Meru"  ("may  be  counted,"  13.  26.  98)  appear 
to  be  as  well  known  as  the  "sands  of  the  Ganges"  (with  the 
stars  in  the  sky  usually  as  type  of  countless  hosts  of  cows), 
7.  58.  7,  yavatyali  sikatd  gangyo  ydvan  Meror  maliopalali.  Like 
other  mountains  it  is  red  with  metal,  5.  179.  30  (see  above). 
Like  other  peaks  it  stretches  to  the  heavens  and  "golden 
Meru"  is  a  part  of  the  Svarloka  (light-world),  holding  parks 
of  the  gods,  its  extent  being  given  in  one  place  as  three  and 
thirty  thousand  leagues,  3.  261.  8.  It  is  the  "Indra  of  moun- 
tains" and  is  ever  resplendent  with  sunlight,  1.  225.  37;  2.  38. 
28;  3.  81.  5.  Yet  its  glory  excels  that  of  the  sun,  and  it  is  the 
home  of  gods,  Gandharvas,  and  beasts,  but  not  of  men  who 
are  unrighteous.  It  is  there  the  gods  consulted  how  to  use 
Mandara  as  a  churning  stick  to  get  ambrosia,  1.  17.  5f.;  and 
1.  18.  The  deva-saWid  is  on  Meru,  SI.  2.  51,  43.  It  cannot 
be  destroyed  (or,  SI.,  turned  round,  vivartanam  for  vimardanam), 
3.  36.  3  (cf.  viparyasa,  7.  193.  7)  or  concealed  (above).  It  is 
typical  of  dignity  (Merupratimagaurava,  "0  thou  as  grave  as 
Meru!"),  3.  41.  40. 

Yet  the  poets  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the  sun  lights  it, 
SI.  4.  19.  13;  that  vultures  visit  it,  3.  225.  33;  that  the  saint 
Visvamitra  can  "hurl  Meru  away  from  earth,"  1.  71.  36;  and 
that  the  "house-goddess"  can  devour  it,  2.  18.  8.  Hiranyaka- 
sipu  is  known  as  "the  shaker  of  Meru"  (-kampana),  13.  14.  73. 
On  its  wooded  top  sit  saints  and  gods,  12.  324. 11—21.  Asylums 
are  found  there,  as,  for  example,  that  of  Vasistha,  albeit  "on 
the  flank"  of  the  mountain,  1.  99.  6,  though  Yayati  sports 
upon  its  very  peak,  Merusrnge  .  .  uttare  (northern),  1.  85.  9, 
as  does  Usanas  with  the  demon  Daityas,  6.  6.  22,  and  the 


It -is  described  in  3.  146.  22,  as  "dancing  with  clouds  outspread"  (as  a 
ballet-dancer  with  skirts). 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects   etc.  367 

"wives  of  the  gods"  ascend  it,   1.  134.  16.     The  mountain  is 
spoken  of  as  if  the  poets  saw  it   before  them.     "He  shone  in 
splendor  on  his  golden  car  as  shines  the  sun  on  Meru,"  7.  84. 
17;    "looked    like    Maha-Meru    with    its    clouds,"   G.  109.  38; 
"resplendent   as   the   peak   of  Meru,"    7.  120.  4.     A  long  de- 
scription of  it  is  found  in  3.  163.  12  f.    It  lies  north  of  Gandha- 
madana,   is   holy,  the  gate  of  the  saints,   and  illuminates  the 
northern  district.     There  Prajapati,  tin-  soul  of  being,  abides. 
There  too,  in  a  blessed  and  healthful  abode,  live  those  who 
are   called  the  putrd  mdnasdh  of  Brahma  (his  mental  sons), 
of  whom  Daksa  is  the  seventh  (14).    The  "seven  seers  of  the 
irods"  (Devarsis)    set   and    rise    there.     The   topmost   peak   is 
occupied  by  PitSmaha,  "with  the  self-pleased  gods"  (dtmatrpta  >!>)-, 
but  beyond  the  seat  of  Brahma  is  that  of  the  eternal  supreme 
Xar:iy?na  (God).    This  even  the  gods  cannot  see  (or  "see  with 
difficulty/5  SI.),  18.    This  place  of  Visnu  (God)  is  to  the  east 
of  Meru   and  is  inaccessible    even  to  Brahmarsis  and  so,  of 
course,    to    the    "great  seers"    (Maharsis,    by    implication  in- 
ferior to  Brahmarsis,  ib.  21),  though  Manu  holds  a  conversation 
there,   13.  98.  6.     Around   Meru   revolve    continually  the    sun 
and  moon,  from  east  to  west,  pradaksinam  updvrtya  kurutah 
(cf.  3.  168.  36,  girim  dmantrya  Sdi&ram  pradaksinam  updvrtya), 
as  do   all  the  heavenly  lights,  which  the   sun   drags  with  him 
as  "he  makes  the  circuit,  kurute  (Merum)  abhipradaksinam;  for 
the  sun,  on  reaching  the  Asta  mountain  and  getting  "beyond 
the  twilight,"  takes  the  northern  district  as  his  course,  bhajate  .  . 
Iciixfluim   (to  the  north  of  Meru)   and  so  returns,  facing  east, 
30 f.:  Jferum  anuvrttah  sa  punar  gacchati  prdnmukhah  (SI.  has 
sumerum  for  sa  Merum}.     Thus  also  the  moon,  dividing  the 
months,  goes  with  the  stars  (naksatras),  and  "passing  on  the 
other   side    of  Meru  ..  returns   to  Mandara"    (i.e.,  the   eastj.1 
Meru  itself  is  east  of  Ketumala,  6.  6.  31. 


1  The  expression  atikramya  is  a  technical  geographical  term,  meaning 

"passing  behind''   or   "on  the  other  side  of;"   cf.  Piin.  3.  4.  20.     In  30, 

above,  it  is  used  of  the  sun  getting  to  the  other  side  of  the  twilight.    In 

13.  96.  10,  one  who  kills  a  refugee  is  likened  to  one  who  should  atikramet 

the  brightness  of  Meru,  i.e.,  disdain.    The  account  following  (above) 

that   to    make  winter   the    sun    goes  to  the  southern    district,  but 

nothing  more  is  said  of  Meru  at  this  point.     In  3.  164.  8,  the  mountain 

of  the  north  is  luminous  with  plants,  and  has  no  distinction  of  day  and 

night;  but  the  inhabitants  see  the  sun  rise  and  set  (astamana,  9). 

26* 


368  E.  Washburn  Hoplnns,  [1910. 

It  is  even  possible  that  Mainaka  is  at  times  regarded  as 
part  of  Meru.  There  is  a  vinasana  ascribed  to  Mainaka  above, 
and  in  the  Tirtha  stories  of  Vana,  3.  82.  Ill,  the  vinasana 
of  the  Sarasvati,  is  where  this  river  "  goes  concealed  on  Meru's 
flank"  (and  is  seen  again  at  Camasa,  Sirodbheda,  and  Nagod- 
bheda). 

The  Meru  of  the  Mahabharata  nowhere  appears  to  be 
regarded  as  the  axis  of  the  world,  the  north  pole  to  which 
the  (later)  Sumeru  is  antithetical.  In  the  "car  of  the  gods," 
it  is  the  perpendicular  flagstaff  of  the  car,  that  is  it  is  a 
lofty  mountain-range  situated  in  the  north,  7.  202.  78.  In 
view  of  the  theory  recently  propounded  in  this  Journal  that 
Babylonian  and  Hindu  cosmology  rest  on  the  same  basis,  it 
is  necessary  to  observe  that  there  is  in  fact  no  southern  pole, 
Sumeru,  recognized  at  all  in  the  epic.  One  passage  given 
above  shows  a  doubtful  reading  (SI.)  of  swneru  for  sa  Meru, 
but  in  that  case  sumeru  is  Meru  itself  ("fair  Meru"),  as  shown 
by  the  context.  The  only  other  case  where  Sumeru  occurs  is 
of  a  similar  nature.  Instead  of  the  reading  babhuva  paramo- 
petali  svayamWiur  iva  bhamina,  in  6.  2078  (C.),  the  Bombay 
and  South  Indian  recensions  have  (50.  46)  sumerur  iva,  which, 
in  the  light  of  the  similes  just  given,  is  evidently  "resplendent 
as  fair  Meru." 

Meru  as  described  in  the  late  geographical  intrusion  at  the 
beginning  of  Bhisma J  is  half  way  between  the  earlier  and 

1  It  is  only  here  that  the  Persians  bear  the  (Puranic)  name  Parasikas, 
6.  9.  66,  Hundh  Pdrasikdih  saha  (so  too  in  SI.;  in  VP.  2.  3.  13,  Pdra- 
sikadayas  tathd,  to  avoid  three  iambics).  One  very  important  difference 
between  the  epic  and  Puranic  descriptions  is  that,  whereas  the  Visnu 
Parana  2.  4.  1,  says  that  the  Plaksadvipa  (and  others)  surrounds  the  sea, 
which  in  turn  surrounds  Jambu-dvipa,  ksdrodena  yathci  dvipo  jambusanjno 
'bhivestitah,  samvestya  ksdram  udadhim  plaksadvlpas  tathd  sthitah,  the 
epic  nowhere  says  that  a  continent  encircles  an  ocean,  but  only  that  an 
ocean  surrounds  each  continent,  6.  5.  13  f. ;  cf.  ib.  (8.  10  and  15)  11.  6; 
11.  9;  12.  If.  Furthermore,  in  6.  12.  27,  after  remarking  that  "jewels 
come  into  (are  exported  into)  the  Dvipa  called  Puskara  from  Jambu- 
dvipa"  (just  as  "Indra  brings  the  rain  from  Saka-dvipa,"  6.  11.  16),  the 
poet  saya  that  all  these  dvlpas  excel  as  they  go  north,  both  in  virtue 
and  in  length  of  life,  but  that  nevertheless  they  must  all  be  regarded  as 
one  nation,  «  for  that  is  called  (one)  nation  where  there  is  one  law"  (or 
religion),  eko  janapado  rdjan  dvipesv  etem  Bhdrata,  uktd  janapadd  yesu 
dharmas  cdi'kah  pradrsyate,  and  finally  he  ascribes  to  the  guardian 
elephants  of  space  a  "Plain"  country  still  beyond  those  already  mentioned, 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  369 

later  (Puranic)  conception,  and  one  among  many  indications 
that  the  muddled  South  Indian  text  (as  published)  is  tainted 
with  later  passages  is  to  be  seen  in  this,  that  just  where  Mem 
is  sufficiently  described  in  the  Bombay  texts  as  being  eighty- 
four  thousand  leagues  high  and  eighty-four  thousand  deep,  the 
SI.  text  adds  (in  the  words  of  the  Visnu  Purana,  2.  2.  8)  that 
its  apex  is  twice  the  size  of  its  base,  6.  6.  10.  To  get  a 
proper  idea  of  the  epic  Meru  it  must  be  remembered  that  in 
this  work  the  dvlpas  islands  or  continents,  are  not  spheres  but 
parts  of  the  earth,  which  to  the  observer  stretch  away  to  the 
north  and  north-west  on  a  scale  resembling  in  general  that 
made  with  Mercator's  projection  (the  farther  north  the  greater 
the  extent),  each  continent  having  all  its  virtues  including  size, 
double  that  of  the  preceding.  Meru  is  one  of  seven  mountains 
running  across  Jambu  the  Rose-apple  continent.  It  stands 
exactly  in  the  middle,  having  south  and  east  of  it  the  three 
great  ranges  Nisadha,  Hemakuta  (or  Kailasa),  and  Himavat 
(the  thousand  leagues  between  each  range  making  a  valley, 
varxa),  and  to  the  north  and  west  of  it  the  ranges  called 
Nlla,  !§veta  (White  Mountain)  and  Srngavat,  while  north  of 
the  last  the  country  "borders  on  the  sea,"  and  so  stops  the 
row;  but  south  of  the  south-eastern  end,  occupied  by  Himavat, 
lies  the  India  of  the  plains,  Bharata-land.  Other  continents 
to  the  north  and  east  of  Jambu-dvlpa  (Rose-apple  continent) 
Ivetu-mala,  immediately  west,  and  Kasyapa-continent  still 
further  west,  which,  along  with  S&ka-continent,  or  Naga- 
(Ceylon?  In  SI.  £aka  for  Naga,  6.  6.  56)  1,  forms  the  ears  of 
the  "hare"-shape  of  part  of  Sudarsana,  equivalent  to  Jambu 
continent  (also  of  the  discus).  This  in  general  is  circular,  but 
part  of  it  looks  like  a  hare  and  part  looks  like  a  tree  and 
these  shapes  are  reflected  in  the  moon  "as  in  a  mirror."  It 

tatah  param  samd  ntima,  having  four  corners,  and  thirty  (leagues?)  in 
extent.  6.  12.  33  (or  "having  thirty  circuits").  This  land  called  Sama  is 
itself  (ib.}  described  as  lokasamsthitih,  "the  form  of  the  world/'  as  if  it 
were  the  tower  of  Babel  in  Sumerian  land!  Kusa  is  not  an  uncommon 
place  prefix.  Compare  Kusavarta  a  teacher  on  Mt.  Nila,  mentioned  with 
.idvara,  in  13.  25,  13;  Kusastamba,  ib.  26  (Kusasthal!  is  Dvaraka). 
Kusadvipa  was  presented  to  Vidyutprabha  by  Siva,  according  to  13. 
14.  84. 

1  Lanka  also  has  its  trikuta,  three-peaked  mountain  (cf.  trisrnga,  8.  15. 
8).  The  Vedic  trikakud  H  an  epithet  of  Krsna- Visnu.  Bharatavarsa  is 
middle  India,  6.  9.  4f.;  12.  326.  14  f. 


370  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

is  possible  that  the  land  called  Kasyapa  may  be  Caspian  land, 
at  any  rate  that  is  where  it  should  be  according  to  the  de- 
scription. Meru  rises  in  the  middle  of  Ilavrta,  between  Nila 
and  Nisadha  and  also  between  Malyavat  and  Gandhamadana.- 
On  its  flanks  are  Ketumala  on  the  west;  Bhadrasva,  the  land 
of  the  Kalamra-tree  (above),  on  the  east;  the  Northern  Kurus 
and  the  Karnikara  forest,  on  the  north.  Ganges  falls  from  its 
peak  into  lake  Candramas,  appearing  first  at  Bindusaras  near 
Mainaka,  north  of  Kailasa.  On  its  south  is  Bharata-land. 
The  countries  and  mountains  from  the  last  north  to  Bharata 
in  the  south  lie  like  a  bow  (curved).  The  $aka-continent  also 
has  seven  mountain-ranges  and  the  first  is  Meru  (6.  11.  15). 
Meru  is  the  house  of  divinities  and  is  golden  (even  the  birds 
being  indistinguishably  golden);  so  it  resembles  the  sun  (not 
in  being  round  but  in  being  brilliant),  6.  6.  10.  The  juice  of 
the  1100  league  high  rose-apple  tree  (divasprs,  "touching  the 
sky")  runs  around  the  base  of  Meru  and  gives  health,  ageless- 
ness,  etc.,  to  the  Northern  Kurus,  as  said  above,  6.  7.  20. 

But  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  there  are  literally 
seven  continents.  Even  in  this  description  the  poet  says  ex- 
pressly: "There  are  many  continents;  I  will  describe  seven," 
6.  11.  4,  using  indeed  a  synonym,  since  sapta  dvipdli  meant 
originally  the  subaliavo  dvlpd  ydir  santatam  idam  jagat  ("very 
many  continents  extend  the  world").1  They  are  thought  of  as 
comprising  not  the  sphere  of  the  universe  but  the  earth,  sap- 
tadvipd,  so  called  in  8.  90.  106;  12.  49.  37;  cf.  "earth  with  its 
seven  continents  and  seas,"  .R.  7.  38.  56.  The  poet  of  the 
Jambukhandavinirmana  is  quite  right  in  saying  there  are  more 
continents.  In  Sabha  is  mentioned  a  Sakala-dvipa  and  the 
"seven  dvipas"  are  here  clearly  equivalent  to  "the  whole  earth." 
Thus  in  2.  12.  12,  Hariscandra,  a  king,  "conquered  the  seven 
continents,"  id  est,  the  whole  earth,  and  in  2.  26.  5f.,  "He 
conquered  Sakala-dvlpa  and  king  Prativindhya  and  whatever 
kings  there  were  in  all  the  seven  continents,"  meaning  of 
course  in  this  conquerable  earth.  In  2.  32.  14,  Sakala  is  a 
city  of  the  Madras  (Punjab).  Compare  13.  95.  23,  sapta  dvlpdn 
imdn  varsend  'bhipravarsati,  "  rains  over  this  earth."  But 
"earth  has  thirteen  dvipas  in  3.  3.  52  and  134.  20;  and  eighteen 


*  Compare  the  use  of  "  seven  kings"  of  the  Kiratas,  the  "seven  tribes" 
of  Utsava,  2.  27.  16;  30.  12,  etc.     "Seven"  is  often  several. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Mythological  Aspects,  etc.  371 

in  7.  70.  15.i  The  "gate  of  Manasa  lake,"  according  to  the 
epic  itself,  3.  130.  12,  is  called  "the  varsam  made  by  Rama 
in  the  midst  of  the  mountain,"  apparently  Mt.  Kailasa,  where 
the  famous  lake  (the  brooding-place  of  swans)  is  situated,  al- 
though the  passage  would  appear  also  to  include  it  within  the 
"holy  circuit  of  Kashmir/'  Kd&riircwuindalam  (sarvapunyani) 
not  far  from  which  is  Visnupadam.  The  "seers  of  the  north," 
duttard  rsayali,  held  a  conversation  there  with  Nahusa,  Agni, 
and  Kasyapa,  ib.  8  and  10. 

The  number  of  oceans  is  indifferently  given  as  four  or  seven. 
The  "four  oceans  united  by  Darbhin"  are  repeatedly  alluded 
to:  3.  83.  156;  84.  126;  85.  63.  On  the  other  hand,  the  sap- 
tasamudrdntd  main  of  7.  198.  55  (R.  4.  15.  8)  and  sapta  samu- 
drdli  of  R.  3.  78.  4  imply  earthly  oceans  numbered  conventionally 
as  "seven"  (still  earlier,  as  in  VS.  13.  31,  there  are  three 
oceans;  or  only  the  eastern  and  western,  as  in  Manu,  2.  22;. 
But  even  "four  oceans"  are  also  recognized,  as  in  Manu  8.  406 
and  Kath.  69,  181.  oatuhtamudrd  prthiw. 

Thus  the  very  account  in  the  epic  which  is  supposed  to 
imply  the  Puranic  cosmogony  speaks  of  only  four  oceans  in 
6.  3.  38,  catvdrah  sagarah.  In  the  account  of  the  Dvlpas 
also  four  oceans  are  expressly  mentioned,  glirtatoy  tli  samudro 
'tra  dadhimandodako  'parah  surodah  sagaras  cdi'va  tathd  Jnyo 
jalasagarah,  6.  12.  2,  though  in  11.  8f.  the  ksiroda  is  said  to 
surround  Saka-dvipa.  Apparently  the  original  conception  was 
that  there  was  around  all  the  earth  four  seas,  one  for  each 
direction,  just  as  there  was  a  four-fold  river  running  from  the 
mountain  in  the  middle  of  all  the  earth,  and,  to  judge  by  the 
disposition  of  the  four  regions  around  Meru,  there  were  at 
first  but  four  dvipas.  Thus  in  6.  6.  12:  "On  the  flanks  of 
Meru  are  four  (is)lands  (tasya  pdrsvesv  ami  dvipas  catvdrah 
saiiisthitd  vibho),  Bhadrasvah,  Ketumala,  Jambudvlpa,  and 
the  Northern  Kurus."  In  VP.  2.  2.  22,  the.  first  two  are  called 
d.ir*e  dve.  Even  there  dvlpa  is  used  for  varsa.  Compare 
VP.  2.  2.  3,  where  the  varsa  called  Bharata  has  nine  dvipas 
(Indra-dvipa,  Naga-dvipa,  Gandharva,  Varuna,  etc.). 

As  late  as  the  Santi,  12.  14.  2 If.,  the  four  Dvipas  around 


1  Jambudvlpa  is  mentioned  as  "famous"  in  3.  79.  4.  SI.  2.  96.  29  adds 
one  passage  to  those  giving  "seven  dvipas."  The  dvlpa  is  a  safety-place 
of  any  sort,  2  63.  7f.;  3.  177.  19;  8.  93.  5;  12.  302.  71  f. 


372  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  [1910. 

Maha-Meru  are  spoken  of  as  we  should  speak  of  the  quarters 
of  the  earth.  The  king  is  said  to  have  brought  under  his 
sway  "Jambudvlpa,  and  Kraunca-dvlpa  which  resembles  it 
lying  below,  adharena,  Maha-Meru,  and  Saka-dvipa,  to  the- 
east  of  Maha-Meru,  and  Bhadrasva  of  equal  extent  with 
Saka-dvlpa  lying  north  of  Maha-Meru;"  and  further:  "Dvlpas 
and  atitara-Dvipas  by  plunging  into  the  sea  thou  hast  brought 
under  thy  dominion,"  vs.  25.  Here  the  Dvrpas  and  "antara- 
Dvlpas"  are  all  part  of  the  conquest  of  a  king  of  earth,  as 
earth  itself  in  12.  14.  38  is  described  as  saparvatavanadvipd, 
"(divine  earth)  with  her  mountains,  woods,  and  islands." 

In  this  book  alone,  12.  336  f.,  occurs  the  description  of  the 
White  Island,  Sveta  Dvrpa,  otherwise  known  only  from  the 
Puranas  (including  the  Harivansa),  which  is  a  part  of  the 
earth  lying  in  the  northwestern  direction  where  men  profess 
a  monotheistic  cult.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
Sveta  Dvipa  was  ever  heard  of  for  centuries  after  our  era. 
It  forms  no  part  of  the  very  complete  geographical  sections  in 
the  early  epic  or  even  of  the  late  intrusion  which  precedes 
the  Bhagavad  Glta  at  the  beginning  of  Bhlsma. 

Despite  pretended  familiarity  with  the  northern  country,  it 
was  really  reckoned  a  death -journey  to  go  thither.  Thus 
when  Sanjaya  "says  farewell  and  sets  out  for  the  Himalayas,'7 
it  means  he- is  going  to  the  bourne  whence  there  is  no  return, 
15.  37.  34.  Questionable  also  is  the  exact  bearing  of  "Hima- 
vat" to  the  southerner.  As  Mt.  Abu  is  a  son  of  Himavat 
(above)  so  the  "plain  of  Himavat"  (prastha)  extends  so  far 
south  that  it  is  within  two  leagues  of  Kuruksetra.  There, 
"on  the  plain  of  Himavat,  besides  the  red  Sarasvati"  is  the 
camp  of  the  Pandus,  9.  5.  50 f.;  6.  4. 

Particularly  in  regard  to  Meru  it  is  to  be  noticed  that 
even  in  Santi  its  peak  joins  that  of  Himavat  and  is  of  the 
same  height,  so  that  the  two  united  peaks  form  simple  edges 
(at  least  Suka  has  to  burst  his  way  through  them  as  they 
join  together),  which  would  be  indistinguishable  were  it  not 
that  one  peak  is  golden  (Meru  is  hemagiri,  8.  56.  114)  and 
the  other  (snowy  or)  silvery,  12.  334.  8f.  Nor  does  it  accord 
with  the  notion  of  a  polar  mountain  that  its  top  has  groves 
upon  it  and  that  not  only  gods  and  saints  sit  there  but  even 
"gentle  and  learned  priests"  live  under  the  Jambu-tree  on  its 
very  summit,  13.  102.  20  f.  In  SI.  13.  33.  22,  Vatsanabha 


Vol.  xxx.j  Mythological  Aspects  etc.  373 

proposes  to  expiate  his  fault  by  "going  to  the  top  of  Meru" 
and  committing  suicide.  In  the  epic,  in  short,  Meru  is  felt 
to  be  a  mountain  like  Himavat,  only  taller  and  farther  north; 
but  its  peak  rises  like  that  of  other  mountains  perpendicularly 
and  not  parallel  with  the  plain  of  earth  as  axis  of  a  sphere. 
Another  distinction  between  the  epic  and  Puranic  idea  of 
the  world  must  be  kept  in  mind.  In  the  Puranas,  e.  g.  VP. 

2.  7.  It'.,    there   is   fully  developed  Jhe  idea  of  the  planetary 
spheres  (not  Dvipas)  which  go  by  the  names  Maharloka,  Jana- 
loka,    Tapoloka,   and    Satyaloka,   superadded   upon   the   older 
Bhurloka  and  Svarloka  or  Svargaloka  (these  are  epic)    with 
the  intermediate  blntvas  as  Bhuvarloka.    Now  the  epic  knows 
nothing   of  these    seven    spheres    as    such.     It   is  only  in   its 
latest   parts   that   it   recognizes   the   seven  spheres  bhuvandh 
(masculine!),  13.  16.  34  and  52:   Dliruvali  saptarsayas  cdi  'va 
lihiivandli  sapta  eva  ca,  "Dhruva,  the  seven  seers,  and  seven 
spheres,"  not  exactly  as  in  the  Purana,  even  then,  since  there 
(loc.  cit.)  the  pole-star,  Dhruva,  is  above  the  Seven  Seers,  and 
only   four    spheres    rise    above    this.     What   the    earlier    epic 
recognizes  is  the  (old)  general  conception  expressed  by  "seven 
worlds;"    compare   (in  the  imitation-Upanisad)   the   half- verse 
tatah  para ih  Jcsetravido  vadantl  prakalpayad  yo  bliuvandni  sapta, 

3.  213.  22.     So  in   1.  179.  22,  the  sapta  lokds  are  mentioned 
as    in   Mund.  Up.  2.  1.  8);    cf.  AB.  2.  16;   4.  7;    4.  9;    5.  10. 
That  is  to  say,  the  epic  has  the  idea  of  the  plurality  of  worlds, 
vaguely  grouped   as  Seven  Worlds,   as  this  idea   came    down 
from   antiquity  together  with  that  of  the  Seven  Hills,  Seven 
Seas,    Seven    Rivers,    Seven    Mountains,    Seven    Seers,    Seven 
Flames,  etc.     But   there   is    no  recognition  of  the  systematic 
sevenfold  planetary  sphere,  whose  names  as  subdivisions  are 
not   even   mentioned   till   the   Puranas   (cf.  3.  261.  17f.  many 
worlds).     In  this  regard  the  ideas  of  space  run  parallel  with 
those  of  time.    The  Puranic  system  of  Manus  and  manvantaras 
(aeons  and  ages   systematically  arranged)  is  unknown  to  the 
early   epic.     The   Anusasana,    which    is    little    better    than    a 
Purana-addition  to  the  poem,  knows  it  well;   and  so  do  the 
later  (335 — 350)  Parvans  of  £anti  and  possibly  the  Sun-Hymn 
(which  alludes  to  Mithra  of  Persia)  in  Vana.     The  "worlds" 
of  the  epic  are  three  or  seven  or  twenty-seven  or  innumer- 
able.   Against  the  assumtion  of  Indo-Babylonian  cosmological 
unity  stands  the  fact  that  the  earlier  the  Indie  data  are  the 


374        E.  Wasliburn  Hopkins,  Mythological  Aspects  etc.       [1910. 

slighter  appears  the  resemblance  to  those  of  Babylon.  Even 
if  it  be  claimed  that  the  epic  represents  only  a  disintegrated 
original  system,  it  must  remain  an  historical  contradiction 
that  its  data  show  earlier  conceptions  than  those  of  the 
Puranas  and  yet  represent  the  system  of  the  Puranas.  The 
only  parallel  with  Babylonian  cosmology  in  India's  very  early 
literature  is,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  "seven  worlds;"  but  as 
these  are  not  spheres  and  as  seven  is  anything  but  a  precise 
term,  it  would  be  periculous  to  make  very  much  of  that  fact. 
Buddhistic  world-theories  are  too  late  to  be  of  importance  in 
this  regard,  but  they  too  have  affected  the  later  epic. 


Expression  of  the  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  have"  in  the 
Philippine  Languages. — By  FRANK  B.  BLAKE,  Ph.  D., 
Johns  Hopkins  University. 

ONE  of  the  most  important  uses  of  the  study  of  languages 
which  lie  outside  of  the  more  familiar  Indo-European  and 
Semitic  groups,  is  to  broaden  our  knowledge  of  general  gram- 
mar, to  make  us  acquainted  with  unfamiliar  turns  of  speech, 
and  to  disabuse  our  minds  of  the  notion  that  the  way  in  which 
the  better  known  tongues  are  accustomed  to  express  a  certain 
idea,  is  the  logical  and  only  way.  In  several  articles  previously 
published  in  the  Journal  I  have  illustrated  this  general  prin- 
ciple by  bringing  forward  some  of  the  most  peculiar  linguistic 
phenomena  of  Tagalog  and  the  other  Philippine  Languages,  I 
have  discussed  their  peculiar  system  of  counting,  in  which  the 
numbers  intermediate  between  the  tens  are  made,  somewhat 
as  in  Latin  duodeviginti,  undeviginti,  upon  the  basis  of  the 
ten  toward  which  the  count  is  proceeding;  I  have  pointed  out 
that  simple  adjectives  have  the  same  construction  as  relative 
clauses;  I  have  shown  that  the  case  relation  of  a  noun  or 
pronoun  may  be  expressed  by  the  form  of  the  verb.1  In  the 
following  paper  I  shall  discuss  the  peculiarities  involved  in 
the  expression  of  two  ideas  of  fundamental  importance,  with- 
out a  knowledge  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  have  the  mastery 
of  any  language,  the  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  have." 

In  the  languages  with  which  we  are  most  familiar,  English, 
German,  the  Romance  Languages,  Latin,  Greek,  these  ideas 
are  expressed  by  verbs,  and  so  to  our  minds  this  is  the  most 
natural  and  simple  way  of  expressing  them.  We  receive  our 
first  shock  when  we  turn  to  Sanskrit,  where  we  find  there  is 


1  Cf.  my  articles,  Contributions  to  Comparative  Philippine  Grammar 
II.,  JAOS,  vol.  xxviii,  1907;  The  Tagalog  Ligature  and  Analogies  in  other 
Languages,  JAOS.  vol.  xxix,  1908;  Expression  of  Case  by  the  Verb  in  Ta- 
galog, JAOS.  vol.  xxvii,  1906. 


376  Frank  R.  Blake,  [1910. 

no  verb  for  "to  have"  at  all,  but  that  we  must  express  the  idea 
by  the  verb  "to  be"  followed  by  the  genitive,  e.  g.  mama  asti 
"it  is  of  me,  I  have,"  a  construction,  however,  for  which  we 
have  been  prepared  by  the  Latin  mihi  est  =  luibeo. 

If  we  turn  from  the  Indo-European  to  the  Semitic  field, 
conditions  are  still  more  unfavourable  to  our  preconceived 
notions.  Not  only  is  there  no  verb  "to  have"  in  any  of  the 
languages  except  Assyrian,1  but  the  idea  "to  be"  is  often  not 
expressed  by  the  verb  "to  be,"  but  by  particles,  or  pronouns; 
in  fact  it  is  sometimes  not  expressed  at  all.  For  example  in 
Hebrew  "I  have  a  horse"  is  rendered  by  "to  me  a  horse" 
DID  ^,  "the  man  is  good"  by  "the  man  good"  21tD  l^KH  or  "the 
man  he  good"  31t3  Kin  t^Kn. 

In  the  Philippine  Languages  we  must  break  entirely  with 
our  traditions,  for  here  we  find  generally  speaking  no  verb  for 
either  "to  be"  or  "to  have,"  these  ideas  being  expressed  either 
by  particles,  or  simply  by  the  construction  itself. 

These  two  ideas  are,  however,  not  always  expressed  in  the 
same  way,  there  is  not  one  particle  which  can  always  be  used 
to  translate  'to  be5  and  another  which  can  always  be  used  to 
translate  'to  have;'  the  mode  of  rendition  depends  on  a  number 
of  things  besides  the  fundamental  ideas  of  'being'  or  'having.' 

In  the  case  of  'to  be'  we  must  distinguish  three  types  of 
construction,  viz.: 

a)  constructions  in  which   some   statement  is   made  with 
regard  to  the   class   or  characteristics   of  the  subject,  e.  g., 
'the  man  is  good,'  'his  father  is  a  farmer;' 

b)  constructions  in  which  some   statement  is  made  with 
regard  to  the  place  of  the  subject,  e.  g.,  'his  father  is  in  the 
house;' 

c)  constructions   in  which   some   statement  is  made  with 
regard  to  the  existence  of  an  indefinite  subject,  correspond- 
ing to  English  'there  is,'  'there  are,'  German  es  gibt,  French 
H  y  a. 

The  first  we  will  call  'copulative  to  be?  the  second  'locative 
to  be,'  and  the  third  'indefinite  to  be.' 

In  the  case  of  'to  have'  we  must  distinguish  two  types  of 
construction,  viz.: 

1  Here  the  particle  which  corresponds  to  Hebrew  tf\  Syriac  XJ  has 
become  a  verb  and  takes  verbal  inflection,  cf.  Delitzsch,  Assyrisches  Hand- 
worterbuch,  Leipzig,  1896,  p.  310  a. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  of  Hie  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  nave"  etc.   377 

a)  constructions  in  which  the  thing  possessed  is  definite, 
e.  g.,  'your  brother  has  the  money  I  sent  you;' 

b)  constructions  in  which  the  thing  possessed  is  indefinite, 
e.  g.,  'have  you  any  money?' 

We  will  call  these  two  types  respectively  'definite'  and  'in- 
definite to  liave? 

'Definite  to  Jiave'  is  expressed  in  the  same  way  as  'locative 
to  be?  the  original  idea  here  being  similar  to  that  in  Latin 
inilii  est,  'is  to  me,'  Sanskrit  mama  asti,  'is  of  me.'  Modern 
Arabic  ^xic.  (andi  'is  with  me,'  Ethiopic  fl-f '  beia  'is  in  me.' 
'Indefinite  to  have'  and  'indefinite  to  be'  are  expressed  in  the 
same  way,  the  idea  of  'having'  being  the  original  one  and 
passing  into  that  of  'indefinite  being'  when  the  possessor  is 
indefinite;  e.  g.,  'they  (in clef.)  have  visitors  in  the  house'  becomes 
'there  are  visitors  in  the  house,'  just  as  in  Spanish  hay,  and 
French  il  y  a. 

The  five  types  therefore  resolve  themselves  into  three,  viz.: 
a)  copulative  to  be,  b)  locative  to  be  and  definite  to  have,  c)  in- 
definite to  be  and  indefinite  to  have. 

The  negative  of  these  three  types  is  expressed  in  two 
different  ways;  either  the  negative  is  added  to  the  affirmative 
construction  as  e.  g.,  in  English  'he  is'  and  'he  is  not,'  or  a 
negative  particle  meaning  'not  to  be,'  'not  to  have'  is  sub- 
stituted for  the  affirmative  particle  meaning  'to  be.'  'to  have,' 
as  e.  g.,  in  Hebrew  ^  &  'I  have'  and  ^  ]\*  'I  have  not.'  The 
first  way  is  the  regular  one  in  the  first  type,  the  second  in 
the  other  two. 

The  following  table  gives  the  particles  which  are  employed 
to  express  'to  be'  and  'to  have'  affirmatively  and  negatively  in 
the  three  types  of  construction  just  discussed.  A  dash  in- 
dicates that  no  particle  is  employed.  Generally  speaking  these 
particles  are  invariable  for  person,  number,  mood  and  tense, 
though  occasionally  they  are  varied  to  express  person  or  follow 
the  tense  formation  of  the  verb.  The  particles  will  be  known 
as  quasi-verbal  particles  or  quasi-verbs.  * 

The  languages   treated   are  Tagalog;   the  Bisaya2   dialects 


1  It  would  be  well  to  adopt  some  such  designation  in  Semitic  grammar 
for  particles  like  Heb.  P",   \*»,  TIP;  Arab.  ^^,  Syr.  J^l,  Eth.  f»:,   etc., 
instead  of  speaking  of  them  as  adverbs,  nouns,  or  prepositions. 

2  I  have   adopted  in   this   article  the  spelling  of.  the  language  names 
suggested  by  Prof.  C.  E.  Conant  in  Anthropos,  Vol.  IV,  1909,  pp.  1069 


378 


Frank  E.  Slake, 


[1910. 


Cebuan,  Hiligayna,  Samaro-Leytean;  Bikol;  Pampanga;  Pan- 
gasinan;  Iloko;  Ibanag;  Bontok  and  Nabaloi  Igorot;  Magin- 
danau  ;  and  Sulu. l 


I 
copulative 
'to  be' 

II 

locative  'to  be' 
definite  'to  have5 

III 

indefinite  'to  be' 
indefinite  'to  have' 

Tag. 

off. 

neg. 

di,  hindi,  dili 

n  a 

wala 

may 
wala 

Bis. 
(Ceb.) 

off. 

neg. 

dili 

(  nia,  ania,  naa, 
\  anaa,  tua,  atua 
wala 

(  may,  duna,  aduna, 
\  duna  may 
wala 

Bis. 
(Hil.) 

aff. 
neg. 

dili 

f  ari,  yari,  ara, 
\yara,  adto 
(  wala,  wa 
\  walay,  way 

may 
{wala,  wa 
walay,  way 
wala  may,  wa  may 

Bis. 

(Sam.-Ley.) 

off* 

neg. 

diri 

ini,  ada,  adto,  ito, 
waray 

may 
waray 

Bik. 

aff. 
neg. 

di,  bako 

fyaon,  iyaon, 

\  idtong,  na 
day 

may,  igua 
day 

Pamp. 

aff. 
neg. 

ali,  ai,  e 

ni,  ani,  ti,  ati,  ta 
ala 

tin,  atin 
ala 

Pang. 

.aff. 
neg. 

ag,  alioa 

oa 
andi 

oala 
andi 

Ilok. 

aff. 
neg. 

di,  saan 

ad  da 
aoan 

adda 
aoan 

Iban. 

aff. 
neg. 

ari,  akkan,  ji 

egga 
auan,  an 

egga 
auan,  an 

Igor. 
(Bon.) 

aff. 
neg. 

adi,  faken 

woda,  woday 
ma'id 

woda,  woday 
ma'id 

to  1074.  The  general  principle  of  spelling  which  he  there  proposes,  and 
which  should  certainly  be  followed  by  all  those  who  are  working  in 
Philippine  Languages,  is  to  use  the  native  name  of  the  language  wherever 
possible.  The  changes  from  the  spelling  formerly  used  in  my  Philippine 
publications  are,  viz.,  Bisaya  for  Bisayan,  Pampanga  for  Pampangan, 
Iloko  for  Ilokan,  Magindanau  for  Magindanao. 

1  For  the  principal  grammars  and  dictionaries  of  these  languages  cf. 
the  list  given  in  my  Contributions  to  Comparative  Philippine  Grammar 
JAOS.  vol.  xxvii  (1906),  p.  323,  ft.  nt.  2;  vol.  xxviii  (1907)  p.  1,  ft.  nt.  2. 
To  these  add  C.  W.  Seidenadel,  The  language  spoken  by  the  Bontok  Igorot, 
Chicago,  1909. 


Vol.  xxx.j  Expression  of  the  Ideas  "to  &e"  and  "to  haver  etc.   379 


Igor. 

(Nab.) 


copulative 
'to  he' 


II 

locative  'to  be' 
definite  'to  have' 


III 

indefinite  'to  be' 
indefinite  'to  have' 


aff. 
neg. 

ag,  aligoa 

guara 

anchi 

guara 
anchi 

aff. 

neg. 

di 

da 

aden 
da 

aff. 
neg. 

di,  bukiin 

aun 

wai 

aun,  tuga 
wai 

Sulu 


In  the  first  type  there  are  no  affirmative  quasi-verbs.  The 
ligatures  Tagalog  ay,  y,  Bontok  ya,  which  are  very  close  to 
being  such  particle?,  are  better  regarded  simply  as  connective 
particles  between  predicate  and  preceding  subject. 

In  type  I  the  negatives  are  based  for  the  most  part  on  a 
particle  di  which  appears  in  the  different  languages  in  the 
varying  forms  di,  ri,  li,  (Ibanag  also  ji),i  probably  with  final 
glottal  catch  (so  at  least  in  Tagalog  and  Bontok  Igorot): 
dili  and  diri  are  apparently  reduplicated  forms  of  di  (so  Conant): 
in  Tagalog  hin-di,  Pampanga  a-li,  Pangasinan  a-li-oa,  Ibanag 
we  have  prefixed  elements,  a  being  perhaps  the  same 
prefix  that  occurs  in  Cebuan  ania,  anaa,  Pampangan  ani,  ati. 
The  element  oa  in  Pangasinan  alioa  seems  to  be  the  quasi- 
verb  oa.  Pampanga  ai  is  derived  from  all  by  elision  of  the 
intervocalic  /,  and  e  is  simply  a  contraction  of  ai  (so  Conant). 
A  negative  particle  ag  occurs  in  Pangasinan  and  Nabaloi,  and 
perhaps  in  Ibanag  ak-kan;  the  negative  particle  an,  which  is 
found  in  Ibanag  uncombined,  in  Pangasinan  and  Ibanag  com- 
bined with  other  particles  (viz.,  an-di,  au-an)  as  negative  verbal 
particle  of  the  t\yo  other  types,  probably  occurs  in  Iloko 
sa-an,  Ibanag  akkan.  Bikol  Idko,  Bontok  Igorot  faken,  and 
Sulu  bukiin  are  evidently  identical;  these  negatives  mean  not 
simply  'not/  but  indicate  'it  is  not  this  but  something  else'  in 
correcting  a  mistake.  Nabaloi  aligoa  and  probably  Pangasinan 
alioa,  Ibanag  akkati,  have  the  same  meaning. 

In  type  II  the  affirmative  particles  are  in  many  cases  derived 

from  the  demonstratives.    Compare  Hiligayna  adto  with  dernon- 

' i'i'] to;  Samaro-Leytean  ini,  adto,  ito,  which  form  the 


Contributions   to    Comp.    Phil.   Gram.,    JAOS,    vol.  xxvii,    1906, 
pp.  333,  334. 


380  Frank  E.  Blake.  [1910. 

basis  of  quasi-verbal  particles,  with  the  identical  demon- 
stratives; Bikol  idtong  with  demonstrative  idto\  Pampanga  ni, 
ti,  ta  with  the  demonstratives  ini,  iti,  ita\  Sulu  aun  with 
demonstrative  iaun\  Hiligayna  ari,  yari,  ara,  yam  are  to  be 
compared  with  the  demonstratives.  Cebuan  k-ari  and  Ibanag 
yari,  yara\  Bikol  yaon,  iyaon  with  Tagalog  demonstrative 
yaon\  Tagalog  and  Bikol  na,  Cebuan  naa,  anaa  seem  to  be 
connected  with  the  demonstrative  particle  na\  Cebuan  nia, 
ania  are  perhaps  to  be  connected  with  the  demonstrative 
particle  ia.  The  n-  of  nia  may  have  been  adopted  from  na, 
and  on  the  other  hand  the  final  a  of  naa  may  have  been 
borrowed  from  nia]  what  the  prefixed  a  is  that  occurs  before 
the  Cebuan  and  Pampanga  particles  is  not  certain.  Samaro- 
Leytean  ada  and  Iloko  adda  are  identical  with  Malay  ada 
'to  be.'1  In  Pangasinan  and  Igorot,  oa,  woda,  guara  are 
apparently  the  same  as 'the  negatives  iva  and  ivala.2  Cebuan 
tua  and  Ibanag  egga  are  difficult;  egga  is  perhaps  the  same 
as  Bikol  igua,  the  u  (=  w)  being  assimilated  to  the  g. 

The  negative  particles  of  the  second  type  are  in  most  cases 
based  on  a  particle  wa  (Nabaloi  gua)*  or  on  one  written 
variously  la,  ra,  da,  sometimes  on  both  combined.  The  y  or 
i  at  the  end  of  the  particle  in  Bisaya,  Bikol,  Igorot,  and 
Sulu  is  simply  the  ligature  i  which  has  become  an  integral 
part  of  the  particle.  Pampanga  ala  perhaps  contains  the 
same  initial  a  as  the  affirmatives  ani,  ati.  Pangasinan  andi, 
Nabaloi  anchi?  is  apparently  a  compound  of  two  negative 
particles,  viz.,  the  an  which  occurs  as  quasi-verb  in  Ibanag, 
and  the  di  that  forms  the  basis  of  most  of  the  negatives  of 
the  first  type.  Ibanag  an,  though  said  to  be  a  syncopated  form 
of  auan,*  is  probably  a  simple  negative  particle;  auan  seems 
to  be  made  up  of  this  an  and  a  particle  au-,  which  occurs 
in  Tagalog  ay-aw  'not  to  want/  and  ai-au  the  Sulu  prohibitive 
negative.  In  Igorot  the  meanings  of  affirmative  and  negative 
particles  seem  to  be  reversed.  If  the  affirmative  woda  is  the 
same  as  the  negative  wala,  then  it  is  possible  to  connect  the 


1  Cf.    Contributions   to    Comp.    Phil.    Gram.,   JAOS,   voL   \xvii.    1906, 
pp.  349—357. 

2  Cf.  op.  cit.,  p.  399.  ft.  nt.  3. 

3  Cf.  op.  cit,  pp.  332,  333. 

4  Cf.  De  Cuevas,  Arte  nuevo  de  la  lengua  ybanag,  Manila,  1854,  p.  241. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  of  the  ideas  "to  bj"  and  "to  have"  etc.    381 

negative  ma'id  with  the  affirmative  may  and  explain  it  as 
or  ma  4-  preposition  id. 

In  type  III  the  particle  may  probahly  contains  the  ligature 
//  (is  in  way,  waray;  the  element  ma  is  perhaps  to  be  con- 
nected with  the  prefix  ma  that  is  used  to  form  adjectives  in 
many  of  the  languages,  e.  g.,  Tagalog  makes  from  lakas  'strength,' 
the  adjective  ma-laha-s  'strong'  originally  perhaps  'having  strength': 
Bikol  igua  contains  perhaps  the  particle  wa  used  affirmatively 
as  in  Pangasinan :  Pampanga  (a)tin  is  simply  the  (a)ti  of  type 
two  with  ligature  n:  Magindanau  adcn  is  perhaps  a  com- 
bination of  ada  (==  Malay  ada,  Iloko  adda)  and  the  demon- 
strative particle  en :  the  etymology  of  Cebuan  duna,  aduna  and 
Sulu  tuga  is  uncertain;  the  initial  a  of  aduna  is  probably  the 
same  as  the  initial  a  of  Cebuan  ania,  anaa,  atua,  Pampanga 
a n^  ati.  In  Pangasinan  and  Igorot,  oala,  woda,  guara  appear  to 
correspond  to  the  negative  wala.  The  negative  particles  are 
regularly  the  same  as  those  of  type  II:  in  Hiligayna  the  liga- 
ture y  and  in  Pampanga  the  ligature  n  do  not  form  an  in- 
separable part  of  the  particle;  in  Cebuan  duna  may  two  affirma- 
tive particles  are  used  together,  and  in  Hiligayna  wala  may, 
wa  may,  the  negative  particle  is  prefixed  to  the  affirmative. 
Sometimes  another  word  or  particle  is  employed  so  frequently 
in  connection  with  the  quasi-verb  that  it  has  become  an 
integral  part  of  the  word:  so,  for  example,  in  Tagalog  may- 
roon  =  may,  and  Nabaloi  guara-anan  =  gnara.  Here  roon  is 
the  adverb  doon  'there;'  anan  is  perhaps  a  similar  element. 

In  some  languages  the  quasi-verbs  of  types  II  and  III  are 
varied  to  express  person  or  tense.  In  some  of  the  Bisaya 
dialects  and  in  Pampanga  different  particles  are  apparently 
employed  according  to  the  person  of  the  subject.  In  Cebuan 
••a  is  employed  with  first  person,  anaa  or  naa  with  the 
second  or  third,  and  (a}tua  with  the  third  person.  In  Pampanga 
(«}n>  and  (a}ti  are  used  with  all  three  persons,  (d)ta  only  with 
the  third.  The  reason  for  this  seems  to  be  that  the  forms 
used  with  the  first  and  second  persons  are  based  on  the 
nearer  demonstratives,  and  mean  'to  be  here,'  those  that  are 
employed  only  with  the  third  are  based  on  the  more  remote 
demonstratives,  and  mean  'to  be  there.' 

In  Samaro-Leytean  the  particles  are  varied    like  verbs  to 
express  tense,  viz.. 

VOL.  XXX.    Part  IV.  07 


382  Frank  E.  Blake,  [1910. 

'to  be  there' 


Pres. 

Fret. 

Fut. 

iito 

aada 

nakada 

makada 

aadto 

nakadto 

makadto 

'to  be  here'      iini 

nakanhi       (makanhi)  * 

Occasionally  in  Tagalog  the  combination  of  the  particle 
na  +  an  adverb  of  place  is  treated  as  if  it  were  the  past 
tense  of  a  verb  with  prefixed  ma,  e.  g.,  from  naroon  is  formed 
a  present  tense  naroroon. 

In  Magindanau  aden  makes  a  preterite  naden. 
Sentences   containing   'copulative   to   be'   are  expressed   in 
most   of  the    languages    by    simply  juxtaposing    subject    and 
predicate.     The  normal  order,  affirmative  and  negative,  in  all 
the    languages    seems  to  be — predicate,    subject,    in   negative 
sentences  the  negative  standing  before  the  predicate,2  e.g.: 
Tag.  mataas  ito-ng  lalaki  'this  man  is  tall.' 
matatapang  sila  'they  are  brave.' 
hindi  mabuti  ang  tawo  'the  man  is  not  good.' 
hindi  sila3  matatapang  'they  are  not  brave.' 
hindi  ko  ina4  '(she)  is  not  my  mother.' 
Bis.  (Ceb.)  salapian  ako  'I  am  rich.' 

dili  maayo  si  Pedro  'Pedro  is  not  good.' 
Bis.  (Hil.)  maayo  ini  'this  is  good.' 

si  Pedro  ako  'I  am  Pedro.' 
maloloyon  ang  Dios  'God  is  merciful.' 
dili  ako3  si  padre  Ramon  'I  am  not  Father  Ramon/ 
Bik.  marahay  ako  'I  am  good.' 

bako  ini-ng  papel  'it  is  not  this  paper.' 
bako-ng5  sako  iyan  'this  is  not  mine.' 

1  Not  given  but  implied  in  Figueroa,  Arte  del  idioma  visaya  de  Samar 
y  Leyte,  2a  ed.,  Binondo,  1872. 

2  Negative  examples  are  not  always  to  be  found  in  the  material  avail- 
able for  study,  but  the  rule  probably  holds  good  in  all  cases. 

3  To  judge  from  these  examples,  when'_the  subject  is  a  personal  pro- 
noun in  Tagalog    and   Hiligayna    (presumably  also  in  the    other  Bisaya 
dialects)  it  stands  between  the  negative  and  the  rest  of  the  predicate. 

*  When  the  predicate  of  a  negative  sentence   in  Tagalog  is  a  noun 
modified  by  a  possessive  pronoun  and  the  subject  is  not  expressed,  the 
postpositive  form  of  the  possessive  seems  to  be  placed  between  negative 
and  noun  as  here. 

*  A  ligature  seems  to  be  regularly  employed  after  the  negatives  saan, 
alioa,  aligoa,  and  also  sometimes  after  bako. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  oftlie  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  have"  etc.      383 

Pamp.  masanting  ya  'he  is  handsome.' 
Pang,  kapitan  ak  'I  am  capital*? 

baleg  so  kataoan  'the  master  is  powerful.' 

&<$  maronong  1  ... 

I    'he  is  wise.' 
ahoa-n°  maronong  J 

Ilok.  tao  ak  'I  am  a  man.' 

maymaysa  ak  'I  am  alone.' 
naimbag  daytoy  'this  is  good.' 
di  nasayaat  toy  a  pusa  -this  cat  is  not  pretty.' 
saan  a5  daket  toy  a  silid  'this  room  is  not  large.' 
Iban.  babayak  'I  am  a  woman.' 

mapia  im  masipot  'the  gentle  one  is  good.' 
Igor.  (Bon.)  kawis  siya  'he  is  good.' 

adi  kawis  sa  'this  is  not  good.' 
Igor.  (Nab.)  kadubong-ko  iai  'this  is  my  hat.' 

aligoa-n5  balei-ko  'it  is  not  my  house.' 
Mag.  mapia  si  Pedro  'Pedro  is  good.' 
Sulu  maraiau  tau  ien  'that  man  is  good.' 

buldin  amu  ien  'that  is  not  exact.' 

The  subject,  however,  may  also  stand  first,  but  this  seems 
to  be  the  case  in  many  of  the  languages  at  least,  only  when 
it  is  specially  emphasized.  In  the  northern  group  of  Philip- 
pine Languages,  Pangasinan,  Iloko,  Ibanag,  and  probably  Pam- 
panga  l  this  is  apparently  allowed  only  when  the  predicate  is 
definite,  i.  e.,  is  preceded  by  the  definite  article  or  a  demon- 
strative pronoun.  When  the  subject  is  a  personal  pronoun 
these  languages  employ  a  special  emphatic  form,  e.g.: 

Pang,  si  Juan  so  mabayani  'Juan  is  the  brave  one.' 

say   kapitan   so  linma  dia  ;the  capitan  was   the 

*  one  that  came  here.' 

siak  so  kapitan  'I  am  the  capitan? 
Ilok.  sika  ti  napigsa  'you  are  the  brave  one.' 

toy  a  tao  ti  naimbag  'this  man  is  the  good  one.' 
Iban.  sakan  ig  gobernador  'I  am  the  Governor.' 

sikau  si  Pedro  'you  are  Pedro.' 

Cebuan  and  Hiligayna  seem  to  follow  the  same  rule  as  the 
northern  languages,  though  they  have  no  special  series  of  emphatic 


1  No  examples  are  available,  but  the  fact  that  Pampanga  possesses  a 
special  series  of  emphatic  personal  pronouns,  besides  its  general  resemblance 
to  the  other  languages  makes  this  probable. 

27* 


384  Frank  R.  Blake,  [1910. 

pronouns;  the  definite  article  may  be  replaced  by  the  particle 
y,  e.g.: 

Ceb.  si  Pedro  ang  ]        ,  .          f    'Pedro  is  the 
;  V»A™  maloloy< 


si  Pedro-y        J  "       "WJ      j    merciful  one.' 
Hil.  siya  ang  amay  ko  'he  is  my  father.' 

ako-y  amay  niya  'I  am  his  father.' 

In  Tagalog,  Samaro-Leytean,  Bikol,  Bontok  Igorot,  Magin- 
danau,  and  Sulu,  the  subject  may  apparently  stand  first  with- 
out special  emphasis;  in  Tagalog  and  Bontok  Igorot  the  subject 
and  predicate  are  joined  by  the  particle  ay  (after  a  vowel  ay 
or  '?/),  and  ya  respectively,  e.g.: 

Tag.  ang  tawo  'y  mabuti  'the  man  is  good.' 

ikaw  ay  hindi  matapang  'you  are  not  brave/ 
Sam.-Ley.  si  Juan  diri  maopay  'Juan  is  not  good.' 
Bik.  si  Antonio  maraot  'Antonio  is  bad.' 

ini  bulauan  'this  is  gold.' 
Igor.  (Bon.)  nan  mamamagkid  ya  fanig  'the  girls  are  little. 

sika  ya  antjo  'you  are  tall.' 
Mag.  su  kayo  makapal  'the  tree  is  large.' 

si  Rudolfo  mapulu  a  tau  'Rudolf  is  a  tall  man.' 
su  islam  talau  'the  moro  is  a  coward.' 
Sulu  in  salapa  nia  balawan  'his  betel-box  is  (made 

of)  gold.' 

in  batabata  ini  di  masipug  'this  boy  is  with- 
out shame  (not  bavin g-shame).' 

In  constructions  of  type  II,  the  affirmative  is  expressed  by 
particles  which,  in  many  cases  at  least,  are  derived  from  the 
demonstrative  pronouns;  the  negative  particle  is  regularly  the 
same  as  in  the  third  type.  When  the  sentence  contains  'loca- 
tive to  ~be'  the  particle  is  regularly  followed  by  the  oblique 
case  of  the  place  in  which  or  a  demonstrative  adverb  of  place; 
when  it  contains  'definite  to  have,'  by  the  oblique  case  of  the 
possessor.  In  the  second  case  the  subject  of  the  sentence  is 
the  thing  possessed.  The  rules  with  regard  to  the  relative 
position  of  subject  and  predicate  seem  to  be  the  same  as  in 
type  I;  in  Tagalog,  and  apparently  in  Bontok  Igorot,  ay,  y 
and  ya  are  used  as  in  type  I,  e.  g.: 

Tag.  ang  bata  'y  na  sa  bahay  ]  u 

,    ,  ,    .,    J    I  'the  boy  is  m  the  house, 

na  sa  bahay  ang  bata       J 

ang  pari  ay  wala  sa  simbahan  J  'the   priest   is   not    in 
wala  sa  simbahan  ang  pari  the  church.' 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  of  the  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  have"  etc.        385 

ang  kabayo  ni  Pedro  'y  na   sa  akin   'I  have 

Pedro's  horse.' 
wala  kay  Juan  ang  salapi   'Juan  has  not  the 

money.7 
Bis.  (Ceb.)  ania  kanako  ang  sinina  'I  have  the  shirt.' 

tua   sa   ilalom   sa   lamesa    '(it)    is   under   the 

table.' 
Bis.  (Hil.)  adto  siya  sa  Ogtong  'he  is  at  Ogtong.' 

wala  siya  sa  San  Marino  'he  is  not  at  San 

Marino.' 

way  diri  ang  amay  ko  'my  father  is  not  here.' 
Bis.  (Sam.-Ley.)  iini  sa  akon  kamut  'it  is  here  in  my  hand.' 
aadto  sa  balay  'it  is  there  in  the  house.' 
nakadto  ka  sa  Katbalogan  'have  you  been  in 

Katbalogan?' 
Bik.  ang  kupia  iyaon  sa  lamesa  'the  hat  is  on  the 

table.' 
day  duman  sa  lamesa  an  sogkod  'the  stick  is 

not  on  the  table.' 
na    saimo    dao    an    panyo    ko    'have   you   my 

handkerchief?' 
Pamp.  ni-ko  keni  'I  am  here.' 

ta-yo  karin  king  silid  'he  is  there  in  the  room.' 
ala-yo  keti  'he  is  not  here.' 
Pang,  oa-d  abung  to  si  Pedro  'Pedro  is  in  his  house.' 

oa-d  sika-y  kaballo  'have  you  the  horse?' 
Ilok.  adda  iti  sirnbaan  si  apo  Padi  'the  priest  is  in 

the  church.' 

adda  ak  ditoy  'I  am  here.' 
aoan  ditoy  ti  aso  'the  dog  is  not  here.' 
adda  kenka  ti  pagtinteroak  'have  you  my  ink- 
stand.' 

adda-da  iti  cocinero  'the  cook  has  them.' 
aoan  ti  malo  kaniak  'I  have  not  the  hammer.' 
Iban.  egga  ip  pirak  nikau  'have  you  the  money?' 

auas  i  si  Pedro  tab  balay  'Pedro  is  not  in  the 

house.' 
Igor.  (Bon.)  woday-ak  is  nan  afong  'I  am  in  the  house.' 

1  Here  n  is  assimilated  to  the  following  consonant,  cf.  Contributions 
to  Comp.  Phil.   Gram.,  p.  336. 


386  Frank  E.  Blake,  [1910. 

ma'id  siya  isna  adwani  'he  is  not  here  to-day, 
siya  ya  woday  isna  'he  is  here.' 
Igor.  (Nab.)  guara-ak  chi  balei  'I  am  in  the  house/ 

Sulu  in  barong  nm  aun  ha-lum  bai  'your  barong  is  ' 

in  the  house.' 

wai  run  pa-lum  bai  'it  is  not  in  the  house.' 
In  Magindanau   this  type,  in   the   affirmative,   seems  to  be 
expressed   in   the  same  way  as  type  I,  without  particle,  the 
prepositional  phrase  or  adverb  simply  taking  the  place  of  the 
nominal  or  adjectival  predicate,  e.  g.: 

su  glat  sa  linauau  na  tulugan  'the  knife  is  on  the  bed.' 
su  asu  sa  lamalama  'the  dog  is  on  the  plaza.' 
Some  of  the   other  languages  also  occasionally  follow  this 
construction  in  the  affirmative,  e.  g.: 
Bis.  (Ceb.)  dinhi  ako  'I  am  here.' 
Bis.  (Hil.)  dira  si  Juan  'Juan  is  there.' 

Ilok.  dita  ka  pay  'are  you  still  there?' 
Iban.  ajjau  ak  'I  am  here.' 

In  constructions  of  type  III,  in  the  case  of  'indefinite  to 
have1  the  possessor  stands  sometimes  in  the  nominative,  some- 
times in  the  genitive,  sometimes,  probably  after  the  analogy 
of  type  II,  in  the  oblique.  The  original  idea  in  the  case  of 
the  genitive  in  such  a  sentence  as  'I  have  money'  is  probably 
'there  is,  there  exists  money  of  mine.'  The  possessor  stands  in 
the  nominative  only,  in  Tagalog,  and  apparently  in  Hiligayna, 
Samaro-Leytean,  Bikol,  and  Sulu;  in  the  genitive  only,  in 
Iloko:  in  either  nominative  or  genitive  in  Cebuan,  Pampanga, 
Nabaloi,  and  Magindanau;  in  either  genitive  or  oblique  in 
Ibanag,  Pangasinan,  and  Bontok  Igorot. 

The  thing  possessed  may  be  preceded  by  a  ligature  or  in- 
definite particle  or  it  may  stand  alone.  The  ligatures  are  the 
following  viz.,  Tag.,  Bik.  -ng,  Pamp.  -?z,  Ceb.,  Hil.,  Pang,  -y, 
Mag.  a;  the  indefinite  particles,  which  in  some  languages  (e.  g., 
Iloko)  seem  to  be  used  only  after  a  negative,  are  viz.,  Ceb. 
ug,  in,  ing,  Hil.  sing,  Iban.  tu: — Bik.  nin,  Igor.  (Bon.)  nan, 
Nab.  ne,  Ilok.  ti,  which  are  used  in  the  same  way  as  the  in- 
definite particles,  although  forms  of  the  definite  article,  are 
to  be  classed  here.  In  some  cases  a  ligature  has  become  an 
integral  part  of  the  quasi-verb,  so  apparently  in  Tag.,  Bis., 
Bik.  ma-y,  Bis.  wa-y,  luala-y,  wara-y,  Bik.  da-y,  Pamp.  ti-n, 
Igor.  (Bon.)  woda-y:  Sulu  tuga  is  probably  tug  (used  as  nominal 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  of  the  ideas  "to  be"  and  "to  have"  etc.      387 

prefix,  e.  g.,  tug-hai  'having  a  house,  owner  of  a  house')  -f  the 
ligature  a.  The  object  may  stand  without  preceding  ligature 
or  indefinite  particle  after  some  of  these  quasi-verbs,  under 
just  what  conditions  is  not  in  all  cases  clear;  in  Tagalog  or 
Bisaya  an  object  that  follows  may  directly  has  this  con- 
struction. 

In  the  case  of  'indefinite  to  be,'  the  element  that  corresponds 
to  the  possessor,  being  indefinite  'one,  they,'  is  not  expressed; 
the  thing  that  is  or  exists,  the  logical  subject,  stands  in  the 
same  construction  as  the  thing  possessed;  the  place  where  is 
expressed  by  an  adverb  of  place  or  by  an  oblique  case. 

Here,  as  in  type  II,  the  relative  position  of  subject  and 
predicate  are  governed  by  the  same  rules  as  in  type  I.  In 
Tagalog  the  particles  ay,  y,  in  Bontok  Igorot  the  particle 
ya  are  used  as  in  the  two  other  types. 

The  following  examples  will  illustrate  these  principles,  e.  g.: 

Tag.  may  ako-ng  salapi }    T  ,  , 

,  J  ,  ,  I  'I  have  money.' 

ako   y  may  salapi  J 

wala  ako-ng  anak       ]    T  . 

,      ,  i*I  have  no  son.' 

ako  y  wala-ng  anak  J 

may  tawo  sa  bahay  'there  is  a  man  in  the  house.' 
wala-ng  tawo  sa  lansangan  'there  is  no  one  on 
the  street.' 

Bis.  (Ceb,)  duna-v  ako-ng  (gen.)  tiernpo  )  T  ,  .       , 

.  I  'I  have  time.' 

duna  ako-y  (nom.)  tiempo       J 

wala  ako  (nom.}  ug  humay  'I  have  no  rice.' 
aduna  ing  katigayonan  'he  has  riches. 

Bis.  (Hil.)  ako  may  asawa  na  )  T  .  .- 

,      I'l  have  a  wife  now. 
may  asawa  na  ako  J 

wa-y  kan'on  ini-ng  tauo  'this  man  has  no  food.' 

wala-y  buut  yana  'he  has  no  sense.' 

wa  ka-y  buut  'you  have  no  sense.' 

wala  ako-y  kan'on  'I  have  no  food.' 

wala  pa  siya  sing  buut  'he  has  still  no  sense.' 

way  ako   sing  katungdanan   sa  pagbuhat  sina 

'I  have  no  obligation  to  do  that.' 
wala  may  pilak  ako  'I  have  no  money.' 
Bis.  (Sam.-Ley.)  may  salapi  ka  'have  you  any  money?' 
waray  ka  salapi  'you  have  no  money.7 
Bik.  igua  ako-ng  saro-ng  ayam  na  magayom  'I  have 

a  pretty  dog.' 


388  Frank  E.  Slake,  [1910. 

day  ako-ng  gubing  'I  have  no  clothing.' 
ika  dai-ng  gubing  'you  have  no  clothes.7 
clay  ako  nin  saro-ng  sadit  'I  have  not  one  cuarto.' 
igua  ka  nin  tubig  'have  you  any  water?' 
dai-ng  tawo  sa  harong  'there  is  no  one  in  the  house.' 
Pamp.  atin  kopia  ning  kapatad  mo  'has  your  brother  a  hat?' 
atin  mo1-!!  imalan  'he  has  indeed  clothing.7 
atin  palse  karin  'there  is  rice  there.' 

ala-n  imalan  mo  )    ,  ,  ,,      <->, 

I  'have  you  no  clothes  r 
ala  ka-n  imalan   J 

ala-n  pal£e  karin  'there  is  no  rice  there.7 

Pang,  oala-y  kaballo-m  Q, 

i        ,    i    11  ,-,     .,      [.  'have  you  a  horse  r 
oala-y  kaballo  d  sika  J 

oala-y  polvos  yo  ]  , 

,    .,         I  'have  you  (pi.)  any  powders  r 
oala-y  polvos  ed  sikayo  J 

oala-y  too  ed  abung  'there  are  people  in  the  house.7 
andi  gapo-y  polvos   'there  are  no  powders  at  all.7 
Ilok.  adda  tabako-m  'have  you  any  tobacco?' 
adda  aso-mi  'we  have  a  dog.' 
aoan  ti  aso-da  'they  have  no  dog.' 
aoan  ti  naimbag  a  arak-na  'he  has  no  good  wine.' 
adda  tao  itoy  a  balay  'there  are  people  in  this  house.' 
adda  arak  ditoy  'there  is  wine  here.' 
aoan  ti  pusa  iti  balay  itoy  'there  are  no  cats  in 

this  house.7 

Iban.  egga  ginageram  mu     ]  'have  you  slandered  anyone 
egga  tu  ginageram  mu  J(have  you  any  slandered  one).' 

auan  yaya  tu  utok  ]   ,      , 

I  'he  has  judgment. 
auas2  sa  tu  utok      J 

auan  ak  tu  pirak  1    T  ,  , 

.     .     L  'I  have  no  money, 
auan  makan  tu  pirak   J 

auas2  si  Pedro  tu  utok  j   'Pedro  has  no 

auat2  tu  utok  takkuani  Pedro  j       judgment.7 
at2  tu  tolay  tab  balay  'there  is  no  one  in  the  house.7 

Igor.  (Bon.)  woday  ken  sak'en  nan  afong  1  , 

1  I  'I  have  a  house, 
woday  nan  afong-ko  J 

woda  nan  kayo  'there  is  a  tree.7 


1  mo  is  here  an  adverb. 

2  Here  n  is  assimilated  to  the  following  consonant,   cf.  Contributions 
to  Comp.  Phil.  Gram.,  p.  336. 


Vol.  xxx.]  Expression  of  the  ideas  "io  6e"  and  "  to  have"  etc.      389 

woda  nan  onash  id  Falidfid  'there  was   ;i  sugar- 
cane-plantation at  Falidtid.' 
ma'id  kayo-k  'I  have  no  wood.' 
ma'id  noang  'there  is  no  buffalo  (here).' 
Igor.  (Nab.)  guara  balei-to  'has  he  a  house?' 
anchi  balei-to  'he  has  no  house.' 
guara  anan  tayo  ne  kabadyo  'we  have  horses.' 
anchi  chanum  'there  is  no  water.' 
Mag.  aden  aku  bengala  'I  have  a  shirt.' 

aden  a  tau  lu  'there  are  people  there.' 
da  palay  ko  'I  have  no  rice.' 
da  musala  nin  'he  has  no  handkerchief.' 
da  tau  lu  'there  is  no  one  there.' 
kagay  naden  aku  pilak  'yesterday  I  had  money.' 
Sulu  in  sapit  tuga  jungal  'the  sapit  has  a  bowsprit.' 
tau  tuga  ekog  'men  that  have  tails.' 
tuga  buling-batu  ha  Sog  'there  is  coal  in  Sulu.' 
in  hula  ini  tuga  saitan   'this  country  is  possessed 

with  devils  (has  devils).' 

tuga  tau  ha  bai  ini  'there  are  people  in  this  house.' 
aun  kah  bili-bili  ha  Sog   'are   there  any  sheep  in 

Sulu?' 

aun  ang  gatus  'there  are  a  hundred.' 
wai  run  manok  kabili  ha  Sog  'there  are  no  capons 

in  Sulu.' 

wai  kasudahan  in  hinang  ini  'this  work  has  no  end.' 
The  object  of  the  quasi- verbal  particles  of  this  third  type 
is  in  many  cases  a  verbal  form,  the  construction  corresponding 
usually  to  the  English  idiom  'to  have  to.'  This  construction 
certainly  occurs  in  many  of  the  languages  and  probably  in  all 
of  them,  but  a  few  examples  from  Tagalog  will  suffice  to 
illustrate  the  general  principle,  e.g.: 
Tag.  may  siya-ng  pinatay  na  tawo  'he  has  killed  a  man  (he 

has  a  killed  man).' 
wala  ako-ng  sasabihin  'I  have  nothing  to  say  (I  have  not 

anything-about-to-be-said).' 

may  nagnakaw  na  tawo  ]  'there   was    a   robber   (a    man 
may  tawo-ng  nagnakaw  J  that  robbed).' 

Cf.  also  examples  in  next  paragraph. 

These  particles  in  connection  with  their  objects  often  express 
indefinite   pronominal  ideas,  such   as  'some,'  'any,'  'something,' 


390  Frank  E.  Blake,  [1910. 

'anything,'  'no,'  'nothing.'    As  in  the  preceding  case  the  examples 
will  be  confined  to  Tagalog,  e.  g. : 

mayroon  ako-ng  tinapay  'I  have  some  bread.' 

mayroon  ka-ng  salapi  'have  you  any  money?' 

mayroon  siya-ng  sinabi  'did  he  say  anything?' 

mayroon  kayo-ng  hinahanap   'are  you  looking,   for    anyone, 

anything.' 

wala  ako-ng  asawa  'I  have  no  wife.' 
wala  ako-ng  sasabihin  'I  have  nothing  to  say.' 
wala  ako-ng  sinabi  'I  said  nothing.' 

All  of  the  three  types  may  also  be  expressed  interrogatively, 
with  negative  interrogation,  and  in  connection  with  special 
interrogative  words  such  as  'who,'  'what.' 

The  simple  interrogative  and  negative  interrogative  of  these 
types  do  not  differ  from  the  affirmative  and  negative  except 
in  the  addition  of  interrogative  particles,  and  the  changes  in 
position  caused  by  them.  Such  particles  are,  e.  g. :  Tag.  baga, 
~kaya,  Bis.  la,  Bik.  baga,  Pamp.  ta,  kaya,  kasi.  Pang,  kasi, 
Iban.  dasi,  Sulu  kah.  In  some  languages  these  particles  are 
more  commonly  used  than  in  others;  they  do  not  appear  to 
be  absolutely  essential  in  any.  They  usually  stand  after  or 
between  two  elements  of  the  predicate,  but  may  stand  after 
the  subject  when  it  precedes  the  predicate.  When  special 
interrogative  words  are  used  they  regularly  constitute  the 
predicate  of  the  sentence,  the  remainder  of  the  sentence  stand- 
ing as  subject.  These  special  interrogative  words  may  be 
followed  by  the  interrogative  particles.  Some  examples  from 
Tagalog  will  illustrate  the  general  principles  of  construction,  e.  g.: 
malaki  baga  ang  iyo-ng  aso  'is  your  dog  large?' 
mayaman  ka  baga  'are  you  rich?' 

na  sa  bahay  baga  ang  ina  mo  'is  your  mother  in  the  house  ?' 
wala  baga  sa  kaniya  ang  damit  ko  'has-n't  he  my  clothes?' 
mayroon  baga  sila-ng  salapi  'have  they  any 'money?' 
sino  ka  'who  are  you?' 

sino  kaya  ito-ng  babayi-ng  ito  'who  is  this  woman?' 
kanino  baga  ito-ng  bahay  'whose  is  this  house?' 
ano-ng  *  ngalan  mo  'what  is  your  name  ?' 

sino  ang] 

I  na  sa  bahay  'who  is  m  the  house  r 
smo-ng1    I 

1  Ligature  used  for  the  article  ang. 


Vol.  xxx.]   Expression  of  the  ideas  "to  be"  and  klto  have"  etc.       391 

ano-ng  bulaklak  ang  na  sa  kaniya  'what  flower  has  he?' 

sino-ang  1 

sino-ng    |  may  TQQn9    banl  'who  nas  a  8un? 

ano-ng  mayroon  ka  'what  have  you?' 

The  foregoing  discussion  does  not  claim  to  be  by  any  means 
an  exhaustive  treatment  of  the  two  important  ideas  'to  be'  and 
'to  have'  in  the  Philippine  Languages,  it  simply  indicates  the 
lines  along  which  their  further  study  should  be  carried.  It  is 
practically  impossible,  on  the  basis  of  the  material  available 
for  study  to  obtain  a  thoroughgoing  knowledge  of  these  three 
types  of  construction,  and  as  such  a  knowledge  is  essential  for 
the  mastery  of  any  Philippine  language,  those  who  have  the 
opportunity  to  investigate  these  languages  at  first  hand  should 
attempt  to  supply  this  want.  They  should  study  these  types 
from  all  points  of  view.  Numerous  examples  should  be  collected 
illustrating  the  various  types  expressed  affirmatively,  negatively, 
interrogatively,  with  negative  interrogation,  and  with  special 
interrogative  words.  These  examples  should  present  instances 
of  all  the  parts  of  speech,  both  alone  and  with  all  possible 
modifiers,  employed  as  subject,  predicate,  or  case  form  depend- 
ing on  the  quasi-verb.  Especial  attention  should  be  devoted 
to  the  construction  of  the  pronouns  (personal,  demonstrative, 
the  article,  interrogative,  indefinite  particles,  ligatures)  and  to 
the  construction  of  postpositive  words  (i.  e.,  pronominal  or  ad- 
verbial particles  like  Tagalog  fra,  mo\  na,  pa,  baga,  etc.,  which 
must  always  follow  some  other  word);  and  the  rules  governing 
the  position  of  the  various  elements  should  be  carefully  worked 
out  and  tested.  Moreover  any  special  idioms  founded  on  these 
constructions  should  be  pointed  out  and  thoroughly  discussed. 

It  is  a  difficult  matter  for  those  who  have  no  special  lin- 
guistic training  to  recognize  what  things  are  important  and 
what  are  trivial  in  the  great  mass  of  material  with  which  they 
are  brought  in  contact,  when  they  take  up  the  study  of  a 
Philippine  language,  especially  one  of  those  about  which  little 
is  known.  For  such  it  is  hoped  that  the  sketch  here  presented 
may  furnish  an  introduction  and  guide  to  the  study  of  one  of 
the  most  fundamental  portions  of  the  grammar  of  the  Philip- 
pine Languages. 

1  Eoon  +  ng  >  roong  +  ng  >  roong  by  assimilation  of  n  to  ng  and 
simplification  of  the  doubling.  Italics  are  used  to  indicate  that  final  ng 
results  from  n  +  ligature  ng. 


Printed  by  W.  Drugulin.  Leipzig  (Germany) 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF    THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 

AT  ITS 

MEETING  IN  NEW  YORK,  N.  Y. 
1909. 


The  annual  meeting  of  the  Society,  being  the  one  hundred 
and  twenty-first  occasion  of  its  assembling,  was  held  in  New 
York  City,  at  Columbia  University,  on  Thursday,  Friday,  and 
Saturday  of  Easter  Week,  April  15th,  16th  and  17th. 

The  following  members  were  present  at  one  or  more  of  the 
sessions: 


Adler, 

Gilmore, 

Joseph, 

Olmstead, 

Arnold',  W.  it. 

Gottheil, 

Kohn,  Miss 

Peters, 

Asakawa, 

Gray,  L.  H. 

Kyle, 

Quackenbos, 

Barret, 

Gray,  Mrs.  L.  H. 

Lanman, 

Rosenau, 

Barton, 

Grieve,  Miss 

Levonian, 

Rudolph,  Miss 

Black, 

Haas, 

Lyon, 

Scott,  C.  P.  G. 

Brown, 

Haessler,  Miss 

Madsen, 

Scott,  Mrs.  S.B. 

Carus, 

Harper, 

Margolis, 

Shepard, 

Campbell, 

Haupt, 

Meyer, 

Sherman, 

Colton,  Miss 

Haynes, 

Micnelson, 

Steele, 

Davidson, 

Hirth, 

Moore,  J.  H. 

Thompson, 

Demarest, 

Hock, 

Miiller, 

Todd,' 

Ember, 

Hopkins, 

Musa-Arnolt, 

Torrey, 

Frachtenberg, 

Howland, 

Nies,  J.  B. 

Vanderburgh, 

Frank, 

Hussey,  Miss 

Nies,  W.  C. 

Ward,  W.  H. 

Friedenwald, 

Jackson, 

Oertel, 

Ussher, 

Friedlaender, 

Jastrovv, 

Ogden,  C.  J. 

Yohannan. 

Gelbach, 

Johnston, 

Ogden,  Miss  E.  S. 

Total,  71. 

The   first   session   began   on   Thursday   afternoon   at   three 
o'clock  in  the  Trustees  Room  of  the  University,  with  the  Presi- 


11 

dent  of  the  Society,  Professor  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  in  the 
chair. 

The  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  meeting  held  in  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.,  April  23d  and  24th,  1908,  was  dispensed  with, 
because  they  were  presented  in  printed  form  as  advance  sheets 
ready  to  appear  in  the  Journal  (vol.  xxix,  304 — 314). 

The  Committee  of  Arrangements  presented  its  report,  through 
Professor  A.  Y.  W.  Jackson,  in  the  form  of  a  printed  program, 
and  made  some  special  supplementary  announcements. 

The  succeeding  sessions  of  the  Society  were  appointed  for 
Friday  morning  at  half-past  nine,  Friday  afternoon  at  half- 
past  two,  and  Saturday  morning  at  half-past  nine.  It  was 
announced  that  a  luncheon  would  be  given  to  the  Society  at 
Columbia  University  by  the  local  members  on  Friday  at  one 
o'clock,  and  that  arrangements  had  been  made  for  a  sub- 
scription dinner  at  the  Park  Avenue  Hotel  on  Thursday  evening 
at  seven  o'clock. 


REPORT  OF  THE  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary,  Professor 
A.  Y.  Williams  Jackson,  was  then  presented  as  follows: 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  desires  at  the  outset  to  express  his  thanks 
and  appreciation  to  his  predecessor  in  office,  Professor  Hopkins,  now 
President  of  the  Society,  for  the  kindly  help  lent  to  him  when  assuming 
the  new  duties  and  for  the  aid  so  generously  given  to  lighten  the  burden 
of  work  inevitable  in  a  secretarial  position. 

The  correspondence  for  the  year  has  been  somewhat  extensive.  There 
has  been  an  ever-growing  number  of  communications  called  forth  by  the 
inclusion  of  the  American  Oriental  Society's  name  in  the  lists  of  organi- 
zations that  are  regularly  published  in  various  bulletins  and  records  in 
different  parts  of  the  country.  This  is  a  good  thing,  as  it  draws  wider 
attention  to  the  scope  and  aims  of  the  Society,  and  it  might  perhaps  be 
well  for  us  later  to  consider  the  question  of  enlarging  somewhat  the  list 
of  cities  in  which  our  meetings  are  held,  since  several  Boards  of  Trade 
in  other  places  have  made  tender  of  opportunities  that  might  be  offered 
if  their  particular  city  should  be  chosen  for  one  of  the  annual 
meetings. 

A  pleasant  part  of  the  interchange  of  letters  which  has  been  carried 
on  since  the  last  meeting  has  been  the  correspondence  with  the  newly 
elected  members  and  with  those  who  had  been  chosen  as  honorary 
members  and  who  have  expressed  in  complimentary  terms  their  appre- 
ciation of  the  distinction  conferred  by  the  Society's  electing  them. 

A  sad  but  sympathetic  part  of  the  year's  work  has  been  writing  ex- 
pressions of  thought  and  remembrance  for  those  who  have  been  bereaved 


Ill 

by  the  death  of  some  member  of  the  family  who  was  thus  lost  as  a 
member  from  our  own  midst.  The  list  is  not  small  considering  our 
limited  membership. 

DEATHS. 

HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

Professor  Richard  Pischel. 
Professor  Eberhard  Schrader. 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Mrs.  Emma  J.  Arnold. 
Mr.  Ernest  B.  Fenollosa. 
Mr.  Francis  Blackmore  Forbes. 
President  Daniel  Coit  Gilman. 
Professor  Charles  Eliot  Norton. 
Professor  John  Henry  Wright. 

Professor  Pischel,  one  of  our  more  recent  honorary  members,  was  a 
German  Sanskrit  scholar  of  wide  learning  and  whose  name  was  recognized 
with  honor  throughout  the  learned  world.  He  died  at  the  age  of  fifty- 
nine,  in  December,  1908,  at  Madras,  India,  shortly  after  reaching  the 
land  to  which  he  had  devoted  his  life's  studies  and  which  it  had  ever 
been  his  heart's  desire  to  visit. 

Professor  Schrader,  of  the  University  of  Berlin,  was  made  an  honorary 
member  of  the  Society  in  1890,  in  recognition  of  his  distinguished  ser- 
vices to  Oriental  science  especially  in  the  line  of  Assyriological  research. 
His  long  and  eminent  career,  which  led  him  to  the  position  of  a  Privy 
Councilor  at  the  Royal  Court  of  Germany,  lent  a  special  dignity  to  the 
list  of  the  Society's  membership. 

Mrs.  Emma  J.  Arnold,  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  a  corporate  member  of 
the  Society  since  1894,  died  at  the  home  of  her  husband,  Dr.  Oliver  H. 
Arnold,  of  Providence,  on  June  7,  1908. 

Ernest  F.  Fenollosa,  of  Mobile,  Alabama,  since  1894  a  member  of  the 
Society,  died  in  England  in  October,  1908,  just  as  he  was  about  to  return 
to  America.  His  special  interest  lay  in  the  field  of  Japan,  where  he  had 
lived  for  some  time,  and  he  was  a  very  agreeable  lecturer  and  writer  on 
the  subject  of  its  art,  its  history  and  its  civilization. 

Francis  Blackman  Forbes,  of  Boston,  a  member  since  1864,  died  at  his 
home  in  Boston,  May  21,  1908,  at  the  age  of  sixty-eight.  Mr.  Forbes 
had  been  a  merchant  in  China  for  twenty-five  years,  until  1882,  when  he 
removed  to  Paris  for  four  years  and  afterwards  returned  to  his  home 
in  Massachusetts.  His  interest  in  Chinese  flora  and  the  fine  collection 
of  specimens  which  he  made  in  that  field  won  him  a  fellowship  in  the 
Linnean  Society  of  London. 

Daniel  Coit  Gilman,  who  was  an  active  member  of  the  Society  for 
over  half  a  century,  having  joined  in  1857,  and  who  was  our  president 
for  thirteen  years,  from  1893  to  1906,  d.ed  at  his  birthplace  in  Norwich, 


IV 

on  October  13,  1908,  in  the  seventy-eighth  year  of  his  age.  After  his 
graduation  from  Yale  College  in  1852,  he  continued  his  studies  at  Cam- 
bridge and  at  Berlin,  and  then  entered  upon  a  distinguished  career  as 
an  educator,  as  is  well  known  to  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  edu- 
cational development  of  this  country  whose  interests  he  served  so  faith- 
fully. He  was  President  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  from  1875  to 
1901,  when  he  retired  as  emeritus  to  take  the  presidency  of  the  newly 
founded  Carnegie  Institution.  He  had  previously  enjoyed  the  honor  of 
being  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  act  as  one  of 
the  five  members  of  the  United  States  Commission  on  the  subject  of  the 
boundary  line  between  Venezuela  and  Colombia.  The  valuable  services 
which  he  rendered  to  the  American  Oriental  Society  during  the  thirteen 
years  in  which  he  was  our  presiding  officer,  and  the  distinction  which 
he  lent  by  his  association  with  the  Society,  will  always  remain  a  bright 
memory. 

Professor  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  of  Harvard  University,  art  critic  and 
man  of  letters,  who  joined  the  Society  in  1857,  the  same  year  as  Mr.  Oil- 
man, passed  away  in  the  week  after  his  contemporary's  death.  He  died 
at  Cambridge,  Mass,  on  October  21,  1908.  The  public  press  throughout 
the  land  paid  tribute  to  his  memory.  Although  not  an  active  attendant 
at  the  Oriental  meetings,  he  never  lost  his  interest  during  the  fifty-one 
years  of  his  membership.  The  part  which  Mr.  Norton  took  as  one  of 
the  first  scholars  to  draw  attention  to  Fitzgerald's  version  of  Omar 
Khayyam  will  always  associate  his  name  with  the  interest  taken  in  the 
Persian  poet. 

Professor  John  Henry  Wright,  of  Harvard  University,  a  member  of 
the  Oriental  Society  since  1898 ,  died  at  Cambridge ,  Mass,  on  No- 
vember 25,  1908.  Professor  Wright  was  born  in  Urumiah,  Persia,  the 
city  which  is  believed  by  some  to  have  been  the  birthplace  of  Zoroaster. 
Although  Dr.  Wright's  specialty  was  in  Greek,  he  had  early  taken  an 
interest  in  Sanskrit  in  his  student  days,  and  showed  his  interest  in  the 
Oriental  Society  by  joining  it  ten  years  ago. 

In  conclusion  the  Secretary  is  pleased  to  add  that  the  major  part  of 
his  correspondence  has  been  of  a  special  or  technical  character  as  asso- 
ciated with  work  now  incorporated  in  the  Journal  or  as  carried  on  with 
fellow-searchers  for  light  in  the  realm  of  the  Land  of  the  Dawn. 

The  details  of  the  Secretary's  report  were  accepted  as  pre- 
sented and  it  was  directed  to  place  the  report  on  record. 


REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER. 

The  report  of  the  Treasurer,  Professor  Frederick  Wells 
Williams,  was  presented  by  the  Corresponding  Secretary  and 
read  as  follows: 


RECEIPTS  AND  DISI-.TMISEMENTS  BY  THE  TREASURER  or  Tin    AMERICAN  ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY  FOII  THE  YEAU  KNI.ING  DECEMBER  31,  1908. 

Receipts. 

Balance  from  old  account,  Dec.  31,  1907 $  59.12 

Dues  (190)  for  1908 $  950.00 

.,      (64)  for  other  years 320.00 

„      (14)  for  Hist.  S.  R.  Sect 28.00 

$  1,298.00 

Sales  of  Journal 193.79 

Life  Memberships  (2) 150.00 

Subscriptions  collected  for  Or.  Bibl.  Subvention     .    .  9M.OO 

State  National  Bank  Dividends 122.21 

Annual  Interest  from  Savings  Banks 47.22      ,  ^  22 

$  1,966.34 
Expenditures. 

T.,  M.  and  T.  Co.,  printing  vol.  xxviii  (remainder)     $  1,364.48 

Librarian,  postage,  etc 7.09 

Other  postage  and  express 6.77 

Subvention  to  Orientalische  Bibliographic 100.00 

Balance  to  general  account    .• $  488.00 

$  1,966.34 

STATEMENT. 

1907  1908 

Bradley  Type  Fund    . $  2,481.93  $  2,653.41 

Cotheal  Fund 1,000.00  1,000.00 

State  National  Bank  Shares 1,950.00  1,950.00 

Connecticut  Savings  Bank 6.03  6.39 

National  Savings  Bank 11.67  12.11 

Interest  Cotheal  Fund 149.27  195.69 

Cash  on  hand 102.93  12.54 

Interest 55 

$  5,702738  $  5,830.14 

The  report  of  the  Treasurer  was  supplemented  verbally  by 
Professor  Jackson  with  a  statement,  merely  for  record,  that 
the  Directors  had  voted  that  the  Society  should  continue  next 
year  to  contribute  as  before  to  the  Orientalische  Bibliographic, 
and  that  the  Treasurer  was  authorized  to  pay  said  contri- 
bution directly  out  of  the  funds  in  the  treasury. 

REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE. 

The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committee,  Professors  Torrey 
and  Oertel,  was  presented  by  Professor  C.  C.  Torrey,  as  follows: 

We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  account  book  of  the 
Acting  Treasurer  of  this  Society,  and  have  found  the  same  correct,  and 


VI 

that  the  foregoing  account  is  in  conformity  therewith.  We  have  also 
compared  the  entries  in  the  cash  book  with  the  vouchers  and  bank  and 
pass-books  and  have  found  all  correct. 

CHARLES  C.  TORREY,  \  A   u 
HANNS  OERTEL,  }  A 

NEW  HAVEN,  April  17,  1909. 

REPORT  OF  THE  LIBRARIAN. 

The  Librarian,  Professor  Harms  Oertel,  presented  his  report 
as  follows: 

Miss  Margaret  D.  Whitney  has  continued  her  work  of  cataloguing 
the  Society's  Library.  The  response  to  a  circular  letter  to  our  exchanges 
asking  that  incomplete  sets  be,  as  far  as  possible,  completed,  has  been 
very  cordial  and  generous.  The  next  report  of  the  Librarian  will  contain 
a  bibliographical  list  of  all  periodical  literature  deposited  in  our  Library. 
As  in  previous  reports,  the  Librarian  again  calls  attention  to  the  abso- 
lute necessity  of  a  small  sum  of  money  for  the  binding  of  our  accessions. 
It  is  impossible  to  allow  unbound  volumes  to  go  out  of  the  library,  and 
as  almost  all  of  our  members  live  at  a  distance,  unbound  books  cannot 
be  used  by  them. 

The  thanks  of  the  Society  are  again  due  to  Miss  Margaret  D.  Whitney 
for  her  continued  interest  in  the  Library,  to  Mr.  Schwab,  Librarian  of 
Yale  University,  for  many  favours,  and  to  Mr.  Gruener  of  the  Yale 
Library  for  valued  assistance  in  mailing. 

REPORT  OF  THE  EDITORS. 

The  report  of  the  Editors  of  the  Journal  of  the  Society, 
Professors  Oertel  and  Jewett,  was  made  by  Professor  Oertel 
as  follows: 

The  editors  regret  that  owing  to  the  delay  in  setting  up  and  correcting 
one  of  the  articles,  it  has  not  been  possible  to  complete  the  current  number 
of  the  Journal  in  time  to  have  it  in  the  hands  of  the  members  before 
this  meeting.  It  will  be  sent  out  early  in  May.  As  is  well  known  to 
the  members,  the  cost  of  printing  of  the  Society's  Journal  has  for  some 
years  past  exceeded  the  Society's  income  and  made  it  necessary  to  draw 
on  our  invested  funds.  It  did  not  seem  wise  to  the  editors  to  continue 
indefinitely  such  a  policy  of  living  beyond  our  means.  They,  therefore, 
reluctantly  decided  to  publish  the  Society's  Journal  for  the  current  year 
in  one  volume  of  about  100  pages  less  than  has  been  customary. 

By  direction  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  the  Editors  will  make  arrange- 
ments for  printing  the  next  volume  of  the  Journal  abroad,  and  they  ex- 
pect that  the  saving  thus  effected  will  make  it  possible  to  print  the 
Journal  as  before  without  exceeding  the  income  of  the  Society. 

The  Editors,  finally,  desire  to  call  the  attention  of  members  to  the 
rule  that  all  papers  read  at  the  Society's  meeting  are  presumed  to  be 
available  for  printing  in  the  Society's  Journal  and  subject  to  the  call  of 
the  Editors  for  that  purpose. 


Vll 

ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS. 

The  following  persons,  recommended  by  the  Directors,  were 
elected  members  of  the  Society: 

HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

Rev.  Canon  Samuel  R.  Driver,  M.  Charles  Clermont-Ganneau, 

Professor  Hermann  Jncobi. 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Mr.  George  William  Brown,  Mr.  James  H.  Hyde, 

Mr.  Charles  Dana  Burrage,  Mr.  Thomas  W.  Kingsmill, 

Senor  Felipe  G.  Calderon,  Rev.  M.  G.  Kyle, 

Mr.  Irving  Comes  Demarest,  Mr.  Levon  J.  K.  Levonian, 

Dr.  Carl  Frank,  Mr.  Albert  Howe  Lybyer, 

Dr.  Herbert  Friedenwald,  Mr.  Charles  J.  Morse, 

Miss  Marie  Gelbach,  Mr.  Albert  Ten  Eyck  Olmstead, 

Dr.  George  W.  Gilmore,  Mr.  Walter  Peterson, 

Miss  Luise  Haessler,  Mr.  George  V.  Schick, 

Edward  H.  Hume,  M.  D.,  Dr.  T.  H.  Pardo  de  Tavera, 
Rev.  Sydney  N.  Ussher. 

OFFICERS  FOR  1909-1910. 

The  committee  appointed  at  Cambridge  to  nominate  officers 
for  the  ensuing  year  consisted  of  Professors  Francis  Brown, 
Torrey,  and  Oertel,  (see  Journal,  vol.  xxix,  311)  and  their  report 
recommended  the  following  names,  which  were  duly  elected: 

President-^.  William  Hayes  Ward,  of  New  York. 

Vice- Presidents — Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield,  of  Baltimore;  Professor 
Paul  Haupt,  of  Baltimore;  Professor  Henry  Hyvernat,  of  Washington. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Professor  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  of  New 
York. 

Eecording  Secretary — Professor  George  F.  Moore,  of  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  the  Section  for  Religions — Professor  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr., 
of  Philadelphia. 

Treasurer — Professor  Frederick  Wells  Williams,  of  New  Haven. 

Librarian — Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  of  New  Haven. 

Directors— The  officers  above  named,  and  Professors  Crawford  H.  Toy 
and  Charles  R.  Lanman,  of  Cambridge;  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  of  New 
Haven;  Richard  Gottheil,  of  New  York;  Charles  C.  Torrey,  of  New  Haven ; 
Robert  F.  Harper  and  James  R.  Jewett,  of  Chicago. 

ADDRESS  BY  THE  PRESIDENT. 

At  four  o'clock,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  business  session, 
the  President  of  the  Society,  Professor  E.  Washburn  Hopkins, 


Vlll 

of  Yale  University,  delivered  his  annual  address  on  "Exagge- 
rations of  Tabu  as  a  Religious  Motive." 

The  Society  adjourned  at  the  close  of  the  address  to  meet 
at  half  past  seven  o'clock  for  dinner  at  the  Park  Avenue  Hotel. 

FRIDAY  SESSION. 

The  members  re-assembled  on  Friday  morning  at  half  past 
nine  o'clock  for  the  second  session.  The  following  communi- 
cations were  presented: 

Doctor  K.  Asakawa,  of  Yale  University,  Notes  on  village 
administration  in  Japan  under  the  Tokugawa. — *Remarks  by 
Professor  Hopkins. 

Professor  L.  C.  Barret,  of  Princeton  University,  Concerning 
Kashmir  Atharva-Veda,  Book  2. — Remarks  by  Professor  Lan- 
man. 

Professor  G.  A.  Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College,  The  nota- 
tion for  216,000  in  the  Tablets  of  Telloh.— Remarks  by  Pro- 
fessors Jastrow  and  Haupt. 

Doctor  George  F.  Black,  of  Lenox  Library,  N.  Y.,  Concern- 
ing the  Gypsy  Lore  Society,  presented  by  Dr.  C.  P.  G.  Scott 

Doctor  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Hebrew 
stems  with  prefixed  $.  —  Remarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and 
W.  Max  Mfiller. 

Dr.  M.  Margolis,  of  the  Jewish  Publication  Society,  Phila., 
The  necessity  of  complete  induction  for  finding  the  Semitic 
equivalents  of  Septuagint  words. — Remarks  by  Professor  Haupt. 

Mr.  L.  J.  Frachtenberg,  of  New  York,  The  superstition  of 
the  evil  eye  in  Zoroastrian  literature. — Remarks  by  Professors 
Hopkins,  Miiller,  Jastrow,  Peters. 

Professor  L.  Friedlaender,  of  the  Jewish  Theological  Semi- 
nary of  America,  The  Fountain  of  Life  and  the  Islands  of  the 
Blessed  in  the  Alexander  legends.  —  Remarks  by  Professors 
Haupt  and  Jastrow,  and  Doctor  Yohannan. 

Professor  R.  Gottheil,  of  Columbia  University,  The  .Kitab 
Dlwan  Misr. 

Professor  A.  V.  "W.  Jackson,  of  Columbia  University,  A 
legend  of  aerial  navigation  in  Ancient  Persia. — Remarks  by 
Professors  Friedlaender  and  Jastrow. 

Professor  M.  Jastrow,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  An- 
other fragment  of  the  Etana  myth. 

At  twelve  thirty  the  Society  took  a  recess  till  half  past  two 
o'clock,  and  were  invited  to  luncheon  as  guests  of  the  local 
members. 


IX 

On  convening  again  after  luncheon  the  session  was  held  in 
the  auditorium  of  Schermerhorn  Hall,  Columbia,  President 
Hopkins  presiding,  and  the  following  papers  were  presented: 

Professor  R.  Gottheil,  of  Columbia  University,  The  origin 
and  history  of  the  minaret. — Remarks  by  Professor  Jastrow. 

Miss  L.  C.  G.  Grieve,  Ph.  D.,  of  New  York,  The  Dasara 
Festival  at  Satara,  India.— Remarks  by  Professor  Hopkins. 

Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  The 
Location  of  Mount  Sinai. 

Professor  C.  R.  Lanman,  of  Harvard  University,  Pali  book 
titles  and  how  to  cite  them. — Remarks  by  Professors  Hopkins 
and  Haupt. 

Professor  "W.  Max  Muller,  of  Philadelphia,  Scenes  of  the 
religious  worship  of  the  Canaanites  on  Egyptian  monuments. 
Illustrated  by  stereopticon  photographs. — Remarks  by  Professor 
Haupt. 

Professor  D.  G.  Lyon,  of  Harvard  University,  The  Harvard 
excavations  at  Samaria.  Illustrated  by  stereopticon  photo- 
graphs.— Remarks  by  Professor  Lanman. 

Dr.  T.  A.  Olmstead,  Preparatory  School,  Princeton,  N.  J., 
Some  results  of  the  Cornell  Expedition  to  Asia  Minor  and  the 
Assyro-Babylonian  Orient. 

Dr.  Truman  Michelson,  of  Ridgefield,  Conn.,  The  general 
interrelation  of  the  dialects  of  Asoka's  Fourteen  Edicts,  with 
some  remarks  on  the  home  of  Pali. 

Professor  F.  Hirth,  of  Columbia  University,  On  Chinese 
Hieroglyphics. 

At  five  thirty  the  Society  adjourned  for  the  day;  and  the 
evening  was  reserved  for  an  informal  gathering  of  the  members 
for  supper  and  general  conversation. 

SATURDAY  SESSION. 

On  Saturday  morning  at  half-past  nine,  the  fourth  and  con- 
cluding session  was  held  in  Room  407  of  Schermerhorn  Hall, 
and  was  devoted  to  the  reading  of  papers  and  the  transaction 
of  important  business. 

In  the  business  portion  of  the  session,  which  formed  the 
first  matter  of  consideration,  the  Committee  on  the  Nomi- 
nation of  Officers  reported  the  names  as  already  given  above. 

The  Chair  then  appointed  as  committee  to  nominate  officers 
at  the  first  session  of  the  next  annual  meeting,  the  following 
members: 


Professor  Robert  F.  Harper,  of  Chicago; 
Dr.  George  C.  O.  Haas,  of  Columbia; 
Dr.  Albert  A.  Madsen,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

The  Directors  reported  that  they  had  appointed  Professor 
Hanns  Oertel  and  Professor  James  R.  Jewett  as  Editors  of 
the  Journal  for  the  ensuing  year. 

The  place  and  date  of  the  next  meeting  as  appointed  by 
the  Directors  was  further  announced  to  be  Baltimore,  during 
Thursday,  Friday,  and  Saturday  of  Easter  week,  March  31st, 
April  1st  and  2d,  1910. 

The  Committee  to  audit  the  Treasurer's  accounts  consists  of 
Professors  Torrey  and  Oertel. 

Professor  Hirth  brought  before  the  Society  for  consideration 
the  question  of  the  tariff  imposed  upon  books  in  foreign 
languages  imported  into  the  United  States.  Upon  motion  of 
Professor  Haupt,  the  following  petition  was  unanimously  adopted 
and  the  Corresponding  Secretary  was  instructed  to  forward  it 
in  an  appropriate  manner  to  the  authorities  at  Washington: 

The  American  Oriental  Society,  assembled  at  its  annual  meeting 
held  in  New  York,  April  17,  1909,  respectfully  petition  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of  America  that 
all  scientific  books  dealing  with  foreign  languages  imported  from 
abroad  be  admitted  free  of  duty. 

I 

The  presentation  of  papers  was  resumed  in  the  following 
order : 

Professor  Christopher  Johnston,  of  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity:— 

(a)  The  fable  of  the  horse  and  the  ox  in  cuneiform  lite- 
rature. 

(b)  Assyrian  lexicographical  notes. 

(c)  The  Sumerian  verb. 
Remarks  by  Professor  Haupt. 

Dr.  Ishya  Joseph,    of  New  York,    Notes    on  some  matters 
relating  to  Arabic  philology. — Remarks   by  Professor  Haupt. 
Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  of  Yale  University: 

(a)  Some  cases  of  analogy  formation. 

(b)  The  Sanskrit,  root  drp,  'stumble'. 
Remarks  by  Professor  Hopkins. 

Dr.  F.  A.  Vanderburgh,  of  New  York,  A  hymn  to  Bel, 
Tablet  29623,  British  Museum,  as  published  in  CT.  xv,  plates 
12  and  13. 


XI 

Dr.  A.  Yohaiman,  of  Columbia  University,  A  Turkish  manu- 
script treatise  on  physiognomy. 

Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 

(a)  Pi-hahiroth  and  the  route  of  the  Exodus. 

(b)  The  disgrace  and  rehabilitation  of  Galilee.—  (Isaiah  ix.  1.) 

At  eleven  thirty  Vice-President  Haupt  was  invited  to  the 
Chair  by  Professor  Hopkins  on  his  withdrawal.  The  session 
continued  as  follows: 

Professor  P.  Hirth,  of  Columbia  University,  On  early  Chinese 
notices  of  African  territories. — Remarks  by  Professors  Haupt 
and  W.  Max  Miiller. 

Professor  A.  Y.  W.  Jackson,  of  Columbia  University,  Notes 
on  Zoroastrian  chronology. 

Professor  I.  Friedlaender,  of  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary 
of  America,  N.  Y.,  'Abdallah  b.  Saba,  the  Jewish  founder  of 
Shiism. 

Before  the  session  closed,  the  following  resolution  was  un- 
animously adopted: 

The  American  Oriental  Society  desires  to  express  its  thanks  to 
the  President  and  Trustees  of  Columbia  University  and  to  the  local 
members  for  the  courtesies  which  they  have  extended  to  the 
Society  during  this  meeting;  and  to  the  Committee  of  Arrange- 
ments for  the  provisions  they  have  made  for  its  entertainment. 

The  Society  adjourned  at  half  past  twelve  on  Saturday  to 
meet  in  Baltimore,  Md.,  March  31st,  April  1st,  and  2d  1910. 

The  following  communications  were  read  by  title: 

Dr.  Bigelow,   of  Boston,  Nirvana  and  the  Buddhist  moral 
code. 
Dr.  Blake,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 

(a)  The  Tagalog  verb. 

(b)  Brockelmann's  Comparative  Semitic  Grammar. 
Professor  Bloomfield,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Studies 

on  the  text  and  language  of  the  Rig- Veda. 

Professor  Gottheil,  of  Columbia  University,  A  door  from  the 
Madrassah  of  Barkuk. 

Reverend  A.  Kohut,  of  New  York: 

(a)  Royal  Hebraists. 

(b)  A  tradition   concerning  Haman  in  Albiruni,  and   the 
story  of  Rikayon  in  the  Sefer  Ha-Yashar. 

Professor  Prince,  A  Hymn  to  Tammuz. 


Xll 

Dr.  W.  Rosenau,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 

(a)  The  uses  of  lb  in  Post-Biblical  Hebrew. 

(b)  Abstract  formations  in  the  philosophical  Hebrew. 
Professor  Torrey,  of  Yale  University: 

(a)  The  question  of  the  date  of  the  Samaritan  schism. 

(b)  The  lacuna  in  Neh.  ix.  5  f. 


List  of  Members.  xiii 


LIST  or  MEMBERS. 

The  number  placed  after  the  address  indicates  the  year  of  election. 


I.    HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

M.  AUGUSTE  EARTH,   Membre  de  1'Institut,  Paris,  France.     (Rue  Garan- 

ciere,  10.)    1898. 
Dr.  RAMKRISHNA  GOPAL  BHANDARKAR,  C.  I.  E.,  Dekkan  Coll.,  Poona,  India. 

1887. 

JAMES  BCRGESS,  LL.D.,  22  Seton  Place,  Edinburgh,  Scotland.    1899. 
Prof.  CHARLES  CLERMONT-GANNEAU,  1  Avenue  de  1'Alma,  Paris. 
Prof.  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  Harboro'  Grange,  Asbton-on-Mersey,  England. 

1907. 

Prof.  BERTHOLD  DELBRUECK,  University  of  Jena,  Germany.  1878. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.  1893. 
Canon  SAMUEL  R.  DRIVER,  Oxford,  England  1909. 

Prof.  ADOLPH  ERMAN,  Steglitz,  Friedricb  Str.  10/11,  Berlin,  Germany.  1903. 
Prof.  RICHARD   GARBE,    University    of   Tubingen,    Germany.      (Biesinger 

Str.  14.)    1902. 

Prof.  KARL  F.  GELDNER,  University  of  Marburg,  Germany.    1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZ  GOLDZIHER,  vii  Hollo-Utcza  4,  Budapest,  Hungary.    1906. 
GEORGE   A.    GRIERSON,    C.I.E.,    D.Litt.,    I.C.S.    (retired),    Rathfarnh  am, 

Camberley,  Surrey,  England.     Corporate  Member,  1899;  Hon.,  1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZIO  GUIDI,  University  of  Rome,  Italy.    (Via  Botteghe  Oscure  24.) 

1893. 

Prof.  HERMANN  JACOBI,  University  of  Bonn,  59  Niebuhrstrasse,  Bonn,  Ger- 
many. 1909. 
Prof.  HENDRIK  KERN,  45  Willem  Barentz-Straat,  Utrecht,  Netherlands. 

1893. 
Prof.  ALFRED  LUDWIG,  University  of  Prague.  Bohemia.   (Kb'nigliche  Wein- 

berge,  Krameriusgasse  40.)   1898. 
Prof.  GASTON  MASPERO,   College  de  France,  Paris,  France.     (Avenue  de 

1'Observatoire,  24.)    1898. 
Prof.  EDUARD  MEYER,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.    Gross-Lichterfelde- 

AVest,  Mommsen  Str.  7)    1908. 
Prof.  THEODOR  NOELDEKE,  University  of  Strassburg,   Germany.     (Kalbs- 

gasse  16.)    1878. 
Prof.   HERMANN    OLDENBERG,    University    of   Gb'ttingen,   Germany.    1910. 

(27/29  Nikolausberger  Weg.) 
Prof.  EDUARD  SACHAU,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.  (Wormser  Str.  12, W.) 

1887. 


xiv  List  of  Members. 

EMILE  SENART,  Membre  de  1'Institut  de  France,  18  Rue  Francois  Ier,  Paris, 

France.    1908. 

Prof.  ARCHIBALD  H.  SAYCE,  University  of  Oxford,  England.    1893. 
Prof.   JULIUS   WELLHAUSEN,    University   of  Gottingen,   Germany.     (Weber 

Str.  18  a.)    1902. 
Prof.  ERNST  WINDISCH,  University   of  Leipzig,   Germany.     (Universitats 

Str.  15.)    1890.  [Total  26] 


II.    CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Names  marked  with  *  are  those  of  life  members. 

Rev.  Dr.  JUSTIN  EDWARDS  ABBOTT,  Tardeo,  Bombay,  India.    1900. 
Dr.  CYRUS  ABLER,  2041  North  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1884. 
WILLIAM  E.  M.  AITKEN,  7  Howland  St..  Cambridge,  Mass.    1910. 
F.  STURGES  ALLEN,  246  Central  St.,  Springfield,  Mass.    1904. 
Miss  MAY  ALICE  ALLEN,  Williamstown,  Mass.    1906. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  R.  ARNOLD,  Theological  Seminary,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1893. 
Prof.  KANICHI  ASAKAWA  (Yale  Univ.),  870 Elm  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.  1904. 
Rev.  EDWARD  E.  ATKINSON,  94  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  J.  CULLEN  AYER  (P.  E.  Divinity  School),  5000  Woodlawn  Ave.,  Phila- 
delphia, Pa.    1907. 

Miss  ALICE  M.  BACON,  Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass.    1907. 
Hon.  SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.D.,  44  Wall  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1898. 
Prof.  LEROY  CARR  BARRET,  Dartmouth  College,  Hanover,  N.  H.    1803. 
Prof.  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa.    1888. 
Prof.  L.  W.  BATTEN,  232  East  llth  St.,  New  York.    1894. 
Prof.  HARLAN^P.  BEACH  (Yale  Univ.),  346  Willow  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1898. 

Prof.  WILLIS  J.  BEECHER,  D.D.,  Theological  Seminary,  Auburn,  N.  Y.   1900. 
HAROLD  H.  BENDER,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1906. 
Rev.  JOSEPH  F.  BERG,  Port  Richmond.  S.  L,  N.  Y.    1893. 
Prof.  GEORGE  R.  BERRY,  Colgate  University,  Hamilton,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Prof.  JULIUS  A.  BEWER  (Union   Theological  Seminary),  700    Park  Ave. 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  STURGIS  BIGELOW,  60  Beacon  St,  Boston,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  JOHN  BINNEY,  Berkeley  Divinity  School,  Middletown.  Conn.    1887. 
GEORGE  F.  BLACK,  Ph.D.,  Lenox  Library,  Fifth  Ave.  and  70th  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Dr.  FRANK  RINGGOLD   BLAKE   (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),   Dixon   Park,  Mt. 

Washington,  Md.    1900. 

Rev.  PHILIP  BLANC,  Johns  Hopkins  University.  Baltimore,  Md.    1907. 
Rev.  DAVID  BLAUSTEIN,  Chicago  Hebrew  Institute,  485  West  Taylor  St. 

Chicago,  111.    1891. 

Dr.  FREDERICK  J.  BLISS,  Protest.  Syrian  College,  Beirut,  Syria.     1898. 
FRANCIS  B.  BLODGETT,  General  Theological  Seminary,  Chelsea  Square,  New 

York,  N.  Y.    1906. 
Prof.  CARL  AUGUST  BLOMGREN,  Augustana  College  and  Theol.  Seminary, 

Rock  Island,  111.    1900. 


List  of  Members.  xv 

Prof.  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1881. 

Dr.  ALFRED  BOISSIER,  Le  Rivage  pres  Chambesy,  Switzerland.    1897. 
Dr.  GEORGE  M.  BOLLING  (Catholic  Univ.   of  America),    1784    Corcoran 

St.,  Washington,  D.  C.    1896. 

Prof.  C.  B.  BRADLEY,  2639  Durant  Ave.,  Berkeley,  Cal.    1910. 
Prof.  RENWARD  BRANDSTETTER,  Reckenbiihl  18,  Villa  Johannes,  Lucerne, 

Switzerland.    1908. 

Prof.  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1891. 
Prof.  CHAS.  A.  BRIGGS  (Union  Theological  Sem.),  700  Park  Ave.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.    1879. 

Prof.  C.  A.  BRODIE  BROCKWELL,  McGill  University,  Montreal,  Canada.  1906. 
Pres.  FRANCIS  BROWN  (Union  Theological  Sem.),  700  Park  Ave.,  New  York. 

N.  Y.    1881. 

Rev.  GEORGE  WILLIAM  BROWN,  Jubbulpore,  C.  P.,  India.    1909. 
Prof.  CARL  DARLING  BUCK,  Univeisity  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1892. 
HAMMOND  H.  BUCK,  Division  Sup't.  of  Schools,  Alfonso,  Cavite  Provinces, 

Philippine  Islands.    1908. 

ALEXANDER  H.  BULLOCK,  State  Mutual  Building,  Worcester.  Mass.    1910. 
EUGEN  WASTON  BURLINGAME,  118  McKean  House,  West  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1910. 

CHARLES  DANA  BURRAGE,  85  Ames  Building,  Boston,  Mass.    1909. 
Prof.  HOWARD  CROSBY  BUTLER,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.  1908. 
Rev.  JOHN  CAMPBELL,  Kingsbridge,  New  York,  N.  Y.    18£6. 
Rev.  SIMEON  J.  CARE,  1527  Church  St.,  Frankford,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1892. 
Pres.  FRANKLIN  CARTER,  care  Hon.  F.  J.  Kingsbury,  Waterbury,  Conn.  1873. 
Dr.  PAUL  CARUS,  La  Salle,  Illinois.    1897. 

Dr.  I.  M.  CASANOWICZ,  U.  S.  National  Museum,   Washington,  D.  C.  1893. 
Miss  EVA  CHANNING,  Hemenway  Chambers,  Boston,  Mass.    1883. 
Dr.  F.  D.  CHESTER,  The  Bristol,  Boston,  Mass.    1891. 
WALTER  E.  CLARK,  37  Walker  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1906. 
Prof.  ALBERT  T.  CLAY  (Yale  Univ.)    New  Haven,  Conn.     1907. 
*ALEXANDER  SMITH  COCHRAN,  Yonkers,  N.  Y.      1908. 

*GEORGE  WETMORE  COLLES,  62  Fort  Greene  Place,  Brooklyn.  N.  Y.    1882. 
Prof.  HERMANN  COLLITZ,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1887. 
Miss  ELIZABETH  S.  COLTON,  23  Park  St.,  Easthampton,  Mass.    1896. 
Prof.  C.  EVERETT  CONANT,  515  Carlisle  Place,  Chattanooga,  Tenn.   1905. 
WILLIAM  MERRIAM  CRANE,  16  East  37th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1902. 
Rev.  CHARLES  W.  CURRIER,  913  Sixth  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.  1904. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  R.  P.  DAVEY  (Harvard  Univ.),  21  Mellen  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1908. 

Dr.  HAROLD  S.  DAVIDSON,  1700  North  Payson  St.,  Baltimore,  Md.    1908. 
Prof.  JOHN  D.  DAVIS,  Princeton  Theological  Seminary,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1888. 

LIVING  C.  DEMAREST,  54  Essex  st.,  Hackensack,  N.  J.    1909. 
Prof.  ALFRED  L.  P.  DENNIS,  Madison,  Wis.    1900. 
JAMES  T.  DENNIS,  University  Club,  Baltimore,  Md.    1900. 
Rev.  D.  STUART  DODGE,  99  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1867. 
Dr.  HARRY  WESTBROOK  DUNNING,  5  Kilsyth  Road,  Brookline,  Mass.    1894. 


xvi  List  of  Members. 

Prof.  M.  W.  EASTOX,  224  South  43d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1872. 
Dr.  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1910. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  G.  C.  EISELEN,  Garrett  Biblical  Inst.,  Evanston,  111.   1901. 
Mrs.   WILLIAM  M.  ELLUCOTT,    106    Ridgewood  Road,   Roland    Park,    Md. 

1897. 
Prof.  LEVI  H.  ELWELL,   Amherst  College,  5  Lincoln  Ave.,  Amherst,  Mass. 

1883. 

Dr.  AARON  EMBER,  Johns  Hopkins  University.    1902. 
Rev.  ARTHUR  H.  EWING,  The  Jumna  Mission  House,  Allahabad,  N.  W.  P., 

India.    1900. 

Rev.  Prof.  C.  P.  FAGNANI,  772  Park  Ave.,  NPW  York,  N.  Y.    1901. 
Prof.  EDWIN  WHITFIELD  FAY  (Univ.  of  Texas),  200  West  24th  St.,  Austin, 

Texas.    1888. 

Prof.  HENRY  FERGUSON,  St.  Paul's  School,  Concord,  N.  H.    1876. 
Dr.  JOHN  C.  FERGUSON,  16  Love  Land,  Shanghai,  China.    1900. 
Prof.  RALPH  HALL  FERRIS   (Theological  Seminary),  45  Warren  Ave.,  Chi- 
cago, 111.    1905. 

CLARENCR  STANLAY  FISHER,  4152  Parkside  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1905. 
*Lady  CAROLINE  DE  FILIPPI  FITZGERALD,   167  Via  Urbana,  Rome,  Italy. 

1886. 

Rev.  WALLACE  B.  FLEMING,  Maplewood,  N.  J.    1906. 
Rev.   THEODORE  C.  FOOTE,    Johns  Hopkins  University,   Baltimore,   Md. 

1900. 

Prof.  HUGHELL  E.  W.  FOSBROKE,  9  Acacia  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.   1907. 
MARQUIS  ANTOINE  FRABASILIS,    1017  East  187th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y., 

1907. 
LEO  J.  FRACHTENBERG,  Hartley  Hall,   Columbia  University,  New   York, 

N.  Y.    1907. 
Rev.  Prof.  JAS.  EVERETT  FRAME  (Union  Theological  Sem.),  700  Park  Ave. 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1892. 

Dr.  CARL  FRANK,  23  Montague  St.,  London,  W.  C.,  England.    1909. 
Dr.  HERBERT  FRIEDENWALD,  338  West  85th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1909. 
Prof.  ISRAEL  FRIEDLAENDER  (Jewish  Theological  Sem.),  61  Hamilton  Place, 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  H.  FURNESS,  3d,  1906  Sansom  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1897. 
Dr.  FLETCHER  GARDNER,  202  East  Kirkwood  Ave.,  Bloomington,  Ind.    1905. 
ROBERT  GARRETT,  Continental  Building,  Baltimore,  Md.    1903. 
Miss  MARIE  GELBACH,  534  West  143d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1909. 
Prof.  BASIL  LANNEAU  GILDERSLEEVE,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore, 

Md.    1858. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  WATSON  GOODWIN  (Harvard»Univ.),  5  Follen  St.,  Cambridge. 

Mass.    1857. 
Prof.  RICHARD  J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,   Columbia  University,   New  York,   N.  Y, 

1886. 

Miss  FLORENCE  A.  GRAGG,  26  Maple  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1906. 
Prof.  ELIHU  GRANT  (Smith  College),  Northampton,  Mass.    1907. 
Mrs.  ETHEL  WATTS  MUMFORD  GRANT,   31  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1904. 
Dr.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  German  Valley,  N.  J.    1897. 


List  of  Members.  xvii 

Mrs.  Louis  H.  GRAV,  Germun  Valley  X.  J.    1907. 

Miss  LUCIA  C.  GRAEME  GRIEVE,  462  West  151st  St.,  Xew  York,  N.  Y.  1894. 
Prof.  Louis  GROSSMANN  (Hebrew  Union  College),  2212  Park  Ave.,  Cincin- 
nati, 0.    1890. 
Rev.  Dr.  W.  M.  GROTON,  Dean  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Divinity  School, 

5000  Woodlawn  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1907. 
*GEORGE  C.  0.  HAAS,  254  West  136th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1903. 
Miss  LUISE  HAESSLER,  Whittier  Hall,  Columbia  University,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1909. 

Dr.  CARL  C.  HANSEN,  Si  Phya  Road,  Bangkok,  Siam.    1902. 
PAUL  V.  HARPER,  59th  St.  and  Lexington  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 
Prof.  ROUERT  FRANCIS  HARPER,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1886. 
Prof.  SAMUEL  HAKT,  D.  D.,  Berkeley  Divinity  School,  Middletown,  Conn.  1879. 
Prof.  PAUL  HAUPT  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  2511  Madison  Ave.,  Baltimore, 

Md.  1883. 

Dr.  HENRY  HARRISON  HAYNES,  6  Ellery  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1892. 
Col.  THOS.  WENTWORTH  HIGGINSON,  25  Buckingham  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1869. 
Prof.  HERMANN  V.  HILPRECHT   (Univ.  of  Pennsylvania),    807   Spruce   St., 

Philadelphia,  Pa.    1887. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  J.  HINKE,  28  Court  St.,  Auburn,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  HIRTH  (Columbia  Univ.),  501  West  113th  St.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1903. 
Prof.  CHARLES  T.  HOCK   (Theological  Sem.),   220  Liberty  St.,  Bloomfield, 

N.  J.    1903. 

*Dr.  A.  F.  RUDOLF  HOERNLE,  8  Northmoor  Road,  Oxford,  England.  1893. 
Rev.  HUGO  W.  HOFFMAN,  306  Rodney  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.    1899. 
Prof.  FRANKLIN  W.  HOOPER,  502  Fulton  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.    1906. 
*Prof.  E.  WASHBURN  HOPKINS  (Yale  Univ.),  299  Lawrence  St.,  New  Haven. 

Conn.    1881. 

Miss  SAKAH  FENTON  HOYT,  17  East  95th  St.,  New  Yoik,  N.  Y.    1910. 
HENIIY  R.  HOWLAND,  Natural  Science  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Dr.  EDWARD  H.  HUME,  Changsha,  Huan,  China.    1909. 
Miss  ANNiE  K.  HUMPHEREY,  1114  14th  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.    1873. 
Miss  MARY  INDA  HUSSEY,  4  Bryant  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1901. 
HENRY  MINOR  HUXLEY,  1550  Monadnock  Block,  Chicago,  111.    1902. 
*JAMES  HAZEN  HYDE,  18  rue  Adolphe  Yvon,  Paris,  France.    1909. 
Prof.  HENRY  HYVERNAT  (Catholic  Univ.   of  America),    3405  Twelfth  St., 

N.  E.  (Brookland),  Washington,  D.  C.    1889. 
Prof.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,   Columbia  University,   New  York,   N.  Y. 

(668  Riverside  Drive).    1885. 

JOHN  DAY  JACKSON,  86  Crown  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1905. 
Prof.   MORRIS  JASTROW,    (Univ.    of    Pennsylvania),    248   South   23d    St., 

Philadelphia,  Pa.    1886. 

Rev.  HENRY  F.  JENKS,  Canton  Corner,  Mass.    1874. 

Prof.  JAMES  RICHARD  JEWETT,  5757  Lexington  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.    1887. 
CHARLES  JOHNSTON,  511  West  122d  St.,  New.  Yorx,  X.  Y.    1910. 
Prof.  CHRISTOPHER  JOHNSTON  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),   21  West  20th  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.    1889. 


xviii  List  of  Members. 

ISHYA  JOSEPH,  700  Park  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 

ARTHUR  BERRIEDALE   KEITH,   Colonial   Office,  London,   S.   W.,   England. 

1908. 
Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  L.  KELLNER,   Episcopal  Theological  School,  Cambridge, 

Mass.    1886. 

Miss  ELIZA  H.  KENDRICK,  45  Hunnewell  Ave.,  Newton,  Mass.    1896. 
Prof.  CHARLES  FOSTER  KENT  (Yale  Univ.),  406  Humphrey  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.    1890. 

Prof.  ROLAND  G.  KENT,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa.   1910. 
THOMAS  W.  KINGSMILL,  Shanghai,  China.    1909. 
Prof.  GEORGE  L.  KITTREDGE  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Billiard  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.    1899. 

Rev.  GEORGE  A.  KOHUT,  781  West  End  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Miss  LUCILE  KOHN,  1138  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Rev.  Dr.  M.  G.  KYLE,  1132  Arrow  St.,  Frankford,  Philadelphia,  Pa.  1909. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN    (Harvard  Univ.) ,   9  Farrar  St.,   Cam- 
bridge, Mass.    1876. 
C.  S.  LEAVENWORTH,  care  of  Brown,  Shipley  &  Co.,  123  Pall  Mall,  London, 

England.    1900. 

LEVON  J.  K.  LEVONIAN,  Aintal,  Turkey.     1909. 
Prof.  CHARLES  E.  LITTLE  (Vanderbilt  Univ.),  19  Lindsley  Ave.,  Nashville, 

Tenn.    1901. 
Prof.  ENNO  LITTMAN,  Schweighauser  Str.  24",  Strassburg  i.  Els.,  Germany. 

1902. 

PERCIVAL  LOWELL,  53  State  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1893. 
Rev.  FERDINAND  LUGSCHEIDER,  38  Bleeker  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 
ALBERT  HOWE  LYBYER,  Irving  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1909. 
*BENJAMIN  StaiTH  LYMAN,  708  Locust  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1871. 
Prof.  DAVID  GORDON  LYON,  Harvard  Univ.  Semitic  Museum,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1882. 
ALBERT  MORTON  LYTHGOE,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1899. 
Prof.  DUNCAN  B.  MACDONALD  ,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford, 

Conn.    1893. 
WILLIAM  E.  W.  MACKINLAY,   1st  Lieut,  llth  U.  S.  Cavalry,  Fort  Ethan 

Allen,  Vt.    1904. 

Dr.  ALBERT  A.  MADSEN  22  Courtney  Ave.  Newburgh,  N.  Y.    1906. 
Prof.  HERBERT  W.  MAGOUN,  70  Kirkland  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1887. 
Prof.  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS,  1519  Diamond  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1890. 
Prof.  ALLAN  MARQUAND,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.    1888. 
Prof.  WINFRED  ROBERT  MARTIN,  Hispanic  Society  of  America,  West  156th 

St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1889. 
ISAAC  G.  MATTHEWS  (McMaster  Univ.) ,    509  Brunswick  Ave.,    Toronto, 

Canada.    1906. 

C.  0.  MAWSON,  64  West  144th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1910. 
WILLIAM  MERRILL,  West  Newbury,  Mass.    1910. 
J.  RENWICK  METHENY,  "Druid  Hill,"  Beaver  Falls,  Pa.    1907. 
MARTIN  A.  MEYER,  300  Hamilton  St.,  Albany,  N.  Y.  1906. 
Dr.  TRUMAN  MICHELSON,  R.  F.  D.  48,  Ridgefield,  Conn.    1899. 


List  of  Members.  xix 

Mrs.  HELEN  L.  MILLION  (nee  LOVELL),  Hardin  College,  Mexico.    Mo.    1892. 

Prof.  LAWRENCE  H.  MILLS  (Oxford  Univ.),  218  Iffley  Road,  Oxford,  Eng- 
land.   1881. 

Prof.  EDWIN  KNOX  MITCHELL  (Hartford  Theol.  Sem.),  57  Gillette  St.,  Hart- 
ford, Conn.    1898. 

ROLAND  H.  MODE,  5836  Drexel  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 

Prof.  J.  A.  MONTGOMERY  (P.  E.  Divinity  School),  6806  Green  St.,  German- 
town,  Pa.    1903. 

Prof.   GEORGE  F.   MOORE   (Harvard  Univ.),  3  Divinity  Ave.,   Cambridge, 
Mass.    1887. 

Dr.  JUSTIN  HARTLEY  MOORE,  8  West  119th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 

*Mrs.  MARY  H.  MOORE,  3  Divinity  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1902. 

CHARLES  J.  MORSE,  1825  Asbury  Ave.,  Evanston,  111.    1909. 

Prof.  EDWARD  S.  MORSE,  Salem,  Mass.    1894. 

Rev.  HANS  K.  MOUSSA,  316  Third  St.,  Watertown,  Wis.    1906. 

Prof.  W.  MAX  MUELLER,  4308  Market  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1905. 

Mrs.  ALBERT  H.  MUNSELL,  65  Middlesex  Road.  Chestnut  Hill,  Mass.    1908. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  MUSS.-ARNOLT,  Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass.    1887. 

Rev.  JAS.  B.  NIES,  Care  London  City  and  Midland  Bank.  Threadneedle  St., 
London,  England.    1906. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  E.  NIES,  Port  Washington,  Long  Island,  N.  Y.    1908. 

Rt.  Rev.  Mgr.  DENNIS  T.  O'CONNELL,  D.D.  (Catholic  Univ.),  Washington, 
D.  C.    1903. 

Prof.  HANNS  OERTEL  (Yale  Univ.),  2  Phelps  Hall,  New  Haven,  Conn.   1890. 

Dr.  CHARLES  J.  OGDEN,  250  West  88th  St.,  New  Xork,  N.  Y.    1906. 

Miss  ELLEN  S.  OGDEN,  St.  Agnes  School,  Albany,  N.  Y.    1898. 

Prof.  SAMUEL  G.  OLIPHANT,  Olivet  College,  Olivet,  Mich.    1906. 

ALBERT  TENEYCK   OLMSTEAD,  Princeton  Preparatory  School,    Princeton, 
N.  J.    1909. 

Prof.   PAUL   OLTRAMARE   (Univ.   of  Geneva),  Ave.  de   Bosquets,   Servette, 
Geneve,  Switzerland.    1904. 

*ROBERT  M.  OLYPHANT,  160  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1861. 

Dr.  JOHN  ORNE,  104  Ellery  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1890. 

Rev.  Dr.   CHARLES  RAY  PALMER,  562  Whitney  Ave.,  New  Haven,   Conn. 
1900. 

Prof.  LEWIS  B.  PATON,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  .Conn. 
1894. 

Prof.  WALTER  M.  PATTON,  Wesleyan  Theological  College,  Montreal,  Canada. 
1903. 

Dr.  CHARLES  PEABODY,  197  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1892. 

Prof.  ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Syracuse  University,  Syracuse,  N.  Y.    1894. 

Prof.  EDWARD  DEL  A  VAN  PERRY  (Columbia  Univ.),  542  West  114th  St.,  New 
York,  N.  Y.    1879. 

Rev.  Dr.  JOHN  P.  PETERS,  225  West  99th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1882. 

WALTER  PETERSEN,  Bethany  College,  Lindsborg,  Kansas.    1909. 

Prof.  DAVID  PHILIPSON  (Hebrew  Union  College),  3947  Beech  wood  Ave, 
Rose  Hill,  Cincinnati,  0.    1889. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  POPPER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.    1897. 

Prof.  IRA  M.  PRICE,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1887. 


xx  List  of  Members. 

Prof.  JOHN  DYNELEY  PRINCE  (Columbia  Univ.),  Sterlington,  Rockland  Co., 

N.  Y.    1888. 

GEORGE  PAYN  QUACKENBOS,  331  West  28th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 
Prof.  F.  P.  RAMSAY  (S.  W.  Presbyterian  Univ.),  Clarksville,  Tenn.    1889. 
Dr.  GEORGE  ANDREW  REISNEE,  The  Pyramids,  Cairo,  Egypt.    1891. 
BERNARD  REVEL,  2113  North  Camac  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1910. 
Prof.  PHILIP  M.  RHINELANDER  (Episcopal  Theological  Sem.),  26  Garden  St., 

Cambridge,  Mass.    1908. 
ERNEST  C.  RICHARDSON,  Library  of  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1900. 

J.  NELSON  ROBERTSON,  294  Avenue  Road,  Toronto,  Ont,    1S02 
EDWARD  ROBINSON,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Rev.  Dr.  GEORGE  LIVINGSTON  ROBINSON  (McCormickTheol.  Sem.),  4  Chalmers 

Place,  Chicago,  111.    1892. 
Hon.  WILLIAM  WOODVILLE  ROCKHILL,  American  Embassy,  St.  Petersburg, 

Russia.    1880. 
Prof.   JAMES   HARDY  ROPES   (Harvard  Univ.),   13  Follen   St.,   Cambridge, 

Mass.    1893. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  ROSENAU,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore.  Md.    1897. 
Miss  ADELAIDE  RUDOLPH,  2098  East  100th  St.,  Cleveland,  0.    1894. 
Mrs.  JANET  E.  RDDTZ-REES,  Rosemary  Cottage,  Greenwich,  Conn.    1897. 
Miss  CATHARINE  B.  RUNKLE,  15  Everett  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1900. 
Prof.  ARTHUR   W.  RYDER    (Univ.   of  California),  2337    Telegraph    Ave., 

Berkeley,  Cal.    1902. 

Mrs.  EDW.  E.  SALISBURY,  237  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.  1906. 
Pres.  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Washburn  College,  Topeka,  Kans.  1897. 
JOHANN  F.  SCHELTEMA,  care  of  Messrs.  Kerkhoven  &  Co.,  115  Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam,  Holland.    1906. 

GEORGE  V.  SCHICK,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1909. 
Dr.  Hte  ERNEST  SCHMID,  White  Plains,  N.  Y.    1866. 
Prof.  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT,  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.    1894. 
MONTGOMERY  SCHUYLER,  Jr.,   First  Secretary   of  the  American   Embassy, 

St.  Petersburg,  Russia.    1899. 

GILBERT  CAMPBELL  SCOGGIN,  University  of  Missouri,  Columbia,  Mo.    1906. 
Dr.  CHARLES  P.  G.  SCOTT,  1  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1895. 
*Mrs.  SAMUEL  BRYAN  SCOTT  (nee  Morris),   124  Highland  Ave.,   Chestnut 

Hill,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1903. 
Rev.  JOHN  L.  SCULLY,  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  312-332  East  88th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  G.  SEIPLE,  78  Higashi  Sambancho,  Sendai,  Japan.    1902. 
J.  HERBERT  SENTER,  10  Avon  St.,  Portland,  Maine.    1870. 
Prof.  CHARLES  N.  SHEPARD  (General  Theological  Sem.),  9  Chelsea  Square, 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 

CHARLES  C.  SHERMAN,  614  Riverside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 
*The  Very  Rev.  JOHN  R.  SLATTERY,  261  Central  Park  West,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1903. 

Major  (P.  S.)  C.  C.  SMITH,  P.  S.  Manila:  Philippine  Islands.    1907. 
Prof.  HENRY  PRESERVED  SMITH,  Theological  School,  Meadville,  Pa.    1877. 
Prof.  JOHN  M.  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 


List  of  Members.  xxi 

Prof.  EDWARD  H.  SPIEKER,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,   Md. 

1884. 

Rev.  JAMES  D.  STEELE,  15  Grove  Terrace,  Passaic,  N.  J.    1892. 
Mrs.  SARA  YORKE  STEVENSON,  237  South  21st  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1907. 
Rev.  ANSON  PHELPS  STOKES,  Jr.,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.   1900. 
MAYER  SDLZBERGER,  1303  Girard  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1888. 
Prof.   GEORGE   SVERDRUP,  Jr.,   Augsburg  Seminary,   Minneapolis,  Minn. 

1907. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  C.  THAYER,  Lehigh  University,  Bethlehem,  Pa.    1907. 
EBEN  FRANCIS  THOMPSON,  311  Main  St.,  Worcester,  Mass.    1906. 
Rev.  Dr.  J.  J.  TIERNEY,  Mount  St.  Mary's  College,  Emmitsburg,    Md. 

1901. 
Prof.  HENRY  A.  TODD  (Columbia  Univ.),  824  West  End  Ave.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1885. 

OLAP  A.  TOFFTEEN,  2726  Washington  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  C.  TORREY  (Yale  Univ.),  67  Mansfield  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.    1891. 
Prof.  CRAWFORD  H.  TOY  (Harvard  Univ.),  7  Lowell  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1871. 
Rev.  SYDNEY  N.  USSHER,  St.  Bartholomew's  Church,  44th  St.  &  Madison. 

Ave.,  N.  Y.    1909. 
Dr.  FREDERICK  AUGUSTUS  VANDERBURGH ,   53  Washington  Sq.,   New  York, 

N.  Y.    1908. 

ADDISON  VAN  NAME  (Yale  Univ.),  121  High  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1863. 
Miss   SUSAN  HAYES  WARD,   The  Stone  House,   Abington  Ave.,  Newark, 

N.  J.    1874. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  HAYES  WARD,  130  Fulton  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1869. 
Miss  CORNELIA  WARREN,  Cedar  Hill,  Waltham,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  F.  WARREN  (Boston  Univ.) ,    131  Davis  Ave.,  Brookline, 

Mass.    1877. 

Rev.  W.  SCOTT  WATSON,  West  New  York,  Hudson  Co.,  New  Jersey.    1893 
Prof.  J.  E.  WERREN,  17  Leonard  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  JENS  IVERSON  WESTENGARD  (Harvard  Univ.),  Asst.  Gen.  Adviser  to 

H.S.M.  Govt,  Bangkok,  Siam.    1903. 
Pres.  BENJAMIN  IDE  WHEELER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,   Cal. 

1885. 
Prof.  JOHN  WILLIAMS  WHITE  (Harvard  Univ.),  18  Concord  Ave.,  Cambridge 

Mass.    1877. 
*Miss  MARGARET  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1908. 

Mrs.  WILLIAM  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.   1897, 
Rev.  E.  T.  WILLIAMS,  Division  of  Far  Eastern  Affairs,  Department  of  State. 

Washington,  D.  C.    1901. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS   (Yale  Univ.),   135  Whitney  Ave.,  New 

Haven,  Conn.    1895. 
Dr.  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS    ("The  Press"),    916  Pine  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Pa.    1884. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  COPLEY  WINSLOW,  525  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1885. 
Rev.  Dr.  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  23  West  90th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1894. 


xxii  List  of  Members. 

HENRY  B.  WITTON,  Inspector  of  Canals,  16  Murray  St.,  Hamilton,  Ontario. 

1885. 

Dr.  Louis  B.  WOLFENSON,  1228  Mound  St.,  Madison,  Wis.    1904. 
WILLIAM  W.  WOOD,  2210  North  Fulton  Ave.,  Baltimore,  Md.    1900. 
JAMES  H.  WOODS  (Harvard  Univ.),  2  Chestnut  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1900. 
Dr.  WILLIAM  H.  WORRELL,   University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 

1910. 
Rev.  JAMES  OWENS  WRIGHTSON,  812  20th  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1903. 
Rev.   Dr.   ABRAHAM    YOHANNAN,   Columbia  University,   New  York,   N.  Y. 

1894. 

[Total,  286.] 

III.  MEMBEBS  OF  THE  SECTION  FOR  THE  HISTORICAL  STUDY 

OF  RELIGIONS. 

Rev.  Dr.  SAMUEL  H.  BISHOP,  500  West  122 d  St.,  New  York,   N.  Y.    1898. 

Rev.  JOHN  L.  CHANDLER,  Madura,  Southern  India.    1899. 

SAMUEL  DICKSON,  901  Clinton  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1899. 

Prof.  FRANKLIN  GIDDINGS,  Columbia  Univ.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1900. 

Prof.  ARTHUR  L.  GILLETT,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  Conn. 
1898. 

Prof.  CHARLES  B.  GULICK  (Harvard  University),  59  Fayerweather  st.,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.    1899. 

Prof.  GEORGE  T.  LADD  (Yale  Univ.),  204  Prospect  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 
1898. 

M.  A.  LANE,  451  Jackson  Blvd.,  Chicago,  111.    1907. 

Prof.  FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON   (Harvard  Univ.),  Longfellow  Park,   Cam- 
bridge, Mass.    1900. 

Rev.  W.  A.  SHEDD.  Am.  Mission,  Urumia,  Persia  (via  Berlin  and  Tabriz). 
1906. 

Pres.  LANGDON  C.  STEWARDSON,  Hobart  College,  Geneva,  N.  Y.    1901. 

Prof.  R.  M.  WENLEY,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.    1898. 

Rev.  G.  E.  WHITE,  Anatolia  College,  Marsovan,  Turkey  [Papers  to  German 
Consulate  (White),  Samsoun,  Turkey.]    1906. 

Prof.  IRVING  F.  WOOD,  Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass.    1905. 

[Total,  14.] 
Number  of  Members  of  all  Classes,  326. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  LIST  OF  LIVING  MEMBERS. 

(The  names  of  HONORARY  MEMBERS  are  printed  in  large 
Capitals  and  (hon.)  is  placed  after  their  names ;  the  names  of 
Members  of  the  Section  for  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions  are 
printed  Italics  and  (S.  S.  R.)  is  placed  after  their  names.) 

1857  W.  W.  GOODWIN.    1858  B.  L.  GILDERSLEEVE. 

1861  R.  M.  OLYPHANT.  1863  A.  VAN  NAME.  1866  H.  E.  SCHMID.  1867  D.  S. 
DODGE.  1869  T.  W.  HIGGINSON;  W.  H.  WARD. 

1870  J.  H.  SENTER.     1871  B.  S.  LYMAN;    C.  H.  TOY.    1872  M.  W.  EASTON. 


List  of  Members.  xxi i  i 

1873  F.  CARTER;  A.  K.  HUMPIIBREY.    1874  H.  F.  JENKS;  S.  H.  WARD. 

1876'H.  FERGUSON;  C.  R.  LANMAN.   1877  H.  P.  SMITH;   W.  F.  WARREN; 

J.  W.  WHITE.  1878  B.  DELBRUCK  (hon.) ;  T.  NOELDEKE  (hon.). 

1879  C.  A.  BRIGGS  ;  S.  HART  ;  E.  D.  PEKKV. 
1880  W.  W.  ROCKHILL.    1881  M.  BLOOMFIELD;  F.  BROWN;   E.  W.  HOPKINS; 

L.  H.  MILLS.    1882  G.  W.  COLLES;   D.  G.  LYON;  J.  P.  PETERS.    1883 

E.  CHANNING;  L.  H.  ELWELL;  P.  HAUPT.   1884  C.  ADLER;  E.  H.  SPIEKKI:  : 

T.  WILLIAMS.    1885  A.  V.  W.  JACKSON;  H.  A.  TODD;  B.  I.  WHEELER; 

W.  C.  WINSLOW;   H.  B.  WITTON.     1886  C.  DEF.  FITZ-&ERALD;  R.  J. 

H.    GOTTHEIL;    R.  F.  HARPER;   M.  JASTROW;   M.  L.   KELLNER.     1887 

R.    G.   BHANDARKAR   (hon.);    J.  BINNEY;  H.    COLLITZ  ;    H.   V. 

HILPHRECHT  ;  J.  R.  JEWETT  ;  H.  W.  MAGOUN;  G.  F.  MOORE  ;  W.  Muss- 

ARXOLT  ;  I.    M.  PRICE  ;   E.   SACHAU    (hon.).     1888   G.  A.  Barton  ; 

J.  D.  DAVIDS;  E.  W.  FAY;  A.  MARQUAND;  J.  D.  PRINCE;  M.  SULZBERGER. 

1889  H.   HYVERNAT  ;   CHRISTOPHER    JOHNSTON  ;    W.    E.  MARTIN  ;    D. 

PHILIPSON  ;  E.  P.  RAMSAY. 
1890  L.  GROSSMANN  ;  C.  F.  KENT  ;  M.  L.  MARGOLIS  ;  H.  OERTEL  ;  J.  ORNE  ; 

E.  WIXDISCH  (hon.).    1891  D.  BLAUSTEIN;  J.  H.  BREASTED;   F.  D. 
CHESTER;   G.   A.  REISNER;   C.   C.  TORREY.     1892   C.   D.  BUCK;   S.   J. 
CARR;  J.  R.  FRAME;   H,  H.  HAYNES  ;   H.  L.  MILLION;   C.  PEABODY  ; 
G.  L.  ROBINSON  ;  J.  D.   STEELE.    1893  W.  R.  ARNOLD  ;  J.  F.  BERG  ; 
I.    M.    CASANOWICZ;     F.  DELITZSCH  (hon.);     I.   GUIDI  (hon.); 
H.  KERN  (hon.);    A.   F.  R.  HOENRNLE;    P.  LOWELL;    D.  B.  MAC 
DONALD;     J.  H.  ROPES;     A.  H.  SAYCE   (hon.);    W,   S.  WATSON. 
1894  E.   E.   ATKINSON;    L.    W.   BATTEN;    W.    S.   BIGELOW;    H.   W. 
DUNNING  ;  L.  C.  G.  GRIEVE  ;  G.  A.  KOHUT  ;  E.  S.  MORSE  ;  L.  B.  PATON  ; 
I.  J.  PERITZ;   E.  ROBINSON;   A.  RUDOLPH;    N.  SCHMIDT;   C.  WARREN; 
J.  E.  WERREN  ;  S.    S.    WISE  ;   A.  YOHANNAN.    1895    C.    P.  G.  SCOTT  ; 

F.  W.  WILLIAMS.     1896  G.  M.  BOLLING;   J.  CAMPBELL;  E.  S.  COLTON; 

E.  H.   KENDRICK.    1897   A.  BOISSIER;  P.    CARUS;   W.   M.   ELLICOTT; 
W.   H.   FURNESS;    L.   H.   GRAY;    W.  POPPER;   W.  ROSENAU  ;   J.  E. 
RUUTZ-REES;  F.  K.  SANDERS;  W.  D.  WHITNEY.    1898  S.  E.  BALDWIN; 
A.  EARTH  (hon.);  H.  P.  BEACH;   S.  H.  Bishop  (S.   S.  R.);  F.  J. 
BLISS;  A.  L.  Gillett  (S.  S.  R);   G.  T.  Ladd  (S.  S.R.);  A.  LUDWIG 
(hon.);  G.  MASPERO  (hon.);  E.  K.  MITCHELL;  E.  S.  OGDEN;  R.  M. 
Wenley  (S.  S.  R.).  1899  J.  BURGESS  (lion.);  J.  L.  Chandler  (S..S.  R.); 
S.  Dickson  (S.   S.  R.);   C.  B.   Gulick  (S.   S.  R.);    H.  W.  HOFFMAN; 

G.  L.   KlTTREDGE  ;   A.  M.  LjYTHGOE  ;    T.  MlCHELSON  ;  M.   SCHUYLER  JR. 

1900  J.  E.   ABBOTT;    W.  J.   BEECHER;    F.    R.    BLAKE;    C.  A.   BLOMGREN; 
A.  L.  P.  DENNIS;    A.    H.   EWING;    J.    C.   FERGUSON;    T.    C.  FOOTE; 

F.  Giddings  (S.  S.  R.);   C.  S.  LEAVEN  WORTH;    C.  R.  PALMER;   E.  C. 
RICHARDSON;  F.  N.  Robinson  (S.  S  R.);  C.  B.  RUNKLE;  A.  P.  STOKES; 
W.  AY.  WOOD;   J.  H.  WOOD.     1901  F.  C.  EISELEN;    C.   P.   FAGNANI; 
M.  I.  HUSSEY;    C.   E.  LITTLE;    L.    C.   Stewardson    (S.  S.  R.);   J.  J. 
TIERNEY;  E.  T.  WILLIAMS.    1902  W.  M.  CRANE;  A.  EMBER;  R.  GARBE 
(hon.);    C.  C.  HANSEN;   H.  M.  HUYLEY;    E.  LITTMAN;   M.  H.  MOORE; 
J.  X.  ROBERTSON;  A.  W.  RYDER;  W.  G.  SEIPLE;  J.  WELLHAUSEN 
(hon.).    1903  L.  C.  BARRET;  A.  ERMAN  (hon  );  R.  GARRET;  G.  C.  0. 
HAAS;  F.  HIRTH;  C.  T.  HOCK;  J.  A.  MONTGOMERY;  D.  T.  O'CONXELL; 


xxiv  List  of  Members. 

W.  M.  PATTON;  S.  B.  SCOTT;  J.  R.  SLATTERY ;  J.  I.  AVESTENGARD; 
J.  0.  WRIGHTSON.  1904  F.  S.  ALLEN;  K.  ASAKAWA;  C.  W.  CURRIER; 
I.  FRIEDLAENDER;  E.  W.  M.  GRANT;  W.  E.  W.  MACKIXLAY;  J.  H. 
MOORE;  P.  OLTRAMARE;  G.  P.  QUACKENBOS;  C.  C.  SHERMAN;  L.  B. 
WOLFENSON.  1905  C.  E.  CONANT;  K.  H.  FERRIS;  C.  S.  FISHER; 
F.  GARDNER;  K.  F.  GELDNER  (hon.) ;  G.  A.  GRIERSON  (hon.) 
J.  D.  JACKSON;  AV.  MAX  MUELLER;  I.  F.  Wood  (S.  S.  R.).  1906  H.  H. 
BENDER;  F.  B.  BLODGETT;  C.  A.  B.  BROCKWELL;  AV.  E.  CLARK;  AV.  B. 
FLEMING;  I.  GOLDZIHER  (hon.);  F.  A.  GRAGG;  P.  V.  HARPER; 
F.  W.  HOOPER;  A.  A.  MADSEN;  I.  G.  MATTHEWS;  M.  A.  MEYER; 
R.H.  MODE;  H.  K.  MOUSSA;  J.  B.  NIES;  C.  J.  OGDEN;  S.  G.  OLIPHANT; 
E.  E.  SALISBURY;  J.  F.  SCHELTEMA;  G.  C.  SCOGGIN;  W.  A.  Shedd 
(S.  S.  R.);  J.  M.  P.  SMITH;  E.  F.  THOMPSON;  C.  A.  TOFFTEEN;  G.  E. 
White  (S.  S.  R.).  1807  J.  C.  AYER;  A.  M.  BACON;  G.  R.  BERRY; 
J.  A.  BEWER;  G.  F.  BLACK;  P.  BLANC;  A.  T.  CLAY;  H.  E.  W.  Fos- 
BROOKE;  A.  FRABASILIS;  L.  J.  FRACHTENBERG;  E.  GRANT;  L.  H.  GRAY; 
AV.  M.  GROTON;  W.  J.  HINKE;  H.  R.  HOWLAND;  L.  KOHN;  M.  A,  Lane 
(S.  S.  R.);  J.  R,  METHENY;  T.  W.  RHYS-DAVIDS  (hon.);  C.  N. 
SHEPARD;  C.  C.  SMITH;  S.  Y.  STEVENSON;  G.  SVERDRUP;  AAT.  G.  THAYER. 
1908  R.  BRANDSTETTER;  H.  H.  BUCK;  H.  C.  BUTLER;  A.  S.  COCHRAN; 
"W.  R.  P.  DAVBY;  H.  S.  DAVIDSON;  I.  JOSEPH;  A.  B.  KEITH;  F.  LUG- 
SCHEIDER;  E.  MEYER  (hon.) ;  A.  H.  MUNSELL;  W.  E.  NIES;  P.  M. 
RHINELANDER;  J.  L.  SCULLY;  E.  SENART  (hon.);  F.  A.  VANDER- 
BURGH;  M.  D.  WHITNEY.  1909  G.  W.  BROWN;  C.  D.  BURRAGE; 
C.  CLERMONT-GANNEAU  (hon.) ;  I.  C.  DEMAREST  ;  S.  R.  DRIVER 
(hon.);  C.  FRADK  ;  H.  FRIEDENWALD  ;  M.  GELBACK  ;  L.  HAESSLER  ; 
E.  H.  HUME  ;  J.  H.  HYDE  ;  H.  JACOBI  (lion.) ;  T.  AV.  KINGSMILL  ; 
M.  G.  KYLE  ;  L.  J.  K.  LEVONIAN  ;  A.  H.  LYBYER  ;  C.  J.  MORSE  ;  A.  T. 
OLMSTEAD;  W.  PETERSON;  G.  V.  SCHICK  ;  S.  N.  USSHER.  1910  E.  M. 
AITKEN  ;  C.  B.  BRADLEY  ;  A.  H.  BULLOCK  ;  E.  AV.  BURLINGAME  ;  F.  A. 
CUNNINGHAM  ;  F.  EDGERTON  ;  S.  F.  HOYT  ;  CHARLES  JOHNSTON;  R.  G. 
KENT  ;  C.  0.  MAWSON  ;  AV.  MERRILL  ;  H.  OLDENBERG  (hon.) ; 
B.  REVEL  ;  W.  H.  WORRELL. 


SOCIETIES  AND  LIBRARIES,   TO  WHICH    THE  PUBLICATIONS  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY  ARE  SENT  BY  WAY  OP  GIFT, 

EXCHANGE,  OR  PURCHASE. 

I.  AMERICA. 

BOSTON,  MASS.:  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 
CHICAGO,  ILL.:  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
NEW  YORK:  American  Geographical  Society. 
PHILADELPHIA,  PA.:  American  Philosophical  Society. 

Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art,  Univ.  of  Penna. 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.:  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 
AVORCESTER,  MASS.:  American  Antiquarian  Society. 


List  of  Member?. 


XXV 


II.  EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA,  VIENNA:  Kaiserliche  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 

K.  u.  K.  Kaiserliche  Direction  der  K.  u.  K.  Hofbibliothek. 
(Josephsplatz  1.) 
Anthropologische  Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE:  Koniglich  Bohmische  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 
DENMARK,  ICELAND,  REYKJAVIK:  University  Library. 

FRANCE,  PARIS  :  Societe  Asiatique.     (Rue  de  Seine,   Palais  de  1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque  Nationale. 
Musee  Guimet.    (Avenue  du  Trocadero.) 
Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres. 
Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales  Vivantes.    (Rue  de  Lille,  2.) 
GERMANY,  BERLIN:  Koniglich  Preussische  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche  Bibliothek. 

Seminar  fiir  Orientalische  Sprachen.   (Am  Zeughause  1.) 
DARMSTADT:  Grossherzogliche  Hofbibliothek. 
GOTTINGEN:  Konigliche  Gesellschaf't  der  Wissenschaften. 

HALLE:  Bibliothek  der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse  50.) 
LEIPZIG:  Koniglich  Sachsische  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 

Leipziger  Semitistische  Studien.    (J.  C.  Hinrichs.) 
MUNICH:  Koniglich  Bayerische  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 

Konigliche  Hof-  und  Staatsbibliothek. 
TUBINGEN:  Library  of  the  University. 
GREAT  BRITAIN,  LONDON:   Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land.   (22  Albemarle  St.,  W.) 
Library  of  the  India  Office.    (Whitehall,  SW.) 
Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology.  (37  Great  Russell 

St.,  Bloomsbury,  W.C.) 
Philological  Society.   (Care  of  Dr.  F.  J.  Furnival, 

3  St.  George's  Square,  Primrose  Hill,  NW.) 

ITALY,  BOLOGNA:  Reale  Accademia  delle  Scienze  dell'  Istituto  di  Bologna. 
FLORENCE;  Societa  Asiatica  Italiana. 

ROME:  Reale  Accademia  dei  Lincei. 
NETHERLANDS,  AMSTERDAM:  Koninklijke  Akademie  van  Wetenschappen. 

THE  HAGUE:  Koninklijk   Instituut   voor   Taal-,    Land-,    en 

Volkerikunde  van  Nederlandsch  Indie. 
LEYDEN:  Curatorium  of  the  University. 
RUSSIA,  HELSINGFORS:  Societe  Finno-Ougrienne. 

ST.  PETERSRURG:  Imperatorskaja  Akademija  Nauk. 

Archeologiji  Institut. 
SWEDEN,  UPSALA:  Humanistiska  Vetenskaps-Samfundet. 

III.  ASIA. 

BENARES:  Benares  Sanskrit  Coll.    "The  Pandit.'' 

CALCUTTA,  GOV'T  or  INDIA:  Home  Department. 

CEYLON,  COLOMBO:  Ceylon  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 


xx vi  List  of  Members. 

CHINA,  SHANGHAI:  China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

TONKIN:  1'Ecole  Franchise  d'extreme  Orient  (Rue  de  Coton),  Hanoi. 
INDIA,  BOMBAY:  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

The  Anthropological  Society.    (Town  Hall.) 
CALCUTTA:  The  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal.     (57  Park  St.) 

The  Buddhist  Text  Society.    (86  Jaim  Bazar  St.) 
LAHORE  :  Library  of  the  Oriental  College. 

SIMLA:  Office  of  the  Director  General  of  Archaeology.    (Benmore, 

Simla,  Punjab.) 

JAPAN,  TOKYO:  The  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan. 

JAVA,  BATAVIA:  Bataviaasch  Genootschap  van  Kunsten  en  Wetenschappen. 
KOREA:  Korea  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Seoul,  Korea. 
NEW  ZEALAND:  The  Polynesian  Society,  New  Plymouth. 
PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS:  The  Ethnological  Survey,  Manila. 
SYRIA:  The  American  School  (care  U.  S.  Consul,  Jerusalem). 
Revue  Biblique,  care  of  M.  J.  Lagrange,  Jerusalem. 
Al-Machriq,  Universite  St.  Joseph,  Beirut,  Syria. 

IV.  AFRICA. 
EGYPT,  CAIRO:  The  Khedivial  Library. 

V.  EDITORS  OF  THE  FOLLOWING  PERIODICALS. 

The  Indian  Antiquary  (Education  Society's  Press,  Bombay,  India). 
Wiener  Zeitschrif't  fur  die  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes  (care  of  Alfred  Holder, 

Rothenthurmstr.  15,  Vienna,  Austria). 
Zeitschrift  fur,  vergleichende  Sprachforschung  (care    of  Prof.  E.  Kuhn, 

3  Hess  Str.,  Munich,  Bavaria). 
Revue  de  1'Histoire  des  Religions  (care  of  M.  Jean  Reville,  chez  M.  E. 

Leroux,  28  rue  Bonaparte,  Paris.  France). 
Zeitschrift  fur  die  alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft  (care  of  Prof.  D.  Karl 

Marti,  Marienstr,  25,  Bern,  Switzerland). 
Beiirage  zur  Assyriologie  und  semitischen   Sprachwissenschaft.     (J.   C. 

Hinrichs'sche  Buchhandluug,  Leipzig,  Germany  ) 
Orientalische  Bibliographic  (care  of  Prof.  Lucian  Scherman,  18  Ungerer 

Str.,  Munich,  Bavaria). 

The  American  Antiquarian  and  Oriental  Journal,  438  East  57th  St.,  Chi- 
cago, 111. 

American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  65  Sparks  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Transactions  of  the  American  Philological  Association  (care  of  Prof.  F.  G. 

Moore,  Trinity  College,  Hartford,  Conn.). 
Le  Monde  Oriental  (care  of  Prof.  K.  F.  Johansson,  Upsala,  Sweden). 

VI.  LIBRARIES. 

The  Editors  request  the  Librarians  of  any  Institution  or  Libraries, 
not  mentioned  below,  to  which  this  Journal  may  regularly  come,  to  notify 
them  of  the  fact.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  Editors  to  print  a  list,  as 


List  of  Members.  xxvii 

complete  as  may  be,  of  regular  subscribers  for  the  Journal  or  of  recipients 
thereof.    The  following  is  the  beginning  of  auch  a  list. 

Andover  Theological  Seminary. 

Boston  Public  Library. 

Brown  University  Library. 

Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Science,  Library  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

Chicago  University  Library. 

Columbia  University  Library. 

Cornell  University  Library. 

Harvard  Sanskrit  Class-Room  Library. 

Harvard  Semitic  Class-Room  Library. 

Harvard  University  Library. 

Nebraska  University  Library. 

New  York  Public  Library. 

Yale  University  Library. 

Recipients:   326  (Members)  +  75  (Gifts  and  Exchanges)  +  13  (Lib- 
raries) =  414. 


xxviii  Constitution  and  By-Laws. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS 

OF  THE 

AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY 


"With  Amendments  of  April,  1897. 


CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I.    This  Society  shall  be  called  the  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY. 
ARTICLE  II.   The  objects  contemplated  by  this  Society  shall  be:  — 

1.  The  cultivation  of  learning  in  the  Asiatic,  African,  and  Polynesian 
languages,  as  well  as  the  encouragement    of  researches  of  any  sort  by 
which  the  knowledge  of  the  East  may  be  promoted. 

2.  The  cultivation  of  a  taste  for  oriental  studies  in  this  country. 

3.  The  publication   of  memoirs,  translations,   vocabularies,   and  other 
communications,  presented  to   the  Society,  which  may  be  valuable  with 
reference  to  the  before-mentioned  objects. 

4.  The  collection  of  a  library  and  cabinet. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  members  of  this  Society  shall  be  distinguished  as 
corporate  and  honorary. 

ARTICLE  IV.  All  candidates  for  membership  must  be  proposed  by  the 
Directors,  at  some  stated  meeting  of  the  Society,  and  no  person  shall  be 
elected  a  member  of  either  class  without  receiving  the  votes  of  as  many  as 
three-fourths  of  all  the  members  present  at  the  meeting. 

ARTICLE  V.  The  government  of  the  Society  shall  consist  of  a  President, 
three  Vice  Presidents,  a  Corresponding  Secretary,  a  Recording  Secretary, 
a  Secretary  of  the  Section  for  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions,  a 
Treasurer,  a  Librarian,  and  seven  Directors,  who  shall  be  annually  elected 
by  ballot,  at  the  annual  meeting. 

ARTICLE  VI.  The  President  and  Vice  Presidents  shall  perform  the 
customary  duties  of  such  officers,  and  shall  be  cx-officio  members  of  the 
Board  of  Directors. 

ARTICLE  VII.  The  Secretaries,  Treasurer,  and  Librarian  shall  be 
€x-officio  members  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  and  shall  perform  their 
respective  duties  under  the  superintendence  of  said  Board. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Directors  to  regu- 
late the  financial  concerns  of  the  Society,  to  superintend  its  publications, 
to  carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  and  orders  of  the  Society,  and  to 
exercise  a  general  supervision  over  its  affairs.  Five  Directors  at  any 
regular  meeting  shall  be  a  quorum  for  doing  business. 

ARTICLE  IX.  An  Annual  meeting  of  the  Society  shall  be  held  during 
Easter  week,  the  days  and  place  of  the  meeting  to  be  determined  by  the 
Directors,  said  meeting  to  be  held  in  Massachusetts  at  least  once  in  three 
years.  One  or  more  other  meetings,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Directors, 


Constitution  and  By-Laws.  xxix 


may  also  be  held  each  year  at  such  place  and  time  as  the  Directors  shall 
determine. 

ARTICLE  X.  There  shall  be  a  special  Section  of  the  Society,  devoted  to 
the  historical  study  of  religions,  to  which  section  others  than  members  of 
the  American  Oriental  Society  may  be  elected  in  the  same  manner  as  is 
prescribed  in  Article  IV. 

ARTICLE  XI.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended,  on  a  recommendation 
of  the  Directors,  by  a  vote  of  three-fourths  of  the  members  present  at  an 
annual  meeting. 

BY-LAWS. 

I.  The  Corresponding  Secretary  shall  conduct  the  correspondence  of 
the  Society,  and  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep,  in  a  book  provided  for  the 
purpose,   a  copy  of  his  letters;  and  he  shall  notify  the  meetings  in  such 
manner  as  the  President  or  the  Board  of  Directors  shall  direct. 

II.  The  Recording  Secretary  shall  keep  a  record  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Society  in  a  book  provided  for  the  purpose. 

III.  a.   The  Treasurer  shall  have  charge  of  the  funds  of  the  Society; 
and  his   investments,    deposits,    and  payments  shall  be  made  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  Board  of  Directors.    At  each  annual  meeting  he 
shall  report  the  state  of  the  finances,  with  a  brief  summary  of  the  receipts 
and  payments  of  the  previous  year. 

III.  b.  After  December  31,  1896,  the  fiscal  year  of  the  Society  shall 
correspond  with  the  calendar  year. 

III.  c.  At  each  annual  business  meeting  in  Easter  week,  the  President 
shall  appoint  an  auditing  committee  of  two  men — preferably  men  residing 
in  or  near  the  town  where  the  Treasurer  lives — to  examine  the  Treasurer's 
accounts  and  vouchers,  and  to  inspect  the  evidences  of  the  Society's  prop- 
erty, and  to  see  that  the  funds  called  for  by  his  balances  are  in  his  hands. 
The  Committee  shall  perform  this  duty  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  New 
Year's  day  succeeding  their  appointment,   and  shall  report  their  findings 
to  the  Society   at  the  next  annual  business  meeting  thereafter.    If  these 
findings  are  satisfactory,  the  Treasurer  shall  receive  his  acquittance  by  a 
certificate  to  that  effect,  which  shall  be  recorded  in  the  Treasurer's  book, 
and  published  in  the  Proceedings. 

IV.  The  Librarian  shall  keep  a  catalogue  of  all  books  belonging  to  the 
Society,  with  the  names  of  the  donors,  if  they  are  presented,  and  shall  at 
each  annual  meeting  make  a  report  of  the  accessions  to  the  library  during 
the  previous   year,    and   shall  be  farther  guided  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  by  such  rules  as  the  Directors  shall  prescribe. 

V.  All  papers  read  before  the  Society,   and  all  manuscripts  deposited 
by  authors  for  publication,  or  for  other  purposes,  shall  be  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Board  of  Directors,   unless  notice  to  the  contrary  is  given  to  the 
Editors  at  the  time  of  presentation. 

VI.  Each  corporate  member  shall  pay  into  the  treasury  of  the  Society 
an  annual  assessment  of  five  dollars;  but  a  donation   at  any  one  time  of 
seventy-five  dollars  shall  exempt  from  obligation  to  make  this  payment. 

VII.  Corporate  and  Honorary  members  shall  be  entitled  to  a  copy  of 
all  the  publications  of  the  Society  issued  during  their  membership,  and 


xxx  Constitution  and  By-Laws. 

shall  also  have  the  privilege  of  taking  a  copy  of  those  previously  pub- 
lished, so  far  as  the  Society  can  supply  them,  at  half  the  ordinary  selling 
price. 

VIII.  Candidates    for   membership    who    have    been    elected   by    the 
Society  shall  qualify  as  members  by  payment  of  the  first  annual  assess- 
ment within  one  month  from  the  time  when  notice  of  such  election  is 
mailed  to  them.    A  failure  so  to   qualify  shall  be  construed  as  a  refusal 
to  become  a  member.    If  any  corporate  member  shall  for  two  years  fail 
to  pay  his  assessments,  his  name  may,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Directors, 
be  dropped  from  the  list  of  members  of  the  Society. 

IX.  Members   of  the  Section  for  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions 
shall  pay  into  the  treasury  of  the  Society   an  annual  assessment  of  two 
dollars;  and  they  shall  be  entitled  to  a  copy  of  all  printed  papers  which 
fall  within  the  scope  of  the  Section. 

X.  Six  members  shall  form  a  quorum  for  doing  business,  and  three 
to  adjourn. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  BY-LAWS. 

I.    FOR  THE  LIBRARY. 

1.  The  Library  shall  be  accessible  for  consultation  to  all  members  of 
the  Society,  at  such  times  as  the  Library  of  Yale  College,  with  which  it  is 
deposited,  shall  be  open  for  a  similar  purpose;  further,  to  such  persons 
as   shall  receive  the  permission  of  the  Librarian,  or  of  the  Librarian  or 
Assistant  Librarian  of  Yale  College. 

2.  Any  member  shall  be  allowed  to  draw  books  from  the  Library  upon 
the   following   conditions:    he   shall   give   his   receipt   for  them  to   the 
Librarian,  pledging  himself  to  make  good  any  detriment  the  Library  may 
suffer  from   their  loss   or  injury,    the   amount   of  said   detriment  to   be 
determined  by  the  Librarian,  with  the  assistance  of  the  President,  or  of 
a  Vice  President ;    and  he  shall  return  them  within  a  time  not  exceeding 
three  months  from  that  of  their  reception,   unless  by  special  agreement 
with  the  Librarian  this  term  shall  be  extended. 

3.  Persons  not  members  may   also,   on  special   grounds,  and   at  the 
discretion  of  the  Librarian,  be  allowed  to  take  and  use  the  Society's  books, 
upon  depositing  with  the  Librarian  a  sufficient  security  that  they  shall 
be  duly  returned  in  good  condition,  or  their  loss  or  damage  fully  com- 
pensated. 


Until  further  notice  the 

Publications  of  the  American  Oriental  Society 

will  be  sold  as  follows: 

1.  Members   of  the   Society   receive   the   current   number   of  the 
Society's  Journal  free  of  charge. 

2.  To  those  who  are  not  members  of  the  Society  the  price  of  the 
current  volume  is  six  dollars,  carriage  to  be  paid  by  the  purchaser. 

3.  The  back  volumes   of  the  Journal  will  be  sold  separately  as 
follows : 


*Vol.          [  (1843-1849) $25 

Vol.        II  (1851) 5 

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Vol.  XVI  (1894-1896).... S  6 

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Vol.         V  (1855-1856) 5    j  Vol.  XX  (1899) 6 

*Vol.       VI  (1860) 20  Vol.  XXI  (1900) 6 

Vol.    VII  (1862) 6  Vol.         XXII  (1901) 6 

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Vol.        X  (1872-1880) 8 

Vol.      XI  (1882-1885) 6 

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Vol.       XXIV  (1903) 6 

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*  Only  a  very  limited  number  of  volumes  I  aud  VI  can  be  sold  separately. 

4.  A  discount  of  20  per  cent,  will  be  allowed  to  public  libraries 
and  to  the  libraries  of  educational  institutions. 

5.  A  limited  number  of  complete  sets  (vol.  I — vol.  XXX)  will  be 
sold  at  the  price  off  180,  carriage  to  be  paid  by  the  purchaser. 

6.  The  following  separate  prints  are  for  sale: 

H.  G.  0.  Dwight,   Catalogue  of  works  in  the  Armenian  language 

prior  to  the  seventeenth  century $5.00 

N.  Khanikoff,  Book  of  the  Balance  of  Wisdom 5.00 

Burgess,  Surya-Siddhanta 8.00 

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Empire 5.00 

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Avery's  Sanskrit- Verb-Inflection 3.00 

Whitney's  Index  Verborum  to  the  Atharva-Veda 6.00 

The  same  on  large  paper 8.00 

Hopkins's  Position  of  the  Ruling  Caste 5.00 

Oertel's  Jaimimya-Upanisad-Brahamana 2.50 

Arnold's  Historical  Vedic  Grammar  . .' 2.50 

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The  Whitney  Memorial  volume 3.00 

7.  Beginning    with    volume    XXX the   Journal  appears   in   four 
quarterly  parts  of  which  the   first  is  issued  on  December  first,  the 
second  on  March  first,  the  third  on  June  first,  and  the  fourth  on  Sep- 
tember first.    Single  parts  of  the  Journal  cannot  be  sold. 

All  communications  concerning  the  Library  should  be  addressed  to 
HANNS  OERTEL,  2  Phelps  Hall,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn., 
U.  S.  A. 


xxxii  Notices. 

TO  CONTRIBUTORS. 

Fifty  copies  of  each  article  published  in  this  Journal  will  be 
forwarded  to  the  author.  A  larger  number  will  be  furnished  at. 
cost. 


GENERAL  NOTICES. 

1.  Members  are  requested  to   give  immediate  notice   of  changes 
of   address    to    the     Treasurer,    Prof.    Frederick    Wells    "Williams, 
135  Whitney  avenue,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

2.  It  is   urgently   requested   that    gifts   and  exchanges  intended 
for    the    Library     of    the    Society    be    addressed    as    follows:    The 
Library   of  the   American    Oriental   Society,    Yale  University  New 
Haven,  Connecticut,  U.  S.  America. 

3.  For    information    regarding    the  sale    of   the  Society's    pub- 
lications see  the  next  foregoing  page. 

4.  Communications    for   the    Journal     should    be    sent    to    Prof. 
James   Richard    Jewett,    University    of    Chicago,    Chicago,  111.,   or 
Prof.  Hanns  Oertel,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


CONCERNING  MEMBERSHIP. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  any  one  to  be  a  professed  Orientalist  in 
order  to  become  a  member  of  the  Society.  All  persons — men  or 
women — who  are  in  sympathy  with  the  objects  of  the  Society  and 
willing  to  further  its  work  are  invited  to  give  it  their  help.  This  help 
may  be  rendered  by  the  payment  of  the  annual  assessments,  by  gifts 
to  its  library,  or  by  scientific  contributions  to  its  Journal,  or  in  all 
of  these  ways.  Persons  desiring  to  become  members  are  requested 
to  apply  to  the  Treasurer,  whose  address  is  given  above.  Members 
receive  the  Journal  free.  The  annual  assessment  is  f  5.  The  fee  for 
Life-Membership  is  $75. 

Persons  interested  in  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions  may 
become  members  of  the  Section  of  the  Society  organized  for  this 
purpose.  The  annual  assessment  is  $2;  members  receive  copies  of 
all  publications  of  the  Society  which  fall  within  the  scope  of  the 
Section. 


JOURNAL 


OF  THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 


EDITED  BY 


JAMES  RICHARD  JEWETT,  AND  HANNS  OERTEL 


Professor  in  Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,,  Mass. 


Professor  in  Yale  University, 
New  Haven,  Conn. 


THIRTY- FIRST  VOLUME 


THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 

NEW   HAVEN,   CONNECTICUT,  U.  8.  A. 

MCMXI. 


A  copy  of  this  volume,  postage  paid,  may  be 
obtained  anywhere  within  the  limits  of  the 
Universal  Postal  Union,  by  sending  a  Postal 
Money  Order  for  six  dollars,  or  its  equiva- 
lent, to  The  American  Oriental  Society,  New 
Haven,  Connecticut,  United  States  of  America. 


Printed  by  W.  Drugulin,  Leipzig  (Germany). 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


Page 
Proceedings  of  the  Society  at  its  Meeting  in  Baltimore,   1910       1 — IX 

Proceedings    of    the    Society    at    its    Meeting    in   Cambridge, 

Massachusetts,   1911 I — IX 

List   of  Members,  1911 XI 

Constitution  and  By-laws  of  the  Society XXIII 

Publications  of  the  American  Oriental  Society XXVI 

Notices XXVII 

JACOBI,  Hermann:    The  Dates   of  the  Philosophical  Sutras   of  the 

Brahmans       1 

BARTON,    George    A.:      Hilprecht's    Fragment    of   the    Babylonian 

Deluge  Story 30 

BLOOMFIELD,  Maurice:    Some  Rig- Veda  Repetitions 49 

CONANT,  Carlos  Everett:  The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages  .       70 
KYLE,  M.  G.:    The  "Field  of  Abram"  in  the  Geographical  List  of 

Shoshenq  1 86 

EDGERTON,  Franklin:  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.   Part  I:    The 

K-Suffixes  in  the  Veda  and  Avesta 93,  296 

ASAKAWA,   K.:    Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan  after  1600. 

Part  II 151 

BLAKE,  Frank  R. :  Vocalic  r,  I,  m,  n,  in  Semitic 217 

MICHELSON,  Truman:   The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects  of  the  Four- 

teen-Edicts  of  Asoka.    2.  The  dialect  of  the  Girnar  Redaction  .      223 
BARTON,   George  A.:    The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns  of 

Lugalanda  and  Urkagina 251 

MONTGOMERY,  James  A.:   Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine     .     .      272 
BRADLEY.  Cornelius  Beach:   Graphic  Analysis   of  the  Tone-accents 

of  the  Siamese  Language  (with  one  plate) 282 


BREASTED,  James  Henry:   The  "Field  of  Abram"  in  the  Geographi- 
cal List  of  Shoshenq  1 290 

QUACKESBOS,  G.  P.:  The  Mayurastaka,   an  unedited  Sanskrit  poem 

by  Mayura 343 

BARTON,  George  A.:   On  the  Etymology  of  Ishtar 355 

KENT,  Roland  G.:  The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastablrd 359 

MARGOLIS,  Max  L. :  The  Washington  MS.  of  Joshua  ......  365 

SVERDRUP,  George,  jr. :  A  Letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad 

to  General  C.  G.  Gordon 368 

CONANT,  Carlos  Everett:  Monosyllabic  Boots  in  Pampanga      .    .    .  389 

PRISCE,  J.  Dyneley:    A  Divine  Lament  (CT.  XV,  plates  24— 25)    .  395 

FAY,  Edwin  W.:  Indo-Iranian  Word-Studies 403 


PKOCEEDINGS 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 


AT  ITS 


[MEETING  IN  BALTIMORE,  MD. 
igio. 


The  annual  meeting  of  the  Society,  being  the  one  hundred 
twenty-second  occasion  of  its  assembling,  was  held  in  Balti- 
more, Md.,  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  University,  on  Thursday, 
Friday,  and  Saturday  of  Easter  week,  March  31st  and  April 
1st  and  2d. 

The  following  members  were  present  at  one  or  more  of  the 
sessions : 


Barret, 

Davidson, 

Hyvernat, 

Quackenbos, 

Blake, 

Edgerton, 

Jastrow, 

Rosenau, 

Bloomfield, 

Ember, 

Kent,  R.  G. 

Rudolph.  Miss 

Boiling, 

Foote, 

Kyle, 

Schick, 

Brown,  F. 

Gilder  sleeve, 

Lyon, 

Steele, 

Brown,  G.  W. 

Grieve,  Miss 

Margolis, 

Torrey, 

Burlingame, 

Haas, 

Meyer,  E. 

Vanderburgh, 

Casanowicz. 

Harper,  R.F. 

Michelson, 

Ward,  W.  H. 

Clay, 

Haupt, 

Montgomery, 

Yohannan. 

pollitz, 

Haynes,  ' 

Miiller, 

Conant, 

Hopkins, 

Muss-Arnolt, 

Total:  • 

Currier, 

Hussey,  Miss 

Oertel, 

The  first  session  began  on  Thursday  afternoon  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  Donovan  Room,  McCoy  Hall,  with  the  President, 
Dr.  Wm.  Hayes  Ward,  in  the  chair.  In  the  absence  of  both 
the  secretaries  Dr.  George  C.  O.  Haas  was  appointed  to  act  as 
recording  secretary  for  the  meeting. 

The  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  meeting  in  New  York, 


April  15th,  16th,  and  17th,  1909,  was  dispensed  with,  because 
they  had  already  been  printed  in  the  Journal  (vol.  30,  p.  i-xii). 
The  Committee  of  Arrangements  presented  its  report,  through 
Professor  Haupt,  in  the  form  of  a  printed  program.  The  suc- 
ceeding sessions  were  appointed  for  Friday  morning  at  half 
past  nine,  Friday  afternoon  at  half  past  two,  and  Saturday 
morning  at  half  past  nine.  It  was  announced  that  a  luncheon 
would  be  given  to  the  Society  by  the  University  at  the  Johns 
Hopkins  Club  on  Friday  at  one  o'clock,  and  that  arrange- 
ments had  been  made  for  a  subscription  dinner  at  the  same 
place  on  Friday  evening  at  seven  o'clock.  The  Johns  Hopkins 
Club  and  the  University  Club  extended  their  courtesies  to  the 
members  of  the  Society  during  the  meeting. 

REPORT  OF  THE  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary,  Professor 
A.  Y.  Williams  Jackson,  was  then  presented  as  follows: 

The  Secretary  lias  the  honor  to  report  that  he  has  endeavoured  to 
carry  on  the  duties  of  his  office  during  the  current  year  as  before,  and 
has  had  pleasant  correspondence,  not  only  with  the  newly  elected 
members,  honorary  and  corporate,  but  also  with  various  persons  who 
take  an  interest  in  Oriental  matters  and  have  been  attracted  by  the  aims 
of  the  Society.  A  special  phase  of  the  correspondence  is  represented 
by  letters  to  and  from  one  engaged  in  writing  a  report  for  a  Japanese 
publication  on  the  history  of  learned  organizations  in  America.  Several 
communications  have  been  received  requesting  the  Society  to  consider 
different  cities  from  those  where  it  has  met  in  the  past,  as  places  for 
the  annual  meeting.  Most  noteworthy  among  these  is  an  invitation  from 
the  Conventions  Bureau  of  the  Business  Men's  League  of  St.  Louis,  ac- 
companied by  letters  from  the  Governor  of  Missouri,  the  Mayor  of  St. 
Louis,  and  a  number  of  local  civic  bodies. 

The  Secretary  has  to  record  the  loss  of  several  members  whose  names 
have  added  honor  to  our  list. 

DEATHS. 

HONORARY  MEMBER. 

Professor  M.  J.  De  Goeje. 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Mr.  Henry  Charles  Lea. 
Miss  Maria  Whitney. 

Professor  M.  J.  De  Goeje,  of  the  University  of  Leyden,  who  died  *„ 
May,  1909,  was  elected  to  honorary  membership  in  1898  as  a  represent- 
ative of  Dutch  scholarship  and  in  recognition  of  his  distinguished  con- 


Ill 

tributions  in  the  field  of  Semitic  philology,  especially  Arabic,  which  are 
too  well  known  to  need  record  here. 

Mr.  Henry  C.  Lea,  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Society  since  1898,  died  in  October  1909.  He  was  a  zealous  furtherer 
of  scholarship,  historical  and  antiquarian,  and  the  author  of  numerous 
works  on  mediaeval  history. 

Miss  Maria  Whitney,  sister  of  the  late  Professor  W.  D.  Whitney,  died 
in  January  last.  She  joined  the  Society  in  1897. 

The  Secretary  cannot  close  this  report  without  a  word  of  appreciation 
of  the  help  he  has  received  from  his  Baltimore  colleagues  on  the  Com- 
mittee of  Arrangements  (Professors  Bloomfield  and  Haupt)  in  arranging 
the  details  of  the  meeting  at  which  this  report  is  presented. 

REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Treasurer,  Professor  F.  "W.  Williams, 
was  then  presented,  as  follows: 

RECEIPTS  AND  DISBURSEMENTS  BY  THE  TREASURER  or  THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING  DEC.  31,  1909. 

Receipts. 

Balance  from  old  account,  Dec.  31,  1908 $  488.00 

Dues  (190)  for  1909 $  950.00 

„      (43)  for  other  years 214.88 

„      (15)  for  His.  Stud,  of  Relig.  Section     ....          30.00       1,194.88 

Life  Membership  payment 75.00 

State  National  Bank  Dividends 124.97 

Annual  interest  from  Savings  Banks 42.92 

Sales  of  Journal 408.52 

$  2,334.29 
Expenditures. 
T.  M.  and  T.  Co.,  Printing  Vol.  xxiv  and  sundry    $  1,357.80 

Editor's  Honorarium 100.00 

Librarian,  Scribe  and  Postage 64.50 

Treasurer,  Postage  . 1.00 

Subvention  to  Orientalische  Bibliographic 95.95 

Balance  to  general  account 715.04 

~  $  2,334.29 
STATEMENT. 

1908  1909 

Bradley  Type  Fond $  2,653.41      $  2,781.29 

Cotheal  Fund 1,000.00         1,000.00 

State  National  Bank  Shares 1,950.00         1,950.00 

Connecticut  Savings  Bank 6.39  6.64 

National  Savings  Bank 12.11  12.89 

Interest,  Cotheal  Fund 195.69  237.88 

Cash  in  hand 12.54  24.69 

$  5,830.14      $  6,013.09 


REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE. 
The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committee,   Professors  Torrey 
and  Oertel,  was  presented  by  Professor  Oertel,  as  follows:     . 
"We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  account  book  of  the 
Treasurer  of  this  Society  and  have  found  the  same  correct,  and  that  the 
foregoing  account  is  in  conformity  therewith.    We  have  also  compared 
the  entries  in  the  cash  book  with  the  vouchers  and  bank  and  pass  books 
and  have  found  all  correct. 

CHARLES  C.  TORREY,  | 
HAWS  OERTEL, 
NEW  HAVEN,  March  23.  1910. 

REPORT  OF  THE  LIBRARIAN. 

The  Librarian,  Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  presented  his  report 
as  follows: 

The  library  was  unfortunate  in  losing  the  help  this  year  which  Miss 
Margaret  D.  Whitney  has  very  generously  given  the  last  three  years. 
As  a  consequence  the  accessioning  had  to  be  done  by  paid  labor,  [and 
it  was  through  the  kindness  of  my  fellow  editor,  who  allowed  his 
honorarium  to  be  used  to  defray  this  expense,  that  this  work  could  be 
carried  on.  However,  it  will  be  necessary  to  provide  hereafter  a  regular 
appropriation  for  the  librarian  to  pay  for  the  labor  of  accessioning  and 
acknowledging;  the  work  of  binding  has  been  entirely  discontinued  owing 
to  lack  of  funds.  It  will  be  impossible  to  continue  for  any  length  of 
time  a  policy  which  is  sure]  to  result  in  confusion  and  loss,  and  the 
Librarian  again  wishes  to  impress  upon  the  members  of  the  Society  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  regular  allowance  for  the  payment  of  clerical  help. 

This  report  was  completed  when  the  Librarian  received  the  sum  of 
one  hundred  dollars  fronl  Professor  Jewett  as  a  second  most  welcome 
gift  toward  the  expenses  of  the  library.' 

Upon  motion  it  was  voted  to  convey  the  thanks  of  the 
Society  to  Professor  Jewett  for  his  two  gifts. 

REPORT  OF  THE  EDITORS. 

The  report  of  the  Editors  of  this  Journal,  Professors  Oertel 
and  Jewett,  was  presented  by  Professor  Oertel,  as  follows: 

Pursuant  to  a  vote  of  the  directors  at  the  last  annual  meeting,  the 
editors  arranged  to  have  the  Journal  published  hereafter  in  four  quarterly 
numbers.  The  first  of  these  was  sent  to  the  members  on  December  1st, 
the  second  on  March  1st.  The  third  will  be  sent  out  on  June  1st,  and 
the  fourth  on  September  1st.  The  second  number  contained  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  New  York  meeting.  It  is  possible  now  to  form  an 
estimate  of  the  cost  of  the  printing  of  the  current  volume  of  the  Journal. 
The  first  number  of  volume  30,  including  addressing  and  postage,  cost 
1271  marks  and  30  pfennigs.  The  cost  of  the  second  number  amounts 


to  1006  marks  and  50  pfennigs.  Figuring  on  this  basis,  the  Editors 
estimate  that  the  whole  volume  will  cost  4556  marks,  thus  coming  well 
within  the  estimated  sum  of  |  1200. 

ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS. 

The  following  persons,  recommended  by  the  Directors,  were 
elected  members  of  the  Society: 

HONORARY  MEMBER. 
Professor  Hermann  Oldenberg. 

CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Mr.  William  E.  M.  Aitken,  Miss  Sarah  Fenton  Hoyt, 

Prof.  Cornelius  B.  Bradley,  Mr.  Charles  Johnston, 

Mr.  Alexander  H.  Bullock,  Prof.  Roland  G.  Kent, 

Mr.  Eugene  Watson  Burlingame,  Mr.  C.  0.  Sylvester  Mawson, 

Mr.  Francis  A.  Cunningham,  Mr.  William  Merrill, 

Dr.  Franklin  Edgerton,  Mr.  Bernard  Revel, 
Dr.  William  H.  Worrell. 

OFFICERS  FOR  1910-1911. 

The  committee  appointed  at  New  York  to  nominate  officers 
for  the  ensuing  year,  consisting  of  Professor  Harper,  Dr.  Haas, 
and  Dr.  Madsen,  reported  through  Professor  Harper  and  re- 
commended the  following,  who  were  duly  elected: 

President — Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield,  of  Baltimore. 

Vice-Presidents — Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Baltimore;  Professor  Henry 
Hyvernat,  of  Washington;  Professor  Charles  C.  Torrey,  of  New  Haven. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Professor  A.  Y.  Williams  Jackson,  of  New 
York. 

Recording  Secretary — Professor  George  F.  Moore,  of  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Secretary  of  the  Section  for  Religions — Professor  Morris  Jastrow,  Jr., 
of  Philadelphia. 

Treasurer — Professor  Frederick  Wells  Williams,  of  New  Haven. 

Librarian — Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  of  New  Haven. 

Directors — The  officers  above  named,  and  Professors  Crawford  H.  Toy 
and  Charles  R.  Lanman,  of  Cambridge;  E.  Washburn  Hopkins,  of  New 
Haven;  Richard  Gottheil,  of  New  York;  Robert  F.  Harper  and  James 
R,  Jewett,  of  Chicago ;  Dr.  William  Hayes  Ward,  of  New  York. 

At  four  o'clock,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  business  session, 
the  Society  adjourned  to  the  large  lecture-room  in  the  same 
building,  where  the  President,  Dr.  William  Hayes  Ward,  de- 
livered the  annual  address  on  "Oriental  Sources  of  Greek 
Mythology." 

At  five  o'clock  Professor  Eduard  Meyer  of  the  University 
of  Berlin,  Exchange  Professor  at  Harvard  University  and  an 


VI 

Honorary  Member  of  the  Society,  delivered  in  the  same  hall 
an  illustrated  lecture  on  "The  Egyptians  in  the  Time  of  the 
Pyramid-builders." 

The  evening  was  reserved  for  an  informal  gathering  of  the 
members  for  supper  and  general  conversation. 

SECOND  SESSION. 

The  members  re-assembled  on  Friday  morning  at  half  past 
nine  o'clock  for  the  second  session.  The  following  communic- 
ations were  presented: 

Dr.  F.  E.  Blake,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  'To  be'  and 
'to  have'  in  the  Philippine  languages. 

Professor  M.  Bloomfield,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  An- 
nouncement of  a  work  on  Repetitions  in  the  Rig-Yeda. 

Mr.  G.  W.  Brown,  of  Baltimore:  Prana  and  apdna  in  the 
Upanishads. — Remarks  by  Professor  Bloomfield. 

Professor  C.  E.  Conant,  of  the  University  of  Chattanooga: 
RGH  and  RLD  in  Philippine  languages. — Remarks  by  Dr.  Blake. 

Rev.  Dr.  C.  W.  Currier,  of  Washington:  Gonzales  de  Men- 
doza  and  his  work  on  China. — Remarks  by  Professor  Jastrow 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University :  Semito-Egyptian 
sound-changes. — Remarks  by  Professor  W.  Max  Miiller. 

Dr.  M.  Margolis,  of  Dropsie  College,  Philadelphia:  Gram- 
matical notes  on  transliterations  in  the  Greek  Old  Testament. — 
Remarks  by  Professors  W.  Max  Miiller  and  Haupt. 

Professor  P.  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University :  Babylonian 
words  in  the  Talmud. 

At  twelve  thirty  the  Society  took  a  recess  until  half  past 
two,  and  the  members  were  invited  to  luncheon  as  guests  of 
the  University  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  Club. 

THIRD  SESSION. 

The  third  session  was  held  in  the  large  lecture-room  in 
McCoy  Hall,  President  Ward  presiding.  The  following  papers 
were  read: 

Professor  L.  C.  Barret,  of  Dartmouth  College:  Myths  about 
dragon-fights. — Remarks  by  Professor  Bloomfield. 

Dr.  Lucia  Grieve,  of  New  York:  The  Mohurrum  in  Western 
India. 

Professor  P.  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  A  Mac- 
cabean  oratorio. 

Professor  M.  Jastrow,  Jr.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania : 
The  Etana  myth  on  the  Baby  Ionian- Assyrian  seal-cylinders. — 
Remarks  by  Dr.  Ward  and  Professor  Bloomfield. 


Vll 

Professor  G.  A.  Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College:  On  the  latest 
addition  to  the  Babylonian  Deluge  literature;  presented  by 
Professor  Torrey. — Eemarks  by  Professors  Haupt  and  Clay. 

Dr.  G.  A.  Reisner,  of  Harvard  University:  The  Harvard  ex- 
cavations at  Samaria  in  1909;  presented  by  Professor  Lyon. 

The  reading  of  papers  was  concluded  at  four  forty,  and  at 
five  o'clock  Professor  Eduard  Meyer  delivered  in  the  same  hall 
a  lecture  on  'Augustus  Caesar.'  At  half  past  seven  the  members 
met  for  dinner  at  the  Johns  Hopkins  Club. 

FOURTH  SESSION. 

On  Saturday  morning  at  half  past  nine  the  fourth  and  con- 
cluding session  was  held  in  the  Donovan  Room  in  McCoy 
Hall.  President-elect  Bloomfield  presided  in  the  absence  of 
President  Ward. 

The  directors  reported  that  they  had  re-appointed  Professors 
Oertel  and  Jewett  as  Editors  of  the  Journal  for  the  ensuing 
year. 

They  further  announced  that  the  next  meeting  would  take 
place  at  Cambridge,  Mass.,  on  March  16,  17,  and  18,  1911. 
(This  date  was  afterwards  changed  by  the  Directors  to 
April  20,  21,  and  22  in  Easter  week.) 

It  was  announced  that  the  President  had  appointed  as  com- 
mittee to  nominate  officers,  Professors  Hopkins,  Christopher 
Johnston,  and  Barret;  as  committee  to  arrange  the  details  of 
the  next  meeting,  Professors  Lyon,  Lanman,  and  Jackson;  as 
Auditors,  Professors  Torrey  and  Oertel. 

On  motion  of  President  Francis  Brown  the  following  resolu- 
tion was  unanimously  adopted: 

The  American  Oriental  Society  desires  to  express  its  thanks  to  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University  and  to  the  Johns  Hopkins  and  University 
Clubs  for  the  courtesies  they  have  extended  to  the  Society  during  this 
meeting;  and  to  the  Committee  of  Arrangements  for  the  provision  they 
have  made  for  its  entertainment. 

The  presentation  of  papers  was  then  resumed  in  the  follow- 
ing order: 

Professor  D.  G.  Lyon,  of  Harvard  University:  Another  word 
on  the  structure  of  the  Hammurabi  code. — Remarks  by  Pro- 
fessor Jastrow. 

Rev.  Mr.  M.  G.  Kyle,  of  Philadelphia:  The  'Field  of  Abraham' 
in  the  geographical  list  of  Shishak  I. 

Dr.  T.  Michelson,   of  Ridgefield,  Conn.:    The  dialect  of  the 


Vlll 

Grirnar  redaction  of  Asoka's  Fourteen  Edicts. — Eemarks  by 
Professor  Bloomfield. 

Dr.  Mary  I.  Hussey,  of  Cambridge,  Mass.:  Notes  on  some 
cuneiform  tablets  in  the  Semitic  Museum  of  Harvard  University. 

Professor  J.  A.  Montgomery,  of  Philadelphia:  Some  Judaeo- 
Aramaic  mortuary  inscriptions  from  the  Hauran. — Remarks  by 
Professor  Jastrow,  Dr.  Yohannan,  and  Professor  Bloomfield. 

Professor  H.Hyvernat,  of  the  Catholic  University  of  America: 
On  some  so-called  prehistoric  tablets  lately  discovered  in 
Michigan. — Remarks  by  Professors  Jastrow  and  Haupt. 

Mr.  Gr.  Y.  Schick,  of  Baltimore :  On  the  stems  DV1  and  DIM. — 
Remarks  of  Professor  Haupt. 

Rev.  Dr.  F.  A.  Vander burgh,  of  New  York :  A  hymn  to  Mullil 
(Cuneiform  Texts,  vol.  15,  plates  7,  8,  and  9). — Remarks  by 
Professor  Jastrow. 

Rev.  Dr.  A.  Yohannan,  of  Columbia  University:  Inscriptions 
on  some  Persian  tiles  from  Rhages. 

Dr.  F.  R.  Blake,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Vocalic  n, 
m,  r,  I  in  Semitic. — Remarks  by  Dr.  Michelson. 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Some  Hebrew 
etymologies. 

Professor  P.  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The 
priestly  blessing. 

Professor  M.  Jastrow,  Jr.,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania: 
The  Babylonian  astrological  series  Anu-Enlil]  presented  in 
abstract. 

Professor  J.  A.  Montgomery,  of  Philadelphia:  A  novel  form 
of  early  Syriac  script. 

The  Society  adjourned  at  half  past  twelve  to  meet  in  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.,  on  March  16,  17,  and  18,  1911.  (This  date  was 
afterwards  changed  by  the  Directors  to  April  20,  21,  and  22 
in  Easter  week.) 

The  following  communications  were  read  by  title: 

Mr.  W.  E.  M.  Aitken,  of  Courtright,  Canada:  'Collation  of 
two  unpublished  copies  of  the  Standard  inscription  of  Ashur- 
nasirpal. 

Professor  Gr.  A.  Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College : 

(a)  The  significance  of  Babylonian  label  tablets; 

(b)  The  Babylonian  calendar  in  the  oldest  temple  archives; 

(c)  The  location  of  the  Land  of  Uz. 

Dr.  I.  M.  Casanowicz,  of  the  National  Museum  at  Washington: 
Note  on  some  usages  of  ]!&. 


IX 

Professor  M.  W.  Easton,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania: 
The  physics  and  psychology  of  the  Vai&sika  system. 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  On  the  trans- 
literation of  Egyptian. 

