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Full text of "Journal of the American Oriental Society"

M 

JOURNAL 



OP THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 



EDITED BY 



JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL 

Professor in the University of Chicago, Professor in Yale Universit 

Chlca > IU - New Haven, Conn. 



THIRTIETH VOLUME 




THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U.S.A. 

MCMIX MCMX. 





Ab 

tf.30-3) 



Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany). 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 
/ ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600. 

Parti 259 

BARRET, L. C. : The Kasbmirian Atharva Veda, Book II 187 

BLAKE, F. R.: Expression of the ideaa "to be" and "to have" in 

the Philippine Languages 375 

CASANOWICZ, J, M. : Note on Some Usages of ]2^ 343 

GOTTHEIL, R. J. H. : A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk (with 

a Plate) 58 

GOTTHEIL, R,. J. H. : The Origin and History of the Minaret . . . 132 
GRAY, L. H. : The Parsi-Persian Burj - Namah, or Book of Omens 

from the Moon 336 

GRIEVE, L. C. G.: The Dasara Festival at Satara, India .... 72 

HIRTH, F.; The Mystery of Fu-lin 1 

HIRTH, F. : Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu 32 

HIRTH, F. : Early Chinese notices of East African territories . . 46 
HOPKINS, E. W.: Mythological Aspects of Trees and Mountains in 

the Great Epic 347 

JASTROW, M. : Another Fragment of the Etana Myth 101 

MARGOLIS, M. L. : Complete Induction for the Identification of the 

Vocabulary in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with 

its Semitic Equivalents; its Necessity, and the Means of 

obtaining it 301 

MICHELSON, T.: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen- 

Edicts of Asoka. Part I. General Introduction and the dialect 

of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions 77 

OLIPHANT, S. G. : The Vedic Dual. Part I. The Dual of bodily parts. 155 
PRINCE, J. D.: A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the 

British Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) 94 



Page 
PRINCE, J. D. : A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts 

from the British Museum, XV, Plate 23) with Translation and 

Commentary 325 

VANDERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV, 

Plates 12 and 13) 61 

VAKPERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Mullil (Tablet 29615, CT XV, 

Plates 7, 8 and 9) 313 

Proceedings of the Meeting in New York, April 1909 ... I 

List of Members . . XIII 

Constitution and By-Laws XXVIII 

List of Publications XXXI 

Notices XXXII 



The Mystery of Fu-lin. By FBIEDKICH HIKTH, Professor 
in Columbia University, New York City. 

THE several accounts we possess in Chinese literature of that 
mysterious country in the extreme west called Fu-lin declare 
it to be identical with the country known in ancient times as 
Ta-ts'in. The texts of the T'ang dynasty speak of "Fu-lin, 
that is the ancient Ta-ts'in," or of "Tats'in, also called Fu- 
lin," and it appears that the two names were interchangeable. 
From the Chinese point of view the question would, therefore, 
be simple enough. If Ta-ts'in is Syria, Fu-lin must be Syria. 
I am nevertheless disinclined to be guided by this kind of 
logic and fully admit the difficulty of the Fu-lin problem. 

My present view, which in its main features has undergone 
little change from the one expressed twenty-five years ago in 
my first study of the subject, 1 is briefly this: Ta-ts'in is the 
Eoman empire with all its grandeur emanating from Rome, its 
capital; but the detail placed on record in the contempor- 
aneous Chinese texts is confined to its Asiatic provinces, for 
which reason not Rome, but Antioch is described as the ca- 
pital city. Its relations to China were of a commercial kind. 
Fu-lin is the Eastern empire of Byzantium, but as in the case 
of Ta-ts'in, the Chinese accounts are confined to certain Asi- 
atic portions of it, and its relations to China were chiefly 
ecclesiastical. This at least is the impression I have received 
from the study of the Fu-lin chapters in the Chinese standard 
histories. I admit that Chinese literature contains a few pas- 
sages, to which I hope to revert on some future occasion, 
which seem to involve that, besides the countries described 
in the standard accounts, a Greater Ta-ts'in and a Greater 
Fu-lin were not unknown in China. 

1 China and the Roman Orient: Researches into their Ancient and Me- 
diaeval Relations as represented in old Chinese records. Shanghai, 1885. 
I shall in the course of these notes refer to this book by the letters R. O. 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 



2 F. Hirth, [1910. 

This view has been recently abandoned by my esteemed 
friend Professor Ed. Chavannes, who thinks that Fu-lin is after 
all Constantinople and not Syria. 1 His arguments are briefly 

these. 

1. The name Fu-lin represents the Greek accusative iroXiv 
in 15 rrjv TroXiv, Istan-polin, according to Mas'udi the origin of 
the name Istambul. 

2. The name Fu-lin appears in Chinese literature previous 
to the arrival of the Nestorians in China. 

3. It may have been brought to China during the Sui 
period by the Western Turks, who had been visited by By- 
zantine ambassadors in 568 and 576 A. D. 

4. The king of Fu-lin who sent ambassadors to China in 
643 was called Po-to-li (Jjfc ^ #). By substituting gfe for 
%, the name would appear as Po-si-li, which may stand for 



5. The Arab general Mo-i, who was sent to effect the siege 
of Fu-lin, may be identical with Muawia's son "Yezid ben 
Muawia," one of three emirs who attacked Constantinople. 

6. The king of Fu-lin who sent an embassy to China in 
1081 Mie-li-i-Ung-kai-sa may have been identical with the pre- 
tender Nicephorus Melissenus, the character ffi i in that name 
being a mistake for ^ ss'i. 

Professor jChavannes justifies the changes he suggests in 
connection with such names as Po-to-li and Mie-li-i by the 
frequency of errors in the tradition of Chinese texts. I quite 
admit this argument as applying to certain works, such as the 
Ttfd-fu-yuan-kui, from which his "Notes additionelles" have 
been mainly derived. This work bristles with mistakes; but 
I would be much less inclined to assume such errors in the 
texts of the standard histories, the tradition of which, as re- 
gards names, compares not unfavourably with that of our me- 



1 In his paper entitled "Notes additionelles sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