Professor  E.  W.  Fay,  of  the  University  of  Texas:  Two  Indo- 
Tranian  notes. 

Dr.  L.  H.  Gray,  of  Newark,  N.  J.:  The  Parsi-Persian  Burj 
Ndmah,  or  Book  of  Omens  from  the  Moon. 

Professor  F.  Hirth,  of  Columbia  University:  On  methods  of 
studying  Chinese. 

Professor  E.  W.  Hopkins,  of  Yale  University:  Mythological 
aspects  of  woods  and  mountains  in  the  Sanskrit  Epic. 

Professor  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,  of  Columbia  University :  On  the 
precise  location  of  the  Pass  of  the  Caspian  Gates. 

Professor  Hermann  Jacobi,  of  the  University  of  Bonn :  When 
were  the  philosophical  Sutras  of  the  Brahmans  composed? 

Mr.  Charles  Johnston,  of  New  York:  On  a  Buddhist  catechism. 

Professor  C.  R.  Lanman,  of  Harvard  University:  Buddhaghosa 
and  the  Way  of  Purity. 

Professor  D.  G.  Lyon,  of  Harvard  University:  Some  recent 
accessions  to  the  Harvard  Semitic  Museum. 

Professor  W.  Max  Miiller,  of  Philadelphia : 

(a)  The  swords  of  the  ancient  Orient. 

(b)  An  American  scarab. 

Professor  J.  D.  Prince,  of  Columbia  University:  A  hymn  to 
the  goddess  Kir-gi-lu  (Cuneiform  Texts,  vol.  15,  plate  23). 
Rev.  Dr.  W.  Rosenau,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 

(a)  A  word  about  Abraham  Geiger; 

(b)  Some   educational  theories  held  by  the  Rabbis  prior 
to  the  last  century. 

Professor  C.  C.  Torrey,  of  Yale  University: 

(a)  A  bilingual  inscription  from  Baal-Peor; 

(b)  The  American  School  in  Jerusalem. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OP    THE 


AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY, 


AT  ITS 


MEETING  IN  CAMBRIDGE,  MASSACHUSETTS. 

ign. 


The  annual  meeting  of  the  Society,  being  the  one  hundred 
twenty-third  meeting,  was  held  in  Cambridge,  Massachusetts, 
on  Wednesday  and  Thursday  of  Easter  week,  April  19th 
and  20th. 

The  following  members  were  present  at  one  or  more  of  the 
sessions : 


Aitken, 

Gellot, 

Lanman, 

Reisner, 

Arnold, 

Haas, 

Lyon, 

Rudolph,  Miss 

Atkinson, 

Haupt, 

Moore,  G.  F., 

Steele, 

Barret, 

Hoyt,  Miss, 

Moore,  Mrs.  G. 

F.  Toy, 

Bloomfield, 

Hussey,  Miss 

Muss-Arnolt, 

Vanderburgh, 

Cams, 

Jastrow, 

Oertel, 

Ward,  W.  H. 

Channing,  Miss, 

Kellner, 

Ogden,  C.  J., 

Warren,  W.  F., 

Clay, 

Miss  Kendrick, 

Ogden,  Miss 

Winslow, 

Edgerton, 

Kent,  R.  G. 

Oliphant, 

Wood, 

Ember, 

Kyle, 

Orne, 

Total:  39. 

The  first  session  was  held  in  the  Phillips  Brooks  House, 
on  "Wednesday  morning,  beginning  at  eleven  o'clock;  the 
President,  Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield,  being  in  the  chair. 

The  reading  of  the  minutes  of  the  meeting  in  Baltimore, 
March  31  st- April  2nd,  1910,  which  had  been  already  printed 
in  the  Journal  (vol.  31,  pp.  i-ix),  was  dispensed  with. 

The  Committee  on  Arrangements  presented  its  report,  through 
Professor  Lyon,  in  the  form  of  a  printed  programme.  The 
succeeding  sessions  were  appointed  for  Wednesday  afternoon 


11 

at  half  past  two,  Thursday  morning  at  half  past  nine,  and 
Thursday  afternoon  at  half  past  two.  It  was  announced  that 
a  luncheon  (would  he  given  to  the  Society  by  its  resident 
members  at  the  Colonial  Club  on  Wednesday  at  one  o'clock, 
and  that  arrangements  had  been  made  for  a  subscription 
dinner  at  the  same  place  on  Thursday  evening  at  seven  o'clock. 
The  Colonial  Club  extended  its  courtesies  to  the  members  of 
the  Society  during  their  meeting. 

REPORT  OF  THE  CORRESPONDING  SECRETARY. 

The  report  of  the  Corresponding  Secretary,  Professor  A.  Y. 
Williams  Jackson,  was  presented  by  Dr.  Haas  as  follows: 

During  the  course  of  the  year  the  Secretary  has  had  pleasant  corre- 
spondence not  only  with  persons  interested  in  Oriental  matters  who  have 
inquired  as  to  the  aims  and  activities  of  the  Society,  but  also  with  some 
fellow-members  in  more  distant  parts,  such  as  Major  C.  C.  Smith,  in  the 
Philippines,  Dr.  Edward  P.  Hume,  of  China,  Dr.  Justin  E.  Abbott,  of 
Bombay,  (who  is  now  in  this  country),  and  with  a  number  of  colleagues 
in  Europe.  Letters  of  acceptance  have  been  received  from  all  those 
elected  to  membership  at  the  last  meeting. 

Among  the  formal  communications  received  may  be  mentioned  invi- 
tations to  participate  in  the  International  Congress  of  Orientalists,  to  be 
held  at  Athens  in  1912,  and  in  the  Universal  Races  Congress,  which  will 
take  place  in  London  this  July;  a  request  for  co-operation  from  the 
George  Washington  Memorial  Association  of  America;  and  a  letter  from 
Professor  Snouck  Hurgronje,  of  Leiden,  calling  upon  the  members  of  the 
Society  to  aid  in  the  publication  of  the  Encyclopaedia  of  Islam. 
All  of  these  communications  have  been  duly  acknowledged  and  laid  before 
the  Directors  for  consideration. 

The  Secretary  has  to  record  the  loss  of  three  members  by  death  during 
the  past  year. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  N.  COBB,  of  New  York,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
Society  since  1875,  died  in  April  1910,  at  an  advanced  age. 

Mr.  Thomas  W.  KINGSMILL,  who  died  at  Shanghai  in  the  autumn  of 
1910,  was  a  recent  accession  to  our  number,  having  joined  the  Society 
in  1909.  Although  an  architect  by  profession,  he  was  an  indefatigable 
student  and  had  considerable  knowledge  of  the  classical  Chinese  literature. 
He  was  the  author  of  many  articles  on  Chinese  subjects  and  made  several 
happy  poetical  translations  from  the  Odes  of  the  Shih  Ching. 

Professor  William  G.  SDMNER,  of  Yale  University,  who  died  in  April 
1910,  became  a  member  of  the  Section  for  the  Historical  Study  of  Reli- 
gions in  the  year  1898. 

In  closing  this  report,  which  will  be  presented  during  the  absence  of' 
the  Secretary  on  another  journey  to  India  and  the  East,  he  desires  to 
express  his  appreciation  of  the  willing  co-operation  of  all  concerned  in, 
the  work  and  to  add  a  hearty  wish  for  the  continued  welfare  of  the; 
Society. 


Ill 

REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Treasurer,  Professor  F.  W.  Williams, 
was  presented  by  the  Recording  Secretary,  as  follows: 

RECEIPTS  AND  DISBURSEMENTS  BY  THE  TREASURER  OP  THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY  FOR  THE  YEAR  ENDING  DEC.  31,  1910. 

Receipts. 

Balance  from  old  account,  Dec.,   1909 $  715.04 

Dues  (183)  for  1910 $  914.41 

„      (33)  for  other  years 165.00 

„      (12)  H.  S.  R.  Section 24.00       1,103.41 

Sales  of  Journal 295.69 

State  National  Bank  Dividends 127.93 

'$  2,242.07 
Expenditures. 

Printing  Journal,  Volume  XXX $  1,102.38 

Sundry  printing  and  addressing 65.87 

Typewriter 4.00 

Editor's  Honorarium 100.00 

Treasurer,  Postage 13.55 

Subvention  to  Orientalische  Bibliographic 95.33 

Balance  to  new  account 860.94 

~  $  2,242.07 
STATEMENT. 

1909  1910 

Bradley  Type  Fond $  2,781.29      $  2,914.35 

Cotheal  Fund 1,000.00         1,000.00 

State  National  Bank  Shares 1,950.00         1,950.00 

Connecticut  Savings  Bank 6.64  6.90 

National  Savings  Bank 12.59  13.07 

Interest,  Cotheal  Fund 237.88  284.71 

Cash  in  hand 24.69      

$  6,013.09      $  6,169.03 

The  Treasurer  in  presenting  his  report  for  the  year  1910 
calls  the  attention  of  the  members  of  the  Society  to  a  falling 
off  in  receipts  from  dues  owing  chiefly  to  an  unusual  number 
of  delinquencies  in  paying  the  annual  assessment.  He  takes 
occasion  to  remind  them  again  that  on  failing  to  pay  two 
years  in  succession  they  are  dropped  from  the  list  of  members 
unless  good  reason  is  given  for  a  longer  delay.  The  total 
receipts  during  the  past  year  show  a  falling  off  (J  1527.03 
against  $  1813.37),  leaving  out  the  small  sum  of  interest  from 
the  Savings  Bank  interest,  which  being  left  in  the  banks  is 
removed  from  the  Treasurer's  debit  and  credit  account  and 
reported  in  the  annual  Statement.  The  cost  of  printing  and 
mailing  the  Journal  has  been  reduced  from  about  $  1800  to  $1102. 


REPORT  OF  THE  AUDITING  COMMITTEE. 

The  report  of  the  Auditing  Committee,  Professors  Torrey 
and  Oertel,  was  presented  by  the  Recording  Secretary,  as 
follows: 

"We  hereby  certify  that  we  have  examined  the  account  book  of  the 
Treasurer  of  this  Society  and  have  found  the  same  correct,  and  that  the 
foregoing  account  is  in  conformity  therewith.  We  have  also  compared 
the  entries  in  the  cash  book  with  the  vouchers  and  bank  and  pass  books 
and  have  found  all  correct. 

CHARLES  C.  TORREY,  \        ,.. 
HANNS  OERTEL,  )  A 

NEW  HAVEN,  Conn.,  April  10,  1911. 


REPORT  OF  THE  LIBRARIAN. 

The  Librarian,  Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  presented  his  report 
as  follows: 

By  arrangement  with  the  Librarian  of  Yale  University  the  work  of 
accessioning  of  new  books  was  carried  on  during  the  past  year  by  the 
regular  staff  of  the  University  Library.  In  the  same  way  the  University 
Library  took  charge  of  the  sales  of  the  Journal,  covering  all  necessary 
correspondence  and  the  collecting  of  bills.  For  this  service  the  Society 
paid  a  nominal  charge. 

The  Library  has  received  from  Professor  Jewett  one  hundred  dollars, 
this  being  the  amount  of  his  honorarium  as  editor  of  the  Journal  and 
a  further  sum  of  one  hundred  dollars  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the 
Library. 

REPORT  OF  THE  EDITORS. 

The  report  of  the  Editors,  Professors  Oertel  and  Jewett,  was 
presented  by  Professor  Oertel,  as  follows: 

From  the  financial  point  of  view  the  printing  of  the  Journal  abroad 
has  resulted  in  a  decided  saving  (see  the  Treasurer's  Report).  It  has 
also  been  possible  to  use  a  greater  variety  of  Oriental  type  without  any 
appreciable  increase  of  cost,  and,  in  spite  of  the  distance,  the  four  parts 
of  the  Journal  have  appeared  fairly  punctually  at  the  beginning  of  each 
quarter.  But  as  it  is  manifestly  impossible  to  allow  authors  more  than 
two  proofs,  the  editors  would  urge  contributors  to  prepare  their  MS. 
carefully  for  the  press,  to  make  corrections  as  plainly  as  possible,  and 
to  avoid  extensive  alterations  and  additions.  If  additions  are  unavoidable; 
they  should  be  added  at  the  end  of  the  article. 

ELECTION  OF  MEMBERS. 

The  following  persons,  recommended  by  the  Directors,  were 
elected  corporate  members  of  the  Society: 


CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Rev.  Mr.  D.  F.  Bradley,  Cleveland,  0. 

Professor  R.  E.  Briinnow,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

Mrs.  Francis  W.  Dickins,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mr.  E.  A.  Gellot,  Ozone  Park,  L.  L,  N.  Y. 

Mr.  W.  S.  Howell,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mr.  R.  L.  Kortkamp,  Hillsboro,  111. 

Rev.  Dr.  E.  S.  Rousmaniere,  Boston,  Mass. 

Mr.  R.  H.  Rucker,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Mr.  E.  B.  Soane,   Muhammerah,  Persian  Gulf. 

Rev.  Mr.  H.  B.  Vanderbogart,  Middletown,  Conn. 

Professor  J.  E.  Wishart,  Xenia,  O. 

Mr.  R.  Zimmermann,  Berlin,  Germany. 

OFFICERS  FOR  1910-1911. 

The  committee  appointed  in  Baltimore  to  nominate  officers 
for  the  ensuing  year,  consisting  of  Professors  E.  Washburn 
Hopkins,  Christopher  Johnston,  and  Barrett,  reported  through 
Professor  Barrett. 

The  election  of  a  Secretary  for  the  Section  for  Religions 
was  postponed  to  Friday  morning. 

The  officers  nominated  by  the  committee  were  duly  elected, 
as  follows: 

President — Professor  George  F.  Moore,  of  Cambridge. 

Vice-Presidents — Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Baltimore;  Professor  Robert 
F.  Harper,  of  Chicago;  Professor  Charles  C.  Torrey,  of  New  Haven. 

Corresponding  Secretary — Professor  A.  V.  W.  Jackson,    of  New  York. 

Recording  Secretary — Dr.  George  C.  0.  Haas,  of  New  York. 

Treasurer — Professor  Frederick  Wells  Williams,  of  New  Haven. 

Librarian — Professor  Albert  T.  Clay,  of  New  Haven. 

Directors — The  officers  above  named,  and  Professors  Crawford  H.  Toy 
and  Charles  R.  Lanman,  of  Cambridge ;  E.  Washburn  Hopkins  and  Hanns 
Oertel,  of  New  Haven;  Maurice  Bloomfield,  of  Baltimore;  George  A. 
Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr;  Dr.  William  Hayes  Ward,  of  New  York. 

The  President,  Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield,  of  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  delivered  the  annual  address  on  "The 
Religion  of  the  Sikhs". 

After  the  Presidential  address  the  Society  proceeded  to  the 
hearing  of  communications. 

Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  present- 
ed a  communication  on  Some  Difficult  Passages  in  the  Cu- 
neiform Account  of  the  Deluge. 

At  one  o'clock  the  Society  took  a  recess  until  half  past  two. 

SECOND  SESSION. 
At  half  past  two  o'clock  the  Society  reassembled  in  the  Phillips 


VI 

Brooks  House,  and  the  presentation  of  communications  was 
resumed,  as  follows: 

Miss  S.  F.  Hoyt,  of  Baltimore:  The  Name  of  the  Red  Sea. 

Professor  R.  G.  Kent,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania: 
The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastabird. 

Professor  C.  R.  Lanman,  of  Harvard  University:  Buddha- 
ghosa's  Way  of  Purity. 

Dr.  C.  J.  Ogden,  of  Columbia  University:  References  to  the 
Caspian  Gates  in  Ammianus  Marcellinus. 

Miss  E.  S.  Ogden,  of  Albany :  A  Conjectural  Interpretation 
of  Cuneiform  Texts  (v  81.  7 — 27).  --  Remarks  were  made  by 
Professors  Jastrow  and  Bloomfield. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  F.  A.  Yanderburgh,  of  Columbia  University: 
The  Babylonian  Legends  published  in  Cuneiform  Texts  (xv.  1-6.) 

Professor  M.  Jastrow,  Jr.:  The  Chronology  of  Babylonia 
and  Assyria.  -  -  Remarks  were  made  by  Mr.  Kyle  and  by 
Professor  Wiener. 

At  five  o'clock  the  Society  adjourned  to  Thursday  morning, 
at  half  past  nine. 

THIRD  SESSION. 

The  Society  met  at  quarter  before  ten  o'clock  in  the  Phillips 
Brooks  House,  President  Bloomfield  presiding.  The  reading 
of  communications  was  resumed  as  follows: 

Dr.  Edgerton,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Later  history 
of  the  Sanskrit  suffix  ka.  -  -  Remarks  by  Professors  Lanman 
and  Bloomfield,  and  Dr.  C.  J.  Ogden. 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Semite-Egyp- 
tian words.  -  -  Remarks  by  Professor  Haupt,  Mr.  Kyle,  and 
Professor  Bloomfield. 

Professor  S.  G.  Oliphant,  of  Olivet  College:  The  elliptic 
dual  and  the  dual  dvandva.  -  -  Remarks  by  Dr.  Edgerton, 
Dr.  C.  J.  Ogden,  and  Professor  Bloomfield. 

The  President  announced  that  a  telephone  message  had  just 
been  received  from  Colonel  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson, 
one  of  the  oldest  members  of  the  Society,  sending  his  greetings 
to  the  Society  and  regretting  that  he  was  prevented  by  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather  from  attending  the  sessions  today. 
It  was  voted  that  the  Society  send  its  greetings  to  Colonel  \ 
Higginson  and  express  its  regret  that  he  was  unable  to  be 
present.  Professor  Lanman  was  asked  to  communicate  this<| 
vote  to  Colonel  Higginson,  and  also  to  send  a  salutation  from 
the  Society  to  Professor  W.  W.  Goodwin.  Professor  Lyon 
was  requested  to  do  the  same  to  Professor  C.  H.  Toy,  who 
has  been  for  forty  years  a  member  of  the  Society. 


Vll 


Mr.  E.  A.  Gellot:  Monosyllabism  of  the  Semitic  Languages. 
Remarks  by  Professors  Lyon,  Haupt,  Kent,  and  Bloomfield. 

Professor  Paul  Haupt,  a  Vice-President  of  the  Society,  took 
the  chair. 

Professor  M.  Bloomfield,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  Final 
account  of  the  work  on  Rig-Veda  Repetitions. 

Miss  S.  F.  Hoyt,  of  Baltimore:  The  Holy  One  in  Psalm  16 : 10. 

-  Remarks  by  Dr.  Ember. 

Dr.  B.  B.  Charles,  of  Philadelphia:  The  autobiography  of 
Ibn  SmS;  presented  by  title  by  Professor  Jastrow. 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University:  The  etymologies 
of  Aramaic  leJjena  and  Hebrew  gahar,  Selem,  etc. 

At  one  o'clock  the  Society  took  a  recess  until  half  past  two 
o'clock. 

FOURTH  SESSION. 

The  Society  met  at  a  quarter  before  three  o'clock  in  the 
lecture-room  of  the  Semitic  Museum,  with  Vice-President  Haupt 
in  the  chair.  A  communication  was  presented  by  Miss  S.  F. 
Hoyt,  of  Baltimore:  The  etymology  of  religion. 

At  three  o'clock  President  Bloomfield  took  the  chair.  Pro- 
fessor Oertel  reported  for  the  Directors  that  they  had  appointed 
the  next  annual  meeting  of  the  Society  to  be  held  in  New  York, 
on  Tuesday,  "Wednesday,  and  Thursday  of  Easter  week,  April 
9th,  10th,  and  llth,  1912. 

They  had  reappointed  as  Editors  of  the  Journal,  Professors 
Oertel  and  Jewett. 

The  Directors  further  recommended  the  adoption  of  the 
following  resolutions  concerning  the  Section  for  the  Historical 
Study  of  Religions: 

1.  That  the  American  Oriental  Society  emphasize  more  forcibly  in  the 
future  the  inclusion  of  the  historical  study  of  religions  in  its  scope. 

2.  To    discontinue    the    separate    Section    for    the    Historical    Study    of 
Religions. 

3.  To  invite  the  members  of  the  present  Section  for  the  Historical  Study 
of  Religions  to  become  corporate  members  of  the  Society. 

4.  That  one  special  session  of  the  meeting  be  devoted  to  papers  dealing 
with  the   historical    study    of  religion   in    its   widest  scope  (including 
primitive  religions,  European  religions,  etc.) 

5.  That    the   Constitution   be  ammended   by  the   omission  of  the  words 
"Secretary  of  the  Section  for  the  Historical  Study  of  Religions"  in 
Article  V,  by  the  omission]  of  Article  X  entire,  and  by  the  renumber- 
ing of  Article  XI    as  Article  X;     that  the  By-Laws  be  amended  by 
the   omission    of  Article  IX   and   the    renumbering    of  Article  X  as 
Article  IX. 


Vlll 

It  was  moved  that  the  report  be  adopted,  and  that  the 
proposed  changes  in  the  Constitution  and  By-Laws  be  made. 
This  motion  was  carried,  nemine  contradicente. 

Professor  Oertel  moved  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  authorities 
of  Harvard  University,  to  the  Governors  of  the  Colonial  Club, 
andx  to  the  Committee  of  Arrangements,  Professors  Lyon  and 
Lanman. 

On  motion  of  Dr.  Haas,  the  thanks  of  the  Society  were 
tendered  to  Professor  Oertel  for  his  services  as  Librarian. 

The  President,  Professor  Bloomfield,  announced  that  he  had 
appointed  as  a  Committee  on  Arrangements  for  the  next 
annual  meeting  Professors  Gottheil  and  Jackson,  and  Dr.  Haas, 
of  Columbia  University;  as  a  Committee  to  nominate  officers 
to  be  elected  at  the  next  annual  meeting,  Professors  Lanman 
and  Lyon,  of  Harvard  University,  and  Dr.  C.  J.  Ogden,  of 
Columbia ;  as  Auditors  to  audit  the  accounts  of  the  Treasurer, 
Professors  Torrey  and  Oertel,  of  Yale  University. 

Communications  were  presented  as  follows: 

Dr.  W.  H.  Ward,  of  New  York:    The  Zadokite  document. 

Professor  George  Moore,  of  Harvard  University :  A  hitherto 
unknown  Jewish  sect;  Schechter,  Documents  of  Jewish  Sectaries  I. 

Professor  D.  G.  Lyon,  of  Harvard  University:  Notes  on  a 
Canaanite  cemetery. 

Miss  A.  Eudolph,  of  Cleveland:  The  outlook  for  Oriental 
studies  in  Cleveland. 

Professor  W.  F.  Warren,  of  Boston  University:  Why  does 
Plutarch  describe  the  moon  as  bi-perforate  ? 

At  quarter  after  five  o'clock  the  Society  adjourned  to  meet 
in  New  York,  on  Tuesday,  of  Easter  week,  April  9  th,  1912. 

The  following  communications  were  read  by  title: 

Rev.  Dr.  J.  E.  Abbott:  The  Fire  Temple  at  Baku  and  its 
inscriptions. 

Professor  K.  Asakawa,  of  Yale  University :  The  parallels  of 
the  Frankish  precaria  and  ~benefidum  in  the  mediaeval  history 
of  Japan. 

Professor  G.  A.  Barton,  of  Bryn  Mawr  College: 

(a)  On  the  etymology  of  Ishtar; 

(b)  Notes  on  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  systems  of  measures ; 

(c)  Improvements  in  the  renderings  of  the  Blau  monuments, 
the  Scheil  tablet,  and  the  Hoffman  tablet  (J.  A.  0.  S.  22, 
118—128;  23,  21—28). 

Dr.  F.  R.  Blake,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 
(a)  The  original  meaning  of  the  Semitic  intransitive  verbal 
forms ; 


IX 

(b)  The  Hebrew  metheg. 

(c)  Relative  clauses  in  Tagalog. 

Eev.  Mr.  J.  L.  Chandler,  of  Madura,  Southern  India 
Hinduism  as  taught  in  Hindu  Schools. 

Dr.  B.  B.  Charles,  of  Philadelphia:  The  autobiography  of 
Ibn  Sma. 

Mr.  C.  E.  Conant,  of  the  University  of  Chicago :  Monosyllabic 
roots  in  Pampanga. 

Dr.  A.  Ember,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 
(b)  Scriptio  plena  of  the  Hebrew  imperfect  iqtol. 

Professor  E.  W.  Fay,  of  the  University  of  Texas:  Indo- 
Iranian  word-studies. 

Professor  Paul  Haupt,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 
(b)  The  four  Assyrian  stems  IcCu; 

(d)  Biblical  and  Oriental  articles  in  the  new  edition  of  the 
Encyclopaedia  Britannica,     and   the   Islamic   Encyclo- 
paedia. 

Professor  Margolis,  of  the  Dropsie  College:  The  "Washington 
manuscript  of  Joshua. 

Professor  W.  Max  Miiller,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania 
General  account  of  a  papyrus  collection  recently  acquired  by 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  Museum. 

Professor  J.  D.  Prince,  of  Columbia  University:  A  divine 
lament  (Cuneiform  Texts,  xv.  24,  25). 

Mr.  G.  P.  Quackenbos,  of  New  York:  An  unedited  Sanskrit 
poem  of  Mayura. 

Rev.  Dr.  "W.  Rosenau,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University: 

(a)  The  term  min  in  the  Talmud. 

(b)  The  Talmudic  proclitic  Kp. 

(c)  Some  Talmudic  compounds. 

Professor  G.  Sverdrup,  Jr.,  of  Augsburg  Seminary,  Minnea- 
polis: A  letter  from  the  Mahdi  to  General  Gordon. 

Dr.  A.  Yohannan,  of  Columbia  University:  Some  references 
in  Arab  writers  to  the  ancient  city  of  Merv. 


List  of  Members.  xi 


LIST  or  MEMBERS. 

The  number  placed  after  the  address  indicates  the  year  of  election. 


I.    HONORARY  MEMBERS. 

M.  AUGUSTE  EARTH,  Membre  de  1'Institut,  Paris,  France.     (Rue  Garan- 

ciere,  10.)    1898. 
Dr.  RAMKRISHNA  GOPAL  BHANDARKAR,  C.  I.  E.,  Dekkan  Coll.,  Poona,  India. 

1887. 

JAMES  BDRGESS,  LL.D.,  22  Seton  Place,  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  1899. 
Prof.  CHARLES  CLERMONT-GANNEAU,  1  Avenue  de  1'Alma,  Paris.  1909. 
Prof.  T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  Harboro'  Grange,  Ashton-on-Mersey,  England. 

1907. 

Prof.  BERTHOLD  DELBRUCK,  University  of  Jena,  Germany.    1878. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  DELITZSCH,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.    1893. 
Canon  SAMUEL  R.  DRIVER,  Oxford,  England.      1909. 
Prof.  ADOLPH  ERMAN,  Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem,  Germany,  PeterLennestr.72. 

1903. 
Prof.  RICHARD   GARBE,    University    of   Tubingen,    Germany.      (Biesinger 

Str.  14.)    1902. 

Prof.  KARL  F.  GELDNER,  University  of  Marburg,  Germany.    1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZ  GOLDZIHER,  vii  Hollo-Utcza  4;  Budapest,  Hungary.    1906. 
GEORGE   A.    GRIERSON,    C.I.E.,    D.Litt.,    I.C.S.    (retired),    Rathfarnham, 

Camberley,  Surrey,  England.     Corporate  Member,  1899;  Hon.,  1905. 
Prof.  IGNAZIO  GUIDI,  University  of  Rome,  Italy.    (Via  Botteghe  Oscure  24.) 

1893. 

Prof.  HERMANN  JACOBI,  University  of  Bonn,  59  Niebuhrstrasse,  Bonn,  Ger- 
many. 1909. 

Prof.  HENDRIK  KERN,  45  Willem  Barentz-Straat,  Utrecht,  Netherlands.  1893. 
Prof.  ALFRED  LUDWIG,  University  of  Prague.  Bohemia.   (Konigliche  Wein- 

berge,  Krameriusgasse  40.)   1898. 
Prof.  GASTON  MASPERO,   College  de  France,  Paris,  France.     (Avenue  de 

1'Observatoire,  24.)    1898. 
Prof.  EDUARD  MEYER,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.  (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West,  Mommsenstr.  7)    1908. 
Prof.  THEODOR  NOLDEKE,  University  of  Strassburg,  Germany.      (Kalbs- 

gasse  16.)    1878. 
Prof.  HERMANN   OLDENBERG,    University   of  Gottingen,   Germany.    1910. 

(27/29  Nikolausberger  Weg.) 
Prof.  EDUARD  SACHAU,  University  of  Berlin,  Germany.    (Wormserstr.  12,  W.) 

1887. 


xii  List  of  Members. 

EMILE  SENART,  Membre  de  1'Institut  de  France,  18  Rue  Francois  Ier,  Paris, 

France.    1908. 

Prof.  ARCHIBALD  H.  SAYCE,  University  of  Oxford,  England.    1893. 
Prof.  JULIUS   WELLHAUSEN,    University   of  Gottingen,   Germany.   (Weber- 

str.  18  a.)    1902. 
Prof.  ERNST  WINDISCH,  University  of  Leipzig,   Germany.  (UniversitatB- 

str.  15.)    1890.  [Total,  26] 


II.   CORPORATE  MEMBERS. 

Names  marked  with  *  are  those  of  life  members. 

Rev.  Dr.  JUSTIN  EDWARDS  ABBOTT,  Irvington,    N.  Y.     1900. 

Dr.  CYRUS  ADLER,  2041  North  Broad  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1884. 

WILLIAM  E.  M.  AITKEN,  7  Howland  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1910. 

F.  STURGES  ALLEN,  246  Central  St.,  Springfield,  Mass.    1904. 

Miss  MAY  ALICE  ALLEN,  Williamstown,  Mass.    1906. 

Prof.  WILLIAM  R.  ARNOLD,  Theological  Seminary,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1893. 

Prof.  KANICHI  ASAKAWA  (Yale  Univ.),  870 Elm  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.  1904. 

Rev.  EDWARD  E.  ATKINSON,  94  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1894. 

Hon.  SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  LL.D.,  44  Wall  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1898. 

Prof.  LEROY  CARR  BARRET,  Trinity  College,  Hartford,   Conn.     1903. 

Prof.  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa.    1888. 

Prof.  L.  W.  BATTEN,  232  East  llth  St.,  New  York.    1894. 

Prof.  HARLAN  P.  BEACH  (Yale  Univ.),  346  Willow  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1898. 

Prof.  WILLIS  J.  BEECHER,  D.D.,  Theological  Seminary,  Auburn,  N.  Y.   1900. 
Dr.  HAROLD  H.  BENDER,   Princeton  University,    Princeton    New   Jersey. 

1906. 

Rev.  JOSEPH  F.  BERG,  Port  Richmond,  S.  I.,  N.  Y.    1893. 
Prof.  GEORGE  R.  BERRY,  Colgate  University,  Hamilton,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Prof.  JULIUS  A.  BEWER  (Union   Theological  Seminary),    Broadway   and 

120  th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  STURGIS  BIGELOW,  60  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  JOHN  BINNEY,  Berkeley  Divinity  School,  Middletown.  Conn.    1887. 
Rev.  Dr.  SAMUEL  H.  BISHOP,  500  West  122  d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1898. 
Dr.  GEORGE  F.  BLACK,  N.  Y.  Public  Library,    Fifth  Ave.    and  42  d  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 

Dr.  FRANK  RINGGOLD  BLAKE,  Windsor  Hills,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Rev.  PHILIP  BLANC,  St.  Johns  Seminary,  Brighton,  Md.  1907. 
Rev.  Dr.  DAVID  BLAUSTEIN,  The  New  York  School  of  Philanthropy,  105 

East  22  d  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1891. 

Dr.  FREDERICK  J.  BLISS,  Protest.  Syrian  College,  Beirut,  Syria.     1898. 
FRANCIS  B.  BLODGETT,  General  Theological  Seminary,  Chelsea  Square,  New 

York,  N.  Y.    1906. 
Prof.  CARL  AUGUST  BLOMGREN,  Augustana  College  and  Theol.  Seminary, 

Rock  Island,  111.    1900. 
Prof.  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md. 

1881. 
Dr.  ALFRED  BOISSIER,  Le  Rivage  pres  ChambBsy,  Switzerland.    1897. 


List  of  Members.  xiii 

Dr.  GEORGE  M.  BOLLING  (Catholic  Univ.   of  America),    1784    Corcoran 

St.,  Washington,  D.  C.    1896. 

Prof.  CORNELIUS  B.  BRADLEY,  2639  Durant  Ave.,  Berkeley,  Cal.    1910. 
Rev.  Dr.  DAN  FREEMAN  BRADLEY,   2905  West  14  th  St.,    Cleveland,  Ohio. 

1911. 
Prof.  RENWARD  BRANDSTETTER,  Reckenbiihl  18,  Villa  Johannes,  Lucerne, 

Switzerland.    1908. 

Prof.  JAMES  HENRY  BREASTED,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1891. 
Prof.  CHAS.  A.  BRIQGS  (Union  Theological  Sera.),  Broadway  and  120th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1879. 

Prof.  C.  A.  BRODIE  BROCKWELL,  McGill  University,  Montreal,  Canada.  1906. 
Pres.  FRANCIS  BROWN  (Union  Theological  Sem.),  Broadway  and  120th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1881. 

Rev.  GEORGE  WILLIAM  BROWN,  Jubbulpore,  C.  P.,  India.    1909. 
Prof.  RUDOLPH  E.  BRUNNOW  (Princeton  Univ.)  49  Library  Place,  Princeton, 

N.  J.    1911. 

Prof.  CARL  DARLING  BUCK,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1892. 
HAMMOND  H.  BUCK,  Division  Sup't.  of  Schools,  Alfonso,  Cavite  Provinces, 

Philippine  Islands.    1908. 

ALEXANDER  H.  BULLOCK,  State  Mutual  Building,  Worcester,  Mass.    1910. 
Dr.  EUGENE    WATSON   BURLINGAME,    118  McKean    House,    West    Phila- 
delphia,  Pa.   1910. 

CHARLES  DANA  BURRAGE,  85  Ames  Building,  Boston,  Mass.    1909. 
Prof.  HOWARD  CROSBY  BUTLER,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.  1908. 
Rev.  JOHN  CAMPBELL,  Kingsbridge,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1896. 
Pres.  FRANKLIN  CARTER,  LL.D.  Williamstown  Mass. 
Dr.  PAUL  CARUS,  La  Salle,  Illinois.    1897. 

Dr.  I.  M.  CASANOWICZ,  U.  S.  National  Museum ,  Washington,  D.  C.  1893. 
Rev.  JOHN  L.  CHANDLER,  Madura,  Southern  India.     1899. 
Miss  EVA  CHANNING,  Hemenway  Chambers,  Boston,  Mass.    1883. 
Dr.  F.  D.  CHESTER,  The  Bristol,  Boston,  Mass.    1891. 
WALTER  E.  CLARK,  37  Walker  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.     1906. 
Prof.  ALBERT  T.  CLAY  (Yale  Univ.)    New  Haven,  Conn.     1907. 
*ALEXANDER  SMITH  COCHRAN,  Yonkers,  N.  Y.      1908. 

*GEORGE  WETMORE  COLLES,  62  Fort  Greene  Place,  Brooklyn.  N.  Y.    1882. 
Prof.  HERMANN  COLLITZ,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1887. 
Miss  ELIZABETH  S.  COLTON,  23  Park  St.,  Easthampton,  Mass.    1896. 
Prof.  C.  EVERETT  CONANT,  Indiana  University,  Bloomington,  Indiana.  1905. 
WILLIAM  MERRIAM  CRANE,  16  East  37th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1902. 
Rev.  CHARLES  W.  CURRIER,  913  Sixth  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.  1904. 
Dr.  HAROLD  S.  DAVIDSON,  1700  North  Payson  St.,    Baltimore,  Md.    1908. 
Prof.  JOHN  D.  DAVIS,  Princeton  Theological  Seminary,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1888. 

IRVING  C.  DEMAREST,  54  Essex  St.,  Hackensack,  N.  J.    1909. 
Prof.  ALFRED  L.  P.  DENNIS,  Madison,  Wis.    1900. 
JAMES  T.  DENNIS,  University  Club,  Baltimore,  Md.    1900. 
Mrs.  FRANCIS  W.  DICKINS,  2015  Columbia  Road,  Washington,  D.  C.    1911. 
Rev.  D.  STUART  DODGE,  99  John  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1867. 
Dr.  HARRY  WESTBROOK  DUNNING,  5  Kilsyth  Road,  Brookline,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  M.  W.  EASTON,  224  South  43d  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1872. 


xiv  List  of  Members. 

Dr.  FRANKLIN  EDGERTON,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.  1910. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  G.  C.  EISELEN,  Garrett  Biblical  Inst.,  Evanston,  111.  1901. 
Mrs.  WILLIAM  M.  ELLICOTT,  106  Ridgewood  Road,  Roland  Park,  Md.  1897. 
Prof.  LEVI  H.  ELWELL,  Amherst  College,  5  Lincoln  Ave.,  Amherst,  Mass. 

1883. 

Rev.  Prof.  C.  P.  FAGNANI,  772  Park  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1901. 
Prof.  EDWIN  WHITPIELD  FAY  (Univ.  of  Texas),  200  West  24th  St.,  Austin, 

Texas.    1888. 

Prof.  HENRY  FERGUSON,  St.  Paul's  School,  Concord,  N.  H.    1876. 
Dr.  JOHN  C.  FERGUSON,  16  Love  Lane,  Shanghai,  China.    1900. 
*Lady  CAROLINE  DE  FILIPPI  FITZGERALD,  167  Via  Urbana,  Rome,  Italy. 

1886. 

Rev.  WALLACE  B.  FLEMING,  Maplewood,  N.  J.    1906. 
Rev.  THEODORE  C.  FOOTE,    Rowland  Park,  Maryland.      1900. 
Prof.  HUGHELL  E.  W.  FOSBROKE,  9  Acacia  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1907. 
Dr.  LEO  J.  FRACHTENBERG,  Hartley  Hall,  Columbia  University,  New  York, 

N.  Y.     1907. 
Prof.  JAS.  EVERETT   FRAME   (Union   Theological   Sem.),    Broadway    and 

120  th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1892. 

Dr.  CARL  FRANK,  23  Montague  St.,  London,  W.  C.,  England.  1909. 
Dr.  HERBERT  FRIEDENWALD,  356,  2nd  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1909. 
Prof.  ISRAEL  FRIEDLAENDER  (Jewish  Theological  Sem.),  61  Hamilton  Place, 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 

ROBERT  GARRETT,  Continental  Building,  Baltimore,  Md.    1903. 
Miss  MARIE  GELBACH,  Prospect  Terrace,  Park  Hill,  Yonkers,   N.  Y.   1909. 
EUGENE  A.  GTELLOT,  1420  Chester  Ave.,  Ozone  Park,  L.  I.,  N.  Y.,    1911. 
Prof.  BASIL  LANNEAU  GILDERSLEEVE,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore, 

Md.    1858. 

Gev.  WM.  GILMORE,  11  Waverly  Place,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1909. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  WATSON  GOODWIN  (Harvard  Univ.),  5  Follen  St.,  Cambridge. 

Mass.    1857. 
Prof.  RICHARD  J.  H.  GOTTHEIL,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1886. 

Miss  FLORENCE  A.  GRAGG,  26  Maple  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1906. 
Prof.  ELIHU  GRANT  (Smith  College),  Northampton,  Mass.    1907. 
Mrs.  ETHEL  WATTS  MUMFORD  GRANT,   31  West  81st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1904. 

Dr.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  291  Woodside  Ave.,  Newark,  N.  J.    1897. 
Mrs.  Louis  H.  GRAY,  291  Woodside  Ave.,  Newark,  N.  J.    1907. 
Miss  LUCIA  C.  GRAEME  GRIEVE,  462  West  151st  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1894. 
Prof.  Louis  GROSSMANN  (Hebrew  Union  College),  2212  Park  Ave.,  Cincin- 
nati, 0.    1890. 
Rev.  Dr.  W.  M.  GROTON,  Dean  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Divinity  School, 

5000  Woodlawn  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1907. 
Prof.  CHARLES  B.  GULICK  (Harvard  Univ.),  59  Fayerweather  St.  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1899. 

*Dr.  GEORGE  C.  0.  HAAS,  254  West  136th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1903. 
Miss  LUISE  HAESSLER,  1230  Amsterdam  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1909. 
Dr.  CARL  C.  HANSEN,  Si  Phya  Road,  Bangkok,  Siam.    1902. 
PAUL  V.  HARPER,  59th  St.  and  Lexington  Ave.,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 


List  of  Members.  xv 

Prof.  ROBERT  FRANCIS  HARPER,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.  1886. 
Prof.  SAMUEL  HART,  D.  D.,  Berkeley  D  i  vinity  School,  Middleto wn ,  Conn.  1879. 
Prof.  PAUL  HAUPT  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),  2511  Madison  Ave.,  Baltimore, 

Md.  1883. 

Dr.  HENRY  HARRISON  HAYNES,  6  Ellery  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1892. 
Prof.  HERMANN  V.  HILPRECHT,  807  Spruce  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1887. 
Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  J.  HINKE,  28  Court  St.,  Auburn,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Prof.  FRIEDRICH  HIRTH  (Columbia  Univ.),  501  West  113th  St.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1903. 
Prof.  CHARLES  T.  HOCK  (Theological  Sem.),  220  Liberty  St.,  Bloomfield, 

N.  J.    1903. 

*Dr.  A.  F.  RUDOLF  HOERNLE,  8  Northmoor  Road,  Oxford,  England.  1893. 
Rev.  Dr.  HUGO  W.  HOFFMANN,  306  Rodney  St.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.    1899. 
*Prof.  E.  WASHBURN  HOPKINS  (Yale  Univ.),  299  Lawrence  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.    1881. 

WILSON  S.  HOWELL,  416  West  118th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1911. 
HENRY  R.  HOWLAND,  Natural  Science  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.    1907. 
Miss  SARAH  FENTON  HOYT,  17  East  95th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1910. 
Dr.  EDWARD  H.  HUME,  Changsha,  Hunan,  China.    1909. 
Miss  ANNIE  K.  HUMPHEREY,  1114  14th  St.,  Washington,  D.  C.    1873. 
Miss  MARY  INDA  HUSSEY,  4  Bryant  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1901. 
*JAMES  HAZEN  HYDE,  18  rue  Adolphe  Yvon,  Paris,  France.    1909. 
Prof.  HENRY  HYVERNAT  (Catholic  Univ.   of  America),    3405  Twelfth   St., 

N.  E.  (Brookland),  Washington,  D.  C.    1889. 
Prof.  A.  V.  WILLIAMS  JACKSON,   Columbia  University,  New  York ,  N.  Y. 

1885. 
Prof.   MORRIS  JASTROW    (Univ.    of    Pennsylvania),     248   South   23d   St. 

Philadelphia,  Pa.    1886. 

Rev.  HENRY  F.  JENKS,  Canton  Corner,  Mass.    1874. 
Prof.  JAMES  RICHARD  JEWETT,  (Harvard  Univ.)  Cambridge,  Mass.   1887. 
Prof.  CHRISTOPHER  JOHNSTON  (Johns  Hopkins  Univ.),   21  West  20th  St., 

Baltimore,  Md.    1889. 
ARTHUR  BERRIEDALE  KEITH,   Colonial  Office ,  London ,   S.  W.,  England. 

1908. 
Prof.  MAXIMILIAN  L.  KELLNER,  Episcopal  Theological  School,  Cambridge, 

Mass.    1886. 

Miss  ELIZA  H.  KENDRICK,  45  Hunnewell  Ave.,  Newton,  Mass.    1896. 
Prof.  CHARLES  FOSTER  KENT  (Yale  Univ.),  406  Humphrey  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.    1890. 

Prof.  ROLAND  G.  KENT,  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa.   1910. 
Prof.  GEORGE  L.  KITTREDGE  (Harvard  Univ.),  9  Hilliard  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.    1899. 

Miss  LUCILE  KOHN,  1138  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 
RICHARD  LEE  KORTKAMP,  Hillsboro,  111. 

Rev.  Dr.  M.  G.  KYLE,  1132  Arrow  St.,  Frankford,  Philadelphia,  Pa.   1909. 
Prof.    GEORGE    T.   LADD    (Yale   Univ.),    204    Prospect  St.,   New  Haven, 

Conn.   1898. 

M.  A.  LANE,  451  Jackson  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.     1907. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  ROCKWELL  LANMAN  (Harvard  Univ.) ,  9  Farrar  St.,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass.    1876. 


xvi  List  of  Members. 

Dr.  BERTHOLD  LAUFER,  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History,  Chicago,  111. 
1900. 

LEVON  J.  K.  LEVONIAN,  Syrian  Protest.  College,  Beirut,  Syria.     1909. 

Prof.  CHARLES  E.  LITTLE  (Vanderbilt  Univ.),  19  Lindsley  Ave.,  Nashville, 
Tenn.  1901. 

PERCIVAL  LOWELL,  53  State  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1893. 

Rev.  FERDINAND  LUGSCHEIDER,  38  Blecker  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 

Dr.  ALBERT  HOWE  LYBYER,  153  South  Cedar  Ave.,    Oberlin,    Ohio.     1909. 

*BENJAMIN  SMITH  LYMAN,  708  Locust  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1871. 

Prof.  DAVID  GORDON  LYON,  Harvard  Univ.  Semitic  Museum,  Cambridge, 
Mass.  1882. 

ALBERT  MORTON  LYTHGOE,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y. 
1899. 

Prof.  DUNCAN  B.  MACDONALD  ,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford, 
Conn.  1893. 

WILLIAM  E.  W.  MACKINLAY,  1st  Lieut,  llth  U.  S.  Cavalry,  Fort  Ethan 
Allen,  Vt.  1904. 

Rev.  Dr.  ALBERT  A.  MADSEN,  22  Courtney  Ave.,  Newburgh,  N.  Y.    1906. 

Prof.  HERBERT  W.  MAGOUN,  70  Kirkland  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1887. 

Prof.  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS,  1519  Diamond  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1890. 

Prof.  ALLAN  MARQUAND,  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J.    1888. 

Prof,  WINFRED  ROBERT  MARTIN,  Hispanic  Society  of  America,  West  156  th 
St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1889. 

ISAAC  G.  MATTHEWS  (McMaster  Univ.) ,  509  Brunswick  Ave.,  Toronto, 
Canada.  1906. 

C.  0.  SYLVESTER  MAWSON,  64  West  144th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.  1910. 

J.  RENWICK  METHENY,  "Druid  Hill,"  Beaver  Falls,  Pa.    1907. 

MARTIN  A.  MEYER,  2109  Baker  St.,  San  Francisco,  Cal.  1906. 

Dr.  TRUMAN  MICHELSON,  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  Washington, 
D.  C.  1899. 

Mrs.  HELEN  L.  MILLION  (nee  LOVELL),  Hardin  College,  Mexico,   Mo.    1892. 

Prof.  LAWRENCE  H.  MILLS  (Oxford  Univ.),  218  Iffley  Road,  Oxford,  Eng- 
land. 1881. 

Prof.  J.  A.  MONTGOMERY  (P.  E.  Divinity  School),  6806  Green  St.,  German- 
town,  Pa.  1903. 

Prof.  GEORGE  F.  MOORE  (Harvard  Univ.),  3  Divinity  Ave.,  Cambridge, 
Mass.  1887. 

Dr.  JUSTIN  HARTLEY  MOORE,  549  Springdale  Ave,  East  Orange,  N.  J.  1904. 

*Mrs.  MARY  H.  MOORE,  3  Divinity  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1902. 

CHARLES  J.  MORSE,  1825  Asbury  Ave.,  Evanston,  111.    1909. 

Prof.  EDWARD  S.  MORSE,  Salem,  Mass.    1894. 

Rev.  HANS  K.  MOUSSA,  316  Third  St.,  Watertown,  Wis.    1906. 

Prof.  W.  MAX  MULLER,  4308  Market  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1905. 

Mrs.  ALBERT  H.  MUNSELL,  65  Middlesex  Road,  Chestnut  Hill,  Mass.    1908. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  MUSS-ARNOLT,  Public  Library,  Boston,  Mass.    1887. 

Rev.  JAS.  B.  NIES,  Care  London  City  and  Midland  Bank,  Threadneedle  St., 
London,  England.  1906. 

Rev.  WILLIAM  E.  NIES,  Port  Washington,  Long  Island,  N.  Y.    1908. 

Rt.  Rev.  Mgr.  DENNIS  J.  O'CONNELL,  DD.  St.  Mary's  Cathedral,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Cal.  1903. 


List  of  Members.  xvii 

Prof.  HANNS  OERTEL  (Yale  Univ.),  2  Phelps  Hall,  New  Haven,  Conn.  1890. 
Dr.  CHARLES  J.  OGDEN,  250  West  88th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1906. 
Miss  ELLEN  S.  OGDEN,  St.  Agnes  School,  Albany,  N.  Y.    1898. 
Prof.  SAMUEL  G.  OLIPHANT,  Olivet  College,  Olivet,  Mich.    1906. 
ALBERT  TENEYCK  OLMSTEAD,  Princeton  Preparatory  School,    Princeton, 

N.  J.    1909. 
Prof.  PAUL   OLTRAMARE   (Univ.   of  Geneva),  Ave.  de  Bosquets,   Servette, 

Geneve,  Switzerland.    1904. 

*ROBERT  M.  OLYPHAKT,  160  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1861. 
Dr.  JOHN  ORNE,  104  Ellery  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1890. 
Rev.  Dr.   CHARLES  RAY  PALMER,  562  Whitney  Are.,  New  Haven,   Conn. 

1900. 
Prof.  LEWIS  B.  PATON,  Hartford  Theological  Seminary,  Hartford,  Conn. 

1894. 
Prof.  WALTER  M.  PATTON,  Wesleyan  Theological  College,  Montreal,  Canada. 

1903. 

Dr.  CHARLES  PEABODY,  197  Brattle  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1892. 
Prof.  ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Syracuse  University,  Syracuse,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Prof.  EDWARD  DELAVAN  PERRY  (Columbia  Univ.),  542  West  114th  St.,  New 

York,  N.  Y.    1879. 

Rev.  Dr.  JOHN  P.  PETERS,  225  West  99th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1882. 
WALTER  PETERSEN,  Bethany  College,  Lindsborg,  Kansas.    1909. 
Prof.  DAVID  PHILIPSON  (Hebrew  Union  College),  3947  Beechwood  Ave., 

Rose  Hill,  Cincinnati,  0.    1889. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  POPPER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal.    1897. 
Prof.  IRA  M.  PRICE,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1887. 
Prof.  JOHN  DYNELEY  PRINCE  (Columbia  Univ.),  Sterlington,  Rockland  Co., 

N.  Y.    1888. 

•GEORGE  PAYN  QUACKENBOS,  331  West  28th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 
Prof.  GEORGE  ANDREW  REISNER,  Harvard  University,  Cambridge,  Mass.  1891. 
BERNARD  REVEL,  2113  North  Camac  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1910. 
Prof.  PHILIP  M.  RHINELANDER  (Episcopal  Theological  Sem.),  26  Garden  St., 

Cambridge,  Mass.    1908. 
ERNEST  C.  RICHARDSON,  Library  of  Princeton  University,  Princeton,  N.  J. 

1900. 

J.  NELSON  ROBERTSON,  294  Avenue  Road,  Toronto,  Ont,    1902 
EDWARD  ROBINSON,  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Prof.  FRED  NORRIS  ROBINSON  (Harvard  Univ.)  Longfellow  Park,  Cambridge, 

Mass.     1900. 
Rev.  Dr.  GEORGE  LIVINGSTON  ROBINSON  (McCormickTheol.  Sem.),  4  Chalmers 

Place,  Chicago,  111.    1892. 
Hon.  WILLIAM  WOODVILLE  ROCKHILL,  American  Embassy,  Constantinople, 

Turkey.    1880. 
Prof.  JAMES  HARDY  ROPES   (Harvard  Univ.),  13  Follen  St.,  Cambridge, 

Mass.    1893. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  ROSENAU,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1897. 
Rev.  Dr.  EDMUND  S.  ROUSMANIERE,  56  Chestnut  St.,  Boston,  Mass.     1911. 
ROBERT  HAMILTON  RUCKER,  27  Pine  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y.     1911. 
Miss  ADELAIDE  RUDOLPH,  2098  East  100th  St.,  Cleveland,  0.    1894. 
Mrs.  JANET  E.  RUOTZ-REES,  Rouemary  Cottage,  Greenwich,  Conn.    1897. 


xviii  List  of  Members. 

Miss  CATHARINE  B.  RUNKLE,  15  Everett  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1900. 
Mrs.  EDW.  E.  SALISBURY,  237  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1906. 
Pres.  FRANK  K.  SANDERS,  Washburn  College,  Topeka,  Kans.    1897. 
JOHANN  F.  SCHELTEMA,  care  of  Messrs.  Kerkhoven  &  Co.,  115  Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam,  Holland.    1906. 

GEORGE  V.  SCHICK,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore,  Md.    1909. 
Prof.  NATHANIEL  SCHMIDT,  Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  N.  Y.    1894. 
MONTGOMERY  SCHUYLER,  Jr.,  American  Embassy,  Tokyo,  Japan.    1899. 
Dr.  GILBERT  CAMPBELL  SCOGGIN,  University   of  Missouri,   Columbia,    Mo. 

1906. 

Dr.  CHARLES  P.  G.  SCOTT,  1  Madison  Ave.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1895. 
*Mrs.  SAMUEL  BRYAN  SCOTT  (nee  Morris),   124  Highland  Ave.,   Chestnut 

Hill,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1903. 
Rev.  JOHN  L.  SCULLY,  Church  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  312-332  East  88th  St., 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1908. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  G.  SEIPLE,  125  Tschihidai,  Sendai,  Japan.  1902. 
J.  HERBERT  SENTER,  10  Avon  St.,  Portland,  Maine.    1870. 
Rev.  W.  A.  SHEDD,   American  Mission,  Urumia,  Persia,    (via  Berlin  and 

Tabriz).    1906. 
Prof.  CHARLES  N.  SHEPARD  (General  Theological  Sem.),  9  Chelsea  Square, 

New  York,  N.  Y.    1907. 

CHARLES  C.  SHERMAN,  614  Riverside  Drive,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1904. 
*JOHN  R.  SLATTERY,  14,  rue  Montaigne,  Paris,  France.   1903. 
Major  C.  C.  SMITH,  P.  S.,  Manila,  Philippine  Islands.    1907. 
Prof.  HENRY  PRESERVED  SMITH,  Theological  School,  Meadville,  Pa.    1877. 
Prof.  JOHN  M.  P.  SMITH,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 
ELY  BANNISTER  SOANE,   care   of  Messrs.  H.  S.  King  &  Co.,   9  Pall  Mall, 

London,  £W.,  England.     1911. 
Prof.  EDWARD  H.  SPIEKER,  Johns  Hopkins  University,   Baltimore,  Md. 

1884. 

Rev.  Dr.  JAMES  D.  STEELE,  15  Grove  Terrace,  Passaic,  N.  J.    1892. 
Mrs.  SARA  YORKE  STEVENSON,  237  South  21st  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.     1907. 
President  LANGDON  C.  STEWARDSON,  Hobart  College,  Geneva,  N.  Y.     1901. 
Rev.  ANSON  PHELPS  STOKES,  Jr.,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn.  1900. 
MAYER  SULZBERGER,  1303  Girard  Ave.,  Philadelphia,  Pa.    1888. 
Prof.  GEORGE  SVERDRUP,  Jr.,  Augsburg  Seminary,  Minneapolis,  Minn.   1907. 
EBEN  FRANCIS  THOMPSON,  311  Main  St.,  Worcester,  Mass.    1906. 
Prof.  HENRY  A.  TODD  (Columbia  Univ.),  824  West  End  Ave.,  New  York, 

N.  Y.    1885. 

OLAF  A.  TOFFTEEN,  2726  Washington  Boulevard,  Chicago,  111.    1906. 
*Prof.  CHARLES  C.  TOEREY  (Yale  Univ.),  67  Mansfield  St.,  New  Haven, 

Conn.    1891. 
Prof.  CRAWFORD  H.  TOY  (Harvard  Univ.),  7  Lowell  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

1871. 
Rev.  SYDNEY  N.  USSHER,   St.  Bartholomew's  Church,  44th  St.  &  Madison 

Ave.,  N.  Y.    1909. 
Rev.    HERVEY    BOARDMAN    VANDERBOGART,     Berkeley     Divinity     School, 

Middletown,  Conn.     1911. 
Rev.  Dr.  FREDERICK  AUGUSTUS  VANDERBURGH,   53  Washington   Sq.,    New 

York,  N.  Y.    1908. 


List  of  Members.  xix 

ADDISON  VAN  NAME  (Yale  Univ.),  121  High  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.    1863. 
Miss  SUSAN  HAYES  WARD,  The  Stone  House,  Abington  Ave.,  Newark, 

N.  J.    1874. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  HAYES  WARD,  130  Fulton  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1869. 
Miss  CORNELIA  WARREN,  Cedar  Hill,  Waltham,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  WILLIAM  F.  WARREN  (Boston  Univ.) ,    131  Davia  Ave.,  Brookline, 

Mass.    1877. 

Prof.  R.  M.  WENLEY,  University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.    1898. 
Prof.  J.  E.  WERREN,  17  Leonard  Ave.,  Cambridge,  Mass.    1894. 
Prof.  JENS  IVERSON  WESTENGARD  (Harvard  Univ.),  Asst.  Gen.  Adviser  to 

H.S.M.  Govt.,  Bangkok,  Siam.    1903. 
Pres.  BENJAMIN  IDE  WHEELER,  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

1885. 
Prof.  JOHN  WILLIAMS  WHITE  (Harvard  Univ.),  18  Concord  Ave.,  Cambridge 

Mass.    1877. 
*Miss  MARGARET  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

1908. 

Mrs.  WILLIAM  DWIGHT  WHITNEY,  227  Church  St.,  New  Haven,  Conn.   1897, 
Hon.  E.  T.  WILLIAMS,  U.  S.  Legation,  Peking,  China.     1901. 
Prof.  FREDERICK  WELLS  WILLIAMS  (Yale  Univ.),  135  Whitney  Ave.,  New 

Haven,  Conn.    1895. 
Dr.  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS    ("The  Press"),    916  Pine  St.,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

1884. 

Rev.  Dr.  WILLIAM  COPLEY  WINSLOW,  525  Beacon  St.,  Boston,  Mass.    1885. 
Rev.  Dr.  STEPHEN  S.  WISE,  23  West  90th  St.,  New  York,  N.  Y.    1894. 
Prof.  JOHN  E.  WISHART,  Xenia,  Ohio.   1911. 
HENRY  B.  WITTON,  Inspector  of  Canals,  16  Murray  St.,  Hamilton,  Ontario. 

1885. 

Dr.  Louis  B.  WOLFENSON,  1620  Madison  St.,  Madison,  Wis.    1904. 
Prof.  IRVING  F.  WOOD,  Smith  College,  Northampton,  Mass.    1905. 
WILLIAM  W.  WOOD,  Shirley  Lane,  Baltimore,  Md.    1900. 
Prof.  JAMES  H.  WOODS  (Harvard  Univ.),  2  Chestnut  St.,   Boston,  Mass. 

1900. 

Dr.  WILLIAM  H,  WORRELL,  53  Premont  Street,  Hartford,  Conn.    1910. 
Rev.  JAMES  OWENS  WRIGHTSON,  812  20th  St.,  N.  W.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

1903. 
Rev.  Dr.  ABRAHAM  YOHANNAN,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

1894. 
Rev.  ROBERT  ZIMMERMANN,  S.  J.,   Niederwallstrasse  8—9,  Berlin,   SW.  19, 

Germany.     1911.  (Total,  292.) 


xx  List  of  Members. 

SOCIETIES,  EDITORS,  AND  LIBRARIES,   TO  WHICH   THE  PUBLICATIONS  OF 

THE  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY  ARE  SENT  BY  WAY  OF  GIFT, 

EXCHANGE,  OR  PURCHASE. 

I.  AMERICA. 

BOSTON,  MASS.:  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences. 
CHICAGO,  ILL.:  Field  Museum  of  Natural  History. 
NEW  YORK:  American  Geographical  Society. 
PHILADELPHIA,  PA.:  American  Philosophical  Society. 

Free  Museum  of  Science  and  Art,  Univ.  of  Penna. 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.:  Smithsonian  Institution. 

Bureau  of  American  Ethnology. 
WORCESTER,  MASS.:  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

II.  EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA,  VIENNA:  Kaiserliche  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 

K.  u.  K.  Kaiserliche  Direction  der  K.  u.  K.  Hofbibliothek. 

(Josephsplatz  1.) 
Anthropologische  Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE:  Koniglich  Bohmische  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 
DENMARK,  ICELAND,  REYKJAVIK:  University  Library. 

FRANCE,  PARIS  :  Societe  Asiatique.     (Rue  de  Seine,  Palais  de  1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque  Nationale. 
Musee  Guimet.    (Avenue  du  Trocadero.) 
Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres. 
Ecole  des  Langues  Orientales  Vivantes.    (Rue  de  Lille,  2.) 
GERMANY,  BERLIN:  Koniglich  Preussische  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche  Bibliothek. 

Seminar  f  iir  Orientalische  Sprachen.   (Am  Zeughause  1.) 
DARMSTADT  :  Grossherzogliche  Hofbibliothek. 
GOTTINGEN:  Konigliche  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 

HALLE:  Bibliothek  der  DeutschenMorgenlandischen  Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse  50.) 
LEiPzio:  Koniglich  Sachsische  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften. 

Leipziger  Semitistische  Studien.    (J.  C.  Hinrichs.) 
MUNICH:  Koniglich  Bayerische  Akademie  der  Wissenschaften. 

Konigliche  Hof-  und  Staatsbibliothek. 
TUBINGEN:  Library  of  the  University. 

GREAT  BRITAIN,  LONDON:   Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land.   (22  Albemarle  St.,  W.) 
Library  of  the  India  Office.    (Whitehall,  S.W.) 
Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology.  (37  Great  Russell 

St.,  Bloomsbury,  W.C.) 
Philological  Society.  (Care  of  Dr.  F.  J.  Furnivall, 

3  St.  George's  Square,  Primrose  Hill,  N.W.) 

ITALY,  BOLOGNA:  Reale  Accademia  delle  Scienze  dell'  Istituto  di  Bologna. 
FLORENCE  :  Societa  Asiatica  Italiana. 
ROME:  Reale  Accademia  dei  Lincei. 


List  of  Members.  xxi 

NETHERLANDS,  AMSTERDAM:  Koninklijke  Akademie  van  Wetenschappen. 

THE  HAGUE:  Koninklijk   Instituut   voor  Taal-,    Land-,    en 

Volkenkunde  van  Nederlandsch  Indie. 
LEYDEN:  Curatorium  of  the  University. 
RUSSIA,  HELSINQFORS:  Societe  Finno-Ougrienne. 

ST.  PETERSRURQ:  Imperatorskaja  Akademija  Nauk. 

Archeologiji  Institut. 
SWEDEN,  UPSALA:  Humanistiska  Vetenskaps-Samfundet. 

III.  ASIA. 

CHINA,  SHANGHAI:  China  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

TONKIN:  1'Ecole  Franchise  d'extreme  Orient  (Rue  de  Coton),  Hanoi. 
INDIA,  BOMBAY:  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

The  Anthropological  Society.    (Town  Hall.) 
BENARES:  Benares  Sanskrit  Coll.    "The  Pandit/' 

CALCUTTA:  The  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal.     (57  Park  St.) 

The  Buddhist  Text  Society.    (86  Jaun  Bazar  St.) 
Home  Dept,  Government  of  India. 
LAHORE:  Library  of  the  Oriental  College. 

SIMLA:  Office  of  the  Director  General  of  Archaeology.    (Benmore, 

Simla,  Punjab.) 

CEYLON,  COLOMBO  :  Ceylon  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 
JAPAN,  TOKYO:  The  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan. 

JAVA,  BATAVIA:  Bataviaasch  Genootschap  van  Kunsten  en  Wetenschappen. 
KOREA:  Korea  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Seoul,  Korea. 
NEW  ZEALAND:  The  Polynesian  Society,  New  Plymouth. 
PHILIPPINE  ISLANDS:  The  Ethnological  Survey,  Manila. 
SYRIA:  The  American  School  (care  U.  S.  Consul,  Jerusalem). 
Revue  Biblique,  care  of  M.  J.  Lagrange,  Jerusalem. 
Al-Machriq,  Universite  St.  Joseph,  Beirut,  Syria. 

IV.  AFRICA. 
EGYPT,  CAIRO:  The  Khedivial  Library. 

V.  EDITORS  OF  THE  FOLLOWING  PERIODICALS. 

The  Indian  Antiquary  (Education  Society's  Press,  Bombay,  India). 
Wiener  Zeitschrift  fur  die  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes  (care  of  Alfred  Holder, 

Rothenthurmstr.  15,  Vienna,  Austria). 
Zeitschrift  fur  vergleichende  Sprachforschung  (care    of  Prof.  E.  Kuhn, 

3  Hess  Str.,  Munich,  Bavaria). 
Revue  de  1'Histoire  des  Religions  (care  of  M.  Jean  Reville,  chez  M.  E. 

Leroux,  28  rue  Bonaparte,  Paris,  France). 
Zeitschrift  fiir  die  alttestaraentliche  Wissenschaft  (care  of  Prof.  D.  Karl 

Marti,  Marienstr,  25,  Bern,  Switzerland). 
Beitrage  zur  Assyriologie    und  semitischen  Sprachwissenschaft.     (J.  C. 

Hinrichs'sche  Buchhandlung,  Leipzig,  Germany ) 


xxii  List  of  Members. 

Orientaliscbe  Bibliographic  (care  of  Prof.  Lucian  Scherman,  18  Ungerer- 
str.,  Munich,  Bavaria). 

The  American  Antiquarian  and  Oriental  Journal,  438  East  57th  St.,  Chi- 
cago, 111. 

American  Journal  of  Archaeology,  65  Sparks  St.,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Transactions  of  the  American  Philological  Association  (care  of  Prof.  F.  G. 
Moore,  Columbia  University,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Le  Monde  Oriental  (care  of  Prof.  K.  F.  Johansson,  Upsala,  Sweden). 

Panini  Office,  Bhuvaneswani.   Asram  Allahabad  Bahadurgany,  India. 

VI.  LIBRARIES. 

The  Editors  request  the  Librarians  of  any  Institution  or  Libraries, 
not  mentioned  below,  to  which  this  Journal  may  regularly  come,  to  notify 
them  of  the  fact.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  Editors  to  print  a  list,  as 
complete  as  may  be,  of  regular  subscribers  for  the  Journal  or  of  recipients 
thereof.  The  following  is  the  beginning  of  such  a  list. 

Andover  Theological  Seminary. 

Boston  Athenaeum,  Boston,  Mass. 

Boston  Public  Library. 

Brown  University  Library. 

Buffalo  Society  of  Natural  Science,  Library  Building,  Buffalo,  N.  Y. 

University  of  California  Library,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

Chicago  University  Library. 

Columbia  University  Library. 

Connemora  Public  Library,  Madras,  India. 

Cornell  University  Library. 

Harvard  Sanskrit  Class-Room  Library. 

Harvard  Semitic  Class-Room  Library. 

Harvard  University  Library. 

Hebrew  Union  College,  Cincinnati,  0. 

Johns  Hopkins  University  Library,  Baltimore,  Md. 

University  of  Michigan,  Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 

Minneapolis  Athenaeum,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

Nebraska  University  Library. 

New  York  Public  Library. 

Rochester  Theological  Seminary,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Yale  University  Library. 

Recipients:  318  (Members)  -f  76  (Gifts  and  Exchanges)  +  21  (Lib- 
raries) =  415. 


Constitution  and  By-Laws. 
CONSTITUTION  AND  BY-LAWS 

OF  THE 

AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY. 

With  Amendments  of  April.  1897  and  1911. 


XX111 


CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  I.    This  Society  shall  be  called  the  AMERICAN  ORIENTAL  SOCIETY. 
ARTICLE  II.   The  objects  contemplated  by  this  Society  shall  be:  - 

1.  The  cultivation  of  learning  in  the  Asiatic,  African,  and  Polynesian 
languages,  as  well  as  the  encouragement    of  researches  of  any  sort  by 
which  the  knowledge  of  the  East  may  be  promoted. 

2.  The  cultivation  of  a  taste  for  oriental  studies  in  this  country. 

3.  The  publication   of  memoirs,  translations,   vocabularies,   and   other 
communications,  presented  to   the  Society,   which  may  be  valuable  with 
reference  to  the  before-mentioned  objects. 

4.  The  collection  of  a  library  and  cabinet. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  members  of  this  Society  shall  be  distinguished  as 
corporate  and  honorary. 

ARTICLE  IY.  All  candidates  for  membership  must  be  proposed  by  the 
Directors,  at  some  stated  meeting  of  the  Society,  and  no  person  shall  be 
elected  a  member  of  either  class  without  receiving  the  votes  of  as  many  as 
three-fourths  of  all  the  members  present  at  the  meeting. 

ARTICLE  V.  The  government  of  the  Society  shall  consist  of  a  President, 
three  Vice  Presidents,  a  Corresponding  Secretary,  a  Recording  Secretary, 
a  Treasurer,  a  Librarian,  and  seven  Directors,  who  shall  be  annually  elected 
by  ballot,  at  the  annual  meeting. 

ARTICLE  VI.  The  President  and  Vice  Presidents  shall  perform .  the 
customary  duties  of  such  officers,  and  shall  be  ex-officio  members  of  the 
Board  of  Directors. 

ARTICLE  VII.  The  Secretaries,  Treasurer,  and  Librarian  shall  be 
ex-officio  members  of  the  Board  of  Directors,  and  shall  perform  their 
respective  duties  under  the  superintendence  of  said  Board. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Board  of  Directors  to  regu- 
late the  financial  concerns  of  the  Society,  to  superintend  its  publications, 
to  carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  and  orders  of  the  Society,  and  to 
exercise  a  general  supervision  over  its  affairs.  Five  Directors  at  any 
regular  meeting  shall  be  a  quorum  for  doing  business. 

ARTICLE  IX.  An  Annual  meeting  of  the  Society  shall  be  held  during 
Easter  week,  the  days  and  place  of  the  meeting  to  be  determined  by  the 
Directors,  said  meeting  to  be  held  in  Massachusetts  at  least  once  in  three 
years.  One  or  more  other  meetings,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Directors, 


xxiv  Constitution  and  By-Laivs. 

may  also  be  held  each  year  at  such  place  and  time  as  the  Directors  shall 
determine. 

ARTICLE  X.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended,  on  a  recommendation 
of  the  Directors,  by  a  vote  of  three-fourths  of  the  members  present  at  an 
annual  meeting. 

BY-LAWS. 

I.  The  Corresponding  Secretary  shall  conduct  the  correspondence  of 
the   Society,  and  it  shall  be  his  duty  to  keep,  in  a  book  provided  for  the 
purpose,   a  copy  of  his  letters;  and  he  shall  notify  the  meetings  in  such 
manner  as  the  President  or  the  Board  of  Directors  shall  direct. 

II.  The  Recording  Secretary  shall  keep  a  record  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  Society  in  a  book  provided  for  the  purpose. 

III.  a.  The  Treasurer  shall  have  charge  of  the  funds  of  the  Society; 
and  his   investments,    deposits,    and  payments  shall  be  made  under  the 
superintendence  of  the  Board  of  Directors.    At  each  annual  meeting  he 
shall  report  the  state  of  the  finances,  with  a  brief  summary  of  the  receipts 
and  payments  of  the  previous  year. 

III.  b.  After  December  31,  1896,  the  fiscal  year  of  the  Society  shall 
correspond  with  the  calendar  year. 

III.  c.  At  each  annual  business  meeting  in  Easter  week,  the  President 
shall  appoint  an  auditing  committee  of  two  men — preferably  men  residing 
in  or  near  the  town  where  the  Treasurer  lives — to  examine  the  Treasurer's 
accounts  and  vouchers,  and  to  inspect  the  evidences  of  the  Society's  prop- 
erty, and  to  see  that  the  funds  called  for  by  his  balances  are  in  his  hands. 
The  Committee  shall  perform  this  duty  as  soon  as  possible  after  the  New 
Year's  day  succeeding  their  appointment,  and  shall  report  their  findings 
to  the  Society  at  the  next  annual  business  meeting  thereafter.    If  these 
findings  are  satisfactory,  the  Treasurer  shall  receive  his  acquittance  by  a 
certificate  to  that  effect,  which  shall  be  recorded  in  the  Treasurer's  book, 
and  published  in  the  Proceedings. 

IV.  The  Librarian  shall  keep  a  catalogue  of  all  books  belonging  to  the 
Society,  with  the  names  of  the  donors,  if  they  are  presented,  and  shall  at 
each  annual  meeting  make  a  report  of  the  accessions  to  the  library  during 
the  previous  year,    and  shall  be  farther  guided  in  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  by  such  rules  as  the  Directors  shall  prescribe. 

V.  All  papers  read  before  the  Society,   and  all  manuscripts  deposited 
by  authors  for  publication,  or  for  other  purposes,  shall  be  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Board  of  Directors,   unless  notice  to  the  contrary  is  given  to  the 
Editors  at  the  time  of  presentation. 

VI.  Each  corporate  member  shall  pay  into  the  treasury  of  the  Society 
an  annual  assessment   of  five  dollars;  but  a  donation   at  any  one  time  of 
seventy-five  dollars  shall  exempt  from  obligation  to  make  this  payment. 

VII.  Corporate  and  Honorary  members  shall  be  entitled  to  a  copy  of 
all  the  publications  of  the  Society  issued  during  their  membership,  and 
shall   also   have  the  privilege  of  taking  a  copy  of  those  previously  pub- 
lished, so  far  as  the  Society  can  supply  them,  at  half  the  ordinary  selling 
price. 

VIII.  Candidates   for   membership    who    have    been   elected  by   the 
Society  shall  qualify  as  members  by  payment  of  the  first  annual  assess- 


Constitution  and  By-Laws.  xxv 

ment  within  one  month  from  the  time  when  notice  of  such  election  i- 
mailed  to  them.  A  failure  so  to  qualify  shall  be  construed  a^  a  refusal 
to  become  a  member.  If  any  corporate  member  shall  for  t\v<»  years  fail 
to  pay  his  assessments,  his  name  may,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Director-, 
be  dropped  from  the  list  of  members  of  the  Society. 

IX.  Six  members  shall  form  a  quorum  for  doing  business,   and  three 
to  adjourn. 

SUPPLEMENTARY  BY-LAWS. 

I.      FOR   THE  LlBRAUV. 

1.  The  Library  shall  be  accessible  for  consultation  to  all  members  of 
the  Society,  at  such  times  as  the  Library  of  Yale  College,  with  which  it  is 
deposited,  shall  be  open  for  a  similar  purpose;  further,  to  such  persons 
as   shall  receive  the  permission  of  the  Librarian,  or  of  the  Librarian  or 
Assistant  Librarian  of  Yale  College. 

2.  Any  member  shall  be  allowed  to  draw  books  from  the  Library  upon 
the   following   conditions:    he   shall   give   his   receipt  for  them  to  the 
Librarian,  pledging  himself  to  make  good  any  detriment  the  Library  may 
suffer  from  their  loss  or  injury,    the  amount  of  said  detriment  to  be 
determined  by  the  Librarian,  with  the  assistance  of  the  President,  or  of 
a  Vice  President;    and  he  shall  return  them  within  a  time  not  exceeding 
three   months  from  that  of  their  reception,   unless  by  special  agreement 
with  the  Librarian  this  term  shall  be  extended. 

3.  Persons  not  members  may  also,   on  special   grounds,  and  at  the 
discretion  of  the  Librarian,  be  allowed  to  take  and  use  the  Society's  books, 
upon  depositing  with  the  Librarian  a  sufficient  security  that  they  shall 
be  duly   returned  in  good  condition,  or  their  loss  or  damage  fully  com- 
pensated. 


Until  further  notice  the 

Publications  of  the  American  Oriental  Society 

will  be  sold  as  follows: 

1.  Members   of  the   Society  receive   the   current   number    of  the 
Society's  Journal  free  of  charge. 

2.  To  those  who  are  not  members  of  the  Society  the  price  of  the 
current  volume  is  six  dollars,  carriage  to  be  paid  by  the  purchaser. 

3.  The  back  volumes  of  the  Journal  will  be  sold  separately  as 
follows : 

*Vol.          I  (18434849) S25  Vol.        XVII  (1896) $4 

Vol.        II  (1851) 5  Vol.      XVIII  (1897)  6 

Vol.       Ill  (1852-1853) 5  j     Vol.          XIX  (1898) 6 

Vol.       IV  (1853-1854) 5  Vol.            XX  (1899) 6 


Vol.         V  (1855-1856) 5 

*  Vol.       VI  (1860) 20 

Vol.      VII  (1862) 6 


Vol.          XXI  (1900) 6 

Vol.        XXII  (1901) 6 

Vol.      XXIII  (1902)    6 


Vol.  VIII  (1866) 8  Vol.      XXIV  (1903)    6 

Vol.       IX  (1871) 8!  Vol.        XXV  (1904)    6 

Vol.         X  (1872-1880) 8  Vol.      XXVI  (1905)    6 

Vol.       XI  (1882-1885) 6  Vol.    XXVII  (1906)    6 

Vol.     XII  (1881) 6  Vol.  XXVIII  (1907)    6 

Vol.    XIII  (1889) 8  Vol.     XXIX  (1908-1909) 5 

Vol.    XIV  (1890) 6  Vol.       XXX  (1909-1910) 6 

Vol.       XV  (1890) 6  !     Vol.     XXXI  (1910-1911) 6 

Vol.     XVI  (1894-1896) 6 

*  Only  a  very  limited  number  of  volumes  I  and  VI  can  be  sold  separately. 

4.  A  discount  of  20  per  cent,  will  be   allowed  to  public  libraries 
and  to  the  libraries  of  educational  institutions. 

5.  A  limited  number  of  complete  sets  (vol.  I — vol.  XXX)  will  be 
sold  at  the  price  of  f  180,  carriage  to  be  baid  by  the  purchaser. 

6.  The  following  separate  prints  are  for  sale: 

H.  G.  0.  Dwight,  Catalogue  of  works  in  the  Armenian  language 

prior  to  the  seventeenth  century $5.00 

N.  Khanikoff,  Book  of  the  Balance  of  Wisdom 5.00 

Burgess,  Surya-Siddhanta 8.00 

Paspati,   Memoir  on  the  language  of  the  Gypsies  in  the  Turkish 

Empire 5.00 

L.  H.  Gulick,  Panape  Dialect 2.50 

Whitney's  TaittirTya-Pratic,akhya 6.00 

Avery's  Sanskrit- Verb-Inflection 3.00 

Whitney's  Index  Verborum  to  the  Atharva-Veda 6.00 

The  same  on  large  paper  8.00 

Hopkins's  Position  of  the  Ruling  Caste 5.00 

Oertel's  JaiminTya-Upanisad-Brahamana 2.50 

Arnold's  Historical  Vedic  Grammar  2.50 

Bloomfield's  KauQika-Sutra  of  the  Atharva-Veda 8.00 

The  Whitney  Memorial  volume 3.00 

7.  Beginning  with    volume    XXX  the   Journal  appears   in   four 
quarterly  parts  of  which  the   first  is  issued  on  December  first,  the 
second  on  March  first,  the  third  on  June  first,  and  the  fourth  on  Sep- 
tember first.    Single  parts  of  the  Journal  cannot  be  sold. 

All  communications  concerning  the  Library  should  be  addressed  to 
Professor  ALBEET  T.  CLAY,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn., 
U.  S.  A. 


Notices.  xxvii 


TO  CONTBIBUTORS. 

Fifty   copies   of  each    article   published  in  this  Journal   will   be 
forwarded   to   the    author.     A  larger  number   will  be  furnished  at 

cost. 


GENERAL  NOTICES. 

1.  Members  are  requested  to   give  immediate  notice   of  changes 
of   address    to    the     Treasurer,    Prof.    Frederick    Wells    Williams, 
135  Whitney  avenue,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

2.  It  is   urgently   requested   that   gifts   and  exchanges  intended 
for    the    Library    of    the    Society    be    addressed    as    follows:    The 
Library  of  the   American    Oriental   Society,    Yale  University  New 
Haven,  Connecticut,  TJ.  S.  America. 

3.  For    information    regarding    the  sale    of   ihe  Society's    pub- 
lications see  the  next  foregoing  page. 

4.  Communications    for   the    Journal     should    be    sent    to    Prof. 
James   Eichard  Jewett,  Harvard  University,    Cambridge,  Mass.,  or 
Prof.  Hanns  Oertel,  Yale  University,  New  Haven,  Conn. 


CONCERNING  MEMBERSHIP. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  any  one  to  be  a  professed  Orientalist  in 
order  to  become  a  member  of  the  Society.  All  persons — men  or 
women — who  are  in  sympathy  with  the  objects  of  the  Society  and 
willing  to  further  its  work  are  invited  to  give  it  their  help.  This  help 
may  be  rendered  by  the  payment  of  the  annual  assessments,  by  gifts 
to  its  library,  or  by  scientific  contributions  to  its  Journal,  or  in  all 
of  these  ways.  Persons  desiring  to  become  members  are  requested 
to  apply  to  the  Treasurer,  whose  address  is  given  above.  Members 
receive  the  Journal  free.  The  annual  assessment  is  $5.  The  fee  for 
Life -Membership  is  $75. 


Priutad  by  W.  Drugulia,  Leipzig  (Germany). 


The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras  of  the  Brahmans.— 
By  HERMANN  JACOBI,  Professor  in  the  University  of 
Bonn,  Germany. 

Subject  of  the  investigation. — Some  of  the  Sutras  of  the  six 
orthodox  philosophical  Systems  of  the  Brahmans1  refer  to 
Buddhist  doctrines  and  refute  them.  As  we  are  now  sufficiently 
acquainted  with  Buddhist  philosophy  and  its  history,  we  can 
attempt  to  make  out  the  peculiar  school  of  Buddhist  philosophy 
which  is  referred  to  in  a  passage  of  a  Sutra,  and  thus  to 
determine  the  date,  or  rather  terminus  a  quo,  of  the  Sutra  in 
question.  Our  inquiry  will  he  chiefly  concerned  with  the 
Sunyavada  or  philosophical  nihilism,  and  with  the  Vijnanavada 
or  pure  idealism.  The  former  is  the  philosophy  of  the  Mndhya- 
mikas;  the  latter  is  that  of  the  Yogacaras.  It  may  be  premised 
that  hoth  these  systems  admit  the  Ksanikavada  or  the  theory  of 
the  momentariness  of  everything,  so  far  at  least  as  is  consistent 
with  their  peculiar  principles';  to  these  I  will  now  briefly  advert. 
The  Sunyavada  maintains  that  all  our  ideas,  if  analysed,  contain 
logical  impossibilities  or  self-contradictions,  and  that  therefore 
nothing  real  can  underlie  them;  and  that  that  upon  which 
they  are  based  is  a  nonentity  or  the  void  (Sunya,  nirupakhyd). 
This  system2  was  established  by  Nagarjuna,  who  flourished 


1  Abbreviations:  M.S.  =  ALlmamsa  Sutra;  B.S.  =  Brahma  Sutra  (Ve- 
danta);  V.D.  =  Vaisesika  Darsana;  N.D.  =  Nyaya  Darsana;  Y.S.  =  Yoga 
Sutra;  S.S.  =  Sankhya  Sutra. 

2  The  Sunyavada  may  be  compared  with  the  philosophy  of  Zeno,  who 
by  a  similar  method  tried  to  refute  the  common  opinion  that  there  exist 
many  things  of  a  changing  nature.     Aristotle  called  Zeno  cvpcr^v  TT/J  Sia- 
Xf/cn/cTjs;  the  same  may  be   said   of  Xagarjuna  whose  Madhyamikasutras 
sot  the  example  for  the  dialectical  literature  of  the  Hindus  which  reached 
its  height  in  Srfharfa's  Khandnna-Khanda-KhSdya.     It  deserves    to   be 
remarked   that    in    this    regard    also    the  VedSntiu    of  Sankara's   school 
follows  in  the  track  of  the  £anyavadin, 

VOL.  XXXF.     Tart  I. 


2  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

about  the  end  of  the  second  century  A.D.1  The  Vijnanavada 
contends  that  only  consciousness  or  vijnana  is  real.  There 
are  two  kinds  of  vijnana:  1.  alaya-vijnana  or  consciousness 
proper,  which  lasts  till  the  individual  reaches  Nirvana  (a-laya) ; 
and  2.  pravrtti-vijndna  or  the  thoughts  of  the  same  individual 
concerning  objects.  The  latter  is  produced  from  alaya-vijnana. 
The  Vijnanavada  was  established  by  Asanga  and  his  younger 
brother  Yasubandhu,  who  seem  to  have  flourished  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  fifth  century  A.D.2  To  this  school  belong 
Dignaga  and  Dharmaklrti,  the  greatest  Buddhist  philosophers 
and  writers  on  Logic  (pramdna).  DignSga  attacked  Vatsya- 
yana's  Nyayabhasya,  and  was  answered  by  the  Uddyotakara 
(6th  century  A.D.)  in  the  Nyayavarttika.  Dharmaklrti,  who 
further  developed  Dignaga's  philosophy,  appears  to  have  flourish- 
ed about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  A.D. 

It  will  be  our  task  to  examine  closely  the  Buddhist  doctrines 
controverted  in  the  philosophical  Sutras  in  order  to  decide 
whether  they  belong  to  the  Sunyavada  or  to  the  Vijnanavada, 
On  the  result  of  our  inquiry  will  depend  the  presumable  date 
of  the  Sutras  in  question.  If  they  refer  to  the  Vijnanavada, 
they  must  be  later  than  the  fifth  century  A.D.;  if  however 
this  is  not  the  case,  and  we  can  assign  to  them  an  acquain- 
tance with  the  Sunyavada  only,  they  must  date  somewhere 
between  200  "and  500  A.D. 

Doubts  about  the  collusiveness  of  this  argumentation. — Even 
if  we  should  succeed  in  recognising  the  true  origin  of  the 
controverted  doctrines,  still  it  might  be  doubted  whether  the 
few  passages  on  which  we  must  rely  for  proof,  form  a  genuine 
part  of  the  work  in  which  they  occur,  or  are  a  later  addition. 
For  the  aphoristical  style  of  the  Sutras,  the  somewhat  desultory 
way  of  treating  subjects,  and  the  loose  connexion  of  the  several 
parts  (adhikaranas)  in  most  of  these  works  make  the  insertion 
of  a  few  Sutras  as  easy  as  the  detection  of  them  is  difficult. 
The  text  of  the  Sutras  as  we  have  them  is  at  best  that  which 
the  oldest  Scholiast  chose  to  comment  upon,  and  it  cannot  be 

1  A  contemporary  of  Nagarjuna  was  Aryadeva.     A  poem   ascribed  to 
him  has  been  edited  in  JASB.  1898.    As  in  that  poem  the  zodiacal  signs 
(ras'i)  and  the  weekdays  (vdraJca)  are  mentioned,  it  can  not  be  earlier 
than  the  third  century  A.D. 

2  See  Takakusu    in  Bulletin   de   VEcole  Fran^aise  d' Extreme- Or  lent, 
1904,  vol.  iv,  p.  53 f. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  oj  the  Philosophical  Sutras  <&c.  3 

safely  traced  further  hack.  The  uncertainty  occasioned  by  the 
nature  of  our  texts  is,  however,  iu  the  present  case  ptirtK 
remedied  by  the  repeated  allusions  in  one  text  to  the  same 
doctrines,  or  by  the  occurrence  in  two  Sutra  works  of  the  same 
discussion  with  the  same  arguments.  These  facts  make  it 
probable  that  the  topic  in  question  was  one  which  at  that 
time  a  Sutrakara  considered  himself  bound  to  discuss. 

Another  objection  may  be  raised  against  our  chronological 
argument.  It  may  be  said,  and  not  without  a  considerable 
amount  of  plausibility,  that  even  before  Nagarjuna  had  brought 
the  Sunyavada  into  a  system,  similar  opinions  may  already 
been  held  by  earlier  Buddhist  thinkers;  and  the  same 
remark  applies  to  the  Vijrifmavada.  Therefore,  it  may  be 
argued,  a  reference  to  doctrines  of  the  Sunyavada  or  Vijnana- 
need  not  be  posterior  to  the  definite  establishment  of 
a  systems.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  it  is  almost  certain 
that  a  Sutrakara  would  not  have  thought  it  necessary  to  refute 
all  opinions  opposed  to  his  own,  but  only  such  as  had  success- 
fully passed  the  ordeal  of  public  disputation.  For  only  in  that 
case  would  the  doctrines  themselves  and  the  arguments  pro 
and  contra  have  been  defined  with  that  degree  of  precision 
which  rendered  their  discussion  in  aphorisms  possible  to  the 
author  and  intelligible  to  the  student.  Now  when  a  philo- 
sopher succeeds  in  upholding  his  individual  opinions  against 
all  opponents  in  public  disputations,  he  is  henceforth  considered 
the  founder  of  a  new  school  or  sect,  and  the  author  of  its 
tenets.1  Therefore  we  may  be  sure  that  a  discussion  of  Sunya- 
vada or  Vijnanavada  opinions  in  a  Sutra  must  be  referred  to 
the  period  after  the  definite  establishment  of  those  schools. 

Origin  and  development  of  the  views  here  presented.— I  con- 
ceived the  general  ideas  set  forth  above  and  began  to  work 
them  out  in  the  summer  of  1909.  My  first  impression,  sup- 
ported by  the  comments  of  Safikara  and  Vacaspatimisra  and 
others,  was  that  the  Sutras,  especially  B.S.  and  N.D.,  refer  to 
the  Vijnanavada.  On  a  closer  examination,  however,  of  the 
evidence,  I  became  convinced  that  they  really  refer  to  the 
Sunyavada,  and  that  the  later  commentators  had  brought  in 
the  Vijnanavada  because  that  system  had  in  their  time  risen 
to  paramount  importance.  I  had  nearly  finished  my  article 

1  Compniv  my  remarks  on  the  Dhvanikara  in  ZDMG.  56.  409 f. 

1* 


4  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

when  Professor  von  Stcherbatskoi  told  me  that  he  had  treated 
the  question  about  the  age  of  the  philosophical  Sutras  in  his 
work  Teopin  nosnauifi  u  Jiozma  no  yuenito  nosduibiiwuxz  Eyd- 
ducmo65,  HaciL  II,  St.  Petersburg,  1909,  and  had  arrived  at  the 
conclusion  that  the  Sutras  refer  to  the  Vijnanavada.  He  kindly 
sent  me  an  abstract  in  English  of  his  arguments,  which  I  sub- 
join for  the  benefit  of  those  readers  who,  like  the  author  of  this 
paper,  cannot  read  the  Russian  original. 

In  his  work  " Epistemology  and  Logic  as  taught  by  the  later  Buddhists" 
Mr.  Stcherbatskoi  maintains  (p.  29)  that  the  Sutras  of  the  chief  philo- 
sophical systems  in  their  present  form  do  not  belong  to  that  high  anti- 
quity to  which  they  commonly  are  assigned,  nor  to  those  half-mythical 
authors  to  whom  tradition  ascribes  them.  The  philosophical  systems 
themselves  have  been  evolved  at  a  much  earlier  period  than  that  in 
which  the  Sutras  were  written.  The  Sutras  in  their  present  form  must 
have  been  elaborated  during  the  period  subsequent  to  the  formation  of 
the  Yogacara  school  (Vijnanavada),  and  their  authorship  has  been  attri- 
buted to  writers  of  a  high  antiquity  in  order  to  invest  them  with  greater 
authority.  In  a  previous  paper  (Notes  de  litterature  buddhique,  Museon 
nouv.  serie,  vol.  vi,  p.  144),  Mr.  Stcherbatskoi  had  already  established, 
on  the  authority  of  the  Tibetan  historian  Bouston,  that  the  Vijnanavada 
system  (Buddhist  idealism),  professed  by  a  part  of  the  Yogacara  school, 
was  clearly  formulated  for  the  first  time  by  Vasubandhu  in  his  celebrated 
Five  Prakaranas.  As  Vasubandhu  could  not  have  lived  much  earlier 
than  the  fifth  century  A.D.,  it  follows  that  those  philosophical  Sutras 
which  refer  to  his  doctrine,  in  order  to  refute  it,  cannot  have  been 
written  at  an  earlier  time. 

It  is  well  known  that  Buddhist  idealism  is  mentioned,  and  that  its 
tenets  are  refuted,  in  the  Sutras  of  Badarayana  and  of  Gotama.  Thus 
B.S.  ii.  2.  28  refutes  the  doctrine  of  the  non-existence  of  external  things. 
Again,  ii.  2.  30  refutes  the  erroneous  opinion  of  those  who  admit  solely 
the  existence  of  a  series  of  mental  impressions  unsupported  by  external 
objects,  and,  arguing  from  the  Buddhist's  point  of  view,  demonstrates 
that  a  series  of  mental  impressions  (internal  cognitions)  could  not  exist, 
unless  there  were  external  objects  to  produce  the  impression.  Once 
more,  B.S.  ii.  2.  31  maintains,  according  to  Sankara's  interpretation, 
that,  inasmuch  as,  according  to  Buddhist  doctrine,  the  stream  of  internal 
cognition  consists  of  a  series  of  separate  moments,  it  cannot  have  actual 
existence  on  account  of  its  momentariness. 

It  appears  upon  consideration  of  these  Sutras  that  their  author  is 
bent  upon  refuting  the  doctrine  which  proclaims  1.  the  unreality  of  the 
external  world,  and  2.  the  actuality  of  an  internal  consciousness  which 
consists  of  a  series  of  cognitional  acts.  Both  these  tenets  are  charac- 
teristic of  Buddhist  idealism  which  developed  subsequently  to  the  nihi- 
listic doctrine  of  the  Madhyamikas.  The  latter  denied  the  reality  of  the 
internal  consciousness  as  well  as  that  of  the  external  world. 

In  his  commentary,  Sankara  corroborates  our   opinion,  inasmuch  as 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras  &c. 


he  avers  that  the  above  mentioned  SQtras  refute  the  diH-trine  of  those 
who  maintain  that  the  stream  of  our  consciousness  is  an  altogether 
internal  process,  existing  only  so  far  as  it  is  connected  with  the  mind. 
Now  it  is  well  known  that  the  Vijnanavadins  alone  professed  the  doctrine 
that  prameya  and  pramana  and  pramdnnphala  have  existence  only  in  10 
far  as  they  are  connected  with  the  mind  (cf.  p.  418  of  vol.  i  of  Thibaut's 
translation  of  B.S.;  £lokav.  iv.  74  ff.;  \\fiynbiiidu,  i.  18,  ii,  4).  Safi- 
ktira  mentions  likewise  the  scholastic  argument  against  realism  of  which 
])i.unaga  made  use  at  the  opening  of  his  work  Alambauapariksa  (cf.  Tan- 
jour,  mdc  v.  95).  This  work,  in  which  the  main  tenet  of  idealism 
(Yi  jfianavada,  otherwise  termed  Nirilambanavida)  is  proved,  is  one  of 
the  fundamental  works  of  the  school.  The  argument  starts  from  the 
antinomic  character  of  the  ideas  of  the  whole  and  of  the  parts,  and 
states  that  the  external  object  can  be  neither  the  whole,  nor  can  it  con- 
sist of  atoms  (indivisible  partless  things:  cf.  p.  419  in  Thibaut's  transl. 
of  B.S.). 

Further  we  find  in  the  Nyayasutras  a  refutation  of  Buddhist  idealism, 
nani.  A  in  iv.  2.  26  —  35.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  Buddhist  doctrine 
is  referred  to  in  the  course  of  an  argument  upon  the  nature  of  atoms  — 
thus  as  it  were  answering  the  considerations  which  we  likewise  find  in 
the  work  of  Dignaga  in  favor  of  the  Niralambanavada.  The  Xyayasutras 
maintain  the  indivisibility  of  atoms,  and,  while  refuting  the  opposed 
opinions  touching  this  point,  they  refer  to  the  Buddhists,  to  the  Madhya- 
mikas  (who  denied  the  existence  of  atoms),  and  to  the  idealists  (who  ad- 
mitted atoms  to  be  a  percept  of  the  mind  or  an  idea).  In  the  Tatparya- 
tika,  p.  458,  Vacaspatimisra  avers  that  the  Sutra,  X.D.  iv.  2.  24  implies 
a  refutation  of  the  Madhyamika  doctrine,  while  the  Sutras  iv.  2.  26  —  35 
are  directed  against  those  who  proclaim  that  all  ideas  of  external  things 
are  false  (ibid.  p.  461).  It  is  thus  established  by  the  testimony  of  Vacas- 
patimisra and  of  Vatsyayana  (Nyaya-bhasya,  p.  233.  6)  that  Sutra  iv. 
2.  26  is  directed  chiefly  against  the  school  of  the  Vijnanavadius. 

Though  the  philosophical  Sutras  of  the  remaining  systems  do  not 
contain  any  clear  reference  to  the  Vijnanavadins,  yet  it  has  been  noted 
that  some  of  the  Sntras  display  a  remarkable  knowledge  of  each  other. 
To  judge  by  the  whole  tone  and  drift  of  the  philosophical  Sutras,  they 
must  be  the  production  of  one  and  the  same  literary  epoch. 

On  the  basis  of  what  has  been  here  said,  it  can  be  averred  with  a 
considerable  degree  of  probability  that  the  philosophical  Sutras  of  the 
chief  systems  belong  approximative^  to  one  and  to  same  period,  a  com- 
paratively late  one,  and  can  in  no  wise  be  attributed  to  those  venerable 
authors  to  whom  tradition  ascribes  them. 

Improbability  of  this  view.  —  As  stated  before,  I  too  enter- 
tained at  first  the  opinion  expressed  by  Professor  von  Stcher- 
batskoi,  but  I  was  induced  to  give  it  up  by  reason  of  the 
following  chronological  considerations.  As  the  Nyayabhasya 
was  criticised  by  Dignaga,  its  [author  Vatsyayana  (Paksila- 
svamin)  must  be  earlier  than  the  latter,  by  at  least  ten  or 


6  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

twenty  years,  since  it  is  not  Vatsyayana,  but  the  Uddyotakara 
(Bharadvaja)  who  answered  Dignaga.  He  may  therefore  have 
flourished  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixth  century  or  still  earlier. 
Now  Vatsyayana  is  not  the  immediate  successor  of  Aksapada 
Gautama,  the  author  of  the  Sutra;  for,  as  Professor  "Windisch 
pointed  out  long  ago,  Vatsyayana  incorporated  in  his  work, 
and  commented  upon  them,  sentences  of  the  character  of  Vart- 
tikas  which  apparently  give  in  a  condensed  form  the  result 
of  discussions  carried  on  in  the  school  of  Gautama.  Hence 
Gautama  must  have  been  separated  by  at  least  one  generation 
from  the  Bhasyakara,  and  can  therefore  not  be  placed  after 
the  last  quarter  of  the  fifth  century.1  Thus  if  we  accept  the 
latest  possible  date  for  the  composition  of  the  N.D.,  it  would 
fall  in  a  period  when  the  Vijnanavada  could  scarcely  have 
been  firmly  established.  The  V.D.  is  probably  as  old  as  the 
N.D.;  for  V.D.  iv.  1.  6  is  twice  quoted  by  Vatsyayana,  namely 
in  his  comment  on  N.D.  iii.  1.  33  and  67,  and  V.D.  iii.  1. 
16  is  quoted  by  him2  in  his  comment  on  N.D.  ii.  2.  34,  and 
the  Uddyotakara  quotes  the  V.D.  several  times  simply  as  the 
Sutra  or  Sastra,  and  once  calls  its  author  Paramarsi,  a  title 
accorded  only  to  ancient  writers  of  the  highest  authority.3 
We  are  therefore  almost  certain  that  two  Sutras  at  least,  N.D. 
and  V.D.,  preceded  the  origin  of  the  Vijnanavada,  or  rather 
its  definite  establishment;  and  the  same  assumption  becomes 
probable  with  regard  to  some  of  the  remaining  Sutras,  because 
the  composition  of  the  Sutras  seems  to  be  the  work  of  one  period 


1  This  result  is  supported  by  collateral  proofs.     1.  When  commenting 
on  N.D.  i.  1,  5,  Yatsyayana  gives  two  different  explanations  of  the  terms 
purvavat,  sesavat,  samdnyato  drstam,  the  names  of  the  three  subdivisions 
of  inference,  showing  thereby  that  the  meaning  of  these  important  terms 
had  become  doubtful  at  his  time.     2.  In   his    concluding   verse,    which 
however,  is  wanting  in  some  MSS.,  Yatsyayana  calls  Aksapada  a  Rsi, 
which  he  would  not  have  done,  if  he  had  not  considered  the  Sutrakara 
as  an  author  of  the  remote  past. 

2  See  Bodas's  Introduction  (p.  23)  in  Tarkasamgraha  BSS.,  1897. 

3  At  this  point  I  may  mention  that  Professor  von  Stcherbatskoi,  when 
passing  through  Bonn  on  his  way  to  India  in  December  1909,  told  me 
that  he  had  meanwhile  studied  the  first  pariccheda  of  Dignaga's  Prama- 
nasamuccaya  in    the  Tanjour.     Dignaga    giving  there   his    definition  of 
pratyaksa  (perception)  and  refuting  the  opinions  of  the  Mlmamsa,  Nyaya, 
Yaisesika,  and  Sankhya,  quotes  N.D.  i.  1.  4  and  several  Sutras  of  AT.D. 
which  treat  of  pratyaksa. 


Vol.  xxxi.]      The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras  &c.  1 

nit  her.  than  of  many.  In  order  to  prove  this  assumption  to 
he  true,  we  must  show,  as  stated  above,  that  the  Buddhist 
doctrines  refuted  in  several  Sutras  need  not  be  interpreted  as 
belonging  to  the  Vijiianavada,  but  that  the  discussion  in  the 
Sutra  becomes  fully  intelligible  if  understood  as  directed  against 
the  Sunyav&da. 

Difficulty  of  distinguishing  loth  systems  in  our  case. — The 
point  at  issue  is  whether  perception  (pratyaksa)  is  a  means  of 
true  knowledge  (pramdna)  or  not.  The  realistic  view,  strictly 
maintained  by  the  Nyaya  and  Vaisesika  philosophies,  is  that 
by  perception  we  become  truly  cognizant  of  real  objects.  The 
Sunyavada,  Nihilism  or  Illusionism,  contends  that  no  real 
objects  underlie  our  perceptions,  but  that  those  imagined  objects 
as  well  as  our  ideas  themselves  are  intrinsically  illusory,  in 
other  words,  they  are  nonentities  or  a  mere  void.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Vijiianavada  declares  that  our  ideas  or  mental 
acts  (perception  included)  are  the  only  reality,  and  that  ex- 
ternal  objects  (since  they  have  no  existence)  are  not  really 
perceived  and  do  not  cause  our  ideas  about  them,  but  are 
produced,  so  far  as  our  consciousness  is  concerned,  by  ideas 
existing  independently  of  objects.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that 
both  Vijnanavada  and  Sunyavada  are  at  one  as  far  as  regards 
the  unreality  of  external  objects;  and  therefore  a  refutation  of 
this  theory  may  be  directed  against  the  one  of  these  doctrines 
as  well  as  the  other.  Commentators  chose  between  them  as 
suited  their  purpose.  Thus  Rumania,  commenting  on  a  passage 
which  will  be  dealt  with  later,  makes  the  following  remarks:1 
"(Among  the  Bauddhas)  the  Yogacaras  hold  that  'Ideas'  are 
without  corresponding  realities  (in  the  external  world),  and 
those  that  hold  the  Madhyamika  doctrine  deny  the  reality  of 
the  Idea  also.  To  both  of  these  theories,  however,  the  denial 
of  the  external  object  is  common.2  Because  it  is  only  after 
setting  aside  the  reality  of  the  object  that  they  lay  down  the 
Samvrti  (falsity)  of  the  'Idea.'  Therefore  on  account  of  this 
(denial  of  the  reality  of  external  objects)  being  common  (to 
both),  and  on  account  of  (the  denial  of  the  reality  of  the 
•Idea')  being  based  upon  the  aforesaid  denial  of  the  external 

i  £loka\  arttika,  translated  by  Ganganatha  Jha,  p.  120,  14—16  (Biblio- 
theca  Indica). 

*  Similarly  Sridhara  ad  Prasastapadabhasya  p.  229  speaks  of  nirdlam- 
banam  vijtianam  icchatdm  Mahay  dnikdndm. 


8  Hermann  Jacobi,  -       [1911. 

object, — the  author  of  the  Bhasya  has  undertaken  to  examine 
the  reality  and  unreality  of  the  external  object."  And  accord- 
ingly Kumarila  interprets  his  text  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
it  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  refutation  first  of  the  Vijnanavada 
and  then  of  the  Sunyavada.  He,  as  well  as  Sankara  and 
Vacaspatimisra  and  later  authors  who  wrote  when  the  Vijnana- 
vada had  become  the  most  famous  Buddhist  philosophy,  felt 
of  course  bound  to  refute  it;  and  if  the  text  they  commented 
upon  still  ignored  the  Vijnanavada  and  combated  the  Sunya- 
vada only,  they  could  introduce  their  refutation  of  the  Vijnana- 
vada by  doing  just  a  little  violence  to  their  text.  That  such 
was  actually  the  case,  is  the  thesis  I  want  to  prove.1 

Mentioning  of  the  Vijnanavada  in  the  Safikliya  Sutra. — Be- 
fore examining  those  texts  which  give  rise  to  doubts  regarding 
the  particular  school  combated,  I  briefly  advert  to  one  which 
beyond  doubt  discusses  the  Vijnanavada  doctrine.  I  refer  to 
the  Sankhya  Sutra.  In  that  work  the  principal  doctrines  of 
the  four  philosophical  schools  of  the  Buddhists  are  discussed: 
those  of  the  Vaibhasikas  i,  27 — 33,  of  the  Sautrantikas  i, 
34 — 41,  of  the  Vijnanavadins  i,  42,  and  of  the  Sunyavadins 

1  Remarks  on  the  development  of  the  Sunyavada. — Like  Kumarila,  other 
brahmanical  philosophers  treat  the  Sunyavada  as  the  logical  sequence  of 
the  Vijnanavada  or  as  a  generalization  thereof;  but  the  true  or  historical 
relation  is  just  the  reverse:  the  belief  in  the  unreality  of  external  things 
is  a  restriction  of  the  previously  obtaining  and  more  general  belief  in 
the  unreality  or  illusory  nature  of  everything  whatever,  consciousness 
included.  Buddhist  Nihilism  or  Illusionism,  introduced  and  supported 
by  a  splendid  display  of  the  novel  dialectic  art,  seems  to  have  deeply 
impressed  and  invaded  the  Hindu  mind  of  that  period.  But  realistic- 
convictions  or  habits  of  thought  could  not  be  wholly  eradicated;  they 
entered  into  various  kinds  of  compromise  with  Illusionism.  The  belief 
in  the  transcendent  reality  and  oneness  of  Brahma  as  taught  in  the 
Upanisads  admitted  a  combination  with  Illusionism  in  the  Mayavada  of 
the  Vedantins  of  Sankara's  school,  nicknamed  Pracchannabauddhas.  who 
maintained  that  Brahma  alone  is  real  and  that  the  phenomenal  world  is 
an  illusion  (see  Sukhtankar,  The  teachings  of  Veddnta  according  to  Ed- 
mdnuja  in  WZKM.  vol.  xii).  On  the  other  hand  the  'cogito  ergo  sum' 
proved  irresistibly  self-evident  to  many  MahBySnists  also,  and  led  them 
to  acknowledge  the  reality  of  consciousness.  These  were  the  Vijnana- 
vadins or  pure  Idealists.  But  the  great  Logicians  of  this  school  seem 
to  have  further  encroached  on  its  principles;  for  Dharmakirti,  in  this 
particular  point  also  probably  following  Dignaga,  declared  the  object  of 
perception  to  be  svalaksana,  i.  e.  the  catena  or  series  (santdna)  of  hsanas 
to  be  parmdrthasat,  i.  e.  really  existing. 


Vol.  xxx i.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras 

i,  43—47.  The  Sutra  referring  to  the  Vijnanavadins  reads 
thus:  na  vijndnamdtram  bahyapratlteh;  'Not  Thought  alone 
because  of  the  conception  of  the  external.'  *  The  next  Sutra 
(43):  tadabhdve  tadabhdvdc  chunyam  tarhi,  'Since  as  the  one 
docs  not  exist,  the  other  too  does  not,  there  is  the  void  then' 
is  ;tccording  to  Vijiianabhiksu  a  refutation  of  the  Vijnanavada, 
but  according  to  Aniruddha  the  statement  of  the  £>unyavada 
AY  hi  di  is  discussed  in  the  following  Sutras.  However  this  may 
be,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  here  both  the  Vijnanavada 
and  the  Sunyavada  are  discussed,  in  that  sequence  which  (as 
stated  in  the  last  note)  has  become  customary  for  later 
theoretical  writers.  Now  it  is  admitted  on  all  sides  that  the 
Sankhya  Sutra  is  a  very  late,  or  rather  a  modern,  production, 
and  that  it  does  not  rank  with  the  genuine  philosophical 
Sutras.  Therefore  the  fact  that  the  Sankhya  Sutra  mentions 
the  Vijnanavada  does  in  no  way  prejudice  any  one  in  deciding 
the  question  whether  the  Sutras  of  the  other  systems  also  were 
acquainted  with  it.  Perhaps  it  might  be  said  that  the  direct- 
ness of  reference  to  the  Vijnanavada  in  the  Sankhya  Sutra 
shows  what  we  should  expect  to  find  in  the  other  Sutras  if 
they  did  really  know  and  refute  that  doctrine. 


i.   Nyaya. 

I  begin  our  inquiry  with  the  examination  of  the  passage 
N.D.  iv.  2,  25  ff.,  which,  according  to  Vacaspatimisra,  is 
directed  against  the  Vijnanavadins;  for,  as  explained  above, 
chronological  considerations  make  it  almost  certain  that  our 
Sutra  was  composed  before  the  establishment  of  the  Vijnana- 
vada, and  therefore  entitle  us  to  doubt,  in  this  matter,  the 
authority  of  the  author  of  the  Tatparya  Tlka.  The  subject 
treated  in  those  Sutras,  namely,  whether  perception  is  a  means 
of  true  knowledge,  is  connected  with  and  comes  at  the  end  of 
a  discussion  of,  other  subjects  which  for  the  information  of  the 
reader  must  briefly  be  sketched.  First  comes  the  problem  of 
the  -whole  and  its  parts,'  iv,  2,  4if.  The  adherents  of  Nyaya 
(and  Vaisesika)  maintain  that  the  whole  is  something  different 
(artJidntara)  from  the  parts  in  which  it  'inheres,'  an  opinion 
which  is  strongly  combated  by  other  philosophers.  Connected 

1  Anirmldha's  Commentary,  Garlto's  translation,  in  BL,  page  23. 


10  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

with  this  problem  is  the  atomic  theory,  which  is  discussed  in 
14ff.  After  Sutra  17,  Vatsyayana  introduces  an  opponent,  'a 
denier  of  perception,  who  thinks  that  everything  is  non-existent' 
(dnupalambhikali  sarvam  ndstiti  manyamandti).  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  an  adherent  of  the  Sunyavada  is  meant.  He 
attacks  the  atomic  theory,  18 — 24,  and  is  refuted  in  25  thus: 
"as  your  arguments  would  lead  us  to  admit  a  regressus  in  in- 
finitum  (by  acknowledging  unlimited  divisibility)  and  as  a 
regressus  in  infinitum  is  inconsistent  with  sound  reason,  your 
objection  is  not  valid  (anavasthdhdritvdd  anavasthdmipapatte$ 
cd  'pratisedhah).  Vatsyayana,  after  explaining  this  Sutra,  con- 
tinues: '(An  opponent  objects:)  what  you  say  with  regard  to 
notions  (buddlii),  that  their  objects  are  really  existing  things, 
(that  cannot  be  proved).  These  notions  are  intrinsically  er- 
roneous (mitliydltuddliayas);  for  if  they  were  true  notions, 
(tattvabuddliayas)  they  would,  on  being  analysed  by  the  under- 
standing, teach  us  the  true  nature  of  their  objects."  The 
argument  of  this  opponent  is  stated  in  Sutra  26  which  the 
above  passage  serves  to  introduce,  and  runs  thus:  "If  we  ana- 
lyse things,  we  do  not  (arrive  at)  perceiving  their  true  nature 
(or  essentia) ;  this  not-perceiving  is  just  as,  when  we  take  away 
the  single  threads  (of  a  cloth),  we  do  not  perceive  an  existing 
thing  (that  is  called)  the  cloth."  Vatsyayana  explains':  "(This  is) 
just  as  on  distinguishing  the  single  threads  (of  a  cloth) :  this  is  a 
thread,  this  is  a  thread,  &c.  &c.,  no  different  thing  is  perceived 
that  should  be  the  object  of  the  notion  cloth.  Since  we  do 
not  perceive  the  essentia,  in  the  absence  of  its  object,  the 
notion  of  a  cloth,  that  it  exists,  is  an  erroneous  notion.  And 
so  everywhere."  Sutras  27  and  28  contain  the  counter-argu- 
ments, and  Sutra  29  adds  to  them  the  following :  "And  because 
by  right  perception  (pramdnatas,  viz.  upalahdhya)  we  come 
to  know  things  (whether  and  how  they  are)."  Sutra  30  gives 
a  proof  for  this  view:  pramdndmipapattyiipapattibliydm.  Vat- 
syayana explains:  'Now  then  the  proposition  that  nothing 
exists  is  against  reason;  why?  (answer):  pramdndnupapattyu- 
papattibhydm.  If  there  is  proof  pramdna  (in  favour  of  the 
proposition)  that  nothing  exists,  (this  proposition  that)  nothing 
exists,  sublates  the  (existence  of)  proof  as  well.  And  if  there  is 
no  proof  for  it,  how  can  it  be  established  that  nothing  exists? 
If  it  is  regarded  to  be  established  without  proof,  why  should 
(the  contrary)  that  all  things  do  exist,  not  be  regarded  as 


Vol.  mi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  11 

established?"  Here  it  is  quite  clear  that  the  opponent  whom 
Vatsyayana  refutes,  is  a  Sunyavadin  just  as  in  Sutra  17.  For 
there  is  no  indication  that  Vatsyayana  in  the  mean  time  has 
changed  front,  and  that  the  opponent  in  Sutra  26  is  not  a 
Sunyavadin,  hut  a  Vijnanavadin.  The  latter  contends  that 
external  things  do  not  exist  (Imliydrthd  na  santi),  while  Vatsya- 
yana (on  27)  makes  his  opponent  uphold  sarvabhdvdndm  ydtlid- 
tmydnupalabdliili.  Moreover,  this  opponent  maintains  that 
"notions  about  things  are  erroneous  notions  (mithydbuddhayOs)," 
and  this  is  primarily  the  view  of  the  Sunyavada.  The  fun- 
damental principle  of  the  Vijfianavada  is  that  ideas  only 
(vijndna)  are  really  existent,  and  not  that  they  are  erroneous 
ideas.  That  Vatsyayana  really  has  in  view  the  opinions  of 
the  ^unyavadins,  may  be  seen  from  his  concluding  words  in 
36,  u therefore  erroneous  notions  too  are  really  existing,"  and 
in  37,  where  he  speaks  of  his  opponent  as  one  for  whom 
"everything  is  without  essence  and  unreal"  (niratmdkam  niru- 
pakhya.m  sarvam).  Nevertheless  Vacaspatimisra,1  commenting 
on  Vatsyayana's  words  in  Sutra  25  translated  above  ("An 
opponent  objects:  what  you  say,"  &c.),  remarks  that  the  op- 
ponent is  a  Vijnanavadin.  That  he  is  mistaken,  we  have  seen, 
and  a  general  cause  of  such  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  later 
commentators  has  been  given  above,  p.  7.  In  the  present  case 
we  can  watch  the  gradual  development  of  this  mispresentation. 
For  in  his  comment  on  26  the  Uddyotakara  again  introduces 
the  opponent's  argument  that  every  part  of  a  thing  may  be 
regarded  as  a  (minor)  whole  consisting  of  minor  parts,  and 
that  this  analysis  may  be  continued  not  only  down  to  atoms 
but  in  wfinitum  till  everything  is  dissolved  into  nothing. 
Now  as  Professor  von  Stcherbatskoi  informs  us  (see  above 
p.  5),  Dignaga  in  his  work  Alambanaparlksa  makes  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  problem  of  'the  whole  and  its  parts'  the  basis 
of  his  exposition  of  the  Vijnanavada.  Therefore  the  Uddyota- 
kara, who  answers  Dignaga's  attacks  on  Vatsyayana,  avails 
himself  of  an  opportunity  to  undermine  the  antagonist's  basis 
of  argumentation.  And  Vacaspatimisra,  knowing  what  was 
the  starting-point  of  Dignaga's  speculations,  and  seeing  that 
it  was  exhaustively  treated  by  the  authors  of  the  Sutra  and 
the  Bhasya,  was  easily  misled  to  believe  that  they  were  defend- 

i  XyfiyavarttikatStparyatlkS  (viz.  S.  S.>,  p.  4«0,  3d  line  from  below. 


12  H&inann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

ing  it  against  the  Yijnanavada.  Being  separated  from  them 
by  400  years  or  more,  he  was  ignorant  of  their  historical 
interrelation,  and  consequently  interpreted  the  philosophical 
discussion  in  the  text  before  him  from  a  merely  theoretical 
point  of  view.  For,  as  indicated  above,  a  rational  refutation 
of  the  ^unyavada  was  naturally  divided  into  two  parts,  the 
first  proving  the  reality  of  objects  and  the  second  the  reality 
of  ideas;  and  a  theoretical  construction  could  well  treat  the 
Sunyavada  as  the  logical  outcome  of  the  Yijnanavada,  and 
take  the  first  part  of  the  refutation  of  the  Sunyavada  as 
directed  against  the  Yijnanavada. 

We  proceed  in  our  analysis  of  the  Sutra.  After  the  last 
passage  translated  above,  we  have  another  objection  of  the 
Illusionist  in  Sutras  31  and  32.  "Like  the  erroneous  belief  in 
the  objects  seen  in  a  dream  is  this  belief  in  the  means  of  true 
knowledge  and  the  things  known  through  them  erroneous." 
Yatsyayana  explains:  "Just  as  in  a  dream  the  objects  seen  in 
it  are  not  real,  while  there  is  belief  in  them,  so  the  means 
of  knowledge  and  the  things  known  through  them  are  also  not 
real  (na  santi),  though  there  is  belief  in  either."  Sutra  32 
completes  this  argument:  "Or  like  magic,  fata  morgana,  and 
mirage."  As  this  argument  serves  to  demonstrate  that  pra- 
mdna  and  prameya  are  an  illusion,  it  is  evident  that  the 
opponent  is  a  Sunyavadin.  The  next  Sutra  33  answers  his 
objection,  in  pointing  out  that  'he  has  established  nothing,  as 
he  has  given  no  reason'  for  declaring  (1)  that  the  belief  in 
pramdna  and  prameya  is  like  that  in  objects  seen  in  a  dream 
and  not  like  the  perception  of  objects  in  the  waking  state, 
(2)  that  in  a  dream  non-existing  things  are  perceived.  This 
argument  of  the  Sutra  is  supplemented  in  the  Bhasya  by 
another  formulated  in  what  looks  like  a  Yarttika;  it  comes  to 
this.  If  you  say  that  things  seen  in  a  dream  do  not  exist 
because  they  are  no  more  seen  in  the  waking  state,  you  must 
admit  that  those  seen  in  the  waking  state  do  exist;  for  the 
force  of  an  argument  is  seen  in  the  contrary  case,  viz.  that 
things  exist  because  they  are  seen.  The  Uddyotakara  enlarg- 
ing upon  this  argument  unmistakably  introduces  Yijnanavada 
views ;  for  he  speaks  of  things  independent  of  the  mind  (citta- 
vyatirekiri)  and  uses  the  term  vijnana',  but  there  is  no  trace 
of  all  this  in  the  Bhasya.  The  Sutra  then  goes  on  to  explain 
the  belief  in  things  seen  in  a  dream  and  other  topics  con- 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  !•'> 

nectcd  with  the  subject  in  hand  which,  however,  do  not  con- 
cern us  here. 

To  sum  up:  our  investigation  has  proved  that  neither  the 
Sutra  nor  the  Bhasya  refer  to  the  Vijnanavada,  and  that  the 
whole  discussion  is  perfectly  intelligible  if  we  consider  it  as 
meant  to  refute  the  Sunyavada.1 

2.  Vedanta  and  Mimamsa. 

Brahma  Sutra,    2nd  Adhyaya;    ^nd    Pada,  contains   a  dis- 
cussion  and    refutation    of  other   philosophical  systems.     The 
Sutras  18—32  deal  with  Buddhist  philosophy.    Sutras  18—27 
deal   with   the    doctrines   of  the   Sarvastivadins;    and  28 — 32, 
according  to  Sankara,  with  those  of  the  Vijnanavada.    Rama- 
nuja  agrees  with  Sankara  in  so  far  as  he  also  refers  Sutras 
28 — 30  to  the  Vijnanavada,  but  he  differs  from  him  in  that 
he  interprets  the  last  Sutra2  as  containing  a  refutation  of  the 
&unyavada.     For  convenience  of  reference  I  subjoin  the  text 
of  the  Sutras  28 — 32  and  the  translation  of  them  by  Thibaut 
according  to  ^ankara's  and  Ramanuja's  interpretation: 
ndbhdva  upalabdheh  28 
vaidharmydc  ca  na  svapnddivat  29 
na  Widvo  'nupdlabdheh  30 
ksanikatvdc  ca  31 
sarvathdnupapattes  ca  32. 

I.  Sankara's  interpretation,  SBE.  vol.  xxxiv,  p.  418  ff.: 

The  non-existence  (of  external  things)  cannot  be  maintained, 
on  account  of  (our)  consciousness  (of  them),  28. 

And  on  account  of  their  difference  of  nature  (the  ideas  of 
the  waking  state)  are  not  like  those  of  a  dream,  29. 

The  existence  (of  mental  impressions)  is  not  possible  (on 
the  Buddhist  view)  on  account  of  the  absence  of  perception 
(of  external  things),  30. 

And  on  account  of  the  momentariness  (of  the  dlayavijndna 
it  cannot  be  the  abode  of  mental  impressions),  31. 

And  on  account  of  its  general  deficiency  in  probability,  32. 

*  If  the  Sutrakara  knew  the  Vijnanavada,  we  should  expect  him  to 
combat  it  in  ii,  1,  8  ff.,  where  pratyahsadinam  apramanyam  is  discussed. 
But  in  that  place  even  Vacaspatimisra  (p.  249)  assigns  this  opinion  to  the 
Madhyamikas. 

2  He  omits  Sutra  31  of  Sankara's  text. 


14  Hermann  Jaiobi,  [1911. 

II.  Ramanuja's  interpretation,  SEE.  xlviii,  p.  51  Iff.: 

Not  non-existence  on  account  of  consciousness,  27. l 

And  on  account  of  difference  of  nature  (they  are)  not  like 
dreams,  28. 

The  existence  [of  mere  cognitions]  is  not  on  account  of  the 
absence  of  perception,  29. 

[Here  ends  the  adhikarana  of  perception.] 

And  on  account  of  its  being  unproved  in  every  way  (viz. 
that  the  Nothing  is  the  only  Reality),  30. 

Now  it  would  be  rather  surprising  if  the  Sunyavada  had 
been  ignored  by  the  Brahma  Sutra  as  Sankara  in  his  treat- 
ment of  the  above  Sutras  would  make  us  believe;  he  says  that 
Sunyavada  is  thoroughly  irrational  and  may  therefore  be  left 
out  of  account.  But  the  SunyavS-dins  were  once  formidable  op- 
ponents, and  it  would  have  delighted  an  orthodox  dialectician  to 
expound  their  unreasonableness.  Ramanuja  apparently  was  con- 
scious of  this  deficiency  and  therefore  introduced  the  refutation 
of  the  Sunyavada  in  the  very  last  Sutra.  But  this  Sutra  con- 
tains only  an  argument,  and  if  Ramanuja  be  right,  we  search 
in  vain  in  the  preceding  Sutras  for  the  statement,  or  even  a 
hint,  of  the  doctrine  he  wishes  to  refute.  However  this  Sutra 
reads  like  a  finishing  blow  dealt  to  a  vanquished  opponent 
whose  arguments  the  author  had  just  been  refuting.  That 
this  opponent  was  a  Sunyavadin  becomes  probable  if  we 
compare  the  Sutras  in  question  with  those  in  N.D.  which  we 
have  examined  above  and,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  refer  to 
the  Sunyavada  only.  For  Sutra  29:  vaidharmydc  ca  na  svap- 
nddivat,  deals  with  the  same  argument  which  is  stated  in 
N.D.  31  f.:  svapnabliimdnavad  ayam  pramdnaprameyabliimdiidh; 
mdydgandliarvanagaramrgatrsnikdvad  vd.  The  ddi  in  svapna- 
divat  means  according  to  Sankara  may  ddi,  in  other  words  the 
things  fully  enumerated  in  the  second  of  the  quoted  Sutras 
of  N.D.  As  the  argument  in  N.D.  and  B.S.  is  the  same,  it 
is  almost  certain  that  the  same  doctrine  is  discussed  in  both 
works,  and  as  the  doctrine  refuted  in  N.D.  is  the  Sunyavada, 
it  is  highly  probable  that  it  is  meant  in  B.S.  also.  Though 
we  have  thus  very  weighty  reasons  for  not  trusting  Sankara, 
Ramanuja,  and  all  the  later  commentators  in  their  inter- 


»  Ramanuja's  numbering  here  differs  from  that  of  Sankara.    In  order 
to  avoid  confusion  I  shall  refer  to  the  latter  only. 


Vol.  xxx i.]     The  Dates  oftlie  Philosophical  Xtltras,  &c.  15 

prctation  of  the  passage  under  cnii^iilcnition,  still  the  almost 
deliberately  enigmatical  character  of  the  Sutras  would  make  it 
a  hazardous  task  to  explain  them  without  the  aid  of  tradition. 
Fortunately,  however,  the  same  philosophical  problem  aphoristi- 
oally  discussed  in  those  Sutras  has  been  dealt  with  at  con- 
siderable length  by  an  other  ancient  author. 

For  Sabarasvamin,  the  Bhasyakara  of  the  Mimamsa  Sutra, 
after  having  commented  on  M.S.  i,  1,  5  transcribes  a  long 
passage  from  the  unknown  Vrtti,  which  begins  in  the  edition 
of  the  Bibliotheca  Indica  on  p.  7,  line  7  from  below,  and  ends 
on  p.  18,  line  6,  as  the  editor  remarks  in  a  footnote  p.  18. l 
The  whole  passage  is  without  doubt  by  the  Vrttikara;  it  gives 
an  explanation  of  Sutras  3 — 5,  and  is  introduced  by  Sabara- 
sxamin  at  the  end  of  his  own  comment  on  Sutra  5.  It  is 
therefore  a  matter  of  no  little  surprise  to  find  that  Kumarila- 
bhatta  in  the  Slokavarttika  (on  Sutra  5)  assigns  only  the  first 
part  of  this  passage,  viz.  from  p.  7,  1.  7  from  below,  down  to 
p.  8,  1.  8  from  below,  to  the  Vrttikara;  and  accordingly  his 
comment  on  this  part  only  bears  the  title  Vrttikaragrantha  in 
the  edition  of  the  Slokavarttika  in  the  Chowkhamba  Sanskrit 
Series,  p.  212,  216.  Kumarila  himself  refers  to  the  author  of 
this  part  of  the  passage  as  the  Vrttikara,  ib.,  p.  136;  but  he 
refers  to  the  author  of  the  following  part  (which  is  actually 
the  work  of  the  same  author)  as  Bhasyakrt,  p.  221  (v.  16)  and 
Bhasyakara,  p.  224  (v.  29),  i.  e.,  Sabarasvamin.  That  part  which 
Kumarila  ascribes  to  the  Vrttikara,  contains  the  explanation 
of  Sutra  3  and  part  of  Sutra  4  only.  If  Kumarila  were  right, 
tli is  passage  should  have  been  quoted  by  Sabarasvamin  at  the 
end  of  his  comment  on  Sutra  4,  and  not,  where  he  actually 
introduces  it,  at  the  end  of  his  comment  on  Sutra  5.  Ruma- 
nia does  not  notice  nor  attempt  to  account  for  the  fact  that 
Sabarasvamin,  on  his  assumption,  twice  interprets  part  of 
Sutra  4  and  the  Sutra  5,  once  at  the  proper  place,  and  then 

1  Sabarasvamin  introduces  this  passage  by  the  following  words:  Vrtti- 
kdras  tr  anyathe  'mam  grantham  vamaydmcakdra :  tasya  nimittaparistir 
ity  evamddim.  We  first  have  a  comment  on  Sutra  3;  the  comment  on 
Sutra  4  commences  p.  8,  1.  2,  that  on  the  second  part  of  Sutra  4  (ani~ 
mittam,  &c.)  on  p.  12,  1.  2  from  below;  on  p.  11.  1.  2  from  below,  begins 
the  comment  on  Sutra  5,  and  that  on  the  last  part  of  the  same  Sutra 
on  p.  17, 1.  10  (avyatireltas  ca);  arthe  'nupalabdhe,  p.  17,  last  line;  tat pra- 
(Bddardyanasya)  anapcksatvdt,  p.  18,1.  3. 


16  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

again  after  what  lie  contends  to  be  the  end  of  the  quotation 
from  the  Vrttikara.  And  any  lingering  douht  that  also  the 
second  part  of  the  passage  ending  on  p.  18,  1.  6,  is  not  by 
Sabarasvamin,  is  removed  by  the  passage  that  comes  after  it. 
For  there  (p.  18,  1.  7,  14,  16;  p.  24,  1.  9)  he  controverts  and 
sets  right  some  assertions  in  the  preceding  part  which  accord- 
ing to  Kum&rila  is  not  by  the  Vrttikara.  Whether  Kumarila 
himself  or  some  predecessor  of  his  was  the  author  of  this 
error,  we  do  not  know;  but  we  can  well  understand  how  it 
crept  in.  For  Sabarasvamin,  whose  habit  is  not  to  make  long 
quotations,  apparently  inserted  this  passage  from  the  Vrttikara 
because  it  contains  a  discussion  of  peculiar  Mimamsaka  doc- 
trines, e.  g.,  on  the  six  pramanas,  for  which  his  succinct  commen- 
tary on  the  Sutras  of  Jaimini  would  not  otherwise  have  offered 
an  opportunity.  In  quoting,  and  not  criticising,  those  doctrines, 
he  intimated  his  acceptance  of  them :  and  Kumarila  therefore, 
misled  by  Sabarasvamin's  words  Vrttikdras  tv  anyathe  'mam 
granfham  varnayamcakara,  ascribed  to  the  Vrttikara  only  that 
part  of  his  exposition  where  it  obviously  differs  from  Sabara- 
svamin's comment,  not  the  remaining  part  wThich  chiefly  con- 
tains the  additional  matter.  This  second  part  was  so  important 
for  the  Mimamsaka  philosophy,  that  Kumarila  devoted  to  the 
discussion  of  its  contents  little  less  than  half  the  volume  of 
his  Slokavarttika.  He  had  therefore  a  strong  motive  to  ascribe 
this  part  of  the  quotation  to  Sabarasvamin  on  whose  Bhasya 
he  wrote  his  Varttika.  But  from  the  fact  that  he  did  so,  we 
may  perhaps  conclude  that  at  his  time,  or  earlier,  the  original 
work  of  the  Vrttikara  had  been  lost  or  at  least  had  ceased 
to  be  studied  at  all;  for  otherwise  he  could  not  have  committed 
or  repeated  this  gross  error. 

Now  the  question  arises  as  to  who  is  the  author  of  the 
Vrtti  from  which  the  passage  under  consideration  has  been 
taken.  Ganganatha  Jha  in  his  admirable  translation  of  the 
Slokavarttika,  p.  116,  note  (17)  says  with  regard  to  this  passage: 
"Karikas  17 — 26  expound  the  view  of  the  author  of  the  Vrtti 
(Bhavadasa)."  However,  the  name  of  Bhavadasa  is  not  given 
by  Parthasarathi  commenting  on  the  passage  in  question 
(printed  text,  p.  212 — 216);  but  on  p.  11,  commenting  on  v.  33, 
in  which  Kumarila  adverts  to  a  controverted  opinion  brought 
forward  'in  other  commentaries'  vrttyantaresu,  he  mentions 
as  the  authors  'Bhavadasa  and  others,'  in  accordance  with 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  <£c.  17 

Kumarila's  statement  in  v.  63,  p.  21.  On  these  passages,  it  would 
seem,  Ganganatha  based  his  conjecture,  which  in  my  opinion 
is  unacceptable.  For  if  an  author  is  referred  to  simply  by 
the  title  Yrttikara,  an  authority  of  high  rank  must  be  intended, 
3  seen  in  many  other  cases;  and  it  is  not  at  all  likely  that 
Kumarila  would  have  ranked  such  an  authority  together  with 
other  commentators,  as  he  did  with  regard  to  Bhavadasa  in 
the  phrase  vrttyantaresu.  If  there  had  been  more  than  one 
Yrtti,  then  it  would  have  been  inaccurate  to  speak  of  the 
Yrttikara.  And  besides,  the  Bhasya  contains  no  reference  to 
adasa;  Kumarila  must  therefore  have  learned  Bhavadasa's 
opinion  from  his  work.  But  as  shown  above,  he  most  probably 
did  not  know  the  original  work  of  the  Yrttikara.  Hence  it 
would  follow  that  the  Yrttikara  is  not  to  be  identified  with 
Bhavadasa. 

The  same  scholar  ascribes,  on  p.  Ill  of  the  introduction  of 
his  work  named  above,  the  Yrtti  to  the  revered  Upavarea. 
But  as  the  lhayavan  Upavarsa  is  mentioned  in  the  very  passage 
from  the  Yrttikara,  he  must  be  not  only  different  from,  but 
also  considerably  older  than,  the  latter;  for  the  title  Ihagavan 
is  given  only  to  authors  of  high  authority  and  some  antiquity.1 

As  thus  both  conjectures  of  Ganganatha  Jha  about  the 
author  of  the  Yrtti  can  be  shown  to  be  wrong,  I  venture  to 
advance  one  of  my  own.  RamSnuja  quotes  a  Yrtti  on  the 
Brahma  Sutra  by  Bodhayana  and  refers  to  him  as  the  Yrtti- 
kara,2 Now  I  think  it  probable  that  Bodhayana  wrote  the 
Yrtti  not  only  on  the  Uttara  Mimamsa  (i.  e.  B.S.),  but  also 
on  the  Purva  Mimamsa,  just  as  Upavarsa,  the  predecessor  of 
the  Yrttikara,  commented  on  both  Mimamsas.  For,  according 
ankara  ad  B.S.  iii,  3,  53,  Upavarsa  in  his  commentary  on 
M.S.  referred  to  his  remarks  in  the  Sarlraka,  i.  e.  his  commen- 
tary on  B.S.  And  Sabarasvamin  also  was  equally  versed  in 
the  Uttara  and  the  Purva  Mimamsas;  for  a  lengthy  dissertation 
on  the  existence  of  the  soul,  called  Atmavada,  (p.  19,  1.  3— 
p.  '24,  1.  9  of  the  printed  text)  in  his  Bhasya  reads  like  part 

1  Hall,    Index,    p.  167,    says    with   reference   to    the    £abara   Bhasya 
"  Krsna  Deva  states,  in  the  Tantra  CudSmani,  that  a  Yrtti  was  composed 
on  this  work,  by  Upavarsa."    If  Krsna  Deva  is  right,  his  Upavarsa  must 
be  a  different  person  from  our  Upavarsa. 

2  Thibaut  in  SEE.  vol.  xxxiv,  p.  xxi.     Sukhtankar,    The  teachings  of 
Veddnta  according  to  Rdmdnuja,  p.  7,  9  (WZKM.  vol.  xii,  p.  127,  129). 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  I. 


18  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

of  a  Yedanta  treatise.  Sankara  ad  B.S.  iii,  3,  53  says  *  with 
regard  to  that  passage  that  the  Acarya  Sabarasvamin  took 
(his  subject)  from  B.S.  iii,  3,  53,  and  treated  it  in  the  pra- 
mdnalaksana  (i.e.  ad  M.S.  1,  5).  The  meaning  of  this  state- 
ment is  that  Sabarasvamin  by  anticipation  discussed  the  existence 
of  the  soul  in  the  Bhasya  on  M.S.  i,  1,  5,  while  the  proper 
place  for  this  subject  is  in  a  commentary  on  B.S.  iii,  3,  53; 
we  can  not  safely  conclude  from  Sankara's  words,  that  Sabara- 
svamin actually  wrote  a  commentary  on  B.  S.,  and  even  less,  that 
he  transcribed  the  passage  in  question  from  it  (for  it  is  clearly 
worded  with  reference  to  the  context  in  which  it  now  stands). 
But  at  any  rate  it  is  evident  that  at  Sabarasvamin's  time  the 
Purva  and  Uttara  Mimamsas  still  formed  one  philosophical 
system,  while  after  Kumarila  and  Sankara  they  were  practically 
two  mutually  exclusive  philosophies. 

After  this  necessarily  long  digression  we  return  to  the 
examination  of  that  part  of  the  passage  from  the  Yrttikara 
which  relates  to  the  Bauddha  doctrines.  It  consists  of  two 
sections  called  Niralambanavada  and  Sunyavada  in  the  Sloka- 
varttika  where  the  discussion  of  it  is  introduced  by  the  remarks 
translated  above,  p.  7.  The  author,  i.  e.,  the  Vrttikara,  has 
explained  in  the  preceding  part  that  perception  is  a  means  of 
right  knowledge  provided  that  no  defect  (dosa)  vitiates  any  of 
the  parts  or  elements  which  combined  constitute  perception; 
he  then  goes  on  as  follows: 

"(An  opponent  objects:)  'All  cognitions  (pratyaya)  are  with- 
out foundation  (in  reality)  just  like  a  dream;  for  we  recognise 
in  a  dream  that  it  is  the  nature  of  cognition  to  be  without 
foundation.  A  waking  person  also  has  cognitions,  e.  g.  of  a 
post  or  a  wall;  and  therefore  this  cognition  also  is  without 
foundation.'  We  answer:  a  waking  man's  notion  (e.  g.)  »this  is 
a  post«  is  a  positively  ascertained  one;  how  is  it  possible  that 
it  should  turn  out  wrong?  'The  notion  in  a  dream  also  was, 
just  in  the  same  way,  a  well  ascertained  one;  previous  to  the 
awakening  there  was  no  difference  between  the  two.'  You  are 
wrong;  for  we  find  that  (what  we  saw)  in  a  dream,  turns  out 
wrong;  but  we  find  that  (what  we  see)  in  the  other  case  (i.e. 
in  the  waking  state),  does  not  turn  out  wrong.  If  you  say 
that  on  account  of  the  class-characteristic  (cognition  as  a 

1  ita  evd  "krsya  "cdi-yena  Sabarasvdmind  pramanalakxane  varnitnm. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  19 

genus)  (the  same  predication)  will  hold  good  in  the  other  case, 
(we  reply  as  follows).  If  you  mean  that  the  cognition  in  a 
dream  is  wrong  because  it  is  a  cognition,  then  of  course  the 
cognition  of  a  waking  man  must  be  wrong  too.  But  if  cognition 
is  (taken  to  be)  the  reason  that  something  is  so  as  it  is  cognised 
(and  not  different),  then  it  is  impossible  to  say  that  this 
cognition  (viz.  one  in  a  dream)  is  different  (i.  e.  wrong)  because 
it  is  a  cognition.  (Not  from  the  nature  of  cognition  by  itself), 
but  from  something  else  we  come  to  know  that  cognition  in  a 
dream  is  wrong  on  account  of  its  being  opposed  to  truth. 
'How  do  you  ascertain  this?'  In  the  following  way  because 
a  sleepy  mind  is  weak,  sleep  is  the  reason  for  the  wrongness 
(of  cognition)  in  a  dream;  in  dreamless  sleep  it  (the  mind)  is 
absent  altogether;  for  one  without  any  consciousness  whatever, 
is  said  to  be  in  dreamless  sleep.  Therefore  the  cognition  of  a 
waking  man  is  not  wrong.  'But  the  sensorium  of  a  wraking 
man  also  may  be  vitiated  by  some  defect.'  If  so,  the  defect 
may  be  found  out!  'While  one  dreams,  a  defect  is  not  found 
out.'  It  is;  for  on  awaking  we  find  out  that  the  mind  had 
been  vitiated  by  sleep." 

The  problem  discussed  in  the  preceding  passage  is  the  same 
as  that  in  N.D.  iv,  2,  31—33,  see  above,  p.  12.  The  point 
at  issue  is  this.  Perception  in  a  dream  cannot  be  said  to  be 
wrong,  unless  some  other  perception  is  admitted  to  be  true,  in 
contradistinction  to  which  that  in  a  dream  could  be  recognised 
to  be  wrong.  As  the  opponent  maintains  that  all  cognitions 
are  wrong,  his  argumentation  from  dreams  is  without  meaning. 
I  now  continue  the  translation  of  the  passage  from  the  Vrtti- 
kara: 

"(The  opponent  says:  'The  cognition  itself)  is  a  void.  For 
we  do  not  perceive  a  difference  of  form  in  the  object  and  the 
idea  of  it;  our  idea  is  directly  perceived,  and  therefore  the 
so-called  object  which  should  be  different  from  the  idea,  is  a 
non-entity.'  (Answer:)  Well,  this  would  be  the  case,  if  the 
idea  had  the  form  (or  shape)  of  its  object.  But  our  idea  is 
without  form,  and  it  is  the  external  object  which  has  the  form; 
for  the  object  is  directly  perceived  as  being  in  connexion  with 
a  locality  outside  of  ourselves.  An  idea  caused  by  perception 
is  concerned  with  an  object,  and  not  with  another  idea;  for 
every  idea  lasts  but  one  moment,  and  does  not  continue  to 
exist  while  another  idea  comes  up.  (The  opponent  says:) 


20  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

'"While  this  second  idea  is  originating,  it  becomes  known  (to 
the  first  idea)  and,  at  the  same  time,  it  makes  known  to  it 
the  object,  just  as  a  lamp   (illumines  and  makes  thus  known 
things).'    We  reply:  This  is  not  so.    For  before  the  object  has 
become  known,  nobody  is  conscious  of  haying    the  idea,  but 
after  the  object  has  become  known  (to  us),  we  become  aware 
by   inference  that  we   have  an  idea  concerning  it;   it  is  im- 
possible that  both  these  processes  should  be  simultaneous.    (The 
opponent  says:)  'We  do  not  contend  that  we  know  the  object 
before   the  idea   has  originated,   but  after  it  has   originated; 
therefore  the  idea  originates  first,  and  afterwards  the  object 
becomes  known.'    (We  reply:)  Quite  right!    The  idea  originates 
first,  but  it  is  not  the  idea  that  first  becomes  known.    For  as 
will  occur  occasionally,  we  say  of  an  object  which  we  do  know, 
that  we  do  not  know  it.1 — Moreover  it  is  the  very  nature  of 
every  idea  to  be  always  and  necessarily  bound  up  with  the 
name  of  (or  a  word  denoting)  its  object.     Therefore  an  idea 
is  'intimately  connected  with  a  name,'  but  that  which  is  'not 
intimately   connected   with   a   name'   is  termed  'directly  per- 
ceived.'2— And  furthermore,  if  (the  object  and  the  idea)  had 
the  same  form,  this  would  sublate  the  idea  and  not  the  object 
which  is  directly  perceived.     But  there  is  no  such  uniformity 
(between  the  object  and  its  idea,  as  you  assume);  for  by  in- 
ference we  become  cognizant  of  the  intrinsically  formless  idea, 
but   we   directly  perceive   the   object   together  with    its   form. 
Therefore  cognition  is  based  on  the  object. — And  furthermore, 
the  notion  of  (e.  g.)  a  piece  of  cloth  has  an  individual  cause 
(in  this  sense,  that  we  have  the  idea  of  the  cloth)  only  when 
threads  form  the  material  cause  (of  the  object,  viz.  the  cloth). 
For  if  this  were  not  the  case,  a  man  of  sound  senses  might 

1  We  are  not  conscious  of  having  an  idea  concerning  it. 

2  The   printed    text    is    wrong.    Instead    of   itasmdn   na   vyapadcsyd 
buddhih,  avyapadesyam  ca  ndpratyaksam'  we  must  read  'tasmdn  ndvya- 
padesyd  buddhih,  avyapadesyam  ca  ndma  pratyaksam.1 

"What  is  meant  is  this.  An  abstract  idea  is  always  coupled  with  a 
word  expressing  its  object;  but  this  is  not  the  case  when  we  directly 
perceive  a  thing.  Therefore  perception  is  thus  defined  in  N.D.  i,  1,  4: 
indriydrthasannikarsotpannam  jndnam  avyapadesyam  avyabhicdri  vyava- 
sdydtmakam  pratyaksam.  Instead  of  avyapadesyam  the  Buddhists  say  more 
accurately  kalpandpodham.  The  definition  of  pratyaksa,  Nyayabindu  I, 
is  pratyaksam  kalpandpodham  abhrdntam;  and  kalpandpodha  is  defined 
(ibidem)  abhildpasamsargayogyapratibhdsapratltih  kalpand,  tayd  raJiitam. 


Vol.  xxxi.)     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  21 

have  the  notion  of  a  jnr  though  threads  had  hcon  used  (in 
the  production  of  the  object  in  question);  but  that  is  not  the 
case.1  Therefore  cognition  is  not  without  foundation  (in  ex- 
ternal objects),  and  consequently  direct  perception  does  not 
convey  erroneous  knowledge." 

In  this  part  of  the  passage  from  the  Vrttikara,  the  opponent 
whose  iii-^uments  are  refuted  is  without  doubt  a  Sunyavadin. 
This  is  not  only  the  opinion  of  Kumarila  (see  original,  p.  268 
to  '154.   translation,   p.  148 — 182),   but   it  is  unmistakably  in- 
dicated by  the  word,  with  which  this  part  opens,  viz.  sunyas 
tu.     But  if  we   consider   the  arguments   brought  forward,   by 
themselves,  we  might  be  led  to  believe  that  their  object  is  to 
] trove  that  only  the  idea  has  real  existence.    And  on  the  other 
hand  in  the  first  part  the  illusory  character   of  all  ideas  or 
cognitions  is  discussed;  and  this  is  properly  the  view  of  the 
Sunyavadins.     Nevertheless    Kumarila  would    make    us    think 
that   the   Yijnanavadins   are   combated   in   this    first   part   to 
which  he  gives  the  title  Xiralambanavada  (see  original,  p.  217 
to  268;  translation,  p.  119—148).    At  first  sight  the  text  itself 
seems  to  speak  in  favour  of  his  view;  for  it  opens  with  the 
opponent's  statement  that  the  pratyayas  are  niralambana.    But 
very  weighty  reasons  prove,  in   my  opinion,  that  Kumarila's 
view  is  wrong.     (1)  As  said  above,  the  problem  discussed  in 
the  first  part  of  our  text  is  the  same  as  in  N.D.  iv,  2,  31 — 33, 
and  we  have  demonstrated   above  that  not  only  these  Sutras, 
but   also  Vatsyayana's   comment   on   them   have   in   view   the 
Sunyavada    only.     (2)    The    technical    terms    peculiar    to    the 
Yijnanavada,  e.  g.  vijnana.  alayavijnana,  pravrttivijnana,  vasana, 
are  absent  from  our   passage,  and  instead  of  them  only  such 
words  as  pratyaya,  and  faiddhi,  and  jndna  (which  are  common 
to  all  Indian  philosophers)  are  used.     (3)  The  only  argument 
discussed  is  that  waking-cognitions  being  like  dream-cognitions 
are  likewise  illusory,  and  as  has  already  been  said,  this  is  not 
an  opinion  which   is  peculiar  to  the  Vijnanavadins.     (4)  The 
division  of  the  whole  passage  into  two  parts,  of  which  the  first 
combats  the  Niralambanavada,  and  the  second  the  Sunyavada, 
is  quite  arbitrary.     There  is  in  truth  but  one  subject  of  dis- 


1  The  meaning  of  this  argument  is  that  the  object  is  not  caused  by  the 
idea,  but  it  has  a  cause  which  is  independent  of  the  idea,  viz.  the  material 
from  which  the  object  or  the  thing  is  produced. 


22  Hermann  JacoU,  [1911. 

cussion  in  the  whole  passage,  viz.  that  which  is  stated  at  the 
beginning  of  the  first  part,  and  which  is  repeated  at  the  end 
of  the  second:  niralambanah  pratyayali.  And  therefore  the 
whole  text  must  he  directed  against  the  Sunyavada  because 
this  is  avowedly  the  case  in  the  second.1 

In  the  introductory  remarks  it  has  already  been  explained 
how  later  commentators  came  to  interpret  a  refutation  of  the 
Sunyavada  as  one  of  the  Vijnanavada.  If  radical  Scepticism, 
represented  by  the  former,  attacked  the  validity  of  perception 
as  a  means  of  true  knowledge,  it  is  natural  that  it  brought 
forward  arguments  which  might  be  used  also  by  pure  Idealism, 
represented  afterwards  by  the  Vijnanavada.  But  it  is  worthy 
of  note  that  all  those  arguments  on  which  the  Vijnanavadiris 
based  their  idealistic  system,  had  already  been  advanced  by 
the  Sunyavadins.  Thus  it  is  evident  that  the  Vijnanavada 
was  potentially  contained  in  the  Sunyavada,  and  that  Asanga 
and  Vasubandhu,  who  founded  the  idealistic  school  of  Buddhist 
philosophy,  were  largely  indebted  to  their  predecessors. 

The  result  of  the  preceding  inquiry,  viz.  that  the  contro- 
versy in  the  passage  from  the  old  Vrttikara  is  about  Sunya- 
vada opinions  only,  a  fortiori  holds  good  with  the  Vedanta 
Sutras  also.  But  that  passage  may  also  serve  us  as  a  com- 
mentary on  B.S.  ii,  2,  28 — 32.  I  have  above  identified  con- 
jecturally  our  Vrttikara  with  Bodhayana  who  wrote  a  Vrtti 
on  B.S.;  if  this  be  true,  it  is  most  likely  that  in  our  passage 
he  should  have  given  the  essence  of  his  comment  on  the  quoted 
Sutras  in  B.S.,  which  are  concerned  with  the  same  problem. 
But  if  my  conjecture  is  not  accepted,  then  the  case  is  similar 
to  that  of  Sabarasvamin,  who,  when  expounding  the  Atmavada 
in  his  Bhasya  on  M.S.,  anticipates  the  Sutras  of  B.S.  in  which 
this  topic  is  discussed.  In  the  same  way  our  author  who  wrote 

i  I  draw  attention  to  another  passage,  p.  14 f.,  though  it  is  not  con- 
clusive for  the  question  in  hand.  There  the  Vrttikara  discusses  the 
problem  about  the  meaning  of  words,  and  touches  the  problem  of  the 
whole  and  its  parts.  The  opponent  denies  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as 
a  wood,  a  herd,  &c.,  and  goes  on  to  object  to  perception  as  a  means  of 
true  knowledge  ' the  trees  also  are  non-existent.'  The  answer  is :  "If  you 
say  this  (wTe  need  not  enter  into  a  renewed  discussion),  for  this  view  of 
the  Mahayanikas  has  already  been  refuted"  (pratyuktah  sa  mdhdydnikah 
paksah).  This  is  apparently  a  reference  to  the  passage  translated  in  the 
text,  and  the  followers  of  the  Mahay  ana  are  spoken  of  without  the 
distinction  of  Madhyamikas  and  Yogacaras. 


Vol.  xxxi  ]     Tlie  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  23 

the  Vrtti  on  M.S.  must  have  regarded  Purva  and  Uttara 
Mlmamsa  as  the  two  interconnected  parts  of  one  uniform 
m;  and  when  he  treated  a  subject  which  properly  belongs 
to  the  "Uttara  Mimamsa,  he  must  have  treated  it  in  conformity 
with  the  latter.  AVe  actually  find  in  the  passage  from  the 
Vrttikara  the  substance  of  a  commentary  on  B.S.  ii,  2,  28 — 32, 
disposed  in  nearly  the  same  order  as  that  of  those  Sutras, 
as  will  now  be  proved.  The  substance  of  the  first  part  of  the 
passage  is  epitomised  in  Sutras  28  and  29:  no,  'bhava  upa- 
labdheh;  vaidharmydc  ca  na  svapnddivat  ~\Ve  may  paraphrase 
these  two  Sutras  in  accordance  with  the  explanation  of  the 
Vrttikara  as  follows:  "The  objects  of  cognition  are. not  non- 
entities (i.  e.  cognition  is  not  without  foundation  in  the  external 
world:  na  nirdlambanali  pratyayali),  because  we  actually  per- 
ceive external  objects.  28.  Xor  is  our  cognition  similar  to 
dreams,  &c.,  because  there  is  a  real  difference  of  cognition  in 
the  state  of  waking  and  that  of  dreaming  29"  The  next  two 
Sutras  contain  in  a  condensed  form  the  substance  of  the  second 
part  of  our  passage,  na  Ihdvo  'nupalabdheh  30.  "(An  idea) 
cannot  be  the  real  object  (underlying  cognition,  as  proved  in 
Sutras  28  and  29),  because  (the  idea)  is  not  the  object  of 
direct  perception."  In  the  passage  from  the  Vrttikara  the 
opponent  maintains:  'our  idea  is  directly  perceived  (pratyahsa, 
ca  no  buddhih),  and  the  author  refutes  him  by  showing  that 
an  idea  is  not  perceived,  but  that  we  become  aware  of  having 
an  idea  by  inference.  This  is  the  substance  of  Sutra  30.  The 
next  Sutra:  1i§amkatvac  ca  (31):  "And  because  cognition  has 
but  momentary  existence"  is  explained  by  the  Vrttikara  in 
the  passage  beginning:  'for  every  idea  lasts  but  one  moment" 
•nika  hi  so).  The  meaning  is  of  course  that  one  idea  cannot 
perceive  another ;  for  while  the  first  exists,  the  second  has  not 
yet  come  into  existence;  and  when  the  second  has  come  into 
existence,  the  first  has  ceased  to  exist.  The  last  Sutra:  sar- 
vfdltd  'nupapattes  ca  (32)  "And  because  it  is  unreasonable  in 
every  way"  gives  occasion  to  the  Vrttikara's  remarks  beginning 
with  'But  there  is  no  such  uniformity'  (api  ca  hdmam,  &c.). 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  with  the  help  of  the  passage  from 
the  Vittikara  we  can  fully  and  consistently  explain  the  original 
Sutras.  And  I  venture  to  presume  that  this  interpretation 
comes  nearer  the  meaning  of  the  original,  than  that  given 
either  by  S jinkara  or  Ramanuja:  for  these  commentators  living 


24  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

several  centuries  after  the  Yrttikara  did  violence  to  the  text 
because  they  felt  obliged  to  introduce  into  their  comments  the 
substance  of  controversies  which  happened  long  after  the  time 
of  the  Sutrakara. 

The  preceding  inquiry  has  proved  that  the  Sunyavada  only 
has  "been  confuted  in  the  Brahma  Sutras  and  in  the  Yrtti 
quoted  by  Sabarasvamin.  These  two  works  must  therefore 
have  been  composed  in  the  period  between  200  and  500  A.D. 
according  to  what  has  been  said  in  the  beginning  of  this  paper. 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Sabarasvamin  also  must  be  assigned 
to  the  same  period,  since  he  also  appears  to  ignore  the  Yijnana- 
vada  and  to  refer  to  the  Sunyavada  when  controverting  the 
Buddhist  denial  of  the  soul  (p.  20  f.).  There  a  Buddhist  com- 
bats the  argument  that  knowledge  (vijndna)  presupposes  a 
knower  (vijnatr),  and  explains  that  knowledge  and  memory 
can  be  accounted  for  by  the  assumption  of  skandhas  or  rather 
a  santdna  of  momentary  skandlias.  He  concludes:  tasmdc 
chunydh  skandliaglianali,  "therefore  nothing  real  is  behind  the 
skandhas"  This  doctrine  is  of  course  common  to  all  Buddhists, 
but  the  expression  used  here,  sunya.  seems  to  betray  the 
Sunyavadin.  And  besides,  in  this  controversy,  especially  where 
the  real  meaning  of  aliam,  is  discussed,  a  Yijnanavadin  would 
have  introduced  his  term  alayavijnana;  but  no  special  terms 
of  the  Yijnanay'ada  are  used  by  Sabarasvamin.  It  is  there- 
fore probable  that  he  wrote  before  the  establishment  of  the 
Yijiianavada.  His  archaic  style  also  speaks  in  favour  of  an 
early  date.1 

3.  Yoga. 

In  Yoya  Sutra,  iv,  15f.,  the  Buddhist  denial  of  the  external 
world  is  briefly  discussed.  Sutra  15:  vastusdmye  cittaWieddt 
tayor  vivihtali  panthah.  "Since  the  same  object  (is  perceived 
by  many  persons  and)  causes  various  impressions  on  their 
mind,  they  (i.  e.,  the  objects  and  the  ideas  caused  by  them) 
must  be  two  different  things."  This  is  apparently  a  refu- 
tation of  the  Niralambanavada,  but  it  does  not  appear 
whether  it  is  intended  against  the  Sunyavada  or  the  Yijnana- 


i  Cf.  Biihler  in  SEE.,  vol.  xxv,  p.  CXIL  After  the  preceding  dis- 
cussion it  is  perhaps  superfluous  to  state  that  I  cannot  subscribe  to  the 
exaggerated  chronological  estimate  of  that  scholar. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  Philosophical  Sutras,  &c.  :.'"> 

vfuln.1  Sutra  10:  na  cai  'kacittatantram  vaslu;  tad  aprama- 
nakam,  tadd  kirn  sydt?  "Nor  can  the  existence  of  an  object 
be  dependent  on  the  mind  of  one  observer;  for  when  (his  mind 
being  absent)  it  is  not  observed  at  all,  (pray)  what  would  be- 
come of  the  object?"  (cf.  S.S.  i,  43)  Here,  I  think,  the  meaning  of 
the  Sutra  will  be  best  understood,  if  we  assume  the  opponent  to 
1)0  an  adherent  of  the  Vijnanavada.  For  in  that  philosophy 
the  alayavijnana  which  represents  the  self-consciousness  of  the 
individual  person,  contains  the  vasanas  (=  samskaras)  which 
becoming  mature  (paripdka)  produce  the  pravrttivijndna  or 
the  thoughts  concerned  with  objects.2  According  to  this  theory 
the  object  is  dependent  on  pravrttivijndna  or,  in  common 
language,  on  the  mind  of  the  observer.3  If  this  interpretation 
La  right.  Patanjali  must  be  later  than  the  middle  of  the 
5th  i ontury  A.D.  At  any  rate  he  cannot  be  earlier  than 
the  3rd  century  A.D. 

Even  the  earlier  of  these  two  dates  is  at  variance  with  the 
prevailing  opinion  that  Patanjali  the  author  of  the  Yogasutra 
is  the  same  Patanjali  who  composed  the  Mahabhasya.  For 
Patanjali  is  said  to  have  written  the  Yogasutra,  the  Maha- 
bhasyn,  and  a  work  on  medicine.  This  tradition,  however, 
cannot  be  traced  to  an  ancient  source.4  Nevertheless  European 


1  In  the  Bhasya  on  the  preceding  Sutra  we  find  the  same  argument 
about   things    seen   in   a   dream   with  which   we    are    already   familiar. 
Yacaspatimisra  in  the  Tlka  ascribes  this  argument  to  the  Yijnanavadin 
(cf.  above,  p.  11),  but  he  says  expressly  that  it  has  been  introduced  by 
the  Bhasyakara  without  its  being  warranted  by  the  Sutra  (utsiitra). 

2  Sarvadarsanasamgraha.  Anandasram  edition,  p.  15  f. 

3  Y.S.  iv,  21  might  be  taken  for  a  reference  to  the  Yijnanavada;   but 
•  ommentators    are    apparently   right    in   referring    to    the    nidnasa- 

2))-«tyahsa  or  manovijftana,  which  seems  to  have  been  acknowledged  by 
the  older  schools  also.  The  definition  in  the  Tlka,  however,  agrees 
nearly  verbatim  with  that  in  the  NyayabindutTka  (Bibl.  Ind.,  p.  13,  1.  11). 

4  It  occurs  in  a  traditional  verse  which  is  quoted,  as  Professor  J.  H. 
Woods  informs  me,  in  the  commentary  on  the  Yasavadatta  by  Sivarama 
(p.  239  of  the  edition  in  the  Bibl.  Indica;  Sivarama  wrote  in  the  beginning 
of  the  18th  century,  Aufrecht  Cat,  Cat.,  p.  652).    According   to   Soda's 
(Tni-kasamgraha,  B.S.S.,  p.  24)  this  (?)  verse  is  said  to  be  from  Yogablja. 
It  must  be  stated  that  the  passage  in  the  Yasavadatta  which  refers  to 
Patafijali  alludes  to  his  oratorical  gifts  only.     Similarly,  a  verse  in  the 

fi.jalicarita,  V,  25  (Kavyamala,  Nro.  51),  by  RSmabhatta  Dlksita  of 

18th  century  (cf.  Aufrecht,  1.  c.,  p.  517),   ascribes   to   him   siltrdni 

Yogasdstre  Vaidydkaidstre  ca  vdrttikdni.    Here  he  is  identified  apparently 


26  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

scholars  are  inclined  to  give  it  credit,  e.  g.  Lassen,  Ind.  Alt., 
I2,  p.  999,  Garbe,  Sdnkhyapliilosopliie,  p.  26,  note,  and  Sankliya 
und  Yoga,  p.  36,  and  others;  and  accordingly  they  place  Patan- 
jali  in  the  2nd  century  B.C.  But  it  can  he  shown  on  internal 
evidence  that  the  author  of  the  Mahabhasya  cannot  he  identical 
with  the  author  of  the  Yogasutra.  It  is  worth  while  definitely 
to  establish  this  point. 

Professor  Garbe  admits  that  there  are  no  special  coincidences 
between  the  language  of  the  Yogasutra  and  the  Mahahhasya, 
and  accounts  for  this  want  of  agreement  by  the  difference  of 
the  subject  of  both  works.  But  on  the  other  hand  we  certainly 
might  expect  that  the  greatest  grammarian  of  his  age  should 
have  observed  the  rules  of  his  grammatical  work  when  he 
wrote  another  on  Yoga.  Yet  in  Y.S.  i,  34  he  writes  pracclutr- 
danavidhdrariabliydm  instead  of  vidlidranapraccliliardanabliydm 
as  it  ought  to  be  according  to  the  rule  laghvaksaram  (i.  e., 
purvam)  in  vdrttika  5  of  ii,  2,  34;  and  here  the  meaning  of 
the  two  parts  of  the  compound  furnishes  no  reason  for  alter- 
ing their  grammatical  order,  as  might  perhaps  be  pleaded  for 
the  order  in  sarvdrtliataikagratayoli  iii.  11  instead  of  ekdgra- 
tdsarvdihatayoli  as  postulated  by  Panini's  rule  ajddyadantam 
ii,  2,  33.  A  similar  case  is  graliitrgrahanagrdhyesu  in  i,  41. 
Vacaspatimisra  says  when  commenting  on  that  Sutra:1  "the 
order  of  the  members  of  the  -compound  as  given  in  the  Sutra 
is  irrelevant,  because  it  is  opposed  to  the  order  required  by 
the  subject  (viz.  grahyagrahanagrdhttr)"  Now  grammar  is  in 
favour  of  that  very  order  which  is  also  required  by  the  subject; 
for  this  order  is  in  accordance  with  Panini's  rule:  alpdctaram 
ii,  2,  34:  "In  a  Dvandva  the  member  of  fewer  syllables 
should  come  first,"  And  though  a  deviation  from  this  rule 
might  be  defended,  still  the  grammarians  seems  to  have  regarded 
it  as  an  irregularity  better  to  be  avoided.2  At  any  rate  our 

with  Caraka.  This  is  expressly  done  according  to  Bodas  (1.  c.)  by  the 
grammarian  Nagesa,  who  lived  in  the  18th  century,  in  his  Vaiyakarana- 
siddhantamanjusa  (cf.  Aufrecht,  Cat,  Cat,,  s.  v.). 

1  tatra  grahitrgrahanagrdliyesv    iti   sautrah   fdthakramo    lrthakrama~ 
virodhdn  nd  "daraniyah. 

2  Patanjali  discusses  the  question  whether  the  rule  alpdctaram  applies 
to  compounds  of  more  than  two  members,  to  which  alone  the  compara- 
tive alpdctaram  would  seem  to    apply.    He  adduces  two  verses  which 
contain   three-membered   dvandvas:    mrdangasankhatunavdh   and   dhana- 
patirdmakesavdndm.    Katyayana   in   vdrttika  1    accounts    for   these   ex- 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dates  of  the  tfiilosopliiccil  Sutras,  &c.  27 

case  would  have  given  cause  to  a  grammarian  to  consider  the 
order  in  which  he  should  place  the  members  of  the  compound, 
and  he  certainly  would  not  have  chosen  that  order  which 
could  he  impugned  for  reasons  derived  from  grammar  and  from 
the  nature  of  the  subject.  The  reason  why  the  author  of  the 
Sutra  placed  grahitr  first  in  the  dvandva,  was  perhaps  a  linguistic 
instinct  that  words  not  ending  in  a  or  a  should  come  first,  a 
rule  which  grammarians  restrict  to  words  ending  in  i  and  u 
(dvandve  glii  ii.  2.  33). 

On  the  other  hand  it  can  be  shown  that  the  author  of  the 
M.ihabhasya  held  philosophical  ideas  which  differed  consider- 
nl.lv  from  those  of  Yoga  and  Sankhya.  Commenting  upon 
Vdrttika  53  ad  i,  2,  64  he  discusses  a  kdrikd  on  the  meaning 
of  gender:  the  feminine  denotes  the  congelation  (samstyd>  a)9 
the  masculine  the  productivity  (prasava)  of  the  qualities  (gunas) : 
sound,  touch,  colour,  taste,  and  smell.  "All  individual  things 
(murtayas)  are  thus  constituted,  they  are  qualified  by  con- 
gelation and  productivity,  possessing  sound,  ^ touch,  colour,  taste, 
and  smell.  Where  there  are  but  few  qualities,  there  are 
at  least  (avaratas)  three:  sound,  touch,  and  colour;  taste 
and  smell  are  not  everywhere."  This  is  a  very  crude  theory 
about  the  qualities  and  one  that  is  very  far  removed  from 
the  refined  speculations  of  the  Sankhyas  and  Yogas  about 
the  tanmdtras  and  mahdbhutas. — Therefore,  since  the  author 
of  the  Yogasutra  does  not  conform  'to  the  grammatical 
rules  taught  by  the  author  of  the  Mahabhasya,  and  because 
the  latter  is  ignorant  of  the  philosophical  views  of  the 
former,  they  cannot  be  identical,  but  must  be  two  different 
persons. 

.  Having  shown  that  the  only  argument  for  the  great  anti- 
quity of  the  Yogasutra  is  fallacious,  I  shall  now  bring  forward 
internal  evidence  for  a  rather  late  date  of  that  work.  The 
Yogasastra  of  Patanjali  is  described  as  being  part  of  the 
Sankhyasystem  (yogasdstre  sdnkhyapravacane),  and  it  is  well 
known  that  it  generally  conforms  to  the  Sankhya.  But  there 
are  some  Yoga  doctrines  which  differ  from  the  Sankhya.  Yoga 
admits  the  ISvara,  while  Sankhya  is  essentially  atheistic;  and 


ceptions  by  assuming  that  the  two  last  members  are  a  dvandva  (sankJia- 
tfoiava)  and  form  the  second  member  of  the  whole  dvandva  (atantre 
taranirdcse  iankhatunawiyor  mrdangena  samdsali). 


28  Hermann  Jacobi,  [1911. 

this  peculiarity  of  the  Yoga  seems  to  be  very  old,  since  it  is 
mentioned  in  so  ancient  a  work  as  the  MahabhSrata  (xii. 
300.  3ff.).  But  there  are  other  Yoga  doctrines  not  coun- 
tenanced by  Sankhya  *  which  are  clearly  adoptions  from  other 
systems.  They  are  the  following: 

(1)  The    doctrine    of   Sphota   has   been   adopted   from   the 
Yaiyakaranas;    it    is    expounded    in    the    Bhasya    ad   iii.    17. 
This  theory  is  however   not  directly  mentioned  in  the  Sutra? 
and   its   introduction   rests    entirely  on    the   authority    of   the 
Bhasya.     (2)  The  doctrine   of  the  infinite  size  of  the  antah- 
karana  seems  to  have  been  adopted  from  the  Yaisesika  philo- 
sophy  (dtman).    It  is   given    in   the   Bhasya   on  iv.    10    and 
there  ascribed  to  the  cAcarya.'     (3)  The  atomic  theory  which 
originally  belonged  to  the  Yaisesika,2  is  clearly  referred  to  by 
Patanjali   in  i.  40    (cf.  Bhasya    on   iii,  44).     (4)  The   doctrine 
that  time  consists  of  ksanas,  which  was  first  put  forth  by  the 
Sautrantikas,  is  clearly  assumed   in  iii.  52,  though  the  details 
are  explained  in  the  Bhasya  only. — The  Sphotavada  and  the 
Manovaibhavavada  (1.  and  2.)  may  be  later  additions  to  the 
system,  but  the  Paramanuvada  and  the  Ksanikavada  must  be 
ascribed  to  Patanjali  and  cannot  be  later  than  him.    That  he 
did  adopt  them,  directly  or  indirectly,  from  the  Yaisesikas  and 
Buddhists,  though   of  course  not  in  their  original   form,  pre- 
supposes that  these  doctrines  had  somehow  ceased  to  be  shib- 
boleths of  hostile  schools,  and  that  the  general  idea  underlying 
them  had  been  acknowledged  by  other  philosophers  too.     We 
know  that  this  has  been  the  case  with  regard  to  the  atomic 
theory   which   has   also   been   admitted   by  Buddhists,  Jainas, 
Ajivakas,   and  some  Mimamsakas.3     The  Ksanikavada,  in  an 
altered  and  restricted  form,  has  been  adopted  by  the  Yaisesikas. 
For  according  to  them  some  qualities  (gunas)  exist  for  three 
ksanas  only,  e.  g.,  sound  originates  in  one  hsana,  persists  in  the 
second,  and  vanishes  in  the  third.    This  is  a  kind  of  Ksanika- 
vada  so   changed   as   to   avoid   the   objections    to   which    the 
original  doctrine  was  exposed.    Still  it  must  be  remarked  that 
even  this  altered  form  of  the  Ksanikavada  is  not  yet  found  in  the 


1  See  Garbe,  Sankhya  und  Yoga,  p.  49  ff. 

2  Cf.  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  vol.  i,  p.  199  ff. 

3  See  my  article  quoted  in  the  last  footnote. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Dales  of  the  Ptiilosopliical  Sutras,  &c.  29 

Sutra,1  but  is  first  taught  in  the  Pras"astapadabhasya,  p.  287.— 
This  adoption  of  originally  heterodox  doctrines  by  Patanjali 
therefore  unmistakably  points  to  a  relatively  modern  time,  and 
thus  it  serves  to  confirm  the  result  at  which  we  arrived  by 
ox: i mining  the  allusions  to  Buddhist  doctrines  contained  in 
Y.S.;  namely,  that  the  Yogasutra  must  be  later  than  the 
5  th  century  A.D.  It  is  probably  not  far  removed  in  time  from 
IsVara  Krsna,  the  remodeler  of  Sankliy.-i. 

Nor  can  an  objection  be  raised  against  this  date  from  the 
remaining  literature  of  the  Yoga.  For  the  Bhasya  by  Vyasa, 
which  is  next  in  time  to  the  Sutra,  contains  nothing  that 
would  make  the  assumption  of  an  earlier  date  necessary.  Garbe 
places  Vyasa  in  the  seventh  century  (1.  c.,  p.  41);  and  though 
his  estimate  is  supported  only  by  a  legendary  account  of  Vyasa's 
pupils,  still  it  is  not  improbable  in  itself. 

The  results  of  our  researches  into  the  age  of  the  philo- 
sophical Sutras  may  be  summarized  as  follows.  N.D.  and  B.S. 
were  composed  between  200  and  450  A.D.  During  that  period 
lived  the  old  commentators:  Vatsyayana,  Upavarsa,  the  Vrtti- 
kara  (Bodhayana?),  and  probably  Sabarasvamin.  V.D.  and 
M.S.  are  about  as  old  as,  or  rather  somewhat  older  than,  N.D. 
and  B.S.  Y.S.  is  later  than  450  A.D.,  and  S.S.  is  a  modern 
composition. 

i  V.D.  ii.  2.  31  teaches  that  sound  is  produced  by  conjunction  and 
disjunction  and  sound.  This  is  the  germ  of  an  undulatory  theory  of  the 
transmission  of  sound  in  India;  but  the  details  of  this  theory,  containing 
the  above  mentioned  doctrine  of  the  three  ksanas,  are  not  yet  worked 
out  in  the  Sutra. 


HilpreMs  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian  Deluge  Story 
(Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Series  D,  volume  F5  fasc.  I). — By  GEORGE  A. 
BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

ON  Saturday  morniDg,  March  19th,  the  daily  press  of  Phila- 
delphia and  other  cities  contained  announcements  of  the  dis- 
covery, by  Professor  Hilprecht,  of  a  new  version  of  the  story 
of  the  deluge,  which  antedated  all  the  accounts  previously 
found  and  which  vindicated  the  correctness  of  the  statements 
of"  the  Priestly  Document  of  the  Pentateuch.  Interest  was 
increased  when  in  the  Old  Penn  Weeldy  Review  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Pennsylvania  of  March  19th  Dr.  Hugo  Radau,  commen- 
ting on  the  discovery,  wrote:  "It  in  safe  to  say  that  this 
publication,  based  upon  one  of  the  most  remarkable  finds  in  the 
Temple  Library  of  Nippur,  is  destined  to  usher  in  a  new 
period  in  the  history  of  religion." 

The  speedy  publication  of  the  tablet  itself  together  with  Prof. 
Hilprecht's  interpretation  enabled  us  to  examine  both  in  detail. 


The  Nippur  version  of  the  Deluge  Story 

<From  The  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Series  D,  vol.  V,  fasciculus  1,  Philadelphia,  1910). 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Hilprechfs  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  &c.        31 

The  text  of  the  tablet  is  given  below  followed  by  Professor 
Hilprecht's  transliteration  and  translation  as  they  appear  on 
pp.  48  and  49  of  The  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania,  Series  D,  Volume  V,  fasciculus  1  (Phila- 
delphia 1910). 

(p.  48)  Transliteration. 


2  ......................         a-pa-a$-  $ar 

3  ....................  ka-la  ni-$i     i$-te-ni$  i-za-lat 

4  ............  -ti         la-am  a-bu-U  wa-si-      e 

5.  .  .  (?)-a-ni  ma-la  i-ba-a$-$u-u  lu-kin  lib-bu-ku  lu-pu-ut-tu  lm-ru-$u 

6.  ..is.uelippu  ra-be-tu  bi-  ni-  ma 

7.  ..ga-be-       e  gab-bi  lu  bi-nu-uz-  za 

8.  .M-i  In  is.umagurgurrwn  ba-bil-  lu  na-at-     rat       na-piS-tim 

9.  -ri(?)zu-  lu-la  dan-na  zu-     ul-  HI 

10  ......  te-ip-       pu-  $u 

11  .....  -lam(?)u-ma-am  si-rim  is-sur  Sd-me-e 

12  .........  leu-urn    mi-  ni 

13  .....  -00  u        Jd[n\-        ta        ru(?}-  ....... 

14  ..................  u]  ........................... 

(p.  49)  Translation. 
1  .............  "thee, 

2.  ...  "[the  confines  of  heaven  and  earth]  I  will  loosen, 

3.  ...  "[a  deluge  I  will  make,   and]  it  shall  sweep  away  all 

men  together; 

4.  ...  '-[but   thou  seek  l]ife   before  the  deluge   cometh  forth; 

5.  ...  "[For   over   all   living  beings],    as  many  as  there  are, 

I  will  bring  overthrow,  destruction,  annihilation. 

6  .........  "Build  a  great  ship  and 

7  .........  "total  height  shall  be  its  structure. 

8  .........  "it  shall  be  a  house-boat  carrying  what  has  been 

saved  of  life. 

9  .......  "with  a  strong  deck  cover  (it). 

10.  ...  "[The  ship]  which  thou  shalt  make, 

11.  ...  "[into  it  br]ing  the  beasts  of  the  field,   the    birds  of 

heaven, 

12.  ...  "[and  the  creeping  things,   two  of  everything]  instead 

of  a  number, 
13  ......  "and  the  family  ..... 

14.  .    ."and"., 


32  George  A,  Barton,  |1911. 

In  the  present  paper  it  is  proposed:  1.  To  examine  the 
interpretation  of  the  text.  2.  To  discuss  the  evidence  for  the 
age  of  the  document,  and  3.  To  discuss  its  bearings  on  the- 
Bible. 

1.  As  to  the  interpretation: 

In  line  1  Hilprecht  interprets  only  the  last  sign  ha,  render- 
ring  it  "thee."  In  the  absence  of  what  preceded  we  do  not 
know  whether  this  is  right  or  not.  Even  if  a  pronominal 
suffix,  it  was,  perhaps,  dependent  on  a  noun,  and  to  be  ren- 
dered "thy." 

In  line  2  the  only  legible  syllables  are  ap-pa-a$-$ar,  "I  will 
loosen"  or  "let  loose."  Hilprecht  supplies  before  it,  usura- 
(or  kippat)$ame  u  irsitim,  and  renders:  "the  confines  of  heaven 
and  earth  I  will  loosen."  He  refers  for  authority  to  Jensen 
in  KB.,  VI,  520,  where  Jensen  quotes  a  conjectural  emendation 
made  by  Haupt  in  Schrader's  KAT*  to  line  2  of  DT,  42, 
published  in  Haupt's  NE,  p.  131.  What  really  stands  in  that 
text  is  Jcima  Mp-pa-ti.  No  mention  of  heaven  and  earth 
appears  on  that  tablet,  nor  the  verb  ap-pa-a$-$ar.  To  base 
a  conjectural  emendation  on  another  conjectural  emendation 
to  another  passage  which  stood  in  another  context,  is  insecure 
ground.1 

In  line  3  the  words  that  stand  are  very  clear:  lea-la  ni-si 
i§-te-ni$  i-za-~bat,  "all  the  people  together  it  shall  seize."  i-za-lat 
being  clearly  for  i-sa-bat,  the  future  of  sabatu,  "to  seize,"  "take."2 
"While  Hilprecht  recognizes  the  "possibility"  of  this  reading, 
he  "prefers"  to  regard  it  as  from  the  stem  sabatu,  "to  beat," 
"to  strike."  Why  this  common  form,  written  as  it  often  is  in 
the  time  of  the  Cassites  and  of  Hammurabi,  should  be  dis- 
carded for  one  that  presupposes  the  difficult  phonetic  change 
of  3  to  z  and  the  unnecessary  change  of  t  to  t,  is  because 
Jensen  had  noted  (KB.,  VI,  531),  that  sabatu  was  the  tech- 
nical term  used  of  the  deluge! 

1  Hommel,   who   Las  defended  Hilprecht's  main  positions  in  articles 
published  in  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung  of  April,  19, 1910  and  the  Expository 
Times  for  May,  1910,   improves    upon  Hilprecht's   rendering   by  boldly 
inserting  from  Gen.  ?n  the  words  "the  springs  of  the  deep",  making  the 
line  read,   "the  springs  of  the  deep  will  I  loose".     Bezold,    Frankfurter 
Zeitung,  May,  21, 1910,  renders  "I  will  loose  a  bann".    Prince  and  Vander- 
burgh  AJSL,  XXVI  (July,  1910),  p.  305,  note  that  it  is  ordinarily  used 
of  loosening  a  curse.     It  is  clearly  uncertain  how  the  line  began. 

2  So  also  Prince  and  Vanderburgh. 


Vol.  xxxi.J     HilprechVs  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  &c.         33 

In  line  4  we  can  make  out  the  tigns:  ti  la-am  a-bu-bi 
wa-se-e.  Disregarding  the  lirst  sign  the  three  remaining  words 
clearly  mean,  as  Hilprecht  has  translated  them,  "before  the 
delude  comes  forth."  The  ti  belongs  to  a  lost  word.  Hilprecht 
tills  it  out  u  at-ta-ma  *e--i  (<>r  lml-lif)iwjt-*a-ti  on  the  ground 
that  in  the  "first  Nineveh  version"  11,  25  ft',  these  phrases 
appear.  A  part  of  them  do  appear  there,  it  is  true,  but  in  a 
different  order.  In  reality  no  one  knows  what  stood  at  the 
beginning  of  this  line.  Ti  might  belong  to  any  feminine  or 
abstract  noun. 

Of  line  5  Hilprecht  has  correctly  transliterated  the  visible 
signs,  and  disregarding  the  <i-ni  at  the  beginning,  which  belong 
t"  a  lost  word,  his  rendering  of  the  remainder  ("as  many  as 
there  are,  I  will  bring  overthrow,  destruction,  annihilation") 
may  pass.  What  is  to  be  supplied  at  the  beginning  is  uncer- 
tain. Hilprecht's  guess  may  in  this  case  be  right. 

In  lines  6  and  7  Hilprecht  wisely  refrains  from  filling  out 
the  broken  lines,1  and  as  his  rendering  of  the  Semitic  is  possible 
no  comment  is  necessary. 

In  line  8,  however,  we  come  upon  more  difficulties.  The 
sign  which  he  renders  bil  certainly  does  not  have  that  value. 
It  is  in  reality  two  signs  £um-$a.2  The  preceding  sign,  which 
Hilprecht  reads  ba  may  be  ma.  The  sign  which  he  reads  at 
is  probably  a  carelessly  written  si.  We  should,  therefore, 
probably  read  .  .  .  U-i-lu  ^"MA-GUR-GUR-wa  sum-so,  lu-na- 

si-rat  na-pis-timt "a  GUR-GUR3  boat  indeed  is  its  name, 

verily  it  is  a  savior  of  life".  Perhaps  we  should  render  .  . 
i:a  GUR-GUR  boat,  and  its  name  is  'Lu-nasirat  napistim'". 
Evidence  that  the  Babylonians  gave  such  names  to  their 
boats  is,  however,  wanting.  The  three  signs  after  GUR-GUR 

1  Not  so,  however,  Hommel.  Taking  a  hint  from  Gen.  6  **  he  supplies 
in  line  6  "Take  wood  and  pitch",  so  as  to  make  the  whole  "Take  wood 
and  pitch  and  build  a  great  ship" !  In  line  7  he  also  supplies  from  Gen.  6 15 
the  word  "cubits"  and  reads  "and  .  .  .  cubits  be  its  complete  height". 

-  In  all  the  writer's  researches  for  his  forthcoming  volumes  on  the 
Oriyin  and  Development  of  Babylonian  Writing  he  has  met  with  no 
instance  of  bil  made  in  this  way  in  any  period  of  the  writing.  Professor 
Clay,  who  has  edited  as  many  documents  from  the  Cassite  period  as  any 
other  living  scholar  agrees  with  the  writer  that  the  reading  is  sum-sa. 
Bezold  questions  Hilprecht's  reading,  but  suggests  no  other. 

3  Prince  and  Vanderburgh,  op.  cit.  show  that  we  should  not  read  "house- 
boat", but  a  "navigable  vessel",  i.e. one  that  can  be  steered  without  difficulty. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  I.  3 


34  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

might  also  be  read  ba-taq-$a  =  "its  crack".  Were  we  sure 
that  the  line  referred  to  stopping  the  cracks  with  pitch,  this 
would  be  attractive.  The  line  is  too  broken  for  certain  inter- 
pretation, but  Hilprecht's  interpretation  is  clearly  wrong. 

Hilprecht  renders   line  9    ( zu-lu-la   dan-na  zu-ul-lil), 

"with  a  strong  deck  cover  it",  and  claims  that  this  conclusively 
proves  the  ordinary  rendering  line  31  of  the  well  known 
version,  "upon  the  deep  launch  it,"  wrong.  In  this  he  is, 
perhaps,  right,  but  his  statement  (p.  56)  that  ins  (Gen.  6  i«) 
means  "roof"  and  not  "window"  is  not  new.  It  is  found  in 
Brown,  Driver  and  Briggs,  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon,  844  a. 

In  line  10  Hilprecht's  conjecture  of  "The  ship"  before 
te-ip-pu-su  is  as  probable  as  any  other. 

In  line  11,  we  clearly  have  "the  beasts  of  the  field  and  the 
birds  of  heaven"  referred  to  (u-ma-am  si-rim  is-sur  Sa-a-mi), 
and  no  fault  need  be  found  with  Hilprecht's  guess  that  we 
should  supply  at  the  beginning  "Into  it  bring." 

Upon  line  12  Hilprecht  stakes  a  great  deal,  and  his  treat- 
ment of  it  is  really  astounding.  The  only  signs  visible  in  the 

line  are kii-um-mi-ni.    Hilprecht  divides  this  ku-um  mi-ni, 

and  translates,  "instead  of  a  number".  He  then  supplies  from 
the  P  Document  of  the  Old  Testament,  without  even  telling 
us  what  the  Babylonian  form  of  the  words  would  be,  "and 
the  creeping  things,  two  of  everything,"  making  the  whole  read: 
"[and  the  creeping  things  two  of  everything1]  instead  of  a 
number." 

If  now  we  compare  the  passage  with  what  Hilprecht  calls 
the  Nineveh  version  11,  84ff.,  it  becomes  certain  that  this 
rendering  rests  on  a  most  uncertain  basis.  LI.  84 — 86 
of  the  copy  in  the  British  Museum  tell  of  three  classes  of 
living  things  that  went  into  the  ship:  lu-ul  siri,  u-ma-am  siri 
("cattle  of  the  field,  beasts  of  the  field")  formed  one  class. 
That  class  is  represented  in  Hilprecht's  tablet  by  "beasts  of 
the  field  and  birds  of  heaven,"  which  forms  a  more  beautiful 
line  and  avoids  tautology.  Another  class  was  the  "family" 
(kim-ti)  of  Par-napishtin  which  appears  in  the  last  fragmentary 


1  Hilprecht's  friend  Kittel  has  pointed  out,  Theoloffisfhes  Literaturblatt, 
XXXI,  col.  243  (May,  27,  1910),  that  one  could  as  well  supply  "seven  of 
everything"  and  obtain  agreement  with  the  J  document.  It  would  cer- 
tainly be  quite  as  justifiable  as  that  which  Hilprecht  has  done. 


Vol.  xxxi.]    Httprecht's  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  &c.         35 

line  of  Hilprecht's  tablet  as  kin-ta.'1  The  third  class,  the  arti- 
<;ms  or  people,  was  expressed  by  um-ma-a-ni  This  class 
probably  occurs  in  Hilprecht's  text  in  the  line  under  discussion 
(line  12),  but  he  has  not  recognized  it.  We  should  read  ...ku 
inn-tni-ni,  taking  IHL  as  the  final  syllable  of  some  lost  word. 
Probably  that  word  is  supplied  for  us  in  the  fragment  published 
by  Pere  Scheil  (cf.  Eec.  de  Travaux,  XX,  p.  58,  1.  20),  in 
which  we  have  the  word  ii-il-U-kii.  If  now  we  supply  the 
remainder  of  the  missing  word  thus  [li-il-li]-ku  um-mi-ni,2  we 
obtain:  "let  the  artisans  (or  people)  come."  This  rendering 
supposes  that  ummmi*  is  the  plural  of  a  variant  form  of 
annnani,  just  as  we  have  xur-nnni  for  jsiirmtini  and  kurummUi 
for  i;urn,,nn<'ili.  M«rl  ummani,  of  the  Nineveh  version  shows 
that  the  Deluge  writers  did  not  regard  the  collective  ummani 
alone  as  a  sufficient  plural. 

More  extraordinary  and  inexplicable  still,  however,  is  Hil- 
prechtrs  note  on  line  12.  He  equates  mi-nu,  which  we  have 
shown  to  be  a  part  of  um-mi-nu,  with  the  Heb.  pB,  "species," 
which  occurs  so  often  in  the  P  document  in  the  phrase  Pirfcb 
or  Jnyo^,  meaning  "according  to  its  kind,"  and  claims  that 
the  occurrence  of  minu  in  his  tablet  in  this  connection  proves 
that  I^D  means  "number."  He  further  states  that  if  we  insert 
this  meaning  wherever  p2  occurs  in  the  P  document,  the  sense 
is  improved;  and  on  p.  65  of  his  pamphlet  he  actually  trans- 
lates Gen.  6  20,  rendering  ftP&S  "instead  of  a  number."  b  in 
Hebrew  never  means  "instead  of;"  even  Hilprecht  can  find  no 
Biblical  parallel,  all  the  corroborative  passages  which  he  cites 


!  Prince  and  Vanderburgh,  (op.  cit.)  declare  that  Hilprecht  has  no  right 
to  read  Kin-ta  here.  It  is  true  that  the  tablet  is  crumbling  at  this  point, 
but  I  see  no  reason  for  seriously  questioning  Hilprecht's  reading. 

2  Bezold   questions   whether  instead   of  ku-um  we  should  not  render 
S  EGIN  mi-ni,  "the  total  number".  Prince  and  Vanderburgh  read  hum 

'i»i-n!.,  "the  dwelling  of  ;i  number",  understanding  it  to  mean  that  the 
GUR-GUR  boat  shall  be  the  dwelling  of  a  number.  Some  may  prefer 
one  of  these  explanations  to  that  offered  above.  The  text  is  so  frag- 
mentary that  we  are  all  groping  in  the  dark.  These  explanations,  how- 
ever, show  how  insecure  Hilprecht's  interpretation  is. 

3  The  kindred  word  ummani,  "people",  makes  one  of  its  plurals  by 
the  form  ummani,  (HWB,  87a).     A  plural  umnnui  from  a  singular  um- 
w?/w  would  be  analogous  to  this;  it  also  finds  analogy  in  the  change  of 
the    plural    ending    -an    to    -en;    cf.    Delitzsch,   Assyrische    Grammatik, 

3). 

3* 


36  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

use  *?,  as  he  himself  confesses,  in  the  sense  of  "to"  or  "for."1 
The  word  ]*&,  moreover,  cannot  possibly  mean  "number."  One 
has  but  to  substitute  "number"  for  ]V3  and  "instead  of'  for  b 
in  any  random  passage  in  Gen.  1  to  see  how  absurd  Hilprecht's 
contention  is.  Take,  e.g.,  Gen.  I12:  "Let  the  earth  bring  forth 
grass,  herb  seeding  seed  instead  of  a  number  and  trees  bearing 
fruit,  the  seed  of  which  is  in  it  instead  of  a  number".  What 
nonsense!  Hilprecht  endeavors  (p.  57 ff.)  to  gain  help  for  this 
impossible  meaning  by  making  it  seem  that  Wellhausen  and 
Delitzsch  favor  it.  He  says  that  Wellhausen  had  pronounced 
the  word  a  riddle,  but  he  gives  no  reference  to  a  work  of 
Wellhausen.  The  fact  is  he  quotes  the  remark  from  Delitzsch, 
Hebrew  Language  in  the  Light  of  Assyrian  Research,  1883, 
p.  70  f.  and  Prolegomena  eines  neuen  Hebrdisch  - Aramaischen 
Worterbuches  p.  143.  Delitzsch  gives  no  reference  for  the 
remark,  and  Hilprecht  evidently  does  not  know  where  to  find 
it  in  the  voluminous  works  of  Wellhausen.  The  statement  looks 
very  much  like  a  free  quotation  on  the  part  of  Delitzsch  of 
a  remark  of  Wellhausen  Prolegomena  zur  Geschichte  Israels, 
6  th  ed.,  p.  396  (cf.  his  English  History  of  Israel  p.  389). 
Wellhausen  says:  "pfc  (kind),  a  very  peculiar  word,  especially 
in  the  form  leminthu,  is  found  outside  this  chapter  [Gen.  1] 
and  Lev.  14,  Gen.  6*0  yu  Only  in  Deut.  14  and  Ezek.  47  10." 
That  is  all  he  says  about  it,  and  he  clearly  translates  it 
"kind,"  never  hinting  that  there  is  any  doubt  as  to  the  signi- 
fication, but  only  remarking  that  the  word  itself  is  peculiar. 

As  to  Delitzsch,  in  his  Hebrew  Language  (1883)  he  expressed 
the  conjecture  that  it  might  be  "ultimately  derived  from  the 
Assyrian  word  "number."  He  would  render  e.  g.  Gen.  1 12: 
"Let  the  earth  bring  forth  grass,  herb  seeding  seed  according 
to  its  number,"  understanding  the  last  phrase  to  be  equivalent 
to  the  Assyrian  "as  many  as  there  are."  This  conjecture, 
however,  he  withdrew  in  1886  (Prolegomena  p.  143),  where  he 
says:  "I  have  expressed  in  Hebrew  Language  p.  70 f.  the  guess 
that  originally  it  [pD]  was  borrowed  from  the  Bab.-Assyr.  minu 
'number'  ...  I  am  quite  prepared  to  give  this  conjecture  up." 
It  was  a  rash  theory  of  Delitzsch's  youth,  which  he  abandoned 
twenty-four  years  ago. 

As    is   well   known,    pfc   is   the   regular   word   in   Jewish 


1  Compare  the  remarks  of  Kittel  on  this  point,  op.  cit.  note  to  col.  243. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Hilprecht's  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  (Sec.         37 

Aramaic  and  Syriac  for  "species,"  "kind,"  and  Professor  Haupt 
ha>  shown  that  it  occurs  in  Assyrian  also  (see  JAOS  XXV  71). 

We  have  now  examined  Professor  Hilprecht's  interpretation 
of  the  text,  with  the  result,  that,  while  in  many  of  the  less 
important  parts  of  the  little  tablet  his  interpretation  is  sound, 
he  has  drawn  too  freely  throughout  upon  his  imagination  in 
tilling  out  the  broken  lines,  and  in  the  one  passage  upon  which 
he  lays  most  stress,  as  having  a  bearing  upon  Biblical  criti- 
cism, he  has  not  only  hazardously  rendered  the  cuneiform  text, 
but  filled  out  a  broken  line  from  the  Bible  itself  in  a  most 
improbable  way,  and  grossly  mistranslated  his  Hebrew. 

2.  We  now  turn  to  the  evidence  for  the  age  of  the  tablet. 
Professor  Hilprecht  claims  that  the  tablet  was  composed 
between  2137  B.  C.  and  2005  B.  C.  He  bases  this  claim  on 
three  kinds  of  evidence,  A.  The  stratum  in  which  the  tablet 
was  found,  B.  Palaeographical  evidence,  C.  Linguistic  peculi- 
arities. Let  us  examine  each  of  these  in  turn. 

A.  Hilprecht  says  on  p.  1  of  this  Deluge  publication,  (i.  e. 
Bab.  Exp.  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Series  D,  Vol.  V, 
Faciculus  1),  that  the  tablet  was  found  "while  unpacking  and 
examining  two  boxes  of  cuneiform  tablets  from  our  fourth 
expedition  to  Nippur."  On  p.  36  of  the  same  publication  he 
says:  "it  was  found  intermingled  with  the  dated  and  undated 
tablets  of  the  lowest  of  the  three  strata  of  "Tablet  Hill". 

Now  the  tablet  was  clearly  found  before  Hilprecht  himself 
reached  Nippur,  for  he  had  not  seen  it  until  October  1909. 
Indeed,  in  a  foot  note  on  p.  1  he  excuses  himself  for  having 
overlooked  it  in  Constantinople  in  1901.  *  An  important  point 


1  The  writer  is  reluctantly  compelled  to  believe  that  Hilprecht's  foot 
note  is  deliberately  misleading  and  that  the  following  statements  of  Hil- 
precht  in  the  So-called  Peters- Hilprecht  Controversy  are  untrue.  Hilprecht 
says  on  p.  191 :  "My  examination  at  Constantinople  of  at  least  40,000 
tablets  from  the  Third  and  Fourth  Expeditions  merely  strengthened  my 
conviction.  And  indeed  in  setting  this  number  at  40,000  I  do  not  mention 
enough,  for  I  practically  examined  to  some  extent  every  tablet  taken  to 
Constantinople  from  both  these  expeditions".  Again  he  says  on  p.  339: 
-I  had  personally  examined  all  the  tablets  excavated  by  the  fourth  expedi- 
tion in  1902".  [Italics,  mine.] 

My  reasons  for  doubting  the  truth  of  these  statements  are  as  follows: — 

Dr.  G.  B.  Gordon,  who  was  appointed  Director  of  the  Museum  of  the 

University  of  Pennsylvania  in  February  1910,   sent  me  an  invitation  on 

June  )4th,  1910  to  come  and  see  what  Babylonian  material  the  Museum 


38  Oeorfje  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

is,  that  in  BE.,  Series  D,  Vol.  I,  p.  509  Professor  Hilprecht 
has  himself  said  some  interesting  things  about  the  methods 
of  work  followed  by  the  fourth  expedition  before  his  arrival. 
He  says:  "Our  knowledge  as  to  how  and  precisely  where  the 
tablets  were  found  is  extremely  limited.  As  I  must  depend 
exclusively  on  Haynes'  official  entries  and  records  for  this 
important  question,  I  deem  it  necessary  to  submit  a  spe- 
cimen of  my  only  written  source  of  information  for  the  time 
prior  to  my  arrival  when  most  of  the  tablets  were  taken  out 
of  the  ground.  I  quote  literally  from  his  diary.  'Jan.  16, 
1900  :  30  sound  tablets  from  a  low  level  in  Tablet  Hill"  (To 


contained.  His  letter  stated  that  "these  tablets  are  now  accessible  to  all 
Babylonian  scholars".  I  accepted  his  invitation  and  visited  the  Museum 
on  June  17th.  Dr.  Gordon  informed  me  -then  that  a  similar  invitation 
had  been  sent  to  all  American  Assyriologists.  In  the  basement  room  of 
the  museum,  where  many  boxes  of  tablets  have  reposed  unpacked,  some  of 
them  for  twenty  years,  1  saw  a  box  of  tablets  from  the  fourth  Expedition, 
which  was  just  opened  and  the  contents  of  which  a  workman  was  beginning 
to  clean.  Some  of  these  tablets  were  wrapped  in  paper  which  had  clearly 
been  put  about  them  while  they  were  stiil  damp,  for  it  had  dried  on,  and 
came  off  with  the  greatest  difficulty. 

I  then  recalled  that  Mr.  Clarence  S.  Fisher,  who  was  the  architect  of 
the  fourth  Expedition  and  who  helped  pack  these  tablets  was  once, 
while  Fellow  in  Architecture  at  the  University,  asked  to  assist  in  un- 
packing some  of  these  very  boxes  and  had  declared  in  an  article  in  the 
Philadelphis  Public  Ledger  of  Feb.  4,  1907  that  this  paper  was  the  same 
which  they  had  wrapped  about  the  tablets  at  Nuffar  while  they  were  yet 
wet.  An  examination  of  the  boxes  and  the  tablets  convinced  me  that 
Mr.  Fisher's  statements  are  true,  and  that  Hilprecht's  explanation  given 
in  BE,  XX,  p.  viiiff.  and  the  So- Called  Peters- Hilprecht  Controversy, 
p.  307 ff.,  viz:— that  the  boxes  were  wet  by  rain  in  Constantinople  will 
not  hold. 

Further,  of  tablets  in  the  box  which  were  not  so  wrapped,  a  large 
number  were  covered  with  mud  and  gypsum,  sometimes  to  the  thickness 
of  !/4  inch.  It  is  clear  that  no  scientific  examination  of  such  tablets  could 
have  been  made  in  Constantinople.  In  view  of  these  facts  no  comment 
is  necessary  on  the  quotations  from  Hilprecht  made  above. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  many  Assyriologists  will  accept  Dr.  Gordon's 
invitation  and  obtain  first  hand  evidence  on  this  point  as  well  as  upon 
some  of  those  mentioned  below. 

Since  Professor  Clay  convinced  the  Museum  authorities  some  years 
ago  that  Professor  Hilprecht's  carelessness  had  let  a  large  number  of 
tablets  crumble  to  dust,  H.  has  rigidly  shut  every  one  from  this  tablet 
room.  The  action  of  the  new  Director  accordingly  means  much  to 
science. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Hilpreclifs  Fragment  of  tlie  Labijlonian,  &c.         39 

this  statement  Hilprecht  adds  a  foot  note  which  reads:  "I 
cannot  even  find  out  in  which  section  of  the  large  mound  he 
unearthed  these  particular  tablets.  Nor  is  the  slightest  indi- 
cation given  by  him  as  to  whether  hu  worked  in  a  room,  or 
found  the  tablets  loose  in  the  earth,  or  in  both.")  To  continue 
his  (quotation  of  Hayries'  diary.  "Many  large  fine  fragments 
of  tablets,  1  pentagonal  prism,  73/4  inches"  long;  its  five  sides 
from  1  to  2'/e  inches  wide."  Three  or  four  other  quotations 
from  Dr.  Haynes'  diary  follow,  all  of  the  same  import.  The 
only  definite  statement  is  that  the  tablets  were  found  at  a 
''low  level"  in  -Tablet  Hill." 

Again,  in  the  So-Called  Peters  HUprecht  Controversy,  p.  196, 
after  saying  in  substance  that  Dr.  Haynes  simply  numbered 
his  boxes  of  tablets  1,  2,  3,  4,  etc.,  and  that  he  (Hilprecht) 
could  only  determine  their  locality  by  the  dates  at  which 
Dr.  Haynes  was  digging  in  certain  localities,  as  e.  g.  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Shatt-en-Nil,  Hilprecht  continues:  "It  would 
have  been  useful  for  me  if  the  marking  had  been  such  as 
would  indicate  also  the  height  of  the  stratum1  and  the  exact 
position;  but  Dr.  Haynes  could  not  attempt  to  do  it,  since 
he  was  alone  in  the  field,  and  Mrs.  Haynes  never  attempted 
to  do  it;  consequently  I  must  now  infer  ...  by  other  means, 
to  which  stratum  the  tablets  belong". 

If  we  turn  now  to  p.  132  of  the  same  work,  we  find  that 
Hilprecht  has  there  published  the  testimony  of  Mrs.  Haynes, 


1  In  connection  with  this  declaration  that  no  record  was  kept  of  the 
"stratum"  the  reader  should  compare  a  statement  by  Professor  Hilprecht 
published  in  all  the  daily  papers  of  Philadelphia  on  April  23rd,  1910. 
Hilprecht  there  declares  that  he  only  meant  that  Dr.  Haynes  did  not  keep 
a  record  of  the  exact  position  in  which  every  single  tablet  had  been  found, 
and  says  that  "the  stratum  of  the  temple  library,  the  place  of  its  discovery, 
and  the  precise  number  of  boxes  coming  from  a  certain  locality  are  abso- 
lutely known".  The  reader  should  note  how  this  statement  in  part  flatly 
contradicts  that  quoted  in  the  text  above,  and  should  also  note  the  adroit 
wording  of  the  last  part  of  the  sentence.  The  word  "stratum"  is  intro- 
duced here,  so  that  a  casual  reader  gains  the  impression  that  Hilprecht 
asserts  that  Haynes  kept  a  record  of  the  strata  from  which  tablets  came. 
While  the  sentence  does  give  that  impression,  he  could,  if  pressed  later, 
say  that  he  only  declared  that  the  stratum  of  the  library  was  known. 
This  is  an  excellent  example  of  Hilprecht's  habit  of  endeavoring  by  adroit 
wording  to  convey  one  impression,  while  he  retains  the  power  of  declaring 
later  that  he  did  not  say  what  he  has  seemed  to  say.  It  is  this  kind  of 
writing  that  has  destroyed  the  confidence  of  American  scholars  in  him. 


40  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

who  was  present  when  the  so-called  library  was  discovered. 
Her  testimony  shows  that  the  general  level  at  which  tablets 
were  found  was  known,  but  that  the  tablets  were  not  found  in  - 
strata  at  all.  They  were  found,  Mrs.  Haynes  says,  in  different 
rooms,  dumped  in  such  great  heaps  in  the  middle  that  the 
men  could  separate  them  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and 
that  these  heaps  appeared  as  though  the  tablets  had  been 
thrown  from  shelves  at  the  sides  of  the  room.  Imagine  a 
library  of  account  books  thrown  into  the  middle  of  the  room 
from  the  shelves,  would  there  be  strata  in  it?  If  the  books 
had  been  arranged  chronologically  on  the  walls,  would  they 
be  chronological  in  the  heap  on  the  floor?1 

From  these  statements  of  Hilprecht  himself  it  is  clear  that 
he  has  not  in  his  possession  any  definite  data  about  strata. 

B.  Hilprecht  remarks  (p.  3)  that  the  "writing  employed"  (in 
the  documents  from  the  supposed  stratum  in  question)  "is  the 
script  of  the  early  Babylonian  period  in  its  various  varieties." 
This  is  a  very  vague  statement.  I  venture  to  think  that  if 
the  stratum  referred  to  really  existed,  there  are  several 
varieties  of  early  Babylonian  writing  that  were  not  found  in 
it  --  such,  for  example  as  those  of  Ur-Nina,  Lugalanda  etc. 
Every  Assyriologist  knows,  however,  that  in  the  period  of 
Hammurabi  a  variety  of  scripts  were  used.  The  laws  of 
Hammurabi,  for  example,  and  many  of  his  inscriptions,  are 
written  in  a  fairly  archaic  script  —  a  script  readily  distinguish- 
able from  that  of  the  time  of  Gudea,  as  Gudea's  is  from  the  earlier 
periods,  but  still  fairly  archaic.  There  are  also  scripts  which 
approximate  in  archaic  coloring  to  that  of  the  laws,  but  side 
by  side  with  these  there  came  into  use  at  this  time  a  cursive 
script,  which  is  indistinguishable  from  the  script  of  the 
Cassite  period,  and  many  of  the  features  of  which  persisted 
into  the  Neo-Babylonian  period. 

The  writer  has  taken  pains  to  compile  a  table,  which  is 
here  reproduced,  by  means  of  which  an  intelligent  idea  of  the 
bearing  of  palaeography  upon  the  date  of  the  tablet  may  be 


i  Since  the  above  paragraph  was  written  my  visit  to  the  Museum  of 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania  mentioned  in  the  previous  note  has  afforded 
proof  that  the  supposition  as  to  the  mingling  of  tablets  from  different 
periods  in  the  boxes  is  true.  Dr.  Gordon  allowed  me  to  see  four  or  five 
boxes  the  contents  of  which  had  just  been  cleaned,  and  this  was  true  of 
each  box. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Hilprecht's  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian.  &c.        41 

scientifically  estimated.  In  five  successive  columns  37  signs 
are  arranged.  The  signs  of  col.  i  represent  the  time  of  the 
Second  dynasty  of  Ur,  with  the  exception  of  two  which  are 
taken  from  Gudea  (Stat.  B,  vi,  34  and  Cyl.  B,  xiv,  12).  In 
col.  ii  are  signs  from  a  tablet  in  the  Harvard  Semitic  Museum 
dated  in  the  reign  of  Ellil-bani !,  one  of  the  later  kings  of  the 
dynasty  of  Isin,  who  ruled  about  2100  B.  C.— the  very  time 
from  which  Hilprecht  claims  that  his  tablet  came.  It  is  a 
business  document.  It  is  well  known  that  business  tablets 
were  written  in  a  less  archaic  script  than  that  employed  by 
the  scribes  of  the  same  period  for  literary  work,  and  yet  the 
script  of  col.  ii  is  much  more  archaic  than  that  of  col.  iv  in 
which  are  placed  signs  from  Hilprecht's  deluge  fragment.  In 
col.  iii  are  collected  signs  from  the  Temple  Archives  of  Nippur 
of  the  time  of  the  First  Dynasty  of  Babylon,  published  by 
Poebel  in  BE,  VI,  2.  In  col.  iv,  signs  from  Hilprecht's  deluge 
fragment,  and  in  col.  v,  signs  from  the  Cassite  sign  list  com- 
piled by  Clay  in  BE,  XIV. 

The  tablets  published  by  Poebel  in  BE,  VI,  2  were  selected 
for  comparison  because  they  were  written  at  Nippur.  A  com- 
parison of  Poebel's  volume  with  Ranke's  (BE,  VI,  1)  and 
Scheil's  publications  of  texts  from  Abu  Habba2  reveals  the  fact 
that  at  the  time  of  the  First  Dynasty  of  Babylon  the  scribes 
of  Nippur  were  using  a  considerably  more  archaic  script  than 
the  scribes  of  Sippar. 

A  comparison  of  the  signs  in  this  list  produces  the  following 
results.  Of  the  37  signs  compared,  9  (SAR,  A,  PA,  NI,  SI, 
PU,  PI,  LU,  SU)  undergo  no  marked  development.  They  are 
the  same  in  all  the  five  columns.  Twenty-one  signs  on  Hilprecht's 
tablet  agree  closely  with  Cassite  forms  but  show  decided 
development  over  all  the  other  columns,  even  over  that  con- 
taining signs  from  Nippur  tablets  of  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon.  These  signs  are  IS,  AM,  SI,  E,  UB,  RU,  RA,  MA, 
SIM.  SA,  KAL  (DAN),  IL,  TE,  IB,  UM,  TA,  KA,  PI§, 
KIN,  ZU,  UL.  Four  signs  (LA,  TIM,  NA,  NU),  have  the 
same  form  as  those  of  the  first  dynasty  tablets  and  as  the 
Cassite  tablets  also,  but  differ  from  the  earlier  periods.  There 


1  A  photograph  of  the  tablet  was  kindly  furnished  me  by  Professor 
D.  G.  Lyon. 

'•>e  saison  de  fouilles  a  Sippar,  Paris,  1902. 


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Vol.  xxxi.]     Hil^recJit's  Fragment  <>f  Uic  liulujlnnutn.  &c.         43 

are  but  two  signs  (NE  and  BI)  \vhicli  difi'er  from  Cassite 
forms  in  favor  of  an  earlier  period,  while  one  (KAB)  is  inter- 
mediate in  form  between  forms  of  the  First  Dynasty  and  those 
of  Clay's  Cassite  list. 

Of  the  twenty  eight  signs  which  can  be  counted  as  evidence, 
therefore  26  favor  the  Cassite  date  as  against  two  which  are 
opposed  to  it.  The  evidence  is  21  to  7  against  a  date  earlier 
than  the  time  of  the  First  Dynasty.  This  is  the  verdict  of 
palaeography  concerning  the  date  of  the  tablet.  Had  Hilprecht 
bought  the  tablet  in  the  market  so  that  one  could  plausibly 
connect  it  with  Sippar,  an  earlier  date  would  be  more  thinkable. 

C.  On  p.  39  Hilprecht  urges  that  the  use  of  PI  =  tva  and 
of  binuzza  =  binussa  point  to  the  period  of  the  first  dynasty 
of  Babylon.  It  is  true  that  these  phenomena  appear  in  first 
dynasty  documents,  but  they  are  also  occur  of  the  Cassite 
period,  and  in  part  of  later  periods. 

With  reference  to  PI  =  wa  three  remarks  should  be  made. 

1.  PI  is  used  in  inscriptions  of  the  First  Dynasty  both  for 
wa,  and  we.  Thus  in  the  laws  of  Hammurabi  we  have  a-PI-tum 
for  a-wii-tuin  and  a-PI-Zw-fwtw  for  a-we-lu-tum.  The  two  usages 
go  together;  we  find  both  in  the  Cassite  period.  Thus  Ka- 
dashman-Ellil  in  the  El-Amarna  letters  writes  the  name  of 
Arnenophis  III  of  Egypt  Ni-mu-PH-ri-ya  for  Ni-mu- -wa-ri-ya l 


i  In  this  connection  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  remark,  since  Hil- 
precht has  asserted  in  a  newspaper  article  that  in  the  El-Amarna  letters 
PI  =  a  never  wa,  that  in  the  name  Ni-mu-wa-ri-ya  the  consonant  w 
occurs  after  the  vowel  u  and  before  a,  and  would  certainly  be  pro- 
nounced wa.  The  fact  that  the  name  is  Egyptian  and  not  Babylonian  is 
no  proof  that  in  the  form  of  it  written  in  Babylonia  the  ordinary  phonetic 
laws  did  not  apply.  The  hieroglyphic  Egyptian  did  not  write  the  vowels. 
Xi-im-mu- '-wa-ri-ya  and  Ni-im-mu-wa-ri-ya  are  attempts  to  represent 
the  Egyptian  Nb-m't-re,  the  Egyptian  vowels  being  unknown.  In  the 
Babylonian  form  b  is  assimilated  to  the  following  m,  t  is  elided,  and  the 
vowel  a  follows  u.  It  would  be  inevitable  among  a  Semitic  people  that 
between  the  u  and  a  a  10  should  slip  in  to  help  the  pronunciation.  There 
is  no  more  ground  for  doubting  that  PI  was  pronounced  wa  in  this  word 
because  there  was  no  w  in  the  Egyptian  form  of  the  word  than  there  is 
for  supposing  that  ya  at  the  end  of  the  word  was  not  pronounced  ya 
because  the  Egyptian  does  not  contain  either  letter  of  that  syllable.  The 
fact  that  in  the  Tell  d-Amarna  Tablets  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  1,  1.  2, 
the  name  is  spelled  Ni-ib-bu-a-ri-a  in  no  way  aft'ects  the  above  argument, 
as  that  letter  was  written  in  Egypt  and  does  not  represent  the  Babylo- 
nian pronunciation. 


44  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

and  Ni-mu-PI-ri-ya  for  Ni-mu-wa-ri-ya  (see  Abel  and  Winckler, 
Thontafelfund  von  Tell-El-Amarna,  No.  1  :  1;  2  :  1).  In  BE, 
XIV,  No.  58,  1  we  also  find  a-PI-lu-tum  for  a-we-lu-tum.  The 
same  usages  are  also  found  in  copies  of  the  Greek  period. 
In  Reisner's  Sumerisch-Babylonische  Hymnen,  No.  55,  69  we 
have  a-PI-tim  for  a-wa-tim,  and  in  No.  2  rev.  27  a-PL-lu-tu 
for  a-we-lu-tu.  It  is  clear,  then,  that  where  we  find  one  usage 
we  find  the  other. 

2.  The  evidence  just  adduced  shows  that  PI  =  wa  is  not  a 
mark  even  of  a  First  Dynasty  date,  to  say  nothing  of  a  date 
in  the  time  of  the  Isin  dynasty,  for  it  is  found  in  the  Cassite 
period  and  even  in  the  Greek  period. 

3.  PI  is  defined  in  II  R,  39,  No.  2,  14  as  a  where  it  is  used 
in   writing  the   word   a-su-u— the  very  word  under  discussion 
in  Hilprecht's  tablet,'     In  I  R,  52,  No.  4,  3   PI-a$-ru   stands 
for  a-a$-ru  (Of.  Ball,  PSBA,  X,  290).    Here  PI  must  equal  a, 
for  the   root  is  a  V'B  (1t^).     In  the  word  ti-PI-mat  (K,  5298, 
cf.  AL3,  p.  26,  n.)  PI  might  stand  either  for  wa  or  a.    In  the 
Neo-Babylonian   period   it  was   used  at  Nippur,  from  which 
Hilprecht   says  his  deluge  tablet  came,   at  the  beginning  of 
several   words.     Thus   Nebuchadrezzar,   BE,  I,  No.  85,  i,  10 
uses  PI-a$-rat  for  a-a$-rat.    Nabu-na'id,  BE,  No.  84,  i,  6  has 
PI-$i-ib  for  a-si-ib\   in  i,  15,  PI-a$-ru-um  for  a-as-ru-itm;   in 
ii,  33,    Pl-ar-ka-at    for   iva-ar-ka~at   or   a-ar-ha-at;    in   ii,  45, 
PL-a$-ri-im  for  a-as-ri-im\   and  in  ii,  52,  hi-u-PI-as-si-im  for 
lu-n-wa-as-sl-im  or  lu-u-a-as-si-im.    It  is  not  certain  that  any 
of  these  were  pronounced  wa,  but  when  the  sign  was  part  of 
a  T'B  word  it  may  still  have  had  the  value  wa\  that,  however, 
we  cannot   confidently   affirm,    for  already  in  the  time  of  the 

i  In  connection  with  this  passage  it  may  be  well  to  note  an  illustration 
of  Professor  Hilprecht's  methods  of  answering  his  critics.  Professor  Clay, 
in  an  article  published  in  the  Piladelphia  Evening  Bulletin  of  April  16, 
1910,  had  cited  PI  (a)-su-u,  II,  H,  39,  No.  2,  14,  but  in  printing  it  the 
typesetter  had  accidentally  made  the  reference  read  No.  2,  4.  Professor 
Hilprecht  in  the  newspaper  article  of  April  23,  1910.  referred  to  above, 
showed  that  he  recognized  the  real  reference  by  remarking  that  PI  here 
has  the  rare  Neo-Babylonian  value  a,  but  in  order  to  make  Piofessor  Clay 
appear  ridiculous,  he  chose  to  translate  II  R,  39,  No.  1,  4,  which  happens 
to  be  pi-tu-u,  remarking  this  passage  will  doubtless  be  read  by  every  be- 
ginner in  Assyrian  pi-tu-u,  "to  open"  (namely,  "the  mouth").  It  must  be 
said  that  such  an  act  is  disingenuous,  especially  as  he  intimates  that  Clay 
may  have  intentionally  misrepresented  the  case! 


Vol.  xxxi.j     Hilprecht's  Frai/ment  of  the  Babylonian,  d-c.         45 

first  dynasty  of  Babylon  we  find  tva-ar-hu-um,  "month"  (King's 
Letters  and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi,  No.  14,  5)  by  the  side 
of  arlm  (No.  27,  10;  cf.  also  Laws  of  Hammurabi,  xxxix,  11, 15 
and  xliii  52  and  Brockelmann's  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der 
semitisclien  Sprachcn,  §  49,  h,  a).  Apparently  the  initial  w 
had  begun  to  disappear  very  early.1  As  a  result  of  observing 
these  facts  we  may  affirm  that  the  one  occurrence  of  PI  =  wa 
in  Hilprecht's  tablet  (occurring  in  wa-si-e)  does  not  prove 
that  the  tablet  is  earlier  than  the  Cassite  period,  and  that  it 
may  be  that  we  should  read  a-si-e  in  which  case  we  have  a 
purely  Neo-Babylonian  form,  which  is  not  a  mark  even  for  a 
Cassite  date. 

In  the  Cassite  period  we  have  the  following  parallels  to 
:2u :  Belit-xH-Hii  (which  would  regularly  become  Belit-su-nu} 
is  in  BE,  XV,  149,  38  written  Belit-zu-nu',  the  same  name 
with  the  loss  of  the  t,  according  to  another  well  known  pho- 
netic law,  is  spelled  in  BE,  XV,  No.  188,  Iv,  20  [Be\li-zu-mi 
(cf.  No.  195,  rev.  26,  where  it  is  spelled  Beli-su-mi),  and  Enlil- 
uballit-su  is  in  BE,  XIV,  33,  9  EnUl-uballit-zu.  Outside  of 
proper  names  the  following  examples  may  also  be  cited,  viz: 
qa-aZ'ZU  for  qa-at-Xu,  "his  hand"  occurs  in  BE,  XV,  No.  158,  5 
and  in  the  Kudurru  of  Melishikhu,  i,  26,  Delegation  en  Perse,  II, 
opposite  p.  98;  also  yni-uz-zu  for  pu-ut-$u,  "in  front  of  him"  or 
"instead  of  him",  BB,  XIV,  No.  11,  6. 

Hilprecht  also  claims  as  a  mark  of  the  early  date  of  his 
tablet  the  occurrence  of  the  mimmation  in  two  words,  sirim 
and  napixtim.  It  happens,  however,  that  no  more  can  be  in- 
ferred from  the  mimmation  of  these  words  than  from  the  use 
of  PI  for  wa,  since  in  both  cases  the  mimmation  continued 
to  be  used  down  to  the  time  of  Assurbanipal.  Sirim  has  the 
mimmation  as  late  as  the  time  of  Nabu-na'id  (see  V.  R.  63, 
41 a),  and  napi8tim  occurs  in  the  annals  of  Assurbanipal,  e.  g. 
1  R,  9,  33. 

The  philology  of  the  tablet,  then,  no  more  than  its  paleo- 
graphy carries  us  back  of  the  Cassite  period.  The  fragment 


*  There  is  some  uncertainty  about  the  matter,  as  the  word  which 
scholars  transliterate  arlm  is  written  ideographically;  but  that  it  should 
be  transliterated  without  the  initial  w  is  the  opinion  of  Scheil  (Delegation 
en  Perse,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  114,  127),  of  R,  F.  Harper  (Code  of  Hammurabi, 
pp.  92,  106  and  155),  L.  W.  King  (op.  cit.  Ill,  267),  and  Brockelmann 
(  Vergleichende  Gramm.  der  sem.  Sprachen,  §  49,  h,  e). 


46  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

of  the  deluge  story  dated  in  the  reign  of  Ammi-?adugga,  dis- 
covered some  years  ago  by  Pere  Scheil  and  now  preserved  in 
The  Morgan  Library  in  New  York  City,  still  antedates  by 
some  centuries  all  other  accounts  of  the  deluge  which  are  known. 
3.  We  now  come  to  the  claim  that  this  fragment  contains 
a  text  so  strikingly  like  that  of  the  Priestly  Document  of  the 
Pentateuch  that  the  antiquity  of  the  tradition  of  that  Document 
is  vindicated  from  the  aspersions  of  critics.  What  little  need 
be  said  upon  this  point  has  already  been  anticipated.  Any 
resemblance,  which  the  text  of  this  document  has  been  suppo- 
sed to  present  to  the  P  text  over  and  above  other  Babylonian 
accounts  of  the  deluge  is  based,  as  has  been  shown  above,  on 
an  unscientific  handling  of  the  Babylonian  text,  a  mistranslation 
of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  upon  pure  imagination. 

Post  Script. 

Since  the  above  article  was  sent  to  press  a  German  edition 
of  the  deluge  fragment  has  reached  me.  It  bears  the  title 
Der  neue  Fund  zur  Sintflutgeschichte  aus  der  TempeMUiothek 
von  Nippur  von  H.  Y.  Hilprecht,  Leipzig,  1910.  In  this  edition 
there  are  a  number  of  new  features  which  call  for  a  few 
comments. 

1.  Bezold  in  the  article  quoted  above  had  said  that  he  had  every 
reason  to  doubt  that  Hilprecht  first  saw  this  tablet  in  October 
1909.  Having  no  authoritative  information  as  to  the  grounds 
of  Bezold's  doubt,  and  wishing  to  be  fair  to  Hilprecht,  this 
sentence  was  not  referred  to  above.  Authoritative  information 
is  now  at  hand,  that  Hilprecht  wrote  Bezold  two  years  ago 
informing  him  that  he  was  absolutely  sure  that  he  had  found 
a  fragment  of  the  deluge  story.  Hilprecht  would  now  have  us 
believe  (see  p.  19  ff.)  that  this  letter  referred  to  "a  new  fragment 
of  the  Deluge  tablet"  mentioned  as  absolutely  certain  in  the 
So-called  Peter s-Hilpr edit  Controversy,  p.  289,  which  he  had  re- 
ferred to  in  his  English  edition  of  The  Earliest  Version  of  the 
Babylonian  Deluge  Story  (i.  e.  BE,  Series  D,  Yol.  Y),  p.  33  n. 
in  these  words:  "Possibly  we  have  another  exceedingly  small 
fragment  of  the  Deluge  Story  from  the  second  expedition,  too 
small  to  be  determined  accurately." 

One  cannot  but  be  grateful  to  Hilprecht  for  telling  us  that 
these  two  passages  refer  to  the  same  thing.  He  has  thereby 
revealed  a  standard  by  which  to  judge  other  confident  state- 


Vol.  xxxi.i     Hilprecht' 8  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  &c.         47 

ments  of  his  in  the  So-called  Peters -Hilprecht  Controversy. 
Scholars  cannot  be  expected  to  attach  a  higher  value  to  those 
statements  than  Hilproclit  himself  does. 

A  comparison  of  these  passages  tends  strongly  to  confirm 
the  conviction  that  Bezold's  doubts  were  well  founded. 

2.  Hilprecht  endeavors  on  p.  19  of  the  new  German  edition 
to  break  the  force  of  his  former  declarations  concerning  the 
fact  that  Dr.  Haynes  kept  no  adequate  records  of  where  the 
tablets  were  found.     His  remarks  on  this  point  are  the  same 
in   substance    as   those  printed  in  the  newspaper  articles   of 
April  23rd,  1910,  which  have  been  disposed  of  above  on  p.  38. 

3.  We  learn  on  p.  25  that  Professor  Lyon  of  Harvard  sent 
Professor  Hilprecht  a  copy  of  the  tablet  of  Ellil-bani,  which 
is  quoted   above,  at  the  same  time  that  he  sent  one  to  me. 
Hilprecht  admits  that  the  writing  on  this  tablet  is  more  archaic 
than  on  his  fragment,   but  claims  to  know  some  unpublished 
material  from  Zambiia  and  Damiq-ilisu  of  the  same  dynasty 
which  is  not  in  such  archaic  writing. 

In  view  of  the  evidence  presented  above,  one  must  decline 
to  give  this  much  weight  to  this  statement  until  the  material 
is  published. 

Indeed  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  religious  or  my- 
thological texts  were  written  in  Semitic  as  early  as  the  dynasty 
of  Isin. 

4.  On  p.  50  Hilprecht  says  that  my  suggestion  that  the  ku 
of  ku   um-mi-ni  may  belong  to   a  form  of  the  verb  alaku  is 
impossible  in  the  context  because  it  is  not  the  technical  term 
for  entering  a  ship.    The  reader  should  note  that  it  is  shown 
above,  p.  35  to   occur  in  a  deluge  fragment  in  an  analogous 
context.    That  it  was  the  technical  term  for  entering  the  ship 
I  never  implied. 

5.  In  a  foot  note  on  p.  50  Hilprecht  declares  that  when  I 
wrote   the  first   draft  of  the  above  article  part  of  which  was 
published  in   the  Philadelphia  Ledger  of  Apr.  3,  1910,  I  did 
not  consult  the  cuneiform  text  of  the  Nineveh  version  of  the 
Deluge  but  used  Jensen's  translation  in  KB,  VI.    His  evidence 
is  (forsooth!)  that  I  rendered  ummuni,  "artisans  or  children" 
and  Jensen  renders  it  Handwerker(sohne). 

The  evidence  presented  has  no  connection  whatever  with 
the  conclusion  drawn.  Every  tyro  in  Semitic  would  know  that 
Jensen's  sohne  is  the  translation  of  marl  in  the  phrase  mdri 


48     Barton,  Hilprecht's  Fragment  of  the  Babylonian,  &c.     [1911, 

ummdni  and  that  he  bracketed  it  because  it  has  no  more 
significance  than  "On  in  the  phrase  htt^W  ^S,  literally  "children 
of  Israel,"  but  really  "Israelites."  To  suppose  that  Jensen 
meant  it  as  an  alternative  for  "children"  and  to  be  misled  by' 
it,  is  a  piece  of  reasoning  worthy  of  Hilprecht  himself!  I  cannot 
truthfully  plead  guilty  to  it.  Hilprecht  seems  to  be  ignorant 
of  the  fact  that  in  Muss-Arnolt's  Assyrian-Dictionary,  p.  58  a, 
ummdni  =  "young  man''  and  that  a  number  of  new  passages 
have  come  to  light  which  bear  out  this  meaning  (See  Jastrow's 
Die  Religion  Babylonians  und  Assyrians,  II,  p.  657.  n.4).  It 
was  in  reality  from  pondering  these  passages  that  I  was  led 
to  waver  as  to  whether  ummdni  in  the  deluge  fragment  might 
not  mean  "children",  but  afterward  abandoned  the  idea,  because 
the  "children"  must  be  included  in  the  "family"  (kintu). 

Naturally  in  working  up  the  article  I  consulted  Jensen's 
work  along  with  that  of  other  Assyriologists.  Not  to  have 
done  so  would  have  been  unscholarly,  but  this  is  no  evidence 
for  Hilprecht's  false  statement  that  I  did  not  consult  the  ori- 
ginal. If  this  reasoning  were  sound  one  could  prove  by  it  that 
Hilprecht  cannot  read  cuneiform  at  all,  for  on  p.  27  of  his 
German  edition,  where  his  argument  demands  citations  from 
the  cuneiform  texts,  he  cites  only  the  transliterations  of 
Knudtzon  a,nd  Jensen! 

6.  Hilprecht  declares  on  p.  51  that  my  suggestion  that 
um-mi-ni  may  be  a  variant  of  um-ma-a-ni  is  impossible.  His 
words  are:  "eine  solche  Schreibweise  ist  fiir  das  Altbabylonische 
direkt  ausgeschlossen". 

With  reference  to  this  statement  two  remarks  should  be 
made: 

1.  The  tablet   is  not  Old  Babylonian   as  has  been  convin- 
cingly proven  above. 

2.  Whatever  the  tablet  is  Hilprecht  himself  (see  p.  47)  pre- 
supposes an  analogous  scribal  change  of  i  or  e  to  a  in  ndtrat, 
on  which  he  still  insists  instead  of  the  more  probable  nasirat. 
Vowel   changes  seem  to  be  perfectly  legitimate  when  it  suits 
his  purpose,  but  otherwise  they  are  impossible! 


Some  Rig- Veda  Repetitions. — By  MAURICE  BLOOMFIELD, 
Professor  in  Johns  Hopkins  University,  Baltimore. 

THE  Rig- Veda  contains  repeated  stanzas,  hemistichs,  and 
single  verse  lines  (pdda)  which  amount  to  a  total  of  between 
1500  and  1600  padas — more  precisely  about  1560.  They  are 
repeated  an  average  of  nearly  2!/2  times,  making  a  total  of 
about  [3560  padas.  This  count  does  not  include  such  as  are 
repeated,  for  [one  reason  or  another,  in  the  same  hymn.  Of 
such  there  are  about  60,  making  a  total  of  about  120,  exclusive 
of  rhetorical  concatenations  between  successive  stanzas;  the 
latter  also  result  in  pairs  that  are  so  much  alike  as  to  be 
almost  identical.  Again,  a  fortiore,  this  count  does  not  include 
refrain  padas  which  abound  in  the  Rig- Veda.  Of  these  there 
are  fjust  about  150,  repeated  a  total  of  about  1000  times. 
Thus  [the  total  of  repeated  padas  in  the  RV.,  aside  from 
sameness  due  to  catenation  is  about  1770,  repeated  about 
4680  times;  it  involves  quite  a  little  more  than  one  tenth  of 
the  entire  Rig- Veda  collection. 

I  have  been  engaged  for  some  time  with  a  statistical  and 
critical  study  of  this  material,1  and  I  wish  now  to  show  by  a 
number  of  selected  examples  how  these  repetitions  can  be  made 
helpful  for  the  interpretation  of  the  text,  the  proper  estimate 
of  its  metrical  habits,  and,  above  all,  the  relative  chronology 
of  the  hymns  or  stanzas  which  contain  the  repeated  materials. 

i.  The  meaning  and  etymology  of  ismin. 
5.  87.  5  (Evayamarut  Atreya;  to  the  Maruts). 
svano  na  vo  'mavan  rejayad  vrsa  tveso  yayis  tavisa  evayamarut, 
A  ('-nil  sakanta  rnjata  svarocisa  stharagmano  hiranyaylh  svayu- 

dhdsa  isminah. 

7.  56.  11  (Vasistha;  to  the  Maruts) 
svayudhasa  isminah  suniskti  uta  svayam  tanvah  gumbhamanah. 

i  f'f.  JAOS.  xxix,  pp.  287  ff. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  I.  j. 


50  Maurice  Bloomfield,  [1911. 

The  hieratic  word  ismin  occurs,  as  far  as  I  know,  only  four 
times,  all  in  the  RY.  YSska  deals  with  the  word  in  Nirukta 
4.  16,  to  no  purpose.  All  Western  authorities  derive  the  word 
from  the  root  is  'impel,'  or  the  noun  is  'strength;'  they  trans- 
late by  something  like  'hasting,'  'driving,'  or  'strengthy.'  Under 
such  construction  ismmali  in  7.  56.  11  is  badly  coordinated 
with  its  surroundings,  because  it  is  preceded  and  followed  by 
words  designating  the  warlike,  or  personal  equipment  of  the 
Maruts.  It  can  be  made  plain  that  ismin  also  is  such  a 
word,  being  =  *isu-min  'armed  with  arrows.'  In  sense  the 
word  is  a  perfect  equivalent  of  isu-mant.  For  the  omission  of 
u  before  m  I  may  simply  refer  to  Wackernagel,  Altindische 
Grammatik,  1.  59,  with  [the  additional  remark  that  the  loss  of 
u  before  m  seems,  by  the  terms  of  ismin,  no  less  organic  than 
the  loss  of  ic  before  v. 

In  RY.  5.  22.  16  the  crested  Maruts  are  said  to  call  upon 
their  father  Rudra,  ddhd  pitdram  isminam  vocanta  gikvasali. 
The  translation  'stormy'  for  isminam  suits  Rudra,  of  course. 
Still  more  to  the  point  is  'armed  with  arrows;'  see  rudrdya 
hsipresave,  'for  Rudra  whose  arrows  are  swift,'  RY.  7.  46.  1; 
rudrdh  svisiih,  'Rudra  whose  arrows  are  strong,'  RV.  5.  42.  11. 
In  the  Qatarudriya  sections  of  the  Yajur-Vedas  we  have 
namas  tigmtfsave,  and  namas  tihsnesave,  both,  of  course,  refer- 
ing  to  Rudra;  see  my  Vedic  Concordance  under  these  items. 
In  AY.  1.  19.  3  we  have  rudrdh  Qaravydyditdn  mdmdmitrdn  vi 
vidhyatu,  'may  Rudra  hit  these  my  enemies  writh  a  volley  of 
arrows;'  cf.  also  RY.  10.  125.  6;  AY.  15.  5.  5.  Rudra's  missile 
(rudrdsya  hetih)  is  dreaded  in  every  book  of  Yedic  literature. 
A  typical  expression  is  (see  Cone.): 

pari  no  (no)  rudrasya  hetir  vrnaldu 
pari  no  hetl  rudrasya  vrjydh  (vrjydf) 
pari  tvd  (vo)  rudrasya  hetir  vrnaldu 
pari  vo  lieti  rudrasya  vrjydh  (vrnjydt). 

Rudra  is  really  the  typical  archer  (dstar)  of  the  Yeda:  RY. 
10.  64.  8;  AY.  6.  93.  1.  The  archer  is  described  as  isumant, 
of  course:  RY.  2.  42.  2;  cf.  AY.  20.  127.  6.  The  equation 
ismin  =  isumant  follows  automatically. 

Otherwise  ismin  is  an  attribute  of  the  Maruts.  They  are 
described  as  svdyudhdsa  isminah,  'having  strong  weapons  and 
arrows,'  RY.  5.  87.  5;  7.  56.  11;  as  vdfimanta  isminah,  'armed 
with  axes  and  arrows,'  RY.  1.  87.  6.  But  in  RY.  5.  57.  2 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig-Veda  Repetitions.  •">! 

they  are  vdclmanta  rstimdnto  sudhdnvdna  isumantali,  'armed 
with  axes,  spears,  hmvs.  and  arrows,'  and  so,  again,  ismin 
=  i«iimant.  Cf.  also  RV.  5.  53.  4;  8.  20.  4,  12,  and  the  Qata- 
rudriya  formula,  nama  isumadbhyo  dhanvdyibliyaQ  (or,  dhanvd- 
vibhyac.)  ca:  see  Concordance.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  state 
that  iMH'lnali  and  immantah  are  metrical  doublets,  and  that, 
of  the  two,  isminah  is  the  secondary  formation,  as,  e.  g.  ojasvin  : 
ojasvant',  blirdjasvin:  bhrdjasvant;  see  Cone.,  under  indraujasvinn, 
and  siirya  bhrdjistha.  Stems  in  -vin  and  -min  are  primarily, 
and  in  the  main,  -vant  and  -mant  stems  modulated  over  into 
-w-stems. 


2.  On  the  meaning  of  klri. 

6.  23.  3  (Bharadvfija;  to  Indra) 

pdtd  sutdm  indro  astu  somam  pranenir  ugro  jaritaram  uti, 
karta  viraya  susvaya  u  lokam  data  vasu  stuvate  klrdye  cit. 

6.  44.  15  (Qamyu  Barhaspatya;  to  Indra) 
pdtd  sutdm  indro  astu  somam  hanta  vrtraiii  vajrena  mandasanah, 
i  yajfiMiii  paravatag  cid  achs  vasur  dhmam  &\\i&'kdrudhayd~h. 

By  italicizing  the  two  words  lardye  in  6.  23.  3,  and  Mru- 
dhdydh  'nourishing  poets,'  in  6.  44.  15,  I  have  indicated  my 
belief  that  klri  means  'poet.'  Pischel,  Ved.  Stud.,  I,  216 ff.. 
following  Ludwig,  Der  Rig-Veda,  vol.  vi,  p.  105,  takes  Jciri  in 
the  sense  of  'miserable,  poor,'  contending  that  the  word  nowhere 
means  'poet.'  Why  not  here  in  6.  23.  3,  where  the  antithesis 
between  virdya  susvays  and  stuvate  kirdye  cit  is  positively 
fundamental?  The  rich  gentleman  who  presses  the  soma  for 
the  gods,  and  'aye  the  poet  who  has  only  his  song  of  praise 
to  offer  the  gods' — that  is  what  stuvate  liirdye  cit  means — are 
contrasted  most  effectively  (cf.  7.  97.  10).  So  also  in  1.  31.  13 
rdtdhavyali,  'he  who  gives  the  offering,'  and  hlrig  tin  mdntram, 
'the  poet  with  his  mantra  only.'  In  2.  12.  6  we  have  coditd 
yo  brahmduo  nddhamdnasya  kireh,  '(Indra)  who  promotes  the 
needy  Brahman  poet.'  The  word  klri  has  the  side  meaning 
'poor'  only^in  so  far  as  the  poets  of  the  Veda  are  constitu- 
tionally and  congenially  poor.  The  normal  state  of  the 
Brahman  poet  and  priest  is  expressed  explicitly  in  AY.  7.  103: 
'What  gentleman  (ksatriya),  desiring  to  improve  his  condition, 
will  get  us  (the  priests)  out  of  this  wretched  plight?  Who 
desireth  to  sacrifice,  who  to  give  baksheesh?  Who  shall  gain 


52  Maurice  Bloomfield>  [1911. 

long  life  with  the  gods?'1  I  am  sure  that  in  this  way  the 
word  klri  in  the  sense  of  'poet,'  with  the  implication  that  poets, 
in  contrast  with  their  employers,  are,  as  a  rule,  poor  men,  will 
be  finally  placed  upon  solid  ground.  And  so  klri  and  kdru 
and  ktsta,  all  from  the  set-  root  kari  (cf.  hirti,  'act  of  praising:' 
I.  E.  type  kfti),  need  not  be  separated  etymologically.  In  RV. 
5.  4.  10,  yds  tvd  hrdd  kirind  mdnyamdno  .  . .  jdhavimi,  means 
'I,  who  remember  thee  with  a  heart  full  of  praise,  fervently 
call  upon  thee.'  Geldner,  in  his  EV.  Glossary,  under  klri, 
remarks  that  Sayana  takes  klri  in  the  sense  of  'poet.'  G-eldner 
believes  in  Sayana  more  than  I  do:  it  would  have  been  well 
to  have  listened  to  him  in  this  instance,  not  because  Sayana 
knows  anything  special  about  the  word,  but  because  it  is 
antecedently  unlikely  that  a  Hindu  could  err  in  the  case  of 
word  which  must  suggest  to  him  the  root  /can,  'praise.' 

3.  On  the  ethnical  or  geographical  term  ambara. 

1.  47.  7  (Praskanva  Kanva;  to  the  Agvins) 
yan  ndsatyd  pardvdti  ydd  vd  stho  ddhi  turvdge, 
ato  rathena  suvfta  na  a  gatam  sakam  suryasya  ragmibhih. 

8.  8.  14  (Sadhvansa  Kanva;  to  the  Agvins) 
yan  ndsatyd  pardvdti  ydd  vd  stho  ddliy  dmlare, 
atah  sahasranirnija  rathena  yatam  agvina. 

The  confrontation  of  the  two  stanzas  throws  some  light  on 
the  word  ambare  in  8.  8.  14.  The  Pet.  Lex.  started  by  giving 
it  the  meaning  'umkreis,'  'umgebung,'  (with  an  fanciful  deri- 
vation from  anu-var).  Ludwig,  66,  renders  the  two  words 
adhy  ambare  by  'oben  im  luftkreise.'  I  think  that  if  this 
scholar  had  remembered  his  own  rendering  (25)  of  ddhi  tur- 
vdce,  in  1.  47.  7,  by,  'iiber  den  Turvaga,'  he  would  have 
rendered  ddhy  dtribare  by,  'iiber  den  Ambara'  (whatever  that 
is).  Grassmann,  ii,  51,  renders  1.  47.  7b,  'ob  ihr  bei  Turvaga 
verweilt;'  but,  in  i,  406,  he  renders  8.  8.  14b,  'wenn  in  der 
nahe  ihr  verweilt.'  Again  the  parallelism  between  ddhi  tur- 
vdge,  and  ddhy  dmbare  is  obliterated. 

The  Nighantavas  have  played  mischief  with  ambara.  There 
are  two  treatments  of*  the  word.  In  1.  3  it  figures  among 

»  See  Bloomfield,  The  Atharva-Veda  (Grundriss  der  Indo-Arischen 
Philologie),  p.  77.  For  Brahmans  in  need  see  further  RV.  6.  44.  10; 
8.  80.  3;  and  10.  24.  3. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig  -  Veda  Repetitions.  53 

the  sixteen  words  for  'midair'  (antarihsa).  That,  I  presume, 
is  at  the  root  of  the  Pet.  Lex.'s  rendering.  In  2.  16  it  appears 
in  a  list  of  eleven  words  for  'near'  (antika).  Thence,  perhaps, 
Grassmann's  'in  der  nahe.'  Unfortunately  2.  16  contains  also 
turvaqe,  in  the  very  same  locative  case  of  8.  8.  14.  The  ab- 
surdity of  such  glossography  is  really  appalling.  The  only 
excuse  for  the  appearance  of  the  two  words  in  this  list  is  that 
they  are  hoth  contrasted  in  the  RY.  stanzas  above  with  pard- 
vdti, 'at  a  distance.'  The  enticement  lies  in  the  frequent  con- 
trast between  pardvdti  and  arvdvati,  e.  g.,  RY.  8.  97.  4,  yac 
chakrdsi  pardvdti  ydd  arvdvdti  vrtralian.  I  should  not  wish 
to  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  school  of  interpretation  which 
bred  these  glosses  actually  meant  that  both  ambaram  (sic)  and 
turva^e  were  adverbs  =  antike,  'near.'  They  probably  conceived 
them  to  be  things  or  places  near  at  hand  (in  contrast  with 
pardvdti).  Yet  their  statement  was  misleading  enough  to  lead 
astray  so  very  distinguished  a  scholar  as  Grassmann.  It  \vould 
pay  well  to  work  through  the  JSTigliantavas  and  Yaska  to  dis- 
cover in  what  way  they  arrived  at  their  many  equally  stunning 
results. 

One  gain  accrues  from  this  discussion.  If  turvdge  is  beyond 
doubt  an  ethnical  or  geographical  designation,  then  dmbare 
also  is  the  name  of  a  people,  or  a  land.  As  such  it  occurs  in 
the  Brhatsamhita,  and  elsewhere;  see  Bohtlingk's  Lexicon,  s.  v. 
In  his  Prolegomena,  p.  263,  note,  Oldenberg  thinks  that  possibly 
8.  8.  14  is  less  original  than  1.  47.  7,  but  this  opinion  may  be 
due  to  the  current  lop-sided  interpretation  of  dmbare.  "With 
dmbare  in  an  ethnical  sense,  I  see  no  reason  for  discriminat- 
ing against  8.  8.  14. 


4.  An  exceedingly  wonderful  horse. 

1.  152.  5  (Dlrghatamas  Aucathya;  to  Mitra  and  Yaruna) 
anagvo  jdto  anabhigiir  drvd   kanikradat  patayad  urdhvasanuh, 
acittam    brahma   jujusur   yuvanah    pra    mitre    dhaina    varune 

grnantah. 

4.  36.  1  (Yamadeva;  to  the  Ebhus) 
anagvo  jdto   andbhiQur   uMhyb   rathas   tricakrah  pari  vartate 

rajah, 

mahad  tad  vo  devyasya  pravacanam  dyam  pbliavah  prthivim 

yac  ca  pusyatha. 


54  Maurice  Bloomfield,  [1911 

In  4.  36.  1  the  Rbhus  are  said  to  have  fashioned  a  chariot, 
fit  to  be  praised  in  hymns,  because  without  horse  or  bridle  it 
courses  with  three  wheels  through  the  air.  Since  it  is  three- 
wheeled  it  seems  to  be  the  chariot  of  the  Ac,vins  (cf.  1.  120. 
10).  That  sort  of  a  vehicle  is,  the  lord  knows,  marvelous 
enough,  but  it  will  pass  in  the  light  of  mythic  fancies  and 
ethnological  parallels  elsewhere.  Similarly,  in  6.  66.  7  the 
Maruts  are  described,  along  the  same  line  of  fancy  even  more 
energetically,  as  crossing  the  air  without  span  of  deer  or  horses, 
without  charioteer,  and  without  bridle.  Now  in  1.  152.  5 
(above)  the  mystery  is  heightened  to  the  second  power,  as  it 
were.  Ludwig,  97:  'ohne  ross  geboren,  ohne  ziigel  der  renner, 
wiehernd  fliegt  er  mit  aufgerichtetem  riicken.'  Grassmann,  ii, 
153:  'Geboren  ohne  Ross  und  Ziigel,  wiehernd  fliegt  auf  der 
Renner  mit  erhobenem  Rltcken.'  Geldner  and  Kaegi,  Siebenzig 
Lieder,  p.  13,  more  diplomatically,  but  less  close  to  the  text, 
and  its  parallel  in  4.  36.  1:  'Sich  baumend  schiesst  nach  oben 
mit  Gewieher  der  Renner  ohne  Ztigel,  der  kein  Ross  ist.' 
j^Any  attempt  to  extract  a  picture  with  clear  outline  out  of 
1.  152.  5a  will  prove  quite  futile;  the  pada  is  built  by  a  secon- 
dary poetaster  upon  the  previously  existing  pada  4.  36.  la;  he 
'goes'  his  model  'one  better,'  and  loses  himself  in  mock-mythic 
fatuity — one  of  the  standard  failings  of  his  class.  What  he 
had  in  mind  may  perhaps,  after  all,  be  expressed  by  'the  steed 
which  is  yet  no  horse  and  goes  without  bridle.'  Or,  'the  steed 
which  is  born  from  no  horse/  &c.  In  any  case  the  present 
parallel  offers  a  clear  case  of  relative  chronology:  1.  152.  5  is 
later  than  4.  36.  1. 

5.  The  Bull- Cow. 

4.  3.  10  (Yamadeva;  to  Agni) 

rtena  hi  sma  vrsabhaQ  cid  aktah  puman  agnih  payasa  prsthyena* 
aspandamano  acarad  vayodha  vfsa  gukram  duduhe  pf$nir  udhah. 

'In  accord  with  the  divine  law,  indeed,  Agni,  the  bull,  the 
man,  has  been  annointed  with  the  heavenly  fluid.  Unwavering 
he  moved,  strength-bestowing;  he  the  bull,  the  Prgni-cow,  has 
milked  his  bright  udder.'  The  paradox  in  pada  d  between 
vfsa,  'bull,'  and^ffw,  'heavenly  cow'  (especially,  'mother  of  the 
Maruts')  has  led  the  interpreters  in  various  directions.  Ludwig, 
330,  changes  pfgnir  to  pfQner,  'es  melkte  der  stier  der  Prcni 
helles  euter;'  in  his  commentary  he  retains  pfQnir  but  takes 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig  -Veda  Repetitions.  -V> 


with  tin1  preceding  pada.  so  as  to  avoid  the  paradox: 
•niclit  zuckend  ohue  anstreu^uiiL:  irii-ni^  der  lebenskraft  schaffende 
stier,  ihr  helles  cuter  liess  Prcui  fliessen.'  (ii-asMiuinn's  render- 
ing, i,  112,  'dor  Same  stn'mit  drin  Stier,  der  Kuli  <la>  Kut'T.' 
is  ineligible,  in  the  liu'ht  of  the  parallel  p5da,  6,  66,  ld.  Olden- 
berg,  SBE.  xlvi,  326,  does  not  quite  do  justice  to  pfgnir  in 
his  rendering,  'the  speckled  hull  has  poured  out  bis  brigbt 
udder.'  1  think  tbat  Bergaigne,  ii,  397,  398,  is  unquestionably 
riirht  in  assuming  a  paradoxical  laureau-vache,'  bere,  and  in 
other  passages  mentioned  by  him.  The  daring  metaphor  is, 
that  Agni  shoots  out  his  flames  from  his  bright  udder;  he,  a 
bull,  is  thereby  also  |a  pfrni,  the  heavenly,  yielding  cow,  par 
excellence.  Although  the  conception  is  very  effective,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  modelled  after  a  simpler  one  of  which  we  have 
the  exact  record: 

6.  66.  1  (Bharadvaja;  to  the  Maruts) 
vapur   nii   tac  cikituse  cid  astu  samanam  nama   dhenii  patya- 

manam, 

martesv   anyad  dohase  plpaya  sakfc   clmkram   dudulie  pfpiir 

tidhah. 

Ludwig,  696,  translates  the  stanza  very  cleverly,  as  follows: 
*Ein  wunder  muss  sein  selbst  dem  weisen,  was  den  gemein- 
simcn  namen  Kuh  hat;  das  eine  schwoll  dass  die  menschen  es 
melkten,  einmal  nur  hat  Prc,ni  ihr  helles  euter  gemolken.'  In 
6.  48.  22  we  have  a  similar  statement,  pfgnyd  dugdham  sakft 
pay  alt.  Max  Muller,  in.  a  note  to  his  similar  translation,  SBE. 
xxxii.  370,  explains  that  dhenii,  a  cloud,  yields  rain  but  once, 
or  that  Pr^ni  gave  birth  but  once  to  the  Maruts.  The  first 
alternative  seems  likely  to  me,  as  it  does  to  Bergaigne,  i.  3215 
ii.  399.  The  pertinence  and  originality  of  the  repeated  pada 
in  6.  66.  1  is  established  beyond  peradventure  by  the  parallel 
in  6.  48.  22;  equally  certain  is,  thatm  the  metaphor  which  turns 
Agni  in  4.  3.  10  into  a  'bull  Pr^ni  who  milked  his  bright 
udder7  is  the  work  of  a  later  poet  who  is  unquestionably  bend- 
ing to  his  purpose  the  very  wording  of  a  familiar  mythological 
conceit,  current  in  his  time  as  kind  of  mystery  (brdhmodya) 
about  Prgni.  Of.  v.  Bradke,  Festgruss  an  Rotli,  p.  123;  Olden- 
berg,  Rig  -Veda  Noten,  p.  268. 


56  Maurice  Bloomfidd,  [191 1. 

6.  'In  the  maw  of  the  biter'  (upa  srakvesu  bapsatah). 

7.  55.  2  (Vasistha;  Prasvapinyah  [sc.  rcah]) 
yad  arjuna  sarameya  datah  piganga  yachase, 

viva  bhrajanta  rstaya  hpa  srakvesu  lapsato  ni  su  svapa. 

'When,  o  white-brown  Sarameya  (dog),  tliou  doest  show  thy 
teeth,  then,  as  it  were,  spears  shines  in  the  maw  of  thee  bit- 
ing— sleep  thou  deeply.'  Of.  Pischel,  Ved.  Stud.  ii.  55  ff.;  Foy, 
KZ.  xxxiv.  257;  Oldenberg,  ZDHG.  Ixi.  823.  Pischel,  p.  58, 
renders  lapsatah  here,  erroneously  and  unnecessarily,  by  'knur- 
rend,'  though  admitting  'verzehrend,'  'fressend,'  as  the  meaning 
of  the  word  on  p.  63.  In  this  way  he  places  out  of  accord  the 
repeated  pada,  upa  srakvesu  Idpsatah,  in  another  stanza: 

8.  72.  15  (Haryata  Pragatha;  to  Agni,  or  Havisam  Stutih) 
upa  srakvesu  Idpsatah  krnvate  dharunaih  divi, 

indre  agna  namah  svali. 

Pischel,  1.  c.,  p.  58,  thinks  this  repetition  an  instructive  example, 
calculated  to  show  that  the  same  words  do  not  have  the  same 
sense  everywhere.  The  same  words,  taken  singly,  of  course 
not,  tho  even  in  this  matter  we  may  remember  Bergaigne's 
warning  against  splitting  up  too  much.  But  the  same  pada, 
that  is  a  more  ticklish  matter.  My  own,  more  extensive  in- 
vestigations of  repeated  padas  show  that  they  have  as  a  rule 
the  same  value*J  wherever  they  occur.  He  translates,  p.  59: 
*Wenn  ihn  (die  Presssteine)  im  Maule  zermalmt  haben,  machen 
sie  ihn  (that  is,  Soma)  zum  Tragepfeiler  am  Himinel.  Ver- 
ehrung  sei  Indra,  Agni,  Svar.'  In  the  line  of  Pischel's  own 
thought  we  could  but  translate:  'They  that  eat  him  in  their 
maws  make  (or  build)  support  in  heaven.7  But  I  see  no  reason 
to  take  it  for  granted  that  lapsatah  are  the  ddrayah,  or  press- 
stones,  because  the  verb  in  question  is  used  of  things  other 
than  the  press-stones  as  well;  see  Pischel,  ibid.,  p.  63;  Aufrecht, 
KZ.  xxxiv.  459.  The  subject  of  krnvate  seems  to  be  the  same 
as  that  of  the  preceding  stanza,  8.  72.  14,  namely  the  sub- 
stances added  to  soma  (milk,  &c.),  of  which  it  is  there  said 
that  they  know  their  own  belongings  as  a  calf  its  mother; 
that  is,  they  know  that  they  belong  to  soma:  te  Janata  svdm 
otyam  sam  vatsdso  na  mdtfbhih.  The  hymn  8.  72,  as  a  whole, 
is  obscure  and  mystically  ritualistic,  but  it  will  be  safe  to 
translate  8.  72.  15  verbally:  'in  the  maw  of  consuming  (soma) 
they  (the  ingredients  of  the  soma  mixture)  create  support  in 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig -Veda  Repetitions.  57 

Leaven.  To  Indra,  Agni  obeisance,  light.'  Now  in  9.  73.  1, 
it  seems  to  me,  we  have  the  true  parallel  to  the  pada,  upa 
srdJcvesu  bdpsatali  in  8.  72.  15.  The  first  hemistich  of  the 
former  stanzas  reads:  srdkve  drapsdsya  dhdmatah  sdm  asvarann 
rtasya  yond  sdm  aranta  nabliayali.  Grassmann,  ii,  242,  renders 
aptly,  though  not  literally:  'Im  Schlund  des  Tropfens,  welcher 
gahrt,  in  Opfers  Schoos  vereinten  stromend  jetzt  verwandte 
Ti a nke  sich.'  One  thing  is  certain,  it  is  a  question  in  this 
stan/a,  as  well  as  in  8.  72.  14,  15,  of  soma  and  his  admixtures 
(cf.  G-rassmann's  introductions  to  the  two  hymns);  Idpsatah  as 
well  as  dhdmatah  is  genitive  singular,  applied  to  soma  as 
consuming,  or  amalgamating  with  himself  his  admixtures.  In 
this  way  upa  srdkvesu  bdpsatah  means  'in  the  maw  of  him 
that  bites,'  in  both  of  its  occur ences  (cf.  e.  g.,  Widsmana  data, 
10.  115.  2).  I  can  discover  no  criterion  which  points  out  the 
relative  chronology  of  the  two  stanzas,  but  the  metaphoric 
character  of  the  repeated  pada  in  8.  72.  15  rather  points  to 
iN  secondary  origin. 

7.   An  assumed  parenthesis  verified  by  a  repeated  pada. 

1.  10.  7  (Madhuchandas  Vaic,vamitra;  to  Indra) 
suvivrtam  sunirajam  indra  tvdddtam  id  ya$ali, 
gavS-m  apa  vrajaiii  vrdhi  krnusva  radho  adrivah. 

3.  40.  6  (Yigvamitra;  to  Indra) 
girvanah  pahi  nah  sutam  madhor  dharabhir  ajyase, 
indra  tvddatam  id  ydgdh. 

Ludwig,  449,  renders  1.  10.  7:  'ganz  offen  da  liegend,  leicht 
zu  gewinnen,  Indra,  ist  der  ruhm,  der  von  dir  verliehen  wird. 
OtVue  den  stall  der  rinder,  schaife  gewahrung,  steinbewerter.' 
Grassmann,  ii,  9:  'Leicht  zu  eroffnen,  zu  empfahn  ist  der 
Scliatz,  den,  Indra,  du  verleihst;  so  offne  uns  die  der  Einder 
Stall,  und  schenk  uns  Gut,  o  Schleuderer.'  Neither  rendering 
of  the  first  hemistich  is  good;  Grassmann's  ya$dh  as  'Schatz' 
is  especially  indefensible.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  second 
pada  is  a  parenthesis;  it  feels  like  a  foreign  body.  The  stanza 
makes  perfect  sense  without  it:  'Open  the  stable  of  the  cows 
thai  is  easy  (for  thee)  to  open,  easy  to  drive  out  from;  show 
thy  kindness,  0  god  of  the  press-stone.1  The  parenthetic 

1  For  adrivah  see  the  author,  ZDMG.  xlviii.  572. 


58  Maurice  Bloomfidd,  [1911. 

pada  &,  indra  tvdddtam  id  yd$ah,  appears  in  proper  connection 
at  3.  40.  6C. 

It  is  well  to  compare  the  translations  of  3.  40.  6  with  those 
of  1.  10.  7b;  they  reveal  extreme  inconsistency  in  the  render- 
ings of  the  repeated  pada.  Ludwig,  505:  'lieder  liebencler, 
trink  unsern  saft,  in  madhustromen  hadest  du;  Indra,  von  dir 
wird  diese  herrlichkeit  geerntet.'  Grassmann,  i.  86:  'Den 
Liedern  hold  geniess  den  Trank,  du  wirst  mit  siissem  Strom 
gesalht.  Yon  dir  ist,  Indra,  Gliick  geschenkt.'  The  repeated 
pada  fits  here  perfectly:  Indra  bestows  prosperity  or  glory  in 
return  for  abundant  soma.  It  requires  no  too  great  boldness 
to  assume  that  the  traditional  Madhuchandas  Vaigvamitra  of 
1.  10.  7  borrowed  the  pada  in  question  from  the  hymn  of  the 
traditional  Vigvamitra  of  3.  40.  6.  Note  that  1.  10.  7  shares 
another  of  its  padas,  namely,  krnusvd  rddho  adrivah  with 
8.  64.  1.  In  this  way,  that  is  by  regarding  1.  10.  7b  as  an 
awkward  interpolation,  we  are  saved  the  necessity  of  regard- 
ing 1.  10.  7a  as  a  separate  sentence,  and  supplying  a  verb 
from  the  preceding  stanza,  as  suggests  Oldenberg,  Rig -Veda, 
Noten,  p.  13.  It  is  interesting  to  add  that  the  extraneous 
character  of  1.  10.  7b  was  clear  to  Aufrecht's  mind  in  the  year 
1888  (see  Festgruss  an  Otto  von  Bohtlingli,  p.  2),  tho  he  did 
not  know  that  the  pada  was  borrowed,  or,  at  least,  repeated 
elsewhere. 


8.  A  new  case  of  parenthesis. 

1.  124.  3  (Kaksivat  Dairghatamasa;  to  Usas) 
esa  divo  duhita  praty  adargi  jyotir  vasana  samana  purastat, 
rtasya  pdnthdm  dnv  eti  sddhu  prajanatlva  na  digo  mindti. 

5.  80.  4  (Satyagravas  Atreya;  to  Usas) 
esa  vyenl  bhavati  dvibarha  aviskrnvana  tanvam  purastat, 
rtasya  pdnthdm  dnv  eti  sddhu  prajanatlva  nd  digo  minati. 

We  have  not  the  means  of  deciding  which  of  these  two 
stanzas  is  entitled  to  priority.  But  one  point  is  certain:  the 
two  padas  of  the  repeated  hemistich  are  so  well  knit  together 
as  to  preclude  their  having  been  composed  in  the  first  place 
separately:  'straight  does  she  (the  daughter  of  Heaven.  Usas) 
go  along  the  path  of  rtd  (divine  law);  as  one  who  knows 
(the  way)  she  does  not  miss  the  directions.'  Now  we  find 
the  pada,  rtasya  pantham  dnv  emi  sadhnyd  (sadhuya,  neat 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig  -  Veda  Repetitions.  59 

jagati  variant  for  the  tristubh  cadence  in  sadhu),  in  another 
place: 

10.  66.  13  (Vasukarna  Vasukra;  to  the  Vigve  Devah) 
daivya   hotara   prathama   purohita   rtasya  pdnthtim   dnv   emi 

sddhuyd, 
ksetrasya  patim  prativegam  Imahe  vigvan  devan  amrtan  apra- 

yuchatah. 

Ludwig,  228,  tries  the  tour  de  force  of  translating  the  first 
two  padas  in  one  construction:  'den  beiden  gottlichen  hotar 
als  den  ersten  purohita  geh  ich  gliicklich  nach  den  weg  der 
ordnung.'  Grassmann,  ii.  353,  not  unsimilarly,  'Den  gotter- 
priestern,  als  dem  ersten  Priesterpaar  folg  graden  Wegs  ich 
auf  dem.  Pfad  des  rechten  Werkes.'  And  again  Bergaigne, 
iii.  241:  'Je  suis  exactement  les  deux  sacrificateurs  divins,  les 
premiers  purohita  sur  le  chemin  du  rta?  I  do  not  regard 
these  translations  as  correct,  first,  because  they  impose  a  different 
meaning  upon  duv  tmi  in  10.  66.  13  from  that  of  dhv  eti  in 
1.  124.  3;  5.  80.  4;  secondly,  because  dnv  +  i  does  not  govern 
two  accusatives;  cf.  in  addition  3.  12.  7  (where  there  are  two 
verbs,  upa  pro,  yanti,  and  ami  yanti),  7.  44.  5;  and  8.  12.  3. 
The  facts  are  these:  in  10.  66.  13  rtasya  pdnihdm  dnv  emi 
sddhuyd  is  a  parenthesis  suggested  by  the  ritualistic  ddivyd 
hotdrd  prathamd  purohita,  who  are  stock  figures  in  the  seventh 
or  eighth  stanzas  of  the  opn-hymns:  see  2.  3.  7;  3.  4.  7  =  3. 
7.  8;  10.  110.  7,  and  cf.  of  the  more  recent  literature  on  the 
dpn-suhtas,  Bergaigne,  Rechtrches  sur  VHistoire  de  la  Liturgie 
Vedique,  Journal  Asiatique,  1889,  pp.  13  ff.;  Oldenberg,  SEE. 
xlvi.  p.  9.  The  stanza  10.  66.  13,  therefore,  is  to  be  rendered: 
.'We  implore  the  two  divine  Hotar,  the  first  Purohitas — straight 
do  I  go  along  by  the  path  of  the  divine  law  (here  the  ritual- 
istic rtd,  or  sacrificial  law) — we  implore  the  Lord  of  the  Field, 
our  neighbour,  and  all  the  immortal  gods,  the  unfailing.'  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  repeated  pada  means  about  the 
same  thing  in  all  three  places,  and  that  the  author  of  10.  66. 
13  has  borrowed  it  with  loose  and  slightly  secondary  adaptation 
to  the  theme  which  he  had  in  hand. 

g.  Antithesis  as  a  text-critical  aid. 
1.  92.  11,  and  1.  92.  12  (Gotama  Eahugana;  to  Usas) 
vyurnvati  divo  antan  abodhy  apa  svasaram  sanutar  yuyoti, 
praminati  manusyd  yugdni  yosa  jarasya  caksasa  vi  bhati. 


60  Maurice  Bloomfield,  [1911. 

pagun  na  citra  subhaga  prathana  sindhur  na  ksoda  urviya  vy 

agvait, 
dminati  ddivydni  vratdni  suryasya  ceti  ragmibhir  drgana. 

The  two  repeated  padas  occur  together  in  one  stanza: 

1.  124.  2  (Kaksivat  D  air  ghat  amasa;  to  Usas) 
dminati  ddivydni  vratdni  praminati  manusyd  yugani, 
lyuslndm  upamd  gagvatlndm  dyatindm  prathamosd  vy  ddydnt. 

There  can  be  no  question  but  what  1.  124.  2  is  the  source  of 
the  repeated  padas  in  1.  92.  11  and  12.  The  antithesis  between 
dminati  and  praminati,  and  lyuslndm  and  dyatindm  cannot 
but  be  intentional  and  primary.  Note  also  the  parallelism 
between  dminati  and  dyatindm',  and  praminati  and  lyuslndm. 
On  the  other  hand,  we  ought  to  allow  full  weight  to  the  really 
senseless  non  sequitur  of  the  second  hemistich  in  1.  92.  11: 
'reducing  the  ages  of  men,  the  woman  shines  by  the  light  of 
her  paramour  (the  sun).'  For  the  meaning  of  yugd  'age,'  i.  e. 
'period  of  time,'  see  Bal  G-angadhar  Tilak,  The  Arctic  Home 
in  the  Vedas,  p.  176.  The  second  hemistich  of  1.  124.  2  recurs, 
with  ^the  variants  vibJidtlndm  for  dyatindm,  and  agvdit  for 
adydut  (cf.  a$vdit  in  1.  92.  11),  in  1.  113.  15.  The  probability 
is  that  this  stanza  also  is  secondary,  because  vibhdtlndm 
disturbs  the  antithesis  between  lyuslndm  and  dyailndm,  and 
because  the  connection  between  its  two  hemistichs  is  sufficiently 
loose: 

avahantl  posya  varyani  citram  ketum  kvnute  cekitana, 
lyuslndm  upamd  Qd^vatlndm  vibhdtlndm  prathamosd  vy  dgvdit. 

Stanza  1.  124.  2  is  the  high-water  mark  of  Yedic  composition. 
The  two  antitheses  dminati .  . .  praminati  and  lyuslndm  . .  .  dya- 
tlndm  mark  as  later  imitations  all  repetitions  that  disturb  this 
balance.  The  relation  of  the  two  pairs  of  antithetical  words 
may  be  expressed  in  the  proportion:  dminati :  dyatindm  =  pra- 
minati :  lyuslndm.  Or  by  the  diagram: 

dmin  atl ......  :::^^ 

lyuslndm-""" '...'. '.'.'.::'. ::::::.-: dyatindm 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig-  Veda  Repetitions.  61 


10.  A  solecism. 

1.  8.  5  (Madhuchandas  Vaigvamitra;  to  Indra) 
maLaii  indrah  parag  ca  mi  mahitvam  astu  vajrine, 
dydur  na  prathind  gdvah. 

'Great  is  Indra,  aye  more  than  great:  may  greatness  be  to 
him  that  wields  the  club,  strength  extensive  as  the  sky.'  Pada  c 
is  repeated  in  the  following  Valakhilya  stanza: 

8.  56  (Val.  8).  1  (Prsadhra  Kanva;  Danastuti  of  Praskanva) 
prati  te  dasyave  vrka  radho  adargy  ahrayam, 
dydur  na  prathind  Qavah. 

Ludwig,  1018:  'O  Dasyave  vrka!  deine  unerschopfliche  gabe 
zeigte  sich,  als  fiille  wie  der  himel  an  breite.'  Grassmann, 
ii,  503:  'Es  hat  sich  gezeigt,  0  Dasyavevrka,  dein  reichliches 
geschenk,  wie  der  Himmel  breitet  sich  dein  Ruhm  aus.'  Since 
QavaJi  means  neither  'fiille,'  nor  'ruhm,'  the  secondary  application 
of  the  Valakhilya  pada  is  clear.  The  use  of  the  pada  is  a 
mere  solecism  in  this  connection.  The  words  radho  ahrayam 
are  best  rendered  by  'gift  that  is  not  shabby.' 

ii.   From  real  to  mystic. 

L  22.  21  (Medhatithi  Kanva;  to  Visnu) 
tad  viyraso  vlpanyavo  jdgrvdnmli  sam  indliate, 
visnor  vat  paramam  padam. 

3.  10.  9  (ViQvamitra  Gathina;  to  Agni) 
tarn  tvd  viprd  vipanydvo  jagrvahsah  sam  inclhate, 
havyavaham  amartyarh  sahovrdham. 

The  repeated  first  hemistich  appears  in  primary  application 
in  3.  10.  9:  'The  bards,  skilled  in  song,  on  waking,  have  kind- 
led thee  (Agni,  fire).'  The  application  of  the  same  idea  in 
1.  22.  21  is  mystic:  the  bards  kindle  the  highest  stepping  place 
of  A'isnu,  the  sun-fire  at  its  zenith,  the  abode  of  the  blessed. 
Of.  1.  22.  20;  1.  154.  5;  10.  1.  3  &c.,  and  Hillebrandt,  Vedische 
Mythologie,  i.  354.  We  may  admire  the  ingenuity  which  enables 
the  epigonal  poet  to  express  the  thought  that  the  inspired 
song  of  the  poets  kindles  the  light  of  the  heavens,  but  the 
fact  remains  that  he  has  adapted  an  ordinary  sense  motif 
effectively,  yet  mechanically,  to  his  high  idea.  Without  the 
former  (3.  10.  9)  we  should  have  hardly  had  the  latter.  Of.  also 
Oldenberg,  Rig -Veda  Noten,  p.  17. 


62  Maurice  Bloomfidd,  [1911. 

12.  How  an  Indra  line  is  turned  into  a  Rudra  line. 

3.  22.  7  (Vigvamitra;  to  Indra) 
yajama  in  namasa  vrddham  indram  Miantam  rsvdm  ajar  am 

yuvanam, 
yasya  priye  mamatur  yajniyasya  na  rodasl  mahimanam  mamate. 

6.  19.  2  (Bharadvaja;  to  Indra) 
indram    eva    dhisana    sataye    dhad    Miantam    rsvdm    ajaram 

yiwdnam, 
asalhena  gavasa  QUQuvansam  sadyag  cid  yo  vavrdhe  asami, 

6.  49.  10  (Rji^van  Bharadvaja;  to  Rudra) 
bhuvanasya  pitaram  glrbliir  ablii  rudram  diva  vardhaya  rudram 

aktau, 

Miantam  rsvdm  ajaram  susumnam  rdhag  gliuvema  kavinesi- 

tasah. 

In  the  two  Indra  stanzas  the  pada,  brhantam  rsvdm  ajaram 
yuvdnam,  agreeing  with  indram,  is  altogether  fit.  Certainly 
ajaram  yuvanam,  'youth  that  does  not  age,'  with  its  obviously 
intentional  implied  antithesis,  is  a  better  sequence  of  words 
than  ajaram  susumnam,  'ageless  and  kind,'  in  the  Hudra 
stanza.  In  adapting  the  pada  to  Rudra  (Qiva)  the  need  of 
mentioning  his  precarious  kindness  was  sufficiently  urgent  to 
procure  the  change.  Of.  his  epithets  mldlivds  and  $iva\  his 
lidsto  mrlaydkuh  in  2.  33.  7 ;  and  more  directly  such  a  passage 
as  2.  33.  1,  a  te  pitar  marutdm  sumndm  etu.  See  also  1.  43.  4 
and  2.  33.  6.— For  3.  32.  7cd  see  Oldenberg,  Eig-Veda  Noten, 
p.  244;  for  dhisdnd  in  6.  19.  2,  G-eldner,  Ved.  Stud,  ii,  83. 

13.    How  a  Rbhu  line  is  addressed  to  the  Press-stones. 

3.  60.  3  (Yigvamitra;  to  the  Ebhus) 
indrasya  sakhyam  rbhavah  sam  ana^ur  manor  napata   apaso  i 

dadhanvire, 

saudhanvanaso    amrtatvam   erire    vistvi   gdmibliih   sukftah  su- 

Itrtyaya. 

'The  Ebhus  have  obtained  the  friendship  of  Indra;  they,  the 
children  of  Manu,  the  workers,  have  bestirred  themselves.  The; 
Saudhanvanas,  laboring  on  (pious)  tasks,  have  obtained  im-j 
mortality,  they  the  pious  workers,  through  their  pious  work.'j 
Of.  Ludwig,  164;  Grassmann,  i.  103;  Bergaigne,  i.  69,  note;; 
ii.  403,  409,  412,  418;  Ryder,  Die  Ebhus  im  Rgveda,  pp.  21. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Riy  •  Veda  Repetitions.  63 

22,  25.  The  fourth  pada  is  of  the  very  essence  of  the  llbhu 
myth  (see  especially  4.  33.  4;  4.  35.  2,  7,  8);  there  can  be  no 
question  as  to  its  primary  character.  This  pada,  with  a  single, 
obviously  ritualistic  variant,  appears  again,  to  wit: 

10.  94.  2  (Arbuda  Kadraveya  Sarpa;  to  the  Press-Stones) 
ett'-    vadanti    gatavat    sahasravad    abhi    krandanti    haritebhir 

asabhih, 

vistvi  grdvanah  sukftah  sukrtydyd  hotuQ  cit  purve  haviradyam 

agata. 

'They  speak  a  hundredfold,  a  thousandfold,  shout  to  us  with 
their  yellow  mouth;  the  press-stones,  laboring,  they  the  pious 
workers,  through  their  pious  work,  have  come  to  the  eating  of 
the  liavis  before  even  the  Hotar.'  Exact  technical  proof  that 
the  repeated  pada  is  here  modulated  secondarily  cannot  be 
rendered,  but  I  am,  nevertheless,  certain  that  of  the  two 
phrases  vistvi  gdmlbhih  in  3.  60.  3,  and  vistvi  grdvanah  in 
10.  94.  2,  the  former  is  the  mother;  cf.  vivesa  .  .  .  $dmlbhih  in 
5.  77.  4,  and  the  interesting  epithets  of  the  Rbhus  in  their 
nivil,  QQ.  8.  20,  vistvi  svapasah,  and  gamyd  Qamisthah.  The 
expression  sukftah  sultrtydya,  also  belongs  primarily  to  divine 
beings;  secondarily  to  a  ritualistic  instrument  like  the  press- 
stones. 


14.  Principal  and  relative   clause    as   a  criterion  of  relative 

chronology. 

1.  39.  6  (Kanva  Grhaura;  to  the  Maruts) 
upo  rathesu  prsatir  ayugdhvam  prdstir  vahati  rohitah, 
a  vo  yamaya  prthivi  cid  ac.rod  ablbhayanta  manusah. 

'And  ye  have  hitched  the  spotted  mares  to  your  chariot;  a 
red  stallion  acts  as  leader.  Even  the  earth  hath  listened  at 
your  approach,  and  men  were  frightened.'  Cf.  Ludwig,  675; 
(Jrassmann,  ii.  43:  Max  Miiller,  SJ3E.  xxxii.  97.  The  word 
pwitir  which  the  translators  render  by  'antelopes'  means  in 
tart  'spotted  mares,'  because  the  Maruts  have  the  epithet 
pftadagva.  See  Bergaigne  ii.  378,  and.  very  explicitly,  Xaighan- 
tuka  1.  15;  Brhaddevata  4.  144  (catalog  of  the  spans  of  the 
ii;ods)  where  we  have  the  expre>s  statement,  prsatyo  'QV&S  tu 
>n«rutdm.  The  word  prdsti  (pra  +  sti,  like  abhisti,  upasti,  and 
pfiristi)  means  literally  'heiut''  in  front,'  'leading  horse.'  It  is 
the  analog  of  purogavd  and  7rp€o-/2us,  'leading  steer.'  Both  refer 


64  Maurice  Bloomfield,  [1911. 

to  what  is  known  as  a  'spike-team,'  or,  'unicorn.'  To  a  team 
of  two  animals  a  third  is  hitched  in  front  for  better  guidance. 
See  the  author  in  American  Journal  of  Philology,  xxix,  78  iff. 

The  pada,  pr astir  valiati  rohitah,  is  repeated  in  a  closely 
related  stanza  to  the  Maruts: 

8.  7.  28  (Punarvatsa  Kanva;  to  the  Maruts) 
yad  esam  prsati  rathe  prastir  valiati  roliitali, 
yanti  gubhra  rinann  apah. 

'When  the  red  stallion  guides  as  a  leading  horse  their  speck- 
led mares  at  the  chariot,  then  the  bright  Maruts  approach 
and  let  the  waters  flow.'  Subtly,  and  yet  in  a  peculiarly 
certain  way,  this  stanza  is  secondary,  directly  patterned  after 
1.  39.  6.  The  entire  characteristic  and  imaginative  description 
of  the  span  of  the  Maruts  in  8.  7.  28  is  crowded  incidentally, 
as  it  were,  into  a  subordinate  clause  (note  orthotone  valiati  in 
8.  7.  28;  enclitic  valiati.  in  1.  39.  6),  whereas  in  1.  39.  6  the 
description  is  the  set  theme  of  the  first  hemistich.  I  cannot 
doubt  that  this  important  bit  of  mythography  was  first  stated 
in  the  explicit  terms  of  1.  39.  6,  before  it  could  be  referred 
to  incidentally,  yet  in  the  very  same  words,  in  8.  7.  28. 

15.  Attraction  to  the  Vocative. 

1.  30.  21  (Qunahgepa  Ajigarti,  alias  Devarata;  to  Usas) 
vayam  hi  te  amanmahy  antad  a  parakat, 
a$ve  na  citre  arusi. 

4.  52.  2  (Yamadeva;  to  Usas) 
agveva  citr arusi  mata  gavam  rtavarl, 
sakhabhud  a^vinor  usah. 

Bergaigne,  La  Syntaxe  des  Comparaisons  Vediques  (Melanges 
JRenier,  p.  75  if.;  especially,  p.  77,  note  1),  and  Pischel,  Ved. 
Stud.  i.  91  ff.  have  treated  the  phenomenon  of  case  attraction 
in  comparisons;  they  show  that  the  primary  word  in  a  com- 
parison attracts  to  its  own  case-form  the  secondary,  or  simile 
word.  On  page  92  Pischel  remarks  that  he  has  found  scarcely 
more  than  one  case  of  attraction  to  the  vocative,  namely,  agve 
na  citre  arusi.  But  he  has  failed  to  note  the  parallel,  which 
puts  the  stamp  of  imitativeness  upon  1.  30.  21.  I  do  not 
wish  to  say  that  the  vocative  attraction  in  1.  30.  21  violates 
any  habit,  notwithstanding  its  rareness,  especially  as  Delbriick, 
Altindische  Syntax  cites,  correctly,  one  more  case  from  the 


Vol.  xxxi.J  Some  Riy -Veda  Repetitions.  65 

first  book,  1.  57.  3.  But  of  the  two  repeated  padas,  above, 
one  must  be  the  model,  and  that  is  4.  52.  2,  making  it  likely, 
after  all,  that  the  construction  in  1.  30.  21  is  for  the  nonce. 
\\Y.  must  not  forget  the  cases  in  -which  the  secondary  or  simile 
word  is  in  the  nominative,  while  the  primary  word  is  in  the 
vocative,  e.g.,  1.  16.  5;  1.  36.  13;  7.  13.  3  &c.  More  precisely, 
therefore,  OQVB  no,  in  1.  30.  21,  imitates  a^veva  in  4.  52.  2.  It 
is  significant  that  all  previous  discussions  of  this  vocative  con- 
struction were  without  reference  to  the  parallel  nominative 
construction,  tho  the  interdependence  of  the  two  is  not  to 
doubted,  especially  as  the  final  cadence  of  both  lines  is  irregular 
(w  w  ^  ^),  and  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  two  poets  would 
happen  upon  the  same  metrical  irregularity. 

16.   How  a  repeated  pada  may  teach  construction. 

6.  5.  1  (Bharadvaja  Barhaspatya;  to  Agni) 
huve    vah    sunuih    sahaso    yiivanam    adroghavdcam    matibhir 

yavistham, 
ya  invati  dravinani  praceta  vigvavarani  puruvaro  adhruk. 

'I   call   for   you   the   son  of  might,   the  youth;   him  whose 
word  is  not  false,  the  youngest  (I  call)  with  prayers,  &c.' 

6.  22.  2  (Bharadvaja;  to  Indra) ' 

tarn  u  nah  purve  pitaro  navagvah  sapta  vipraso  abhi  vajayantah, 
naksaddabham  jtaturiiii  parvatestham  ddroghavacam  matibhih 

yavistham. 

The  modulation  of  the  repeated  pada  is  interesting:  yavistham 
for  Agni  (see  Macdonell,  Vedic  Mythology,  p.  91);  yavistham 
for  Indra.  Qavasl  is  Indra's  mother;  see  the  author  in  ZDMG. 
xlviii.  548,  and  cf.  gavistlia  in  G-rassmann's  Lexicon.  The  word 
adroghavdcam  does  not  determine  the  prior  place  of  the  repeated 
pada.  Though  Indra  is  depicted  in  the  Brahmanas  as  a  good  deal 
of  a  liar,  still*in  the  Rig-Veda  this  euphemistic  epithet  is  assigned 
not  only  to  him  but  also  to  Agni;  see  Bergaigne,  iii.  181,  187. 
The  value  of  the  repeated  pada  lies  in  its  definite  settlement 
of  the  meaning  and  government  of  matibhik.  Ludwig,  546, 
takes  matibhih  yavistham  in  6.  22.  2d  together  in  the  sense  of 
iikeiistarksten.'  This  is  disproved  by  the  [parallel  words 
nidtibhir  yavistham  in  6.  5.  lb.  This  cannot  mean  'gedanken- 
jiingster.'  Translate  6.  *2'2.  -2:  'Him  our  Fathers  of  yore  . . .  (have 
called)  with  their  prayers,  him  whose  word  is  not  false,  the 
strongest.'  Cf.  Grassmann,  i.  253. 

VOL    XXXI.     Part  I.  5 


66  Maurice  Bloonifield,  [1911. 

17.  How  a  repeated  pada  may  teach  a  point  or  two  in 
morphology. 

4.  17.  3  (Vamadeva  Gautama;  to  Indra) 

bhinad  girim  gavasa  vajram  isnann  aviskrnvanah  sahasana  ojah, 
vddhid  vrtrdm  vdjrena  mandasdndh  sarann  apo  javasa  hatavrsmh. 

'He  cleft  the  mountain,  hurling  his  club  with  might,  mani- 
festing, exerting  his  strength.  He  hath  slain  Yrtra  with  his 
club,  rejoicing;  the  waters  flowed  in  haste  as  soon  as  their 
bull  (master)  had  been  slain.'  The  third  pada  is  repeated 
with  a  change  from  the  third  person  verb  vadhid,  to  the  first 
person  verb  vadhim  in  an  imitative  stanza: 

10.  28.  7  (Vasukrapatnl;  to  Indra) 
eva  hi  mam   tavasam  jajnur  ugram  karman-karman  vrsanam 

indra  devah, 
vadhim  vrtrdm  vdjrena  mandasano  'pa  vrajam  mahina  dacuse  vam. 

This  stanza  is,  of  course,  put  into  the  mouth  of  Indra. 
Ludwig,  970,  in  his  note,  suggests  convincingly  indradevdh  for 
indra  devah,  Grassmann,  ii.  515,  also  scents  the  difficulty  at 
that  spot.  Translate:  'Thus  they  whose  god  is  Indra  (that 
is,  the  pious)  knew  me  (Indra)  to  be  a  mighty  and  strong 
bull  in  every  task:  I  have  slain  Vrtra  with  my  club,  rejoicing, 
with  might  I  have  opened  the  stable  for  the  pious.'  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  pada  c  with  its  precarious  analogical 
vadhim  (also  1.  165.  8)  is  a  direct  copy  of  4.  17.  3C.  This  is 
shown  further  by  the  nonce-formation  vam  in  pada  d  which 
is  again  analogical.  Grassmann  naively  explains  it  in  his 
Lexicon,  column  1321,  as  'aus  varamS  but  it  is  a  product  of 
proportional  analogy  which  helps  to  fill  in  a  smooth  paradigm: 
vam,  vah,  vah.  Both  vadhim  and  vam  reflect  the  difficulty  of 
stating  secondarily  the  deeds  of  Indra  in  the  first  person, 
because  they  were  originally  conceived  in  the  third  person.  Wo 
must  note  that  vah,  like  vam,  always  stands  at  the  end  of  a  pada. 
The  grammatical  forms  mentioned  are  peculiarly  sound  criteria 
for  determining  the  relative  chronology  of  the  two  stanzas. 

18.  A  truncated  line,  unchanged  in  meaning. 
1.  80.  10  (Gotama  Eahugana;  to  Indra) 
indro  vrtrasya  tavislm  nir  ahan  sahasa  sahah, 
mahat  tad  asya  paunsyam  vrtrdm  jaghanvdn  asrjad  arcann  anu 

svarajyam. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig  -Veda  Repetitions.  67 

This  case  is  remarkable,  because  it  is  both  definite  and 
simple.  The  fourth  pada  fails  «to  end  in  an  iambic  dipody, 
and  its  verb  has  no  object.  Ludwig,  460,  translates  diplomati- 
cally 'als  er  den  Vrtra  getotet  liess  er  fliessen;'  Grassmann, 
ii.  80,  more  freely,  'schlug  Vrtra  und  ergoss  die  Fluth.'  But 
the  Rig- Veda  tells  in  unmistakable  language  that  the  pada  is 
the  truncated  torso  of  another  pada,  regular  in  its  final  cadence 
and  the  preceding  anapaest,  and  duly  furnished  with  that 
object  which  every  reader  of  this  Veda  would  supply  anyhow, 
namely  sindhun: 

4.  18.  7  (Samvada  Indraditivamadevanam) 
kirn  u  svid   asmai   nivido  bhanantendrasyavadyam   didhisanta 

apah, 

inaniaitan  putro  mahata  vadhena  vrtrdm  jaghanvdh  asrjad  vi 

sindhun. 

4.  19.  8  (Vamadeva;  to  Indra) 
purvir  usasah  Qaradag  ca  gurta  vrtratit  jaglianvdn  asrjad  vi 

sindhun, 
pnristhita  atrnad  badbadhanah  slra  indrah  sravitave  pythivya. 

From  these  padas  a  later  poet  over-familiarly  has  extracted 
the  short  form  to  suit  his  metre.  Cf.  also  Oldenberg,  Rig- 
Veda  Noten,  p.  83,  to  RV.  1.  82.  2. 


19.  A  line  soldered  together  from  two,  and  vastly  changed 

in  meaning. 

1.  142.  3  (Dirghatamas  Aucathya;  Apri-stanza  to  Naragansa) 
QU  :ih  pdval'6  ddbhuto  madhva  yajiiam  mimiksati, 
naragaiisah  trir  a  divo  devo  devesu  yajhiyah. 

H.  13.  19  (Narada  Kanva;  to  Indra) 
stota  yat  te  anuvrata  ukthany  rtudha  dadhe, 
$ucih  pdvaha  ucyate  so  ddbhutah. 

9.  24.  6  (Vic,vamanas  Vaiyagva;  to  Pavamana  Soma) 
])Avjisva  vrtrahantamokthebhii-  anumadyab, 
$iwh  pavalw  adbhutah. 

9.  24.  7  (The  same) 

£udh  pavaka  ucyate  somah  sutasya  madhvah, 
devavir  aghagansaha. 

Stanza  8.  13.  19  offers  a  remarkably  convincing  instance  of 
Mvi.udary  workmanship,  both  from  the  point  of  view  of  form 
and  contents.  As  regards  the  form,  8.  13.  19C  is  evidentlv 


68  Maurice  Bloomfield,  [1911. 

pieced  together;  it  consists  in  fact  of  two  padas.  so  ddbhutah 
is  the  usual  and  secondary  *tetrasyllabic  refrain  pada  which 
marks  the  artificial  workmanship  of  8.  13  throughout.  The 
two  parts  of  8.  13.  19 c  are  derived  respectively  from  9.  24.  7 
and  9.  24.  6.  As  regards  the  meaning,  the  entire  group  of 
repeated  padas  shows  that  the  expression,  gucih  pdvaM  ucyate 
so  adbhutah,  can  he  applied  to  a  devoted  poet  (stotd  anuvratah, 
in  pada  8.  13.  19 a)  only  in  a  secondary,  hyperbolic  sense. 
The  poet  is  said  to  he  (ucyate)  the  possessor  of  the  divine 
attributes,  gucili  pavako  adbhutaly,  in  reality  he  is  no  such  a 
thing.  If  we  press  the  point  the  poet  who  devotedly  sings 
songs  of  praise  that  accompany  the  oblations  of  Soma  assumes 
the  attributes  of  Soma  himself  (9.  24.  6,  7).  Aufrecht,  in  the 
Preface  to  his  second  edition  of  the  Rig-  Veda,  p.  xxxv,  writes 
anent  8.  13.  19 c:  *Wer?  der  stotr  oder  Indra?  In  dem  Kopfe 
der  Uebersetzer  steigt  keine  Ahnung  von  einer  Schwierigkeit 
auf.  Die  Attribute  passen  nur  auf  Agni  oder  Soma.'  Sayana, 
indeed,  whom  some  scholars  still  would  fain  regard  as  an 
authority,  imposes  the  pada  upon  Indra.  But  the  text  is 
clearly  otherwise,  and  its  oddity  is  explained  by  its  obvious 
secondary  origin. 

20.  A  scooped  out  pada. 

1.  144.  7  (Dirghatamas  Aucathya;  to  Agni) 
agne  jusasva  prati  harya  tad  vaco  mandra  svadhdva  ftajdta 

sukrato, 

yo  vigvatah  .  pratyann  asi  dargato  ranvah  samdrstau  pituman 

iva  ksayah. 

'0  Agni,  enjoy  and  delight  in  this  song,  0  lovely,  blissful, 
rta-begotten,  highly  intelligent  (god),  who  art  turned  toward 
us  on  all  sides,  conspicuous,  lovely  to  behold  like  a  dwelling 
rich  in  food.'  The  second  pada  has  a  curious  parallel: 

8.  74.  7  (Gopavana  Atreya;  to  Agni) 
iyam  te  navyasi  matir  agne  adhayy  asmad  a, 
mandra  sujata  sukrato  'mura  dasmatithe. 

'This  quite  new  song  was  furnished  thee  by  us,  O 
lovely,  well-born,  highly  intelligent,  wise,  wonderful  guest.' 
The  pada  mandra  sujata  sukrato  =  mandra  sv[adhava  fta]jdta 
sukrato,  and  it  seems  to  me  likely  that  the  longer  pada  is  the 
original;  note  the  anapaest  after  its  caesura.  The  shorter 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Some  Rig -Veda  Repetitions.  69 

pada  is  the  result  of  a  sort  of  scooping  <>ut  of  the  longer  in 
the  middle.  Of.  the  relation  of  dristah  sdrva  edhate,  1.  41.  2; 
8.  27.  16,  to  dristah  sd  mdrto  vfyva  edhate,  in  10.  63.  13. 
Their  relation  may  he  almost  expressed  in  the  formula  dristah 
sd  [mdrto  vig]va  edhate.  Here,  however,  the  shorter  pada  is 
the  original,  from  which  the  metrically  imperfect  longer  pada 
is  derived  by  additions  which  do  not  add  to  the  sense. 


21.    How  one  line  begets  two  others. 

1.  1.  8  (Madhuchandas  Vaicramitra ;  to  Agni) 
rdjantam  adhvardndm  gopam  rtiisya  didivim, 
vardhamanaih  sve  dame. 

1.  45.  4  (Praskanva  Kanva;  to  Agni) 
mahikerava  utaye  priyamedha  ahusata, 
rdjantam  adhvardndm  agnim  cukrena  c,ocisa. 

8.  8.  18  (Sadhvansa  Kanva;  to  the  Acrins) 
a  vam  vi^vabhir  utibhih  priyamedha  ahusata, 
rdjantdv  adhvardndm  acrina  yamahutisu. 

1.  27.  1  (Qunah^epa  Ajigarti;  to  Agni) 
agvam  na  tva  varavantam  vandadhya  agnim  namohhih, 
samrdjantam  adhvardndm. 

The  original  form  of  the  repeated  pada  is  doubtless  rdjantam 
adhvardndm ,  an  Agni  motif;  cf.  such  expressions  as,  pdtir  hy 
adhvardndm  ague,  in  1.  44.  9;  or,  (agnim)  netdram  adhvardndm, 
in  10.  46.  4.  Oldenberg,  Prolegomena,  p.  262,  rightly  regards 
the  group  of  hymns  ascribed  to  Praskanva  (1.  44 — 50)  as 
related  to  and  prior  to  the  Vatsa  group  (8.  6 — 11).  The  pada, 
rdjantdv  adhvardndm,  as  applied  to  the  A^vins  in  8.  8.  18,  is 
obviously  secondary  in  sense;  it  is  equally  clear  that  the  trickily 
trochaic  pada,  samrdjantam  adhvardndm  in  1.  27.  1  is  secondary 
both  in  form  and  sense.  The  chronological  relation  of  the 
padas  may  be  expressed  as  follows: 

rdjantam  adhvardndm 


samrdjantam  adhvardnam  rdjantdv  adhvardmm. 


The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages^ — By  CABLOS 
EVERETT  CONANT,  Professor  in  the  University  of 
Chattanooga. 

THE  attention  of  investigators  in  the  field  of  Indonesian 
phonology  was  early  attracted  to  the  remarkable  correspondence 
of  r,  g,  7i,  and  y  seen  in  Toba  and  Malay  urat:  Tagalog  ugdt: 
Dayak  uhat:  Lampong  oya  'vein,  nerve,  sinew'. 

The  first  formal  statement  of  this  varied  representation  of 
an  originally  single  phonic  element  was  made  by  the  Dutch 
scholar  H.  N.  van  der  Tuuk  in  what  is  known  as  the  first 
van  der  Tuuk  law,  the  phenomena  of  which  have  been  further 
examined  and  classified  by  others,  notably  Brandes,  Kern, 
Adriani,  and  Brandstetter. 

According  to  this  law  the  IN l  parent  speech  possessed  a 
certain  consonantal  sound  which,  being  lost  in  some  languages, 


1  Abbreviations  used  in  this  paper: 

Ach. 

Achinese 

Inb. 

Inibaloi 

NJav. 

New  Javanese 

Bgb. 

Bagobo 

Iran. 

Iranun 

OFavor. 

Old      Favor- 

Bis.* 

Bisaya 

Jav. 

Javanese 

[lang 

Bkl. 

Bikol 

Kim. 

Kalamian 

OJav. 

Old  Javanese 

Bon. 

Bontok 

Knk. 

Kankanai 

Pamp. 

Pampanga 

Btn. 

Batan 

Kuy. 

Kuyunon 

Pang. 

Pangasinan 

Bug. 

Bugis 

Lamp. 

Lampong 

Phil. 

Philippine 

Chro. 

Chamorro 

Mad. 

Madurese 

Sang. 

Sangir 

Day. 

Dayak 

Mak. 

Makassar 

S.-Bis.* 

Samar-Leyte 

Duz. 

Duzon 

Mai. 

Malay 

[Bisaya 

Favor. 

Favorlang 

Mentw. 

Mentawai 

Sbl. 

Sambal 

Form. 

Formosan 

Mgd. 

Magindanau 

SForm. 

SingkanFor- 

Ibg. 

Ibanag 

Mkb. 

Minankabau 

[mosan 

Ilk. 

Iloko 

Mlg. 

Malagasi 

Sumb. 

Sumbanese 

IX 

Indonesian 

Mongd. 

Mongondou 

Sund. 

Sundanese 

Tag. 

Tagalog 

Tir. 

Tirurai 

*  Bis.  includes  the  three  great  Bisaya  dialects,  Cebuan,  Panayan,  and 
that  of  Samar  and  Leyte,  except  on  pp.  83,  84,  and  85,  where  it  includes 
only  the  first  two  named,  the  last  being  indicated  by  S.-Bis. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  EGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


71 


like  Old  Javanese,  became  in  others  variously  r,  as  in  Tol>a, 
Karo,  Cam,  and  Malay;  #,  as  in  Tagalog,  Bisaya,  Formosa n, 
Ponosakan,  and  Chamorro;  h,  as  in  Dayak,  Sangir,  and  Bulu; 
and  //,  as  in  Lampong,  Gayo,  and  Pampanga. 

The  following  comparative  table  will  illustrate  the  most 
natural  operation  of  the  law,  that  is,  where  the  RGH  consonant 
is  intervocalic  and  hence  least  liable  to  the  influence  of  second- 
ary phonetic  laws. 


R 

G 

H 

Y 

Zero 

Toba    urat 
Ma]  .      urat 
Ach.     urat 
Mkb.    urat 
Mak.    ura 
Bug.    urc' 

OFnriu.  ugat 
Favor.     op-garh 
Tag.        ugat 
Bis.          ugat 
Mongcl.  ugat 
Cliro.       gugat 

Day.    uhat 
Bulu    ohad 
Sang,  iha 

Lamp,  oya 
Gayo     uyot 
Pamp.  uyat 
Batan  uyat 

OJav.  uwad 
NJav.  uwat 
Nias     uwo 
Sumb.  uwa 

The  languages  of  the  OJav.  type  have  developed  a  parasitic 
labial  glide  w  between  the  two  vowels  thrown  together  by  the 
loss  of  the  K-GrH  consonant.  Chro.  gugat  has  an  initial  parasitic 
g,  as  in  gunwn  'six'.1  The  phonetic  changes  seen  in  the  other 
non-Philippine  examples  are  due  to  the  regular  operation  of 
secondary  laws,  and  need  not  be  detailed  here.  The  Malagasi 
cognate  uzatra  shows  z  for  RGH,  as  in  Mlg.  zahitra  'raft', 
beside  Mai.  rakit,  Bis.  gakit.  This  z  is  shown  by  F  errand2 
to  have  evolved  from  a  spirant  y  in  OMlg.  In  Mlg.  vay,  vey 
•burning  coals',  beside  Mai.  bara,  Tag.  Mga,  this  spirant  seems 
to  have  coalesced  with  the  Mlg.  i,  the  frequent  representative 
of  IN  a  in  final  position.  The  RGH  consonant  in  final 
position  is  lost  in  Mlg.,  as  in  several  other  IN  speech  groups, 
e.  g.  Mlg.  ulii,  uliu  'tail',  beside  Mai.  ikor,  Toba  ihur,  Bis.  ilcog. 
Further  it  also  becomes  r  medially,  e.  g.  Mlg.  avaratra  'North', 
beside  Mai.  larat,  Tag.  liabagat,  Bulu  awaliat.  Cam  has  r 
initially  and  medially,  but  drops  the  EGH  consonant  finally, 
with  compensatory  lengthening  of  the  preceding  vowel ;  e.  g. 
(\-ini  ratuJi  'hundred',  beside  Mai.  ratus,  Bis.gatus;  Cam  bard 
•shoulder',  beside  Day.  laha,  Toba  dbara,  Bis.  abaga;  Cam  uia 


1  Compare    my    paper.    Consonant    changes    and    vowel    harmony    in 
Chamorro,  pub.  in  Anthropos  vol.  v. 

2  Essal  de  phonetique  comparee  du  malais  et  des  dialectes  uialgaches, 
Hiris  1909,  p.  106. 


72  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

'snake',  beside  Mai.  ular,  Ibg.  itlag,  and  Jav.  uld,  the  Jav. 
showing  the  same  loss  and  compensatory  lengthening.  Certain 
Phil,  languages  represent  RGrH  by  I  (see  below  p.  73). 

The  Philippine  Islands1  form  the  center  of  the  speech  ter- 
ritory in  which  the  consonant  of  the  RGrH  series  appears 
as  g.  Hence  it  is  customary  to  classify  as  belonging  to  the 
Philippine  group,  not  only  languages  of  that  archipelago,  but 
such  other  speech  groups  as  show  the  g  of  that  series.  Among 
the  non-Philippine  languages  of  this  category  are  the  Duzon 
and  Iranun  of  N.  W.  Borneo,  the  tSingkan  Formosan  and  the 
Favorlang  of  Formosa,  the  Ponosakan  and  Mongondou  of 
North  Celebes,  and  the  Chamorro  of  the  Marianas.  The 
following  examples  will  further  illustrate  the  g  languages  in 
non-Philippine  territory. 

Duz.  wagas  'unhulled  rice',  Iran,  bugas,  Chro.  pugas,  beside 
Bis.  ~bugas,  Mai.  her  as,  Day.  Delias. 

Duz.  waig  'water',  Iran,  aig,  beside  Mgd.  ig,  OJav.  er,  Mai. 
ayer. 

Duz.  gamut  'root',  beside  Tag.  gamut,  Ilk.  ramut,  Tonsea 
amut. 

Duz.  niog  'cocoanut',  Chro.  niyo(g},  beside.  Tag.  Bis.  niug, 
Mai.  niyur. 

SForm.  pagig  'ray  fish',  beside  Tag.  Bis.  pagi,  Mai.  pari, 
Day.  pahi,  where  SForm.  pagig  shows  final  parasitic  g,  as  in 
wagiog  'storm',  beside  Phil.  l)agyu. 

OFavor.  tagga  'blood',  Chro.  liaga,  beside  Ibg.  daga,  Mai. 
and  Cam  darah,  Bulu  ralia.  The  OFavor.  tagga  shows  second- 
ary gemination  of  g,  as  in  oggach  (Tag.  ugat),  and  t  for  d,  as 
in  OFavor.  tarran  (Phil,  dalan)  'way'.  Chro.  liaga  has  h 
regularly  for  initial  d* 

Ponosakan  and  Mongondou  dugi  'thorn',  beside  Ibg.  dugi, 
Toba  duri,  Day.  dulii. 

Ponos.  goivii  'night',  beside  Tag.  Bis.  gaVi  and  gaWi,  Ilk. 
rdbi'i,  Sang.  Jiebbi,  Nias  owi. 


1  For    the    geography    of   the  Philippine  languages   and  dialects    see 
Scheerer's  sketch  map  in  his  work,    The  Batdn  dialect  as  a  member  of 
the  Philippine  group  of  languages,  Div.  of  Eth.  Pub.  vol.  v,  part  i,  Manila 
1908,  p.  17. 

2  See  Conant,  op.  cit. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  ROH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


73 


Mongd.  doftof/  -hoar',  beside  His.  duitiig,  Mai.  denar,  Sang. 
dinihe. 

In  the  three  great  languages,  Tagalog,  Bisaya  (with  its 
many  dialect  variations),  and  Bikol,  together  constituting  the 
speech  of  seventy  per  cent  of  the  entire  population  of  the 
Philippine  Islands,  the  RGH  consonant  invariably  appears  as 
g  in  all  positions,  initial,  medial,  and  final.  The  same  is  true 
of  Ibanag  (North  Luzon),  Magindanau  (South  Mindanao), 
Sulu,  and  several  other  speech  groups  of  minor  importance. 
There  are,  however,  a  number  of  Philippine  languages  in 
which  the  RGH  consonant  develops  other  sounds,  particularly 
r,  I,  and  y,  as  exemplified  by  the  following  table,  showing  the 
consonant  in  question  in  initial,  medial,  and  final  position. 


G  languages 

Initial 

Medial 

Final 

Tag. 

gamot  'root' 

ugat  'vein' 

ikog  'tail' 

Bis. 

gamut 

ugat 

ikog 

Bkl. 

gamot 

ugat 

ikog 

Ibg. 

gamii* 

ugat 

(niug  'cocoa- 

Mgd. 

gamut 

ugat 

ikug        [nut') 

Sulu 

gamut 

ugat 

ikog 

Bgb. 

ramot 

ugat 

ikog 

R  languages 

Ilk. 

ramiit 

urat 

(bibir  'lip') 

Tir. 

(rohok  'rib') 

urat 

igor 

L  languages 

Pang. 

lamot 

ulat 

ikol 

Knk. 

lamot 

uwat 

Inb. 

damot 

ulat 

ikol 

Bon. 

lamot 

oad,  wad,  uad 

Kim. 

lamot 

(darala  'girl') 

(bibil  'lip') 

Y  languages 

Pamp. 

yamiit 

uyat 

iki 

Batan 

yamot 

uyat 

(itioi  'egg') 

Sambal 

(yabi  'night') 

(biiyas  'rice') 

(toloi  'sleep') 

Remarks  on  the  above  table. — In  the  Ibanag  examples 
;m<l  uga*  the  final  t  has  lost  its  original  pronunciation,  and, 
like  the  other  surd  stops  k  and  jp,  has  become  a  mere  glottal 
stop  (hamza)  in  Ibg.  when  final.  I  write  the  original  surd 


74  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

stop  above  the  line,  since  it  has  its  original  value  when  sup- 
ported by  a  suffix,  e.  g.  gamutan. 

The  intervocalic  rr  written  by  Bennasar1  in  his  spelling  of 
Tirurai  words,  e.  g.  urrat  'vein',  urrar  'snake',  is  simplified  to 
r  in  this  paper,  since  it  is  not  a  case  of  gemination,  but  is  a 
trilled  r  which  would  regularly  be  represented  in  the  Spanish 
orthography  by  rr  when  intervocalic. 

Tir.  roliok,  beside  Mai.  rusuk,  Bis.  Bgb.  giisok,  has  li  for 
IN  s,  as  in  Tir.  liha  'nit',  beside  Tag.  lisa. 

Tir.  igor  'tail'  shows  g  for  IN  fr,  as  in  Tir.  sigeu  'elbow', 
beside  Phil.  siku. 

The  Kankanai  uwat  and  Bontok  odd,  wad,  udd2  show 
secondary  loss  of  intervocalic  Z,  the  former  with  compensatory 
labial  glide  tv,  while  the  latter  shows  a  tendency  to  reduce 
the  initial  o(u)  to  a  labial  semivowel,  as  appears  from  the 
variant  wad. 

The  d  of  Inibaloi  damot  is  also  secondary  for  Inb.  I,  with 
which  it  interchanges.  Cf.  Inb.  ulat  and  ikol,  and  see  Scheerer, 
The  Nabaloi  Dialect,  p.  102. 

Bagobo  properly  belongs  to  the  g  languages,  as  will  appear 
below,  ramot  being  one  of  the  few  anomalous  examples  of  r 
representation  of  RGH  to  be  found  in  that  language. 

Ibg.  niug*is  cognate  with  Mai.  niyur,  Tag.  niug\  and  Ilk. 
bibir,  Kalamian  Itibil  'lip',  with  Mai.  bibir,  Ibg.  bibig. 

Kim.  darala  'girl'  is  identical  with  Bis.  dalaga,  a  reduplicated 
form  of  Mai.  dara,  Mgd.  laga,  raya. 

For  Btn.  itioi,  beside  Tag.  itlug,  Mai.  telur,  see  below  (p.  81). 
With  Sambal  yabi  compare  Tag.  gdtfi  and  Ilk.  rabi'i,  and 
with  Sbl.  ~buyas  and  toloi  compare  Bis.  bugas,  Mai.  beras,  and 
Bis.  tulog,  Mai.  tidor,  Jav.  turn. 

The  r,  I,  and  y  languages  in  detail  Unlike  the  Tagalog, 
or  pure  g  type,  the  r,  I,  and  y  languages  show  some  irregular- 


1  Diccionario  Tiruray-Espanol,  Manila  1892,  and  Diccionario  Espanol- 
Tiruray,  Manila  1893.  This  rule  of  orthography  is,  however,  not  con- 
sistently adhered  to  by  Bennasar,  e.  g.  he  writes  biarung  'a  kind  of  tree' 
in  his  Observations  Gramaticales  sobre  la  lengua  Tiruray,  Manila  li 
p.  3,  while  the  same  word  appears  as  bidrrwng  in  the  Diccionario  Tiruray- 
Espanol. 

a  The  Bontok  examples  throughout  the  paper  are  taken  from  Seiden- 
adel,  The  language  spoken  by  the  Bontoc  Igorot,  Chicago  1909,  Open 
Court  Pub.  Co. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Tl\e  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


75 


ities,  their  characteristic  consonant  often  interchanging  with  g. 
They  therefore  require  individual  examination. 

The  r  languages.  These  are  the  Iloko,  spoken  on  the  N.W. 
coa^t  of  Lu/.nn,  and  the  Tirurai,  spoken  hy  a  mountain  tribe 
of  South  Mindanao.  Bagobo,  also  spoken  in  South  Mindanao, 
is  very  similar  to  Bisaya  in  many  respects,  and  generally  has 
g  like  that  language.  It  is  possible  that  the  sporadic  cases 
of  the  r  representation  in  Bagobo  may  be  due  to  the  influence 
of  some  neighboring  mountain  dialects,  or  to  Malay.  The 
inconsistencies  of  its  vocalism,  doubtless  due  to  the  same  in- 
fluence, have  been  pointed  out  in  my  paper  on  the  pepet  law.1 
It  will  appear  from  the  following  comparative  table  that  the 
interchange  of  r  and  g  follows  different  norms  in  the  two  r 
languages,  and  that  r  is  more  persistent  in  Tir.  than  in  Ilk. 
It  will  also  appear  that  Bgb.  is  properly  a  g  language,  as 
above  stated. 


Mai.  rebah  'to  fall' 
Mai.  rusuk  'side' 
Mai.  rakit  'raft' 
Pamp.  ayan  'light,  quick' 
Toba  abara  'shoulder' 
Mai.  duri  'thorn' 
Toba  uras  'to  wash' 
Mai.  bara  'hot  coals' 
Mai.  barat  'west  wind' 
Day.  besoh  'satiated' 

The  vocalism  of  the  first  syllable  of  Ilk.  rebba,  Tir.  reld, 
geld,  Bgb.  gobba,  Tag.  gihd,  and  that  of  Ilk.  lussug,  Tir.  besor, 
]•>»•!).  lossoy,  Bkl.  ~basog,  is  according  to  the  pepet  law,  and  the 
consonantal  doubling  in  the  Ilk.  and  Bgb.  examples,  according 
to  the  law  of  gemination  of  a  consonant  following  original 
pepet.2  Tir.  has  both  rebd  and  gelid  with  slightly  different 
meanings,  while  Ilk.  has  only  reltbd,  and  Tir.  has  g  in  gdkit 
beside  the  Ilk.  r  of  rakit.  But  in  three  of  the  examples  Tir. 


Iloko 

Tirurai 

Bagobo 

rebba 

reba  and  geba 

gobba 

Tag.  giba 

rosok 

rohok 

gosok 

Bis.  gusuk 

rakit 

gakit 

Ibg.  gakit 

raan 

gaan 

Tag.  ga'an 

abaga 

wara 

Ibg.  abaga 

duri 

durai 

dugi 

Bkl.  dugi 

ugas 

urah(en) 

horas 

Sulu  hugas 

bara 

bara 

baga 

Bis.  baga 

aba  gat 

barat 

habagat 

Tag.  habagat 

bussug 

besor 

bossog 

Bkl.  basog 

1  The   Pepet   Law    in    Philippine   languages,    to   appear   in    an    early 
number  of  Anthropos,  to  which  journal  it  was  sent  for  publication  several 
months  ago. 

2  Of.  Conant,  Pepet  L<ar.  and  Brandstetter,  Wurzel  und  Wort  in  den 
Indonesischen  Sprachen,  Luzern  1910,  p.  41,  who  has  independently  dis- 

<-d  the  same  law  for  Ilk. 


76  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

has  r  where  Ilk.  has  only  g,  namely  ward,  urah(eri),  and  besor. 
The  h  of  Tir.  roJwk  and  urah(en)  has  been  treated  above 
(p.  75). 

An  examination  of  the  Iloko  vocabulary  reveals  a  large 
number  of  r :  g  variants.  The  following  are  selected  from  a 
long  list: 

Ilk.  ribak '  fragment  of  pottery',  beside  the  later,  but  less  com- 
mon gibak  (Ibg.  giba*) ;  Ilk.  bard  'new',  beside  bdgo,  in  the  sense 
of  'newcomer'  (Mai.  baru,  Tag.  bdgu);  Ilk.  dards  'quick,  prompt', 
beside  dagds  (Toba  doras,  Day  dahes,  Tag.  dag1  as) ;  Ilk.  bekkor 
'convex',  beside  bekkog  'concave';  Ilk.  bibir  (obsolete)  'lip',  beside 
the  modern  bibig  (Mai.  bibir,  Ibg.  bibig).  Ilk.  girdi  'notch' 
shows  this  interchange  by  metathesis  in  the  reduplicated  rig- 
rigdyan  'thing  notched,  leaf  with  notched  edge'. 

It  appears  from  a  study  of  all  the  material  for  Ilk.  that 
the  original  representation  of  the  RGH  series  in  that  language 
was  r  unless  disturbed  by  secondary  laws.  This  r  has  been 
preserved  in  a  large  number  of  the  most  common  words,  e.  g. 
rosok,  ramut,  urdt,  bdra,  duri,  busor,  tiker.  In  other  cases  the 
r  and  g  forms  exist  side  by  side,  sometimes  with  different 
shades  of  meaning,  as  seen  in  the  above  examples,  while  in 
some  cases  the  new  g  has  entirely  replaced  the  older  r.  Further- 
more some  g  words  have  crept  in  ufrom  pure  g  languages, 
chiefly  Ibg.  and  Tag. 

The  most  striking  difference  between  Ilk.  and  Tir.  in  the 
EGH  representation  is  perhaps  the  treatment  of  the  RGH 
consonant  in  final  position.  It  is  more  commonly  r  in  Tir., 
while  g  prevails  in  Ilk.,  e.  g.  Tir.  besor :  Ilk.  bussiig  of  the 
above  table;  Tir.  bewer  'lip',  beside  Modern  Ilk.  bibig;  Tir. 
igor,  beside  Bis.  ikug',  Tir.  sawer  'scatter',  beside  Bis.  sdbwag; 
Tir.  reer  'neck',  beside  Bis.  IV  og,  Tag.  li'ig,  Mai.  leiher\  Tir. 
urar  'snake',  Ilk.  uleg. 

But  for  the  g  of  this  last  Ilk.  example,  see  below  p.  77. 

As  a  general  rule  both  languages  have  g  when  preceded  by 
original  pepet  and  followed  by  a  non-pepet  vowel;  e.  g.  Tir. 
legos  'rice',  Ilk.  bagds,  Tag.  bigds,  Bis.  bugds,  Mai.  beras,  Toba 
boras,  Day.  behas ;  Tir.  tegds  'hard',  Ilk.  sagdt  (metathesis),  Tag. 
tigds,  Bkl.  tag  as,  Bis.  tug  as,  Bgb.  tug  gas,  Mgd.  tegds,  Mai.  teras, 
Toba  turas\  Tir.  begat  'weight',  Tag.  big' at,  Bis.  bug' at,  Toba 
burat,  Day.  behat.  Both  languages  have  r  between  the  two 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


77 


\<>\vels  in  Tir.  feres  'to  prcs^  nut'.  Ilk. perres,  Sund. peres, 
\);\\.pehes,  Sang. pehase. 

An  examination  of  the  vocabularies  of  these  two  languages 
during  the  preparation  of  the  present  paper  has  revealed  the 
following  special  law  for  the  liquids  I  and  r:  Ilolto  and  Tirurai, 
like  Toba  and  Dayak,  do  not  admit  both  I  and  r  in  the  same 
Grundwort.1 

In  Ilk.  this  is  avoided  by  the  g  representation  of  EGH  in 
words  having  an  I ;  e.  g.  uleg  '  snake',  beside  Mai.  ular.  In 
Tir.  it  is  avoided  either  in  the  same  way,  e.  g.  Tir.  and  Ilk. 
layag  'sail',  beside  Mai.  laya/r,  or,  and  this  is  by  far  the  more 
common,  by  an  assimilation  of  liquids  in  which  the  r  of  the 
RGrH  series  generally  assimilates  the  neighboring  Z,  e,  g-  Tir. 
urar  (Mai.  ular),  as  is  regularly  the  case  in  Toba  and  Day.y 
e.  g.  Toba,  Day.  rayar,  beside  Mai.  Sund.  layar,  Tag.  Bis.  Ibg. 
layag.  But  exceptionally  the  RGH  r  is  assimilated  to  the 
neighboring  I,  e.  g.  Tir.  lilei  'post'  (Tag.  lialigi,  Mai.  diri), 
where  the  Tir.  I  of  the  RLD  series  prevails.  The  following 
tabulation  will  show  at  a  glance  how  the  law  affects  the  two 
languages. 


Iloko 


Tirurai 


Other  languages 


layag  'sail' 

bulig  'bunch  of 

bananas' 

ribuk  'roil,  disturb, 
confuse' 

uleg  'snake' 


arigi  or 
adigi  'post' 


layag 
bulik(?) 

rebur, 
ribur 


rarei  'run' 


re'e'r  'neck' 


lilei 


Mai.  Sund.  Ach.  layar,  Toba,  Day.  rayar, 
Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  Ibg.  Bgb.  Sulu  layag 
Mai.  bulir,  Toba  burir,  Bis.  Bkl.  bulig 

Mai.  lebur,  OJav.  labu,  Mak.  laboro', 

Mgd.  lebug,  lebuk,  Bis.  lubug, 

Bgb.  lobbog,  Pamp.  labug 

Ma!,  ular,  OJav.  Cam  ula,  Mak,  ulara', 

Toba  uluk,  Pang,  uleg 

Mai.  Mak.  Bug.  lari,  Mgd.  Bgb.  laguir 

Bis.  Bkl.  lagiu 

Mai.  leiher,  Sang,  lehe,  Kuyunun 

Keg,  Bis.  Bkl.  Sulu  li'ug, 

Ibg.  Mgd.  lig,  Bgb.  alig 

Mai.  (ber)diri,  Day.  jihi,  Sang,  dihi, 

Bulu  arihi,  Tag.  Bis.  haligi,  S.-Bis. 

Bkl.  liari^i.    Mli:'.  aiulri 


i  As  the  question  wlu-tlu-r  IN  roots  are  to  be  regarded  as  dissyllabic 
or  monosyllabic  has  not  yet  been  settled,  I  employ  the  convenient  term 
Gntndwort  following  the  terminology  of  Brandstetter,  Wurzel  und  Wort, 
p.  •'*  ft  passim. 


78 


Carlos  Everett  Conant, 


[1911. 


For  further  I  assimilation  in  Tir.,  compare  Tir.  lual  'except', 
Mai.  Sund.  luar  'outside'.  The  r  prevails  in  the  Ilk.  cognate 
ruar,  in  which  it  agrees  with  Toba,  Day.  ruar.  Compare  also 
Tir.  lalan(en)  'prohibit',  beside  Mai.  Sund.  Mak.  larah,  Toba, 
Day.  raran,  Sulu  Ian  (for  *lalait). 

The  g  of  Ilk.  Tir.  layag  may  also  be  explained  as  a  case 
of  stereotyped  Phil,  g  to  be  treated  below  (p.  82).  The  surd 
k  replaces  the  sonant  g  in  final  position  in  Ilk.  ribuk.  This 
wavering  between  final  surds  and  sonants  is  not  uncommon, 
not  only  in  this  language,  but  elsewhere  in  the  Philippines 
and  in  Chamorro.1  It  is  possible  that  Tir.  bvlik  'a  kind  of 
wild  banana'  is  to  be  connected  with  Ilk.  Iridig,  in  which  case 
we  should  have,  instead  of  the  regular  Tir.  assimilation,  an 
example  of  final  RG-H  g  becoming  k  just  as  in  Tir.  ribuk; 
cf.  also  Tir.  taniik  'sound',  beside  Mgd.  tanuk,  Tag.  tunog,  Pang. 
tanol. 

The  I  languages.  In  Kalamian  (North  Palawan),  Pangasinan, 
and  the  related  Igorot  dialects  Inibaloi,  Kankanai,  and  Bontok, 
the  RGrH  consonant  appears  regularly  as  ?,  exceptionally  as  g, 
which  sometimes  becomes  the  surd  k.  The  I  of  these  languages 
is  considerably  more  constant  than  the  r  of  the  r  languages, 
as  will  appear  from  the  following  table  and  the  additional 
examples  given  below. 


Kalamian 

Panga- 
sinan 

Inibaloi 

Kankanai 

Bontok 

G-  languages 

lamot  'root' 

lamot 

damot 

lamot 

lamot 

Bis.  gamut 

Iabii2  'night' 

labi 

kalbian 

lafi 

lafi 

Tag.  gab'i 

kabala  'shoulder' 

abala 

awada 

abala 

Ibg.  abaga 

ulat  'vein' 

ulat 

uwat 

oad 

Bgb.  ugat 

bibil  'lip' 

bibil 

Bis.  bibig 

tenal  'voice' 

tanol 

Bkl.  tanog 

The  Inb.  secondary  d  for  I  in  damot  and  awada,  and  the 
loss  of  intervocalic  I  in  Bon.  odd  are  explained  above  (p.  5). 

Kim.  kabala  has  an  initial  parasitic  k  as  in  Itolo  'head', 
beside  IN  ulu.  This  k  may  also  appear  medially,  as  in  talcon 

1  Cf.  Conant,  Consonant  changes  and  vowel  harmony  in  Chamorro. 

2  Corrected  spelling  for  the  Span,  orthography  lavii  of  Father  Jero- 
nimo  de  la  Virgen  de  Monserrate  in  his  Vocabulario  Castellano-Calamiano, 
pub.  by  Retana  in  the  Archive  del  Bibliofilo  Filipino,  vol.  ii,  Madrid  1896. 
On  this  spelling  and  the  whole  subject  of  Span,  confusion  of  b,  v,  and  u, 
.see  my  F  and  V  in  Philippine  languages,  p.  2,  note. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  ROH Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  7<t 

•year7,  beside  Tag.  ttfun.  and  finally,  as  in  polok  'ten',  beside 
Bis.  pulo,  and  genera lly.  perhaps  always,  stands  in  the  place 
of  tlio  glottal  stop  (liani/a  ). 

As  the  r  languages  avoid  the  concurrence  oil  and  r  in  the 
same  word,  so  the  I  languages  do  not  allow  two  Ts  in  the 
same  word  when  such  would  be  the  result  of  the  I  represen- 
tation of  RGH.  In  sucli  cases  RG-H  generally  appears  as  g, 
e.  u.  Pang,  uleg  'snake'.  1 1m.  iiley,  Knk.  eweg,  Bon.  uwiig,  beside 
Mai.  ular,  Tir.  urar,  the  Knk.  and  Bon.  examples  showing 
regular  loss  of  intervocalic  I  (see  above,  p.  74);  Kim.  and  Pang. 
Hoy  'river',  beside  Tag.  Hog,  Mai.  alur. 

The  correspondence  of  Kim.  kilog  'egg'  with  its  Pang. 
ovunate  iknol  (Tag.  Bis.  Ilk.  itlug,  Mai.  telor)  is  interesting  as 
showing  the  different  evolution  in  the  two  languages  of  the 
RGH  consonant  in  the  same  word  with  an  original  I.  In 
Kim.  Idlog  RGH  appears  as  g  and  the  original  I  remains  un- 
changed, while  the  slightly  pronounced  t  of  P\ii\.itlug  degenerates 
to  ham/a,  which  shifts,  as  often  in  Kim.,  to  the  other  side  of 
the  vowel  i  and  there  appears  regularly  as  k  (see  above).  In 
Pang,  iknol,  the  RGH  consonant  persists  as  Z,  and  by  a  dis- 
similation of  liquids  the  original  I  becomes  n,  to  which  the  t 
is  then  partially  assimilated,  becoming  k.  Precisely  the  same 
evolution  as  to  liquids  is  seen  in  Pang,  monil  'bunch  of  bananas' 
(Bis.  Mlig,  etc.  See  table  p.  77).  In  this  example,  furthermore, 
the  n  produced  by  dissimilation  acts  in  turn  on  the  initial 
labial  sonant  stop  b,  changing  it  by  partial  assimilation  to  the 
labial  nasal  m.  In  Kim.  the  persistence  of  final  I  of  the  RGH 
series  in  a  word  beginning  with  an  original  I  is  shown  by 
dikel  'neck',  beside  Tag.  li'iq,  Bis.  IVug.  Mai.  kiher.  Tir.  reer. 
Here  the  repetition  of  I  is  avoided  by  changing  the  original 
initial  I  to  its  corresponding  sonant  stop  d.  The  vocalism  of 
the  last  syllable  follows  the  pepet  law,  and  the  parasitic  k 
takes  the  place  of  the  hamza  seen  in  the  Tag.  and  Bis. 
cognates. 

While  the  r  languages  generally  have  g  for  RGH  when 
this  is  preceded  by  a  pepet  vowel  and  followed  by  any  other 
vowel,  pjing.  shows  I  under  i  he  same  circumstances,  e.  (j.  Pang. 
belds  'hulled  rice*,  beside  Tir.  legas,  Ilk.  bagas;  Pang,  belat 
'weight;  beside  Tir.  begat 

The  material  at  hand  for  the  other  ^languages  is  not  suffi- 
cient to  permit  of  classification  in  this  particular. 


80  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

Pang,  also  shows  I  as  the  first  element  of  a  consonantal 
group  following  any  vowel,  e.g.  Pang,  ulsa  'deer',  beside  Ilk. 
ugsd,  Toba  ursa,  Mai.  rusa\  Pang,  beltvds  'alzar  6  coger  lo  que 
esta  dentro  del  agua',  Tag.  bigwds  'tirar  el  anzuelo';  Pang. 
pelsd  'boil,  carbuncle',  Tag.  pigsa,  Bis.  Bgb.  pugsd.  The  last 
two  examples  have  pepet  vocalism  of  the  penult.  The  exceptional 
g  of  Pang,  begsdi  '  paddle',  beside  Pamp.  bagsdi,  Bis.  Sulu 
bugsai,  Bgb.  bugse,  Chro.  pogsai,  is  probably  to  be  explained 
as  a  case  of  stereotyped  g  (see  below,  p.  82). 

The  y  languages.  As  in  Gayo  and  Lampong,  the  RGH 
consonant  appears  as  y  in  the  Phil,  languages,  Pampanga, 
Batan,  and  Sambal,  where  it  also  appears  exceptionally  as  g, 
though  most  of  the  exceptions  may  here  be  referred  to  the 
stereotyped  class.  The  regular  representation  for  Pamp.  and 
Btn.  is  shown  by  the  following  examples: 

Pamp.  uydt  'vein',  Btn.  fay  at,  Gayo  uyot,  Lamp,  oya.  Tag. 
ugat,  Day.  uhah] 

Pamp.  ddya  'blood',  Btn.  rayd,  Ibg.  ddga,  Chro.  haga,  Day. 
dalia,  Pang,  dald,  Ilk.  Tir.  ddra,  Cam,  Mai.  darah. 

Pamp.  paydu  (modern  pay 6)  '  hoarse',  Gayo  payo,  Mai.  Ilk. 
par  ait,  Tag.  pagan,  Day.  pehau.] 

Pamp.  yamut  'root',  Btn.  yamot,  Tag.  gamut,  Pang.  Kim. 
lamot,  Ilk.  ramut,  Tonsea  amtit. 

Btn.  itioi  'egg',  Lamp,  telui,  Mai.  telor,  Bgb.  tollog,  Tag. 
itlug. 

Pamp.  ild  'tail',  Lamp,  ikui,  Gayo  uki,  Mai.  ikor,  Toba  ihur, 
Tir.  igor,  Pang,  ikdl,  Tag.  Bis.  ikog,  Day.  ikoh,  OJav.  Cam  iku, 
Mlg.  uhi,  uhu.  ( 

When  final,  the  y  becomes  i  and  coalesces  with  a  preced- 
ing i  in  both  Pamp.  and  Btn.,  as  in  Btn.  bibi  'lip',  Ibg.  bibig, 
Mai.  bibir;  Pamp.  buli  'cluster  of  bananas',  Bis.  bulig,  Mai.  bulir, 
Jav.  wuli,  Mlg.  vuli,  bull.  With  a  preceding  a  it  forms  the 
diphthong  ai  in  both  languages,  as  it  does  in  Lampong,  e.  g. 
Pamp.  tikdi  'reed-mace,  cattail',  Bis.  Bkl.  tikog,  Ilk.  tiker,  Mai. 
tikar,  Mlg.  tsihi,  tihi,  Sihi  (the  examples  showing  regular  pepet 
vocalism  of  the  ultima) ;  Btn.  vuddi,  buddi 1  'snake',  Lamp,  ulai, 

1  The  Batan  word  may  now  be  included  under  Brandstetter's  Variation  3 
under  Schlange,  (Mata-Hari,  p.  34),  since  the  only  difficulty  it  presents 
is  the  prefixed  v  or  b,  which  can  easily  be  explained  as  an  initial  parasitic 
labial  glide  before  the  labial  vowel  u.  In  fact  it  is  pronounced  much 
like  the  Span,  b  in  bullir. 


Vol.xxxi.]     The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  81 

Ibg.  ulag,  Pang,  uleg,  Mai.  ular  (pepet  in  ultima).  With  a 
preceding  o  (u)  the  i  (<y)  forms  the  diphthong  oi  (ui)  in  Btn. 
as  in  Lamp.,  e.  g.  Btn.  itioi  'egg',  Lamp.  telui;  Btn.  busoi  'enemy'. 
Ilk.  busor,  Pang,  busol.  In  Pamp.  the  final  diphthong  oi  (ui) 
thus  formed  contracts  to  i,  e.g.  Pamp.  iki  'tail'  (but  Lamp. 
ikui).  Other  examples  for  Pamp.  are  dpi  'lime',  Tag.  dpog; 
Pamp.  atni  'sound',  Tag.  Bis.  tunog,  Bkl.  tanog,  Ibg.  tannug, 
Pang,  tanol  (pepet  in  penult);  Parnp.  absi  'sated',  Tag.  Bis. 
busog,  Bkl.  lasog,  Ilk.  bussug,  Bgb.  bossog,  Ibg.  battug,  Tir. 
besor,  Day.  besoh  (pepet  in  penult).  The  Pamp.  examples 
atni  and  absi  show  a  very  common  characteristic  of  Pamp. 
pointed  out  in  a  previous  paper,1  namely,  the  metathesis  of 
initial  consonant  +  vowel. 

In  Pamp.  RGH  regularly  appears  as  y  when  preceded  by 
a  pepet  vowel,  whatever  be  the  character  of  the  following 
vowel,  e.  g.  Pamp.  bayat  'weight',  Pang,  belat,  Tir.  begat]  Pamp. 
abyas  'rice',  Tang,  bclas,  Ilk.  bagas,  Tir.  begas]  Pamp.  asydd 
'sting  (of  insect)',  Tir.  seged,  Tag.  sigid,  Bkl.  Bis.  sugud  (pepet 
in  both  syllables). 

The  material  for  Sambal  is  meager,  but  sufficient  to  enable 
us  to  classify  that  language  here:.  Sbl.  yabi  'night',  Tag.  gaUi, 
Pang,  labi,  etc.;  Sbl.  buy  as,  bug  a  'rice',  Tag.  bigds,  etc.]  Sbl. 
rdyo,  layo  'run',  Bis.  Bkl.  lagiu,  etc.;  Sbl.  toloi  'sleep',  Tag. 
tulog,  Mai.  tidor,  Day.  tiroh,  Mlg.  turi,  turn.  It  appears  from 
the  last  example  that  final  y  is  treated  in  Sbl.  as  in  Btn.  and 
Lamp. 

In  Pamp.  RGH  frequently  appears  as  #,  but  more  often  in 
final  position  thanj  initially  or]  medially,  e.  g.  Pamp.  gatus 
'hundred  thousand',  but  Btn.  yatus  'hundred',  Mai.  ratus;  Pamp. 
abdgat  'west  wind',  Pang,  abalaten,  Bulu  awahat]  Pamp.  sagdp 
'to  skim',  Tag.  sagip,  Toba  sarop,  Mai.  sarap,  Day.  sahep 
(pepet  in  ultima);  Pamp.  Hug  'river',  Tag.  Hog,  Mai.  alur; 
Pamp.  amog  or  amig  'dew  of  morning',  Tag.  hamog,  Ilk.  amor, 
Pang.  amol.  The  g  of  these  examples  is  anomalous,  and  an 
explanation  of  its  irregular  appearance  in  place  of  the  natural 
y  is  impossible  at  this  stage  of  our  investigation,  as  is  the 
case  with  many  #'s  of  the  RGH  series  in  the  r  and  I  languages. 
Pamp.  gatus  is  probably  to  be  explained  as  a  borrowed  word 
originally  taken  into  the  language  with  the  meaning  of  an 


1  Pepet  Law. 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  I. 


82  Carlos  Everett  Con  ant,  [1911. 

indefinitely  large  number,  just  as  in  Tag.,  where  the  same 
word  means  million  according  to  the  dictionary  of  Noceda 
and  Sanlucar.  'Hundred'  is  dalan  in  Pamp.  (limaii  dalan 
'five  hundred'),  and  the  same  word  in  Tag.  daan,  with  secondary 
Tag.  loss  of  intervocalic  1.  It  is  quite  possible  that  Pamp. 
Hug  and  sagap  are  cases  of  stereotyped  Phil,  g,  but  abdgat 
and  amoy,  together  with  a  considerable  number  of  other  g 
examples  of  unmistakable  RGrH  origin,  remain  to  be  explained. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  RGH  g  is  doubtless  rare  in  Btn. 
The  available  material  for  that  language  is  not  copious,  and 
I  have  noted  but  one  certain  example  in  point,  namely,  Btn. 
agsa  'deer',  beside  Ilk.  ugsa,  Pang,  ulsa,  Toba  ursa,  Mai.  rusa. 
The  g  frequently  seen  in  Rodriguez's  Catecismo  corresponding 
to  IN  Z,  e.  g.  Btn.  ogo  'head',  beside  IN  ulu,  is  replaced  by 
the  modern  h  (Span,  orthography/),  and  is  the  regular  treat- 
ment of  IN  I  in  that  language.  Sambal  has  Hug  'river'  (Mai. 
alur),  but  shows  the  regular  y  in  toloi  'sleep,'  where  Pamp. 
(tidug)  and  the  r  and  I  languages  show  persistently  g,  which 
in  the  last  two  types  may  be  due  to  the  laws  of  liquids  (see 
above,  pp.  77,  79). 

The  three-fold  origin  of  the  Philippine  g.  The  #'s  of  the 
Phil,  languages  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  according  to 
their  origin,  namely  original  #,  the  g  of  the  RGH  series,  and 
that  of  the  RLD  series. 

In  a  considerable  number  of  words  g  persists  uniformly  in 
the  languages  of  the  archipelago  unless  affected  by  some  second- 
ary law.  In  order  to  determine  whether  the  g  in  such  cases 
is  original  or  belongs  to  the  RGH  series,  comparison  must  be 
made  with  material  from  other  IN  languages.  Thus  the  word 
for  'rayfish'  is  pagi  in  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  Mgd.  Ibg.  Pamp.  Pang. 
Ilk.,  and  fagi  in  Tir.,  where  /  is  regular  for  IN  p  >,  and  it  is 
only  by  comparison  with  the  non-Philippine  cognates  Mai. 
Sund.  pari,  Day.  pahi,  that  the  g  of  the  Phil,  words  is  shown 
to  be  of  RGrH  origin.  We  have  here  what  may  be  termed  a 
stereotyped  Phil,  g  of  the  RGH  series. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  g  of  Tag.  Mgd.  Sulu,  Pamp.  Pang. 

*  Conant,  F  and  V  in  Philippine  languages,  Division  of  Ethnology 
Publications,  vol..  v,  part  ii,  Manila  1908,  trans,  into  Japanese  by  Mr. 
R.  Torii,  Journal  Anthrop.  Soc.  of  Tokyo,  vol.  xxiv,  No.  283,  Tokyo, 
Oct.  1909. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages. 


83 


liu/i  'loss'  is  original,  as  evidenced  by  Mai.  Jav.  Sund.  Toba, 
Mak.  Bug.  Day.  rugi.  Other  examples  of  original  g  are  Tag. 
Pani]).  Tir.  Bgb.  Mai.  Jav.  Sund.  Toba,  Day.  dagah  'trade, 
merchant',  and  Mgd.  Mai.  Jav.  Sund.  Day.  getas  'cut  (as 
string)',  Toba  gotas,  Bis.  gutas,  Ilk.  gessat  (metathesis  and 
gemination),  Pamp.  agtas  (metathesis),  Ibg.  gatta',  these  last 
cognates  showing  regular  pepet  vocalism  of  the  penult. 

Some  words  show  one  stereotyped  form  running  through 
one  group  of  Phil,  languages  while  a  stereotyped  variant 
appears  in  another.  An  example  in  point  is  the  IN  word 
for  'indigo',  which  shows  a  medial  RGH  consonant  in  Mai. 
Sund.  Cam  tarum  (cf.  Bahnar  trum,  Khmer  trom),  Mak.  taruti, 
Day.  tahun,  Jav.  torn,  while  Toba  has  tayum  where  we  should 
expect  *tarum  according  to  the  RG-H  law.  Now  the  Luzon 
languages  Tag.  Pamp.  Pang.  Ilk.  have  tayum  following  the  Toba 
variant,  while  the  languages  of  the  southern  Philippines,  Bis. 
Bid.  Bgb.  Mgd.,  have  tagum  following  the  RGH  type.  Further 
investigation  of  such  variants  would  doubtless  throw  additional 
light  upon  the  history  of  Malayan  migrations  to  the  Philip- 
pines. 

Pang.  Ilk.  and  Ibg.,  like  the  non-Philippine  languages  Toba, 
Karo,  and  Mentawai,  have  also  a  g  representing  the  consonant 
of  the  RLD  series.1  This  correspondence  is  shown  by  the 
following  comparative  table. 


Q 


R                               L 

D 

fi 

'rice  (unhulled)' 

Jav. 

pan 

Mai. 

padi 

Karo    page 

Sund. 

pare 

Cam 

padai 

Toba    page 

Miik. 

pare 

Mkl) 

.  padi 

Day. 

parai 

Tir. 

farei 

Tag.       palai 

Pang,  pagei 

Bkl. 

paroi 

Pamp.  palai 

Ilk.      pagai 

S.-Bis. 

parai 

Sulu    pai  (<*palai) 

Btn. 

parai 

»  This  g  has  been  pointed  out  for  Ibg.  and  the  non-Phil,  languages 
by  Kern,  Taalvergelijkende  verhandeling  over  het  Aneityumsch,  met  een 
Aanhangsel  over  het  klankstelsel  van  het  Eromanga,  Amsterdam,  1906, 
p.  11,  et  passim,  and  by  Brandstetter,  Prodromus  zu  einem  vergteichenden 
Worterbuch  der  malaio-polynesischen  Sprachen,  Luzeni  1906,  p.  61 ;  Mata- 
Hari,  Luzern,  1908;  pp.  22,  26. 

6* 


Carlos  Everett  Gonant, 


*   i  [       L4 

D 

a 

'how  much?' 

.lav. 

pira 

Bali 

pida 

Mentw.  piga 

Day. 

pir'a 

Mlg. 

firi 

Tir. 

firoi 

Tag.        ila 

Bgb. 

pira 

Pamp.  pila 

Pang,      piga' 

Bkl. 

pira 

Bis.       pila 

S.-Bis. 

pira 

Mgd.     pila 

Ibg.         piga 

Kuy. 

pira 

Sulu     pila 

'no$e' 

Jav. 

mm    : 

Mad.    plon 

Mai. 

hidun       Karo  igun 

Sund. 

irun 

Cam 

idun    |    Toba  igun 

Day. 

uron 

Ach. 

hidun 

Mlg.   urun,  uruna 

Mkb. 

(h)iduan 

Tumb. 

nirun 

Duz. 

idon 

Sumb. 

urun 

Tir. 

iruh 

Tag.      ilon         i    Bgb. 

idon 

Ilk.     agon. 

Mgd.  hirim,  nirun 

Mgd. 

hidun 

Ibg.    igun 

Kim. 

aron 

Bis.       ilon 

Kuy. 

iron                     Sulu     ilon 

S.-Bis. 

iron 

Further  examples  of  this  conspicuous  g  in  Pang.  Ilk.  and 
Ibg.  are  the  following: 

Pang.  Ilk.  Ibg.  magd  'dry',  beside  Tag.  Pamp.  Bis.  mala, 
Bkl.  S.-Bis.  mard. 

Pang.  Ibg.  laga,  Ilk.  Idga  'weave  matting',  beside  Tag.  Pamp. 
Bis.  Idla,  S.-Bis.  Idra,  Bkl.  rdra,  where  Bkl.  assimilates  the 
original  initial  I  to  the  r  of  the  RLD  series. 

Pang.  Ilk.  Ibg.  sigi  i  throw  grain  into  sieve',  beside  Tag. 
Pamp.  sili,  Mgd.  siri. 

Pang.  Ilk.  suga  'thorn',  Ibg.  tugd,  Toba  suga,  beside  Tag. 
Bis.  sula,  Mai.  suda. 

Pang,  sogod  'comb',  Ilk.  siigud,  Ibg.  tufjiid;  beside  Bis.  sulod, 
Tir.  Bkl.  S.-Bis.  surud,  Mgd.  surut. 

Ilk.  agek  'sniff',  Ibg.  agok,  beside  Tag.  halik,  Mgd.  alek,  Bis 
hdldk,    S.-Bis.   liarok,    Tir.   drek,    Bkl.  Bgb.   liadok.    This 
example  shows  regular  pepet  vocalism  of  the  ultima  throughout. 

In  Pang,  an  interesting  exception  to  this  g  representation 
of  an  intervocalic  E-LD  consonant  is  to  be  noted.  By  a  special 
law  of  Pang,  and  its  related  Igorot  dialects,  an  intervocalic 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  ROH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages.  85 

consonant  of  the  RLD  series  does  not  become  g  in  a  Grund- 
wort  whose  initial  or  final  consonant  is  the  velar  nasal  n.  In 
Pang,  the  RLD  consonant  becomes  a  liquid,  I  or  r,  in  such 
words,  while  Ilk.  and  Ibg.  show  the  regular  g.  This  is  illustrated 
by  the  following  examples. 

Pang,  elefi  'nose',  Knk.  eleii,  Bon.  ileh,  Inb.  idon,  but  Ilk. 
agon,  Ibg.  iguii,  Karo  and  Toba  iguii,  beside  Jav.  irun,  Tag. 
ildh,  Cam  idun,  etc.  (see  table  p.  84). 

Pang,  or  in  'charcoal',  Inb.  Bon.  ulin,  but  Ilk.  ogih,  Ibg, 
ugin,  beside  Tag.  Bis.  Pamp.  Mgd.  ulih,  Bgb.  urin. 

Pang,  naran  'name',  Inb.  Knk.  haran,  Bon.  nacan,  nadan, 
but  Ilk.  nagan,  Ibg.  hagan,  beside  Tag.  Bis.  Mgd.  nalan,  Bkl. 
S.-Bis.  naran,  Kuyunon  aran,  Isinai  naron,  Bgb.  hadan,  Cha- 
morro  naan,  Jav.  naran,  Mlg.  anaran,  anaran,  anarand. 


The  "Field  of  Abram"   in  the   Geographical  List  of 
•    Shoshenq  I.  —  By  M.   G.  KYLE,    Professor    Biblical 
Archaeology,  Xenia  Theological  Seminary. 

THE  Palestinian  list  of  Shoshenq  I  on  the  South  wall  of 
the  Temple  of  Karnak  is  one  of  the  best  known  of  Egyptian 
inscriptions,  having  been  published  by  Rosellini  (Monumenti 
Storki,  148),  Champollion  (Notices  Manuscrites,  ii.  113),  Lepsius 
(Derikmaler,  iii.  252),  and  Brugsch  (Geographische  Inschriften, 
ii^though  never  completely  by  any  of  them.  Prof.  Maspero 
has  given  (Becueil  de  Travaux,  vii.  100)  selections  from  the 
list  'designed  to  assist  and  correct  an'  understanding  of  Cham- 
pollion's  text,  and  Prof.  "W.  Max  Miiller  has  rendered  the  same 
service  to  all  the  previous  'publications  and  also  added  a  few 
names  never  before  published  in  his  Egyptological  Researches 
for  the  Carnegie  Institute,  pp.  51 — 54,  plates  75 — 87. 
f^Many  names  in  the  inscription  are  destroyed  and  V so  lost 
absolutely,  unless  a  duplicate  list  be  somewhere  preserved  for 
future  discovery.  All  the  [names  Jfully  'remaining  are  easily 
legible,  but  owing  to  the  facts  that  some  hieroglyphic  signs 
have  more  than  one  phonetic  value,  that,  of  others,  the  phonetic 
value  is  uncertain,  and  that  the  exact  [equivalency  between 
Semitic  and  Egyptian  characters'*  has  never  been  completely 
made  out,  the  transliteration  of  these  names  is  difficult  and 
in  a  large  number  of  them  yet  uncertain,  and  even  if  trans- 
literated correctly,  the  identification  of  the  names  either  with 
classical  or  with  biblical  names  and  still  more  with  modern 
names  is  very  problematical;  and  the  task  is  rendered  complex, 
not  only  by  reason  of  the  phonetic  problems,  but  by  reason 
of  the  additional  fact  that  the  ancient  scribe  was  considerably 
puzzled  over  some  phonetic  and  linguistic  problems  of  his 
own.  Some  of  these  problems  arose  from  his  ignorance  of  the 
Palestinian  tongues,  some  from  the  list  which  he  copied  not 
being  always  in  exact  Geographical  order  and  probably,  as 


Vol.  xxxi.j  The  "Field  ofAbram"  in  the  Geographical  List, &c.    87 

Mliller  thinks,  written  in  Phoenician  script.  There  will  be 
room  for  a  long  time  to  come  for  additional  identifications 
and  for  the  correcting  of  mistakes. 

A  recent  identification  of  names  71  and  72  as  "The  Field 
of  Abram"  drawing  71  to  72  and  making  one  name  there-of, 
it  is  proposed  in  this  paper  briefly  to  examine,  as  probably 
one  of  the  mistakes  to  be  corrected.  "VVe  will  proceed  by  the 
simple  method  of  bringing  before  us  by  the  aid  of  the  black- 
board as  clearly  as  possible,  all  the  epigraphical  evidence  for 
the  various  renderings  which  have  been  given  to  the  signs  on 
these  two  shields,  that  we  may  be  able  to  estimate  correctly 
the  value  of  this  new  identification,  which  is  put  out  in  recent 
times  by  Prof.  Spiegelberg  (Aegyptologisclie  Randglossen,  1904, 
p.  14)  and  in  popular  form  by  Prof.  James  Henry  Breasted. 
Whether  either  of  these  scholars  be  indebted  to  the  other  or 
whether  each  worked  independently,  I  do  not  know. 

The  text  placed  on  the  board  is  that  of  Prof.  Muller.  With 
this  text  in  hand,  I  made  a  careful  examination  of  the  in- 
scription at  Karnak  in  1908  and  found  it  copied  with  that 
scholar's  accustomed  accuracy.  The  list  here  as  published  is 
absolutely  correct,  not  even  minute  typographical  errors,  as  so 
often  in  published  texts,  have  crept  in  here. 

Prof.  Breasted,  who  now  brings  forward  the  identification 
"The  Field  of  Abram,"  (A  History  of  Egypt,  1905,  p.  530, 
Ancient  Records,  1906,  pp.  352 — 353)  does  not  give  there-with 
his  copy  of  the  text,  but  only  the  transliteration  and  identifi- 
cation. It  is  thus  impossible  to  say  whether  or  not  his  text 
agreed  with  any  of  the  other  published  copies  of  the  text.  If 
his  text  differed  from  Midler's,  then  he  used  an  incorrect  text, 
which  in  most  cases  would  set  aside  the  identification  altogether. 
If  his  text  agreed  with  Midler's,  then  this  transliteration  and 
identification  is  to  be  discussed. 

The  identification,  "The  Field  of  Abram,"  is  a  very  interest- 
ing one  and,  if  correct,  will  be  welcomed  by  every  one,  but 
before  critics  and  theologians  shall  build  too  many  theories 
there-upon,  it  is  well  to  understand  the  exceeding,  not  to  say 
insuperable,  difficulties  which  lie  in  the  way  of  the  identification. 

(1)  The   inscription   on   shield  number  71    needs   but  little 

1  discussion.     Egyptologists    differ   somewhat    about   the  correct 

transliteration.      Muller    prefers    "Pa    Hekla"    which    follows 

exactly  the  text,  always  a  good  way,  while  Breasted  changes 


88  M.  O.  Kyle,  [1911. 

the  final  vowel  to  "u,"  Semitic  "1."  But  it  is  generally  agreed 
that  the  whole  expression  is  a  Canaanite  word  with  the  definite 
article,  the  article  being  translated  into  Egyptian,  and  means 
"The  field"  here  in  a  relation  to  what  follows  similar  to  the 
construct  state. 

(2)  The  relation  between  the  inscription  on  shield  71  and 
that  on  shield  72  is  of  the  utmost  importance.    In  the  identifi- 
cation, "The  Field  of  Abram,"  71  is  carried  over  to  72  and 
made  a  part  of  the  name.    This  is  impossible;  a  proper  name 
would  not  have  the  article,  which  the  scribe  here  does   not 
transliterate  as  though  he  supposed  it  could  be  a  part  of  the 
name,  but  translates  into  the  Egyptian  definite  article;  besides, 
this  same  combination  of  "Field,"  or  "Fields,"  with  a  following 
name  occurs  in  the  inscription  of  Shoshenq  I,  as  it  still  remains, 
eight  times  (Nos.  68,  71,  77,  87,  94,  96,  101,  107),  an  examination 
of  which  makes  very  evident  that  this  is  the  Egyptian  way  of 
representing  the  Palestinian  expression  found  so  often  in  the 
Bible,  "The  villages   of,"  and  that  "Hekla"   means   "vicinity," 
"neighbourhood"  or   "community"  and  [in  the  [plural,  as  107, 
"Environs"  or  "villages."    Thus  the  name  following  "Pa  Hekla," 
in  this  case   identified  as  "Abram,"   stands   alone.     No   such 
complex  name  as  "the  Field  of  Abram"  was  intended. 

(3)  But   is   the   name   on   shield   72  Abram?     This   is  the 
question  of  greatest  moment.    No  special  importance  attaches 
to  .this   shield   at   all   except   for   this   question.     A   detailed 
analysis  of  the  name  gives  the  following: 

(a)  The  first  sign  "nzr,  the  canal,"  as  a  syllabic  stands  for 
"|mer."  This  syllable  "mer"  occurs  with  great  frequency  in 
proper  names,  especially  of  Egyptian  kings,  where  it  is  represented 

sometimes  by  "i — c,  the  canal"  and  sometimes  by["J7,  the  hoe." 

That  these  two  signs  were  always,  in  these  names,  interchange- 
able is  not  quite  certain,  but  that  in  the  New  Empire,  from 
which  this  inscription  rcomes,  they  were  interchangeable,  is 
certain.  "Mer"  is  used  in  at  least  twenty  seven  of  the  royal 
names,  *as  Mer-pa-ba,  Mer-em-ptah,  and  various  names  com- 
pounded with  the  phrase  "meri-amon,  loved  of  amon."  In 
some  sixteen  of  these  twenty  seven  "•» — r?  the  canal"  is  used, 
beginning  with  Ramses  II  and  including  Shoshenq  I,  for  whom 
this  inscription  under  discussion  was  made.  So,  if  this  sign 
on  shield  72  be  intended  for  "mer,"  it  would  be  the  perfectly 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  "Field  ofAbram  "  in  the  Geographical  List,  &c.    89 

natural  and  proper  and  to-be-expected  use  of  it,  and  the 
probability  that  it  should  be  so  transliterated  is  very  great 
Moreover,  a  Semitic  name  from  Palestine  beginning  with  the 
syllable  "mer"  is  quite  to  be  expected  also,  as  there  are  twelve 
Bible  names  (aside  from  some  Persian  and  other  foreign  names), 
beginning  with  "mer."  Brugsch  (Geographische  Inschriften, 
p.  68)  reads  this  sign  "mer,"  so,  also,  Rosellini  quoting  Lepsius. 

But  the  "r=u,  canal"  is  ^thought  by  some  to  be  also  an 
alphabetic  character  used  in  transliteration  as  an  equivalent 
for  the  Semitic  "«."  It  is  so  used  by  Brugsch  ,in  this  same 
list  (Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs,  Broderick  edition,  p.  376), 
wherever  the  sign  occurs  at  the  beginning  of  a  name,  not- 
withstanding that  he  had  [read  the  sign  "mer"  in  his  Geo- 
graphische Inschriften.  Erman,  also,  according  to  Breasted 
(Ancient  Records,  p.  353),  so  reads  the  sign  in  this  instance, 
though  Erman  in  his  Egyptian  Grammar,  translated  by  Breasted, 
makes  it  only  probably  equivalent  not  to  "K,"  but  to  "N\" 
Muller  also  finds  the  "zz=r,  canal"  used  sometimes  as  the 
equivalent  of  "N."  ^ 

But  it  can  not  be  shown  that  Shoshenq's  scribe  always  used 
this  sign  for  an  initial  "N"  in  the  list  which  he  was  copying, 
for  even  if  it  could  be  shown  that  wherever  the  "HHE,  canal" 
occurs  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  he  used  it  for  "  N,"  it  remains 
that  in  three,  and  probably  four,  instances  (Names,  32,  66, 
108  and  12(?))  he  used  another  hieroglyph  for  initial  "a," 
which  may  have  been  an  "N"  in  the  Canaanite  list  which  he 
was  copying. 

(b)  The  second  sign,  "  ^^,  the  crane,"  is  usually  a  syllabic 

for  "ba"  or  "bi"  and  is  certainly  so  used  here,  and  the  Egyptian 
scribe  with  this  list  of  names  before  him,  probably  in  Phoenician 
script,  must  have  chosen  this  sign  intentionally,  as  he  has 
placed  after  it  the  character  "  I "  a  determinative  of  rather 
indefinite  signification  which  sometimes  in  transliteration  in- 
dicates for  us  the  end  of  a  'syllable  (Muller's  Researches  for 
Carnegie  Institute:  list  of  Shoshenq  7,  names  13  and  38;  list 
Thothmes  III,  name  84;  list  of  Barneses  333,  name  73),  besides, 
had  he  wished  an  alphabetic  character  for  "b,"  he  had  it  at 

hand  in  the  much  more  usual  " Jj,  the  boot."  Brugsch,  in  the 
Geographische  Inschrijten.  p.  68,  strangely  mistook  this  sign 


90  M.  G.  Kyle,  [1911. 

for  "  vl^j  the   goose"  and  transliterated  it   "s,"  but  corrects 

this  in  his  Egypt  under  the  Pharaohs. 

(c)  The  third  sign  "<=>,  the  mouth,"  either  "ro"  or  "ra," 
is  here   also   most   probably  a   syllable,  for  though  it  is  very 
often  used  as  an  alphabetic  character,  it,  also,  is  here  followed 
by  the  termination  of  a  syllable.     But  the  Egyptians  did  not 
clearly  distinguished  between  "r"  and  "1."    This  sign  was  used 
for  both  these  letters,  as  in  the  well-known  instance  in  the 
name  "Israel"  in  Mer-em-ptah's  hymn  of  victory.    Maspero  in 
the  Transactions  of  the  Victorian  Institute,  27,  83,  so  trans- 
literates it  here. 

(d)  The  fourth  sign  " >>,  the  half  part"  is  a  New  Empire 

sign  for  "m."     It  admits  of  no  discussion,  and,  indeed,  none, 
I  believe,   has   arisen   concerning   it.     But   as   the    preceding 
syllable  is  closed,  it  begins  a  syllable  here  and  can  not,  with- 
out straining,  be  suffixed  to  the  preceding  syllable  "r"  to  make 
"ram"   in   the   name  "Abram."     It   should   be  followed  by  a 
vowel  and  in  this  case  the  scribe  has  written  the  vowel.^ 

(5)  The  fifth  sign,  " o,  the  arm,"  according  to  Erman  in 

his  Egyptian  Grammar,  translated  by  Breasted,  is  equivalent 
to  Semitic  "y"  and,  in  any  case,  whether  one  accepts  the 
equating  of  Egyptian  and  Semitic  vowel  letters  or  not,  is  the 
strongest  of  the  Egyptian  vowel  letters,  but  is  entirely  ignored 
in  the  transliteration  "Abram." 

The  examination  of  the  reading  "The  Field  of  Abram"  may 
be  summarized  thus: 

(1)  The  inscription  on  Shield  71,  "Pa  hekla,"  is  not  a  part 
of  the  name,  but  a  Canaanite   descriptive  phrase  like  "The 
villages  of,"  or  "The  environs  of." 

(2)  The  first  sign  of  shield  72,  "the  canal,"  may  be  an  "a" 
but  it  may  also  be  the  syllable  "mer,"  as  it  usually  is. 

(3)  The  second  sign,  "the  crane,"  is  clearly  intended  by  the 
scribe  to  be  a  syllable,  a  "b"  followed  by  a  vowel  and  not 
joined  immediately  to  the  "r"  following. 

(4)  The   third   sign,   "the   mouth,"  is  probably  an  "r"  but 
quite  possibly  an  "1"  and  in  either  case,  is  also  followed  by  a 
vowel  making  a  complete  syllable. 

(5)  The  fourth  sign,  "the  half  part,"  "m,"  can  not  naturally 
be  joined  to  the  "r"  preceding,  but  should  begin  a  syllable. 

(6)  The  last  sign,  "the  arm,"  is  a  strong  vowel  letter  which 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  ^  Field  of  Abrani"  in  the  Geographical  List,  &c.    91 

ought  not  without  special  reasons  to  be  ignored  in  the  trans- 
literation, and  in  fact  is  needed  after  the  "m." 

The  most  probable  transliteration  yielded  by  this  analysis 
is  --Merbiroma"  or  "Abiroma"  or  perhaps  better  still  "Abirama." 
The  identification  "Field  of  Abram,"  scarcely  comes  within 
the  bounds  of  possibility,  certainly  has  little  probability,  and 
any  theological  or  critical  discussion  made  to  depend  upon  it 
is  exceedingly  precarious,  not  to  say  hopeless. 


1-2 


List  of  Palestinian  Cities  by  Shoshenq  I 
From  W.  Max  Miiller's  Egyptological  Researches. 


Printed  by  "W.  Drugulin,  Leipzig  (Germany). 


The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.     Part  I:  The  K- Suf- 
fixes in  the  Veda  and  Avesta. — By  FRANKLIN  EDGEETON. 

Chapter  I. 
Description  of  the  Suffixes. 

1.  The  ultimate  aim  of  this  paper  is  to  give  a  complete  and 
detailed  account  of  the  suffix  -ka  and  related  suffixes  in  San- 
skrit and  Avestan,  covering  all  their  occurrences  throughout 
the  entire  history  of  the  languages,  so  far  as  these  are  access- 
ible.    For  both   theoretical  and  practical  reasons,  however,  it 
has  seemed  best  to  divide  the  Sanskrit  field,  and  the  first  part 
of  the  work  will  deal  exclusively  with  the  Yedic  period.     In 
that  term  I  mean  to  include  Mantras,  Brahmanas,  Aranyakas, 
Sutras  and  Upanisads,  so  far  as  their  linguistic  matter  is  avail- 
able.    I  have  gathered  the  materials  for  the  investigation  in 
the   first  place  from  Monier-Williams's   Lexicon,    2n<i  edition, 
supplemented  and  verified  by  constant  reference  to  the  larger 
and    smaller   Petersburg   lexicons   and   to   the   original   texts. 
The    number    of    cases    in    which    I    discovered    mistakes    in 
the  redaction  of  M.-W.'s  lexicon  was  so  small  as  to  be  en- 
tirely   negligible;    the*  small    sprinkling    of    wrong    references 
iVc.  which  have  come  to  my  notice  originated  in  nearly  every 
instance   in   the   Pet.  Lex.  itself.     I   feel   therefore    especially 
appreciative   towards   the   work  of  the  redactors  of  the    Ox- 
ford  lexicon,   Profs.   Leumann   and    Cappeller,   whose   careful 
scholarship   has   given  us  such   a   valuable  aid  to  this  sort  of 
research. 

2.  There  is,  however,  no  Sanskrit  lexicon  in  existence  which 
even  approaches  the  completeness  which  would  be  attained  by 
good  word-indices  of  the  various  works  included.    In  the  Veda, 
with   which   alone   we   are   now  concerned,  this  deficiency   is 
especially    felt   in    the    Sutra    and   TTpanisad   periods.     These 

VOL    XXXI.    Part  II.  7 


94  -F-  Edgerton,  [1911. 

seem  to  have  been  only  scantily  covered  by  the  Petersburg 
lexicon;  and  the  successors  of  Boehtlingk  and  Roth  have  done 
little  to  fill  the  gap.  Fortunately  we  now  have,  in  Col.  Jacob's 
excellent  Concordance,  a  word-list  of  the  principal  Upanisads; 
and  from  this  have  been  extracted  scores  of  words  in  -ha  which 
would  otherwise  have  been  unnoticed.  As  for  the  older  Vedic 
works,  the  indices  to  the  RV.  and  AY.  by  Grassmann  and 
Whitney  have  been  used  with  profit,  and  from  "Whitney  at 
least  several  AV.  words  have  been  discovered  w^hich  are  not 
in  any  lexicon.  These  facts  are  mentioned  as  showing  the 
crying  need  which  exists  for  indices  of  the  principal  Vedic 
works.  Until  they  are  produced  any  such  undertaking  as  the 
present  one  must  rest  for  the  most  part  on  the  more  or  less 
unstable  ground  of  the  dictionaries. 

3.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  defend  the  division  of  the  sub- 
ject into  the  Yedic  and  Post- Vedic  periods.    In  the  Veda  we 
find  the  small  beginnings  of  several  of  the  commonest  uses  of 
the  Classical  suffix  -Tea.    There  is  no  Classical  use  of  the  suffix 
which  is  not  foreshadowed  in  the  Veda ;  but  there  are  one  or 
two  Vedic  uses  which  practically  die  out  before  Classical  times. 
That  is  to  say,  we  find  here,  as  in  most  other  linguistic  points, 
that  in  general  there  is  a  line  of  cleavage  between  the  Veda 
and  the  Sanskrit  of  later  times,  although  as  a  matter  of  course 
the  two  periods  shade  into  each  other,  and  there  is  in  reality 
no  such  sharp  break  as  we  are  compelled  to  make  for  practical 
purposes.     In  fact,   as  far  as  the  suffix  -ka  is  concerned,  the 
Upanisads  show  uses  which  agree  much  more  closely  with  the 
language  of  the  Mahabharata  than  with  that  of  the  Brahmanas, 
to  say  nothing   of  the  Vedic   mantras.     Nevertheless,  I  have 
not  ventured  to  disturb  the  traditional  classification,  which  of 
course    is    on    the    whole   justifiable,    and    have    included    the 
Upanisads  in  the  Veda. 

4.  The  suffix  -ka  in  all  its  ramifications  is  one  of  the  com- 
monest suffixes  of  the  Classical  Sanskrit  language;  and  although 
it  is  much  less  common  in  the  Veda,  it  is  by  no  means  rai 
from  the  earliest  times. 

5.  I  shall  not  at  present  attempt  to  go  extensively  into  the 
question  of  the  prehistoric  (I.E.)  suffix  or  suffixes  from  which 
the  Sanskrit  ka  is  derived.     According  to  the  theory  of  gut- 
turals now  usually  accepted,  Skt.  k  may  go  back  to  I.E.  k  or 
q.     And   accordingly   two   independent   suffixes,  I.E.  -kos  and 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  '.•:> 

-qos,  are  actually  assumed  by  Brugmaim  as  antecedents  of 
Skt.  fea,— certainly  not  without  much  show  of  probability  (cf. 
Lai.  -quus  and  -cus).  Whether  right  or  wrong,  this  division 
of  the  suffix  is  not  only  unnecessary  but  quite  impossible  within 
the  Sanskrit  language  itself.  It  must  be  said  that  the  suffix 
-ka  on  the  whole  presents  itself  to  the  feeling  of  the  investigator 
as  a  single  unified  and  coherent  suffix,  which  in  the  early 
language  at  least  is  quite  clearly  and  narrowly  circumscribed 
in  its  use.  The  widely  divergent  meanings  which  forms  of  the 
suffix  show  in  some  later  developments  are  all  demonstrable 
secondary  in  point  of  time,  and  in  most  cases  it  is  furthermore 
easy  to  trace  their  semantic  evolution  from  one  or  another  of 
the  more  primitive  uses. — In  Chapter  VI  we  shall  take  up 
the  use  of  the  suffix  in  Avestan,  and  shall  also  add  a  few 
words  on  its  appearance  in  Lithuanian  (based  on  Leskien's 
work).  From  these  may  then  be  deduced,  in  a  very  tentative 
and  experimental  way,  an  outline  of  the  apparent  uses  of  the 
suffix  in  the  Ursprache  in  so  far  as  they  are  indicated  by 
these  languages. 

(i.  Forms  of  the  ka- suffixes.— The  Veda  has  a  few  adverbial 
forms  (fdhak  &c.)  where  the  suffix  is  simple  -k.  There  is  a 
small  group  of  words  of  doubtful  relationship  in  -ku.  usually 
preceded  by  a;  they  are  very  few  in  number,  and  show  no 
agreement  as  to  signification,  so  that  I  have  not  thought  it 
worth  while  to  make  an  independent  chapter  of  the  suffix  -ku 
or  -akUj  but  have  treated  these  words  along  with  the  ka  suffix. 
The  Classical  Skt.  has  a  few  words  which  seem  to  show  a 
suffix  -A'i,  generally  forming  patronymics;  cf.  sdurdki  (M.S.  3. 
1.  3)  which  may  be  a  Vedic  instance.  Otherwise  all  the  suf- 
fixes which  we  treat  here  end  in  -ka  masc.  or  neut.  and  -ka  or 
-kl  fern. 

7.  The  feminine  -ikd. — In  all  cases  of  masc.  and  neut.  words 
in  the  suffix  ka  preceded  by  a,  whether  the  a  is  part  of  the  base 
or  of  the  suffix,  it  is  possible  (and  in  most  cases  usual)  to  form 
corresponding  feminines  in  -ikd,  rather  than  in  a-kd  or  a-ki. 
This  rule  applies  to  all  periods  of  the  Skt.  language  from  RV. 
onwurd  (cf.  iyattakd  -iyattikti,  a  RV.  instance).  The  fern,  forms 
aki  and  akd  are.  however,  not  rare:  and  even  tin  appears  to 
he  found  from  an  oka  masculine  in  one  or  two  cases  (see  s.  v. 
dtiki,  General  Index),  though  this  is  not  certain. — Because  of 
the  regularity  of  the  fern,  in  ikd  it  becomes  unnecessary — and 


<M>  F.  Edgerton,  [I9il. 

in  fact  impossible — to  set  up  a  separate  category  for  these 
words.  Where  a  masculine  word  in  -aha  requires  a  feminine, 
the  ending  ika  is  to  be  expected;  and  all  statements  in  this  . 
thesis  are  to  be  understood  with  that  in  view.  It  should  at 
the  same  time  be  borne  in  mind  that  aki  and  aha  also  occur, 
sometimes  from  the  same  words  which  also  form  the  more 
regular  fern,  in  -ika.  There  seems  to  be  no  rule  by  which  it 
can  be  determined  antecedently  what  form  of  the  feminine  is 
to  be  expected. 

This  formation  appears  to  1)6  an  inheritance  from  something 
of  the  same  sort  in  the  Ursprache  (cf.  the  Lithuanian  pheno- 
mena mentioned  in  §  117).  It  is  doubtless  connected  with 
the  fern,  suffix  1.  associated  so  commonly  with  masculines  in  a. 
The  regular  fern,  of  any  adjective  stem  in  a  was  formed  with 
1\  and  it  was  an  easy  step,  therefore,  to  form  a  fern,  in  i-ka 
(with  I  instead  of  i,  §  32 b)  to  |a  masc.  in  a-ka,  by  taking  the 
fern,  of  the  original  adjective  as  a  base.  This  was  then  general- 
ized into  a  "suffix  ika."  applied  as  a  fern,  to  any  masc.  in  -aka. 
even  when  no  fern,  base  in  1  could  have  existed.  Other  for- 
mations from  feminine  adjectival  bases  are  lohinikd  (Ap.  Qr.  &c.) 
from  the  fern,  of  the  adj.  Idhita;  and  even  hariknikd  (AY.) 
from  a  fern.  *hdriknl  (not  preserved)  to  liarita,  like  dsiknl  to 
dsita. 

8.  The  Secondary  Siiffix  ka. — The  suffix  ka  is  essentially  a 
secondary  suffix ;  i.  e.  it .  is  affixed  to  nominal  or  pronominal 
stems.  There  are  a  few  words  in  which  it  has  the  appearance, 
at  least,  of  being  added  directly  to  roots  or  verbal  bases;  we 
shall  deal  with  them  later.  Secondary  ka  may  be  divided  into 
four  subdivisions.  For  practical  reasons,  because  I  have  been 
unable  to  invent  any  concise  and  appropriate  names,  I  have 
had  recourse  to  numbers  in  designating  them.  I  realize  that 
this  arbitrary  method  of  nomenclature  is  open  to  grave  ob- 
jections. But  any  truly  descriptive  names  for  these  categories 
would  be  so  cumbrous  as  to  be  quite  incapable  of  practical 
use:  and  it  has  therefore  seemed  better  to  me  to  have  recourse 
frankly  to  numerals  as  arbitrary  symbols  instead  of  applying 
incomplete  or  misleading^epithets. 

A.  The  Suffix  i  ka.  (Nouns  or  Adjectives  of  Similarity 
or  Characteristic.) 

9.  The  suffix  ka  is  added  to  nominal  stems  to  form  other 
nouns  or  adjectives,  with  the  meaning  "partaking  of  the  natu 


• 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo- Iranian.  <>7 

of,"  "having  the  characteristics  of,"  -'similar  to,"  "like;" — or, 
it  is  added  to  adjectives  or  adverbs  to  form  nouns  or  other 
adjectives  or  adverbs  with  the  meaning  "characterized  by." 
-having  the  quality  of." 

This  is  the  most  primitive  use  of  the  suffix,  at  least  as  a 
secondary  suffix.  All  other  secondary  uses  are  developt  out 
of  it, 

Ex.:  ndbnikd,  navel-like  cavity,  <ndbhi,  navel. — manika,  hump, 
water-jar,  <mani,  pearl,  lump  &c. — nadikti,  ^throat,  <nadi,  tube. 
^-madhyamikd,  middle  finger,  <  madhyama,  middle. — piitlka,  n. 
of  a  plant,  <ptiti,  foul-smelling. 

10.  (The  Diminutive  &a.)— From  the  meaning   "similar  to," 
ulike," — the   suffix  ka  often  comes  to  mean  "only  similar  to." 
i.e.,  "not  equal  to,"  and  thus  arise  the  well-known  diminutive, 
deprecatory  and   contemptuous  uses  of  the  suffix,  which  prob- 
ably existed  once  in  all  Indo-European   languages,  but  which 
are  more   striking   and  prominent  in  Sanskrit  than  anywhere 
else.     In  Sanskrit   the   suffix  may   be  added  with   some  such 
force  to  nouns,  adjectives,  pronouns,  adverbs,  participles,  and 
even    (once)   to    a   finite   verb-form.     A  detailed  classification 
will  be  undertaken  in  Chapter  IV;  for  the  present  it  will  be 
enough  to  distinguish  the  following  main  heads. 

I.  True  Diminutives  (of  size,  importance,  &c.):  as  kaninakd, 
little  boy,  <kanlna,  boy. — muhukd,  moment,  <muhu  (or  muhu). 
—arbhakd,  tiny,  <arbha,  small. — babhrukd,  brownish.  <babhrit, 
brown. — abhimddyatkd,  a  little  tipsy,  <abhimddyat,  drunk. — 
hotrka,  secondary  priest,  <~hbtr,  priest. 

11.  Endearing  Diminutives:   as   ambikd,   dear  little  mother, 
<amtri,  mother.— putrakd,  sonny,  <putrd,  son. 

III.  Pitying  Diminutives:  as  ksullakd,  poor  (helpless)  little, 
<ksudrd  (*ksulld,  prakritized  form). 

IV.  Diminutives  of  Inferiority  Avith  evil  connotation,  often 
•  ailed  Pejoratives:  including— 

(1)  Contemptuous  Diminutives,  where  the  idea  of  smallness 
carries  Avith  it  that  of  weakness  or  Avretchedness  and  contempt: 
as     usrikd,  worthless   bullock,  <usrd,   bull. — rdjakd,   Avretched 
kinglet,  <r6/jan,  king. — bhinnaka,  crushed  and  worthless,  <bhin- 
nd.  broken. 

(2)  Pejoratives  in  the  narrower  sense,  or  Imprecatory  Dimi- 
nutives as  I  have  ventured  to  call  them,  because  the  suffix  is 
often  equivalent   to  a  curse  or  imprecation  accompanying  the 


98  F.  Edgirton,  [1911. 

word  to  which  it  is  applied:  as — agvaha,  accursed  horse,  <  a$va, 
horse, — anantdka.  accursed  Ananta  (a  serpent-demon).— rtipalca. 
evil  phantom,  <  rupd,  shade. — krtaka,  artificial,  false,  <  krta, 
made. — anyaha,  other  scoundrels,  <anya,  other. 

(3)  Diminutives  of  Obscene  Humor,  in  a  certain  range  of 
popular  composition  which  is  offensive  to  modern  sensibilities, 
and  presumably  for  that  reason  little  noticed  as  yet.  For  in- 
stance, in  the  lascivious  ribaldry  of  some  of  the  Kuntapa  hymns, 
and  in  parts  of  the  Acvamedha  ceremony,  various  slang  terms 
of  extreme  vulgarity  appear  with  this  suffix:  as — dhdniM, 
dhdrakd,  the  vagina,  <  dhdna,  dhara,  receptacle. — claksmkd  adj. 
slippery,  of  the  sexual  organs  in  coition.  <$lahsna,  slippery.— 
muska,  testicle,  <m?1s,  mouse. 

Modern  parallels  will  doubtless  occur  to  everyone.1 

V.  Generic  Diminutives,  with  nouns  of  masculinity  and  femi- 
ninity— like  Ger.  Mannchen,  Weilchen:  as — mrdkd  and  maryahd, 
male  (Mannchen),  <vird,  mdrya,  man;  so  dh&nuka,  mahiluJca, 
female.     See  §  87  ff. 

VI.  Diminutive  as  attribute  of  the  female  sex,  and  gram- 
matical concomitant  of  feminine  gender.    See  §  90  below.    Kot 
to  be  confused  with  the  foregoing,  which  is  of  totally  different 
nature  and  origin.    Ex.:  pradldrika,  a  female  giver,  <praddtf, 
giver. — candriha,  the  moon  (as  fern.)  <  candrd,  moon  (masc.). 

B.  The  Suffix  2  ka.  (Adjectives  of  Appurtenance  or  Re- 
lationship.) 

11.  Kext,  the  suffix  lea  forms  secondary  epitheta,  mostly 
adjectives,  from  nouns  or  pronouns,  with  the  meanings  "con- 
nected with,"  "having  to  do  with,"  "belonging  to,"  "of;"'  and 
these  secondary  words,  in  many  if  not  most  cases,  take  Vricldhi 
in  the  first  syllable.  Here  are  to  be  included  the  patronymics 

1  These  three  categories,  and  especially  the  imprecatory  and  con- 
temptuous ones,  are  closely  connected.  It  is  often  hard,  and  sometimes 
next  to  impossible,  to  decide  which  idea  predominates  in  a  given  wnrd. 
For  instance  in  the  refrain  ndbhantdm  anyakesam  jydka  ddhi  dhdnvasu 
— KV.  10.  133.  Iff. — there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  an  imprecation  is 
hurled  at  certain  enemies:  "Let  the  damned  bowstrings  of  the  others, 
devil  take  them!  be  torn  off  from  their  bows!"  But  while  this  idea 
predominates,  it  would  be  rash  to  deny  the  presence  also  of  a  con- 
temptuous note ;  for  it  is  quite  like  a  Vedic  charm -maker  to  dwell  with 
great  insistence  on  the  scorn  he  pretends  to  feel  for  enemies,  however 
much  he  may  really  tremble  before  them.  Indeed,  this  is  a  common 
trick  of  magic  in  every  age  and  land. 


Vol.  xxxi.j          The  K-Sufjixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  <)<> 

which  are  occasionally  formed  with  this  suffix.  This  heading- 
is  of  course  developt  out  of  1  ka. — Ex.:  paguka.  animal  (adj.), 
of  an  animal,  <pdgu  or  pagti,  animal  (n.). — dtmaka,  of  the 
dtmdn. — cdturhotrkd,  of  the  cdturhotr  (}itc).—devaka,  divine. 
<  devd.  god. — asmdka,  ours,  of  us  <  asmd  (pron.  stem),  we. — 
napdtka,  pertaining  to  a  grandson,  <  ndpdt.  grandson. 

Whitney,  whose  entire  treatment   of  the  suffix  suffers  from 
over-reliance   on   the  native   grammarians,   does  not   recognize 
the    use    of  the   simple   ka  with  Vriddhi,   and    calls  Ihdvatka 
(classical)  <  lhavat  "anomalous."    Instead  he  follows  the  Hindus 
in  setting   up  (1222 j,  k,  1)  two  Vriddhi-taking   secondary  suf- 
fixes, aka  and  ika,  of  which  he  says  that  no  instances  of  oka 
{unless  mdmaka)  and  few  of  ika  have  been  noted  in  the  Veda, 
—meaning,  doubtless,  the  Vedic  Mantras.1    The  facts  are  these: 
In  the  second  category  of  the  suffix  ka,  the  non-possessive 
secondary  adjectives,2  the  derived  suffix  ika  (see  §  14)  makes 
a  strong  bid  to   drive  out   of  the  field  its  competitor  ka.     In 
the  Yeda,  if  we   count  i-stems  like  agnika  &c.  as  having  the 
suffix  ika,  there  have  been  recorded  118  words  in  -ika,  50  in 
-ka  (besides  3  in  which  ka  follows  an  i-stem  with  no  Vriddhi). 
Among  the  -ika  words,  Vriddhi  overwhelmingly  predominates ; 
in   the    -ka   words,  it   appears   in   more    than    half  the   cases. 
Exact  figures  cannot  be  given  with  safety,  because  in  some  cases 
the  primary  word  had  itself  a  Vriddhied  vowel,  and  in  others 
its  stem  ended  in  -i.     There   are  only  13  cases  where   ika  in 
this  sense  certainly  occurs  without  Vriddhi,  out   of  118.     Out 
of  the  50  clear  cases  of  the   suffix  -ka  (i.  e.  where  the  suffix 
cannot    be    confused   with   ika)    21    clearly    have    Vriddhi,    19 
clearly  do  not  have  it,  and  10  are  doubtful.    Of  the  21  which 
have  Vriddhi.  14  are  formed  from  a-stems  (or  att-stems,  weak 
irrade  in  -a),  but  seven  from  stems  in  other  finals,  showing  con- 
clusively that  the  suffix  must  have  been  ka,  not  aka.    The  Class- 
ical language  adds  many  other  instances:    this   suffix  is  much 
commoner  there  than  in  the  Veda.     The  supposed  secondary 
Vriddhi-causing  suffix  aka  is  largely  or  wholly  a  grammatical 
fiction;  in  the  Veda  at  least,  it  never  existed  at  all.     Instead 


1  But  even  so  restricted  the  statement  is  inaccurate;  e.  g.  cdturhotrkd 

(M.S.)    and    karerakd,    patronymic    from   kuvera  (AV.);    also 
(RY.)  analogous  to  mumaka,  and  others. 

2  Which  alone  are  concerned  here,  since  Vriddhi  occurs  nowhere  else. 


100  F.  Edgerton,  ~  [191L 

we  must  recognize  this  secondary  Vriddhi-causing  use  of  the 
suffix  -ka  added  both  to  a-stems  and  to  others.  Tho  never 
excessively  common,  it  occurs  earlier  and  more  frequently  than 
the  grammars  have  so  far  given  it  credit  for. 

C.  The  Suffix  3  ka.  (Adjectives  or  Substantives  of  Possession.) 

12.  The  third  category   of  the  secondary  suffix  ka  is  made 
up  principally  of  secondary  adjectives  (as  in  the  case  of  2  Jed) 
with  the  meaning  "having,"  "possessing;"  also  "consisting  of," 
with  numerals, — a  frequent  use.     Ex.:  parutka,  having  joints, 
<  par  us,  joint. — dvdrdka,  n.  of  a  city,  "City  of  Gates,"  <  dvdra. 
—dndJka,  having  bulbs,  <  dndl,  egg,  bulb. — catuska,  having  or 
containing  or  consisting  of  four,  <  catus',  so  dagaka  &c. 

This  force  of  the  suffix  is  not  very  common  with  uncom- 
pounded  words.  But  because  of  the  accidental  appropriateness 
in  semantics,  it  was  added  frequently  to  Baliuvrihi  compounds, 
and  gradually  came  to  be  felt  as  peculiarly  appropiate  to  them. 
There  are  a  few  instances  of  this  in  the  Vedic  mantras.  In 
the  Brahmanas  it  becomes  not  uncommon;  its  frequency  con- 
stantly increases  in  the  Sutras  and  especially  in  the  Upanisads, 
where  it  nourishes  with  as  much  luxuriance  as  in  the  later 
language. — -In  the  early  parts  of  the  Veda  it  is  interesting  to 
note  that  it  is  much  commoner  wrhen  the  last  part  of  the 
compound  is  not  an  a-stem,  and  is  especially  frequent  with 
consonantal  stems,  showing  a  vigorous  (even  if  unconscious) 
striving  after  uniformity  of  declension  at  that  early  time.  By 
means  of  the  harmless  suffix  ka  any  Bahuvrlhi  (as  in  later 
Skt.  any  noun  whatever)  not  of  the  a-declension  could  be 
easily  brought  into  line  with  the  a-stems,  which  formed  the 
great  bulk  of  the  noun  declension. — See  §  53  ff.,  especially  54. 
Examples  are:  acaksitska,  having  no  eyes,  <  a  -f  caksus,  eye. — 
trikadruka,  having  three  kddrus,  <  tri  +  kadru,  a  sort  of  vessel. 
— saptadhdtuka,  having  (consisting  of)  seven  elements,  <  saptd 
+  dhdtu,  element. 

D.  The  Suffix  4  ka.     (Active  or  Verbal  words.) 

13.  In  a  few  secondary  formations,— to  wit:  dntaka  ("Ender," 
Death,  <  dnta,  end)  gitaka,  hlddaka,  ydcanaka  and  vimanyuka 
—the  suffix  ka  has    distinctly  an   active  verbal  force.     These 
words  may  be  more  conveniently  treated  in  connection  with 
the    derivative    fca-suffixes   which   show    the   same   value;    see 
§  19.     The  origin   of  this  usage  lies  perhaps   partly  in  some 
of  these  derivative   suffixes   themselves,    and   certainly  in  part 


Vo).  xxxi.]  The  K-Sitfjixes  of  Indo-  Iranian.  101 


in  the    -primary*'    ka    words   of  corresponding    meaning 

S  *8)- 

14  The  Suffix  ika.—  This  is  a  secondary  adjective-forming 
suftix  whose  range  of  meaning  exactly  coincides  with  2  ka  and 
X  A'fl,  but  chiefly  with  2  A:a;  in  the  possessive-adjective  sense 
it  is  very  rare.  It  must  of  course  have  originated,  by  clipping, 
from  i-stems  +  suftix  ka.  The  adjectives  formed  with  it  show 
meanings  like  "connected  with,"  "belonging  to,"  "of."  It  almost 
always  (iii  these  meanings,  =  2  ka)  causes  Yriddhi  of  the  first 
syllable;  and  if  the  primary  word  is  a  compound,  it  occasionally 
takes  Yriddhi  in  the  first  syllable  of  both  its  parts.  I  have 
found  only  13  cases  in  the  Veda  where  Yriddhi  does  not 
occur.  See  §  11.  —  The  Yriddhi-causing  suffix  ika  is  a  markt 
i  -liar  act  eristic  of  the  language  of  the  Sutras,  where  it  is  very 
common.  In  the  Brahmanas  it  is  rare;  in  the  Mantras  almost 
unknown;  in  the  Upanisads,  while  not  uncommon,  it  is  much 
less  frequent  than  in  the  Sutras.  Ex.  (=  3  ka)\  tundika,  hav- 
ing tumla's  (tusks  or  teeth).  —  (==  2  ka):  jyotistomika  of  the 
jyotistoma  (rite).—dgnistomika,  of  the  agnistomd  (rite),  anuyajika, 
of  the  after-sacrifice  (anuyaja).  —  cdturthika,  of  the  4th  (day), 
<  caturtha,  fourth. 

15.  The  Suffix  aka.  —  This  appears  (certainly  in  the  Yeda) 
only  as    a  -primary"  suffix,    added   to    verbal   rather  than   to 
nominal   liases,  —  if  we  rule  out  the  two  words  madhvaka  and 
prsdtaka,  apparently  formed  from  mddhu  and  pf  sat  respectively.1 

Perhaps  a  *wadhva  and  a  *prsata  are  to  be  hypothetized.  — 
Three  uses  of  -'primary"  aka  occur.  Of  course  they  cannot  be 
primitive;  they  must  have  arisen  through  suffixal  adaptation 
from  secondary  noun  formations  in  a-ka\  but  one  of  them  at 
least  heroines  so  widespread  that  it  cannot  be  denied  its  in- 
dependence. The  other  two  stand  on  more  uncertain  foun- 
dations; but  on  the  whole  some  limited  range  may  best  be 
allowed  to  them  too. 

16.  (1)  Most  dubious,  and  showing  least  claim  to  independent 
rank,  is  this  branch  of  the  suffix  aka.    The  KY.  contains  two 
\\ords  in  which  -aka  seems  to  convey  the  force  of  a  gerundive- 
adjective.    They  are  sdyaka  "to  be  cast,"  and  as  a  noun  "arrow;" 


1  Note  that  neither  has  Yriddhi;  cf.  §  11,  where  the  supposed  "second- 
ary suffix  rtA-a''  is  delt  with.     Cf.  also  patantaka  (Word   U>t.  s.  v.) 


102  F.  Edgerlon,  [1911. 

and  su-labhikd  (fern,  to  '-*aka)  l  "easily  to  be  won,"  from  the 
roots  si  and  laWi.  It  has  heen  usual  among  grammarians  to 
class  sdyaka  with  3  oka  as  a  participial  adjective,  which  does 
violence  to  its  meaning  (not  "throwing,"  but  "to  be  thrown"!) 
No  noun  sdya  exists  with  any  meaning  from  which  it  could 
possibly  be  derived.  As  for  sulabhika,  though  by  some  mental 
contortions  it  might  be  derived  from  the  noun  lablia,  it  is 
certainly  much  more  simple  and  natural  to  regard  it  in  the  other 
light.  The  only  objection  is  that  there  seems  to  be  in  suld- 
lliikd  as  used  in  RV.  10.  86.  7  (the  only  occurrence)  a  sug- 
gestion of  the  obscene  (erotic)  Diminutive.  It  is  an  epithet 
addrest  by  Vrsakapi  to  Indrani;  the  whole  passage  where  it 
is  found  reeks  with  that  licentious  vulgarity  which  naturally 
suggests  such  a  value  in  the  suffix  -ka.  (See  §§  85,  86.)  This, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  me  necessarily  inconsistent  with  the 
derivation  of  the  word  put  forward.  Appearing  in  such  a 
context  any  word  in  fra,  however  reputable  in  origin,  was 
bound  to  take  on  the  vulgar  coloring  which  was  a  prominent 
characteristic  both  of  the  suffix  in  general,  and  of  the  verses 
in  which  the  word  appeared.  Probably  the  original  force 
of  the  word  was  gerundival,  and  the  obscene  suggestion  is 
secondary. 

17.  (2)  Secondly,  in  a  small  group  of  words  the  suffix  aha 
seems  to  give  the  value  of  a  noun  of  action,  when  added  to 
a  verbal  root.  As  the  primary  suffix  -a  often  has  this  mean- 
ing, it  is  easy  to  see  how  this  force  of  oka  originated,  through 
the  medium  of  -a  +  secondary  -lea.  There  are  not  many  of 
these  words  which  occur  without  the  occurrence  of  a  parallel 
noun  in  -a;  they  number  not  more  than  seven  or  eight  in  the 
entire  Yeda.  But  a  careful  consideration  of  the  words  and 
the  passages  where  they  occur  has  convinced  me  of  the  genuine- 
ness of  this  use  of  the  suffix.  No  certain  instance  appears 
before  Brahmana  times. — The  root  has  the  same  form  which 
is  found  in  the  next  category  of  -aka. — The  nouns  are  mostly 
neuter  (e.  g.  dgaka  in  an-dgaka,  not-eating,  a  fast.  <  ag-  eat); 

i  It  lias  been  suggested  to  me  that  suldbhikd  might  be  considered  to 
have  an  active  value;  in  other  words,  that  the  usual  interpretation  is 
wrong,  and  that  the  word  means  "well  embracing,  giving  a  good  embrace." 
This  is  possible;  but  against  it  must  be  reckoned  the  fact  that  this  active 
force  of  the  suffix  aka  is  practically  not  found  in  the  earliest  period  of 
the  language.  In  fact,  the  RV.  has  not  a  single  instance. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Sufjixes  of  Lido-Iranian  In:; 

but  one  certain  fern,  in  -ikd  occurs — abhimethika  (QBr.)  <  ab'hi— 
Yrnifh.    See  §  95. 

18.  (3)  The  only  commonly  recognized  use  of  primary  -aha 
is  its  use  in  forming  nouns  of  agent  or  adjectives  of  participial 
value   from  verb-roots.     It  is   a  late  development,  by  analogy 
from  certain  words  in  simple  -lea.     There  is  not  one  instance 
in  the  BY.;  foTpavaka*  (so  explained  by  Sayana — "gobhaka"- 
"purifying")    and   sayaka   (see  §  16)    do   not   fit    semantically. 
The  earliest  instances  are  all  nouns  of  agent  (1   or  2  in  AV., 

2  in  VS.,  2  in  the  Brahmanas).    Of  six  instances  in  the  Sutras, 
five  are  nouns.    Only  in  the  Upanisads  does  the  suffix  acquire 
any  frequency,  and    only  here  does   it  develop    into  a  regular 
verbal  adjective,  equivalent  to  a  present  participle,  and  some- 
times  taking    participial    constructions.     The   Upanisads  have 
over  30  examples.    They  represent,  in  this  respect  as  in  others, 
approximately  the  condition  of  the  later  language.    See  §§  96, 
97.    Ex.:  abhikrogaka,  reviler,   <abhi-krus,   revile. — samjwaka, 
animating.    <sam-jiv,    animate.- — yacaka,    begging,    a    beggar. 

<  yac,  beg. 

1 9.  The  origin  of  the  suffix  is  not  quite  so  simple  as  might 
appear  at  first  sight.    It  is,  indeed,  not  uncommon  to  find  the 
primary  suffix  -a  giving  the  force  of  a  noun  of  agent,  or  even 
of  a  verbal  adjective.     But  it  so  happens  that  there  are  very 
few  demonstrable  cases  in  the  Veda  vwhere  to  such  a  noun  or 
adjective  was    formed  a  secondary  noun    or    adj.  in  -ka.     The 
nouns  vddJiaka  (AV.),  cdraka  (QB.),  ghdtaka,  varaka,  prasar- 
paka  (Sutras)  are  among  the  few  clear  instances  (from  vadlid. 
earn  ,v< .);  and  three  out  of  these  five  do  not  comply  with  the 
custom  of  -aka  words  in  regard  to  the  form  of  the  root  (see 
S  ^(>).    Because  of  this  fact,  and  because  the  words  vadhct  cvc. 
"(vur.  while  the  suffix  aka  was  at  that  time  scarcely  felt  to  be 
in    existence,   it    is    better    to   regard   these  words   as   derived 
from  the  nouns  vadlid  tv.c.  and  containing  secondary  ka.    But 
they    represent    a    transition    stage. — There    are    furthermore 

<  rtain    other    -ka   formations   which    assisted   in    the  process. 
Primary  k«  seems  to  show  this  meaning;  so  pivali-sphaka  (AV.) 

1  pavdka,  not  pdvdka,  is  demanded  by  the  meter  throughout  the  RV. 
The  word  contains  no  active  force,  but  is  simply  an  adj.  meaning  "clear, 
l'ii-ht."  Jts  exact  formation  is  not  certain,  though  its  connexion  with  1  p>~> 
i  obvious ;  it  is  probably  a  primary  derivative,  but  cannot  be  c-last  with 

3  aka. 


104  F.  Edgerion,  [1911. 

•'dripping  with  fat"  from  spha(i).  See  §  28.— And  secondary 
-Ita  forms  four  or  five  words  with  a  similar  force.  The  noun 
dntaka  (AY.  &c.)  has  from  its  first  appearance  a  quasi-active 
value;  it  is  translated  "ender,"  and  is  a  frequent  epithet  of 
death.  Closely  parallel  to  dntaka  are  the  two  words,  gltaka 
and  hlddaka  (in  the  fern,  ika)  RY.  10.  16.  14  =  AY.  18.  3.  60.— 
Though  they  cannot  be  anything  but  secondary  derivatives 
from  the  adjective  gltd  and  the  noun  hldda,  they  have  markedly 
active  meanings:  "cooling"  and  "refreshing,"  or,  as  it  were, 
"refreshmenting."  Most  translators  recognize  this;  that  it  was 
so  felt  by  the  Hindus  from  the  earliest  times  is  shown  by  the 
extremely  interesting  parallel  TAr.  6.  4.  1,  where  in  the  same 
verse  hlddukd  appears  for  hlddikd.  The  suffix  uka,  as  we  shall 
see  (§  22),  is  the  regular  Brahmana  formation  for  verbal  ad- 
jectives, like  -aka  of  later  times.  It  thus  appears  that  the 
TAr.  compiler  felt  the  words  distinctly  as  verbal,  and,  perhaps 
unconsciously,  changed  hlddikd  to  look  like  an  -uka  formation 
from  VJilad.  That  gitikd  did  not  in  like  manner  become 
*gitukd  is  due  simply  to  the  fact  that  no  root  *fit  existed, 
from  which  such  a  form  could  be  derived.1  The  word  v'tman- 
•yuka  "freeing  from  anger,  allaying  wrath"  is  in  like  manner 
an  active  derivative  from  vimanyu  "free  from  anger;"  cf.  suffix 
uka,  §  22. 

20.  The   root-syllable   must   be   metrically  long   before    oka, 
and   unless    it    ends    in    two    consonants   or   in   one  consonant 
preceded  by  a  long  vowel,  it  is  strengthened, — by  Yriddhi   of 
a,    by  Guna  of  other    short  vowels.     A   final   vowel,   long    or 
short,  always  takes  Yriddhi.     These  rules   hold   for  the  Yedu 
without  exception, — except  that  if  kfttikd  (see  General  Index) 
is  really  a  noun  of  instrument  or  agent  from  Vkrt  with  aka 
(ika),  the  root  in  this  case  doubles  its  final  consonant  by  way 
of  strengthening,    instead    of  gunating    its  vowel.     There   are 
further  exceptions  and  complications  in  the  Classical  language 
which  I  shall  not  go  into  here.    If  dhuvaka  (see  §  96)  is  really 
a  Yedic  occurrence,  it  also  is  exceptional. 

21.  The  Suffix  uka. — (1)  Secondary.    There  are  four  words 
in  the  Yeda  which  have  the  appearance  of  containing  a  second- 

1  Ydcanaka,  beggar,  <ydcana,  request,  is  another  instance  of  second- 
ary -lea  with  active  meaning,  forming  a  sort  of  noun  of  agent,  But  as 
this  word  does  not  occur  until  Upanisad  times,  it  may  be  due  to  analogy 
with  the  suffix  -aka  (cf.  udbhrdntaka,  §  44  end,  Note). 


Vol.  xxxi.j          The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  105 

ary  suffix  -uka.  But  two  of  these  are  a.ira£  Aeyo/zeva  and  ought 
perhaps  to  be  emended:  one  is  analogical,  and  the  fourth  is 
very  doubtful.  The  adjectives  dhdrmuka  and  sdmndhuka  appear, 
each  once,  from  dharma  and  samndha]  they  correspond  in 
meaning  and  in  the  Vriddhi  vowel  to  the  ?A;a-adjectives.  and 
perhaps  -ika  should  be  the  reading  instead  of  -uka;  compare, 
however,  the  Classical  Skt.  words  kdrmuka  <karman,  and  ndn- 
duka  ii.  pr.  apparently  <  nanda. — On  mahilukd  "female,"  <  mahild 
•'woman"  see  §  89;  it  has  its  -u-ka  by  analogy  from  dhenu-kd. 
The  only  other  possible  case  of  secondary  -uka  in  the  Veda 
is  kdnukd  RV.  8.  77.  4,  an  epithet  of  soma-vessels  which  has 
never  been  satisfactorily  explained.  I  suggest  tentatively  a 
derivation  from  kdnd-  "one-eyed."  Such  a  figure  might  easily 
be  suggested  by  a  jug  with  a  small  opening  and  a  large  bulging 
body.  The  vowel  u  is  the  most  serious  obstacle  to  the  etymology. 

22.  (2)  Primary.  The  chief  use  of  uka  is  in  the  formation 
of  the  well-known  verbal  adjectives  with  participial  meaning 
(and  construction,  in  many  cases).  The  chief  sphere  of  these 
words  is,  as  has  been  often  observed,  the  Brahmana  literature. 
There  are  very  few  occurrences  in  the  Samhitas;  and  they  are 
not  numerous  in  the  post-Brahmanical  literature.  Even  in  the 
epic,  however,  the  formation  continues  to  show  a  few  feeble 
signs  of  life.  These  may  be  artificial  or  learned  reminiscences. 
Ex.: — vyayuka,  running  away,  <  vi-i,  run  away. —  ardhuka. 
prospering,  <rdh.  prosper. — upaddsuka,  failing,  <upa-das,  fail. 

In  separating  Samhita  from  Brahmana  occurrences,  the 
Black  YY.  texts  present  difficulties,  in  that  by  intermingling 
the  two  they  make  it  impossible  to  tell  from  lexical  references 
whether  a  given  passage  is  Samhita  or  Brahmana;  while  some 
of  the  texts  are  unpublisht  and  hence  inaccessible  to  the  or- 
dinary student.  However,  all  the  recorded  instances  of  the 
suffix  -uka  in  the  publish!  texts  of  the  YY.,  both  White  and 
i-Jlack.  have  been  examined,  and  they  have  turned  out  to  be 
all.  without  exception,  in  Brahmana  passages.  The  Samhitas. 
apparently,  do  not  have  the  suffix.  This  must  be  largely 
acridental,  however,  since  there  are  several  clear  cases  in  the 
AY. — The  few  cases  in  the  Sutras  that  are  known  to  me  are 
all  but  one  repeated  from  the  Brahmanas.  The  Cha.  Up.  has 
one  new  instance,  and  as  has  been  said  there  are  a  few  in 
the  later  language.  But  the  formation  practically  is  born  and 
dies  with  the  Brahmana  period.  Of  the  71  words,  represent- 


106  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

ing  57  different  verbal  roots,  found  in  the  Veda,  67  are  found 
in  the  Brahmanas  (incl.  Aranyakas),  and  most  of  them  no- 
where else.. 

23.  That  the  t^a-formation  is  somehow  connected  with  the 
•'present  tense  formatives"  in  u  (i.  e.  with  dissyllabic    bases  in 
u)  is  probable  antecedently,  and  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that 
some    of  the    earliest   instances   are    formed   from  such  verbs. 
The  only  RV.  example  is  sanuka  <  Vsan,  present  sanoti.    Here 
the  suffix  was  probably  in  reality  primary  ka  (q.  v.)  added  to 
the   present    stem  sanu-,    and    not  uka  at  all;   cf.  pwah  -sphd 
-ka  &c.     Another,  tho  somewhat  later  appearing,    case  of  the 
same  thing  is  rdhnuka  (Acr.  Grh.)  beside  drdhuka  (Br.)  <  Vrdh\ 
rdhnuka  is    from  the  present  stem  rdhnu,    and   has  in  reality 
the  primary  suffix  ka,  though  for  convenience  it  is  classed  with 
-uka.     Compare  further  the  secondary  formations  in  which  -ka 
adds  an  active  (verbal)  force.    (§§  13 — 19.)    Of  especial  interest 
here  is  vimanyuka  "allaying   anger"  from  vimanyu  "free  from 
anger." — In  some  words   in   the    early  language    it  is  hard  to 
say  whether  the  suffix  is  secondary  -ka  or  primary  -uka:  e.g. 
pramdyuka  (AY.  &c.)  "perishing,"  <pra-  Vml,  beside  pramdyu 
of  identical  meaning. — From  a  blend  of  these  various  formations 
arose  the  suffix  uka. 

24.  The  root  has  the  same  form  here  as  with  the  suffix  aka. 
A  final  vowel  has  Yriddhi;  a  non-final  long  vowel  is  unchanged; 
a  non-final   short  vowel   is   unchanged    except  before  a  single 
consonant,  in  which  case  it  takes  guna  (but  a  takes  vriddhi). 
Irregular  is  the  vriddhi  in  nirmarguka  (TS.)  <  nir-  Vmrj;  also 
the  short  vowel  in  -kasuka  (vi-,  sdm-kasuka-  AY.).     It  should 
be  further  remarked  that  the  present  stem  may  replace  the  root : 
cf.  sanuka  and   rdhnuka  above;    also   nanguka   besides  ndguka 
<  Vna$,  pres.   stem    nahg;    vibhinduka  <vi-  VWdd. — The  root 
Jian  forms  ghdtuka  as  is  to  be  expected  (see  Pan  7.  3.  22). 

In  one  instance  uka  seems  to  show  the  gerundival  use  which 
we  have  noted  in  one  or  two  aka  words,  and  which  also  crops 
out  in  the  suffix  -ika.     This  is  an-dlamWiukd  (KS;  TBr.)  < 
V^lambh,  "not   to   be   touched,"  of  a  woman   in   menstruatioi 
This  case  seems   to  be  the  only  one  with  uka.— This   turn 
meaning,  appearing    sporadically  in    different    forms  of  A'a-suf- 
fixes,  may  have  appurtained  to  the  primary  suffix  ka.  tho  sigi 
of  it  are  scanty  (see  §  28). 

25.  The  Suffix  uka.— This  is  added  to  intensive  verb-st< 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo- Iranian.  107 

forming  verbal  adjectives,  like  the  uka  words  from  sim])le  roots. 
Tlit*  u  has  the  accent.  The  suftix  seems  to  have  arisen  by  a 
sort  of  proportional  analogy  to  uka,  hut  makes  its  appearance 
curiously  early,  one  instance  heing  found  in  RV.,  and  that 
too  from  a  root  which  is  not  addicted  to  it-formations:  jayarftka 
-wakeful,"  RV.  3.  54.  7.  The  only  other  Vedic  examples  are 
dandagftka  (VS.)  and  yayajtika  (QBr.).  The  Classical  Skt.  has 
one  or  two  more. — salaltika  RV.  3.  30.  17  was  explained  by 
the  Hindus  as  belonging  here,  as  if  from  Vsr  ("sararuka") ; 
but  it  is  most  uncertain  and  probably  of  different  character; 
see  General  Index  s.  v.  It  seems  to  be  clearly  a  noun, 
probably  a  nomen  adionis,  and  so  quite  different  from  this 
suffix. 

2(5.  The  Suffix  ika. — This  is  the  most  problematic  of  the 
derivative  7/a-suffixes.  It  may  never  have  been  felt  very 
definitely  as  a  productive  suffix.  Many  cases  included  under 
it  are  doubtful  or  entirely  uncertain  in  etymology,  and  some 
of  them  may  contain  not  ika,  but  secondary  ka  added  to  a 
lost  stem  in  i.  Cf.  dgarlka,  vi-gar-,  from  V$f,  in  dissyllabic 
form  fan. 

In  so  far  as  wre  can  analyze  the  suffix  ika,  it  appears  to  be 
primary  as  a  rule,  and  most  often  imparts  the  value  of  a 
verbal  adjective  or  noun  of  agent,  like  aka  and  uka.  So  -rjlka, 
duxlka  &c.  Of  like  meaning  is  drglku  "beholder,"  V  dr£, — the 
only  instance  of  the  "suffix  ikti,"  (see  §  29  d). — In  two  words, 
/.sv/.vf  and  dfgika  "splendid  (i.  e.  to  be  seen),"  the  suffix  seems 
to  have  gerundival  force  (see  §  24). — There  are  two  abstract 
nouns,  mrdlkd  "mercy,  favor"  <  Vmrd  and  dfgika,  -lid,  appear- 
ance, <  Vdrg. — Three  or  four  ika  words  have  the  aspect  of 
secondary  noun  formations  from  a-stems;  the  a  is  dropt  before 
&e  suffix.  The  most  plausible  example  is  kagikd  "weasel" 
<k(ira.  Whether  these  are  really  from  lost  feminines  in  I 
c.iimot  he  determined. — In  some  Ika  words  the  i  represents  a 
stem-final  i  or  in  before  suffix  -ka',  see  §§  31,  32,  36. 

^7.  The  Adverbial  Suffix  -k. — In  half-a-dozen  very  ancient 
;  id  verbs  there  appears  a  suffix  -A;,  added  to  vocalic  stems  of 
nouns  or  adjectives,  apparently  merely  as  an  adverb-forming 
affix.  It  is  probably  a  petrified  form  of  the  adjectival  suffix 
-/,v/.  in  its  first  and  original  sense  (1  ka).1  I  find  no  proof  of 

1  It  is,  however,  possible  that  this  group  of  words  really  contains  a 
fonn^of  the  suffix  ancjac.  The  main  objection  to  regarding  them  in  this 


108  F..  Edgerton,  .[1911 

the  existence  here  of  any  developed  meaning  of  ka,  such  as  the 
diminutive.  The  words  are:  fdhak  or  rdhdk  "separately"  <base 
*rdha,  cf.  ardhd',  ninik  "secretly"  <  ninya,  cf.  §  29  a;  pfthak 
"in  a  scattered  manner,"  cf.  prthu,  prtlid  "palm  of  the  hand;" 
prabdhuk  "on  an  even  line"  <prabdhu\  visundk  "in  various 
directions"  (with  possibly  a  suggestion  of  imprecatory-diminutive 
value,  see  s.  v.  sanaka,  Chap.  IV,  §  .80);  <vmina;  vftliak 
"lightly"  &c.  <  base  vrtha.  whence  the  (instrum.)  adv.  vfthd 
(=  vfthak). — manak  probably  does  not  contain  this  suffix,  but 
a  form  of  the  root-suffix  owe,  like  prdilka  &c.  Mandndk,  sup- 
posed by  some  to  be  from  mandk,  cannot  possibly  be  so  ex- 
plained either  formally  or  semantically  (see  Ludwig  on  EY. 
10.  61.  6).  Ludwig  would  derive  it  from  manu  in  some  way. 
but  neither  this  nor  any  other  explanation  so  far  offered  is 
satisfactory.  The  word  looks  as  if  it  contained  some  form  of 
the  root  CMCLQ  :  nag  (fyeyKov).  But  it  is  still  too  dubious  in 
etymology  and  meaning  to  [permit  any  safe  conjecture  as  to 
the  suffix.  Could  mandnd  be  connected? 

28.  The  Primary  Suffix  ka. — The  words  which  are  thrown 
together  under  this  head  are  so  varied  in  meaning,  and  in 
many  cases  so  problematic  in  etymology,  that  I  despair  of 
giving  any  intelligible  or  intelligent  classification  of  them. 
There  seems  to  be  a  group  of  them  containing  more  or  less 
suggestion  of  that  verbal  adjective  idea  which  we  have  found 
in  the  suffixes  oka,  uka,  and  ika,  as  well  as  in  secondary  ka 
(4  ka,  §  13).  This  is  clearly  present  in  pwah-sphdkd  <  Vsplidi 
and  a  few  others;  perhaps  in  stokd  <  Vstu  in  ghrta-stdvas 
(AV.);  mtika  </ii>w,  mu-tus]  pdka  <  Vpd  ("suckling?"),  jdhakd 
"hedgehog,"  apparently  <  Vhd  and  others. — Whether  in  su- 
meka  <  Vmi  "well-established"  we  have  a  gerundival  use  (see 
§  24)  is  not  certain.  Words  like  gloka  and  guska  (Av.  lm$ka) 
are  perfectly  clear  in  their  etymological  belongings,  but  do  not 
lit  in  very  well  as  to  semantics  with  other  words  of  this  class. 
Some  of  the  words  are  hopelessly  obscure  and  may  not  contain 
a  suffixal  ka.— I  shall  give  the  list  (§  103)  in  alphabetical  order, 
not  attempting  to  classify  the  words  semantically. 

light  is  the  short  quantity  of  the  vowel  before  -k'}  the  suffix  -ac  in  com- 
bination with  a  vocalic  stem  regularly  produces  a  long  vowel  +  k. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  109 

Chapter  II. 
Samdhi. 

The  Samdhi  of  stem-finals  before  the  &a-suffixes. 
A.  The  Samdhi  of  Secondary  -ka.     §§  29—37. 
29.  a.  Before  secondary  ka  the  stem-final  a  regularly  remains 
unchanged.     But : 

a)  Final  ~ya  of  a  stem  appears  to  he  reduced  to  -i  before  ka 
in  a  few  cases,   pdrsthika  (Kdty.  Qr..  Ldty)  <  prsthyd. — bhasiha 
(Kdty.  Qr.,  Qankh.  Gr.)  prob.  <bhasya. — mangalikd  (AV.),  best 
derived  <mangalya. — ninik  (adv.)  (BY.)  <ninya. 

Note. — In  usrikd  (RV.)  <  usra  the  i  is  due  to  analogy  from  usriya. 
It  would  be  impossible  to  regard  the  suffix  as  -ika,  since  the  word  is 
obviously  a  contemptuous  dim.,  and  ika  is  never  used  in  that  sense,  at  least 
in  the  Veda. — Similarly  the  Bahuvrlhis  -varsika,  -$ilika,  -cdrika,  -samnyasika. 
all  from  stems  in  a,  are  influenced  in  their  vocalism  by  the  parallel  and 
equivalent  words  in  -varsin  &c. 

b)  In  one  instance  final  a  seems  to  be  dropt  entirely:  gdlka 
<  gala.     It    is   possible   that    galka   may    be   really    a   primary 
derivative  from  the  (hypothetical)  root  of  Qal-a.     In  this  con- 
nection it  should,  however,  be  mentioned  that  the  lexicographers 
quote  a  word  kinjala — not  yet  found  in  the  literature — with 
the  same  meaning  as  kinjalka— "plant-stalk";   and  cf.  further 
Av.  ndmadka,  from  and  =  ndmata. 

c)  In  some  cases  a  seems  to  be  substituted  for  a  before  ka. 
The   words    are  all  more  or  less   problematical,   and  some  of 
them  are  entirely  obscure.    Those  which  seem  most  plain  are: 
ekakin  (eka,  ekakd}\  chattrdka  (chattrd)\  tataka  (tata);  nabliaka 
n.  pr.  (nabha?);   patdka   cf.  Vpat    (primary?);    galdka    (gala)', 
pracaldkd  (pracala). — Very  dubious  are  rksaka  (fksa?)\  pin- 
ydka  (?);  pinaka  (n-iva£,   OSlav.  pini):  sauraki  (patron.;    from 
*surdka?). 

These  words,  or  some  of  them,  may  be  derived  from  lost 
stems  in  d.  Yet  the  appearance  of  ekdkin  is  not  encouraging 
to  this  theory;  for  although  the  fern,  eka  exists,  there  is  nothing 
about  ckak'tn  to  suggest  a  derivation  from  it.  Furthermore 
we  should  expect  the  derivatives  to  be  fern,  on  such  a  supposition, 
whereas  these  words  are  nearly  all  rnasc.  or  neut.  Metrical 
considerations  may  have  affected  some  of  them.  See  also  §  30  a. 

Note. — gydmaka  has  a  justifiable  «;  see  §  30  .a,  Note"  1. 

d)  Here   belong    also    one   or   two  words   in  -dku:  pfddku 
<*prda-  cf.  TrdpSos  (loanword);  mrdayakit  <mrdaya  (metrical?). — 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  II. '  8 


110  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

kydku  "mushroom"  is  of  unknown  etymology.  (The  pronominal 
word  yuvdku  is  from  the  base  yuvd,  and  the  n.  pr.  iksvdlm 
[or  -M]  seems  to  be  derived  from  ikm,  though  this  cannot  be 
regarded  as  certain.  The  only  other  Yedic  word  in  ku  is 
drgtkti,  see  Chap.  I,  §  26.) 

30.  a.  The  stem-final  d  before  ka  either  a)  remains  un- 
changed, b)  is  reduced  to  d,  or  c)  is  changed  to  i  in  fern, 
words  in  accordance  with  the  powerful  tendency  of  i  to  usurp 
the  place  of  all  other  vowels  before  fern,  forms  of  the  suffix 
ka  (cf.  §  7). — Naturally,  most  of  these  a-stems  are  fern.;  and 
the  ka- derivative  generally  follows  the  primitive  word  in 
gender. 

a)  d  remains  d  before  ka. — vmdkd  (ifc.)  =  vind]   kanydkd 
<kanyd',  jydkd  <jyd,  rasndkd  <rasnd\  *vaydka  (in  vayakiri) 

<  vayd(?),    mdindkd   metronymic  <  mend;    in   Bahuvrlhi    cpds., 
-vapdka,   -samkhyaka. — More   problematic,   but   still   probably 
belonging  here,  are  baldkd,  roddkd,  ropandkd,  Qdrigakd,  -prndkd, 
from  lost  primitives. 

Note  1. — gydmaka  (VS.)  "millet"  may  be  derived  directly  from  the 
noun  gydrnd  (only  Class.  Skt.)  "a  kind  of  grain,"  or  from  Qydmd  used  in 
a  vaguer  way  as  the  fern,  base  of  the  adj.  gyama-a,  this  fern,  base  is 
frequently  found  in  composition. 

Note  2. — Pronominal  words  in  oka  (dku)  are  to  be  regarded  as  formed 
from  bases  in  a;  only  the  ka  (ku}  is  suffixal.  See  Wh.  Gr.  494;  Thumb 
357;  Brugmann  Gr.  II'  p.  830.  The  existence  of  these  pronominal  bases 
in  long  vowels  is  unquestionable;  they  appear  frequently  in  derivatives 
and  in  composition  as  the  "steins"  of  the  pronouns.  The  exact  meaning 
of  the  long  vowel  is  problematic  and  need  not  concern  us  here.  In  the 
Veda  we  find  mdkt,  mdkina.  asmaka,  yusmaka,  yuvaku  from  the  bases 
md,  asnid,  yusmd,  yuvd.  On  mdki  see  General  Index  s.  v. 

b)  d  > d  before  ka.   Especially  in  Bahuvrlhis;  -ambaka  <artiba\ 
-dkhyaka  <dkhyd;  -samkhyaka  <samkhyd  (cf.  samkhyaka  above); 
-samjnaka  <  samjnd. — Also:   tdrakd  <  tdrd,  cikitsakd  <  cikitsd; 
mcwasthaka  (?  perhaps  from  a  cpd.  of  Ystha);  menakd — metron. 

<  mend  (cf.  mdindkd  above) ;  gilaka  n.  pr.,  perhaps  <  $ild. 

c)  a  +  ka  >  ikd.     I  know  of  only  three  clear  examples   ii 
the  Yeda:  aksamdlikd  (Up.)  <aksamdld;  ndsikd  (RV.)  <  ndsd; 
mdksikd  (RV.)  <  mdksd.     These  RY.  words  show   how   earl 
began  the  encroachment  of  ikd  on  all  other  fern,  forms  of  tl 
suffix  ka. —  Most  ikd  feminine  words  are  formed  directly  froi 
aka  masculines. 

Note- — mahtlukd  <  mahild  has  its  u-kd  by  analogy  from  dhenukd; 
Chap.  IV,  §  89. 


Vol.  xxxi.j  The  K- Suffixes  of  In  do- Iranian.  Ill 

31.  I.    Regularly   remains   urn-hanged  before   ka.     In  a  few 
doubtful  cases  it  seems  to  be  lengthened  to  7,  but  this  is  pro- 
hably  only  apparent.     So  the   crucial    word  kalmallkin  (RY.), 
<kalmali?-,  punddrlka  cf.  pundari-srajd,  but  cf.  also  pundarin 
(only  Lex.). — putika  (once  also  -ika)  apparently  <puti  (adj.). 
-vallka  probably  <vall,  not  vail. 

32.  i.    a)    In   Bahuvrlhis   1   remains    before   lid    invariably. 
-tantrlka,  -patnlka,  -samidhenika,  -savitrika. 

b)  In  other  derivatives  it  either  remains,  or  (more  often)  is 
reduced  to  I.  Especially  when  the  ka  derivative  is  fern,  the  1 
is  usually  reduced,  so  that  the  word  ends  in  -ika\  cf.  §  7. 

I  remains:  andika  <dndi;  tusmka  <tusni]  nddikd;  lohmtka*, 
vallka  (see  §  31);  hlika  <*hli-=hri]  dusika  (also  -ika)  <diisi', 
ralmika  cf.  vamri,  Lat.  formlcdj  sm'ika. 

l>l\  kugikd  prob.  <lmgi\  gavlnikd  <  gavmi;  gopika;  mahd- 
ndmnika\  avaghatarikd',  avacarantikd ;  karkarika  <  karkarr, 
dhayantika ;  dusika  (cf.  dusika) ;  prailcika ;  mnkharikd  <  mu- 
khari(?)',  vajrasudkd\  Mriknikd. 

NB. — dyumnika  and  varsika  are  from  -in  steins,  q.  v. 

33.  it.  Remains  unchanged  before  ka  regularly. 

a)  Here  as  with  a  and  I  there  are  a  few  cases  in  which  u 
seems   to  be  lengthened.     "Word  or  sentence  cadence  may  be 
the  cause  of  this.    Xambiika  (AY.)  "rice  husk"  <  kambu  "shell." 
madhuka  n.  pr.,  apparently  <  madhu.—galuka  (AY.)  a  plant,  cf. 
(;dlu  (Class.)   a  fruit.  —  abh uka  -powerless"  <  dbhu  "empty." - 
uluka   "owl,"   onomatopoetic,   cf.  ulucus,   ulula   (see  §  79,  s.  v. 
idiikci). — karkandhukd  (AY.)  should  be  read  kark&ndktikd,  as 
the  parallel  RY.  Kh.  stanza  reads. 

b)  The   word   madhvaka  (Adbh.  Br.)   "bee"  is  probably  an 
instance  of  some  sort  of  adaptation,  whose  nature  cannot  be 
decided.     At  first  sight  it  looks  like  a  sufh'xal  -aka  added  to 
madhu]  but  this  is  most  unlikely. 

c)  iksvdku  n.  pi1,  may  be  derived  from  iksu  +  aku\  see  under 
S  -9  d. 

34.  u.    This   would   doubtless  remain  unc hanged  before  ka, 
but  I  know  of  no  clear  instance  in  the  Yeda,     The  following 
words  are  doubtful  as  to  etymology:  anusukci,  Ifluka,  manduka, 
valnka,  salaluka. 

•')•").  r.  Remains  unchanged  before  ka.  mdtrka,  hotrka',  in 
-Bahuviihi-.  -pitrka,  -yantrka. 

a)  praddtrikd  "giver"  (fern.)  <praddti-  shows  the  fern,  suffix 

8 


112  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

ika  (see  §§  7,  38),  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  suffix  -iha\ 
before  it  r  appears  in  its  consonantal  form. 

36.  Consonants.  Consonantal  stems  before  -ka  appear  in 
their  weakest  stem-form.  The  ordinary  rules  of  internal  com- 
bination are  generally  observed.  But  the  sibilants  g  and  s 
appear  in  the  form  found  in  composition,  and  some  s-stems 
are  irregular. 

an-stems:  tdmaka.  udakd.  -carmaka,  -namaka  &c. 
in-stems:  -sdksika  (in  Bahuvrihi  cpd.)  <sdksin  and  -Jiastika 
<  hastin  are  the  only  Yedic  instances  found  which  shows  the  I  we 
should  expect,    dyumnika  <  dyumnin  and  varslka  <  varsin  have 
taken  over  I  from  the  nom.  sg.  masc.  of  the  in  -  declension. — 
On  -varsika,  -Qilika,  -cdrika,  -samnydsika  see  §  29  a,  Note;  they 
probably  come  from  stems  in  -a,  but  are  influenced  by  ^w-stems. 
nt-stems:  -brhatka,  ejatkd,  -datka  &c. 

t-stems:  napatka,  pratigrutka  (noun)  and  prdtigrutkd  (adj.) 
<prati$rut;  -parigritka  (Bah.). 

iyattakd  (-ika)  <  iyat  and  mfttikd  =  mfd  are  peculiar.  The 
insertion  of  the  glidal  vowel  a  ({)  seems  to  have  been  merely 
euphonic.  No  significance  is  to  be  attached  to  it,  and  probably 
not  to  the  doubling  of  the  t  either  (this  latter  is  only  a  matter 
of  word  cadence);  iyattakd  is  a  dim.  from  iyat,  and  it  is 
scarcely  conceivable  that  the  suffix  is  anything  else  than  plain 
ka,  tho  in  a  disguised  form;  cf.  Av.  daitika  <dat  (§  108).  Why 
the  t  of  the  nom.  sg.  should  appear  in  mfttikd  instead  of  the 
d  of  the  stem  mfd,  I  cannot  say;  but  to  set  up  a  suffix 
-takaf-tikd  goes  too  much  against  probabilities.  It  is  hard  to 
imagine  an  analogical  process  by  which  such  a  suffix  could 
have  arisen  in  these  words,  and  the  instances  are  too  few  to 
make  such  an  assumption  safe.  Cf.  kfttikd  <  Vkrt  under  pri- 
mary -aka. 

d-stems:   (Bahuvrlhis)  -upanisatka,  -nivitka,  -parisatka,  -sam- 
vitka.    For  mfttikd  <  mfd  see  under  ^-sterns. 
dh-stems:  -samitka  <  samidh.  updnatka  <  updnali  (orig.  -nadh). 
c-stems:  -tvakka,  -vakka,  purorukka. 
s-stems:     (see    above)    satka  <  sets    (only    known    Yedic    ii 
stance). 

g-stems:  -dikka  <dig  (only  known  Yedic  instance). 
s-stems:  appear  regularly  with  s  after  a,  s  after  i,  u\  amyaskt 
-tapaska,   -tejaska,   medaska,   -rajaska,   -retaska]   mastiska  (?  N 
*mastis  occurs);  catuska,  dhanuska,  caksuska,  -yajuska. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  113 

a)  -a&lta  (Balmviihis)  <  d$is.  is  due  to  analogy  with  cpds. 
in  which  s  was  followed  by  a  sonant,  as  afirdd  &c. 

b)  parutka  <  pdrus  is  due  to  analogy  with  stems  in  s,  which 
take   t  before   ha.     The   proportion   is   s  :  s  =  t  :  t— Cf.  also 
pdrucchepa. 

37.  Stereotyped   Endings.  —  When   fra   is    added   to    a   word 
having  a  stereotyped   ending,    or  an  ending   which   does  not 
vary    according  to  a  nominal  declension,   the  word  is  always 
treated  as  if  it  were  formed  from  a  noun  stem  in  -a,  whether 
it   is   so    or   not:   the   ka   is  added  to  this  (often  imaginary) 
a-stem,  and  then  the  ending  of  the  original  word  is  attached 
to  the  ka -derivative,  the  -a  of  the  suffix  of  course  disappearing. 
This  gives  the  word  the  appearance  of  being  formed  with  an 
infix  -ah-. 

So  in  the  case  of  adverbs  like  drakdt  <  drdt,  dldkam  <  dlam. 
(anakdis  <  gandis,  in  which  the  original  base  actually  was  dra-. 
<;ana-,  ala-. 

But  also:  asaMu l  <  asdu,  as  if  the  stem  were  asa-  and  the 
ending  -<m;  and  the  extraordinary  verb.-form  ydmald  <  ydmi, 
as  if  ydmi  were  a  nominal  form  from  a  stem  ydma-. 

B.  Samdhi  of  the  Secondary  Suffixes  ika,  uka,  ika,  and 
the  fern.  ika. 

38.  In  the  Veda  these  do  not  appear  after  $ -stems.    A  final 
stem    vowel   disappears   before  them  without   trace,  except  r, 
which  becomes  consonantal  r.    Consonantal  stems  before  them 
appear  in  their  weakest  pre-vocalic  stem  form;    e.  g.  qagvatika 

<  gdgvant;    paramavyomnika  <-vyomanm,    dparahnika  <  -dhan, 
and   so    other   compounds  of  ahan.     Apparent  exceptions  like 
fern,  tdddtmikd  come  as  a  rule  from  masculines  in  a-ha  (suffix 
fro),   or    are    derived   from   parallel   bases   in   -a   (as  sddahika 
<sadahd,  not  -ahan). — In  the  classical  language,  however,  this 
rule  no  longer  holds;  particulary  aw-stems  take  the  form  in  -a 
before   -ika   (the  a  dropping).     In   the  Veda   sdman    and   its 
compounds  follow  this  habit:   sdmika    (Ldty,),  jydisthasdmika 

<  jyesthasdman  &c. 

39.  The  primary   suffixes   require   no   remarks    under    this 
heading;  the  treatment  of  verbal  bases  before  them,  in  so  far 
as  it  is  capable  of  discussion,   has  been  taken  up  under  the 
respective  suffixes. 

1  The  grammarians  allow  asuka  as  well  asakdu  <  asdii,  but  it  has  not 
reported  as  occurring  in  the  literature. 


114  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

Chapter  11L 

The  Secondary  Suffix  ka  (excl.  diminutives). 

The   Suffix   i  ka   (excl.  diminutives)   §§  40 — 48.     Meanings 
see  Chap.  I,  §  9.     (About  110  words.) 

40.  a)  Forms  nouns  from  nouns;  meaning  -like:' 
antakd,  border  (QB.),  <  anta,  end. 

kambUka  (AY.),  husk  of  rice,  <  kambu,  shell  (see  §  33). 
Jalaka  (IT.),  the  middle  part  of  a  mantra,  <kila,  post. 
kumbhaka   (TL),    the   holding    of  the   breath    after   filling   the 

passages  with  air- — a  religious  exercise;   the  appearance  of 

the  performer  suggested  a  pot,  hence  the  name.     <  kumbhd 

pot.     See  §  95. 

kitsthikd  (AY.),  dew-claw,  <kustha  (cf.  also  §  90,  91). 
culaka  (U.),  the  top  of  a  column,  <  cilia,  crest, 
chattraka  (B.),  mushroom,  <  chattra,  shade,  umbrella  (see  §  30) 

(Class,  chattraka  =  mushroom). 
nadaka  (S,),  hollow  of  a  bone,  <  nada,  reed. 
nadtkd  (AY.),  throat,  <  nddi,  tube. 
nabhikd  (B.),  navel-like  cavity,  <ndbhi.  navel. 
bhdsika  (S.),  general  rule,  <  bhdsya,   speech,  commentary  (see 

§29  a). 

manika  (B),  -hump,  water-jar,  <mani,  pearl,  lump  IY.C. 
valika  (S.),   thatch;   reed,   sedge,  <vali,   fold,   or  vali,  edge  of 

a  roof. 

41.  b)  The  signification  of  the  fra-derivative  is  often  so  like- 
that  of  its  primitive  that  it  is  hard  or  impossible  to  distinguish 
any    difference   between   them,    so   that   the   ka   seems   to    be 
meaningless.    The  Hindu  grammarians  recognize  as  a  distinct 
category  this  "meaningless  ka"  (anartha).    Sometimes,  however, 
the  exigencies  of  meter  explain  the  addition  of  ka.     So: 
dstaka  (AY),  home,  =  dsta. 

gavinika  (AY.),  groins,  =  gavlni. 

(The  same  pada  repeated  in  TS.  has  gavlni.) 
isukd  (AY.),  arrow,  =  isu. 
plyusaka  (RYKh.),  biestings,  =  plyftsa. 
(The  same  pada  in  AY.  has  piydsa,  but  is  deficient  in  meter.) 

42.  c)  Sometimes,  again,  the  suffix  is  used  as  a  convenient 
means  of  bringing  into  the  ordinary  a-declension  words  of  less 
usual   stem-formations   (mostly  consonantal  stems).     This   may 
explain  the  following  (and  cf.  I,  12); 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  115 

dmlvatkd  (YV.),  pressing,  =  dmlvat  (pros.  part.).  See  Gen. 
Index;  cf.  viksinatkd,  vicinvatkd. 

ndaJcd  (RV.),  water,  =  uddn.  The  stein  udakd  was  at  first 
.used,  apparently,  only  in  the  nom.  ace.  sg.  udakdm  to  replace 
the  form  *uda  <  uddn,  which  never  occurs.  The  form  udakdm 
is  found  8  times  in  RV.  and  17  times  in  AV.,  while  the  oblique 
cases  occur  only  once  in  RV.  and  6  times  in  AV.  The 
oblique  cases  of  uddn  on  the  other  hand  occur  19  times  in 
RV.  and  4  times  in  AY.;  its  nom.-acc.  is  not  found.  As 
the  oblique  cases  of  udakd  increase  in  frequency  the  stem 
uddn  becomes  correspondingly  rare. 

pratigrutkd  (VS.),  Echo,  =  prati$rut. 

brhatka  (B.),  n.  p.,  <  tyhat,  adj.  (But  cf.  also  §  46). 

viksinatkd  and  (inferior)  viksinakd  (YY.),  destroying,  epithet 
of  gods,  =  vflcsinant'i  see  General  Index. 

vicinvaikd  (YY.),  sifting,  discriminating,  epithet  of  gods;  see 
General  Index,  and  cf.  preceding  and  dmwatkd. 

Mka?  (RY.),  tuft  of  hair;  prob.  not  "primary  ka"  (Whitney), 
but  rather  from  the  noun  stu  in  prthu-stu. 

43.  d)    But   in   many   cases   there  seems  to  be  no  evident 
reason   for   the    appearance    of  ka. — It   may  be  that  one  or 
another   of  the    words  which  are  grouped  under  this  heading 
will  seem  to  sharper  senses  than  mine  to  show  some  differen- 
tiation between   the  primary  word  and  the  &a-derivative.     It 
is  morally    certain   that   some  of  them  would  have  presented 
differences  to  an  ancient  Hindu,     It  is  possible  that  some  of 
them  are  diminutives  of  some  sort,  tho  I  have  sought  in  vain 
for   some  sign  of  this  in  the  various  passages.     However  that 
may  be,  of  the  general  fact  there  can  be  no  doubt;  from  very 
oaiiy   times   the   suffix  ka   became   in  some  cases  so  colorless 
that  it  might  be  added  without  change  of  meaning  to  nouns, 
and   even  to  adjectives.     This  usage  increases  greatly  in  fre- 
quency  in   the   later   language.     Even  if,   then,    a  few  of  the 
examples  quoted  prove  to  be  wrong,  the  principle  is  undoubt- 
edly right. — Note  that  the  usage  is  rarest  in  the  Mantras  and 
commonest  in  the  Upanisads. 

44.  Nouns: 

avadhutaka  (U.)  n.  of  an  Upanisad  =  avadhuta 
dtmabodhaka  (U.)  n.  of  an  Upanisad  =  dtmabodha 
urvdrukd  (RY.)  in  a  late  and  interpolated  verse,  a  sort  of  gourd, 
=  urvdru 


116  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

kdntaka  (AY.),  thorn  =  kanta  (only  in  cpds.) 

karkataka  (U.),  crab  =  karkata 

karnavestaka  (fit),  earring  =  karnavesta 

kinjalka  (S.),  plant-stalk  =  kinjala  (only  Lexx.)  see  §  29  b. 

kramuka   (B.),    betel -nut    tree  =  kramu    (only    Lexx.)    (also 

krmuka) 
gavidhnka  or  gave-  (TS.),   coix   barbata  =  gavldhu  (gavedhu) 

(not  Yedic) 

gopikd  (U.),  protectress 
cakraka  (U.),  wheel  = 
jarayuka  (B.),  after-birth  =  jardyu 
jwikd  (S.U.),  manner  of  life,  cf.  jiva,  life  (Possibly  primary  - 

cf.  _§  95) 

tdrakd  (AY.),  star  =  tdrA 
nikharvaka  (B.),  billion  =  nikharva 
parusaka  (S.),  n.  of  a  tree,  and  its  fruit  =  partisa 
pracitaka  (S.),  n.  of  a  meter  =  pracita 
Widradvdjakl  (B.),  skylark  =  lharadvdji  (f.  of  -ja) 
lihiksuka  (S.)  mendicant  =  Wriksu 
manipuraka  (U.),  n.  of  a  mystic  circle  on  the  navel.  =  mani- 

pura 

mfttika  (VS.),  clay  =  mfd  (see  §  36) 
yastikd  (IT.),  club  =  yasti 
rilpaka  (B.,  U.),  image;  species  =  rupd 
lokapdlaka  (U.),  earth-protector  =  lokapdld 
vardhaka  (U.),  n.  of  an  Upanisad  =  vardhd 
vahyaka  (S.),  draft-animal  =  vahyd] 
vdrddhusika  (S.),  usurer  =  vdrddhusi 
vikalpaka  (U.),  hesitation  =  vikalpa 
-vmdkd  (S.),  flute  =  virid 
vyddhaka  (S.),  hunter  =  vyddha 
Qydmdka  (YY.),  millet,  =  gyama  (?  cf.  §  29  c,  Note) 
samtanika  (B.),  n.  of  a  Saman,  =  samtani. 

Note. — ajdvikd,  neut.  sg.,  "goats  and  sheep,"  is  the  equivalent  of  tl 
(masc.  plur.)  dvandva  ajdvi.  The  -ka  seems  to  have  a  sort  of  collectn 
force,  not  exactly  paralleld  elsewhere., 

45.  Adjectives: 

dgantuka  .(S.),  accidental,  =  dgantu 

dvapantikd  (AY.),  pres.  part.,  scattering,  =  avapanfi.  (Not 
in  Whitney's  edition  seems  to  imply  dim. — i.  e.  pejorative- 
force,  like  avacarantikd  &c.  But  as  it  is  applied  to  th( 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-  Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  117 

bride  scattering  grains  in  the  marriage  ceremony,  this  is 
hardly  conceivable.  In  the  AV.  passage  the  -kd  might  be 
metrical,  but  not  in  the  GrS.,  where  it  is  also  used  [unless 
they  depend  directly  on  the  AV.  passage;  note  that  some 
parallel  passages,  as  MantrBr.,  read  dvapanti].  Might  this 
be  a  case  of  the  "feminine"  Diminutive  —  §  90?) 

urdlwaka  (U.),  raised.  =  iirdhvd 

krtsnaka  (S.),  all,  =  krtsnd 

caturthaka  (U.),  fourth  =  caturthd*! 

ttlmlka(m)  (S.),  silent(ly),  =tusnl(m).  Doubtful  and  prob.  corrupt. 

mrdaydku  (RV.),  or  mrl-  merciful,  =  mrdaya,  cf.  §  29  d. 

svaka  (U.),  own,  =  svd 

Note.  —  The  word  plafuka  (B.,  S.),  rapidly  growing  up,  <*pla=pra 
-{-  afu,  takes  ka  because  of  its  quasiparticipial  meaning,  being  influenced 
by  the  suffix  -uJca.  Similarly  udbhrdntaka  (U.),  roaming,  =  udbhrdnta, 
from  the  analogy  of  words  in  primary  oka,  several  of  which  are  found 
in  close  proximity  to  the  word  udhbrdntdka  in  Xrsut.  Up.  7. 

46.  e)  Often  the  suffix  forms  substantives,  from  adjectives 
or  other  words,  with  the  meaning  "characterized  by"  (such  a 
quality  or  thing).  When  the  primitive  word  is  an  adjective 
the  derivative  is  frequently^,  no  more  than  a  substantivized  ad- 
jective. As  such  it  is  particularly  adapted  to  the  formation 
of  proper  names. 

Substantive  from  adjective: 
abhinivistaka  (S.),  ?  (ace,  to  Knauer)  stale  (of  food)  ;   <  p.  pp. 

of  abhi-ni-vig. 

ini'dka  (SV.,  B.),  n.  pr.  of  a  Saman,  <  inva,  pervading. 
istaka  (  YV.),  brick,  <  *istd,  burnt,  IE.  Vaidh  burn.     Cf.  Av. 


kunika  (S.),  n.  of  a^man,  '</cwm,  adj.,  having  a  withered  arm. 

ghataka  (S.),  n.  of  a  kind  of  wood,  <  ghata,  smitten. 

cdraka  (B.),  wanderer,  <cara,  wandering. 

jayantaka  (U.),  n.  of  a  man,  <jayanta,  victorious. 

tatdka  (B.),  pool,  <  tata,  declivity,  bank. 

dyumnika,  n.  of  a  man,  dyumnin,  glorious. 

nyastikd  (AY.),  epithet  of  a  plant,  <  riyasta,  thrown  down.  (§91.) 

putika  (TS.)  or  -ika,  n.  of  a  plant,  <pftti,  foul  (see  §  31). 

pfthuka  (B.),  flattened  grain,  <  prthu,  flat, 

perukd  (RV.),  n.  of  a  man,  <  peril,  delivering. 

pracaldka  (S.),  chameleon     ^. 

pracaldkd  (TS.),  cloudburst  }  <  pr(tcala' 


&C' 


118  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

prasarpaka  (S.),  assistant  or  spectator  at  sacrifice,  <prasarpa,  adj. 
madliyamika  (U.),  middle  finger,  <madhyama  (cf.  §  90). 
mundaka  (U.),  n.  of  an  Upanisad,  <  munda,  shorn. 
rohUdka  (MS.),   n.  of  a  tree,  <roJiita,  red  (in  Class.  Skt.  also 

applied  to  the  tree  rolntaka). 
vddhaka  (AY.),  n.  of  a  wood,  <  vadha,  smiting  &c. 
varaJca  (S.),  suitor,  <  vara,  desiring  (also  n.,  suitor). 
varsika  (S.),  n.  of  a  meter,  <  varsin,  raining. 
vigvaka  (RY.),  n-  of  a  man,  <vigva. 
gamakd  (S.),  n.  of  a  plant,  perhaps  <  gama? 
sndtaka  (B.),   one  who  has   ceremonially   bathed,   a  grhastha, 

<  sndtd. 

Substantive  from  noun   (which  must  have  been  felt  adjecti- 
vally): 

celaka  (B.),  n.  of  a  man,  perhaps  <  cela. 
dandaka  (S.,  U.),  n.  of  certain  meters,  <dandd. 
vamraM  (RV.),  n.  p.,  "Antman",  <  vamrd,  ant.  Called  dim.  by 

Naigh..   followed  by  BE.,   but  this  seems  very  unlikely.     It 

is  rather  a  noun  of  characteristic. 
vrsaka  (SY.,  B.),  n.  of  certain  samans,  <  vfsan. 
sampdtika  (S.),  n.  of  certain  demons,  <sarupdti. 

Miscellaneous: 
tiragcika  (S.),  a  horizontal  region,  <tiragci,  loc.  sg.  of  tiryanc. 

47.  f)   The  suffix  furthermore  forms  adjectives  of  characte- 
ristic, mainly  from  adjectives,  adverbs  and  numerals. 

ddhika  (S.,  U.),  additional  <  adhi. 

dnuka  (B.),  subordinate  <  ami. 

antihd  (RY.),  near  <anti. 

avakd  (AY.)  (subst.)  n.  of  a  plant  <  dva. 

ekdkin  (AY.),  solitary,  <eka. 

vigvaka  (U.),  all-pervading,  <  vigva. 

sdm-samaka  (AY.),  united,  <samd. 

From  numerals,  forming  adjectives  with  a  sort  of  distribu- 
tive force:   ekakd,   singly;  dvaka,  by  twos;  trikd,  by  threes- 
all  RY. 

One  adjective  of  material  (others  in  Classical  Skt.):  sidhrakc 
(S.).  made  of  sidhra-wood. 

48.  g)    Presumably   growing  out  of  the  usage  described  ii 
§  46,   we   find   a   few   rare   and   abortive   appearances  of  the 
suffix   in  formation   of  abstract   nouns,  with  the  force  of  tlu 
English  suffixes  -ness  or  -hood.     The  few  Yedic  cases  are: 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-8ujfixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  119 

madhiilaka  (AV.),  sweetness  (or,  honey)  <madlmla,  sweet. 
mdtrka  (U.),  "das  Mutterwesen"  <mdtf. 
lohimka  (B.),  red  glow  <  lohim,  fern,  of  lohita. 
stltaka  (S.),  birth,  childbirth  <suta. 

Note. — Logically  the  treatment  of  the  Diminutive  ka  should  follow 
In  iv,  it  being  a  phase  of  the  suffix  1  ka.  But  for  practical  reasons,  be- 
cause of  its  importance  and  the  space  it  requires,  it  has  seemed  best  to 
devote  a  separate  chapter  to  it. 

The  Suffix  2  ka.  §§  49 — 52  incl.  Meanings  see  §  11. 
(5:i  words.) 

41).  Here  no  additional  remarks  or  semantic  distinctions  are 
necessary,  and  we  need  only  give  the  words,  practically  all  of 

Avhich    are    adjectives,    as  they  occur.     The  words  which  have 
Vriddhi  are:  (21  words) 

upartuka  (S.)  <apartu  pdguka  (S.)  <pdgu  or  pagii 

dmalaka  (IT.)  <amala  pd^bandhaka(S.)<pa^ubatidhd 

dr  any  alia  (IT.)  <  dranya  prdtigruikd  (U.)  <praticrut 

prunakduka  (TAr.)  <  aruua  +  bhdumaka  (B.)  <  bh&man 

ketu  mdnusyaka  (IT.)  <  manusyd 

didakd  (B.)  <eda  mdmakd    (RV.)    <  mama,    cf. 
kdvsrakd  (AV.)  <kitvera  (pa-         tdvakd 

tronymic)  mdindkd  (TAr.)  <  mend  (metro- 
gaturhotrkd  (MS.)  <cdturhotr  nymic) 

tdddtmaha,  ikd  (IT.)  <tad-dtman  rdivataka  (U.)  <  revata  (patro- 
tdvakd  (RY.)  <  tdva,   gen.  sg.         nymic) 

of  tvam  vdiblritaka  (TS.)  <  vibhita(ka?) 

*ipdrsthika   (S.)  <prsthya,   cf.  gdrlraka  (IT.)  <$drlra 

$  '2^  a.  scuiispargaka  (S.)  <  samspartfi. 

•")<>.  Those  which  may  or  may  not  be  considered  as  having 
Vriddhi:  (10  words) 

dtmaka  (IT.)  <dtmdn  Iddhaka  (B.)  <bddha? 

aitareyalm  (B.)  <ditareya  (mdld,mCihlna)<md — see  §30 a, 
tdluka  (U.)  <tdlu  Note. 

taittiriyaka  (U.)  <  tdiUirlya  vajasaneyaka  (S.,  U.)  <  vdjasa- 
trdividyaka  (S.)  <trdividya  neyd 

-dhdvanaka  (S.)  <dhdvana  gdtydyanaka  (S.)  <£dtydyana 

1  Note. — This  must  be  admitted  to  be  not  a  certain  case  of  the  suffix 
hi.  as  against  ika.  Nevertheless  it  is  hardly  likely  that  the  entire 
syllable  -ya  would  disappear  before  -ika  without  any  trace;  —  at  least  I 
kii..\v  of  no  parallel  for  such  a  phonetic  change,  whereas  §  29  shows 
parallels  for  the  reduction  of  -ya  to  i  before  ka. 


120 


F.  Edgerton, 


[1911. 


51.  The  words  which  fail  to  show  Yriddhi  (19  words): 
agnihotraka  (IT.)  <  agnihotra.        mdmaka  (RV.)  <  mama,  cf.  wa- 


metro- 


§ 49. 

markataka  (S.)  <markdta. 
menakd    (B.)    <mend, 

nymic;  cf.  mdindkd. 
yantraka  (B.)  <yantrd. 
yuvdku  (R  Y.)  <  ?/Mva-  see  §  30  a 

Note. 
yusmaka   (KY.)   <yusma-  see 

§  30  a  Note. 
sAtikd   (AY.)    <sit^   (cf.  ^>ra- 

sutikd,  Cl.,  and  -prasuta,  AY.). 
svastika  (U.)  <svasti. 
hotraka  (B.)  <liotrd. 


asmdka  (RV.)  <  asma-  see  §  30  a 

Note. 

gdnaka  (VS.)  <gand. 
cikitsakd  (B.)  <cikitsd. 
tftlyaka   (AV.)   <trtiya    (as 

noun). 

devaka  (U.)  <devd. 
ndpdtka  (RY.)  <napdt. 
madhuka  (S.)  <mddhu. 
madhvaka  (B.)  <  *madhva  ?  see 

§  33  b. 
mantraka,  ika  (U.)  <  mantra. 

52.  A  few  un-vriddhied  words  from  bases  in  £,  where  it  is 
impossible  to  say  whether  the  suffix  is  ka  or  ika.     The  over- 
whelming preponderance   of  Yriddhi  with  ika  has  led  me  to 
classify  them  here,  while  vriddhied  words  from  i-stems  are  for 
the  same  reason  put  under  -ika.     (3  words): 

kuglkd  (RV.)  prob.  <  kugL 
MIMka  (AV.)  <balhi. 
malidndmnika  (S.)  <  maliCmainnl. 

The  Suffix  3  ka.     §§  53— 55.— Meaning  see  §  12. 

53.  This  category  consists  mainly  of  adjectives  (which,  how- 
ever, are  frequently  substantivized),  like   the  foregoing.     It 
on  the  whole  not  frequent  in  the  Veda,  except  in  the  develo] 
use  with  Bahuvrihis. — Especially  to  be  noted  is  the  use  of  tl 
suffix  with  numerals,  in  the  sense  "consisting  of,"  "containing. 

Parenthetically  it  may  be  noted  that  the  suffix  -ika  has  tl 
value  of  3  ka  in  two  AV.  words:   tundika,  having  a  snout 
trunk,  <  tunda\  and. parydyikd,  having  (i.  e.  composed  in)  strophe 
<parydya.     This  seems  to  be  the  extent  of  the  usage. 

The  following  words  show  ka  in  its  third  use  (21  words): 

(From  numerals:)     (8  words.) 
dstaka  (B.) 
ekatringaka  (U.) 
catuska  (S.,U.) 
dagaka  (S.) 


pancaka  (S.) 
pancaviiigaka  (U.) 
satka  (S.) 
sadvingaha  (U.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffix  of  Info-Iranian.  121 

(From  other  words:)     (13  words.) 
aristaka  (S.),  having  the  disease  arista 
dnd'tka  (AY.),  having  egg  (  —  like  bulbs)  <andi 
janakd  (B.),  n.  of  a  king  <jana? 
day  oka  (S.),  heir,  <daya,  inheritance 
dvdrakd  (IT.),  n.  of  a  city,  "City  of  Gates"  <  dvdra 
nimnstika  (Ait.Ar.),  of  the  size  of  the  fist,  <nimusti,  a  measure 

of  that  size 

parutka  (S.),  having  joints  <parus  (see  §  37  fin.) 
mddhuka  (B.).  n.  of  a  man  ("rich  in  honey")  <madhu 
muktikd  (!'.),  n.  of  an  Upan.,  "String  of  Pearls"  <muktd 
mustikd  (IT.),  n.  of  a  prizefighter  <musti,  fist 
vasnikd  (B.),  prize  ("having  value")  <vasna,  value 
gdlyaka  (YS.)  porcupine  ("having  darts")  <galya,  dart 
hltka  (KS.)  possest  of  modesty  <  *hli  =  hri 

54.  BaJiuvriliis. — Yery  scarce  in  the  Mantras  (2  in  RY.;  5 
in  HY. — AY.  together);  they  become  not  infrequent  in  the 
Brahmanas,  but  can  hardly  be  called  common  until  the  Sutra- 
rpanisad  time.  There  are  42  words  found  in  the  Mantras- 
Brahmanas  together,  and  54  which  occur  for  the  first  time 
in  the  Sutras  and  ITpanisads,  making  96  for  the  entire  Yeda. 
In  the  later  language  the  cases  are  numerous. — That  non  -a 
stems  predominate  as  primitives  (cf.  §  12)  is  shown  by  the 
statistics;  of  96  words,  37  are  from  consonantal  stems,  37  from 
stems  in  other  vowels  than  «,  and  only  22  from  a-stems. 

For  Samdhi  of  stem-finals  see  Chap.  II. — The  most  striking 
facts  are  that  I  always  remains  unchanged,  while  a  may  do 
so.  but  more  often  is  shortened  before  ka. — Four  stems  in  a 
change  a  to  i  before  ka,  through  the  influence  of  parallel  -in 
stems  of  like  meaning.  They  are  -cdrika  <cdra,  cf.  caring 
•varsika  <varsd.  cf.  varsin;  -Qililta  <gila,  cf.  $lin\  -samnyasika 
<sathnyasa,  cf.  samnydsin. 

a)  The  heteroclite  stems  aksi  (akpari)  and  asthi  (asthan)  use 
either  form  of  the  stem  before  -ka,  as  also  (in  the  Yeda) 
before  the  pada  case-endings  (Wh.  431).  The  same  verse  in 
different  parts  of  the  Yedic  literature  may  vary  in  this  regard. 
Tims  anaksikdya  svdhd  TS.  7.  5.  12.  1,  but  anaksakdya  svdhd 
KSA.  5.  3.—anasthikaya  (-akdya)  svdhd  TS.  (KSA.).  Cf. 
asthabliyah  svdhd  YS.  39.  10,  TS.;  but  asthiWiyali  sv.  KSA.  3.  6. 
Cf.  also  the  Bahuvrihis  anastha,  anasthan,  anasthi,  anasthimat 
-  all  of  which  are  found. 


F.  Edgerton, 


[1911, 


The  corpus  of  variants  revealed  by  the  Vedic  Concordance, 
which  I  have  been  able  to  examine  through  the  kindness  of 
Prof.  Bloomfield,  further  reveals  the  fact  that  in  a  number  of 
cases  the  same  pada  in  different  texts  varies  by  adding  ka  to, 
or  dropping  it  from,  a  Bahuvrlhi  stem.  Examples  are  anangd  :. 
anangaka,  aprdnd  :  aprdnaka,  amands  :  amanaskd;  and  avajihva 
nijihvika  HGr.  1.  15.  5a  cf.  avajihvaka  nijihvaka  ApM.  2.  21.  32a, 
The  second  word  in  both  places  should  probably  be  emended 
to  nir-jihvaka.  A  form  -jihvika  as  a  Bahuvrihi-final  is  quite 
inexplicable. 

The  list  gives  the  final  parts  of  the  compounds  only,  in 
alphabetical  order;  the  stem-form  of  the  original  word  is  added 
where  it  is  not  obtainable  by  simply  striking  off  the  -ka. 


55.  List  of  Bahuvrlhi  ka-words. 


word                  occurs 

stem 
final 

-afiQaka                   U. 

a 

-aksaka  <aksdn  KSA. 

(an)a 

•aJcsiM  (<dksi)      TS. 

^ 

-agnika                   B. 

^ 

•angaka                KSA. 

a 

-anuka                    TL 

u 

•ambaka  (try  a-) 

,  <ambd               RY. 

d>a 

-aQitika                   IT. 

i 

-astakd  (<dsta)     AY. 

a 

-asthaka<  asthdn  KSA. 

(an)a 

-asthika  (<dsthi)    TS. 

i 

-dkhyaka  <  dkhyd   IT. 

d>a 

-ddika                     U. 

i 

-d$irka  <dgis         TS. 

s>r 

-dsandika                S. 

1 

-ukthaka  (sok-) 

(<  ukthd)             B. 

a 

-upanisaika  <upa- 

nisad                  U. 

d>t 

-upasatka    <  upa- 

sdd                      S. 

d>t 

-updnatka  <  upd- 

nah                    S. 

(d)h>t 

-mA;a  (in  sarsika)  S. 

i 

occurs 


word 

-kaMaka  (sahd- 
k.)  (<  kantha)  AY. 

-kadruka  (tri-k.) 
(<kddru)  RY. 

-karudka  (<  kdr- 
na)  TS. 

-kalpaka  U. 

-kegakd.  (<  kegd)    AY. 

-caksiiska  <cdksus  U. 

-carrndka  <  car- 
man TS. 

-car  Hi  a  <  car  a  cf. 
carin 

-citika  (in  sd^-c.) 
(<  citi) 

-jihvaka  <  jihvd 

-tantrika 

-tapaska 

-tamaska 

-tiilaka,  -ikd 

-tejdska  (<tejas) 

-tvdkka  <tvdc 

-tsaruka 

-datka  <ddnt 


U. 


B. 
S. 
B. 
U. 
U. 
U. 
U. 
U. 
B. 
U. 


stem 
final 


(an)a 


-dantdka  (<ddnta)  TS. 


a>« 
i 
s 
s 

s 
ok 

u 
(n)t 

a 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  K-SujJixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 


word  occurs 

•dikka  <dig  B. 

-dhdtuka  <dhdtu     U. 
-dhumaka  II. 

-navaka  U. 

-ndmaka  <  ndman  S.U. 
-nivitka  <  nivid    Ait  Ar. 


stem 
final 

Ok 
U 

a 
a 

(an)a 

d>t 

I 

t 


word 


occurs 


TS. 

B. 

U. 

S. 
U. 
B. 
B. 
S. 
U. 
TS. 

B. 

S. 

U. 


nyasin 

-samitka  <  samidh 
-sdksika  <sdksin 
-sdmidhemka 
•sdvitrlka 
-sndvdka  <sndvan 

(or  -van) 
-lietuka 


U. 

S. 

u. 

B. 

S. 

TS. 
U. 


u 
ok 

(n)t 
i 


•patmka  B. 

-parigritka  S. 

-parisatka  <pari- 

sdd                      S.  d>£ 

-pagiika                   S.  i* 

-pitrka                     S.  r 
-puro'  mtvdkydka 

<-yd                     B.  a>a 
-purorukka  <pu- 

roriic                    B.  c>& 

-purvaka                 II.  a 

-prajapatika           B.  i 
-prdnaka               KSA.       a 

-bahuka                   S.  w         -satka  <sds             S.          5>^ 

-binduka                  U.  tt 

-brliatlka                  S.  $             t'id                       U.         (?>^ 

-brahmaka  <brah-  -samkhyaka}<sam-(T3.       d>a 

man                     S.  (aw)a     -samkhydka]  khyd  |  U.         a 

-bhasmaka  <  bhds-  -samjnaka<samjnd  U.       a>a 

wa«                     B.  (<w)a 

-majjdka  <majjdn  TS.  (aw)a 
-manaska             KSA.,U.   s 

•mdftsdka  (<  man-  -samitka  <  samidh    S.       c?/z>^ 

sa)                      TS.  a 
-mdnaka  (see  In- 
dex s.  v.)              B.  a 
-meddska  (<medas)  TS.         s 

-yajuska  <ydjus     B.  s             (or  -van)            TS.       (aw)a 

-yantrka                  S.  r         -hetuka                    U.          w 

-yd ska  <  yds           S.  s 

The  Suffix  4  ka.     Meaning — see  §  13. 
*(>.  The  live  words  belonging  here  have  been  already  quoted; 
they  are  (5  words): 


•yonika  S. 

-rajaska  U. 

-ragmika  S. 

-retdska  (<retas)  B. 
-lepaka  U. 

-lomaka  (or  -oka) 

<  loman 
-vapdka 
-varnaka 
-varsika    <  varsd 

cf.  varsin 
-vastuka 
-vdhkd  <vdc 
-vibhaktika 
-visuvatka 
-vrttika 

-Qirsdka  <  glrsdn 
-filika    <  Qila    cf. 

gilin 

-satka  <sds 
-samvitka   <  sam- 

vid 

-samkhyaka}<sam-f  U. 
-samkhydka]  khyd  |  U. 
-samjnaka  <  samjnd  U. 
-samnydsika  <sam- 

nydsa    cf.   sam- 


stem  . 
final 

I 

S 

i 
s 
a 

(an)a 
d 
a 


124 


F.  Edgtrton, 


[1911. 


dntaka  (AY.),  ender,  death  <dnta,  end. 
ydcanaka  (U.),  beggar  <ydcana,  request 

vimanyuka  (AV.),  freeing  from  wrath,  <vimanyu,  free  from  wrath. 
gitaha  (RV.),  cooling  <$ttd,  cool. 
lilddaka  (RY.)>  refreshing  <Udda,  refreshment, 
Unclassified  (Secondary)  ka. 

57.  All,  or  nearly  all,  the  following  words  in  suffixal  ka  have 
evidently  a  secondary  suffix.    But  it  is  impracticable  to  separate 
them  into  the  various  categories,  either  on  account  of  the  un- 
certainty of  their  origin,  or   in    a   few  cases   because,  though 
they  are  clear  as  to  general  derivation,  it  cannot  be  determined 
which  branch  of  the  suffix  they  belong  to.     For  instance,    so- 
maka,  a  proper  name,  might  mean  "Soma-like"  (1  ka),   "of  or 
belonging  to  Soma"  (2  ka),  "having  soma11  (3  ka,  cf.  mcWmka 
n.  pr.),  or  it  might  be  a  diminutive.- — In  most  of  the  following 
cases,  however,  the  etymologies  are  unknown;    and  often  even 
the  meaning  of  the  word  is  not  clear.    Whatever  can  be  said 
about  them  will  be    said  in   the"  General  Index  (q.  v.),  under 
the  individual  words.    They  are  recorded  here  merely  for  the 
sake  of  completeness. 

58.  List  of  Unclassifiables.     (87  words.) 


anjalikd  (or  nyanj-) 

dmanika  (or  dmanaka) 

ardtaki 

avacatnuka 

ddhaka 

dnusuka 

drcatkd 

iksvdku  (or  -kii) 

utpdtika 

udddlaka 

updnasyaka 

ulmuka 

rksdka 

orimikd 

kakdtikd 

kanaka 

kaplaka  (or  kdlpaka) 

kalanka 

kalmalikin 


kdmikd 

kirika  (or  gir-) 

kiigavartaka  (?) 

kusitaka 

kustitka 

ko$dtaka 

kydku ? 

klltaka 

ksitikd 

khdndika 

golattikd 

ciccikd 

chubuka  (cl.  cibuka) 

-jaldyukd  in  trna-j. 

jdnukd  (or  ni-j.) 

jumbakd 

derikd 

dhdrikd  and  a-dli. 

dutaka 

nabMka 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 


naraka  ;ui<l  nCiraka 

pakvakd 

patantaka  (suffix  aha?    ( 'f. 

§  15,  footnote.) 
patdkd  (primary  ?) 
parisdraka  (-aka  suffix?) 
(partika,  patikd-  corrupt.) 
pdjaka 
pdvakd 
pittydka 
pindka 
pippakd 
pundanka 


prsdtaka 

praliastaka 

prdgdtika 

bataraka 

baldkd 

bfbuka 

madusikd 

mcutduka 

mdnasthaka? 

(masiaka 

\jnastiska 


mdddnaka 

roddkd 

rop  mdkd 

vdrtikd 

valuka 

vasukd  (2  ka  or  3  ha?) 

vdlukd 

vihkrndliikd 

visrdnsikd 

vrnddraka 

qayandaka 

g&y&ndaka 

gdrigtikd 

Qdl&ka 

gipivistakd  (Ika?  cf.  General 

Index  s.  v.  and  §  45) 
Qilaka 

QrnkTidnikd  (v.  1.  singli-  &c.) 
gdiinaka 
salaltika 
slUka- 
somaka 
sdurdki 

(spliatika-  primary  ?) 
hdtaka 


Chapter  IV. 

The  Secondary  Suffix  Ka.     Diminutives. 
(About  180  words.) 

59.  It  is  not  always  easy  or  possible  to  draw  the  line  sharply 
in  any  given  case  between  the  various  diminutive  values  of  the 
suffix  ka,  as  laid  down  in  §  10 — which  see.  The  diminutive 
<»f  pity  is  almost  always  associated  with  contempt;  without 
that  idea  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  found  at  all  in  the  Yeda. 
There  are  very  few  words  in  the  Veda  which  show  a  marked 
endearing  force  of  the  suffix;  in  so  far  as  it  occurs  it  is  usually 
found  along  with  simple  diminutive  force  (smallness).  Again, 
tbo  imprecatory  and  contemptuous  uses  are  often  hard  to 
distinguish;  nevertheless  they  are  essentially  distinct.  They  may, 
and  very  often  do,  exist  quite  independently  of  each  other. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  II.  9 


126  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

60.  In  treating  of  adjectives  and  pronouns  having  this  suffix, 
it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  diminutive  idea  (of  whatever  variety) 
usually  belongs  not  so  much  to  the  adjective  or  pronoun  itself 
as  to  the  noun  with  which  they  are  connected, — or  rather  to 
the  whole  complex  idea;  the  diminutive  notion  pervades,  as  it 
were,  the  atmosphere  of  the  whole  sentence.    So  e.  g.  AY.  20. 
136.  14  kumdrikd  pingalikd — "wretched  little  yellow  girl;"  it  is 
an  open  question  whether  pingalikd  (from  pingala,  tawny)  has 
the  suffix  ha  in  the  sense  of  our  suffix  -ish,  so  frequent  with 
color  words  (pingalakd-  "yellowish"),  or  whether  the  suffix  has 
simply  the  contemptuous  diminutive  force,  which  is  then,  so  to 
speak,  transferred   from   the   noun  kumdrikd   to  its  modifying 
adjective.    I  incline  to  the  latter  view  in  this  case;  the  occur- 
rence   is   by  no   means   rare   in   the  Veda,  and   is   so    simple 
and  natural  that  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  dwell  on  it. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  classify  the  ha  diminutives  by  lists, 
according  to  the  divisions  laid  down  in  §  10. 
I.  True  Diminutives.     (72  words.) 

61.  The  suffix  is  applied — 

a)  to  nouns — indicating  an  object  of  the  same  kind  as  the 
primitive,  but  smaller. 

b)  to  adjectives  of  smallness — emphasizing  and  exaggerat- 
ing that  quality. 

c)  to  adjectives  of  color, — indicating  a  color  approaching 
or  suggesting  the  original  color  (Eng.  -ish,  Ger.  -licti). 

d)  rarely    to    other    adjectives    and    adverbs — indicating 
qualities  approaching  but  falling  short  of  the  original 
quality. 

e)  principally  to    nouns — indicating   not   physical  small- 
ness,  but  relatively  secondary  importance  of  the  object 
denoted.    Related  to,  but  distinct  from,  the  diminutives 
of  pity  and  contempt;  such  notions  are  absent  here. 

62.  a)  Diminutives  of  Size — nouns.     (51  words.) 
aksamalika,   "little   rosary,"   n.  of  an   Tip. — Mukt.  Up.    1.  36 

<  aksamald 
aldbuka,  the  fruit  of  the  bottle-gourd  (aldbu)  <aldbu 

AV.  20.  132.  1,2==  EYKh.  5.  15.  15  dd  aldbukam  ekakam 

aldbukam  nikhdtakam.    "Just  one  little  aldbu,  a  little  aldbu 

cut  into  just  a  little." 
avaghatarikd,   kind   of  lute,  QankhQr.  17.  3.  12.— Prob.  Dim., 

cf.  ghatari,  lute. 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  127 

avatakd,  little  spring,  AV.  2.  3.  ].     So  Ppp.,   adopted  by  Bl. 

nnd  Ludwig;]  Wh.  keeps   the  Qaun.  MSS.  avatkd,  which   is 

scarcely  interpret  able.  <  avatd. 

avikd,  little  sheep,  ewe-lamb.    RY.  1.  126.  7;  AY.  20.  129.  17. 

Prob.  Dim.  <dvi. 

(In   an    obscene   passage;    is    the    suffix   perhaps    due   to 

that  fact?     See  §  85.) 
indragopaka,   little   firefly.    Amrt.  Up.  36   ("Marienkaferchen" 

Deuss.)  <  indragopa. 

(1)  upajihvikd  RY.  8.  102.  21  &c.  )   names    of  sorts    of  ants. 

(2)  upajikd  AY.  2.  3.  4;  6. 100.  2  &c.  I  Whatever  the  true  inter- 

(3)  upadikd  QBr.  14.  1.  1.  8  j   relation    of  these   words 
may  be,   it  is  safe   to  say  they  are  diminutives.     Bl.  (AJP. 
7.  482  ff.)    derives  (2)    from  (3),    and   then  (1)    from  (2)  by 
popular  etymology.     Is  upadehikd  (Class.)  in  like  manner  a 
popular  etymology  <  upadikd,  and  is  dehikd  (Class.)  further 
etymologized  from  that?     Or   are   two  quite  different  stems 
confused  in  this  group,  the  bases  deha  &u.d.jihvd? 

-kanikd,  a  minute  particle  of  ^anything,  in  vata-k.     Sarvop.  2. 

<  Mna. 

kandnakd  for  kani-,  pupil  of  the  eye,  only  TS.  5.  7.  12.  1. 
Corrupt  for  kani-,  as  shown  by  fact  that  the  same  pada  in 
other  places  (YS.  25.  1.  2;  MS.  3.  15.  1;  KSA.  13.  2)  reads 
kani-. 

kamnakd  (RY.  10.  40.  9,  YS.  4.  3  &c.).  -akd  (RY.  4.  32.  23), 
kaninakd  (QB.  14.  5.  2.  3),  -ikd  (AY.  4.  20.  3  &c.),  pupil  of  the 
eye,  from  kanina,  -d.  Bloomfield  (AJP.  17.  400,  Note  2)  has 
shown  conclusively  that  in  all  the  known  occurrences  these 
words  mean  "pupil  of  the  eye,"  and  never  "boy"  or  "girl." 

kanydkd,  pupil  of  the  eye,  Ait.Ar.  3.  53.  5.  <kanyd. 

karkandhukd,   tiny  jujube-berry,  AY.  20.  136.  3   (where  MSS. 

and  Edd.   kdrkandhiika)  =  RYKh.  3.  22.  3  (has  correctly 

ukd).    See  alpikd  under  §  86.    The  obscene  meaning  pervades 

the  passage  so  thoroughly  that  this  word  might  also  be  classed 

there.  <  karkdndhu 

karkarikd,  little  lute,  AY.  20.  132.  3. 

<  karkari,  lute,  RY.  and  QanhkQr. 

karnaka,  tendril  or  handle  ("earlet"),  QBr.  9.  2.  3.  40;  KatyQr. 
18.4.  6,  7.  <kdrna.  Cf.  §  86. 

kundikd,  little  pot.  SamnyUp.  4. 1.  Of  the  pot  of  the  Samnyasin, 
in  a  description  of  his  modest  belongings.  Dim.  <kunda. 

9* 


128  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

kumdraka,  ikd,  boy,  girl,  RV.  8.  69.  15  &c.  &c.       kumdra,  a. 

ksurikd.  "little  dagger  or  razor,"  n.  of  an  TJp.Ksur.Up.  1  <ksurd. 

khandtaka,  prob.  "little  shovel,"  Ap.Qr.  17.  26.          <*khandta, 

NBD.  makes  it  an  adj.  "dug  up;"  but  it  is  clearly  a  noun, 

being  connected  with  samuhaka  (q.  v.)  by  vd.    Neither  it  nor 

its  primitive  *khanata  occurs  elsewhere,  but  prob.  Dim. 
golaka,  little  ball,  Qankh.Gr.  4.  19;  Gobh.Gr.  4.  4.  20.       <gola. 
canddtaka.   a   short   petticoat,   QBr.  5.  2.  1.  8   &c.     Derivation 

unknown;  Prob.  Dim. 

jdtaka,  a  new-born  child,  Kauc,.  11.  <jdtd. 

jdlaka,  little  net,  web,  BrhArUp.  4.  2.  3.  Prob.  Dim.     <jdla,  web. 
tardnaka,  a  young  sprout,  AY.  10.  4.  2.    The  verse  is  hopelessly 

obscure  in  its  application,  but  some  sort  of  dim.  use  may  be 

assumed.  <  t&runa, 

nCisikd,  nostril,  RV.  10.  163.  ] ;  AY.  10.  2.  6  &c.     <  ndsd,  nose. 
pddukd.  slipper,  AgramTJp.  4.  Dim.?  <pddu,  foot. 

pipilaka,  (ika?)  and  (most  often)  ika,  ant;  AY.  7.  56.  7  &c.  &c. 

<pipild.     vSee  Word-List  s.  v. 

putrakd,  little  son,  EY.  8.  58.  8.    Of.  §  67.  <putrd. 

-prndkd   in   liarina-p.,   the   (fern.)  young    of   any   animal.     No 

*prna  occurs,  but  it  is  clearly  a  dim.    Of.  Class.  Skt.  pr-thu-ka, 

Lt.  pario.  TTO/JTIS  &c. 
prapdthaka.  little  section,  subdivision  of  cert,  works 

<prapdtha  "lecture." 

priyanguka,  little  panic-seed,  Samavidh.Br.  2.  6.  10.    <priydngu. 
mdksikd.  fly.  RY.  1.  119.  9  &r.  Dim.  <maksa,  fly. 

magaka,   gnat.   AY.  4.  36.  9  &c. — The   cognate    Lith.  maszalai 

with  suftix  IE.  -?o,9  points  to  a  Dim.  -A;a. 
mukharikd,  the  bit  of  a  bridle.  KatyQr.  16.  2.  5  (BR.  wrongly  4) 

according  to  Sell.  <  mukharl  (not  otherwise  found).  The  word 

is  in  any  case  ultimately  <mukha  and  is  prob.  Dim.  <mukhari. 
muliuka,  moment.  RY.  4.  16.  17;  4.  17.  12. 

<  mithu  (or  muhu)  adv.  ace. 

mfitaka,  little  basket,  QBr.  2.  6.  2.  17.  <muta. 

miisaka.  rat  or  mouse,  G-arud.Up.  2] 

-ikd,  rat  or  mouse,  VS.  24.  36.   }  <  m^a  (^ass.). 

rasndka,  little  girdle,  Kath.  25.  9.  <rdsnd. 

vajrasucikd,  "little    sharp   needle,"  n.   of   an   Up.,   also   called 

uajrasim.    Mukt.Up.  1.  33.  <vajrasmi. 

vaydka  (in  vaydkin),  prob.  "little   tendrils,"   RY.  5.  44.  5. 

<  vayti. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Lido- Iranian.  \  2(J 

So    Say ana    arid   Ludw.;    somewhat    dub.;    epithet   of  the 
soma-plant. 

valmika,  ant-hill,  VS.  25.  8  &c.  cf.  vamra,  -1,  anti 

Doubtful.     The  -ka  is   prehistoric,    but   certainly   suffixal, 

and   probably  dim.;   cf.  formica,   fj-vpprjg.     If  valmika   meant 

originally  "little  ant,"  its  semantics  have  wandered  peculiarly. 

vamanaka,  dwarf,  Garbh.Up.  3.  Dim.  <vdmana,  dwarf. 

vibhldaka,   the   vibJnda(ka)  nut  used  as  a  die.     RV.  7.  86.  6; 

10.  34.  1.  <vibhida. 

Although  the  form  vibHlda(-ta)  does  not  occur  until  later. 

the  -ka  was  clearly  felt  as  dim.— Cf.  vibhitaka  Imprec.  in  §  79. 

visanakd,  n.  of  a  plant,  AV.  6.  44.  3. — Prob.  "little  horn," 
referring  to  horn-shaped  leaves  or  flowers.  Kauc,.  even  takes 
it  as  a  real  "little  horn,"  not  as  a  plant  at  all,  and  this  may 
be  right. — The  other  alternative  is  to  regard  the  suffix  as 
possessive  (3  ka)\  visanakti,  "horned."  This  is  on  the  whole 
less  likely,  though  possible.  Cf.  gaphaka.  <visdna. 

gaphaka,  n.  of  a  plant,  AV.  4.  34.  5  &c.  Comm.  says  "a  hoof- 
si  i aped  plant;"  prob.  therefore  "little  hoof"  rather  than 
"hoofed;"  cf.  visanaka,  to  which  the  same  questions  apply. 

<  gaphd. 

galdkd  (once  oka,  Kath.  26.  1),  little  stake  or  twig,  TS.  6.  3.  1. 
2  &c.  <gala',  cf.  29  c.) 

$dlka,  splinter,  TBr.  1.  1.  9.  9  &c.     Cf.  §  29  b.       prob.  <gald. 

gagaka,  (little)  hare?,  Adbh.B.  in  I.  St.  1.  40. 

<gaga\  no  very  clear  dim.  force. 

samiihaka,  little  sweeper,  Ap.Qr.  17.  26.  (NBD.,  "heap").  See 
klianataka. — The  word  samiiha  only  occurs  as  a  n.  of  action, 
not  as  a  noun  of  instrument ;  doubtless  it  must  have .  been 
used  in  the  other  sense  too,  as  this  word  shows, — for  samu- 
haka  clearly  has  that  meaning.  The  whole  sense  of  the 
passage  suggests  also  diminutive  value.  Otherwise  it  would 
be  possible  to  call  samiihaka  a  noun  from  sam  +  Vuli  with 
primary  aka.  <  samulia  (?). 

sucika,  "little  needle,"  epithet  of  a  stinging  insect,  RV.  1.  191.  7. 

<  suci. 

I  do  not  think  any  imprecatory  or  other  pejorative  force 
is  present  here. 
63.  b)  Diminutives  of  Size — adjectives.     (8  words.) 

amyaskd,  more  tiny,  AY.  10.  8.  25.  bdlad  ekam  amyaskam, 
"one  is  more  tiny  than  a  child."  <amya,8,  comparative* 


130  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

arbhakd,  tiny,  BY.  1.  114.  7  &c.  (see  also  §  72)  <drbha. 

alpakd,  tiny,  AY.  20.  136.  3  (see  Obsc.,  Dim.,  §  86);   QBr.  1. 
7.  3.  25  &c.  <dlpa. 

kanisthakd,  smallest,  AY.  1.  17.  2       -  1    <kanisthd  (or 

(kanisthikd,  little  finger,  QBr.  3.  1.  2.  4  &c.).  J  ban-)  superlative. 
ksullakd,  tiny,  TS.  2.  3.  8.  3.  But  see  §  68. 

<*ksulla  <ksudrd,  prakritized  form. 

daharaka,  short,  KausBr.  19.  3.  <dahara. 

bdlaka,  young;  a  child,  KrsIIp.  19;  MuktITp.  2.  7.  <bdla. 

giqukd,  young  (animal),  AY.  6.  14.  3.  <&$u. 

64.  c)  Diminutives  of  Degree — adjectives  of  color.    (6  words.) 
kdlakd,  ,,blackish,"  n.  of  an  unidentified  bird.    YS.  24.  35.    <  kola, 
krsnaka,  prob.  "blackish,"  n.  of  a  plant,  Kaug.  80.         <krsnd. 
pingalakd,  ikd,  tawny(ish?),   AY.  20.  136.  14.— But    see  §  60. 

<pingald. 

babhrukd,  brownish,  QBr.  1.  6.  3.  3;    (bd-)  an   ichneumon  YS. 
24.  26.  <babhru. 

loliitcika,  reddish,  red.  Ap.  (NBD.;  no  reference  quoted.)  <  loliita. 
Qytivaka,  "brownish,"  n.  of  a  man,  BY.  8.  3.  12;  8.  4.  2.J  <  gyava. 
Examples  are  more  plentiful  in  Classical  Skt. 

65.  d)  Diminutives  of  Degree — other  adjectives  (and  adverbs). 
(3  words.) 

abliimddyatM,  somewhat  drunk,  QBr.  1.  6.  3.  4;  5.  5.  4.  5. 

<  abhimddyant,  pres.  p.  abhi-  V mad. 

nikhataka,  cut  into  a  little,  AY.  20.  132.  2— see  aldbuka  §  62. 

<  nikhdta. 
Qanakais,  adv.,  quite  gently,  softly,  BY.  8.  80.  3  &c. 

<ganais  (fan-). 
The  German  word  sachtclien  exactly  renders  ganakdis. 

66.  e)  Diminutives  of  Importance  (without  contempt).  (4  words.) 
upapdtaka,  a  minor  sin,  Nar.Up.  5;  Kalag.Up.  2.      <pdta,  sii 

pdtaka  is  also  found,  but  dim.  force  is  hard  to  find  in  it; 
it  has   rather   the    aspect    of  a  nomen  agentis.     The  prefi: 
upa-   adds   dim.  force,    and  there  is  no  doubt  that   in  upa- 
pdtaka   at  least    the    suffix  -ka  suggested  diminution  to  th( 
consciousness  of  the  hearer. 

tkaka,  "just  one  (little,  valueless),"  AY.  20.  132.  1— see  aldbuka, 
§  62.  <eka, 

devika,    an  inferior  class  of  goddesses.  AitBr.  3.  47,  48;  QBr. 
9.  5.  1.  34.  <devl. 

hotrka,  assistant-priest,  secondary  Hotr,QBr.  13.  5.4. 24  &c.  <Jiotr. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  131 

II.  Diminutives  of  Endearment.     (7 — 8  words.) 

67.  The  paucity  of  Vedic  material  under  this  head  is  partly 

due  to  the  character  of  the  literature,  whose  atmosphere  is  t<> 

a  large  extent  unfavorahle  to  "Kosenamen"    But  after  taking 

this  into  consideration,  it  is  surprising  that  the  number  should 
'he  so  small.     Following  are  the  only  cases  which  seem  to  me 

clear  enough  to  warrant  classifying  them  here. 

ambikd,  dear  little  mother,  Miitterchen.     VS.  23.  18  &c. 

<ambd  or  ambi. 

ambdlikd,  dear  little  mother,  Mutterchen.    VS.  23.  18,  QBr.  12. 
2.  8.  3  &c.  <ambdld  or  -ll. 

ambe   (MS.   amly)   ambike   ambdlike  VS.,   QB.,   MS.     ambe 
ambaly  ambike  TS.  &c.;  see  Yed.  Cone. 
(The  suffix  -Id  is  also  diminutive.) 

ulukhalaka,  dear  little  mortar  (Morserchen,  Gr.),  KV.  1.  28.  5. 

<  ulukhala. 

ydc  cid  dhi  tvdm  grhegrha  ulukhalaka  yujydse  ihd  dyumdt- 
tamam  vada  jdyatdm  iva  dundubhih 

"However   thou   mayst   be   used   in  every  house.   O    dear 
mortar,  yet  sound  most  clearly  here!" 

jivika,  in  jivikd  ndma  stha  tCi  imam  jwayata,  MS.  4.  8.  7, 
115.  5;  Ac,vQr.  6.  9.  1;  ApQr.  14.  20.  8.  Addressed  to  the 
waters,  in  a  magic  formula  or  charm;  uye  are  jivikds, — do 
ye  then  make  this  man  live  (jw)\n  The  same  formula  with 
jiv&  in  place  of  jivikd  occurs  in  the  same  places  quoted  and 
in  others  (see  Ved.  Cone.).  Cf.  also  AY.  19.  69. 1  if.,  especially  4. 
Verse  1  reads  jwd  stha  jwyasam — ,  "ye  are  alive  (jwd)] 
may  I  live!"  Vs.  4  reads  jwald  stha  jwydsam — °.  Whitney 
renders  jwald  "lively."  But  note  the  diminutive  suffix  -?a, 
and  cf.  jivikd.  The  occurrence  of  both  these  words  with 
diminutive  suffixes  in  practically  the  same  connection  shows 
that  neither  of  them  is  accidental.  They  were  both  evidently 
felt  as  carrying  the  same  quasi-endearing,  coaxing  idea  which 
is  found  in  ulukhalaka  and  mangalikct.  Although  this  mean- 
ing seems  clear  enough  here,  to  render  it  in  English  is  a 
different  proposition,  and  one  which  I  do  not  feel  equal  to 
attempting  at  present. 

padakti,  little  foot  (Fiifchen,  Gr.),  EV.  8.  33.  19,  <pdda. 

sam tardm pddakdu  hara— "keep  your  little  footies  together," 
spoken  in  a  playfully  affectionate  way. 


132  F.  Edgerton,  [191L 

putrakd,  little  sonny,  EY.  8.  69.  8.  <putrd. 

Dim.  of  size,  with  addition  of  some  endearing  force. 
mangalika,  (adj.)  of  good  omen,  AV.  19.  23.  28. 

<mangalya  (see  §  29 a). 

The  word  clearly  refers  to  the  hymns  of  AY.  18,  which 
are  funeral  hymns.  Lanman  is  right  in  remarking  (note  to 
Whitney's  translation)  that  it  is  a  euphemism  for  this  par- 
ticularly ill-omened  class  of  hymns.  The  suffix  ka  perhaps 
adds  something  to  this  euphemistic  touch  hy  giving  it  a  turn 
akin  to  the  endearing  diminutive  (cf.  ulukhalaka  and  jivikd). 
It  would  be  futile  to  try  to  bring  this  out  in  translation. 
' (sitbhadrika),  courtezan,  YS.  23.  18. 

< siiWiadra]  cf.  "Freudenmadchen." 

This  word  may  have  been,  and  probably  was,  originally  a 
playfully  endearing  dim.,  but  in  this  passage,  where  alone  it 
seems  to  be  found,  the  suffix  is  rather  imprecatory;  see  §  79. 
III.  Diminutive  of  Pity.  (3  words.) 

68.  In  the  Yeda  this  almost  always  carries  with  it  the  ad- 
ditional idea  of  contempt.  It  is  almost  doubtful  whether  the 
Yeda  knows  the  suffix  -ka  with  the  connotation  of  simple  pity 
in  a  good  sense  at  all.  All  the  following  instances  are  capable 
of  being  treated  as  terms  of  contempt. 

unmantaka,  insane,  only  Ac,ram.Up.  3.  The  exact  formation 
of  this  word  is  uncertain,  though  its  general  etymology 
(ud  +  Vman)  is  clear  enough.  No  *manta  or  *unmanta  oc- 
curs. If  the  ka  is  diminutive,  as  seems  likely,  it  belongs 
under  this  head. 

ksullakd,  tiny,  cf.  §  63,  72.  This  word,  <*ksulla  =  ksudrd, 
regularly  carries  with  it  (at  least  in  the  Yeda)  the  idea  of 
weakness,  as  well  as  smallness.  So  QBr.  1.  8.  1.  3 — ydvad 
vdi  ksullakd  Hhdvdmo  bahvi  vdi  nas  tdvan  ndstrd  bhavati, — 
"As  long  as  we  are  poor  (helpless)  little  shavers,  we  are  in 
great  danger."  In  this  case  we  seem  to  have  a  true  Dim. 
of  Pity. — More  often  the  word  takes  on  contemptuous  force ; 
see  §  72. 
pradrdnaka,  very  poor,  Cba.ITp.  1.  10.  1. 

<pra,  intens,   +  drdna,  poor. 

Probably  pitying  dim.  No  idea  of  contempt  seems  to  be 
prominent. 

IY.  Diminutives  of  Inferiority  with  evil  connotation,  often 
called  Pejoratives.  (94  words.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Sujfixcs  of  Indo- Iranian.  133 

69.  They   ;inso  from  1  he  ahou'-mentionod  diminutives  of  pity 
and  inferiority  (§§  66,  68)  and   may  he    conveniently    divided 
into  three  classes  (§  10);  1.  Contemptuous — §  70 — 76;  2.  Im- 
precatory—§  77—84;  3.  Obscene— §  85—86. 

1.  Contemptuous  Diminutives.     (29  words.) 

70.  In    these    the    idea    of   smallness  carries  with  it  that  of 
weakness   or  wretchedness   and   contempt.     Applied  to  nouns, 
adjectives,  participles,  pronouns,  and   adverbs.     Common   from 
the  earliest    times.     As    has   been  said,   this  category  is  often 
difficult,  of  not  impossible,   to    separate   from   the  imprecatory 
diminutive,    with  which   it    is    closely  connected.     In   many  of 
the  words   quoted   under    each   head  something    of  the  other 
idea  is  also  present. 

Following  are  the  words  which  show  more  or  less  clearly  a 
contemptuous  use  of  &a,  arranged  according  to  the  parts  of 
speech. 

71.  a)  Nouns. 

ahdllika.  -prattler"?  BrhArUp.  3.  9.  25.  A  term  of  reproach 
whose  mg.  and  etymology  are  not  certain,  but  prob.  con- 
taining some  pejorative  notion. 

usrika,  miserable  bullock,  RY.  1.  190.  5  (see  §  29  a,  N.).     <usra. 
ye  tvd  devosrikaih  mdnyamdndh  pdpd  bhadrdm  &c.     "The 
evil    ones"   who    reckon    thee,    O    God!    (Brhaspati)    as    a 
wretched  bullock,"  &c. 

kumdrakdj  RV.  8.  30.  1 — see  §  72  s.  v.  arbhdka. 

kumdrikds  (despised)  little  girl.  AV.  10.  4.  14;  20.  136.  14. 

<  kumdrd. 

AV.  10.  4.  14—MiratiM  kumdrikd  sakd  khanati  Wiesajdm 
—"Even  the  wretched  little  fttrafo-girf,  even  she — a  worth- 
less creature  (sakd) — digs  up  a  remedy  (which  is  sufficient 
to  destroy  the  serpents)."  In  a  charm  against  snakes.  The 
idea  is  that  a  worthless  person  of  very  little  power  or  in- 
fluence can  destroy  the  hostile  serpents.  The  kirdtas  were 
a  despised  mountain  tribe.  See  §  72  s.  v.  kdirdtikd. 

This  verbal  minimizing  of  the  power  of  adversaries  is  a 
common  characteristic  of  all  magic,  and  we  shall  have  oc- 
casion to  note  it  more  than  once  in  dealing  with  our  suffix, 
which  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  this  purpose.  Cf.  RV.  1.  191. 
11 — 16,  and  see  s.  v.  kusumbhaka,  rakuntikd. 

1  Either  accent. 


134  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

For   AV.  20.  136.  14,   where    kumdrikd   also    occurs,    see 
§  72  s.  v.  pingalakd. 
kusumbhakd,  venom-bag  of  an  insect,  BY.  1.  191.  15,  16. 

<  kimtmbha,  id. 
vs.  15 — iyattakali  Jmsumbhakds  takdm  bhinadmi  demand  tdto 

visdm  prd  vdvrte  pdrdclr  ami  samvdtah 
16 — kusumbhakds    tad    abravid    gireh  pravartamdnakdh 
vfgcihasyarasdm  visdm  arasdm  vrgcika  te  visdm. 

15.  "A  wretched,  feeble  thing  is  that  miserable  little  poison- 
bag!    I  smite  it  with  a  stone;  then  the  poison  has  departed 
into  remote  places." 

16.  "Thus   spake   the    accursed   little  poison-bag,  slinking 
down  from  the  mountain:  'The  poison  of  the  accursed  stinger 
is  powerless.'     Thy  poison,  accursed   little  stinger,  is  power- 
less." 

The  power  of  the  poison  is  belittled;  the  speaker  declares 
with  all  possible  vehemence  that  he  despises  it.  and  that  it 
cannot  do  him  any  harm.  See  s.  v.  kumdrikd  and  gakuntikd 
Of  course  imprecatory,  as  well  as  contemptuous,  force  per- 
vades the  ka  suffixes  which  bristle  in  this  passage;  I  have 
tried  to  bring  out  both  ideas  in  the  translation. 

The  word  kusumbhakd  is  often  translated  "venomous  in- 
sect," as  if  it  contained  the  suffix  3  ka  and  meant  "possess- 
ing a  kusumbha"  It  seems  clear,  however,  that  it  has  just 
the  same  meaning  as  kusiimbha  (e.  g.  AY,  2.  32.  6),  plus  a 
pejorative  value.  Our  modern  preconceived  ideas,  based  on 
modern  prejudices,  of  what  such  stanzas  ought  to  say  in 
order  to  give  "good  sense,"  are  of  practically  no  weight 
whatever  with  verses  of  this  kind,  which  may  even  be  in- 
tentional nonsense.  The  meaning  "poison-bag,"  incidentally, 
fits  in  vs.  15,  at  least,  quite  as  well  as  the  other  meaning. 
And  as  for  vs.  16,  we  can  only  say  that  the  poet  speaks  of 
the  poison-bag  as  crawling  down  from  the  mountain,  and 
there  is  an  end  of  it.  If  anyone  demands  that  logical  sense 
be  extracted  from  this  abracadabra,  I  respectfully  request 
that  he  identify  the  mountain  (giri)  alluded  to,  and  explain 
why  the  kusumbhakd  (whatever  its  meaning)  should  be  crawl- 
ing down  from  it. — A  parallel  stanza  to  vs.  16  is  AY.  ">. 
13.  9;  see  §  73  s.  v.  avacarantikd. 

vfgcika,  "stinger,"  scorpion,  from  Vvracc.  The  ka  may  bo 
in  origin  primary  and  not  diminutive;  but  that  it  is  felt  as 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-SufJixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  135 

diminutive  in  this  passage  is  c\  idcnt.  The  imprecatory  force 
of  the  suffix  is  strong  in  this  word, — stronger  than  the  con- 
temptuous, perhaps. 

devaka,  (wretched,  worthless)  god,  RY.  7.  18.  20.  <  devd. 

devakaih  tin  mdnyamdndm  jayhanta. 

"The    wretched    fellow    who    thought    himself   a    godling, 
forsooth!  (cid)  him  didst  thou  (Indra)  slay." 
dhanuska,  small,  poor  how,  Laty  8.  6.  8.  <dhdnus. 

p&ndaka,  eunuch,  weakling,  Kath.  28.  8;  13.  7.        <  panda,  id. 
napunsaka,  eunuch,  hermaphrodite,  QBr.  5.  5.  4.  35  &c. 

<na-puiisa. 

piilkaka  or  pukldka,  n.  of  a  despised  tribe.    MS.  1.  6.  11.      <? 
In  Classical  Skt.  they  are  called  pulkasa;   the  dim.  suffix 
-ka  is  prob.  present  in  the  word. 

rajakd,  worthless  kinglet,  RY.  8.  21.  18.  <rdjan. 

dtra  id  raja  rdjakd  id  anyake  yake  sdrasvatwi   dnu  &c. 
"Citra  is  a  real  king ;  worthless  kinglets  truly  are  the  other 
wretches  (anyake)  who  (yake)  live  about  the  Sarasvati"  &c. 
visadhdnaka — see  under  §  79. 
vispulingakd,  (miserable)  little  spark?,  RY.  1.  191.  12. 

<  visp(h)ulinya. 

trih  saptd  vispulingakd  visasya  piisyam  aksan.  The  exact 
meaning  of  the  word  is  not  entirely  clear,  but  it  must  be  a 
contemptuous  formation  <visphulinga,  like  gakuntikd  (q.  v.) 
in  the  preceding  verse,  and  with  a  similar  application,  viz. 
used  in  minimizing  verbally  the  power  of  the  poison.  See 
also  kusumbhakd,  and  cf.  kumarikd.  The  vispulingakdh  must 
be  some  weak  and  worthless  creatures,  at  all  events. 
vi'rcika.  scorpion,  RY.  1.  191.  16  &c.  &c.  See  on  kusun&hakd, 

and,  also  §  79. 

'•akuntakd,  ikd,  (wretched,  accursed)  little  bird.  <gakunta. 

RY.  1.  191.  11  iyattikd  gakuntika  sakd  jaghdsa  te  visdm 

so  tin  nil  nd  mardti   no   vaydm   mardmdre   asya   yojanam 

haristhd  mddhu  tvd  madhuld  cakdra. 

"A  miserable  little  creature  is  that  little  bird! — she  has 
swallowed  thy  poison;  yet  she  shall  not  die;  we  too  shall 
not  die!  Far  off  is  thy  course;  the  sun-god  has  turned 
thee  into  honeyed  honey." 

Another  case  where  the  power  of  a  hostile  object  (poison) 
is  belittled  in  words,  the  idea  being  that  the  very  words  by 
their  magical  power  accomplish  the  things  stated  to  be  al- 


136  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

ready  accomplished.    "Even  a  wretched  little  bird  has  eaten 
the  poison  without  injury;  what  harm  can  it  do  us?" 
AY.  Ppp.  folio  115  b,  line  1 — cakuntikd  dhayantikd,  see  §  73. 
VS.  23.  22,  23  and   parallel  passages,  contain   this  word. 
They  occur  in   the    obscene   parts   of  the  Agvamedha  cere- 
mony ;  the  use  of  the  suffix  belongs  to  the  Dim.  of  Obscenity, 
and  will  be  mentioned  there — see  §  85. 
(jaldkakd,  wretched  little  splinter,  AV.  20.  130.  20.       <caldkd. 

See  s.  v.  yakd,  §  75. 
72.  b)  Adjectives. 

arbhakd.  small,  weak,  wretched,    BY.  7.  33.  6  (see  also  §  63). 

<  drblia. 

dandd  ived  godjandsa  dsan  pdrichinnd  bharatd  arblidkdsali. 
"Like    ox-driving    staves,    the    miserable    Bharatas    were 
crushed  to  pieces." 

EY.  8.  30.  1 — nahi  vo  dsty  arbliako  devdso  nd  kumdrakdJi 
"Not  one  of  you  is  a   little  wretch,    o  gods!    nor    a  weak 
boy!" 

AY.  1.  27.  3,  in  a  charm  against  serpents,  ndrbhakd  abhi 
dadhrsuh    (cf.  kusumbhakd,  §  71,  and  comment.). — Similarly 
AY.  7.  56.  6, 
dbhfika,  powerless,  weak,  AY.  6.  29.  3. 

<abhii,  which  means  simply  "empty.'' 
kdirdtaka,  ikd,  of  the  kirdtas  (contemptuous),  AY.  10.  4.  14. 

<kdirdta,  id. 

See  Jfumdrikd,  §  71. — They  were    a    despised  tribe.     This 

word  is  a  contemptuous  formation  from  the  adjective  kdirdta. 

ksullakd,  tiny  and  wretched.     See  §  68,  63.     <  ksudrd  (*ksulla). 

AY.  2.  32.  5    shows   the  word  in  a  clearly  contemptuous 

sense  (with  some  imprecatory  force  added): 

atlw  ye  ksullakd  iva  sdrve  te  krimayo  hatdh  =  "The  tiny 
little  wretches — all  the  worms  are  slain."    In  a  vermin-charm. 
pingalikd,  tawny,  AY.  20.  136.  14.  <pingdld. 

kumdrikd  pingalikd,  "the  wretched  little  yellow-girl." 
This  color-adjective  may  or  may  not  partake  of  the  force 
of  the  Dim.  of  degree  otherwise  common  with  such  adjectives. 
See  §§  60,  64. 

bhinnaka,  broken  and  worthless,  MantraBr.  2.  7.  3.     <bhinna. 
athdi    'sdm    bhinnakah    kumbho    ya    esdm    visadhdnakah. 
"So  their  bag  is  crushed  and  powerless, — their  cursed  poison- 
receptacle."     In  a 'charm  against  poisonous  insects. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixcs  of  Indo- Iranian.  13* 

In  the  word  visadhdnaka   the    idea  of  imprecation  seems 
to  outweigh  that  of  contempt. 

73.  c)  Participles. 

avaf  arantikd,  slinking  down,  AV.  5.  13.  9.  <avacarantl. 

karnd  Qvdvit  tad  dbravld  girer  avacarantikd 

yah  kd$cemdh  khanitrimds  tdsdm  arasdtamam  visdm. 

'•The  eared  hedge-hog  said,  as  she  slunk  down  from  the 
mountain,"  &c. — The  whole  stanza  is  suggestive  of  RY.  1. 
191.  16,  and  pada  b  is  pada  b  of  the  RY.  verse  with  the 
substitution  of  avacarantikd  for  pravartamdnakdh,  q.  v.  The 
sense  of  the  ha  is  doubtless  contemptuous.  This  stanza  has 
less  appearance  of  freshness  and  originality  than  the  RY. 
stanza;  it  looks  like  a  secondary  and  epigonal  reminiscence 
of  the  latter.  See  §  71  s.  v.  kusumbhakd. 
pravartamdnakd,  slinking  down,  RY.  1. 191. 16.  <pravartamdna. 

See  ku?umbhakd,  §  71,  and  cf.  avacarantikd  above. 
dJiayantikd,  sucking,  AY.  Ppp.  folio  115  b,  line  1.    <dhayantl. 

gakuntilid    (MS.  -ka)   me  :bravid   visapuspam   dhayantikd. 

(For  MS.  visapuspam  probably  -pusyam  is  to  be  read; 
cf.  RY.  1.  191.  12,  and  see  §  71  s.  v.  vispulingakd.) 

"A  miserable  little  bird  said  to  me,  as  she  sucked  up  the 
essence  of  the  poison; — "(The  following  words  in  the  MS. 
are  not  entirely  clear  to  me;  they  are  probably  corrupt,  and 
are  in  any  case  unimportant  for  the  present  purpose.)  That 
the  suffix  ka  here  has  contemptuous  force  is  made  clear  by 
a  comparison  of  RY.  1.  191.  11 — 16,  of  which  this  verse  is 
a  reminiscence.  See  Qokuntiha  in  §  71,  also  kusumbhakd. 

74.  d)  Pi'onominal  adjectives. 

anyahd.  other  (contemptuous),  RY.  6.  21.  18. — See  rdjakd,  §  71. 

<  dnya. 

See  also  §  82,  Imprecatory  Diminutives. 
iyattakd,  ikd.  so  tiny  and  wretched,  RY.  1.  191.  11,  15. 

<iyat-  "of  such  a  size:' 

See  gakuntikd,  kusumbhakd,  §  71.— In  AY.  20.  130.  20 
the  MSS.  have  uyam  yakdm  calokaka,  for  which  R.-Wh. 
read  iyattikd  gald-\  but  the  correct  reading  is  probably 
iydiii  yahd  galdkaha,  ;\*  shown  by  RY.Kh.  5.  15.  10. 

75.  e)  Pronouns. 

sakd,  sakd,  takdd  cVc.,  that  (wretched  or  miserable  little). 

<s«,  sd,  tad. 
RY.  1.  191.  11,  see  ^akuntikd  §  71. 


138  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

AY.  10.  4.  14— see  kumdrikd  §  71. 

RY.  1.  191.  15— see  kusumbhaka  §  71. 

Katy.  Or.  13.  3.  21  taka  vayam  plavdmalie.  Parallel  texts 
read  ime  or  eta  for  taka.  There  is  no  apparent  reason  for 
the  dim.  or  pejorative  suffix.  The  verse  is  difficult  and 
uncertain;  see  Garbe  on  Yait.  S.  34.  9. 

RY.  1.  133.  4  ydsdm  tisrdh  pancdgdto  'bhivlangdir  apdvapdh 
tat  su  te  mandyati  takdt  su  te  mandyati 

(Addressed  to  Indra.)  uOf  them  (witches)  thrice  fifty  didst 
thou  lay  low  with  blows  (?  aWiivlangdir),  that  deed  of  thine 
(te  gen.)  is  highly  praised, — yea,  even  that  slight  task  of 
thine!"  He  means  that  this  great  performance  (which  is 
itself  worthy  of  laudation)  was  nothing  to  what  the  power 
of  Indra  could  do, — not  that  the  performance  was  in  itself 
slight.  Grassmann's  translation  misses  the  point. 
yaka,  which  (miserable  person).  <  ya* 

RY.  6.  21.  8— see  rdjaka,  §  71. 

AY.  20.  130.  20  =  RYKh.  3.  15.  10  iydm  yakti  caldkakd 
(see  on  iyattakd  §  74)  "that  wretched  little  splinter." 
Whether  an  obscene  meaning  is  hidden  in  the  phrase  (which 
is  quite  likely)  or  not,  the  contemptuous  idea  is  plain.  See 
further  §  85,  Dim.  of  Obscenity. 

76.  f)  Adverb. 

dlakam,  in  vain  (contemptuous  and  imprecatory)  <  dlam. 

RY.  10.  71.  6;  10.  108.  7.— Applied  to  actions  which  fail, 
and  which  are  not  desired  to  succeed.  In  10.  108.  7  the 
Panis  tell  Sarama  contemptuously  that  her  long  journey  has 
been  useless  (dlakam),  since  she  has  no  power  to  get  the 
desired  cows  away  from  them. 
(IY.  Pejoratives:)  2.  Imprecatory  Diminutives.  (59  words.) 

77.  These    are   sometimes   called   simply    Pejoratives,    in 
narrower  sense.     But  this  expression,  if  used  at  all,  is  better 
applied   to   this   entire   category,   including  the   contemptuous 
and  obscene  words.     I  have  applied  the  term  imprecatory  to 
this  subdivision,  because  these  words  in  ka  often  have  just  the 
value  of  the  primitive  words  accompanied  by  a  curse.    This  cannot 
be  brought  out  in  translation  oftentimes,  without  over-translating 
the  idea.    And  of  course  it  cannot  be  prest  too  closely  in  the 
case  of  every  individual  word.      Sometimes  the  idea  is  more 
deprecatory    than    imprecatory.     But    it    always    conveys    the 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo- Iranian.  139 

impression  of  something  bad, — something  that  is  more  or  less 
emphatically  disapproved  of.  And  it  differs  from  the  foregoing 
subdivision  in  that  the  idea  of  contempt,  if  present  at  all,  is 
at  least  not  prominent,  or  not  as  prominent  as  the  idea  of 
hostility  or  vigorous  disapprobation.  As  we  have  said,  it  is 
sometimes  hard  to  say  in  given  cases  whether  imprecation  or 
contempt  is  more  strongly  felt.  Proper  names  are  peculiarly 
susceptible  to  the  imprecatory  ka,  which  casts  a  slur  of  some 
sort  or  other  on  the  personage  so  denominated.  It  is  especially 
common  with  names  of  hostile  demons. — Besides  the  other 
parts  of  speech  represented  in  the  contemptuous  ka  words, 
we  find  here  one  remarkable  verb-form  containing  the  suffix. 
Following  are  the  words  which  occur. 

78.  a)  Proper  names, 
anantaka,  n.  of  Qesa,  a  snake-god,  Garud.  Up.  2;  see  eldpatraka. 

He  was  regularly  called  ananta. 
eldpatraka,  n.  of  a  Naga  or  serpent-demon,  Garud.  Up.  2. 

<  eldpatra,  id. 

(mahdildpatraka  [mahd-el-]  is  another  Nag  a  in  the  same 
section.)  elapatra  is  the  name  of  a  Naga,  found  in  the 
Classical  Skt. —  This  chapter  is  a  charm  against  serpents, 
personified  as  demons.  A  number  of  them  are  listed  and 
exorcized  by  name.  Names  in  -ka  predominate  (only  one 
out  of  the  12  names  lacks  the  suffix),  and  in  many  cases 
(as  in  this  one)  the  same  names  appear  elsewhere  without 
ka.  It  is  plain  that  an  imprecatory  force  is  felt  in  the 
suffix  with  all  of  them. 
karkotaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2.  See  eldpatraka. 

<karkota,  id. 
kdlika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2.    See  eldpatraka.    No  *kdli 

occurs. 
kulika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2.    See  eldpatraka.    No  *kuli 

occurs. 
chdyaka,  n.  of  a  demon,  AY.  8.  6.  21;  prob.  imprec. 

<chdya  (only  occurs  as  common  n.) 
jambhaka,  "crusher",  n.  of  a  demon,  YS.  30.  16. 

<jambha  n.  of  a  demon,  AY. 
taksaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2,  AY.  8.  10.  29,  &c. 

<taksa,  id.  (Kaug.) 

tduvilikd,  n.  of  a  female  demon,  AY/6.  16.  3.     Derivation  un- 
known; prob.  imprec.  -ka. 


140  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

padmaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2.     See  eldpatralca. 

(and  mdhdpadmaka — same  section.)  <padma.  id. 

palijaka,  n.  of  a  demon  attacking  women,  AY.  8.  6.  2.  The 
proposed  etymologies  are  all  merest  guesswork;  but  the  Ita 
is  probably  imprecatory. 

vasuki,  11.  of  a  serpent -king,  Garud.  Up.  2;  brother  of  Qesa, 
who  is  referred  to  in  the  section  as  anantaka.  Vdsuki,  by 
its  ending  i  and  Yriddhi,  suggests  a  patronymic  formation 
<vasnha;  but  still  the  -ki  may  have  been  felt  as  imprecatory, 
in  the  connection  where  this  passage  occurs. 

gankhapulika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.  2.  See  eldpatraha. 
No  *$ankhapuli  occurs. 

gerabhaka  (voc.),  n.  of  a  kimldin  or  hostile  demon,  AY.  2.  24.  1 . 

<  reralJia, 

which  is  joined  with  it  in  the  same  stanza.  The  opening 
of  the  exorcism  is  gerdbhaka  cerabhal  (vocatives).  Some  sort 
of  a  serpent  or  dragon  is  doubtless  referred  to.  The  suffix 
-Wia  indicates  that  it  is  some  animal;  and  the  radical  part 
of  the  word  is  probably  connected  with  clra — serpent  (Pane.). 
In  any  case  the  suffix,  in  this  word  as  in  gevrdliaka.  is 
plainly  imprecatory. 

$evrdhaka,  n.  of  a  Mmidin,  AY.  2.  24.  2.  <  cevrdha. 

Occurs  in  the  stanza  following  the  one  which  contains 
gerabhaka;  this  stanza  opens  in  the  same  way  with  a  corre- 
sponding address — gevrdhaka  gevrdlia\ — The  words  are  puzz- 
ling in  this  connection,  because  cevrdha  is  otherwise  an 
adjective  of  good  signification,  meaning  "favoring,  kindly.' 
It  seems  likely  that  the  vague  assonance  of  the  words  with 
geraHha(ka)  suggested  their  use  in  this  place;  although  it  would 
be  rather  bold  to  suppose  that  the  charm-maker  forgot,  or 
did  not  know,  the  regular  meaning  of  gevrdha  (which  was. 
nevertheless,  a  rare  word).  In  any  case  the  ka  is  impreca- 
tory. 
79.  b)  Nouns  (not  Proper  Names). 

armaka,  heap  of  ruins,  EY.  1.  133.  3.  <arma,  id. 

dvdsdm  maghavan  jahi  gdrdho  yatumatmam  vdilaslhdnake 
armake  mahdvdilasthe  armake.  On  account  of  the  fact  that 
drma  is  only  found  as  a  noun,  and  that  the  Jca  is  plainly 
pejorative,  I  prefer  to  regard  armakd  (as  well  as  vailastha- 
ndkd  q.  v.)  as  a  noun  (drma  +  imprecatory  idea),  rather  than 
as  an  adjective,  which  some  commentators  prefer.  Translate: 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  141 

"Smite  down,  0  Maghavan,  the  crowd  of  these  witches  into 
the  fearful  pit,  the  heap  of  ruins; — even  into  the  great  pit, 
the  heap  of  ruins."  It  is  indeed  somewhat  awkward  to 
construe  these  four  successive  words  as  nouns  in  apposition 
to  one  another.  But  the  pejorative  notion  seems  so  marked 
in  the  verse  that  I  am  unable  to  believe  that  ha  is  the  mere 
adjective-forming  suffix. 

agvaM,  accursed  horse,  VS.  23. 18  (repeated  TS.  7.  4.  19.  1,  2  &c.). 

<  &£  va. 

In  part  of  the  Agvamedha-ceremony.  The  Mahisi  speaks: 
sdsasty  agvakah  suWiadrikdm  kampilavdsinlm. — -'(If  I  do  not 
perform  the  revolting  ceremony  required  of  me)  this  damned 
horse  will  sleep  with  (impregnate)  the  accursed  whore 
(subhadrika)  who  lives  in  Kampila."  She  does  not  want  to 
do  what  she  is  compelled  to  do,  but  knows  that  if  she  does 
not,  the  benefits  she  desires  from  the  horse  will  go  to  other 
women.  The  imprecatory  idea  is  beautifully  clear.  Not 
"little"  or  -'contemptible"  horse  (which  would  certainly  not 
be  said  of  the  sacrificial  beast  at  this  solemn  occasion),  but 
"this  horse,  confound  it!" — The  subhadrika  (q.  v.)  is  supposed 
to  personate  vaguely  any  hostile  or  rival  woman. 

uluka  (once  uruka,  Ait  Br.  2.  7.  10),  owl,  BY.  10.  165.  4  &c. 
Onomatopoetic  base  +  fra;  the  owl  was  a  bird  of  evil  omen 
from  the  earliest  times.  Lat.  ulucus  as  well  as  ulula  point 
to  a  prehistoric  pejorative. 

aidaka,  QBr.  12.  4.  1.  4.  Eggeling  "a  vicious  ram,"  <ed(i. 
on  the  ground  of  the  suffix,  the  associations  in  the  passage, 
and  a  similar  meaning  which  the  word  has  in  Marathl. 
Otherwise  didaka  only  occurs  as  an  adj.  <  eda,  with  2  ka, 
meaning  "of  the  sheep  eda"  I  think  E.  is  right  in  his 
interpretation;  ill-omened  animals  are  dealt  Avith  in  the 
passage.  But  as  dida  does  not  occur  as  a  noun,  and  as  the 
vriddhi-vowel  is  therefore  inexplicable,  I  should  emend  to 
edaka. 

kanaknaka,  a  sort  of  poison,  AV.  10.  4.  22.  Etymology  un- 
known. Very  possibly  contains  imprecatory  ka. 

kasika,  cough  (as  a  disease),  AY.  5.  22.  12;  11.  2.  22. 

<  kds  or  kdsd. 

In  5.  22.  12  kdsikd  follows  directly  upon  kds  and  kdsd  in 
preceding  verses,  and  the  suffix  is  undoubtedly  felt  as  im- 
precatory (or  pejorative). 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  II.  10 


142  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

kuhaka,  rogue,  cheat,  Maitr.  Up.  7.  8.  <kuha,  id. 

kusumbhakd,  poison-bag,  KV.  1.  191.  15,  16.     See  §  71. 

<  kusumbha. 

The  word  may  contain  imprecatory  as  well  as  contempt- 
uous force. 

jydkd,  accursed  bowstring,  RV.  10.  133.  Iff.  (repeated  as  re- 
frain). <jyd. 
nabliantdm   anyakesdrii  jyakd   ddhi  dhdnvasu.     "Let   the 
damned  bowstrings  of  the  others,  the  scoundrels  (our  enemies), 
be  smashed  upon  their  bows!"    Strongly  imprecatory,  tho  a 
contemptuously  belittling  idea  is  also  present  to  some  extent. 
In  AY.  1.  2.  2  jyakd  may  be  used  for  jyd  for  metrical 
reasons.     Certainly  no  reason  for  a  dim.  use  of  any  sort  is 
discernible. 

tilvaka,  a  certain  plant,  Q.  Br.  13.  8.  1.  16;  AQV.  &c.  <tilva,  id. 
only  Lexx.;  but  cf.  tilvtia  (KV.),  "fertile."— In  the  Q.  Br. 
passage  it  is  found  in  a  list  of  ill-omened  trees,  and  the  ka 
was  probably  felt  as  pejorative,  whether  it  was  so  originally 
or  not.  * 

dusika,  impurity  from  the  eyes,  VS.  25.  9  &c.  <  dtisi,  id. 

(dusikd,  Maitr.  Up.  1.  3.) 

Perhaps  originally  pejorative,  though  this  force  is  not  pro- 
minent in  any  of  the  passages  where  it  occurs. 

Mddhaka.  captive,  AV.  6.  121.  3.  4.  <baddha,  id. 

Used  of  one  bound  by  sin  or  by  hostile  magic.  Contains 
some  sort  of  pejorative  notion. 

makaka,  a  kind  of  evil  demon,  AV.  8.  6. 12.  Perhaps  cf.  makara, 
a  sea-monster.  The  suffix  is  doubtless  imprecatory. 

manaska,  accursed  mind,  AV.  6.  18.  3.  <manas. 

ado  ydt  te  hrdi  grit  dm  manaskdm  patayisnukdm  tdtas  te 
irsyCtm  mimcdmi  nir  usmCmaih  nfter  iva.  In  a  charm 
against  jealousy.— "That  accursed  restless  mind  that  is  loca- 
ted in  thy  heart, — from  it  do  I  let  loose  thy  jealousy,  as 
vapor  from  a  skin."  A  brilliant  example  of  the  strongly 
imprecatory  ka.  A  translation  as  a  simple  dim.,  "little  mind" 
or  the  like,  misses  the  point  entirely;  nor  is  the  word  con- 
temptuous. It  connotes  strong  disapproval,  tdtas  =  mdnasas 
(manaskdt  te.) 

rdpakd,  AV.  11.  9.  15,  evil  phantom.          <rupd,  shade,  shape. 

Appears  in  a  group  of  hostile  spirits  invoked  to  torment 

enemies.    Although  none  of  the  commentators  appear  to  have 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  143 

struck  this  note,  it  siu-ins  to  mo  clear  tliat  we  have  a  pejo- 
rativc-  (imprecatory)  formation  to  rupa,  which  has  the 
meaning  "specter"  in  VS.  2.  30,  and  -'visionary  appearance" 
in  Q.  Br.  14.  7.  1.  14.  The  fern,  gender  is  due  to  the  in- 
tiuence  of  the  other  names  of  demons  in  the  gloka,  all  of 
which  chance  to  be  fern.  The  translation  "female  jackal" 
lias  no  basis  except  the  fanciful  identification  with  Av.  urupi. 
which  is  Lt.  vulpes  and  should  not  be  connected  with 
rftpakd. 

vibhitaka,  a  certain  tree,  Q.  Br.  13.  8.  1.  16,  among  a  list  of 
trees  declared  to  have  evil  names.  The  same  word  is  also 
used  of  the  nuts  of  this  tree  used  as  dice,  and  is  in  that 
case  a  simple  dim.  (see  §  62).  <vibhtta,  id. 

visadhdndka,  cursed  poison-receptacle,  Mantra  Br.  2.  7.  3. 

<  visadhdna. 

The  same  pada  in  AY.  2.  32.  6  reads  visadhdna. — See 
bhinnaka  §  72,  where  the  passage  is  given  and  translated. — 
I  have  hesitated  long  before  separating  the  words  bhinnaka 
and  visadhdnaka,  which  occur  in  the  same  line, — classifying 
one  as  contemp.  and  the  other  as  imprec.;  but  the  predomi- 
nance of  ideas  in  either  case  seems  to  demand  it.  Both 
notions  are  present  in  both  words,  to  a  certain  extent. 

visdtaki,  n.  or  epithet  of  a  poisonous  plant,  AY.  7.  113.  2. 

trstdsi  trstikd  (-asi  Ppp.)  visd  visdtakydsi  pdrivrkta  ydthd- 
sasy  rsabhdsya  vageva.  "Rough  one,  thou  art  an  accursed 
rough  one;  visd,  thou  art  visdtaki;  that  thou  mayst  be 
avoided  (be  a  pdrivrkta  wife),  as  a  barren  cow  (?vacd)  of  a 
bull."  Pdrivrkta  is  a  terminus  technicus  for  a  disliked  and 
neglected  wife;  TS.  1.  8.  9.  1  &c. 

The  imprecatory  character  of  the  word  visdtaki  is  fairly 
clear,  but  otherwise  it  is  problematic.  —  visd  occurs  as  the 
name  of  a  plant  in  Sucr.,  and  is  probably  here  used  as 
such,  with  intention  to  pun  on  visa,  poison. — visdtaki  is 
either  ] )  the  name  of  a  poisonous  plant,  containing  or  punned 
upon  as  if  containing  the  stem  visa,  or  2)  an  epithet  of 
such  a  plant,  or  an  epithet  applied  to  the  woman  against 
whom  the  charm  is  directed,  or  loosely  to  both,  and  con- 
taining the  base  visa  or  visd  extended  by  an  element  of 
uncertain  value  plus  the  imprecatory  suffix  kl  (fern,  of  ka). 
Can  the  meter  have  anything  to  do  with  the  extra  syllable 
-ta-?  The  Ppp.  reading  gives  perfect  meter  to  the  whole 

10* 


144  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

line;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  additional  -asi  insert- 
ed in  Ppp.  has  the  appearance  of  a  later  attempt  to  improve 
the  meter,  which  as  a  matter  of  fact  far  from  improves  the 
sense. 

A  striking  parallel  to  visd:  visataki  is  the  Classical  Skt. 
equation  bhandUaki  =  bhandi,  also  n.  of  a  plant,  ^o  *b~handua 
occurs,  any  more  than  *visata.  As  to  the  nature  of  the 
suffixal  element  or  elements,  I  cannot  pretend  to  have  any 
opinion  further  than  that  the  -ki  is  imprecatory. 

visucika,  a  disease,  a  form  of  cholera,  VS.  19,  10;  TBr.  2.  6.  1.  5. 

<  and  =  visucl. 

visdlpaka  (Wh.)  or  visdlyaka  (MSS.),  a  certain  disease,  AV. 

<  and  =  visalpd(-lyd). 

E.  g.  AV.  9.  8.  5  (visalpd  or  -yd  occurring  in  the  same 
hymn.)  The  suffix  is  doubtless  imprecatory. — Wh.,  emending 
to  visdlpa(ka),  derives  from  vi — Vsrp.  In  support  of  this  it 
may  be  noted  that  Sucr.  uses  visarpaka  of  "a  spreading 
eruption,"  like  erysipelas ;  and  that  the  root  vi — srp  is  found 
in  VS.  with  the  meaning  "to  be  spread  or  diffused  over." 

vfgcika,  scorpion,  RV.  1.  191.  16  &c.  See  §  71  s.  v.  kusumbhakd. 
The  word  may  be  a  primary  derivative;  if  its  suffix  is  dim.  at 
all,  it  is  probably  rather  imprecatory  than  contemptuous. 

vattasthanakd,  a  horrible  pit,  RY.  1.  133.  3.    See  armakd. 

<  vdilasthdnd. 

Some  commentators  consider  this  word  an  adj.,  for  which 
there  seems  to  me  still  less  ground  than  for  holding  armakd, 
q.  v.,  to  be  one. 

$ipavitnukd,  a  kind  of  vermin,  AY.  5.  23.  7.  Probably  impre- 
catory; cf.  ejatkd  (§  81)  in  same  verse.  Derivation  unknown. 

sarabhaka,  a  kind  of  grain-devouring  insect,  Adbh.  Br.  (in  I.  St.) 
1.  40.  5,  6.  Probably  imprec.  <  sarabha  (with  the  animal 
suffix  -bha).  The  word  sarabha  is  only  found  as  the  name 
of  a  monkey  (Ramatup.  Up.). 

subhadrikd,  courtesan,  YS.  23.  18.     Cf.  "Freudenmadchen." 

<  subhadra. 

See  s.  v.  a$vakd;  see  also  §  67.  The  suffix  in  this  passage 
is  plainly  imprecatory  (perhaps  also  contemptuous),  tho  it 
may  have  been  originally  endearing.  The  Mahisl  uses  this 
epithet  as  an  invective  against  a  (not  necessarily  definite) 
hostile  or  rival  woman,  whom  she  fears  the  horse  will  favor 
if  she  does  not  perform  her  disgusting  share  in  the  rite. 


Vol.  xxxi]          The  K-Suffixes  of  Info-Iranian,  145 

sphdrjaka,  n.  of  a  plant,  said  to  be  ill-omened,  0.  Br.  13.  8.  1. 
16.  sphurja,  id.,  only  Lexx.  Prob.  an  imprecatory  formation. 
so.  c)  Adjectives. 

unaka,  defective,  lacking.  Qankh  <>.  7.  27.  27.  <  una,  id. 

/./(./ttfca,  sharp,  bad,  RV.  10.  85.  34  =  AV.  14.  1.  29. 

<  katu,  id. 

krtaka,  artificial,  unreal,  false.  G-audap.  3.  22.          <krta,  made. 
kharvikd,  mutilated,  AY.  11.  9.  16.  Imprec.  <  kharva,  id. 

khdrvikdm  kharvavdsimm,  of  a  female  demon. 
trstika.    rough   (imprec.)    AV.   7.  113.  1,  2 — see   s.  v.  visdtaki 
$  79.  <trstd. 

duraka,  far  off  RV.  passim;  AY.  10.  4.  9.  <durd,  id. 

Seems  to  be  generally  used  in  imprecatory  sense;  either 
1)  applied  to  dangers  and  enemies,  which  are  desired  to  be 
-at  a  distance,"  implying  an  imprecation  (as  RY.  9.  67.  21; 
9.  78.  5;  AY.  10.  4.  9  of  hostile  serpents);  or  2)  if  used  of 
other  things,  usually  with  a  deprecatory  idea,  as  RY.  10. 
58.  1  —  "Thy  spirit  which  hath  departed  to  a  distance  (as 
it  should  not  have  done),  to  Yama  son  of  Yivasvant,  that 
we  make  to  return  hither" — ydt  te  . . .  mdno  jdgdme  diirakdm 
(of  the  soul  of  a  dying  man). 
ndgnaka,  ikd,  naked,  AY.  8.  6.  21 — applied  to  demons. 

<  nagna. 

Also  used  of  wanton  women.     Imprecatory. 
nirmitaka,  conjured  up,  illusory,  Gaudap  4.  7<».  <nirmita. 

"Fixed,  arranged."  ppp.  of  nis — Vmi. — Of  the  illusions  and 
tricks  performed  by  magicians. 
patayisnuka,  fluttering,  unstable  (imprec.)  AY.  6.  18.  3. 

See  m  anaskd  §  7  n .  <  patayisn u . 

pdpaka,  bad,  evil.  Q.  Br.  13.  5.  4.  3  &c.         <ptipa  (either  ace.). 
praticikd,  AY.  19.  20.  4 — of  uncertain   mg.;   probably  imprec. 

<pratici,  fern,  of  pratyanc.    Perhaps  a  noun — "offense"? 
sanakd.  old  (imprec.)  RY.  1.  33.  4  &c.;  in  this  passage  at  least 
strongly  imprecatory.  <sdna.  cf.  senex. 

dhdnor  ddhi  visumik  te  vydyann  dyajvdnah  sanaMh  pretim 
lyuh 

"From  the  dhanu  they  fled  away  pellmell  (yisundk — in  all 
directions),  the  old  rascals  who  give  no  offering."  * 

'  \\Tiether  the  k  of  visunak  is  also  felt  as  having  some  sort  of  pejo- 
rati\c  tui-ce  is  doubtful.  Tht?  adverbs  in  -k  (see  §  27)  do  not  otherwise 
slio\\  any  signs  of  such  value. 


146  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

81.  d)  Participles. 

ejatka,  (subst.)  kind  of  hostile  insect,  AV.  5.  23.  7. 

<ejant,  trembling. 

Prob.  imprec.;  cf.  gipavitnuka  (§  79)  in  same  verse. 
jyotayamanaka,  AY.  4.  37.  10  (edd.;  MSB.  -maka). 

<  jyotdya-mdna  pr.  p.  med. 

epithet  of  demons;  imprecatory  dim.;  "damned  little 
twinklers." 

82.  e)  Pronominal  adjectives. 

anyaka,  other  (imprec.).  <  anya. 

RY.  10.  133.  1—  see  jyakd,  §  79. 

RY.  8.  39.  1  fin. — nabhantam  anyake  same  (of  enemies): 
"Let  the  others,  curse  them!  be  crushed,  all  together!"    See 
also  §  74,  contemptuous  dim. 
sarvaka,  all  (imprec.),  AY.  1.  3.  6 — 9.  <sdrva. 

evd  te  miitram  mucyatdm  bahir  bdl  iti  sarvakdm 

"So  let  thy  urine  be  released,  out  of  thee,  splash!  the  whole 
horrid  mess." — In  a  charm  against  strangury  and  retention 
of  feces. 

83.  f)  Adverb. 

arakdt,  from  a  distance,  Q.  Br.  3.  2.  1.  19  &c.  <  ardt. 

In  the  passage  named  there  seems  to  be  at  least  a  de- 
precatory force  discernible;  it  is  said  of  a  woman:  "she  hath 
disdained  me  from  a  distance  (drakdt)"  i.  e.  rejected  my 
advances  with  haughty  scorn. 

84.  g)   Verb  jorm. 

yamaki,  Qankh  Br.  27.  1,  "I  go  basely,  disgracefully". 

<  ydmi  "I  go". 

no  tv  evdnyatra  yamaki  puhgcalya  ayanam  me  astlti. 

"Nor  will  I  basely  go  over  to  another  (meter  than  the 
anustubh;  otherwise  one  would  say)  I  am  like  a  common 
prostitute." 

Brilliantly  explained  by  Aufrecht — Z.  d.  d.  mgl.  Ges.  34  p. 
175 — 6,  and  since  then  almost  universally  accepted.1 — Some 
Hindu  grammarians  prescribe  the  use  of  the  suffix  with  any 
finite  verb  form,  and  especially  with  the  imperative. — I  cann< 
here  go  into  the  very  interesting,  but  more  than  problematic, 
questions  raised  by  Aufrecht  as  to  further  parallels  for  this 
use  of  the  suffix  with  verbs. 

i  Boehtlingk  accepted  it  at  first,  but  later  in  the  Abh.  d.  kgl.  sachs.  Ges. 
d.  "Wiss.  (23  apr.  1897)  attacked  it — without  sufficient  reason,  in  my  opinion. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-  Suffixes  of  Lido-Iranian.  147 

(IV.  Pejoratives:)  3.  Obscene  Diminutives.  13  words. 
*•">.  These  belong  to  a  certain  style  of  popular  humorous 
composition  which  crops  out  in  one  or  two  places  in  the  Veda. 
They  are  related  by  their  erotic  character  to  the  affectionate 
diminutives  on  the  one  hand,  and  by  their  debased  vulgarity 
t<>  the  pejoratives  on  the  other.  Some  of  the  examples  also 
show  a  sort  of  playfully  contemptuous  force.  Many  of  the 
passages  are  so  filthy  that  they  are  scarcely  translatable;  and 
indeed  most  commentators  either  omit  their  translation  or 
delicately  veil  them  under  decent  Latin  disguises.  The  use 
"1  .•  diminutive  sufh'x  with  such  words  and  in  such  passages 
is  common  to  all  languages,  and  easily  comprehensible.  Adjec- 
tives and  pronouns  take  the  same  suffix  by  attraction,  being 
colored  by  the  nouns  they  are  connected  with  (cf.  §  60). 

The  passages  of  this  nature  found  in  the  Veda  are  few  but 
striking.     Following  are  the  words  which  occur. 

86.  Word  list  of  Diminutives  of  Obscenity. 
alpakd,  ikd,  tiny.  RVKh.  5.  22.  3  =  (except  pada  d)  AV.  20. 
136.  3.  <dlpa. 

ydd  alpikd  svalpikd  karkandhukeva  pdcyate 
vdsantikam  iva  tejanam  yabhyamdnd  vi  namyate. 
An  obscene  verse;   the   adjectives  alpikd  and  svalpikd  go 
not  with  karkandhukd  (q.  v.  §  62),  but  with  the  understood 
subject  of  the  verbs  (viz.  the  female  organ). 
asakau,   that  (obs.),  VS.  23.  22,  23    (the   verses  also  repeated 
with  minor  variants  in  other  texts,  see  Vedic  Concordance). 

<  asdu. 

VS.  23.  22 — yakdsakdu  cMkuntikdhdlag  iti  vdncati  dhanti 
gabhe  pdso  nigalgallti  dhdrakd. 

23  —  yciko*  sakdu  gakuntakd  dhdlag  iti  vdncati  vivaksata 
iva  te  mukham  ddhvaryo  md  nas  tvdm  abhibhdsathdh. 

Translation  of  22 — "That  little  birdie  (obs.)  which  bustles 
about  with  the  sound  dhcdag  —  thrusts  the  phallus  into 
the  cleft:  the  female  organ  (see  dhdrakd)  oozes  (or,  trem- 
bles)." 

The  verses  are  both  filthy  and  not  entirely  clear  in  syntax. 
The  Adhvaryu  addresses  the  verse  just  translated  to  the 
women,  at  a  certain  stage  of  the  A^vamedha  ceremony. 

The  women  reply  with  vs.  23.  which  is  equally  ribald  and 
still  more  confused  as  to  sense;  it  evidently  includes  a  scoff 
at  the  Adhvaryu. 


148  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

These  verses  are  repeated,  in  whole  or  in  part,  and  with 
minor  variants,  TS.  7.  4.  19.  3  (dhdnika  for  dhdrakd);  MS. 
3.  13.  1;  Q.  Br.  13.  2.  9.  6;  13.  5.  2.  4  &c.  (see  Yedic  Con- 
cordance). 

karnaka,  AY.  20.  133.  3,  an  obscene  slangy  expression  applied 

to  the  position  of  the  two  legs  spread  apart.  <  Mr-no,. 

dhdnika — the  female  pudendum — TS.  7.  4.  19.  3  (see  asakdii, 

end),   AY.  20.  136.  10,   for  dhdnika— EVKh.  5.  22.  8;    cf. 

further  dhdna.  <  dhdna  "receptacle." 

mandura-dhdnikl   (voc.).    EV.  10.  155.  4,    supposed   to   be   a 

Bahuvrihi  cpd.  meaning  "having  an  impure  pudendum." 
dhdrakdj  the  female  pudendum  (slangy-humorous). 

<  dhdra  "holder." 

VS.  23.  22  (see  asakdu)-  Q.  Br.  11.  6.  2.  10. 

mandurikd  (voc.).  AY.  20.  131.  13,  emendation  of  E-Wh.  for 

manduriti,  "vile  woman"(?),  cf.  mandura-dhdnikl  s.  v.  dhdnika. 

musMj  testicle,  EV.  10.  38.  5  &c;    du.  female  organ — AY.  6. 

138.  4  &c.     Obscene-slangy  expression.  <mtis,  mouse. 

yaka,  which  (obs.),  YS.  23.  22,  23  &c.— see  asoikau  <  ya. 

See  also  §  75. 
gakuntcika,  ikd,  birdie  (obs.),  YS.  23.  22,  23 — see  asakdu. 

vSee  also  §  71.  <gakunta. 

glaksnikd,  slippery.  AY.  20.  133.  5.  <qldksn(i. 

Of  the  sexual  organs  in  coition ;  obscene  slangy  expression. 
sulabhikd  (voc.),  easily  won,  EY.  10.  86.  7. 

<  su-Vldbh  cf.  Idbha. 

Addressed  by  Yrsakapi  to  Indrani  in  a  very  obscene  pas- 
sage.    See  §  16.     Whatever  the  original  force  of  the  suftix 
in  this  word,  it  seems  probable  that  it  was  felt  in  this  pas- 
sage as  having  dim.  (obscene)  value. 
(sv)alpikd,  very  tiny  (of  the  female  organ).  AY.  20.  136.  3— 

see  cdpaka. 

hariknikd.  bay  mare  (dim.,  of  obscenity?),  AY.  20.  129.  3 — 4. 

<*harikm,  f.  of  harit«. 

(=  EY.Kh.  5. 15. 1.) — The  whole  passage  is  riddlesome;  it  is 
very  likely  of  obscene  application. 

AY.  20.  130.  11.— EWh.  read  em  hariknikd  liarih  for  the 
unintelligible  MSS.  reading.  The  same  verse  in  EYKh.  3. 
15.  8  has  an  equally  senseless  MS.  reading.  Even  the 
emendation  is  obscure  enough  as  to  its  real  application,— 
which  may  indeed  be  said  of  the  entire  hymn. 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  K-SufJixes  of  Indo-lraninn.  149 


V.  The  Generic  Diminutive.     (4 

HT.  By  this  I  mean  the  suffix  I-  a  applied  to  words  denoting 
masculinity  and  femininity  to  form  derivatives  with  meanings 
"male"  and  "female"  respectively.  The  striking  German  parallels 
"Miinnchen"  and  "Weihchen"  suggest  that  the  suftix  was  probably 
diminutive  in  origin.  It  may  have  begun  to  he  used  with  pet 
domestic  animals,  or  in  a  similar  way;  at  any  rate  the  fact  is.  that 
"little  man"  came  in  Skt.  as  in  modern  Germ,  to  mean  "male." 

ss.  Prof,  von  Schroeder,  in  his  article  on  the  Apala-hymn 
(R.Y.  8.  80).  points  out  that  vlralm  (vs.  2)  must  be  used  in 
this  sense,  since  it  is  applied  to  Indra.  Indra  was  the  very 
emblem  of  virile  power.  It  was  natural  enough,  therefore,  to 
call  him  virakd,  "male"  par  excellence,  while  it  would  be  absurd 
to  suppose  that  he  was  addressed  directly  (the  word  is  voc.)  as 
"O  little  man!"  or  "Thou  wretched  manikin!" 

maryaJca.  RY.  5.  2.  5,  likewise  means  "male,"  being  obviously 
contrasted  with  female  animals  (see  the  passage);  it  could  not 
mean  "Stierlein,"  as  Grassmann  renders  it. 

89.  The  feminine  counterpart,  which  neither  v.  Schroeder 
nor  anyone  else  seems  to  have  noted,  is  dhenukd,  "Weibchen," 
"female"  of  any  animal  or  of  the  human  species,  —  not  "milch- 
cow."  This  becomes  clear  upon  an  examination  of  the  passages 
where  the  word  occurs. 

So  Pancav  Br.  25.  10.  23  agvdrii  ca  puru.ftiit  en  dhenuke 
dattva  —  "giving  two  females,  to  wit,  a  mare  and  a  woman." 

Katy  Or.  24.  6.  8  tasyam  ar,vapurusydu  dhemike  dadyiili  — 
"in  it  they  offer  a  female  horse-and-human-being"  (note  a$va- 
is  not  the  fern,  stem,  but  common  gender.  As  in  German, 
when  "Weibchen"  limits  a  noun,  the  noun  stem  keeps  its  mas- 
culine (i.  e.  common)  form:  Froschweibchen  iv,r.) 

Similarly  ACT.  (Jr.  12.  (i.  :-JO. 

AY.  '}.  2o.  4  —  in  a  charm  for  fecundity  in  a  woman: 

sd  prasiir  dhenuM  Wtara  —  "Be  tliou  a  fruitful  female!"  (not 
"milch-cow"). 

The  word  mahihiM.  AY.  10.  ].o.  (5.  used  as  an  epithet  of 
the  cow,  probably  means  nothing  more  than  -female."  "Weib- 
chen," being  derived  from  mahild  "woman.". 

The  vowel  -u-  in  mahtlukd,  instead  of  -ihd  which  we  should 
expect,  is  apparently  due  to  the  analogy  of  dhemtJfd.  —  The 
lengthening  of  the  i  in  the  second  syllable  is  an  instance  of 
that  widespread  tendency  to  iambic  cadence  which  is  especially 


150         F.  Edgerton,  The  K-Sujfixes  of  Indo-Iranian.       [1911. 


marked  in  the  language  of  the  Veda.     There  are  a  number 
of  parallels  which  might    have   been   pointed    out  within   this 
very  treatise;  but  they  are  mostly  self-evident. 
VI.  Diminutive  of  Femininity. 

90.  From  the  diminutive    and   endearing  uses  of  the   suffix 
was  developed  a  tendency  of  the  derivative  kd  (ika)  to  be  used 
merely  as  a  mark  of  the  feminine   gender,  when  the  primary 
word  either  had  common  gender,  or  its  feminine  character  was 
not  marked  by  its   ending;    or,  when   the   primary   word   was 
grammatically  masc.  or  neut,  and   the  writer    desired  to  treat 
it  as  a  fern.     Sometimes  there  is  to   our  minds  no  very  clear 
reason  for  putting  the  word  in  the  fern,  gender;  but  that  does 
not   alter   the   facts,  nor    greatly  weaken   our   position.     It  is 
sufficient  that  we  frequently  find  a  fern,  noun  in  kd  (ika)  from 
a  masc.,  neut.  or  common  noun  without   ka,  and  without  any 
other  noticeable  difference  between  the  two. — The  association 
of  the    diminutive    idea    with    femininity    is    not    rare    in    all 
languages   and   periods,  and   is   easily  comprehensible. — There 
are  few  examples  in  the  Veda, — as  is  true  also  of  the  endear- 
ing dim.,  to  which  this  is  closely  related.    In  the  later  language 
it  is  commoner,  though  never  very  common. 

91.  The  examples   here   given   are   not  exhaustive,  even  for 
the  Veda,  but  they  are  some  of  those  which  show  most  reason 
for   the   use   of  the   fern,  diminutive. — Whether  dhenukd   and 
maliiluka  (see  §  89)  have  any  right  to  be  counted  here  is  very 
questionable.     Certainly  this    force  of  the    suffix   ka   is    quite 
distinct    from   the    Generic   Dim.,  to   which   those   two   words 
belong.     (8  words.) 

praddtrikd.  giver  (fern.),  MS.  2.  5.  7. 
candrikd,  moon  (as  fern.),  Ramap.Up.  24. 


<praddtf-,  giver. 
<candra  (masc.). 


kusthikd,  dew-claw,  spur?    AV.  10.  9.  23  &c.     <kusth a,  entrails. 
madkyamikd,  middle  finger,  Pran.Up.  1.  <madhyama. 

pravalhikd,  an  enigma, — challenge;  AitBr.  6.  33  &c.     <pravalha. 
nyadika,  n.  or  epithet  of  a  plant,  AV.  6.  139.  1.          <nyasta. 
The  plants  (rushes)  were  "thrown  down"  (nyasta  <  ni-  Yas) 

as  a  seat  for  the  bride  in  the  marriage  ceremony.  Cf.  AV. 

14.  2.  22  where  ni-Yas  is  used  in  connection  with  the  sai 

performance;  and  see  my  paper  on  the  subject, — I.  F.  24.  2J 
kuthdrikd  (in  pdda-k.,  a  position  of  the  feet,  QGr.  4.  8), 

<kuthdra;  "ax,"  or  "little  ax."    No  particular  sign  of  dim. 
bhumipd$akd,  a  plant,  =  -$a  (masc.). — Samav.B.  2.  6.  10. 

(Continued  in  the  next  number.) 


Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan  After  1600,  II.— 
By  K.  ASAKAWA,  Ph.  D.,  Yale  University,  New  Haven, 
Conn. 

Additional  Bibliography. 

103.  KAGA   SHO-UN  KO,  #0  J?  fe  f|  &,    [life    of  Lord  Maeda 
Tsunatoshi,  A.  D.  1643—1724],  compiled  by  Kondo  Iwawo,  &  j|f  ^  £f|. 
Tokyo,  1909.     3  vols.,  Ixxiv  -f  697,  xvi  +  804,  xi  +  630  +  cxxii  pages. 

104.  Sho-un  Jed  sho-den,  fe  H  5V  >h  fij,  l>rief  life  °f  the  same],  by 
Fujioka    Sakutaro ,    H  fSij  ffe  ^  j$.     Tokyo,  1909.     1  vol.,  xxiv  +  334 
+  7  pages. 

105.  Ishida  Mitsimari,  (f§   ^)  ^  ffl  H  J^C?   [life  of  Ishida  Mitsu- 
nari  or  Katsushige,  A.  D.  1560—1600],  by  Watanabe  Sei-yu;  JS  ^  "ffi  16- 
Tokyo.  1907.     1  vol.,  xxiv,  336  pages. 

106.  Reki-shi  chi-ri,  ^  ^.  iife  i@l?  [monthly  journal  devoted  to  history 
and  historical  geography].     Tokyo,  1899 — . 

2.  [To  the  note  of  this  work  add:]  Part  XII,  vol.  xiii,  1010  pages. 

Abbreviations. 

Ish      105.  Ishida  Mitsunari. 
KSK  103.  KAGA  SHO-UN  KG. 
Rch    106.  Reki-shi  chi-ri. 
Sho     104.  Sho-un  ko  sho-den-. 

Notes. 

(1)  Dependence  of  power  on  peace.  It  is  generally  held  that,  shortly 
before  his  death,  Tokugawa  leyasu  solemnly  enjoined  the  great  barons 
who  had  lately  become  his  vassals,  that  the  best  among  them  should 
supersede  his  successor,  should  the  latter  fail  in  maintaining  justice 
and  peace  in  his  government  of  Japan.  For,  said  he,  [quoting  an  old 
saying],  the  world  was  the  world's  world,  and  not  one  man's.  To,  IX.  826. 

It  matters  little  if  this  story  is  historically  untrue,  so  long  as  the 
whole  life  of  leyasu  as  a  ruler  and  the  whole  structure  of  his  system 
of  administration  substantiate,  as  they  must  be  said  to  do,  the  sentiment 
implied  in  the  alleged  remark. 

The  same  sentiment  also  animated  many  an  able  baron  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  fief.  Uesugi  Harunori  (1751 — 1822),  lord  of  Yonezawa,  on 
yielding  his  position  to  his  son  Haruhiro,  in  1785,  instructed  the  latter 


152  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

in  the  following  terms:  "The  State  [i.  e. ,  fief]  has  been  transmitted  by 
our  forefathers,  and  should  not  be  exploited  for  selfish  purposes.  The 
people  belong  to  the  State,  and  should  not  be  exploited  for  selfish  pur- 
poses. The  lord  exists  for  the  State  and  the  people,  and  not  the 
State  and  the  people  for  the  lord."  YZS.  355.  Matsudaira  Tsunatoshi 
(1644 — 1724),  lord  of  Kanazawa,  continually  reminded  his  vassals  that, 
his  fief  had  been  entrusted  to  his  house  by  the  suzerain  (the  Tokugawa) 
and  hence  was  not  its  private  property,  and  that  therefore  the  suzerain's 
laws  should  be  observed,  and  the  fief  should  be  governed  with  great 
care  and  with  justice.  To,  XIV.  300.  Both  these  lords  were  regarded 
models  of  good  administrators. 

It  would  perhaps  be  truer  to  observe  that  leyasu  and  the  two  lords 
above  mentioned,  as  well  as  other  successful  suzerains  and  barons,  were 
all  deeply  influenced  by  the  well-known  political  philosophy  of  China 
that  Heaven  appointed  the  prince  for  the  good  of  the  people,  than  to 
say  that  leyasu  was  the  sole  example  that  the  others  followed.  (Of.  the 
author's  Early  institutional  life  of  Japan,  1903,  pp.  153—184.)  To  the 
latter,  however,  the  Chinese  ideal  must  have  seemed  the  more  com- 
manding for  the  former's  practical  demonstration  of  its  value.  Rein- 
forced by  these  worthy  examples,  it  was  seldom  forgotten  during  the 
two  and  a  half  centuries  of  the  Tokugawa  regime  that  the  lord's  power 
should  depend  upon  peace  of  his  people.  As  for  the  deeper  significance 
in  this  regime  of  the  persistent  idea  of  peace ,  we  shall  seek  to  find  it 
in  some  of  the  following  notes. 

(2)  Political  wisdom  of  Japan  and  China.  It  is  beyond  the  scope  of 
this  paper  to  note  with  what  zeal  leyasu  collected  classical  and  historical 
works  of  China  and  Japan,  encouraged  their  publication  and  study,  and 
himself  derived  from  some  of  them  a  vast  deal  of  practical  wisdom. 
(E.  g.,  DSR,  XII,  xiii,  877,  935—939.)  After  him,  encouragement  of 
learning  became  a  traditional  policy  of  his  house,  as  is  amply  illustrated 
in  Kondo  Morishige's  Yu-bun  ko-zhi,  1817,  (Kon-do  Sei-sai  zen-shu,  ed. 
Tokyo,  1906,  II.  pp.  99 — 348).  The  example  of  the  suzerain  was  eagerly 
followed  by  the  barons-  throughout  the  country.  See  the  Ni-hon  kyo-iku 
shi-ryo.  edited  by  the  Department  of  Education,  Tokyo,  2d  ed.,  1903 — 
1904,  9vols.  and  supp.;  Sato  Sei-zhitsu,  Ni-hon  kyo-iku  shi,  Tokyo,  1903, 
pp.  267 — 480;  articles  by  Nakamura  Katsumaro,  in  SJiz.,  XVIII,  Nos.  6, 
8,  11;  XIX,  Nos.  3,  5,  6;  (1907—1908). 

Ambitious  barons  vied  with  one  another  in  the  encouragement  and 
stimulus  they  gave  to  the  study  of  the  political-ethical  teachings  of  China 
among  their  vassals.  Schools  were  established,  scholars  famous  throughout 
Japan  for  their  learning  were  appointed  as  teachers,  and  the  barons  often 
personally  supervised  the  work  or  even  took  part  in  the  intellectual  con- 
test. It  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  these  were  merely  literary 
pastimes  with  little  relation  to  actual  government.  What  was  now  studied 
was  hardly  the  purely  literary  part  of  Chinese  learning,  such  as  was 
once  in  vogue  among  court  nobles  of  Japan  before  the  tenth  century, 
but  rather  that  remarkable  combination  of  philosophical,  ethical,  social, 
and  economical  wisdom  in  the  most  condensed  form  which  characterizes 
the  purer  teaching  <>*'  Confucianism.  Some  of  the  simpler  lessons  of 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  153 

the  tenet  were  so  intensely  practical  and  so  salutary  in  their  effects  on 
rural  administration,  that  their  learning  sometimes  exerted  the  most 
direct  and  profound  influence  on  the  welfare  of  the  people.  It  was  pre- 
cisely for  this  reason  that  scholars  of  the  right  kind  became  powerful 
forces  in  the  feudal  society,  and  their  teaching  was  sought  by  great 
barons  with  humble  eagerness  and  had  a  large  formative  influence  upon 
their  careers  as  rulers.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  there  were  some  scholar 
councillors  of  this  description  behind  every  lord  noted  for  wise  govern- 
ment during  this  period.  The  cases  of  Kumazawa  Ban-zan,  Arai  Haku-seki, 
Muro  Kyu-so,  Hosoi  Toku-min,  and  others,  will  readily  be  remembered. 
It  is  highly  significant  that  political  and  social  ideas  and  practices  of 
China,  especially  under  the  Chou  dynasty,  as  were  embodied  in  classical  lite- 
rature, exercised  such  a  profound  influence  upon  the  feudal  rulers  of  Japan 
after  1600.  Their  conception  of  good  administration  and  of  the  rights 
and  duties  of  the  prince  and  subjects,  and  of  the  moral  and  economic 
principles  of  society,  was,  in  its  important  features,  thoroughly  Chinese. 
The  older  and  purer  Confucian  ideas,  introduced  into  Japan  from  ten 
centuries  before,  now  seemed  not  only  to  have  become  the  subject  of  an  ab- 
sorbing study,  but  also  to  have  given  a  model  of  social  order  and  govern- 
ment. It  is  only  after  these  ideas  are  mastered,  and  not  before,  that  one  may 
understand  the  sources  and  the  force  of  most  of  the  policies  which  guided 
such  good  suzerains  as  leyasu  (1543 — 1616),  lemitsu  (1604 — 1651),  and 
Yashimune  (1684 — 1751).  and  such  exemplary  barons  as  Tsugaru  Nobu- 
masa  (1646—1710).  Hosokawa  Shigekata  (1718—1785),  Mito  Harumori 
(1751 — 1805),  Uesugi  Harunori  (1751 — 1822),  and  Matsudaira  Sadanobu 
(1758—1829).  Cf.,  e.  g.,  To,  XIV,  191—387;  Tnk,  25  if.,  43  ff.,  64;  Gi,  I, 
10—11,  13—15,  30;  II,  5;  III,  1;  Zo,  I,  1030;  YZS,  13—14,  261,  867—898; 
Shr;  articles  by  Prof.  Mikami  Sanzlii  in  Shz,  XVII,  1085—1125  (1906); 
XIX,  1 — 30  (1908).  For  this  condition,  neither  the  example  set  by  the 
suzerain  nor  the  intellectual  zeal  and  receptivity  of  the  baron  would 
afford  a  satisfactory  explanation.  The  reason  was  probably  much  deeper. 
It  may  be  possible  to  demonstrate  that  many  conditions  in  ancient  China 
and  modern  Japan  being  singularly  similar  to  each  other,  ideas  and  in- 
stitutions born  in  the  former  appealed  to  the  latter  with  peculiar  force. 
It  is  an  astounding  fact  in  history  that  an  old  society  should,  after  the 
lapse  of  thousands  of  years,  find  in  another  land  or  a  miniature  of  its  federal 
government  sustained  by  agriculture  and  ruled  by  military  forces,  and 
teach  it  lessons  of  its  own  experience  by  means  of  the  most  concise 
and  lucid  of  human  speech. 

(3)  Adaptation.     A    careful  examination  of  the  Tokugawa  regime  is 
apt  to  reveal  very  little  originality  in  its  details.    They  were  based  either 
on  conditions  then  in   existence,   on  models  found  in  Chinese  literature 
or  in  the  earlier  history  of  Japan,   or  on  modifications  or  combinations 
of   these    conditions   and   examples.     The    merit    of   the   general  system 
must  be  sought  rather  in  its  mastery  of  details,   solidarity,   and  delicate 
balance,  than  in  its  originality. 

(4)  Riders  and  ruled.     Mencius  quotes  an  old  saying:  "Some  exercise 
the  mind,  others  exercise  physical  strength,  [some  scholars  say  that  this 
is  the  extent  of  the  old  saying  and  the  following  is  Mencius's  comment, 


154  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

but  the  general  opinion  is  otherwise].  Those  who  exercise  the  mind  rule  over 
others,  and  those  who  exercise  physical  strength  are  ruled  over  by  others. 
Those  who  are  ruled  support  others,  and  those  who  rule  are  support- 
ed by  others."  He  then  adds:  "This  is  the  common  principle  of  the 
world."  (ft  0.  ^  &  >&  *  *  *•**'*  ft  A-  *  #•  *  'ft 

j»  A^>>  A  *  *  A-  ft-  *  *  *  *  A*  3£  T  ±  ft  *  *) 

S  ^F,  chapter  )]$  #  5V,  I,  No.  4. 

(5)  Warriors.     This    English   term   is    applied   in    this    essay   to    the 
bu-shi  (]3J  i)  class  in  the  broadest  sense  of  the  word,  that  is.  includ- 
ing the  lords  and  vassals  of  all  degrees,  from  the  suzerain  down  to  the 
lowest  foot-soldier. 

Samurai  is  expansive,  and  though  it  may  be  conceived  as  identical 
with  bu-shi,  it  is  even  more  susceptible  than  the  latter  of  a  narrower 
construction.  The  term  bu-ke  (^  If;)  is  used  rather  in  contrast  to  ku- 
ge  (5V  !fc),  civil  nobility,  and  may  perhaps  be  rendered  as  military 
nobility. 

(6)  Distinction  between  warriors  and  peasants.     The  wearing  of  two 
swords,  one  longer  than  the  other,  and  the  bearing  of  a  family  name  in 
addition  to  his  personal  name,   were  privileges  denied  to  the  commoner, 
but   granted  to   the  warrior   as  badges  of  his  noble  birth.     There  were, 
however,   other  and  more  significant  marks  of  distinction.     The  peasant 
owed  taxes   both  regular  and   irregular  in  nature;   the  warrior  as  such, 
namely,  when   circumstances   had  not  reduced  him  to  the  position   of  a 
half-peasant,  paid,  if  any,  fewer  and  lower  taxes,  and,  when  his  position 
was  high,  owed  nothing  but  feudal  aids  and  charges  which  never  entirely 
lost    the    appearance    of   being    voluntary    contributions.     The  warrior's 
proper  service  was  in  government  and  warfare,  and  was  considered  noble, 
while    that  of  the  peasant  was  menial,    and  was  rendered  in  terms   of 
rice,  money,  and  labor.    That  the  laws  governing  the  conduct  of  the  two 
classes  were  largely  apart  from  one  another  is  well-known,  the  difference 
not  being  the  least  conspicuous  in  the  forms  of  punishment  inflicted  on 
culprits  of  the  classes.     The  peasant  criminal  was,   for  example,   seldom 
allowed  to  disembowel  himself  for  a  capital  offence,  as  was  the  warrior, 
but  his  death  penalty  consisted  in  decapitation  with  or  without  exposure 
of  the  head,   in  burning,  or  in  crucifixion,  according  to  the  gravity  of 
his  offence.    Cf.  Tk,  IX,  16;  Ksd,  947;  KR,  II.  No.  23.    The  education  of 
the  warrior  emphasized  the  importance  of  martial  arts,  of  honor,  courage 
and    endurance,    and    of  learning    in   Confucian    literature;    that    of  the 
peasant  inculcated  passive  obedience.     He  was  not  encouraged  to  study 
Chinese  classics,   as   they  contained  political  discussions  and  threw  light 
on  history.     Even  his  practice  in  fencing  was  often  discountenanced  in 
later  years  of  the  Tokugawa  period.     The  very  views  of  life,   and  even 
the  esthetic  taste,  were  often  radically  different  in  the  two  classes. 

The  division  was  sharp,  but  the  barrier  was  not  insurmountable. 
Many  a. peasant,  as  well  as  merchant,  was,  either  for  his  distinguished 
birth  or  service  or  for  his  exceptional  virtues,  honored  with  the  special 
priviledge  to  carry  one  or  two  swords  for  life,  or  to  assume  a  family 
name  for  all  time.  To,  XIII,  661;  Zo,  I,  620;  KRE,  205—6;  Jh,  VII, 
50 — 67.  This  distinction,  however,  hardly  extended  beyond  the  mere 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on   Village  Government  in  Japan.  1 55 

external  sign,  which  symbolized  a  quasi-warrior,  but  not  a  real  warrior. 
Was  it  impossible  to  become  the  latter?  Although  it  was  often  decreed 
that  the  warrior  should  not  adopt  a  peasant's  son  as  his  heir  (e.  g.  DSR, 
XII,  ix,  223),  cases  of  such  adoption  were  not  absent.  The  social  mingling 
of  the  two  classes  took  place  in  many  a  fief,  notably  in  Satsuma,  Tosa.  and 
Yonezawa,  where  warriors  continued  or  were  encouraged  to  have  their 
landed  estates,  despite  the  fact  that  the  mutual  contact  was  sometimes 
lamented  as  detrimental  to  both  classes.  E.  g.,  YZS,  533,  571—572,  583 
— 584,  748 — 750,  821.  Peasants,  however,  never  entered  into  the  warrior 
class  to  the  extent  that  the  merchants  did  at  Edo. 

(7)  Population.    The   official  figures   of  the  population   of  Japan,  ex- 
clusive of  the  warrior  classes,  between  1726  and  1847,  range  between  25 
:ind  27  millions.     SCR,  V,  7—8;  Nfz,  III,  15.     Of  these  numbers,  a  pre- 
ponderant  majority  consisted  of  peasants,   as  may  be  inferred  from  the 
following   instances.      In  the  fief  of  Mito,  of  the  population  of  229.239, 
in  1797,  221.900    were  peasants,   and  7,200  merchants.      Kw,   I,  1,  3—4. 
In  Yonezawa,  in  1776:  24,061  warriors,  80,488  peasants,  16,099  merchants, 
and  1,354  priests   and  others;   total,   122.102.     YZS&28.    Here  the    pro- 
portion of  the  warrior  and  merchant  classes  is  unusually  large.     About 
1830,  in  a  fief  in  Kyushu:  88,036  peasants,  18,321  merchants,  738  priests 
and  others;    total    107,095,   exclusive   of  warriors.     Km,  VIII,  29.     The 
warriors    in  the   whole   of  Japan  could  not  at  any  time  have  much  ex- 
ceeded 350,000,  or,  about  2,000,000  with  their  families  and  servants.    (Cf. 
SCR,  V,  I.)    Also  see  Notes  135—137,  below. 

(8)  Suzerain.    This  term  is  used  throughout  this  study  to  indicate  the 
Sho-gun,  which  is  an  abbreviation  of  Sei-i  tai  sho-gun  (fjE  J|  ^C  $?  ^¥> 
Great  general  for  subduing  alien  races  on  the  frontiers).    English  writers 
about  the  time  of  the  fall  of  the  Japanese  feudal  government  were  wont 
to  employ  the  word  Taicoon  (Tai-kun.  ^  ^,  great  lord)  for  the  same 
personnage,  Tai-kun  being  one   of  the  several  honorific  titles  by  which 
the  Sho-gun  was  popularly   designated.     A  fuller  discussion  of  this  and 
other  high  offices  of  the  Tokugawa  government  must  be  reserved  for  a 
later  study  of  the  feudal  classes. 

(9)  Intendants  of  the  Suzerain.  Those  were  generally  called  Dai-kwan 
{ft  1JJ,  deputy-officials),  only  a  few  of  the  more  important  incumbents 
being  especially  termed  Gun-dai  (j$  ft,  district-deputies).  In  early 
years  of  Japanese  feudalism,  the  dai-kivan  was  not  a  regularly  consti- 
tuted official,  but  was  exactly  what  his  provisional  title  indicated, 
namely,  a  deputy  or  agent  of  any  official  whatsoever,  not  excepting  the 
suzerain's  Regents  (Shikken,  ^  "|j!h.  The  Suzerain  himself  was  some- 
times popularly  called  Kwan-to  no  Dai-kwan,  Deputy  in  Kwan-to  (i.  e., 
provinces  about  Edo),  he  being  considered  the  deputy-general  of  the 
Kmperor.  In  the  sixteenth  century,  agents  of  the  provincial 
governor-general  (shu-go)  and  of  the  local  comptroller  (ji-to)  were 
often  called,  respectively,  shu-go-dai  (^  Hjf  ft)  and  ji-to-dai  (Jjjf,  fj{  ft\ 
The  former  of  these  two  classes  of  agents  were,  in  distinction  for  their 
greater  importance  than  the  latter,  sometimes  designated  Great  dai-kwan 
(-J;  ft  ft),  Kori  dai-kwan  (?$  ft  §),  or  Kori  bu-gyo  (gft  f.  ff  )•  kori 
(gun}  ht-re  meaning,  not  the  definite  territorial  unit  of  that  name,  but 


156  E.  Asdkawa,  [1911. 

district  in  a  loose  sense.  The  term  dai-kwan  remained  as  the  general 
name  for  all  local  agents,  but  also  assumed  a  specific  meaning  as  ji- 
to-dai.  The  Tokugawa  rulers,  as  was  customary  with  them,  accepted  the 
current  terms  dai-kwan  and  gun-dai  (abbreviated  from  kori  dai-kwan)f 
but  clearly  denned  their  office,  so  far  as  the  sphere  of  the  Suzerain's 
direct  rule  was  concerned,  as  his  Intendants  appointed  from  among  his 
hereditary  vassals  to  take  charge  of  financial  and  judicial  affairs  of  most 
of  his  Domain-lands.  Bu-ke  myo-moku  sho,  jE^  ^fc  %l  @  •fcJ',  [cyclopaedia 
of  feudalism],  compiled  by  Hanawa  Hoki-ichi,  j:j|  f$  cl  —  (1746—1821), 
and  others,  (in  441  chapters),  ed.  Tokyo,  1903—1905.  chap,  liii— liv,  613— 
630;  Dch,  Introduction,  75,82,83—84;  Ksd,  840,1612;  Ish,  105,106—107,  etc. 

The  gun-dai  were  merely  the  most  important  dai-kwan.  Their  num- 
ber was  originally  four  (in  Kwanto,  Hida,  Mino,  and  Kyushu),  but  in 
1792  the  first  was  split  into  five  dai-kwan,  and  later  reorganized  into 
three  gun-dai.  The  official  duties  of  the  gun-dai  were  identical  with 
those  of  the  dai-kwan.  Tk,  I,  6—9 ;  Rch,  XIII,  419. 

These  duties  were  most  multifarious.  The  dai-kwan  received  from  the 
villages  and  transmitted  to  the  Suzerain's  government  report  on  the 
census  and  the  religion  of  the  inhabitants,  saw  to  the  detail  of  assessing, 
collecting,  and  forwarding  taxes,  and  supervised  public  works,  the  care 
of  the  forests,  the  tilling  of  new  land,  and  the  restoration  of  damaged 
land.  His  judicial  powers  were  limited:  he  could  on  his  own  respons- 
ibility inflict  only  the  penalty  of  beating,  but  should  report  on  all 
graver  oifences  to  the  central  feudal  government  of  Edo.  It  was  morally 
binding  on  him  to  oversee  the  behavior  of  the  peasants,  and  admonish 
them  against  extravagance  and  misdemeanor.  He  had  extraordinary 
duties  to  perform  on  special  occasions  which  concerned  the  person  of 
the  Suzerain,  and  in  case  of  a  riot  or  warfare.  Tk,  II,  27 — 31;  IX.  17; 
Smw,  52 — 58. 

His  military  powers  as  well  as  duties  were,  however,  practically  nil, 
for  he  was  primarily  a  local  administrator  in  control  of  peasants'  affairs, 
and  not  a  baron.  He,  as  an  Intendant,  owed  no  knights'  service,  nor 
was  the  district  to  which  he  was  appointed  his  fief.  Not  even  heredi- 
tary was  his  post  in  a  given  district,  only  five  out  of  the  more  than 
forty  Intendants  remaining  in  the  same  localities  for  generations.  All 
Intendants  received  salaries  which  were  paid  out  of  the  central  treasury 
of  Edo,  and  which  were  graded  according  to  the  relative  importance  of 
their  districts.  They  were,  with  half  a  dozen  exceptions,  responsible  to 
the  financial  department  of  the  Suzerain's  government,  for,  indeed,  their 
functions,  as  well  as  their  previous  training,  were  first  and  foremost 
fiscal:  they  collected  taxes  from  the  people  and  delivered  them  to  Edo, 
and  observed  other  details  of  local  government  largely  in  order  to  secure 
the  successful  transaction  of  this  essential  business.  Tk,  I,  6.  9 — 11,  20, 
II,  3;  To,  XIII,  890;  SZ,  XV. 

This  is  a  point  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  whole  range  of  the 
Tokugawa  system.  It  may  be  seen  that  Japan's  regime  after  1600,  when 
her  feudal  institutions  were  brought  to  their  highest  perfection,  was 
really  in  part  un-feudal;  that  is  to  say,  in  so  far  as  the  Suzerain's  own 
domains  were  concerned,  their  administration  was  put  in  the  hands  of 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  1 5  7 

his  paid  servants  removable  at  will.  It  will  IK-  seen  Inter  that  in  many 
a  baron's  fief,  also,  similar  conditions  prevailed. 

To  return  to  the  Intendants.  In  assuming  the  capacity  already  de- 
si-ribed,  he  took  an  oath  that  he  would  faithfuly  fulfil  his  official  duuV>. 
and  at  the  annual  meeting  in  Edo  of  all  his  colleagues  he  listened  to 
tin-  reading  of  special  instructions  to  the  dai-kwan.  To,  X III,  315 — 319, 
,sUi  SIT.  959,  1082,  1099;  XV,  780;  JG,  III,  No.  1;  I,  No.  1;  Jt,  I,  i, 
'.'  12;  TKR,  I,  iv,  193— 248.  The  following  are  instructions  dated  1680: 

-The  people  are  the  foundation  of  the  country:  the  Intendant  shall 
always  study  their  hardships,  and  see  that  they  do  not  suffer  from 
hunger  and  cold.  When  the  country  is  prosperous,  the  people  are  apt 
to  be  extravagant,  and  when  extravagant,  they  are  apt  to  neglect  their 
calling;  see,  therefore,  that  they  are  not  extravagant  in  food,  clothing, 
and  dwelling.  The  people  are  suspicious  of  officials  distant  from  them, 
and  then  the  officials  suspect  the  people :  see  that  neither  of  them  enter- 
tain suspicion  of  the  other.  The  Intendant  should  always  be  frugal, 
know  details  of  agriculture,  and  carefully  observe  that  the  taxes  are 
justly  levied.  It  is  essential  that  the  Intendant  should  not  leave  his 
affairs  to  his  subordinates,  but  undertake  all  things  in  person,  and  then 
all  his  subordinates  will  be  dutiful.  The  Intendant  and  his  subordinates 
should  under  no  circumstances  employ  people  of  their  district  for  private 
ends,  or  borrow  from  them  or  lend  them  money  or  rice.  Always  note 
the  condition  of  rivers,  roads  and  bridges,  and  repair  them  while  the 
damage  is  still  small;  if  there  is  a  quarrel  among  the  people,  investi- 
gate it  before  it  becomes  serious,  and,  if  it  may  be  adjusted  privately 
among  the  disputants,  see  that  it  is  settled  without  partiality  or  trouble 
to  any  party.  Always  observe  that  all  affairs  are  diligently  settled,  and 
especially  that  there  are  no  arrears  in  the  public  accounts,  so  as  to  be 
ready  for  the  possible  transfer  of  the  Intendant  to  another  district  or 
giving  over  of  his  district  to  a  baron."  T&,  II,  26 — 27. 

It  was  customary  with  the  Intendant  of  a  distant  post  to  stay  in  Edo 
and  only  periodically  visit  his  district.  In  that  case,  one  or  more  of 
his  subordinates  presided  at  the  local  office.  These  and  other  subordi- 
nate officials  (te-tsuke  ^f*  fff ,  te-dai  -^f^,  sho-yaku  iffU'  etc')>  many  ot 
them  hereditary,  were  remarkably  few  in  number,  and  served  long  years 
of  hard  work.  They  perforce  led  the  most  frugal  and  monotonous  life, 
and  in  fact,  whatever  their  illicit  incomes,  their  regular  salaries  were 
mere  pittance,  the  lowest  clerks  receiving  nothing.  Tk,  1, 14 — 41;  II,  3 — 4, 
11 — 13,  25.  The  Intendant  received  a  special  small  allowance,  besides  his 
regular  salary,  for  the  maintenance  of  his  assistants  and  local  offices.  To, 
XIII,  846—847,  1082;  XIV,  751;  XV,  789;  Tk,  II,  13—25;  Jf,  II,  i,  25— 32 ; 
Jo,  VI,  4—8;  J7i,  V,  6—11;  TKR,  I,  iv,  249—271.  From  the  financial 
stringency  of  the  Suzerain's  government,  it  was  urgent  that  his  Domain- 
lands  should  yield  the  maximum  revenue  with  the  minimum  expenditures. 

The  following  is  a  table  of  all  the  Intendants  in  1867,  with  the  rela- 
tive importance  of  their  districts  in  1838  as  shown  in  their  assessed  pro- 
»  ductivity  in  terms  of  rice.  The  gun-dai  have  6r,  and,  hereditary  dai-kwan, 
h,  after  their  family  names.  1  koku  is  nearly  eaqual  to  5  bushels.  From 
Tk,  I,  11—13,  20—24;  II,  7—9. 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  II. 


158 


K.  Asakawa, 


[1911. 


Family  names 

Main  office  at 

Number  of  paid 
assistants 

Assessed  product- 
ivity of  the  district 
in  1838 

koku 

Kobori,  h 

Kyoto.  Yamashiro 

46                                    96,470 

Sumikura 

n 

10                                         246 

Kimura 

n 

7                                    30,807 

Sumikura 

n 

20 

?  20,531 

Nakamura 

Gojo,  Yamato 

18 

61,732 

Saito 

Osaka,  Settsu 

24 

79,417 

Uchimi 

,5 

20 

72,607 

Ishihara,  h 

Otsu,  Omi                                 24      . 

101,883 

Tadara,  h 

Shigaraki,  Omi                         39                                  55,354 

Iwata,  G 

Kasamatsu,  Mino 

28                                 100,154 

Tanaka 

Xakaidzumi,  TotSmi 

25 

63,958 

Nakayama 

Shidzuoka,  Suruga 

21 

80,104 

Ogasawara 

Kofu,  Kai 

25 

84,540 

Ando 

Ichikawa,  Kai 

21 

79,682 

Masuda 

Isawa,  Kai                                26 

57,829 

Egawa.  h 

Nirayama,  Idzu                         38 

84,117 

Imagawa 

Edo.  Musashi                           24 

134,923 

Sasai 

23 

112,447 

Otake 

21 

Matsumura 

71 

Kimura,  G 

Iwahana,  Kodzuke                   26 

Kawadzu,  G 

Fusa,  Shimoosa                        18 

Oguri,  G.;  h 

?  681,642 

Fukuda 

Edo                                            22 

Hojo 

17 

Yamauchi 

Maoka,  Shimodzuke                28 

Ogawa 

Edo                                           13' 

Tada 

Hanawa,  Mutsu                       14                                   57,296 

Kuroda 

Kori,  Mutsu                              16                                  86,249 

Mori 

Onahama,  Mutsu                      14                                    83,783 

Yamada 

Shibahashi,  Dewa                    18J                   '       +  147,676 
j              oy,yo^ 

Matsumoto 

Nakano,  Shinano                      21  > 

54,298 
69,574 

Niimi,  G 

Takayama,  Hida                       28 

114,052 

Okusa 

Idzumozaki,  Echigo                 16 

71,388 

Shinomoto 

Midzuwara,  Echigo                  17 

106,148 

Miyazaki 

Kumihama,  Tango                    15 

67,744 

Sakurai 

Kurashiki,  Bitchu                     19 

63,703 

Yokoda 

Ikuno,  Tajima                           14 

74,183 

Nabeta 

Omori,  Iwami 

14 

78,695 

Kubota,  G 

Hida,  Bungo                             28 

117,534 

Takagi,  h 

Nagasaki,  Hizen                       17 

36,677 

41 


894 


3,281,578 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  l~>'.» 

(10)  The  Suzerain's  domain -lands  and  the  barons1  fiefs.  During-  the 
Tokugawa  period,  the  importance  of  any  territory  was  measured,  not  by 
its  total  extent,  but  sometimes  by  its  area  under  cultivation,  and  much 
oftener  by  tin;  officially  determined  productive  capacity  of  this  area  stated 
in  terms  <>f  koku  (4.JMJ3  bushels)  of  rice.  The  total  cultivated  area  of 
Japan,  which  had  gradually  increased,  was  officially  stated  at  the  end 
(»f  the  feudal  rule,  as  3,260.000  cho,  or  nearly  8,000,000  acres,  although 
the  actual  area  seems  to  have  been  nearer  12  than  8  million  acres. 
f'hk,  100 — 101.  The  total  productive  capacity  of  Japan,  as  officially 
:ic(.v|iieii.  increased  from  18.5  million  koku  about  1600  to  25.8  about  1700, 
to  30.4  about  1835.  and  to  32.0  about  1868.  Koku-daka  ko,  in  Dse;  SCR, 
V.  i^.  3S.  t<>:  Drh.  I nt rod..  SO.  1M-.  When  the  total  was  about  26.4  mil- 
lion koku.  it  was  apportioned,  or.  to  be  a  little  more  precise,  the  lands 
which  were  estimated  to  produce  the  various  amounts  or  their  equivalents 
were  distributed,  approximately  as  follows: — 

1.  The  Su/« -rain's  Domain-lands  under  the  Intendants  3.28  million  koku 

2.  The  Suzerain's  Domain-lands  in  the  larger  cities  and 
other  special  places,  which  were  under  his  special 
agents    or    temporarily    entrusted    to    neighboring 

Barons       93  ., 

3.  The  three  Tokugawa  branches  ot'Tayasu.  Hitotsu- 

bashi.  and  Shimidzu 30  ., 

4.  The  Suzerain's  smaller  immediate  vassals,  all  below 
10,000  koku 2.60 

r>.  The  Barons'  fiefs 18.86  „ 

6.  The   Imperial  House 10  „ 

7.  The  civil  nobles 04 

8.  Religious  houses  and  persons 31  „ 

Tk,  II,  7—11.     Of.  SCR,  V,  51,  55—56. 

Of  these,  the  Suzerain's  Domain-lands  (Nos.  1  and  2  in  the  table)  were 
known  as  ko-ryo  (£V  ^  or  iV  M"»  public  domains  or  possessions, — the 
word  'public'  applying,  in  the  usage  of  the  period,  to  all  things  pertain- 
ing to  the  government  of  the  Suzerain,  as  distinguished  from  the  barons'), 
and  the  barons'  fiefs  (No.  5)  were  called  shi-ryo  (^  ^,  private  domains). 
The  former  were  sometimes  designated  go-ryo  (f^J  ^ff,  go  being  honori- 
fic), and  were  popularly  styled  even  as  ten-ryo  (J^  <jj(,  literally,  heavenly 
domains),  so  exalted  was  the  Suzerain  in  the  eyes  of  the  common  people. 

The  individual  baron's  Fief  was  popularly  designated,  if  it  covered  an 
entire  province  (or  kuni.  B),  by  the  name  of  the  province,  but  more 
frequently,  even  in  that  case,  and  of  course  when  the  fief  was  a  part  of 
a  province  or  extended  over  several  provinces,  by  the  name  of  the 
central  castle-town.  Occasionally,  the  family  name  of  the  baron  was 
used  in  denoting  the  fief.  In  all  these  instances,  the  name  was  followed 
by  the  word  han  (ff|.  original  meaning:  frontier  defense,  march);  as 
Nihonmatsu  han.  The  same  word  was  used  also  as  an  adjective;  as,  e.  g., 
han-shi  (ffjf  j^,  warriors  of  the  fief)  and  han-shu  (fH  rfc,  lord  of  the 
fief).  To  all  intents  and  purposes,  han  may  be  translated  as  'fief.  A 
•  us  usage  has  grown  up  among  native  and  foreign  writers  in  English 
to  render  the  word  with  the  most  inappropirate  and  misleading  term, 

II 


160  K.  Asakaiva,  [1911. 

clan,  a  practice  which  every  lover  of  truth  should  strongly  combat.  The 
han  was  a  territorial  division,  which  retained  its  name  independently  of  any 
change  in  its  population,  so  long  as  it  existed  as  an  undivided  fief.  If 
such  word  as  ka-chu  (;fc  41'  ^n  ^e  family)  was  used  to  designate  the- 
immediate  vassals  of  the  baron  of  the  han,  its  meaning  was  figurative, 
denoting  that  the  vassals,  who  formed  a  minority  of  the  population  of  the 
han,  and  who  were  never  all  of  one  clan,  had  sworn  fealty  to  the  successive 
lords  of  the  baron's  house,  which  itself  was  seldom  permanent.  There 
is  not  one  leading  feature  of  the  han  justifying  the  use  of  the  word  'clan'. 

(11)  Barons-    These  include  all  the  immediate  vassals  of  the  Tokugawa 
house  owing  military  service  and  receiving  in  fief  pieces  of  land  valued 
above  10,000  koku  for  each  man.    There  were  194  Barons  in  1614,  240  in  1700, 
and  266  in  1865.    At  the  last  named  date,  the  largest  fief  (Kanazawa)  was 
officially  registered  as  productive  of  1,022,700  Jcoku,  and  the  average  of  the 
fiefs,  about  70,000  Jcoku.  The  class  titles  of  the  Barons  in  official  documents  were 
sho-ko   (fj(  •$!  princes)  and  man-goku  i-zho  (]j£  %$    J£[  _t,  those   above 
ten  thousand  koku).    The  familiar  title  dai-myo  (^  ^§,  originally,  holder 
of  a  great  myo-den,  land  bearing  the  name — myo— of  the  owner,  original 
cultivator,    or    some    other   person  or  thing)  was  only  half  official  as 
general  name  for  the  barons.    Sometimes,  however,  a  distinction  was  made 
in   public    documents    between  dai-myo  and  sho-myo  barons    (holders  of 
greater  and  lesser  fiefs),  but  the  line  of  demarcation  is  obscure  and  was 
probably  never  officially  defined.     Ksd,  1637  ff.,  2244. 

(12)  Baron's   Bailiffs   and   land-holding   vassals.     Despite    the    groat 
diversity  of  detail  in  the  village  administration  of  the  various  Fiefs,   the 
general  outlines  were  drawn  after  the  model  of  the  Suzerain's  Domain- 
lands.    In  the  ordinary  Fief,  there  were  districts  given  in  fief  to  Arassals. 
besides  those* reserved  for  the  Baron.     These  were  often  called,  respect- 
ively,   kyu-nin   mae   ($£  J^  "jjif)    and   o-kura-iri  (fj||]  jjjfc  A)-     (Ish,  108; 
SDS,  I,  16.) 

The  management  of  the  vassals'  fiefs  rested  sometimes  with  the  vassaK 
themselves,  (as  was  the  case  with  the  ho-ko-nin  mae,  Jpi  JV  A  Ufa?  at 
Sendai;  ibid.,  18),  but  oftener  with  village-heads  with  or  without  special 
agents  placed  above  them.  The  ancient  term  ji-to  (j-jfj  HJf)  was  applied 
very  loosely  to  indicate  either  the  holding  vassals  or  their  agents.  The 
vassals,  so  far  as  their  rural  affairs  were  concerned,  or,  at  least,  their 
agents  and  village-heads,  were  usually  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Baron's  Bailiffs,  who  in  these  instances  had  general  control  over  all  local 
affairs.  SDS,  I,  9,  10;  II,  86,  104;  DSR.  XII.  xi,  361,  363;  vi,  586;  Gi, 
I,  3;  BK,  I,  4-5. 

These  Bailiffs'  business,  however,  concerned  primarily  the  districts 
reserved  for  the  Baron  himself.  They  were  nearly  always  of  the  warrior 
class,  but,  like  the  Suzerain's  Intendants,  did  not  hold  their  respective 
districts  in  fief,  for  they  were  paid  servants  usually  removable  at  will. 
YZS,  107— 108;  NTK,  404.  In  many  Fiefs,  there  were  some  Bailiffs  who 
held  their  spheres,  or  at  least  regarded  them,  as  in  fief  (cf.,  e.  g.,  YZS, 
565),  but  the  tendency  was  toward  making  these  cases  exceptional. 

The  Baron's  Bailiff's  were  generally  of  two  grades,  the  names  of  which 
varied  considerably  in  the  different  Fiefs.  Perhaps  the  commonest  grades 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  Hll 

were  kori  bu-gyo,  $|>  J|^  ft,  (other  names  being  gun-dai,  Jj)  f^;  gun-to, 
815  S5>  gun-zhi,  $$  10)  and  dai-kican,  fi;  ^,  (also  gun-dai.  kori  moku- 
(!«/•  jtft  @  f^)?  the  first  higher  than  the  second.  Some  of  the  larger 
Fid's,  however,  had  three  or  more  grades,  while  the  smaller  had  only  one. 
A>,  II.  :-{;  Zo,  I,  1030;  Gi,  II,  24—25;  JV/Ar,  throughout. 

Instructions  to  the  Bailiffs  were  necessarily  of  the  same  nature  as 
those  given  to  the  Suzerain's  Intendants. 

In  the   same  manner  that  the  Suzerain's  government  occasionally  de- 

*  I  >atched  special  inspectors  to  observe  conditions  of  rural  administration 
(To,  X,  610,  622,  661—662;  XI,  495,  509.  596—599,  826;  XII,  47—48,  645 
XIII.  60,  67—68,  174,  237—238,  439,  444,  481—483;  XIV,  410-414;  XV, 
11—14;  ZO,  I,  43;  III,  1374;  IV,  103),  so  also  many  a  Baron  sent  about 
..Hi rials  with  similar  missions  (e.  g.,  YZS,  98, 104—107/285—286,  525—526). 
The   practical  value   of  these  inspectors,   as  likewise  of  the  general  in- 
structions to  the  Bailiffs,    was   often  problematical.     Mi,  I,  vi,  No.  41. 
See  Xote  111,  below. 

(13)  Village.  The  villages,  or  mura  (^»f),  were  the  smallest  territoria 
units,  and  as  such  had  a  long  and  important  evolution  in  Japanese 
history.  Under  the  Tokugawa,  they  differed  greatly  in  size  and  impor- 
tance. The  average  mura  was  a  historic  entity  composed  almost  ex- 
clusively of  peasant  families.  The  number  and  fiscal  values  of  these 
families  seldom  underwent  abrupt  changes,  and,  as  we  shall  see  later, 
the  productive  capacity  of  each  village  was  officially  estimated  and 
registered  at  an  early  date  of  this  period,  and  was  not  revised  except 
under  an  urgent  necessity.  Its  agricultural  character,  its  historic  origin, 
and  its  comparative  unity  as  a  fiscal  corporation,  are  the  three  dominant 
characteristics  of  the  normal  mura  of  the  Tokugawa  epoch. 

The  total  number  of  mura  in  Japan  was,  in  1834,  63,493.  Arai  Aki- 
inichi,  Ni-hon  koku-gun  en-kaku  go,  1860  (SOB,  III,  9). 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that,   all  through  the  Tokugawa  period,  the 

•  xti-ut  of  many  mura  in  sparsely  inhabited  parts  or  on  provincial  borders 
remained  more  or  less  indefinite.     Dch,  introd.,  93.     These  villages  were 
in  the  historic  process  of  finding  themselves,   which  others  had  already 
gone  through.    They  also  emphasize  the  truth  that  a  mura  was  often  an 
aggregate  of  peasant  families,  or,  more  exactly,  of  peasant  holdings  and 
their  fiscal  values,  rather  than  a  mere  area  of  territory.    When  the  popu- 
lation  grew  dense  in  proportion  to  the  land  of  the  village,   the  latter's 
limits  would  be   determined.     There  also   appears   to  have  existed  some 
twisting  power  of  the  mura  against  arbitrary  division  or  combination, 
M  •   strong  was  its  historic  character.    Where  mura  were  altered,  their 
old  names  persisted  as  the  names  of  hamlets  or  homesteads  (aza-na  ^ 
fa,  sage-na  ~f  fa),   for  historic  names  were  too  dear  to  be  forgotten. 
(Cf.  Tnk,  206.)     When  extensive  areas  were  tilled  and  inhabited,    they 
formed  either  distinct  and  seldom  totally  assimilated  parts  of  the  mother 
villages,  or  independant  villages.     Dch,  Introd.,  92. 

Many  villages  preferred  to  mura  other  unit-titles  which  they  had 
borne,  or  titles  expressive  of  their  geographical  positions  or  genetic  re- 
lations. Ri(i[),  go  ($IP),  sho  (j£),  and  makiri  (f$  |0-in  Ryu-Kyu),  are 
illustrations  of  the  former,  and  tsu  or  minato  ({=)£.  fj|.  harbor)  ,  hama 


162  K-  Asakawa,  [1911. 

llSC  beach),  shima  (J|(|,  island),  san  ([Jj— Buddhistic),  uke  ( §£— from  the 
Chinese  unit  show  §?),  de  ({IS,  offshoot),  and  sabaki  (ffllj ,  rule)  and 
(g  ft;  H  ^,  #0  #  ^,  separated),  of  the  latter.  Ibid.  90—93; 
w-s/ie,  II,  479,  484,  &c. 

It  would  be  extremely  interesting-  to  study,  from  old  maps  and  from 
all  the  actual  examples,  the  various  types  of  settlement  and  of  the  arrange- 
ment of  houses  in  the  historic  villages  of  Japan,  to  note  the  geographical 
distribution  of  these  types,  and  to  infer  from  these  data  the  probable 
historic  and  economic  reasons  of  the  variation.  It  is,  of  course,  to  be 
expected  that,  even  aside  from  the  changes  that  have  taken  place  since 
the  end  of  the  feudal  regime,  some  villages  are  too  old  and  too  much 
altered  from  their  original  forms  to  be  reduced  to  types  or  to  lead  one 
to  safe  conclusions  as  to  their  evolution.  However,  it  is  easy  to  see 
that  there  must  be  a  great  number  of  other  villages  in  which  may  be 
traced  with  more  or  less  clearness  their  original  types  or  their  subsequent 
alterations.  Scarcely  any  extended  study  has  yet  been  made  in  this 
fruitful  field  of  research.  One  geoprapher  has  barely  enumerated  eight 
different  types  in  existence,  as  follows:  —  1.  a  single  row  of  houses  on 
one  or  either  side  of  a  road  or  a  river  or  on  the  sea-shore;  2.  parallel 
rows  of  houses  in  similar  positions ;  sometimes  on  ascending  or  descend- 
ing terraces;  3.  two  such  single  or  parallel  rows  intersecting  each  other 
at  an  angle;  4.  a  more  or  less  circular  or  arcuated  distribution  of  houses 
around  a  fortress,  a  temple,  a  great  estate,  or  a  small  harbor;  5.  a  linear 
distribution  with  its  one  end  closed  against  further  extension,  for  in- 
stance, by  an  important  temple,  which  is  usually  situated  before  a  thickly 
wooded  spot;  6.  villages  in  which  single  houses  are  scattered  with  110 
system  of  arrangement;  7.  those  in  which  houses  are  found  in  small 
groups  on  advantageous  spots;  and  8.  those  in  which  houses  are  arranged 
and  roads  built  in  accordance  with  some  preconceived  regular  geometrical 
glans.  (Makiguchi  Tsunesaburo,  Zhin-sei  chi-ri  galcu,  3rd  ed.,  1Jio:>. 
pp.  904—907.) 

Also  see  Notes  15  and  22,  below.  The  striking  case  of  the  lya-yama 
villages  of  lyo  deserves  a  special  mention. 

(14)  The  lya-yama  villages  in  the  province,  of  lyo  (ffi  jfc  jjiJl  /fr  lij  )• 
About  180  square  miles  in  extent,  and  situated  on  the  sinuous  course  of 
the  river  Matsuo,  the  lya-yama  villages  were  completely  protected  from 
the  outside  world  by  high  mountains  and  deep  ravines.  The  latter  were 
crossed  over  only  by  means  of  ropes  made  of  twisted  vines,  for  it  was 
impossible  to  span  the  wide  gorges  with  bridges.  In  the  fourteenth 
century,  this  place  was  found  to  be  occupied  by  a  few  hardy  warrior> 
with  their  retainers,  who  resisted  encroachments,  and  stood  against  n 
powerful  baron  when  all  the  rest  of  Shikoku  had  succumbed  to  him. 
In  1585,  lyo  was  given  in  fief  to  Hachisuka,  but  it  was  not  till  1590 
that  he  extended  his  authority  to  this  part  of  the  province.  The  chiefs 
either  fled  or  were  killed  rather  than  surrender,  and  the  region  was  well- 
nigh  deserted.  Afterwards  old  inhabitants  were  slowly  induced  to  return. 
and  surviving  chiefs  were  permitted  to  re-instate  themselves  in  their 
former  positions.  In  1612,  the  productive  capacity  of  the  land  under 
cultivation  was  estimated  as  about  1200  koku.  The  chiefs,  at  that  time 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  163 

lian  twenty,  were  granted  hereditary  rights  as  village-heads,  as  well  as 
whatever  land  they  might  open  beyond  the  cultivated  area  then  registered. 

Throughout  the  Tokugawa  period,  these  privileges  of  the  chi<-t^  iv- 
mained  undisturbed.  They  owed  a  nominal  military  service  in  case  of 
an  emergency,  which  seldom  occurred.  The  population  gradually  in- 
creased, as  also  the  area  tilled  after  1612,  which  all  belonged  to  the 
hereditary  chief's.  At  the  fall  of  the  feudal  government  in  1868,  lya-yama 
was  found  to  contain  nearly  ten  thousand  souls,  living  in  36  villages 
styled  as  myo.  (the  reader  will  remember  the  word  myo-den  mentioned 
in  Xote  11,  above),  under  the  control  of  21  chiefs  (myo-shu,  %j  J,  heads 
of  the  myo)  belonging  to  seven  old  warrior-families.  Peasants  who  culti- 
vated the  land  that  was  examined  and  registered  in  1612  were  free,  but 
those  who  lived  on  other  land,  which  was  in  the  chiefs'  possession,  were 
the  latter*  tenants .  and  stood  in  a  servile  tenure.  DSR,  XII.  v.  321 ; 
x,  494-^96;  Mkr,  198,  216—217;  Dc\  1230—1231. 

These  facts  about  lya-yama  are  extraordinary  and  instructive,  at  least  in 
the  following  respects :  1.  they  retained  the  old  name  myo  for  the  village, — 
a  point  of  interest  at  this  stage  of  our  discussion, — and  myo-shu  for  the 
village-head;  2.  the  chiefs  were  warriors,  and  owed  a  knight's  service; 
3.  they  held  their  post  by  heredity;  and  4.  they  held  their  tenants  as 
serfs.  For  these  reasons,  we  shall  often  recur  to  these  isolated  villages 
in  the  course  of  this  essay. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  visit  this  region  to-day  and  study  its  present 
conditions.  A  citizen  of  lyo  who  has  recently  traveled  across  lya-yama 
observes  that  it  was  still  largely  inaccessible,  that  the  families  of  the 
chiefs  were  still  greatly  respected  by  the  peasants,  and  that  many  of  the 
latter  were  still  notably  intractable  and  defiant. 

(15)  Classes  of  peasants.  The  ordinary  peasants,  technically  called 
hyaku-sJid  ("j§"  ^),  constituted  the  bulk  of  the  peasant  population.  Their 
status  may  be  explained  in  connection  with  their  landed  holdings.  Tin- 
latter  had  each  an  officially  fixed  and  registered  productive  value,  and 
by  this  value  the  importance  of  the  holding  peasant  was  measured. 
(E.  g.,  YZS,  506.)  From  the  fiscal  point  of  view,  the  holding  was  as 
important  as  the  holder.  A  piece  of  land  might  be  divided  or  trans- 
ferred within  certain  limits,  but  its  name  (aza,  ^)  would  probably 
remain  the  same  (cf.  Mkr,  332),  and  the  new  holder  or  holders  would 
be  responsible  for  the  same  amount  of  dues  as  had  always  been  levied 
<>n  the  piece.  Individual  holdings  were  thus  regarded  as  a  sort  of  per- 
manent entities,  and  in  fact  often  proved  more  enduring  than  the  peasant 
families  who  held  them,  for  the  latter  might  and  did  change. 

Where  these  families  remained  unchanged,  their  heirs  frequently 
transmitted  through  generations  the  same  personal  names,  the  peasant 
being  forbidden  to  bear  a  family  name;  if  the  same  families  held  the 
same  pieces  of  land  during  successive  generations,  the  names  of  the 
families  and  of  the  holdings  became  intimately  associated  with  one  an- 
other. Thus,  a  piece  of  land  called  Mikubo  might  for  a  century  be  held 
by  Zenkichi  succeeding  from  father  to  son.  The  latter  would  very  re- 
luctantly part  with  the  former. 

Such  conditions  were,   however,   far   from  being  universal.     Division 


164  K-  Asakawa,  [1911. 

and  transfer  of  land  frequently  took  place,  as  we  shall  see  later,  both  in 
accordance  with  and  in  violation  of  law.  Peasant  families  came  and 
went,  and  rose  and  fell,  and  the  dull  land  also  changed  names  or  even 
aspects  through  natural  calamities  or  human  fortune,  (of.  GGI,  III,  1, 
15,  16.)  Often  families  altered  more  rapidly  than  land. 

In  a  village  where  there  were  families  much  older  than  others ,  the 
former,  especially  if  they  were  proportionately  rich,  were  often  called 
sen  byaku-sho  (fa  "jg"  $J,  advance  peasants),  and  enjoyed  a  degree  of  pre- 
stige. If  they  were  original  settlers  of  the  village,  they  would  be  distin- 
guished as  kusa-wake  (Jfl  ^r)S  grass-dividers).  In  some  places,  older 
families  were  hon  lyaku-sho  (7J£  U  $J,  main  peasants),  and  later  ones 
waU  byaku-sho  (j&  1J  %£,  side  peasants).  DSR,  XII,  v,  535—536 ;  GGI, 
II,  17;  III,  20.  Often  the  land-holding  peasants  in  a  village  were  collect- 
ively called  so  hyak-usho  (tf|£  "g"  jj,  all  peasants). 

Few  villages  were  regularly  laid  off  like  the  townships  in  the  newer 
American  States.  Japanese  peasants  were  by  nature  gregarious  and 
mutually  dependent.  Groups  of  houses  would  first  spring  up  freely  over 
widely  separated  spots,  and  as  each  spot  became  filled,  virgin  soil  between 
the  first  spots  would  be  settled  upon  and  tilled,  until  an  increased  popu- 
lation should  have  turned  with  plough  and  spade  all  the  available  sur- 
face of  the  village.  Peasants  holding  many  pieces  of  land  would  find 
them  scattered  over  too  wide  an  extent  for  him  alone  to  manage  them. 
Also,  as  the  village  was  well  filled  with  small  peasants,  probably  some 
of  them  would,  impoverished  by  their  mismanagement  and  by  excessive 
taxes,  mortgage  and  lose  their  patches  of  land,  or  perhaps  abscond. 
Thereby  the  greater  peasants  would  have  their  holdings  added  to,  some- 
times to  their  delight,  but  oftener  against  their  will,  when  the  taxes 
were  heavy  and  the  margin  of  profit  small.  From  these  and  many  other 
circumstances,  all  large  peasants  employed  hired  men  as  farm  hands. 
This  practice  was  common  from  the  beginning  of  the  Tokugawa  period 
(cf.,  e.  g.,  DSR,  XII,  iv,  196).  About  1720,  a  well-informed  writer  affirm- 
ed that  few  landholders  of  20  to  100  koku  of  recorded  productivity  could 
cultivate  with  their  own  hands  more  than  a  tenth  of  their  holdings. 
(Mi,  II,  No.  15.) 

^The  hired  men  were  not  all  of  a  uniform  status.  Some  were  younger 
sons  of  other  peasants,  but  these  became  fewer,  for  economic  reasons 
that  we  shall  examine  later.  Some  others  were  hereditary  servants  (fu- 
dai,  1§  |j|);  these  also  decreased  in  number  toward  the  end  of  the 
period,  though  they  increased  temperorarily  in  hard  years  (To,  XII,  621) 
and  never  disappeared  throughout  this  period.  There  were  many  men 
all  over  Japan  who  had  few  or  no  holdings  of  their  own,  and  would  be 
willing  to  be  hired  for  short  periods  as  farm  hands.  These  usually  had 
no  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  villages  where  they  had  their  temporary 
domicile.  If  they  became  settled,  or,  perhaps,  if  they  continued  to  live 
in  their  own  villages,  and  worked  as  tenants,  they  were  called  na-ko 
(%l  -f,  sons  of  the  myo-den^  cf.  Notes  11  and  14,  above),  midzu-nomi  (?]C  §> 
water-drinkers),  mae-chi  ("jif  Jtfj,  front-land),  and  the  like.  In  the  Kana- 
zawa  fief,  a  kashira-buri  (|fjf  ^?)  owned  his  own  dwelling-house;  he  had 
greater  freedom  of  movement  than  the  ordinary  peasants.  In 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 

gome  truants  lived  rent-free  in  houses  built  l>y  the  landlord.  In  most 
places,  the  tenants  were  incorporated  into  five-man  groups,  which  will  be 
described  below,  but  seldom  had  any  voice  in  village  administration. 
(GGI,  II,  17;  Ggs,  136;  Jh,  VII,  67—68;  Tk,  VII,  17—20;  Mkr,  232, 
235.  251,  305,  532;  YZS,  X],  62s;  ,s,,w,  K2— 84.)  See  Note  37,  below. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  determine  the  average  proportion  of  the 
various  classes  o!'  peasants.  In  a  village  in  Murayama  Gori,  Dewa,  there 
were,  in  1772,  out  of  the  total  number  of  96  houses.  41  hyaku-sho,  23  na- 
go,  28  midzu-nomi,  and  1  Buddhist  priest.  Tk,  VII,  16.  It  was  one  of 
the  most  important  characteristics  of  tin'  Japanese  peasants  of  this 
period  that  a  large  majority  of  them  were  small  landholders.  This  paper 
aims  t<>  show  some  of  the  reasons  for  this  remarkable  condition.  Of. 
Notes  36,  37,  45,  64,  126,  141—143,  below. 

None  of  these  peasant  classes  were  serfs.  The  nearest  to  the  latter 
were  the  hereditary  servants  of  large  peasants,  but  these  were  a  de- 
creasing minority  of  servants,  and  their  relation  to  the  masters  was 
more  personal  than  real,  for  they  were  attached  to  the  latter's  families 
rather  than  to  the  soil.  The  others  were  either  temporarily  employed 
laborers  or  tenant-farmers.  The  former  married,  and  frequently  establish- 
ed themselves  as  petty  peasants,  with  the  assistance  of  their  benevolent 
masters ,  with  whom  they  thus  "divided  kitchen:',  as  the  act  was  locally 
called  (Mkr,  372 — 373).  In  fact,  no  law  impeded  the  servants  or  tenants 
from  acquiring  land  holdings  and  setting  themselves  up  as  full  hyaku- 
sho.  The  kashira-buri  had.  as  has  been  seen,  even  a  larger  freedom  of 
movement  than  proprietors.  This  important  point  will  be  more  fully 
discussed  later. 

A  singular  exception  is  seen  in  the  case  of  the  ge-nin  of  lya-yama, 
(see  Note  14,  above),  who  were  peasants  living  on  lands  belonging  to 
the  hereditary  chiefs,  or  myo-ahu.  Peasants  cultivating  land  registered 
in  1612  were,  on  the  other  hand,  called  na-go,  and  were  ordinary  hyaku- 
sho,  owing  thirty  men's  annual  convee  per  family.  The  ge-nin's  corre- 
sponding convee  was  five  men.  It  is  briefly  stated  that  the  latter  were 
much  like  serfs,  held  down  to  the  soil  of  the  myo.  Mkr,  216—217.  If 
so,  it  must  have  been  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  hereditary  chiefs  were 
warriors  personally  overseeing  the  tilling  of  their  landed  estates..  The 
ge-nin,  therefore,  must  have  stood  in  a  much  different  position  in  rela- 
tion to  their  lords  from  that  of  the  tenants  or  servants  in  peasant  fa- 
milies in  other  villages. 

(16)  Village-officials.  Village-officials  in  tjie  Suzerain's  Domain-lands, 
and  also  in  most  of  the  Baron's  Fiefs,  consisted  of  three  classes  of  person- 
ages of  divers  titles,  whom  we  may  call,  respectively,  Village-heads, 
Chiefs,  and  Elders.  Tk,  II,  33—34;  etc. 

The  Village-head  was  variously  designated  as  na-nushi,  sho-ya,  kimo- 
iri,  and  ken-dan,  the  first  two  titles  being  most  common  throughout 
Japan,  while  the  last  two  were  practically  limited  to  the  northern  pro- 
vinces of  Mutsu  and  Dewa.  The  various  titles  were  used  with  little 
system,  the  same  village,  or  even  the  same  document,  sometimes  using 
two  or  three  titles  to  denote  the  village-head.  (Tnk;  GGI,  I,  15,  16,  III, 
20;  DSR,  XII,  v,  536—537;  Mkr.)  It  is  only  in  a  general  way  that  it 


166  -ST.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

can  be  said  that  villages  east  of  the  Hakone  Pass  used  the  title  na-nushl, 
and  those  west,  the  title  sho-ya. 

Kimo-iri  (Jff  $£,  roasting  the  liver,  or  jj-]:  \,  putting  in  the  liver), 
is  a  title  appearing  from  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  merely 
meaning  utmost  diligence  [in  the  care  of  village  affairs] ,  as  witness 
the  familiar  Chinese  expression  'to  break  one's  liver  and  bile'  (Jj|  jj:p  Jff), 
and  such  English  phrases  as  'putting  one's  heart  into  his  work'  and 
'racking  one's  brains'.  (Of.  Nz,  I,  15;  DSR,  XII,  v,  316.  Smw,  101  note, 
is  improbable).  The  term  was  not  limited  to  the  village-headship,  but 
was  applied  to  many  other  kinds  of  chiefs.  As  for  ken-dan  (}$[  Ifjf, 
examining  and  deciding),  its  use  seems  to  have  dated  earlier  than  kimo- 
iri.  During  the  later  years  of  the  Tokugawa  period,  it  was  usually  con- 
fined to  town  officials  in  the  north,  especially  in  the  Sendai  and  Yone- 
zawa  fiefs.  (Nz,  I,  15—16;  Mkr;  YZS;  SDS.) 

The  title  Na-nushi  (^j  jfc)  was  derived  from  myo-shu.  written  in  the 
same  characters,  and  meaning:  head  of  the  myo  (^,  name), — myo  being 
an  abbreviation  of  myd-den  (%\  [B,  name-land),  land  bearing  the  name 
of  the  owner  or  original  cultivator.  The  myo-shu  of  the  Kamakura  and 
Muromach  periods  (from  the  late  twelfth  to  the  late  sixteenth  century) 
was,  however,  radically  different  from  the  na-nushi  of  the  Tokugawa 
epoch,  for  the  former  was  a  little  seigneur  or  at  least  a  man  of  the 
warrior  class,  while  the  latter  was  essentially  non-feudal,  though  some- 
times vested  with,  the  right  to  wear  swords  and  bear  family-names. 
(Dch,  Introd.,  74,  84;  Nz,  I,  14;  DSH,  VII,  23;  Ksd,  2243.)  The  tran- 
sition of  the  title  from  the  one  to  the  other  is  not  yet  clearly  traced, 
and  falls  beyond  the  scope  of.  this  paper. 

Sho-ya  (Eh  JH)  was  originally  cognate  with  na-nushi.  Literally,  it 
meant  a  house  (house-master)  in  the  sho-en,  large  private  estate  which 
paved  the  way  toward  feudalism  in  Japan,  and  which  in  many  instances 
remained  for  a  long  time  as  a  territorial  unit.  (Of.  Smiv,  100 — 101,  note.) 
The  owner  of  a  distant  sho  would  leave  its  management  in  the  hands  of 
his  agents,  who,  being  private  men,  were  called  by  different  ill-defined 
titles.  Of  these,  sho-ya  was  one.  In  its  exact  form,  it  is  not  found  in 
documents  as  early  as  is  myo-shu,  arid  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  all 
the  sho-ya  were  also  originally  warriors,  as  they  generally  were  not 
under  the  Tokugawa.  (Nz,  I,  15;  DSR,  XII,  i,  793  ff.) 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  in  the  early  years  of  the  Tokugawa 
regime,  there  lingered  exceptional  cases  of  warrior  village-heads  at  places 
where  warriors  did  not  live  in  castle-towns,  but  were  settled  in  villages  as 
petty  seigneurs.  These  being  influential  among  peasants,  some  of  them 
became  village-heads.  There  occurred,  in  1603,  a  serious  insurrection  of 
one  of  these  sho-ya  in  Tosa,  where,  at  the  coming  of  the  baron  Yama- 
nouchi,  some  two  thousand  vassals  of  the  old  lord  Chosokabe  had  settled 
as  farmer-warriors  in  different  parts  of  the  province.  (D8R,  XLI.  i. 
734 — 749.)  Many  of  their  descendants  retained  their  role  of  go-shi  ($$ 
H^,  country  warriors)  throughout  the  Tokugawa  period.  There  were 
go-shi  in  a  few  other  fiefs,  and  many  of  them  must  have  served  a- 
village-heads.  A  conspicuous  example  is  that  of  lya-yama.  where,  a- 
will  be  remembered,  several  old  seigneurs  remained  as  hereditary  village- 


Vol.  xxxi.j      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  K>< 

heads    for    in. , iv    than   1\v.»   hundred   ;m<l    fifty   years.      Tli.-y   even    n 

to   the   old   title   myo-shu  in  1616.   after  having   for   a   brief  period  been 

called  nn-moto  (%j  7|£).     See  Note  14.  abore. 

As  for  the  appointment  of  the  village-head,  it  has  been  said  that 
generally  in  western  Japan,  the  headship  was  handed  down  from  father 
to  son  in  old,  but  not  always  the  wealthiest,  families;  that  in  eastern 
provinces  either  a  general  election  or  an  informal  selection  for  life  or 
rotation  for  an  annual  term  prevailed;  and  that,  a^  a  con-eqiience,  the 
office  possessed  more  dignity  and  worked  with  greater  ease  in  tin-  w>t 
than  in  the  east.  (Jh,  VII,  28 — 31.)  If  this  was  true  in  a  very  general 
way.  there  were  numerous  exceptions  to  this  contrast.  Even  in  Fiefs 
•nd  Domain-lands  near  Edo.  an  official  appointment  of  the  head  without 
popular  election  or  choice  was  not  infrequent.  ( E.  g.  Xz,  I,  15;  Mi,  I, 
iv.  H2.)  Even  in  cases  of  election,  the  authorities  sometimes  exercised 
a  veto  power  or  ordered  reconsideration.  (Jh,  VII,  31.)  It  would  seem, 
on  the  whole,  that  election  or  rotation  was  much  less  common  than 
appointment,  and  tended  to  lapse  into  the  latter.  (Sniw,  103 — 107.) 

The  duties  of  the  village-head  were,  like  those  of  the  Intendant  or 
Bailiff,  varied  and  extensive.  He  acted  as  the  medium  between  higher 
authorities  and  the  village,  both  the  former's  orders  and  the  latter's 
reports  always  passing  through  his  hands.  Deeds  of  sale  and  mortgage, 
as  well  as  petitions  and  appeals  from  villager^,  required  his  seal  affixed 
to  the  documents.  He  assisted  in  the  examination  of  the  productive 
power  of  cultivated  land.  He  divided  among  the  people  taxes  due  from 
the  village,  and  collected  and  delivered  them.  He  was  responsible  for 
the  accuracy  of  the  accounts  of  the  village  finances,  and  also  for  the 
correctness  of  all  the  regular  records  and  reports.  Public  works  and 
repairs,  distribution  of  official  loans  and  alms,  examination  of  the  census 
and  the  religion  of  the  village,  and  the  like,  also  devolved  on  him.  Not 
the  least  important  and  delicate  point  of  his  duties  was  to  guide  the 
morals  of  the  peasants,  and  prevent  their  extravagance  and  misconduct, 
by  persuasion  and  personal  example.  Everywhere  the  importance  of 
his  moral  qualities  was  strongly  emphasized.  (GGI;  YZS,  506;  Smw, 
102—103.) 

The  village-head  had,  of  course,  no  military  or  judicial  power.  He 
exercised  police  functions  with  the  aid  of  villagers,  and,  in  disputes 
among  people,  he  offered  his  good  offices  to  advise  private  reconciliation 
of  the  parties ,  in  accordance  with  the  policy  of  the  feudal  authorities 
to  discourage  judicial  contest  as  far  as  was  compatible  with  justice. 
(GGI,  II,  7,  12,  36—37;  III,  1.) 

In  return  for  these  varied  services,  the  village-head  received  a  re- 
muneration, which,  in  Domain-lands,  seldom  exceeded  a  half  of  one  per 
cent,  of  the  recorded  annual  productivity  of  the  village.  He  was.  also, 
remitted  a  part  or  the  whole  of  the  village  dues,  and  in  some  instances 
given  free  labor  on  his  farm  of  two  or  three  days  of  all  the  peasants. 
He  also  received  presents  from  villagers,  and  those  must  have  been  con- 
siderable when  the  head  was  virtuous  and  beloved  by  the  people.  (Jk, 
II,  46;  Jh,  VII,  32—33;  Tk,  VII,  15;  Hrs,  1296;  Smw,  107.)  Between 
his  heavy  duties  and  small  emolument,  many  village-heads  in  Domain- 


168  K.  Asdkawa,  [1911. 

lands  became  impoverished  (Mi,  I,  iv,  32).  In  the  Barons'  Fiefs,  great 
diversity  of  practice  seems  to  have  prevailed  respecting  the  question  of 
remuneration.  In  some  places,  the  reward  was  much  more  liberal  than 
in  the  Domain-lands,  (e.  g.,  SDS,  II,  43,  46;  DSR,  XII,  vii,  1158).  The 
degree  of  the  heads'  usefulness  and  moral  influence  widely  differed  in 
different  Fiefs,  according  to  the  general  condition  prevailing  in  their  rural 
administration. 

One  head  for  each  village  was  a  rule  usually  followed,  but  sometimes 
two  small  villages  were  under  one  head,  and  one  large  village  had  two 
heads.  In  every  village,  the  head  was  assisted  by  some  half  a  dozen 
Chiefs  ordinarily  called  Kumi-gashira  (;j$j[  Bit  group-heads),  but  also 
known  as  toshi-yori  (^  iff,  elders),  osa  byaku-sho  (J|  ~§  jj,  leading 
peasants),  otona  byaku-sho  (%£  ~$  $J,  P^,  older  peasants;  in  a  docu- 
ment of  Ugo  dated  1607  occurs  the  title  otonashiki  mono-domo,  'obedient 
fellows'),  osa-bito  ( j|  A>  leading  men),  and  the  like.  In  Yonezawa,  the  title 
Kan-dai  (fc  f£)  was  used  after  1801.  Suwo  had  kuro-gashira  (0$  5JJ). 
The  first  name,  kumi-gashira,  suggests  that,  in  some  cases,  the  office 
originated  with  the  heads  of  five-man  groups,  which  are  considered  in 
Note  53,  below.  (Tk,  II,  33—34;  Jh,  VII,  33;  DSR,  XII,  v,  530—537; 
Mkr;  Hrs,  1296;  Wig,  i,  47.)  This  title  was,  however,  evidently  not  uni- 
versal. The  other  titles  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Chiefs  had 
merely  been  leading  peasants  of  the  village.  Osa  byaku-sho,  for  example, 
was  the  title  applied  in  some  parts  till  a  late  period  to  peasants  who 
held  no  official  position,  but  whose  forefathers  were  large  landholders. 
(Of.,  e.  g.,  DSR,  XII,  v,  316,  530;  with  Nz,  I,  16;  Jh,  VII,  34.) 

The  Chiefs  were  usually  chosen  by  the  village  from  among  the  chief 
families,  for  a  term  of  one  or  more  years,  and  the  choice  was  reported 
to  the  authorities.  (Tk,  II,  33—34.)  This,  however,  did  not  prevent  the 
office  from  becoming  confined  to  a  limited  number  of  persons  in  a  given 
village.  (YZS,  553;  NTK,  IV,  419—420.)  The  duties  of  the  Chiefs  were 
much  the  same  as  those  of  the  head,  whom  they  assisted.  They  some- 
times received  a  slight  remuneration,  and,  in  addition  to  it,  or  instead 
it,  a  remittance  of  village  dues.  (Jh,  VII,  32;  Tk,  VII,  15.) 

Besides  the  Head  and  the  Chiefs,  the  average  village  had  one  or  more 
Elders,  whose  function  was  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  conduct  of  the  vill- 
age-officials, to  give  counsel  and  admonition,  and  generally  guard  am 
promote  the  best  interest  of  the  village.  They  were  chosen  from  amon< 
the  most  highly  respected  of  the  peasants,  and  usually  served  with  lit 
or  no  remuneration.  They  often  enjoyed  greater  moral  influence 
the  Head,  but  in  public  documents  his  signature  and  seal  followed  thos 
of  the  Head  and  the  Chiefs.  (Jh,  VII,  33;  NTK,  IV,  419;  etc.)  Tht 
title  was  hi/aku-sho  dai  ("fj  $J  f^,  representatives  of  peasants), 
dai  $£?,  f^,  representatives),  so  byaku-shd  $.§"§"  ^J,  representative  peas- 
ants), or  mura-bito  gashira  (J$  .A  BJf,  heads  of  villagers).  Where  the 
Chiefs  were  called  kumi-gashira,  the  Elders  might  be  known  as 
byaku-sho,  a  title  which  was  applied  to  the  Chiefs  in  other  places.  (Tnk; 
SDS',  Mi.)  This  confusing  identity  of  titles  for  the  two  different  posts 
would  seem  to  point  to  their  common  origin  and  later  differentiation. 

(17)  District-heads  and  groups  of  villages.    In  larger  Fi"fs  and  Domain- 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  169 

lands,  as,  for  example,  Yonezawa,  Sendai,  Kanazawa,  Okayama,  Hiro- 
shima, Yamaguchi,  Kurume,  Kumamoto,  and  others,  neighboring  villages 
\vciv  grouped  together  for  administrative  purposes.  The  commonest 
name  for  the  groups  was  the  plain  Kumi-ai  mura  (|i[  'p*  ^J,  associated 
villages),  but  the  old  names  go  ($$),  ho  (f^),  ryo  (^),  and  others  per- 
sisted in  some  place-,  as  also  the  peculiar  tori  (jjjl),  suji  ($5),  te-naga 
(^  77C),  and  the  like.  (Dch,  Introd.,  93;  YZS;  Mkr.) 

The  to-mura  (-f*  j$,  ten  villages)  groups  were  probably  found  only  in 
the  Kanazawa  fief  comprising  for  the  most  part  the  provinses  of  Kaga, 
Noto,  and  Etchu.  These  groups  are  said  to  have  dated  as  early  as  1604, 
and  were  originally  composed  of  ten  or  twelve  villages  situated  near  to- 
gether, but  they  grew  larger  and  fewer,  as  time  went  on.  At  the  end 
of  the  feudal  regime,  many  a  to-mura  was  found  to  comprise  30  or 
40  mura.  (Mkr,  475.)  According  to  the  normal  scheme,  however,  which 
probably  continued  to  be  in  practice  in  several  districts  of  this  fief,  vill- 
air''<  were  to  be  organized  as  follows:  five  neighboring  villages  were 
under  the  supervision  of  an  o  kimo-iri  (great  village -head),  who  was  one 
of  the  kimo-iri,  or  heads,  of  the  villages,  and  took  the  post  of  the  general 
head  annually  by  rotation;  two  such  groups  of  villages,  that  is,  ten  vill- 
ages, formed  a  larger  division,  and  its  head,  called  to-mura  kimo-iri  (ten- 
village  head),  was  one  of  the  two  o  kimo-iri  of  the  five-village  groups, 
and  served  for  life,  but  not  by  heredity;  and  five  of  the  five-village 
divisions  were  likewise  banded  together  under  the  control  of  an  5  to- 
mura  (great  ten-village  [head])  selected  from  among  the  five  o  kimo-iri. 
(Sho,  142.)  "To-mura"  seemed  later  to  have  become  the  popular  general 
name  for  this  elaborate  organization. 

The  heads  of  the  to-murawere  called  to-mura  kimo-iri,  or  simply,  to-mura; 
sometimes,  osa  byaku-sho.  The  great  majority  of  them  were  of  the  peasant 
class,  though,  like  some  village-heads,  many  of  them  were  favored  with 
the  privilege  of  wearing  swords  and  bearing  family-names.  A  few  were 
real  warriors.  Xone  of  them,  however,  seem  to  have  held  their  districts 
in  fief.  They  were  directly  responsible  to  the  Baron's  government, 
and  not  to  his  Bailiffs  and  land-holding  vassals.  (DSR,  XII,  ii,  854 
— 859;  Mkr.)  The  importance  of  such  an  institution  in  extending  the 
Baron's  authority  throughout  the  Fief  and  in  securing  uniformity  of 
rural  government  may  well  be  inferred.  The  to-mura  arrangement  is 
said  to  have  excited  the  Suzerain  Yoshimune's  admiration  for  its  effi- 
ciency. (To,  XIV,  300—301.) 

More  common  for  district-heads  than  to-mura  were  the  titles  o  sho- 
ya  (^C  j£  Ji>  £reat  sho-ya),  o  kimo-iri  (;fc  Jjf  A)>  so  sho-ya  $£?  ]£  Mi 
sha-ya— general),  wari-moto  (frll  ~Jd  Hll  ^$>  dispenser),  oyoko-me  (^  ffa  @  , 
great  superviser),  5  so-dai  (^  !ffj  f^,  great  representative),  ken-dan  (Jjjit 
Iff,  examiner  and  judge),  6  doshi-yori  and  chu  doshi-yori  (;fc  and  PJ» 
4£  ?f,  great  and  middle  elders),  and  the  like.  (See  Mkr;  YZS;  Gsr.} 

They  were  generally  great  peasants,  and,  as  heads  of  extensive  regions, 
some  of  them  wielded  as  large  an  influence  as  petty  barons  and  bailiffs. 
Their  service,  which  was  similar  to  that  of  the  village-head  but  magni- 
fied, was  remunerated  with  a  special  slight  levy  imposed  upon  the 
districts.  For  the  maintenance  of  the  to-mura,  for  example,  all  the  male 


170  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

peasants  between  15  and  60  years  of  age  gave  about  2/5  peck  of  rice 
(Mkr,  259).  This  circumstance  and  the  great  power  of  the  district-head 
had  led  to  so  many  corrupt  practices,  that,  in  1713,  the  Suzerain's  govern- 
ment decreed  that  this  office  should  henceforth  be  discontinued  but  in 
exceptional  regions  throughout  the  Domain-lands.  (To,  XIII,  318,  320- 
Note  59,  [XXVII,  6].  beldw.)  This  law  did  not  affect  the  Fiefs. 

(18)  Delegation   and  responsibility  in  China.     See  the  author's  Early 
institutional  life  of  Japan,  chap.  3. 

(19)  Inviolability  of  the  official.    Each  official  represented  in  his  proper 
sphere  the   power   delegated  to  him  in   successive   steps   from  the  very 
highest  authorities.     He  was   a  dignitary   of  the  Suzerain  or  the  Baron 
(£V  HI    or  ^  £V  0  &  iSi  AX  the  honoric  go  (KB)  commanding  respect 
from   all  persons   below  him  (^jj  dfc,  j^,  *")»  "f).     He,   on  his  part,   for 
the  same  reason,  showed  extreme  deference  in  addressing  himself  to  his 
superiors.    The  latter  were  approached  with  reverence  (^  j^Jt),  and  were 
listened  to  with  abject  fear  (j||;  ^  $|).     It  was  a  capital  offence  to  use 
privately    the    Suzerain's    family    emblem    or   to   pretend   that  a  private 
undertaking  was  official  ($|J  #j).     (KR,  I,  Xo.  33;  GGI,  II,  19,  20.) 

(20)  Sacredness  of  the  laws.    We  cannot  tarry  to   go  into  the  fruitful 
discussion   as   to  the  source  and  meaning  of  'law'  during  the  Tokugawa 
period.     It  may  be   stated,    in   short,    that,    whatever  the   origin   of  the 
ideas  contained  in  the  law,   the   latter  became  such  only  as  it  emanated 
from    the    higher    authorities.     Each    law    took    the   form   of  an   official 
command,    and    was    regarded  as   embodying  the  will    of  the  ruler.     It 
might  gradually  and  naturally  fall  into  disuse  or  be  modified  by  custom, 
or  even  might  at  once  be  found  to  be  unworkable,  but  it  should  not  be 
wilfully    altered    or    abrogated    by  the   people  without   official   sanction. 
The  law  was  sacred,  for  it  was  the  voice  of  the  powers  that  ruled.    Even 
a  sign-board  bearing'  an  official  proclamation  was  treated  with  reverence : 
it  was  surrounded  with  a  fence,  was  guarded  from  fire,  and  was  re-made 
when  it  wore  out  by  exposure.     (GGI,  I,  12;  II,  25.) 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  frequently  the  authorities  sought  to  add 
to  the  majesty  of  a  law  by  stating  that  its  infraction  would  incur  punish- 
ment from  heaven  (^  jf|). 

(21)  Punishment  of  feudal  nobles.    This  subject  should  be  discussed  in 
a  seperate  paper  on  the  feudal  classes  of  this  period. 

(22)  Joint  responsibility  of  corporate  bodies.     Of  the  various  kinds  of 
corporate  bodies  mentioned,  the  cities  and  gilds  form  the  subject  for  an 
independant  discussion.     As   for  the  village  communities,   their  joint  re- 
sponsibility will  be  more  fully  treated  when  we  discuss  the  five-man  group. 
In  short,  the  whole  or  a  part  of  the  village,  or  its  officials,  were  held  re- 
sponsible for  the  reciept  and  transfer  of  the  official  circulars,  for  the  pay- 
ment and  delivery  of  the  taxes,  for  the  good  behavior  of  all  the  iix-mlnTS. 
for  the  arrest  and  surrender  of  robbers   and  incendiaries,   for  the  main- 
tenance of  taxable  estates,   despite  the   running  away   of  their   prosrut 
holders,   and  for  a  hundred  other  affairs.     (E.  g.,   see  GGI,  I,  6,  7.  14, 
34;    IV,  3,  8,  11,  12,  13,  15;    Ggs,    5,  7— 8r  134-135;    KR,    II,  Xo.  44.) 
Cf.,  also,  Note  144  b.  below. 

(23)  Framing  laws  with  discretion.    An  examination   of  a   large  body 


Vol.  xxxi.j     Notes  0)1  Village  Government  in  Japan.  171 

ul'  Tcikugawa  laws  will  strike  one  by  the  persistent  recurrence,  after 
important  provisions,  of  the  clause  that  cases  requiring  arrangements 
contrary  thereto  should  be  reported  to  the  central  government, 

What  might  be  termed  discretionary  laws,  also,  were  abundant.  Some- 
Times  special  laws  supplied  or  modified  gnu -nil  orders  previously  issued 
in  the  form  of  public  moral  exhortations  or  as  informal  measures,  or 
vice  versa]  for  example:  an  increase  of  population  was  generally  eri- 
rourageii.  but  an  excessive  increase  in  an  old  village  was  checked  by 
prohibiting  indefinite  divisions  of  land-holdings;  the  peasants  were 
continually  taught  to  settle  disputes  by  private  adjustment,  and  yet  the 
evil  of  supressing  litigation  was  provided  against  by  law.  (To,  XIII, 
315—316.)  Of.  Notes  36,  45,  49,  below. 

(24)  Operating  laivs  with  discretion.  Judgments  passed  by  the  courts 
afforded  numerous  examples  of  the  use  of  equity.  This  and  the  speed 
of  rendering  justice  struck  Kaempfer,  who  thought  them  exceptional 
(Engelbert  Kaempfer,  History  of  Japan,  Engl.  transl.,  new  edition, 
Glasgow,  1906,  III,  319 — 320),  but  who,  it  is  to  be  feared,  was  acquainted 
only  with  favourable  instances.  (Kaempfer  was  in  Japan  in  1690 — 1692.) 
Good  rulers  emphasized  the  importance  of  equity  and  discretion.  leyasu 
remarked:  "Rules  of  conduct  are  generally  fixed  according  to  men's  rank, 
but  beware  that  time  and  place  alter  the  modes  (fj|  •J'.yo-su).  (Iwa- 
buchi  ya-wa,  in  DSR,  XII,  v,  115 — 116.)  lemitsu  criticized  his  chief 
justices,  as  they,  prompted  by  a  desire  for  an  exhaustive  inquiry,  put 
to  the  witnesses  questions  beyond  their  intelligence,  which  bewildered 
them  without  enlightening  the  issues.  He  also  taught  the  distinction 
between  what  he  termed  the  commissioner's  decision  (Jpl  ^-j"  0  ^  ^F'J) 
and  the  suzerain's  decision  (5c  T  0  M  ?!!)•  IR  a  dispute  over  a 
boundary,  for  example,  the  former  would  determine  the  truth,  but  the 
latter  would  add  that  a  part  of  the  land  of  the  winning  side  be  ceded 
to  the  other,  if  the  correct  division  was  certain  to  deprive  many  men  of 
the  losing  party  of  their  very  means  of  sustenance.  He  did  not  praise 
a  man  who  made  a  useful  compilation  of  court  decisions,  for,  thought 
lie.  no  two  cases  would  be  exactly  alike,  and  precedents  were  not  always 
safe  guides.  (To,  X,  1090 — 1092.)  Tsunayoshi  ordered  that  decisions 
should  not  be  based  on  the  consideration  of  immediate  justice  alone,  but 
also  on  their  probable  effects  on  popular  morals  and  customs.  (Ibid. 
XII,  107.)  Uesugi  Harunori  was  a  living  example  of  discretionary 
justice,  and  so  were  Hosokawa  Shigekata  and  other  barons  noted  for 
political  wisdom.  (E.  g.,  YZS,  81—88,  262,  807 ;  Gi,  I,  2 ;  etc.)  Equity 
and  judical  acumen  combined  in  the  highest  state  of  efficiency  in  the 
person  of  0-oka  Tadasuke  (1676—1752).  (To,  XIV,  263—264.)  Cf.  Wig, 
i,  71—73;  Prof.  Mikami  Sanzhi's  articles  in  Hrs,  1088—1115. 

(25)  Bending  laws  for  equity.  Kuroda  Yoshitaka  (M  03  ^  tfB» 
1546 — 1604),  like  many  other  Barons,  had  made  gambling  in  his  fief  a 
capital  offence.  His  vassal  Katsura  won  a  large  stake  one  evening,  and 
on  his  way  home,  with  all  the  booty  on  his  shoulders,  unexpectedly 
met  his  lord.  and.  in  bewilderment,  improvidently  exclaimed:  "I  have 
not  been  out  gambling."  His  comrades  gave  him  up  as  lost.  The  next 
morning  he  was  summoned  to  Yoshitaka's  presence.  The  latter  asked 


172  K.  Asakatua,  [1911. 

him  how  much  he  won  the  preceding  evening,  to  which  Katsura  replied 
in  exaggerated  terms.  "Bravo!"  said  the  lord,  "but  it  was  a  risky 
business  to  evade  my  law.  Your  foolish  exclamation  shows  your  fear 
of  the  law.  If  you  fear  it  to  that  extent,  rather  observe  all  laws.  Beware,- 
too,  that  after  too  good  a  fortune  usually  comes  ill  luck.  If  I  hear  you 
have  squandered  your  money,  I  shall  punish  you.  Do  not  gamble.  Do 
not  buy  luxuries,  and  be  careful  not  to  become  bankrupt."  During  his 
rule,  few  of  his  vassals  were  punished  capitally  or  banished.  Kuroda 
ko-kyo  mono-gatari  in  DSR,  XII,  ii,  72  ff. 

The  evading  of  a  barrier  was  punishable  with  death,  but  a  peasant 
committing  this  offence  on  his  way  to  Edo  to  lay  before  the  central 
authorities  an  appeal  over  the  head  of  an  unjust  local  official,  from 
whom  he  could  of  course  secure  no  passport,  was  not  punished  therefor. 
He  was  allowed  to  testify  that,  as  he  came  to  a  town  just  this  side  of 
the  barrier,  he  lost  his  way  and  strayed  into  a  forest,  where  he  met  a 
man  who  gave  him  a  wrong  direction;  this  brought  him  to  a  town  just 
beyond  the  barrier.  Slight  falsehoods  regarding  the  ages  of  the  culprits 
who  have  just  outgrown  their  minority,  or  time,  distance,  the  length  of 
weapons,  and  other  circumstances,  were  frequently  imposed  upon  the 
offenders  by  the  magistrate  himself,  in  order  to  extenuate  their  penalties 
when  their  cases  called  for  equity.  (The  popular  story  of  Yao-ya 
0-shichi,  a  maiden  who  set  a  building  on  fire  with  a  hope  to  see  her 
lover,  and  who  honestly  and  innocently  refused  to  testify  that  she  was 
still  in  her  minority,  as  the  magistrate  would  have  her  do,  is  a  pathetic 
illustration.  She  was  a  year  too  old  to  be  a  minor,  and  was,  much 
against  the  wishes  of  the  authorities  and  the  people,  punished  capitally 
for  incendiarism.)  Perhaps  for  this  need  of  considerate  justice,  it  was 
customary  not  to  allow  the  affidavit  of  the  defendant  to  be  shown  him 
in  writing,  though  he  might  listen  to  its  reading.  Tk,  IX,  5 — 6,  15. 

(26)  The  peasant  as  the  foundation  of  the  State.    The  constantly  quoted 
maxim  (derived  from  the  Shu-king,  hia-shu,  iii.  2)  is,  J£  ^  H  &~fc  7jf    fy  > 
meaning  precisely  the  caption  of  this  Xote.     According  to  the  economic 
conception  of  most  rulers   of   this   period,    the    peasantry  wras  the  only 
productive  class  of  people,  and  furnished  the  wherewithal  of  maintaining 
government  and  all  phases  of  national  life.    "Agriculture  is  the  basis  of 
all  things   and  the  treasure   of  the  world.     It  is  the  peasants'  honor  to 
be  engaged  in    it."     Even    if   a  peasant  should  be  enabled  to  pay  more 
taxes  by  becoming  a  merchant,  ,,nothing  was  precious  that  had  not  been 
yielded  by  the  soil."    YZS,  99, 105.    "Of  the  four  classes  of  people,  [i.  e.. 
gentlemen,  peasants,  artisans,  and  merchants],  the  peasants  are  the  foun- 
dation of  the  State.  .  .  .    From  the  Emperor  down  to  the  common  people, 
men's  lives  depend  upon  food  and  clothing.     That  food  and  clothes  are 
fruits  of  the  peasant's  labor  is  self-evident."     Om,  ii,  44. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  peasants   formed  nearly  ninety  per 
cent,    of   the    entire    population    of   Japan    under    the    Tokugawa. 
Note  7,  above. 

(27)  Peasants  and  ivarriors  as  against   burghers.     The    warriors    and 
peasants,  to  a  large  extent,  prospered  and  suffered  together  under  vary- 
ing conditions  of  the  rice  crop  and  its  market  value,  whereas  merchants 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  173 

often  profited  when  the  others  lost.  The  warrior's  income  was  fixed, 
and  the  toiling  peasant's  was  little  more  elastic,  but  the  burgher  seemed 
frequently  to  make  fabulous  fortunes  with  little  labour.  It  will  be  well 
understood  that,  according  to  the  current  economic  theories  of  the  period, 
the  merchant  did  not  produce  or  increase  the  wealth  of  the  nation,  and 
gained  where  others  lost.  His  apparently  easy  profits,  therefore,  made 
him  an  object  of  suspicion  and  hatred.  Moreover,  under  the  prevailing 
arrangement  of  the  period,  the  warrior's  income  in  rice  was  converted 
into  money  through  the  medium  of  merchants,  who  not  seldom  speculated 
on  the  rice  at  the  warrior's  expense.  If  the  latter  was  improvident  enough 
to  spend  more  than  his  income,  the  merchants  would  willingly  finance 
him  with  his  future  years'  incomes  as  security,  and  thereby  hold  him  in 
perpetual  obligation.  (Ems,  39 — 41.)  Spiritually,  too,  there  was  much 
in  common  between  the  peasant  and  the  warrior,  beside  much  in  anta- 
gonism between  them  both  and  the  burgher.  The  former  too  prized 
physical  vigor,  simplicity  and  loyalty ;  the  latter's  venturesome  and 
ostentatious  habits,  accompanied  by  a  utilitarian  and  impersonal  point  of 
view,  were  disliked  and  feared  as  tending  to  debase  and  undermine  the 
moral  life  of  the  feudal  society.  (Ngh,  228.) 

The  feudal  legislation  was  largely  influenced  by  these  ideas  and  sen- 
timents. To  take  a  few  illustrations,  the  suzerain's  government  once 
forbade  merchants  to  undertake  the  opening  of  new  land,  (To,  XII,  269), 
and  always  looked  askance  at,  and  often  interdicted,  their  acquiring 
titles  over  cultivated  land,  (Mkr,  334,  335;  Mi,  II,  vii,  No.  27).  Peasants 
noted  for  filial  and  other  great  virtues  were  rewarded  with  the  privilages 
of  bearing  family-names  and  of  wearing  swords,  but  the  latter  privilege 
was  sometimes  denied  to  merchants  equally  virtuous  (To,  XIII,  661). 
On  the  face  of  law,  at  least,  farmers  and  merchants  might  not  adopt 
each  other's  occupation  (G GI,  III,  12;  KKK,  545—546;  YZS,  105—106; 
TMK,  f .  I,  33 ;  Mkr,  246,  252—254)  or  enter  into  marriage  relation,  and 
the  younger  sons  of  the  peasants  might  not  serve  in  merchants'  families 
(Mkr,  51—52;  YZS,  527,  631).  "As  the  minor  occupation  [7^  |ji,  i.  e., 
commerce,  as  distinguished  from  the  major  or  chief  occupation,  /|£  Jjjji, 
namely,  agriculture]  seems  to  return  much  profit  for  little  labor  and 
therefore  excites  the  peasant's  envy  and  interferes  with  agriculture,  it 
has  been  a  custom  in  all  ages  both  in  Japan  and  in  China  to  forbid  him 
to  marry  a  merchant's  daughter."  (Ibid.,  747.) 

The  rising  influence  of  the  burgher  class  was,  however,  so  irresistible, 
and  had  so  insidiously  stolen  over  a  large  section  of  the  warrior  class, 
that,  especially  at  Edo  after  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
mercantile  mode  of  life  and  thought  began  deeply  to  affect  the  warriors 
(Sb,  I,  59—66;  V.  27—31;  Bms,  25—26,  50—51).  The  same  mode  in  its 
worse  aspects,  it  was  continually  deplored,  was  corrupting  the  innocent 
peasants  also  (Mi,  I,  iv,  No.  29).  This  important  tendency  falls  beyond 
the  limits  of  our  essay. 

(28)  Seperation  of  arms  from  land.    Further,  see  this  Journal,  vol.  XXX, 
pt.  Ill,  pp.  270—271,  (the  litk  to  13th  page  of  the  Introduction  to  these 
Notes),  and  Note  60,  below. 

(29)  Tenants  and  farm  laborers.     See  Notes  15,  above,  and  37,  below. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  II.  12 


174  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

(30)  Ownership  virtual  and  theoretical.  It  is  hazardous  to  make  a 
general  statement  on  the  question  of  ownership  of  land.  Law  and 
customs  varied  in  different  places  and  at  different  times. 

Just  prior  to  1600,  when  a  general  cadastral  survey  of  Japan  was 
made  under  Hideyoshi's  command,  each  piece  of  land  whose  name  and 
average  productive  capacity  were  registered  was  entered  under  the  name 
of  the  actual  possessor,  regardless  of  the  history  of  his  possession.  He 
was  allowed  to  hold  the  piece  even  against  the  lord  of  the  fief  in  which 
he  lived.  "It  is  strictly  forbidden."  says  an  order  of  a  chief  commissioner, 
"to  give  to  the  lord  any  of  the  cultivated  lands  recorded  in  the  register." 
Was  it  ownership  that  was  here  recognized?  It  was.  as  is  evident  from 
an  order  of  another  commissioner,  the  right  of  cultivation  (f£  Jjjjfc.  saku- 
shiki),  rather  than  ownership.  "The  right  of  cultivation  over  a  wet  or 
upland  piece."  says  the  order,  "belongs  to  him  under  whose  name  it  was 
registered  during  the  recent  survey.  It  is  forbidden  to  allow  the  land 
to  be  taken  by  another  person,  or  to  take  another  person's  land  under 
the  pretext  that  one  has  once  had  the  right  of  its  cultivation."  (Dch, 
introd..  94 — 95.)  These  are  illuminating  orders,  as  coming  from  the 
commissioners  of  Hideyoshi,  the  autocratic  suzerain  bent  upon  enforcing 
a  uniform  land  law  throughout  Japan.  They  may  perhaps  be  said  to 
reflect  his  policy  of  curbing  the  powers  of  the  barons  by  directly  pro- 
tecting the  rights  of  the  peasants  under  them.  Nevertheless,  it  is  pro- 
bable, too,  that  the  right  of  prescription  and  the  right  of  cultivation 
which  he  recognized  in  the  actual  holder  were  based  upon  a  prevalent 
practice  of  the  period. 

Whatever  the  effects  of  these  orders  before  1600.  it  is  hard  to  assume 
that  the  same  principles  ruled  under  the  Tokugawa.  During  the  early 
years  of  their  suzerainty,  one  occasionally  meets  with  deeds  of  sale  in 
which  it  is  apparent  that  wrhat  was  transferred  thereby  was  the  right  of 
cultivation  rather  than  ownership.  (Cf.,  e.  g..  DSR,  XII,  iv,  575 — 577.) 
It  makes  little  difference  if  the  right  had  been  enjoyed  through  generations 
and  was  now  transferred  permanently.  (Cf.,  e.  g..  ibid.,  XII,  x,  504  ff.) 
The  same  idea  lingered  in  some  Fiefs  till  long  afterward.  In  Akita,  for 
example,  the  peasants  tilled  the  land  which  the  Baron  owned,  the  former 
owning  not  even  sites  for  their  houses,  which  were  erected  on  cultivated 
land.  (Ibid.,  XII,  xi,  169—170,  from  ift  ffl  *?&?$,  ;/C  )&\  In  Kana- 
zawa,  the  same  theory  was  held:  land  was  the  Baron's  (on  haka,  ^ffl  ^?j), 
and  if  a  peasant  was  too  poor  to  meet  his  obligations,  he  was  allowed 
only  to  sell  the  use,  not  the  ownership,  of  his  land.  The  process  was 
called  kiri  taka  (ty]  j§J,  dividing  the  assessed  productivity,  that  is.  not 
the  acreage),  and  the  price  was  euphemized  as  return-favor  (ret,  |f)- 
(Mkr,  335,  473—475.) 

In  several  other  places  wrhere,  as  in  the  greater  part  of  Japan,  people 
no  longer  remembered  the  distinction  between  the  right  of  ownership 
and  of  cultivation,  or,  perhaps,  the  latter  had  long  been  assimilated  with 
the  former,  the  idea  of  transferring  the  mere  use  of  land  still  adhered 
to  tenant-fanning.  Tenant-farmers  sold  their  right  of  tenancy  to  others. 
and  pieces  of  land  under  long  terms  of  lease  changed  hands  with  more 
or  less  freedom.  The  practice  was  especially  prevalent  in  parts  of  Echigo, 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  !/•"> 

Bitchu,  and  Tosa,  (IbM.,  476.  527,  530—531,  539—544.)  This  last  usage 
»eeins  highly  significant. 

Kven  where  the  holding  peasant  was  to  aJl  intents  and  purposes 
reuurded  the  owner  of  his  land,  the  persistent  fiction  that  he  merely  had 
the  right  of  use  lingered  almost  universally,  and."  in  many  places,  un- 
consciously. Thi-  will  be  clearly  seen  in  the  following  Notes  31 — 40. 

The  legal  ] i roof  of  a  holding  consisted  of  either  an  entry  in  the  official 
register,  a  title  deed,  a  deed  of  sale,  or  a  receipt  of  the  land  dues.  (Mkr, 
331—332.  :r,i;— 340;  Wig,  v.  1—20.) 

1 31)  Cultivated  and  uncultivated  land.  As  might  be  expected,  the 
peasant's  virtual  ownership  extended  over  cultivated  land,  but  seldom 
over  uncultivated  or  non-arable  land  adjacent  thereto.  The  tenure  of 
the  latter  was  neither  uniform  nor  always  definite  within  the  same  Fief 
or  Domain-land.  Fiefs  often  presenting  a  great  variety  of  tenures  in  juxt- 
aposition. In  Sendai,  Tosa,  and  Higo,  for  instance,  different  kinds  of 
tief  land,  village  land,  religious  land,  and  private  land,  existed  side  by 
-•ide.  many  of  them  in  ill-defined  tenures  (3/Ar,  441 — 143.  445.  451). 

Generally  speaking,  some  of  the  following  belonged  to  the  Domain  or 
the  Kief,  (it  would  be  truer  to  the  popular  conception  of  the  question  to 
say  -the  Domain  or  the  Fief  than  to  say  'the  Suzerain  or  the  Baron,'  for, 
thanks  to  the  presence  of  intendants  and  bailiffs,  the  peasant's  point 
of  view  in  regard  to  landed  property  was  rather  impersonal):  1.  grass- 
land next  to  rivers,  lakes,  and  the  larger  ponds ;  2.  grass-land  and  wood- 
land on  the  borders  of  villages  and  districts;  and  3.  forests  specially 
reserved  for  public  purposes.  The  privilege  of  cutting  grass  and  smaller 
trees  on  these  lands  for  fodder  and  fuel  was  often  granted  to  villages 
or  individual  peasants,  on  payment  of  small  dues  or  under  other  con- 
ditions, and  the  felling  of  larger  trees  for  more  permanent  ends  was 
allowed  under  varying  terms.  The  border-land  often  played  an  important 
part  in  the  economy  of  villages  which  had  insufficient  areas  of  cultivated 
land,  and  gave  rise  to  many  a  serious  dispute  between  them.  (TMK, 
f.  II,  1—106,  pts.  J^  ^  li|  and  $fc  J^  ;  III,  149  —  181,  204—308,  pts. 
ft  J|f  and  lij  ${t  Jig;  Mkr,  346,  431—434.  44(>.  442.  445—446.) 

Some  other  land  along  rivers  and  ponds,  and  grass  and  wood  land, 
were  considered  as  common  property  of  a  village  in  which  or  the  villages 
'•n  which  they  were  situated.  In  these  cases,  dues,  if  any,  in  return 
for  the  use  of  grass  and  tree-  were  paid  to  the  village,  which  made  the 
becessary  regulations.  Larger  lots  were  guarded  by  wardens.  These 
men  originally  were,  in  many  places,  said  to  have  been  owners  of  these 
tract*,  which  they,  under  the  pressure  of  the  taxes  levied  on  them,  volun- 
tairly  turned  them  over  to  the  village,  and  became  their  keepers.  (MTcr., 
3M.  120—424.  430—432,  435—440,  449.) 

Some  uncultivated  and  non-arable  land  was  already  in  private  owner- 
ship. Customs,  of  course,  'varied  greatly  in  this  matter.  The  narrow 
marginal  patches  about  rice-fields,  for  example,  were  considered  in  some 
place*  as  belonging  to  the  owner  of  the  fields,  but,  in  some  others,  he 
owned  the  soil  of  these  margins,  but  not  the  grass  growing  thereon, 
which  wa  common  ('property  of  the  village.  In  Yonezawa,  the  holder 
piece  of  tilled  land  had  a  free  title  over  the  uncultivated  land 

12* 


176  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

bordering-  upon  it.  Most  of  the  wood-land  originally  granted  by  the 
Fief  to  the  village  gradually  passed,  in  Sendai,  into  the  hands  of  large 
land-holders.  The  owner  of  uncultivated  and  waste  land  either  did  or 
did  not  pay  taxes  for  its  free  use,  according  to  the  localities  and  to  the 
origin  of  the  lots.  In  most  places,  land  of  this  description  could  be 
alienated  with  greater  freedom  than  cultivated  land.  The  authorities, 
however,  actively  interfered  with  an  indiscrjmate  cutting  of  large  trees, 
it  being  a  traditional  policy  of  all  Japan  in  this  period  to  preserve  and 
increase  forests  so  far  as  it  did  not  interfere  with  the  life  of  the  peasants. 
(TMK,  f.  II,  91,  pt.  Jjjc  :J|J,  No.  1;  Mkr,  333,  438.  441,  455.)  See  also 
Notes  36  and  66,  below. 

(32)  Right  of  seizure.     In  Sendai,   the   government   of  the  Fief  might 
demand  a  piece    of  private   land  for   official  purposes,   and  recompense 
the  holder  with  another  piece  of  equal  value.    If  such  a  piece  could  not 
conveniently  be   found,   he  might   claim   no   pecuniary  consideration  for 
the  land  he  surrendered.    This  latter  outcome  was  called  to-moku  (f£lj    @ , 
overthrowing  the   title).     Mkr.  334.     This   is   a   solitary   instance   of  the 
lord's    lingering    right    of    seizure.     Even    in   Sendai.    this    practice   was 
evidently  rare,  and  it  is  difficult  to  find  similar  rights  exercised  elsewhere. 
Of.  Note  144  b,  below. 

In  some  parts  of  Tosa,  the  system  of  making  allotment  and  periodical 
redistribution  of  land,  which  was  copied  in  Japan  from  China  in  the 
seventh  century,  (cf.  the  author's  Early  inst.  life  of  Japan),  had  been 
resuscitated  and  in  force  for  a  considerable  period,  when  the  feudal 
administration  was  abolished.  This  subject  is  still  obscure,  but  it  seems 
unlikely  that  the  system  was  extensively  applied  to  peasants'  holdings 
even  in  Tosa.  Nor  does  it  seem  to  have  been  in  practice  in  any  other 
part  of  Japan,  save  portions  of  the  distant  Ryu-kyu  (Loochoo) 
islands. 

(33)  Eight  of  escheat  or  mortmain.    In  the  Suzerain's  Domain-lands, 
landed  property   was   confiscated  (1)   for   grave   offences,   (2)   for    illegal 
mortgages  and  other  fraudulent  or  unlawful  transactions  in  land,  (3)  for 
an  intestate   succession  in  which  the   deceased's   relatives  were  engaged 
in    hopeless    disputes.     Technically,    the    first   class   of    forfeiture    seems 
to   have    been    called    kessho  (Hj|  JjJf ),    and    the   others    tori-age  (jjfc  _tl)- 
Throughout   the   period,    a   gradual    trend    toward    leniency   in   all  these 
cases  is  discernible,  the  moveable  property  of  the  culprits,  the  belongings 
of   members    of    their    families,    and    the    claims   and   interests    of  their 
creditors  and  debtors,   receiving  greater  and  greater  consideration.     The 
most  remarkable   is   the  matter  of  the  holdings    of  runaways   who  were 
only  impecunious,  not  criminal.    Once  these  holdings  were  probably  con- 
fiscated, but  the   universal  tendency  was   to   forfeit  them  only  when  no 
relatives   and  no   friends    of  the  runaways  were   forthcoming  to  succeed 
to  their  estates.     Even   then,  the   forfeiture  was   reluctantly  accepted  by 
the    authorities,    and    the    estates   were    gladly    restored  to   the   original 
holders,  if  they  returned,  or  to  their  kin. 

As  will  be  seen  in  the  next  Note,  escheat   in   default  of  heirs  w;< 
infrequent  as  that  for  desertion. 

Theoretically,  land  was  to  be  forfeited  for  a  repeated  failure  to  yield 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  1  <  7 

its  taxes,  lint  in  this  instance,  also,  the  authorities  were  far  IVmii  being 
eager  tn  seize  the  land.  When  friendship  or  neighborly  spirit  did  not 
cninc  to  the  rescue,  a  village-official  would  offer  his  good  offices,  and 
tin-  Intendant  or  Bailiff  was  not  to  show  his  h;nid  until  all  resources 
were  exhausted  to  save  the  land  from  confiscation. 

It  is  apparent  that  all  this  leniency  was  not  entiivly  due  to  official 
benevolence,  Imt  was  largely  influenced  liy  the  consideration  that,  owing 
;«•  peculiar  economic  conditions,  it  was  growing  more  and  more  difficult 
to  find  men  willing  to  undertake  the  cultivation  of  confiscated  or  deserted 
land.  (Set-  Note  1W,  below.) 

Land    confiscated    for  whatever    reason    was    either    entrusted  to   the 

charge  of  relatives,  village  officials,  or  the  village  as  a  whole,  or  let  out 

to  tenants,  the  actual   holders  being  held  responsible  for  the  regular  dues 

from  the  land.    It  is  also  probable  that  pieces  of  land  sometimes  granted 

permanently   to    persons    of   exemplary   virtues  (cf.  in  Okayama  in  1654; 

••aca-gn8a,H  ffi  ^  j£ .  by  Shibui'  Xoriakira.  ffi  #  fl  *•  IV<  xii>  24> 

Din-celled  out  ot  confiscated  cultivated  land. 

If  the  original  holders  had  arrears  either  of  taxes  or  of  debts,  all  or 
part  of  the  land  they  forfeited  was  sold  in  order  to  satisfy  the  claims, 
or  else  the  present  holders  were  obliged  to  meet  them  in  instalments 
out  of  the  income  from  the  land,  in  addition,  of  course,  to  the  payment 
of  the  regular  taxes. 

(DSS,  XII.  ii.  857;  To.  XII.  268;  BK,  I,  8;  TMK,  z.  I,  126,  pt. 
^  *  ft  H-  *<>•  *;  z-  II,  11,  pt,  £  |g,  No.  8;  f.  I,  216-240,  g|  J>Jf; 
Mkr,  170—219,  337—339;  JK,  II,  37,  40,  41,  53.)  Cf.  Xote  144  b,  below. 

(34)  Succession  testate  and  intestate.  Customs  concerning  succession 
showed  great  diversity.  In  some  places,  primogeniture,  even  representative 
primogeniture,  was  the  rule;  in  others,  simply  agnatic  succession.  In 
these  respective  districts,  the  principles  prevailed  over  other  considerations, 
and  when  they  conflicted  with  testaments,  a  compromise  was  effected  by 
dividing  the  property  and  giving  its  major  part  to  the  oldest  male  son.  When 
the  heir  was  still  a  minor, — the  minority  ending  between  14  and  20  years  of 
age.  according  to  localities. — a  guardian  or  two  were  chosen  from  among 
the  relatives  and  village  officials,  or  else  the  boy  was  adopted  as  heir 
to  his  uncle  or  aunt  or  the  second  husband  of  his  mother.  The.  rigor 
of  primogeniture  or  agnatic  succession  was  further  softened  by  a  free 
law  of  adoption,  which  prevailed  in  all  Japan. 

In  other  places,  the  will  was  a  common  requisite  for  succession,  and 
was  binding  even  \\hen  tin  testator  ran  away,  provided  it  was  drawn  up 
in  due  form.  It  either  was  accompanied  with  the  seals  of  village  officials 
and  relatives,  or  was  made  alone  by  the  testator  and  was  kept  strictly 
till  it  was  opened  after  his  death  in  the  presence  of  relatives. 
The  testator  could  nominate  as  heir  one  of  his  nearest  kin  other  than 
his  eldest  son.  if  the  latter  was  incapable  or  physically  invalid,  or  even 
a  woman.  If  a  man  died  intestate  or  if  the  will  \va*  not  in  correct  form, 
it  was  incumbent  upon  his  relatives  and  village  officials  to  deliberate 
and  decide  upon  a  proper  heir  from  among  the  former. 

In  some  districts,  none  of  the  three  agents,  that  is.  primogeniture,  the 
testani'  lit.  and  the  council  of  relatives,  were  alone  strong  enough  to  decide 


178  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

a  succession,  but  the  first  two  were  weighed  carefully  in  the  last.  In  such 
instances,  the  relatives  naturally  were  an  important  factor  in  the  problem. 

In  all  these  various  cases,  however,  the  universal  and  predominant 
principle  was  that  the  name  of  a  family  should  be  preserved  against  all' 
obstacles  that  could  possibly  be  overcome.  This  idea  prevailed  through- 
out Japan,  and  exerted  a  tremendous  influence  on  social  order.  It  is  a 
subject  worthv  of  a  full  discussion.  It  is  enough  here  to  allude  to  it 
and  say  that  the  feudal  authorities  were  obliged  to  respect  this  strong 
popular  demand.  Indeed,  the  principle  was  as  strong  among  the  warrior 
class  as  among  the  peasants,  for  neither  probably  had  any  other  point 
of  view  regarding  matters  of  the  family.  Escheat  in  default  of  a  male 
heir  in  a  peasant  family  would  be  unlikely  to  be  in  practice  in  such  a 
society,  for  the  independent  peasant  family  was  usually  closely  identified 
with  hereditary  holdings  of  land  which  had  acquired  names  (aza-na 
•^r  ^§)j  and  always  subsisted  on  some  landed  estate,  however  small. 
The  family  should  not  die,  and,  if  it  would  live,  it  needed  land.  An 
estate  left  heirless,  therefore,  was  not  confiscated  until  it  was  evident 
that  there  existed  no  worthy  relative  of  any  degree  whatever  of  the 
deceased  to  succeed  it  or  no  person  to  be  adopted. 

Formal  official  sanctions  were  necessary  in  some  places  for  adoption, 
guardianship,  and  succession.  In  others,  the  authorities  were  not  even 
notified  of  these  events,  and  the  census  was  revised  only  once  in  the 
year.  Even  in  the  former  cases,  too,  there  was  little  official  interference. 

(G-GI,  I,  8;  II,  16,  18,  27—28;  III,  8,  15,  16;  TMK,  z.  I,  126—127, 
pt.  5K  |f  48  f|,  No.  4;  Mkr,  175—176,  267—300,  305,  347—374;  Wig, 
v,  88—95;  Smw,  90—91.) 

(35)  Land,  capitation,  and  house  taxes.    The   subject  of  taxation  will 
receive   special  attention  later   in   this   essay.     (See  pp.  277 — 283  of  this 
Journal,  vol.  XXX,  pt.  Ill,  namely,   the  19th— 25th  pages   of  the  Intro- 
duction to  these  Xotes,  and  Notes  95 — 113.  below.)    There  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  principle   tax,   that  is,  the  land-tax,   was  assessed  according  to 
the   officially  determined  annual  productivity  of  each  piece  of  cultivated 
land,    which   was    considered    an    entity;    that    several   other  taxes  were 
assessed  likewise;  and  that  each  household  or  each  male  peasant  as  basis 
for  assessment  occurred  only  in  some  instances  of  village  dues,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  taxation  of  the  Fief  or  Domain-land.    Even  the  village 
taxes  were  levied  in  few  places  exclusively  on  houses  or  men.    (Mkr,  257 
—260,  263,  413-415,  418—419,  423,  434.) 

(36)  Alienation  and  division  of  land,  also,  will  be  discussed  more  fully 
later.     At   the   beginning  of  the  feudal  ages,   when  the  warrior  was  an 
actual  holder  of  land,  it  was  he  who  was  forbidden  to   alienate  his  land 
at  will.    Since  the  separation  of  arms  from  land,  the  burden  of  the  pro- 
hibition naturally  shifted  from  the  warrior  to  the  peasant.    (Prof.  Miura 
ShGko,    Samakura   zhi-dai-shi,   H  M  ffl  ft,  §t  j£  J&  f£  &,    Tokyo, 
1907,  pp.  530—531;   Nns,  95.)     In  the  Suzerain's  Domain-lands,   at  least. 
a  permanent    sale   of  land  was  illegal  since  the   second  quarter    of  the 
seventeenth  century,    and  the  principle   soon  prevailed  over  most  Fiet's. 
It  was,  however,  not  only  impossible,  but  also  often  injurious  to  peasants, 
to  suppress  transactions  in  land.    Consequently,  penalties  for  sales  became 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  179 

less  severe  in  tin-  Domain-lands  from  the  eighteenth  century,  and  every- 
where sprang  up  interesting-  practices,  both  legal  and  illegal,  whereby 
either  the  title  or  the  use  of  land  changed  hands,  though  with  varying 
degrees  of  freedom  in  different  parts  of  Japan.  Newly  opened  lands 
could  be  more  freely  transferred  than  old  lands,  house-land  than  tilled 
hind,  and  uncultivated  land  than  either,  while  in  several  Fiefs  any  land 
whatsoever  could  in  one  way  or  another  be  disposed  of.  The  fictitious 
devices  employed  to  preserve  the  semblance  of  observing  the  law  for- 
bidding the  sale  of  land  included  practices  analogous  to  usufruct  and 
superficies,  as  well  as  sales  for  terms  of  years  and  mortgages  with  the 
original  intention  to  foreclose.  In  spite  of  all  this,  however,  the  law 
against  permanent  sale  persisted,  and  its  principle  was  a  legal  tradition 
inspected  throughout  the  Tokugawa  period.  On  the  subject  of  alienation, 
see  Note  127,  below. 

As  for  the  division  of  land  among  children  or  other  persons,  which 
will  again  be  taken  up  in  Note  45,  below,  a  similar  tendency  was  marked. 
While  the  peasant  might  not  divide  his  holdings  indefinitely,  he  was  at 
liberty  to  do  so  up  to  a  prescribed  limit.  This  limit,  also,  was  in  no 
place  absolutely  insurmountable,  for  the  law  was  always  accompanied 
with  a  proviso  for  cases  of  urgent  need,  and  the  latter  was  taken  full 
advantage  of  in  many  a  locality.  The  prohibition  of  indefinite  division, 
however,  and  that  of  permanent  transfer,  formed  two  legal  maxims  that 
were  never  completely  forgotten. 

That  the  maxims  were  at  the  same  time  respected  and  evaded  is 
highly  significant,  for  it  would  seem  to  indicate  the  transitional  state  of 
the  peasant's  proprietary  right  over  cultivated  land.  It  was  impossible 
positively  to  forbid  him  from  disposing  as  he  wished  of  his  land,  which 
he  had  long  been  accustomed  to  regard  at  least  as  much  his  own  as 
the  lord's;  nevertheless,  the  feudal  authorities  shrank  from  admitting 
that  the  title  over  the  land  had  passed  to  its  cultivator.  Nor  could  they 
even  entertain  such  a  thought,  so  long  as  their  point  of  view  was  at 
all  feudal,  that  is,  so  long  as  the  means  of  maintaining  their  military 
functions  were  supplied  by  the  agricultural  land  over  which  they  could 
not  imagine  they  had  lost  a  right  of  superiority.  Hence  they  avowed 
that  they  would  be  failing  in  their  duties  as  benevolent  rulers  if  they 
tolerated  unlimited  freedom  in  dividing  and  alienating  land,  which  would 
result  in  making  rich  peasants  richer  and  the  poor  poorer.  It  would, 
however,  appear  that  it  was  not  their  paternalism  alone,  but  also  the 
controlling  motive  that  transactions  in  landed  properties  should  not  be 
allowed  to  affect  the  revenue  of  the  feudal  State,  that  impelled  the 
authorities  to  continue  to  interfere  with  them.  This  motive  more  than 
any  other  would  seem  to  have  determined  the  degree  of  latitude  granted 
for  the  division  and  alienation  of  peasants'  holdings.  One  would  almost 
say  that  the  Japanese  peasant  wrould  have  been  the  full  owner  of  his 
land,  but  for  the  nature  of  his  taxes. 

(37)  Tenant  farming.  The  reflections  of  the  last  Note  receive 
further  confirmation  from  the  conditions  of  tenant-farming.  The 
limited  right  of  alienation  did  not  prevent  the  rise  of  comparatively 
large  land-holders  who  employed  tenants  and  laborers  on  their  farms. 


180  K.  AsaJiaiva,  [1911. 

In  some  instances,  single  holders  held  entire  villages,  (e.  g.,  see 
TMK,  f.  Ill,  pt.  g|5  Jg,  No.  4).  The  tenures  of  the  tenant-farmers 
showed  a  great  diversity,  and  their  conditions  duplicated  certain  features 
of  the  general  destiny  of  landed  property  described  in  the  preceding 
Notes.  Land — if  we  confine  ourselves  to  rice-land — was  let  for  a  term 
ranging  between  one  and  twenty  or  more  years,  often  accompanied  by 
no  written  statement,  and  the  owner  himself  paying  the  taxes.  The  land 
might  be  revoked  on  due  notice,  if  its  cultivation  was  neglected  and  rent 
unpaid,  but  leases  over  twenty  years  were  usually  considered  permanent, 
and  could  not  be  revoked  but  for  exceptional  reasons.  Even  an  annual 
lease  tended,  notably  in  Echigo,  to  become  permanent,  and  there  were, 
as  in  Sendai,  leases  that  were  from  the  outset  considered  permanent, 
and  could  not  be  terminated  even  if  the  tenants  would.  The  longer 
and  permanent  leases  were  sublet  or  transferred  with  ease  in  Echigo 
and  Tosa,  the  tenants  paying  all  the  taxes  due  from  the  land,  and  con- 
sidering themselves  as  good  as  proprietors.  In  Tosa  and  other  western 
provinces,  the  real  proprietor  was  called  the  'holder  of  under  soil'  (soko- 
chi  mochi,  $£  ]fa  ^f,  or  shita-tsuchi  mochi,  *~|*  j^  ^p),  and  the  tenant 
the  'holder  of  upper  land'  (nwa-chi  mochi  or  uwa-tsuchi  mochi,  Jl  Jtfe  -j^p,  _t 
i  ^f),  or,  as  one  would  say,  of  superficies.  (Ish,  72 ;  To,  XII,  621 ;  TMK,  f .  I, 
Pt-  fg  Jfe»  No.  1;  Mkr,  517—545.) 

It  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  relative  extent  of  tenant-farming  in  the 
whole  of  Japan  in  this  period,  but  it  may  be  inferred  to  have  been  small, 
though  probably  increasing.  Cf.  Mi,  I,  ii,  No.  15.  During  the  present  reign, 
when  the  old  restraints  of  division  and  alienation  have  largely  been  removed, 
and  the  tenants  have  relatively  increased,  about  a  third  of  the  culti- 
vated land  in  Japan  Proper  is  estimated  to  be  under  tenant-farming,  and 
probably  as  much  as  a  fifth  of  the  peasantry  consists  of  tenants,  part 
owners  and  part  lessees  constituting  more  than  a  half.  (Cf.  Japan  in 
the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century,  compiled  by  the  Department  of 
Agriculture  and  Commerce,  Tokyo,  1903,  p.  90;  Ngh,  131.)  Also  see 
Note  15,  above.  Under  the  Tokugawa,  the  proportion  of  landholders  to 
tenants  must  have  been  higher.  This  remarkably  large  percentage  of 
landholders  in  the  entire  peasant  population,  together  with  as  remarkably 
a  small  percentage  of  large  landlords,  constitutes  a  great  fact  that  lies 
at  the  bottom  of  our  whole  subject.  It  is  hoped  that,  before  the  paper 
is  gone  over,  both  the  importance  of  this  condition  and  the  reasons 
therefor  may  be  patent  to  the  reader. 

(38)  Change  of  residence.  The  passing  of  a  land-holding  peasant  from 
one  Fief  to  another  was  not  allowed,  except  under  the  not  always 
practicable  subterfuge  that  he  was  to  become  a  member  of  a  religious 
house  in  the  latter.  There  was,  however,  less  difficulty  for  a  landless 
peasant  to  move,  for  his  absence  would  not  affect  the  Fief's  revenue. 

A  man  might,  without  relinquishing  his  present  holding,  succeed  to 
a  holding  in  another  village  within  the  same  Fief,  provided  that  the 
first  holding  was  taken  care  of  by  his  relatives  and  they  paid  the  usual 
taxes.  The  census  of  the  first  village  generally  remained  unchanged, 
despite  the  moving  of  one  of  its  members,  if  his  family  stayed  and  if 
the  title  over  his  holding  continued  the  same.  It  was  on  the  holdings 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  INI 

that  tlic  taxes  were  levied,  and  it  muttm-d  little  whether  the  holders 
lived  in  the  village.  In  the  second  village,  the  new  resident  either  was 
registered  as  a  full  citizen,  or  merely  had  his  domicile,  and  paid  the 
village  dues,  not  the  public  taxes,  except  for  the  new  holding  to  which 
he  had  succeeded.  Sometimes  a  removal  was  authorized  of  a  peasant 
without  any  holding  in  the  village  in  which  he  wished  to  live,  and  then 
his  financial  obligation  in  the  original  village  was  of  course  uncancelled. 
No  change  of  abode  could  in  any  event  occur  without  an  explicit  sanc- 
tion by  village  officials  or  Bailiffs. 

[11  some  localities,  old  residents  of  a  village  exercised  a  strong  moral 
control  over  the  new  comers,  whose  continued  presence  they  would 
refuse  to  tolerate,  if  they  proved  unworthy  during  a  term  of  probation. 
Likewise,  the  villagers  whom  a  man  left  behind  sometimes  demanded 
what  was  called  farewell-money. 

(TMK.  z.  II,  pt.  A  If-  ^ros.  3  and  4;  Mkr,  231—267.)  Also  see 
Notes  74  and  144b.  below. 

(39)  Marriage.    The  passing  from  one  village  into  another  of  a  woman 
in  marriage   affected   little  the  fiscal  issue  of  either,   and  hence  met  no 
official  interference.     A  marriage  between  persons  of  different  Fiefs  was, 
however,  difficult,  though  not  impossible  if  the  woman  was  first  adopted 
as  daughter  of  a  peasant  in  the  man's  village.     Marriages  between  vill- 
ages  of  the   same  Fief  were  contracted  with  merely  formal  sanctions  of 
officials,    while   within    the    same    village    marriage    or  divorce  involved 
little   official  formality,   the   act   often  preceding  its  registry  by  months 
or  years.     (Mkr,  45—65.  70,  105—116.) 

It  should  be  noted  that,  while  official  interference  was  absent,  there 
was  not  wanting  a  vigorous  moral  sanction  of  the  kin  and  of  the  vill- 
age over  all  matters  of  marriage  and  divorce. 

Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  when  an  increased  population  was 
desirable  for  the  Fief  or  the  village,  marriages  were  encouraged  by  the 
authorities  with  paternal  care,  (e.  g..  in  Youezawa  under  Uesugi  Haru- 
nori;  YZS,  530—531,  746).  See  Note  140,  below. 

(40)  Right  of  pursuit.     It  has  been  seen  (in  Note  33,  above)  that  the 
land  deserted  by  the  runaway  was  not  always  confiscated.     Nor  was  it 
necessary  for    the   authorities   to  pursue  him.  if  he  owed  no  debts  and 
no   taxes   in  arrear,  for  the  village  was  responsible  for  the  taxes  to  be 
levied   on  all   the   taxable  holdings  within   its  limits,  no  matter  if  some 
of  its  members  were  absent.    Either  the  runaway's  relative  or  friend,  or 
any   other  willing  person,   or  the   entire  village,  would  be  compelled  to 
keep  the  deserted  land  under  cultivation.    Sometimes,  when  such  adjust- 
ment was   readily  made,   the   disappearance  of  the  person  was  not  even 
reported  to   the  Intendant  or  Bailiff,   or,   if  properly  reported,  his  name 
was  not  cancelled  from  the  village  census,   until  it  was  certain  or  pro- 
bable that  he  was  no  longer  living.     A  search  was  often  ordered  to  re- 
latives and  villagers,  but  the  degree  of  eagerness  with  which  the  search 
was  conducted  depended  on  the  interest  these  men  personally  had  in  the 
matter. 

If  the  runaway  was  in  heavy  debts  or  had  repeatedly  failed  to  return 
taxes,  those  persons  who  were  liable  to  be  held  responsibe  for  satisfying 


182  K.  Asdkawa,  [1911. 

the  claims  were  ordered,  very  often  on  their  own  request,  to  institute  a 
search  lasting  for  a  definate  period,  usually  six  months.  Passports  were 
supplied  to  pursuers  for  travelling  in  other  Fiefs.  During  this  time, 
periodical  reports  were  made  of  the  progress  of  the  search,  which  there- 
after was  definitely  prolonged  (TJ<  U)-  Lack  of  zeal  in  pursuit,  if  it 
was  brought  to  official  notice,  and  if  it  was  accompanied  with  a  possible 
failure  to  meet  the  claims,  was  punished  with  a  reprimand,  sometimes 
accompanied  by  a  fine.  The  property  of  the  deserter  would  be  forfeited, 
in  default  of  a  relative  or  friend  to  maintain  it  and  pay  the  arrears. 

Thus,  one  never  meets  an  instance  of  a  rigorous  pursuit  conducted 
by  the  authorities  themselves.  From  their  fiscal  point  of  view,  land  was 
more  valuable  than  personal  service,  and  the  dues  from  the  land,  than 
the  land  itself.  These  dues  and  the  village  responsible  for  their  payment 
were  two  things  which  had  made  the  lord's  right  of  pursuit  lose  much 
of  its  reality. 

At  Saga,  a  relative  of  a  criminal  runaway  was  imprisoned  for  fifty 
days,  and,  if  the  latter  returned,  he  was  either  banished  or  killed,  but 
it  is  evident  that  this  severity  was  intended  as  exemplary  punishment 
for  suck-like  misdemeanors.  It  did  not  accompany  a  real  right  of  pur- 
suit. Elsewhere  returning  runaway  does  not  seem  to  have  been  so  harshly 
treated;  in  some  fiefs  which  were  particularly  lenient,  he  was  welcome, 
and  was  restored  to  his  original  estate,  even  when  the  latter  had  been 
taken  up  by  a  relative. 

(TM K,  z.  II,  pts.  ^  g£,  Nos.  5,  7,  9, 10, 13,  26,  and  |*£  f| ,  Nos.  3,  9, 
12;  Mkr,  169—230;  Tk,  VIII,  20— 21;  Jh,  VII,  70—86.)  See,  also,  Notes  133 
and  144b,  below. 

In  the  first  years  of  the  regime,  however,  when  the  warrior's  direct 
power  over  thfe  peasant  was  presumably  greater  than  in  later  years,  and 
when  the  idea  of  village-responsibility  had  not  been  elaborated,  the 
pursuit  of  the  non-criminal  runaway  was  somewhat  more  strict,  though 
generally  not  rigorous.  At  lya-yama  (cf.  Note  14,  above),  it  was  an 
offence  to  retain  a  person  in  any  part  of  the  whole  district  who  had  run 
away  from  any  other  part,  (A.  D.  1607— DSR,  XII,  v,  321).  At  Iga  and 
Ise,  Bailiffs  were  responsible  for  the  restoration  of  deserters,  which  pro- 
bably meant,  in  practice,  the  collection  of  the  taxes  the  latter  owed  for 
their  estates,  (A.  D.  1609— -M.,  XII.  vi,  586);  at  Okazaki,  the  wives  and 
children  of  the  remaining  peasants  in  the  village  were  imprisoned  until 
the  runaway  was  found,  (A.  D.  1611— ibid,  XII,  vii,  1164—1165).  The 
latter  case  was  exceptional,  for  the  Fief  then  needed  labor  for  unusual 
public  works.  In  some  places  the  runaway  was  not  molested  if  he  remain- 
ed within  the  same  Fief,  (A.  D.  1611— ibid.,  XII,  vii,  1163).  One  fails  to 
discover  any  instance  of  a  concert  of  Fiefs  for  the  pursuit  or  search  of 
one  another's  deserters,  (cf.  A.  D.  1611— ibid.,  XII,  ix.  230).  The  nearest 
approach  to  this  was  the  law,  by  no  means  universal,  that  a  runaway 
should  be  delivered  if  claimed  from  his  original  Fief  or  district,  (A.  D.  1609 
— ibid.,  XII,  vi,  772).  Even  if  so  claimed,  however,  he  needed  not  always 
be  restored,  according  to  an  order  of  the  Suzerain's  government,  it  his 
desertion  was  due  to  the  bad  government  of  an  Intendant  or  a  Bailiff 
(A.  D.  1603—  ibid.,  XII,  i,  206).  In  all  these  instances,  two  things  will  be 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  183 

found  to  be  common:  tirst.  the  duty  of  .search,  wherever  it  existed,  de- 
volved primarily  upon  peasants;  second,  the  reason  for  the  search  was 
fiscal,  and  not  personal.  Already  the  cumbersome  and  ineffective  method 
of  pursuit  was  giving  place  to  the  later  system  of  the  joint  financial  re- 
sponsibility of  the  village  as  described  above  (A.  D.  1608— ibid.,  XII,  v,  832). 

(41)  A  good  lord.    Uesugi  Harunori,  pseudonym  Yozan,  (1751 — 1822).  is 
always  cited  as  an  exemplary  lord,  and  his  lift-  hugely  influenced  contem- 
porary and  subsequent  administrators.    From  hi-  I  my  hood  he  never  ceased 
to  study  Chinese  classics,  as  was  customary  with  every  well-bred  feudal 
noble,  and  deeply  imbibed  the  words  of  wisdom  they  contained  on  the  care 
of  the  people.    When  he  succeeded  to  the  barony  of  Yonezawa  at  the  age 
of  sixteen,  he  took  a  secret  oath  to  a  deity  that  he  would  strive  to  be 
the   true    "father   of  the   peopled     All   his   subsequent   years  were  spent 
in   an   ever-increasing   solicitude  for  the  wellfare  of  the  peasants.     AVith 
his  continual  struggle  against  obstacles,  and  his  constant  practical  sense. 
benevolence,  and  unremitting  industry,  he  achieved  an  incrediable  degree 
of  success   in  building  up  new  industries,    improving  agricultural   con- 
ditions, reforming  rural  customs  and  morals,   and  making  contented  and 
loyal  subjects  of  the  once  impoverished,  dissatisfied  peasants  of  the  fief. 
His  unbounded  love  of  them  found  response  in  their  beautiful  affection 
and  veneration  for  him.    His  death,  which  occured  in  1822.  was  lament- 
ed  by   all   the  Fief  and  all   lovers   of  good  government   throughout  the 
country.    (YZS;  NTK;  Uyz;  Om,  vi,  sup.  151  ff.) 

Almost  as  illustrious  for  good  rural  administration  are  the  examples 
of  Tsugaru  Nobumasa  (1646—1710),  lord  of  Hirosaki;  Maeda  Tsunatoshi 
(1644—1724),  lord  of  Kanazawa;  Hosokawa  Shigekata  (1718—1785).  lord 
of  Kumamoto;  and  Matsudaira  Sadanobu  (1759 — 1829),  once  lord  of  Shira- 
kawa.  (Tnk;  KSK;  Sho;  Gi:  8hz,  XVII,  1085—1125;  XIX,  1—30,  525 
-542.  880—893.) 

(42)  Study   of  rural  conditions.     An  earnest   study  of   the  life   of  the 
silent   peasant  was   another  tradition  in  the  political  lore  of  China  and 
Japan.     A  lord  who  was   brought   up  amid  court  ladies  in  ignorance  of 
the  use  of  the  sickle  or  of  "the  tree  on  which  rice  grew",  was  unfortun- 
ately not    an  altogether  fabulous   figure  during  the   later  years   of  this 
period,    and  his   appearance  was   a  curse   to  his  fief.     If  his  councillors 
had  as  low  a  sense  of  duty  as  he.  his  rule  was  certain  to  bring  a  disaster 
upon  his  house  and  his  people. 

All  good  lords  had  recourse  to  several  well-known  measures  of  obtain- 
ing intimate  information  of  popular  conditions.  One  of  them  was  to 
raise  efficient  men  of  good  birth  of  the  peasant  class  to  responsible 
posts  in  the  rural  administration.  Land-survey,  irrigation,  and  other 
important  work  were  entrusted  to  their  care,  often  with  great  success. 
(Of.,  e.g.,  Gi  I,  22.  30 — 31;  the  case  of  Horie  Arashiro  employed  by 
the  suzerain.  Tbf.  "93 — 794.)  Another  measure  \\as  to  establish  a  close 
connection  between  village-officials  and  bailiffs,  (e.  g.,  see  YZS,  98,  104, 
106—108;  804—806,  Zo,  I,  1030).  Still  another  and  always  commended 
mode  of  approach  was  the  Baron's  frequent  tours  of  the  Fief  under  pre- 
texts, (DSR,  XII,  v,  156;  Tnk,  119;  Gsr,  158;  etc.).  These  often  took  the 
form  of  hawking,  which,  save  a  brief  space  of  time  at  the  end  of  the 


]84  K.  Asakaiva,  [1911. 

seventeenth  century,  was  a  universal  pastime  of  Suzerains  and  Barons 
throughout  the  period.  Besides  affording-  the  much  needed  diversion 
and  free  exercise,  the  sport  had  the  great  value  of  bringing  the  lord 
out  from  the  enervating  influences  of  the  inner  chamber  and  into  the 
heart  of  rustic  life.  It  may  be  readily  imagined  that  a  sympathetic  and 
observant  lord  could  learn  peasant  conditions  in  a  day  of  the  game  more 
than  he  could  in  years  of  study  from  treatises  on  rural  administration, 
leyasu  (e.  g.  DSR,  XII.  xiii,  73)  and  Yoshimune,  and  many  good  lords, 
made  capital  uses  of  this  sport,  visiting  the  poor,  rewarding  the  virtuous, 
hearing  complaints,  discovering  hidden  talents,  and,  not  seldom,  testing 
the  character  of  vassals  and  peasants. 

Like  many  other  well-conceived  measures  of  the  period,  however, 
falconry  was  prone  to  abuses  in  the  hands  of  an  inconsiderate  lord  or 
his  ignorant  retainers.  Places  reserved  for  the  fowling  and  for  the 
brooding  of  falcons  were  often  too  extensive,  and  were  protected  against 
trespassing  with  too  great  severity.  Hawks  were  sent  up  to  Edo  or 
distant  castles,  and  then  brought  out  into  the  field,  with  too  much  pomp, 
by  officials  who  would  disport  themselves  luxuriously  at  the  expense  of 
the  villagers.  When  the  lord  himself  came  a-hunting,  the  nuisance  was 
sometimes  extreme,  all  the  village  being  forced  to  run  and  wyait  upon 
the  fowlers,  who  would  perhaps  heed  neither  the  time  nor  the  field  of 
the  peasant.  Even  under  the  most  scrupulous  lord,  and  with  the  strict- 
est laws,  some  of  these  evils  were  unavoidable.  (For  falconry,  DSR, 
XII,  ii,  86—87,  521  ff..  547,  584,  789—790,  iii.  604—605,  631,  iv,  464,  558, 
v,  116,  158.  530,  965,  viii,  83,  952—953,  xiii,  1,  26,  36,  73,  213,  383,  669, 
etc.;  To,  IX,  614—615,  X,  145,  XIlX  530 ff.,  555—556,  704,  XIV,  320— 
336,  360—361;  Zo,  II,  931—933;  Gi,  I,  35—36,  IV,  2—3;  Tnk,  134—135, 
190;  KB,  ii;  Jg,  II.  i.  22;  Jo,  X.  10—11;  Jh,  X,  35—36;  Mi,  II.  iv, 
No.  26;  TKR,  I,  iv,  45—55;  Sg,  ii,  52—54;  Nns,  17,  79—80;  etc.)  (The 
art  of  falconry  began  early  in  Japanese  history.  It  was  so  universally 
practised  and  so  highly  developed,  that  Yashiro  Hirokata  devotes  to  it 
twenty-seven  chapters,  Bks.  179 — 188.  473 — 490,  of  his  encyclopedic  work 
Ko-kon  yo-ran  ko,  ]fr  ^  4g  HJ  Jf^,  584  chapters.  1821—1840). 

(43)  Ideas  of  paternalism.  "The  lowly  peasants  in  ease  today  forget 
to  think  of  the  troubles  of  tomorrow.  They  would  not  appreciate  the 
best  law  of  the  government  if  it  causes  them  immediate  inconvenience." 
The  Bailiffs  should  frequently  travel  in  the  villages  and  study  their  con- 
ditions. "They  should  sometimes  explain  to  leading  peasants  how  bene- 
ficent the  laws  and  orders  are If  there  be  disorderly  villagers, 

they  should  be  speedily  punished.  Then  the  people  would  respect  and 
love  the  authorities.  When  their  respect  and  love  are  assured,  there 
would  be  no  just  order  that  could  not  be  executed."  (From  an  order 
to  Bailiffs  at  Yonezawa  in  A.D.  1804.  YZS,  804—806.)  "Good  government 
of  the  peasants  consists  in  guiding  them  in  such  a  manner  that  they 

would  be  industrious  even  unconsciously They  are   innocent  and 

thoughtless:  they  should  be  led  with  both  mercy  and  severity."  "By 
mercy  is  meant  winning  through  humanity;  by  severity,  strict  and  swift 
punishment  of  wrongs.  Mercy  alone  would  tend  to  laxity;  severity 
alone,  to  harshness.  Both  should  be  used  according  to  circumstances.'' 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  is.") 

(Fn.m  similar  orders,  A.  I).  1770.  Ibid.,  80— 88,)  -'it  was  said  of  old  that 
peasants  were  easy  to  employ  but  difficult  to  govern.  If  they  wen-  \v»-Jl 
cared  for  by  the  officials,  they  would  likewise  care  for  the  latter."  (Ibid.) 
"If  you  go  to  them  with  your  minds  filled  with  the  desire  to  improve 
their  welfare,  your  countenance  and  tone  of  speech  will  unmistakably 
reflect  it.  They  will  never  turn  angry  faces  at  you,  if  you  yourselves  do 
not  show  them  false  dignity.''  (From  another  order  in  A.  D.  1777.  Ibid., 
262.)  "Nothing  can  be  enforced  against  the  peasant  nature.  The  peasant 
nature  is  the  genuine  human  nature  ....  If  you  ran  counter  to  it,  the 
peasants  would  not  submit,  and  all  the  forces  in  the  world  would  be 
unable  to  bend  them.  Having  little  sense  of  duty  [such  as  inspires  the 
warrior],  the  peasants  are  unable  to  control  their  feelings,  but  think 
only  of  their  convenience.  Hence  it  is  said  that  no  order  contrary  to 
this  simple  nature  could  be  executed.  Although  they  have  a  fear  of 
punishment,  they  are  nevertheless  apt  to  violate  a  law  which  causes  them 
present  inconvenience.  No  government  has  ever  endured  against  the 
peasant  nature.  It  is,  therefore,  essential  that  the  officials  should  learn 
to  like  what  the  people  like,  dislike  what  they  dislike,  and  care  for  them 
with  the  same  tenderness  and  wisdom  as  the  parents  bestow  on  their 
children."  (A.  D.  1770.  Ibid.,  88—89.) 

The  following  remark  is  attributed  to  leyasu  himself: — "The  amount 
of  the  taxes  to  be  levied  on  the  peasant  is  like  the  quantity  of  bait  for 
the  hawk;  too  much  and  too  little  are  equally  bad."  Tsk,  II,  48. 

"It  is  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  common  people  would  do 
as  the  officials  please,"  said  a  memorialist:  "They  would  be  patient  in 
small  things,  ....  but  never  obey  and  flatter  the  authorities,  us 
does  the  warrior  of  to-day,  when  they  are  unjust It  is  the  be- 
ginning of  a  trouble  to  suppress  the  peasants  with  mere  official  dignity." 
Ibid.  88. 

(44)  Following  and  knowing.     j£    P!    $!    if    &   %    Rf    ffi  &I  £• 
Lun-yu,  VIII.  9.     There  is  a  different   construction  of  this  famous  say- 
ing,  according  to  which  a   free  translation  might  be   given  as  follows: 
"The   people  may  be   guided  by  injunctions,   but  may  not    possibly  be 
enlightened  as   to  their  reasons."     It  is   implied  that  the  people  are  at 
liberty  to  learn  the  reasons  in  accordance  with  their  individual  intelligence, 
but    it    is    physically    impossible    to   make   every   one    understand  them. 
(See  Chu-hi's  commentary  arid  K'ang-hi's  Imperial  edition.    Xemoto  Tsu- 
mei,  also,  gives  a  similar  interpretation  in  his  Ron-go  ko-gi,  ^  /$£  Jjfi  0J}. 
ffr  S§  !t  Jt>  Tokyo,  1906,  pp.  297—298).    Whether  correct  or  not,  it  is 
unlikely  that  this  was  the  sense  in  which  the  saying  was  commonly  under- 
stood in  feudal  Japan.     The  difference  of  interpretation  depends  largely 
on  which  phase  of  the  complex  meaning  of  the  auxiliary  "pf  is  emphasized. 

(45)  Size  of  peasant's  estates.     The  author  of  this  remark  was  a  man 
of  the  Sendai  fief  (SDS,  V,  9),  where  the  maximum  limit  of  the  peasant's 
estate  was  fixed   in  1728  at   5  kwan  of  productive  value,   equivalent    at 
least    to    50  koku.     This    limit    applied,   however,   only    to    the    old  laud 
registered    in    the    official    record,   and   not    to    land    newly    opened    or 
acquired.    Later,  it  seems,  land  acquired  since  1787,  also,  was  submitted 
to  this  limitation.    It  was  roughly  calculated  that  an  estate  of  one  kwan 


186  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

in  productive  value  could  be  managed  by  three  men  with  a  horse  and 
support  a  family  of  five  persons.  (SDS,  I,  9;  V,  9;  Mkr,  332.) 

It  is  rather  rare  to  see.  as  in  Sendai,  the  maximum  limit  of  an  estate 
denned  by  law.  although  it  was  very  common  to  prevent  aggrandisemet 
by  a  small  number  of  peasants  by  limiting  the  freedom  of  alienating 
land  by  sale. 

As  for  the  minimum  limit  for  the  peasant's  estate,  which  became 
almost  universal  under  the  Tokugawa,  it  appears  that  it  did  not  begin 
to  be  defined  with  much  rigor  till  the  division  of  land,  which  was  com- 
paratively free  during  the  first  years  of  the  period,  was  found  to  be 
going  too  far  (cf.  Bms,  11 — 15).  In  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  there  were  near  Edo  many  peasants  each  holding  as  little  as  6 
or  7  koku  and  unable  to  keep  a  horse  (To,  XII,  90).  Probably  an 
earnest  effort  to  restrict  the  division  of  land  dated  from  the  middle  of 
the  century  (e.  g..  in  1656  at  Okayama,  BK.  III.  7 — 8).  Very  soon  it 
is  found  that  the  maximum  extent  was  fixed,  in  the  Suzerain's  Domain- 
land,  as  10  koku  (49.6  bushels)  of  hulled  rice  in  productivity  or  1  cho 
(2.45  acres)  in  extent.  (To,  XIII,  315,  319;  GGI,  I,  2,  18;  11^5;  III;  1, 
2.  7.  16;  TMK,  z.  I,  260—261.  pt.  ^  Jfe>  So.  1.)  Similar  provisions 
prevailed  in  most  Fiefs ;  sometimes  ten  koku  was  the  limit  for  the  ordinary 
peasant  and  20  for  the  village-head  (as  in  Shinano).  In  Kanazawa, 
50  koku  seems  to  have  been  the  legal  limit  for  all.  In  practice,  however, 
divisions  beyond  these  points  were  tolerated  under  certain  conditions, 
and  servants  were  set  up  as  peasants  with  much  smaller  estates.  (Mkr, 
241,  334,  369—374;  SDS,  I.  27—29;  Wig,  v,  95—112.)  See  also  Note  64 
below. 

That  the  laws  limiting  the  size  of  an  estate  by  restricting  the  alienation 
and  division  of  land  were  never  literally  enforceable  has  already  been 
suggested  (cf.  Note  36.  above).  That  they,  however,  despite  many  trans- 
gressions, achieved  their  aim  to  a  remarkable  degree,  maybe  established 
from  the  fact  that,  at  the  general  land  survey  made  in  the  early  years 
of  the  present  reign,  a  large  majority  of  the  peasants  were  found  to  be 
holders  of  small  estates  the  average  extent  of  which  approximated  the 
minimum  limit  established  by  the  Tokugawa  government.  There  were  a 
little  more  than  6  million  landholders,  and  more  than  85  million  entries 
of  cultivated  land.  Each  entry  averaged  12.7  o/0  of  an  acre,  and  each 
landholders  estate.  14.2  entries,  or.  about  2  acres.  (Chk,  171.)  To  this 
day.  Japan  remains  a  country  of  extremely  small  lots  and  small  farming 
(Japan  in  the  beginning  20th  century,  98 — 99,  115),  and  the  fact  constitutes 
for  the  nation  a  most  important  economic  condition.  While  this  pheno- 
menon has  been  largerly  due  to  the  hilly  nature  of  the  country,  it  is 
apparent  that  the  persistant  policy  of  Tokugawa  authorities  to  limit  the 
size  of  the  peasant  estate  has  contributed  to  this  result.  It  will  be  seen 
later  that  there  were  two  other  important  reasons :  namely,  first,  that 
the  principal  form  of  agricultural  labour  being  manual,  the  working 
capacity  of  a  peasant  family  was  very  limited;  and,  second,  that  the 
relatively  high  level  of 'the  taxes  in  comparison  with  rents,  together  with 
the  difficulty  of  buying  land,  prevented  the  appearance  of  many  large 
landlords. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  187 

(46)  Financial  publicity.     There  is   a   little  confusion  in    the    general 
understanding  of  this   subject,     Some   think  that  every  detail  of  public 
finance  was  open  to  the  people,  while  others  say  that  strict  secrecy  was 
observed.     The    truth   is    that    some   things  were   open   and  others  con- 
cealed.    "What  was   not  always   withheld,   and  was  in  the  Domain-lands 
ordered   to   be   carefully  inspected  by  the   peasants,   was   the   registered 
productivity  of  each  piece  of  cultivated  land,  and  the  annual  apportion- 
ment of  the  public  taxes  to  each  landholder,  as  well  as  the  receipts  and 
expenditures    of   the    village    finances.     (Note  59,    [IX,  5],    [XI,  11,  12], 
[XXVII.  3].)     Even  this  limited  publicity  was    not    granted  in   all   the 
Fiefs.     As   for   the  manner  of  determining  the  productive  capacity  of  a 
piece  of  land,  which  was   in   some  localities  bewilderingly  intricate,  and 
also    the    annual  accounts   of  the  Fief  or  the  Domain-land   as   a  whole, 
these  were,  even   if  the   peasants  were  capable  of  comprehending  them. 
never  published  among  them,  though  some   of  them  might  learn  a  little 
by  hearsay.     Cf.  DSR,  XII,  xi,  168;  SDS,  II,  20—21,  28;  V.  9 if.;    Uyzt 
137—138;  To,  X,  734;  XI,  568—569;  XII,  269;  XIY,  54.    See  also  Note  110, 
below. 

(47)  Publicity  of  the  penal  law.  For  more  than  a  hundred  years  after 
its  foundation,  the  Tokugawa  government  made  no  attempt  at  an  athori- 
tative  compilation  of  penal  laws.     The  third  Suzerain,  lemitsu  (in  office. 
1623 — 1651).  was    not    overjoyed  when    a    private    compilation    of   court 
decisions  was  made,  for  he  thought  that,  no  two  cases  of  human  disputes 
being  precisely  alike,  precedents  might  hinder  true  justice  (To,  X,  1090 
— 1092),  so  strong  was  the  principle  of  equity  and  discretion.    (Cf.  Notes 
23 — 25,  above.)   The  need  of  authoritative  compilations,  however,  must  have 
long  been  felt,  when  the  eighth  Suzerain,  Yoshimune  (in  office,  1716 — 1745), 
authorized    a    collection    of    edicts    and   orders   of  his  predecessors,  and 
himself  assisted  in  compiling  notes  and  orders  concerning  mainly  judicial 
procedure  and  penal  law.     The  latter  (known  as  Ku-zhi-kata  o  sadame- 
gaki,  Q  1|£  "jfj   filp  /i?  ^jlj-),  was  completed  in  1742,  and  was  augmented 
twenty-five  years  later  with  later  laws  as  well  as  old  pertinent  materials, 
(which  new  edition  is  substantially  our  TKB,  II).     To,  XIV,  214;  XVr 
249.     About  1790  was  made   a  briefer  edition  (0-sadame-gaki  hyakka  jo, 
lT£  IF  7  flf  1i>  or>  Kwanrsei  ko-cho  sei-ten,  |[  ft  H  *}fi  &  *)• 
The    substance    of   these    works    has    been    done    into   German    by   Otto 
Rudorif  in  the  Mitteilungen  der  deutschen  G-esellschnft  fur  Natur-  und 
Volkerkunde    Ostasiens,    Band    V,    Supplement  -  Heft,    Yokohama,    1889,. 
S.  32—133. 

These  works  were  intended  as  a  guide  to  the  judiciary,  and  it  was 
explicitly  stated  that  they  could  not  be  expected  to  anticipate  all  future 
cases,  to  some  of  which  it  might  be  incongruous  to  apply  principles 
contained  in  the  compilations.  (See  Preface  to  the  last  work  mentioned, 
the  Kyu-baku-fu  o  sadame-gaki  fj  ^  J$f  fjj$  /£  ^fj.  in  the  Hyaku-man 
to  series,  Jj  |£  f§.) 

These  penal  works  were  followed  by  very  many  private  memoranda, 
more  or  less  of  the  same  nature,  and  some  worthy  compilations  of  general 
laws.  (Cf.  KK,  IV,  iv— vi.) 

They  nearly  all  related  to  laws  for  the  peasant  and  merchant  classes. 


188  K.  Asahawa,  [1911. 

Any  sly  attempt  at  publishing  laws  and  customs  of  the  warrior  class 
was  met  with  severe  repression.  Nor  should  it  be  forgotten  that  most 
of  the  compilations  contained  laws  which  were  intended  primarily  for 
the  Suzerain's  Domain-lands.  Similar  works  in  Fiefs  (such  as  our  BK 
and  BE)  were  fewer  and  less  extensive. 

No  penal  compilation  was  allowed  publicity.  Some  of  the  works  of 
the  seventeenth  century  that  have  been  mentioned  bear  the  post-scripts 
that  they  should  be  shown  to  none  but  the  three  councillors  of  the 
Suzerain,  who  had  the  right  to  sit  at  the  high  court  of  justice  (Hyd-jo 
sho,  Jffi  x£  Jj/f).  It  was  but  true  to  human  nature,  however,  to  wish 
to  see  a  hidden  treasure  because  it  was  hidden.  The  authoritative  penal 
compilations,  therefore,  found  their  way,  in  more  or  less  imperfect  copies 
in  manuscript,  into  the  libraries  of  many  officials  and  commoners,  where 
they  were  carefully  concealed  from  the  authorities.  These  copies  have, 
since  the  fall  of  feudalism,  been  coming  to  light  through  second-hand 
book-dealers,  some  of  them  bearing  titles  indicating  anything  but  the 
nature  of  the  work.  A  copy  on  hand  contains  a  curious  preface,  dated 
1812,  as  follows : — "There  is  an  old  chest  in  my  warehouse.  One  day,  as 
I  examined  its  contents,  which  were  all  worm-eaten  manuscripts,  I  dis- 
covered these  five  volumes.  They  bore  no  title,  but  I  found  that  they 
contained  what  might  be  called  laws  of  the  government.  How  my  house 
came  in  possession  of  these  books  I  had  no  means  of  telling,  as  they 
were  very  old.  Since  they  should  belong  to  the  authorities,  and  should 
not  be  here,  I  had  a  mind  to  put  them  in  fire  or  sink  them  under  water. 
However,  I  did  not  like  to  destroy  them.  I  have  repaired  the  worm- 
eaten  parts,  rebound  the  work  in  four  volumes,  and  now  write  this 
preface,  and  conceal  the  work  in  my  warehouse.  No  one  should  see  it. 
My  descendants  should  keep  it  in  secrecy,  as  if  they  did  not  know  whether 
it  existed  or  not,  and  as  if  they  did  not  remember  whether  they  had 
read  it  or  not.  Learn  from  it  laws  of  the  authorities  only  for  your  own 
enlightenment,  and  be  careful  not  to  tell  others  about  them.  In  order 
that  my  intention  may  be  evident,  I  give  this  work  the  title  Fuse-ya  no 
ki,  p  a  tree  by  an  humble  hut],  and  conceal  it  in  the  warehouse.  Tate 
Anshu,  at  Yushima,  [Edo]." 

The  statement  that  the  penal  law  was  never  officially  published 
requires  some  qualification.  Although  the  peasant  was  usually  told  what 
to  do  and  what  not  to  do,  but  not  how  he  would  be  punished  for  doing 
what  he  should  not  do,  it  was  of  course  impossible  to  conceal  the 
penalty  for  a  very  common  offence,  as,  for  instance,  excessive  charges 
for  the  post-house  service.  It  was  also  desirable  to  let  the  people  know 
the  extreme  severity  of  punishment  for  an  act  held  to  be  particularly 
odious,  such  as  gambling.  (See  KR,  I,  Nos.  13,  16,  etc.) 

(48)  Law  and  morals.  How  largely  these  coincided  with  each  other, 
not  only  in  form,  but  also  in  matter,  will  be  seen  in  Notes  55  and  59, 
below.  From  remarks  given  in  Note  43,  above,  it  will  not  be  difficult 
to  see  that  the  very  point  of  view  of  the  rural  administrator  could  not 
help  being  largely  moral.  Law  and  morals  were  undifferentiated  rather 
than  combined.  When  toward  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  un- 
usually large  numbers  of  peasants  were  punished  for  unlawfully  banding 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  !*'•> 

together  and  rioting,  the  suzerain's  government  ascribed  the  increa^-  <>f 
the  cases,  not  to  the  evil-mindedness  of  the  criminals,  but  to  their  igno- 
rance and  to  the  want  of  zeal  on  the  part  of  village-officials  to  admonish 
them.  (To,  XV,  539,  657). 

(49)  Right  of  appeal.  That  a  chain  of  delegation  and  responsibility, 
however  carefully  forged  and  tightly  drawn,  would  be  unable  to  hold  a 
State  in  perpetual  peace,  and  that  the  best  conceivable  equilibrium 
between  law  and  equity  would  fail  to  prevent  all  injustice,  was  frankly 
admitted  by  practical  administrators  of  ancient  China  and  feudal 
Japan.  They  provided  for  certain  rights  of  the  people  to  appeal  and 
petition  even  to  the  highest  authority.  "To  stop  the  mouths  of  the 
people  is  more  injurious  than  stopping  the  course  of  a  river,"  Confucius 
is  said  to  have  remarked;  "The  river  would  overflow  and  destroy  many 
men.  The  people  would  act  likewise.  Therefore,  engineers  dredge  rivers 
and  direct  their  courses,  and  rulers  permit  the  people  to  express  them- 
selves." "If  the  people  were  not  allowed  to  give  vent  to  their  thoughts," 
says  an  official  instruction  in  Yonezawa,  dated  1778,  "their  resentment 
would  be  pent  up,  and  burst  forth  at  a  misfortune.  When  the  people 
are  silent  under  bad  government,  they  are  none  the  less  lamenting  it; 
if  they  were  allowed  to  express  themselves,  the  authorities  might  discover 
good  points  in  their  words,  and  at  once  correct  the  wrongs."  (YZS,  261.) 

In  Japan  the  possible  sources  of  wrongs  for  the  peasants  were:  1.  a 
bad  Suzerain  or  Baron  or  his  councillors;  2.  a  bad  Intendant  or  Bailiff 
and  his  subordinates;  3.  bad  village  -  of ficials ;  and  4.  bad  commissioners 
especially  appointed  by  the  authorities  to  take  charge  of  particular 
affairs  of  rural  government.  Of  these,  the  last  three,  being  in  immediate 
contact  with  the  people,  were  the  most  frequent  origin  of  grievances. 
Every  effort  was  made  by  the  higher  authorities  to  pretect  the  people 
from  the  possible  arrogance  or  greed  of  these  officials,  who  received 
minute  instructions  regarding  their  conduct  toward  the  villagers.  The 
latter,  also,  were  continually  reminded  that  the  officials  had  been  for- 
bidden to  receive  presents,  to  be  entertained,  to  enter  into  pecuniary 
transactions  with  the  people,  or  to  do  aught  to  involve  them  in  needless 
expense  or  hardship.  The  annals  of  the  period  abound  with  instructions 
and  orders  of  this  nature.  (Cf.  e.  g.,  DSR,  XII,  v,  761 ;  vi,  349 ;  vii,  725 ; 
ix,  225;  To,  X,  666,  734;  XI,  692;  XII,  16—17,  269;  XIII,  315— 320;  etc., 
etc.)  Such  was,  however,  the  force  of  the  theory  of  delegation  that  no 
law  could  completely  prevent  the  meek  peasants  from  being  imposed 
upon  by  irresponsible  officials.  It  was  largely  against  abuses  from  these 
quarters  that  the  right  of  appeal  had  to  be  granted  and  grandually 
though  imperceptibly  increased.  (For  the  earlier  form  of  this  right,  see- 
Note  59,  [II]  and  [III],  below.  Compare  this  with  the  later  form  as 
described  below  in  this  Note.) 

There  was  another  feature  of  this  subject  which  should  not  be  for- 
gotten. If  we  turn  to  the  first  of  the  sources  of  wrongs  enumerated 
above,  we  shall  observe  therein  two  forces  one  of  which  operated  against 
the  other.  It  was  the  traditional  policy  of  the  Suzerain's  government 
at  once  to  give  to  the  Barons  a  large  degree  of  autonomy,  and  to  weaken 
them  under  every  justifiable  pretext.  The  first  half  of  the  policy  served 

VOL»  XXXI.    Part  II.  \\\ 


190  K.  Asakawa,  [191 1. 

to  multiply  opportunities  for  the  second,  and  this  result  was  not  the  least 
frequent  in  judicial  affairs.  A  Baron,  or,  to  be  more  exact,  his  council, 
having  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  the  peasants  of  his  Fief,  and,  in 
judicial  and  fiscal  matters,  being  curbed  by  nothing  but  customs  and 
conscience,  might  be  betrayed  into  repeated  acts  of  oppression,  until 
the  patient  peasantry  would  at  length  rise  in  furious  mobs  or  resort  to 
a  direct  appeal  to  the  government  of  the  Suzerain.  The  riots  would  be 
severely  repressed,  and  the  appellants,  as  we  shall  see  below,  delivered 
up  to  the  Baron  as  disloyal  subjects.  For,  nominally,  there  was  no 
appeal  from  the  Baron,  especially  from  the  eighteen  principal  Barons,  to 
the  Suzerain.  However,  in  case  such  a  riot  or  appeal  took  place,  the 
Suzerain  might,  provided  the  grievances  were  real,  degrade  or  replace 
the  Baron  and  have  the  wrongs  rectified  as  far  as  possible.  An  appeal, 
therefore,  over  a  Baron  to  the  Suzerain,  was  explicitly  forbidden  but 
tacitly  permitted  to  those  brave  peasants  who  staked  their  lives  there- 
for. Of.  Wig,  i,  84—85. 

Let  us  now  describe  the  normal  process  of  appeal  and  petition.  The 
peasant  could  address  the  authorities  only  through  village-officials,  whose 
certificate  or  presence  was  necessary  if  he  would  bring  the  matter  to 
the  Intendant  or  Bailiff.  Without  this  formality,  no  ordinary  petition  or 
complaint  would  be  entertained.  (See  GrGrI,  II,  21,  23—24,  37;  Note  59, 
[XX],  below.)  A  complaint,  however,  against  the  village-head  or  sub- 
ordinate of  the  Intendant  or  Bailiff,  might  be  lodged  directly  at  the 
latter's  office,  but  this  had  to  be  done  without  disorder  and  with  due 
notice  to  the  village-officials,  (ibid.,  II,  24,  31,  37;  DSR,  XII,  v,  531; 
NTK,  344—346). 

An  appeal  could  still  be  made  from  the  Bailiff  to  the  Baron's  council 
or  the  Baron  kimself,  again  after  notifying  the  Bailiff  of  the  appellant's 
intention.  This  right  was  exercised  from  the  beginning  of  the  period 
(see  DSR,  XII,  ii,  584,  586;  iv,  196;  v,  319),  and  probably  dated  earlier. 
This  was  the  law.  but  its  practical  merit  must  have  varied  much  in 
different  Fiefs  and  at  different  times,  according  to  the  character  of  the 
Baron  and  his  advisers. 

A  corresponding  appeal  over  the  intendant  was  carried  to  the  Suze- 
rain's high  court  of  justice  at  Edo.  The  Hyo-jo  sho  (jf  g?  $f,  place  of 
determination),  as  the  court  was  called,  was  begun  in  1631,  and,  as  it 
was  finally  constituted,  heard,  besides  appeals,  disputes  involving-  the 
jurisdictions  of  two  or  all  of  the  three  high  commissioners  of  the  Suze- 
rain (i.  e.,  Zhi-sha  bu-gyd,  ^f  jjf£  Jpl  fj,  commissioner  of  religious  in- 
stitutions, Machi  bu-gyo,  fflj'  ^  ft,  of  the  municipality  of  Edo,  and 
Kan- jo  bu-gyo,  ||j  ^  Jpl  fft  of  finance)  or  unusually  important  cases  in 
each  commissioner's  jurisdiction,  and  complaints  and  petitions  from 
Barons  and  the  Suzerain's  lower  vassals.  (See  KR,  I,  Nos.  1—12,  II, 
Xos.  1—8;  TK,  II,  i.  23—143,  403—502.)  Although  it  was  forbidden  to 
local  officials  to  suppress  peasants'  appeals  (To,  XIII,  316,  1082),  it 
nevertheless  became  desirable,  when  the  business  of  this  court  multiplied, 
to  relegate  it  as  far  as  it  was  practicable  to  the  commissioners  (bu-gyd, 
f.  ft)  at  Kyoto  and  Osaka,  and  to  order  the  peasants  to  settle  their 
affairs  whm-ver  possible  at  local  courts  (KR,  I,  No.  15,  IT,  No.  1;  TK, 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  191 

JI,  i,  11)2.  io:iff.;  To,  XIII,  1178).  Besides,  when  they  appealed  to  Edo, 
they  wen-  to  notify  the  local  officials,  and  bear  tin-  expenses.  (KR,  I, 
Nos.  3,  6,  II,  No.  24;  TK,  II,  i,  71  ft'.,  92f.,  ii,  98ff.;  To,  X,  298,  301; 
GGI,  I,  30.)  Cf.  Wig,  i,  87—94. 

From  1721,  the  Suzerain  Yoshimune  ordered  a  box  (me-yasu  bako, 
@  %  H)  to  he  hunir  before  the  court  at  Edo.  and.  from  1720,  in  Kyoto 
and  Osaka  also,  for  tin-  purpose  ,.('  receiving  appeals  and  petitions  from 
« mion  people  and  outlaws  (To,  XIII,  1178,  XIV,  214—216).  He  him- 
self examined  their  contents.  That  this  would  encourage  appeals  and 
bring  about  good  results,  as  it  did,  in  the  hands  of  a  good  Suzerain 
might  be  imagined,  but  later  it  happened  not  seldom  that  corrupt  com- 
missioners intercepted  appeals  (e.  g.,  En,  19).  Sporadic  efforts  were  made 
to  restore  this  institution  to  real  service  (e.  g..  Zo,  I,  112),  but  there  is 
little  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  followed  by  continued  successes. 
Like  so  many  other  discretionary  measures  of  this  bureaucratic  govern- 
ment, the  use  of  this  device,  as  has  been  the  fate  of  similar  practices 
in  China,  depended  entirely  upon  the  frail  human  nature  of  the  officials. 

When  the  wrongs  of  an  Intendant  were  real,  and  when  they  were 
brought  to  the  commissioners'  notice  in  such  a  way  as  it  was  impossible 
to  deny  thfiu.  a  summary  justice  could  be  expected  by  the  appealing 
arts  (e.  g.,  DSR,  XII,  i,  356).  If  the  court  failed  to  satisfy  them, 
tin  re  was  yet  another  way  open  to  them,  namely  a  direct  appeal  to  the 
Suzerain  in  person  while  on  a  visit  or  in  hunting.  This  was  done  in 
an  appeal,  not  only  from  an  Intendant,  but  also  from  a  Baron.  This 
irregularity  was  punished  with  imprisonment  or  death,  and  if  the  appeal 
was  against  a  Baron,  the  appellant  was  guilty  of  the  double  offence  of 
transgressing  on  the  dignity  of  the  Suzerain  and  of  violating  the  rule 
that  there  was  no  appeal  from  a  Baron.  However,  if  the  Suzerain  hap- 
pened to  be  eager  for  justice  or  for  extending  his  power  at  the  expense 
of  the  Barons,  the  complaint  would  be  examined  and  satisfied,  and  the 
unjust  Intendant  or  Baron  degraded  (e.  g.,  To,  IX,  614 — 615,  XI,  929, 
XIV.  2*5).  The  following  are  two  well-known  instances  of  appeals 
to  Edo. 

In  1651  the  young  Hotta  Masanobu  succeeded  to  the  lordship^  of 
Sakura.  Shimo-osa,  and  was  appointed  a  councillor  to  the  Suzerain. 
Taking  advantage  of  his  youth  and  his  absence  in  Edo,  his  councillors 
suddenly  increased  the  land-tax  to  an  « -normous  extent,  and,  rejected 
petitions  from  all  the  village  heads  of  the  Fief  to  reduce  it  to  its  former 
level.  Large  numbers  of  peasants  sold  their  holdings,  and,  dividing  their 
families,  wandered  out.  In  1654.  more  than  three  hundred  representatives 
repaired  to  Kdo  and  complained  at  the  residerence  of  Masanobu,  but 
were  not  listened  to.  Then  a  petition  was  made  to  one  of  his  fellow- 
councillors.  which  also  was  returned.  Kinehi  (better  known  as  Sakura) 
ae  of  the  six  representatives  who  had  remained  in  Edo,  boldly 
,ted  a  petition  to  the  Suzerain  letsuna,  as  he  was  on  his  way  to 
the  temple  ;»;  Ileno.  The  latter  delivered  the  petition  and  the  six  men 
t.i  Masanobu.  He  still  believed  his  councillors,  and  allowed  Sogoro  and 
his  wife  to  be  crucified,  his  four  children  to  be  beheaded,  and  the  other 
five  leaders  to  lie  banished.  Later,  however,  the  tax  was  restored  to 

13* 


192  %•  Asakawa,  [1911. 

the  original  rate,  and  the  councillors  punished.  In  1660,  Masanobu  for- 
feited his  Fief  for  another  offence.  Sogoro  has  been  deified  by  the 
peasants,  and  his  story  has  been  dramatized  into  a  thrilling  play.  (See 
the  Tei-koku  zhin-mei  zhi-ten,  ed.  1904,  1428 — 1429;  the  Han-kan-pu,  VI, 
pt.  Hotta.) 

The  district  Yashiro,  in  Uzen,  was  severed  from  the  Yonezawa  fief 
and  restored  to  the  Suzerain,  in  1664,  but  its  government  was  still  put 
under  charge  of  the  same  Fief.  In  1863,  the  peasants  of  the  thirty-five 
villages  of  this  district  complained  unsuccessfully,  even  in  Edo,  against 
an  unjust  treatment  from  the  authorities  of  Yonezawa.  Finally,  the 
petition  was  put  in  a  beautiful  lacquered  box  bearing  the  emblem  of  the 
Suzerain's  house,  and  was  purposely  left  in  a  restaurant,  whence  it  was 
at  once  taken  to  the  Suzerain.  The  district  was  definitively  confiscated 
from  the  Fief,  but  the  chief  appellant  was  delivered  to  the  lord  of  the 
Fief,  who  crucified  him.  (Dch,  4373;  Dai  Ni-hon  zhin-mei  zhi-sho,  2nd. 
edition,  1891,  III,  36—37.) 

(50)  The  Chinese  house-groups.  This  institution  is  considered  as  old 
as  the  Chou  dynasty,  and  has,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  following  sketch, 
persisted  throughout  the  long  history  of  China.  According  to  the  Chou 
li  (jq|  jjff)  and  its  commentaries,  each  of  the  six  hiang  ($j|i)  and  six 
sui  (jf|),  into  which  the  Inner  Country  of  China  was  divided,  was  or- 
ganized as  follows :  in  the  hiang,  five  houses  formed  a  pi  (J-'t)  and  were 
mutually  (?)  responsible  (f^,  pao),  five  pi  made  a  lit  (|s]),  four  lu  a  tsu 
(3I)>  nve  tsu  a  tang  CJJL),  five  tang  a  chou  (j'H),  and  five  chou  the  hiang; 
in  the  sui,  five  houses  formed  a  lin  (HI),  five  lin  a  li  (JP.),  four  li  a 
ts:uan  (98),  five  tsu'an  a  p'i  (0|5),  five_p'i  a  Men  (jfM),  and  five  Men  the 
sui.  The  five-house  group  was  responsibe  for  the  mutual  help  and  ad- 
monition of  it%  members.  This  is  the  generally  accepted  view  of  the 
organization  under  the  Chou  dynasty,  although  it  would  not  be  easy  to 
prove  either  that  the  system  in  this  advanced  form  was  so  old  as  the 
dynasty,  or  that,  if  so,  it  was  put  into  universal  practice.  The  general 
idea  of  the  system,  namely,  that  neighboring  houses  should  with  respon- 
sibility watch  and  help  one  another,  and  that  the  larger  administrative 
divisions  of  territory  should  as  far  as  possible  be  based  upon  this  group 
as  a  unit  and  held  together  by  a  chain  of  responsibility,  date  apparently 
several  centuries  before  the  Christian  era.  They  are  found  in  practice 
in  several  different  forms  among  the  contending  States  into  which  the 
kingdom  of  Chou  became  divided,  and  in  Ts'in.  The  latter  made  five 
houses  a  group  and  'two  adjoining  groups,  consisting  of  ten  houses,  a 
unit  with  joint  responsibility  for  the  crimes  of  its  members. 

After  the  Christian  era,  the  general  idea,  having  come  through  the 
hands  of  various  dynasties,  was  made  under  the  great  T'ang  dynasty 
into  a  system  which  became  the  model  for  Japan  to  copy  since  645.  In 
this  system,  four  houses  made  a  lin  and  five  houses  a  pao— this  distinc- 
tion is  not  clear,  (some  say,  five  houses  made  a  lin  and  five  lin  a  pao) ; 
a  hundred  houses  formed  a  li,  and  five  li  a  hiang.  Under  the  Sung 
dynasty,  the  idea  was  elaborated  by  several  administrators  for  use  in  their 
particular  spheres,  the  general  conception,  however,  being  always  the  same. 
It  is  not  until  one  reaches  the  Ming  dynasty  that  he  finds  the  system 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  193 

really  extensively  applied,  as  well  as  fully  described.  Barring  local 
variations,  generally  ten  houses  formed  a  kia  (^f,  which  was  an  old 
term),  with  an  additional  house  of  the  group-chief  (^p  ~fi*,  kia-shou);  ten 
kia  formed  a  li  (jj[>  otherwise  called pao,  f?^),  with  ten  additional  houses 
of  heads  (li-ch'ang,  jf[  J^),  who  each  held  the  office  in  turn  for  a  year. 
This  personage,  like  the  Japanese  village-head,  was  assisted  by  several 
chiefs.  Besides  these,  there  was  an  elder  (li-lao,  J[  ^)  in  each  li,  who 
at  first  exercised  a  considerable  moral  influence,  but  who  in  later  years 
of  the  dynasty  wras  treated  by  officials  as  a  mere  publican,  and  in  many 
a  li  declined  to  serve  any  longer. 

An  important  part  of  the  business  of  the  kia  was  periodically  to  take 
the  census  of  its  members,  in  order  to  ascertain  that  none  were  sus- 
picious characters  and  none  adhered  to  evil  religious  sects. 

Once  in  every  month,  the  people  in  every  li  assembled  at  the  public 
hall  of  the  village  ($![5  $•/  «^»),  where  amid  solemn  music  the  li-ch'anff  read 
and  explained  the  Imperial  instructions  to  the  people.  These  instructions, 
which  were  always  posted  at  the  hall  for  exhibition,  were  intended  to 
inculcate  the  spirit  of  concord  and  mutual  service  among  peasant 
members.  The  instructions  were  arranged  under  six  heads :  1.  obedience 
to  the  parents;  2.  respect  of  authority  and  age;  3.  concord  in  the  vill- 
Sge,  including  mutual  cordiality,  and  assistance  for  the  sick,  the  poor, 
and  orphans,  and  at  funerals;  4.  education  of  children,  including  rever- 
ence for  the  teachers,  and  rites  of  majority  and  marriage;  5.  industry; 
and  6.  abstention  from  evil  deeds,  the  latter  including  the  harboring  of 
thieves  and  robbers,  disseminating  false  stories,  arrogance,  extravagance, 
heresy,  theft,  quarrel,  murder,  disputes  about  water  and  forests,  needless 
killing  of  cattle,  and  other  offences. 

The  village-elder  exercised  certain  judicial  power  over  minor  cases, 
though  this  feature  of  the  village  administration  disappeared  later  with 
the  elder's  loss  of  influence. 

The  li  had  also  a  temple  for  the  deity  of  the  earth  (J!  jjf£  J[jj[)  where, 
besides  other  minor  rites,  sacrifices  were  offered  in  spring  and  in 
autumn,  followed  by  a  feast  for  the  peasants.  On  this  occasion,  a  spokes- 
man solemnly  swore:  "The  people  of  our  li  should  observe  rules  of 
proper  conduct,  and  the  strong  shall  not  oppress  the  weak.  Those  who 
act  contrariwise  would  be  examined  and  reported  to  the  authorities.  The 
family  of  poor  and  forlorn  persons  shall  be  supported  by  the  village 
for  three  years;  the  people  shall  assist  each  other  in  marriage  and  at 
funeral.  Those  who  defy  others  or  commit  theft,  fraud,  or  any  other  offence 
whatsoever,  shall  not  be  admitted  into  our  company."  Then  the  villagers 
sat  down  in  the  order  of  seniority,  and  passed  the  day  in  a  happy  feast. 

There  was,  in  accordance  with  a  time-honored  custom,  another  period- 
ical occasion  for  conviviality  of  the  village,  (^fl  ffc  Jg  Iff),  at  which 
venerated  seniors,  ex-officials,  and  scholars,  were  given  places  of  dist- 
inction, and  the  other  villagers  sat  in  the  strict  order  of  their  ages, 
regardless  of  wealth. 

The  li  also  had  its  special  granary  (Jfc  jj£\  to  which  all  the  families 
contributed  according  to  their  means,  and  which  was  opened  in  case  of 
a  famine.  This,  too,  was  an  old  institution. 


194  K<  Asahawa,  [1911, 

The  village  supported  a  primary  school  (jjf£  ^),  where  the  Imperial 
instructions  already  referred  to  and  elementary  laws  were  taught  to  such 
pupils  as  wished  to  enroll.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  government  to  en- 
courage the  establishment  of  village-schools,  but  not  to  interfere  with 
their  affairs. 

The  laws  of  the  present  dynasty  recognize  the  existence  of  kia-shvu 
and  li-cli'ang  organized  in  the  same  manner  as  that  of  Ming.  They  hold 
their  office  by  rotation,  and  take  charge  of  the  affairs,  including  the 
financial,  of  the  village.  In.  some  places,  it  seems,  ten  houses  make  a 
p'ai  (Ji$),  ten  p'ai  a  kia,  and  ten  kia  a  pao,  each  with  its  elected  head. 
The  Japanese  authorities  of  the  leased  land  at  Kwantung  in  southern 
Manchuria  are  making  use  of  the  system  of  the  joint  responsibility  of 
groups  with  considerable  success  in  maintaining  the  peace  of  the  vill- 
ages against  bandits  and  in  arresting  the  latter. 

See  Prof.  Tomidzu  Hiroto.  Shu-dai  go-ka  no  kumi-ai  (f5  ?JC  j|[  J^,  Jjft 
ftlttt  $  fl  &  No-  5  of  the  Ho-ri  ron-so  &  JJ  fft  ^  series);  Nzr 
I,  14;  Tang  lu-tien  (JlfT^JL,  ed.  1895), III, 9;  Ggk,9— 10;  Asakawa,  iJar/// 
inst.  life,  214—215;  Asai  Torao,  Shi-na-  ho-sei  shi  (?3t  #  )&  ^,  jc  JR  ?£ 
flj  ^,  Tokyo,  1904),  pp.  28—29,  43,  80,  185,  276,  332—336);  the  same 
author's  article  in  the  Kokka  Gakkwai  zasshi  (g  %  $  Of  j|  f£)  for 
April,  1906,  pp.  63-84;  Ta-Ts'ing  lu  (^  }f  f£),  pt.  J5  f£,  art,  i|| 
?  ±  ft  M  jb;  the  To-A.  Do-bun  Kwai  ho-koku  ()K  35  |?I  ]Jt  "If  H 
•gf),  No.  115,  p.  30;  current  numbers  of  the  Man-shii  nichi-nichi  shim-bun 

<mm»nm  H). 

(51)  The  group  idea  copied  in  Japan.  Beginning  with  the  year 
645,  Japan  entered  upon  the  great  work  of  reorganizing  her  state- 
system  largely  on  the  basis  of  the  Chinese  institutions  of  the  early 
T'ang  period.  £Jf.  Asakawa,  Early  inst.  life;  J.  Murdoch,  History  of 
Japan,  vol.  1,  Tokyo,  1910,  chap.  5.)  The  Decree  of  the  Reform  of 
646  contains  the  following:  "For  the  first  time,  make  a  census  of  the 
families  (^  |f ),  a  record  of  financial  accounts,  and  an  equal  allot- 
ment of  land.  Fifty  families  (J5)  shall  form  a  sato  (Hi,  Chinese  pro- 
nunciation, li),  and  every  sato  shall  have  a  chief  (J|,  Chin,  ch'ang), 
whose  duty  shall  be  to  examine  the  families  (J3)  and  their  members 
( P ),  to  promote  agriculture  and  sericulture,  to  forbid  and  examine  mis- 
deeds, and  to  collect  the  taxes  and  enforce  forced  labor."  (Xi-hon  sho-kL 
0  ^  H  $£>  XXV.  Tai-kwa  year  2  month  1).  In  652,  the  order  was 
repeated:  ,,Make  a  census  of  the  families.  Fifty  families  shall  form  a 
sato,  and  every  sato  shall  have  a  chief.  The  head  of  the  family  (^  jj?) 
shall  be  the  chief  member  of  a  house  (^  J|).  As  regards  the  families 
(J3),  five  houses  (^)  shall  be  mutually  responsible  [?  shall  mutually 
protect;  flj,  Chin.  pao],  shall  make  one  man  the  chief  (g),  and  shall 
mutually  examine  [the  conduct  of  the  members]."  (Ibid.,  Haku-chi  y.  3 
m.  4.  The  older  translations  of  these  passages  that  occur  in  Asakawa, 
op.  cit.,  p.  275,  and  Aston,  Nihongi,  II,  208  &  242,  cannot  be  accepted.) 

In  the  %o  no  gi-ge  (^  H  fl?,  commentary,  officially  compiled  in 
826—833,  on  the  Code  of  law  which  was  edited  in  700—701  and  revised 
slightly  in  718,  791  and  797)  occur  the  following  passages,  (large  letters 
probably  indicating  portions  in  the  text  of  700—701,  and  words  of  the 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  h>"> 

commentary  being  here  put  in  parentheses)  --AS  BJEGA3RDS  FAMILIES, 
FIFTY  FAMILIES  SHALL  FORM  A  SATO.  (If  there  be  sixty 

families  [in  the  same  neighborhood],  ten  of  1  IK-ID  sh;ill  l>e  separated  a- 
a  mi  to  and  have  a  chief.  It'  there  l»e  less  than  ten  families  [in  the  saint 
aeighborhood],  they  shall  be  included  in  a  larger  village,  and  not  be 
•eparated.)  KACH  SATO  SHALL  HAVE  A  CHIEF,  whose  duty  shall 
be  to  examine  the  families  and  their  members,  to  promote  agriculture 
and  sericulture,  to  forbid  and  examine  misdeeds,  ;md  to  collect,  dues  and 
enforce  forced  labor.  WHERE  MOUNTA IXOUS  OR  REMOTE  AND 

si'AKSELY    POPULATED  ( ),  [SATO]   SHALL  BE  MARKED 

OFF  ACCORDING  TO  CONVFXI  FXCF,  ( If  [the  neighborhood] 

does  not  contain  ten  families,  it  shall  be  made  into  mutually  protecting 
groups  of  live  houses,  and  included  in  a  large  village.)  ....  THE  HEAD 
OF  THE  FAMILY  SHALL  BE  THE  CHIEF  M  BMBEB  OF  A  HOUSE. 

(The  eldest  son  of  the  main  line )     ....  AS  REGARDS  THE 

FAMILIES,  FIVE  HOUSES  SHALL  BE  MUTUALLY  RESPONS- 
IBLE [?],  SHALL  MAKE  ONE  MAN  THE  CHIEF,  AND  SHALL 
M  1 X  K  A  XI )  1 '  K  1 :  VENT  MISDEEDS.  IF  A  TRAVELLER  PA SS- 
ING  THROUGH  THE  VILLAGE  STOPS  OVER  NIGHT,  OR  IF  A 
MEMBER  OF  A  GROUP  [f$,  Chin,  pao,  Jap.  ho]  GOES  AWAY,  THE 
GROUP  SHALL  BE  NOTIFIED  THEREOF.  IF  A  FAMILY  MEM- 
BER RUNS  AWAY,  LET  THE  FIVE-HOUSE  GROUP  PURSUE 

HIM "     (VIII,  arts.  1,  5,  9,  10.)     (For  bibliographical  comments  of 

the  two  sources  from  which  the  above  passages  have  been  cited,  see 
Asakawa,  op.  cit.,  7 — 17.) 

In  these  passages,  it  is  evident  that  the  Japanese  five-house  group 
was  a  copy  of  the  Chinese  prototype,  the  idea  and  language  of  both 
being  largely  identical.  One  point,  however,  of  great  importance  in  the 
copy  is  not  found  in  the  model,  namely,  the  £i  (Chin,  hit;  Jap.  pron. 
ko;  corresponding  native  word,  he),  which  I  have  purposely  translated 
with  the  loose  term  'family'.  It  did  not  exclude  the  idea  of  a  'house', 
but  oftener  it  consisted  of  persons  living  in  near-by  houses  and  mostly 
related  to  one  another  by  blood-tie.  Thus,  sometimes  scores  of  men 
and  women  formed  one  ko  and  had  one  &o-head.  The  fragments  of 
census  of  the  eighth  century  which  still  exist  (DKM,  I.)  confirm  the 
supposition  to  which  some  of  the  clauses  quoted  above  point,  that  often 
neighboring  houses  were  related  to  one  another  in  blood.  Indeed,  an  old 
record  quoted  in  the  Ryo  no  shu-ge,  fy  ^  fp?>  commentary  on.  the  Ryo 
compiled  in  the  latter  half  of  the  ninth  century,  says:  [In  organizing 
five-house  groups],  uF\en  if  one  family  (ko)  contained  ten  houses  (Ii«). 
the  family  shall  form  its  own  limit  [i.  e.,  form  a  group  by  itself],  regard- 
less of  the  number  of  the  houses  [composing  it]".  (Ggk,  12.)  Add  to  these 
considerations  the  fact  that  in  the  language  of  China  in  this  general 
period,  J7  and  ^  did  not  differ  much  from  each  other  in  the  average 
number  of  persons  they  contained,  if  indeed  the  two  were  not  often 
identical,  as  they  later  came  to  be  in  Japan  also.  They  could  be  con- 
fused, but  not  so  in  the  Japan  of  the  Reform  period.  (Cf.  the  excellent 
articles  by  Mr.  Y.  Shinmi  on  the  Japanese  family  in  the  eighth  century, 
in  Shzj  XX,  Nos.  2—4,  March-May,  1909.)  Here  the  village  (*ato)  was 


196  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

built  upon  families,  and  the  group  was  composed  of  neighbouring  houses 
not  infrequently  related  to  one  another.  The  inference  is  then  irresist- 
ible that,  as  a  whole,  the  Japanese  copy  of  the  house-group  system 
must  have  been  less  purely  administrative  and  more  consanguinous  in 
nature  than  the  Chinese  model. 

This  comparatively  natural  character  of  the  Japanese  institution  is 
also  notable  in  the  group  and  village  of  the  Tokugawa  period.  Here, 
however,  the  qualifying  principle  was  oftener  historic  associations  than 
ties  of  blood. 

(52)  The  group  system  resuscitated  after  1600.  That  the  general  idea 
of  responsible  groups  of  houses  was  not  entirely  forgotten  during  the 
loner  and  eventful  asres  which  intervened  between  the  Heform  and  the 

o  o 

battle  of  Sekigahara,  is  a  point  which  falls  beyond  the  limits  .of  this 
paper.  (See  Ggk,  31—76;  Ggs,  4—5;  Nz,  I,  6;  Dch,  introd.,  74.) 

As  one  reaches  the  years  just  before  and  after  1600,  he  finds  that 
warriors,  of  the  lower  grades  at  least,  were  not  seldom  organized  in 
groups  of  five  or  ten  men  responsible  for  their  good  behavior.  (Under 
Hideyoshi,  GgJc,  68—76;  Ish,  78—79;  DRS,  XII,  i,  773;  in  Yonezawa, 
ibid.,  i,  638,  773,  x,  43;  in  Saga,  ibid.,  i,  733;  in  Kochi,  ibid.,  i,  736;  at 
Uwazhima,  ibid.,  v,  402 — 403;  in  Iga,  ibid.,  v,  762;  under  the  Mori,  ibid., 
v,  551 — 554;  in  Edo,  ibid.,  ix,  559;  &c.)  Among  peasants  and  burghers, 
it  is  probable  that,  though  less  frequently  than  among  warriors,  similar 
customs  existed  here  and  there.  It,  also,  appears  to  have  been  Hide- 
yoshi's  intention  to  extend  the  system  among  the  non-feudal,  as  well  as 
feudal,  classes  all  over  the  country.  (Ggk,  72  ff.)  The  occasional  mentions 
of  groups  found  in  documents  of  this  age  relating  to  different  parts  of 
Japan  may,  in  some  cases,  refer  to  results  of  Hideyoshi's  probable  policy 
just  outlined.  Some  other  cases  may  be  survivals  of  older  institutions. 
In  Mimasaka,  for  example,  we  find  in  deeds  of  sale  dated  1603 
and  1607  men  styled  flj  among  witnesses,  (ibid.,  i,  855;  v,  335).  The  ten- 
man  groups  (f£  A  ^  £  )  in  Iga  and  five-man  groups  (JJ  A  ffi)  in 
Yonezawa  in  1608,  and  the  groups  (-jjj[,  $j[  ^)  in  Omi  in  1611,  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  new  creations,  (ibid.,  v,  762,  831;  ix,  224).  Even  if 
they  had  been  recently  organized,  it  is  more  probable  that  they  were 
patterned  after  sporadic  local  survivals  than  that  they  were  all  created  anew 
in  accordance  with  an  order  of  the  Suzerain.  The  occasional  kumi-gashira 
(ibid.,  ix,  219,  224,  &c.)  may  be  heads  of  groups  from  whom  evolved  the 
later  village-chiefs  of  the  same  title,  (see  Note  16,  above).  However  that 
may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  groups,  whether  old  or  recent,  were  built 
upon  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  joint  responsibility  of  their  members, 
(see  the  above  references  to  DSR). 

That  some  places  had  entirely  forgotten  the  system  and  had  now  to 
adjust  themselves  to  it  with  difficulty  may  be  inferred  from  the  follow- 
ing example  of  Kyoto.  "This  year  [1603]",  says  the  To-dai  ki  ($  f£  fGr 
annals  1565 — 1615),  "it  happened  that  the  burghers  of  Kyoto  were  organ- 
ized in  groups  of  ten  men.  This  was  by  the  Suzerain's  order.  All  men 
of  the  city,  high  and  low,  were  embarrassed,  for  if  one  man  out  of  ten 
committed  an  offence,  all  the  other  nine  would  be  punished  therefor.  This 
arrangement  had  been  ordered  because  there  prevailed  robbery  in  KySto, 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  1 1»  / 

Fushimi,  and  their  neighborhood.  But  the  rich  folks,  being  reluctant  to 
be  grouped  with  the  poor,  carried  their  treasures  out  of  the  city.  This 
measure  was  said  to  have  been  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  Ky6to." 
(DSR,  XII,  i,  773.)  The  writer  is,  of  course,  incorrect  in  his  statement 
that  the  measure  was  unprecedented  in  Kyoto. 

It  is  clear  that  from  the  first  quarter  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
Suxi -rain's  government  zealously  extended  the  system  to  those  places  in 
his  Domain-lands  where  it  had  died  out.  However,  such  an  exhaustive 
institution  could  not  be  resuscitated  in  one  day.  It  is  found  in  operation 
about  Edo  already  in  1626,  (To,  X,  64—65,  301),  and,  eleven  years  later, 
a  comprehensive  body  of  instructions  was,  through  five-man  groups, 
disseminated  in  the  eighth  Kwanto  provinces  and  Kai,  Shinano,  and 
Idzu.  (ibid.,  463—464;  Note  59,  [VII],  below).  Henceforth  the  system 
was  continually  used  as  the  medium  of  securing  peace  and  concord,  and 
enforcing  orders  against  Catholicism,  the  harboring  of  outlaws,  the  use 
of  arms  by  the  common  people,  and  the  like,  at  least  in  the  provinces  just 
named  or  in  Domain-lands,  (ibid.,  X,  665,  672,  734,  965,  1052;  XI,  204,  390; 
XII,  99,  499;  XIII.  162,  770).  It  may  be  presumed  that  the  system  was 
fairly  well  installed  in  all  the  Domain-lands  in  the  course  of  the  seven- 
teenth century.  The  search  for  Catholic  converts  and  dangerous  outlaws, 
the  latter  of  whom,  owing  to  peculiar  conditions  of  the  feudal  organi- 
zation, were  gradually  increasing,  (cf.  Tbf,  221 — 223),  appears  to  have 
formed  a  special  motive  for  the  eager  extension  of  the  group  system. 
A  constant  need  for  it  must  also  have  been  felt  in  affording  order  and 
contentment  to  the  people  and  in  securing  their  sure  support.  The 
system  made  it  possible  to  serve  their  ends  at  once  with  comparatively 
small  cost  and  care  to  the  Suzerain  and  with  the  satisfaction  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  exercising  a  large  degree  of  self-government. 

In  the  meantime,  the  merit  of  the  system  had  commended  itself  to 
the  Barons  as  well,  who  were  prompted  to  adopt  it  by  the  surviving 
examples  with  which  some  of  them  must  have  been  acquainted,  as  well 
as  by  the  example  and  encouragement  shown  by  the  Suzerain's  govern- 
ment. The  latter  advised  the  Barons,  in  1661.  to  facilitate  the  search 
for  Catholicr,  by  organizing  groups  of  five  men,  (To,  XI,  390, — Xote  59, 
i  X  VI],  below).  As  was  usual  with  the  Fiefs,  however,  there  was  a  wide 
difference  among  them,  both  of  the  times  in  which  the  system  was 
established,  and  of  the  forms  it  took.  Some  Fiefs  had  it,  if  indeed  they 
had  not  inherited  it  from  earlier  times,  in  the  first  quarter  (DSR.  X  1 1 . 
v,  762,  831;  ix,  219,  224)  and  even  in  the  first  decade  after  1600  (ibid.t 
i.  855;  v,  335).  The  system  was  in  good  order  in  Okayama  in  1642 
(BK,  I,  4—12).  and  in  Sendai  in  1718  (SDS,  I,  19),  to  take  only  cases 
of  positive  certainty.  It  is  possible,  however,  that  in  some  instances 
groups  were  not  adequately  organized  till  after  1800,  (e.  g.,  Shonai  in 
1819,  Ggs,  136). 

(53)  The  normal  group.  All  the  known  groups  in  villages  were  based 
on  the  same  general  principles  and  designed  for  the  same  general  pur- 
poses with  which  the  reader  is  now  familiar.  There  was,  however,  a 
considerable  difference  in  their  names  and  forms,  particularly  in  the 
Fiefs.  The  groups  in  the  Domain-lands  were  probably  all  called,  as  in 


198  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

many  Fiefs,  go-nin-gumi  (jFf.  A  8L  five-man  group),  consisting  usually 
Of  five — more  or  less — land-holding  house-fathers,  one  of  whom  served  as 
group-chief,  by  either  election  or  rotation.  The  latter,  called  fude-gashira  or 
hitto  (sjt:  Bjjj  first  writer),  han-gashira  ffi\  Bjf,  nrst  seal)5  or  the  like, 
was  seldom  a  very  important  personage  in  the  government  of  the  entire 
village.  Neighbors  would  normally  be  in  the  same  groups,  (GGI,  I,  13, 
21;  II,  8),  but  historic  or  social  conditions  largely  interfered  with  this 
arrangement  even  in  Domain-lands,  (Ggs,  14 — 19).  Cases  were  not  want- 
ing in  which  a  group  and  neighboring  houses  were  held  responsible  for 
offences,  (GGI,  II,  8—9;  KB,  I,  No.  16;  Ggk,  66;  YZS,  44).  Of.  Smir, 
9o—97. 

To  take  a  few  variants  found  in  Fiefs.  Yonezawa  changed  its  system 
several  times  during  the  period:  it  had  five-man  groups  (go-nin-gumi) 
already  in  1608  (DSR,  XII,  v,  831);  in  1769,  some  of  them  seemed  to  be 
composed  of  relatives,  and  others  of  neighbors  (• — •  ^  j(£  A  ffl.  an(i  ^  3fe 
3£  A  $1<  YZS>  M'  366)5  in  1801'  there  had  been  groups  for  religious 
examination  and  for  the  collection  of  taxes  (^  f^  $1  and  j»Jf  $|  $J.), 
which  were  now  all  incorporated  into  five-man  and  ten-man  groups 
(ibid.,  743  ff.) ;  and  at  the  end  of  the  feudal  period,  about  fifteen  men 
formed  a  larger  group,  which  was  divided  into  three  smaller  groups 
(kumi-ai),  (Mkr,  143).  At  lya-yama  (cf.  Note  14,  above),  every  fifteen  to 
twenty-five  houses  composed  a  group  (fu-shin-yumi,  ^  fj|  ^J.,  building 
group),  which  furnished  thatch  and  rope  when  one  of  its  members  built 
or  repaired  his  house,  and  supplied  free  labor  till  the  work  was  com- 
pleted. The  houses,  therefore,  could  not  be  disposed  of  without  the 
consent  of  the  group.  (Ibid.,  217,  439.)  In  Suwo,  the  head  of  the  five- 
man  group  was  called  kuro-boshi  (=&  Jjr,  literally,  black  star,  ibid.,  187), 
the  village-chiefs  being  designated  kuro-gashira  0$  §ff?  (the  characters 
meaning,  respectively,  'marginal  land  between  rice-fields'  and  'head'). 

These  and  other  variations  from  the  normal  type  were  no  doubt  in 
some  instances  owing  to  peculiar  social  conditions  of  different  regions. 
and  in  others,  to  the  persistence  of  older  institutions  of  similar  nature. 
Among  these  cases  of  historic  survivals,  Professor  S.  Miura  mentions 
some  instances  of  ten-men  groups  and  of  irregular  small  groups  of  adjoining 
and  opposite  houses  (Ggk,  66,  76).  It  is  evident  that,  in  many  examples, 
abnormal  types  were  only  slowly,  if  at  all,  assimilated  to  the  normal. 

(54)  No  person    without  group.     It    was    the    fixed    rule    that    every 
inhabitant  in  the  village  should  belong  to  some  group  (GGI,  I,  12,  13; 
II,  1,  17;  III,  1,  15,  16,  etc.).     In  many   examples,   however,  only  land- 
holders were  full  members  of  the  groups,  and  their  tenants  and  servants, 
priests   attached  to  no  temples,   and  the  like,  were  included  under  tin- 
names  of  the  owners   of  the  land  which  they  tilled  or  of  the  houses  in 
which  they  lived  (ibid.,  Mkr.,  27—29;  SDS,  I,  19). 

(55)  Edicts,  sigh-boards,  and  oral  commands.   Occasional  written  orders 
were  on  kaki-tsuke  (§0  f|  f»f)  and  on  fure-gaki  (§0  $$j  U).  (E.  g.,  KR, 
I,  Nos.  3—6,  10-12,  19—40,  etc.;   GGI,  I,  1,  II,  33,  etc.)     Some  orders 
came  to  the  Intendants   or  Bailiffs,  who  transmitted  them  orally  to  the 
village  officials  or  the  villagers  themselves.     (E.  g.,  To,  X,  463,  665,  734, 
1052,  XI,  390,  XIII,  318,  etc.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 

Public  sign-boards  (known  as  ko-satsu  or  taka-fuda,  fllj  ft,  «nd  sei- 
satsu,  ^jlj  ft<  t''1('  latter  term  being  sometimes  technically  applied  to 
written  prohibitory  orders  of  the  more  special  or  less  extensive  appli- 
cations) posted  up  in  conspicuous  places  on  streets,  roads,  or  the  coast, 
had  for  a  long  time  been  a  common  device  of  official  proclamation,  and 
were  kept  up  throughout  the  period.  (DSK,  XII.  iv,  196—197;  v,  97:5 
—974;  vi,  182;  ix,  220;  To,  X,  298,  537,  663,  669,  etc.;  Ksd,  1513—1516.) 
They  were  revised  throughout  the  Domain-lands  in  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century  and  were  thenceforth  rein-wed  at  ihe  change  of  the  year- 
period  (7C)  or  the  succession  of  the  Suzerain,  and  when  worn  out  by 
exposure.  The  nature  of  their  contents  may  be  gathered  from  the 
following  specimens,  which  were  seen  most  frequently  in  Domain-lands 
till  the  end  of  the  period.  (Tk,  VIII,  10—20;  Jg,  II,  i,  13—15;  cf.  KR, 
I.  Xos.  13—18.) 

[1]  (About  2  feet  high   ami   7   feet  long.) 

"Parent  and  child,  brothers,  husband  and  wife,  and  all  relatives,  shall 
be    harmonious;   mercy    shall   be   shown   even   unto   the   lowest  servants. 
•rvitors  shall  be  faithful  to  their  masters. 

"[Every  one]   shall  be  diligent  in  his  pursuit,  shall  not  be  idle,  and 

every  thing  shall  not  exceed  the  bounds   of  his  position  and  means. 

"Fraudulent  deeds,  unreasonable  speech,  and  whatever  else  that  might 

harm  unto  others,  are  forbidden. 

"All  kinds  of  gambling  are  strictly  forbidden. 

'•One  shall  refrain  from  making  a  quarrel  or  dispute,  and  should  one 
:-cur,  shall  not  unnecessarily  meddle  with  it.  Nor  shall  he  conceal  a 
rounded  person. 

"Needless  use  of  fire-arms  is  forbidden.    Any  one  found  violating  this 
rule  shall  be  reported.     If  one  connives  at  the   offence,  and  if  it  is  dis- 
;  «'d  from  another  source,  he  will  be  adjudged  guilty  of  a  heavy  offence. 

"If  there  be  thieves,  robbers,  or  evil  persons,  their  presence  shall  be 
reported.  The  person  reporting  will  receive  a  sure  reward. 

"Do  not  congregate  at  an  execution. 

••The  sale  and  purchase  of  persons  is  strictly  forbidden.  A  man  or 
woman  servant  may,  however,  serve  for  life  or  by  heredity,  if  that  is 
the  voluntary  agreement  of  the  parties.  If  a  hereditary  servant  or  an 
old  resident  has  gone  elsewhere  and  settled  down  there  with  his  family, 
he  shall  not  be  recalled,  unless  he  is  an  offender. 

'•The  above  articles  shall  be  observed.  Any  person  violating  them 
will  be  punished  accordingly. 

"Sho-toku  1st  year  5th  month— day,  [1771]. 

"Commissioner." 

[2]  (About  1.3  by  2.1  ft.) 

"Any  one  using  fire-arms  in  a  village  shall  be  reported.  If  a  person 
catching  birds  on  forbidden  grounds  is  arrested  or  discovered,  he  shall 
at  once  be  reported.  The  person  reporting  will  receive  a  sure  reward. 

"Kyo-ho  6th  year  2nd  month— day,  [1717]. 

"Commissioner." 

[3]  (About  1.5  by  3.6  ft.) 

"Christianity  [Catholicism]  has  for  years  been  under  prohibition.    Any 
person  shall  be  reported.    Rewards  will  be  given  as  follows: 


200  K.  Ascikawa,  [1911. 

"500  pieces  of  silver  to  a  person  reporting  a  Padre, 

"300  pieces  of  silver  to  a  person  reporting  a  Friar, 

"The  same  amount  to  a  person  reporting  a  re-convert,  and 

"100  pieces  of  silver  to  a  person  reporting  individuals  living  in  the 
same  house  with  Christians  or  reporting  converts. 

"The  reporter,  even  if  he  be  a  follower  of  the  sect,  [i.  e.,  if  he  has  re- 
canted and  reported  against  other  Catholics],  may  be  given  500  pieces 
of  silver,  according  to  the  importance  of  the  case  he  reports.  If  any  one 
harbors  a  Christian,  and  if  the  latter  is  discovered  from  other  sources, 
the  village-head  and  the  five-man  group  of  the  place  will  be  punished 
together  with  the  offenders. 

"Sho-toku  1st  year  5th  month— day,  [1711]. 

"Commissioner." 

[4]  (About  1.4  by  1.3  ft.) 

"The  assembling  of  many  peasants  for  any  kind  of  evil  purpose  is 
called  to-to  ($£  jjSi),  and  the  forcing  of  a  petition  by  a  to-to  is  go-so 
(?H  Iff)  an<l  the  desertion  of  the  village  by  them  in  concert  is  cho-ten 
(ill  $lf»  tai-teri).  All  these  offences  have  a  long  time  since  been  for- 
bidden. If  any  such  case  is  discovered  in  one's  own  or  neighbouring 
village,  it  shall  at  once  be  reported.  Reward  will  'be  given  as  follows : — 

"100  pieces  of  silver  to  a  person  reporting  a  to-to, 

"The  same  amount  to  a  person  reporting  a  go-so,  and 

"The  same  amount  to  a  person  reporting  a  cho-ten. 

"According  to  the  case,  the  privilege  of  wearing  a  sword  and  bearing 
a  family-name  may  be  granted  to  the  person  reporting.  Even  if  he 
was  one  of  the  offending  party,  he  would  receive  pardon  and  reward  if 
he  reported  the  name  of  the  leader. 

"When,  owhig  to  the  absence  of  any  one  reporting,  villages  becam^ 
restless,  if  in  that  case  there  be  any  village  that  arrested  offenders  and 
allowed  none  of  its  inhabitants  to  take  part  in  the  concert,  the  principal 
men  so  doing,  whether  village-officials  or  peasants,  would  be  rewarded 
with  pieces  of  silver  and  the  privilege  of  wearing  swords  and  using- 
family-names.  If  there  were  any  other  persons  who  assisted  in  pacify- 
ing the  village,  they  also  would  be  rewarded  accordingly. 

"Mei-wa  7th  year  4th  month,  [1770]. 

"Commissioner." 

Oral  instructions.  Besides  the  regular  oral  commands  delivered  through 
official  channels,  some  Barons  followed  the  historic  customs  of  China  of 
giving  the  people  of  the  village  moral  exhortations  through  teachers. 
These  were  usually  Confucian  scholars.  Sometimes  they  were  sent  in 
circuit  through  the  fief,  villagers  assembling  to  receive  them  and  listm 
to  their  lectures.  In  the  following  quotation  will  be  seen  the  character 
of  the  instruction.  In  1835,  some  dozen  representative  peasants  of  the 
Nagoya  fief,  regretting  that  the  custom  once  in  vogue  had  been  dis- 
continued, petitioned  that  it  be  revived,  and  said:—".  ...  If  in  plain 
language  and  with  persistence  it  were  taught  year  after  year  how  high 
was  the  virtue  of  the  founder  of  the  regime  [i.  e.,  leyasu],  how  great 
was  the  benefit  of  the  State  and  its  merciful  government,  and,  as  regards 
our  daily  conduct,  how  important  it  was  to  be  frugal,  to  practise  filial 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Rotes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  201 

piety  towards  parents  and  fraternal  respect  for  elder  brothers,  and  to  be 
diligent  in  agriculture  and  not  to  fall  into  other  occupations,  it  is  certain 
that,  by  the  grace  of  benevolent  rule,  evil  customs  would  be  changed, 
and  all  the  peasants  would  adopt  simple  and  sincere  manners.  The 
government,  also,  would  be  much  relieved  of  trouble  .  .  .  ."  (Quoted  by 
Mr.  K.  Nakamura,  8hz,  XIX,  v,  12—13.) 

(56)  Repetition    of  orders.     Cf.,  e.  g.,    Uesugi   Kagekatsu's    orders    in 
1603,    1607,   and   1608,   repeating   substantially  the   same  ideas,  in  DSR, 
XII,  i,  637;  v,  110,  831.     Group-records   often  refer  to  instructions  that 
had  frequently  been  reiterated,  (GGI,  I,  1,  6).     The  Suzerain's   govern- 
ment was  extremely  persistent,   dwelling  continually  on   identical  points 
in  language  slightly  altered  from  time  to  time,  (To,  X,  463 — 464,  665— 666? 
B72,  734—735;   XI,  41,  204,  585,  706;  XII,  99 ff.;  XIII,  162ff.,  319—320,' 
485,  697,  701,  etc.;  KRE,  3|  fit  p|5  ,    I,     195 ff.,     etc.)      See    Note    59, 
below. 

(57)  Group-records.     I  venture   the  suggestion   that  the  custom  which 
was   rather  common   among  the  warrior  class  for  men   charged  with  a 
mission    to    repeat    almost    verbatim    the    instructions  given  them,  with 
an    oath    that  they    would   be  followed,   (e.  g.,  see  DSR,  XII,  v,  319  ff., 
xi,  360ff.,  xiii.  (5*7-688;    To,  IX,  971  ff.,  etc.;    also   see  Notes  9  and   16? 
above),  was  extruded  to  the  peasant  groups,  and  became  the  origin   of 
their  records.    These  in  substance  re-stated  all  the  important  instructions 
that  had  been  repeatedly  given   to  the  village  and  enforced  through  the 
instrumentality   of  the   group,    and  was   accompanied  by  the  pledge   of 
the  peasants  to  observe  them. 

The  group-records  came  into  existence  only  by  degrees.  Professor 
Hodzumi  quotes  Mr.  Oda  as  saying  that  they  were  first  made  in  1664, 
and  adds  that  thereby  the  group  system  was  almost  perfected  (Ggs, 
8,  43),  but  I  fail  to  trace  the  first  part  of  this  statement  to  its  source, 
and  entertain  doubts  about  the  second.  The  group  system  itself  must  have 
been  far  from  being  either  universal  or  perfect  in  1664,  (see  Note  52, 
above).  As  for  the  group-record,  in  Buzen  it  seems  to  have  existed  in 
a  fairly  complete  form  in  1657,  and  thirty  years  later  was  probably 
already  so  complete  that  between  that  date  and  1836  there  was  little 
change  in  the  substance  of  the  articles  the  record  contained.  (GGI,  IV, 
22,  and  inferences  from  citations  throughout  the  work.)  As  we  note 
that  the  model  articles  for  the  group-record  compiled  by  the  Suzerain's 
.^•m  eminent  in  1725  (Ggs,  sup.  1 — 19)  are  much  the  same  as  those  of 
Buzen  in  1657  and  1687,  we  infer  that  their  substance  must  have  actually 
appeared  in  the  group-records  in  several  places  about  the  latter  dates. 
At  least,  the  practice  of  keeping  the  records  appears  to  have  pretty 
generally  prevailed  in  the  Domain-lands  in  1722.  (Cf.  edict  To,  XIII, 
749 — 750.)  In  the  Fiefs,  however,  the  group-record  was  still  unknown  in 
1737  in  some  places  even  in  provinces  nearest  Edo,  (ibid.,  1203 — 1204; 
KR,  F,  No.  57).  It  was  in  the  making  in  Yonezawa  so  late  as  1769  or 
1770,  (YZS,  89,  91).  In  1786,  there  were  some  regions  which  had  not 
yet  returned  the  religious  census  of  their  villages  (To,  XV,  783);  if  the 
performance  of  this  duty,  which  was  one  of  the  first  raisons  d'etre  of  the 
group  system,  was  still  so  remiss,  one  is  forced  to  suppose  that  the  very 


202  K.  Asakaiva,  [1911. 

system,    still    less    the    group -record,    may    have    been    but    insecurely 
established  in  those  places  at  that  late  date. 

(58)  The  reading  and  revising  of  the  group-record.    Seals.    For  difference 
in  the  frequency  of  reading,  see  GGI,  III,  6,  IV,  20—21,  22;  Ggs,  44—48, 
and  for  the  frequency  of  revision,  which  was   either  annual,  septennial, 
or    indefinite,    see   GGI,  IV,  22;   Ggs,  136.     The    suzerain's    government 
ordered,  in  1722,  that  the  articles  of  the  group-records   should  be  given 
to    pupils    in    village-schools    for    their    lessons    in    hand-writing.     (To, 
XIII,  749.) 

Seals.  Each  person  had  an  officially  registered  seal  of  his  own,  which 
alone  had  to  be  used  by  him  on  all  occasions.  Every  change  of  a  seal 
was  to  be  immediately  reported  to  the  village-head.  A  person's  name 
on  a  document  was  not  always  signed  by  him,  but  under  it  he  affixed 
his  seal  with  his  own  hand.  Though  repeatedly  warned,  however, 
peasants  were  often  inclined  to  leave  their  seals  with  village-officials 
and  authorize  them  to  use  them  when  necessary.  Counterfeiting  another 
person's  seal  and  drawing  with  it  a  false  document  was  punishable  with 
decapitation  with  exposure  of  the  person  before  execution  and  of  the 
head  afterward.  (GGI,  I,  11,  22;  II,  13—14,  28;  KR,  II,  No.  62;  TK, 
II,  iii,  485—500.) 

(59)  Laws   for    the  peasants.     An    attempt  is  made  in  the   following 
summary   to   state,  not  topically,   but  chronologically,   such    orders   and 
instructions  as  were  given  by  the  Suzerain's  government  to  the  peasants 
of  the  Domain-lands.    It  is  hoped  that  this  summary  given  in  this  form 
may  be  found  useful  to  the  student  whose  interest  is  more  than  merely 
institutional.     (For  specimens  of  group -records,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Smw,  177—210.    For  modern  survivals,  G-8,  MK,  MO,  00.) 

(I)  1603.     An  edict  to  the  villages.     (TKR,  I,  v,  226.) 

(I)  Peasants  who  have  run  away  dissatisfied  with   the  government  of 
an  official  shall  not  be  restored. 

[2]  Peasants  with  taxes  in  arrear  shall  pay  them  in  the  presence  of 
the  Intendant. 

[3]  Peasants  shall  not  be  killed.  If  one  has  committed  an  offence,  he 
shall  be  arrested  and  examined  at  the  Intendant's  office. 

(II)  1603.     An  edict  to  the  villages.     (Ibid.,  227.) 

[1]  Peasants  running  away  dissatisfied  with  the  government  of  an 
official  may  pay  dues  and  live  in  any  place  in  a  neighboring  district. 

[2]  If  an  unjust  official  holds  a  personal  hostage  from  a  peasant,  the 
atter  may  appeal  directly  to  Edo.  Otherwise  direct  appeals  are  for- 
bidden. 

[3]  How  could  the  Edo  government  know  details  of  local  taxation? 
Appeals  about  taxation  are  forbidden. 

[4]  An  appeal  against  an  official  may  be  made  only  with  full  pre- 
paration to  leave  his  district. 

[5]  An  appeal  shall  not  be  presented  to  Edo  before  the  Intendant 
has  been  petitioned  two  or  three  times.  A  direct  appeal  may  be  made, 
however,  if  it  contains  complaint  against  the  Intendant. 

(III)  1608.     An  edict  to  the  villages.     (Ibid.,  228.) 
[1]  (The  same  as  [I,  1].) 


Vol.  xxxi.j      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 

[2]  (The  same  as  [I,  2].) 

[3]  (The  same  as  [II,  4].) 

[4]  (Similar  to  [II,  3].) 

[5]  (The  same  as  [II,  2]  and  the  first  half  of  [5].) 

[6]  (The  same  as  the  last  half  of  [II,  5].) 

[7]  (The  same  as  [I,  3].) 

(IV)  1616.     (Ibid.,  229.) 

[1]  Henceforth,  when  commuting  the  land-tax  in  money,  the  rate 
sliail  be  on  the  basis  of  3  to  7  slid  (about  1.8  bushels)  to  a  straw-bag 
of  rice. 

1 21  The  kuchi-mai  (P  ?R)  shall  be  1  sho  for  a  straw-bag. 

[3]  If  commuted,  the  kuchi-sen  ( P  §31)  shall  be  3  per  cent. 

<Y)  1<>2<>.     An  edict.     (To,  X,  64—65.) 

[1]  A  person  finding  hawks  in  nest  [in  a  place  reserved  for  hawks] 
will  lie  rewarded,  and  his  five-man  group  will  be  excused  from  keeping 
watch  over  the  place.  A  person  finding  a  new  nest  will  receive  a  double 
reward. 

[2]  Any  one  stealing  young  hawks  from  a  nest  [in  a  reserved  place] 
will,  with  his  relatives,  be  beheaded,  and  his  five-man  group  will  be 
imprisoned.  A  person  arresting  and  reporting  him  will,  even  if  he  was 
in  collusion  with  him,  be  pardoned  and  rewarded  with  fifty  pieces  of  gold. 

(VI)  1628.    An  edict.     (Ibid,  126;  TKR,  I,  v,  230.) 

The  peasant  shall  use  only  grass  cloths  and  cotton  cloths  for  their 
clothes,  but  their  wives  and  daughters  and  village-heads  may  use  pongee, 
but  nothing  of  better  qualities. 

(VII)  1637.     An    edict    to    the   Intendants    and  Bailiffs    in    the   eight 
Kwanto  provinces.  Kai,  Shinano,  and  Idzu.     (To,  X,  463—464;  TKR,  I, 
v,  231.) 

[1]  Examine  the  five-man  groups  with  ever  increasing  zeal. 

[2]  Examine  each  district  separately,  so  that  there  may  be  no  bad  man. 
If  a  wicked  man  is  discovered,  not  only  his  five-man  group,  but  all  the 
district,  may  be  punished,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case. 

[3]  Do  not  lodge  a  suspicious  stranger.  If  after  lodging  a  stranger 
he  is  found  suspicious,  the  case  shall  be  reported  to  the  five-man  group 
and  village-officials. 

[4]  If  there  be  persons  wishing  to  settle  in  the  district  or  in  a  newly 
opened  place,  their  character  and  origin  shall  be  investigated,  and  per- 
mission  be  given  only  to  trustworthy  persons. 

1 5]  If  a  peasant  wishes  to  go  elsewhere  as  servant  or  for  a  commer- 
cial transaction,  lie  shall  report  his  destination  to  the  five-man  group 
and  village-officials. 

[6]  If  there  be  a  robber  or  any  other  wicked  man,  his  presence  shall 
at  once  be  reported.  Even  an  accomplice  will  be  pardoned  if  he  so 
reports.  If  the  offender  is  concealed  and  is  discovered  through  other 
sources  of  information,  the  five-man  group  and  even  village-officials  may 
be  punMii-d  after  examination.  If  a  revenge  from  an  accomplice  or 
relative  is  {'eared,  the  report  shall  be  made  secretly;  the  authorities  will 
reward  the  person  reporting,  and  strictly  command  the  offender  not  to 
avenge  himself  on  him. 


204  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

[7]  If  a  suspicious  character  is  found  in  hiding  in  a  temple  or  wood, 
the  village-officials  and  peasants  shall  arrest  and  deliver  him  to  the  In- 
tendant  or  Bailiff,  or,  if  that  is  impossible,  pursue  and  arrest  him  where 
he  stops.  It  is  an  offence  to  allow  him  to  make  his  escape. 

[8]  "When  a  wicked  man  is  found  in  a  village,  an  alarm  shall  be  struck, 
and  peasants  from  neighboring  villages  shall  come  together  and  arrest 
him.  A  peasant  not  coming  to  take  part  in  the  arrest  will  be  punished 
after  examination.  If  the  Intendant  or  Bailiff  is  absent,  the  arrested 
offender  shall  be  taken  to  Edo.  The  expenses  therefor  will  be  paid  by 
the  government. 

(VIII)  1642.    An  edict  to  villages.     (To,  X,  665;  TKR,  I,  v,  233.) 
[1]  (The   same  as    [VI].)     Materials    of   better  qualities   shall  not   be 

used  even  for  collars  and  sashes. 

[2]  Festivals  and  Buddhist  rituals  shall  be  simple. 

[3]  Palanquins  shall  not  be  used  in  wedding. 

[4]  Blanket  shall  not  be  put  over  a  saddle. 

[5]  A  house  unsuitable  to  one's  position  shall  not  be  built. 

[6]  Tobacco  shall  not  be  planted  on  registered  land,  whether  in  a 
Domain-land  or  in  a  Fief. 

[7]  Every  village  shall  plant  trees  and  build  up  forests. 

(IX)  1642.    An  edict  to  the  Intendants.     (Ibid.) 

[1]  All  the  previous  laws  issued  for  the  peasants  shall  be  strictly 
enforced. 

[2]  From  this  year,  the  villages  shall  not  brew  sake-  Those  who  are 
licensed  to  sell  sake  on  the  high  roads  may  sell  it  to  travellers,  but  not 
to  peasants. 

[3]  Instruct  the  peasants  to  mix  other  cereals  with  rice  for  their 
meals,  and  to  save  as  much  rice  as  possible. 

[4]  Rice  for  the  taxes  shall  not  be  broken  or  poor  rice. 

[5]  Accounts  of  the  expenditures  of  the  villages  shall  be  made  by 
them,  with  the  seals  of  the  village-heads  and  chiefs  affixed  thereto. 
They  shall  be  examined  and  returned  to  the  villages  with  the  seals  of 
the  Intendants'  assistants  affixed. 

[6]  Fish-mongers  and  collectors  of  contributions  to  temples  shall  not 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  villages. 

(X)  1642.    An  edict  to  villages.     (To,  X,  672.) 
[1]  Let  no  weed  grow  in  the  fields. 

[2]  If  there  is  a  sick  orphan  or  solitary  person,  or  a  family  with  too 
few  members  to  cultivate  its  land,  the  whole  village  shall  offer  help. 
[3]  Irrigation  shall  be  constantly  taken  care  of. 

(XI)  1644.    An  edict  to  the  Intendants.     (Ibid.,  734.) 
[1]  (The  same  as  [IX,  1].) 

[2]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  7].)    Plant  bamboos  also. 

[3]  Help  peasants,  and  encourage  diligence,  honesty,  and  frugality. 
See  that  they  are  not  remiss  in  their  public  obligations  and  do  not 
incur  debts. 

[4]  Take  a  good  care  of  water-courses,  repairing  embankments  and 
dredging  rivers  every  year  in  due  season. 

[5]  Secret  debts  and  sales  are  forbidden. 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 

[6]  Secret  cultivation  is  forbidden.  A  place  intended  for  new  culti- 
vation shall  be  reported. 

[7]  Tax-rice  shall  not  be  sold  in  the  districts  without  an  official  order. 

[8]  In  the  KwantO  provinces,  each  straw-bag  of  tax-rice  shall  contain 
3  to  7  sho  (about  1.8  bushels),  including  1  sho  of  kuchi-mai',  when  the  tax 
is  commuted  in  money,  the  kuchi-sen  shall  be  3  per  cent.  In  the  Kwansei 
provinces,  a  koku  (4.963  bushels)  of  tax-rice  shall  include  3  sho  (i.  e.,  3  o/0) 
of  the  kuchi-mai.  There  shall  be  no  further  dues. 

[9]  In  order  that  the  laws  will  be  observed,  an  annual  instruction 
shall  be  given  regarding  the  five-man  group.  A  special  care  shall  be 
taken,  as  heretofore,  of  the  exclusion  of  Catholics.  Examine  every  sus- 
picious inhabitant,  not  excepting  ascetics  and  beggars. 

[10]  When  taxes  are  transported  in  boats,  the  captains  shall  be  care- 
fully instructed  not  to  be  dishonest. 

[11]  The  assessment  of  the  rice-tax  shall  be  shown  annually  to  the 
peasants,  and  receive  their  seals.  The  record  of  the  returns  of  the  tax 
shall  be  certified  by  village-officials,  and  the  latter  shall  give  receipts 
to  the  tax-paying  peasants.  The  record  shall  be  certified  by  the  In- 
tendant's  clerk. 

[12]  (The  same  as  [IX,  5].) 

(XII)  1644.    An  oral  order  to  the  Intendants.    (Ibid.,  735.) 

That  the  luxury  of  peasants  in  dwelling  and  clothing  should  be 
stopped;  that  cultivated  land  should  not  be  laid  waste;  etc. 

(XIII)  1649.    An  edict  to  villages.    (To,  X,  965 ff.;  TKR,  I,  v,  242  ff.) 
[1]  Peasants  shall  obey  the  laws,  respect  the  Bailiff  or  Intendant,  and 

be  toward  the  village-officials  as  toward  the  parents. 

[2]  The  village-officials  shall  respect  the  Bailiff  or  Intendant,  shall 
not  delay  the  collection  of  the  taxes,  shall  not  break  laws,  and  shall 
instruct  small  peasants  to  be  good.  As  the  peasants  would  not  do 
service  to  the  government,  if  the  order  were  given  them  by  bad  village- 
officials,  the  officials  shall  always  be  upright,  impartial,  and  considerate. 

[3]  Weed  and  hoe  the  fields.  Plant  beans  and  pease  between  wet  or 
upland  fields.  Rise  early,  work  in  the  field  during  the  day,  and  make 
rope  and  straw-bags  in  the  evening.  Do  not  be  slack  in  whatever  one 
does.  Do  not  buy  and  drink  sake  and  tea.  Plant  bamboos  and  trees 
near  the  house,  and  use  lower  branches  as  fuel.  Select  good  seeds  in 
early  autumn.  Mend  or  change  sickles  and  spade  every  year  before  the 
llth  day  of  the  first  month.  Make  manure  of  horses'  and  human  refuse, 
ashes,  and  hay. 

[4]  Peasants  are  too  imprudent  to  think  of  the  future,  and  recklessly 
eat  up  rice  and  other  grains  in  autumn.  Always  spare  food  as  in  the 
first  three  months  of  the  year;  raise  barley,  millet,  lettuce,  daikon,  and 
other  crops,  and  save  rice.  If  one  remembers  a  famine,  he  shall  not 
waste  an  edible  leaf  or  stem.  Every  one  in  the  house^  shall  eat  as 
simply  as  possible  at  usual  times,  but  shall  have  plenty  to  eat  at  the 
seasons  of  hard  work. 

[5]  Make  every  effort  to  get  good  oxen  and  horses,  for  the  better 
these  animals,  the  more  hay  they  tread  for  manure. 

[6]  The  wife  shall  weave  diligently,  and  assist  the  husband  till  night. 

TOL.  XXXI.    Part  II.  14 


206  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

A  wife  shall  be  divorced  who,  though  beautiful,  neglects  her  husband 
and  spends  time  in  eating,  drinking,  and  seeking  pleasures;  but  if  she 
has  many  children,  or  has  done  special  service  to  the  husband,  she  may 
not  be  divorced.  An  ugly  wife  who  is  economical  shall  not  be  divorced. 

[7]  An  outlawed  warrior  of  uncertain  origin  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
live  in  the  village.  Do  not  harbor  robbers'  accomplices  or  other  lawless 
men.  for  their  discovery  would  involve  the  village  in  trouble  and  expense. 

[8]  In  order  to  be  thought  well  of  by  village-officials,  rich  peasants, 
and  all  other  people  in  the  village,  one  shall  be  honest  in  every  thing, 
and  shall  not  entertain  evil  thoughts. 

[9]  (The  same  as  [VI].) 

[10]  In  household  economy  one  shall  have  a  little  idea  of  the  merchant, 
so  that  he  would  not  be  imposed  upon  when  buying  or  selling  grains 
for  taxes. 

[11]  If  a  poor  peasant  has  many  children,  some  of  them  shall  be  given 
or  be  hired  out. 

[12]  The  courtyard  before  the  peasant  house  shall  be  open  toward  the 
south  and  be  well  swept  over,  in  order  that  sand  would  not  be  mixed 
into  the  grains  when  they  are  thrashed  and  dressed  here. 

[13]  Consult  experienced  men,  and  raise  only  what  is  suitable  to 
the  soil. 

[14]  It  would  greatly  benefit  the  people  if  barley  was  planted  wherever 
possible.  If  one  district  planted  barley,  neighboring  districts  would 
follow  the  example. 

[15]  Apply  cauterization  with  moxa  in  Spring  and  Autumn,  so  as  to 
prevent  diseases. 

[16]  Do  not  use  tobacco,  for  it  is  injurious  to  health,  wasteful  of  time 
and  money,  and  liable  to  cause  fires. 

[17]  As  soon  as  a  notice  of  the  tax  for  the  year  is  received,  the 
peasant  shall  devote  his  energy  to  cultivation,  so  that  the  crop  might 
exceed  the  tax.  If  it  is  evident  that  the  crop  would  be  insufficient,  he 
should  borrow  the  balance  before  the  rate  of  interest  rises  at  the  end 
of  the  tax-paying  season.  It  would  be  wasteful  to  wait  borrowing  a 
little  rice  till  the  village  has  used  much  of  the  harvest  in  taxes,  and  to 
be  obliged  to  sell  clothes  and  implements  at  unreasonably  low  prices  or 
to  borrow  at  a  high  rate  of  interest.  It  is  wise  to  deliver  tax-rice 
promptly,  for  it  might  be  diminished  by  mice,  robbery  or  fire,  while  in 
hoarding. 

[18]  Rice  shall  be  well  dried  before  it  is  hulled,  or  it  would  crack 
and  decrease  in  quantity. 

[19]  Consider  the  great  importance  of  industrious  and  saving  habits. 
For  example,  if  an  idle  man  borrowed  only  two  straw-bags  of  rice  for 
his  tax,  the  principal  and  interest  would  in  five  years  be  fifteen  straw- 
bags,  when  he  would  be  obliged  to  sell  his  land,  his  family  and  himself, 
and  involve  his  children  in  misery;  whereas,  if  he  saved  two  rice  bags 
each  year,  the  principle  and  interest  would  in  ten  years  be  117  bags. 

[20]  (The  same  as  [X,  2].) 

[21]  Though  a  poor  peasant  may  be  looked  down  upon  by  his  neigh- 
bors, village-officials  and  every  one  else  would  alter  their  treatment  of  him, 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan. 

if  he  improved  his  condition  by  industry,  and  he  would  be  raised  to  a 
higher  seat.  On  the  contrary,  one  would  be  despised  if  he  became  poor, 
however  rich  he  may  have  been.  Therefore,  be  industrious  and  well- 
beh&ving. 

[22]  If  there  is  one  nuui  who  has  become  rich  through  honest  industry, 
the  village,  and  even  the  whole  district  and  neighboring  districts,  would 
be  influenced  by  his  example.  Bailiffs  change,  but  peasants  find  a 
greater  advantage  in  not  changing  their  homes.  How  great  a  benefit  it 
would  then  be  to  improve  one's  own  estate ! 

If  there  were  only  one  lawless  man  in  a  village,  the  whole  village 
might  become  restless  and  quarrelsome.  It  would  cause  annoyance  and 
expense  to  the  village  to  arrest  offenders  and  take  them  to  the  author- 
Therefore,  care  should  be  taken  to  prevent  such  misfortune.  That 
de] lends  on  tin;  Village-Head,  who  shall  always  instruct  the  small  peasants 
in  the  right  path. 

[23]  Be  in  harmony  with  neighboring  villages,  and  do  not  quarrel 
or  dispute  with  other  fiefs. 

[24]  Have  a  deep  filial  regard  for  the  parents.  If,  as  the  first  prin- 
ciple of  filial  piety,  one  kept  himself  in  good  health,  abstained  from 
drinking  or  quarreling,  behaved  himself  properly,  and  respected  elder 
brothers,  pitied  the  younger,  and  all  brothers  lived  in  concord,  the  parents 
would  be  especially  glad.  Such  a  person  would  be  protected  by  Shinto 
and  Buddhist  deities,  and  his  harvest  would  be  plentiful.  However 
anxious  to  show  filial  regard  to  the  parents,  one  would  find  it  difficult, 
if  he  were  poor.  If  poor  and  consequently  ill,  he  might  become  ill- 
natured,  steal,  break  law,  and  be  imprisoned,  and  then  how  the  parents 
would  grieve!  His  family  and  relatives  would  also  be  thrown  into  grief 
and  shame.  Hence,  it  is  wise  to  be  thoroughly  honest  and  industrious. 

[25]  AVhen  money  and  rice  and  other  cereals  are  saved,  dwelling,  food, 
and  clothes  would  be  procured  as  one  wishes.  In  this  peaceful  age, 
there  is  no  danger  that  savings  might  be  taken  away  by  an  avaricious 
Intendant  or  Bailiff,  but,  on  the  contrary,  they  would  insure  the  family 
of  their  owner  against  famines  and  other  emergencies,  and  secure  the 
wealth  of  his  descendants. 

[2H]  Xo  class  of  people  is  so  secure  and  peaceful  as  the  peasants,  so 
l«»nir  as  they  render  their  taxes.  They  shall  thoroughly  understand  this 
truth,  and  instruct  it  to  their  children,  and  zealously  pursue  their  calling. 

(XIV)  1650.     An  edict  to  Intendants  and  Bailiffs  of  the  eight  Kwanto 
provinces.     (To,  X,  1052.) 

N<>  peasant  shall  own  a  fire-arm.  No  fire-arms  shall  be  used,  except 
by  licensed  hunters,  even  in  the  woods  where  firing  has  been  permitted. 
A  person  reporting  an  offender  against  this  law  will  be  rewarded,  even 
if  he  was  an  accomplice.  Concealment  will  involve  the  five-man  group 
and  village-officials  in  punishment,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  case. 

(XV)  1657.    An  edict  to  the  Kwanto  provinces.   (There  had  been  many 
robbers  roaming  about  Katsu.a.     Jo,  XI,  204—206;  TKR,  I,  v,  249.) 

[1]  (The  same  as  [VII,  1].) 
[2]  (Similar  to  [VII,  6].) 

[3]  (The  same  as  [VII,  5]).  when  staying  out  even  over  one  night. 

14 


208  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

[4]  (The  same  as  [VII,  3]  and  [XIII,  7].)  As  priests,  ascetics,  men- 
dicant priests,  beggars,  and  outcasts,  may  lodge  robbers  or  be  their 
accomplices,  they  shall  not  be  allowed  to  Remain,  if  they  are  not  of 
certain  origin  or  if  they  have  no  acquaintances  in  the  village. 

[5]  There  shall  be  watch-houses  at  suitable  places  in  villages,  to  keep 
night  watch  for  robbers.  On  the  appearance  of  one,  an  alarm  shall  be 
struck.  (The  rest  the  same  as  [VII,  8].) 

[6]  (The  same  as  [VII,  7].) 

[7]  (The  same  as  [XIV].) 

[8]  The  stealing  of  horses  is  said  to  be  frequent.  An  unknown 
character  passing  through  the  village  with  a  horse  shall  be  requested  to 
tell  his  destination.  If  he  appears  suspicious,  his  passing  shall  be 
notified  by  the  village  to  the  next,  and  so  on.  Do  not  buy  a  horse 
without  certain  recommendations. 

(XVI)  1661.    An  edict  to  all  the  Barons.     (To,  XI,  390.) 

On  this  occasion  of  the  change  of  the  year-period,  public  sign-boards 
prohibiting  Christianity  shall  be  renewed.  Judging  from  the  occasional 
arrests  of  Christians  still  taking  place  in  many  places,  it  is  surmised 
that  any  region  might  yet  contain  Christians.  *  Continue  a  diligent 
search  throughout  the  Fiefs.  For  this  purpose,  peasants  and  merchants 
shall  be  organized  into  five-man  groups.  If  a  Christian  is  discovered  in 
a  village  or  town  from  another  source  of  information,  its  officials  may 
be  punished  after  examination. 

(XVII)  1666.    Instructions  to  all  the  villages  [in  the  Domain-lands?]. 
(To,  XI,  585 if.;  TKR,  I,  v.  251  ff.) 

[1]  (The  same  as  [IX,  1].) 

[2]  All  sale*  of  persons  are  forbidden.  Personal  service  may  be  hired 
for  periods  less  than  ten  years. 

[3]  Places  reserved  for  hawking  shall  be  strictly  guarded,  and  roads 
and  bridges  in  them  repaired. 

[4]  Keturns  of  taxes  should  be  forwarded  from  point  to  point  with 
promptness. 

[5]  (The  same  as  [XVI].); 

[6]  (The  same  as  [VII,  3,  5,  7,  8].) 

[7]  If  a  villager  is  accidentally  wounded,  it  shall  at  once  be  reported. 
If  a  traveller  quarrelled  with  another,  or  ran  away  after  killing  him, 
his  passing  into  a  next  village  shall  be  reported  to  the  latter's  officials, 
and  their  certificate  of  the  report  be  asked  for.  It  is  an  offence  to  kill 
the  murderer  privately. 

[8]  A  permanent  sale  of  cultivated  land  is  forbidden.  The  village- 
officials  and  five-man  groups  shall  put  their  seals  on  every  deed  of 
mortgage.  Any  of  them  refusing  to  affix  his  seal  will  be  punished.  A 
mortgage  effected  without  these  seals  is  illegal,  and  even  the  village- 
head  and  five-man  group  will  be  punished  therefor. 

[9]  It  is  forbidden  to  evict  peasants  and  seize  their  lands.  If  there 
is  no  son  to  succeed  to  a  deceased  peasant's  estate,  the  case  shall  be 
reported,  and  a  relative,  whether  man  or  woman,  shall  be,  with  official 
sanction,  set  up  as  successor.  It  is  an  offence  to  destroy  the  house, 
absorb  the  land,  and  obliterate  the  estate. 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  209 

[10]  (The  same  as  [X,  2].) 

[11]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  1,  5].)  The  purple  and  scarlet  colors  on 
clothes  are  forbidden,  but  other  colors  may  be  used  at  will. 

[12]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  3].) 

[13]  (The  same  as  [IX,  3].) 

[14]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  2].) 

[15]  Not  a  horse  and  not  a  man  shall  be  furnished  to  a  man  provided 
with  no  ticket  issued  by  due  authorities. 

[16]  Disputes  about  water  and  bounderies  shall  be  referred  to  the 
authorities,  and  shall  not  be  agitated  privately. 

[17]  Do  not  secretly  make  new  coins,  or  use  illegal  coins. 

[18]  All  kinds  of  gambling  are  forbidden. 

[19]  Persons  who  are  inharmonious  with  their  families  and  cause 
dissention  in  the  villages  shall  be  reported. 

[20]  No  money,  rice,  or  other  article  shall  be  handed  to  any  official 
or  person  whatsoever  who  is  unable  to  show  a  proper  certificate. 

[21]  Any  Bailiff,  Intendant,  or  village-official  doing  the  slightest  in- 
justice to  peasants  shall  at  once  be  reported. 

[22]  Do  not  conceal  land,  old  or  new,  [from  assessment  for  taxation]. 

[23]  Land  that  has  long  lain  waste  or  virgin  soil  shall,  with  official 
sanction,  be  cultivated 

[24]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  6].) 

[25]  Do  not  cut  down  trees  and  bamboos  even  for  urgent  need  with- 
out official  pei-mission. 

[26]  It  is  forbidden  to  sell  a  house  recently  built  and  build  another. 

[27]  When  an  official  visits  a  village,  he  shall  not  be  entertained 
with  anything  specially  bought,  shall  pay  for  everything  he  needs 
and  get  a  receipt  therefor,  and  shall  receive  no  presents  from  the 
village-head  or  a  peasant.  If  he  annoys  peasants,  the  case  shall  be 
reported. 

[28]  Fires  shall  be  carefully  prevented,  and,  if  one  takes  place,  it 
shall  be  speedily  extinguished.  Any  man  tardy  in  coming  out  will  be 
examined  and  punished. 

[29]  Storehouses  in  charge  of  villages  shall  be  protected  from  fires 
and  robbery. 

[30]  Dikes  and  water-gates  shall  not  be  opened  without  order.  If 
they  break  from  neglect  and  cause  damages,  the  entire  village  will  be 
punished. 

[31]  If  a  peasant  owing  taxes  runs  away,  his  five-man  group  or  the 
entire  village  shall  pay  the  taxes  and  search  for  him. 

[32]  An  article  offered  at  a  price  lower  than  the  current  price  shall 
not  be  bought  without  a  guarantee.  No  suspicious  goods  shall  be 
bought. 

[33]  (Similar  to  [IX,  2].) 

(XVIII)  1668.    An  edict.     (To,  XI,  639.) 

[1]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  5].)  Hotels  on  high  roads  are  exceptions  to 
this  rule. 

[2]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  1].)  Use  plain  colors  other  than  purple  and 
scarlet,  without  patterns. 


210  K.  Asahawa,  [1911. 

[3]  (The  same  as  [IX,  3].) 

[4]  Neither  the  village-head  nor  the  peasant  shall  ride  in  a  palanquin. 

[5]  Wrestling,  no  dance,  puppet  show,  and  other  public  amusements, 
are  strictly  forbidden. 

[6]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  2].)  Extravagance  shall  be  avoided  at  wedd- 
ing or  other  joyous  occasions. 

(XIX)  1670.    An  order.     (To,  XI,  706.) 

[I]  (The  same  as  [VIII,  5].) 
[2]  (The  same  as  [XVIII,  2].) 

[3]  Do  not  sell  in  the  village  vermicelli,  buckwheat  cakes,  manju.  to  fit, 
and  other  things  the  making  of  which  wastes  cereals. 

[4]  (The  same  as  [IX,  2].) 

[5]  Cultivate,  weed,  and  manure  the  fields  with  care. 

[6]  (The  same  as  [X,  2].) 

[7]  There  shall  be  no  delay  in  paying  taxes. 

[8]  (The  same  as  [XVIII/4].) 

[9]  No  strangers  who  do  not  cultivate  shall  be  allowed  to  stay  in  the 
village.  If  any  one  conceals  such  a  person,  he  will  be  examined  and 
punished. 

[10]  Nor  shall  a  peasant  who  has  run  away  from  a  judicial  contest 
be  concealed.  The  person  harboring  him  shall  be  examined  and  punished. 

[II]  (The  same  as  [XVIII,  6].) 

(XX)  1670.     An  order.     (To,  XVI,  706—707.) 

A  peasant's  petition  shall  be  presented  to  the  Interidant  or  Bailiff;  if 
the  Intendant  fails  to  give  justice,  the  peasant  may  bring  his  petition  to 
Edo,  after  notifying  the  Intendant  of  his  intention.  If  the  petitioner  failed 
to  give  this  notice,  his  case,  however  just,  would  not  be  entertained.  In 
the  [eighteen]  principal  fiefs,  the  Baron's  decisions  shall  be  final. 

(XXI)  1682.     Public  sign-boards.     (To,  XII,  99—100.) 

(The  same  as  Note  55,  [1],  above,  except  the  part  of  the  last  article 
which  deals  with  the  period  of  personal  service.)  Men-servants  and 
maid-servants  shall  not  be  hired  for  longer  periods  than  ten  years. 

(XXII)  1682.     Public  sign-boards.     (Ibid.,  100.) 
(The  same  as  Note  55,  [3],  above.) 

(XXIII)  1682.    Public  sign-boards.     (Ibid.,  100.) 

[1]  The  sale  and  purchase  of  poisons  and  counterfeit  drugs  are  for- 
bidden under  penalty.  A  person  reporting  an  offence  against  this  law, 
even  if  he  was  an  accomplice,  will  be  rewarded. 

[2]  Transactions  in  false  coins  are  forbidden. 

[3]  Do  not  deal  in  recently  published  books  containing  uncertain 
matters. 

[4]  It  is  forbidden  to  comer  a  commodity,  to  force  up  its  prize  by 
concert,  and  to  raise  wages  likewise. 

[5]  All  kinds  of  the  assembling  of  peasants  under  oath  will  be  severely 
punished. 

(XXIV)  1711.    Public  sign-boards.     (To,  XIII,  162.) 
(Identical  with  Note  55,  [1],  above.) 

(XXV)  1711.    Public  sign-boards.     (Ibid.,  162—163.) 
(The  same  as  [XXIII].) 


Vol.  xxxi.j      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  211 

(XXVI)  1711.    Public  sign-boards.    (Ibid.,  163.) 
(The  same  as  Note  55,  [3],  above.) 

(XXVII)  1713.     Instructions   to    the    peasants    in    the    Domain-lands. 
(Ibid.,  319— Sal;  TKR,  I,  v,  258  ff.;  GK,  No.  1:J.) 

[1]  Despite  tho  minute  instructions  already  given,  villages  have 
recently  become  more  or  less  lawless  and  disorderly,  peasants  neglecting 
their  work  and  indulging  in  luxuries.  They  are  extravagant  in  dwelling, 
clothing  and  food,  raise  useless  plants  in  places  where  grain  should  be 
raised,  and,  contrary  to  law,  divide  estates  smaller  than  ten  koku  of 
productive  power.  Henceforth,  the  Village-Head  and  all  the  peasants 
shall  observe  all  the  laws  previously  issued,  avoid  all  luxury,  and  devote 
all  energy  to  agriculture. 

[J]  Recently,  at  the  examination  of  land  by  the  Intendant,  villagers 
bribe  his  assistants,  in  order  to  secure  low  values  attached  to  the  land, 
and  consequently  tax-returns  have  decreased  year  by  year,  until  in  some 
places  they  are  less  than  a  half  of  their  former  amount.  Nevertheless, 
tlii>M  places  do  not  seem  to  become  richer,  for  the  result  is  said  to  be 
due  to  continual  corrupt  practices  of  the  lower  officials.  For  the  people 
in  the  Suzerain(5^)'s  Domains  who  till  the  Suzerain(£V)'s  land  and  thereby 
support  their  families  and  dependents  in  security,  not  to  render  taxes 
according  to  their  means,  but  to  squander  wealth  for  private  affairs,  is 
very  foolish  conduct.  The  Intendants  will  henceforth  supervise  all  finan- 
cial matters,  and  their  assistants  have  been  instructed  not  to  receive 
bribes,  under  a  severe  penalty.  The  peasants  shall,  therefore,  devote 
their  energies  to  cultivation,  shall  not  be  remiss  in  returning  taxes,  and 
shall  report  an  unjust  assistant  to  the  Intendant.  Village-Heads  are  also 
reforted  to  be  partial  and  corrupt.  Henceforth,  both  the  giver  and  the 
receiver  of  a  bribe  will  be  punished  alike. 

[3]   (The  same  as  [IX,  5],  [XI,  11],  with  a  reminder  of  recent  laxity.) 

[4]  (The  same  as  [XVII,  25],  with  a  reminder  of  recent  abuses.) 

[5]  (The  same  as  [XI,  4],  with  a  reminder  of  recent  instances  of  farm- 
ing out  the  work  to  unscrupulous  contractors.) 

[6]  Some  District-Heads  have  become  avaricious  and  arrogant.  Their 
office  shall  henceforth  be  abolished,  and  all  village  affairs  shall  be  in 
charge  of  the  Head  and  five-man  groups  of  each  village.  Places  that 
cannot  dispense  with  District-Heads  shall  consult  the  Intendant. 

[7]  Village-officials  are  expected  to  advise  peasants  to  adjust  their 
differences  as  far  as  possible  by  mutual  conciliation,  but  shall  not  sup- 
press petitions  which  must  be  heard  by  the  authorities. 

[8]  It  is  reported  that  lower  officials  of  the  storehouses  of  Edo  detain 
peasants  unnecessarily  long  when  the  latter  come  to  deliver  tax-rice, 
and  that,  when  peasants  come  to  Edo  for  presenting  petitions,  an  In- 
tendant's  assistant  compells  them  to  stay  at  the  house  of  his  acquain- 
tance at  an  unreasonable  cost.  All  these  cases,  of  whatever  nature, 
shall  be  reported  to  the  Intendant. 

[9]  Peasants  frequently  bribe  officials  for  various  purposes,  as,  for  in- 
stance, when  they  fear  that  their  village  might  be  incorporated  into  a 
neighboring  Fief,  but  as  the  affairs  of  the  government  cannot  be  ex- 


212  K  Asakaiva,  [1911. 

pected  to  be  changed   by   bribery,  peasants    should   not   listen    to    the 
argument  of  any  person  whatsoever  seeking  bribes. 

[10]  If  the  peasants  concealed  wrongs  committed  by  an  unjust  Vil- 
lage-Head or  assistant  of  the  Intendant,  and  thereby  caused  their  own 
difficulties  to  multiply,  the  persons  concealing  would  be  punished  to- 
gether with  the  offender. 

(XXVIII)  1716.    An  edict.     (To,  XIII,  485.) 
[1]  (The  same  as  [XIII,  2].     Cf.  [XXI].) 

[2]  (The  same  as  [VII,  3],  [XIII,  7],  [XV,  4].) 

[3]  (The  same  as  [XVII.  3].)  It  has  been  forbidden  for  the  mort- 
gager, instead  of  the  mortgagee,  to  pay  the  dues  levied  on  the  land  on 
mortgage. 

(XXIX)  1721.    An  edict  to  the  Intendants.     (Ibid.,  XIII,  701.) 

[1]  The  land  that  has  been  laid  waste  shall  be  again  cultivated  by 
the  owner.  If  he  is  unable  to  do  so,  the  entire  village  shall  assist  him; 
if  the  work  is  too  difficult  for  the  village,  the  Intendant  shall  supply 
the  balance  of  the  expense;  and  if  that  is  still  inadequate,  the  case  shall 
be  reported  to  Edo.  Newly  opened  land  shall  be  exempt  from  taxation 
from  two  to  five  years,  after  which  its  productive  power  shall  be  examined 
and  the  rate  of  the  tax  determined.  A  careful  investigation  shall  be 
made  as  to  whether  there  is  not  still  some  waste  land  capable  of  re- 
cultivation. 

[2]  Peasants  who  have  served  under  warriors  in  Edo  are  often  reported 
to  wear  swords  after  returning  to  the  village.  This  shall  be  stopped,  on 
the  Village-Head's  responsibility. 

[3]  It  is  forbidden  to  start  a  new  trade,  excepting  that  of  the  fisher- 
men and  hunters  who  sell  their  fish  and  game  for  livelihood.  « 

[4]  The  building  of  a  new  Shinto  temple  and  the  making  of  a  new 
Buddhist  image,  as  well  as  gambling,  habitual  indulgence  in  amusement, 
unsuitable  customs,  and  idleness  in  agriculture,  are  forbidden,  as  be- 
fore. 

(XXX)  1721.    (GE,  No.  15;  TKR,  I,  v,  266.) 

No  estate  shall  be  divided  which  is  smaller  than  10  Jcoku  in  assessed 
productivity  or  1  cho  (2.45  acres)  in  extent.  As  the  remainder  after  a 
division  also  shall  not  be  smaller  than  this  limit,  it  follows  that  a  peasant 
holding  an  estate  smaller  than  20  koku  or  2  cho  may  not  divide  it  among 
children  or  relatives.  Dependents  shall  be  hired  out  in  the  village  or 
take  a  suitable  service  elsewhere. 

(XXXI)  1722.    An  edict  to  Intendants.     (To,  XIII,  750.) 

Peasants  cannot  remember  all  the  instructions  which  they  have  heard 
but  once,  and  innocently  commit  wrongs.  As  there  must  be  teachers  of 
writing  even  in  remote  villages,  these,  whether  priests  or  laymen,  shall 
carefully  instruct  the  people,  and  shall  at  leisure  write  down,  for  the 
pupils  to  copy  or  recite,  the  more  important  laws,  articles  of  the  five- 
man  group  record,  and  any  other  instructive  matter. 

(XXXII)  1725.     Articles  for  the  five-man  group  record  selected  by 
the  suzerain's  government.     (Ggs,  sup.  1—20;  DNR,  iv,  103 ff.)    (In  this 
document,  the  articles  are  put  in  the  form  of  a  pledge  from  the  people, 
not  of  a  command  from  the  officials.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]     Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  213 

[I]  The  group,  its   examination,   and  its  complaints.     (The    same   as 
[VII,  1,  2,  6],  [XVII,  20].)    If  one  single  inhabitant  is  left  out  of  the 
group  system,  the  village-officials  will  be  punished. 

[2]  Unjust  officials.    (The  same  as  [XVII,  21],  [XXVII,  10].) 

[3]  Accounts.    (The  same  as  [IX,  5],  [XI,  11,  12],  [XXVII,  3].) 

[4]  Each  one  to  have  his  seal  registered. 

[5]  Wages  for  labor  in  public  works  to  be  properly  receipted. 

[6]  Tax-rice.     (The  same  as  [XI,  7],  [IX,  4].) 

[7]  The  village  shall  be  responsible  for  a  safe  delivery  of  the  tax-rice 
done  in  full  straw-bags  of  3  to  and  7  sho  each.  (Cf.  [IV,  1],  [XI,  8].) 

[8]  Annual  taxes  to  be  assessed  by  the  Village-Head  in  the  presence 
of  representative  peasants. 

[9]  Annual  taxes  to  be  demanded  and  receipted  by  the  Village-Head 
exactly  as  they  were  assessed. 

[10]  Village  store-houses  to  be  guarded  by  the  village  against  all 
accidents,  and  to  be  opened  by  all  the  village  together  even  under  an 
urgent  order  from  the  authorities. 

[II]  No  bribes  to  officials.    Peasants  to  enter  a  complaint  against  an 
unjust  official  at  once  to  the  Intendant. 

[12]  Officials  visiting  the  village.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  27].) 

[13]  Wicked  men.     (The  same  as  [VII,  6,  7,  8],  [XV,  2,  6].) 

[14]  To  report  on  loss  by  robbery,  on  robbers,  and  on  discovery  of 
articles  once  stolen. 

[15]  Strangers.     (The  same  as  [VII,  3],  [XV,  4],  [XIX,  10].) 

[16]  To  report  on  a  wounded  traveller  and  the  death  of  a  traveller. 
A  sick  traveller  to  be  taken  care  of,  and  reported  to  his  home. 

[17]  Murderers.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  7].) 

[18]  Not  to  neglect  cultivation,  on  pain  of  punishment,  in  addition  to 
the  ordinary  taxes.  A  really  helpless  peasant  shall  be  helped  in  culti- 
vation by  the  village. 

[19]  No  permanent  sale  of  land. 

[20]  Deeds  of  mortgage  to  bear  the  seals  of  the  Village-Head  and 
the  five-man  group,  and  the  term  not  to  exceed  ten  years. 

[21]  Succession  to  heirless  estates.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  9].) 

[22]  Planting  of  tobacco.     (The  same  as  [VIII,  6],  [XVII,  24].) 

[23]  The  post-horse  service  to  be  prompt  and  honest,  (and  same  as 
[XVII,  15). 

[24]  Official  circulars  to  be  promptly  delivered  to  the  next  village. 

[25]  Trees  of  the  forests  not  to  be  cut. 

[26]  Trees.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  25].) 

[27]  The  roads  and  bridges  charged  to  the  village  to  be  repaired  and 
cared  for,  on  penalty,  without  waiting  for  an  order. 

[28]  [29]  Reservoirs.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  30].) 

[30]  Cultivated  land  not  to  be  extended  over  roads  and  other  public 
works,  or  penalty  to  be  inflicted  on  the  Village-Head  and  the  five-man 
group. 

[31]  Gambling  forbidden,  on  penalty  on  all  parties  and  the  Village- 
Head  and  five-man  group. 

[32]  Fires.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  28].) 


214  K.  Asakawa,  [1911. 

[33]  Tenants  to  have  guarantors,  and  the  land-lord  and  his  five-man 
group  to  be  responsible  for  their  good  behavior. 

[34]  Not  to  be  guarantors  to  servants  without  sub-guarantees  of  their 
own  relatives. 

[35]  Outlaws.     (The  same  as  [XIII,  7].) 

[36]  Secret  hawking.     (The  same  as  [XVII,  3].) 

[37]  Not  to  allow  a  courtesan  to  be  in  the  village,  on  penalty  on  the 
woman,  the  land-lord,  and  his  five -man  group. 

[38]  In  weaving  silk  and  pongee,  to  conform  to  the  standard  width 
and  length  for  each  piece. 

[39]  Christians.     (The  same  as  [XVI].) 

[40]  Disorderly  men.     (The  same  as  [VII,  3,  6].) 

[41]  Guard-houses.     (The  same  as  [XV,  5].) 

[42]  Fire-arms.     (The  same  as  [XIV].) 

[43]  Horse-stealing.     (The  same  as  [XV,  8].) 

[44]  Not  to  divide  an  estate  smaller  than  20  koku,  if  of  the  Village- 
Head,  or  10  JcoJcu,  if  of  the  ordinary  peasant. 

[45]  Not  to  mortgage  land  or  building  belonging  to  a  temple  and 
guaranteed  by  the  Suzerain's  vermilion  seal. 

[46]  All  men  and  women  to  be  industrious  in  farming  and  to  engage 
in  suitable  subsidiary  occupations,  on  penalty  of  the  village-officials  and 
the  five -man  group. 

[47]  Shinto  and  Buddhist  services  to  be  simple. 

[48]  Even   salaried  burghers   not  to  wear  swords  at  a  dancing  show. 

[49]  Peasants  and  burghers  to  wear  plain  silk,  pongee,  cotton  or 
hempen  clothes,  according  to  their  means,  and  not  to  use  better  materials. 
The  servants  to  use  cotton  and  hempen  cloths  for  clothes  and  sashes. 

[50]  and  [51]  (do  not  concern  peasants.) 

[52]  Mortgage.     (The  same  as  [XXVIII,  3].) 

[53]  Wearing  swords.     (The  same  as  [XXIX,  2].) 

[54]  Shinto  temples  and  Buddhist  images.    (The  same  as  [XXIX,  4].) 

[55]  To  instruct  children  not  to  be  lazy  and  extravagant. 

[56]  Ferry-boats  in  Kwanto  to  bear  the  official  brand. 

[57]  Sales  of  persons  are  forbidden. 

[58]  To  report  on  men  falsely  calling  themselves  officials. 

[59]  Not  to  buy  or  take  in  mortgage  stolen  or  uncertain  goods,  on 
penalty  on  the  five-man  group  and  the  village-officials. 

[60]  Gambling  strictly  forbidden. 

[61]  Cultivation  of  wasted  land.     (The  same  as  [XXV,  1].) 

[62]  No  new  Shinto  or  Buddhist  service  to  be  introduced.  No  public 
show  without  permission,  on  pain  of  penalty. 

[63]  Good  care  of  water-works  and  equitable  distribution  of  water. 

[64]  Not  to  present  complaints  too  old  or  with  insufficient  proofs. 

[65]  Not  to  force  persons  in  wedding  to  give  drink  or  to  throw  stones 
at  them. 

[66]  To  report  on  a  foundling,  and  not  to  give  it  to  an  uncertain 
person  and  without  official  permission. 

[67]  As  before,  the  peasant  shall  not  mortgage  land  without  the  seal 
of  the  Village-Head,  nor  the  latter  without  the  seal  of  another  village- 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.  ^1~> 

official.  As  before,  u  nn»i-iM-;,._r(.  js  illegal  in  which  the  mortgager,  and 
not  the  mortgagee,  pays  the  taxes  on  the  land  in  question. 

[68]  No  mortgage  whose  term  expired  before  1716  shall  be  considered 
at  cniirt  after  ten  years  after  the  expiration  of  the  term.  Nor  shall  a 
mort^a  ne  after  ten  years  after  the  date  of  the  contract  which  states  that 
the  land  would  lie  restored  at  any  time  the  debt  is  repaid. 

<  X  X  X  1 1 1 )   1 737.    AiTedict.    (To,  XIII,  ltfJ:J.  > 

[1]  A  deed  of  mortgage  which  does  not  bear  the  seal  of  the  Village- 
Head,  a  deed  of  mortgage  by  a  Village-Head  wliieh  does  not  bear  the 
seal  of  another  village-official,  a  deed  of  mortgage  which  exempts  the 
mortgagee  from  the  payment  of  taxes  on  the  mortgaged  land  and  charges 
the  mortgager  to  pay  them,  these  three  have  been  declared  illegal  long 
sinee.  and  must  be  so  stated  in  the  five-man  group  record.  However, 
there  still  are  people  who  present  petitions  on  the  strength  of  illegal 
deeds.  Henceforth,  village-officials  shall  frequently  read  the  group 
record  to  the  people.  Mortgages  whose  terms  have  expired  since  1716 
would  not  be  considered,  were  disputes  concerning  them  brought  to  the 
court.  Nor  would  a  deed  of  mortgage  stating  that  the  land  would  be 
restored  to  the  owner  at  any  time  the  debt  was  paid  be  entertained,  if 
the  term  of  the  mortgage  has  expired.  This  order  shall  be  promulgated 
through  the  Kwanto  provinces,  the  Fiefs  receiving  notice  thereof  from 
the  nearest  Intendant. 

[2]  It  is  reported  that  there  are  still  some  places  in  the  Fiefs  that 
have  not  made  their  five-man  group  records.  These  shall  be  made.  The 
order  therefor  shall  also  be  transmitted  to  the  lords  from  their  nearest 
Intendant  s. 

(XXXIV)  Articles  of  five-man  group  records  (of  Domain-lands)  not 
included  in  the  summaries  already  given.  (G-GI.)  (It  should  not  be 
presumed  that  each  article  appeared  for  the  first  time  in  the  year  here 
given.  Many  articles  were  based  on  old  laws  still  in  force.  Few 
articles  in  the  later  group-records  were  not  repetitions.) 

[1]  Shimotsuke,  1743.  The  estate  of  an  orphan  shall  be  taken  care 
of  by  the  relatives  and  the  village,  who  shall  make  a  written  agreement 
in  order  to  prevent  misunderstanding,  and  shall  render  the  taxes  on 
the  land.  The  orphan  on  reaching  the  majority,  shall  take  back  the 
estate,  and  be  set  up  as  a  peasant  (hi/aku-sho). 

[2]  Shimotsuke,  1743.  An  especial  care  to  be  taken  of  rivers  and 
embankments  when  there  is  a  long  rain  and  danger  of  overflow. 

[3]  Shimotsuke,  1743.  Villagers  shall  not  feast  at  the  expense  of  the 
village  when  they  congregate  on  common  business. 

[4]  Mino.  1759.     Peasants  shall  not  be  discourteous  to  warriors. 

[5]  Mino,  1759.  If  any  unusual  and  improtant  thing  takes  place  in 
the  village,  or  in  a  neighboring  village,  or  even  in  a  Fief  near  by,  it 
shall  be  reported. 

[6]  Mikawa,  1816.    No  new  houses  shall  be  erected  without  permission. 

[7]  Mino,  1831.  Any  person  especially  noted  for  filial  piety  to  his 
parents,  faithfulness  to  his  master,  benevolence  to  the  destitute,  or  other 
virtues,  shall  be  reported. 

[8]  Buzen,  1836.      A  village-official   especially    faithful    in   doing   his 


216     K.  Asakawa,  Notes  on  Village  Government  in  Japan.    [1911. 

duties,  considerate  of  the  interests  of  small  peasants,  and  consequently 
regarded  by  them  with  great  respect,  shall  be  reported  by  peasants. 

[9J  Buzen,  1836.  Large  bells,  torii,  and  stone  lanterns  for  temples- 
shall  not  be  made.  No  Shinto  or  Buddhist  images,  whether  of  bronze, 
stone  or  wood,  larger  than  three  shaku  (3  feet)  in  height  shall  be  made. 
A  permission  is  necessary  for  making  more  than  ten  images  at  a  time, 
even  though  they  are  of  wood  and  do  not  exceed  three  shaku. 

[10]  Buzen,  1836.  No  Buddhist  temple  building  larger  than  three  ken 
(6  yards)  in  front  and  no  shrine  or  pedestal  larger  than  one  and  a  half 
ken  (3  yards)  in  front,  shall  be  erected.  Elaborate  beam  constructions 
with  hiji-ki  brackets  shall  be  avoided. 

[11]  Yamashiro,  1848.  Any  matter  that  would  be  good  for  the  govern- 
ment, and  any  measure,  however  old,  which  troubles  people,  shall  be 
reported. 

[12]  KStsuke.  1863.  The  peasant  shall  not  be  disrespectful  to  officials 
even  in  another  district,  and  shall  not  be  discourteous  to  travellers. 

(Note:  The  Notes  60 — 146  will  appear  in  a  subsequent  number  of  the  Journal.) 


Vocalic  r,  I,  m,  n  in  Semitic. — By  FRANK  R.  BLAKE, 
Ph.  D.,  Johns  Hopkins  University. 

IN  Indo-European  philology  vocalic  r.  I.  m,  n  are  equally 
as  important  as  those  sounds  which  are  usually  designated  as 
the  vowels  par  excellence.  They  seem  to  have  been  among 
the  sounds  possessed  by  the  original  common  Indo-European 
speech,  and  many  phenomena  can  be  explained  only  by 
referring  to  them.  For  example  the  varying  forms  of  the  word 
for  "wolf,"  Sanskrit  vrltas,  Greek  AVKOS,  Gothic  wulfs,  Lithua- 
nian vilkas,  Old  Bulgarian  vluku,  or  again  of  the  word  for 
"hundred."  Sanskrit  $atam,  Greek  (l)KaToi/,  Latin  centum,  Gothic 
Imnd,  Lithuanian  szimtas,  are  best  explained  by  assuming  that 
the  original  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  was  in  the  first  case 
vocalic  I.  in  the  second,  vocalic  n.{ 

In  the  Semitic  languages  apparently  no  such  important  role 
is  played  by  these  sounds.  It  is  usually  supposed  that  they 
did  not  form  a  part  of  the  sound  material  of  the  parent 
Semitic  speech,2  but  there  seems  to  be  one  form  at  least  in 
which  the  positing  of  a  vocalic  liquid  is  possible. 

In  Hebrew,  Biblical  Aramaic,  and  Assyrian  we  find  two 
negative  adverbs  whose  chief  component  is  the  consonant  I,  viz.. 
Hebrew  *6,  *?«;  Biblical  Aramaic  fc6,  ^«;  Assyrian  Id,  id.  In 
the  first  two  languages  the  form  fc6,  tfb  is  employed  as  the 
usual  negative  of  declarative  statements,  and  is  regularly 
authotonic,  while  hti  is  the  negative  of  optative  and  subjunctive 
statements  and  is  proclitic,  as  is  indicated  by  the  Maqqeph 
which  joins  it  to  the  following  word.  In  Assyrian  Id  is  certainly 
the  usual  accented  negative,  while  ul  seems  to  be  used,  at 
least  in  many  cases,  in  sentences  in  which  some  other  element 
bears  the  chief  stress,  e.  g..  edu  ul  ezib,  'not  one  escaped',  nuru 
ul  immaru  'light  they  see  not,'  ul  z'ikaru  Sunu,  ul  sinniZdti 

1  Of.  Brugmann,  Grundriss  d.  Vergl.  Gram,  der  Indogerm.  Sprachen, 
2te  Bearb.  Strassburg,  1897,  §§  30,  77,  429—460,  497—532. 

2  ( 'f.  Haupt,   Tiber  die  beiden  Halbvocale  u  und  i.  BA.  L.  p.  294. 


218  F.  E.  Blake,  [1911. 

$unu  'they  are  neither  male  nor  female.'  In  Ethiopic,  the 
only  other  language  in  which  3al  occurs,  we  find  it  only  in 
the  quasi-verb  fi&fl  J  'albo  'there  is  not,  has  not,'  and  in  the 
negative  AJi  J  'cikko.  in  both  cases  without  accent.  It  seems 
therefore  that  these  two  series  of  forms  may  be  ultimately  of 
the  same  origin,  ?a,  Id  being  the  representatives  of  the  negative 
when  accented,  *al,  ul  being  the  representatives,  when  proclitic. 
The  latter  forms  may  have  been  developed  from  the  authotonic 
Id  as  follows.  With  loss  of  accent  the  vowel  a  was  shortened 
and  finally  disappeared,  leaving  only  Z,  probably  pronounced 
as  Z;  this  vocalic  I  developed  a  prothetic  vowel  which  was 
pronounced  with  initial  glottal  catch;  the  a  vowel  of  Hebrew, 
Aramaic,  and  Ethiopic  'al  is  due  to  the  influence  of  this  catch; 
in  Assyrian  the  Aleph  was  probably  lost,  and  then  the  form 
was  written  with  u,  the  vowel  that  seemed  to  render  the 
sound  best.1 

Altho  liquid  and  nasal  vowels  play  so  unimportant  a  part 
in  the  parent  Semitic  speech,  there  are  a  number  of  cases  in 
which  they  appear  to  have  been  developed  in  the  individual 
languages.  In  many  cases,  however,  in  the  forms  in  question 
the  liquid  and  nasal  vowels  themselves  do  not  appear,  but 
must  be  assumed  in  the  transition  forms  from  which  they  are 
derived,  e.  g..  Xestorian  Syriac  l^W  deljelthd  is  developed 
from  the  original  dihlatd  through  the  intermediate  stages 
dihWh&,  dihlthd. 

In  classical  Arabic.  Ethiopic.  and  Assyrian  examples  of  these 
vowels  are  rare.  The  perfect  of  the  VII  form  in  Arabic 
seems  to  be  a  case  in  point,  JJUo\  inqatala  being  derived  from 
nqatala^  a  form  developed  on  the  basis  of  the  imperfect  by 
dropping  the  performative  ia,  but  the  treatment  of  n  +  con- 
sonant does  not  differ  from  that  of  any  combination  of  two 
consonants  at  the  beginning  of  a  word,  as  for  example  in 
VIII  form  JJC^l  iqtatala.  The  varying  forms  of  the  word  for 
'man'  jyc,  s.^\  mar'un,  mifun,  mur'tin,  imra'un  may  point  to 
the  presence  of  an  r,  the  form  being  originally  mfun. 

In  Ethiopic  the  prepositional  forms  \7°\\.  h?° —  emna,  em 
are  to  be  derived  from  the  original  mina  (cf.  Arab.  ^*  before 
the  article)  through  an  intermediate  stage  mna;  em  is  derived 

1  Cf.  ultu  below  p.  219. 

2  Cf.  Haupt,  Nachtrage  und  Berichtigungen,  BA.  I  p.  328. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Vocalic  r,  I,  m,  n  in  Semitic. 

from  fanna  by  dropping  of  the  final  syllable  after  the  accent 
had  shifted  to  the  first. 

In  Assyrian  the  writing  er  in  forms  like  unammer  'make 
shine,'  umcCer  'send,'  instead  of  the  regular  ir  may  represent 
the  r  vowel  in  the  unaccented  syllable.1  It  is  not  impossible 
also  that  the  preposition  uliu  'from'  is  derived  from  an  originally 
unaccented  or  proclitic  form  of  iUu  or  iltu,  through  the  inter- 
mediate stage  Itu.  Notice  that  the  vowel  developed  out  of  I 
is  u  in  this  case  as  in  the  negative  ul  above. 

In  Syriac  the  forms  of  this  character  are  more  numerous.2 
In  the  Eastern  dialect  words  in  which  r.  I,  m,  n  followed  by 
Shewa  immediately  precede  the  final  syllable  e.  g..  dehletha  'fear', 
syncopate  the  Shewa  and  develope  a  vowel  before  the  consonant, 
e.  g.,  deheltha.  Between  forms  like  dehl€tha  and  deheltha  there 
must  have  been  a  series  of  intermediate  forms  like  dehltha 
with  liquid  or  nasal  vowel. 

Words  which  begin  with  r  followed  by  Shewa,  e.  g.,  J^UD* 
reqVd  -firmament.'  often  lose  the  Shewa  and  take  a  prothetic 
vowel  instead  written  with  aleph,  e.  g.,  JL^«;f  yarg$a;  an  inter- 
mediate stage  rqtd  must  also  be  assumed  here. 

After  a  word  ending  in  a  consonant  the  initial  syllables  le, 
be.  de  are  often  changed  in  poetry  to  el,  ev,  ed,  e.  g.,  \oo^  KJ 
'ith  elhon.  In  the  case  of  I  an  intermediate  stage  I  is  to  be 
a^umed  e.  g.,  'tth  Ikon:  in  the  other  cases  the  change  is  pro- 
bably analogical. 

In  Hebrew,  liquid  and  nasal  vowels  appear  to  occur  in 
unaccented  final  syllables.  These  are  found  chiefly  in  the 
following  classes  of  forms;  viz.. 

a)  Segholate  nouns,  e.  g.,   -IBD  'book,'    byi  'foot,'   Dr6 
'bread,'  JBtf  'fat:' 

b)  in  Segholate  verbal  forms,  e.  g.,  by.,  b£,  jussive  Qal 
and  Hiphil  respectively  of  rfo*  'reveal;' 

c)  in  forms  of  the  imperfect  with  1  conversive  which 
have  recessive  accent,  e.  g.,  DH1?^  'and  he  fought.' 

In  the  first  two  classes  of  forms  the  fact  that  the  last 
syllable  contains  a  liquid  or  nasal  vowels  and  not  short  e 
followed  by  a  consonant  is  indicated  in  the  first  place  by  the 
fact  that  such  vowels  are  found  in  similar  forms  in  other 


1  Of.  Delitzsch,  Assyr.  Gram.,  Berlin,  1889.  p.  89. 

2  Cf.  Brockelmann,  Syrische  Gram.,  Berlin,  1899,  §§  70—73. 


220  F.  R.  Blake,  [1911. 

languages,  e.  g.,  Eng.  taper,  eagle,  bosom,  leaven,  the  last  syllables 
of  which  all  contain  liquid  or  nasal  vowels  in  spite  of  the 
spelling:  secondly  by  the  fact  that  similar  Hebrew  forms  ending 
in  u  or  i,  change  these  consonants  to  the  vowels  u  or  i  e.  g., 
ini  'chaos'  from  buhu  or  ^h  'sickness'  (pausal  form)  from  huli, 
so  ]rfr  (i.  e.  lohn)  'thumb'  from  buhn.  The  fact  that  all  other 
Segholate  forms  with  the  exception  of  those  containing  second 
or  third  guttural  radicals  are  likewise  spelt  with  Seghol  in 
the  last  syllable  does  not  militate  against  the  assumption  of 
liquid  and  nasal  vowels  in  words  ending  in  liquids  or  nasals. 
The  Massorites,  of  course,  knew  nothing  of  such  vowels  and 
so  spelt  them,  with  the  sign  for  an  unaccented  short  vowel  in 
a  closed  syllable  -f-  consonant,  just  as  we  do  for  example  in 
English. 

In  the  forms  of  the  imperfect  with  1  conversive  like 
'and  he  fought,'  we  find  of  course  plenty  of  forms  that  do  not 
end  in  liquids  or  nasals  also  written  with  Seghol  +  consonant, 
e.  g.,  "spy,!,  and  the  Seghol  might  in  most  of  these  cases  be 
regarded  simply  as  a  modification  of  accented  Qere  in  forms 
like  DnVl,  "spy.  The  correspondence,  however,  of  IfiN*!  with 
unaccented  Seghol  +  r  to  10^  with  accented  Pathah  +  r, 
where  Seghol  +  r  evidently  indicate  the  r  vowel,  since  Seghol 
is  not  the  representative  of  unaccented  Pathah,  seems  to 
indicate  that  we  have  liquid  or  nasal  vowels  also  in  the  forms 
with  original  i  in  the  final  syllable. 

In  all  these  forms,  then,  the  spelling  Seghol  +  liquid  or 
nasal  seems  to  be  used  to  indicate  vocalic  r,  I,  m,  n.  When- 
ever, therefore  we  find  these  combinations  in  an  unaccented 
position,  we  are  confronted  with  the  possibility  of  liquid  or 
nasal  vowels.  There  are  several  series  of  forms  besides  those 
just  discussed  in  which  these  vowels  seem  to  be  present. 

In  a  number  of  nouns  with  prefixed  D  made  from  stems  with 
initial  r,  I,  m  we  find  the  vowel  of  the  prefix  written  Seghol,  e.  g., 

'chariot' 
D  'wide  space' 

'distance' 

'aromatic  plants' 

'salve' 
TijD  'pinchers' 

'wardrobe' 

'ruling.' 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Vocalic  r,  I,  w,  n  in  Semitic.  221 

Here  the  Seghol  befor  1  ini^ht  be  explained  MS  a  partial 
assimilation  of  /  to  r.  r  U'inu;  sometimes  a  guttural.  But  "1 
when  it  acts  as  a  guttural  regularly  causes  complete  assimilation 
of  the  preceding  vowel  to  <i  and  not  partial  assimilation  to 
Seghol:  besides  the  forms  with  I  and  m  remain  unexplained. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  in  all  these  forms  we  have 
a  vocalic  liquid  or  nasal  after  the  prefix  0  indicated  as  we 
should  expect  by  Seghol  4-  consonant;  thus,  mrkebdh,  mlqdhaim, 
WlipSdlah,  &c.  The  form  ^"10  'thy  re])elliousness,'  from  'HD  is 
probably  to  be  explained  in  the  same  way. 

The  possessive  suffixes  of  the  second  and  third  person  plural 
DD,  )D,  DH,  )H  as  well  as  the  independent  pronouns  of  the 
second  person  plural  DflN,  ]ru$,  all  have  Seghol  in  the  last 
syllable  followed  by  m  or  n.  This  Seghol  is  said  to  be  derived 
from  an  i  which  belonged  originally  only  in  the  feminine,  e.  g., 
Assyr.  Sina  'they,'  but  which  has  been  extended  by  analogy 
to  the  masculine  forms  which  originally  had  u,  e.  g.,  Assyr. 
Sunu  Arab,  hum  'they,'  Assyr.  attunu,  Arab,  antum  'ye.'1  The 
presence  of  Seghol  in  these  syllables  instead  of  the  regular 
Qere  is  explained  by  Brockelmann  as  due  to  the  fact  that 
they  were  originally  unaccented,  and  that  the  original  vocali- 
zation is  preserved  even  after  the  shift  of  the  accent  to  the 
last  syllable.2  Such  a  levelling  of  the  i  vowel  of  the  feminine 
has  certainly  taken  place  in  the  independent  pronoun  of  the 
third  person  masculine  DH,  nsn  'they,'  and  it  may  have  taken 
place  in  all  the  masculine  forms  above  mentioned,  but  it  is 
unnecessary  to  assume  such  a  process.  If,  as  we  have  supposed, 
the  rinal  syllable  was  originally  unaccented,  we  may  have  here 
simply  nasal  vowels,  in  the  masculine  representing  a  reduced 
form  of  um,  in  the  feminine,  of  in. 

This  conception  of  these  endings  also  offers  a  better  ex- 
planation of  the  third  person  plural  suffixes  am,  an  as  in 
DD^D,  ]D1D  'their  horses.'  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  could 
be  contracted  from  *ahim  or  *ahum  and  *ahin.  These  would 
naturally  yield  the  diphthongal  forms  :[:(iint,*iuiin.*a,in  or  con- 
tracted *em,  *om,  *en.  If,  however,  we  suppose  ahim  or  ahum 
and  aliin  to  have  been  first  reduced  to  ohm  and  ahn,  which 


1  Cf.  Brockelmaim,  Grundriss  d.  VergL  Gram.  d.  semitischen  Sprachen, 
Berlin,  1907,  §§  104  d  5,  105  e  7.  106  ge. 

2  Cf.  Brockelmann,  0j>.  cif.,  loc.  cit. 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  II.  15 


F.  E.  Blake,  Vocalic  r,  I,  m,  n  in  Semitic.  [1911. 

with  loss  of  intervocalic  h  become  am,  an  or  am,  an,  and  under 
the  influence  of  the  accent  am,  an,  the  difficulty  vanishes, 

In  the  active  participle  of  stems  tertia?  "1  +  suffix  of  the 
second  person  masculine  singular,  such  as  for  example  *pt2f' 
'thy  creator,'  the  Seghol  before  the  1  is  explained  as  partial 
assimilation  of  i,  which  we  find  in  such  forms  as  ?jy.h  'thy 
enemy,'  to  the  guttural  \  We  find  the  same  phenomenon, 
however,  in  sjinh  'thy  father-in-law'  (Ex.  18,  6)  and  in  5|JJrt 
'giving  thee'  (Jer.  20,  4).  Both  the  forms  with  1  and  those 
with  i  are  best  explained  as  containing  liquid  and  nasal  vowels, 
viz.,  iogr%a,  liothn%a,  noihn%a.1 

In  Exodus  33,  3  occurs  the  unusual  form  sfpDN  'I  will  con- 
sume thee'  which  stands  for  *J;p5«,  first  person  imperfect  Piel 
of  rfo  'be  completed,'  with  suffix  of  second  person  singular 
masculine.  In  the  form  in  the  text  we  evidently  have  an  I 
vowel.  The  development  from  the  normal  form  is  to  be 
conceived  of  as  follows;  'akattexa  >  'akale%a  >  'akalxa  >  3aklxa- 

From  what  has  been  said  it  will  appear  that  the  part  played 
by  the  liquid  and  nasal  vowels  in  the  Semitic  languages  is 
not  entirely  without  significance.  In  the  parent  speech,  it  is 
true,  they  are  apparently  all  but  non-existent,  but  in  some  of 
its  descendants,  especially  in  Aramaic  and  Hebrew  we  find 
them  developed  in  a  number  of  cases.  These  cases  serve  to 
show  that  while  these  vowels  in  Semitic  cannot  compare  in 
importance  to  the  corresponding  sounds  in  the  Indo-European 
family,  the  possibility  of  their  occurrence  should  be  borne  in 
mind  in  any  study  of  exceptional  forms. 

*  This  form  of  the  active  participle  is  rare,  the  cases  given  being  all 
those  that  occur  with  stems  tertise  "I  or  3;  no  forms  occur  from  stems 
tertise  »:  from  stems  tertiae  b  we  have  only  s\h&l  "thy  redeemer,"  where 
I  has  become  al  under  the  influence  of  the  guttural  « ;  in  the  forms  ^rta'l 
"thy  trader"  (Ez.  27,20;  23)  and  DD^tfM  "it  shall  devour  you"  (Is.  33, 11) 
in  which  the  conditions  are  similar  to  the  above,  the  a  may  be  explained 
as  due  to  the  influence  of  the  5  which  acts  as  a  guttural;  in  Mtexn  it 
may  be  simply  analogy  with  the  other  forms  of  the  imperfect. 


Tht  -Intmdativn  of 
t 


of 


is  a  universally  acknowledged  fact  !       "  "  MC8MUm-   This 


the    nuence  of  sec 
,  72,  115    117     A" 
to 


It:  S6e  pa«es  50'  H  55,  56, 
°f  ^e  72  » 


in  the  inscriptions  of  Asoka 


's  theoi-y  °f 

°f  *  is  to  be 


224  T.  Miclielson,  [1911. 

There  is  no  fluctuation  in  the  non-writing  of  r  in  the  Gir- 
nar text  before  immediately  following  nasals,  sibilants,  or  stops. 
Why  then  do  we  find  fluctuation  in  the  case  of  stops  and. 
sibilants  immediately  followed  by  r,  and  r  when  immediately 
followed  by  v?  If  the  r  in  these  cases  is  only  a  learned  and 
historical  spelling,  why  is  it  that  we  never  find  a  learned  and 
historical  spelling  with  r  in  the  first  cases?  It  should  be  noticed 
that  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialects  r  is  assimilated  to  all  adjacent 
consonants.  "We  are  therefore  justified  in  making  the  deduction 
that  pr,  sr,  rv,  &c.  represent  the  actual  pronunciation  in  the 
Girnar  dialect;  and  that  where  we  have^)  (pp  medially,  written 
jp),  s  (medially  ss,  written  s),  vv  (written  v)  etc.  for  these 
respective  combinations,  they  are  'Magadhisms';  and  that  the 
assimilation  of  r  to  immediately  following  stops,  sibilants  and 
nasals  was  native  to  the  Girnar  dialect.  Senart  himself  ad- 
mitted the  principle  of  'Magadhisms'  (see  Indian  Antiquary 
21,  p.  174);  why  he  never  thought  of  applying  it  to  these 
cases  is  unclear  to  me.  Against  his  theory  of  learned  and 
historical  orthography  may  be  urged  the  fact  on  the  'Maga- 
dhan' inscriptions  we  never  have  r  (which  would  become  I) 
written  in  conjoint  consonants;  but  why  do  never  find  a 
learned  or  historical  spelling  with  r  (I)  in  them?  Surely  we 
should  look  for  historical  or  learned  spelling  in  a  document 
written  in  the  imperial  official  language,  if  anywhere.  Again 
corresponding  to  Indie  pr  in  the  Girnar  text  we  have  pr 
60  times,  p  32  times.  That  is  by  actual  figures  pr  is  a  trifle 
less  than  twice  as  common  as  p.  But  it  should  be  noticed 
that  pati  (pati  once)  is  found  eleven  times:  and  pati  is  a  most 
undoubted  'Magadhism';  see  Michelson,  IF.  23,  p.  240.  And 
piye  is  found  once:  this  too  may  be  classed  as  an  obvious 
'Magadhism';  cf.  piye  in  the  'Magadhan'  versions  of  the  Four- 
teen-E diets  as  well  as  in  the  various  redactions  of  the  Pillar- 
Edicts.  Even  Senart  admits  that  the  final  e  of  the  Girnar 
word  is  a  'Magadhism';  why  then  should  he  not  admit  that 
the  initial  p  for  pr  is  also  one?  Subtracting  these  12  cases 
of  obvious  'Magadhisms'  we  have  20  cases  of  p  for  Indie  pr 
and  60  cases  where  pr  is  retained.  That  is  to  say  that  pr  is 
found  three  times  as  often  as  p  for  Indie  pr.  Moreover  it  is 
only  after  the  4th  edict  that  p  for  pr  is  frequent:  in  edicts 
1 — 4  pr  is  retained  35  times,  p  for  pr  occurring  but  3  times. 
The  very  obvious  'Magadhism'  pati  occurs  twice;  the  sole 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  <&c.  225 

remaining  form  with  p  for  pr  is  Piyadasi,  and  the  most  scep- 
tical would  scarce  consider  this  as  true  to  the  native  dialect. 
Now  if  there  is  anything  in  the  whole  theory  of 'Magadhisms' 
— and  this  theory  has  been  held  as  far  as  I  know  by  all  who 
have  investigated  the  dialects  of  the  Asokan  inscriptions — it 
is  clear  that  all  cases  in  which  p  for  Indie  pr  is  apparently 
found  in  the  Girnar  redaction  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts  are 
'Magadhisms'.  Now  if  p  for  pr  is  a  'Magadhism'  so  are  k 
for  kr,  t  for  tr,  &c.  In  these,  however,  the  'Magadhisms'  are 
as  frequent  as  are  the  true  native  sounds;  and  in  some  cases 
more  frequent.  Girnar  ithljhakhamahdmdtd  is  an  exceptionally 
good  example  to  show  that  t  for  tr  is  a  'Magadhism';  the  th 
for  sir  is  one  as  is  also  the  kh  for  ch  (really  kkh  and  cc/i); 
see  Johansson,  Shb.  2,  p.  23,  and  Michelson,  JAOS.  30,  p.  88. 
In  short  the  true  native  word  should  be  *istrvjhachamahdmdtrd, 
cf.  Mansehra  istrij[h]achamahamatra  as  contrasted  with  Kals! 
ithidhiyakhamahdmdtd.  The  fact  that  Shabhazgarhi  i[stridhi]ya- 
chamdhamatra  also  shows  'Magadhan'  influence  points  distinctly 
in  the  same  direction;  for  the  principle  involved  see  Franke, 
Pali  and  Sanskrit,  p.  109,  footnote  2,  and  compare  Michelson, 
AJP.  30,  p.  427;  31,  p.  57.  (Note  the  true  native  Girnar 
mahdmdtresu;  the  'Magadhism'  dhammamahdmdtd  occurs 
3  times:  cf.  Dhauli,  Kalsl,  Delhi-Sivalik  dhammamahdmdtd, 
Jaugada  mahdmdtehi.)  The  fact  that  Mansehra  Amdha-  is  a 
'Magadhism'  (see  IF.  24,  p.  55)  is  good  evidence  that  Girnar 
.mdha-,  i.e.  Amdha-,  is  also  one.  This  at  once  lays  G.  dhuvo 
open  to  the  same  suspicion,  cf.  Kalsl  dhuve,  Jaugada  dhuvam. 
In  the  remaining  cases  of  stops  -f  r  'Magadhisms'  are  in  full 
possession  except  in  the  combination  br,  and  here  the  'Maga- 
dhism' b  is  twice  as  frequent  as  native  br.  But  the  forms  are 
too  few  and  too  isolated  to  be  any  criterion.  Observe  that 
'Magadhan'  pati  (pati)  outnumbers  native  Girnar  prati  (prati) 
more  than  two  to  one;  while  it  has  completely  wiped  out 
native  prati  in  the  Mansehra  redaction,  occurring  over  a  dozen 
times;  similarly  'Magadhan'  atha-  has  nearly  everywhere  usurped 
the  place  of  native  athra-  in  the  Shahbazgarhi  recension  (see 
IF.  23,  pp.  240,  241;  AJP.  30,  p.  294if.).  So  that  mere  numbers 
are  not  necessarily  a  deciding  factor  in  every  given  case. 

As  an  explanation  of  the  fact  that  in  the  Girnar  redaction 
'Magadhisms'  for  pr,  &c.  are  so  prevalent,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  dialect  of  Girnar  agreed  with  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  in 

16* 


226  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

assimilating  r  to  immediately  following  stops,  thus  causing 
certain  forms  to  be  identical  in  both  dialects;  for  this  reason 
it  was  difficult  for  the  scribe  to  abstain  from  substituting  p 
for  pr,  etc.  Now  in  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Man- 
sehra  recensions  '  Magadhisms '  are  comparatively  rare  (outside 
of  pati  for  prati)  in  the  case  of  stops  +  r\  the  reason  for  this 
is  that  in  this  dialect  r  was  not  assimilated  to  any  adjacent 
consonants  except  in  the  combination  ars(y)  and  perhaps  in 
the  combination  rn  (see  AJP.  30,  p.  289;  JAOS.  30,  p.  89; 
and  my  essay  on  the  etymology  of  Sanskrit  punya-  which  is 
in  TAP  A.  40).  As  long  as  r  was  not  asimilated  to  im- 
mediately following  stops  as  in  the  case  of  the  'Magadhan' 
dialect,  there  was  comparatively  little  danger  of  a  'Magadhism' 
occurring  for  a  stop  -f  r.  Such  'Magadhisms'  as  are  found  are 
readily  to  be  recognized  by  the  non-agreement  of  Shb.  and 
Mans.  Of  course  there  are  other  means  of  detection;  e.g. 
Mans,  tini  has  a  'Magadhan'  -ni\  cf.  Kalsi  tini]  hence  the 
initial  ti-  of  Mansehra  tini  is  open  to  the  same  suspicion,  and 
as  a  matter  of  fact  there  is  other  evidence  to  show  conclusively 
that  it  is  a  'Magadhism';  compare  the  Shahbazgarhi  corre- 
spondent. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  treatment  of  the  Indie  sibilants  + 
an  immediately  following  r.  For  Indie  sr  we  have  sr  5  times 
and  no  other  correspondent.  It  is  therefore  certain  that  sr 
is  the  true  native  Grirnar  combination  of  sounds.  It  is  as 
absurd  to  consider  the  sr  as  a  purely  historical  and  learned 
.spelling  as  it  is  to  regard  the  spelling  asti  (found  repeatedly) 
for  atthi  (which  would  be  written  athi:  it  never  is  found  in 
the  G-irnSr  redaction).  If  sr  was  a  purely  historical  and 
learned  spelling,  we  certainly  would  find  s  written  at  least 
once  which  is  not  the  case. 

The  history  of  Indie  sr  goes  a  long  way  in  assuring  us 
regarding  the  history  of  Indie  sr.  Corresponding  to  Indie  sr 
we  have  sr  II  times,  s  (really  ss  medially)  10  times.  But  s 
(medially  really  ss)  is  the  sole  'Magadhan'  correspondent  to 
Indie  sr.  What  is  simpler  than  to  explain  the  s  of  the  Gir- 
nar  text  as  a  'Magadhism'?  And  it  should  be  noticed  of 
samana-  (which  occurs  6  times,  either  in  the  nom.  or  gen.  pi., 
and  always  in  compounds)  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should 
not  regard  the  lingual  n  as  the  sole  trace  of  the  native  word 
precisely  as  in  the  case  of  Mansehra  bay  ana-  (for  kalana-;  the 


Vol.  xxxi.]        The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c. 

credit  of  discovering  this  belongs  to  Franke),  and  panatika  (on 
which  see  Michelson,  AJP.  31,  pp.  58,  59).  Per  contra  note 
brdmhanasramandnam  at  G.  iv.  2  with  true  native  br  and  sr. 
And  Girnar  guru-sususd  betrays  'Magadhan'  influence  in  the 
vocalism:  see  Michelson,  AJP.  30,  p.  287;  in  fact  the  form 
coincides  exactly  with  the  'Magadhan'  word  susiisa,  and  for 
this  reason  it  is  not  reliable  evidence  for  the  history  of  sr  in 
the  Girnar  dialect.  It  is  then  not  at  all  venturesome  to  in- 
clude the  3  other  cases  of  8  for  sr  (Indie  sr)  among  'Maga- 
dhisms'.  And  it  should  be  particularly  noticed  that  seste  at 
G.  iv.  10  has  a  'Magadhan'  final  e  for  native  am  as  even 
Senart  would  admit:  cf.  Kalsl  sethe,  Dhauli  se[the]',  for  this 
reason  we  may  doubly  suspect  the  initial  s  of  being  a  'Maga- 
dhism';  see  also  AJP.  30,  p.  293. 

We  have  now  to  consider  the  correspondents  to  Indie  rv. 
In  the  case  of  the  correspondents  to  Sanskrit  sarva-  and  its 
adverbial  derivatives  we  have  rv  15  times,  v  18  times.  But 
sava-  (i.  e.  savva-)  and  savata  (i.  e.  savvatta)  are  the  sole 
correspondents  to  Sanskrit  sarva-  and  sarvatra  respectively  in 
the  'Magadhan'  redactions.  It  is  therefore  highly  probable 
that  the  forms  with  v  in  the  Girnar  version  are  'Magadhisms'. 
A  decisive  proof  that  this  is  the  case  is  the  following:  Corre- 
sponding to  Sanskrit  sarva-,  sarvatra  in  the  Shahbazgarhi 
recension  we  have  forms  with  vr  (i.  e.  rv)  as  well  as  v  (i.  e.  vv ), 
but  these  latter  are  in  a  distinct  minority;  but  in  the  Man- 
sehra  redaction  we  find  forms  with  vr  (i.  e.  rv)  only.  It  there- 
fore follows  that  the  forms  with  v  (i.  e.  vv)  in  the  Shahbaz- 
garhi are  'Magadhisms':  see  Johansson,  Shb.ii,  §  65;  Michelson. 
AJP.  30,  p.  285;  the  statement  in  JAOS.  30,  p.  82  is  an  error. 
Now  if  Shb.  sava-,  &c.  be  a  'Magadhism'  it  is  impossible  to 
escape  the  conviction  that  Girnar  sava-,  &c.  is  also  a  'Maga- 
dhism'. It  will  be  recalled  that  the  Girnar  dialect  is  most 
intimately  related  with  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and 
Mansehra  redactions:  see  Senart,  Indian  Antiquary,  21,  p.  172; 
Michelson,  AJP.  30,  p.  291,  JAOS.  30,  pp.  87—89,  TAP  A.  40, 
p.  28.  Below  I  have  tried  to  show  that  the  falling  together 
of  Indie  s,  4,  s  into  s  is  a  relatively  late  development  in  the 
Girnar  dialect;  and  in  my  judgement  the  assimilation  of  r  to 
following  stops,  sibilants,  and  nasals  is  likewise  of  recent  origin, 
say  shortly  before  the  historical  transmission.  (This  last  does 
not  apply  to  the  assimilation  of  r  in  the  combinations  drs[y]> 


228  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

rn:  these  I  consider  old.)     Then  the  dialects  of  the  Shahbaz- 
garhi, Mansehra,  and  Girnar  recensions  of  Asoka's  Fourteen- 
Edicts   would   be   very   much   more    intimately    related    than" 
hitherto  suspected. 

The  Girnar  correspondents  to  Sanskrit  purva-  offer  con- 
siderable difficulty.  At  v.  4  we  have  bhutaprurvam]  obviously 
the  first  r  should  be  eliminated.  At  iv.  5  we  have  bhutapuve. 
This  is  wholly  nonsensical.  The  final  'Magadhan'  e  should  be 
noticed.  In  this  we  have  the  key  to  the  situation:  'Magadhan' 
puluve  has  completely  distorted  the  native  word.  At  vi.  2  the 
text  has  bhutapurva  (m  is  graphically  omitted).  But  the 
true  reading  is  -pruva.  Here  too  we  have  u  preceding  the  v 
in  imitation  of  the  'Magadhan'  form;  but  the  scribe  was  dimly 
conscious  that  in  the  Girnar  word  there  ought  to  be  an  r 
somewhere,  and  so  inserted  one,  albeit  in  the  wrong  place. 
(Some  may  seize  upon  G-irnar  -pruva  as  a  proof  that  Shb., 
Mans,  pruva-  is  not  merely  graphical  for  purva-  but  represents 
the  true  pronunciation.  But  see  Michelson,  AJP.  30,  pp.  289, 
290,  426;  31,  pp.  55—57.) 

It  is  barely  possible  that  Girnar  bhdtrd  is  for  *bhrdtrd  by 
dissimilation,  but  it  is  far  more  likely  that  the  initial  bh  is 
simply  a  'Magadhism'  for  bhr  as  is  shown  by  Mansehra  bhatuna 
for  bhratuna  (so  the  Shb.  redaction)  altered  by  'Magadhan' 
bhdtind. 

I  think  pitrd  (not  pita)  should  be  read  at  xi.  3.  The  words 
pita  and  bhdtd  (at  ix.  5  and  xi.  3  respectively)  are  hyper- 
Magadhisms  exactly  as  Shb.  ayi,  on  which  see  Michelson,  IF. 
24,  p.  55;  and  JAGS.  30,  p.  85. 

The  statistics  given  above  are  made  on  the  basis  of  the 
Girnar  text  in  EL  2,  and  the  fragments  in  WZKM.  8  and 
JBAS.  1900 1.  They  are  wholly  independent  from  the  figures 
published  long  ago  by  Senart. 

Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  pravrajitani  makes  it  highly 
probable  that  the  v  of  Girnar  pavajitdni  is  a  'Magadhism'  as 
is  the  initial  p  for  pr,  if  indeed  this  latter  is  not  the  true 
reading.  Similarly  with  respect  to  two.  Now  if  the  mb  of 
Tambapamm  be  a  'Magadhism' — the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Man- 

1  I  have  not  included  savesu  of  Senart's  smaller  fragment,  because  I 
suspect  that  this  fragment  is  identical  with  the  fragment  published  by 
Biihler.  The  grounds  for  this  belief  I  hope  to  publish  at  any  early 
date. 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  229 

sehra  redactions  support  this  view:  see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  1, 
Michelson,  IF.  24,  p.  55 — as  is  the  am  for  am  (see  below), 
then  the  rule  should  be  given:  R  is  not  assimilated  in  the 
Girnar  dialect  to  preceding  adjacent  consonants  but  is  assimi- 
lated to  adjacent  following  consonants  except  v. 

The  lengths  to  which  Senart  is  carried  by  his  theory 
of  learned  and  historical  orthography,  is  well  illustrated  by 
his  discussion  of  Girnar  n  and  n  (Indian  Antiquary,  21,  p.  171 
=  Les  Inscriptions,  2,  p.  430).  He  acutely  observes  that  though 
Girnar  possess  n  and  n  in  the  interior  of  words  where  ety- 
mologically  required,  yet  in  case-endings  we  have  n  where 
Sanskrit  shows  us  that  n  was  to  be  expected.  He  further 
notes  that  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  possesses  only  n  as  the 
correspondent  to  Sanskrit  n  and  n  alike.  He  therefore  argues 
that  G-irnar  n  does  not  represent  the  actual  pronunciation 
and  is  only  a  learned  and  historical  spelling.  Now  Senart 
can  be  excused  from  not  noting  the  same  apparent  substitution 
of  n  for  n  in  case-endings  in  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbazgarhi 
and  Mansehra  redactions  (Johansson,  Shb.  i,  p.  166,  52  of  the 
reprint;  Michelson,  JAOS.  30,  p.  87,  AJP.  30,  p.  422)  for  two 
excellent  reasons,  to  wit,  Buhler  had  not  published  his  edition 
of  the  Shb.  text  nor  the  Mansehra  version  when  Senart  first 
wrote  his  arguments.  But  since  the  charge  of  a  promiscuous 
use  of  n  and  n  in  the  Girnar  dialect  as  correspondents  to 
Indie  n,  cannot  be  maintained  (see  Michelson,  IF.  24,  pp.  53, 
54),  he  certainly  should  have  ascribed  the  use  of  n  for  n  in 
the  case-endings  of  G.  to  the  influence  of  analogy.  Consider- 
ing the  fact  that  in  Pali  this  same  analogical  use  of  n  for  n 
obtains  almost  exclusively,  and  is  frequent  in  suffixes  (see  AJP. 
31,  p.  64  and  my  article  on  the  etymology  of  Sanskrit  punya- 
which  is  in  TAP  A.  40) — there  existed  ample  material  in  the 
texts  published  at  the  time  for  him  to  have  made  this  ob- 
>ervation — his  failure  to  do  this  is  regret  able.  In  justice, 
however,  it  should  be  said  that  Senart  admitted  that  he  could 
not  prove  his  case  in  this  particular  instance. 

Special  features  of  the   dialect  of  the  Girnar  redaction  of 
the  Fourte en-Edicts. 

Special  features  of  the  dialect  of  the  Girnar  redaction  of  the 
Fourteen-E diets  as  compared  with  the  dialects  of  the  other 
redactions  are: 


230  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

1.  A  is  retained  before  m  in  majliamena. 

Strictly  speaking,  we  can  only  contrast  this  retention  with  the 
change  to  i  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  as  the  Shb.  version  differs 
in  the  wording  where  we  otherwise  would  find  a  correspondent, 
and  in  the  Mans,  text  there  is  a  lacuna  in  the  corresponding 
passage. 

2.  A  is  retained  after  v  in  ucdvaea-  (see  the  reading  of  J. 

in  ASSI). 

3.  A  for  o  of  the  other  versions  in  the  foreign  name  Amtiyako. 

4.  The  combination  ary  becomes  er  (samacerdiri). 

,  5.  The  combination  ava  is  retained  in  Hhavati. 

See  Michelson,  ATP.  30,  p.  287;  JAOS.  30,  pp.  78,  88. 

6.  The  i  of  vacigutl  (Shb.,  Mans.,  K.  vacaguti). 

Shb.,  Mans.,  K.  vaca-  is  a  transfer  from  *vacas  to  the  a-de- 
clension.  The  point  of  departure  for  the  transfer  of  as-stems 
to  a-stems  in  Middle  Indie  languages  was  (as  has  been  long 
known)  the  nom.  sing,  which  coincided  with  the  nom.  sing, 
masc.  of  a-stems.  The  vaci  of  vacigutl  is  identical  with  vaci 
in  Sanskrit  vacibheddt.  In  vaci  I  see  a  fossilized  locative 
singular.  Though  in  Sanskrit  we  have  the  inflection  vdk,  vacant, 
vdcd,  vdcas,  vaci,  &c.,  it  is  clear  that  originally  there  was 
gradation  exactly  as  in  the  case  of  pat.  This  is  shown  by 
Avestan  vdxs,  vacim,  vaca,  vaco,  vacas-ca,  vacqm.  The  levelling 
of  the  gradation  Skt.  vdk,  Latin  vox,  Greek  8\f/  is  secondary; 
see  Brugmann,  Grundriss"1,  2.  1,  p.  131. 

7.  The  first  i  in  P[i]rimdesu. 

"We  cannot  be  absolutely  positive  that  this  is  a  peculiarity  of 
G.  as  Shahbazgarhi  Puli[de\su,  i.  e.  Pulimdesu  is  a  'Magadhism', 
as  is  shown  by  the  I.  It  is  unfortunate  that  the  Kalsi  corre- 
spondent is  so  damaged  that  it  is  impossible  to  tell  what  the 
vowels  of  the  first  two  syllables  were  with  certainty.  The 
first  may  have  contained  u,  but  the  second  apparently  has  no 
vowel-indicator,  so  that  we  must  read  a,  a  palpable  blunder 
for  i.  To  sum  up,  Pul[a]desu  should  be  read  Pulidesu,  i.  e 
Pulimdesu.  I  have  previously  pointed  out  the  fact  that  'Maga- 
dhisms'  are  especially  frequent  in  the  names  of  peoples,  coun- 
tries, &c.  See  AJP.  30,  p.  426;  IF.  24,  p.  54,  55.  On  Girngr 
Tambapawini,  see  my  observations  above  in  my  discussion  of 
learned  and  historical  orthography,  and  below  in  my  discussion 
of  the  history  of  d  when  followed  by  m  +  a  consonant.  To 
these  may  be  added  Satiyaputo,  G.  ii.  2,  Satiyaputra,  Shb. 
ii.  4,  Satiya[putr .],  Mans.  ii.  6;  cf.  Jaugada  Satiyapu,  Kslsl 
Satiyaputo.  For  this  reason  Girnar  Satiyaputo  has  no  bearing 
on  the  origin  of  the  word.  Biihler  overlooked  this  fact.  (Note 
also  the  Magadhan  t  for  tr  in  -puto.} 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  231 

8.  The  second  u  of  susrusa  (in  compounds   only)  and  sus- 

rusatdm. 

See  AJP.  30,  p.  287.  Delhi  Sivalik  sususdyd  must  be  kept 
apart  from  Girnar  susrusa  because  DS.  bhutdnam  corresponds 
to  Girnar  bhutdnam.  Thus  it  is  patent  that  DS.  sususdyd  is  a 
secondary  shortening  from  sususd-.  Formerly  I  explained  the 
Girnar  u  as  being  more  primitive  than  the  Skt.  u  of  susrusa, 
comparing  Avestan  susrusjmno  (JAOS.  30,  p.  79).  If  I  could 
formulate  any  phonetic  law  that  would  account  satisfactorily 
for  the  u  of  G.  susrusa  as  being  of  late  origin,  I  should  great- 
ly prefer  it.  It  is  undeniable  that  in  a  few  cases  the  Middle 
Indie  languages  are  more,  or  equally  as,  primitive  as  Sanskrit. 
But  as  a  whole  I  feel  that  this  has  been  rather  overdone.  See 
below  in  my  discussion  of  d  when  followed  by  m  -{-  a  con- 
sonant. 

9.  Vocalic  r  becomes  a  for  the  most  part,  but  dental  stops 

are  not  thereby  converted  to  linguals,  e.  g.,  kata-. 

See  AJP.  30,  p.  421.  There  is  not  the  slightest  evidence  that 
r  ever  becomes  i  in  our  dialect.  See  Classical  Philology,  5. 
pp.  219,  220. 

10.  Vocalic   r   becomes    a   in   mago   (Shb.  mrugo,   K.,  J.,  Dh. 

mige). 

On  Mans,  mruige  and  mrige,  see  AJP.  30,  p.  424. 

11.  Long  vocalic  r  becomes  a  in  dadha-. 

The  'Magadhan'  correspondent  is  didha-.  On  Mans,  dridhra-, 
see  AJP.  31,  pp.  55,  56.  Shb.  didha-  is  a  'Magadhism.' 

12.  The  e  of  lekhapitd. 

13.  Long  d  is  not  shortened  before  medial  in,  e.  g.,  apabhdmdatd. 

The  m  is  graphically  omitted  in  niydtu\  this  is  a  third  person 
plural  as  is  shown  by  KalsT  nikhamamtu,  Dhauli  and  Jaugada 
nikhamdvu.  The  correspondents  of  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Man- 
sehra  redactions  are  not  decisive.  The  m  is  likewise  omitted 
in  Pddd  (Shb.  Pamda  at  xiii.  9)  and  apardtd  (Shb.  aparamta, 
K.  apalamtd)  exactly  as  in  dhammasambadho  (Shb.  [dhra]ma- 
sambamdho),  ki  at  ix.  9  and  xii.  2  for  him  elsewhere  in  this 
version;  karoto  (for  karomto);  and  possibly  in  karote  at  ix.  3 
if  not  purely  an  error  induced  by  karote  at  ix.  1  and  2  where 
a  singular  is  in  place.  At  v.  5  Biihler  reads  Kambo.,  i.  e. 
Kamboja-.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  correct  reading  is  Kdmbo.. 
[Kambo  in  Biihler 's  fragment  of  the  thirteenth  edict  (on 
Senart's  smaller  fragment,  see  above)  is  a  'Magadhism',  if  the 
correct  reading.]  At  v.  5  Biihler  reads  Gamdhdrdnam.  Yet  it 
is  not  impossible  that  the  correct  reading  is  Gam-  as  there  is 
a  large  crack  in  the  stone  at  this  point  which  prevents  us 


232  T.  Mchdson,  [1911. 

from  being  positive  as  to  which  reading  is  correct.  If  the 
true  reading  be  Gam-,  then  it  is  a  'Magadhism'  as  is  the  case 
with  Tambapamnl  (Kalsl  Tambapamni;  see  my  discussion  of 
learned  and  historic  orthography  above).  As  I  pointed  out 
above  in  my  discussion  of  P[i]rimdesu,  'Magadhisms'  are  com- 
mon in  names  of  countries,  peoples,  &c.  That  ni-ydtu  is  San- 
skrit yantu  and  not  Sanskrit  yantu  is  clear  from  Sarnath  ydvu. 
According  to  the  St.  Petersburg  lexicons  Sanskrit  Panda-  is 
merely  an  error  for  Pandya-.  If  so  it  must  be  a  very  old  one 
as  evinced  by  the  Asokan  inscriptions.  It  is  not  possible  that 
in  some  dialects  postconsonantal  dy  became  d  phonetically? 
Then  Mansehra  Pa[m\diya,  Shb.,  Mans.  Pamdiya  would  be 
'Magadhisms',  and  Skt.  Panda-  a  borrowing  from  some  Middle 
Indie  vernacular.  Formerly  (JAOS.  30,  p.  79)  I  held  that  as 
o,  and  this  only,  corresponds  to  Skt.  an  =  original  m  (atikdtam, 
iv.  1,  v.  3,  viii.  1,  atikrdtam,  vi.  1  =  Skt.  atikrantam]  chdti[m], 
xiii.  11  =  Skt.  ksdnti-},  the  Girnar  d  was  more  primitive  in  this 
respect  than  Sanskrit  as  it  is  admitted  that  the  n  of  Skt. 
krdnta-,  ddnta-,  &c.  is  analogical  in  origin.  I  thought  that  as 
in  Girnar  -dm-  never  occurs  in  these  cases,  it  was  impossible 
to  regard  the  omission  of  m  as  merely  graphical.  Prof.  Bloom- 
field  at  the  meeting  of  the  AOS.  adversely  criticised  this  point, 
and  after  a  subsequent  discussion  with  Dr.  Sturtevant,  I  am 
ready  to  admit  that  the  forms  cited  are  too  few  to  form  a 
sound  basis  for  the  proposed  theory  inasmuch  as  m  is  often 
graphically  ommitted  in  other  cases.  At  the  same  time  it  is 
well  to  mention  the  theory  in  the  hopes  that  new  evidence  will 
turn  up  to  either  establish  or  completely  disprove  it.  A  single 
form  with  a  medial  m  would  do  the  latter.  Shb.  and  Mans. 
atikratam  are  merely  graphical  for  atikramtam  (which  occurs 
in  both).— I  likewise  stated  in  JAOS.,  1.  c.,  that  this  theory 
proved  that  G.  was  not  a  linear  descendant  from  Sanskrit.  If 
this  theory  is  wrong,  that  would  not  invalidate  that  claim.  For 
the  fact  all  the  Asokan  dialects  point  to  a  loc.  sing.  *-smi  (G. 
tamhi;  &c.)  [not  *-smin  (Skt.  tasmiri)]  shows  that  not  a  single 
Asokan  dialect  is  such  a  descendant.  A  further  proof  of  this 
as  applied  to  the  Girnar  dialect  is  idha  (Skt.  iha). 

14.  Long  vowels  are  not  shortened  before  two  consonants 
(ndstij  brdmhana-,  mahdmdtresu,  Eastika-,  pardkramdmi, 
pardkramena  [not  pardkramena  as  Biihler  reads]  dtpa-, 

[Skt.  atma-\,  bhdtrd. 

It  is  clear  that  bamhana-  at  ix.  5  is  merely  a  blunder  for 
bdmhana-  which  is  found  in  this  version:  note  the  blunders 
danam,  etarisam,  ndtikena  in  the  same  edict.  Similarly  bramhana- 
[not  brahmana-  as  Biihler  transcribes]  in  the  fourth  edict  is 
merely  a  blunder.  See  IF.  24,  pp.  53,  54;  AJP.  30,  p.  295. 
It  should  be  noted  that  rdnd,  rdno  can  be  in  themselves 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c. 

either  rand,  rdno  or  rdnna,  rdnno  respectively.  Pali  and  Pra- 
krit show  that  they  are  to  be  read  rdftnd,  rdnno.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  on  inscriptions  n  can  stand  for  nn,  m  for  mm 
exactly  as  s  for  ss.  Compare  Biihler,  Epigraphia  Indica,  ii, 
p.  91.  Supdthdya  at  i.  9  is  graphical  for  siipdtthdya.  This  is 
shown  by  Dhauli  supathdy(e),  Kalsl  supathdy[e\,  Jaugada 
(su)pathdye.  As  a  long  vowel  is  regularly  shortened  in  these 
redactions  before  two  consonants  these  forms  are  merely 
graphical  for  supatthdye.  Hence  Girnar  supdthdya  is  for  su- 
pdtthdya  (Skt.  supdrthdya).  Just  so  with  mahdthdvahd  at  x.  1 
cf.  Kalsl  mahathdvd  (read  mahathdvaha).  Pali  is  likewise  con- 
firmatory for  these  two  cases.  Similarly  asamdtam  (Skt.  asa- 
mdptam;  Kalsl  and  Dhauli  asamati).  Pardkamate  is  a  'Mada- 
dhism'  for  *pardkramate.  Similarly  pardkamena  at  x.  4  if  this  is 
the  correct  reading  which  at  least  is  not  certain.  If  taddtpano 
stands  for  *taddtvana-  we  have  another  example.  If  it  is  a 
blunder  for  *taddtpat/a,  we  still  have  a  case.  It  should  be 
mentioned  that  dnapaydmi,  dnapitam  do  not  belong  here :  they 
come  from  the  simplex  n-,  compounded  with  d-.  This  is  shown 
by  Pali  and  'Magadhan'  versions  of  the  Fourteen-Edicts.  There 
remain  some  unexplained  apparent  exception.  Note  that  we 
have  fdti  at  x.  1  but  at  x.  2  kiti.  It  is  quite  likely  that  the 
vocalism  of  the  'Magadhan'  original  of  which  the  Girnar 
version  is  a  translation,  is  responsible  for  this:  cf.  Jaugada 
ki(t)l,  Dhauli  (k)itl  and  (ki)ti,  i.  e.  kitti  (local  peculiarity  for 
*kittim,  Skt.  kirtim).  For  'Magadhan'  influence  in  the  vocalism 
of  words  in  the  Girnar  redaction,  see  Michelson,  AJP.  30 
p.  287,  JAOS.  30,  p.  90.  A  case  in  point  is  dasayitpd  for 
*daseptd;  cf.  Shb.  drasayitu  for  native  (and  Mans.)  draseti 
'Magadhan'  dasayitu  has  been  the  disturbing  factor  in  both 
cases :  see  AJP.  31,  p.  60.  At  ix.  9  we  have  svagdradhi.  This 
certainly  corresponds  to  Skt.  svargdrdddhi-,  cf.  the  preceding 
svagam  drddhetu  (Skt.  svargam  drddhayitum),  svagam  drddha- 
yamtu,  vi.  12,  and  the  correspondents  of  the  other  versions. 
But  it  should  be  noted  that  the  nineth  edict  has  many  blunders 
of  a  for  a  (see  above).  So  svagdradhi  might  be  one  for 
^svagdradhi  (i.  e.  svagdrdddhi).  But  we  have  dradho  hoti  at 
xi.  4.  Here  we  can  ascribe  the  a  with  confidence  to  4  Maga- 
dhan' influence  (Kalsl  dladhe),  for  the  following  hoti  is  a  'Ma- 
gadhism':  see  AJP.  30,  p.  287;  JAOS.  30,  p.  78;  and  above. 
Hence  it  would  be  plausible  to  attribute  svagdradhi  to  such 
influence.  But  the  reading  of  the  Dhauli  text  (which  alone  has 
a  correspondent)  is  uncertain.  In  either  case,  it  is  not  against 
the  law  proposed.  The  correspondents  to  Skt.  purva-  cannot 
be  taken  into  consideration,  for  bhutapuve  and  bhutapruva  have 
both  'Magadhan' w:  see  my  discussion  of  learned  and  historical 
orthography.  Bhutaprurvam  has  at  least  one  blunder  as  it  is; 
so  u  for  u  might  be  another.  See  Biihler,  EL  2,  p.  453; 
Michelson,  AJP.  30,  p.  184.  Dighdya  at  x.  1  is  very  difficult. 


234  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

The  Sanskrit  correspondent  is  dlrghdya.  The  'Magadhan'  ver- 
sions have  a  different  word  in  the  corresponding  passage,  and 
both  the  Shahbazgarhi  and  Mansehra  versions  have  'Maga-- 
dhisms'  in  the  corresponding  passages.  Of  course  the  fact  that 
the  'Magadhan'  versions  have  a  different  word  does  not  preclude 
the  possibility  of  the  particular  'Magadhan'  text  of  which  G. 
is  a  translation  from  having  had  a  form  precisely  the  same  or 
very  similar  to  the  Girnar  form.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
frequently  the  versions  do  not  agree  in  the  wording.  In  this 
way  dighdya  might  be  due  to  'Magadhan'  influence.  It  may 
be  mentioned  that  once  dighdya  was  read  dighdya,  but  I  am 
convinced  from  the  plate  in  El.  that  this  is  not  the  true  read- 
ing.— The  most  obstinate  of  all  to  explain  is  anusasti  (this  or 
other  cases  of  the  same  word  occurs  4  times,  including  the 
occurrence  in  a  fragment  of  the  thirteenth  edict,  and  always  in 
the  compound  dhammdnusasti).  Ndsti  (Skt.  ndsti}  occurs  half 
a  dozen  times,  there  being  no  other  correspondent  to  Skt.  ndsti. 
It  would  therefore  seem  impossible  that  anusasti  can  phonetic- 
ally stand  for  Skt.  anusasti-.  At  the  same  time  I  hardly  dare 
ascribe  the  a  to  'Magadhan'  influence  because  of  the  frequency 
of  the  word.  Perhaps  this  timidity  is  wrong  as  pati  is  frequent 
in  G.  and  outnumbers  native  prati  two  to  one.  Also  thaira- 
(or  other  forms  of  this)  occurs  three  times,  and  the  initial  th 
looks  like  a  'Magadhism',  though  another  explanation  (see 
below)  is  possible.  Finally  it  should  perhaps  be  queried  if  G. 
anusasti  is  not  Skt.  anusasti-,  not  anusasti-. 

15.  The  diphthong*  ai  in  tliaira-  and  traidasa-. 

The  origin  of  this  diphthong  is  not  wholly  clear.  Without 
question  the  e  of  Dhauli  ted(a)sa,  Kalsi  t[e\dasa,  Prakrit  terasa, 
teraha  is  to  be  associated  with  the  ai  of  traidasa.  According 
to  Pischel,  Grammatik,  §  119,  the  prototype  was  *trayadasa, 
the  e  then  being  a  result  of  contraction.  The  trouble  with  this 
explanation  is  that  -ay a-  in  G.,  Dh.,  and  J.  otherwise  is  un- 
contracted  (cf.  JAOS.  30,  p.  91).  Franke,  PuSkt.,  p.  104  rejects 
Pischel's  explanation,  and  says  the  e  is  for  i.  This  leaves 
Girnar  traidasa  hanging  in  the  air.  Johansson,  Shb.  i,  p.  136 
(22  of  the  reprint)  suggests  that  the  Middle  Indie  dialects  in 
this  case  are  very  archaic  and  that  Skt.  trayodasa  is  analogical. 
This  last  no  doubt  is  the  case,  but  I  hardly  like  to  start  from 
this  point  of  view.  Phonetically  there  is  nothing  for  or  against 
his  proposition  as  -aye-  is  unique  at  present  as  far  as  the 
phonetics  are  concerned.  (J's  prototype  is  *trayazdasa  which 
would  become  *trayedasa.)  Similarly  regarding  tliaira-.  Pali 
and  Prakrit  thera-  postulate  some  such  intermediary  form  as 
the  Girnar  word  (Pischel,  1.  c.,  §  166).  But  here  again,  the 
loss  of  v  between  a  and  *,  and  the  subsequent  contraction  of 
these  vowels  is  unique. — A  further  note  on  thaira-.  The  word 
apparently  contradicts  the  law  that  sth  becomes  st  in  our 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  235 

dialect  (gharastdni).  The  'Magadhan'  versions  have  an  entirely 
different  word  as  correspondents.  Still  that  does  not  preclude 
the  possibility  of  a  'Magadhan'  *thela-  having  distorted  an 
original  *staira-.  Cf.  my  remarks  on  dighdya  above.  It  is 
very  bold  to  assume  descent  from  a  prototype  that  bore  the 
same  relation  to  Skt.  sthavira-  as  Gr.  T^W  to  orAw,  though  I 
still  believe  in  spite  of  Pischel  that  Pkt.  chepa-  is  similar  a 
case  as  compared  with  Skt.  sepa-  (IE.  sk-  and  £-).  It  might 
be  a  late  product.  Cases  like  -as  sth-  phonetically  became 
-asth-,  and  this  was  wrongly  divided  -as  th-.  Hence  a  form 
*thavira-  beside  sthavira-.  But  this  is  purely  speculative. 

16.  The   combinations   viy   and  vy  fall   together   in  vy  (kept 

apart  as  such  in  the  Kalsi  dialect):  vyasanam,  vyamja- 
nato,  gerundives  in  -tavya-,  divydni. 

Biihler  wholly  inconsistently  transcribes  the  same  symbol 
initially  by  vy  but  medially  by  yv.  Why  he  made  any  distinction 
is  not  clear  to  me.  If  we  transcribe  diyvdni,  we  must  transcribe 
*yvasanam,  yvdpatd,  &c.  But  such  a  combination  would  be 
unpronounceable.  His  appeal  to  Pali  yha  from  hya  is  wholly 
irrelevant  as  we  do  not  have  yv  from  vy  in  Pali.  As  I  am 
ignorant  of  the  modern  Indo-Aryan  vernaculars,  I  cannot 
criticise  his  argument  from  this  source. 

17.  The  combination  duv  becomes  dv  (dvo,  Vedic  duvau). 

18.  The  combination  dv  becomes  db  (dbddasd). 

19.  The    combinations    siw,   sv    (kept    apart    as    such    in    the 

'Magadhan'  dialects)  fall  together  in  sv  (svamikena,  svagam). 

20.  The  combinations  tv  and  tm  become  tp\  catpdro,  gerunds 

in  -tpd,  dtpa-  (Skt.  dtma-). 

There  is  considerable  dispute  as  to  the  exact  value  of  the 
ligature  which  Biihler  transcribes  by  tp.  There  is  no  question 
but  that  the  true  order  of  the  letters  is  pt,  and  some  (Pischel 
and  Franke)  maintain  that  this  represents  the  actual  pro- 
nunciation. But  it  is  universally  admitted  that  the  actual 
spelling  is  no  criterion;  and  some  (Burnouf,  Ascoli,  Biihler 
[EL  2,  p.  210],  Johansson)  have  tried  to  show  that  the  real 
pronunciation  was  tp.  The  linguistic  arguments  that  have  thus 
far  been  adduced,  in  my  opinion,  have  a  negative  value,  some 
tending  to  show  that  the  pronunciation  was  pt,  some  tp.  And 
it  should  be  especially  noted  that  no  arguments  from  the 
dialect  itself  have  been  brought  forward  but  only  from  allied 
languages.  The  following  linguistic  argument,  especially  when 
taken  in  conjunction  with  Biihler's  palseographical  one,  seems 
to  me  conclusive  proof  tnat  tp  was  the  pronunciation :  Dbddasa 
corresponds  to  Sanskrit  dvddasa\  and  there  is  no  question  but 


236  T.  Miclielson,  [1911. 

that  db  represents  the  correct  order  of  the  letters.  Now  if 
Indie  dv  becomes  db,  then  Indie  tv  surely  should  become  tp. 
Hence  gerunds  in  -tpd  (Skt.  -tvd)  are  to  be  read  as  such.  This 
settles  the  reading  dtpa-  (Skt.  dtma-}  without  further  arguments. 
The  fact  the  Singhalese  gerunds  in  -pata  point  to  -ptd  (Skt. 
-tva),  does  not  show  that  the  Girnar  gerunds  in  -tpd  are  really 
-ptd,  for  a  stage  -tpd  is  presupposed  between  -ptd  and  -tvd; 
and  the  metathesis  of  tp  to  pt  can  be  specifically  Singhalese. 
Oertel  recently  (Lectures,  pp.  221,  222)  has  tried  to  defend  the 
view  that  we  really  have  pt  and  not  tp,  admitting  a  stage  tp 
between  pt  and  tv,  but  saying  that  pt  was  substituted  for  the 
unusual  combination  tp  because  pt  was  a  frequent  combination. 
Inasmuch  as  the  p  -in  the  combination  of  original  pt  was 
assimilated  in  this  (e.  g.  asamdtam,  Skt.  asamdptani)  as  well 
as  other  Asokan  dialects  and  in  Pali  and  Prakrit,  I  confess 
that  I  am  not  convinced  by  this  line  of  [reasoning.  Senart, 
admitting  that  the  ligature  should  be  transcribed  tp,  in  accord- 
ance with  his  theory  of  learned  and  historical  spelling  on  the 
inscriptions  of  Asoka — which  seems  to  me  to  be  quite  unten- 
able— contends  that  the  actual  pronunciation  was  pp. 

21.  The    combination  sm  becomes  mh:   tamhi,  *tasmi,  cf.  Skt. 

tasmin. 

22.  The  combination  hm  becomes  mh :  brdmhana-  (for  the  other 

variants  of  this  word  see  above). 

23.  R  is  assimilated  to   all  adjacent  following  consonants  ex- 

cept v;  it  is  retained  after  preceding  adjacent  consonants, 
and  before  v  when  that  follows  immediately:  athdya, 
dhamma-,  Priyadasi,  priyo,  sramana-,  sarvatra. 

The  apparent  exceptions  are  'Magadhisms'.  See  my  discussion 
of  learned  and  historical  orthography  above. 

24.  The  combination  -ars-  and  -arsy-  become  -as-:  vdsa-,  Skt. 

varsa-,  kdsamti,  *karsyanti,  cf.  Skt.  Itarisyanti. 

See  Michelson,  IF.  24,  pp.  53,  54;  AJP.  30,  p.  289;  JAOS.  30, 
p.  89.  I  give  this  as  a  characteristic  of  G.  because  the  final 
product  is  such,  whether  or  not  the  phenomenon  is  to  be 
associated  with  a  similar  one  in  Shb.  and  Mans,  (as  I  think 
likely).  The  chronology  I  formerly  assumed  is  a  trifle  inexact; 
we  need  only  assume  that  in  Girnar  the  r  was  assimilated 
and  the  gemination  simplified  with  compensatory  lengthening 
before  rs  reached  a  stage  rs$  we  cannot  know  whether  in  G. 
the  sibilant  in  the  first  case  had  already  become  a  dental.  Note 
'MSgadhan'  vasa-,  i.  e.  vassa-  =  Girnar  vdsa-,  Skt.  varsa-. 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c. 

25.  Original  rs  converts  a  following  Intervocalic  dental  n  to  a 

lingual  n:  vimdna-dasand. 

See  Michelson,  IF.  24,  p.  f>;;. 

26.  Aryan  $t  (Skt.  st,  Av.  St)  and  Aryan  Stfi  (Skt.  *?ft,  Av.  &) 

fall  together  in  st:  tisteya,  seste  (a  'Magadhism'  for  srestam). 
See  Michelson,  AJP.  30,  p.  291;  J^IOS.  30,  p.  89.  It  is  likely 
that  this  is  to  be  brought  into  rapport  with  the  change  of 
Aryan  St  and  §th  to  st  in  the  dialect  of  Shahbazgarhi  and 
Mansehra.  I  list  the  phenomenon  here  because  the  final  result 
is  different  in  the  two  dialects. 

27.  An  original  palatal  sibilant  converts  st  beginning  the  next 

syllable  to  st  (dhammdnusastl). 

See  the  references  cited  under  26.  I  have  much  less  hesitation 
than  formerly  in  connecting  this  process  with  the  law  in  Shb. 
and  Mans,  that  original  s  converts  a  following  intervocalic  s 
to  s.  For  convenience  I  repeat  the  law  I  gave  in  AJP. :  A 
palatal  sibilant  converts  a  following  dental  sibilant  to  a  palatal 
one  in  the  dialects  of  G.,  Shb.,  Mans.,  the  combination  st  sub- 
sequently becoming  St  exactly  as  pre-Aryan  st  became  Aryan 
st.  Then  this  secondary  St  had  the  same  history  in  the  separate 
dialects  as  Aryan  st(ti),  i.  e.,  G.  st,  Shb.,  Mans.  st.  Secondary 
intervocalic  s  had  the  same  history  as  original  intervocalic  s, 
namely,  G.  s,  Shb.,  Mans.  s.  In  support  of  this  combination  I 
would  urge  that  the  special  points  of  contact  between  these 
dialects  are  extremely  numerous.  See  below,  and  JAOS.  30, 
pp.  87—89. 

29.  The  combination  hv  becomes  h  and  the  preceding  vowel 

is  lengthened:  prajuhitavyam. 

The  gerundive  is  based  on  the  present  stem  as  is  common  in 
Middle  Indie  languages.  The  stem  juhv-  was  abstracted  from 
juhvati,  whence  juh.  If  the  long  vowel  u  could  be  otherwise 
accounted  for,  I  should  prefer  to  take  juh-  as  being  the  ab- 
straction from  the  present  stem.  [For  the  phonology,  see 
Pischel,  §§  65,  332;  Konow  in  Ak.  Afh.  til  S.  Bugge.] 

30.  The   combination  -my-,   -ny-   become  -nn-   (written  -mil-): 

dnamnam  (Skt.  dnrnyam),  hiramna-  (Skt.  hiranya-). 

31.  The  retention  of  dh  in  idha  (Skt.  iha). 

32.  The  t  of  Ketala-  in  Ketdaputo. 

33.  The  g  of  Magd  (Kalsi  Makd,  Shb.  Maka,  Mans.  [Maka]). 

34.  The  sandhi  of  iti,  namely,  the  first  i  is  not  lost  after  im- 

mediately preceding  vowels  or  nasals  except  in  the  com- 


238  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

bination  kirn  ti :  pativedetha  iti,  vi,  5;  tisteya  iti,  vi.  13; 
sddh a  (blunder  for  sddhu)  iti,  ix.  8;  drddhetu  (-m  graphically 
omitted)  iti,  vi.  9;  dlpayema  iti,  xii.  6;  danam  (blunder 
for  danam)  iti,  ix.  7  but  always  Mm  ti  (except  once  where 
the  m  of  kirn  is  graphically  omitted). 

35.  Etayam  for  eta  ayam. 

According  to  Biihler  this  is  for  eta  iyam.  As  iyam  in  this 
text  is  a  'Magadhism',  I  prefer  the  above. 

36.  The  double  treatment  of  final  am  becoming  am  and  am. 

The  law  governing  this  double  correspondence  is  not  clear.  I 
give  two  explanations  for  what  they  are  worth  without  defini- 
tely committing  myself  to  either.  To  judge  from  the  accusative 
singulars  vihdraydtdm,  and  samacerdm  as  compared  with  the 
genitive  plurals  devdnam  (found  repeatedly),  mitasamstutand- 
tinam,  bdmhanasamandnam,  (three  times),  prdndnam  (twice), 
brdmhanasramandnam,  bramhanasamandnam,  dhammayutdnam, 
gurunam,  thairdnam,  mitdsastutanatikdnam,  manusdnam,  pasu- 
manusdnam,  bhutdnam,  the  law  would  seem  to  be:  final  dm 
with  acute  syllabic  accent  becomes  dm]  final  dm  with  circum- 
flex syllabic  accent  becomes  am.  The  final  m  is  graphically 
omitted  in  pujd,  xii.  8,  xii.  2;  dhammasusrusd,  x.  2  as  in 
vadhi,  iv.  11,  phala,  xii.  9,  drddhetu,  ix.  9,  klti,  x.  1,  kiti,  x.  2, 
bhutapruva  (so!)  vi.  2,  sava,  vi.  2,  ki  ti  (=  1dm  ti),  xii.  2, 
susera,  xii.  7.  It  is  also  probable  that  mahdthdvahd  at  x.  1  is 
for  -vahdm  as  is  shown  by  Mansehra  mahathravaham,  Dhauli 
-(ham) :  yet  this  is  not  certain  as  it  might  be  a  nom.  pi.  neutre 
like  vimdnadasand,  hastidasand. — We  then  should  infer  that 
the  middle  ending  -tdm  had  the  acute  syllabic  accent  (susratdm, 
x.  2;  anuvidhiyatdm,  x.  2)  and  that  the  locative  sing,  of  d- 
stems,  -dydm,  had  the  circumflex  syllabic  accent  on  the  ultima 
(ganandyam,  iii.  6;  parisdyam,  vi.  7).  The  objection  to  this 
explanation  is  that  it  is  highly  speculative,  even  if  we  have 
Vedic  genitives  in  -aam  to  back  it  up.  On  another  occasion 
I  had  a  chance  to  point  how  groundless  a  'law'  was  in  the 
Middle  Indie  dialects  which  was  based  on  a  differentiation  by 
acute  and  circumflex  syllabic  accent  (AJP.  30,  296).  And  I 
have  shown  in  my  Notes  on  the  Pillar-Edicts  of  Asoka  (IF/23) 
that  corresponding  to  Skt.  -vya-  and  -vya-  alike  we  have  Pali 
-bb-,  Prakrit  -vv-.  In  AJP.  30,  p.  292  I  have  disproved 
Johansson's  explanation  of  Shb.  etisa  by  accentual  conditions. 
And  I  have  shown  in  JAOS.  30,  p.  85  how  very  improbable  is 
his  theory  that  the  position  of  the  accent  determines  the  treat- 
ment of  final  -am  in  Shb.  So  that  on  general  principles  I  am 
averse  to  any  explanation  involving  the  accent.  Yet  I  may  add 
that  the  law  that  in  the  dialects  of  the  Radhia,  Mathia,  Ram- 
purva  redactions  of  the  Pillar-Edicts  final  d  (whether  original 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c. 

or  secondary)  is  shortened  to  a,  except  in  the  case  of  accented 
monosyllables,  and  before  postpositives  and  enclitics,  is  due  to 
accentual  conditions :  ilaya  necessarily  presupposes  the  accen- 
tuation daya  as  opposed  to  Skt,  <lut/d,  similarly  kata  the  accen- 
tuation kata  as  opposed  to  Skt.  krtds.  So  there  might  be 
something  in  this  theory;  but,  I  repeat,  I  am  very  dubious  on 
the  point.  The  alternative  explanation  I  give,  and  the  one  in 
which  I  have  greater  confidence  is  this:  final  dm  when  pre- 
ceded by  a  syllable  that  contains  a  long  vowel,  becomes 
am ;  otherwise  it  becomes  dm.  This  would  account  nicely  for 
the  difference  between  devdnam,  &c.  and  dhammasusrusd  (i.  e., 
-am).  But  this  would  not  answer  at  all  for  vihdraydtdin,  sama- 
cerdm,  and  pujd  (i.  e.  pujdm\  AVe  would  have  to  assume  ex- 
tensive levelling,  and  rather  more  than  our  evidence  warrants. 
Moreover  with  this  explanation  we  presuppose  the  accentuation 
devdnatn.  So  we  are  again  involved  in  an  accentual  condition. 
Still  I  should  very  much  prefer  to  assume  that  the  accent  was 
that  of  Classical  Sanskrit  rather  than  a  relic  of  Vedic  accen- 
tuation, if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  in  certain  Asokan 
dialects  (see  above)  the  accentual  system  was  identical  with  or 
similar  to  the  former.  To  sum  up,  the  evidence  at  hand  will 
not  permit  us  to  formulate  a  law  governing  the  correspondence. 
-^Senart  at  first  held  that  -am  and  -d  were  interchangeable; 
later,  without  giving  up  the  possibility  of  this,  considered  that 
final  m  had  been  lost  after  -d.  Konow  in  his  treatise  on  the 
dialect  of  the  Girnar  redaction  clung  tenaciously  to  the  theory 
that  -d  and  -am  were  interchangeable.  He  said  that  pujd  was 
for  pujam,  but  accepted  v ilidraydtdm ;  but  nowhere  is  any  ex- 
planation given  to  account  for  the  double  form  of  the  accusa- 
tive in  the  same  dialect.  His  appeal  to  the  Pkt.  grammarian 
Canda  is  no  explanation.  I  hope  now  to  definitely  disprove 
the  mistaken  notion  that  -am  and  -d  are  interchangeable  hi  the 
Girnar  dialect.  I  have  shown  AJP.  30,  p.  183  ff.  that  sdmipam, 
a  supposed  nom.  pi.  masc.  of  an  a-stem  is  in  reality  a  nom. 
sing,  neutre  of  an  «-stem.  In  the  same  paper  I  have  made  it 
clear  that  if  the  reading  bhutaprurrum  be  retained,  or  rather 
emended  to  bhutapurvam,  so  far  from  being  a  nom.  pi.  at  all, 
it  is  the  equivalent  of  Pali  bhutcpubbam,  an  adverb.  Senart 
once  held  that  atikatam  was  for  *atikamtam,  later  gave  this 
up.  The  fact  that  *atikamtam  is  never  written  is  a  guarantee 
that  this  was  not  intended  by  the  spelling  atikatam  (see  my 
discussion  on  the  history  of  long  d  before  medial  m).  Similarly 
chdti[m]  is  not  for  *chamtim.  Long  ago  Biihler  made  it  clear 
that  nicd  does  not  correspond  to  Skt.  nityam.  The  long  I  and 
the  c  of  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  nice  and  the  c  of  Kalsi  nice  (i.  e. 
nice)  show  this.  Yiiicent  Smith's  reversion  to  the  older  view 
is  regretable.  Phonetically  we  would  have  K.,..Dh.,  J.  *nitiyam 
corresponding  to  Skt.  nityam.  i  admit  that  the  short  i  of  G. 
nicd  is  hard  to  explain.  Probably  the  last  word  has  not  yet 
VOL  XXXI.  Part  IH.  17 


240  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

been  said  on  the  group  of  words.  But  if  the  Girnar  word  were 
the  equivalent  of  Skt.  nityam,  it  would  be  the  sole  case  in 
which  -a  and  -am  apparently  interchange.  For  some  positive 
arguments  against  this  interchange  we  have  the  following :  the 
ace.  sing.  masc.  of  a-stems  is  always  -am,  never  -a;  the  nom. 
ace.  neutre  of  a-stems  is  always  -am  (barring  'Magadhisms'), 
never  -a";  the  nom.pl.  of  a-stems  is  -a,  never  -am;  the  genitive 
pi.  always  ends  in  -am,  never  -a.  Now  if  -a  and  -am  were 
interchangeable  we  surely  would  have  some  confusion  in  these 
categories.  And  such  is  not  the  case. 

37.  The  final  vowels  of  prefixes  are  occasionally  lengthened  in 

compounds:  asamproMpati,  abhiramaMni. 

38.  The  dat.  sing,  of  a-stems  ends  in  -aya :  athaya,  paribhogdya, 

kammdya,  tdya,  etaya,  imlya. 

39.  The  dative  sing.  athd. 

According  to  Senart,  Konow,  and  Pischel  this  is  merely  a 
blunder  for  athdya.  I  see  no  reason  why  it  may  not  be  a  case 
of  haplology  as  the  word  occurs  in  the  expression  etaya  athd. 
Biihler,  Johansson,  and  Franke  have  defended  the  word  on 
other  grounds.  See  Biihler,  ZDMG.  46,  p.  62;  48,  p.  56; 
Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  53,  footnote  1,  BB.  20,  p.  85 ff.  (especially 
p.  92);  Franke,  Pali  and  Sanskrit,  pp.  122,  152;  Pischel,  VS.  i, 
44,  61;  Bartholomae,  BB.  15,  p.  221  ff.,  GrlrPhil.  1,  p.  122;  Auf- 
recht,  Festgruss  an  Bohtlingk,  p.  Iff.;  Brugmann,  Grundriss*, 
2.  2.  1  §  159  Anm.,  and  the  literature  cited  in  these  references. 

40.  The  'oblique'  cases  of  the  a-stems  ends  in  -aya:  vividhdya 
piljdya,  xii.  1;  mddhuratdya,  xiv.  4  (inst.);  ctfhasawtlrandyci, 

vi.  7  (loc.). 

This  -aya  is  identical  with  PaJi  -aya.  The  explanation  of  the 
form  is  as  follows :  -aya  as  a  dative  sing,  was  taken  over 
analogically  from  the  a-stems  just  as  in  certain  other  Middle 
Indie  dialects  the  a-stems  have  analogically  taken  over  -aye 
from  a-stems  (see  JAOS.  30,  p.  92).  After  the  syncretism  of 
the  dative  and  genitive  sing.,  -aya  was  used  in  place  of  older 
*-aya  from  *-ayas.  Then  -aya  levelled  the  inst.  sing.,  and 
eventually  came  to  be  used  as  a  locative  exactly  as  in  certain 
Middle  Indie  dialects  -dye,  properly  a  dat.,  came  to  be  used 
as  an  inst.  and  loc.  sing.  The  inst.  sing,  and  gen.  sing,  of  1- 
stems,  *-iya  and  *-iyds  respectively,  phonetically  fell  together 
in  -iyd;  and  this  no  doubt  accounts  for  the  levelling  in  the 
case  of  the  inst.  sing.  Moreover  -iyd  was  used  as  a  loc.  sing. ; 
so  the  spread  of  -a^a  to  the  locative  is  also  readily  accounted 
for. — It  would  be  possible  to  account  for  the  loc.  sing,  other- 
wise, and  consider  it  an  archaism  as  opposed  to  Skt.  -dydm 
which  is  obscure  in  termination.  For  -aya  could  phonetically 


Vol-  xxxi.]        The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  241 

be  combined  with  GathS-Avesta  -aya,  Young-Avesta  -aya,  Old 
Persian  -aya  from  Aryan  *-aya.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
neither  the  Avestan  nor  Old  Persian  are  to  be  considered  in 
determining  the  vowel-quantity  of  the  final  syllable.  For  original 
-a  and  -a  graphically  appear  the  same,  namely,  GAv.  -a,  YAv. 
-a,  OP.  -a.  It  may  be  added  that  it  is  universally  admitted 
that  the  vocalism  of  the  first  syllable  in  Avestan  has  been 
affected  by  the  vocalism  of  the  inst.  sing.  The  fact  that  Gir- 
nar, Pali  tamhi',  &c.  point  distinctly  to  a  prototype  *tasmi,  not 
*tasmin  (see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  §  88)  can  be  used  as  an  argu- 
ment in  favor  of  this  explanation.  For  the  ending  *-smi  is  to 
be  found  in  Avestan  aetahmi,  ahmi,  kahmi  (per  contra  Skt. 
etasmin,  asmin,  kasmiri).  See  Brugmann,  Grundriss*,  2.  2.  1. 
§  360.  Attractive  as  this  is,  I  think  it  can  scarcely  be  main- 
tained in  view  of  the  comparatively  simple  explanation  offered 
above. — There  is  no  necessity  of  assuming  with  Johansson  and 
Torp  a  law  that  final  a  is  shortened  if  the  preceding  syllable 
contains  a  long  vowel  to  account  for  -aya  as  a  gen.  sing. 
Moreover  as  the  preceding  syllable  in  the  case  of  tamhd  (Skt. 
tasmdt),  pacchd  (Skt.  pascdt)  contains  a  vowel  long  by  position, 
we  would  expect  the  final  a  to  be  shortened.  Only  assuming 
the  most  complicated  chronology  can  the  law  be  maintained, 
and  allowance  made  for  tremendous  levelling.  And  there  is  no 
trouble  in  the  explanation  I  have  given  to  explain  -aya  as  a 
genitive.  Pali  asset,  Girnar  asa  i.  e.  assa  is  no  support  for  the 
proposed  law  of  shortening.  It  does  not  correspond  to  Vedic 
asat  (subj.)  as  Kern  suggested.  But  it  would  be  possible  to 
consider  it  as  coming  from  *asyat,  a  cross  between  asat  and 
sydt.  A  good  parallel  is  Dhauli  and  Jaugada  nikhamdvu  (see 
Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  89,  footnote  3).  Or  it  might  be  due  to 
such  forms  as  G.  tisteya  (*tisthei/at,  created  by  analogy;  tisthe- 
yam  is  to  *tistheydt  as  atistham  is  to  atisthat).  Henry's  ex- 
planation of  -aya  (see  his  Precis)  is  improbable. — Formerly  I 
thought  that  -aya  on  the  Pillar-Edicts  of  Asoka  was  to  be 
connected  with  Pali  and  Girnar  -aya.  This  is  wrong  as  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  in  those  dialects  the  dat.  sing,  of  a- 
stems  ends  in  -dye,  while  Pali  and  Girnar  have  -aya.  The  end- 
ing -aya  in  Radhia,  Mathia,  and  Rampurva  is  from  *-dyd  in 
accordance  with  the  law  that  I  have  established  for  these 
dialects,  IF.  23,  p.  228  ff.  Delhi  Sivalik  -aya  beside  -dyd  is 
due  to  analogy:  as  in  the  o-stems  there  existed  the  doublets 
-ena,  -end  in  the  inst.  sing.,  so  -aya  was  made  to  match  -dy<i 
in  the  inst.  sing,  of  a-stems.  Allahabad  -aya  is  due  to  the 
same  cause.  It  obtains  exclusively  exactly  as  does  -ena. — 
Finally  it  should  be  mentioned  that  the  genitive  sing,  -dya  on 
the  dedicatory  inscriptions  of  Barhut,  &c.  have  to  be  kept  ab- 
solutely apart  in  deciding  the  origin  of  -dya  on  other  in- 
scriptions and  in  Pali.  For  it  is  notorious  that  the  dedicatory 
inscriptions  are  inaccurate  in  orthography;  and  -dyd  and  -ayd 

17* 


242  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

are  found  as  well  as  -aya.  So  that  it  would  appear  that  the 
true  orthography  should  be  -dyd,  not  -aya,  -ayd.  If  -aya  was 
admitted  as  genuine,  -ayd  would  also  have  to  be  admitted,  and 
I  fancy  few  would  venture  to  parallel  the  a  with  the  Avestan. 

41.  The  locative  sing,  of  a-stems   ends  in  -dyam:  parisdyam, 
yanandyam. 

42.  The  nominative  plural  of  a-stems  ends  in  -dyo:  mahiddyo. 

The  ending  is  taken  analogically  from  the  a-stems.  For  the 
literature,  see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  55. 

43.  The  nominative  singular  of  feminine  i-stems  nearly  always 

ends  in  -l\  dhammalipl,  asampratipati,  aliim,  sampatipati, 
samyapratipati,  dli  ammdnusastl. 

It  should  be  mentioned  that  in  the  Dhauli  redaction,  this  ter- 
mination is  also  frequent,  though  not  to  the  same  extent  as  in 
the  Girnar  version.  Hence  I  list  it  as  characteristic  of  G.  The 
dialects  of  the  various  recensions  of  the  Pillar-Edicts  show 
that  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  did  not  possess  this  ending.  It  is 
therefore  likely  that  the  termination  -i  in  the  Dhauli  redaction 
is  a  trace  of  the  local  dialect  (cf.  JAOS.  30,  p.  77).  The  Kalsi, 
Shahlazgarhi,  and  Mansehra  redactions  can  give  no  testimony 
owing  to  their  deficient  alphabets. 

44.  The    nom.  pi.  of  i-stems   ends   in  -iyo:  ataviyo  (Shb.  and 

Mans,  atavi). 

0 

45.  Original  r-stems  kept  as  such:  pitari,  mdtari,  Widtrd. 

46.  The  nom.  sing,  of  ^w-stems  ends  in  -i:  Priyadasi  (Dh.,  J. 

Piyadasl). 

The  Shb.,  Mans.,  and  K.  redactions  again  can  shed  no  light 
on  this  point.  The  Allahabad  redaction  of  the  Pillar-Edicts 
agrees  with  Dh.  and  J.;  the  Delhi  Sivalik,  Delhi  Mirat,  Radhia, 
Mathia,  and  Rampurva  redactions  agree  with  G. 

47.  The  dual  dvo  (Vedic  duvdu). 

48.  The  phonetic  equivalent  of  Indie  *catvdras  (Skt.  catvaras) 

is  retained:  catpdro. 

49.  The  nom.  pi.  of  tri-  is  tri. 

Tri  is  a  nom.  pi.  masc.  as  is  shown  by  the  phrase  ete  pi  tri 
prdnd,  i.  12.  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  pp.  30,  65  wrong.  T  for  tr 
in  ti  at  i.  10  is  due  the  influence  of  'Magadhan'  timni. 

50.  The  phonetic  equivalent  of  Indie  *tad,  ta,  is  maintained. 

51.  The  new-formation  ya  (*yad). 

52.  Ayam  as  a  nom.  sing,  neutre:  ay  am  phala,  xii.  9. 


Vol.  xxxi.J      The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  243 


53.  The  nom.  sing,  neutre  idam. 

It  is  true  that  [id]am  is  found  once  in  Shb.,  but  it  is  so  com- 
mon in  G.  that  it  must  be  classed  as  characteristic  of  that 
dialect. 

54.  The    pronouns    tdrisa-,    ydrisa-,    etdrisa-    (see    Michelson, 

Classical  Philology,  5,  pp.  219,  220). 

55.  The  pronoun  ney  nani. 

56.  The  instrumental  singular  imina. 

In  IF.  23,  p.  237  I  wrongly  assumed  that  Pali  amind  was  a 
contamination  of  imina  and  amund.  I  now  hold  that  amind  is 
an  inst.  sing,  to  such  forms  as  ami,  amlbhis,  and  that  imind  is 
a  compromise  between  amind  and  imena.  The  fact  that  amind 
became  reduced  to  a  mere  particle  in  Pali  points  to  its  origi- 
nality in  formation. 

57.  Middle   termination   in  verbs:  parakamate,   karote   (twice: 

once  possibly  a  third  pi.,  unless  a  mere  error),  mamnate, 

susrusatdm,  anuvidhiyatdm. 

In  Shb.  there  are  two  cases,  namely,  Jcarotne,  i.  e.,  Tcaronte; 
dipista]  in  Dh.  also  one,  mam[n]at(e)  ;  note  too  Kalsi  nikha- 
mi[th]d. 

57.  The  termination  -tha  in  the  optative  patipajetha. 

59.  Personal  endings  in  r:  drdbhare,  drabhisare,  sususera,  anu- 

vatardm,  anuvatisare,  srundru. 

According  to  Biihler  anuvatardm  should  be  emended  to  anu- 
vateram,  but  this  is  not  necessary  as  the  form  is  explainable 
as  it  stands:  see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii,  p.  90.  The  form  srundru 
is  difficult.  The  reading  is  certain.  Various  conjectural  emen- 
dations have  been  made.  "With  the  emendation  sruneru,  things 
are  just  as  bad  as  ever  as  -am  does  not  become  -u  in  the 
Girnar  dialect.  Personally  I  think  we  should  try  to  explain 
the  form  as  it  stands.  I  would  not  be  surprised  if  srundru 
were  a  fusion  of  a  subjunctive  *  srundre  and  an  optative 
*sruneyu  (cf.  Shb.  sruneyu)  somewhat  as  Dhauli  and  Jaugada 
nikhamdvu  ;  or  a  fusion  between  a  subjunctive  *srundre  and  an 
imperative  *srunamtu  somewhat  as  the  Sutra  imperatives  in 
-dtu  (a  fusion  of  the  subjunctive  -dti  and  the  imperative  -atu). 
It  will  be  noticed  that  we  have  such  an  imperative  in  KalsT 
sususdtu  as  Biihler  has  pointed  out.  See  also  Johansson,  Shb. 
ii,  p.  89.  However  for  the  want  of  further  material  the  whole 
matter  must  be  left  undecided. 

60.  The  optative  asa. 

61.  Tho  optative  bJiave. 


244  T.  Michelson,  [1911. 

62.  The  participle  karoto  (i.  e.  karomtd)  as  a  nom.  sing. 

63.  The  participle  karum,  xii.  4,  karu,  xi.  4  (with  m  graphic- 

ally omitted). 

What  Franke  says  on  karu  at  GGn.  1895,  p.  535  is  unconvincing. 
The  form  is  certainly  a  participle.  The  stem  karu-  seems  to 
be  a  compromise  between  karo-  and  Imru-. 

64.  Gerunds  in  -tpa,  Skt.  -tvd:  alocetpa,  dasayitpd,  paricajitpd. 

65.  The  future  liklidpayisam. 

66.  The  _p-causative  in  siikhdpdyami. 

67.  Certain   lexical   features    as   svayam,    samipam    (AJP.    30, 

pp.  183 — 187),  mahiddyo,  pasati,  ganandyam,  niratham, 
nistanaya,  gliara  (AJP.  31,  p.  63),  pamthesu,  dighdya> 
dnamtaram,  Hhdvasudliitd  (unless  an  error  induced  "by 
katamnatd  and  dadhabhatitd  in  the  same  line),  taddtpano 
(*tadatvana-'S),  srdvdpakam,  ilokikd  (from  i  •+•  lokikd  as 
Franke  first  pointed  out;  formerly  wrongly  taken  to  be  a 
contraction  of  iha  +  l-\  per  contra  note  idlia  =  Skt.  ilm\ 
pracamtesu,  ekada,  mddhuratdya,  gacheyam,  aparigodhdya 
(see  below),  vrachd  (see  below),  niydtu,  naydsu,  aydya 
(see  belaw). 

I  do  not  venture  to  decide  if  ilokacasa  is  a  mere  corruption 
or  stands  for  *-lokafya-  as  Biihler  has  suggested. 

Lassen  long  ago  (I.  A.  II2,  p.  251  =  ID,  p.  238)  saw  a 
root  gudh  'enclose'  (on  which  consult  the  St.  Petersburg  lexicons) 
must  be  assumed  to  account  for  aparigodhaya:  see  Johansson, 
Shb.  ii,  p.  97;  Pischel,  GGA.  1881,  p.  1330,  following  Pott, 
I1,  p.  27,  considers  this  gudh  an  older  form  of  Skt.  giih;  and 
he  endeavors  to  support  this  view  by  the  modern  Indo-Aryan 
vernaculars.  As  I  am  ignorant  of  these,  I  cannot  criticise  his 
opinion  from  that  point  of  view.  But  the  Skt.  participle  gudha- 
and  the  Avestan  Ygaoz  show  that  the  Skt.  ]/ guh  comes  from 
Aryan  *ffhu£h,  Indo-European  *ghiiffh;  see  Wackernagel,  Ai.  Gr. 
i,  pp.  247,  251;  Brugmann,  Grundriss*,  I,  p.  558.  Gudh  is  for 
*ghudh  by  Grassmann's  law,  and  is  simply  a  parallel  form  to 
*ghuffh  as  vedh  (Old  Bulgarian  vedq,  Lithuanian  vedii,  Avestan 
Yvad  'fiihren',  Old  Irish  fedim}  to  *ve§h  (Old  Bulgarian  vezq, 
Lithuanian  vezu,  Avestan  \f~vaz,  Sanskrit  \^vah^  Latin  veho). 

The  word  vrachd  is  ordinarily  taken  as  being  the  equivalent 
of  Skt.  vrksa-  with  ra  as  the  development  of  Indie  r.  As  this 
would  be  the  sole  case  in  which  such  a  development  is  found 
in  this  dialect  (per  contra  note  kata,  vyapata,  mago,  vadhi,  &c.) 


Vol.  xxxi.J        TJie  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  245 

ono  would  properly  regard  the  form  with  suspicion.  But 
another  factor  should  be  taken  into  consideration,  namely,  that 
strictly  tho  word  should  be  transcribed  as  rvachd,  for  we 
transcribe  the  same  symbol  ;is  >-r  in  sarwitra.  I.  regard  rvachd 
as  a  clerical  error,  being  a  mixture  of  •  ra<-lm  (Ski,,  rrksa-}  and 
:ruchd  (Vedic  ruksa-).  It  may  he  added  that  the  other  versions, 
save  the  Shahha/garhi  one  which  differs  in  the  wording,  have 
correspondents  to  ruksa-.  Ju  'Prakrit  we  have  the  equivalents 
of  both  'W'kaa-  and  niksa-. 

Franke's  explanation  of  naydsu  being  due  to  sandhi  is  un- 
tenable as  other  examples  of  such  sandhi  are  not  found  in  the 
(lirnar  redaction.  If  uiydtii  is  phonetic  for  *nirydntu,  then 
Johansson's  explanation  (Shb.  ii,  p.  87,  footnote  1)  is  correct. 
Hut  it  is  possible  that  we  have  an  analogical  extension  of  ni 
from  *nih.  Then  naydsu  would  be  for  ny-ci-,  from  ni-a-.  The 
form  aydya  is  an  imperfect  of  the  ]/ yd  conjugated  according 
to  the  ?/a-class. 

These  are  all  the  special  characteristics  of  the  Girnar  dialect 
that  I  venture  to  point  out  at  present.  Opinions  will  probably 
differ  regarding  some  minor  points  as  to  what  should  have 
been  left  out  and  what  should  have  been  included.  For 
examples  vowel-quantities  are  riot  distinguished  in  the  Kharo- 
sthl  alphabet,  nor  I  from  *,  ii  from  u  in  the  alphabet  of  the 
Kalsl  jecension.  Hence  I  have  ignored  for  the  most  part  the 
dialects  the  alphabets  of  which  are  deficient  in  the  way  indi- 
cated, when  treating  vowel-quanties.  Again  I  have  not  listed 
the  contraction  seen  in  Girnar  mom  (Skt.  may  lira-)  as  character- 
istic of  the  dialect,  because  I  suspect  -Magadhan'  influence  in 
the  Shb.,  Mans,  correspondents  (JAOS.  30,  p.  84).  But  I 
have  not  ventured  to  list  this  contraction  as  a  special  point 
of  contact  between  the  ShahbSzgarhi,  Mansehra  and  Girnar 
dialect,  for  the  reason  that  at  present  there  is  no  positive 
evidence  for  such  contraction  in  the  dialects  of  Shb.  and  Mans. 
Similarly  regarding  Girnar  manusaciklcha  (Skt.  cikitsci-),  and 
a  few  other  cases.  In  all  such  cases  I  have  tried  to  use  my 
Ix'st  judgement;  and  I  am  confident  that  it-will  be  found  that 
1  have  listed  all  leading  features  of  this  dialect. 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the 
dialect  of  the  Shabhazgarhi  and  Mansehra  redactions. 

I  have  previously  treated  these  in  JAOS.  30,  pp.  87 — 89. 
To  them  may  be  added  ayani  as  a  nom.  sing,  feminine.  If 
the  reading  of  Shb.  [osudh\ani  be  correct,  the  u  and  dh  are 


246  T.  Miclielson,  [1911. 

to  be  added  also;  cf.  Girnar  osudhani,  •  Magadhan'  osadhdni. 
Mans.  osa[dhi]ni  is  a  corruption  of  some  sort,  the  a  may  be 
due  to  'Magadhan'  influence;  but  -ini  is  surely  unintelligible. 
The  dh  of  Girnar  osudhtini  is,  of  course,  due  to  the  influence 
of  the  preceding  (original)  lingual  s.  This  tends  to  place  the 
change  of  s  to  s  is  a  late  period  of  the  Girnar  dialect.  The 
dh  of  'Magadhan'  osadhani  points  to  an  early  change  of  s  to 
s  in  this  dialect.  Moreover  Girnar  sdkam  (i.  e.  sakkam), 
Shahbazgarhi  £ako  (i.  e.  sakko)  should  be  associated:  cf.  Jau- 
gada  sakiye  (Skt.  sahya-).  The  -y-  passive  (Magadhan  -iy- 
\JAOS.  30,  p.  91]),  and  the  participle  samto  (written  sato  in 
Shb.;  Fleet  wrong)  belong  also  under  this  rubric.  It  is  quite 
clear  that  the  final  merging  together  of  Indie  s,  rf,  s  into  s  is 
a  late  development  in  the  Girnar  dialect.  I  have  shown  above 
that  drs  and  drs  are  treated  differently:  this  shows  that  s  and 
s  must  have  been  kept  apart  for  some  time.  The  fact  that 
original  rs  converts  a  following  intervocalic  n  to  n  presupposes 
an  intermediate  stage  *rs  before  the  final  stage  ss.  Similarly 
the  change  of  s — st  to  s — st  presupposes  that  the  change  of 
s  to  s  was  late:  see  JAOS.  30,  p.  89,  AJP.  30,  p.  291.  So 
that  it  is  highly  probable  that  this  retention  of  Indie  s,  s,  s 
as  distinct  sounds  is  to  be  connected  with  the  maintainance 
of  these  in  the  historic  period  of  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbaz- 
garhi and  Mansehra  redactions.  Furthermore  it  appears  that 
the  assimilation  of  r  to  certain  adjacent  consonants  in  the 
Girnar  dialect  is  also  of  recent  origin.  For  ars  and  drs  are 
kept  apart  though  they  are  treated  precisely  alike  in  the  dialect 
of  the  'Magadhan'  versions.  Again  r,  though  assimilated  to 
following  dental  stops,  does  not  convert  these  to  linguals  as 
is  the  case  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialect.  Hence  the  assimilation 
though  a  parallel  development  was  an  entirely  separate  one. 
In  so  far  as  r  is  not  assimilated  to  certain  adjacent  consonants, 
this  tends  to  show  that  the  assimilation  to  certain  consonants 
is  late.  (I  should'  add  however  that  to-day  I  think  it  quite 
certain  that  the  assimilation  of  r  in  the  combination  ars[y}  is 
early,  and  common  to  Shb.,  Mans.,  and  G.  Formerly  I  was 
doubtful  regarding  this  point.)  If  then  these  two  suggested 
rapprochements  are  true,  then  the  Girnar  dialect  was  very 
much  more  intimately  related  to  the  dialect  of  the  Shahbaz- 
garhi and  Mansehra  redactions  than  hitherto  supposed. 

In  my  essay  on  the  etymology  of  Sanskrit  punya-,  which  is 


Vol.  xxxi.J       Ilie  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  <£c. 

in  TAPA.  40,  I  have  collected  some  evidence  that  tends  to 
show  that  r  was  assimilated  to  an  immediately  following  n  in 
the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans.  The  evidence,  as  I  stated  there, 
is  not  wholly  satisfactory.  Yet  it  may  be  urged  that  at  any 
rate  r  never  is  found  before  n  in  the  transmitted  texts.  The 
assimilation  is  found  in  the  Girnar  dialect;  and  if  it  took 
place  in  the  dialect  of  Shb.  and  Mans.,  this  would  be  another 
special  point  of  contact.  In  the  'Magadhan'  dialects  n  is 
lacking;  its  place  is  taken  by  n.  X<>\\  I  do  not  think  it  all 
probable  that  this  n  is  an  archaism  as  compared  with  Sanskrit 
Girnar,  &c.  n,  but  that  it  is  rather  a  secondary  change  from 
Indie  n.  If  this  is  so,  then  mn  from  rn  would  presuppose  an 
intermediate  stage  mn  (i.  e.  ww);  and  thus  it  is  possible  that 
the  assimilation  of  r  to  an  immediately  following  n  is  rather 
a  Pan-Middle-Indic  trait  as  is  the  assimilation  of  stops  of  one 
order  to  stops  of  another  order.  But  the  fact  that  the  assi- 
milation of  r  to  rs  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  must  be  kept 
apart  from  the  corresponding  assimilation  in  Girnar  (see  above) 
is  against  this  belief.  It  will  be  recalled  that  both  n  and  * 
are  linguals. 

Special  points  of  contact  with  the  dialects  of  the 
Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra,  and  Kalsl  redactions. 

I  have  treated  these  in  JAOS.  30,  p.  90.  To  the  traits 
mentioned  may  be  added  asu  as  a  third  pi.  optative  (G.,  Shb. 
«9w,  K.,  Mans.  a[sw]);  and  o  for  uo  in  Girnar  pasopagani,  &c. 

Special  points  with  the  dialect  of  the  Kalsl  redaction. 

Owing  to  the  fact  that  in  edicts  i — ix  the  dialect  of  the 
Kalsl  redaction  is  practically  pure  'Magadhan',  and  that  in 
the  remaining  edicts  'Magadhisms'  are  not  infrequent,  it  is 
difficult  to  point  special  points  of  contact  with  the  Girnar 
dialect,  even  if  they  existed.  As  I  mentioned  before  (AJP.  30, 
pp.  297,  417,  421)  there  is  some  evidence  to  show  that  in  the 
Kalsi  dialect  r  though  assimilated  to  following  dental  stops, 
does  not  convert  them  to  linguals;  and  there  is  some  evidence, 
though  very  meagre,  to  show  that  in  the  true  native  words 
original  r  does  not  lingualize  adjacent  following  dental  stops. 
It  is  possible  that  these  constitute  real  special  points  of  con- 
tact with  the  Girnar  dialect.  But  if  the  assimilation  of  r  in 


248  T.  Miclielson,  [1911. 

the  case  of  rth,  &c.  is  a  late  development  in  the  Girnaf  dialect, 
as  I  have  assumed  above,  then  the  assimilation  of  r  in  such 
cases  may  he  merely  a  parallel  development,  not  a  special 
point  of  contact.  And  in  so  far  as  the  Girnar  and  Kals! 
dialect  do  not  always  agree  in  having  the  same  vowel  developed 
from  Indie  r  (G.  kata-,  K.  kita-)  it  is  possible  that  the  non- 
lingualization  of  dental  stops  after  original  r  in  hoth  dialects 
is  a  chance-coincidence  (the  t  of  kita-  is  likely  enough  due  to 
'Magadhan'  kata-).  At  present  these  are  the  only  possible  or 
probable  special  points  of  contact  between  the  two  dialects 
that  I  can  point  out.  If  they  are  not  real  points  of  contact, 
we  face  the  proposition  that  they  are  no  special  points  of 
contact  between  the  Girnar  and  Kalsl  dialects.  This  would 
lead  to  an  important  conclusion,  namely,  that  there  are  no 
true  special  points  of  contact  between  the  dialects  of  the 
Girnar,  Kalsl,  Shahbazgarhi,  and  Mansehra  dialects;  where 
apparently  such  exist  we  must  assume  that  the  special  points 
of  contact  are  between  the  Girnar  and  Shahbazgarhi,  Man- 
sehra dialects  on  the  one  hand;  and  between  the  Kalsl  and 
Shahbazgarhi,  Mansehra  dialects  on  the  other.  [Note  J. 
kam(mane),  Dh.  (k)am(mct)ne  as  opposed  to  Gr.  kammdya,  Shb. 
kramaye,  K.  kammdye.  Mans,  kramane  is  a  'Magadhism'.] 


Special  points  of  contact  with  the  *  Magadhan'  dialects 
of  the  Fourteen-Edicts. 

It  is  not  always  easy  to  tell  what  are  true  points  of  contact 
between  these  dialects.  For  example  my  is  retained  in  G.  as 
well  as  the  'Magadhan'  dialects.  But  Mansehra  my  is  without 
question  a  'Magadhism'  as  is  shown  by  the  Shahbazgarhi 
correspondent  mm.  Now  as  y  otherwise  is  invariably  assimi- 
lated to  a  preceding  adjacent  consonant  in  the  Girnar  dialect, 
it  would  seem  likely  that  my  in  this  text  was  a  'Magadhism'. 
As  a  parallel  where  a  'Magadhism'  has  completely  usurped 
the  place  of  a  native  product  we  have  Mansehra  hnal  e  for 
0,  and  pati  for  prati.  Unfortunately  we  have  no  means  of 
checking  the  Girnar  redaction  by  another  text  written  in  the 
same  dialect  as  we  have  in  the  case  of  the  Mansehra  redaction. 
We  must  admit  our  inability  to  determine  the  point  at  issue 
with  absolute  certainty.  The  most  we  can  say  is  that  as 
there  are  so  many  special  points  of  contact  between  the  dialects 


Vol.  xxxi.]       The  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.  249 

of  G.,  Shb.,  and  Mans,  that  it  is  highly  probable  that  mm  for 
•my  was  also  such  a  point  of  contact. 

We  encountered  the  same  difficulty  in  treating  the  special 
points  of  contact  between  the  Mansehra  and  Shahbazgarhi 
dialect  and  the  •  Magadhan'  dialect  (JAOS.  30,  pp.  91—93). 
I  may  perhaps  add  that  to-day  I  have  what  I  consider  con- 
clusive evidence  that  gerunds  in  tu  in  Shb.  and  Mans.  are 
'Magadhisms';  see  AJP.  3.1,  p.  fin. 

A  few  apparent  special  points  of  contact  can  easily  be 
shown  to  be  entirely  separate  though  parallel  developments. 
Koi-  example  there  is  but  one  sibilant  in  both.  But  I  have 
shown  that  tins  is  a  relatively  late  development  in  the  Girnar 
dialect.  Again  though  there  is  partial  agreement  in  the  assi- 
milation of  r  to  adjacent  consonants  in  these  dialects,  the 
fact  that  they  differ  in  the  treatment  of  -&rs(y)-,  G.  -as-, 
•Magadhan'  -ass-,  shows  that  the  assimilation  of  r  in  these 
combinations  is  a  wholly  separate  development.  Moreover 
though  r  is  assimilated  to  dental  stops  in  both  when  they 
follow  immediately,  yet  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialect  the  dental 
stops  are  thereby  converted  to  linguals,  whereas  in  the  Girnar 
dialect  the  dental  stops  remain  as  such  (see  AJP.  30,  pp.  296, 
297.  416,  417,  419).  Consequently  the  entire  process  of  assi- 
milating r  to  any  adjacent  consonants  whatsoever  must  be 
kept  absolutely  apart  in  the  dialects  concerned.  They  are 
parallel  developments  but  not  special  points  of  contact.  Just 
so  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  original  r.  It  becomes  a 
for  the  most  part  in  both  dialects.  But  adjacent  following 
dental  stops  are  not  thereby  converted  into  linguals  in  the 
Girnar  dialect  as  they  are  in  the  'Magadhan'  dialect.  Hence 
the  process  though  similar  in  both  case  is  an  entirely  in- 
dependent parallel  development.  The  fact  that  the  same 
vowel  is  not  always  developed  from  r  (e.  g.  Girnar  mago, 
•Magadhan'  mige,  Skt.  mrgas)  confirms  this  belief. 

What  then  are  true  special  points  of  contact  between  the 
Girnar  and  'Magadhan'  dialects?  Indie  sv-  remains,  e.  g. 
svaga-  (i.  e.  svagga-),  Skt.  svarga-]  I  for  d  in  the  Iranian 
loan-word  -lipl;  Indie  &  becomes  cch  (written  ch),  e.  g.  pacha, 
Skt.  pascd  (see  JAOS.  30,  p.  85);  -aya-  remains  (JAOS.  1.  c. 
p.  91);  kirn  tl  (Shb.,  Mans.,  K.  kiti  (see  Johansson,  Shb.  ii, 
p.  o2);  intervocalic  ~j-  is  retained  (JAOS.  30,  p.  83);  -j-  is 
retained  in  the  correspondents  to  Skt.  vyanjanatas  (JAOS.  30, 


250      T.  Michelson,  tlie  Interrelation  of  the  Dialects,  &c.    [1911. 

p.  83);  the  gen.  sing,  of  zn-stems  retains  the  old  form.  e.  g. 
Gr.  Priyadasino,  J.,  Dh.  Piyadasine  (Shh.,  Mans.  Priyadrasisa, 
Kalsi  Piyadasisdj  Mans.  Priyadrasine,  K.  Piyadasine  are 
'Magadhisms');  the  infinitive  in  -tave.  These  are  all  the 
special  points  of  contact  that  I  venture  to  enumerate  at 
present.  Note  how  few  they  are  as  compared  with  the  special 
points  of  contact  with  the  Shahhazgarhi  and  Mansehra  dialect. 


The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns  of  Lugalanda 
and  Urkagina. — By  GEORGE  A.  BARTON,  Bryn  Mawr 
College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

WITHIN  the  past  three  years  a  large  number  of  documents1 
from  the  temple  archives  of  Telloh,  dated  in  the  reigns  of 
Lugalanda  and  Urkagina  have  been  published,  and  these 
documents  show  that  the  calendar  of  the  period  which  they 
represent  was  in  some  respects  different  from  the  calendar  of 
the  time  of  Sargon,  or  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur,  or  of  Ham- 
murabi, or  of  the  later  periods. 

For  the  most  part,  the  names  of  the  months  in  the  time  of 
Lugalanda  and  Urkagina  were  taken  from  agricultural  processes 
and  the  agricultural  festivals  connected  with  them.  There  is 
but  one  exception  to  this;  one  month  is  named  from  a  star. 
The  names  of  these  months  had  not  yet  crystallized  into  one 
conventional  form.  The  names  of  several  of  them  are  expressed 
in  a  great  variety  of  ways.  Two  or  three  of  these  names  have 
survived  into  later  times,  as  have  fragments  of  several  others 
of  them.  One  who  would  reconstruct  the  calendar  of  this  early 
time  must  be  guided  by  the  following  clues.  1.  He  must  adjust 
the  month  to  the  season  described  in  its  name.  A  harvest 
festival  month  must  come  at  the  time  of  harvest;  a  sheep- 
shearing  festival  at  the  time  of  sheep-shearing,  &c.  2.  He  should 

1  These  are  the  Russian  publication  of  the  collection  of  Xicolas 
Likhatscheff,  St.  Petersburgh,  1908,  (cited  below  as  Ru),  Allotte  de  la 
Fuye's  Documents  presargoniques,  Fasciculus  I,  1908,  Fasciculus  II,  Paris, 
1909,  (cited  below  as  DP),  a  few  of  the  texts  in  T.  G.  Pinches,  Amherst 
Tablets,  London,  1098,  (cited  below  as  A),  De  Genouillac's  Tablettes 
sumeriennes  archaiques,  Paris,  1909,  (cited  below  as  TSA).  These  works 
contain  more  than  five  hundred  documents  from  this  period.  To  these 
should  be  added  the  seventy  six  tablets  comprising  series  one  and  two 
in  Thureau  Dangin's  Recueil  de  tablettes  chaldeennes,  Paris,  1903,  (cited 
below  as  RTC).  Professor  A.  T.  Clay  has  kindly  permitted  me  to  examine 
his  unpublished  copies  of  the  texts  of  this  period  which  belong  to  the 
Library  of  J.  Pierpont  Morgan.  (They  are  cited  below  as  Mo.) 


252  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

study  the  survival  of  the  month  names  of  this  period  and  their 
fragments  in  the  later  times,  and  may  often  gain  help  in 
determining  the  place  of  a  month  in  the  earliest  time  by  the 
place  its  name  held  in  later  month  lists.  The  use  of  these 
lists  requires  caution,  however.  They  represent  not  only  other 
times,  but  other  localities,  and  often  the  survival  of  other 
primitive  names.  Then  several  things  may  have  affected 
them.  If  these  month  names  originated  before  3000  B.C., 
the  precession  of  the  equinoxes  has  carried  the  zodiac  forward 
since  that  time,  so  that  whereas  then  the  vernal  equinox 
occurred  in  the  sign  of  Gemini,  from  about  3000  to  about  750 
it  occurred  in  the  sign  of  Taurus,  and  then  in  the  sign  of 
Aries.  While  in  this  earliest  period  astronomical]  considerations 
played  almost  no  part,  it  is  conceivable  that  at  a  later  time 
the  months  may  have  been  attached  to  the  zodiac  sufficiently 
to  be  slightly  drawn  out  of  position  by  the  precession  of  the 
equinoxes.  Again,  special  displacements  occurred.  King  Dungi, 
of  the  dynasty  of  Ur,  was  deified  and  was  assigned  a 
festival.  It  can,  I  think,  be  shown  that  when  that  occurred 
the  feast  of  the  goddess  Bau  was  pushed  forward,  and  held  a 
month  later.  Possibly  in  one  or  two  instances  the  name  of  a 
month  was  through  a  new  interpretation  transferred  to  a 
different  part  of  the  year;  but  this  should  not  be  assumed 
without  proof.  The  month  lists  which  are  of  assistance 
in  this  study  are  published  as  follows:  ETC,  No.  180;  EBH, 
p.  299;  VR,  43;  VR  29,  1— 13a.  This  last  list  is  repeated  in 
ASKT,  64,  Iff.,  AIA  92 ff.,  and  AL<,  114ff.  To  these  should 
be  added  for  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  the  comprehensive 
grain  account  in  CT.  Ill  (No.  18343)  and  TCI  No.  77,  in  which 
the  months  are  all  mentioned,  in  such  various  combinations  that 
their  position  in  the  year  can  usually  be  determined. 

3.  The  nature  of  the  transactions  in  the  reigns  of  Lugal- 
anda  and  Urkagina  dated  in  these  various  months  should  lu> 
taken  into  account  to  see  what  light  they  throw  upon  the 
season  of  the  year.  4.  The  nature  of  the  transactions  in 
dated  documents  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur,  (these  published  in 
CT,  I,  III,  V,  VII,  IX  &  X,  in  Reisner's  Tempel-Urkunden,* 
in  RTC,  in  A,  in  Barton's  HLC,2  in  Lau's  Temple  Records, 

1  Cited  as  RU. 

2  Haverford   Library   Collection    of  Cuneiform    Tablets.    Philadelphia 
1905—1909. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reiyns,  &c.         253 

and  Radau's  Early  Babylonian  History,  cited  as  EBH),  should 
be  studied  for  light  as  to  the  season  at  which  certain  things 
were  done.  The  assumption  seems  just  that  similar  agricul- 
tural work  had  to  he  done  at  the  same  time  of  year. 

In  the  following  discussion  all  these  sources  of  information 
are  drawn  upon. 

There  are  two  reasons  why  this  discussion  is  undertaken. 
1.  Genouillac  in  TSA,  p.  xviiff.  has  made  an  arrangement  of 
the  calendar  which  starts.  T  believe,  with  a,  wrong  premise. 
and  is  accordingly  wrong  in  many  of  its  conclusions.1  2.  The 
Russian  publication  referred  to  above,  which  contains  more 
than  three  hundred  tablets  and  much  rich  material  on  the 
calendar,  was  apparently  unknown  to  Genouillac,  and  the 
addition  of  this  material  warrants  a  new  discussion. 

Genouillac  rightly  begins  his  discussion  with  the  month  of 
the  Feast  of  Bau.  This  month  name  continued  in  common 
use  through  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur,  and  Gudea  twice 
states  that  the  ZAG-MU,  or  New  Year's  festival  occurred 
on  the  feast  of  Bau  (stat,  E.  v.  1—2,  stat.  G  111.  5).  Gen- 
ouillac assumes  accordingly  that  the  month  of  the  Feast  of 
Bau  was  identical  with  the  month  March  15th  to  April  15th. 
In  tins  he  is,  I  believe,  mistaken.  In  VR  43,  36  a  the  month 
of  the  Feast  of  Bau2  is  said  to  be  one  of  the  names  for  the 
month  DUL-AZAG.  In  VR,  29,  7a  and  ASKT,  64,  7 a 
DUL-AZAG  is  said  to  be  a  name  for  Tashrit,  the  seventh 
month  of  the  year.  The  occurrence  of  this  name  in  this 
position  in  this  list  can,  I  think,  be  explained  only  as  a 
survival  of  the  position  of  the  month  in  a  list  earlier  than 
the  dynasty  of  Ur.  It  follows  accordingly  that  down  to 
the  time  of  Gudea  the  year  at  Telloh  began  at  or  near  the 
autumnal  equinox,  as  the  Jewish  year  did  in  pre-exilic  times, 
and  as  the  religious  year  does  among  the  Jews  to  the  present 
day.3  This  fundamental  error  has  made  much  of  Genouillac's 
outline  of  the  calendar  wrong.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  an 
important  feast  should  have  been  transferred  from  the  spring 
to  the  autumn  in  this  way.  In  a  country  where  the  winter 
is  mild  and  is  a  season  of  agricultural  work  which  culminates 

1  Kug-lor.   Sternkunde  und  Sterndienst  in  Babel    II.  Buch.     Miinster 
in  Wcstfalon.  1909,  p.  176ft'.  accepts  Genouillac's  results. 

2  The  phrase  reads  ITU  [EZIN-]*  BA-U. 

3  This  had  been  recognized  by  Radau,  EBH,  295. 


254  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

in  a  spring  harvest,  and  where  the  summer  is  a  time  of  drought, 
it  is  more  natural  to  begin  the  year  in  the  autumn  when 
vegetation  is  reviving  after  the  summer  heat.  In  Babylonia, 
too,  this  corresponds  to  the  beginning  of  the  date  harvest1— 
a  harvest  of  great  importance  to  the  country — when  the  goddess 
of  plenty  begins  anew  to  bestow  her  gifts.  Such  a  time  wras 
most  fitting  both  for  a  festival  to  the  goddess  and  the  be- 
ginning of  a  new  year.  The  month  of  the  Feast  of  Bau  was. 
then,  Sept  ember -Oct.  Eighteen  documents  from  the  reigns 
of  Lugalanda  and  Urkagina  are  dated  in  this  month.  They 
are:  Ru,  Nos.  64,  167,  209,  217,  219,  235,  239,  253,  and  261, 
DP,  Nos.  51,  96,  and  112,  TSA,  ]STo.  20,  A,  No.  14,  ETC, 
Nos.  27  and  39  and  Mo.  Nos.  1476  and  1494.  These  docum- 
ents, however,  throw7  little  light  on  the  month  itself,  as  they 
consist  almost  altogether  of  pay  rolls  and  lists  of  sacrifices — 
both  of  which  might  be  written  in  any  month  of  the  year. 
The  predominance  of  lists  of  sacrifices  is,  however,  fitting  to 
the  new  year  season. 

Later  at  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  the  month 
of  the  Feast  of  Bau  was  pushed  forward  two  months.  It 
happened  probably  in  part  at  the  time  king  Dungi  was  deified. 
In  honor  of  the  king,  perhaps,  the  feast  of  the  New  Year  was 
given  to  hi£  month,  and  made  the  Feast  of  Dungi,  while  the 
Feast  of  Bau  wras  transferred  to  the  next  month.  By  that 
time  other  causes  had  already  pushed  the  month  of  Bau 
forward  one  month.  It  still  came,  however,  approximately  at 
the  season  of  dates.  So  it  came  about  that  a  pay  roll  of  dates 
(CT,  VII,  No.  17765)  is  dated  in  the  month  of  the  Feast  of 
Bau.2 

Thus  all  the  indications  that  wre  have  point  to  the  autumn, 
not  the  spring,  for  the  month  of  the  Feast  of  Bau,  and  to  a 
year  in  ancient  Lagash  which  began  in  the  autumn. 

Our  next  step  should  be  guided  by  RTC,  No.  39  and 
Mo.  1476 — two  tablets  which,  though  dated  in  the  month 

*  See  Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta,  1«*  ed.  I.  557.  561,  Zwemer,  Arabia 
the  Cradle  of  Islam,  125,  and  Barton,  Semitic  Origins,  111. 

2  It  is  no  disproof  of  this  that  an  account  of  quantities  of  dates  sold 
for  money  (CT,  V,  17765)  should  run  from  the  month  Amarasi  (Jan.— 
Feb.)  to  Shukul  (July— Aug.),  but  rather  a  confirmation  of  it,  for  these 
would  be  the  months  when  dates  were  sufficiently  scarce  to  be  bought 
for  money. 


Vol.  xxxi.J     TJie  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.          255 

of    the    Feast    of    Ban,    contain    lists    of    provisions    for    the 
month  of  the  DIM-eating    feast  of  Nina.     DIM    was   a  kind 
of  grain,  the  ripening  of  which  was  apparently  celebrated  by 
a   feast.    DIM-eating   is    expressed    by   the   signs  DIM-KTJ. 
Here  we  are  confronted  by  a  difficulty.     DIM-KIT  is  almost 
certainly  the  same   as  the  combination  found  in  the  dynasty 
of  ITr   texts,   usually   read   by   scholars   ZIB-KIT.     The   four 
wedges  of  DIM,  when  carelessly  written,  as  they  were  in  the 
period  of  Ur,  have  not  until  recently  been  recognized  as  the 
equivalent  of  the  earlier  sign.    On  the  tablet,  RTC,  180  (of  the 
Vv   period)   DIM-KIT  is   the  third  month  before  the    month 
of  the  Feast  of  Ban,  and  not  the  month  after  it.    There  were, 
however,  in  the  Lugalanda  period  two  months  which  bore  the 
name   of  this   grain — one  was  the  month  of  the  DIM-eating 
feast   of  Ningirsu,  the  other  the  DIM-eating  feast   of  Xina. 
In  countries  like  Egypt  and  Babylonia,  in  which  agriculture 
is  fostered  partly  by  the  overflow  of  the  rivers  and  partly  by 
irrigation,    three    different    harvests    may    occur.       In    Egypt 
today  there   is  the  winter  crop  sown  after  the  subsidence  of 
the  inundation,  which  is  raised  with  almost  no  irrigation.1    In 
Babylonia,  where  there  are  winter  rains,  such  crops  grew  with 
no  irrigation  at  all.    In  Epypt  the  summer  crops  are  sown  in 
April,  and  are  harvested,  according  to  the  rapidity  with  Avhich 
they  ripen,  from  August  to  November.    Babylonia,  too,  as  will 
be  shown  below,  had  also  its  summer  crops  raised  by  irrigation.2 
DIM  probably  included  the  two  grains,  sesame,  and  the  grain 
known  today  in  Babylonia  and  Palestine  as  dhurah  (*>>).    Ses- 
ame is  harvested  I  am  informed  by  Dr.  John  P.  Peters  and 
D.  Z.  Noorian  (who  was  formerly  a  resident  of  Babylonia),  in 
July  and  Aug.,  while  dhurah  is  harvested  late  in  the  summer. 
If  the  sign  designated  two  grains  which  ripened  at  different 
periods,  or  if  two  crops  of  the  same  thing  were  raised  in  the 
same  summer,  ,the  feast  of  the  first  harvest  would  naturally  be 
dedicated  to  Mngirsu,  and  the  second,  to  Nina.    At  all  events, 
the  indications  of  the  tablets  are  that  there  were  two  separate 
feasts,  which  celebrated  the  harvesting  of  this  grain. 

1  See  Baedeker's  Egypt.,  p.  Ivi. 

J  See  Rawlinson's  Ancient  Monarchies  L  12.  .Justrow's  Religion  of  Bab. 
&  Assyr.,  p.  29,  Roger's  History  of  Bab.  &  Assyr.  I,  273  ff.,  Barton, 
Semitic  Origins,  156. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  III.  18 


256  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

We  conclude  then  from  ETC,  No.  39  and  Mo.  1476  that 
the  month  of  the  DIM-eating  Feast  of  Nina  (EZEN-DIM- 
KIMNINA)  followed  the  month  of  the  feast  of  Ban  (EZEN- 
dBA-U),  and  corresponded  to  October-November. 

The  following  tablets  of  the  time  of  Lugalanda  and  Urka- 
gina  are  dated  in  this  month:  Ru,  Nos.  6,  230,  254,  272,  288, 
DP,  Nos.  106,  and  109.  Their  contents  present  quite  a  variety, 
Ru,  6  is  a  pay  roll;  Ru,  230,  a  list  of  skins  of  sheep;  Ru,  254, 
quantities  of  wool,  269  and  272,  quantities  of  fishes  which  formed 
an  important  part  of  the  festival;  Ru,  288,  quantities  of  drinks 
and  wood;  DP,  106  and  109,  both  record  quantities  of  dates 
and  some  other  fruit.  All  the  transactions  are  appropriate  to 
an  autumn  month. 

Ru,  269  states  that  fishermen  brought  quantities  of  fish  for 
"the  grain-eating,  the  DIM-eating  festival  of  Nina  (EZIN 
SE-KU  EZIN  DIM-Ktl-dNINA).  This  shows  that  the  DIM- 
eating  festival  of  Nina  was  also  called  sometimes  by  the  more 
general  name  of  "grain-eating  festival  of  Nina" — a  fact  which 
proves  that  the  month  name  ITU  EZIN-SE-KU-dNINA, 
which  is  found  in  Ru,  57,  225  and  260  is  a  variant  name  for 
the  "Month  of  the  DIM-eating  festival  of  Nina".  These 
tablets  are  respectively  a  pay  roll,  a  list  of  skins,  and  a  list 
of  supplies. 

RTC,  30,  a  tablet  of  the  time  of  Lugalanda,  records  the 
bringing  of  a  quantity  of  fish  for  the  DIM-eating  feast  of 
Nina  of  the  month  of  the  Feast -of -the -going -out -of -the -sea 
(EZEN-AB-UD-DU).  If  the  DIM-eating  feast  of  Nina  was 
in  this  month,  the  name  must  have  been  another  name  for 
the  month  Oct.-Nov.1  Genouillac  makes  it  follow  the  month 
of  the  Feast  of  Bau,  so  making  it  April-May,  but  is  unable 
to  explain  the  appropriateness  of  the  name.  That  it  belongs 
in  the  part  of  the  year  in  which  we  have  placed  it  is  shown 
by  Y,  R,  43,  52— 57 a,  where  the  name  spelled  AB-BA-UD-DU 
occurs  as  the  name  of  the  10th  month,  Tebet  (cf.,V,  R,  29,  lOa), 
i.  e.  Dec.- Jan.  It  has  there  been  pushed  along  one  month 
further — a  thing  which  probably  happened  when  the  month 
of  the  Feast  of  Bau  was  pushed  forward. 

1  The  Sumerian  is  ambiguous.  It  may  be  interpreted  to  mean  that 
EZIN-AB-UD-DU  is  simply  the  date  of  the  tablet  in  which  case 
EZIN-AB-UD-DTJ  would  be  another  name  for  the  month  of  the  Feast 
of  Bau. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.     /  257 


This  name — month  of  the  Feast  of  the-going-out-of-t He-sea — 
probably  designated  the  month  of  low  water.  The/ overflow 
of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  which  begins  with  th^  Tigris  in 
March,  has  ceased  on  the  Euphrates  by  the  end  of  September. 
The  rains  do  not  begin  until  December,  so  that  the  month 
Oct.-Nov.,  after  the  overflow  and  before  the  rains,  would  be 
the  month  of  lowest  water.  This  again  confirms  our  placing 
of  the  month.  What  is  probably  a  variant  of  this  name  oc- 
curs in  an  unpublished  tablet  in  the  Harvard  Semitic  Museum, 
a  copy  of  which  has  been  loaned  me  by  Dr.  Mary  I.  Hussey. 
It  reads:  ITU  GAR-KA-ID-KA,  "Month  of  the  food  of  the 
river",1  and  is  most  probably  interpreted  as  a  variant  name 
of  this  feast. 

As  the  next  month  —  November -December  —  Genouillac 
places  the  month  SIG-BA,  the  month  of  wool,  on  the  ground 
that  as  the  cool  weather  approached  the  people  would  be 
employed  in  making  their  winter  garments.  The  one  document 
dated  in  this  month  known  to  him  (TSA,  27)  is  a  receipt  for 
flails  and  some  wooden  pegs  from  a  carpenter.  One  would 
expect  such  objects  to  be  sold  nearer  the  threshing  season, 
which  is  shown  below  to  have  coincided  in  Babylonia  with 
the  time  of  sheep  shearing.  There  was  a  month  named 
from  the  shearing  of  the  sheep,  as  Genouillac  noted  and 
as  we  shall  show  below,  and  the  "month  of  the  wool"  would 
be  a  fitting  alternate  name  for  that.  It  is  shown  below 
that  these  names  were  applied  to  the  month  March-April. 
Moreover  in  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  the  wool  was  dis- 
tributed to  the  weavers  either  in  the  month  of  the  Feast  of 
Tammuz  (HLC,  PL  51)  or  the  Feast  of  Bau  (HLC  Pis.  23, 
24),  that  the  garments  might  be  made  before  cold  weather. 

Nevertheless  I  suspect  Genouillac  is  partly  right  in  thinking 
that  Nov.-Dec.  had  something  to  do  with  garments.  A  new 
month-name,  which  may  be  thus  explained,  has  come  to  light 
in  the  Russian  publication.  In  Ru  241,  a  list  of  skins  for 
garments  is  dated,  ITU  SI-GAR-MA,  which  may  be  rendered, 
"the  Month  they  'put  on'  garments"  (cf.  Br.  No.  11978  and 
No.  6778).  As  one  sees  men  in  the  East  today  clothed  in  the 
cold  rainy  time  in  sheepskin  coats,  so  this  month-name  appears 
to  refer  to  time  of  putting  these  on. 

1  It  seems  reasonable  to  regard  GAK-KA  as  a  variant  writing  of  B. 
11997,  ukultu,  rather  than  to  interpret  by  M.  9232,  egirru* 

18* 


258  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

As  to  the  name  of  the  month  Dec.-Jan.  in  this  early  time, 
I  am  in  doubt.  I  am,  however,  tempted  to  believe  that  it 
may  have  been  the  month  ITU  UZ-NE-GU-EA-A-A  (Eu,  226),. 
the  "Month  they  call  the  goats."  After  the  rains  begin,  grass 
begins  to  grow,  and  it  would  be  a  natural  time  to  lead  the 
goats  away  to  pasture  again.  Possibly  a  reference  to  some 
such  process  has  survived  in  the  month  name  ITU  APIN- 
G-AB-A  (Y,  E,  43,  40— 45  a),  which  might  be  read  the  "Month 
the  shepherds  separate."  If  that  name  perpetuates  the  name 
of  the  one  before  us,  and  our  supposition  as  to  the  time  of 
year  intended  is  correct,  we  must  suppose  that  it  was  displaced 
at  a  later  time  and  put  back,  for  in  V,  E,  43  APIN-GAB-A 
stands  for  Oct.-Nov.  The  text  Eu,  226,  is  a  list  of  skins,  and 
such  lists  are  dated  at  all  seasons  of  the  year. 

This  month  (Dec.-Jan.)  corresponds  to  the  month  MU-SU-UL 
the  period  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur.  The  large  transactions  of 
that  dynasty  dated  in  that  month  are  payments  in  wheat  (CT, 
VII,  18395)  and  flour  (CT,  X,  12246)— transactions  which 
do  not  help  us  in  determining  the  correctness  of  our  guess. 

Next,  we  believe,  should  come  the  month  called  in  Eu,  1, 
ITU  AMAE-A-A-SIG-GA  and  in  Eu,  222,  ITU  AMAE-A- 
A-SI-DA.  AMAE  was  either  young  grain,  or  a  variety  of 
grain  (cf.  HLC,  Pt.  II,  p.  23,  i,  9  and  p.  24,  iii,  10).  As  AMAE 
stands  for  the  young  of  animals  also  (cf.  Eeisner,  U,  No.  2, 
iii,  6  and  passim),  probably  here  it  stands  for  young  grain. 
The  month-name  probably  means,  the  "Month  of  the  filling- 
out-of-the-young-grain."  According  to  DP,  60  and  69,  there 
was  a  "Feast  of  Amaraasi."1  DP.  60  is  a  list  of  sheep  and 
quantities  of  oil  furnished  to  the  wife  of  Urkagina  for  that 
festival,  and  DP,  69  of  food  and  garlands  (in  Semitic  Minnu\ 
cf.  M.3853  and  BA,  V,  638,  13)  furnished  to  the  same  lady. 
There  was,  then,  a  kind  of  a  festival  of  first  fruits  from  which 
the  month  was  named.  We  place  the  month  in  Jan.-Feb. 
because  in  CT,  I,  No.  77  it  is  placed  just  before  SE-KIN- 
KUD,  and  throughout  the  dynasty  of  Ur  held  this  position. 
Genouillac,  who  apparently  gains  his  conceptions  of  the  Baby- 
lonian agricultural  seasons  from  the  climate  of  southern  France, 
makes  this  month  May- June  and  calls  it  "the  month  when  the 
crops  begin  to  whiten."  Many  grain  account  tablets  from  the 

.  *  This  would  be  a  fresh  of  first  fruits  similar  to  the  Hebrew  feast  of 
unleavened  bread* 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.          259 

time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur,  as  will  be  pointed  out  below, 
show  that  the  harvest  was  over,  the  grain  threshed  and  ready 
for  distribution  by  the  month  April-May,  so  that  it  must  have 
been  possible  for  them  to  have  the  feast  of  first  fruits  in 
February.1  Of  the  two  documents  from  our  period  dated  in 
this  month,  one  (Eu,  1)  is  a  long  pay  roll  (and  pay  rolls  are 
dated  in  all  months  of  the  year),  and  the  other  (Ru,  222)  is  a 
list  of  skins  received.  Skins  were  likewise  received  in  all 
months.  In  later  times  the  month  Amaraasi  seems  to  have 
been  the  time  for  leasing  asses,  which  were  much  used  in 
the  harvesting  operations  of  the  months  which  followed.  Thus 
RU,  29  is  an  ass  account  from  Amaraasi  of  one  year  to  Sukul 
(July- Aug.)  of  the  next.  Flour  accounts  are  dated  in  Amaraasi 
(CT,  VII,  12932),  payment  of  wages  to  IM-E-KID-A  workmen 
(CT,  X,  14313),  payments  of  wheat  (CT,  VII,  12940  and  18409), 

i  It  is  possible  that  AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA  was  Feb.-March  and  that 
SE-KIX-KUD  was  one  of  the  names  for  March-April.  One  would  be 
forced  to  think  this  the  case,  if  he  reasoned  from  modern  conditions 
only.  Mr.  D.  Z.  Noorian  writes  me:  "In  southern  Babylonia  barley  is 
harvested  in  the  latter  part  of  March,  immediately  after  barley,  wheat 
is  harvested,  and  so  is  rice  rather  early  in  April.  Round  about  and 
south  of  Nippur  all  tender  vegetation  dies  or  dries  up  by  the  end  of 
March  except  such  as  grows  along  the  canals  or  swamps."  Hilprecht, 
Babylonian  Expedition  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  Series  D,  Vol.  I, 
p.  446,  states  that  the  workmen  left  Nuffar  at  the  middle  of  April  to 
harvest  their  barley  and  attend  to  agricultural  affairs.  This  would  imply 
that,  if  the  climate  remains  unchanged,  AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA  and  SE- 
XIX-KUD  should  come  a  month  later  than  we  have  placed  them.  It 
is,  of  course,  possible  that  by  the  period  of  Ur  these  months  may  have 
been  pushed  forward  one  place.  It  should  be  remembered,  however 
that  the  names  of  both  months  remained  unchanged  during  the  Urf 
period,  that  both  were  names  the  meaning  of  which  was  well  understood, 
and  that,  if  their  season  had  not  really  corresponded  to  the  actual  time 
of  the  harvest  at  that  period,  it  is  highly  probable  that  other  names 
would  have  supplanted  them.  As  noted  above,  too,  there  is  abundant 
evidence  in  the  Ur  texts  that  at  the  time  the  grain  was  threshed  and 
ready  for  storage  by  April-May,  so  that  it  is  probable  that  in  ancient 
times  the  harvest  came  slightly  earlier  than  now.  Possible  confirmation 
of  some  climatic  change  in  the  Mesopotamian  valley  may  be  found  in 
the  fact  that  as  late  as  1470  B.C.  elephants  were  still  roving  in  upper 
Mesopotamia  in  the  general  region  of  Carchemish.  Thothmes  III.  of 
Egypt  hunted  120  of  them  there  in  the  vicinity  of  Niy.  (See  Breaste  d 
Ancient  Records,  Egypt,  Vol.  II,  §  588,  and  History  of  Egypt,  p.  304.) 
This  would  seem  to  be  evidence  that  in  ancient  times  the  climate  was 
warmer  than  now. 


260  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

and  an  account  of  the  sale  of  dates  for  money,  brought  to  a 
close  (CT,  V,  17752). 

The  next  month  was  called  ITU  SE-KIN-KUD-DU,  the. 
"Month  of  cutting-the  grain,"  a  name  which  the  month  Feb.- 
March  bore  at  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  (cf.  TCI, 
No.  77).  One  document  from  our  period  is  dated  in  it,  RTC,  55. 
It  is  a  list  of  quantities  of  AS-plant  foods.  From  V,  R,  43, 
1 — 6b  it  would  appear  that  the  month  Amaraasi  later  was 
named  from  AS,  perhaps  because  the  AS-plant  was  cut  in  it. 
At  all  events  in  the  times  of  Urkagina  AS-plant  products 
were  to  be  had  in  the  month  SE-KIN-KUD. 

Probably  a  variant  name  of  this  month  at  this  early  time 
was  ITU-AMA-UDU-TUK,  or  "Month  the  sheep  become 
mothers."  A  tablet  of  the  reign  of  Lugalanda,  (Ru,  184), 
bears  this  date.  It  is  the  record  of  articles  brought  by  a 
shepherd  for  the  wife  of  Lugalanda.  The  month  of  the  yeaning 
time  in  the  East  is  most  naturally  Feb.-March. 

The  next  month,  called  in  later  times  SE-IL-LA  (cf.  CT, 
III,  18343,  iii,  31  and  passim),  was  agriculturally  a  busy  one 
in  Babylonia,  and  was,  if  I  rightly  understand  the  agricultural 
references,  designated  by  several  names  in  the  period  of 
Lugalanda  and  Urkagina. 

To  begin.,  with  a  name  in  which  the  name  elements  which 
have  survived  to  later  times  appear,  it  is  called  in  Ru,  234, 
ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-IL-dNINA,  the  "Month  when  the  goddess 
Nina  carries  grain  to  the  sheep."  In  three  documents,  (Ru, 
211,  Mo.  1474,  and  TSA,  18),  it  is  written,  ITU  UDU-SE-A- 
IL-LA,  the  "Month  sheep-grain-carried,"  which  is  evidently 
an  abbreviation  for  the  longer  form  previously  quoted.  Other 
forms  of  the  name  are  as  follows:  ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-GU, 
''Month  to  the  sheep  grain  they  feed,"  (DP,  47),  ITU  UDU- 
SU-SE-A-dNINA,  "Month  to  the  sheep  the  grain  of  Nina," 
(Ru,  153,  176,  265),  ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-dNIN-GIR-SU, 
"Month  to  the  sheep  the  grain  of  Ningirsu,"  (Ru,  196,  208, 
274,  TSA,  6,  Mo.  1503);  ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A,  "Month  to 
the  sheep  the  grain,"  (Mo.  1469);  ITU  SE-GAR-UDU,  'Month, 
they  feed  the  sheep,"  (Ru,  231);  and  ITU  AN-TA-GAR-RA-A, 
"Month  of  feeding,"  (RTC.  20). 

Genouillac  puts  this  month  in  July- Aug.  on  the  ground  that 
forage  was  short  and  they  then  had  to  feed  the  sheep.  I 
doubt  the  correctness  of  this  for  two  reasons.  1.  The  part  of 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.         261 

the  name  that  has  survived  (SE-IL-LA)  was,  as  every  one 
knows,  the  name  for  March- April.  2.  There  is  no  one  month 
in  the  summer  when  sheep  had  to  be  fed  more  than  during 
some  other  months.  In  CT,  III  fourteen  texts  published  on 
plates  11 — 15  record  certain  amounts  of  grain  which  were  for 
certain  sheep  and  cattle,  but  the  texts  are  dated  all  the  way 
from  Gudranemumu  (May -June,  No.  13892),  to  the  Feast 
of  Dungi  (Sept. -Oct.,  No.  13882).  On  the  other  hand  it  is 
probable  that  the  sheep  were  used  in  threshing  the  grain 
(goats  were  used  in  the  time  of  Hammurabi,  see  Code,  xxxviii, 
96 — 98),  and  that  while  the  threshing  was  going  on  they  were 
fed  on  straw,  tibn,  and  perhaps  some  grain.  This  would  con- 
centrate a  feeding  on  an  especial  time,  and  would  agree  with  the 
survival  of  the  name  to  later  times.  I  therefore  believe  we 
should  place  this  month  at  March- April  where  we  find  it  later. 

There  was  another  phase  of  activity,  to  which  the  energies 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  community  were  directed.  The  time 
at  which  sheep  are  shorn  in  Babylonia  today,  Mr.  D.  Z.  Noorian 
informs  me,  is  the  end  of  March.  So  the  sheep  which  had 
been  collected  to  assist  in  the  threshing  were  in  ancient  times 
probably  shorn  of  their  wool  before  being  sent  back  to  pasture 
again.  Accordingly,  when  wre  find  a  month  named  ITU 
MAL-UDU-UR,  "Month  of  sheep-shearing"  (ETC,  36),  we  are 
justified  in  supposing  that  it  also  refers  to  the  month  March- 
April.  A  shorter  form  of  this  name  is  found  in  Ru,  228,  where  it 
is  called  ITU  MAL-UR,  "Month  of  shearing."  Sheep-shearing 
was  an  important  function  and  was  attended  with  feasting,  as  is 
shown  in  1  Sam.  25  and  2  Sam.  13  :  23,  and  it  is  not  strange  that 
an  agricultural  population  should  have  named  a  month  from  it.1 
A  more  popular  name  at  Lagash  seems  to  have  been  ITU  SIG- 
BA,  "Month  of  wool."  This  name  occurs  five  times  in  the  docu- 
ments of  our  period  (Ru,  9,  224,  229,  Mo  1456,  and  TSA,  27). 
There  can,  it  seems  to  me,  be  no  doubt  that  it  refers  to  the 
same  month  as  the  sheep-shearing.  Still  another  variant  of  the 
name  appears  in  Ru,  63,  where  it  is  written  ITU  SIG-dBA-U-E- 
TA-GAR-RA-A,  •'  Month  the  goddess  Bau  bestows  the  wool." 

That  these  four  names  which  have  to  do  with  wool  refer 
to  the  same  month,  seems  to  me  most  probable.  At  the  time 
of  the  dynasty  of  Ur.  wool  for  clothing  wras  distributed 

i  See  Additional  Note  on  p.  271. 


262  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

from  EZIX-dDUMU-ZI  to  EZIX-dBA-U  (July  to  Oct.),  see 
HLC,  Xos.  1  and  29.  Between  the  sheep-shearing  and  these 
dates  there  was  time  for  cleansing  it. 

The  texts  which  we  thus  place  together  treat  of  the  follow- 
ing topics  all  of  which  are  appropriate  to  the  time  of  year, 
viz.:  DP,  47.  is  a  list  of  provisions  of  all  sorts  presented  by 
Barnamtarra,  wife  of  Lugalanda,  to  various  temples;  TSA,  18 
is  a  pay  roll;  TSA,  6,  a  list  of  perfumes;  Ru,  208,  a  list  of 
oxen  for  sacrifice;  Ru,  153  and  176,  sheep  and  goats  for  sacri- 
fice; four  tablets  contain  lists  of  sheep-skins ;  two,  lists  of  fishes; 
two  supplies  of  grain;  and  one  (Ru,  211)  is  a  receipt  for  a  cow. 

The  next  month  was  named  from  the  storing  and  accounting 
for  grain,  i  Four  tablets  (Ru,  16,  Mo.  1505  and  TSA,  14), 
bear  the  dat6  ITU  KARU-DUB-BA-A,  or  "Month  of  store- 
house accounts."  Ru,  249  expresses  it  ITU  KARU-DUB-DA. 
On  one  text  (DP,  119),  the  month  is  written  ITU  KARU-IMI- 
A-TA.  IMI  is  here  a  variant  of  DUB  in  the  sense  of  Duppu, 
"account"  (cf.  Br.  8360),  so  that  the  name  still  means  "Month 
of  storehouse  accounts."  On  still  another  document  (RTC,  56) 
it  is  expressed  ITU  SI-XAM-DIIB-XI-BA-DUR-BA-A 
"Month  when  accounts  are  opened"  (literally  "established,"  cf. 
Br.  10528).  This  refers  to  the  fact,  which  the  great  grain 
account  tablet  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  (CT,  III,  18343) 
establishes,  that  grain  accounts  which  ran  for  a  year  were 
opened  in  G  AX -MAS  (April -May,  the  month  was  called 
GAX-MAS  from  the  time  of  Sargon,  a  name  not  yet  found 
in  the  Lugalanda  documents)  and  ran  to  SE-IL-LA.  See 
CT,  III,  18343,  vii  34,  35,  viii  46,  47,  x  23,  24  and  xvi  42,  43. 
CT,  Y,  18358  is  also  wheat  account  for  five  years  which  ran 
from  GAX-MAS  to  SE-IL-LA.  It  was  also  a  favorite  time 
for  the  beginning  of  shorter  accounts.  All  the  following  texts 
are  wheat  accounts  beginning  in  GAX-MAS:  CT,  VII,  17761, 
CT,  IX,  13134,  19050,  21348,  CT,  X,  14308.  While  wheat 
accounts  exist  which  were  opened  in  other  months,  (e.  g. 
SE-IL-LA,  CT,  VII,  18427,  GUD-RA-XE-MU-MU,  HLC, 
61,  EZIX-dXE-SU,  CT,  X,  14316,  SU-KUL,  CT,  III,  19740, 

1  That  the  storage  of  grain  is  of  very  great  antiquity  at  Lagash,  is 
shown  by  the  elaborate  storehouse  constructed  by  Ur-Mna,  something- 
like  a  century  and  a  half  before  the  time  of  our  period.  Cf.  Heuzey, 
Une  mile  royale  chaldeenne,  p.  9ff.,  and  L.  "W.  King,  History  of  Sumer 
and  Akkod,  p.  92  ff. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  <£c.         263 

IX,  13657,  and  CT,  X,  14315,  DIM-KU,  CT,  X,  21355,  EZIN- 
q)TJMTJ-ZI,  CT,  VII,  18422,  MU-&U-UL,  CT,  VII,  18395, 
AMAR-A-A-SI,  CT,  VII,  18409,  &E-KIN-KUD,  CT,  VII, 
13166,  DIR-SE-KIN-KUD,  CT,  X,  12235),  the  Documents 
from  the  dynasty  of  Ur  show  that  GAN-MAS  saw  the 
opening  of  more  accounts  than  any  other  month.  This  fact 
had.  no  doubt,  a  natural  cause  in  the  fact  that  the  grain  was 
then  threshed  and  ready  for  market,  and  confirms  us  in  the 
belief  th  atthe  month  April-May^was  the  "Month  of  storehouse 
accounts,"  ITU  KARU-DUB-BA-A. 

I  therefore  regard  it  as  the  early  name  for  that  month, 
which  by  the  time  of  Sargon  was  displaced  by  the  name 
GAX-MAS,  "Month  of  the  division  of  the  fields,"— a  name 
which  probably  refers  to  the  repair  of  the  canals  for  the 
irrigation  which  began  in  the  next  month. 

As  the  next  month  we  are,  I  think,  compelled  by  the  docu- 
ments of  the  period  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  to  place  ITU  GrUD- 
RA-XE-MA-A',  "Month  the  faithful  oxen  go  out"— a  month 
found  in  DP,  143  and  RTC.  322.  The  documents  of  the  period 

1  Genouillac  (p.  xix,  n.  8)  reads  the  name  ITU-HAR-RA-NE-SAR-A 
on  the  basis  of  a  remark  of  Thureau-Dangin  in  ZA,  XVI,  345,  n.  1 — a 
remark  based  on  the  writing  of  the  month  name  in  RU,  222,  a  tablet  of 
the  period  of  Ur.    This  writing  also   occurs  in   the  Ur  tablet  published 
in  HLC,  II,  pi.  75  although  it  is  not  certain  in  either  case  that  the  first 
sign  is  to  be  read  HAH  instead  of  GUD.    A  copy  of  the  month  name 
quoted   from  an   unpublished  tablet  by  Thureau-Dangin,  Inventaire  des 
tablettes  de  Telloh,  p.  9,  where  the  name  is  spelled  GUD-RA-NE-MU-MU, 
shows  that  in  the  Ur  period  the  name  was  pronounced  Gudranemumu. 
Thureau-Dangin   himself  has   abandoned  the  reading  HAR  for  the  first 
syllable.     SAR  has  the   value  MU  when  it  means   "to   sing"  (B.  .4347) 
and  "to  shine"  (B.  4346),  but  the  value  MA  when  it  means  "to  go  out" 
(B.  4302).    That  it  had  the  value  MA  in  our  period  the  phonetic  com- 
plement A  shows.    The  MU    of   the  Ur   period   arose,    I  believe,    from 
phonetic  deflection. 

The  value  RA  attaches  to  the  sign  DU  when  the  latter  means  ugo", 
"walk"  (B.  4871)  or  "be  firm",  "faithful"  (B.  4884).  We  might  accord- 
ingly read  "the  walking  oxen"  instead  of  "the  faithful  oxen". 

The  value  HAR  for  GUD  is  attested  only  in  III  R,  68,  64  a— a  late 
syllabary.  It  may  have  arisen  from  the  assimilation  of  d  to  the  follow- 
ing r  in  this  month  name  and  from  the  softening  of  the  initial  palatal. 
It  is  quite  uncertain  whether  GUD  was  pronounced  HAR  as  early  as 
the  Ur  ^period. 

2  In   RTC,    32,    the  name   is    ITU   GUD-RA-XE-MA-A-dNINA-KA, 
"Month   the    faithful    (or    walking)    oxen  go  out   for  Nina".     It  seems 


264  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

of  Ur  show  conclusively  that  the  month  followed  GAN-MAS. 
For  example  HLC,  53  (Pt.  II,  pi.  72)  reads  ITU  GUD-EA- 
NE-MU-MU  ITU  EZIN-*NE  SU-EA  (Month  Gudrane^ 
mumu  to  month  of  the  Feast  of  Neshu),  which  shows  that 
Gudranemumu  preceded  Neshu.  HLC,  81  (Pt,  I,  PL  33) 
reads  ITU  GAN-MAS-TA  [ITU]  EZEN-dNE-SU-KU  [ITU] 
IIIkam-,  (from  the  month  Ganmash  to  the  month  of  the  feast 
of  Neshu,  three  months).  Putting  the  two  statements  together 
it  follows  that  for  that  period  Gudranemumu  followed  Gan- 
mash. HLC,  Xo.  72  (Pt,  II,  PL  81)  shows  it  in  another 
way.  We  read  ITU  SE-IL-LA-TA  ITU  GUD-EA-NE- 
MU-MU-KU  .  .  .  upam.  (from  tke  month  geilla  to  the  month 
Gudranemumu  .  .  .  three  Months)  from  which  it  follows  that 
Gudranemumu  was  the  third  month.  So  far  as  I  can  see  there 
is  no  good  reason  for  supposing  that  the  months  were  not  in 
the  same  order  in  the  period  of  Lugalanda. 

The  oxen  went  to  the  fields  to  work  at  the  irrigating 
machines,  as  is  shown  for  example  in  the  Neo-Babylonian  text 
published  in  BE,  X,  44  and  translated  by  Clay,  Light  on  t  he- 
Old  Testament  from  Babel,  421.  The  month  May-  June  occurred 
at  the  time  when  the  combined  flow  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates  rivers  was  at  its  height,  and  it  strikes  one  as  strange 
that  oxen  for  irrigating  purposes  should  have  been  so  ex- 
tensively employed  then  as  to  cause  a  month  to  be  named 
from  the  fact.  It  is  this  which  leads  Genouillac  to  place 
this  month  in  autumn,  Sept.  -Oct.,  when  the  rivers  were 
subsiding.  It  seems,  however,  a  violent  preceding  to  suppose 
that  the  month  was  transferred  a  third  of  a  year  between  the 
two  periods.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  name  is  equally 
appropriate  where  it  stands.1  It  is  quite  probable  that  sum- 
mer crops  and  orchards  stood  beyond  the  range  of  the  over- 
flow of  the  rivers  and  needed  the  aid  of  irrigation.  It  was 
customary,  apparently,  to  begin  such  irrigation  at  this  time. 
In  a  later  list  of  months  (V  E,  43),  a  transformation  of  this 
name  occurs  as  the  name  of  the  second  month  (April-May, 
see  11.  3—8  where  the  name  ITU  GUD-SI-DA  occurs).  Prob- 


riatural    to    infer   from    this    that  the   oxen  were  laboring  on  the 
which  was  harvested  for  the  DIM-eating  festival  of  Nina.    This  would 
place  the  month  where  we  have  placed  it   above. 

1  It  is  not  certain  that  they  went  to  work  at  the  irrigating  machines. 
They  may  have  gone  to  plough  for  the  autumn  crop. 


Vol.  xxxi.j     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reiyns,  &c. 

ably  this  use  of  the  ox  in  a  month-name,  however,  had  in  this 
list  an  astronomical  import  and  was  connected  with  the 
second  month  to  correspond  with  the  Bull  sign  of  the  zodiac. 
It  does  not  indicate  that  the  ox-laboring  month  of  the  time 
of  Lugalanda  was  the  second  instead  of  the  third. 

The  one  document  dated  in  this  month  is  a  list  of  quan- 
tities of  grain  and  fishes. 

The  next  month  was  called  by  the  same  name  that  it  bore 
at  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  ITr,  ITU  EZIN"-dNE-SU, 
-Month  of  the  Feast  of  Neshu."  Genouillac  makes  this  the  month 
( )c-t.-"Nov.,  apparently  because  many  tablets  dated  in  the  month 
designate  quantities  of  seed  for  various  fields.  It  is  clear,  how- 
ever, from  the  evidence  presented  above,  that  the  month  was  the 
fourth  month  or  June-July  in  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur, 
and  it  seems  gratuitous  to  suppose  that  earlier  it  came  at  a 
different  time  of  year.  The  distribution  of  seed  grains  in 
tablets  of  the  Ur  period  dated  in  this  month  may  well  have 
been  for  the  crop  which  was  to  be  gathered  in  October,  or  it 
may  have  been  customary  to  have  the  distribution  well  out 
of  the  way  before  autumn.  Two  documents  in  the  Lugalanda 
period  are  dated  in  this  month,  Ru,  29 — a  list  of  supplies — and 
ETC,  53— a  pay  roll. 

The  next  month  was,  we  believe,  ITU  EZIJST-DIM-KU-dNIN"- 
GIR-SU,  "Month  of  the  DIM-eating  Feast  of  ]STingirsu,"  so 
called  in  Eu,  60,  218,  DP,  117,  TSA,  32,  48,  and  ETC,  34,  but 
also  called  in  A,  8,  and  Mo.  1457  and  1480,  simply  ITU 
EZIN-DIM-KU,  "Month  of  the  DIM-eating  feast."  Cm- 
reasons  for  distinguishing  this  feast  from  the  DIM-eating  feast 
of  Nina  have  already  been  given.  Our  reason  for  placing  it 
here  is  that  A,  83  has  a  passage  which  reads  ITU  DIM- 
Kl  -ZI-TA  ITU  EZIN  BA-U-KU  ITU  4k>-  (from  the 
month  DIM-KU  to  the  month  Ezin-Bau,  four  months)  which 
si  lows  that  at  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  two  months 
intervened  between  DIM-KU1  and  EZIN-dBA-U.  Now  the 
month  list  in  TCI,  77  begins  with  ITU-dDUMU-ZI,  then 
comes  ITU  EZIN-dDUN-GI,  then,  ITU  EZIN-dBA-U. 
Combining  these  two  passages  it  follows  that  at  the  time  of 
the  dominance  of  Ur  the  feast  of  DIM-Ktl  came  next  before 
the  month  of  the  feast  of  Tarnmuz.  As  we  shall  show  below 
that  the  Babylonian  year  at  the  time  of  Urkagnia  closed  with 


266  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

a  month  which  was  in  reality  the  month  of  the  feast  of  Tammuz, 
we  place  the  month  DIM-KIT,  or  the  DIM-eating  festival  of 
Ningursu,  here  in  July- Aug.  It  seems  fair  to  assume  that, 
although  the  two  months  had  been  pushed  forward  a  month 
by  the  time  of  Dungi,  that  they  would  retain  the  same  order. 
From  the  analogy  of  the  names  of  the  month  of  the  DIM- 
eating  feast  of  Nina  already  treated,  we  are  led  to  regard  the 
name  ITU  EZrNT-SE-KU-<WLNT-GIR-SU,  "Month  of  the 
grain-eating  feast  of  Ningirsu",  as  a  variant  name  of  this 
month.  Ru,  197,  257,  and  RTC,  67,  are  dated  in  it. 

The  tablets  which  bear  this  date  treat  the  following  topics:— 
Ru,  60  is  a  list  of  provisions  for  asses  and  men,  Ru,  218,  a 
list  of  provisions,  DP,  117,  a  summary  pay  roll,  while  TSA, 
48  and  RTC,  34  are  records  of  quantities  of  fishes,  A,  8  is  a 
receipt  for  salt.  TSA,  32,  a  list  of  oxen  and  cows,  Ru,  197, 
and  RTC,  67,  lists  of  supplies,  and  Ru,  257.  quantities  of 
oil.  The  business  which  appears  here  is  business  which 
was  carried  on  throughout  the  year.  While  not  character- 
istic of  any  one  month,  it  is  not  inappropiate  to  July-Aug. 
One  text,  Ru,  2,  presents  what  is,  I  believe,  a  variant 
name  for  this  month,  and  the  only  astronomical  name  which 
appears  in  these  texts.  The  tablet — a  list  of  provisions 
for  temple  servants — bears  the  date  ITU  MUL-BABBAR- 
SAG-E-TA-SUB-A-A,  the  "Month  the  star  Babbar  lays  down 
its  head,"  or  "abandons  its  leadership."  BABBAR  means 
"bright,"  "white,"  and  is  the  well  known  ideogram  for  the  sun, 
but  in  the  later  Babylonian  astronomy  was  a  name  for  the 
planet  Jupiter.1  Babylonian  astronomy  as  such  was,  however, 
the  accumulation  of  many  centuries  of  observation,  developing, 
as  Kugler 2  has  shown,  at  a  relatively  late  date.  At  the  early 
time  of  which  we  are  speaking  BABBAR,  "the  white  star," 
might  have  been  equally  well  applied  to  any  other  star  equally 
bright.  The  following  considerations  lead  me  to  believe  that 
in  the  month-name  before  us  Sirius,  not  Jupiter,  is  intended. 

1.  Sirius,  the  brightest  of  the  fixed  stars,  is  about  equally 
bright  with  Jupiter,  and  it  comes  about  each  year  with  a 
regularity  with  which  Jupiter  does  not.  BABBAR  would  be  a 
very  natural  name  for  a  primitive  folk  to  apply  to  it,  and  in 

1  See  Jensen,  Kosmologie,  125  ff. 

2  Sterrikunde  und  Sterndienst  in  Babel,  Miinster  in  Westfalen,  1907. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.         267 

naming  a  month  they  would  be  far  more  likely  to  name  it 
for  a  star  which  they  had  observed  came  regularly  in  that 
month  than  for  a  planet  which  wanders  about  from  month  to 
month. 

^.  At  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur  there  is  evidence  that  a 
month  was  sometimes  named  after  Sirius.  In  ETC,  180,  the  name 
ITU  LIG,  "Month  of  the  dog"  occurs,  and  the  tablets,  HLC, 
Pt,  II,  No.  2  (PI.  52)  ETC,  283  and  286  are  dated  in  it.  In 
II  E,  43,  63  a  we  find  a  star  name  MUL  LIG  dBABBAE,  (or 
if  read  Semitic,  Kakkabu  Kalbu  dSama§,  i.  e.  the  star  "dog  of 
the  sun").  This  star  is  recognized  by  Kugler  and  others  as 
a  name  for  Sirius.1  Now  in  a  text  of  the  period  of  Ur  (ETC, 
276),  this  month  is  expressed  thus:  ITU  LIG-BA-BAD,  the 
"Month  the  dog  dies"  (cf.  Br.  1517).  This  is,  I  take  it,  a 
reference  to  what  astronomers  call  the  "heliac  rising"  of  the 
dog  star.  The  sun  approaches  more  and  more  closely  to  a  star 
until  finally  it  rises  so  nearly  simultaneously  with  the  sun  that 
it  cannot  be  seen.  The  last  time  it  can  be  seen  is  called  its 
"heliac  rising."  When  the  star  disappeared  in  the  rays  of  the 
rising  sun  it  might  naturally  be  described  as  the  "month  the 
dog  dies,"  and  an  earlier  age  might  as  naturally  describe  it 
as  the  "month  the  bright  star  abandons  its  leadership."  The 
two  descriptions  appear  to  refer  to  the  same  phenomenon. 
Kugler,  (op.  cit.  p.  234),  reckons  that  the  heliac  rising  of 
Sirius  about  700  B.  C.  was,  for  the  latitude  of  Nineveh,  July  25th. 
Of  course  for  Lagash  it  would  be  slightly  earlier.  If  these 
names,  then,  refer  to  Sirius  they  would  refer  to  an  event  about 
coincident  with  the  beginning  of  the  month  July- Aug. 

3.  Another  reason  for  thinking  that  Sirius  would  first  attract 
the  attention  of  the  Babylonians  is  that  it  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  the  early  Egyptians,  and  gave  them  the  foundation  of 
their  calendar.  This  calendar  was  adopted,  Meyer2  and  Breasted3 
hold,  about  4240  B.  C.  If  the  brightest  of  the  fixed  stars 
could  thus  attract  the  attention  of  one  early  people,  it  could 
easily  that  of  another. 

If  the  months  DIM-KU  and  LIG  (or  BABBAE-SAG-E- 


1  See  Kugler,  op.  cit,  230  and  273  also,  Brown,  Primitive  Constellations, 
I,  277  ff. 

2  Cf.  Meyer,  Geschichte  des  Altertums,  2te  Aufl.  p.  101. 

3  Ancient  Records,  I,  30,  and  History  of  Egypt,  14. 


268  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

TA-SUB-A-A)  were,  as  we  have  supposed,  originally  the 
same,  they  had  ceased  to  be  so  by  the  time  of  the  dynasty 
of  Ur,  for  RTC,  180  has  the  names  on  two  successive  lines  as 
two  different  months.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however, 
that  by  that  time  considerable  displacement  in  month  names 
had  taken  place.  A  month  SU-KUL  had  been  introduced 
before  DIM-KIT,  Dungi  had  appropriated  a  month,  and  various 
slight  changes  had  occurred. 

The  next  month  in  the  year  was  in  the  Ur  period  sacred 
to  Tammuz  and  was  called  ITU  EZIN-dDUMU-ZI  (cf.  TCI, 
77).  Tammuz  was  closely  associated  with  the  goddess  Ishtar, 
and  in  the  list  in  V  R,  43  this  month  is  called  ITU  KIN- 
dININM,  "Month  of  the  mission  of  Ishtar" — referring,  no 
doubt,  to  the  myth  of  the  descent  of  the  goddess  to  the  lower 
world.  According  to  the  myth  she  went  to  the  lower  world 
because  Tammuz  was  dead,  and  the  feast  of  Tammuz  was 
accompanied  with  wailing  for  the  death  of  the  god.  While 
the  name  Tammuz  (DUMU-ZI)  has  not  yet  been  found  in  a 
month  name  of  the  Lugalanda  period,  it  is  probable  that  the 
month  is  alluded  to  under  three  different  names.  One  of  these 
is  ITU  EZIN-dLUGAL-ERIM,  "Month  of  the  feast  of  the 
god  King-of-Erim."  Two  documents  are  thus  dated:  Ru,  202 
and  RTC,  59.  I  contended  some  years  ago  *  that  Lugal-Erim 
was  a  masculinized  Ishtar.  That  he  was  either  that  or  Tammuz 
himself  is  altogether  probable,  for  NA-NA  or  Ishtar  was  the 
goddess  of  Erim.  This  month  is  not,  then,  to  be  placed  in 
the  winter  as  G-enouillac  does,  but  is  to  be  recognized  as  the 
month  of  the  Tammuz  festival,  Aug.-Sept. 

What  I  regard  as  a  variant  name  of  the  same  month  occurs 
in  Ru,  313,  where  we  read  ITU  GAL-SAG-GA,  "Month  of 
the  man  of  favor"  (possibly  to  be  rendered  "Month  of  the  man 
of  the  palm  tree").  The  primitive  Tammuz  was  associated 
with  the  palm  tree,2  and  the  closing  lines  of  "Ishtar's  Descent" 
(Rev.  47 — 49)  show  that  the  epithet  "man  of  favor"  would  not 
be  inappropriate  to  Tammuz.  Probably,  therefore,  we  have 
here  a  reference  under  another  epithet  to  the  same  god,  and 
through  him  to  the  same  month.  As  the  tablet  records  a 


1  Semitic  Origins,  pp.  183,  187. 

2  See  Semitic  Origins,  86  ff. 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c. 

payment  of  money  by  a  man  of  Elarn,  the  subject  matter  does 
not  help  us  in  determining  tbe  time  of  year. 

Still  another  variant  I  would  connect,  though  with  less 
confidence,  with  the  same  month.  This  occurs  in  Ru,  227  and 
mills  ITU  GAL-UNUGki-GA,  "Month  of  the  man  of  Eridu." 
The  tablet  is  a  list  of  skins  presented  by  a  NU-BANDA, 
officer  of  E-NAM-DUMU,  or  the  "Temple  of  Sonship."  Is 
it  fanciful  to  see  in  DTJMU  here  the  same  element  as  the 
DTJMTJ  in  fDITMU-ZI?  If  it  is  not,  this  tablet  is  connected 
with  a  temple  of  Tammuz. 

The  writer  showed  some  years  ago  that  the  religion  of  at 
least  one  of  the  cities  of  which  Lagash  was  composed  was 
connected  with  Eridu,1  and  that  there  was  a  sacred  palm  tree 
at  Eridu.2  Combining  these  facts  with  the  previous  epithet, 
we  gain  some  probability  that  we  have  here  another  reference 
to  the  month  of  Tammuz. 

We  have  now  completed  the  circuit  of  twelve  months,  but 
we  have  in  the  tablets  of  our  period  one  intercalary  month. 
It  is  the  month  in  which  DP,  99  is  dated,  and  is  expressed 
ITU  GAL-LA-A,  "Appointed  month"  (cf.  Br.  2253).  GAL 
is  the  ideogram  by  which  the  appointment  of  an  intercalary 
month  was  expressed  in  the  period  of  the  kings  of  Ur,  see 
CT,  III,  18343,  iii,  45,  vii,  40,  ix,  12,  49,  and  xvi,  45.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  of  its  meaning  here.  The  tablet 
records  a  list  of  cows  and  oxen  under  a  NU-BANDA  officer. 

While  the  above  arrangement  of  the  months  is  necessarily 
in  part  tentative,  we  have  endeavored  to  utilize  all  available 
information,  cuneiform,  agricultural,  geographical,  religious  and 
astronomical,  in  making  it.  It  does  not,  as  does  that  of 
Genouillac,  presuppose  the  transfer  of  month  names  half  way 
around  the  year  before  the  time  of  the  dynasty  of  Ur.  Such 
changes  of  the  position  of  month  names  by  a  month  or  two 
before  that  period  as  we  have  pre-supposed  are  made  credible 
in  part  by  the  introduction  of  new  month  names,  in  part  by 
the  imperfection  of  the  year,  which  had  to  be  adjusted  by 
intercalary  months,  and  in  part  by  the  loss  of  the  original 
significance  of  certain  names  as  they  became  abbreviated. 
We  may  tabulate  our  results  as  follows: 


Semitic  Origins,  196. 
Ibid,  197. 


270 


George  A.  Barton, 


[191L 


First  month,  Sept.-Oct. 
Second  month,  Oct.-Nov. 


ITU 
ITU 
ITU 
ITU 
ITU 

Third  month,  Nov.-Dec.    (?)  ITU 
Fourth  month,  Dec.- Jan.  (?)  ITU 

/ITU 

ITU 


EZIX-dBA-U 


Fifth  month,  Jan.-Feb. 


[ITU 
Sixth  month,  Feb.-March,     \ 


Seventh  month,  March- April, 


Eighth  month,  April-May, 


Ninth  month,  May-June, 
Tenth  month,  June-July, 


Eleventh  month,  July- Aug. 


EZIN-AB-UD-DU 

GAR-KA-ID-KA 

SI-GAR-MA 

UZ-NE-GU-RA-A 

AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA 

AMAR-A-A-SI-DA 

SE-KIN-KUD 
AMA-UDU-TUK 

ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-IL-dOTNA 
ITU  UDU-SE-A-IL-LA 
ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-Ktl 
ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-dNINA 
ITU  UDU-SU-SE-A-dNIN- 

GIR-SU 

ITU  SE-GAR-UDU 
ITU  AK-TA-GAR-RA-A 
ITU  MAL-UDU-UR 
ITU  MAL-UR 
ITU  SIG-BA 
ITU  SIG-dBA-U-E-TA-GAR- 

RA-A 

ITU  KARU-DUB-BA-A 
ITU  KARU-IMI-A-TA 
ITU  SI-NAM-DUB-NI-BA- 

DUR-BA-A 

ITU  GUD-RA-NE-MA-A 
ITU    GUD-RA-NE-MA-A- 


ITU  EZIN-dNE-SU 

ITU  EZIN-DIM-Ktl-dNIN- 

GIR-SU 
ITU  EZIN-SE-KtMNIN-GIR- 

SU 

ITU  EZIN-DIM-KtF 
ITU  MUL-BABBAR-SAG-E- 

TA-SUB-A-A 


Vol.  xxxi.]     The  Babylonian  Calendar  in  the  Reigns,  &c.         271 

f  ITU  EZIN-dLUGAL-ERIM 
Twelfth  month,  Aug.-Sept.,(?){  ITU  GAL-SAG-GA 

[iTU  GAL-UNUGki-GA 

Intercalary  month.  ITU  GAL-LA-A  > 

i  A  study  of  tin-  month  names  in  this,  the  earliest  list  of  Babylonian 
months  known  to  us,  impresses  one  as  a  strong  argument  against  the 
astral  theory,  which  the  pan-Babylonians  make  the  basis  of  their  work. 
Of  thirty  six  month-names,  but  one  is  astral.  One  is  the  name  of  the 
intercalary  month ;  one  has  to  do  with  the  sea  or  the  rivers ;  while  all 
the  rest  have  to  do  with  agricultural  occupations  or  agricultural  festivals. 
The  predominant  influence  of  the  heavens,  which  the  pan-Babylonians 
postulate,  is  entirely  lacking. 


Additional  Note. 

In  connection  with  the  remarks  about  the  importance  of  sheep-shearing 
in  ancient  Lagash  made  above  on  p.  261,  it  should  be  noted  that  "Tr- 
kagina  in  Cone  B  (Sarzec,  Decouvertes,  p.  LI)  bears  witness  to  the  im- 
portance of  this  operation.  In  col.  ii,  4—6  he  says  MAL-URU-UR 
URU-AZAG-GA-KA-NI  MU-NA^RU,  "The  sheep  -  shearing  house  of 
Uruazagga  he  built."  This  implies  that  sheep-shearing  was  a  kind  of 
public  event,  and  would  account  for  the  naming  of  a  month  from  it. 


VOL   XXXI.    P&rt  III.  19 


Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine. — By  JAMES  A. 
MONTGOMEKY,  Assistant  Professor  in  the  University 
of  Pennsylvania. 

THE  following  inscriptions  are  in  the  possession  of  Mrs. 
Henry  Draper  of  New  York  and  the  New  York  Public 
Library.  Dr.  Billings,  Librarian  of  the  latter  institution,  placed 
some  of  the  photographs  in  the  hands  of  Prof.  W.  Max  Miiller, 
who  generously  handed  them  over  to  me;  and  subsequently 
Dr.  Billings  and  Mrs.  Draper  allowed  me  most  liberally  full 
access  to  the  originals,  along  with  permission  to  publish  them. 
But  the  original  inscriptions  are  so  minute  that  any  study  of 
them  has  been  made  on  the  photographic  reproductions,  which 
fortunately  magnified  and  rendered  more  distinct  the  fine  and 
worn  characters  of  the  originals. 

The  originals  were  once  all  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Draper, 
who  gave  most  of  them  to  the  New  York  Public  Library. 
The  following  account  of  them  is  given  in  the  Bulletin  of  that 
Library,  vol.  XII  (1908),  p.  5,  as  follows:  "Three  Hebrew 
amulets  of  silver  and  two  of  gold,  in  silver  and  glass  frames, 
one  of  the  gold  amulets  having  attached  the  gold  cylinder 
case  in  which  it  was  worn,  all  having  been  found  at  Irbid 
[in  the  Hauran  in  1853]  and  belonging  in  date  to  about  the 
second  to  the  fifth  Centuries,  A.  D." 

The  discoverer  of  the  inscriptions  is  a  dealer  in  oriental 
antiquities  in  New  York  City,  and  from  him  I  obtained  the 
following  information : 

"The  amulets  Dr.  Billings  sent  you  to  translate  were  found 
in  tombs  excavated  under  my  personal  supervision  at  Irbid  in 
the  Hauran,  Syria.  Some  of  them  were  found  last  summer 
[1909]  and  some  two  and  three  years  ago.1  They  were  worn 

i  This  is  discrepant  with  the  date  given  in  the  Bulletin.  The  writer 
then  alludes  to  a  long  inscription  of  similar  character,  (but  evidently 
late)  now  in  possession  of  Messrs.  Tiffany  &  Co.,  New  York,  which  has 
been  partly  translated  by  Dr.  William  Hayes  Ward. 


Vol.  xxxi.]        Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine.  273 

in  cases  of  gold  (Mrs.  Draper  has  three  or  four  of  the  gold 
cases),  sometimes  in  bone  cases." 

Irbid  lies  east  of  the  southern  end  of  the  Lake  of  Galilee, 
just  west  of  the  Haj  route,  and  is  now  an  important  town.  * 
As  indicated  above,  the  inscriptions  are  written  on  small  pieces 
of  metal  foil,  the  largest  of  them  being  less  than  4  x  I1/* 
inches  in  size,  and  were  folded  in  gold  or  bone  capsules.  The 
minuteness  of  the  script  appears  upon  observing  that  one  of 
the  inscriptions  (A)  contains  32  lines,  and  another  which  is 
still  smaller,  42  lines. 

A. 

Inscription  of  32  lines  on  silver  foil,  in  possession  of  the 
New  York  Public  Library;  3  3/4  x  !3/8  inches.  After  line  9 
follow  several  rows  of  conventional  round  figures,  with  some 
characters  which  recall  the  Greek  alphabet;  then  a  line  of 
larger  figures  mostly  rectilinear.  One  figure  is  a  cross  with  a 
small  circle  at  each  end.  The  circles  probably  indicate  the 
magician's  seal;  compare  the  use  of  the  circle  in  the  in- 
cantation bowls. 

Text. 

pn*n  nrsm  HEW  rntami  i 
nxbvn  nnptyni  nni  mro  2 
nnsipsi  TITJ  ni  3 
mn&i  nirr  -OK  nhpb  4 
ism?  raton  Dinn  »  ,  5 
rum  pan  nni  ns&t?  ][D]  6 

[Dty  ']DV  p  iTyom  n^l  7 

IBM  D^I  ny^  8 
««,    »  B  *  *  *  9 

^«  10 


12 

*  .  ty  in  ma  n«  psnT  n     13 
ni  n^nyn^s  n^^na  n^i]  14 
rw  15 
16 


1  See  Baedeker,  Paldstina  u.  Syrien  5  p.  185;  Merrill,  East  of  the 
Jordan,  p.  293.  Extensive  ruins  exist  here  and  the  place  has  been  identi- 
fied with  Arbela. 

19* 


274  J.  A.  Montgomery,  [1911. 


ni«ns  in11  rfai  p  17 
rri  tsn  nrra  p»  pi  p«  is 
rnn  nnt?  "o  «m  r6iy  pi  19 
[«]  «nn  «r6*n  rrwn  20 
[rr^D  p«  ^  iTiWn  p  21 
rri  an  nrm  p^  bte  22 
p  rry»  i^i  r6iy*?i  23 
ii  nn^p  rvW  24 
25 
n  26 

HIS  pOI  )H  IDHty  27 

m  w  n  28 

......  29 

nrvm  n^om  [n^^i]  so 
nnn  jnts  pi  nn  .  *  31 
pN  p]  32 


Translation. 

1.  And  now  with  the  wand  of  Moses  and  the  shining-plate 
of  Aaron 

2.  the  high  priest,  and  with  the  seal  of  Solomon,  and  with 
[the  shield] 

3.  of  David,  and  with  the  mitre  of  the  chief  priest,  have  I 
pronounced  (?) 

4.  [the  wo]rd:  I  am  YHWH,  and  repeatedly  [have  I  exer- 

5.  cis]ed  them  on  behalf  of  Sahpur,  his  name, 

6.  of  (?)  SMNT,  and  for  Marian  his  daughter 

7.  and  the  unborn-child  in  her  bowels,  from  the  days  [of  ever] 

8.  and  aye  and  forever.     Amen,  Amen,  Selah. 

9.  ?  ?  ? 

10.  Oh,  intercede  in  behalf  of  him,  Abraham  our  father. 

11.  With  a  seal  (?)  stamp  him.     And  hear  my  prayer 

12.  on  account  of  the  dead:  "Rise  ye  forever  and  ever,"  (?  that 
his  so- 

13.  ul  thou  bring  forth.     Do  thou  drive  out  that  .  .  .  ?) 

14.  and  his  devourer  I  have  exorcised.     And  n- 

15.  ow,  my  father,  scold  them  away  from  Marian  and  from 

16.  the  unborn-child  in  her  bowels,  by  Yahweh  (?), 

17.  who  has  been  (so)  revealed  —  Yahu  Sebaoth  is  his  name, 

18.  Amen;  and  from  this  Marian  daughter  of  S., 

19.  and  from  the  unborn-child  which  shall  be  this  year. 


Vol.  xxxi.]       Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine.  275 

20.  In  the  name  of  the  great  God,  A- 

21.  men,  Halleluia,  Forever,  Amen,  Selah. 

22.  Peace  to  this  Marian  daughter  of  S. 

23.  and  to  the  unborn-child  which  is  in  her  bowels,  from 

24.  the  lilith  of  her  canopy.  .  . .     She- 

25.  mariah[(?)|  angel  of  Yahu  protect  (?) 

2(>.  her  for  ages.     Hallelu  le-Yah,  on  behalf  of 

27.  this  Sahpur  and  for  this  Marian  daughter 

28.  of  S.  and  for  the  unborn-child  in  her  bowels 

29.  ?  ?  ? 

:><).  [and  for  the  unborn-childj  in  her  bowels  in  her  body 

31.  .  .  .  and  from  ^Marian  daughter  of  Sahp- 

32.  ur.     Amen,  [Halleluia],  Selah. 

Notes. 

Line  1.  The  sorcerer  claims  to  be  armed  with  the  full 
magical  equipment  of  the  magicians  of  yore.1  Itsn  is  the 
Targumic  translation  of  the  biblical  HtDJD  of  Moses  (e.  g.  Targ. 
Onk.  to  Ex.  42).  The  nrs  is  the  biblical  fS,  the  plate  of 
gold  on  the  high  priest's  mitre,  e.  g.  Lev.  89. 

Line,  2.  David's  magical  perquisite  was  his  shield,  and  so 
I  restore  at  the  end  of  this  and  the  beginning  of  the  following 
line,  rtiJD.  This  is  probably  the  earliest  literary  reference  to 
that  magical  element;  see  JQR.  XIV,  p.  Ill,  for  an  early  (3d 
century?)  representation  of  it. 

Line  3.  The  term  indicating  the  priest's  property  I  con- 
jectured to  be  the  mitre,  and  following  a  suggestion  of  Professor 
Jastrow,  comparing  the  Biblical  JD13,  V51p2,  "helmet,"  I  suppose 
that  nnsip  refers  to  a  high  head-dress.  The  theme  .  KB, 
KP,  &c.  appears  in  various  forms,  in  the  sense,  "heap  up,  be 
gibbous,"  &c.  Compare  also  the  root  JOJ,  with  its  derivative 
my?}!?,  "turban"  of  the  ordinary  priest,  and  the  Syriac  KBp, 
"heap  up."  The  latter  root  illustrates  the  B  in  our  word. 

The  TO10  is  the  high  priest  of  the  second  temple  (nsn»), 
when  no  anointing  was  practised,  so  called  because  of  his 


1  Cf.  the  Greek  magical  papyri,  e.  g.  Wessely,    Griechische  Zauber- 
papyrus,  Wiener  Denkschriften  XXXVI,  2,  p.  129,  1.  109  ff:  "I  am  Moses 
thy  prophet  to  whom  thou  gavest  thy  mysteries." 

2  The  Oxford  Lexicon  lists  these  words  alphabetically;  but  they  should 
appear  under  233  and  X?3p. 


276  J*  A.  Montgomery,  [1911. 

many  garments.1  The  last  word  in  the  line  I  conjecturally 
restore  to  nBHBK,  Afel;  in  the  sense  "pronounce"  the  word  is 
generally  used  in  the  Pael,  but  the  Afel  appears  as  variant 
in  the  ancient  Bamberger  Codex  of  Targum  Onkelos  to  Lev.  272, 
Num.  62.2 

Line  4.  "ON  is  fairly  certain.  NmnD  I  take  to  be  the 
fern,  of  the  Pael  ppl.  used  adverbially.  Yerbs  may  be  supposed 
at  the  end  of  the  line  and  the  beginning  of  the  next  (the 
latter  with  the  pronominal  suffix  Din),  which  would  express 
the  operation  of  the  magical  apparatus. 

Line  5.  -TQfcOn  (with  pleonastic  K)  is  parallel  to  the  Jewish 
Aramaic  23  ^,  ^i  ^g,  satf,  "on  account  of,"  with  feminine  pi. 
ending  instead  of  the  masculine.3  It  is  resumed  with  1  in 
the  next  line,  and  is  probably  to  be  read  in  1.  26,  being  resumed 
there  with  b.  "isrw  is  a  unique  and  early  spelling  of  the 
famous  Persian  name  Sahpuhre,  appearing  in  the  Semitic 
dialects  as  Sabor.  The  first  great  king  of  this  name  flourished 
in  the  third  century,  but  the  name  was  an  old  one  in  Persia.4 

Line  6.  niDt?  ) .:  the  missing  latter  may  be  1  or  ID.  We 
should  expect  the  parent's,  especially  the  mother's  name  to  be 
mentioned ;  but  the  Aramaic  would  require  "Q,  unless  we  may 
suppose  that  the  Hebrew  p  has  persisted.  rODt?  would  be  a 
good  feminine  name,  i.  e.  "fat,"  or  possibly  nibttf,  "Octavia."  If 
)tD  be  read,  'fc?  is  the  name  of  a  place.  p*lfc  is  the  Hebrew 
the  2  is  unique.  It  may  be  a  local  dialectic  form;  cf. 
and  pfcJJ.  A  similar  prayer  for  the  unborn  child,  tfhtyb 
appears  in  one  of  the  (unpublished)  Mandaic  incan- 
tation bowls  in  the  University,  of  Pennsylvania  Museum. 

Line  10.  l^N  =  if  the  first  character  is  correctly  read,  the 
biblical  6  and  Targumic  s«^«.  The  following  verb  is  the 
biblical  and  Rabbinic  ^fcO;  the  accompanying  preposition  2  is 
peculiar,  but  is  not  out  of  place  with  a  verb  of  touch.  This 
prayer  to  Father  Abraham  is  unique,  although  the  atoning 
and  intercessory  power  of  the  Fathers  is  a  prevailing  Jewish 
doctrine.6  The  form  of  the  prayer  recalls  the  supplication  of 
the  rich  man  in  hell  to  Father  Abraham  in  the  parable  in 

1  See  Yoma  73  a,  and  Levy,  Neuhebr.  u.  chald.  Worterbuch,  IV,  p.  413. 

2  See  Berliner,  Targ.  Onk.  ad  loc. 

3  For  the  feminine  form  cf.  the  Syriac  ntrttp  =  Dip,  r6lBD  = 
*  See  Justi,  Iran.  Namenbuch,  p.  284. 

5  Weber,  Judische  Theologie,  pp.  292  ff,  326  ff. 


Vol.  xxxi.]       Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine.  277 

Lu.  16.     pN  is  the  probable  reading  at  end  of  the  line,  but 
*3N  appears  in  1.  15. 

Line  11.  ViyifiD  is  sure,  and  I  restore  the  preceding  word 
to  Dnn  at  a  venture.  In  magical  language  Abraham  is  asked 
to  stamp  the  dead  man  as  his  own.  Compare  the  sealing  of 
the  redeemed  in  Rev.  74,  and  the  comments,  upon  Ezek.  9  4 
in  Shablath  55  a:  "The  Holy  One  said  to  Gabriel:  Go  and 
mark  with  ink  a  Taw  upon  the  forehead  of  the  righteous  that 
the  angels  of  destruction,  n^n  "Ofc^D,  may  have  no  power  over 
them,"  &c.;  and  further  on:  "Taw  is  the  last  latter  of  the 
Holy  One,  for  R.  Hanina  said.  The  seal  of  the  Holy  One  is 
nDK  (truth)."  The  suffixal  form  TI  * . .  is  characteristic  of 
Onkelos  in  the  imperative.  &nb  is  a  common  biblical  and 
Rabbinic  word  for  a  spell.  There  is  room  for  a  missing 
character  at  the  end  of  this  line  and  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next. 

Line  12.  The  particle  T  introduces  the  following  imperative 
quotation,  as  in  Syriac.  TJM  D^iy  is  without  b  as  in  Ps.  21s. 
Some  incantation  of  magical  import  is  here  quoted;  cf.  the 
fragment  of  an  early  Christian  hymn  in  Eph.  5  14:  "Awake 
thou  that  sleepest,  and  arise  from  the  dead,  and  the  Christ 
shall  give  thee  light." 

Line  13.  My  restoration  pBm  iTOBJ  is  possible  so  far  as 
the  remains  of  the  characters  are  concerned,  but  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  whole  passage  is  not  satisfactory.  nK  may 
be  the  pronoun,  while  JVti  may  be  the  Hebrew  and  Rabbinic 
BHJ,  supposing  an  original  stem  grt.  The  final  word  would 
then  represent  some  evil  spirit;  but  it  may  possibly  be 
which  would  alter  the  interpretation  of  mi 

Line  14.    JTJ^nfc:  cf.  the  legend  in  Si/re  of  the  D^JTI 
who  await  the  death  of  the  wicked  to  tear  out  his  soul,1  and 
n.  b.  Satan's  part  in  disputing  over  the  body  of  Moses,  Jude  9. 

Line  15.  JViy^fi:  n.  b.  the  jussive  without  the  parengogic  1 
This  verb  often  appears  in  the  bowl  incantations  in  the 
quotation  of  Zech.  82. 

Lines  16f.  At  the  end  JT1JT  is  most  likely  to  be  read;  this 
would  be  then  the  expression  of  the  pronunciation  of  the 
Tetragrammaton,  as  preserved  in  Samaritan  tradition,2  and 


1  AVeber,  op.  cit.  p.  339. 

2  See  Montgomery,  JBL  XXV  (1906),  p.  49. 


278  J>  A.  Montgomery,  [1911. 

corresponding  to  the  modern  pronunciation  Yahwe.  This  is 
a  unique  spelling  in  Hebrew.1  In  the  next  line  r6^  is  evident, 
and  doubtless  refers  to  the  revelation  contained  in  iTIJT;  it  is. 
probably  the  passive  particle  (cf.  Biblical  Aramaic),  and  prac- 
tically equivalent  to  tmSDH,2  ,T1,T  being  actually  the  tsniBDH  DP. 
The  letters  preceding  rf?J  are  uncertain.  There  follows  nifcOS  1JT, 
cf.  1JT  in  1.  25.  This  is  exceptional  in  the  magical  forms  of 
the  Tetragrammaton,  and  archaic;  cf.  Assouan  Papyri. 

Line  18.     rii  BH:  the  restoration  is  made  from  1.  28. 

Line  19.  NJT  and  ^2  both  Targumic;  for  the  latter  cf.  Targ. 
Yerush.  Num.  22  28.  Here  the  pronoun  fcnn  and  in  11.  18,  28 
in,  and  the  masc.  p,  1.  27. 

Line  24.  HnVp  or  nrfej?  =  canopied-couch,  see  Jastrow, 
Did.  of  the  Talmud.  Evil  spirits  lurked  especially  in  roofs, 
trees,  and  all  kinds  of  coverings,  and  were  most  noxious  in 
proximity  of  a  bed.  The  latter  part  of  the  line  is  obscure. 
The  last  letter  in  the  line  may  be  P,  to  make  rn&t?  =  ^HTDP, 
a  favorite  angel  of  charms.3  JIN  may  be  the  pronoun  of  address 
to  the  angel. 

Line  26.  JT^  iWifc  various  perversion  of  this  magical  word 
are  found,  e.  g.  in  the  Greek  magical  papyri. 

Line  28.  We  expect  the  particle  1  before  P,  but  there  is 
no  room  for  it  (H  is  almost  certain).  I  have  found  cases  in 
the  Mandaic  bowls  from  Nippur  where  after  the  pronominal 
suffix  1  is  omitted,  the  suffix  appearing  sufficient  to  establish 
the  genitive  relation.  So  also  in  the  Assouan  papyri;  we 
find  the  relative  particle  omitted  in  the  construction  "year  x 
of  such  a  king,"  e.  g.  Sachau's  Papyrus  A,  1. 19,  BWTl  XIII  JW. 
For  the  abbreviation  P  for  l&nP,  cf.  Sayce  and  Cowley,  Assouan 
Papyri,  E  17,  m  =  TOT  *Q;  also  the  Talmudic  abbreviations. 

Line  30.  PtJVtt,  the  Targumic  fcWU,  Jastrow,  op.  cit.  p.  221  a; 
also  found  in  Ben  Sira  41  1 1 . 

The  charm  is  made  out  for  the  repose  of  soul  of  a  certain 
"Ifint?  and  for  the  health  of  his  daughter  pD,  who  is  pregnant. 
In  the  latter  part,  the  scribe  has  not  very  much  to  add  and 
monotonously  repeats  the  subjects  of  his  charm.  But  the  first 

1  Perhaps  the  same  pronunciation  is  also  intended  in  the  magical  term 
*T:iT,  found  in  the  text  published  by  Stiibe,  Judisch-balylonische  Zauber- 
texte,  1.  15.— P.S.  The  same  form  I  also  find  in  texts  at  Pennsylvania. 

2  See  Arnold's  discussion  in  JBL  XXIV  (1905),  p.  157  ff. 

3  See  Schwab,  Vocabulaire  de  I'angelologie.  s.  v. 


Vol.  xxxi.]        Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine.  279 

part  of  the  charm  is  fresh  and  original  in  comparison  with 
the  usual  stereotyped  forms  of  incantation. 

The  orthography  is  marked  by  absence  of  vowel  letters,  e.  g. 
such  words  as  nnpty,  HO^,  IBPIP,  Dty;  yet  TH,  D^iy,  r6lj>. 
Final  n  appears  instead  of  N,  as  in  early  Aramaic,  and  as  in 
the  Samaritan  usage;  the  one  exception  is  fcrtK,  where  N  is 
used  after  n.  The  masculine  suffix  is  written  PP,  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  feminine. 

The  forms  of  pronoun,  verb,  &c.,  can  all  be  exemplified  from 
the  early  Palestinian  Targums,  and  the  vocabulary  is  of  like 
character.  The  noun  nfiSlp  and  the  prepositional  rOfcOH  are 
new.  "iBHt?  is  an  early  and  unique  spelling. 

The  script  is  of  the  fully  formed  square  type,  but  certainly 
early,  as  reference  to  Euting's  tables  in  Chwolson,  Corpus 
inscriptionum  hebraicarum  will  show.  I  may  specify  the  long 
left  leg  of  n,  the  single  form  for  S — a  long  perpendicular  stroke, 
the  lack  of  distinction  between  T  and  1,  and  the  archaic  B. 
Taking  into  consideration  the  language  and  the  spelling,  I 
would  assign  the  inscription  to  the  second  or  third  century 
after  Christ.  There  may  be  also  noticed  the  archaic  use  of 
continuing  words  over  the  line.  The  inscription  would  then 
be  the  oldest  amulet  of  any  length  which  we  possess. 

The  charm  largely  consists  in  conventional  Jewish  phrases  and 
repetitions.  It  contains  however  some  novel  features.  The 
elaborate  introduction,  with  the  self-assertion  of  the  conjurer, 
is  of  interest,  and  so  is  the  union  in  the  one  charm  of  prayers 
for  the  dead  and  the  living,  and  also  for  the  unborn.  Unique 
is  the  prayer  to  Abraham.  The  divine  Name  is  spelled  not 
only  mrp,  but  also,  archaically,  1JT,  and  rPVP,  doubtless  the 
phonetic  representation  of  the  pronunciation  of  the  Ineffable 
Name. 

B. 

Inscription  of  40  lines  on  silver  foil,  in  possession  of  Mrs. 
Henry  Draper  of  New  York;  31/*  X  1 3/§  inches.  The  charm 
is  so  obliterated  that  despite  the  use  of  a  bromide  enlargement 
I  have  been  able  to  obtain  but  little  consecutive  sense  from 
the  inscription,  and  hence  have  not  thought  it  worth  while 
to  give  a  reproduction.  It  appears  to  be  of  the  same  age  as 
A,  though  the  vocalization  is  very  fully  carried  out,  but  differs 
from  that  in  consisting  largely  of  magical  formulas.  I  give 
the  little  that  is  legible. 


280  J>  A.  Montgomery,  [1911. 


1.  n      )»]  ..... 

2.  .  .  .  n  nsu  rfo  pi  rrri  ,  DT 

4.  »  *  *  pjtts 

5.  ]BK  ]»« 

7.  t?np  amp  pnp  pnp  t?np 

9.       *  .  «  mr  ty  pn 

10 

11 

15. 

16.  *  *  *  »  nr^ 

17. 

is. 

19.  *  »  »  »  mn 

20.  ».*»»•  pn  t^nn«  rrrr 

21.  »  «  «  in^  nty  »  .  »  » 
24.  »  »  ,  rprr  TV 

25. 
26. 

33. 

Line  9:  "Protect  this  .  .  .";  n.  b.  Hit  for  nil. 

Line  16.  ffinK  =  »1H«,  "quickly,"  and  n^SH  "avaunt,"  terms 
found  in  the  incantation  bowls. 

Line  20.     NB.     EOfiN  used  as  a  magical  formula. 

Line  24.  ^Sll,  a  form  of  ^«S"1,  found  in  Pognon's,  Coupes 
de  Khouabir,  and  in  a  Syriac  bowl  in  the  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, as  also  in  Enoch.  It  stands  for  Rafael,  with  the 
Hebrew  ppl.  for  the  first  component. 

C. 

A  talisman  on  bronze  foil  (size  unknown  to  me  as  I  have 
not  seen  the  original),  in  the  New  York  Free  Library.  The 
remains  of  nine  lines  are  visible.  The  first  two  lines  are 
almost  illegible.  To  the  left  are  some  magical  signs,  the  only 
discernible  one  being  a  cross,  whose  arms  terminate  in  a  circle  — 
the  same  figure  is  found  in  A.  The  charm  is  addressed  against 
the  evil  eye  and  certain  named  calamities  and  demons,  and  was 
probably  intended  to  be  worn  on  the  person.  In  my  inter- 
pretation I  have  had  the  assistance  in  part  of  a  translation  made 
by  Mr.  S.  A.  Binion  of  New  York.  The  charm  is  of  a  character 
that  still  survives  in  Palestine  among  the  Jews;  for  examples  see 
Hanauer,  Folk-Lore  of  the  Holy  Land  (London,  n.  d.)  p.  318ff. 


Vol.  xxxi.]        Some  Early  Amulets  from  Palestine.  281 

Text. 

3.  [\TQN-I]  py  pi  wz  hi  p  DTiKJEn  rra  D^ivri  nsui 

4.  [«n«]^inm  )7  pi  pnn  ^y  pi  )wi  )7  pi  riaw  py  )[»i] 

5.  pK  r6o  p«  pK  r6o  nipr  TI^K  u5?  n^D  1:07  mtos  [mrr] 

6.  Bin"1  my  K&ib  n  .  .  .  b  mm  ^«  •  .  ]»N 

7.  jo«  )»«  p«  n^o  p«  jo«  wi  mm  ip 

8.  »  ,  .  tD^T  n  .  .  .  mn»fiy  nins  .  »  ,  mm 

9.  » 


Translation. 

[Protect  the  .  .  .] 

3.  and   the    body    of  Georgios  son  of  Pagatios  from  all  evil, 
from  the  eye  of  [his  father] 

4.  and  from  the  eye  of  his  mother  and  from  the  eye  of  women 
and  from  the  eye  of  men  and  from  the  eye  of  virgins 

5.  [Ynwn]  Sebaoth  is  with  us,  the  god  of  Jacob  is  our  refuge. 
Selah,  Amen,  Amen,  Selah,  Amen. 

6.  [Ynwn]  Sebaoth,  Amen  .  .  . 

7.  ...  ailment  and  shame  and  spirit  and  demon.    Amen,  Amen, 
Selah,  Amen,  Amen,  Amen,  .  .  . 

8.  ?  .  .  .  ? 

9.  ...  Amen,  Amen,  Selah,  Amen. 

Notes. 

Lines  6  and  8  have  evidently  some  identical  words,  but  both 
are  almost  entirely  obscure.  The  last  word  in  each  may  be 
yt$nj"P,  i.  e.  a  name  of  salvation.  Line  5  is  a  quotation  of 

PS.   468,12. 

In  line  7  t?in»  is  for  ffinD  (t?lTO),  with  equivalence  of  H 
and  H  as  in  the  Babylonian  incantation  bowls.  The  vocalization 
is  very  fully  expressed,  e.  g.  in  the  scriptural  quotation,  which 
is  written  by  ear  and  not  from  knowledge  of  the  text.  Both 
script  and  spelling  refer  this  charm  to  a  much  later  date  than 
A.  Georgios  is  a  common  name  in  late  Greek  and  Syriac; 
Pagatios,  or  Pagatis,  I  have  not  found  elsewhere.1 

i  Professor  Gottheil  has  given  a  brief  account  of  these  amulets  in  the 
Journal  asiatique,  X.  ix  (1907),  p.  150. 


Graphic  Analysis  of  the  Tone- accents  of  the  Siamese 
Language. — By  CORNELIUS  BEACH  BRADLEY,  Professor 
in  the  University  of  California,  Berkeley,  Cal. 

THE  so-called  "tones"  of  certain  oriental  languages  of  the 
Chinese  type  have  been  not  merely  stumbling-blocks  in  the  way 
of  the  practical  learner,  but  puzzles  to  the  scientific  student 
as  well,  because  of  a  lingering  uncertainty  as  to  the  precise 
quality  and  definition  of  each  separate  tone,  and  because  of 
the  irrational  or  even  misleading  nomenclature  often  applied 
to  them.  As  to  their  general  nature,  indeed,  there  is  substan- 
tial agreement:  They  are  pitch-variations  corresponding  to 
such  inflections  of  voice  as  in  most  languages  regularly  accom- 
pany sentence-stress,  and  serve  to  distinguish  different  kinds 
of  sentences;  as,  for  example,  "He  has  come"  (with  falling  tone 
indicating  simple  statement),  "He  has  come?"  (with  rising  tone 
indicating  question),  "He  has  come"  (with  compound  tone 
indicating  incredulity),  and  so  on. *  In  tonal  (pitch-accenting) 
languages,  however,  these  pitch -variations  are  not  used  to 
distinguish  between  sentences  of  similar  form,  but  between 
individual  words  in  other  respects  similar.  In  such  languages 
"tones"  are  elements  as  inseparable  from  the  enunciation  of 
words  as  are  the  vowels  and  consonants  which  make  up  their 
articulation.  Each  word  in  the  language,  therefore,  has  its 
own  fixed  and  inherent  "tone,"  subject  only  to  such  variation 
as  may  be  brought  about  by  varying  conditions  of  emphasis 
or  speed  or  nervous  excitement.  The  "tones,"  in  short,  are 
pitch  -  distinctions  inherent  in  words,  and  necessary  to  the 
right  apprehension  of  their  content  or  meaning,  rather  than 
applied  to  words  adventitiously  and  occasionally,  as  tokens  of 
the  modal  aspect  of  sentences  in  which  they  occur.2  So  far 

1  Sweet,  A  New  English  Grammar,  Oxford,  1898,  Part  II,  §§  1925  ff., 
pp.  37  ff. 

2  Wershoven:  pp.  8—9;  Frankfurter:  p.  18;  Bastian:  p.  360. 


Vol.  xxxi.]      Graphic  Analysis  of  the  Tone-accents,  &c.          283 

all1  are  agreed;  and  beyond  this  there  is,  of  course,  substantial 
agreement  in  the  actual  practice  of  all  who  have  really  mastered 
the  native  speech  and  accent.  But  in  the  various  accounts 
which  such  persons  give  of  the  several  "tones,"  we  have  all 
the  uncertainty  and  discrepancy  which  inevitably  attend  the 
attempt  to  determine  phonological  matters  by  reference  to  the 
ear  and  the  subjective  consciousness  alone.  The  native  scholar 
is  here  even  more  helpless  than  the  foreign; — his  processes  of 
utterance  are  wholly  instinctive,  and  therefore  more  difficult 
of  analysis.  As  for  nomenclature,  when  the  native  tells  us 
that  a  certain  tone  is  "high"  or  "level,"  we  doubtless  have 
some  inkling — though  a  very  inadequate  one — of  what  he 
means.  But  when  he  tells  us  that  this  an  "entering"  and 
that  a  "retiring"  tone,  we  are  hopelessly  at  sea.  These  are 
terms  of  pure  subjective  fancy,  and  have  no  directive  force 
whatever  for  one  who  does  not  already  know  what  they  are 
intended  to  mean.  As  for  the  foreign  scholar,  his  "expectant" 
and  "anxious"  tones  are  quite  as  impossible  as  any  invented 
by  the  native.2 

In  thinking  this  matter  over  with  reference  to  the  Siamese 
language,   which  is  one  of  the  tonal  group,  it  occurred  to  me 

1  The   following  are   some   of  the  more  important  references   on  the 
subject  of  Siamese  tone-accents :  John  Taylor  Jones,  Brief  Grammatical 
Notices  of  the  Siamese  Language,  loith  appendices,  Bangkok,  1842;  Caswell, 
Treatise  on  the  Tones  of  the  Siamese  Language  (the  manuscript  was  com- 
posed about  1847,  finally  printed  in  the  Siam  Repository,  vol.  II,  Bangkok, 
1870);  D.  J.  B.  Pallegoix,  Grammatica  Linguae  Thai,  Bangkok,  1850  (this 
work  has  been  frequently  quoted  and  followed  by  later  writers ;  a  special 
feature  is  Pallegoix'  attempt  to  represent  the  "tones"  by  musical  notation) ; 
D.  B.  Bradley,  Elementary  Tables  and  Lessons  in  the  Siamese  Language, 
Bangkok.  1875  (this  is  the  date  of  my  copy  which  is  the  eighth  edition; 
the    book   is    printed    in    Siamese    throughout);    A.    Bastian,     Uber   die 
siamesischen  Laut-  und  Tonaccente,  in  Monatsberichte  der  Akademie  der 
Wissenschaften,  Berlin,  1867,  pp.  357 — 386  (in  his  account  of  the  "tones", 
the  writer,  for  the  most  part,  follows  Caswell);    F.  J.  Wershoven,  Lehr- 
buch  der  siamesischen  Sprache  etc.,  Leipzig,  1891 ;    Samuel  J.  Smith,  The 
Principles  of  Siamese  Grammar.   Comprising  the  Substance  of  Previous 
Grammars  of  the  Language,  Bangkok,  1889;  0.  Frankfurter,  Elements  of 
Siamese   Grammar,  with  appendices,  Bangkok,  1900;    for  an  interesting 
discussion    of   the    origin   and  nature   of  pitch- accents   see  A.  Conrady, 
Eine  Indochinesische  Causativ-Denominativ  Bildung  und  ihr  ZusammenJiang 
mit  den  Tonaccenten  etc.,  Leip/ig,  1896. 

2  Of  course,  not  all  the  designations  here  cited  have  found  their  way 
into  authoritative  print ;  nor  are  all  from  the  Siamese  field.  For  illustration 


284 


C.  B.  Bradley, 


[1911. 


that  since  the  essential  element  in  all  these  "tones"  is  undoubt- 
edly pitch,  and  since  the  permanent  records  of  speech  made 
possible  by  modern  mechanism  register  pitch  as  wave-length, 
in  the  tracing,  it  should  be  possible  to  make  sure  of  the  facts  by 
actual  measurement,  and  so  to  end  the  controversy.  Some 
years  ago,  therefore,  while  busy  with  other  points  of  Siamese 
phonetics,  and  making  records  with  Abbe  Rousselot's  apparatus, 
for  other  purposes,  I  made  a  series  of  records  of  the  "tones" 
as  well.  I  never  found  time,  however,  for  their  proper  study 
and  analysis  until  this  last  year,  when  I  took  them  in  hand 
and  worked  them  out,  with  results  which  I  have  plotted  on 
the  accompanying  chart.  The  actual  operation,  however,  was 
by  no  means  as  simple  as  it  might  seem;  and  calls,  perhaps, 
for  some  little  explanation,  that  there  may  be  no  misappre- 
hension as  to  the  nature  or  value  of  the  results.  In  the  first 
place,  since  the  instrument  records  all  sorts  of  air-pulses  caught 
in  its  receiver: — the  shocks  of  contact  and  release,  the  physical 
impact  of  breath,  the  intricate  pattern  of  resonance-waves 
peculiar  to  each  different  vowel,  the  varying  intensity  of 
utterance  shown  in  the  amplitude  or  swing  of  the  waves,  and 
the  harmonic  overtones  of  the  particular  voice — all  these  as 
well  as  the  fundamental  pitch  of  the  vibrating  chords;  and 
moreover  since  these  are  not  analyzed  out  and  separately 
recorded,  but  are  superimposed  the  one  upon  the  other  in  a 
single  intricate  pattern,  precisely  as  they  are  in  our  hearing 
of  them ;  it  becomes  important  to  the  success  of  our  investigation 
that  everything  else  save  fundamental  pitch  should  be  either 
eliminated  or  minimized.  It  was  comparatively  easy  to  exclude 
some  of  the  disturbing  elements  by  choosing  for  the  experiment 

of  the  wide  divergence  between  standard  authorities  both  in  their 
apprehension  and  in  their  designation  of  the  Siamese  "tones,"  the  reader 
may  be  interested  to  consult  the  following  list: 


Named 
in  the  Chart 

Rising 

Fatting 

Circumflex 

Middle 

Depressed 

Pallegoix      ( 
Frankfurter! 
Wershoven 
Bastian 

Altus 

Steigend 
Ansteigend 

Demissus 

Fallend 
Fallend 

Gravis  (sic) 

Eingehend(sze) 
Riickkehrend 

Rectus 

Gleich 
Eben 

\  Circum- 
fflexus(sic) 
Tief 
Niederge- 
driickt 

Siamese 
Writers 

High 

Low 

Second  Accent 

Middle 

First 
Accent 

Vol.  xxxi.]     Graphic  Analysis  of  the  Tone-accents,  &c.  285 

syllables  in  which  they  do  not  appear.  But  pure  vowels  alone 
would  not  do  either,  since  the  conditions  of  bona  fide  speech 
must  be  observed; — that  is,  genuine  words  must  be  used.  After 
various  experiments  it  appeared  that  the  combination  of  nasal 
consonant  plus  long  open  vowel  gave  the  most  stable  and  least 
confused  record;  since  the  nasal,  being  itself  vocalic,  passes 
over  without  shock  into  the  vowel.  I  was  fortunate  also  to 
bethink  me  of  one  such  combination — the  syllable  nd — actually 
in  use  in  the  five  different  "tones"  of  long  syllables,  making 
five  distinct  words  of  identical  articulation — perfect  homonyms 
save  for  the  tonal  distinctions  in  question.  The  conditions 
were  thus  almost  ideal  for  the  success  of  the  experiment. 
Furthermore,  for  purposes  of  comparison  and  control,  records 
were  taken  of  two  separate  utterances  of  the  series  of  five  words. 

In  the  Rousselot  apparatus,  a  cylinder  covered  with  smoked 
paper  revolves  at  uniform  speed  under  a  needle  which  vibrates 
from  side  to  side  in  response  to  the  air-pulses  of  the  voice. 
The  trace  appears  as  an  intricate,  crinkly  curve,  the  result  of 
the  interference  or  coincidence  of  the  various  elements  already 
described.  The  first  step  was  to  distinguish  the  waves  of 
fundamental  pitch  from  those  extraneous  elements,  and  then 
to  measure  them.  Thanks  to  the  precautions  taken,  the  longer 
waves  of  pitch  in  most  cases  emerged  unmistakably,  as  the 
long  ocean  swell  emerges  from  the  complex  of  minor  waves 
and  ripples  which  it  carries.  At  some  points,  however,  the 
wave-crests  were  more  or  less  confused  by  interference.  In 
such  cases  the  well-known  principle  of  continuity  in  movement 
of  pitch  was  applied  to  discover  the  true  crest,  and  the  result 
was  checked  by  comparison  with  the  duplicate  record. 

The  length  of  the  waves  as  shown  in  the  trace  ranged  from 
.035  in.  at  the  upper  limit  of  pitch  to  .125  in.  at  the  lower. 
In  the  middle  portion  of  the  register  .01  in.  makes  the  differ- 
ence of  a  whole  tone  between  F  and  G.  To  ensure  greater 
accuracy,  as  well  as  to  economize  effort,  the  wave-lengths  were 
not  measured  singly,  but  in  groups  of  five.  Using  the  quantities 
so  obtained  as  vertical  ordinates  of  pitch,  and  arbitrarily 
assuming  equal  horizontal  spaces  of  convenient  length  as  ordi- 
nates of  time,1  the  curve  of  each  of  the  tones  was  separately 

1  It  was  not  possible,  of  course,  to  give  ail  the  syllables  precisely 
equal  time  in  utterance.  As  shown  in  the  measurements,  the  time  actually 
varied  from  about  i/2  to  2/3  of  a  second.  In  order  that  difference  of 


Chart  of  the  Five  Tones  of  Long  Syllables  in  Siamese. 


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Vol.  xxxi,]      Graphic  Analysis  of  the  Tone- accents,  &c.          287 

plotted  on  the  chart.  I  feel  sure  that  the  curves  as  plotted 
are  accurate  translations  to  the  oyo  of  lliose  pitch-sequences 
which  the  ear  recognizes  as  the  five  tones  of  Siamese  speech.1 

One  striking  feature  of  the  result,  and  one  which  concerns 
not  Siamese  speech  alone,  is  the  almost  entire  ahsence  of 
straight  lines  in  these  figures.  This  feature  seems  constant  in 
all  speech  so  far  examined.  It  means,  of  course,  that  the 
speaking  voice  does  not  hold  the  same  pitch  true  even  for  a 
very  short  interval  of  time.  That  which  the  ear  recognizes 
as  a  monotone,  is  in  fact  a  sinuous  curve  oscillating  about  an 
average  level.  The  glides  also  vary  in  steepness  of  slope  in 
different  portions  of  their  course.  All  of  them  show  a  double 
or  triple  curvature.  Uniform  pitch  is  by  no  means  practically 
impossible,  as  the  case  of  the  singer  shows;  but  incessant 
variation  of  pitch  is  doubtless  one  chief  difference  between  the 
speaking  and  the  singing  voice. 

The  five  "tones"  whose  pitch -curves  have  thus  been  analyzed, 
are  the  only  ones  hitherto  recognized  in  Siamese  speech  by 
writers  who  have  dealt  with  the  subject.  The  list  of  five, 
however,  is  not  quite  the  complete  list,  as  I  hope  presently  to 
show.  But,  taking  it  as  it  stands,  the  five  "tones"  fall  obviously 
into  two  groups: — a)  three  sweeps  or  glides,  of  large  movement 
and  definite  figure,  designated  on  the  chart  as  rising,  falling, 
and  circumflex;  and  b)  two  tones  of  small  variation  and  inde- 
terminate figure,  the  middle  and  the  depressed.  I  think  it 
has  never  been  pointed  out  that  these  two  groups  stand  in 
entirely  different  relation  to  vowel-quantity.  The  long  sweeps 
and  glides  require  appreciable  time  not  only  for  their  proper 

dimension  might  not  stand  in  the  way  of  proper  visual  comparison  of 
the  figures,  the  horizontal  ordinates  in  two  cases  were  slightly  increased, 
i  In  order  to  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  scope  and  relations  of  these 
"tones,"  I  have  plotted  our  musical  scale  on  the  margins  of  the  chart. 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  figures  group  themselves  about  the  line  of 
medium  pitch,  which  in  the  experiment  was  approximately  F.  But  this 
medium  pitch,  it  must  be  remembered,  is  no  fixed  datum.  It  varies  not 
merely  as  between  individual  voices;  but  in  the  same  voice  it  rises  and 
falls  with  every  shifting  flood  or  ebb  of  psychical  excitement ;  and  in  its 
movement  it  carries  along  with  it  the  whole  scheme  of  tones  related  to 
it  as  their  center.  Under  excitement  moreover,  and  under  sentence-stress^ 
the  sweep  of  these  curves  is  far  greater  than  it  is  in  quiet  talk  or  in 
the  unemphatic  parts  of  the  sentence.  No  two  records  of  the  same  tone 
are  precisely  alike  in  pitch,  though  the  pattern  of  the  curves  and  their 
general  relation  to  each  other  are  remarkably  constant. 

VOL.  XXXT.     Part  III.  20 


288  C.  B.  Bradley,  [1911. 

execution  by  the  voice,  but  also  for  their  proper  recognition 
by  the  ear.  For  this,  the  time  of  a  long  vowel  or  of  a  diph- 
thong seems  absolutely  necessary; — a  short  vowel  is  ordinarily 
quite  insufficient.  But  there  is  one  very  interesting  exception. 
The  nasal  sounds  m,  n,  and  ng  are  sonorous,  and  are  capable 
of  rendering  pitch  as  truly  as  are  the  vowels.  For  tonal 
purposes,  therefore,  a  nasal  consonant  operates  as  an  extension 
of  the  time  of  a  preceding  short  vowel  in  the  same  syllable, 
precisely  as  does  the  final  element  of  a  diphthong.  The  three 
tonal  sweeps,  therefore,  are  heard  only  in  syllables  with  a  long 
vowel  or  a  diphthong,  or  else  with  a  short  vowel  plus  a  nasal 
consonant. 

To  all  ordinary  apprehension  the  two  remaining  "tones"  on 
the  chart  are  monotones.  Very  few  students  have  noticed,  or 
are  ready  to  admit  even  when  it  is  pointed  out,  the  pronoun- 
ced final  drop  in  that  middle  tone.  The  other  is  not  only 
lower  in  pitch  but  has  besides  a  peculiar  element  or  color,  which 
I  believe  to  be  nasal  resonance,  though  I  have  not  yet  had 
opportunity  to  verify  the  matter  by  instrumental  test.  Since 
these  two  are  effectively  monotones,  there  is  apparently  no 
reason  why  they  should  not  be  found  indifferently  in  syllables 
either  short  or  long.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  are  found 
in  both,  though  in  short-syllables  native  scholarship  recognizes 
only  the  depressed  "tone."  The  other,  at  the  medium  pitch 
of  voice,  and  reached  with  least  effort,  we  should  expect  to 
find  most  common.  But  no  short  Siamese  monosyllable,  if 
spoken  by  itself  with  conscious  attention,  ever  takes  this  tone. 
It  is  heard  only  in  continuous  speech,  that  is,  in  the  atonic 
elements  of  quasi-compounds  and  phrases,  and  is  doubtless  the 
result  of  weakening  before  stress.  Thus  it  is  that  it  has 
escaped  notice  altogether. 

There  is  yet  one  other  "tone,"  found  only  in  short  syllables, 
which  has  similarly  escaped  notice,  apparently  because  it  has 
been  carelessly  identified  either  with  the  rising  glide  or  with 
the  circumflex.  The  oversight  here  has  escaped  detection 
largely  because  of  the  fact  that  the  Siamese  scribes  have  not 
thought  necessary  to  provide  any  device  to  mark  this  "tone." 
This  third  "tone"  found  with  short  vowels  is  a  short  high  note 
pitched  at  about  the  level  of  the  crest  of  the  circumflex,  but 
lacking  both  the  introductory  rise  of  the  circumflex  and  the 
long  deep  drop  of  its  vanish.  It  does  not  appear  on  the  chart 


Vol.  xxxi.j      Grapltic  Analysis  of  the  Tone-accents,  &c.          289 

for  the  same  reason  that  the  other  "tones"  of  short  vowels  do 
not  appear: — these  facts  had  not  yet  been  reached  when  the 
records  were  made.  When  subjected  to  instrumental  analysis— 
which  I  hope  ere  long  to  be  able  to  give  them — the  three 
"tones"  of  short  vowels  should  appear  as  short  horizontal  lines 
nearly  straight,  occupying  rather  less  than  half  the  space  of 
the  long  "tones,"  and  in  general  position  coincident  respectively 
with  the  crest  of  the  circumflex,  with  the  middle  monotone, 
and  with  the  low  monotone.  Between  the  long  and  short 
varieties  of  the  last  mentioned  "tones"  there  is  no  need  to 
distinguish,  since  there  is  practically  no  difference  in  pitch  or 
in  quality.  But  the  short  high  "tone"  is  so  manifestly  distinct 
from  any  other  long  or  short,  that  it  should  be  added  to  the 
traditional  list  of  five  to  make  the  series  complete.  There  would 
be  then  six  "tones"; — three  with  long  vowels  only,  or  with 
their  equivalents;  two  with  vowels  either  long  or  short;  and 
one  with  short  vowels  only. 

It  is  my  expectation  soon  to  apply  this  same  method  of 
instrumental  analysis  to  the  "tones"  of  Chinese  speech  also. 
If  the  method  should  turn  out  to  be  really  conclusive  as  to 
the  nature  and  the  figure  of  the  "tones" — and  I  see  no  reason 
why  it  should  not  be  so, — it  ought  to  lead  to  a  more  rational 
nomenclature  of  them  in  both  languages.  The  names  affixed 
to  the  curves  on  the  chart,  and  used  in  the  course  of  this 
discussion,  are,  in  the  main,  those  suggested  long  ago  by  Rev. 
Mr.  Caswell,  and  adopted  in  German  form  by  Dr.  Bastian. 
For  the  newly  discovered  sixth  "tone,"  I  offer  with  hesitation 
the  name  "elevated,"  chosen  principally  because  it  balances  its 
mate  the  "depressed."  It  could  not  well  be  called  "high" 
because  there  are  already  two  other  tones  which  might  claim 
the  same  designation.  But  Mr.  Caswell's  names  receive  sur- 
prising justification  from  the  results  of  this  analysis; — they  are 
really  descriptive,  as  all  such  names  should  be.  If,  as  the 
confusion  and  the  uncertainty  which  have  gathered  about  this 
matter  are  cleared  up,  Mr.  Caswell's  nomenclature  should  once 
more  take  its  deserved  place  in  general  use,  it  would  be  only 
one  more  testimony  to  the  keenness  and  accuracy  of  the  now 
almost  forgotten  scholar  who  contributed  so  much  toward  the 
training  and  equipment  of  the  Prince  who  afterwards  became 
King  Maha  Mongkut,  and  whose  reign  ushered  in  the  modern 
era  for  Siam. 

20* 


The  "Field  of  Abram"  in  the  Geographical  List  of 
Sheshonk  I. — By  JAMES  HENB.Y  BREASTED,  The  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago. 

IN  a  recent  fascicle  of  this  journal  Professor  M.  G.  Kyle  has 
discussed  the  ahove  geographical  name  in  the  great  list  ac- 
companying the  large  historical  relief  of  Sheshonk  I  at  Karnak. 
Professor  Kyle  concludes  that  the  identification  of  the  second 
portion  of  the  name  as  Abram  "scarcely  comes  within  the 
hounds  of  possibility."  It  is  important  for  Old  Testament 
scholars  to  know  whether  this  conclusion  is  well  grounded  or 
not. 

In  the  first  place  Professor  Kyle  is  in  doubt  as  to  the  ac- 
curacy of  the  text  which  I  used  in  making  the  identification. 
He  refers  to  my  discussion  of  the  matter  in  my  Ancient  Records 
of  Egypt  (IV,  pp.  352—353),  where  I  have  clearly  indicated 
that  I  had  photographs  of  the  text  (ibid.,  p.  348,  note  a).  It 
seems  not  to  be  known  to  Professor  Kyle  that  I  first  published 
this  identification  in  1904  in  the  American  Journal  of  Semitic 
Languages  in  an  article  entitled  "The  Earliest  Occurrence  of 
the  Name  of  Abram"  (AJSL,  Vol.  xxi,  pp.  22— 36). 4  I  there 
(p.  35)  included  a  perfectly  clear  photograph  of  the  name,  in 
which  not  a  doubtful  sign  occurs.  Moreover  the  same  photo- 
graph was  later  inserted  in  my  History  of  Egypt  (p.  530)  in 
connection  with  a  mention  of  the  identification,  and  this  pas- 
sage, mentioning  the  identification  and  referring  to  the  photo- 
graph, is  particularly  referred  to  by  Professor  Kyle  with  page 

1  Even  if  I  attached  any  consequence  to  questions  of  priority  in  such 
matters,  I  would  not  raise  the  question  with  my  good  friend  Spiegel- 
berg  who  published  the  same  identification  the  same  year.  We  did  so 
in  entire  independence.  Moreover  as  I  stated  (in  AJSL.  xxi,  p.  36,  n.  24). 
Erman's  papers  show  that  he  had  noticed  it  in  1888,  but  did  not  publish 
it,  and  my  friend  Schaefer  had  also  noticed  it  independently.  It  is  of 
importance  to  remember  in  this  discussion,  that  four  scholars  have  made 
this  identification  independently. 


Vol.  mi.]  The  "Field  of  Abram"  <&c.  291 

reference.  I  do  not  understand  how  it  could  have  been  read 
without  noticing  the  reference  to  the  photograph  in  the  text, 
and  also  to  the  earlier  article  in  the  American  Journal  of 
Semitic  Languages  appended  in  a  footnote.  In  any  case  there 
is  no  reason  for  uncertainty  as  to  the  text  which  I  used,  nor 
the  slightest  basis  for  calling  it  in  question. 

This  term  "The  Field  of  Abram"  contains  three  words  and 
although  the  second  and  third  are  Asiatic  words  foreign  to 
the  Egyptian  scribe,  he  has  prefixed  the  Egyptian  article  "P'". 
To  this  Professor  Kyle  objects  that  it  is  impossible  that  the 
Egyptian  scribe  should  have  translated  the  foreign  article  into 
Egyptian,  even  granting  that  it  was  prefixed  to  a  geographical 
name.  I  quite  agree  with  him.  This  unsatisfactory  assumption 
is  however  not  necessary.1  The  first  noun  in  this  compound 
is,  as  is  now  commonly  recognized  the  Semitic  word  ^pn  "field", 
which  occurs  eight  times  in  this  geographical  list,  showing  that 
it  was  a  current  element  in  the  geographical  names  of  Palestine 
at  this  time.  Nothing  is  commoner  throughout  the  foreign 
world  at  the  present  day  than  for  some  such  native  geographical 
term  to  be  used  without  translation.  In  the  East  we  con- 
stantly say  ".the  tell  of  A,"  "the  wadi  of  B,"  "the  ghor  of 
C,"  and  when  we  were  in  the  cataracts  of  Nubia  we  fre- 
quently spoke  of  "the  bab  of  so  and  so,"  meaning  one  of  the 
natural  gates  in  the  rock  barriers  of  the  cataracts  which  the 
natives  call  a  "bab,"  In  the  same  way  hpn  "field"  was  a 
current  geographical  designation  in  Palestine,  but  not  itself  a 
proper  name.  The  Egyptian  took  it  up  and  spoke  of  "the 
hekel  of  this"  and  "the  hekel  of  that,"  using  the  Egyptian 
article  before  it.  This  continued  into  New  Testament  times 
in  Palestine.  Compare  £A/«ASa/mx  "Field  of  Blood"  or  "Field 
of  Sleep."  That  this  is  the  case  is  shown  conclusively  by  the 
parallel  use  of  the  well-known  Semitic  word  pDJJ  "valley," 
which  also  occurs  in  this  list  with  the  Egyptian  article  "P"' 
before  it.  Just  as  we  say  "the  Wadi  Tumilat,"  prefixing  the 
English  article  to  the  Arabic  word  "wadi,"  so  the  Egyptian 
said  "Pe'-hekel  of  — ,"  and  "Pe'-'emek  of  — ,"  meaning  "the 
field  of  — "  and  "the  valley  of  — ". 


1  I  accepted  it  formerly  (AJSL.  xxi,  p.  32,  n.  11),  but  I  have  had 
more  experience  in  the  East  since  then,  and  the  above  explanation  seems 
to  me  conclusive. 


292  J.  H.  Breasted.  [1911. 

Professor  Kyle  also  objects  to  the  interpretation  of  bpn  as 
forming  a  compound  with  the  following  word.  The  existence 
of  such  compounds  in  the  list  is  proven  hy  the  example  in  which 
p»JJ  is  the  first  member,  or  compounds  with  r6la#  "stream" 
and  ^5 J  "south  country,"  examples  so  conclusive  that  it  is 
fruitless  to  discuss  the  question.  Moreover  Professor  Kyle's 
own  proposed  explanation  (for  which,  by  the  way,  no  demon- 
stration is  offered),  viz.  that  this  first  member  means  "vicinity," 
"neighborhood"  or  "community"  demands  connection  with  a 
second  identifying  word  as  much  as  does  the  word  "field";  or 
are  we  to  suppose  that  the  Egyptian  scribe  eight  times  recorded 
the  name  "community"  in  this  list,  as  the  name  of  eight 
different  towns  in  Palestine! 

As  to  the  transliteration  of  the  word  Kyle  is  mistaken  in 
stating  that  I  "change  the  final  vowel  to  u,"  with  the  impli- 
cation that  this  is  done  in  violation  of  the  text.  In  writing 
foreign  words,  and  later  also  in  writing  words  for  which  he 
had  inherited  no  current  or  generally  prevalent  'orthography, 
the  Egyptian  scribe  usually  employed  for  each  consonant  a 
syllabic  sign  containing  two  consonants,  of  which  however  he 
read  only  the  first,  the  second  being  a  very  weak  consonant, 
corresponding  to  Semitic  \  1  or  K.  Many  if  not  all  of  the 
letters  of  his  alphabet  had  grown  up  in  this  way.  Thus  o 
the  old  writing  for  £',  "a  loaf  of  bread,"  became  the  letter  "£"; 
A  the  slope  leading  to  the  high  desert  plateau,  as  its  archaic 
forms  show,  the  writing  for  If  "high,"  is  the  letter  "fe";  <^> 
=  r*  "mouth"  is  the  letter  "r".1  There  was  nothing  new  to 
the  scribe  therefore  in  this  acrophonetic  system  which  he 
employed  for  writing  foreign  names.  We  call  it  "  syllabic  writ- 
ing," but  it  has  been  widely  misunderstood  and  various  futile 
efforts  have  been  made  to  interpret  the  weak  second  consonant 
of  each  sign  as  a  vowel.  In  view  of  what  Sethe  has  brought 
out  in  his  "  Verbum"  and  Burchardt's  recent  study  of  the  foreign 
words  (see  below),  it  is  safe  to  say  that  such  modern  efforts 
have  been  conclusively  shown  to  be  unsuccessful.  The  Egyptian 
scribe  wrote  our  word  hkl  thus: 


»  See  Sethe,  Das  dgyptische  Verbum,  I,  §§  73—76,  138—141,  195-201 
for  a  full  treatment  of  such  phenomena. 


101 


v 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  "Field  of  Abram"  &c.  293 

We  may  slavishly  transliterate  this:  Py-hw-k-rw-\  but  (dis- 
regarding p,  the  Egyptian  article),  the  reading  intended  by 
the  Egyptian  scribe  war  h-k-r(*=*  I).  The  weak  w  in  rw,  which 
is  the  correct  reading  of  the  lion  is  the  occasion  of  Kyle's 
remark  that  I  have  "changed  the  vowel,"  though  of  course 
there  are  no  vowels  in  the  text.1 

Turning  now  to  the  more  important  final  word  of  the  group, 
which  three  others  beside  myself  have  independently  identified 
as  "Abram,"  we  find  it  written  as  follows: 

l<=^>/ 

This  is  to  be  transliterated  thus  '-&'-r'-w  and  read  'brm  =  CHDK. 
Kyle  first  objects  to  the  reading  of  the  first  sign  r=z,  as  '  or  8, 
because  in  the  writing  of  ordinary,  that  is  non-foreign  words 
this  sign  has  the  value  mr.  Against  the  reading  K  he  quotes 
Brugsch  who  once  read  it  mr,  though  noting  that  Brugsch  also 
read  it  tf.  For  these  two  different  readings  by  Brugsch  there 
is  of  course  a  reason,  for  it  was  Brugsch  himself  who  dis- 
covered and  demonstrated  the  reading  «  for  T — r  in  the  "syllabic 
writing."  The  reading  mr  which  Kyle  finds  in  Brugsch's  Geo- 
graphische  Inschriften  belongs  to  1857 — 1880,  when  this  work 
of  Brugsch  appeared.  Years  later  he  discovered  the  proper 
reading  of  the  sign  and  published  it  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
Aegyptische  Sprache  in  1874  (pp.  142 — 143).  He  clearly  proves 
the  new  reading  tfs  and  refers  to  the  old  reading  mr  as  an 

"Irrtum den  sammtliche  Aegyptologen  mich  selbst  nicht 

ausgeschlossen,  begangen  haben  in  Bezug  auf  die  Lesung  des 
Zeichens  T — r  in  bestimmten  Worterverbindungen."  Egyptology 
is  among  the  sciences  which  are  making  rapid  progress  and 
Brugsch's  old  reading  of  over  fifty  years  ago  was  one  which 
he  himself  consigned  to  the  populous  limbo  of  incorrect  and 
obsolete  readings.  Kyle  also  quotes  the  English  edition  of 
Erman's  Aegyptische  Grammatik  as  throwing  doubt  on  the 
reading  of  •» — c  as  W.  That  edition  represents  a  state  of  know- 
ledge nearly  twenty  years  old;  it  is  entirely  out  of  date  and 
although  I  translated  it  myself,  I  have  reason  to  hope  that  it 
will  ere  long  be  superseded  by  an  English  edition  based  on 
the  third  German  edition,  now  in  press.  But  even  in  the 

1  On  the  weak  *'  by  which  the   scribe   writes  '  at  the  end,  see  my 
note,  Records,  vol.  iv,  pp.  352 — 353,  note  f. 


294  J.  H.  Breasted,  [1911. 

second  German  edition  of  1903  the  reading  of  T — r  as  Iw  (==  «) 
in  "syllabic  writing,"  is  inserted  without  question  (p.  217). 
Moreover,  as  I  know  from  my  notes  of  Erman's  lectures  twenty 
years  ago  he  never  questioned  Brugsch's  reading  K  for  T — T  in 
"syllabic  writing."  His  interrogation  point  in  the  first  edition 
of  his  grammar  has  nothing  to  do  with  its  use  as  N,  but  refers 
to  something  quite  different.  The  value  N  which  the  sign  T — r 
has  in  a  large  number  of  foreign  words,  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
there  arose  a  confusion  in  the  usage  of  the  Egyptian  scribe 
between  the  sign  c — )  (Iw)  and  T — r  (mr),  which  in  the  lapidary 
style  are  very  much  alike.  CZD  and  T — r  in  "syllabic  writing" 
strictly  equal  Iw,  or  disregarding  the  weak  second  consonant 
it  is  used  for  /,  and  this  constantly  corresponds  both  in  genuine 
Egyptian  words  and  in  the  writing  of  Palestinian  words  to 
the  Semitic  N.  All  the  numerous  examples  will  now  be  found 
collected  in  Burchardt's  recent  and  careful  compilation  of  foreign 
words  transliterated  in  Egyptian  hieroglyphics1  and  it  would 
be  superfluous  to  repeat  any  of  them  here. 

Not  only  was  the  reading  N  demonstrated  by  Brugsch  thirty 
six  years  ago,  but  we  may  go  further  and  show  that  the  read- 
ing mr  in  our  word  is  impossible.  In  the  "syllabic  writing" 
the  consonants  m  -f  r  cannot  be  indicated  by  one  sign!  If  the 
scribe  finds  the  consonants  m  +  r  in  a  foreign  word  which  he 
is  transliterating,  he  renders  them  invariably  by  a  syllabic 

sign  or  signs  for   each  consonant,  thus:   for  m:      J?  \\    w', 

^       J3C& 


*  mv>      ™y  (or 

_ 0 

a fl  my,  for  r:  <=>|  r\  <~>  I  yr'  (?),  or  -^  rw  (rare- 
ly <==>\  Anyone  at  all  incredulous  on  this  point  can  satisfy 
himself  of  the  fact  in  Burchardt's  convenient  list,  2  though  the 
fact  has  been  common  property  among  Egyptologists  for  twenty 
years.  The  reading  mr  for  T— rr  in  our  word  is  absolutely  im- 
possible. 

Finally  Professor  Kyle  objects  to  the  reading  of  C        as  m 

and  affirms  that  the  second  sign,  the  arm,  is  entirely  ignored 
in  the  transliteration  "Abram,"  and  further  that  "the  arm  is 

1  Die  altkanaandischen  Fremdwortc  und  Eigennamen  im  Aegyptischen 
von  Max  Burchardt,  Leipzig  1909—1910. 

2  See  especially  §§  56—60  and  77—83. 


Vol.  x«i.]  The  "Field  of  Abram",  &c.  295 

a  strong  vowel  letter  which  ought  not  without  special  reasons 
to  be  ignored  in  the  transliteration."  As  a  matter  of  fact 

or  f with  the  Q  is  the  usual  writing  for  m  in  the 

"syllabic  writing";  and  even  in  Erman's  grammar  of  twenty 
years  ago,  in  the  treatment  of  the  alphabet  (§  35),  the  mean- 
ingless   a  with  initial  m  in  Egyptian  words  is  duly  noted. 

Its  frequent  use  throughout  the  "syllabic  writing"  in  the 
initial,  medial  or  final  position  is  a  commonplace  of  modern 
knowledge. 

It  will  be  seen  that  none  of  the  objections  offered  by  Prof. 
Kyle  cause  any  difficulty.  I  may  refer  to  another  interpretation 
of  the  name  which  has  occurred  to  me  since  first  publishing 
it  in  1904.  The  consonants  D*ON  might  be  the  plural  of  T2N, 
and  "The  Field  of  Stallions"  or  "Bulls"  would  give  excellent 
sense.  It  lacks  however  the  preciseness  which  we  expect  in 
such  a  defining  genitive,  a  preciseness  which  is  only  obtained 
by  the  use  of  a  proper  name  after  such  a  common  word  as 
"field."  This  is  one  of  the  objections  also  to  the  interpretation 
suggested  by  Maspero  years  ago,  viz.  that  "'6rm"  is 
"meadows."  To  this  we  may  also  object  that  in  Hebrew 
occurs  only  in  compounds  with  a  following  noun  in  the  genitive, 
and  that  the  plural  is  never  found.  I  am  therefore  still  in- 
clined to  see  in  the  word  the  earliest  occurrence  of  the  name 
Abram. 


The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.     Part  I:  The  K- Suf- 
fixes in  the  Veda  and  Avesta. — By  FEANKLIN  EDGEBTON. 

Chapter  V. 
Other  Ka  Suffixes. 
The  Suffix  ika.    §  92—94. 

92.  a)  Without  Vriddhi. 

1)  With  meaning  "having,  possessing"  (==  3  kd) — (2  words). 
tundika  (AY.),  having  a  tusk  or  tooth,  <tunda. 
parydyikd  (AY.),  having  (i.  e.  composed  in)  strophes,  <  par  y  ay  a. 

2)  With   meaning    "of,"  "belonging   to"  &c.  (=  2  Jca).     Ad- 
jectival, primarily.     (13  words.) 

khdndika  (B.S.)  <khanda.  -yuthika  (S.)  <yiithd. 

goddnika  (S.)  <godana  (cf.  laldtika  (S.)  <laldta. 

gaud-,  §  94).  -vyomnika  (IT.)  <  vybman. 

gondmika  <gondmd.  gdndika  (BY.)  <ganda,  patro- 

jyotistomika  (S.)  <jyotistoma.  nymic. 

degiJca  (U.J  <de$d.  sodagika  (B.)    <soda$a',   soda- 

pitrmedhika  (U.)  <pitrmedha.  gika  =  "connected  with  the 

mahavratika  (S.)  <mahdvratd.         16-partite  Stotra." 
yamika  (SY.B.)  <yama.\ 

Three  other  words,  which  may  have  either  the  suffix  ika  or 
its  equivalent  2  ka;  see  §  52. 

93.  b)   With   Vriddhi.    Meaning   always  =  2  lea,   "of,"   "con- 
nected with"  &c.    Especially  common  in  the  Sutras;  infrequent 
before  them.    Not  one  case  in  BY. — Only  two  in  AY.  (vdrsika, 
vdsantika). — In  all  the  Samhitas  and  Brahmanas  only  16  cases 
(nearly  all  in  Br.),  against  64  found  for  the  first  time  in  Sutras. 
The  Upanisads  add  11  which  are  not  found  in  the  other  early 
literature;  occurrences  are  much  less  common  than  in  the  Sutras. 

Double  Yriddhi, — i.  e.  vriddhi  of  the  principal  vowels  of  both 
parts  of  a  compound  primitive — appears  in  the  Yeda  only 
three  times,  to  my  knowledge:  ddrgapaurnamdsika  (Qankh.Qr. 
5.  18.  7)  <  dar$apurnamdsd;  sdrvavdidika  (Kauc,.  67)  <sarva- 
veda:  and  sdikduQika  (Kaug.)  sas~ko$a.  Other  instances  in 
later  language. 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-lranian. 


297 


94.  Word-list.    Suffix  ika  with  Yriddhi  (agnika  «=  of  or  per- 
taining to  Agni,  and  so  forth).     (105  words.) 


agnika  (S.)  <  agni. 
dgnistomika  (B.)  <  agnistoma. 
dgnyddheyika(S.)  <  agnyddheya. 
djdvika  (S.)  <  ajdvi. 
ddhikdrika  (S.)  <  adhikdra. 
ddhydtmika  (U.)  <  adhydtmd. 
ddhydyika  (U.)  <  adhydya. 
ddhvarika  (B.S.)  <  adhvard. 
dnumdnika  (S.)  <anumdna. 
dnuydjika  (S.)  <  anuydja. 
dpardhnika  (S.)  <apardhnd. 
dbhicaranika  (S.)  <  abhicarana. 
dbhicdrika  (S.)  <abhicdrd. 
abhiplavika  (S.)  <  abhiplavd. 
dWiyudayika  (S.)  <  abhyudaya. 
dvaddnika  (S.)  <  avaddna. 
dvika  (S.U.)  <dvi. 
d£vamedhika    (B.S.)    <  agva- 

medhd. 

dikdhika  (B.S.)  <ekdhd. 
distika  (S.U.)  <  isti. 
duttaravedika  (B.)  <  uttaravedi. 
dupavasathika    (S.)    <  upava- 

sathd. 

ksdumika  (S.)  <ksumd. 
gduddnika  (S.)  <goddna. 
cdturthdhnika  (S.)  <caturtha- 

han. 

cdturthika  (S.)  <caturtlia. 
cdturdhdkdranika  (S.)  <catur- 

dhdkdrana. 

cdturvihgika  (S.)   <caturvihgd. 
chdndomika  (S.)  <chandomd. 
jyaisfhasdmiJca  (S.)   <jyestha- 

sdman. 

tddarthika  (S.)  <tadarlha. 
trdivarsika  (S.)  <  tri-varsa. 
ddksindgnika  (S.)  <  daksindgni. 
ddrgapdurnamdsika  (S.) 


Qapurnamasd  (Double  Vrid- 

dhi).  ' 

ddgardtrika  (B.S.)  <  dagardtrd. 
dhdrmika  (U.)  <dhdrma. 
ndstika  (S.U)  <na-asti  (cf.  05- 

«»*«,  01.). 

naimittika  (S.)  <  nimitta. 
ndiyamika  (S.)  <niyama. 
ndi$cdrika  (S.)  <ni$cdra. 
ndisthika  (U.)  <nisthd. 
pdncamdhnika  (S.)  <pancamd- 

han. 
pdramdrthika  (U.)  <paramdr- 

tha. 

[pdrsthika  (S.)  <prsthya-  Suf- 
fix 2  ka—see  §  29  a.] 
paunarddheyika    (S.)    <puna- 

rddheya. 
pdurusamedhika   (B.)    <puru- 

samedhd. 

paurvdhnika  (S.)  <purvdhnd. 
prdkaranika  (S.)  <prakarana. 
prdgdthika  (S.)  <pragdtha. 
prdtinidhika  (S.)  <pratinidhi. 
prddegika  (S.)  <prade$a. 
prdyaQcittika  (S.)  <prdya$citta. 
brdhmduddnika  (S.)  brahman- 

ddnd. 

bhdktika  (S.)  ^aAii 
mddhuparkika    (S.)    <  madhu- 

parkd. 

ydjnikd  (S.U.)  <  yajnd. 
yddrcchika  (U.)  <yadrcchd. 
rdjasuyika  (S.)  <  rdjastiya. 
Idghavika  (S.)  <  Idghava. 
Idukika  (S.)  <lokd. 
vdyovidyikd  (B.)  <vayovidya. 
vdrunapraghdsika  (S.)  <  rarw- 

napraghdsd. 


298 


F.  Edgerton, 


[1911, 


varsagatika  (S.)  <varsagata. 
vdrsika  (AY.  +)  <varsd. 
vdsantika  (AY.  +)  <vasanta. 
vdikalpika  (S.)  <  vikalpa. 
vditdnika  (S.)  <  vitdna. 
vdidika  (U.)  <veda. 
vdigesika  (S.)  <  vigesa. 
vdigvadevika  (S.)  <  vdirvadevd. 
vrdtika  (S.)  <vratd. 
gdkunika  (S.)  <  gakund. 
gdgvatika  (S.)  <  f ag vant. 
sdtkdugika  (S.)  <  sas-koga. 

(Double  Yriddhi.) 
sdddliika  (S.)  <sadahd. 
sdmvatsarika  (B.)  <  samvatsard. 
sdmgansika  (B.)  <  samgansd. 
samgayika  (S.)  <samgaya. 
sdmsiddhika  (IT.)   <  sariisiddhi. 
sdmgramika  (S.)  <samgrdma. 
sdmghdtika  (S.)  <samghdtd. 
sdttrika  (B.S.)  <sattrd. 
sdttvika  (U.)  <sattvd. 
sdmnipatika  (S.)  <samnipdta. 
sdptamika  (S.)  <saptami. 
sdptardtrika  (B.)  <saptardtrd. 


sdmaydcarika  (S.)  <samayacara. 
sdmavdyika  (S.)  <samavdya. 
sdmika  (S.)  <sdman.  (See  §  38.) 
sdmpdtika  (S.)  <sampdti 
sdmpraddyika   (U.)    <  sampra- 

ddya. 
sdrvakdmika  (S.)  <sarvaJidma 

(as  n.). 

sarvakalika  (S.)  <  sarvakdla. 
sdrvayajnika  (S.)  <  sarvayajna. 
sdrvavarnika  (S.)  <  sarvavarna. 
sdrvavdidika  (S.)   <  sarvaveda 

(Double  Yriddhi.) 
sdvika  (S.)  <  sawi 
sdugandhika  (B.)  <sugandha. 
sdutrdmanika  (B.)  <sdutrd- 

mani. 

sdurnika  (S.)  <soma. 
stdubhika  (S.)  <stobha. 
svdbhdvika  (S.U.)  <  svabhdva. 
svdrasdmika   (S.)   svdrasdman. 
hdviryajnika  (S.)  <  haviryajnd. 
Mimantika   (YS.TS.  +) 


hdutrika  (S.)  <  Tio^rd  (or 


95—97. 

16,   where   the    examples  are  quoted. 


The  Suffix  aka. 

95.  For  1  afca,   see 
(2  words.) 

2  a&a. — Nouns  of  action  from  verb  stems.    Usually  neuter; 
one  or  two  fern.     See  §  17.     (8  words.) 
abhimethikd  (QBr.),  ribald  talking,  <abhi-Ymith. 
-dgaka  in  dndgaka  (QBr.),  not  eating,  fasting  (as  noun),  <Vr#£. 
codaka  (KatyQr,),  invitation,  direction,  <Vcud. 
jwikd  (U.),  manner  of  life,  <Yjw?    But  cf.  jivd,  life.    Perhaps 

secondary. 

pdtaka  (S.U.),  sin,  fall,  <  Vpat?  But  cf.j)ato;  very  likely  secondary. 
puraka  (U.),  "filling"  of  the  lungs,  inspiration,  <Vpr. 
praksepaka  (XL),  throwing  (noun),  <pra-Yksip. 
recaka  (U.),   expiration,  <  Vric  (cf.  puraka).  

Cf.  also  pravalhikd  <pravalha,  n.,  or  from  pra-Vvalh;  §  91 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 

The  noun  kumbhaka,  "inflation"  (of  the  breath-passages,  i.  e. 
keeping  them  full  of  air,  a  religious  exercise)  Amrt.Up.  9  et 
alibi,  gets  its  -Jca  by  levelling  from  the  nouns  puraka  and 
recaka  (see  above),  which  are  found  in  close  juxtaposition  to 
it  (they  being  also  religious  exercises).  Kumbhaka  is  of  course 
formed  from  the  noun  Jcumbhd  (because  the  appearance  of  a 
person  performing  the  exercise  suggested  a  pot),  while  the 
other  two  are  formed  by  the  suffix  oka  from  roots. 

96.  3  oka. — Participial  adjectives  and  nouns  of  agent.  At 
first  only  the  latter  use  is  found.  All  the  Vedic  cases  outside 
the  Upanisads,  except  two  in  the  Sutras,  are  exclusively  used 
as  nouns  (of  agent),  not  as  adjectives.  In  the  Upanisads  the 
two  uses  are  found  mingled  about  as  in  later  Skt. — The  only 
words  which  appear  before  the  Upanisads  are: 

. \plyaka,  n.  of  a  class  of  demons ;    "abuser"  ?   Vply. 

[kfttika,  pi.  the  Pleiades  (as  a  sword) ;  Vlqrt.    See  §  20. 
y  g  .__  labhikrogaka,  reviler,  abhi-  Vkru$. 
[vildyaka,   soother,  vi-Vll. 

gr  . liksaka  (QBr.),  spectator,  Viks.  

\pariprcchaka  (G-opBr.),  inquirer,  pari-Vprcch. 
and  four  words  quoted  in  Whitney's  Verb-forms   as  primary 
derivatives   from   the  Brahmanas,  which   may  belong    here;    I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  where  they  occur.     They  are: 
dhuvdka-  Vdliu. 
pdtaka-  Vpat. 
lambhaka-  Vlambh. 
sdraka-  V  sr. 

(  avabhedaka,  "splitter,"  epithet  of  headache,  ava-Vbhid.. 
updsaka,  servant,  upa-  Vcis. 


Sutras: — 


khddaka,  eater,   Vklidd. 


preksaka,  spectator;  as  adj.  deliberating  on, pra-  Viks. 

vinayaka,  n.  of  demons,  vi-Vnl. 

samjwaka,  animating,  sam-Vjw. 
The  remaining  words  are  all  Upanisadic,  and  a  majority  of 
them  are  adjectival  (participial)  in  meaning.  There  are  signs 
of  a  tendency  for  these  words  to  take  the  meaning  of  the 
causative  of  the  verb-root  from  which  they  are  derived;  so, 
e.  g.,  tdraka  ,,one  who  takes  across  or  saves;"  pravartaka  "one 
who  sets  in  motion."  In  the  Classical  language  this  tendency 
became  very  prominent,  and  the  number  of  such  causative 
words  in  -aka  is  large,  as  will  be  shown  in  Part  II  of  this  book. 


300 


F.  Edgerton, 


[1911. 


97.  In   this   list,  which  includes    all  Yedic  words  in  3  oka, 
the  roots   are    listed    alphabetically;    roots   compounded  with 
prepositions   are   placed   under  the  simple  roots.     The  accent 
was   on   the   root-syllable  regularly.     (45  words:    40   different 
roots.) 

anj  +  vi  vyanjaka. 
at  dtikl  (?  n.  pr.). 

asuy  asuyaka. 

dp  +  vi  vydpaka. 
as  +  upa  updsaka. 
Iks  iksaka. 

+  pra      preksaka. 
kr  kdraka. 

krt  kfttikd  (see  above, 

and  also  §  20). 
kip  +  sam      samkalpaka. 
kruQ  +  abhi  abhikrogaka. 
khdd  khddaka. 

gras  +  ud      udgrdsaka. 
tint  cintaka. 

jap  jdpaka. 

jlv  +  sam      samjwaka. 
tr  tdraka. 

dd  ddyaka. 

+  pra  praddyaka. 
dip  +  pari  paridlpaka. 
dhu  dhuvaka  (?). 

nl  nay  oka. 

The  Suffix  uka.     §§  98—99. 

98.  (For  Secondary  uka,  see  §  21,  where  supposed  examples 
are  quoted.)     Primary.     Words    of  present-participle  meaning 
(besides  d-lambhukd,  see  §  24,  with  gerundival  meaning)  from 
verbal  roots.     Piactically  limited   to   the  Brahmana   language 
(see  §§  22—24).     Of  71  Yedic  words  all  but  four  are  found 
in  the  Brahmanas.     These  four  are: 

sdnukd  (RY.),  Vwm.  vikasuka  (AY.),  vi-  Vkas. 

rdhnuka  (S.),  Vrdh.  lambhuka  (IT.),  VlamSh. 

The  AY.  has  furthermore  three  words  which  are  also  found  in 
the  Brahmanas,  viz:  ghdtuka  (Vhari),  a-pramdyuka  (pra-Vmi), 
sdmkasuka  (sam-Vkas).  This  makes  five  pre-Brahmanic  in- 


m  +  vi 

vindyaka. 

pat 

pdtaka  (?). 

pad  +  ud 

utpddaka. 

ply 

plyaka. 

prcch  +  pari 

pariprcchaka. 

Wids  +  ud 

udbhdsaka. 

Wild  +  ava 

avabhedaka. 

muc 

mocaka. 

yac 

ydcaka. 

yaj 

ydjaka. 

rudh  +  ni 

nirodhaka. 

lambh 

lambhaka  (?). 

ll  +  vi 

vildyaka. 

vac 

vdcaka. 

vr 

vdraka. 

vrt  +  ni 

nivartaka. 

+  pra 

pravartaka. 

+  sam 

samvartaka. 

vraj  +  pari 

parivrdjaka. 

sadh 

sddhaka. 

sr 

sdraka  (?). 

sev 

sevaka. 

hins 

liinsaka. 

Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 


301 


stances;  for  the  YV.  Samhitas  proper  do  not  contain  a  single 
instance,  so  far  as  recorded.  Following  are  the  71  Yedic 
words  I  have  noted,  arranged  alphabetically  under  the  57  roots. 
On  the  forms  of  the  roots,  see  §  24.  The  accent  is  on  the 
root-syllable,  whether  the  root  is  simple  or  compound, — unless 
a-privativ  is  prefixed,  in  which  case  it  has  the  accent.  The 
only  exceptions  are  sdnuka  (RY.),  vi-  and  sdm-kasuka  (AY.), 
which  date  from  the  formative  period  of  the  suffix;  sdnuka 
was  not  felt  as  Vsan  4-  suffix  -uka,  but  as  an  w-base  from 


Vsan  (sanoti)  4-  suffix  -ka. 

99.  aganaya 

agandyuka. 

nag 

nanguka. 

i  4-  abhi 

abhydyuka. 

pat  4-  para 

pardpdtuka. 

4-  vi 

vydyuka. 

pad  4-  pra 

prapdduka. 

r 

druka. 

pis 

pesuka. 

rt 

drtuka. 

pus 

posuka. 

rdh 

drdhuka 

bandh  +  ud 

udbdndhuka. 

rdhnuka. 

bhid  4-  vi 

vibhinduka. 

4-  sam 

samdrdhuka. 

bhu 

bhdvuka. 

4-  a 

drdhuka. 

4-  para 

pardbhdvuka. 

4-  vi 

vydrdhuka. 

bhrang  +  pra- 

prabhrdnguka. 

kam 

kdmuka. 

mad  4-  ud 

unmdduka. 

kas  4-  vi 

vikasuka. 

man  4-  abhi 

abhimdnuka. 

4-  sam 

sdmkasuka. 

ml  4-  pra 

pramdyuka. 

kr 

kdruka. 

muh 

mohuka. 

kr  4-  prd 

prdkdruka. 

mr 

m  druka. 

kram  4-  apa 

apakrdmuka. 

mrj  4-  nis 

nirmdrguka. 

4-  upa 

upakrdmuka. 

mrit  4-  nis 

nirmretuka. 

ksudh 

ksodhuka. 

yaj 

ydjuka. 

gam  4-  a 

dgdmuka. 

rue 

rocuka. 

grah 

grdhuka. 

rudh  4-  apa 

aparodhuka. 

car  4-  a&% 

-ava  -abhyavacar- 

ruh  4-  abhy-d 

abhydrohtika. 

w&a  in  an-a. 

lambh 

lambhuka. 

cyu  4-  ^ra 

pracydvuka. 

vad  4-  abhi 

(ari)abhivdduka. 

jan 

jdnukd. 

vid  (1) 

veduka. 

ji 

jdyuka. 

vid  (2) 

veduka. 

dang 

ddnguka. 

vr 

vdruka. 

das  4-  upa 

upaddsuka. 

vrs 

vdrsuka. 

dah 

ddhuka. 

vest 

vestuka. 

4-  wis 

-nirddhuka  in  d-n. 

gus  4-  ud 

ucchosuka. 

warn  4-  upa 

upandmuka. 

gf  4-  5am 

samgdruka. 

nag 

ndguk'v 

sao*  4-  apa-ni 

apanisdduka. 

302  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

san  sdnukd.  lian  ghdtuka. 

sthd  sthdyuka.  hr  hdruka. 

+  upa        upasthdyuka.  +  pra  prahdruka 

+  prati      pratisthdyuka  lildd  hldduka 

in  d-p.  hvr  4-  vi  vihvdruka. 

-f  praty-ud      pratyutthd- 
yuka  in  a-j?. 

The  Suffix  uka — see  §  25,  where  all  quotable  examples  are 
given.     (3  words.) 

The  Suffix  Ika.     See  §  26.     (20  words.) 

100.  a)  Verbal  adjectives  or  nouns  of  agent  from  Verbal  bases. 

(d$arlka,  AV.,  tearing  pains;  <dVgf  in  dissyllabic  form  garl', 
primary  ka.) 

-rjika,  EV.,  AY.,  gleaming;   Vrj  (in  drjuna,  rjrd,  fjlti). 

In  dvir-j  bhd-,  go-rjika.  That  the  word  ever  means  "ming- 
led with,"  except  in  a  purely  secondary  way,  I  do  not  believe. 
go-rjlka  is  commonly  rendered  "mixed  with  milk,"  but  more 
accurately  it  means  "milk-shining,"  ,,gleaming  with  milk"  (of 
the  soma-mixture). 

dusika,  AY.  n.  of  demons,  "spoilers;"  Vdus  (dus). 

drgiku,  TS.,  beholder,   VdrQ. 

dfbhika,  B.V.,  n.  of  a  demon,  Vdrbh-  weave,  tie. 

[parpharlka  ?— EV.  10.  106.  6.— BE.  merely  quote  Say.— 
"Zerreisser  oder  Erfuller;"  other  comm.  have  various  guesses; 
nothing  certain.  The  whole  hymn  is  late,  and  purposely 
mystical  and  obscure.  With  reference  to  turphdri,  which  is 
closely  connected  with  it,  I  should  suppose  that  parpharika 
is  a  secondary  formation  to  *parpJiari]  but  it  might  be 
primary,  from  the  root  of  parpharati  (next  verse).  Ludwig 
"zerstreuend,"  Grassmann  "Gaben  ausstreuend."] 

(yigarika,  AY.,  a  disease;  primary  ka — see  agarika.    But   cf. 
vigard.) 

vrdhlkd,  EV.,  n.  of  Indra,  "increaser;"   Vvrdh. 
101.  Other  Uses. 

b)  Gerundive  Adjectives  from  Verbal  bases: 
isikd  (AV.  +),  "to  be  shot,"  an  arrow, 'Vis. 
dfQlka  (EY.)  "to  be  seen,"  splendid,   Vdr$. 

c)  Abstract  Nouns  from  Verbal  bases: 
dfQlka,  and  (once)  -d  (EV.),  appearance,  Vdrg, 
mrdlkd,  and  (deriv.)  mdrdikd  (EV.),  favor,  mercy,   Vmrd. 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  E-  Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  303 

d)  Secondary  nouns  from  nouns,  with  mg.  of  1  ka. 
rkxfka  (AY.),  n.  of  an  evil  spirit;  "bear-like?"  <fksa? 
kagikd  (RY.),  weasel;  <kdga,  the  same  or  a  like  animal. 
kumbhika  (AY.),  a  sort  of  demon;  perhaps  of.  kumbhd. 

e)  Wholly  uncertain  are  the  following  words  (see  General 
Index  for  what  little  can  be  said  about  them): 

utlka  i/irsikd 

kitUkd  (pulika)  sdtika 

cupuniba  sdrmka 

pardrikd  susilika  (for 


The  Adverbial  Suffix  k  —  see  §  27,  where  all  quotable  examples 
are  given. 

The  Primary  Suffix  ka.    See  §  28. 

102.  Nothing  remains  after  what  has  been  said  (§  28)  but 
to  give  an  alphabetical  list  of  those  words  which  have  most 
the  appearance  of  primary  derivatives.  •  Any  attempt  to  assign 
definite  meanings  to  the  suffix,   except  in  a  general  way  as 
has  been  done  in  §  28,  would  be  fruitless.    How  many  of  the 
words  here  listed  are  really  formed  from  true  "roots"  or  bases 
with   the   suffix   ka,  not   from   lost    adjectives   or  nouns,  is  a 
question  that  is  very  difficult  to  answer.  —  It  will  be  noted  that 
the  words  are  nearly  all  ancient,  most  of  them  appearing  in 
the  BY.  —  In  the  case  of  some  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 
suffix  ka  is  really  contained  in  them.     When  this  is  the  case 
it  will  be  indicated. 

103.  Word  list.—  Primary  ka.     (About  30  words.) 
dtka  (RY.),  a  garment,  Av.  adka. 

dgarika  (AY.),  a  disease,  "tearing  pains,"  <  a-  Ygr,  in  dissyllabic 

form  gari.    Of.  vigarika. 
dsuka  (ArsBr.),  n.  of  a  saman,  <a-Vsu?     Comm.  <  asuka,  an 

alleged  n.  pr. 

eka  (RY.  +),  one.    IE.  base  oi-. 
karkd  (AY.),  white.  ? 

ksvinkd  (RY.)  a  cert.  bird.     Prob.  onomatopoetic. 
jdhakd  (TS.,YS.),  hedgehog.    VM._ 
ntika  (RY.),  heaven.    Suggested  Vnam;  IE.  nm  +  ka.     Quite 

uncertain. 

nika  (ArsBr.),  n.  of  a  saman.—  Of.  wiV 

niskd  (RY.),  a  neck  ornament.  ?  Cf.  OHG.  nusca,  Olr.  nasc. 
nihdkd  (RY.),  storm.  ? 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  III.  21 


304  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

pdka  (RV.),  very  young;  simple  &c.  Prob.  Vpd  +  ka,  "suckling." 
pikd  (VS.),  a  bird.     Uhlenbeck  compares  picus\  very  doubtful. 
baka  (KS.),  n.  pr.  (in  Class.  Skt.,  a  crane).    Prob.  non-suffixal  k> 
beska,  bdiska,  bleska,  meska,   veskd,  vleska  (YY.  +  ),  a   snare. 
Perhaps  from  Vve,  vay-weave.     But  Brugin.  has  a  different 
etymology,  assuming  vleska  as  the  orig.  form. 
bheka  (Maitr.Up.),  frog.     Prob.  onomatopoetic. 
muka  or  mukd  (YS.),  dumb.     Cf.  mura,  /*u-u>,  Lt.  mutus. 
-meka  in  sumeka  (RV.),  well-established.   Vnti. 
yaska  (S.),  n.  pr.  ?  (yaska,  patron.). 
rak&  (RY.),  full-moon.     Cf.  ra(i)? 
leka  (TS.),  n.  of  an  Aditya.  VU,  stick,_lie,— ? 
valkd  (TS.),  tree-bark.     Perhaps  cf.  Vvr,  cover. 
vika  (Ars.Br.),  n.  of  a  saman.     Cf.  vi? — Compare  nika. 
vigarika  (AY.),  a  disease,  cf.  dgarika;  <vi-Vgr,  in   dissyllabic 

form  garl-.    But  cf.  vi$ard\ 

vrkkd  (RY.),  kidney,  for  vrtka,  as  Av.  vdrddko  shows.    Further 
etym.? 

gulkd  (RY.),  price.     Uncertain. 

guska  (RY.),  dried  up.    VQUS.    Av.  huska. 

gloka  (RY.),  sound  &c.   V $ru 

Qva-kiskin  (AY.),  of  uncertain  meaning  and  etymology. 

sampuska  -(S.),  unground.     Mistake  for  sam-guska? 

(srkd  (RY.),  arrow  =  Av.  hardko,   Vhardc;  non-suffixal  k). 

(stuka),  child  (TAr.),  text  probably  corrupt. 

(stukd,  haur-tuft,  called  by  Wh.  primary,  but  see  §  42.) 

stokd  (RY.),  drop,  Vstu,  as  in  ghrta-stdvas  (better   than  the 
derivation  from  Vqcui  by  metathesis). 

sphatika  (U.),  crystal.    Vsphat,  burst,  only  Dhatup;  Uhlenbeck 
compares  spalten.  

-sphdkd  (AY.)  in  pwah-sphdkd,  swelling  with  fat.    Vsphd(i). 

Chapter  VI. 

The  Suffix  in  Av.,  compared  with  RV. ;  the  Prehistoric 

Suffix. 

Based  on  list  of  Av.  words  in  Bartholomae's  Wbch. 

104.  In  striking  contrast  to  the  fullness  and  richness  shown 

in  the  development  of  the  ka  suffixes  in  Skt.  stands  the  meager 

use  of  them  in  the  most  closely  related  language,  Avestan.    Not 

only  are  the  Av.  instances  very  few  in  number  (barely  over 


Vol.  xxxi.j          The  K-Sufjixes  of  Indo-franian.  305 

50  in  Bartholomae),  but  semantically  the  conditions  are  primitive 
compared  with  those  existing  even  at  quite  an  early  date  in 
the  sister  language  of  India.  However,  if  we  examine  separa- 
tely the  ha  suffixes  found  in  the  RV.  alone,  we  shall  find  a 
striking  resemblance  between  them  and  those  of  the  Av.  And 
from  a  combination  of  the  two  it  will  be  possible  with  a  fair- 
degree  of  confidence  to  deduce  the  values  which  the  suffix  had 
in  the  common  Ind.-Iran.  period.  We  shall  find,  it  may  be 
added,  that  these  values  were  surprisingly  restricted,  in  com- 
parison with  the  extent  to  which  the  suffix  developed  in  later 
Skt.  It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  this  fact  may  have  an 
important  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  origin  of  the  suffix 
in  the  still  more  remote  IE.  period. — Probably  it  will  appear 
that  too  much  weight  has  been  placed  on  the  great  frequency 
of  the  suffix  in  some  historic  languages,  notably  Skt.  and  G-k. 
Jr>ut  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  at  all  common  in  the 
parent  language;  rather,  there  is  evidence  to  the  contrary. 

105.  Let  us  first  take  up  briefly  the  state  of  the  suffix  in 
the  B,V.  The  only  common  use  of  it  is  our  first  category, 
1  ka  (§  9),  to  which  (with  its  subdivision,  the  diminutive  ka) 
belong  over  half  the  ka  words  whose  derivation  is  determinate. 
Inside  this  division  the  dim.  and  pej.  words  again  largely 
predominate,  with  about  40  words  as  against  11  cases  of  1  ka 
in  its  non-dim,  use  as  a  suffix  of  characteristic.  Over  half  of 
the  40  diminutives  are  pejoratives  of  one  sort  or  another. — 
The  adjectival  suffix  2  ka  (§  11)  is  unknown  except  for  7  pro- 
nominal adjectives  (mdmaka  &c.)  and  the  n.  pr.  kugikd  (§  52) 
which  is  more  or  less  uncertain,  though  it  has  been  clast  here. 
Only  the  faint  beginnings  of  the  Possessiv  and  Bahuvrihi  suffix 
3  ka  appear,  with  three  cases  of  a  transitional  character, 
which  might  be  considered  cases  of  1  ka  (characterizing  ad- 
jectives). Interesting  are  the  two  EV.  cases  of  4  ka,  giving 
activ  value  (§§  13,  19). — None  of  the  derived  suffixes  ika,  aka, 
uka,  uka,  are  found,  if  we  except  gandika  (said  to  be  a 
patronymic  <  g anda  on  no  other  authority  than  Sayana),  sdyaka 
and  sulabhikd  (uncertain  and  in  any  case  not  belonging  in 
meaning  to  the  later  suffix  oka),  sdnuka  (really  a  case  of 
primary  ka  from  the  verb-stem  sanu-,  like  vigarlka  (§  103) 
from  Q arl~  V~£r) ;  and  the  curiously  anachronistic  word  jagaruka 
(§  25).  The  little  group  of  ika  words  (§§  100,  101)  is  not 
very  clear  and  may  be  neglected.  The  five  RV.-adverbs  in  -/,• 

21* 


306  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

are  also  not  clear,  but  are  most  likely  developed  from  forms  of 
1  ka.  There  remain  only  the  dozen  or  more  primary  ka 
derivativs. 

106.  Practically,  then,  in  the  RV.  the  suffix  is  used  (1)  as 
a  primary  suffix,  most  often  giving  active  verbal  force  (which 
also  appears  in  two  secondary  adjectives);  (2)  as  a  secondary 
suffix,  forming  nouns  and  adjectives  of  likeness  and  character- 
istic; (3)  as  a  dim.  and  pej.  suffix  (developed  out  of  the  preced- 
ing); (4)  as  a  secondary  suffix  forming  adjectives  of  appurtenance 
and  relationship  (almost  restricted  to  pronominal  bases). 

107.  These  same  conditions   are    approximately  reproduced 
in  the  Av.,  though  not  in  the  same  numerical  ratio;  the  pro- 
portion of  diminutives  is  very  much  smaller,  and  the  pejorativ 
category  is  much  less  clear-cut  and  certain  than  in  the  RV., 
so  that  its  existence  might  even  be  doubted  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  Av.  language  alone.     The  investigation  of  such 
fine  shades  of  meaning  is  extremely  difficult  in  the  Av.  because 
of  the  limited  material.     A  number  of  words  which  evidently 
contain  suffixal  ka  cannot  be  [classified  with  certainty  as  to 
semantics  because  the  primitivs  from  which  they  were  derived 
do  not  chance  to  occur,  so  that  we  cannot  be  certain  as  to 
just  the  touch  which  the  suffix  added.     Following  is  an  at- 
tempt to  classify  the  ka  words  of  Av.  along  the  same  general 
lines  already  applied  to  the  Yedic  words. 

108.  Suffix  1  ka  (§   9).    12  words,     a)  noun  <  noun;  mg. 
"like,  similar  to"  (§  40). 

maSydka,  man  (homo;  perhaps  orig.  adj.,  humanus?)    <masya. 

The  a  is  probably  a  textual  mistake, 
b)  adj.  or  subst.  <  noun,  mg.  "characterized  by  (a  quality 

or  thing)." 

apakhraosaka,  reviling  (i.  e.  having  a  nature  giving  to  revil- 
ing, characterized  by  reviling,  not  the  same  as  a  verbal 
adj.);  as  Earth,  rightly  says,  from  *apakhraosa  (apa-khrus) 
=  Skt.  apakroga,  n. — The  accidental  resemblance  of  this 
and  one  or  two  other  words  to  the  late  Skt.  development 
of  primary  aka  (see  §  96)  should  mislead  no  one.  Cf.  nipa- 
snaka,  with  analogous  meaning,  but  proving  by  its  suffixal 
-no,  that  it  is  a  nominal  derivativ. 

apaskaraka,  scornful,  <  *apaskara  (hypothetical),  "scorn."  Cf. 
apakhraosaka.  Barth.  cannot  explain  the  etymology.  Could  it 
not  be  from  apa-(s)kar?  In  Skt.  apa-kr  means  "injure,  insult." 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  :J07 

daitika,   wild  beast,  presumably  from  dat',  "characterized  by, 

remarkable  for  teeth."    The  i  is  probably  euphonic;  cf.  Vedic 

iyab-t-ikd,  mft~t-ikd,  §  36. — Cf.  AV.  4.  3.  4  vyaghrdm  dat- 

vdtam  prathamdm. 
paitika,  quarrelsome,  <paiti  =  Skt.  prdti.    Earth,  derives  <pait- 

yanCj  which  seems  inferior.     Cf.  Ved.  ddhika,  dnuka,  antikd 
•    (§  47). 
nipaSnaka,   envious   (i.  e.  characterized   by   envy).     <*nipa$na 

(hypothetical),  envy,  <  ni-pa$na  ( YpaS  =  Skt.  pag). 
puitika,  "having  the  character  of  *puiti  =  Skt.  puti,  cleansing"; 

i.  e.  cleansing  (adj.). — This  partakes  of  the  character  of  4  ka, 

by  its  active  force. 
bandaka,  subject,  vassal,  <  banda,  fetter.  Contrast  Skt.  bandhaka, 

captor  (-aka). 
nivayaka,  terrifying,  <*nivaya,  terror  (ni  +  vay,  bay,  =  Skt. 

blii).     Cf.  apakhraosaka. 
vazarka,   great;    cf.  vazardt,   mighty.     Perh.  cf.   Skt.  ojas   &c. 

If  so,   it   would  mean   "characterized  by,  having,  strength." 

In  this  word  and  in  daitika  we  have  formations  leaning  in 

the  direction  of  the  possessiv  suffix  (3  ka),  which  however 

remain  abortiv  in  Av. 
spaka,  dog -like,  dog-    (adj.,  applied   to    serpents).     Cf.  Hdt.  1. 

110   crn-a/ca  TYJV  KVVO.  KaAeovcn    ot  M^Soi. 

c)  subst.  <  adj.  (§  46),  syamaka,  n.  of  a  Mt.,  <  *syama  =  Skt. 

gyatna,  dark,  black.     Cf.  Av.  syava-  (in  comp.),  id. 

109.  Simple  Diminutives.     (11  words.) 
apdrdnayuka,  minor,  child  (usually  adj.),  <  a-pdrdndyu,  id.  ("not 

having  full  age"). 
araeka,  a  sort  of  ant.  Etym.  unknown.  Dim.?  Cf.  Skt.  pipilaka, 

Lat.  formica,  &c. 

kainikd,  girl;  Dim.  of  kaim,  kainyd  =  Skt.  kanya. 
kanuka,  n.  of  a  pious  damsel.     Cf.  kainyd?     Dim.?     Perh.  a 

misreading. 
kasvikdj  very  tiny  <kasu,  tiny,  (cpv.  kasyah,  sup.  kasistha',  the 

i-(kd)  seems  to  have  been  carried  over  from  these  forms). 
kutaka,  small,  cf.  NP.  koda,  child.     Presumably  Dim. 
carditikd,  young  woman,  <carditl,  id.  Dim.;  of  Endearment? 
jahikd,  wife  (of  demon,  beings);  common,  wicked  woman,  jahl 

has  the  same  meanings.    Dim.  (orig.  of  endearment  ?  or  Pej.?) 
pasuka,    domestic   animal,    from   and  =  pasu.     Dim.?  cf.  Skt. 

pacukd. 


308  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

nairika,  woman,  wife,  chief  wife  (ahuric;  opp.  to  jahika). 

<nairi,  woman,  wife  =  Skt,  ndrl,.     Dim.,  prob.  of  endear- 
ment. 
ndmadka,  brushwood,  small  kindlings,  =  ndtnata.    Perhaps  dim. 

For  the  dropping  of  -a  cf.  Ved.  cMka  <  gala,  §  29  b. 

110.  Pejorativ  Diminutivs. 

The  extensiv  development  of  the  contemptuous  and  impreca- 
tory meanings  of  the  suffix  ka  which  characterize  the  Veda 
is  markedly  lacking  in  the  Av.  In  fact,  on  the  basis  of  the 
Av.  language  alone  it  would  scarcely  occur  to  any  one  to  set 
up  this  department  of  the  suffix. — Nevertheless,  there  is  a  group 
of  evil  words  in  fca,  mostly  names  and  epithets  of  demoniacal 
personages,  which  seems  to  me  too  numerous  to  be  quite  acci- 
dental. Cf.  the  Ved.  use  of  the  suffix  with  names  of  demons, 
§  78. — It  cannot  be  claimed  to  be  absolutely  certain  that  the 
suffix  in  these  Av.  words  was  felt  in  this  way,  but  it  is  at 
least  quite  probable.  Besides  jahika  above  (which  may  have 
been  originally  endearing)  the  following  are  the  words  in 
question.  Their  etymologies  are  largely  uncertain.  (10  words.) 
dahaka,  n.  of  demons  (also  epithet  of  Vayu.). — Cf.  Skt.  dasa> 

dasyu,  Av.  dcihyu. 

dahdka,  n.  of  a  fabulous  demon-king.     Cf.  dahaka. 
(duzaka)',   opprobrious  epithet  of  the  hedgehog. — Barth.  takes 

it  [as  a   Bah.  <  duz  +  aka;   otherwise   it  might   be   a   pej. 

formation. 
(druka),  n.  of  a  disease,  sin,  or  the  like.     Etym.?     If  suffixal 

at  all,  the  ka  is  probably  imprecatory. 
pairikd,  enchantress.     Barth.  in  BB.  15.  8  <  Skt.  para-]   very 

improbable,  phonetically  as  he  admits  in  his  Lex.,  and  also 

semantically.    No  etym.  of  value  has  been  suggested.    Prob. 

imprec. 
muraka,    n.  of  devilish   beings.      Etym.  and   Mg.  unc.;    prob. 

<  mura  =  Skt.  mura,  dull,  stupid.     Pejorativ. 
vawzaka,  n.  of  a  demoniacal  animal;    ace.  to  Barth.  <  *vawza 

=  bal.  gvabz,  bee,  wasp,  cf.  Skt,  urna-vdbhi,  spider. — Imprec.? 
d-vdrdzika,  not  working,  lazy  (demonic  word).  <  vdrdzi,  working 

(comp.).    Pej. 
rapaka,  supporting,  siding  with  (only  with  daevanam).    <  *rapa 

Vrap;  Imprec.? 
zairimyaka,  n.  of  the  tortoise,  a  demonic  beast;  ace.  to  Barth. 

"abbreviation"  of  zairimyamwa,  with  dim.  (i.  e.  imprec.)  suffix 


Vol.  x«i.J          The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  309 

111.  TJie  Suffix  2  ka  (§  11).    (5  words.)    As  in  the  RV.,  the 
clearest  examples  are  pronominal  adjectives:  ahmdka  =  asmaka, 
yuSmdka  =  yusmaka.     Furthermore:  andmaka,  n.  of  a  month, 
lit.  "of,  belonging  to,  the  Nameless  (the  Supreme  Deity),"  ace. 
to  Earth.,  <  *andman.    If  this  is  correct,  the  suffix  is  2  Jca. — 
arika,  hostile,  is  hetter  derived  from  *ari  =  Skt.  ari,  enemy. 
Barth.'s  labored  derivation  seems  inferior. — Here  seems  also  to 
helong:  pacika  <*paea  (Vpac)  in  the  adj.  ydmd-pacika,  with 
khumba,   "a  vessal  intended  for  burning  glass."     In   this   sole 
instance  we  have  what  looks  like  the  Skt.  suffix  ika  (§  92). 
The  lack  of  parallels  in  RV.  and  Av.  is  against  this,  however. 
Probably   the  i  was  really  the  result  of  some  analogy,   now 
indiscernible, —  if  it   is  not   a  corruption  of  the  text. — That 
vdkhddrikd,  n.  of  a  Mt.,  is  a  Vriddhi  formation  from  an  imag- 
inary *vakhddra  is  a  quite  arbitrary  assumption  on  the  part 
of  Earth.     There   is   no   Av.  instance  of  vriddhi  with  a  ka 
suffix.     Neither  does  the  RV.  know  this  phenomenon,  which 
only  comes  in  with  the  development  of  the  suffixes  2  ka  and 
ika. 

112.  Primary  ka  (§  103).     (7  words.) 

zinaka,  destroying,  a  true  verbal  adj.  <zind-,  present  base  of 
Vzi. — adka,  garment,  =  Skt.  atka. — vdrddka,  kidney,  =  Skt. 
vrkka. —  hu$ka,  dry,  =  Skt.  $uska. —  marzdika  or  mdrdzdika, 
mercy,  =  Skt.  mrdlkd.  The  appearance  of  i  (Skt.  i)  in  deriva- 
tivs  from  this  root  is  as  perplexing  as  it  is  persistent. — araska, 
(supposed  to  mean)  envy,  cf.  ardsyant,  Skt.  Irsyati.  Abstract 
noun  from  root;  cf.  Yed.  $loka  <Qru,  and  the  following. — saokd 
n.  or  f.  advantage  (?);  <  Vsu — to  be  of  advantage  to.  Abstract 
noun  <  root,  cf.  araska.  (Or,  possibly,  <  Vsuc  =  Skt.  $uc?) 

113.  Unclassified.    (10  words.) 

The  following  Av.  words  mostly  must  have  suffixal  ka,  but 
are  not  clear  etymologically. 

kuganaka,  n.  of  a  city. — tudadka,  n.  of  a  Mt.;  has  the 
appearance  of  being  derived  from  a  pres.  part,  stem,  cf.  Skt. 
ejatka,  brhatka. — druvika,  howling,  groaning  (imprecatory  ka?). — 
pdrdskd,  price;  see  Earth.  Wbch.  and  references  there  quoted. 
If  from  the  base  IE.  pret-  (as  generally  assumed),  the  suffix 
must  be  -ska,  for  *prtka  could  not  give  Av.  pdr9ska.—fra$umakay 
buttocks. — nydka,  grand-father,  -mother. — yaska,  disease,  perhaps 
for  *yaks-ka,  cf.  Skt.  yaksma. — vdkhddrikd,  n.  of  a  Mt, — vdidi- 
midka,  in  urunyb-v.,  n.  of  a  Mt.  Uncertain;  Earth,  conjectures 


310  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

-mictka  <  *mit  =  Skt.  mit,  pillar. — sanaka,  moutli  (of  the  Tigris). 
Etym.  unknown. 

114.  The  Prehistoric  Suffix  ka. 

What,  then,  on  the  basis  of  these  results,  appears  to  have 
been  the  state  of  the  suffix  in  primitive  Aryan  ?  Although  argu- 
ment from  negation  has  its  dangers,  it  is  hardly  likely  that 
uses  of  any  frequently  occurring  suffix  which  are  found  in  later 
Skt.,  but  not  in  the  BY.,  nor  in  the  Av.,  could  have  belonged 
to  the  prehistoric  Ind.-Iran.  On  that  hypothesis,  we  must 
rule  out  the  derived  suffixes  ika,  aka  (Verbal),  uka  and  uka, 
all  of  which  are  practically  lacking  in  BY.  and  Av.1  We 
therefore  cannot  accept  Brugmann's  statement  (Gr.  II2: 1  p.  488) 
that  the  adjectival  suffix  -iqo-  (=  Skt.  ika)  is  found  "throughout 
the  entire  IE.  territory:'  In  the  oldest  strata  of  Aryan  it 
cannot  be  proved  to  have  existed,  unless  by  one  or  two  sporadic 
and  doubtful  examples ;  and  its  extensiv  growth  in  Skt.  is  cer- 
tainly a  late  development. — The  use  of  ka  as  a  possessiv  suffix 
(3  ka)  shows  only  the  barest  beginnings  in  BY.,  and  as  a 
conscious  suffixal  category  is  also  post- Aryan. — The  suffix  2  ~ka 
evidently  existed  in  Aryan,  but  its  use  was  principally  restricted 
to  pronominal  stems.  The  adverbial  -k  is  not  demonstrably 
Aryan,  no  instance  occurring  in  Av. — We  have  left,  then,  as  the 
demonstrable  uses  of  the  fra-suffix  in  Ind.-Iran. :  1)  the  formation 
of  nouns  of  likeness  or  adjectivs  of  characteristic;  2)  the  diminu- 
tiv  and  (perhaps)  pejorativ  formations,  3)  occasional  formations 
with  2  ka,  mainly  pronominal  adjectivs,1  and  4)  the  primary 
formations  from  verbal  bases,  apparently  inclining  towards 
the  meaning  of  verbal  adjectives  or  nouns  of  agent  (with  which 
meaning  also  a  few  secondary  formations  are  created).  This 
primary  use  of  the  suffix  was  proportionately  much  more 
frequent,  it  seems,  in  the  prehistoric  language  than  in  the 
literature  we  have,  where  it  has  died  out  as  an  active  formant, 
overwhelmed  by  the  flood  of  secondary  ka  formations.  In  its 

*  Neglecting  jdgaruka,  the  alleged  patronymic  gcmdika,  and  the  isolated 
Av.  -pacika.  As  has  been  said  (§  108)  the  i  of  Av.  daitika  is  probably 
merely  euphonic,  cf.  Ved.  mfttikd]  and  in  any  case  its  meaning  does  not 
fit  with  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  suffix  ika  (=  2  ka).  -kasvika,  which 
Brugm.  quotes  as  an  example  of  Av.  ika,  is  still  less  apt,  for  it  is 
obviously  a  diminutive  formation,  and  in  Aryan  they  always  take  simple 
ka.  As  has  been  indicated  (§  109)  its  i  is  probably  analogical,  from 
kasyah,  kasistha, 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo- Iranian.  311 

place  sprang  up  the  various  derivativ  fca-suffixes  of  Skt.  which 
have  this  active  value  exclusivly. 

115.  If  these  conclusions  be  accepted,  it  will  be  seen  at  once 
that   the   suffix  ka   was  much  more  restricted  in  early  times 
than  is  often  assumed.     It  may  be  that  in  the  same  way  the 
extensiv  use    of  -bos  suffixes  in  G-k.  and  other  languages  will 
prove  to  be  secondary.     At  any  rate,  from  the  Aryan  point 
of  view  the  range  of  the  IE.  kos  or  qos  appears  to  have  been 
quite  limited. 

116.  We  cannot  conclude  this  brief  allusion  to  the  IE.  suffix 
ka   (which   will   probably    at   some   future   time   receive  more 
fitting  consideration)  without  mentioning  Leskien's  interesting 
chapter  on  the  related  fc-suffixes  of  Lithuanian1,  especially  as 
it   seems   to  bear  out  in  general  our  position  as  to  the  com- 
parativly  restricted  use  of  ka  in  IE.     In  Lith.,  according  to 
Leskien,  ka  appears  principally  in  the  derivativ  suffixes  ika,  oka, 
uka, — all   evidently  of  secondary  origin  and  not  dating  back 
to   the  Ursprache.     They  preserve   (in  a  confused  and  rather 
hit-or-miss    way)    practically    the    same   meanings    which    we 
arrived  at  as  the  values  of  the  suffix  in  Aryan,  to  wit:  1)  pri- 
mary formations,  verbal  adjectivs  and  nouns  of  agent;  2)  secon- 
dary formations  of  characteristic  (1  ka),  especially  making  sub- 
stantivs  out  of  adjectivs  (cf.  §  46);  3)  diminutivs;  4)  secondary 
adjectivs  and  patronymics  (our  2  ka);  the  secondary  adjectivs 
are  principally   words  m'-ofca  (=  Skt.  Av.  -oka)  from  prono- 
minal stems, — so  that  the  correspondence  is  almost  marvellously 
close.     I  should  be  very  loath  to  believe  that  this  is  entirely 
accidental;    I   think    that    we    have    here    the   kernel   of  the 
suffix  -kos  (qos)  in  IE. 

117.  To  show  that  the  derived  suffix  -ika  in  Lith.  does  not 
really  support  the  hypothesis  that  such  a  suffix  existed  in  IE. 
we  need  only  mention  that  its  principal  values  are  1)  formation 
of  nouns  of  agent  from  roots,  2)  formation  of  diminutivs  from 
nouns.     Neither  of  these  meanings  for  -ika  is  found  at  all  in 
Skt,  literature,— least    of  all   in   the  Veda. — An    interesting 
parallel  to  Skt.  formations  in  -aka  (masc.  neut.j,  -ika  (fern.)  is 
the  Lith.  combination  of  masc.  -uka  with  fern.  -ike.    Whether 
this  is  enough  to  establish  an  IE.  fern,  suffix  -ika.  corresponding 
to  masculins  in  -o-ko,  is  doubtful;  but  such  a  phenomenon  would 

i  Bildung  der  Nomina  im  Littauischen.  p.  504  ff. 


312  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

be  quite  conceivable,  and  is  contradicted  by  nothing  of  which 
the  writer  is  aware.  To  be  sure  the  masculine  -alia  (IE.  -oko-) 
is  replaced  in  Lithuanian  by  a  different  form  of  the  suffix. 


Statistics  of  Vedic  k- Words. 

118.  Detailed  statistics  are  hard  to  give.  Some  of  the  words 
are  used  in  different  senses  and  hence  counted  twice;  others 
are  classified  under  more  than  one  head  because  they  might 
belong  to  any  one  of  them.  The  following  figures  are  approxim- 
ately correct: 

1  ka  (circ.  110  +  Dim.,  circ.  180)  circ.     290 

2  Tea 53 

3  ha  (21  +  Bah.,  96) 117 

4  ha      .    , 5 

Unclassified  Secondary  ha  .     .     ,     .     .       87 

Total  Secondary  ka circ.  550 

Suffix  ika  (with  Vriddhi  105;  without  15).     .  120 

oka  (1  oka  2;  2  oka  8;  3  oka  45)    .     .  55 

uka  (Participial  71;  others  5)  ....  76 

iika, 3 

ika circ.  20 

k 6 

Primary  ka circ.  30 

Total                                                              .    circ.  860 


General  Index  and  List  of  Vedic  k  -Words. 

See  § 

-aiigaka  =  diiga,  ifc.  Bah. — Maitr.  Up 55 

-aksaka  =  aksan,  ifc.  Bah. — KSA.  5.  3.    Cf.  -aksika  and 

54  a,  55 

aksamalikd,  "little  rosary,"  n.  of  an  Up..  Mukt  Up. ...     62 
-aksika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  dksi,  TS.  7.  5.  12.  1,    cf.  -aksaka  and 

54  a,  55 

agnika,  ifc.  Bah.,  =  agni.    Gop.  Br 55 

agnihotraka,  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up ,51 

-angaka,  ifc.  Bah.,  =  dnga,  KSA.  5.  3 54  a,  55 

ajavika,  see  s.  v.  avikd 44 

anjalikd  (or  nyanjalika?),  PComm.  hastagravarttinam  anja- 
lim. — The  passage  (TAr.  1.  6.  1)  reads:  tvam  [sc.  gi$irah] 
karosi  ny  anjalikdm  \  tvam  karosi  ni  jdnukdm  \  nijdnukd 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  313 

8ee§ 

me  ny  anjalikd  ami  vacam  updsatam  iti  |. — The  accents 
are  hopelessly  confused. — The  whole  passage  is  very 
dark  and  uncertain.  The  comm.  takes  ni  with  karosi 
in  the  first  clause,  and  in  the  third  supplies  bhavatu. 
His  laborious  explanation  is  about  as  follows:  "The 
winter  causes  people  to  make  an  anjalika  (see  above) 
downwards  >  (towards  the  fire,  for  warmth). — It  causes 
them  to  bend  the  knees  (see  si  v.  januka)  downward  (to 
warm  the  body  at  the  fire). — 'Let  there  be  of  me  a 
bending  of  the  knees,  an  anjalikdV — These  (wise  people) 

cherish  this  saying  (during  the  winter)" 58 

amyaskd,  more  tiny,  AY.1  <amyas,  smaller 63 

-anuka  =  dnu,  ifc.  Bah.     Maitr.  Up 55 

atka,  armor,  garment,  RY.  &c 103 

,  n.  of  an  Asura,  KY 

ddhika,  additional,  <adhi\  Katy.  Qr 47 

anantaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up 78 

(ariika,  face.)  -ka  not  suffixal,  but  an  a -extension  of  a 
formation  in  -(y)anc,  -w;  cf.  prdttka,  abhika  &c.  The 
base  is  compared  with  Gk.  lv.  For  the  i  cf.  w, — or 
otherwise  it  may  be  merely  analogical  to  prdtlka  &c.,  as 
is  undoubtedly  the  case  with  samlka  (q.  v.),  from  samydnc 

anuka,  subordinate,  <  dnu.     QB .     47 

dntaka  <dnta,  ending,  ender,  AY.  &c.;  as  npr.  Death,     56,  19 

AY.,  YS.  &c.;  (antaka)  border,  QB 40 

antika  <  dnti  in  adv.  forms  -am,  -at,  -e;  near.  RY.,  AY.  .     47 
anyaka,  other  (contempt. — imprec.),  <  dnya.    Only  RY.     74,  82 

apakrdmuka,  retiring,  TS.  &c. . 99 

apanisdduka,  lying  down  apart,  MS 99 

aparodhuka,  detaining,  MS 99 

abhikrogaka,  reviler,  YS.  (so  Say. — "nindaka";  so  also  BR.; 

Griffith— "watchman") 96,  97 

abhinivistaka,   stale   (food) — ?     Man.  Gr.  2.  13.  5.     See 

Knauer's  note 46 

abhimadyatkd,  somewhat  drunk,  QB 65 

abhimdmtka,  insidious,  QB.  Ait.B.,  &c 99 

abhimethikd,  insulting  speech,  QB 95 

-abhivaduka  in  an-a.,  not  greeting,  Gop.B.  Yait 99 

-abhyavacaruka  in  dn-a.,  not  attacking,  MS 99 

abhydyuka,  coming  to,  Kap.  S 99 

abhyarohu'ka,  ascending,  MS 99 


314  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

amanikd, — ?  AV.  20.  130.  9  (Mss.  dmanako  manachakah; 
EWh.  dmanikd  manichadah;  EVKh.  5.  15.  7  dmanako 

manasthakah,  q.  v 58 

(amotaka,    corrupt    Ms.  reading    AY.  20.  127.  5.     EWh. 

amota  gd.) 

-ambaka,   ifc.  Bali.,    as   try  -a.,   having   3  mothers?    n.  of 

Eudra  EV 55 

ambdlikd,  dear  little  mother,  YS.  (voc.,  dmbdlike)  ...  67 
ambikd  (voc.),  dear  little  mother,  YS.  &c.  (Also  n.  of  sister 

of  Eudra)  VS.  &c 67 

arataki,  n.  of  a  plant,  AY.  The  Comm.  do  not  attempt 
to  explain  the  word.  Of.  mrga-rdtikd  (Lexx.  only),  a 
medicinal  plant  and  pot-herb;  rdti,  war  (Lexx.),  Vrat 

shriek 58 

aristaka,  having  the  disease  arista,  Kauc,.  (ace.  to  MW. 

Addendum) 53 

artuka,  quarrelsome,  QB 99 

(ardhaka-ghdtiri) — ?  AY.1  Prob.  the  Ppp.  adhvaga-ghdtin 
is  the  true  reading.  "Slayer  of  travellers"  means  Eudra, 
who  is  besought  to  spare  the  speaker.  The  verse  is  in 
a  charm  for  safe  travel.  See  notes  of  Bloomfield  and 

Henry  for  discussion 

fardhuka,  prospering,  QB 99 

arbhaka,  small  (dim.  and  contempt.)  EY.  &c 63,  72 

armaka,  heap  of  ruins,  EY 79 

(in  KauQ  26  appears  to  be  an  adj.  "ruined"). 

alakam,  in  vain  (contempt.)  EY •     .        76,  37 

alabuka,  the  fruit  of  the  gourd,  AY.,  EYKh.  .....     62 

(aUka)  <*ali-anc,  cf.  anlka;  *ali-  cf.  aAAos,  alius  &c. .     .     . 

alpaka,  ikd,  small  (dim.  obs.)  AY.,  QB 63,  86 

avakd  (once,  MS.  3.  15.  1,  -ka),  a  plant;  AY.,  YS.  &c.  .  47 
avaghatarikd,_n.  of  a  musical  instrument,  Qankh.  Qr.  .  .  62 
avacatnuka.  Ait.  Br. — Say — "n.  of  a  country."  Obscure  .  58 

avacarantikd,  AY.  contempt.  <  avacarantl 73 

avataka  (Mss.  and  EWh.  avatka),  little  spring,  AY.  .  .  62 
avadhutaka  =  avadhuta,  n.  of  Upanisad,  Mukt.  Up.  .  .  44 

avabhedaka,  "piercer,"  headache,  Par.  Gr 96,  97 

(avakka,  QBr.  9. 1. 2. 22,  artificial  word,  as  if  avdk  [avanc]  +  ka, 

invented  to  explain  avakd,  q.  v.) . 

avikd  (or  avikd),  ewe-sheep,  lamb,  EY.,  AY 62 

ajdvika,  goats  and  sheep,  ==  (dvandva)a;aw,  QBr.      .     44 


Vol.  xxxi.]           The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  316 

See  § 

agandyuka,  hungry,  QB 99 

-agltika,    ifc.  Bali.,    ;is    sdntika,    with    (i.  e.  plus)    eighty, 

G-arbh.  Up :,:, 

d(;vaka,  horse  (imprec.),  VS.,  TS.  &c 79 

astaka,  consisting  of  8,  QBr.;  n.  pr.  Ait.  Br.  <  asta;  -kd,  the 

day  of  the  moon's  quarter,  AV 53 

asakdu,  =  asdu  (ohs.),  VS.  &c 86,  37 

asiiyaka,  envious,  Maitr.  Up 97 

dstaha,  home,  AV.  <  dsta. — ifc.  Bah.  in  svastakd — AV.       41,  55 
(astamikd,  adv.  -ike,  at  home,  <  dstam,  id.,  by  analogy  with 

-ika  formations  like  prdtlka  &c.,  cf.  amka,  dlika,  samikd) 
-asthaka   (KSA.  5.  3)    and  -astMka  (TS.  7.  5.  12.  2)  ifc. 

Bah.  =  asthdn  (dsthi) 54  a,  55 

asmdka,  our,  RV.  &c 51,  30  a  Note 

dhallika,  prattler?,  QB.  (BrArUp.) 71 

-akhyaka,  ifc.  Bah.  in  ddhdrdkhyaka.  Ramap.  Up.  (=dkhyd)  55 

dyantuka,  accidental,  adventitious,  Agv.  Qr 45 

dgdmuka,  coming  to,  MS 99 

dgnika,  of  Agni,  or  the  sacrificial  fire,  Katy  Qr.  &c.     .     .  94 

dgnistomika,  of  the  agnistomd,  QBr 94 

dgnyddheyika,  of  the  agnyddheya,  Katy  Qr 94 

djdvika,  made  of  goat's  and  sheep's  hair,  KauQ    ....  94 
atikl,  n.  pr.  of  the  wife  of  a  Eishi,  Cha.Up. —  Yaf;  cf.  dtaka 

(only  Lexx.),  atika,  n.  of  a  YV.  school;  dta,  n.  of  Naga  97 

ddhaka,  a  measure  of  grain,  G-arbh.  Up.     Obscure   ...  58 
(ddhdrikd,  see  dhdrika). 

dndika,  "egg  (i.  e.  bulb-)  bearing,"  the  lotus,  AV.  Kaug  .  53 

dtmaka,  of  the  nature  (self,  dtmdri),  Cha.  Up.,  Qvet.  Up.   .  50 

dtmabodhaka  =  -dim,  n.  of  an  Upanisad,  Mukt.  Up.     .     «  44 

-ddika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  -ddi,  Eamap.  Up 55 

adhikdrika,  of  the  adhikdras  (individual  sections),  Qankh  G-r.  94 

ddhydtmika,  of  the  adhydtmd,  Gaudap 94 

ddhydyika,  occupied  in  reading  (adhydya),  Tait.  Up.   .     .  94 

ddhvarika,  of  the  adhvard,  QBr.,  Katy  Qr 94 

dnumdnika,  inferential,  Ap.,  Katy  Qr 94 

dnuydjika,  of  the  after-sacrifice,  Man.  Qr 94 

dnusuka,  shot  after?  TS.  2.  3.  4.  2.     Uncertain  word.  .     .  58 

dpardhnika,  of  the  afternoon,  AQV.  Qr.,  Katy  Qr.     ...  94 

dpartuka,  unseasonable,  Kaug 49 

tibhicaranika,  maledictory,  Katy  Qr 94 

dhhicdrika,  incantation,  Kauc, 94 


316  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

abhiplavika,  of  the  Abhiplava,  Agv.  Qr 94 

abhyudayika   (concerning  the  rise  of  anything;    as  n.),  a 

kind  of  graddha.    Agv.  Qr 94 

abhiika,  powerless,  AY 72,  33 

(dmanaka,  see  dmanika.) 

dmalaka,  a  tree  and  its  fruit,  Cha.  Up.  and  Class.  <  amala 

spotless? 49 

dmwatJcdj  pressing,  pushing?  TS.  4.  5.  9.  2. — See  viksinatkd 
and  vicinvatkd.  These  three  are  among  a  list  of  honorific 
epithets  of  certain  gods,  found  in  the  Qatarudriya.  No 

dim.  force  of  any  kind  is  discernible 42 

drakdt,  far,  from  a  distance  (Imprec.),  QBr.      ...       83,  37 

aranydka,  a  class  of  Yedic  works,  Arun.  Up 49 

druka,  hurting  TAr 99 

drunaketuka,  of  the  aruna-ketus  (spirits),  TAr 49 

(drksdka,  see  rks-.) 

drcatkd,  n.  of  Qara,  EY.  A  Patronymic,  ultimately  (and 
perhaps  directly,  cf.  §11,  49)  <  *rai£,  Varc>  cf.  infin. 

rcase  (EY.) 58 

(drjika)  RY.,  a  n.  pr.,  deriv.  of  rjlka,  q.  v 

drdhuka,  beneficial,  Qankh  B 99 

-dlambhukd  in  an-d.,  not  to  be  touched,  TBr.,  Kath.    .     .     24 
dvaddnika,  offered  after  being. cut  up  in  pieces,  Yait.  .     .     94 
dvapantikd,  scattering  (grains,  of  the  bride  in  the  wedding- 
rite)  AY.;  Par.  Gr.  &c.    Suffix  obviously  cannot  be  pejo- 
rative; some  related  texts  have  dvdpanti',  may  be  merely 
metrical,  and  the  Sutra  passages  then  due  to  reminiscence 

of  the  older  (metrical)  version 45 

dvika,  of  sheep;  woolen,  QB.;  Katy  Qr 94 

-dgaka  in  dn-d.— not  eating,  a  fast,  QB 95 

dgarika,  rheumatism,  AY 103 

-dgirka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  a$is,  TS 55,  36  (s.)  a. 

d^vamedhika,  of  the  agvamedlid,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.  &c.     .     .     94 

-dsandika  in  sds-,  ifc.  Bah.,  Katy  Qr 55 

dsuka,  n.  of  a  Saman  Ars  Br „ 103 

(dsmdkd,  our,  EY. — see  asmdkd) ,    .     .     . 

iksvdku  (or  iksvaJcu),  n.  pr.  EY.,  AY. — <  iksu  sugar-cane?      33  c 

indragopaka,  little  firefly  Amrt.  Up 62 

invakd,  n.  of  a  Saman  SY.;  of  a  constellation  TBr.  <-inva    46 

iyattdkd,  -ikd,  so  tiny,  EY 74,  36 

isikd  (once  -a,  KauQ  11),  arrow,  reed,  AY.,  QB.  &c.     .     .  101 


Vol.  xxxi.]          The  K~ Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  317 

See  § 

isukd,  arrow  =  isu,  AY.1 41 

istakd,  brick,  cf.  Av.  ffiya,  YS.;  TS.  &c 46 

iksaka,  spectator,  QBr.;  Agv.  Gr 96,  97 

islka,   arrow,    MS.     The   variant   from   isikd  is  doubtless 

meaningless,  probably  a  mistake 

-ukthaka  in  sdkthaka,  having  an  ukthd,  QB 55 

ucchosuka,  drying  up,  Gop.  Br.;  QBr 99 

utpdtikd,  outer  bark  of  a  tree,  Brh.  Ar.  Up.     Cf.  utpata  .  58 

utpddaka,  producing,  Nrsut.  Up.  (in  -ka-tva,  noun)  ...  97 

udaka,  water,  RY.  &c 42 

udgrasaka,  devouring,  Nrsut.  Up.  (in  -ka-tva,  noun)  ...  97 

udddlaka,  n.  of  a  teacher,  QBr.  &c.;   cf.  udddla,  a  plant.  58 

udbandhuka,  one  who  hangs  up,  TS 99 

udbhdsaka,  shining,  Nrsut.  Up.  (in  -ka-tva,  noun)     ...  97 
udbhrdntaka,  roaming,  Nrsut.  Up.  (in  -ka-tva,  noun) 

44  ad  fin. — Note 

unmantaka,  insane,  Acram.  Up 68 

unmtiduka,  fond  of  drink,  MS.;  TS.     . 99 

upakrdmuka,  approaching;  ace.  to  "Wh.  Gram.,  in  Brahmanas  99 

upajihvikd,  upajikd,  upadikd,  ant;  RV.  &c 62 

upaddsuka,  failing,  TS 99 

upandmuka,  bending  towards,  QBr 99 

-upanisatka,  in  uktopan. — having  heard  the  Upanisads,  QB. 

(Brh.  Ar.  Up.) 55 

upapdtaka,  minor  sin,  Nar.  Up.  &c 66 

-upasatka  in  try  -u.,  ifc.  Bah.,  Ap.  Qr 55 

upasthdyuka,  approaching,  Kath 99 

-updnatka  in  an-up.,  without  sandals  (upantih),  Katy  Qr.     55,  36 
updnasyaka,  n.  of  Indra,  Ap.  Qr.    Cf.  updnasd,  adj.,  being 

in  a  carriage,  RY.;  n. — the  space  in  a  carriage,  AY.  .  58 

updsaka,  servant,  K&UQ  &c 96,  97 

(uruka,  owl,  =  iduka,  Ait.  Br.) 

urvdrukd,  gourd,  RY.,  AY.    A  late  and  interpolated  verse  44 

uluka,  owl,  RY.  &c 79 

ulukhalaka,  mortar  (Dim.  End.)  RY.1  (as  voc.)    ....  67 
(ulkdj  firebrand;  ka  prob.  not  suffixal,  cf.  varcas,  Yolcanus) 

ulmuka,  firebrand,  Ait.  Br.;  QB.  &c.     Unc.  etym.     ...  58 

usrika,  bullock  (contempt.)  RY.1 71,  29  a,  Note 

utika,  n.  of  a  plant,  subst.  for  Soma,  Kath.  &c.  Probably 
mistake  for  putika,  q.  v.;  or  else  the  two  words  have  in- 
fluenced each  other  101 


318  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

unaka,  defective,  lacking,  Qankh  Qr 80 

urdhvaka,  raised,  Samny.  Up 45 

rksdka  (or,  as  AYh.  conj.,  ark-)  AY.1     Say  "inhabited  by 

bears,"  which  is  mere  etymological  guesswork.    The  whole 

passage  is  obscure,  and  this  word  is  prob.  corrupt.  .  .  58 
rks&ca,  n.  of  an  evil  spirit,  AY.;  VS.;  QBr.  Cf.  flcsa?  .  101 
-rjika,  beaming,  gleaming  (in  cpds.);  BY.  &c.  (as  dvir-rj.)  100 

fdhak  (or  rdhak),  separately,  RV.  &c 27 

rdhnuka,  causing  increase,  AQV.  Gr 99 

-rsika  in  sarsika-,  ifc.  Bah.,  AQ.  Gr 55 

eka,  one,  RV.  + 103 

ekaka*,  singly,  RV.;  just  one,  AY.1 47,  66 

ekakin,  alone,  AY.,  YS.  &c.    Formation  problematic.    Pan. 

5.  3.  52  notes  it  as  a  solitary  form,  without  explanation 

or  parallel.     BR.  suggest  an  am  formation  .     .     .     47,  29  c 

ekatrin$aka,  consisting  of  31,  Gaudap.      . 53 

ejatkd,  kind  of  insect,  AY.1 81 

elapatraka.  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud  Up 78 

dikahika,  of  the  one-day  offering,  Ait  Br.;  QBr.  &c.     .     .  94 

tiidaka,  of  the  eda  (sheep),  QBr.  &c 49,  79 

— n.  a  vicious  ram  (should  be  edaka?),  QBr. 

aitareyaka,  the  Ait.  Br.;  see  I.  St.  1—106,  7 50 

(dinvaka,  n.  of  two  Samans,  <invaka\  Ars.  Br.)  .... 

distika,  of  the  isti — sacrifice,  Ac,v.  Qr.;  Kaus  Up.     ...  94 
orimika,  n.  of  a  section  of  the  Kath.  S.;  see  I.  St.  1.  69,  70. — 

Uncertain 58 

duttaravedika,  of  the  northern  altar,  QBr 94 

dupavasathika,  of  the  upavasathd — rite,  Agv.  Qr 94 

kakdtikd — ?  part  of  the  head  (Wh.  hindhead),  AY.  Obscure  58 
(Prob.  for  krkdtikd,  neck-joint,  =  kfkdta  id.,  AY.) 

katuka,  sharp,  bad,  BV.,  AY 80 

-kcwwkd,  a  minute  part  of  any  thing,  in  vata-k.,  Sarvop.  .  62 
kdntaka,  thorn,  AY.  14.  2.  68  (?);    QBr.  &c.—kanta  only 

in  cpds. — Uhlenbeck  holds  it  to  be  prakr.  for  *krntaka, 

VWL— Unc. .  44 

-kanthaka,  ikd,  in  saha-k.,  with  the  throat,  AY 55 

-kadruka  in  tri-k.,  having  three  vessels,  EY.,  AY.    ...  55 
kanaka,  golden,  Adbh.  Br.;  Samh.  Up. — No  *kana  occurs. 

Uhlenbeck  cf.  KV^KOS  and  Honig 58 


1  Either  accent. 


Vol.  mi,]  The  K-Sufjixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  319 

See  S 

kandknaka,  sort  of  poison,  AY.1  (?) 79 

kandnakd,  mistake  for  kamnakd,  pupil  of  the  eye,  only  TS.1     62 
kanisthakd,  ikd,  smallest,  only  AY.1;  kanisthikd  little  finger 

QBr.  &c. 63 

kanmakd,  -d,  kaninakd,  -ikd,  pupil  of  the  eye,  RY.  &c.     .     62 

The  words  never,  in  the  passages  which  occur,  have 
the  primitive  meaning  of  "boy"  or  "girl"  (kanina,  -a). 

kanydkd,  pupil  of  the  eye,  Ait.  Ar 62 

kdplaka?  v.  1.  kdlpaka.    TBr. — Mg.  unknown 58 

kamltika,  husk  of  rice,  AY 40,  33 

karkd,  white,  AY.    The  ka  is  perhaps  not  suffixal.    Unc.  .  103 

karkataka,  crab,  Brahm.  Up 44 

karkandhukd,  RY.  Kh.  5.  22.  3  =  (kdrkandhukd)  AV.  20. 

136.  3— jujube-berry.     (<  karkdndhu)  (Dim.) 62 

karkarikd,  kind  of  lute,  AY. 62 

karkotaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up 78 

kdrnaka,  "earlet,"  tendril,  QBr.;  handle  (also  -ka),  TS.,  MS.; 
of  the   two   legs   extended,  AY.1;  (-karnaka)   ifc.  Bah. 

=  kdrna,  TS.  .     . 62,  86,  55 

karnavestaka,  earring,  =  -ta,  Par.  Gr 44 

kalanka,  spot,  in  nis-k.,  Nar.  Up. — Uncertain 58 

-kalpaka  in  a-k.,  irregular,  Gaudap.  (see  also  kdplaka)  .  .  55 
kalmalikin,  RY. — glorious?  Epithet  of  Rudra.  Say.  says 
from  *kalmaUka  (not  found)  =  tejas.  Of.  kalmali — (AY.) 
"glory"?  Grassmann  "funkelnd." — Ludwig  "pfeiltrager," 
which  according  to  his  note  is  "offenbar"  the  meaning; 
I  confess  I  am  unable  to  follow  him. — The  word  kalmali 
(see  above)  is  itself  very  doubtful  and  might  mean  any- 
thing, so  that  Sayana's  interpretation,  which  Roth, 
Grassmann  and  Delbriick  follow,  is  dubious  .  .  58,  31 

katfcd,  weasel?,  RY 101 

kacdka,  n.  of  hostile  demons,  RY.;  AY.     Of.  kaga?  ...     58 

kdnukd,  ?  RY.     See  §  21 21 

(kdntaka,  thorny,  <kdntaka) 

kdmikd,  n.  of  certain  letters  in  a  mystic  alfabet;  Ramap. 

Up.    Presumably  <kdma 58 

kdmuka,  desiring;  a  lover.     TS 99 

kdraka,  maker  &c.     Garbh.  Up 97 

kdruka,    artisan,    artificer  (?)  ace.  to  Wh.  Ybl.  roots,   in 

Brahmanas.     I  find  no  instance  before  Epic  times    .     .     99 
kdtakd,  unidentified  bird,  VS.;  "Blackish" 64 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  III.  22 


320  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

kdlika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up 78 

kdverakd,  n.  pr.,  patronymic  <kuvera,  AV 49 

kdsikd,  cough,  AV 79 

-kimgukd  (in  su-k.*),  a  plant  or  flower;  BY.  AV 58 

kinjalka,  plant-stalk,  Acv.  Qr 44,  29  b 

kirikd  or  girika,  epithet  of  gods  in  Qatarudriya,  meaning 
unknown,  various  guesses  (sparkling,  Eggeling;  sprinkling, 

Griffith)  VS.  &c. 58 

(-kiska  see  gvakiskin.) 

kllaka,  the  middle  syllables  of  a  mantra — Hams.  Up.  (as 
being  the  stake  or  post,  Mia,  to  which  the  extremes  are 

attached) 40 

-kuthdrikd  in  pdda-k.,  QGr.;  a  position  of  the  feet  ...     91 

kunika,  n.  of  a  teacher,  Ap 46 

kundikd,  little  pot,  Samny.  Up.;  also  title  of  an  Up.     .     .     62 
kumdrakd   (or   kumdr-),   ikd,   boy,   girl,   (<  kumdrd)  RV.; 

AY.  &c 62,  79 

kumbhaka,  retention  of  the  breath,  as  relig.  exercise;  Amrt. 

Up.  &c 40,  95 

kumbhika,  kind  of  demon,  AY.     Cf.  kumbha 101 

kulika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up 78 

kulika,  a  bird,  YS.  (MS.  has^w^a). — Uncertain;  cf.  kulipaya, 

an  animal  (YS.);  Uhlenbeck  cf.  russ.  kulik,  snipe  &c.     .  101 
kugavartaka,  AY. — corrupt  and  uncertain.   EY.  Kh.  reads 
dhalakug   gavartakah,   which  Scheft.  thinks  is  the  true 

reading 58 

kugika,  n.  pr.,  BY.;   pi.  his  descendants,  BY.  &c.    Prob. 

<ku$i,  pin  used  as  mark  in  recitation  from  texts  .  .  52 
kusitaka,  n.  of  a  bird,  TS. ;  of  a  man— TandyaBr.— Uncertain  58 
kusuwbhaka,  BY.,  venom-bag  of  an  insect  (<  kusumbha)  71,  79 

kusthikd,  dew-claw,  spur,  AY.,  Ait.  Br 40,  90 

kustuka,  n.  of  a  teacher,  YamQa  Br. — Entirely  obscure     .     58 

kuhaka,  rogue,  cheat;  Maitr.  Up.;  Ap 79 

(krka — said  to  mean  "throat"  or  "navel";  Brob.  onomato- 
poetic,  cf.  krkara,  krkana — partridge. — In  krka-ddgii,  a 

demon;  -vdku,  cock;  -Idsa,  lizard) 

krtaka,  false,  artificial,  Gaudap 80 

kfttika,  the  Bleiades  (as  a  sword),  AY.  &c.;  cf.  karttikd, 
dagger  (Cl.).    The  noun  kftti  seems  to  mean  only  "hide, 

skin."     Brob.  Primary  -oka 20,  96,  97 

krtsnaka,  all,  Qankh.  Qr.  16.  29.  8  (Lexx.  wrongly  9)  =  krtsnd    45 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K'Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  321 

See  § 

Jcrmuka,  kind  of  tree,  =  kramuka,  q.  v.;  QBr.,  Kauc..    .     .  44 

krsnaka,  "blackish,"  n.  of  a  plant,  Kaug 64 

-kegakd  in  sarva-k.,  having  all  the  hair,  AV.  (Bah.)     .     .  55 

kdirdtikd,  of  the  kirdtas  (contempt.),  AV.  <  kdirdta ...  72 

kogdtaka,  a  plant  and  its  fruit,  Qankh.  Gr;  presumably  <ltog a  58 
(kdutikd,  a  hird,  <  and  =  kulikd,  q.  v.;  VS.;  MS.)    .    .    . 
(kdugikd,  <ku$ikd,  son  ofku$ika,  or  friend  ofkugika  [Indra]) 
(kdusitaka,  -ki,  patron.  <  kusitaka,  and  n.  of  a  Brahmana) 
kydku,  fungus,  Ap.  Dh.;  Gaut. — Obscure      .     .     .     .     58,  29  d 
kramukd,    the   betelnut   tree, 'Sadv.  Br.  =  kramu    (only 

Lexx.),  krmuka 44 

(krumukd,  piece  of  kindling-wood,  TS.  &c.,  <  kramuka  by 

assimilation) — 

kUtaka,  dough,  paste,  Acv.  Gr.  &c.     Obscure 58 

ksitikd,  a  part  of  a  lute,  Kauc..     ?  Cf.  ksiti  ? 58 

ksullakd,  small  (dim.);  AV.,  TS.  &c.  <  ksudra  .     .     63,  68,  72 

ksurikd,  "little  razor,"  n.  of  an  Up.,  Ksur.  Up 62 

ksodhuka,  hungry,  TS.,  QB 99 

ksdumika,  made  of  linen,  Kaug 94 

ksvinkd,  an  evil  bird,  RV.,  AV.  &c.    Prob.  onomatopoetic  103 

khdndika,  pupil,  Kalpas.;  n.  of  a  man,  QB.  (cf.  sdndika)  .  92 

khandtaka,  little  shovel,  Ap.  Qr.  17,  26  (NBD.  "dug  up.")  62 

khdrvaka,  mutilated  (imprec.)  AV.     <Jcharvd 80 

khdndika-  PGobh.  3.  3.  8. — Comm.  gisyasamuha;   but  see 

Oldenberg's  note 58 

khddaka,  eater,  Gobh.  Gr.  ap.  Prayagc.  in  Q.  K.  Dr.  .    .  96,  97 

gdnaka,  astrologer,  <gana\  VS.  &c 51 

yavidhuka  or  gave-,  coix  barbata,  TS.  =  gavUhu  (not  Vedic)  44 

gavinikd,  groins  (?),  AV. — metr.  for  gavlni 41 

(gdvWmkd,  gave-,  deriv.  <gavidhuka) 

(girikd,  MS.,  for  kirikd,  q.  v.) 

goddnika,  of  the  goddna-rite,  Gobh.  3.  1.  28  (cf.  gaud-)     .  92 

gondmika,  n.  of  MS.  4.  2,  called  after  gondma  formulas    .  92 

gopikd,  protectress,  Gop.  Up 44 

golaka,  ball  (dim.),  Gobh.  Gr.  &c 62 

golattikd,  kind  of  animal,  VS.,  TS.;  cf.  lattikd  (Un.)  lizard  58 

gduddnika,  of  the  godana-iite,  Agv.  Gr.  &c.  (cf.  god-)  .    .  94 

grdhuka,  seizing,  TS.  (cf.  grhu-  RV.) 99 

ghdtaka,  kind  of  wood,  Agv.Qr.;  =  ghdta  and  vddhaka     .  46 

glidtuka,  slaying,  AV.,  TB.,  QB.  &c 99 

cakraka,  wheel,  Maitr.  Up 44 


322  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

-caksuska  in  a-c.,  without  eyes,  Brh.  Ar.  Up.     .         ...  55 

candatdka,  short  petticoat,  QBr.,  Katy  Qr.  Obscure  derivation  62 

caturthaka,  fourth,  Nad.  Up 45 

catuska,  consisting  of  4;  Laty,  YasuUp 53 

candrika,  moon,  Ramap.  Up 91 

cdraka,  wanderer,  mendicant,  QBr.  (also  n.  of  a  YY.  school).  46 

-carmdka  in  a-c.,  without  skin,  TS 55 

caturthahnika,  of  the  4th  Day,  Qankh.  Qr 94 

caturthika,  of  the  4th  Day,  Laty 94 

cdturdhakdranika,  of  a  division  into  4  parts,  Ap.Qr.     .     .  94 

cdturvingika,  of  the  24th  day,  Qankh.  Qr. 94 

cdturhotrkd,  of  the  cdturhotr  service,  MS 49 

-cdrika  in  utpatha-c.,  having  hyways  for  a  course,   Nrsut. 

Up.  (in  -ka-tva,  noun) 54,  55 

cikitsakd,  physician,  QBr.  &c 51 

ciccikd,  kind  of  hird,  RY.,  TBr.  Obscure 58 

-citika  in  sdt-c.,  ifc.  Bah.,  QB 55 

-cintaka  in  kala-cintaka,  considering;  G-audap 97 

cupunikd,  one  of  the  Pleiades,  TS.  Obscure 101 

culaka,  top  of  a  column,  Cul.  Up 40 

celaka,  n.  of  a  man,  QB 46 

codaka,  direction,  invitation,  Katy  Qr 95 

chattrdka,  mushroom,  Adbh.  Br.  (=  chattraka,  Class.,  <  chattra, 

parasol.) 40,  29  c. 

chdndomika,  of  the  chandomds,  Qankh.  Qr.,  Katy  Qr.     .     .  94 

chdyaka,  n.  of  a  demon,  AY 78 

chubuka,  chin  (Class.  Skt,  cibukd),  RY.,  QBr.  &c.  Obscure.  58 

janakd,  n.  of  a  king,  QBr.  (Brh.  Ar.  Up.),  cf.  jdna  ...  53 

jdmbhaka,  "crusher,"  n.  of  a  demon,  YS 78 

jayantdka,  n.  pr.,  Ramap.Up.  <jayanta,  victorious    ...  46 
jardyuka,  after-birth,  Samav.Br.   =jardyu.    No  reason  is 

apparent  for  the  use  of  the  form  in  -ka  in  this  passage.  44 
jdldyukd,  leech,  in  trna-j.,  caterpillar,  Brh.  Ar.  Up.  Thought 
to  contain  jala-dyu  =  dyus  (Bah.),  but  cf.  jalduka  and 
other    forms.     Popular    etymology    has    operated    here. 

Origin  uncertain 58 

jdhakd,  hedge-hog,  YS.,  TS.     Supposed  to  be  from   Yhd.  103 

jdgartika,  wakeful,  RY 25 

jdtaka,  newborn  child,  Kaug 62 

(jdnaka,  -ki,  patron,  from  janakd) 

jdnukd,  bearing,  MS.,  Ap.  Qr.     Cf.  janA,  AY 99 


Vol.  xxxi.]           The  K- Suffixes  oj  Indo-Iranian.  383 

See  | 

jdnukd-?     TAr.  1.  6.  1;    Comm.  jdnupradera.    See   s.   v. 

anjalika 58 

jdpaka,  muttering,  Nrp.  Up 97 

jdyuka,  conquering,  MS.     Of.  jdyu,  RY 99 

jdlakd,  little  net,  web,  Brh.  Ar.  Up 62 

(-jihviJcd  see  upd-j.)  -jihvaka  ifc.  Bali.  =  jihvd     .    .     54  a,  55 
jivika,  epithet    of  water    (end.  dim.),    MS.  &c.,  AQV.  Qr.; 

life,  Kathop 44,  95,  67  q.  v. 

jumbaka,  n.  of  a  Yaruna,  VS.,  QBr.     Obscure      ....  58 

jydkd,  bowstring  (pej.),  RY.,  AY .     .  79 

jydisthasdmika,  adj.  <jyesthasdman,  Gobh.  3.  1.  28       .    .  94 

jyotdyamdnakd  (MSS.  -maka),  n.  of  demons,  AY.     ...  81 

jyotistomika,  of  the  jydtistoma,  sacrifice,  Katy  Qr.     ...  92 

derikd,  muskrat,  Ap.  1.  25.  13.     Obscure 58 

dhdrika  and  ddhdrikd,  centipede,  Ap.  Gr.     Obscure     .     .  58 

taka,  that  (contempt.),  RY.,  AY.,  Katy  Qr.     .    .     .     .     .  75 

taksaka,  n.  of  a  Naga,  AY.,  Kaug.  (=  -so) 78 

tatdka,  pool,  =  tata.    Saclv.  Br.,  Adbh.  Br.      ...    46,  29  c. 

-tantrika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  t&ntri,  thread,  Pancav  Br 55 

-tapaska,  ifc.  Bah.  =  tapas,  Maitr.  Up .55 

-tamaska,  ifc.  Bah.  ==  tamas,  Cha.  Up 55 

tartinaka,  sprout,  AY 62 

tddarthika,  intended  for  that,  Kaug 94 

tdddtmaka,  ikd,  denoting  the  unity  of  nature,  Bamat.  Up.  49 

tdraka,  carrying  across,  saving,  Maitr.  Up 97 

(tdrakd,  adj.  of  stars;  <  tdraka) 

ttiraka  (<  tdra),  star,  AY.,  TJBr.,  QBr.  &c 44 

taluka,  du.  n.  the  two  arteries  supplying  the  palate,  Tait.  Up.  50 

tdvakd,  thine,  EY.  (only  1  Yedic  occurrence  reported)  (<tdvd)  49 

tiragcikd,  a  horizontal  region?     So  BR. — Agv.  Qr.    ...  46 

tilvaka,  a  plant  of  evil  name,  Q.Br.,  Agv.  Gr.  &c.     ...  79 

tundika,  having  a  snout  or  trunk  (tunda),  AY 92 

-tulaka,  ika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  tftla,  mattrass,  Ramat.  Up.      .     .  55 

tusmka,  silent,  in  Yeda  only  adv.  -kam,  silently,  Man.  Qr.  45 

tusnim,   id.    RY. — The  text  is  dubious,  and  Knauer 

calls  this  word  suspicious. 

tftlyaka  (<  trtiya),  recurring  the  3  d  day,  AY 51 

(trstaka)  ~ikd,  rough  (creature),  AY.  ........  80 

-tejdska,  ifc.  Bah.  =  tejas,  Byh.  Ar.  Up 55 

tdittiriyaka,  of  the  Tait.  school,  Mukt.  Up 50 

tduvilikd,  (voc.)  n.  of  a  female  demon,  AY.1     Obscure     .  78 


324  F.  Edg&rton,  [1911. 

See§ 

trika,  in  threes,  RY.,  Laty  &c 47 

trdivarsika,  a  triennial  performance,  AQV.  Qr 94 

trdividyaka,  practised  by  trdividyas,  Ap 50 

— n.,  their  doctrine,  Man.  Gr. 

-tvakka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  tvac,  skin,  TS.  in  a-t 55 

-tsaruka,  ifc.  Bah.,  Tand.  B.  (in  M.  W.  Addendum)     .     .  55 

dancuka,  biting,  TBr.,  TS.,  Kath 99 

dandaka,  a  class  of  meters,  Chandahs.,  Han.  Ram.  Up.     .  46 

-faflca,  ifc.  Bah.  =  dant,  Cha.  Up. 55 

-dantaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  d&nta,  TS.,  QBr 55 

danda$tika,  biting,  malignant,  VS.,  TS.,  QBr 25 

dagaka,  consisting  of  10,  Chandahs 53 

daharaka,  short,  Kaus.  Br 63 

ddksindgnika,  performed  in  the  southern  fire,  Man.  Qr.     .  94 

ddyaka,  giving  (in  Yeda  only  ifc.),  Mukt.  Up 97 

ddyaka,  heir,  <daya,  Gr.  S 53 

ddrgapdurnamasika,  of  the  New-  and  Full-moon  sacrifice, 

Qankh.  Qr 94 

ddgardtrika,  celebrated  like  the  dagardtra,  QBr.  &c.      .    .  94 

ddhuka,  burning,  TBr.,  Ap.  Qr 99 

-dikka  in  a-d.,  having  no  part  of  the  heaven,  QBr. ...  55 

dutaka,  n.  of  Agni,  Gr.  S.     Of.   Vdu,  du 58 

diiraka,  far  (pej.),  RY.,  AY 80 

dusikd  (dusikd  Maitr.  Up.  1.  3),  rheum  of  the  eyes,  YS., 

Kath.,  QBr .     ....  32,  79 

dusika,  n.  of  demons,  AY.,  Primary,   Vdus,  and  not  to  be 

confused  with  the  foregoing,  which  is  secondary,  from 

the  n.  dAsl 100 

dfbhika,  n.  of  a  demon,  RY 100 

dfQika,  worthy  to  be  seen,  splendid,  RY.     ....     101  b,  c. 
— n.  appearance,  RY.  &c. — kd,  id,  RY. 

drQikii,  beholder,  TS.,  Ap.  Qr 100 

devaka,  god  (contempt.),  RY.,  adj.  divine,  Krs.Up.  (<  deva).  71,  51 

-ikd,  an  inferior  class  of  goddesses,  Ait.  Br.,  QBr.      .  66 

degika,  teacher,  Ramap.  Up.,  Mukt.  Up 92 

dyumriika,  n.  pr.,  supposed  author  of  RY.  8.  76.  <dyumnin, 

glorious 46,  36. 

dvaka,  by  twos,  RY 47 

dvdrakd,  "City  of  Gates,"  Yasu  Up 53 

dhanuska,  small,  poor  bow.     Laty 71 

dhayantika,  sucking  (contempt.),  AY.  Ppp.  folio  115b,  line  1  73 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 

See  § 

dhdnika  (prakr.  form  of  dhdn-),  vagina,  AV.,  TS.  &c.  .     .  86 

-dhdtuka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  dhdtu,  Garbh.  Up 55 

dhdnika,  vagina,  RV.  Kh.  5.  22.  8 86 

dhdrakd,  vagina,  VS.,  QBr 86 

dhdrmika,  righteous,  Cha.  Up 94 

dhdrmuka,  righteous,  Man.  Qr 21 

-dhdvanaka  in  danta-dh.,  n.  of  a  tree,  Kauc,.,  prob.  <  dliavana, 

cleaning  (a  tree  "for  teeth-cleaning") 50 

dhuvaka,  ace.  to  Wh.  Yb.  forms  from  Vdhu,  in  Jaim.  Br.  96,  97 

-dhumaka  in  a-dli.,  without  smoke,  Kath.  Up.,  Maitr.  Up.  55 

dhenuka,  female,  Weibchen;  AY.,  Pancav.  Br.  &c.      ...  89 

nanguka,  perishing,  Kath.    .    : 99 

(ndgnaka)  -ika,  naked,  wanton  (imprec.),  AY.  (<nagna).  .  80 

nadaka,  hollow  of  a  bone,  Katy  Qr 40 

napatka,  concerning  a  grandson,    n.  of  a  cert,  sacrificial 

fire,  Kath 51 

napunsaka,  eunuch  (contempt.),  QBr.,  Katy  Qr.  &c.  ...  71 

nabhaka,  n.  pr.,  Ait.  Br. — Of.  nabha,  nabhas?    .    .    .     58,  29 c 

naraka,  hell,  TAr.     Uhlenbeck  cf.  Ivtp-Qw  &c.     Not  clear.  58 

-navaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  nava,  Garbh.  Up 55 

ndka,  heaven,  BY.,  AY.,  YS.  &c.     .     . 103 

nadika,  throat,  AY.  (<nddi) 40 

(ndbhdkd,  adj.  or  patron  <nabhdka,  BY.) 

nabhikd,  navel-like  cavity,  QBr 40 

-ndmaka,  ikd  ifc.  =  ndmar,  Bah.,  Qiras.  Up 55 

in  dndmika,  ring-finger  (for  semantics  see  BR.),  QBr.  &c. 

nayaka,  leader,  chief,  G-audap.     . 97 

(ndraka,  hellish,  <naraka,  AY.  &c.;  YS.  ndraka).     .    .    . 

ndguka,  perishing,  TS .99 

ndsika,  nostril,  du.  nose,  BY.,  AY.  &c 62 

nastika,  atheist;  Ap.;  Mukt.  Up.  (cf.  dstika,  Cl.,  <asti).    .  94 

nika,  n.  of  a  Saman,  Ars.  Br 103 

nikharvaka,  one  billion,  Pancav  Br 44 

nikhdtaka,  cut  into  a  little,  AY 65 

(nijdnukd?  see  jdnukd,  TAr.  1.  6.  1.) 

ninik,  secretly,  RY 27,  29 a 

nimustika,  of  the  size  of  a  fist,  Ait.  Ar.  5. 1.  3.  6  (p.  405.  6).  53 

nimusti,  a  measure  of  that  size. 

nirodaka,  read  nirodhaka  (Deussen),  hindering,  Brahm.  Up.  97 

-nirddhuka  in  a-n.,  not  burning  down,  MS 99 

nirmdrguka,  withdrawing  from,  TS 99,  24 


326  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

nirmitaka,  conjured  up,  illusory,  Gaudap 80 

nirmretuka,  withering,  Pancav  Br 99 

-nivartaka  in  a-n.,  not  flying  or  ^flinching,  Maitr.  Up.  .     .  97' 

-niviika  ifc.  Bah.  =  nivid,  Ait.  Ar 55 

niskti,,  a  neck-ornament,  KY.,  AV.  &c 103 

Uncertain.  Uhlenbeck  comparesOHG.wwscfl,Ir.wase,ring. 

nihakA,  storm,  whirlwind,  RY.,  TS.     Obscure 103 

ndimittika,  occasional,  accidental,  Katy  Qr.  &c 94 

naiyamika,  settled,  prescribed,  Ap 94 

-naigcarika,  in  a-n.,  not  distracting,  Ap.  . 94 

ndisthika,  final,  perfect,  Ac,ram.  Up.  _  .     .     .     ,    .     .     .     .  94 
(nyanjalikd  ?     See  s.  v.  anjalikd.    TAr.  1.  6.  1.) 

nyastikA,  n.  of  a  plant,  AY.1 46.  91 

nyunkhamdndka,  see  -mdnaka. 

pakvaM?    AY.,  EYKh.     Prob.   corrupt.     The   Lexx.  do 

not  render  the  word.     Grif.  "that  knoweth."     May  be 

either  "ripe,  mature,"  or  "gray,  hoary,"  <pakvd.  Uncertain.  58 

-pancaka,  consisting  of  5;  a  group  of  5,  Gopl.  Up.    ...  53 

pancaviiigaka,  consisting  of  25,  Gaudap,  Maha.  Up.  .     .     .  53 

pdndaka,  eunuch,  weakling,  Kath.  &c.  (contempt.).    ...  71 

patantaka,  kind  of  rite,  Laty.     Cf.  patat  ? 58 

ptitayi§nukd,  flying  on7,  unsteady  (imprec.),  AY 80 

patdkd,  flag,   Adbh.  Br.  10,  3.     Primary   ka?    No   noun 

paid  exists.    Vpat\  formation  dubious 58,  29 c 

-patmka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  patm,  wife,  Ait.  Br.,  Katy  Qr.     .     .  55 

padmaka,  n.  of  a  serpent -prince  or  demon,  Garud.  Up.     .  78 

pardpdtuka,  abortive,  TS 90 

pardbhdvuka,  perishing,  transient,  Kath 99 

pardrikd,  leek,  Ap. — Obscure;  v.l.  paldrlka 58 

paridipaka,  lighting  up,  Gaudap 91 

pariprcchaka,  inquirer,  Gop.  Br 91 

parivrdjaka,  wandering  (mendicant),  Arun.  Up.;  Agram  Up.  91 

-parigritka,  ifc.  Bs:h.,  =  parigrit,  Katy  Qr 5J 

-parisatka,  ifc.  Bah.,  =  parisdd,  Gobh 51 

parisdraka,   n.  of  a  place,   Ait.  Br.,  pari-Vsr;  formation 

uncertain     ....         . 

parisdrasiS  n.reported  by  Wils.  only — "wandering  about." 
paruika,  having  knots  or  joints,  Ap.  Qr. ...      53,  36  (s) — 1 
parusaka,  a  tree  (=  parusa)  and  its  fruit,  Qankh  Qr.. 
partikd,  KY.  Kh.  5.  15.  8,  v.  1.  patikd,  corrupt  and  uninter- 

pretable 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Sujfixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  327 

See§ 

parphartka,  ?  BY.1 ino 

paryayika,  strophic,  AV 92 

palijaka,  n.  of  a  demon,  AY.1.    Obscure 78 

-paguka,  ifc.  Bah.,  =  pdcu  (or  pa$u),  Agv.  Qr 55 

pdka,  very  young,  Qankh  Gr.  3.  2.— simple,  BY.,  AY.  &c.  103 

pajcika,  a  kitchen  implement,  Ap.  Qr.    Etym.? 58 

pancamahnika,  of  the  5th  Day,  Qankh  Qr 94 

pdtaka,  ace.  to  Wh.  Yb.  roots  in  the  Brahmanas.  Vpat  96,  97 
pdtaka,  fall,  downpour,  Samny.  Up.  2;  sin,  Cankh  Qr.  &c.  95 
padaka,  little  foot  (End.  Dim.),  BY.1  (<  pdda)  ....  67 

pdduka,  slipper,  Ac^ram.  ITp 62 

pdpaka,  evil,  QBr.  &c.  (<  pdpa  or  papa) 80 

pdramdrthika,  real,  actual,  Mukt.  Up 94 

(jtdrivrdjaka — adj.  <  parivrdjaka,  Kaug.) 

pdrsthika,  after  the  manner  of  the  Prsthya,  Laty  &c.     49,  29  a 

pdvaka,  clear,  bright,  BY.  &c.;  n.  of  Agni,  TS.  &c.;  fire,  in 

general,  Mund  Up.  2.  1.  1  .    |_ 18  Notei;  53 

An   ancient   word;   from    Vpu,   but    exact  formation 
uncertain.     Early  appearance  and  accent  forbid  taking 
it  as  primary  -aka,  which  Say.  does  ("cobftafca"). 
paguka,  concerning  cattle,  Katy  Qr.;  Qankh  Qr.  ....     49 
pdgubandhaka,  of  the  pagubandha,  AQV.  Qr,;  Qankh  Qr.     .     49 
pika,  Indian  cuckoo,  YS.  (Uhlenbeck  cf.  plcus;  very  doubt- 
ful)       103 

pingalaka,  ikd,  yellow,  tawny,  AY.  (<  -Id)  ....  64,  72 
pinydka,  oil-cake,  Ap.  (no  reference  given).  Obscure  .  .  58 

-pitrka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  pitf,  Katy  Qr.;  Agv.  G-r 55 

pitrmedhika,  of  the  pitrmedlia,  Samny.  Up 92 

(piddku — for  pfddku  q.  v.  MS.) 

pindka,  staff,  bow,  AY.;  YS.;  TS 58 

Uhlenbeck  cf.  iriva.%  and  OSlav.  pini,  tree-trunk. 
pipilaka  (<-la),  ant,  Cha.  Up. — ika,  ant,  only  Adbh.  Br. 

(Prob.  to  be  emended  to  -oka  or  ikd) 62 

-iM,  small  ant,  AY.;  QBr.;  Pane.  Br.  &c. 
pippakd,  a  sort  of  bird,  YS.  (cf.  pippika,  Class.,  a  bird  or 

beast) 58 

piyaka,  n.  of  a  class  of  demons,  "abuser,"  AY.     .     .       96,  97 
piyusaka,  biestings,  RY.  Kh.  5.  15.  14.— The  parallel  AY. 
text  has  piyftsa,  but  the  meter  needs  an  extra  syllable, — 

which  the  later  compiler  evidently  added 41 

pitklaka  or  pulkaka,  n.  of  a  despised  tribe,  MS.    Not  certain     71 


328  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

punddrika,  lotus  blossom,  RV.;  AY 58 

Prob.  connected  with  pundari-srajd  (TBr.), — but  the 

meaning  of  this  pundari  is  uncertain;  cf.pundarin,  another 

flower  (Lexx.). 
putrdka,  little  son,  EY.;  AY.  (<-tra)  .......       62,  67 

-ptiro'nuvdkydka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  puro'nuvdkyd,  QBr.  in  a-p.  .  55 

-purorukka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  purortic,  QBr.  in  a-p 55 

(pulikd — MS. — variant  for  kulikd,  q.  v.) 101 

(pulkaka,  see  puklaka.) 

putika  (once  -ika,  AQV.  Qr.  6.  8),  a  plant,  (<pdti),  substitute 

for  soma,  TS.;  Kath.;  QBr.  &c 46,  31 

puraka,  filling  (noun),  Amrt  Up.;  Dliyan.  Up 95 

-purvaka  in  nydya-p. — having  reason  as  precedent — Gaudap.  55 

-prn&kd  in  harina-p.,  female  young  of  an  animal,  Ap.  Qr.  62 

pfthak,  isolated,  scattered  (adv.),  RV.,  AY.  &c 27 

pfthuka,  rice  or  grain  flattened  and  ground,  TBr.  <  prtlm  46 
pfdaku,  serpent,  RY.;  AY.;  TS.    Cf.  TrdpSos,  ace.  to  Uhlen- 

beck  loanword  from  Ind.-Iran.  *parda-     .     .     .     .     58,  29  c 
prsdtaka,   a   mixture   of  ghee,   milk  &c.  (cf.  pfsat),   AY.; 

Par.  Gr 58,  15 

-klj  a  disease,  or  the  she-demon  causing  it,  AY. 

perukdj  n.  pr.  RY 46 

pesuka,  spreading  out,  QBr 99 

posuka,  thriving,  Sadv.  Br 99 

pdunarddheyika,  of  the  punarddheya-rite,  AQV.  Qr.  &c. .     .  94 

pdurusamedhika,  of  a  human-sacrifice,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.  .     .  94 

pdurvdhnika,  of  the  forenoon,  Katy  Qr 94 

praksepaka,  throwing  (n.  act.),  Maitr.  Up. 95 

pracaldka,  chameleon,  Ap.  pracaldkd — cloudburst  (?)  TS. — 

Cf.  pracdlaka,  Class.,  reptile;  pracala,  creeping  &c.     46,  29  c 

pracitaka,  n.  of  a  meter,  Chandahs 44 

pracydvuka,  transitory,  fragile,  Qankh  Br 99 

-prajdpatika  in  sa-p.,  ifc.  Bah. — Ait.  B 55 

pratigrutka,  echo,  VS.;  Kaus.  Up 42 

-pratigthayuka  in  d-p.,  not  standing  firm,  MS 

praticikd,   AY.,   <pratici,   f.  of  pratyanc;   mg.  uncertain; 

"offense"? 

-pratyutthdyuka  in  a-p.,  not  rising  respectfully,  Gop.  Br.  .  91 

praddtrikd,  (female)  giver,  MS 91,  35 

praddyaka,  bestowing,  Garbh.  Up 9< 

pradrdnaka,  very  poor,  Cha.  Up.  (pra — intens;  -ka — Pity.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  32$ 

See  § 

prapdthaka,  section,  n.  of  divisions  of  cert,  works,  as  TS., 

QBr.,  Cha.Up 62 

prapdduka,  falling  prematurely  (fetus),  TS.;  Kath.  ...  99 

prabdhuk,  on  an  even  line,  Ait.  Br.;  TBr.;  TS.  &c.  .  .  .  27 

prabhrdnguka,  falling  off,  vanishing,  QBr.;  TBr 99 

pramdyuka,  perishing,  AY.;  TS.;  TBr.  &c 99,  23 

pravartaka,  one  who  sets  in  motion,  Qvet.  Up 97 

pravartamdnakd,  slinking  down,  RY.1 73 

pravalhikd,  riddle,  challenge,  Ait.  Br.;  Qankh  Qr.  .  91,  95 

prasarpaka,  assistant  or  spectator  at  sacrifice,  AQV.  Qr;  Laty  46 
prahastaka,  n.  of  RY.  8.  86. 13— 15.— Kaus  Ar.;  Qankh  Qr.; 

<  prahasta,  extended  hand.    Application  not  clear  to  me. 

— Lex.  gives  Qankh  Br.,  wrongly 58 

prahdruka,  carrying  off,  Kap.  S 99 

prdkaranika,  of  the  prakarana,  Man.  Gr 94 

prdkdruka,  ?  perhaps  scattering  about?  Kap.  S.,  Kath.  .  99 
prdgdthika,  of  or  derived  from  the  Pragatha  (i.  e.  RY.  8), 

Laty  &c 94 

-prdnaka  ifc.  Bah.  =  prdnd,  KSA.  5.  3  aprdnakdya  svdhd, 

cf.  TS.  7.  5.  12.  1  aprdndya  svdhd 54  a,  55 

prdtinidhika,  substitute,  Katy  Qr.  .  .  .  • 94 

prdtigrutkd,  existing  in  the  echo,  Brh.Ar.Up 49 

prddegika,  chief  of  a  district  (pradega),  KauQ 94 

prdyagcittika,  expiatory,  AQV.  Qr 94 

prdcdtika,  a  leguminous  plant,  Ap.  Qr.  Cf.  pragdtika,  -sdtika, 

various  grains  (Class.) 58 

priyangukd,  panic  seed  (dim.),  Samavidh  Br 62 

preksaka,  deliberating  on,  Man.  G-r.;  as  n.  spectator  96,  97 
pldguka,  rapidly  growing  up,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.  .  .  45,  Note 
baka  (a  crane,  only  Class.),  n.  of  a  demon,  Man.  Gr.;  of  a 

seer,  Kath.  &c 103 

bataraka,  m.  pi.,  lines  of  light  appearing  befor enclosed  eyes, 

Ait.Ar.  ? 58 

bdddhaka,  captive,  AY.  <  baddlid  . 79 

labhrukd,  brownish  (clearly  dim.),  CB.;  (bd-)  ichneumon, 

YS.  &c.  (<babhru) 64 

baldkd,  crane,  YS.,  &c.  Obscure 58 

bdlhika,  n.  of  a  man,  QB.;  of  a  people,  AY 52 

bddhaka,  a  cert,  tree,  Gobh.;  also  as  adj.,  of  the  bddhaka- 

tree.  Uncertain;  cf.  bddhd  (?),  obstacle,  trouble,  &c.  .  .  50 

bdlaka,  young;  child,  Krs.Up.  &c 63 


330  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

(bdldki,  metronymic  from  baldkd  as  n.  p.) 

-bdhuka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  bdhu,  Ag,  Gr.  (in  ud-b.) 55 

-binduka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  bindu.     Nrp.  Up 55" 

bfbiika, — ?  EY.1 — Entirely  uncertain.     Grassmann,   "dick, 

dicht."—  Ludwig  "murmelndes  "Wasser."— BE.  ?    ...  58 

-brhatika,  ifc.  Bah.,  Qankh  Qr.  (in  tato-b.) 55 

brhatka,  n.  of  a  Saman,  Pancav.  B 42 

(-bodhaka  in  atma-b.,  q.  v.) 

-brahmaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  brahman,  Agv.Qr 55 

brdhmdudanika,    (fire)    on   which    the    brahmdudand    (the 

priest's  rice)  is  boiled;  Kauc,.  (with  or  sc.  ogrni)    ...  94 

bleska,  noose,  snare,  Kath 103 

-bhasmdka,  ifc.  Bah.,  Gop.  B.  (in  sa-bh.) 55 

-bhdhtika,  retainer,  Ap.  (in  nitya-bh.) 94 

bhdradvdjakl,  skylark,  =  -jl.     Samav.  B 44 

bhdvuka,  being,  becoming,  TS.,  Kath  &c 99 

bhdsika,  general  rule,  Qankh  Gr.  &c 40,-  29  a 

bhikstika,  mendicant,  Par.  Gr 44 

Wiinnaka,  broken  (contempt.),  Mantra  B 72 

bhumip&$aka,  a  plant,  =  -ga  (m.),  Samav.  B.  2.  6.  10  .     .  91 

bJieka,  frog,  Maitr.  Up.     Prob.  onomat 103 

bhdumaka,  terrestrial  animal  or  being,  Adbh.  Br.      ...  49 

makaka,  kind  of  demon,  AV 79 

mdksikd,  fly  KV.;  AY.  &c 62 

mangalika,  of  good  omen,  AY 67,  29  a 

-majjaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  majjdn,  TS 55 

madusikd   (v.  1.  -mat-,  mand-,  madh-,  mandh-)   a   dwarfish 

girl,  unfit  for  marriage,  Ap.  Gr 58 

manika,  water-jar,  AQV.  Gr«;  Gobh.  &c. — Ait.  Br.  7.  1 — ace. 

to  Say.,  a  fleshy  excrescence  on  an  animal's  shoulder    .  40 

manipuraka,  a  mystic  circle  on  the  navel,  Hams.  Up.  1     .  44 

mandtika,  frog,  EY.  &c.     Uncertain  origin  ......  58 

mandurikd  (edd.;  MSS. — riti),   vile,   filthy  woman,  AY.1 

(voc.) 86 

mddhuka,  n.  pr.,  QBr.  (mddhu) 53 

madhuka,  a  bee,  Qankh.Gr.-;  a  tree  and  its  fruit,  ib.     .     .  51 

madliula'ka,  sweetness,  honey,  AY 48 

madhyamikd,  the  middle  finger,  Pran.  Up 46,  91 

madhvaka,  bee,  Adbh.  Br 51,  33  b 

manaskd,  mind  (impr.),  AY.;  ifc.  Bah.  =  mdnas,  Kath  Up. 

&c..     .     . 79,  55,  54a 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  331 

See  § 

manasthaka,  RVKh.  5. 15.  7,— "freundlich  gesinnt"  (Scheft.), 

see  s.  v.  dmanikd 58 

mandndk,  BY.     Obscure  word,  see       27 

mantrikd,  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up 51 

mdmaka,  my,  only  BY 51 

markataka,  kind  of  grain,  Ap.  Qr 51 

maryakd,  male,  Mannchen.     RV1 88 

magdka,  gnat,  AY.,  VS.,  QBr.  &c.  (w.  r.  masdka)     ...    62 
mastaka,   head,   Mahanar.  Up.,  and  mastiska,  brain,  BV., 
AY.  &c.     Cf.  mastu-lunga,  brain.     The   base   seems   to 

have  been  mast-a,  i  or  u.     Uncertain 58 

mahdndmnika,  of  the  Mahanamm,  Gobh 52 

mahdvratika,  of  the  Mahavrata  Saman,  Qankh  Qr.  ...     92 

mahiluM,  female,  AY.1 89 

-mdiisdka  ifc.  Bah.,  =  mansa,  TS 55 

mdki,  du.,  BY.1  This  word  has  been  variously  rendered. 
Ludwig  makes  it  an  adj.  to  naptyd,  either  "brullend" 
(Vmak\  application?),  or  (and  this  I  believe  to  be  right) 
from  base  md-  of  the  1st.  pers.  pronoun;  see  §  30 a,  Note. 
The  phrase  then  means  "my  daughters  he  has  helped  . . . 
to  marriage  (janitvandya)."  This  interpretation  seems 
to  me  secured  by  comparing  mdkma,  which  L.  apparently 
did  not  notice,  but  which  is  obviously  a  derivative  from 

the  stem  mdki 50,  30  a  Note 

mdkma,  mine,  BY.     <  mdki,  q.  v 50,  30  a  Note 

(maksika,  spider,  Brahm.  Up.,  prob.  deriv.  <  mdksikd.) 
matrka,   "das   Mutterwesen,"    (Deussen)   n.  abstr.  <  mdtf, 

Maitr.  Up 48 

mdddnaka,   kind  of  wood,  Kaug. — Uncertain;  cf.  mddana 

(adj.) ••-••••. 58 

madhuparkika,  of  the  madhuparkd  rite,  Qankh  Gr.  ...  94 
-mdnaka  in  nyufikha-mdnaka,  having  a  desire  to  insert  the 
nywtfcha,  Qankh  Br.  25,  13;  30.  8  (Bah.  from  mdna).— 
BB. regard  it  as  a  participle;  but  there  is  no  verb  nyunkhati, 
only  nyunkhayati.  The  sentence  is:  tasmdn  nyunkhayati 
nyimkhamdnaka  iva  vdi  prathamam  cicarisug  carati. 
From  this  the  following  semantic  proportion  is  evident — 
nyunkhamdnaka  :  nyunHhayati  =  cicarisu  :  carati.  Ergo, 
ny.  =  "desiring  to  perform  the  act  nyunkhaya,  i.  e.  to 
insert  the  nyunkha" — The  noun  mdna  =  "desire"  .  .  55 
mCmusydka,  human,  QBr.  (<  manusya) 49 


332  f.  Edgertov,  [1911. 

See  § 

mdmakd,  mine,  RY.  &c.     (<  mama) 49 

mdruka,  dying,  TS.;  Man.  Gr.     Cf.  mam- 99 

(mdrdikd,  deriv.  of  mrdlkd,  RY.  &c.) 101 

muktikd,  "string  of  pearls,"  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up.,  <  muktd     53 
mukharikd,    bit    of   a   bridle,    Katy   Qr.  16.  2.  5    (Lexx. 

wrongly  4) 62 

mundaka,  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up 46 

muskd,  testicle,  RY.  &c.;  female  organ  (in  du.),  AY.  &c.     86 

mustika,  n.  of  a  fighter,  Krs.Up 53 

muhukd,  moment,  RY 62 

muka  or  muled,  dumb,  YS.,  QBr *103 

mutakd,  little  basket,  QBr 62 

mtisaka,  rat  or  mouse  (Dim.),  G&rud.  Up.;  -iled,  id,  YS.    .     62 

mrdaydku,  merciful,  RY 45,  29  d 

mrdikd,  favor,  only  RY.,  AY 101 

mfttikd,  earth,  clay,  YS.;  Ait.  Br.  &c 44,  36 

-meka  in  sumeka,  well-established,  RY.  Most  often  of  heaven 

and  earth 103 

-meddska,  ifc.  Bah.  =  medas,  TS.,  in  a-m 55 

menakd,  n.  of  a  daughter  of  Mena,  Sadv.  Br.  (metron.)    .     51 

(meska  for  bleska  &c.,  only  m.-hata,  Ap.  Qr.) 

mdindkd,  n.  of  a  Mt.,  TAr. — Metronymic  <  mend     ...     49 

-mocaka,  releasing,  Mukt.  Up 91 

mohuka,  falling  into  confusion,  TS 

yakd,  which  (contemp.-obs.),  RY.  &c 75, 

-yajuska  ifc.  Bah.  =  ydjus,  QBr.,  in  a-y . 

-yantrka  ifc.  Bah.  =  yantf,  Katy  Qr 

yantraka,  ikd,  tamer,  subduer,  Pancav  Br.  <  yantrd,  fetter 
yamika,  du,  n.  of  2  Samans  ("Twins"),  Ars.  Br.;  SY.   .     . 

yastikd,  club,  Krs.Up 44 

yaska,  n.  pr.,  AQV.  Qr.  &c.;  pi.  his  pupils  or  descendants    .  103 

-ydcaka,  beggar,  in  pura-y.,  Maitr.  Up 97 

-ydcanaka,  beggar,  in  nitya-y.,  Maitr.  Up.   <  ydcana,  request     56 

ydjaka,  sacrificing,  Maitr.  Up 97 

ydjuka,  sacrificing,  QB 99 

ydjnikd,  sacrificial,  Qankh  Qr.;  Kaug 94 

— ,  a  sacrificer,  QBr.;  Par.  Gr.  2.  6. 
yddrcchika,  relating  to  or  depending  on  chance  (yadrcchd), 

Param.  Up 94 

ydmaki,  I  go  basely,  Qankh  Br.     <  ydmi     ....       84,  37 
ydyajuka,  constantly  sacrificing,  QBr 


Vol.  xxxi.]  TJie  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-lranian. 

Hee  I 

(ydska)  patron  <  yaska. 

yavdku,  adj.  of  you  two,  RY.    <  yuva-    ...      51,  30 a  Note 

yusmdka,  your,  RY.    <  yusma- 51,  30 a  Note 

-yutliika,  in  a-y.,  not  in  the  herd,  <  yutha.    Kath  Gr.  44 a 

=  Man.  Gr.  2.  17 92 

-yiiska,  in  vi-y.,  ifc.  Bah.,  Hir.  P 55 

-yonika,  in  a-y.,  Bah.,  not  containing  the  phrase  esd  te  yonih, 

Katy  Qr 55 

-rajaska,  ifc.  Bah.  =  rajas,  Nrsut.  Up 55 

-ragmika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  ragmi,  AC.V.  Gr 55 

ro&S,  full  moon,  RY.  &c.     Cf.  rd(i)? 103 

rdjakd,  king  (contempt.),  RV.1    <  -rfi/aw 71 

rdjasuyika,  of  the  ro/o^ya-sacrifice,  Qr.  S 94 

rdsndkd,  little  girdle,  Kath 62 

r&pakd,  evil  shape,  AV.;  (-A:a)  species,  Maitr  "Up.;  image, 

Ait.  Br.  (=  rupd) 79,  44 

recaka,  expiration,  Amrt.  Up.,  Dhyan.  Up 95 

-retdsha,  ifc.  Bah.  =  retas,  QBr 55 

rdivataka,  n.  of  an  ascetic,  prob.  patron.  <  revata,  Jabal  Up.    49 

rocuka,  causing  pleasure,  MS .99 

rodaMf—?  Yait .     58,  30  a 

ropandM,  a  certain  yellow  bird,  thrush?  RY.,  AY.,  TBr. 

Origin  obscure 58,  30  a 

rohitaka,  n.  of  a  tree,  MS.;  Katy  Qr.    Prob.  <adj.  rohita    46 
(rduhitaka,  made  from  the  rohitaka  tree,  Katy  Qr.) 
lambhaka,  ace.  to  Wh.  Yb.  roots,  found  in  Brahmanas  96,  97 
lambhuka,  accustomed  to  receive.    Cha.  Up.  (cf.  dlambhukd)     99 

laldtika,  being  on  the  forehead,  Ap.  Qr 92 

Idghavika,  adj.  <  laghava,  n. — Katy  Qr 94 

-labhika,  in  su-L,  easily  won,  RY.1  (voc.) 16 

Uka,  n.  of  an  Aditya,  TS.     Obscure 103 

-lepaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  lepa,  Mukt.  Up 55 

lokapalaka,  earth-protector,  MahSnar.  Up 44 

-lomaka  or  lomdka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  loman,  TS.;  QBr.  &c.    .     .     55 

lohitdka,  red,  reddish,  Ap 64 

lohinikd,  red  glow,  Ap.  Qr.  <  lohirii,  f.  of  lohita    ....     48 

laukika,  worldly,  usual,  Katy  Qr.;  Kaug  &c 94 

vajrasucikd,   n.  of  an   Up.  (also  called  vajrasuci),   "little 

sharp  needle,"  Mukt.  Up 62 

vadhcika,  sort  of  reed  or  rush,  =  ghdtaka',  AY.;  QBr.  &c.    46 

vadhd-  deadly  weapon,  destroyer  &c.;  cf.  ghdta-ka. 


334  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

-vapdka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  vapd,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr 55 

(vdbhruka,  v.  1.  for  bdbhruka,  MS.  3.  14.  7.) 

vamrakd,  "Antman,"  n.  pr.,  EY.,  <  vamrd 46 

vayakin,   RY.1  (of  the  soma   plant):   prob.  "having  little 

tendrils,"  (vaydka,  dim.  of  vaya;  so  Say.  and  Ludwig)  .  62 

varaka,  suitor,  Qankh  Gr.   .     . 46 

vardhaka,  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up 44 

-varnaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  varna,  Gopl.  Up 55 

vdrtika,  quail  (o/orvf),  EY.  &c.  (only  EY.  and  Classical) 

(suffixal  formation  uncertain) 58 

-varsika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  varsd  (cf.  varsiri),  Agv.  Qr.  .     .       54,  55 

varsika,  kind  of  meter,  Nidanas 46,  36 

vdrsuka,  raining,  rainy,  TS.;  TBr.;  QBr.  &c 99 

.vdKka,  projecting  thatch,  Gaut.;  reed,  Kauc,.  &c.  <  vali  or  vdll  40 

valuka,  red  or  hlack,  Pane.  Br.;  Laty  &c.    Obscure  ...  58 

vdXka,  tree-bark,  TS.;  TBr.     Vvr? 103 

vdmika,  ant-hiU,  YS.;  TS.;  QBr.  &c 62 

vasukd,  having  or  bestowing  weal  (vdsu),  TS.  &c.;  in  formula 

vasuko'si  vesagrir  asi  &c. — Comm.  vasayitr,  as  if  Yvas 

and  uka,  which  is  highly  improbable 58 

-vastuka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  vastu,  Gaudap 55 

vasnikd,  prize,  reward,  Pane  Br.  (vasnikdm  jay  ay  a).   Comm. 

vasnisamjndm  vasusambandham  dhanasamuham      ...  53 
vahydka,  draft-animal,  Katy  Qr.  14.  231  (not  331  as  BE.) 

AQV.  Qr.  has  in  same  passage  valiya 44 

-vakkd,  ifc.  Bah.  =  vac,  QBr 55 

vdcaka,  expressing,  declaring,  Eamap.  Up 97 

vajasaneyaka,  of  or  by  Yajasaneya,  Katy  Qr.  &c.     .     .     .  50 

vdmandka,  dwarf,  Garbh.  Up 62 

vdyovidyikd,  fowler,  QBr 94 

-vdraka,  keeping,  guarding,  Nrsut.  Up 97 

vdruka,  choosing,  MS.     .     . 99 

vdrunapraghdsika,  adj.,  of  varunapragMsd,  Ap.  Qr.  .    .    .  94 

vdrddhusika,  usurer,  Ap 44 

varsagatika,  bestowing  life  for  100  years,  Kaug 94 

vdrsika,  of  the  rainy  season,  or  year,  AY.;  YS.;  QBr.  &c.  94 

valuka,  sand,  Qvet  Up.     Obscure ^ 

vdsantika,  vernal,  AY,;  YS.;  Ait.  Br.  &c 94 

vdsuki,  (prob.  patron.),  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up.;  Gobh.; 

Kaug  &c 78 

vihkrndhikd,  croaking,  ace.  to  Sch.,  Maitr.  Up.     Obscure  58 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-lranian.  335 

See  § 

vika,  n.  of  a  Saman,  Ars.  Br 103 

vijcdlpdka,  hesitation,  Tej.  Up 44 

vikasnka,  "bursting",  n.  of  Agni,  AV 99,  24 

(vikusuka,  corruption  of  vikasuka,  n.  of  Agni,  Ap.  (Jr.) 
(vikswatkd,  VS.,  QBr.  j  (cf.  dmwatka-)  destroying, 

j(inferior)  viksitiakd,  TS.,  Kath  J  epithet  of  gods  in   Qata- 

rudriya;  cf.  following  word,  and  see  Weber,  I  St.  II — 43     42 
vicinvatkd  (in  same  passages  as  foregoing),  discriminating 

see  viksinatkd       42 

vinaycika,   n.  of  evil   demons,   Man.  Gr.     <vi-Vni.     Cf. 

vainaydka, 96,  97 

-vibhaktika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  vibhakti,  declension,  Tand.  Br.  .  .  55 
viWiinduka,  "tearing,"  n.  of  an  Asura,  Pancav  Br.  ...  99 
vibhitaka,  a  tree,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.;  its  nut,  used  for  dice, 

RV. :        62,  79 

vimanyuka,  allaying  wrath,  AV 56,  23 

vildyaka,  soother,  VS. — "mdnaso1  si  vilayakah"     .    .       96,  97 

vigarika,  a  certain  disease,  AV 103 

vigvaka,  all-pervading,  Ramat.  Up.;  n.  pr.  (VIQ-)  RV.  &c.  47 
visadhanaka,  poison-receptacle  (imprec.),  Mantra  Br.  .  .  79 
visantikd,  "little  horn,"  n.  of  a  plant,  AV.  (<  visdna)  .  .  62 

visataki,  a  plant,  AV 79 

visutiak,  RV.,  in  various  directions 27 

-visuvatka  in  a-v.,  ifc.  Bah.,  Laty 55 

visucika,  a  certain  disease,  VS.;  TBr,  <  fern,  of  visvanc    .    79 

visphulingdka,  little  spark  ?,  RV 71 

visalycika,  "Wh.  visalpaka,  a  disease  (==  visalyti),  AV.  .  .  79 
visransikd, — (of  unknown  mg.),  visrdhsikdyah  kdnddbhyah, 

Kath;   MS.;   Ap.  Qr. — In  later  times,  n.  of  a  plant  .    .58 

vihvdruka,  tumbling,  MS 99 

-vmdka,  flute,  in  godha-vm-,  Katy  Qr 44 

vlrcikd,  male,  Mannchen,  RV.  (<  vlrd) 88 

vrkkd,  kidney,  RV.;  AV.;  VS.;  QB.  &c 103 

-vrttika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  vrtti,  disposition,  Mukt.  Up 55 

vfthak,  easily,  lightly,  RV.,  cf.  vfthd 27 

vrdhlkd,  increaser,  RV.  (epithet  of  Indra.     The  context, 

and  the  correlation  of  this  word  with  susd  and  sudds, 

uphold  Say.'s  interpretation) 100 

vfnddraka,  best  of  its  kind,  Brh.  Ar.  Up.    Prob.  conn.  w. 

vrndd-  mass,  crowd.    Formation  obscure 58 

vfccika,  •  scorpion,  RV.;  AV 71,  79 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  III.  ^3 


336  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  | 

vrsaka,  n.  of  several  Samans,  SV.;  Ars.  Br 46 

v6duka,  knowing,  TS.;  Kath 99 

veduka,  obtaining,  TBr 99 

veskd,  noose,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.     See  bleska  &c 103 

vestuka.  adhering,  MS 99 

vdikalpika,  optional,  AQV.  Qr. 94 

vditdnika,  of  the  3  sacred  fires,  Ac,v.  Gr.;  AQV.  Qr.  ...  94 

vaidika,  vedic,  Maitr.  Up.  &c 94 

vdindyaka,   of  Vindyaka   (a  n.  of  Ganec,a,   as   such  first 

found  Yajn.),  Samav  Br 

vdibhitaka,  made  from  the  vibhita-tree,  Kath  &c.  (also-rfa&a)  49 

vdilasthdnaka,  abyss,  pit  (imprec.),  BY.1 79 

vaiqesika,  special,  peculiar,  Ap 94 

vaiQvadevika,  of  the  Yaigvadeva  Parvan,  Man.Qr;  Qankh.Qr.  94 

vyanjaka,  indicating,  Nrsut.  Up 97 

vyardhuka,  being  deprived  of,  Kath;  MS.  &c 99 

vyddhaka,  hunter,  KauQ 97 

vydpaka,  Kath.  Up.  &c.,  pervading,  permeating     .     .     .     .  97 

vydyuka,  running  away,  MS.;  Kap.  S.;  Kath 99 

-vyomnika  in  parama-vy.,  an  inhabitant  of  highest  heaven, 

Nrp.  Up 92 

vrdtika,  adj.  <  vratd,  Gobh 94 

vleska,   see  veskd  &c.     Brugm.  thinks  this  is  the  original 

form 103 

gakuntakd,   ikd,   birdlet   (dim.-contemp.-obs.),  (<  gakunta), 

EY.  &c. 71,  86 

Qankhapulika,  n.  of  a  Naga,  Garud.  Up 78 

Q&ndika,  n.  of  a  family  or  tribe,  BY. — Say.  says  "descen- 
dant of  Qanda"  (an  Asura  priest,  YS,,  MS.). — ganda  as 

common  n.  "curds,"  only  Lexx 92 

Qanakais,  very  gently  (dim.),  BY.;  Kath;  Maitr.  Up.       65,  37 

gdphaka,  "little  hoof,"  n.  of  a  plant,  AY.;  Ap.  Qr.  (<gapha)  62 

Qamakd,  a  plant,  Kaug 46 

$ayandaka,  lizard,  TS. — ?  gayanda  ace.  to  Lexx. — "sleepy"  58 
$aytindaka,  kind  of  bird,  YS.     Cf.  foregoing.     Perh.  cpd.; 

-anda(ka)? 58 

$arsikd,   kind  of  meter,  Nidanas.     Cf.  sarsikd,  a  kind  of 

meter,  R.  Prat;  etymologies  of  both  words  unknown      .  101 
galdka  (~ka  only  Kath  26. 1),  small  stake,  twig,  TS.,  QB.  &c. 

62,  29  c 

Qalakakd,  twig  (contempt.),  AY.1 71 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  337 

Bee  9 

gdlka,  splinter,  TBr.;  Ait.  Br.;  TS.,  cf.  gala  ....     62,  29  b 

Qalyaka,  porcupine,  VS.;  Ait.  Br.;  Ap 53 

(gavartakd,  see  ku^arvataka.) 

tagaka,  hare  (dim.?),  Adbh.  B 62 

gdkunika,  bird-catcher,  Maitr.  Up.    .     .' 94 

Qdtyayanaha,  the  Br.  of  Qatyayana,  Agv.  Qr.;  Laty  .     .     .     50 
(gdmdka — wrong  reading  for  gya-,  Kaug.) 
gdrigdkd,  AV.i,  unexplained  word.     It  may  be  a  cpd.,  in 
which  case  the  -kd  would  presumably  be  not  suffix al    .     58 

f&riraka,  n.  of  an  Up.,  Mukt.  Up 49 

QdlUka.  a  plant,  said  to  be  "an  esculent  lotus  root,"  AV.; 
Kaug. — Doubtless  conn.  w.  gdlu  (class.),  a  fruit  (unidenti- 
fied)   58 

gdQvatika,  eteinal,  Ap 94 

(*$chanddka— mistake  in  NBD.  for  gilchand&—TS.  5.7. 15. 1) 
gipavitnukd,  kind  of  worm,  AY.     Etymology  unknown     .     79 
fipimstakh,  smooth?  TBr.     <  gipivista,  bald-headed   ...     58 

Qilaka,  n.  pr.,  Cha.  Up 58 

$i$ukd,  young  (animal),  AY 63 

gitikd,  cooling,  BY.,  AY.  (voc.) 56,  19 

-girsdka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  firsdn,  TS 55 

-$llika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  fila,  cf.  Qllin,  Gop.  Br 54,  55 

gulka,  price,  BY.     Obscure.  Primary? 103 

(cugultikdi  a  bird,  BY.);  Say.  "owlet";  prob.  for  gigu-uluka 

guska,  dried  up,  RY.,  AY.,  QBr.  &c.  .     .  _ 103 

^rnkhdnikd  (grngh-,  singh-),  mucus  of  nose,  Ap.  Uncertain. 
A  word  ginghana  or  singhana,  of  like  meaning,  is  quoted 

in  Lexx 58 

gerabhaka,  n.  of  demons,  AY.1  (voc.) 78 

$evrdhaka,  n.  of  demons,  AY.1  (voc.) 78 

Qdunaka,  n.  of  a  Rishi,  QBr.  &c. — Supposed  to  be  patron. 

<  gunaka,  and  this  <  gvdn 58 

gydmdka,  millet,  TS.;  VS.;  QBr.  &c 44,  30  a  Note 

gyavaka,  n.  pr.,  RY 64 

($laksnaka),  -ikd,  slippery  (obscene),  AY 86 

Qldka,  sound  &c.,  RY.  &c 103 

$vakiskin,  applied  to  demons,  AY.1  Text  and  meaning 
uncertain;  "having  dogs'  tails"?— The  word  *kiska  is 

hopeless 103 

satka,  consisting  of  6,  Laty;  ifc.  Bah.  =  sas,  as  navasatka, 

having  nine  sixes  or  hexads,  Agv.  Qr 53,  55 

23* 


338  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

sadvingaka,  consisting  of  26,  Cul.  Up 53 

(sdndikd)  n.  pr.,  for  khdndika  q.  v.,  MS 

sdtkdugika,  six-sheathed,  Kauc,  (reference  not  given;  MW. 

Add.) 94 

sddahika,  of  the  soda/id-festival,  Laty       94 

sodagika,  of  the  16-partite  Stotra,  Pane  Br.  &c.  ...  92 
samvartaka,  "destroyer,"  the  great  world-ending  fire,  Nrp. 

Up 97 

samvitka,  ifc.  Bah.  ==  samvid,  Nrsut.  Up 55 

-samgaruka  in  a-s.,  not  breaking  down,  Kap.  S 99 

sdmsamaka,  united  together,  AY 47 

(saka,  see  taka) 75 

samkalpaka,  determining,  purposing,  Amrt.  Up 97 

sdmkasuka,  n.  of  an  Agni,  AY.;  Kauc, 99,  24 

— adj. — splitting  off,  QBr. 

i-samkhycika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  samkliya,  Mukt.  Up.  .  .  .  55,  30  b 
[-samkhydka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  samkhyd,  Mukt. Up.;  Cul. Up.  55,  30  a 

samjlvaka,  animating,  Agv.  Qr.;  Ap.  Qr 97 

-samjndka,  ikd,  ifc.  Bah.  «=  samjnd,  Ramap.  Up.;  Maitr.  Up.     55 
sdtika,  TS.  4.  4.  6.  2. — Unknown  mg.    P.  p.  sa-tika.    Comm. 
"water."    Of.  sdrmka,  with  which  this  is  closely  connected 
in  the  text.    Both  words  are  obscure  and  perhaps  arti- 
ficial in  formation 101 

sandkd,  old  (imprec.),  EY.  .     .     .     • 80 

samtanika,  n.  of  a  Saman,  Ars.  Br.  (v.  1.  samtdnika)  .  .  44 
-samnydsika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  samnydsa,  cf.  samnydsin,  Agram.Up. 

54,  55 

(samanikd,  battle,  EY.    <  sdmana,  with  -ika  by  analogy 
with  samikd,  q.  v.  Not  real  suffixal  *ka.  Cf.  also  astatmkd.) 

samdrdhuka,  prospering,  TS 99 

-samitka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  samidh,  Kauc, 55 

(samikd,  battle,  EY.;  from  wk.  stem  of  samydnc,  cf.  prd- 

tika  &c.) 

samuhaka,  little  broom,  Ap.  Qr.  (NBD.  "heap")  ....  62 
sampdtika,  n.  of  certain  demons,  Grobh.  (MW.;  no  reference 

quoted) 46 

sampuska,  unground,  Ap.  G-r. — Comm.  aksata.  Uncertain  103 
sarabhaka,  kind  of  grain-devouring  insect,  Adbh.  Br.  .  .  79 
(sararuka,  see  salaltika.) 

sdrmka,  TS.  4. 4. 6. 2—?  Comm.  "water;"  see  sdtika.   Perhaps 
Vsr — ?  (BE.  quote  the  reference  as  QBr.  by  mistake.)  101 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 

SeeJ 

sarvaka,  all  (imprec.),  AV.  (<  sdrva) 82 

salalfika,  RV.1 — ?  Sch.  "aimless  wandering,"  as  if  from  Vsr, 
intens.  4-  -uka  (§  25).  So  Grassmann.  Nir.  even  makes 
up  the  word  sararuka  to  explain  it;  but  the  true  intens. 
stem  of  Vsr  is  sarsr-.  G-rif.  "wavering;"  Ludw.  "club." 

The  word  is  at  present  quite  uninterpretable    ....  58 

saihvatsarika,  yearly,  Ait.  Br.;  Qankh  Br.  &c .94 

sdmcausika,  recited  together,  G-op.  Br.;  Vait 94 

samgayika,  doubtful,  Ap 94 

sdmsiddhika,  natural,  Gaudap 94 

sdmspargaka,  contact,  Man.  Gr.,  Kath  Gr 49 

(sakam,  together,  RV.;  Vsac,  cf.  sacd,  sdci.) 

'Saks-ika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  saksin,  Maitr.  Up 55 

samgramika,  warlike,  Kaug 94 

sdmghdtika,  of  a  group,  Qankh  Qr 94 

sdttrika,  sacrificial,  Kaug;  Qankh  Br 94 

sdttvika,  true,  good,  Maitr.  Up 94 

sddhaka,  accomplisher,  Gaudap 97 

sdnuka,  eager  for  prey,  RY.1,  cf.  sano-ti 99 

sdmndhuka,  able  to  bear  arms,  Ait.  Br.;  mistake  for  -ika 

(Class.)? 21 

samnaha,  n.,  armor;  the  girding  on  of  armor. 

sdmnipdtika,  complicated,  coalescing,  Laty;  Gobh.  &c.  .     .  94 

sdptamika,  of  the  seventh  day,  Laty 94 

sdptardtrika,  lasting  7  nights  or  days,  Samavidh.  Br.    .    .  94 

sdmavayika,  inherent,  concomitant,  Katy  Qr 94 

sdmaydcdrika,  of  usage  or  custom,  Gaut.;  Ap 94 

sdmika,  adj.,  <  sdman,  Laty 94 

-samidhenika,  ifc.  Bah.  =  sdmidheni,  Qankh  Br.;  Katy  Qr.  55 

sdmpdtika,  of  contiguous  hymns,  AC.V.  Qr 94 

sdmpraddyika,  traditional,  Ramat.  Up 94 

sdyaka,  to  be  sent,  RV.;  n.  arrow,  RV 16 

sdraka,  ace.  to  Wh.  Vbl.  roots  found  in  Brahmanas        96,  97 

sdrvakdmika,  fulfilling  every  wish,  AC.V.  Qr.;  Qankh  Qr.     .  94 

sdrvakdlika,  of  all  time,  Ap 94 

sarvayajnika,  of  all  sorts  of  sacrifice,  Qankh  Qr 94 

sdrvavarnika,  of  every  kind,  Ap.  Qr 94 

sdrvavdidika,  of  all  the  Vedas,  Kauc, 94 

sdvika,  adj.  <  sava,  Vait 94 

-sdvitrika,  ifc.  Bah.  •=  sdvitri,  Acj.  Gr.;  Par.  Gr 55 

(singhdnikd,  v.  1.  for  $rnkh-  q.  v.,  Ap.) 


340  F.  Edgerton,  [1911. 

See  § 

sidhraka,  made  of  the  wood  of  the  sidhra-tree,  Katy  Qr.     47 
silika-  in  tttikamadhyamfy  BY.1    Obscure  word,  commonly 

rendered  "united,  tied  together"  (Ysl?) 58 

(suka,  parrot,  AY.;  should  he  guka.    Non-suffixal  k.) 
(sutuka,  BY.,  running  swiftly?    Ludw.  strong.    Proh.  non- 

suffixal  ka.    Uhlenbeck  derives  from  Vtuk  in  toka.) 
subhadrikd,  courtesan,  YS.,  <  subhadra,  pleasant  &c.         79,  67 
sumeka,  see  -meka. 
(susilika)  kind  of  bird,  YS.,  cf.  MS.  3.  14.  17,  same  verse, 

which  reads  guQid&ka.    Is  this  a  later  lectio  facilior  for 

susilika,    or  is  it  the  true  reading,  corrupted  in  YS.? 

Other  parallel  texts  have  not  the  word 101 

sudka,  epithet  of  a  stinging  insect,  BY 62 

sutaka,  birth,  childbirth,  Par.  G-r;  Ait.  Br.;  Kaug  &c.   .     .     48 
stitika,  a  lying-in  woman,  AY.;  Qankh  Gr.  (cf.  prasutika, 

=  prasuta) 51 

(srka,  arrow,  BY.)    Non-suffixal  k.    Cf.  Av.  hawko,  <  harec  103 

sevaka,  worshipper,  Bamap.  Up 97 

somaka,  n.  pr.  BY.,  Ait.  Br.  <  soma,  cf.  §  57    .     .     .       57,  58 

sdugandhika,  kind  of  unguent;  Tand  Br 94 

sdutrdmanika,  of  the  sa^rawmm-sacrifice,  QBr 94 

saumika,  of  the  soma,  AQV.  Qr.;  Qankh  Qr.  &c 94 

sdurdki,  a  patronymic,  MS.;  Kath. — From  *sura  or  *suraka, 

presumably.     Exact  formation  not  certain 58 

(stuka,  child  =  tokA,  TAr.  3.  11.  12.     The  text  is  difficult 

and  corrupt,  and  -ka  probably  not  suffixal.) 

stukd,  tuft  of  hair,  BY.  &c.     .     . 42,  cf.  103 

stoka,  drop,  BY.  &c.  (prastoka,  n.  pr.  BY.) 103 

stdubhika,  forming  or  containing  a  Stobha,  Laty      ...     94 

sthayuka,  staying,  Pane.  Br 99 

sndiaka,  a  grhastha,  QBr.;  Gobh.  &c 46 

-sndvaka,  ifc.  Bah.  =  sndvan  (-van),  TS.  in  a-s 55 

sphatika  (sphat-),  crystal,  quartz,  Qvet.  Up.    Uncertain     .  103 

-sphaka  in  pivah-sphdka,  swelling  with  fat,  AY 103 

sphtirjaka,  n.  of  an  ill-omened  plant,  QBr.;  Katy  Qr.  .     .     79 

svaka,  own,  Maitr.  Up.;  Mukt.  Up 45 

(svapdka  ?  epithet  of  Agni,  BY.  * — BB,.,  following  Say.,  say 

<  su-apas,  "G-utes  bewirkend,"  "Kunstreich."  Improbable. 

Others — <su-dpdnc.    The  word  is  very  doubtful;  on  the 

whole  perhaps  Ludwig's  suggestion  is  best,  sva-pdka  (V^pac) 

=  "self-ready".    Non-suffixal  ka  in  any  case,  probably.) 


Vol.  xxxi.]           The  K-Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.  341 

See  § 

svalpikd,  very  tiny  (obs.),  AV.    Cf.  alpakd 86 

svastika,  a  mode  of  sitting  (in  tho  shape  of  a  svastika,  which 

is  by  origin  adjectival,  =  "lucky,  bringing  luck"),  Aiiirt.Cp.  51 

svdbhdvika,  natural,  inherent,  Ap.;  Maitr.  Up.  &c.     ...  94 

svdrasdmika,  adj.  <  svdrasdman,  Laty 94 

(sveka,  artificial  word,  to  explain  sumeka,  QB.) 

hdriknikd,  bay-mare  (dim;  obs.?),  AV.;  <  fern,  of  hdrita    .  86 

-hastaka,  ifc.  Bab.  =  hdsta,  Qankb.  GT.  (in  apa-h.)    ...  55 

-hastika,  ifc.  Bab.  =  hastin,  TB.  (in  bdhu-h.) 55 

hdtaka,  gold,  Param.  Up. — Uhlenbeck:  <  IE.  yhol-  (hari  &c.) 
+  to-  (cf.  OS1.  zlato,   G-th.  gulp,  gold)  +  ka.—*hata  is 

not  found 58 

hdruka,  seizing,  consuming,  TS 99 

haviryajmka,  adj.  <  haviryajna,  Laty 94 

hinsaka,  injuring,  Maitr.  Up 97 

-hetuka,  ifc.  Bab.  =  hetu,  Gaudap 55 

haimantika,  wintry,  VS.  &c.,  <hemantd 94 

hoMa,  assistant  Utr,  QB.,  Laty 66 

hotraka,  a  priest  at  tbe  sacrifice,  Ait.  B 51 

(Orig.  adjective,  "connected  with  the  hotrd") 

hdutrika,  sacerdotal,  Katy  Qr 94 

hlddikd,  refreshing,  EV 56,  19 

hlddukd,  refreshing,  TAr.;  see  §  19 99,  cf.19 

hlika,  modest,  TBr.  ("possessing  *Ul  =  hrl") 53 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

The  K-Suf fixes  of  Indo-Iranian. 

First  Part:  The  K- Suffixes  in  the  Veda  and  Avesta. 
Chapter  I.    Description  of  the  Suffixes.     §§  1—28. 
Introductory,  §§  1—7. 
The  secondary  suffix  ka,  §§  8—13. 

(Suffix  1  ka,  §  9;  Diminutive  ka,  §  10;  2  ka,  §  11;   3  ka,  §  12; 

4  &a,  §  13.) 
Other  /osuffixes,  §§  14—28. 

(Suffix   ika,   §  14;    aka,  §§  15—20;   uka,   §§  21—24;   uka,  §  25 
Ika,  §  26;  Adverbial  A:,  §  27;  Primary  ka,  §  28.) 

Chapter  II.    Samdhi  of  the  Suffixes.    §§  29—39. 
Of  Secondary  ka,  §§  29—37. 
Of  other  fc-Suffixes,  §§  38.  39. 


342         F.  Edgerton,  The  K- Suffixes  of  Indo-Iranian.       [1911. 

Chapter  III.    The  Secondary  Suffix  ka  (excl.  Diminutives),  §§  40—58. 
Suffix    1  ka,    §§   40 — 48    (Nouns    or    Adjectives    of    Similarity    or 

Characteristic). 

Suffix  2  ka,  §§  49 — 52  (Adjectives  of  Appurtenance  or  Relationship.) 
Suffix  3  ka,  §§  53 — 55  (Possessive  Adjectives  or  Substantives). 
Suffix  4  ka,  §  56  (Words  of  Active  Verbal  force). 
Unclassified,  §§  57.  58. 

Chapter  IV.    The  Diminutive  Suffix  ka.     §§  59—91. 
Introductory,  §§  59.  60. 

I.  True  Diminutives,  §§  61—66. 
II.  Diminutives  of  Endearment,  §  67. 

III.  Diminutives  of  Pity,  §  68. 

IV.  Pejorative  Diminutives,  §§  69—86,  including- 

1.  Diminutives  of  Contempt,  §§  70—76. 

2.  Diminutives  of  Imprecation,  §§  77 — 84. 

3.  Diminutives  of  Obscene  Humor,  §§  85.  86. 
V.  Generic  Diminutives,  §§  87—89. 

VI.  Diminutives  of  Femininity,  §§  90.  91. 

Chapter  V.    Other  fc-Suffixes.     §§  92—103. 
Suffix  ika,  §§  92-94. 
Suffix  aka,  §§  95—97. 
Suffix  uka,  §§  98.  99. 
Suffix  Ika,  §§  100.  101. 
Primary  suffix  ka,  §§  102.  103. 

Chapter  VI.    The  Prehistoric  Suffix.     §§  104-117. 
The  suffix  in  B,V.,  §§  104—106. 
The  suffix  in  Avestan,  88  107—113. 

*     OO 

The  suffix  in  Aryan  (Indo-Iranian),  §  114. 
The  suffix  in  Lith.  and  in  I.-E.,  §§  115—117. 

Statistics.    §  118. 

Index  and  Word-list  (Vedic  Words). 


The  Mayurastaka,  an  unedited  Sanskrit  poem  by  Mayura. 
—By  Gr.  P.  QUACKENBOS,  A.  M.,  Tutor  in  Latin, 
College  of  City  of  New  York. 

WHAT  little  knowledge  we  have  of  the  poet  Mayura  rests 
largely  on  legend  and  tradition,  but  it  is  now  generally  accepted 
that  he  flourished  in  the  seventh  century  of  our  era,  was  one 
of  the  habitues  at  the  court  of  the  emperor  Harsavardhana, 
and  was  the  rival,  in  the  field  of  literature,  of  Bana,  author 
of  the  Kddambarl  and  of  the  Harsacarita. 

In  an  old  legend,  preserved  principally  in  Jaina  tradition, 
and  existing  in  several  versions, 1  we  are  told  that  Mayura,  on 
one  occasion,  wrote  a  licentious  description  of  the  charms  of 
his  own  daughter,  Bana's  wife.  That  lady,  enraged,  cursed 
her  father,  who,  in  consequence  of  the  curse,  became  a  leper, 
and  was  banished  from  court.  Nothing  daunted,  however, 
he  set  to  work  to  regain  his  health  and  his  lost  position,  and 
composed  the  Suryasataka-,  consisting  of  a  hundred  stanzas 
in  praise  of  Surya,  the  sun-god.  At  the  recitation  of  the  sixth 
stanza,  the  sun  appeared  in  bodily  form,  and  cured  the  poet 
of  his  leprosy.  Bana,  jealous  of  Mayura's  triumph,  and  seeking 

1  The   principal  versions   of  this  legend  are  found  in  two  anonymous 
commentaries    on    the    Jaina    poet    Manatunga's    Bhaktdmarastotra,    in 
Madhusudana's   commentary    on  Mayura's  Suryasataka,   and  in  the  Pra- 
bandhacintdmani  of  Merutunga,   who  was  a  Jaina.     For  the  anonymous 
commentaries  on  the  Bhaktdmarastotra,  see  F.  E.  Hall,  Subandhu's  Vd- 
savadattd,  Calcutta,    1859,    intro.    pp.  7,  8,  49,    and   Rajendralala  Mitra, 
Catalogue  of  Sanskrit  Manuscripts  in   the  Library  of  His  Highness,  the 
Maharaja  of  Bikdner,  Calcutta,  1880,  p.  671,  no.  1463,  and  Biihler,  On  the 
Candikdsataka  of  Bdnabhatta,  Indian  Antiquary,  vol.  1   (1872),  pp.  Ill 
—115;  for  the  commentary  of  Madhusudana,  see  Biihler,  On  the  Author- 
ship   of  the  Ratndvali,   Indian  Antiquary,    vol.  2   (1873),  pp.  127—123; 
and  for  the  Prabandhacintdmani,    see   the   translation   of  that  work  by 
C.  H.  Tawney,  Calcutta,  1901,  pp.  64—66. 

2  This  is  Mayura's  best-known  work.     The  most  accessible  edition  is 
that  in  Kavyamala  Series,  no.  19,  Bombay  (2nd  ed.),  1900. 

VOL.  XXX r.    Part  IV.  24 


344  G.  P.  Quachenbos,  [1911. 

to  emulate  his  example,  had  his  own  hands  and  feet  cut  offr 
and  then  composed  the  Candtfataka1,  in  honor  of  Candl,  the 
wife  of  &iva.  But  in  the  recitation  of  his  poem,  he  did  not- 
have  to  proceed  any  further  than  the  sixth  syllable  of  the 
first  stanza  before  the  goddess  appeared  and  restored  his  limbs 
to  their  former  condition.  Now  it  happened  that  a  Jaina, 
Manatunga,  was  present,  and  wishing  to  show  that  the  Jaina& 
were  not  lacking  in  miracle-working  powers,  he  ordered  him- 
self to  he  loaded  with  forty-two  chains 2,  and  to  be  locked  up 
in  a  room.  He  then  began  to  compose  the  Bhaktdmarastotra 3, 
which  consists  of  forty-four  stanzas.  At  the  conclusion  of 
each  stanza,  one  of  the  forty-two  chains  dropped  off,  and 
when  the  whole  forty-four  stanzas  had  been  recited,  the  locked 
doors  flew  open  of  their  own  accord,  and  he  was  free.  The 
king,  Harsa  (or  Bhoja,  as  some  accounts  call  him),  had  wit- 
nessed all  three  miracles,  but  deciding  that  Manatunga's  was 
the  greatest,  he  became  a  convert  to  Jainism. 

In  one  version  of  the  legend,  that,  namely,  given  by  the 
first  anonymous  commentator  on  the  Bhaktamarastotra,  the 
name  of  the  obnoxious  poem  that  so  displeased  Mayura's 
daughter,  and  that  brought  upon  Mayura  the  curse  of 
leprosy,  is  said  to  be  the  Mayurdstaka.  While  recently 
working  up  the  life  and  writings  of  Mayura  for  a  forth- 
coming volume  of  the  Columbia  University  Indo-Iranian 
Series,  I  noted  that  a  poem  of  this  name  was  recorded  in 
Professor  Garbe's  catalogue4  of  the  Sanskrit  manuscripts  at 
Tubingen  University.  Through  the  kindness  of  Professor  Garbe 
and  of  Dr.  Geiger,  the  librarian  at  Tubingen,  the  manuscript 
containing  the  Mayurdstaka  was  forwarded  to  Professor  Jack- 
son for  my  use.  The  material  is  birch-bark,  folded  in  book 
form,  each  leaf  being  75/s  by  63/s  inches,  with  16  lines 
of  writing  to  a  full  page.  The  writing  is  in  the  sdradd  script, 

1  Ed.  with  commentary,  in  Kavyamala  Series,  Part  4,  Bombay  (2nd  ed.)r 
1899. 

2  Other  accounts  say  34  or  48  chains;    cf.  Hall,  op.  cit.  pp.  8,  49. 

3  Edited  (transliteration  and  translation)  by  Jacobi,  Indische  Studien, 
vol.  14,   Leipzig,  1876,   pp.  359—376,    with   forty-four    stanzas.     Etting- 
hausen,  Harsa  Vardhana,  Empereur  et  Poete,  Louvain,  1906,  p.  127,  n.  i>. 
mentions  several  editions,  one  containing  48  stanzas. 

4  Richard  Garbe,    Verzeichniss  der  indischen  Handschriften  der  konig- 
lichen  Universitats-Bibliothek,  Tubingen,  1899,  no.  182,  F. 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  Mayurastaka  &c.  345 

« 

and  the  date  should  probably  IK-  placed  in  UK*  seventeenth 
century. l 

The  Mayiirastaka,  which  covers  one  full  leaf,  and  parts  of 
two  other  leaves,  consists,  as  its  name  implies,  of  eight  st  an/as. 
( )f  these,  the  first  and  the  sixth  are  incomplete,  owing  to  a 
tear  in  the  manuscript.  Stanzas  1,  2,  and  4  are  in  the 
sragdhard  meter,  the  others  in  sardidavikridita.  The  dedi- 
cation is  to  Hari  and  Hara  (Visrm  and  &va),  and  at  the 
end  is  the  colophon  iti  srwiayurdstakam  samdptam.  After 
the  colophon  comes  a  kind  of  diagram,  which  may  he  some- 
thing astrological,  though  I  have  been  unable  to  decipher 
anything  from  it  except  the  words  samvat  2. 

The  theme  of  the  poem  is  the  description  of  a  girl  or  young 
woman,  and  at  times,  especially  through  the  double  entendres 
and  puns,  the  sentiment  is  decidedly  erotic,  and  might  very 
well  have  given  offence  to  the  person  portrayed.  In  a  general 
way  the  style  is  not  unlike  the  style  of  other  compositions 
ascribed  to  Mayura,  For  example,  the  puns  and  double 
entendres,  already  referred  to,  besides  other  Kavya  elements, 

1  The  ms.  in  Garbe's  Verzeichniss  (see  note  preceding)  182  F  was  one 
of  those  purchased  in  1894  by  Marc  Aurel  Stein  at  Srmagar  in  Kasmir 
(  Verzeichniss,  p.  3),  and  the  date  is  according  to  the  Saptarsi  era  (ibid., 
p.  5.  n.  1;  personal  letter  from  Prof.  Garbe,  April  4th,  1911).  '-At  the  end 
of  the  Durgdstaka  [one  of  the  pieces  in  the  collection  contained  in  the 
manuscript  in  question]  the  copyist  gives  the  date  (laukika)  samvat  87, 
frdvati  5,  gandu"  (Stein  in  Garbe,  Verzeichniss,  p.  78),  and,  as  Prof. 
Garbe  writes  me,  "die  Ahnlichkeit  der  aufieren  Beschaffenheit  aber  zeigt, 
daf.)  die  beiden  darauf  folgeiiden  Stiicke  [Vetdlastot)-a,  3fayurdstaka]  in 
anmihernd  derselben  Zeit  geschrieben  sein  miissen". 

The  Saptarsi  era  began  B.  C.  3076  (Biihler,  in  Weber.  Indische  Stndien, 
vol.  14,  Leipzig-,  1876,  pp.1  407—408).  During  the  centuries  which,  in 
consideration  of  the  average  age  of  birch-bark  manuscripts  (see  Biihler, 
Indische  Palaeographie,  Strafoburg,  1896,  p.  88),  can  alone  be  here  taken 
into  account,  the  fifth  of  Sravana  fell  on  Saturday  in  the  year  87  of 
any  century  of  this  Saptarsi  era  only  in  4687  and  4487  —  Saturday, 
Sravana  5,  4687  corresponding  to  Aug.  13,  1611  (Gregorian  calendar), 
and  Saturday,  Sravana  5,  4487  to  July  25,  1411,  of  the  Julian  calendar 
(as  reckoned  according  to  Robert  Schram,  Kalendariographische  und 
r/trnnologiscJie  Tafcln,  Leipzig,  1908).  Since  of  these  two  dates  the  former 
is  the  more  likely,  we  may  ascribe  the  completion  of  our  manuscript  to 
Aug.  13,  1611.  (On  the  Saptarsi  era,  see  Sewell  and  Dlkshit,  The  Indian 
<1<iJ<'iidar,  London,  1896,  p.  41;  Ginzel,  Handbuch  der  mathematischcn  und 
ter/tnischen  Chronologic,  Leipzig,  1906.  vol.  1,  pp.  382—384;  A.  Cunningham, 

Book  of  Indian  Eras,  Calcutta,  1883,  pp.  6—17.) 

24* 


346  G.  P.  Quackenbos,  [1911. 

• 

are  common  to  it  and  to  the  Suryasataka,  and  that  Mayura 
did  not  disdain  the  erotic  sentiment  elsewhere  is  shown  by  a 
perusal  of  the  descriptive  verse  on  two  asses,  which  is  found 
under  his  name  in  the  Subhdsitavali  of  Vallabhadeva,  and 
also  in  the  Sariigadharapaddhati.i  It  may  count  for  something, 
too,  that  the  meter  of  three  of  the  stanzas  is  the  sragdhara, 
the  same  as  that  in  which  the  Suryasataka  is  composed,  as 
well  as  most  of  the  anthology  stanzas  attributed  to  Mayura. 

In  view  of  all  the  facts  and  circumstances  as  set  forth,  it 
seems  not  unreasonable  to  believe  that  the  poem  Mayurdstaka, 
contained  in  the  Tubingen  manuscript,  is  a  creation  of  the 
poet  Mayura,  although  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the 
evidence  is  not  especially  strong.  It  may  be  argued,  for 
example,  that  the  name  Mayurdstaka  may  mean  "the  astaka 
on  the  peacock",  or  that  the  commentator  on  the  Blidlddnia- 
rastotra  ascribed  it  to  Mayura  merely  because  of  its  name, 
or  that  it  is  the  composition  of  another  Mayura,  not  the 
seventh-century  poet  of  that  name. 

But  on  the  other  hand  stand  the  facts  that  the  name  srl- 
mayurdstakam  is  found  in  the  colophon  of  the  manuscript, 
that  the  subject-matter  of  the  manuscript  poem  harmonizes 
with  the  content  of  the  Mayurdstaka  described  by  the  com- 
mentator, that  there  is  not  the  faintest  allusion  to  a  peacock 
in  any  of  the  stanzas,  and  that  there  is  a  general  similarity 
in  point  of  style  between  the  manuscript  poem  and  the  known 
writings  of  Mayura.  The  pros  are,  on  the  whole,  stronger 
than  the  cons,  and  it  can  at  least  be  said  that  there  is  no 
direct  evidence  to  show  that  Mayura  did  not  write  the  Mayu- 
rdstaka contained  in  the  Tubingen  manuscript.  Until  such 
evidence  is  adduced,  I  am  inclined  to  accept  it  as  his  work. 

It  gives  me  pleasure  to  express  my  thanks  to  Professor 
Jackson  and  to  Dr.  Gray  for  many  valuable  suggestions,  and 
also  to  Professor  Barret,  who  was  good  enough  to  verify  my 
transliteration  of  the  sdradd  script. 


1  Peter  Peterson,  The  Subhdsitdvali  of  Vallabhadeva,  Bombay,  1886, 
no.  2422;  Peterson,  The  Paddhaii  of  Sdrngadhara,  Bombay,  1888,  no.  585. 
See  also  the  modern  anthology,  Subhdsitaratnabhdnddgdram,  compiled 
by  K.P.  Parab,  Bombay  (3rd  ed.),  1891,' p.  327,  v.  17.' 


Vol  xxxi.].  The  Mayurastaha  &c.  347 

MAYURASTAKA. 

Verse   1. 

om  namah  srihariharabhyam 
esa  l  ks  prastutam2gi  pracalitanayana  liamsalila-vrajantl 

dvau  hastau  kunkumardrau  kanakaviracita4  .  .  u 

. .  5um[gam]gegata  sa  balmkusumayuta  baddhavma  hasanti 
tambulam6  vamahaste7  madanavasagata  guhya8  £alara  pravista9 


1  The  meter  is  sragdhara. 

2  In  the  matter  of  transliterating  the  nasals,  I  have  faithfully  followed 
the  manuscript,   which  is  inconsistent,   sometimes  writing  anusvdra  in- 
stead  of  the  appropriate  nasal  consonant.     Compare,   for   example,   lag- 
ndmga  (2 a),  priyamya  (3d),  and  gagandmgand  (8d),  with  bhrubhangam 
and  ananga  (7b).     Note  also  amtah  for  antah  (3c),  canpaka  with  lingual 
nasal,   instead  of  campdka  (8b),    and  samx>akiJa  for  sampakva  (5b).     In 
the  use  of  the  nasal  before  k,  there  appear  to  be  no  irregularities  except 
sanikayantl  for  sankayanti  (2b);  cf.  kunknma  (lb),  and  panka  (7c). 

3  The  word  Hid  is  one  of  the  stock  terms  used  to  define  the  natural 
graces  of  the  heroine;    cf.  Dasarupa,  a  Treatise  on  Hindu  Dramaturgy, 
tr.  Haas,  New  York,  1911,  2.60,  "Sportiveness  (Hid')  is  the  imitation  of  a 
lover  in  the  actions  of  a  fair-limbed  maiden." 

4  One,   possibly  two  consonants  must  come  between  the  a  and  the  u\ 
the  syllable  containing  the  a  must  be  heavy,    and  six  syllables  must  be 
supplied  after  the  u. 

5  One  syllable  is  missing. 

6  Betel  was   as   much  an   adjunct   of  love-making  among  the  ancient 
Hindus  as  candy  and  confections  are  to-day.     Usually  it  was  brought  by 
the  man  to   the   girl,   but   here   the  girl  appears   to  be  carrying  it  as  a 
gift   to  her  lover;   cf.  Schmidt,    Beitrcige  zur  indischen  Erotik,  Leipzig, 
1902,  p.  728. 

7  Was   the  left  hand  the  erotic  one,   as  implied,    for  example,  in  the 
epithet    "left-handed",    when    used    to    denote    the    obscene   form   in  the 
Tantra  cult? 

8  I  take   guhya  to  be  a  gerund  (cf.  Whitney,  Skt.  Grammar,  992  c), 
but  the   author   doubtless   intended  that  it   should  be  read  also,  though 
with  short  u,   as  first  member  of  a  compound  with  sdldm — guhyasdldm, 
"private  chamber" ;  cf.  guhyadesdn  (4  d). 

9  In   sdradd,    the  same  ligature  represents  both   sta  and  stha.    Prof, 
Barret,  who  has  transliterated  part  of  the  Paippalada  Manuscript  of  the 
Atharvaveda,   which   is  in  sdradd   (cf.  JAOS.  vol.  26,  2nd  part,  pp.  197 
—295),  writes  me:    "about  sta  and  stha;    as  far  as  I  have  seen,  there  is 
no  difference  made,  the  same  sign  serving  for  both." 


348  G.  P.  Quaekeriboe,  [1911. 

Translation. 

Om.  Reverence  to  the  illustrious  Hari  and  Hara. 
Who   is   this    (maiden),    with   beautiful   limbs  and  wandering 

glance,  approaching  with  the  gait  of  a  liamsa? 
Her  two  hands  are  moist  with  saffron,  her  ......  composed  of  gold, 

She  has  ........  on  her  [body];  she  is  decked  with  many  flowers, 

girt  with  a  lute,  and  is  smiling. 
Concealing  betel  in  her  left  hand,  and  having  yielded  to  the 

power  of  love,  she  enters  the  [private]  chamber. 

Verse  2. 

esa1  ka  bhuktamukta  pracalitanayana  sveda'4agnamgavastra 
pratyuse  yati  bala3  mrga  iva  cakita  sarvatas  samkayantl 
kenedam    vaktrapadmam    sphuradadhararasam    satpad  jenaiva 

pitam 
svargah5  kenadya  bhukto  haranayanahato  manmathah5  kasya 

install 

Translation. 

Who  is  this  maiden  that,  not  partaking  of  food  and  with 
wandering  glance,  and  with  garments  clinging  to  her 
limbs  with  perspiration, 

1  The  meter  is  sragdhara. 

2  For  perspiration  as  a  mark  of  love,  see  Sappho,   frag.  2,  v.  4,    d 


3  In  erotics,    bald  means   a  young  girl  under  sixteen,    who  wishes 
be    loved    in    darkness,    and    delights    in    betel    (Schmidt,  pp.   243—  2 
especially  the  citation  (p.  244)  from  Anaiigaranga,  fol.  5b).     She  i- 

a  mrgl,  "gazelle"  (cf.  mrga  2b,    and  harim  in  3b  and  8c),    so  eats  litt 
(cf.  bhuktamukta  in  2a),  and  has  high-set  (unnatd)  breasts,  cf.  Schmi«lt 
pp.  212—213. 

4  Satpada  suggests  bhramura,  which  means  both  "bee"  and  "lover". 

5  In    the    ligature    here    transliterated    by    hk.  I  have  taken  the  fi 
element    to  be  the   sign   for  jihvawiullya,    the  surd  guttural  spirant, 
Whitney,  Skt.  Grammar,  69,  170  d,  171  c.    Prof.  Barret,  however,  in 
transliteration  of  the  Paippalada  Manuscript  of  the  Atharvaveda,  adop 
sk  as  the  transcription  of  the  character;   compare,   for  example,   JA< 
•vol.  26,  2nd  part,  New  Haven,    1906,  p.  218  foot,  v.  18,   vas  kama, 

p.  224  foot,  v.  25,  jdtas  kasyapo,  with  the  Paippalada  facsimiles,  foli 
6  a,  line  3,  and  7b,  line  12,  respectively.  But  he  has  since  written  m 
"The  signs  which  I  transliterated  ska  and  spa  are  not  exactly  represe 
tatives  of  lingual  s,  but  that  seemed  the  best  rendering." 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  Mayurastalta,  &c.  349 

At  dawn  goes  here  and  there,  timid  fandj  distrustful,  like  a 
gazelle? 

How  is  this?    Has  this  lotus  face  with  its  lower  lip's  welling 

nectar,  been  sipped  hy  a  bee? 
By  whom  has  heaven  been  enjoyed  to-day?    With  whom 

Kama,  [once]  slain  by  Siva's  eye,  been  pleased? 

Verse  3. 

esa1  ka  stanapmabharakathina2  madhye  daridravati3 
vibhranta  harini*  vilolanayana  samtrasta5yuthodgata 
amtahsv(e6)dagajendragandagalita7  samlilaya8  gacchati9 


*  The  meter  is  sardulavikridita. 

2  Perhaps,   "stiff  with  the  burden  of  her  swelling  breasts";    i.  e.  she 
must   walk  very  upright,   or  the  weight  of  her  breasts  would  make  her 
stoop-shouldered. 

3  There  may  be  an  obscene  pun  in  madhye  daridravati ;  for  the  pass- 
ionateness  of  the  mrgi,  see  Schmidt  as  cited  p.  348,  note  3.    For  daridra- 
vati, not   found  in  the  lexicons,    cf.  Whitney,  Skt.  Grammar,  1233  d. 

4  For  harini,  "gazelle",  see  mrgi,  p.  348.  note  3. 

5  The  reading  of  the  manuscript  is  samtrastha. 

6  The  manuscript  is  broken  above  the  sv  ligature,  but  the  restoration 
of  the  e  is  unquestionably  correct. 

7  According  to  folk-belief,  even  in  modern  India  (cf.  W.  Crooke,  The 
Popular  Religion  and  Folk-Lore  of  Northern  India,  2nd  ed.,  Westminster. 
1896,  vol.  2.   p.  240),    there  is,  in  the  forehead  of  an  elephant,    a  magic 
jewel,   the  gajamukta,   which  grants   to  him  who  possesses  it  his  every 
wish.     The    author    seems    here    to    be    comparing    his    heroine    to    this 
magic  jewel. 

8  I  have  rendered  samlilaya  as  "like";  cf.  St.  Petersburg  Worterbuch, 
unabridged  ed.,  s.  v.  Ilia,  3.     The  compound  of  Ilia  and  sam  is  not  found 
in  the  lexicons,  but  occurs  twice  in  this  poem;  cf.  8c. 

9  The    whole    of   line   3  may  be   read  with  a  second  rendering,   con- 
taining   an    obscene    pun:     "She   goes,    possessed,    through    her    wanton 
sport    with    [her   lover],    of   that    which    falls   from   the    temple    of   the 
rutting    lord    of   elephants,"    i.  e.,    possessed    of    the  mada,    which    also 
means    semen   virile    and    afaoSirLa  wris;    this    latter,    in  the  case  of  thi» 
mrgi,   has    the    odor  of  flowers    (Schmidt,  p.  213),    and  would  therefore 
attract  bees  (or  lovers;   cf.  p.  348,  n.  4),  just  as  the  mada    of   a    must- 
elephant  does.    [Prof.  Jackson  takes    this    second   rendering  to   be  the 
correct  interpretation,   as  opposed  to   that  presented  in  the  text  and  iu 
notes  7  and  8.] 


350  G.  P.  Quackeribos,  [1911. 

drstva   rupam   idam   priyamgagahanam1    vrddho2    (')pi  kama- 
yate3 

Translation. 

Who   is   this    timid  gazelle,   with  a  burden  of  firm,    swelling 

breasts, 
With  roving  glance,  and  slender  of  waist,  gone  forth  from  the 

frightened  herd? 
She  goes  like  as  she  were  fallen  from  the  temple  of  a  rutting 

lord  of  elephants. 
Seeing  this  form,  with  its  adornment  of  beautiful  limbs,  even 

an  old  man  becomes  a  Kama. 

Verse  4. 

vamen&vestayanti 4  praviralakusumam  kesabharam  karena 
prabhrastam  cottariyam  ratipatitaguuam  mekhalam  daksinena 
tambulam  codvahanti  vikasitavadana5  muktakesa  naraga6 
niskranta  guhyadesan  madanavasagata  marutam  prarthayanti 

Translation. 

With  her  left  hand  doing  up  her  heavy  hair,  on  which  few 

flowers  [now  remain], 
And  with  her  right  holding  up  her  upper  garment,  her  girdle, 

whose  cord  had  slipped  down 

1  The    compound  priyamgagahanam   may  be  read  in    two  ways.     In 
the   first   way,    take   gahanam   as    from   gahana,    "adornment",    and  the 
second  reading,  which  is  obscene,  may  be  found  by  taking  gahanam  as 
"place  of  concealment",   and  priydmga  as  a  tatpurusa  compound,  priya 
denoting  the  lover. 

2  Is   vrddho  a  reference  to  Eana,   the  husband  of  Mayura's  daughter? 
Bana  may  have  been  of  the  same  age  as  Mayura,   and  so  considerably 
older  than  his  wife. 

3  The   regular   causative  of  the  root  Jcam  is  kdmayate.     I  therefore 
take   hdmdyate   to   be    a    denominative    from    Kama;    cf.  AVhitney, 
Grammar,  1059  c,  and  Brugmann,    VgL  Gram,  der  idg.  Sprachen,  Strafi- 
burg,  1892.  2.  769  (p.  1107).     The  meter  requires  that  the  second  syllable 
of  ltdmdyate  should  be  long. 

4  The  meter  is  sragdhard. 

5  "With  blooming  face",  or,  punningly,  "with  open  mouth",  "yawning". 

6  The  word  nardgd  is  not  found  in  the  lexicons,  but  on  the  anal< 
of  naroga,    "not  ill",    I  have  taken  it  to  mean    "not  passionate",  i.  e. 
"with  passion  sated". 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  MayTtrastcika,  &c.  :'>.">  1 

During  love,  and  her  betel;  with  blooming  face,  with  dishe- 
veled hair,  with  passion  sated, 

Coming  forth  from  the  private  chamber,  having  yielded  to  the 
power  of  love,  she  longs  for  the  breeze. 

Verse  5. 

esa1  ka  navayauvana  sasimukhi  kantapathl2  gacchati 
nidravyakulita  vighurnanayana  sampakvabimbadhara 
kesair  vyakulita  nakhair  vidalita3  dantais  ca  khandikrta4 
kenedam  ratiraksasena  ramita  sardulavikridita 

Translation. 

Who  is  this  lovely  one  advancing  along  the  path,  moon-faced, 
in  the  bloom  of  youth, 

Bewildered  with  sleep,  her  eye  rolling,  her  lower  lip  like  a 
ripe  bimba  fruit, 

Bewildered  by  her  [disordered]  locks,  scratched  by  finger-nails, 
and  torn  to  pieces  by  teeth? 

How  is  this?  By  a  demon  in  love  has  she,  imitating  tiger- 
sport,  been  beloved! 

1  The   meter    is   sardulavikridita.    Note   the   pun  possibly  implied  in 
sardulavikridita,  line  4. 

2  I  resolve  as  kdntd  dpathl.    Compare  the  Vedic  dpathl  (RV.  1.  64. 11), 
which  evidently  means,  as  Geldner  (Der  Rig-  Veda  in  Ausivahl,  Stuttgart, 
1909,  vol.  2,  p.  11)  says,    "auf  der  Strafte  fahrend"  (cf.  also  Bezzenberger, 

in  IVpay,    Abhandlungen  zur  idg.  Sprachgeschichte  Aug.  Fick ge- 

widmet,  Gottingen,  1903,  pp.  175 — 176),  a  connotation  which  is  also  sup- 
ported  by  Sayana's    commentary    ad    loc.     Or,  perhaps    we   should  read 
kdntd  pathl,  with  pathl  as  fern.  nom.  sing,  of  *patha  (*pathi),  with  which 
compare  the  epithets  of  the  Maruts— dpathi,    vipathi,   antaspatha,    anu- 
patha,  RV.  5.  52.  10;  yet  note  tripathd. 

3  The  manuscript  reads  vimdalitd. 

4  References   to  scratching  and  biting,   as  concomitants  of  indulgence 
in  rati,    are   found   throughout  Sanskrit    erotic  literature.     For    nakha- 
cchedya  (scratching  with  the  nails),   see  Schmidt,   pp.  478—496,   and  for 
dasanacchedya  (biting  with  the  teeth),   ibid.  pp.  496 — 508.     Is  there  not 
also    in    khandikrta    a   possible   punning   allusion   to    the   khanddbhraka 
("broken-cloud")    bite   on  the  breast,    in  form   of  a  circle,    with  uneven 
indentures   from  the   varying   size   of  the  teeth   (Schmidt,  p.  504)?    The 
reference   to  his  daughter's  disheveled  appearance,   as  being  due   to  the 
scratches    and   lacerations,    may   have   been   responsible  for  that  lady's 
anger    and    her    consequent    curse   of  Mayura    (see  intro.).    And  in  this 
connection   it   may   be    added   that   the  obscene  puns  in  verse  3  would 
probably  not  tend  to  lessen  her  displeasure. 


352  O.  P,  Quackcnlos,  [1911. 

Verse  6. 

esa1  ka  paripurnacandravadana  gaurimrga2  ksobhim3 

lilamattagajendrahamsagamana4 e  .  ." 

n(i6)hs\Tasadharagandhasitalamukhi  vaca  mrdullasini 
sa  slaghyah  purusas  sa  jlvati7  varo  yasya  priya  hidrsi 

Translation. 

Who  is  this  frantic  tigress,  with  a  face  like  the  full  moon, 
With  the  gait  of  the  liamsa,  or  of  the  lordly  rutting  elephant 

in  wantonness , 

With  her  face  cooled  by  the  perfume  of  her  sighing  lower  lip, 

and  gently  mirthful  in  her  speech? 
That  man  is  to  be  envied,  that  lucky  one  lives,  who  has  truly 

such  a  one  as  his  beloved. 

Verse   7. 
esa8  ka  jaghanasthall  sulalita9  pronmattakamadhika 


1  The  meter  is  sardulamkrulita. 

2  I  take  gdurlmrgd  to  mean   "beast   of  Gaurl"    (with   a  pun  on  mrgii 
[cf.  note  on  mrgl,  p.  348,  n.  3]  as  the  sort  of  girl  the  heroine  is),  and  the 
beast  of  Gaurl    (in  her  incarnation  as  Durga)    is  the  tiger.    As  ParvatI 
also,  Gaurl' s    vehicle    is    the   tiger;    cf.  Moor,   Hindu  Pantheon,  London, 
1810,  plates  20,  21,  24.     My  interpretation  as  "tigress"  seems  also  to  be 
strengthened   by    the    allusion    to    "tiger-sport"   in  the    last   line   of   the 
preceding  stanza. 

3  The    word    Jcsobhini   is    not   recorded    in   the    lexicons   except  with 
lingual   nasal   as   the  name  ksobhim,    of  a  certain  sruti  in  Samgitasara- 
samgraha,  23  (cf.  St.  Petersburg  Worterbuch,  abridged  ed.,  s.v.Jcsobhiin)', 
it    is    here    probably    best    regarded    as   the   feminine   of  ftsobhana  or  of 
*ksobhin. 

4  In  Manu,  3.  10  (hamsavdranagdminwi) ,  the  gaits  of  the  hamsa  and 
of  the  elephant  are  mentioned  as  among  the  desirable  graces  of  women. 

5  Seven  syllables  are  needed  to  fill  out  the  line. 

6  The  manuscript  is  broken  here,  but  part  of  a  vertical  stroke  can  l>c 
seen,  and  the  restoration  of  an  i  seems  certain. 

'  The  manuscript  reads  jivatih.  For  the  sentiment  expressed  in  jlvai 
compare  the  well-known  line  of  Catullus  (5.1),  Vivdmus,  mea  Lesbic 
atjue  amemus. 

s  The  meter  is  sdrdulavikrldita. 

9  Lalita  is   one   of  the   stock  terms   used  to  define  the  graces  of 
heroine;    cf.  Dasarupa,   tr.  Haas,   2.68,    "Lolling    (lalita)    is    a    gracefi 
pose  of  one  of  fair  form." 


Vol.  xxxi.J  The  Mayftrastaka,  &c.  353 

bhrubhaiigain  kutilam   tv  auangadhanusahtprakhyam   prabha- 

candravat2 

rakacandrakapolaparikajaniukli!  ksamodari  sundar! 
vinidandam3  idam  vibhati  tulitam4  veladbhujam5  gacchati 

Translation. 
Who  is   this   lovely  one  that  goes,   with   rounded   hips,   with 

an  excess  of  ecstatic  love — 
Her  curving  frown  like  the  bow  of  the  Bodiless  (Kama),  and 

like  the  moon  in  splendor — 
\Yith   lotus  face   like   the   cheek   of  the   full   moon,   and  she 

[herself]  slender-waisted  and  beautiful? 
This  neck  of  her  lute  seems  like  a  raised  quivering  arm. 

1  In    the    ligature    here    transliterated    by    hp,    I  have  taken  the  first 
element   to  be  the  sign  for  the  iipadhmdriiya,  or  surd  labial  spirant;  cf. 
Whitney,  Skt.  Grammar,  69,  170  d,  171  c.     In  Prof.  Barret's  transliteration 
of   the  Paippalada   Manuscript,    this    same  ligature  is  transcribed  by  sp 
(cf.  JAOS.  vol.26,  2nd  part,  New  Haven,  1906,  p.  213  foot,  devds  pitaro, 
and  ras  pari-,  with  the  Paippalada  facsimiles,  folio  4b,  lines  11  and  12), 
though  Prof.  Barret  says  (see  above,  p.  348,  n.  5)  that  it  does  not  exactly 
represent  sp.    If  the  word  dhanusahprakhyam  be  regarded  as  a  compound, 
we  should  naturally  expect  the  dental  sibilant  before  initial  p,  as  is  the 
case,  for  example,  in  such  a  word  as  vdcaspati  (cf.  Whitney,  Skt.  Gram. 
loc.  cit.),  yet,  in  favor  perhaps,  of  its  being  so  regarded,  it  may  be  noted 
that    above    (stanza  6d)    we    have  sldghyah  purusas,    which  cannot  be  a 
compound,  with  msarga  before  initial  p.    However,  it  should  be  remarked 
that  the  Paippalada  Manuscript,  before  initial  p,    seems  to  use,  indiffer- 
ently,  either  msarga   or  the  ligature  under  discussion;    cf.  the  instances 
given   above  with   folio  6 a,    line  7,    devah  pradisa,    and  folio  7 a,    line  5, 
nirrtyah  pasebhyo. 

2  The  accusatives  in  line  2  are  hard  to  explain,  unless  they  may  pos- 
sibly comprise  an  extension  of  the  simple  adverbial  accusative,  on  which 
see  Carl  Gaedicke,  Der  Accusativ  im  Veda,  Breslau,  1880,  pp.  171 — 175, 
215—233.     Or    perhaps    bhrubhangam   is    to    be    regarded  as  neuter    (cf. 
note   on  bhuja  below),   though  it  is   not  found  as  neuter  elsewhere.     If 
it  is  neuter,  it  probably  becomes  the  subject  of  an  asti  understood. 

3  The  form  vimdanda  is  not  given  in  the  lexicons;    the  regular  spel- 
ling is  vinddanda,  though  the  word  is  given  only  by  the  lexicographers, 
and  is  not  found  in  the  literature. 

4  In  tulitam,  the  manuscript  shows  only  the  upper  part  of  the  i,  the 
vertical  stroke  being  missing. 

5  Bhuja   is    not    found    as    neuter  elsewhere,    but   for  neuters  of  this 
class  of  compounds  (including  vlnlddndani),  see  Wackernagel,  Altindische 
Graimnatik,  Gottingen,  1905,  II.  1.  lob  (p.  39);  and  on  the  interchange 
of  masculine   and  neuter   (cf.  dandah  and  dandani),    see  Delbriick,  Vgl. 
Synt.  der  idg.  Sprachen,  Strafibur'g,  1893,  1.  37  (p.  130). 


354  (r.  P.  Quackeribos,  The  Mayiirastdka,  <&c.          [1911. 

Verse   8. 

esa1  ka  ratihavabhaYa2vilasaccandrananam  bibhratl 
gatram  canpakadamagaurasadrsam 3  ptnastanalambita 
padbhyam  samcarati  pragalbha4harim  samlllaya  svecchaya 
kim  caisa  gaganSmgana  bliuvitale  sampadita  brahmana 

iti  srimayurastakam  samaptam 

Translation. 

Who   is  this  with  a  face  like  the  shining  moon  through  her 

<  incitement  to>  and  her  <  state  of>  amorousness, 
Drooping  from   [the  weight  of]  her  full-rounded  breasts,  with 

a    body  like  the    yellowness    of  a   garland    of    cham- 

paka  flowers, 
A  wanton   "gazelle",    going    on   two  feet,   in  dalliance  as  she 

feels? 

Surely  this  is  a  celestial  nymph,  produced  on  earth  by  Brahma. 
Here  ends  the  illustrious  Mayiirdstcika. 

1  The  meter  is  sdrdulavikrldita. 

2  I  have  rendered  bhdva  in  two  ways,  "incitement  to"  and  "state  of". 

3  The  manuscript  reads  mdurasadrsam,  which  is  unintelligible.     I  have 
emended  to  gdurasadrsam,  at  the  suggestion  of  my  friend,  Dr.  C.  J.  Ogden, 
who  referred  me  to  the  compounds  kanakacampakadamagdurlm  (Bilhana's 
Cdurapancdsikd,  v.  1),  and  campakaddmagdurl  (MahabhSrata  15.25,13). 

4  Pragalbhd  is  another  of  the  stock  terms  (cf.  Hid,  la,  and  lalita.  7:0 
denned   in  Hindu  rhetorical  treatises;    it  is  translated  "experienced"  by 
Haas,  in  his   translation  of  the   Dasarupa,  2.  29.    For  pragalbhd,   as  a 
type  of  heroine,  cf.  Schmidt,  pp.  264—266. 


On   the  Etymology   of  IsJitar. — By  GEOKGE  A.  BARTON, 
Professor  in  Bryn  Mawr  College,  Bryn  Mawr,  Pa. 

IN  the  Journal  of  this  Society,  XXVIII,  112—119,  Pro- 
fessor Haupt  published  a  theory  of  the  etymology  of  Ishtar. 
The  article  is  packed  with  the  wealth  of  philological  material 
that  we  have  learned  to  expect  from  the  pen  of  this  distin- 
guished Semitist.  There  was  one  crucial  point',  vital  to  the 
whole  case,  in  which  the  argument  rested  on  one  single  example 
— an  example,  too,  which  did  not  prove  the  conclusion  drawn 
from  it.  The  present  writer  was,  accordingly,  never  convinced 
that  the  etymology  offered  was  correct.  As  the  subject  is  a  dif- 
ficult one,  no  dissent  was  immediately  expressed.  Since  it  now 
appears  that  Dhorme  has  been  mislead  by  it,  *  it  is  not  out 
of  place  to  discuss  the  point  a  little  further. 

Haupt  derives  the  name  Ishtar,  mntSty,  &c.  from  the  stem 
Itytf,  from  which  mtste  comes,  by  the  infixing  of  a  H  after  the 
second  radical.  This  n  Haupt  regards  as  perhaps  the  feminine 
ending  n  moved  backward,  although  he  recognizes  that  it  may 
be  the  reflexive  n.  Now  it  so  happens  that  IBto  begins  with 
N,  and  mn$y  with  y.  The  name  is  found  in  Hebrew,  Phoe- 
nician, Moabitish,  Aramaic,  South  Arabic,  and  Ethiopic,  in 
all  of  which  languages  the  y  appears.  That  the  same  con- 
sonant stood  at  the  beginning  of  the  word  in  Semitic  Baby- 
lonian, is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  name  begins  with  I.  This  7, 
as  is  well  known,  is  often  found  in  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
where  an  y  was  originally  the  accompanying  consonant.  To 
derive  the  name  of  this  deity,  once  universally  worshipped  by 
the  Semites,  from  "ti?N.  one  must  prove  that  in  primitive  Se- 
mitic N  could  be  changed  to  y.  In  proof  of  this  Haupt 
offers  but  one  example.  The  Hebrew  TlBty,  Assyrian  istin,  he 
derives  from  the  Sumerian  aMan. 

This  derivation  from  AS  =  =  1  and  TA-A-AN  =  "amount" 
is,  however,  hardly  tenable.  Haupt  refers  for  proof  only  to 

1  La,  Religion  Assyrio-Babylonienne,  Paris  1910,  pp.  85  and  116. 


356  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

the  work  of  Schorr,  Altbabylonisclie  Reclitsurlmnden,  p.  163 
n.  a  and  p.  208.  All  that  these  references  prove  is  that 
TA-A-AN  can  mean  "amount".  They  have  no  bearing  on" 
the  compound  AS-TAN.  Moreover  Prince  has  pointed  outy 
(Sumerian  Lexicon,  p.  195),  that  i$tin  cannot  well  he  derived 
from  ASTAN,  because  as  early  as  the  time  of  Hammurabi 
(Laws,  xi,  6),  it  made  a  feminine  istiat.  The  Sumerian  origin 
of  the  one  example  on  which  the  whole  case  rests  is,  accord- 
ingly, very  questionable.  If  istin  were  really  derived  from 
ASTAX,  the  initial  JJ  would  be  paralleled  in  modern  Syriac 
in  which  Ireland  appears  as  ^P^-,  and  oxygen  as  ^roJxv 
(cf.  Noldeke,  Grammatik  der  neusyrisclien  Sprache,  p.  60).  As 
noted  below,,  this  phenomenon  is  accompanied  in  modern 
Syriac  by  an  interchange  of  I  and  **;  this  is  paralleled  in 
Babylonian  and  Assyrian  by  the  confusion  of  all  the  gutturals 
except  £.  That  outlying  dialects  of  Semitic  in  which  distinc- 
tions between  the  gutturals  were  passing  away  could  exhibit 
such  phenomena,  is  not  strange,  but  it  is  quite  another  thing 
to  ask  us  to  believe  that  such  interchange  occurred  in  un- 
contaminated  primitive  Semitic.  Istin  appears  in  Hebrew  in 
the  Babylonian  period  of  Hebrew  history  as  Tl$JJ.  It  occurs 
in  Jeremiah,  but  not  in  the  text  of  the  Book;  only  in  the 
editorial  title  (1 : 3)  and  an  exilic  supplement  (52 : 5).  Its 
earliest  occurrence  is  really  in  Ezekiel  (40 : 49).  Whether 
of  Semitic  or  foreign  origin,  it  does  not  appear  in  the  Semitic 
dialects  generally. 

mntJty,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  primitive  Semitic  word.  It 
is  found  in  all  the  great  divisions  of  the  Semitic  speech.  To 
prove  that  it  is  derived  from  the  stem  1#K,  it  is  necessary  to 
show  that  in  primitive  Semitic  N  and  JJ  were  interchangeable. 
Proof  for  this  is  altogether  lacking. 

It  is  perfectly  true  that  in  widely  scattered  Semitic  dialects 
K  sometimes  stood  for  y,  but,  as  Haupt  admits,  this  was  all 
comparatively  late  time.     It  came  about  when  in  many  pj 
of  the  Semitic  world  y  was  losing  its  original  quality. 

Thus  in  Hebrew,  1DDN  (Esther)  is  probably  a  spelling  oi 
Ishtar  taken  over  from  the  Babylonian  after  the  quality  oi 
the  y  had  disappeared.  Similarly,  in  the  Targum  Yerusi 
and  the  Palestinian  Talmud  7\yh  occurs  for  HK1?,  "to  weary 
ones  self"  and  Etynn  for  tSton  "it  is  unfavorable".  In  the 
Talmud  Kmiy  is  sometimes  spelled  &OTTK  (cf.Dalman,  Aramdi 


Vol.  xxxi.|  On  the  Etymology  of  Ishtar.  :>.">/ 

Grammatik,  97,  39).  Such  examples  prove  the  same  confusion 
of  these  sounds  in  Jewish  Aramaic.  In  late  Punic,  too, 
distinction  between  «  and  y  was  lost.  In  CIS,  I,  373 4 
-hear"  occurs  instead  of  the  ordinary  y&tf  (cf.  371 6),  while  in 
387 2  t£ty  is  written  for  the  relative  pronoun  ordinarily  spelled 
tfK  (cf.  385 2).  In  Palmyrene  Aramaic  we  have  2pyny  for 
spy™  (cf.  Lidzharski,  Ephemeris,  I,  198). 

In  Mandaean,  though  there  are  numerous  cases  in  which  N 
has  replaced  y  (cf.  Noldeke,  Manddische  Grammatik,  69  ff.), 
there  seem  to  be  few  if  any  cases  in  which  y  stands  for  K, 
though  it  sometimes  stands  for  \  thus  2JV  becomes  3«ny  (cf. 
ibid.  60  ff.).  In  modern  Syriac  I  is  not  distinguished  from  *., 
thus  Jj^l  stands  for  and  beside  JL*^  in  the  sense  of  "narrow", 
^  beside  W,  "between"  (cf.  Noldeke,  Grammatik  der  neu- 
syrisclien  Sprache,  60). 

This  confusion  is  also  found  in  late  dialects  of  South  Semitic. 
Thus  in  Tigre,  Tigrina,  and  Amharic,  'and'  are  hopelessly  con- 
fused (cf.  Brockelmann,  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der  semi- 
tisclien  Sprachen,  pp.  124,  125).  In  the  Mehri  dialect  of  South 
Arabia  the  £  has  entirely  disappeared  and  is  replaced  some- 
times by  i,  sometimes  by  A  and  sometimes  by  (see  Jahn, 
Grammatik  der  Meliri-Sprache  pp.  2  and  9). 

Apart  from  such  confusion,  which  arose  from  a  weakening 
of  the  pronunciation  of  y  as  the  language  decayed,  the  only 
change  of  which  there  seems  to  be  any  trace  is  the  change 
of  y  to  K  in  certain  cases.  Thus  in  Syriac  and  Palmyrene  y 
before  another  y  was  dissimilated  to  «.  In  Syr.  JL*^,  "rib", 
became  JL^Sv:  In  West  Syriac,  y  before  ri  became  K;  'uhdana, 
"contract",  became  'ulidana  (cf.  Brockelmann,  op.  cit.  241  ff., 
and  Noldeke,  Syriac  Grammar,  p.  25).  In  Syriac,  y  before  p 
is  sometimes  dissimilated  to  «,  'qland,  "bracelet"  becoming 
'qland  (Brockelmann,  p.  242).  Of  the  opposite  change  of  X 
to  y  the  older  dialects  afford  no  example. 

Xot  only  is  this  true,  but  the  stem  1#K  appears  in  South 
Semitic  as  well  as  North  Semitic,  where,  as  in  North  Semitic, 
it  is  spelled  with  «.  In  a  South  Arabic  inscription  X)S?i 
is  a  goddess,  parallel  in  name  as  in  functions  to  mttftf  (cf. 
Hommel,  Aufsatze  und  Abhandlungen,  II,  206).  The  occur- 
rence of  this  name  in  the  south  as  well  as  in  the  north, 
proves  that  these  two  names,  mKto  and  mn$y,  were  from 
primitive  times  philologically  and  orthographically  distinct. 


358  George  A.  Barton,  [1911. 

The  etymology  of  Ishtar  must  accordingly  be  sought  in  a 
stem  beginning  with  y.  The  present  writer  has  twice  sug- 
gested such  an  etymology  (Hebraica  X,  69 — 71,  and  Semitic 
Origins  102ff.),  deriving  the  name  from  the  stem  jZ*.  In  the 
work  last  referred  to  it  was  suggested  that,  as  )£*  means  an 
•'irrigating  ditch"  and  .-i*  "that  which  is  watered  by  rain 
alone",  the  name  meant  "she  who  waters",  or  "is  watered".  I 
should  have  added  as  an  alternative  meaning  "the  self-waterer". 
A  writer  in  the  Nation  (vol.  LXXV,  p.  15),  who  withheld  his 
name,  but  whose  identity  it  is  not  difficult  to  divine,  criticised 
this  view  because  the  Arabic  lexicographers  assert  that  the 
term  ^&  was  applied  to  the  palm  tree  because  it  "stumbled 
upon  the  water  necessary  to  it  and  did  not  need  to  be  irri- 
gated". Such  a  statement  is,  however,  not  decisive.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  an  Arabian  lexicographer's  guess  as  to  the 
origin  of  a  custom  or  an  etymology  is  superior  to  that  of  a 
modern  scholar,  especially  as  the  lexicographer  bears  witness 
in  the  same  context  (Lisan,  VI,  215),  that  the  term  was 
applied  to  "whatever  seed  is  watered  by  the  water  of  stream 
or  rain"  (jkjlj  J-^-^  *U>  ^^  U  ^Jl  ^  yt»  J^). 
This  is  a  statement  of  general  usage,  concerning  which  the 
lexicographer's  testimony  is  valuable.  It  is  of  much  more 
weight  than  his  guess  as  to  the  reason  of  the  usage.  If  the 
root  £&  was  applied  to  whatever  seed  was  watered  by  natural 
processes,  it  certainly  had  something  to  do  with  water,  or 
watering.  Paton  (Hastings  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics, 
II,  116  ff.)  has  accepted  this  etymology,  suggesting  that  it  was 
applied  to  the  numen  of  a  spring  and  meant  the  self-waterer. 
He  points  out  that  all  over  the  Semitic  world  springs  were  sup- 
posed to  be  the  dwellings  of  numina.  This  is  a  very  probable 
suggestion,  superior,  I  believe,  to  the  application  of  the  ety- 
mology made  by  me. 

In  whatever  way  the  meaning  is  to  be  explained,  the  evi- 
dence, philological  and  religious,  points  to  an  etymology  from 
the  root  jZ*  as  a  term  connected  with  irrigation.  The  O 
is  most  plausibly  explained  with  Paton  as  the  infixed  O  of 
a  reflexive,  infixed  as  in  the  viiith  stem  of  Arabic,  afterward 
undergoing  metathesis  with  the  following  radical  after  the 
analogy  of  n  before  a  sibilant  in  North  Semitic.  Parallel  forms 
from  both  North  and  South  Semitic  were  cited  by  me  in 
Hebraica,  loc.  cit. 


The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastablrd.—  'By  ROLAND  G. 
KENT,  Assistant  Professor  in  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

ON  two  Aramaic,  or  rather  Syriac,  incantation  bowls,  listed 
as  GEM*  16086  and  CBM  16019,  in  the  Archaeological  Mu- 
seum of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  there  occurs  the  word 
Kl^non,  which  is  here  found  for  the  first  time.  On  CBM 
16086  the  word  occurs  four  times,  in  the  following  phrases: 

"This  NT^riDT  against  all  the  demons  and  satans  and  devils 
and  Liliths",  etc. 

"He  wrote  against  them  a  KYSriDT,  which  is  for  all  time 
by  the  virtue  of"  certain  magical  syllables. 

"I  have  dismissed  you"  (the  devils)  "by  the  KTOnDY '. 

"Charmed  and  sealed  and  countersealed  is  this  NTOnDT  by 
the  virtue  of"  certain  cabalistic  syllables. 

On  CBM  16019  the  word  occurs  for  times  likewise,  in 
phrases  that  are  practical  duplications  of  those  on  CBM  16086. 

Prof.  J.  A.  Montgomery,  who  is  preparing  these  bowls  for 
publication,  asked  the  writer  to  investigate  the  etymology  of 
the  word,  which  is  manifestly  non-Semitic. 

KYanDI  may  be  read  dastaMrd  or  dastaberd.  Certain  fea- 
tures are  plain:  1.  The  final  -a  is  the  "emphatic  Aleph",  and 
is  therefore  to  be  disregarded  from  the  etymological  standpoint, 
as  a  Semitic  addition  to  the  original  word.  2.  The  word, 
from  its  context,  must  denote  either  the  bowl,  or  the  writing 
on  the  bowl,  or  the  charm  that  the  bowl  effects,  or  some 
similar  idea.  3.  The  first  part  is  evidently  the  Pahlavi  dast 
'hand',  =  old  Persian  dasta-,  Avestan  zasta-,  Skt.  hasta-.  This 
as  an  element  of  a  compound  lends  itself  well  to  the  idea 
necessary:  "handwriting"  occurs  at  once  as  a  natural  meaning. 
4.  Since  HD1  is  from  the  Persian,  the  word  is  a  borrowing 


i   ('HM  =  Catalogue  of  the  Babylonian  Museum. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part.  IV.  25 


360  Eoland  O.  Kent,  [1911. 

from  the  Persian  —  more  narrowly  speaking,  from  the  Pahlavi 
or  middle  Persian,  as  the  howls  are  of  ahout  the  sixth  century 
A.D. 

What  now  is  the  element  -Mr-  or  -her-?  Unfortunately 
neither  this  word  nor  any  word  resembling  it  is  to  he  found 
in  the  Pahlavi  glossaries  ';  and  recourse  must  he  had  to  the 
consideration  of  the  possibilities  from  the  phonetic  standpoint: 

In  Pahlavi  initial  b  represents  older  Iranian  6;  thus  Pahlavi 
brdS  'brother'  =  old  Persian  and  Avestan  brdtar-,  Sanskrit 
bhrdtar-*.  This  Iranian  b  represents  Indo-European  b  and  bh*, 
appearing  in  Sanskrit  as  b  and  bh  respectively.  Perhaps  older 
dv  initial  appears  as  b  in  Pahlavi,  though  this  is  uncertain4. 
Iranian  p  after  vowels  becomes  Pahlavi  &5;  but  as  this  "TO  is 
the  second  element  of  a  compound,  such  an  origin  for  b  is 
here  unlikely. 

Pahlavi  I  represents  older  ^6;  or  I  with  compensatory  leng- 
thening as  in  tlr  =  Avestan  tiyri-  'arrow'7;  or  ya  iyas.  If 
on  the  other  hand  Tl  be  read  -ber-,  Pahlavi  e  may  represent 
the  earlier  diphthong  ai,  appearing  in  old  Persian  as  ai  and 
in  Avestan  as  ae  and  oi9,  or  a  changed  to  e*by  the  influence 
of  a  y  in  the  next  syllable,  as  in  erdn  =  Avestan  a'n/awa-10; 
or  a  contracting  with  immediately  following  y  that  developed 
from  (Avestan)  y,  as  in  anerdn  =  Avestan  anayrawaw11;  it 
develops  also  from  ay  a  dhya  afy/12. 

Pahlavi  r  may  represent  earlier  r13;  less  often  yr14,  6r15, 
ftr16,  rn  17,  possibly  rd  (old  Persian  rflf,  Avestan  r/)18. 

The  modern  Persian  ^  bzr  may  be  first  disposed  of.     This 

1  Hoshanji   and   Haug,    An   old  Zand- Pahlavi   Glossary,    ed.  2,  1870; 
West,  Mainyo-i-Khardj  with  glossary,   1871;  "West  and  Haug,  Glossary 
and  Index  of  the  Pahlavi-Texts  Arda  Viraf,  &c.,  1874;  de  Harlez,  Manuel 
du  Pehlevi,  1880. 

2  Salemann,    Mittelpersisch,    §20 a,   in  Geiger  and  Kuhn's   Grundriss 
der  iranischen  Philologie,  vol.  I,  part  3. 

3  Bartholomae,    Vorgeschichte  der^  iranischen    Sprachen,     §  3. 2,  3,    in 
Geiger  and  Kuhn,  op.  cit.,  vol.  I,  part  1. 

*  Salemann,  op.  cit.  §  33  N.  2.  5  ib.,  §  15,  §  18. 

6  ib.,  §  36.  7  ib.,  §  39 1,  §  21  d.  8  ib.  §  39. 

a  ib.,  §36.  10  ib.,  §41.  11  ib.,  §  21  d.  '2  ib.,  §41 

13  ib.,  §30.  1Mb.,  §21  d.  is  ib.,  §22b.  is  ib.,  § 

n  ib.,  §  30.  is  ib.,  §  30.    As  rd  may  become  Pahluvi  I  with  los 

of   the    d,    it   would    appear   likely  that  as  r  ordinarily  remains  r,  this 

group  might  develop  also  into  Pahlavi  r. 


Vol.  xxxi.]         The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastablra.  361 

has  the  meanings  'lightning;  a  well;  a  couch,  bedcover;  flood; 
to  memorize;  brother,  hero,  brave';  none  of  these  would  in  the 
compound  yield  a  suitable  meaning.  Apart  from  that  con- 
sideration, ^o  is  in  some  meanings  derived  from  Hebrew  and 
in  the  others  from  Arabic,  so  that  it  is  out  of  the  question 
here. 

To  turn  now  to  the  Avestan  words1,  several  fit  fairly  well 
the  phonetic  requirements2: 

ba^rya-^  neut.  subst.,  'carrying,  receipt'. 

baoirya-  (graphic  for  barvya-),  adj.  'to  be  chewed,  solid',  in 
reference  to  food. 

6arata-,  ptc.,  'carried'. 

dvar-,  masc.  subst.,  'door,  gate'3. 

Of  these  none  seems  semantically  possible. 

Sanskrit  yields  a  few  words  suitable  for  consideration: 

bhadra-,  adj.,  'bright,  happy';  as  neut.  subst.,  'fortune'. 

bhdryd-,  adj.,  'to  be  supported  or  maintained';  as  masc.  subst., 
'soldier,  servant';  as  fern,  subst.,  'wife'. 

blrira-,  adj.,  'frightening,  terrifying'. 

bhiru-,  adj.,  'timid'. 

dvdrya-,  adj.,  'belonging  to  or  being  at  a  door'3. 

Here,  at  last,  we  find  in  bhira-  a  likely  source  for  T3: 
KTanm  may  well  be  the  Syriac  representation  of  a  hypothet- 
ical old  Persian  *dasta-bira-,  Avestan  *zasta-bira-,  Sanskrit 
*hasta-bhira-,  'a  thing  terrifying  by  the  hand(writing)',  that 
is,  a  'written  deterrent'  as  opposed  to  a  'spoken  deterrent' 
against  the  demons. 

This  implies,  of  course,  that  dasta-  depends  upon  -bir-  in 
an  instrumental  relation;  but  in  such  compounds  the.  first 
element  may  stand  in  any  case  relation  to  the  second:  cf. 
Sanskrit  hasta-kamala-m  'a  lotus  held  in  or  by  the  hand',  hasta- 
dipa-s  'a  lantern  carried  in  or  by  the  hand',  hasta-sqjnd  'a 


1  Bartliolomae,  Altiranisches  Worterbuch. 

2)  Should  initial  p  be  considered  a  possibility  for  the  b  of  T3,  then 
we  must  take  the  following  words  also  into  account;  par»na-,  neut.  subst.. 
'feather,  wing';  paurva-,  adj.,  'former';  paoirya-  (graphic  for  parw/a-), 
adj.,  'first';  patar-  paffr-,  masc.  subst.,  'protector'.  Of  these,  the  last, 
in  a  -ya-  derivative,  would  yield  a  good  meaning,  but  the  phonetic  deve- 
lopment seems  to  the  writer  highly  improbable. 

3  The  bowls  were  placed  at  the  corners  of  the  house,  not  at  the  door, 
so  that  derivation  from  this  word  is  precluded. 


362  -       Roland  G.  Kent,  [1911. 

sign  made  with  the  hand',  hastdbharana-m  'an  ornament  for 
the  hand',  hastdlambha-s  'support  for  the  hand,  refuge,  hope'; 
Greek  xfLP-a7(^7r)lJLa  'a  leading  by  the  hand',  x€LP°~yPa(i>0s  'written 
by  the  hand',  x€LP°-tJiaVTL<s  'diviner  by  palmistry';  Latin  man- 
suetus  'accustomed  to  the  hand,  tame';  Gothic  handu-waurhts 
'made  with  the  hand';  English  handbill  'a  printed  sheet  to 
be  distributed  by  hand',  handbook  'book  of  reference  suitable 
for  carrying  in  the  hand  or  for  keeping  at  hand',  handcuff, 
handpress,  handshake,  handiwork,  manufacture. 

As  for  the  meaning  of  dasta-  =  'handwriting',  this  is  a 
meaning  found  in  English  hand,  German  Hand,  French  main, 
Italian  mano,  as  well  as  in  Greek  xc^>  and  in  Latin  manus: 

Hyperides  ap.  Poll.  II.  153  rty  avrov  x€Wa  apveia-Oai  'to  deny 
his  own  hand'. 

I  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians  xvi  21  6  ao-n-aoyzos  rfj  fay  xaP* 
IlavAov  'the  salutation  of  me  Paul  with  mine  own  hand'. 

Cicero  in  Catil.  3.  5.  12  manum  suam  cognovit  'he  admitted 
his  own  hand'. 

Cicero  ad  Att.  8.  13.  1  lippitudinis  meae  signum  tibi  sit 
librarii  manus  'let  the  scribe's  handwriting  be  evidence  to  you 
of  my  eye-trouble'. 

Cicero  ad  Att.  7.  2.  3  Alexidis  manum  amabamf  quod  tarn 
prope  accedebat  ad  similitudinem  tuae  litterae  'I  liked  Alexis' 
hand,  because  it  was  so  like  your  writing'. 

NTlfiDI  seems  now  to  mean  a  'handwritten  deterrent'  in 
distinction  from  a  'spoken  deterrent'.  'Hand'  is  indeed  not 
infrequently  used  in  opposition  to  'word',  but  in  the  sense  of 
'force';  so  Iliad  I.  77  eVeo-tv  KO.I  x6/00"^  a/>7i£€6V  'that  you  will 
defend  me  by  word  and  by  deed'  *  ;  but  in  the  case  ol  a  charm 
the  meaning  'force'  is  impossible.  The  alternatives  are  a 
'written  charm'  and  a  'spoken  charm';  and  the  word  'hand'  is 
readily  available  to  distinguish  the  former  from  the  latter, 
An  interesting  parallel  to  'spoken  deterrent'  is  found  in  Sanskrit: 
vdc-,  fern.,  'voice'  and  ksatd-  'hurt,  wounded,  destroyed,  violated', 
when  compounded,  form  a  neut.  subst.  vak-k$ata-  'offense  by 
words',  as  opposed  to  physical  assault:  and  vdc-  with  danda-, 
masc.,  'stick',  makes  vdg-danda-  'speech  assault,  reproof,  repri- 
mand, verbal  injury'. 


!)  Cf.  Iliad  I.  395   7}  ^m  .  .  .  fy  KO.I  fyyy,    and  the  common  idiom 


Vol.  xxxi.]        The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastablra.  363 

Phonetically  and  semantically,  therefore,  there  is  no  ob- 
jection to  this  etymology  for  KTnriDl;  but  there  are  two  other 
possibilities  in  the  Avestan,  that  should  not  be  overlooked: 

1.  boiwra-,   neut.  subst.,   'fight,   strife',   for  earlier  *baibra-1, 
would  become  Pehlevi  *bewr,   and  if  borrowed  with  omission 
of  the  weak  sound  w  would  give  Syriac  -ber-,  with  an  excellent 
sense:  'strife  or  fight  by  means  of  handwriting'.     The  omission 
of  the  w  is  however  a  serious  objection. 

2.  Avestan  var*zya-  'activity,  work',  a  substantivized  neuter 
adjective,  =  'faciendum'.     In   old  Persian   this  would  appear 
as  *v(a)rdya-  (written  *v(a)rdiya-).     Now  in  the  change  from 
old  Persian  or  Avestan  to  Pahlavi  the  group  r  +  consonant  +  ?/, 
or  consonant  +  r  +  y,   loses  the  consonant  and  the  y  palata- 
lizes an  a  in  the  preceding  syllable  to  e:  Pehlevi  der  =  Avestan 
*daryya-;  modern  Persian  terah  =  Avestan  tqOrya-,   Ser  'lion' 
=  Avestan   xSaOrya-   'royal'2.     Hence   old   Persian   *vardya-, 
Avestan  var*zya-  would  become  Pehlevi  *ver.    Were  this  bor- 
rowed with  a  hardening  of  v  to  &,  KTOHDI  with  Yl  from  this 
source  would  mean  'handiwork,  handwriting'.     This  etymology 
is  however   rendered   questionable   by  the  uncertainty  of  the 
treatment    of   Pahlavi   v   and    by   the   question    whether    the 
change  of  a  to  e  in  the  manner  described  would  be  complete 
and  definite  enough  to  cause  the  resultant  e  to  be  represented 
by  Semitic  \ 

To  return  then  to  Sanskrit  *hasta-bhira-,  Avestan  *zasta- 
blra-j  old  Persian  *dasta-bira-:  that  we  should  find  on  a 
Syriac  bowl  a  word  which  was  borrowed  from  Pahlavi,  al- 
though we  have  no  trace  of  it  in  Persian  of  any  date,  is  not 
so  remarkable  as  it  might  at  first  sight  seem.  The  sacred 
literature  of  the  Parsis,  as  now  extant,  is  but  a  small  portion 
of  the  original  writings.  Even  a  casual  glance  at  Bartholomae's 
Altiranisches  Worterbuch  reveals  that  many  words  occur  but 
once  in  the  extant  texts;  whence  it  is  evident  that  many 


*)  Sanskrit  bhdra-,  masc.,  'fight'  shows  the  root  in  'simpler  guise; 
Avestan  boiwra-  has  intensive  reduplication,  *bhai-bhra- ;  cf.  Bartholomae, 
Indogermanische  Forschungen  X.  100.  This  intensive  reduplication  is  seen 
in  Greek  8ai8a\os  'cunningly  wrought',  iranrd\Tj  'fine  flour',  irai^cWw  'I  dart 
quickly';  cf.  Brugmann,  Griechische  Grammatik*  §  299.  1. 

2)  Salemann,     op.  cit.  §  41. 


364    Roland  O.  Kent,  The  Etymology  of  Syriac  dastdbira.  [1911. 

words  used  in  the  lost  portions  perished  with  them1.  There 
is  therefore  no  inherent  improbability  in  assuming  the  former 
presence  of  Avestan  and  old  Persian  *l1ra-,  Pahlavi  *blr,  sur- 
viving in  Syriac  dasta-bir-d. 

i  Yet  it  is  possible  that  the  aorist  of  the  denominative  verb  to  the 
stem  Avestan  *blra-  is  concealed  within  the  corrupt  form  biraoSat,  occur- 
ring Pursisniha  18 :  tanu  .  mazo  asayaiti  yd  tanu  .  mazo  blraosat,  trans- 
lated by  Bartholomae  "ein  Asavserk  im  Pfandwert  des  Leibes  mufi  ver- 
richten,  wer  ein  Drugwerk  in  Pfandwert  des  Leibes  verbrochen  hat". 
Of.  Bartholomae,  op.  cit.,  p.  IX.  3;  col.  965  s.  v.  llraosat;  col.  637  s.  v. 
tanu .  mazah-.  If  we  have  here  a  denominative  to  *Mra-,  it  must  have 
progressed  from  the  meaning  'terrify'  to  'commit  a  terrifying,  frightful 
act',  a  quite  natural  semantic  change. 


The  Washington  MS.  of  Joshua. — By  MAX  L.  MARGOLIS, 
Professor   in  the  Dropsie  College,   Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Prof.  Sanders,  the  editor  of  the  Washington  MS.  of  Deutero- 
nomy and  Joshua  helonging  to  the  Freer  Collection,  discusses 
the  textual  problem  presented  by  the  new  uncial  at  length. 
Its  aspects  are  shown  to  differ  in  the  two  books.  In  Joshua 
"0  (=  Washington  MS.)  and  A  (=  codex  Alexandrinus)  stand 
closer  together  than  in  Deuteronomy,  but  still  represent  fairly 
independent  traditions,  as  is  shown  by  the  253  agreements 
between  0  and  B  (=  codex  Yaticanus)"-  In  the  forms  of 
names  "6  agrees  with  A  nine  times  as  often  as  it  does 
with  B". 

In  view  of  this  close  relationship  it  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  editor  chose  to  base  his  collation  on  B  rather  than  on  A. 
I  have  therefore  made  a  fresh  collation.  I  found  that  Prof. 
Sander's  work,  if  some  three  or  four  inaccuracies  are  excepted, 
is  most  perfect.  The  same  cannot,  however,  be  said  of  Swete's 
work.  In  round  50  places  Swete's  collation  is  inaccurate  so 
far  as  the  readings  of  A  are  concerned. 

On  the  basis  of  my  fresh  collation,  the  relationship  of  6 
and  A  as  members  of  one  and  the  same  group  is  unmistakable. 
Certain  omissions  in  6  are  intelligible,  i.  e.  explainable  as 
having  arisen  through  homoioteleuton,  only  when  the  text  of 
A  is  compared.  Comp.  7,  17;  11,  5;  17,  8;  and  for  the  con- 
verse process,  19,  31.  In  some  of  these  cases,  it  is  true,  another 
manuscript  steps  in  in  the  place  of  A  as  the  basis  of  the  mu- 
tilated text  underlying  6,  so  N.  Which  goes  to  show  that  we 
are  dealing  here  with  a  group  consisting  of  0,  A,  N,  possibly 
M,  and  a  number  of  cursives. 

The  disagreements  between  0  and  A  in  the  proper  names 
are,  generally  speaking,  of  a  nature  to  substantiate  rather 
than  to  invalidate  the  affinity  of  the  two  uncials,  the  diver- 
gence between  them  being  trifling,  when  their  common  devia- 


366  Max  Margolis,  [1911. 


tion  from  B  is  compared.  Comp.  e.  g.  aaAa*  6  aXa*  A  / 
[read  ax€/\K,  /cat  follows,  ==  p^nn]  B.  There  are,  of  course,  in- 
stances in  which  it  would  seem  that  either  6  or  A  has  moved- 
nearer  to  B.  But  their  proportionate  number  is  in  the  first 
place  too  small  to  be  taken  into  account;  and  secondly,  in 
nearly  all  of  them  we  have  to  do  with  readings  on  which  the 
two  forms  of  the  text  as  represented  by  B  and  A  have  never 
divided  to  an  appreciable  extent.  This  holds  good  even  where 
the  Hebrew  is  at  variance.  For,  if  A  be  but  a  text  adjusted 
to  the  Caesarean  standard  codex,  it  can  be  shown  that  Origen 
was  conservative  in  his  treatment  of  the  /com},  introducing  tacit 
emendations  only  where  the  common  reading  seemed  at  least 
to  him  to  be  hopelessly  corrupt.  Then  the  different  hands  of 
the  two  codices  must  be  taken  into  account.  When  further- 
more the  remaining  group-members  are  consulted,  the  reading 
of  6  or  A  reveals  itself  as  singular  or  sub-singular. 

As  for  the  remainder  of  the  text  not  covered  by  proper 
names,  my  own  count  yields  208  cases  in  which  6  goes  with  B 
against  A.  In  23  of  them  the  various  hands  of  the  three 
uncials  have  come  into  play.  Of  the  large  remainder  of  185 
instances  in  which  6  coincides  with  B  against  A,  more  than 
one  half  (95)  show  A  in  isolation  which  is  absolute  in  by  far 
the  greater  number  (55).  Of  these  absolutely  singular  readings, 
29  are  clear  errors;  4  are  decidedly  inferior;  of  the  remaining 
22,  two  may  perhaps  represent  corrections  to  minimize  the 
dissonance  with  the  Hebrew,  while  the  bulk  are  of  a  trifling 
character.  As  for  the  40  relatively  singular  readings,  10  may 
be  pronounced  to  be  errors  and  6  inferior;  in  4  there  is  a 
more  or  less  certain  adjustment  to  the  Hebrew,  :  while  in  one 
instance  the  omission  of  a  redundant  pronoun  eases  the  Greek; 
the  remaining  19  instances  concern  trifles. 

So  far  I  am  able  to  furnish  accurate  statistics.  But  my 
tabulation  still  remains  to  be  finished.  In  a  summary  way  I 
can  see  now  that  codex  121  is  a  close  relation  of  A,  sharing 
together  errors  and  singular  readings;  also  that  some  readings 
of  A  go  back  to  the  KOU/?J  in  some  other  form  than  the  one 
which  is  revealed  in  B. 

Where  A  has  moved  nearer  to  B,  it  is  frequently  a  case  of 
omitting  asterisked  passages.  Both  0  and  A  are  excerpts  from 
the  Septuagint  column  in  Origen's  work  which  have  been 
adjusted  to  a  KOIVTJ  text.  Following  the  well-known  prescriptioi 


Vol.  xxxi.]  The  Washington  MS.  oj  Joshua.  •'>''>  7 


of  Jerome,  obelized  passages  were  on  the  whole  retained, 
asterisked  passages  were  omitted.  Yet  the  redactors  of  the 
two  texts  in  question  did  not  always  coincide  in  the  amount 
excised. 

As  to  the  relative  merit  of  9  and  A,  0  is  the  more  accurate 
text.  But  inferior  readings  are  found  even  in  6.  The  two 
check  each  other's  errors  admirably. 

An  accurate  estimate  of  the  place  of  0  and  A  in  the  nar- 
rower group  to  which  they  belong  is  impossible  without  a 
fresh  collation  of  its  constituent  codices,  both  uncial  and  cur- 
sive. In  view  of  the  inaccuracies  in  Swete's  apparatus,  as  pointed 
out  above,  an  edition  of  the  complete  text  of  0  with  the 
variants  from  A  is  deemed  desirable  by  the  present  writer,  to 
serve  as  a  basis  for  a  collation  of  the  other  group-members, 
like  M  and  N  and  the  rest.  On  our  steep  road  to  the  earliest 
form  of  the  Septuagint,  we  need  resting  places,  points  of 
vantage;  such  are  the  groups,  narrower  and  wider,  into  which 
the  extant  texts  may  be  divided.  The  proper  names  in  the 
Book  of  Joshua  are  the  milestones  which  guide  the  investigator 
in  finding  his  way  to  texts  held  together  by  group  affinity. 
Thus,  in  the  Book  of  Joshua,  there  are  all  told  six  groups, 
of  which  three  show  traces  of  Origen's  Palestinian  text.  Among 
these  is  the  group  to  which  both  0  and  A  belong. 


A  Letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad  to  General 
C.  G.  Gordon.  —  By  GEORGE  SVERDRUP  JR.,  Professor 
in  Augsburg  Seminary,  Minneapolis,  Minn. 

This  letter  from  the  Mahdi  to  General  Gordon  is  found  in  a  manu- 
script belonging  to  the  collection  of  Arabic  manuscripts  made  by 
Count  Landberg,  and  presented  to  the  Yale  University  Library 
in  the  year  1900  by  Mr.  Morris  K.  Jesup.  The  manuscript  in 
question  is  a  collection  of  letters,  or  rather  copies  of  letters, 
written  by  the  Mahdi  on  various  occasions.  It  is  a  companion 
volume  to  one  which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Egyptian  In- 
telligence Office  in  Cairo.  Some  of  the  letters  found  in  the 
Yale  manuscript  are  also  found  in  the  Cairo  manuscript.  It 
differs  from  the  Cairo  manuscript  in  this,  that  it  contains  no 
letters  of  other  dignitaries  as  the  Cairo  one  does.  The  Cairo 
manuscript  was  captured  in  the  battle  of  Toski,  August  3,  1889. 
Just  where  or  how  Count  Landberg  obtained  possession  of 
this  manuscript  the  writer  has  been  unable  to  discover. 

The  Yale  manuscript  is  paged  continuously  up  to  page  503, 
of  which  the  last  nine  lines  are  blank.  Pages  251 — 352  are 
missing,  i.  e.  five  quinion  gatherings.  There  are  in  all  21  gather- 
ings; four  quaternions,  and  the  rest  quinions.  The  pages  have 
20  lines.  The  dimensions  of  the  manuscript  are  nine  and  one 
eighth  by  six  and  three  eighths  inches;  the  written  surface  seven 
and  one  eighth  by  four  and  five-eighths  inches.  At  the  bottom 
of  every  odd-numbered  page  there  is  a  catch-Avord.  Count 
Landberg  has  added  a  table  of  contents. 

In  the  manuscript  there  are  148  letters  and  proclamations 
each  beginning  with  the  phrase:  "In  the  name  of  God  the 
Merciful"  &c.  The  *JU  j^a^  and  the  beginning  word  of  quo- 
tations from  the  Koran  are  written  with  red  ink.  No  chrono- 
logical order  is  followed  in  the  arrangement  of  the  documents. 
The  dates  are  missing  from  many  of  the  letters,  among  which 
is  also  the  Gordon  letter.  In  his  appended  "Registre"  Count 


Vol.  xxxi.j   A  Letter  Jrom  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.  369 

Landberg  says:  "fort  a  regretter  est  cette  omission  surtout  dans 
la  lettre  interessante,  adressee  k  Gordon  pacha".  This  omission 
can  be  supplied,  at  least  for  the  date  on  which  Gordon  re- 
ceived the  letter,  as  will  be  shown.  The  Gordon  letter  is  found 
on  pages  470 — 475  of  the  manuscript. 

The  bibliography  for  the  history  of  the  Sudan  for  the  period 
1880  - 1900  is  lare,e,  especially  in  periodical  literature.  Attention 
here  is  called  only  to  the  very  important  sources.  First  of  all 
are  the  British  Government  "Blue  Books".  The  most  important 
then  are:  The  Journals  of  General  C.  G.  Gordon,  C.  B.,  at 
Kliartoum,  printed  from  the  original  manuscript  with  an  Intro- 
duction and  Notes  by  A.  Egmont  Hake,  Boston  1885;  Letters 
of  General  C.  G.  Gordon  to  his  sister  M.  A.  Gordon,  London, 
1888;  Fire  and  Stvord  in  the  Sudan,  1879-1895,  by  Eudolf 
C.  Slatin,  C.  B.,  translated  by  F.  E.  Wingate,  London  1896; 
A  Prisoner  of  the  Khaleefa  (Twelve  Years  Captivity  at  Om- 
durman),  by  Charles  Neufeld,  London,  1899;  Ten  Years  Cap- 
tivity in  the  Mahdi's  Camp,  by  Father  Joseph  Ohrwalder;  The 
Life  of  Gordon,  by  Demetrius  C.  Bulger,  two  vol.  s,  London, 
1896;  Mahdiism  and  the  Egyptian  Sudan,  by  Major  F.  R.  Win- 
gate,  D.  S.  0.,  E.  A.,  1891;  and  Modern  Egypt,  by  the  Earl 
of  Cromer,  two  vol.  s,  New  York,  1908.  Lord  Cromer's  ap- 
preciation of  General  Gordon  is  far  from  impartial;  but  his 
book  throws  much  light  upon  the  many  misunderstandings  be- 
tween these  two  men.  In  Arabic  there  is  the  important 
ob^J!  gj\3  by  Na'oum  Bey  Shoucair,  Chef  de  Bureau  in  the 
Agent-General's  Office  in  Cairo,  printed  in  Cairo,  1904.  Na'oum 
Bey  Shoucair  undoubtedly  had  much  to  do  with  gathering  the 
material  for  Wingate's  book.  At  any  rate  the  two  are  very 
similar  in  plan  and  contents. 


370 


George  Sverdrup, 


[1911. 


The  Text  of  the  Letter  (Arab.  ms.  Yale  543). 


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Vol.  xxxi.]    A  Letter  from  the  Mdhdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.   '>  /  1 


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Vol.  xxxi.]   A  Letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.     37$ 


Translation 

47018  In  the  name  of  God,  the  Merciful,  the  Compassionate! 
Praise  belongs  to  God,  the  Generous  Patron,  and  prayer  with 
peace  upon  our  Lord  Muhammad  and  his  family. 

19  From  the  Servant,  humble  in  the  eyes  of  his  Lord,  Mu- 
hammad al  Mahdi  ibn  as  Sayyid  Abdullah  to  the  representative 
of  Britain  and  of  the  Khedive  20  Gordon  Pasha. 

We  hereby  inform  you  that  God  (Praise  belongs  to  him  the  Most 
High)  in  his  patience  and  generosity  is  long  suffering,  but  he  does 
not  neglect  and  he  does  not  turn  aside  21  his  wrath  from  the 
guilty  people,  and  he  is  the  patron  of  the  believers.  The  Most 
High  said:  God  is  the  patron  of  those  who  believe;  he  leads  them 
out  4711  of  darkness  into  light;  but  they  who  do  not  believe,  their 
patrons  are  demons  who  lead  them  from  light  into  darkness; 


me.  <£^*>.  ms.  xj-^.  ms.  ^.  ms. 

ms.  LXsk.1.  f  ms.  lyo. 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  IV.  26 


376  George  Sverdrup,  [191L 

2  they  are  fellows  of  the  fire,  in  which  they  shall  remain  for 
ever."a 

He  has  pointed  out  [the  true  way  of  life]  in  the  glorious 
Koran  and  others  of  his  ancient  books  and  3by  the  tongue  of 
every  apostle,  prophet,  and  faithful  devotee,  censuring  this  world 
and  making  the  wise  wary  of  it.  He  has  called  them  4to 
the  hereafter  and  incited  them  to  it,  for  it  is  the  house  of 
continuance,  strength,  glory,  great  honor,  the  exalted  place, 
5  the  sublime  abode,  and  the  pleasant  life.  Just  as  the  word 
of  the  Most  High  points  out  in  regard  to  all  this:  "Know 
that  this  present  life  is  only  6a  toy,  a  plaything,  a  vain  amuse- 
ment, a  source  of  rivalry  among  you,  and  a  striving  for  in- 
crease of  property  and  children.  It  is  like  a  rain-growth 
whose  vegetation  pleases  the  unbelievers,  7then  it  withers  away 
and  you  may  see  it  turn  yellow  and  finally  it  becomes  dry 
stubble.  But  in  the  hereafter  [there  will  be]  a  severe  punish- 
ment [for  those  who  seek  the  glory  of  this  world] ;  and  pardon 
from  8God,  and  favor  [for  those  who  renounce  it].  The  life 
of  this  world  is  only  a  deceitful  provision.  Hasten  with  emu- 
lation after  pardon  from  your  Lord,  and  Paradise,  the  extent 
of  which  9  equals  the  extent  of  heaven  and  earth,  prepared  for 
those  who  believe  in  God  and  his  apostles.  This  is  the  bounty 
of  God  which  he  will  give  10to  whom  he  pleases  and  God  is 
endowed  with  great  bounty ."b 

One  who  is  guided  aright  as  to  the  signs  knowns  that  he 
who  acknowledges  the  truth  of  the  n  belief  in  God  and  his 
Apostle  is  very  near  to  God,  he  must  attain  his  desire,  he  will 
get  his  reward  and  be  given  12what  souls  like  and  eyes  de- 
light in.  Yerily  no  one  can  escape  his  punishment  and  penalty 
and  every  evil  13of  this  world  and  the  next  except  through 
him  [God]  together  with  great  fear  of  his  [God's]  wrath  and 
renunciation  of  this  world  and  its  life  uand  of  any  reliance 
upon  it.  It  is  transitory,  base,  deceitful,  treacherous.  There 
is  no  peace  in  it,  and  no  pleasure  15in  comparison  with  the 
great  good  which  is  with  God  in  the  abode  of  joy.  But 
whoever  loves  this  world  and  cherishes  it  above  the  16next, 
God  will  cast  him  headlong  into  everlasting  hell,  as  the  word 
of  the  Most  High  says:  "And  he  who  has  transgressed  and 


*  Koran  2^8-259. 
b  Koran  5719-21. 


Vol.  zxxi.]    A  Letter  from  the  MaMi  Muhammad  Altmttd,  <£c,    :)77 

lias  chosen  this  present  life;  17 verily  lid!  slmll  he  i i is  abode." a 
So  it  is  plain  that  there  is  no  profit  in  the  honor  of  \\\'T 
world  and  in  its  life,  wealth  and  "property,  hut  only  prolong- 
ed regret  in  the  hereafter.  To  this  effect  there  has  come 
down  from  Jesus,  son  of  Mary  (upon  our  prophet  and  upon 
Him  19be  the  blessing  of  God  and  his  peace)  the  saying:  "Oh 
company  of  disciples!  Pass  through  this  world,  but  make  not 
your  abode  in  it.  Verily  I  have  not  found  for  you  20in  it  an 
abiding  place.  Take  the  temples  of  God  as  [your]  house  and 
take  your  houses  as  temples,  every  one  of  you  also  the  tra- 
veler." 47 11  And  from  Him  (upon  whom  be  peace)  [is  the 
following]:  "Oh  company  of  disciples!  Eat  barley-bread  with 
coarse  salt,  but  do  not  eat  except  when  hungry.  Put  on  gar- 
ments made  of  woven  hair-cloth  and  go  out  from  this  world 
saved.  Verily  I  tell  you  3the  sweets  of  this  world  are  bitter 
in  the  next  and  the  servants  of  God  are  not  those  who  live 
in  worldly  pleasure." 

And  from  the  Apostle  of  God  4(God  bless  him  and  give 
him  peace):  "Two  hungry  wolves  let  into  a  sheep-cote  would 
not  do  more  damage  to  it  than  5the  desire  of  man  for  condition 
and  high  station  does  to  his  religion." 

It  is  told  that  he  (God  bless  him  and  give  him  peace)  was 
walking  along  with  a  number  of  his  companions  6-in  one  of  the 
streets  of  Medina  when  they  came  upon  a  dead  goat  cast  aside 
in  it.  So  he  said  (God  bless  him  and  give  him  peace)  "By 
Allah,  7  Surely  this  world  is  more  despised  by  God  than  this 
goat  by  its  owners  to  cast  it  aside."  And  because  it  is  more 
8  despised  than  a  carcass,  the  Apostle  of  God  (God  bless  him 
and  give  him  peace)  enjoined  upon  his  companions  and  the 
rest  of  his  people  his  word:  9  "Let  that  of  this  world  which 
satisfies  any  one  of  you  be  like  the  provisions  of  a  traveller." 
And  he  said  (God  bless  him  and  give  him  peace)  in  giving 
warning  against  it:  "It  may  be  likened  to  two  things.  [The 
second  is  that]  10  this  world  is  like  the  condition  of  a  traveller 
under  the  shade  of  a  tree,  then  he  goes  away  and  leaves  it." 

There  is  no  guide  except  God,  as  also  the  Most  High  said: 
11  "He  therefore  who  is  directed,  will  be  directed  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  his  own  soul,  but  he  who  errs,  he  will  err."b 


a  Koran  7937-39. 
b  Koran 


378  George  SverdrUp,  [1911. 

Since  this  is  so,  then  it  is  12  plain  that  I  am  the  one  who 
invites  to  God,  and  the  Khalifa  of  the  Apostle  of  God  (God 
bless  him  and  give  him  peace)  and  that  I  am  the  Mahdi,  the. 
expected  one,  13and  this  is  no  boast. 

God  has  authorized  me  to  proclaim  mercy  upon  whosoever 
obeys  him  and  follows  the  direction  of  his  prophet  Muhammad 
(God  bless  him  and  give  him  peace),  and  vengeance  14upon 
whosoever  rebels  against  him  and  disobeys  him  and  follows  his 
devil,  his  own  inclination  and  desire,  and  cleaves  to  this  world. 
I  have  ad15dressed  you  before  this  explaining  my  condition 
in  detail  and  have  invited  you  to  Islam  and  the  faith.  You 
should  16have  answered  with  submission  and  obedience  before 
you  had  seen  what  you  have  seen.  And,  what  is  more,  that 
which  I  told  you  17  before  was  only  to  guide  you  aright,  and 
for  the  sake  of  your  peace  and  happiness  in  your  condition 
and  your  property,  if  you  had  known  and  understood  18the 
truth  of  what  I  said.  How  good  my  intention  towards  you 
was!  And  I  have  not  ceased  trying  to  promote  your  welfare 
and  wishing  you  good  in  the  hope  19  that  God  might  open  your 
breast  to  Islam  and  that  you  might  turn  to  the  command  of 
God,  the  king,  the  all  knowing,  and  that  you  might  be  one  of 
those  who  submit  themselves  20and  yield  to  the  Lord  of  ser- 
vants and  who  fear  the  day  of  judgement,  "a  day  whereon 
the  master  and  the  servant  will  be  of  no  avail  to  one  another,"* 
nor  rank,  47  31  nor  property,  nor  household,  nor  family,  nor 
condition  of  wealth.  But  the  promise  is  true  and  the  threat 
reliable  as  2he  who  is  great  in  rank  and  strong  in  power  said: 
"And  he  into  whose  right  hand  his  book  shall  be  given,  will 
say:  'Take,  read  my  book;  verily  I  thought  3that  I  should  be 
brought  to  my  account.'  His  shall  be  a  pleasant  life  in  a 
lofty  garden  whose  fruits  shall  be  near  at  hand.  4Eat  and 
drink  with  enjoyment,  because  of  what  you  have  sent  before 
you  in  the  days  which  are  passed.  But  he  into  whose  left  hand 
his  book  shall  be  given,  will  say  5  Would  that  I  had  not  re- 
ceived this  book  and  that  I  had  not  known  what  my  account 
is!  Would  that  I  had  died!  My  riches  do  not  profit  me  and 
my  power  is  gone  6from  me.'  Take  him  and  bind  him  and 
cast  him  into  the  fire  to  be  burned,  then  put  him  into  a  chain 


Koran  44**. 


Vol.  xxxi.]   A  Letter  from  the  Mdhdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.     .'i  <  i> 

of  the  length  of  seventy  cubits  7 because  ho  believed  not  in  the 
Great  God."a 

And  it  has  been  reported  to  me  that  your  deeds  are  good 
externally  8with  the  people  of  Islam.  But  God  the  Most  High 
said:  "But  the  unbelievers,  their  works  are  like  the  mirage  in 
a  plain,  which  the  thirsty  (traveller |  thinks  9is  water,  until, 
when  he  comes  to  it,  he  finds  it  nothing;  but  he  finds  God 
with  him  and  he  will  fully  pay  him  his  account,  10and  God 
is  swift  in  taking  account;  or,  as  the  darkness  in  a  deep  sea, 
covered  by  waves  on  waves,  above  which  are  clouds,  n  being 
darkness  one  above  the  other,  when  one  stretches  forth  his 
hand,  he  can  scarcely  see  it.  And  unto  whomsoever  God  does 
not  grant  light,  12  he  enjoys  no  light  at  all." b 

So  adorn  your  work  with  faith  and  cleanse  it  from  the  pol- 
lution of  unbelief,  since  you  will  then  become  high  in  position 
13  and  your  works  will  become  good  externally  and  internally, 
and  the  fruits  thereof  will  be  yours. 

You  have  gone  to  the  pains  of  making  inquiry  in  regard 
to  us  14  formerly  in  that  you  addressed  us  and  sent  us  a  messenger 
and  asked  return  of  the  embassy;0  and  this  is  to  me  ^evi- 
dence that  you  are  the  wisest  of  the  people  of  your  government 
since  they  have  not  addressed  me  as  you  have  with  their  pro- 
fession of  Islam.  16  You  alone  are  excepted.  But  their  wickedness 
has  been  revealed  to  me,  that  they  are  the  worst  of  men  in 
unbelief;  and  they  shall  perish  at  my  hand  company  after 
17  company.  But  my  desire  for  you  is  escape  from  this  so  that 
you  may  be  safe  with  those  who  are  safe  and  that  you  may 
be  of  the  perfect  who  18  ponder  "upon  the  creation  of  heaven 
•and  earth "d  and  who  understand  in  their  sagacity  the  power 
of  God  and  they  say:  "Oh  Lord,  By  no  means  19have  you 
created  this  in  vain,  Praise  be  to  thee,  deliver  us  from  the 
torment  of  hell,  Oh  Lord!  Verily,  whom  you  cast  into  hell, 
him  you  cover  with  shame,  20and  assuredly  the  evil-doers  have 
no  helpers.  Lord,  we  have  heard  a  crier  summoning. to  the 
faith,  saying,  Believe  in  your  Lord!  4741We  believe,  Oh 
Lord,  so  pardon  us  our  faults  and  wipe  away  from  us  our  evils 
and  receive  us  among  the  pious,  Oh  Lord,  and  give  us  what 
you  have  promised  us  2by  your  apostles  and  do  not  cover  us 

a  Koran  6919-33.        b  Koran  2439-40, 
c  See  Remark  2.         d  Koran  3188. 


380  George  Sverdrup,  [1911. 

with  shame  on  the  day  of  resurrection.  Yerily,  you  do  not 
abandon  the  promises." a 

See  how  gracious  is  the  answer  of  God  to  them  in  his 
word:  3"I  will  not  permit  the  work  of  him  among  you  who 
works  to  be  lost,  whether  it  be  male  or  female;  the  one  of  you 
is  from  the  other.  They  therefore  who  have  left  their  country 
and  have  been  turned  out  4of  their  houses  and  have  suffered 
for  my  sake  and  have  been  slain  in  battle;  verily  I  will  wipe 
out  their  evil  deeds  from  them,  and  I  will  surely  bring  them 
into  gardens  5  through  which  rivers  flow,  a  reward  from  God 
and  with  God  is  the  most  excellent  reward.  Let  not  the 
success  6of  the  unbelievers  in  the  land  deceive  you,  it  is  but 
a  slender  provision  and  then  their  receptacle  shall  be  hell,  an 
unpleasant  couch.  But  they  who  fear  the  Lord  shall  have 
7  gardens  through  which  rivers  flow,  they  shall  dwell  therein 
forever.  This  is  the  gift  of  God,  for  what  is  with  God  will 
be  better  for  the  righteous." b 

The  reply  which  you  have  written  to  the  dervishes  who  are 
shut  up  has  come  to  me  and  he  whom  you  mention  giving 
information  that  9you  desire  submission,  but  the  interference 
of  the  counsellors  who  are  with  you  hinders  you.c  On  this 
account  my-  pity  increases  for  you  10  and  for  them  and  for  the 
weakd  who  -are  shut  up  from  me,  and  I  wish  for  them  all 
right  guidance. 

I  have  thought  about  your  condition,  standing  nby  the 
obligation  God  has  imposed  upon  me,  and  I  have  written  to 
you  this  [letter]  and  it  is  sent  to  you  by  four  dervishes  of  our 
helpers  who  have  freely  given  themselves  to  God  in  seeking 
for  the  joy  which  is  with  him,  and  great  is  the  reward  and 
God  will  reward  them  well.  They  are  13  Muhammad  Ahmad 
and  Basil-,  those  whom  we  sent  to  you  in  the  first  place  with 
the  reply  to  your  letter,  and  with  them  are  two  Muslims, 
14  Muhammad  Yusuf,  your  lieutenant,  and  Jabir  (these  are 
their  names).6  So  if  you  choose  prosperity  and  desire  your 
salvation  in  the  two  abodes,  [then]  on  15the  arrival  of  our 
answer  to  you  and  to  the  [others]  named,  hasten  to  reply  to 
us  and  submit  yourself  before  our  arrival  and  be  with  themf 

a  Koran  3188-192.  b  Koran  3193-197. 
c  See  Remark  2.  d  See  Remark  3. 
e  See  Remark  4.  f  See  Remark  5. 


Vol.  xxxi.]    A  Letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.    381 

16  in  one  state  until  we  arrive  in  two  days  in  luisto,  if  God 
the  Most  High  wishes,  and  behold  he  is  17my  protector. 

My  intention  is  personally  to  hasten  after  them.  So  if,  on 
our  arrival,  we  find  you  Muslim  then  all  will  be  well;  but  if 
not  18"then  God  will  accomplish  what  is  decreed".4  "And 
they  who  do  wrong  shall  know  with  what  treatment  they  shall 
be  treated  in  the  hereafter."6 

19  So  know  that  if  you  submit  yourself,  as  we  have  advised 
you,  before  our  arrival,  then  our  pledge  of  safety  will  be  for 
you,  your  property,  20your  household,  and  everything  which 
your  hands  control,  both  little  and  great,  excepting  the  special 
perquisite  of  the  Ameer  as  that  is  a  booty.  475JAnd  who- 
ever of  the  Christians  who  are  with  you  that  submits  himself 
likewise  is  safe  upon  this  condition  which  we  have  just  written. 

2  We  pledge  you  safety  upon  this  condition,  all  of  you,  with 
the   pledge    of  God  and   his  Apostle,  and  the  pledge  of  the 
servant  of  God.    So  put  an  end  to  the  shedding  of  your  blood, 

3  and  look  to  your  lives  and  property,  and  let  not  the  greatness 
of  your  number,  the  assistance  and  the  army  upon  which  you 
rely,    deceive  you.     4Our  reliance  is  God,  than  whom  there  is 
no  other.   His  might  cannot  be  measured  and  his  army  cannot 
be    defeated.     How  could  it   be,  seeing  that  he  is  "the  Wise 
and   5the   Knowing"?0     The    fulfillment    of  the    covenant    is 
surely  binding  upon  us  as  soon  as  you  agree  to  the  conditions 
in  our  reply,  otherwise  not. 

A  letter  has  heen  sent  by  us  to  our  agent  Muhammad 
Othman  Abu  Kerjah  with  orders  in  regard  to  you  and  we 
have  authorized  him  to  deal  with  you  in  accordance  with  our 
'pledge. 

So  if  God  has  put  into  your  heart  the  light  of  faith  and 
you  continue  in  grace,  then  go  out  to  the  said  man  and  have 
a  8  conference  with  him  through  the  mediation  of  the  dervishes 
who  are  sent  and  do  not  delay,  as  formerly,  in  following  the 
erring  ones,  espicially  9the  evil  counsellors. 

[The  saying]  has  come  down:  "When  you  see  a  wise  man 
loving  this  world,  be  suspicious  of  him  as  to  his  position  in 
regard  to  your  religion,  and  do  not  ever  listen  to  him  10  in  any 
advice  of  his."  Verily  they  love  this  world  and  are  nothing 


a  Koran  843,  46.        b  Koran  26228.        «  Koran  618,  73 ;  .341. 


382  George  Sverdrup,  [1911. 

but  dogs.  His  word  is  (God  bless  him  and  give  him  peace): 
"This  world  nis  a  carcass  and  those  who  desire  it  are  dogs." 
Whether  they  like  or  not,  the  command  of  God,  the  Most. 
High,  is  executed  inspite  of  them.  So  the  first  demand  12upon 
them  is  obedience  and  a  reasonable  reply.  If  they  believe  in 
God,  surely  it  is  well  for  them. 

And  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  I  have  the  light  of  God 
13  and  the  authorization  of  his  Apostle  (God  bless  him  and 
give  him  peace)  I  would  not  have  invited  any  one;  nor  would 
it  be  fitting  that  I  say  anything  nor  14busy  myself  with  the 
matter,  for  a  moment  even. 

This  is  a  warning  to  you,  so  hearken  and  turn  15to  your 
Lord  and  submit  yourself  to  him  before  punishment  comes 
upon  you.  Then  you  will  not  be  helped. 

Verily  God  does  not  injure  man  in  anything,  I6but  man 
injures  himself.  So  beware  lest  you  injure  yourself  and  repent 
when  17  repentance  avails  not. 

Happy  is  the  man  who  is  warned  by  another  and  hastens 
to  his  own  good.  So  come  to  salvation  before  your  wings  are 
clipped. 

Peace  be  upon  him  who  follows  the  right  guidance. 

Remarks. 

Op 

Remark  1.  The  letter  is  not  dated  in  the  manuscript.  From 
the  sources  available  it  appears  that  Gordon  received  only 
three  formal  letters  from  the  Mahdi.  At  least  no  reference 
to  any  others  has  been  found.  Of  these  three  the  first  one, 
which  was  received  by  Gordon  March  22,  1884,  is  translated 
in  full  in  Major  (now  Sirdar)  AVingate's  book:  Mahdiism  and 
the  Egyptian  Sudan  (1891)  pp.  Ill — 115,  and  is  dated  March 
10,  1884.a  The  second  letter  was  received  by  Gen.  Gordon 
Sept.  9,  1884,  the  day  before  the  steamer  "Abbas"  was  sent 
down  the  Nile.b  It  together  with  the  other  documents  was 
lost  in  the  wreck  of  the  "Abbas".  The  third  letter  was  received 

a  In  Boulger's  Life  of  Gordon,  London  1896,  vol.  ii.  p.  136 :  "Even  the 
Mahdi  himself  made  his  contribution  to  the  general  tribute,  by  sending 
Gen.  Gordon  on  his  arrival  a  formal  'salaam'  or  message  of  respect." 
Gordon  arrived  at  Khartoum  Feb.  18,  1884. 

b  Gordon's  Journals,  Sept.  11.  The  references  to  Gordon's  Journals 
are  iriade  to  "The  Journals  of  Major  Gen.  C.  G.  Gordon,  C.  B.  at  Khar- 
toum" edited  by  a  Egmont  Hake,  Boston,  1885. 


Vol.  xxxi.J     A  letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c. 

by  Gordon  Oct.  22,  1884,a  and  is  translated  in  full  in  Appendix 
IT  pp.  453—459  of  the  "Journals".  This  last  letter  tells  of  the 
wreck  of  the  "Abbas"  on  Sept.  18,  1884. 

This  points  at  once  to  our  letter  as  the  one  Gordon  received 
Sept.  9,  and  which  was  lost  in  the  wreck  of  the  "Abbas";  but 
as  there  is  a  possibility  of  other  letters  of  which  no  mention 
has  been  found,  further  proof  is  necessary. 

The  letter  which  Gordon  received  on  Sept.  9  was  sent  by 
means  of  two  Muslims  and  some  dervishes.b  The  names  of  the 
two  Muslims  as  given  in  Ibrahim's  letter  are  Mohammed  Yusuf 
and  George  Calamantino;  and  as  given  in  the  manuscript  letter 
are  Muhammad  Yusuf  and  Jabir.  In  a  letter  from  Abd-er- 
Rahman  en-Nejumi,c  el-Jabir  is  identified  with  George  Cala- 
mantino. The  letter  referred  to  in  Gordon's  Journals  as  being 
received  on  Sept.  9  and  the  manuscript  letter  were  sent  by 
the  same  messengers. 

Muhammad  Yusuf  was  the  Italian  Giuseppe  Cuzzi.'1  Cuzzi 
was  taken  captive  at  the  fall  of  Berber,  May  26,  1884,  and 
sent  to  Abu  Kerjah,  who  was  in  command  of  the  besiegers  of 
Khartoum.  Abu  Kerjah  tried  through  the  mediation  of  Cuzzi 
to  induce  Gordon  to  surrender,  and  failing  in  this  he  sent  him 
to  the  Mahdi  at  Eahad.6  The  Mahdi  sent  him  back  to  Khar- 
toum together  with  George  Calamantino  with  letters  for  Gordon. 
In  his  Journal  for  Sept.  11  Gordon  says:  "Soon  after  Cuzzi 
had  left  for  the  Arab  camp  two  dervishes  came  in  with  the 
Mahdi's  letter."  The  facts  seem  to  be  that,  when  the  messengers 
from  the  Mahdi  arrived  at  the  Arab  camp  besieging  Khartoum, 
Cuzzi  for  some  reason  or  other  wanted  to  get  into  Khartoum 
before  the  letter  was  delivered,  and  as  soon  as  he  returned  to 
the  camp  the  letter  was  sent  in.  As  stated  in  Gordon's  Jour- 
nal, Sept.  11,  there  is  some  discrepancy  in  the  account,  for  he 
says  Cuzzi  came  into  the  city  "yesterday"  i.  e.  Sept.  10,  while 


a  See  Gordon's  Journals,  Oct.  22. 

b  See  the  letter  of  Ibrahim  Abd  el-Kader  in  App.  A  to  Gordon's 
Journals,  p.  371,  which  is  dated  Sept.  9,  1884;  and  cp.  the  manuscript 
letter  p.  474  1.  11,  13,  and  14. 

c  App.  A  2  to  Gordon's  Journals,  p.  374. 

d  Gordon's  Journals,  Sept.  13. 

e  R.  C.  Slatin :  Fire  and  Sword  in  the  Sudan,  1879—1895.  p.  305.  Father 
Joseph  Ohrwalder:  Ten  Years  Captivity  in  the  Mahdi  s  Camp,  p.  li;">t'. 
Rahad  is  about  200  miles  south  of  Khartoum. 


384  George  Sverdmp,  [1911. 

he  says  the  letter  was  received  Sept.  9.  Slatin  saysa  that 
Calamantino  was  admitted  into  the  city  but  Cuzzi  refused 
admittance.  It  may  be  that  Cuzzi  incurred  Gordon's  suspicion,, 
and  was  refused  permission  to  come  into  Khartoum  a  second  time. 

The  Mahdi  says  in  the  manuscript  letter  that  he  has  autho- 
rized Abu  Kerjah  to  treat  with  Gordon.b  Gordon  says  in  his 
Journals  for  Sept.  13:  "Mahdi  proposes  that  I  should  put 
myself  on  my  surrender  (!)  under  Abou  Gugliz,  who  is  a 
notorious  breaker  of  the  dervish  rules."  And  in  a  letter  from 
Gordon  to  Abd-er-Rahman  is  the  following :  "  Mahomed  Aclnned 
informs  us  that  he  ordered  Abou  Kerjah  to  convert  us  to  his 
faith.c  The  letter  is  dated  2nd  Zu'l  Hejjeh  1301;  Aug.  24, 
1884.d  In  Gordon's  Journals  Abu  Kerjah  is  consistently  called 
Abou  Gugliz. 

The  following,  which  undoubtedly  refers  to  our  letter  and  is  a 
good  summary  of  it,  is  taken  from  a  letter  from  Abd-er-Rahman 
en-Nejumi  to  Gordon.6  This  letter  has  no  date,  but  it  was  re- 
ceived by  Gordon  Sept.  21.  It  says:  "The  Imam  has  written 
to  thee  the  truth  in  leading  thee  to  God ;  and  also  that  which 
concerns  thy  salvation  and  that  of  those  with  thee  and  how 
thou  mayest  attain  salvation  in  this  world  and  in  the  next." 

The  above  evidence  points  clearly  to  our  letter  as  the  one 
that  Gordon  received  Sept.  9,  1884. 

It  is  impossible  to  determine  the  date  on  which  the  letter 
was  written.  It  must  have  been  after  June,  1884,  and  pro- 
bably before  the  Mahdi  left  Rahad,  which  according  to  Ohr- 
walder  was  Aug.  8,  and  according  to  Slatin  Aug.  22.  Both 
Ohrwalder  and  Slatin  are  very  sparing  in  giving  exact  dates. 

Remark  2.  Just  what  the  reference  in  ms.  letter  p.  473  1, 
14  is,  is  not  evident.  It  may  be  that  Cuzzi  when  he  came 
to  the  Mahdi  represented  himself  as  a  messenger  from  Gordon, 
and  told  the  Mahdi  that  he  was  authorized  to  tell  him  that 
Gordon  would  surrender  if  he  dared,  but  that  the  Ulema  of 
Khartoum  prevented  him.f  The  Mahdi  calls  Cuzzi  in  the 


a  Slatin,  F.  and  8.  in  Sudan,  p.  304—305. 
b  Vide  ms.  letter  474  1.  6. 
c  App.  M  to  Gordon's  Journals  p.  397. 
d  Aug.  24  is  wrong;  it  should  be  Sept.  23. 
e  App.  L  to  Gordon's  Journals,  p.  392. 
f  Ms.  letter  475  1.  9. 


Vol.  xxxi.]    A  letter  from  the  Mahdi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c. 

letter  "your  wakil"  (lieutenant).*  It  is  impossible!  that  Gor- 
don should  ever  have  offered  to  surrender  and  turn  Mus- 
lim. Cuzzi  may  have  presented  things  thus  to  the  Malidi  to 
gain  his  favor.  Ohnvaldrr  s,-iys  that  the  Mahdi  received  him 
well,  loaded  him  with  presents  and  then  sent  him  back  to 
Gordon  with  a  letter. 

Giuseppe  Cuzzi  had  been  English  Consular  Agent  at  Berber. 
Shortly  before  the  fall  of  Berber  (May  26,  1884)  Cuzzi  had 
been  dismissed  by  Sir  Evelyn  Baring  (now  Lord  Cromer)  for 
criticizing  Baring's  plan  of  opening  the  road  from  Suakin  to 
Berber.  Gordon  therefore  thought  that  Cu//i  had  betrayed 
Berber  to  the  Arabs  for  revenge.  Neither  Slatin  nor  Ohr- 
walder  say  anything  about  Cuzzi  as  being  a  traitor,  but  circum- 
stantial evidence  is  against  him.  For  after  the  fall  of  Berber 
Cuzzi  was  sent  to  Abu  Kerjah  who  was  besieging  Khartoum. 
Abu  Kerjah  sent  him  to  Gordon  to  induce  him  to  surrender 
but  failed.  He  was  then  sent  to  the  Mahdi  who  received  him 
so  well.  After  the  letter  had  been  delivered  to  Gordon  Cuzzi 
went  again  to  Berber.  He  evidently  had  more  freedom  than 
Slatin  or  Ohrwalder.  The  probability  too  that  he  entered 
Khartoum  alone  before  the  letter  was  delivered  points  to  some 
double  dealing  on  his  part  -  -  whether  he  was  plotting  against 
Khartoum  or  simply  working  to  save  himself  is  hard  to  tell. 
If  Cuzzi  w^as  such  a  man,  it  is  easy  to  believe  that  he  posed 
before  the  Mahdi  as  an  agent  of  Gordon.  This  would  also 
give  a  good  reason  why  the  Mahdi  should  write  this  letter. 
The  other  two  letters  were  written,  each  of  them,  because  of 
some  special  reason  -  -  the  first  one  in  answer  to  Gordon's 
letter  appointing  the  Mahdi  Sultan  of  Kordofan,  and  the  other 
to  tell  Gordon  about  the  capture  of  the  steamer  "Abbas". 

It  may  also  be  that  the  reference  is  to  the  first  messages 
which  Gen.  Gordon  sent  to  the  Mahdi  making  overtures  to 
him  and  appointing  him  governor  of  Kordofan,  the  first  step 
in  carrying  out  the  British-Egyptian  policy  of  evacuating  the 
Sudan  and  withdrawing  the  Egyptian  troops.  That  was  what 
Gordon  had  been  sent  to  the  Sudan  to  do. 

Remark  3.  By  the  "weak"b  were  probably  meant  the  wives 
and  children  left  behind  in  Khartoum  by  Muhammadans  who 


a  Ms.  letter  474  1.  14. 
b   Ms.  letter  474  1.10. 


386  George  Sverdrup,  [1911. 

had  gone  out  to  the  Mahdi  and  submitted  themselves  to  him. 
This  was  a  cool  piece  of  calculation  on  the  part  of  these  men ; 
for,  if  GTordon  held  out  till  the  English  came,  their  families, 
and  property  were  safe,  should  the  Mahdi  succeed  in  taking 
Khartoum  they  could  rely  upon  their  fidelity  in  the  Mahdi's 
cause  to  protect  their  families  and  property.  Because  Gordon 
permitted  this  he  is  criticized  severely  by  Father  Ohrwaldera 
who  maintains  that  the  ethics  of  war  are  not  those  of  peace 
and  had  Gordon  driven  these  "weak  ones"  out  he  would  have 
saved  on  his  food  supplies  and  have  been  able  to  hold  out 
longer.  It  was  at  no  time  Gordon's  policy  to  hinder  those 
who  wished  to  go  out  to  the  Mahdi.  He  would  not,  however, 
permit  those  who  went  out  to  come  back  again.  The  men  who 
went  may  have  told  the  Mahdi  that  the  reason  they  did  not 
take  their  families  with  them  was  that  Gordon  would  not 
permit  them  to  do  so. 

During  the  siege  there  were  several  attempts  at  conspiracy 
which  Gordon  nipped,  putting  the  leaders  in  prison.  The 
reference  may  be  to  such  men. 

Remark  4.  In  the  letter  there  are  five  persons  mentioned 
by  name:b  Muhammad  Ahmad,  Basir,  Muhammad  Yusuf, 
Jabir,  and  Abu  Kerjah.  Muhammad  Ahmad  and  Basir  are 
spoken  of  as  having  been  the  messengers  who  brought  the 
letter  of  March  10,  1884.  Muhammad  Ahmad  is  too  common 
a  name  to  be  easily  identified.  There  is  a  Muhammad  Ahmad 
wad  el  Bedri  .who  is  called  by  Ohrwalderc  one  of  the  Mahdi's 
early  and  favorite  adherents.  Wad  el  Besir  is  mentioned  by 
Ohrwalderd  as  being  sent  by  the  Mahdi  to  head  the  revolt 
of  the  tribes  of  Gezireh  which  is  between  the  Blue  and  White 
Niles.  Slatin0  also  mentions  this  man  and  calls  him  a  brother- 
in-law  of  the  Mahdi.  Ohrwalder  calls  him  a  son-in-law  of  the 
Mahdi.  These  two  men  are  probably  the  ones  referred  to  in 
the  letter. 

Muhammad  Yusuf  is  Giuseppe  Cuzzi,  and  Jabir  is  the  Greek 
George  Calamantino.f  Abu  Kerjah's  name  is  spelled  variously 
Abou  Gurgy,  Abu  Girgeh,  and  Abu  Girgah.  He  is  also  called 


a  Ohrwalder  op.  ci.  p.  152. 

b  Ms.  letter  p.  474  1.  13.  14  and  p.  475  1.  6. 

c  Op.  cit..  p.  10.        d  Op.  cit.,  p.  94. 

e  Slatin,  op  cit.,  p.  280.         f  Cp.  Remark  1. 


Vol.  xxxi.]    A  letter  from  the  MaMi  Muhammad  Ahmad,  &c.    :>s  < 

Abou  Gugliz.  His  full  name  is  Hajji  Muhammad  ( )sman  (or 
Othman)  Abu  Kerjali.  Abu  Kcrjah  is  written  <^y»  y\.  In 
Egypt  both  3  and  ^  are  pronounced  as  hard  g.  Gordon's 
name  is  spelled  in  two  ways:  ^$>f  and  ^>j^ . 

Remark  5.  Ms.  letter,  p.  474  1.  16.  At  first  glance  this 
seems  to  give  a  clue  to  the  date  of  the  writing  of  the  letter; 
but,  if  the  letter  was  writen  before  the  Mahdi  left  Rahad,  it 
would  mean  that  the  Mahdi  expected  to  reach  Khartoum  two 
days  after  the  messengers  with  the  letter  did.  There  is  no 
means  at  hand  for  determining  how  long  it  would  take  the 
messengers  to  cover  the  distance  of  about  two  hundred  miles 
between  Rahad  and  Khartoum.  It  would  seem  from  this  that 
the  letter  must  have  been  written  some  time  in  August  - 
probably  after  the  middle  -  -  which  would  point  to  Slatin's 
date  of  Aug.  22  for  the  Mahdi's  departure  from  Rahad  as  the 
correct  one. 

Remark  6.  In  the  Appendix  to  Book  III.  of  Major  "VVin- 
gate's  book:  Mahdiism  and  the  Sudan,  pp.  535 — 549,  there  is 
a  tabulated  list  of  the  letters  and  proclamations  of  the  Mahdi 
and  his  successor  Khalifa  Abdullah  Taashi  which  are  contained 
in  a  manuscript  captured  at  the  battle  of  Toski,  Aug.  3,  1889. 
In  this  battle  the  English  completely  routed  the  Arabs,  and 
their  general  en-Nejumi,  the  man  who  was  chief  in  command 
of  the  Arabs  besieging  Khartoum  from  September  on,  was 
slain.  In  this  list  of  letters  there  are  two  given  from  the 
Mahdi  to  Gordon,  pp.  24—26  and  26—28  of  the  letter-book. 
The  date  given  is  Jumada  el-Awal  1301,  Christian  date  1885 
(sic).  It  should  of  course  be  March  1884.  These  letters  (the 
two  are  one  letter  with  a  short  postscript  of  six  or  seven  lines, 
as  can  readily  be  seen  by  comparing  the  resume  of  the  con- 
tents with  the  letter  itself)  are  translated  in  full  in  the  body 
ofWingate's  book,  pp.  Ill — 115.  There  are  in  this  letter-book 
one  hundred  thirty  three  letters,  ninety-nine  of  which  are  from 
the  Mahdi.  The  book  contains  one  hundred  forty  or  more 
pages,  of  which  pages  33 — 38  are  missing.  There  is  no  chro- 
nological arrangement  of  the  letters,  which  run  from  1881 
to  1888. 

Remark  7.    In  regard  to  ?^L*J1  ^*^X*. 

In  his  "Registre",  Count  Landberg  says:  "Que  le  manuscrit 
date  d'une  epoque  posterieure  a  la  mort  du  Mahdi,  est  prouve 
parce  qu'on  trouve  parfoits  apres  son  nom  les  mots 


388  George  Sverdrup,  A  letter  from  the  Mahdi  &c.       [1911. 

This  is  hardly  sufficient  proof,  for  the  use  of  the  phrase  after 
the  Mahdi's  name  is  found  in  letters  clearly  written  before  his 
death.  There  is  a  document,  given  as  Appendix  D  to  Gordon's 
Journals,  which  is  an  answer  written  by  the  Ulema  of  Khar- 
toum to  the  Sheikh  Abdel  Kader  Ibrahim  and  to  Wad  en- 
Nejoomi,  dated  23rd  Zu'l  Kada,  1301,  Sept.  14,  1884.  In  this 
document  (op.  cit.,  p.  379)  the  TJlema  complain  that  the  followers 
of  the  Mahdi  use  this  phrase  in  connection  with  his  name. 
That  the  fact  is  so,  can  be  seen  from  Appendix  L.  to  the 
Journals,  a  letter  from  Abderr airman  en  Najoomi  and  Abdallah 
en  Noor  to  Gordon  Pasha,  where  the  phrase  is  used  after  the 
word  "Mahdi".  The  examples  of  its  use  in  this  way  could  be 
multiplied.  The  Ulema  say  that  Abd  el-Grhani  en-Xablusi 
said  in  his  book,  the  Hadik  en-Nadih:  "No  one  ought  to  be 
distinguished  by  the  Salaam  excepting  the  prophets,  for  one 
cannot  say,  'Ali,  on  whom  be  peace';  and  this  rule  applies 
both  to  living  and  dead  alike,  excepting  that  a  person  present 
may  be  addressed  thereby,  for  people  say,  'Peace  be  uponthee'.a 
In  a  footnote  to  the  same  page:  "Peace  be  on  him",  the  usual 
formula  of  salutation  to  a  true  believer  if  alive,  and  used  of 
•prophets  when  their  names  are  mentioned. 

a  Op.  cit.,-*p  379. 


Monosyllabic  Roots  in  Pampanga.—Ey  CARLOS  EVERETT 
CONANT,  University  of  Chicago. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  Philippine  languages  to 
the  student  of  Indonesian  phonology  is  the  Pampanga,  spoken 
by  about  280,000  people  in  the  province  of  the  same  name 
which  forms  the  northern  boundary  of  Manila  Bay. 

Altho  its  territory  is  contiguous  to  that  of  the  Tagalogr 
spoken  in  Manila  and  the  surrounding  provinces,  Pampanga 
presents  a  variety  of  striking  phonological  peculiarities  not 
shared  by  its  neighbor.  Among  these  may  be  mentioned  the 
folloAving: 

1.  The  lack  of  h,  a  very  frequent  sound  in  Tagalog,  Bisaya 
and  Bikol,    e.  g.  Pamp.  iikiim  'judge':  Tag.  Bis.  Bikol  hukum; 
Pamp.  dpun   'afternoon';    Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.   liapun;   Pamp.  budk 
'hair':  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  luliuL 

2.  Vocalic  change  in  the  first  syllable  of  a  root !,  e.  g.  Pamp. 
katdm  'a  brush'  but  hetaman  'object  brushed';   kulubiu'i  'coverr 
but  Mlubunan  'object  covered'. 

3.  The  treatment  of  the  Indonesian  RGH  consonant 2,  which 
in  Tagalog,   as  in  most  Philippine  languages,  becomes  g,   but 
appears  as  y  in  Pampanga,  e.  g.  Pamp.  yamut  'root':  Tag.  Bis. 
Bkl.  gamut;  Pamp.  uydt  'vein':  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  ugat. 

1  The  term   'root'  is   employed  in  this   paper  in  its  traditional  senser 
namely,   to  indicate  the  dissyllabic  type  of  base  (Brandstetter's  Grund- 
ivort,  cf.  Wurzel  und  Wort  in  den  Indonesischen  Sprachen,  Lucerne  1910) 
characteristic   of   Indonesian  languages.     Whatever  may  have  been  the 
prehistoric    type    of   the  Indonesian    root,    which   is    regarded   by   some 
scholars,    notably    Pater    W.   Schmidt,    Brandtstetter    and    K.  Wulff,    as 
monosyllabic,  the   fact  remains  that  the  existing  languages  of  the  Indo- 
nesian branch  par  excellence  regularly  build  their  derivatives  on  dissyl- 
labic bases,    which,    be   their   ultimate  origin  what  it  may,    are  felt  and 
treated    as    roots    subject   to    no    further  analysis,    and  hence  may  with 
entire  propriety  be  spoken  of  as  such  in  any  discussion  not  concerning 
itself  with  the  very  problematic  word  structure  of  the  parent  speech. 

2  Cf.  Conant,  The  RGH  Law  in  Philippine  Languages,  JAOS  vol.  xxxi, 
p.  80  ff. 


390  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

4.  The  representation  of  the  indifferent  vowel  (pepet)  l  by  a, 
while   it    appears  regularly  as  i  in  Tagalog,    e.  g.  Pamp.  ipas 
'roach':  Tag.  ipis]  Pamp.  bay  at  'weight':  Tag.  big' at. 

5.  Metathesis  of  initial  consonant  and  following  vowel,  which 
is  generally  an  a,  e.  g.  Pamp.  altau  <*latau  'to  float':  Tag.  litau', 
Pamp.    abyas   <*bayas    'rice':    Tag.    big  as,    this    last    example 
showing  also  the  treatment  of  the  RGrH  consonant  and  of  the 
pepet  vowel  in  Pampanga. 

6.  The  contraction  of  two  concurrent  like  vowels,  e.  g.  Pamp. 
tan   'to    stop,    cease':    Tag.  Pangasinan   taan\    Pamp.  dun   'to 
reach  shore,  land  (of  boats)':  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  duun.     Such  con- 
traction  is   also   regular   in  Ibanag    (spoken  in  the  Kagayan 
Valley,  North  Luzon),  e.  g.  Ibg.  bag  'breech-clout':  Tag.  Bis. 
Bkl.  bdhag;  Ibg.  big  'all,  nothing  but,  der.  lauter':  Iloko,  Pang. 
Hiy.     Sulu  (spoken  by  the  Mohammedan  Malays  of  the  Sulu 
Archipelago)    contracts    not    only    originally    concurrent   like 
vowels,    e.  g.  Sulu   to   'right    (hand)':    Bis.  Bkl.  £o'o,   but    also 
dissimilar  concurrent  vowels,  e.  g.  Sulu  nog  'descend':  Bis.  naoy, 
Tag.  (pa)naog,  and  those  brought  together  by  secondary  Sulu 
loss  of  intervocalic  Z,    e.  g.  Sulu   6  'head':   Tag.  Bis.  Ilk.  ulo; 
Sulu   sah    'fault,   blame':    Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  sola.     Syncopation  of 
intervocalic  I  also  occurs  in  Tagalog,   but  less  regularly  than 
in  Sulu    (compare    the    examples  last  given),    and  without  re- 
sultant contraction,  e.  g.  Tag.  ddan  'way,  road':  Sulu  dan:  Bis. 
Bkl.  dalan. 

7.  Apheresis  and  apocopation  of  accentless  syllables,  com- 
posed mostly  of  a  single  vowel,  e.  g.  Pamp.  te,  the  interjec- 
tional  short  form  of  pate  'dead';  sak,  beside  'asdk  'to  pack'; 
tun  'cook  rice':  Ilk.  Ibg.  Mai.  Kawi,  Makass.  Bug.  Mlg.  Samoan, 
Tahiti,  Chamorro  tunu,  Haw.  kunu. 

As  a  result  of  the  regular  vocalic  contraction  pointed  out 
above  (6)  and  the  sporadic  loss  of  an  accentless  syllable,  a  con- 
siderable number  of  Indonesian  dissyllabic  roots  have  been 
reduced  to  monosyllables  in  Pampanga.  Leaving  out  of  account 
some  twenty  monosyllabic  words  consisting  of  enclitic  pronominal 
forms,  accentless  adverbial  and  connective  particles,  the  articles, 
and  interjections  (many  of  these  being  unquestionably  of  ono- 
matopoetic  origin),  there  remain  about  thirty-five  monosyllabic 

1  Of.  Conant,  The  Pepet  Law  in  Philippine  Languages,  Anthropos 
vol.  vi. 


Vol.  xxxi.J  Monosyllabic  Soots  in  Pampanga.  391 

roots  in  the  language.  The  majority  of  these  may  readily  be 
identified  with  roots  of  the  ordinary  dissyllabic  form  in  other 
Philippine  languages. 

I.  Roots  showing  contraction  of  Pamp.  aa  to  a: 

1.  das  <*daas  <*daesi  'arrive':  Tag.  dais. 

2.  lean  < *kaan  <*kaen  'eat':  Ilk.  kadn,  Tag.  kain,  Bis.  ka'on. 

3.  mdl  <*woa£'dear,  expensive':    Tag.  Bis.  Mgd.  Sulu,  Mai. 
Sund.  Dayak  mahal.    For  loss  of  h  in  Pamp.  see  above  (p.  1). 

4.  pat  <*paat    <*paet  'chisel':    Ilk.   Pang,  paet,   Tag.  pdit. 
Bis.  pahut,  Mai.  Dayak  pahat. 

5.  sap    <*saap    <*saep  'farm    hand':   Bis.   saup,   Bkl.   saup 
'apprentice,  artisan's  assistant'. 

6.  tan  <*taan  'stop,   cease':    Tag.  tdan,    tahdn,  Pang,  tdan, 
Bis.  taan,  Mai.  Jav.  Sund.  Day.  tahan,  Haw.  kaa. 

7.  lat  <*laat  'all':  Tag.  lahdt. 

II.  Roots  showing  contraction  of  uu  to  u: 

8.  dun  'to  reach  shore,  land  (of  boats)':  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl.  Pang. 
duun  (with  varying  accent),  Tir.  dunu,  Ibg.  dun. 

9.  lub  'within':   Tag.  Bis.  Pang.  Ilk.  luub   or  luiib,   Tir.  dob. 

10.  lud  'proseguir  para  acabar':  Ilk.  luud  'ruin,  destruction, 
completely  destroy'. 

11.  luk  'bay,  inlet':  Tag.  Bis.  Ilk.  Pang.  Bagobo  look  or  luuk. 
Ibg.  lut  (for  luk  where  the  original  surd  stop  has  become  in 
pronunciation  the  glottal  stop  and  hence  has  lost  its  identity; 
cf.  Ibg.  but  in  use  beside  the  correct  historical  form  buk  'hair*: 
Ilk.  buuk,  Pang,  bueh,  Pamp.  budk),  Sulu  lok. 

12.  lun  'cure  (meats),  preserve  or  dry  (fruits)':  Tag.  Bis.  Bkl. 
Won  or  Won. 

13.  pun  'base,   stem,    trunk,    origin,   beginning,  capital':  Ilk. 
Bkl.  puun,   Pang,  poo n (an),   Tag.  Bis.  puhon(an)   Sulu,   Mai. 
Sund.  puhtin,  Tir.  fuun,  Mgd.  puun  or  pun,  Ibg.  fun. 

14.  sub  'steam':  Ilk.  suub,  Pang,  suub,  which  are  connected 
by   metathesis   with    Tag.  Bis.  Mgd.  Tirurai    subu   of  nearly 
identical  meaning. 

15.  sun    'rise    (of  tide),    be  borne   on   the   tide':    Bis.  suwi 
'wander  aimlessly,  go  with  the  current'. 

16.  tud   'hit   the   mark,   aim  straight,   be  true':   Bis.  Pang. 
tuud  'true,  consider  true,  believe'. 


1  Wherever  e  appears  in  this  paper  it  indicates  the  indifferent  vowel 
(pepet),  which  regularly  becomes  a  in  Pamp. 

VOL.  XXXI.    Part  IV.  27 


392  Carlos  Everett  Conant,  [1911. 

17.  tug  'basket  of  woven  palm  leaves':  Tag.  Bis.tuhug,  Ibg.  tug. 

18.  tits  'make  good,  remedy,  repair':  Tag.  tuus. 

III.  Roots   showing   contraction    of  i  or  u  with  the  pepet- 
vowel: 

19.  sld  'a  kind  of  fish  corral':  Tag.  siid,  Bis,  sihod,  Bkl.  siod. 

20.  tied  'knee':  Tag.  Bkl.  Bis.  Sulu  tuhud,  Ibg.  tuad,  Tir.  e^r. 
Sund.  tuur,  Toba  £M£,  Kawi  fair.     Kawi  and  (apparently)  Toba 
have   the   same    contraction.     Compare    also  Toba   buk   'hair' 
with  Sund.  buuk  and  the  Phil,  cognates  in  No.  11  above.     In 
this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that^Pamp.  and  Ibg. 
exactly  reverse  each  other  in  their  treatment  of  the  words  for 
'hair'  and  'knee',  tho  the  vocalism  of  the  two  words  is  precisely 
the  same: 

Philippine          Tagalog     Pampanga     Ibanag 
*buek  'hair'          buhuk1  budk  buk 

*tued  'knee'         tuhud  tud  tudd 

IY.  Roots  showing  apocope: 

21.  tun  'cook  rice'  Ilk.  Ibg.  Mai.  Kawi,  Makass.  Bug.  Mlg. 
Samoan,  Chamorro,  Tahiti  tunu,  Haw.  kunu. 

22.  sut    'humiliate    oneself  to    another':    Bis.    suta    'confess 
publicly'. 

"V.  Roots  showing  apheresis: 

23.  dam  'borrow':  Bkl.  haddm,  haram,  Tag.  hiram,  Bis.  hulam. 
The   penultimate   vowel,   lost  in  Pamp.,   is  an  original  pepet. 
The  medial  consonant  is  a  good  example  of  the  RLD  law. 

24.  pan  'perhaps,  perchance':  Tag.  apdn,  upon  'perhaps',  Ilk. 
pan,  apdn,  papdn,  or  agpapdn  'altho',  Cebuan  Bis.  apdn  'but, 
however',  Panayan  Bis.  apdn  'but,  however'. 

25.  dot  beside  indat  'quotiescumque'. 

26.  pu  beside  apu  'sir,  Mr.' 

27.  sak  beside  asdk  'to  pack'. 

28.  te  (as  interj.)  beside  pat&  'dead'. 

29.  tan  beside  atdn  'stop,  cease'. 

30.  tas  beside  atds  'high,  height'. 

31.  tin  beside  aim  'to  have'. 


i  Tag.  buhuk,  tuhud  have  u  (instead  of  the  regular  i)  for  the  pepet 
vowel  by  assimilation  to  the  original  u  of  the  penult.  Of.  Conant, 
Pepet  Law.  Brandstetter,  Prodromus,  p.  41  ff.,  considers  the  monosyl- 
labic forms  buk,  tud  as  original,  from  which  the  dissyllabic  forms  are 
developed  by  expansion  (Zerdehnung).  Against  this  explanation,  see  my 
op.  cit.,  Table  V,  Note  2. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Monosyllabic  Roots  in  Pampanga.  .'»!»:> 

The    syllable   most   frequently   lost   by   apli--  i>i>t>  <»f 

the  unprotected  vowel  a,  either  original,  as  in  the  case  of 
Pamp.  pan:  Tag.  Ilk.  Bis.  apan;  Parap.  pu:  Pamp.  T:i^.  I'an^. 
Bkl.  Bis.  apu;  or  from  pepet,  as  in  dam  (above  No.  23). 

VI.  Words    showing    contraction    following    syncopation    of 


32.  e  (long  open  e  =  OEng.  a7')   beside  ai  and  ali  'no,  not', 
from  a  +  di,  cf.  Ilk.  di  and  adi,  Bontok  adi,  Pang,  an-di  and 
ali-wa,  Ibg.  ^  (^  for  d  initially  before  i  as  in  Ibg.  zila\  Tag. 
Bis.  etc.  <Ma  'tongue')  and  ari. 

33.  we,   from    older   mai  from   *w?a^  'come,   go':   Bkl.  Sulu, 
Mai.  Toba,  mart,  Bis.  um-ari  generally  shortened  to  mari  in 
mart  Jca  'come  here!'   But  Pamp.  (u)mai  may  have  been  original 
(see  below). 

The  history  of  this  very  common  word  is  as  interesting  as  it 
is  complicated.  Made  up  originally  of  demonstrative  particles 
denoting  place  or  direction,  it  has  been  an  easy  prey  to  con- 
tamination with  other  words  and  particles  of  similar  meaning. 

To  be  connected  with  the  foregoing  cognates  are  Bontok 
wnali  in  umdli-ak  'I  come',  and,  without  urn-,  alika  'come', 
where  ~lca  is  the  enclitic  2  pers.  pron.,  Pang,  dia  'here'  (cf. 
gala  dia  'come  here'),  Tag.  hali  'come  here'.  In  these  examples 
we  have  evidently  the  demonstrative  particle  di  (cf.  Blake, 
JAOS  xxvii,  350  ff.)  with  the  deictic  particle  a  either  prefixed: 
Bis.  ari,  Bout,  all,  Tag.  hali  (with  initial  breathing  as  often 
in  Tag.),  or  suffixed:  Pang.  dia.  Tag.  and  Bont.  employ 
the  adverb  alone  as  an  imperative,  while  Bis.  may  either  use 
ari  alone  or  with  the  imperative  prefix  urn-  in  the  same  sense. 
Here  the  base  is  distinctly  felt  as  ari,  ali,  and  also  in  Sulu 
mari,  ~kari.  But  in  Bkl.  Mai.  Toba  marl  we  have  a  stereo- 
typed form  with  initial  m,  which,  after  loss  of  the  original  u 
of  um-,  was  no  longer  recognized  as  a  prefixed  element,  cf. 
Mai.  Toba  minum  'drink'  for  IN  um-inum. 

On  the  other  hand  Ilk.  umdi  (generally  pron.  mai),  Ibg. 
umai,  Tirurai  mai,  in  mai  dini  'come  here7,  point  to  a  root 
ai,  which  is  actually  found  in  the  sense  of  'walk,  go,  come'  in 
both  Ibg.  and  Tir.  Magindanau  ai  'foot'  is  doubtless  the 
same  word. 

That  there  has  been  a  confusion  between  these  two  proto- 
types there  can  be  little  doubt,  and  to  either  of  them  could 

27* 


394       C.  E.  Conant,  Monosyllabic  Roots  in  Pampanga.     [1911. 

be  referred  Pamp.  mai,  Chamorro  mage*,  and  the  Polynesian 
mai  'hither,  thence'  found  in  Samoan,  Haw.  Tahiti  and  Mar- 
quesas 

The  present  study  has  yielded  no  cognates  for  the  following 
monosyllabic  roots:  bal  'to  order  brought',  dan  'lower  leg',  din 
'to  give',  kid  'to  remove  from  the  fire  (frying  pan,  etc.)'. 

Puk  'to  assign'  and  tul  'a  measure  for  cotton'  are  Chinese 
loan  words  used  in  mercantile  language,  puk  being  Chin.  g| 
pu?  to  allot,  assign',  and  tul  being  5|-  3£  teh  r  ka  basket  used 
as  a  measure  for  raw  cotton'. 

It  is  evident  from  the  foregoing  examination  of  monosyllabic 
roots  that  Pampanga,  like  Ibanag  and  Sulu,  represents  a  stage 
of  linguistic  development  much  more  advanced  than  the  other 
Philippine  languages,  which  show  the  unreduced  dissyllabic 
root  so  characteristic  of  both  Indonesian  and  Polynesian. 

But  while  the  process  of  abbreviation  was  going  on  in  Pam- 
panga, there  seems  to  have  been  even  here  an  instinctive 
tendency  to  restore  the  dissyllabic  character  of  the  affected 
words  which,  as  monosyllables,  were  felt  to  be  incomplete,  by 
prefixing  a  weak,  colorless  vowel,  generally  a.  The  movement 
doubtless  took  its  origin  from  the  large  number  of  words 
having  an  initial  a  resulting  from  metathesis  (see  above  p.  390). 
Thus,  under  the  influence  of  atlu  <*talu  (Phil,  telu)  'three' 
and  apat  (Phil,  epat)  'four',  *dwa  (IN  dua,  rua,  lua)  'two' 
became  adwd.  Similarly  Pamp.  atydn  (Phil,  tiari)  'abdomen', 
apyd  (Phil,  pia)  'noble,  good'.  In  the  case  of  roots  used  al- 
ways with  formative  elements  the  monosyllabic  character  of 
the  root  was  not  felt  and  hence  most  of  the  monosyllabic 
roots  denoting  action  remained  in  their  reduced  form. 

1  Of.  Conant,  Consonant  Changes  and  Vowel  Harmony  in  Chamorro, 
Anthropos,  vi,  p.  143. 

Chicago,  April  10,  1911. 


A  Divine  Lament  (CT.  XV.  Plates  24—25).—^  J. 
DYNELEY  PRINCE,  Ph.  I).,  Professor  in  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, New  York  City,  N.  Y. 

Obverse. 

11.  Ukir  (LID   SA)    zal  (NT)-ma-al   a  (ID)  nu-ma-al- 
Heart  which  is  full  (and)  strength  I  have  no 
men  (DU) 

longer. 

12.  nin-men  (DU)    Idsal-ma  (MAL)      Ukir  (LID  SA)  nu-ma- 
Though  I  am  lady,  in  my  sanctuary  heart  I  have 
al-la-men  (DU) 

no  longer. 

13.  e-ne-am  (RAM)-wa  (MAL)  -ni  ba-da-ul-e  en-no,  sa  (DI)  in- 
His  word  drove  me;  when  it 
ga-mu-ub-dug  (KA)  i-de-ma  (MAL)  Sa  i-ni-ib-gaba  (GAB). 
reached  me,  my  face  verily  it  cast  down. 

14.  ud-ba  nunuz-li  ag  (RAM)  -gin  (DU)  -na-mu  ud-la  me 
When  to  my  progeny  I  wished  to  go;  then    where 
li-e-a 

were  they? 

15.  dim-di  ud-ba  nunuz-li  ag  (RAM)  -gin  (DU)  -na-mu 
Weakling,  when  to  my  progeny  I  wished  to  go; 

ud-ba  me-e  li-e-a 

then  where  were  they? 

16.  ud  e-we-aw  (B.  AM)  An-na      ma(ra)  i-ir-a-bi 
When  the  word        of  Ami    to  me    they  brought; 

17.  e-ne-am  (RAM)     dimmer  Mu-ul-lil-la  (LAL)     ma-ra   i-ir- 
the  word  of  Bel  to  me  when 
a-li 

they  hr ought  it; 

18.  e  (BIT)  -mu-a  mu-U-in-gin  (DU)  -na-ba 
into  my  house          when  they  came; 

19.  xar-ra-an  hur-ra  mu-si-in-tur  (TU)  -ra-ba 
upon  the  way  of  the  land  when  they  entered; 


396  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  [1911. 

20.  ma mU'Si-in-gin  (DtT)  -na-ba 

on  the  ship when  they  went; 

21.  ma mu-Si-in-us-sa-ba 

on  the  ship when  they  stood; 

22.  mu a  mu-si-in-tur  (TTJ)ra-fca 

when  to they  entered. 

23.  mu-(lu)  su-e-sir  (BIT)  -mal  i-ni-in-tur  (TU)  -ra-ba 
the  men  with  shoes  on,  when  they  entered; 

24.  Sit  nu-lax-xa-ni (mu-si-iri)ir-ra-ba 

their  unwashed  hands  (on  me)  .  .  when  they  laid  them; 

Reverse. 
1.  ma-an-ga  ma  sag-ga  (MAL) 


when,  although  ruler,  on  the  prow  of  the  ship  (I  stepped) 

2.  ga-sa-an-ga  ma  egir-ra  ba-e-sub  (RTJ)  -a-ba 

when,  although  lady,  on  the  stern  of  the  ship  I  trod; 

3.  w'(IM)-fe  amar  (ZUE)  -a-bi  ba-e-te-a-ba 
when  of  its  own  accord  that  brood  drew  nigh; 

4.  ur-ri  me-ri  su-e-sir  (BIT)   ma-al-la-ni  kisal-ma  (MAlj)  wi- 
the  foe,   having   shoes    on   their   feet,   into  my  sanctuary 
ni-in-tu 

entered; 

nakri  su  ina  sepisu  senu      saknu       ana  maUdkia  irubam 

5.  ur-ri-l)i  su  nu-lax-xa-ni  via-su  (KIT)  mu-Si-in-ni-ir 
that  foe  his  unwashed  hands  on  me    he  laid. 
nakri  $u  qatdsu  Id  mesiati      idsi        libla 

6.  $u  mu-si-in-ir  ni  (IM)  mu-un-te  ma  (MAL)  -e    ni  (IM)  -hi 
His  hand  he  laid  on  me ;  fear  he  caused ;  I       fear  of  him 
ma-te 

felt. 

qati8u  uUamma        uparridanni 

7.  ur-ri-bi     su-ni        mu-si-in-ir         me-da  mu-un-gam- 
That  foe  his  hand  he  laid  on  me ;  in  me  he  made  a  bowing 
men  (DU) 

down. 

nakri  3ft  qatsu  ublamma  ina  puluxti  iismitanni 
S.  ur-ri-bi  ma  (MAL)  -e     ni  (IM)  ba-da-an-te    e-ne      nu-inu- 
That  foe  I  fear  felt  for  him;  he        feared 

da-an-te 
me  not. 

anaku  adluxma  Su  id  iplaxanni 


Vol.xxxi.]  A  Divine  Lament.  :}'.»7 

9.  ur-ri-U  tub  (KU)  -mu  mu-un-kar  dam-a-ni  la-ni-in-tug  (  K  I  i 
That  foe  my  garments  he  seized;  his  wife  lie  clothed  with 
them. 

Qubati  isxutannima  a&atsu  ulabbisu 

10.  ur-ribi      za.-mu         mu-un-tar      dwww(TUR) -m'fca-N/- 
That  foe  my  jewels  he  snatched;  his  daughter  ho  adorned 
in-la  (LAL) 

with  them. 

nakri  $u  ukni  iprama          maratsu          i&kun 

11.  ki-gub  (DU)  -ba-bi  am  (A-AN)  -gug  me 
His  courts  I  must  tread;  even  I. 
nianzassu                akabbas 

12.  dim(GrIM.)-ma  wi(IM)ma(MAL)-^(KU)fei  am(A-AN)-^t- 
When  of  my  own  desire  for  myself  the  sanctuaries  I 
qin-qin 

seek; 

ina  ramdnia  asrdti  extern' e 

13.  ud-ba  m'(IM)  ba-te  ba-e  (UD-DU)  -ta  ^a-e(UD-DU) 
then  fear  I  feel  to  go  forth,  (and)  I  go  not  forth. 

14.  e  (BIT) -ma  (MAL)  ba-an-ul-li-en  ingar-ma  (M AL)   ba-ab- 
Out  of  my  house        they  drove  me;   out  of  my  enclosure 
xu-lax-e 

they  frightened  me. 

ina  bitia          urrixanni          ina  igaria          lujallitanni 

15.  tu  [xu]  ni  (TM) -tea-dim  (G-IM)  gis-ur-ra  ud-ba  e-ir 

Like  a  terrified  dove  on  a  beam  then  I  went  up; 

klma  summatum  paritti  ina  gusuri  obit 

16.  su-din  xu  tal  (El)  -la-dim  (GIM)    du(Xl)-de  al-gi-ri 
like  a  sudin  fluttering  to  a  cleft  I  betook  me; 
kwia  sudinnu  parisi                         ina  nigi£$i  exteri 

17.  me-e  e  (BIT)-mu-da  xu-dim(GTM)  im-ma-ra-tal  (RI)  -en 
me  out  of  my  house  like  a  bird  they  caused  me  to  tiy: 

ina  bitia  kima  igguri  uSapriSanni 

18.  ga-sa-an  men  (DU)     eri-mu-da  xu-dim  (GIM)     im-ma-ra- 
though  I  am  lady,  out  of  my  city  like  a  bird  they  caused 
tal  (Kl)-ew 

me  to  fly. 

19.  egir-mu-a  e  (BIT) -MM  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)  )nu-nn-de-de-e 
"Behind  me  is  my  house,  behind  me",  I  say; 

liti  arkia  iltannss'm 


398  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  [1911. 

20.  nin-men  (DU)  eri-mu  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)         mu-un-de-de-e 
"though.  I  am  lady,  my  city  is  behind  me",  I  say; 

beliku  all          arkia 

21.  $e-ib  Ni-si-in-ki-mu  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)  mu-un-de-de-e 
"the  brick  walls  of  my  Nisin  are  behind  me",  I  say; 

22.  e§  (AB)  e  (BIT)  -gal-max-mu  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)      mu-un- 
"the  abode  of  my  glorious  temple  is  behind  me",     I 
de-de-e 

say; 

23.  Se-ib  La-ra-ak-ki-mu  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)  mu-un-de-de-e 
"the  brick  walls  of  my  Larak  are  behind  me",  I  say; 

24.  gig  (MI)  tus  (KU)  -imina-mu  egir-mu-a  gu  (KA)      mu-un- 
"dark  are  my  seven  dwellings  behind  me",  I 
de-de-e 

say; 

25.  me-e  e  (BIT) -win  e(BYF)-mu  nu-me-en  a-dim  (GIM)  in- 
I       to    my    house    "thou   art    no    more   my   house",    thus 
na-gu  (KA) 

I  speak. 

andku  ana  bttia  ul  btti  attam        Id  aqbu 

26.  me-e  eri-mu  eri-mu  nu-me-en    a-dim(GrIM.)  m-na-gu(KA) 
I  to  my  city  "thou  art  no  more  my  city",  thus  I  speak. 

27.  na-an-ni-tu-tu  ne  um-mi-ha-a        la-bi  mu-ka-e 

"I  cannot  enter  it" ;  thus  I  speak  (and)  its  beauty  biteth  me. 
la  errubsu  aqbima  lalusu  ikkalanni 

28.  wa-am(RAM)  -da-ma  (MAL)     ne   um-mi-ka    (i)-si-is-bi 
"I  shall  be  there  no  more" ;  thus  I  speak  (and)  weeping  for  it 
mu-ta-Qi-(gi) 

overwhelmeth  me. 

la  uttak-  ....  kl  aqbima  gixitaZu 

usana$anni 

Commentary. 

This  text,  which  is  the  last  of  the  Prince- Vanderburgh 
series,  CT.  XV,  7 — 30,  has  been  published  with  translation  by 
Dr.  Stephen  Henry  Langdon  in  his  "Babylonian  Psalms",  1909, 
pp.  1 — 6,  but  without  commentary.  The  Assyrian  paraphrase, 
which  is  not  a  translation  of  this  text,  I  have  taken  from 
T.  G.  Pinches  "Lament  of  the  Daughter  of  Sin",  PSBA.,  1895, 
pp.  66  ff.,  which  is  a  parallel,  but  not  an  identical  text  with 
CT.  XV,  24—25.  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  F.  A.  Vanderburgh 


Vol.  xxxi.]  A  Divine  Lament. 

for   his  helpful  collaboration  and  assistance  in  the  publication 
of  the  entire  series. 

There  can  he  little  douht  that  this  lament  was  written  ami 
sung  hy  the.  priests  of  Nanfi,  whoso  imago  was  taken  hy  the 
Elamites  in  2270  B.  C.,  according  to  the  Prism  Inscription 
of  Assurbanipal,  Col.  VI,  107—124.  AS8url>:mipal  in  635  I',.  - 
retook  and  restored  the  image  to  its  original  habitat  in  Uruk 
(Erech)  amid  great  rejoicings  at  his  pious  act.  The  god<l<  n 
had  been  absent  from  her  shrine  for  sixteen  hundred  and 
thirty  five  years.  The  fact  that  in  the  present  hymn  the 
lamenting  deity  does  not  mention  Uruk,  but  Isin,  does  not 
militate  against  this  idea,  because  we  know  that  the  dynasty 
of  Isin  prided  themselves  on  their  cult  of  Nana  and  that  they 
were  especially  assiduous  in  building  and  restoring  the  shrines 
of  this  goddess.  Nana's  chief  sanctuary  was  E-an-na  ('house 
of  heaven')  in  Uruk  (Erech),  but  she  also  had  temples  in 
Agade  (E-ul-mas)  and  at  Ur.  This  hymn  is  of  particular  im- 
portance from  an  historical  point  of  view,  as  it  confirms  the 
Assurbanipal  record.  It  was,  no  doubt,  sung  and  composed 
shortly  after  the  rape  of  the  godess  in  2270  B.  C. 

Obverse. 

11.    LID-SA  can   only  =  likir  (8897)  'heart'.     NI  =  gal 
=  barft  'be  full',  5314. 

13.  ba-da-ul-e:   in  Rev.  14  =  =  ardxu  (urruxu}  'drive,  cause 
to  hasten'.  That  UL  can  mean  this  is  clear  from  MSL.  p.  85, 
primarily  =  'bull';  note  ul  =  naqapu  'gore,  push',  said  of  a  bull, 
9144.  en-na  here  probably  =  'when,  as  soon  as'  =  adi  'until'. 
2809.  sa-dug  =  kaSddu  'reach,  arrive  at',  9542.  8a  —  lu  'verily', 
7047.  gala  (GAB);  val.  du  =  patdru  'loosen',  4473;  GAB  also 

=  labanu  'cast  down',  said  of  the  face,  Sb.  342  (4481). 

14.  nunuz   =    lipu,    8177;    pir'u,    8179    'progeny',    and   li 
can  =  ana  'unto',   V.  27,  44.     RAM  =  ag  =  -  madddu  'love, 
measure,  intend';   note  it  ==  muuru  'intend',  4744  (see  MSL. 
21).    me  =  ia'nit,  10366;   idtm,  10365   'where'?    The  combin- 
ation li-e-a  is  difficult,  but  li  =*  Suasu,  1118;  Suatu,  1119  'that 
one',   so   that   li-e-a  here  may  be  regarded  as  a  prolongation 
of  li   with   the    demonstrative   sense;    i.  e.,    'where   are   they'. 
Another   possibility   is   to   consider  LI  here   to  mean  'stand'T 
since  LI  =  gub  and  gub  (DU)  also  =  na^d^u  'stand'.     This 
does  not  seem  to  me  so  probable  as  the  first  suggestion.    The 


400  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  [1911. 

context   certainly    demands  the   question  'where  are  they',    or 
'where  were  they'? 

15.  I   regard   di  after   dim   here  as  an  ES.  gloss  to  denote 
the  correct  pronunciation  of  dim  =  dunnamu,  4253;  ulalu,  4255 
•'weakling'. 

Lines  11 — 15  indicate  the  goddess's  state  of  mind  on  "being 
informed  of  what  is  to  follow;  viz.,  that  she  is  to  become  an 
exile  from  her  children. 

16.  To  ma  here  we  must  add  the  postpositive  -ra  as  in  Obv. 
17.     Note  ma-Su  (KIT),  rev.  5. 

21.  In  the  above  lines,  the  goddess  is  made  to  describe 
the  approach  of  her  captors,  and  the  route  they  took  in  re- 
moving her  from  her  shrine.  First  (obv.  19),  she  is  carried  by 
way  of  the  land;  then  she  is  placed  apparently  on  a  ship 
(obv.  20 — 21)  to  be  carried  away  to  Elam.  That  the  captors 
were  regarded  as  thoroughly  alien  desecrators  is  seen  from 
line  23  following,  and  Rev.  4 — 5. 

23.  su-e-sir-mal:    literally    'skin    or    leather    (SU)    of  the 
street'  (E-SIR  =  suqu),  the  whole  combination  meaning  senu 
'shoe'  +  mal  =  Sakanu,   5421,   i.  e.,   mu(hi)   su-e-sir  mal  'the 
men  who  have  shoes  on'  =  the  profane  invaders  of  her  shrine, 
which  must  be  entered  unshod  by  her  worshippers. 

24.  On  $u  nu-lax-xa-ni  'unwashed   hands';  another  sign  of 
their  desecration;  see  Rev.  5. 

Reverse. 

In  lines  1  and  2,  ma-an  must  =  the  double  corner  wedge 
sign  =  dannu  'mighty',  9955;  sarru  'king',  here  probably  'queen', 
9961.  The  suffix  -ga  probably  has  the  force  of  M  =  Mma 
which  here  we  may  render  "though".  The  idea  is  that  al- 
though the  goddess  was  queen  and  lady,  she  was  compelled  to 
step  on  the  hostile  ship,  which  was  to  bear  her  away  from 
her  shrine  and  people.  Of.  the  parallel  from  Pinches  cited 
by  Radau,  Misc.  Sumer.  Texts,  1910,  p.  386  and  n.  1.  The 
verb  RU  =  hib  in  our  text  =  nadu  'set,  place',  scil  here 
'foot',  corresponds  to  the  Pinches  version  Icar  =  kdbasu. 

3.  I  render  ni  (IM)  -te  'of  their  own  accord,  as  IM  clearly 
means  ramdnu  here  (Fossey,  4192)  and  not  'fear'.  The  'brood' 
awar(ZTJB)  =  Uiru,.  9068,  'approaches'  (te)  her  shrine  to 
molest  her  of  their  own  volition. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  A  Divine  Lament.  l"l 

4.  Now    begins    the    Assyrian    parallel   from    PSBA.,    xviL 
p.  66,   Hue  6,    in   this   line   an   exact   translation.     Note   the 
relative  Sumerian  suffix  -ani  in  ma-al-la-ni  'those  \vh<>  have',  &c. 
For  kisal=mab-taku,  see  obv.  12,  and  cf.  TV.  27,  8 — 9b. 

5.  lax  =  =  misu   'wash',   Sb.   76.     Note   also  ma-8u(K\ 
ma-ra  iu  obv.  17. 

6.  The  Assyr.  uparridanni  'he  hastens  me  away';  '"hustles" 
me  out7  (!)  is  a  translation  of  a  parallel  text.    In  our  Sumerian 
line   m'(IM)   is   the    direct   object   of  the  verb  fe;    IM-TE  = 
puluxtu  'fear',  8465.     Note  below  on  line  8. 

7.  gam  =*  qadadu   'bow   down',   used   of  the   neck  ktiadsu, 
Fossey,   3664.     It  is  rendered  by  the  Assyr.  parallel  ina  pu- 
luxti    Ksmitanni    'in    fear   he   lowers    me';   from   matu   'lower, 
decrease'. 

8.  Cf.  line  6  rev.  with  this,  and  note  the  ommissiou  of  nakri 
su  =  urri-bi   from   this   line.      The   Assyrian   translator 
adlux    'I  am  disturbed'    for   m(IM)   ba-da-an-te   'I   feel  fear 
for  him'. 

9.  kar  really  means  ekemu  'seize,  snatch',  7740,  in  contract 
with  the  more  vivid  Assyrian  isxutannima  'he  tears  it  off  me'. 

10.  #a  here  for  Pinches  za-gin  =  uknt  tar  (kud)  means  'cuts 
off  violently'.     The  Pinches  version  reads  maratsu  'his  daugh- 
ter',  which   is   not  indicated  here  by  the  sexless  word  duntii 
(TUR)  'child'. 

11.  gug  =  kabdsu  'tread',  1372.     Note  the  overhanging  me, 
clearly  the  first  personal  pronoun. 

12.  dim(GrIM.)  =  summa   'if,  when',    9125;  ==  M  'as,  when', 
9120. 

13.  I  render   ba-e  (UD-DU)  -ta   as    dependent   on  the   pre- 
ceding verb.     That  the  prefix  na-  can  mean  'not',  as  a  variant 
of  nu,  is  seen  from  Fossey,  796 — 797. 

14.  On  ul,  see  obv.  13.  xu-lax-e  =  galatu;  gulhttu;  suglutu 
Herhfy',  Fossey,  1061—1063. 

15.  Pinches's   form  paritti   (thus  corrected  by  Langdon)  is 
of  uncertain  meaning.     Cf.  IV.  22,  5 a:  Idbartum  parittum(?). 
The  form   obit  Langdon  translates  as  if  from  nabdtu  'repose', 
but  it  is  from  rpl  'dwell'.     This  is  not  indicated  in  the  present 
Sumerian  text,  which  plainly  signifies  'go'  «-  e-ir. 

16.  ~RI  =  tal  =  paraSu  'fly'.  2571.  du  (XI)  =  nigitfu  here  is 
undoubtedly  cognate  with  di-da-al  =  nigi($u,  PSBA.  xvii.  65; 
du  =  di.     The  usual   ideogram   is   ki-in-dar,   ki-in-dir,   9683. 


402  J.  Dyneley  Prince,  A  Divine  Lament.  [1911. 

gi-ri  =  gir-ri  =  sepu  'foot';  tallaJdu  'going';  simply  =  'go'.  I 
regard  eSteri  as  an  iStafal  from  dm  'go,  proceed'. 

18.  I  render  gasan  'lady'  here,  just  as  nin  may  mean  both 
'lord'  and  'lady'. 

21.  $e-ib  =  libittu,  7492.  Ni-si-in-ki-mu  'my  Isin'.  NI  has 
the  value  i  as  well  as  ni. 

23.  la-ra-ak-ki-mu  'my  Larak'  =  Larsa  (?).    Jastrow  suggests 
(by  letter)  that   lardk  may  mean  'a  grainery'.     My  interpre- 
tation of  the  combination  agrees  with  this;  viz.,  la=lalu  'full- 
ness, plenty'  (Fossey,  530)  +  postpos.  -ra  +  ok  =  epesu  'make'. 
The  combination  la-ra  +  ak-ki  would  then  mean  'the  place  (ki) 
which  is  made  (ok)  for  plenty'  =  'storage'  (la-ra). 

24.  'Seven  dwellings'  probably  refers  to  her  shrines. 

27.  ne  'this'  =  annu,  4580.     See  also  next  line  below. 

28.  ma  (MAL)  -ma  (MAL)  =  basu  'be',    5430.     In   11604: 
isi$  =  nissatu ;  $xtu  lamentation'.    A-SI  is  the  bahu-  Aveep-sign. 
I    render    Pinches's    parallel    gixita    as    equivalent    to    gixtu 
'weeping'.     UsandSanni  'it  overwhelms  me',  from  Ufa;    cf.  IV. 
7,  14 — 15 a:  'he  shakes  him'  =  itana§a$su. 


Lido-Iranian   Word- Studies. — By  EDWIN  W.  FAY,  Pro- 
fessor in  the  University  of  Texas. 

1.  A  good  deal  of  attention  has  been  paid  in  late  years  to 
Foy's  proposal  (KZ.  35,  31)  to  separate  Iranian  haca  'ab,  ex' 
from  Skr.  sacd  'cum,  una  cum'.     To  solve  this  problem  seems, 
however,   a  task  of  no  great  difficulty.     Authorities  so  out  of 
date  as  the  Latin  lexicon  of  Lewis  and  Short  seem  to  me  in 
their    note    on   secus   'secundum,    aliter'   to   present   the  ri^ht 
point  of  view  for  the  solution  of  the  semantic  problem,  and  if 
modern  observers  differently  conceive  the  problem,  almost  no- 
body seems   to  doubt  the  cognation  of  secus1   with   sequitur, 
nor  of  Skr.  sacd  with  sacate. 

2.  In  Etymology,  as  well  as  touching  the  Homeric  question, 
there   will    always   be   chorizonts,    owing  to  the  difference  in 
human  temperaments  and  the  inherently  greater  ease  of  ana- 
lysis  as   contrasted   with   synthesis.     But  temperament  or  no, 
preponderance    of  evidence   now   throws   a  searcher  into  one 
camp,  now  into  another.     Temperamentally,  I  sympathize  with 
the  antichorizonts,    and  certainly  in  regard  to  Iranian  haca, 
the  usage  of  which  I  now  propose  to  examine,   on  the  basis 
of  the  examples  collected  by  Bartholomae  in  his  magnificent 
lexicon.     Now  Bartholomae  compares  haca  with  Skr.  saca,  but 
not  without    acknowledging   that   he  feels  the  force  of  Foy's 
objections.   I  suppose,    however,   that  it  is  on  the  legal  prin- 
ciple of  asserting  definition  from  usage  that  be  rubricates  his 
examples   as   though   the   primary   sense   of  haca  were  'from'. 
But   if  haca   is  cognate  with  sacd  it  were  well  to  attempt  a 
rubrication  based  on  'cum'  as  the  approximately  original  sense, 
that  is  for  Indo-Iranian. 

3.  Sporadically  in  Avestan,    and  still  less  in  Persian,  haca, 
though  we  more  conveniently  render  it  by  'from',  is  combined 
with  the  instrumental,  which  is  not,  on  the  face  of  things,  a 

1  The  notion  of  inferiority  clearly  arises  in  our  colloquial  description 
of  cigars  and  other  goods  of  poorer  quality  as  "seconds". 


404  Edwin  W.  Fay,  [1911. 

case  to  indicate  the  separative  relation.  But  we  can  often 
here  restore  the  sense  of  'cum',  e.  g.  in  Y.  10.  17  (ap.  Bthl., 
1751,  II.  1.  2), 

orozataena  haca  tasta  zaranaenem  aoi  taxse 
where,  though  as  regards  the  context  argenteo  ex  poculo 
aureum  in  <poculum>  affundo  is  the  letter  rendering,  yet  arg. 
cum  p.  may  he  defended  as  the  original  conception,  cf.  in 
Latin  the  following,  alheit  far  less  concrete,  examples  from 
Ennius:  Ann.  175,  turn  cum  corde  suo  divum  pater  atque 
hominum  rex  |  effatur  and,  much  more  specifically,  ib.  540, 
effudit  voces  proprio  cum  pectore  sancto. 

In  the  latter  example  cum  is  attached  to  a  "sociative"  with 
which  it  does  the  work  of  an  ablv.  of  means,  hut  in  both  con- 
texts the  combination  with  ef-  is  noteworthy,  and  from  a  usage 
like  540  the  separative  relation  might  have  developed.  In  such 
contexts  as  this  (see  Yahlen  in  Rh.  Mus.  14.  566  for  other 
examples)  cum  might  also  have  developed — or  shall  we  say 
have  sunk  to — use  as  a  mere  case  exponent.  This  is  what 
has  happened,  in  a  sense,  with  OPers.  haca  which,  though 
used  with  the  instrumental,  is  an  invariable  case  exponent  of 
the  ablative. 

4.  In  Old  Persian,  the  adjective  lid-midriya-  'rebellious'  is 
construed  with*  haca  -f  ablv.  Etymologically  miGnya-  belongs 
with  Skr.  methete  (dual)  'inter  se  pugnant,  altercantur'.  I  see 
here  a  compromise  construction,  as  though  in  Latin  (1)  alie- 
natus  [a]  +  ablv.  had  been  so  associated  with  (2)  altercans  cum  + 
instr.  as  to  yield  *(3)  alien atus  cum  +  ablv.;  or  as  though  in 
Greek  the  interplay  of  (1)  aAAor/Hwcrts  TWOS  and  (2)  aXXorpLovo-Bai 
[o-w]  TLVL  had  yielded  *(3)  o.\\orptova-6a.i  <o-w>  TWOS.  For  the 
general  psychological  problem  involved  cf.  Latin  divortium 
facere  cum  aliqua,  and  the  English  conflict  between  differ 
from  and  differ  ivitli.  In  Irish,  fri  'adversus,  in'  reached  the 
sense  of  'cum'  in  comparisons  ("gleich  gegen  =  gleich  mit"), 
which  developed  into  a  sociative  and  instrumental  'cum',  and 
at  last,  with  verbs  of  separation,  into  'ab,  ex'  (cf.  Windisch, 
Irische  Texte,  Wrtbch.,  pp.  577—578).  The  following  examples 
are  in  point:  Bh.  2.  2  (=  1750,  II.  1.  1.  C),  dahydva11  tyd 
hacdmah  hamiOriyd  abavan  =  regiones  quae  cumme  altercantes 
factae  sunt;  Bh.  1.  11  (=  1778,  top,  s.  v.  ham0)  pasdua71  Mrah 
haruvah  hami6riyah  abavah  liacd  kanl>ujiydh  =  inde  populus 
universus  stomachatus  fuit  cum  Cambyse. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Indo-Iranian  Word-Studies.  4<»:> 

5.  In  the  Gathic  passage  Y.  37.  2  (=  1749,    II.  1.   1.   l;». 
yoi  gm$  haca  Syeinti  =  qui  a  bove  habitant,  we  might  rath-  r 
interpret    by    qui    cum   bove   stant    (for   habitant),   and  Mills 
renders  by  "who  abide  beside1  the  kine". 

6.  Common  in  Gathic  as  in  later  Avestan  is  the  locution 
a$dt  haca  which  verbally  =  ritu*  cum,  but  idiomatically  e  ritu, 
e  veritate.     For  the  origin  of  this  locution  we  might  assume 
a  contamination  of  an  Indo-Iranian  *rtdd*  'rected',  combined 
with  *saca  rtena  'cum  rectitudine'  (cf.  the  actual  form  an-rtnd 
"um  der  Slinde  willen",  Delbrueck,  ai.  Synt.,  §  74),  but  we  will 
do  better  now  to   enquire  what  saca,  instrumental  of  a  noun 
sac-  'a  following,  pursuit',  might  mean,  and  I  would  indicate 
my  answer  to  the  question  by  rendering  asai  haca  by  'e-ritu 
consequential  or,  sacrificing  the  case  relation,   by  'ritum  secun- 
dum\  cf.  secus  consuetudinem  in  OIL.  5,  4017;  and  secus  merita 
eius,  Inscr.  Orelli  7,  70. 

7.  But  asat  haca  'ritum  secus'  is  a  phrase  so  trite  in  its  ad- 
verbial sense  that  we  shall  do  well  to  examine  its  less  phrase- 
ological uses,  e.  g.,  Y.  51.  5  (=  1749,  II,  1.  1.  B),  yaOd  aSdt 
haca  gam   vldat    vdstryo  =  num   per   ritum  bovem   acquirat 
agricola  (ind.  quest.).     Here  the  ablative  alone  expressing  cause 
or  rather  consequence,   would  suffice,    but   haca  reinforces  the 
consequential   idea.     Similar  are  Y.  43.  14,   a$dt   haca  frastd 

=  <haec  petitio>  ritum  secus  recipiatur;  Y.  53.  1,  yezi  hoi  ddt 
ayaptci  asat  haca  =  ut  ei  det  maiestates  ritum  secus;  Y.  45.  4 
a.  h.  vaedd . .  yd  wi  dat  =  ritum  secus  (per  r.)  cognovi . .  quis 
earn  <vitam>  faciat;  Y.  44.  17,  perhaps  especially  perspicuous 
because  of  rddemo,  yd  rdOemo  a.  h.  =  qui  socius  ritu<m>  secus. 
With  other  nouns  note  Y.  32.  2,  xSaQrdt  liaca  .  .  paiti-mraot 

=  per  regnum  .  .  respondit,  Y.  9.  2,  yaoMdOrydt  //.  =  -  purifi- 
catione<m>  secus. 

8.  Semantically,  general  lines  of  reasoning  strongly  recom- 
mend the  definition  of  liaca  by  'in  consequence  of  (see  §  6), 
and  the  combination  of  haca  in  this  sense  with  the  ablative1 
is  just  what  we  should  expect,  cf.  Delbrueck,  ai.  Synt.  §  74, 
"nicht  selten  libersetzen  wir  den  Abl.  durch  in  Folge  von".   This 

1  "We  might  restore  the  sense  of  'in-the-train'  to  haca,  see  §§  6,  9. 

2  Interpret    ritu    according  to   the  gloss  ritus-  ^p^Kda,    i.  e.  'religio, 
pietas'. 

3  I  am  transcribing  these  forms  as  though  they  were  Sanskrit. 


406  Edwin    W.  Fay,  [1911. 

definition  adequately  absolves  the  examples  under  Bartliolomae's 
rubric  II.  1.  3  (=  1750),  to-wit:  V.  18.  1,  diwzat  liaca  dOrava 
sanliaite  =  fraudis  causa  (better  fraude<m>  secus)  sacerdoa 
nominatur.  Further  note  Y.  35. 10  (=  1751),  where  aSdat  liaca 
(=  ritu<m>  secus)  is  rendered  by  Bartholomae  (col.  88,  top) 
as  "um  des  Asa  willen"  but  by  Mills  as  "by  reason  of  thy 
Righteous  Order":  here  the  prior  rendering  may  be  etymolo- 
gically  justified  by  "in  pursuit  of,  and  the  latter  by  "in  con- 
sequence of". 

9.  With  persons,   the  combination  liaca   +   ablv.  designates 
the  agent,  the  person  in  consequence  of  whom  the  act  is  per- 
formed.    Examples   are:    V.  19,  6   (=  1750),    barsOrydt   haca 
zdviSi  =  matre  ab  vocatus  sum;  D.  6.  3  (==  1751)  hacd-mah  = 
a-me   <mandatum>,   where    we   might  think  of  'in  attendance 
upon7  as  the  primitiv  sense  of  liacd. 

10.  The  next  examples  are  of  liaca  with  the  ablative  after 
verbs  of  fearing.    The  act  of  shrinking  which  is  the  physiolo- 
gical expression  of  fear  lies,  I  take  it,  behind  the  Yedic  con- 
struction of  the  ablative  with  verbs  of  fearing,  and  the  same 
note  accounts  for  separatives  as  represented  in  the  Latin  lo- 
cution ab  aliquo  metuere,  timer e.     In  the  Persian  and  Avestan 
usage  of  liacd  with  the  ablative  I  suppose  that  the  simple  ab- 
lative, expressing  the  idea  of  (shrinks)  'from',  has  yielded  to  a 
somewhat   phraseological    (shrinks)    'in   consequence    of.     The 
examples    I   have    selected   are  P.  21    (=  927,  mid.)  niwyeiti 
zi..dtar$  .. liaca..  aiwyo  =  metuit  ille  . .  ignis  ab  aquis;  Yt.  10,  99 
(=  1748,   II.  1.  1.  /?),   yalimat   Jiacd  fratdwsdnta  =  quo  ab 
metuebant;  D.  5.  2,  ddhydvah  . .  tyd  hacd-mah  atarsan  =  regiones 
..quae  ab-me(d)  metuebant;  Bh.  1.  13,  liacd  darsman(?)  atar- 
sah  =  <populus>  ab  <eius>  saevitate  metuebat;  Bh.  4.  5,  hacd 
draugdh  darsam  patipayahuvd  =   a  fraudulentia  valide  cave; 
D.  4.  3,   imam  daliydum  ahurahmazdd  pdtuv  liacd  liaindyd  = 
hanc  regionem,  A.  M.,  servato  ab  exercitu. 

11.  In   the   locution   with   verbs  of  fearing  hacd  'in  conse- 
quence of  had  sunk  nearly  to  the  level  of  being  a  mere  case 
exponent  (cf.  Brugmann,  Kvg.,  §  593,    and  note  the  Spanish 
use  of  exponential  d  before  names  of  personal  direct  objects), 
and   there  was   the    same   possibility  with  verbs  of  obtaining 
and  demanding  (=  seeking  to  obtain),  which  took  a  separative 
case,  e.  g.  Homeric  TratSos  ISefaro  =  (a)  filio  accepit,  Skr.  grlinlydt 
sddlmtah   =    'accipiat  (a)   bono'.   Latin   Hinndd   cepit  (GIL., 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Indo-Iranian   Word-  Studies.  J<»7 


I.  530);  aTraireti/  TII/OS  (e«-,  rapa-)  =  postulare  (ab)  aliquo,  Skr. 
kena   ambho   yacitam   bhuydt  =  per-quem   aqua  petita  <est> 
a-rege.     Iranian  examples  are:    Y.  44.  17  (1749,   II,  1.  1.  B, 
cf.  col.  1670),  kaOa  zarsm  cardni  haca  xsmat  =  num  voluntatem. 
impetrem  a  vobis1  (=  per  vos,  in  Folge  von);  Bh.  1.  14  (1750, 

II.  1.  1.  c)  haca  amaxam  taumayd  pardbartam  <=  a  nostri  (sic) 
gente   ablatum;   Y.  62.  7   (1748,  II,  1.  1.  /?)   wspaetiyo   haca 
izyeiti  hubdrdtlm  =  omnibus  ab  postulat  bene-sacrificatum;  Y. 
31.  14  (1749,  II,  1.  1.  B),   yd  imdo   dad9nte    ddOrancim   haca 
aZdunb  =  quae   postulata  fiunt  debitorum   (neuter)   ab  A§a- 
discipulo.2  —-In  this  category  we  may,  witb  some  reinforcement 
of  the  etymological  sense  of  haca  (see  §§  6,  9),  render  by  'with 
compliance  from'  (i.  e.  on  the  part  of). 

12.  With  the  verbs  of  obtaining  (cf.  Lat.  parare)  we  may 
associate  verbs  of  begetting  (cf.  Lat.  parere),  satisfying  oursehcs 
by   citing   the    one    example   of  Yt.  13.  87    (1748,  II.  1.  1.  /?), 
yahmat  haca  frddwdYdsat  ndfo  =  quo  ex  [cum]  procreavit  gentem. 

13.  Much   the   larger   number  of  examples  of  haca  +  ablv. 
follow    after  verbs  of  motion,   and  it  hardly  seems  likely  that 
here  we  have  a  mere  casual  exponent  brought  over  from  the 
separative  connotation  with  verbs  of  fearing  (§  10).     For  this 
usage  it  is  tempting  to  seek  for  haca  direct  derivation  from  a 
rootnoun  *sekw-,   quasi   'iter,   cursus,   trail,  track',   a  definition 
certainly  justified  a  priori  by  the  usage  of  verb  forms  of  the 
root  sekw.     This  leads  us  to  the  simple  definition  of  haca  by 
'away,  weg  (von)  &c.5  (cf.  Fick-Stokes,  Wtbch.,  p.  296).3     Still, 
in   matters   of  definition   the  argument  a  posteriori  furnishes 
the  line  of  procedure  I  prefer  to  follow,  and  it  is  worth  our 
while  to  ask  whether,  in  the  construction  of  verbs  of  motion 
with    haca  +  ablv.,  haca  did  not  originally  go  with  the  verb, 
somewhat  in  the  sense  of  'secundum'  (=  along),  e.  g.  in  Bh. 

1  Mills  renders  by  -'shall  I  proceed  to  that  conference  with  you"? 

2  This   is   what  I   understand  Bartholomae  to  mean  by  his  rendering 
(col.   733,  mid.):    die  Schuldf  order  ungen  die  auf  Grund  der  Buchungen 
an  den  ^.sa-anhanger  gestellt  wurden.     Mills  renders  by  "What  prayers 
with  debt-confessions  are  offered  with  the  offering  of  the  holy". 

3  The  assumption  of  a  root  noun  sekw  'trail,  track'  leads  to  a  pretty 
result    for    a    somewhat    isolated  usage  of  6ri    viz:    as    in   a  278,   p  197, 
&5va,  |  TroXXa  /ta\',  <Wa  lotxe  ^1X175  tirl   TraiSos   frre^at.     If  we  read   *tirl  here, 
we  have  a  reference  to  the  route  of  the  homegoing  bride.     In  form,  we 
may  compare  skr.  me  sad  (QBr.  4.  1.  3.  7)  -in  my  support,  mihi  auxilio', 
but  literally  something  like  'mei  (gen.)  <in>  comitatu'. 

VOL.  XXXI.     Part  IV.  28 


408  Edwin  W.  Fay,  [1911. 

2. 12  (=  1750,  II.  1.  1.  b),  pasdvah  adam  nijdyam  hacd  Itabi- 
raiig  •=  postea  ego  abii  secundum  Babylone  [unless  in  a  mili- 
tary context  like  this  hacd  meant  in  expeditione(m)],  i.  e.  'along.' 
or  'on'  from  Babylon.  In  such  contexts,  if  hacd  were  sub- 
sequently drawn  to  the  noun,  'secundum'  would  pass  through 
'porro'  *  to  'ex'.  -  -  Again,  in  sentences  containing  verbs  with 
plural  or  joined  subjects  or  objects,  hacd  in  the  sense  of  una, 
really  to  be  taken  with  the  verb,  might  have  been  drawn  as 
a  mere  exponent  to  the  separative  ablative  following.  Examples: 
Y.  5.  19  (1746),  yaozdya  tacinti  dpo  zrayanhat  haca  piiitikdt 
avi  zrayo  vouru-kasdtn  =  purificatae  ruunt  aquae  una  <a>  niari 
P.  ad  mare  Y.;  Yt.  10.  39  (1746),  zar&tvacit  vazdmna  haca  l)d- 
ziibhyo  =  tela  quidem  . .  missa  una  <a>  lacertis;  Y.  3.  7  (1747), 
daeva  han-dvardnti..haca  #araSaSa=diaboli  con-currunt  ..una'2<a> 
fossa;  Yt.  9.  10  (1747),  apa-bardni  uva  Sufomca  barSrwmca  haca 
tnazda  ddmabyo  =  au-feram  ambas  famemque  sitimque  una  <a> 
creatoris  locis;  Y.  9. 53  (1747),  ahmat  haca  asanhatca  Soiftraatca 
axstat  .  .  izdca  dzuitisca  =  eo  una  <a>  locoque  domoque  ab- 
sistet  .  .  fortunaque  opulentiaque;  Yt.  8.  32  (409,  s.  v.  us-hdn- 
dava-),  dunman  ham-histdnti  us-hdndavat  haca  garoit  =  vapores 
constant  (=  colliguntur)  us-hindu-  una  <ex>-<man. 

14.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  assert  that  these  restorations  of  a 
vanished  sense  to  examples  of  a  developed  hacd  --a  resto- 
ration that  may  be  diagrammed  in  part  by  saying  that  una  <a> 
yielded  [una]  a  -  -  prove  an  original  meaning  of  'una,  simul', 
but  it  is  well  to  show  from  extant  examples  that  the  devel- 
oped sense  may  be  but  an  accident,  a  mere  consequence  of 
the  word's  having  become  otiose  in  certain  contexts;  and  if 
haca  =  una  with  verbs  of  motion  came  to  be  felt  as  otiose, 
its  other  ablative  connections  -  -  I  particularly  think  of  verbs 
of  fearing  with  their  note  of  physical  recoil3,  see  §  10  - 


1  i.  e.  Eng.  'forth'.  —  I  find  in  the  rather  full  English-French  lexicon 
of  Fleming  and  Tibbins  that  forth  is  defined  by  "en  avant,  ensuite;  dehors, 
au  dehors  &c."    This    ought  to  mean  that  aller  ensuite  may  be  used  to 
replace   aller  en  avant,  but  this  usage  is  unknown  to  several  high  au- 
thorities on  French  diction  whom  I  have  consulted. 

2  The  tautology  of  con-  and  una  may  be  compared  with  the  doubled 
ana  with  &ro/*cu  in  Homer  (t  371). 

3  Of.  <f>etyeii>  =  'to  flee  or  escape  from'  (with  gen.,  Odys.),  but  <pvfa  = 

SeiXfa'  (so  Hesychius ;  cf.  Lith.  bugti  'terreri). 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Indo-Iranian  Word- Studies. 

rendered  it  liable  to  be  taken  up  as  a  mere  casual  exponent. 
With  verbs  of  fearing,  'in  consequence  of  readily  yielded 
'from',  and  we  bridge  over  to  the  purely  local  sense  by  assuming 
the  start  to  have  begun  from  the  nouns  of  place-persons  like 
Skr.  Dyaus,  Greek  "AtS^?,  Latin  Orcus. 

15.  The  local  sense  may  also  be  glimpsed  in  a  context  lik<- 
the  following  where,  after  describing  the  origin  of  two  moun- 
tains, the  text,  continues,  Yt.  19.  2  (1747),  ahmat  haca  garayo 
fraoxsyan  <=  inde  successim  (==  ensuite)  <hi>  montes  procre- 
scunt.    Also  note  Yt.  19.  34,   where   vaendmmm    ahmat   haca 
xvardno  .  .fraSusat  (=  evidenter  ea  ex  gloria  . .  abscessit)  may 
be  etymologically  realized  by  thinking  of  English  'to  part  witli\ 
contaminated  with  'to  (de-)part  from\ 

16.  In  the  old  Persian  we  find  a  rather  neat  testimony  to 
the  role  I  have  assigned,  in  the  development  of  the  idiom  of 
haca  +   ablv.,  to  the  construction  after  verbs  of  fearing,  viz: 
D.  4.  2  (1752),   where  we  have  iyam  daliyauS  . .  haca  aniyana 
naiy   tarsatiy  =  ea   regio  .  .  cum  (sic)  <a>   hoste   non   metuit. 
Here   we   have   the   instrumental   (cf.  Bartholomae  in  Gr.  Ir. 
Phil.  I  §  378.  6)  retained  with  haca  (=  'in  consequence  of). 

17.  A    quite    isolated    accusative    regimen    (cf.    Lat.   secus, 
secundum)  is    found    in  V.  12.  1   (1752),  where   haca   is  taken 
in  the  general  sense  of  'ad'    (=  as  regards),   cvat   ae$qm  upa- 
manaym  puOro  haca  pitardm  &c.  =  quamdiu  eorum  <funera 
celebrantes>   manent,   filius  propter  patrem  &c.,    where  I  take 
propter  for  'in  consequence  of.     In  V.  5.  1,  2,  haca  'from'  is 
combined  with  the   accusative  in  the  locution  'from  the  tops 
of  the  mountains  (=  haca  bardsnavo  gairanqm)  to  the  depths 
of  the  valleys'  (=  avi  jafnavo  raonqm),  and  conversely;  cf.  also 
Yt.   10.   67    (1752)    'from    region    to   region'    (haca  kar$vard 
avi  k).    In  both  these  locutions  'secundum'  (=  down  along,  cf. 
sec.  flumen)  would  serve,  i.  e.  (1)  'down  along  the  mountains 
<in>to  the  valleys'   and  'along  the  valleys  <up>  to  the  moun- 
tains, and  (2)  secundum  <alteram>  regionem  ad  <alteram>  r. 
We   have   besides   (3)  Y.  61.  5    (1752),   yaca  him  jandma  . . 
vispaiS  haca  Jcarsvan  yai8  hapta  =  ut  earn  expellamus  .  .  uni- 
versis  [cum]  <ex>  regiones  (sic)  illis  septem,  where  haca  takes 
an   instrumental   of  the   adj.  and   an   accusative   of  its  noun. 
Here  perhaps  haca  karZvan  (=  secundum  regiones)  represents 
a  use  originally  distributive  (cf.  Lat.  in  dies),  i.  e.,  'along  region 

28* 


410  Edwin  W.  Fay,  [19il. 

after  region;   which  tended  to  develop   to    the  sene  of  ultra 
(praeter)  regiones. 

18.  I  think  I  have  now  shown  how,  starting  with  an  ety- 
mological  sense   of  'in   consequence,   ensuite,   in   Folge',   with 
instrumental  regimen,  we  account,  in  not  all  too  complicated 
a  manner,  for  the  development  of  a  sense  approximating  'from', 
which  made  haca  a  fit  exponent  --or  shall  I  say  coefficient? 
—  for  the  ablative.     With  the  accusative,  the  sense  of  'secun- 
dum'  may  have  developed  into  'ultra'  (=  'beyond,  past'). 

19.  This  brings  us  to  the  support  chiefly  relied  upon  by  the 
chorizonts  who  would  separate  Iranian   haca  from   Skr.  saca, 
viz:  Olr.  seek,  defined  by  Zeuss  as  'praeter,  ultra,  supra,  extra'. 
The  cognation  of  sech  with  the  root  of  sechim  'sequor'  seems 
to  me  properly  upheld  by  Fick-Stokes  (1.  s.  c),  and  by  Brug- 
mann  (Kvg.,  §  618),  as  against  Foy  and  Thumb  (see  "WaldeT 
s.  v.).1     Thurneysen  in  his  grammar  defines  sech  by  vorbei  an 
(Eng.  'along  past',  often  simply  'by'),  and  compares  Lat.  secus, 
but  it  does  not  appear  whether  he  derives  secus  from  sequitur 
or  not.     As  I  see  it,  if  we  start  with  the  sense  of  'following', 
i.  e.  'in  attendance  upon',  we  come  easily  to  'alongside  of  (a 
person)   and  then  to  'by',   and  finally  'past,  beyond',    cf.  e.  g. 
in  Windisch's  Texte,  p.  207,  26  luid  seocu,  which  means  <saxum> 
iit  praeter  eas.     In    other  contexts  sech   may  be  rendered  by 
our  English  use  of  via  =  'by  way  of,  Germ,  liber'  in  the  address 
of  a  letter.     See  the  description  of  a  travel  route  in  the  Seel 
mucci  Mic  Datho  §  20    (Windisch,   1.  c.   p.  106,  5  sq.)   where 
sech   is   followed   by  various  names  of  places  'past'  which  the 
traveller  went.     The  adverbial  use  of  sech  (==  "aufierdem")  is 
etymologically   given   by   'folglich;  besides'.     Welsh   hep   'sine' 
has   developed   on   the   lines   of  Osc.  perom  'sine'    (:  Lat.  per) 
"eigentlich  'dariiber  hinaus'"  (Walde,  p.  574). 

Sanskrit  sakd. 

20.  As  a  corollary  to  the  discussion  of  Iranian  haca  a  word 
may  be  said  of  Skr.  sakd  which  occurs  one  each  in  the  Rig 
and  Atharva  Vedas,    and   both   times   in  a  hymn  which  is  a 
charm  against  snakes  (or,   for  the  Rik  hymn,  against  poison 


1  I  am  entirely  skeptical  as  to  "Walde's  explanation  of  seel,  which  I 
am  beginning  to  define  by  'away,  weg,  via'  and  to  connect  with  656s,. 
see  Class.  Phil.,  4.  301,  fn. 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Indo-Iranian   Word-Studies.  \  \  \ 

in  general).  I  am  prepared  to  admit  that  each  of  the  hymns 
(EV.  1.  191  and  AY.  X.  4)  is  popular  rather  than  hieratic  in 
point  of  diction  and  that  linguistically  considered  they  are  late. 
But  religiously  considered,  a  snake  charm  is  likely  to  be  early 
and  when  in  such  a  charm  a  word  is  found  that  is  virtually 
absent  from  the  other  literature1  that  word  is  no  less  likely 
to  be  a  technical  archaism  than  a  popular  neologism.  Accord- 
ing to  the  lexica  (supported  by  native  authority)  sakd-  is  a 
diminutive  of  the  article  sa-,  being  defined  as  dieser  geringere, 
-  winzige  (PW2),  and  compared  with  esaka-  yako,-  (PW1). 
These  comparisons  are  not  illuminating,  for  esaka-  is  not  genu- 
inely extant,  and  yoke  in  RV.  8.  21.  18  (anyake  yake  =  alii- 
cunque  quicunque)  seems  to  me  clearly  equivalent  to  a  Greek 
*6-Tives  (sic)  — that  is  to  say  that  ya-ka-  compounded  here  does 
the  usual  work  of  yah  kah  (  +  -co).  But  if  sakd-  really  is  a 
derivative  of  the  article,  I  think  rather  of  the  -c(e)  of  Tzic, 
iUic,  istic,  though  this  raises  the  question  whether  we  restore 
*ke  (so  Brugmann)  or  *ke  as  the  startform  of  Lat.  -ce.  For 
the  full  adjectivization  of  sa-ka-s,  as  compared  with  illi-c(e), 
cf.  Lat.  ipsus  |  ipse. 

21.  The  passages  for  sakd  are,  in  translation,  as  follows, 
"The  little  girl  of  the  Kiratas,  she  the  little  one,  digs  a  remedy" 
(Whitney's  translation  of  AV.  X.  4.  14)  and  "This  little  bird, 
so  very  small,  hath  swallowed  all  thy  poison  up"  (Griffith's 
Big  Veda,  1.  191.  11),  and  I  can  but  think  it  curious  that  the 
two  most  genuine  uses  of  one  word  are  found  in  descriptions 
of  antidote  procurers.  In  either  case  sakd  may  be  a  partici- 
pial and  mean  'sequens'  (=  quaerens,  cf.  quaerit  of  the  anti- 
dote-seeker in  Aeneid  4,  513 — 515),  or  even  'secans';  or  it 
may  be  an  instrumental  of  a  noun  sa*kw  'bill'  (=  gladium; 
rostrum),  allied  to  Lat.  sacena,  and  saxum.  If  we  were  quite 
sure  that  sakd  meant  'small',  we  might  still  derive  it  from  the 
root  of  secat,  in  the  sense  of  'segment'  ('fragment'),  cf.  Eng. 
snip  and  bit.* 


1  Of  course  I  have  at  my  command  no  other  guide  to  usage  than  the 
Petersburg  lexica. 

2  This   semantic  correlation  perhaps   obtains  in  the  following  words, 
Lat.  minor  (Fay,  AJP..  26,  176),  <rfuK-p6s  (ib.  177),  Lat.  paulum  (ib.  188), 
parvus  (194),   tvilis  (202),    Skr.  dabhrds  (385);   further  cf.  Skr.  ksudrds: 
ksod-ati  (so  Uhlenbeck). 


412  Edwin  W.  Fay,  [1911. 

Sanskrit  sdcis  (advb.)  'sidewise.  aside'. 

22.  The   relation  of  meaning  between  sdcis  and  sdcate  'se- 
quitur'  is,  as  Uhlenbeck  recognizes  in  his  lexicon,  not  obvious. 
I  define   sdci-,  spoken   of  a  dependant,  a  pedisequus,   one  of 
the  suite,  by  'alongside  of,  beside'  (cf.  Ir.  sech§  19)  whence  by 
subsequent  restriction  —  or  enlargement?  —  'on  (the)  side;  aside'; 
cf.  Eng.  aside  from  (with  a  sense  near  to  the  sense  of  Welsh 
hep  'sine'  (§  19,  fin.),  and  beside  in  "beside  the  question,  the 
mark"  &c. 

Sanskrit  sak-than-  'thigh'. 

23.  With  the  root  of  secat  I  would  join  Skr.  sak-tlian-  'thigh' 
One  cannot  read  his  Homer  and  find  ^povs  l^ra^ov  (=  "the 
thighs  they  cut  off")  without  realizing  that  *sekto-  'cut'  would 
constitute  a  very  proper  designation  for  the  thigh1,    cf.  Eng. 
'cuts',  of  the  different  portions  of  a  slaughtered  animal.     Flex- 
ionally,  saJcthan-  has  been  modelled  on  asthdn-  'bone'2. 

Two  Sanskrit   Words  for  the  Hand. 

24.  I  have,  in  another  place  (AJP.  31,  416)  explained  Skr. 
an-gu-stha-s  'thumb'  as  a  compound  of  three  members  =  'in- 
manu-stans'.     In  the  same  essay    (pp.  416.  419)   I  interpreted 
the  startform  *tri-st(h)os  'third'  (but  *tri-st(h)is  in  Latin  testis) 
as  'tip-standing'    (of  the   left   mid-finger),    and   the   startform 
*ksw-ek(s)-stho-s  'sixth'   as   'co-ex-stans'    (of  the  second  thumb 
in  the  digital  enumeration). 

25.  In  view  of  these  three  finger-names  in  -stho-s  (-sthi-s) 
—  with  which  we  may  do  well  to  compare  Gr.  7ra\a(i)-a-T^  'palm'  - 


1  Possibly  fjiypbs   originally  simply  meant  'cut',,  and  belongs  with 
'part',  to  a  root  mer,  found  in  Lat.  mor-d-et  'bites'. 

2  The  phonetic  difficulty  with  the  relation  of  Lat.  ossi-s  (gen.)  to  Skr. 
dsthi-    was    not    solved  by  Johansson  in  IF.  14,  322,    for    the  startform 
od-thi-  would,  to  the  best  of  our  knowledge,   yield  Skr.  *atthi-  and  not 
dsthi-.     But  I  know  no  phonetic  obstacle  to  assuming  for  the  startform 
*od-sthi-,  whence  -tsth-  with  the  treatment  of  tsth  in  Latin,  but  a  different 
treatment  in  Sanskrit.     This  *od-sthi-  was  a  compound,   and  if  (o)dsth- 
tended   in  the  primitive  speech  to  (o)sth,   recomposition  may  have  rein- 
troduced   the  vanishing   (or  vanished)    d.    I   define  od-  by  'stone':  Skr. 
dd-ri-s  'stone,  cliff'  (!ddyu-s,  if  =  stump),  and  -sthi-  either  means  'state, 
condition'    (the    whole   =    "possessing    the    stone-condition"):    the    root 
stlid(y}-\    or   it  meant  'hard'    in  this  compound    (=  stone-hard),    and  is 
cognate   with   the   root  to  which  Eng.  stone,   Lettic  stine  'Eisenstange' 
belong  (see  Prellwitz,  s.  v.  aria). 


Vol.  xxxi.]  Indo-Iranian  Word-Studies.  11; 

we  may  ask  if  in  Skr.  galiha-sti-s  'hand,  forearm'  -st(h)i-s  'stans' 
is  not  to  be  recognized  as  the  posterius,  reduced  in  value  to 
a  mere  suffix.  The  sense  of  gdbha-stis  will  be  'Greifer'  (cf. 
Viennese  Greiferl),  and  it  will  belong  with  Lat.  halet  'holds' 
(see  Uhlenbeck,  s.  v.). 

26.  By  the  same  token  we  may  divide  Skr.  hdsta-s  into  hd  + 
st(h)a-s.     What  is  hd-?  It  is  either  for  hdb(h)-  or  for  had(h)~ 
with   the   final   sonant    dropped   before   st(h).     I  suppose  the 
start  form  to  have  been  rather  *ghod-st(li)o-s  than  *ghabh-stho-s 
but  without  being  able  to  give  a  perfectly  convincing  reason 
for  my  preference,  even  though  Greek  a-yoo-ros  shows  o  in  the 
root   syllable.     The  root  ghed-   (guttural,   not  palatal)   in  the 
sense    of   'grasp'   is  well  attested   (see  e.  g.  Walde,   s.  v.  pre- 
liendo),  though  some  of  the  forms  cited,  e.  g.  Lith.  pasi-gendu 
'desidero,  cupio'  belong  more  naturally  with  the  root  gwhed(h)- 
in  Ota-o-aa-Vai  'precari':  Av.  jaidyq/m  'orare'.     A  palatal  variety 
(ghed-)  of  a  root  with  pure  guttural  is  not  to  be  incontinently 
rejected.      Thus    Skr.    hasta~s,    from    ghod-stho-s ,    also    means 
'seizer',    and  'seizer'   is  the  apparent  (and  I  believe  the  real) 
definition   of  Gothic  handus   (:  hinpan    'seize')    as   well   as   of 
Greek  ytip.     Why  suspect  this  definition?  Is  not  the  scientific 
language    of  today,    when    set    to    point    out   the    differences 
between  man  and  his  ape-progenitor,  driven  to  the  .designation 
of  the  hand  as  the  'Greif-hand',  as  the  ape's  foot  is  a  'Greif-fui-j'? 

27.  It  is  valuable  for  the  definition  to  compare  Lith.  pa-zastls 
'armhole,    armpit'.     The   way   in   which   the   sense  derived   is 
made  clear  by  quoting  Horace,  epist.,   1.  13.  12,  ne  forte  sub 
ala  fasciculum  portes  librorum,  ut  rusticus  agnum.     In  short, 
the  arm-hole  is  an  arm-hold  as,  conversely,   a  ship's  hold  is  a 
ship's  hole.    I  have  elsewhere  given  to  pa-zastis,  but  with  less 
semantic  support,  I  think,  the  definition  of  'res  impressa',  and 
to  Skr.  hds-ta-s  the  definition  of  'quod  ferit',  deriving  it  from 
the  root  glies-  'ferire'  (see  Mod.  Lang.  Notes,  22.  38). 


Printed  by  W.  Drug-ulin,  Leipzig  (Germany). 


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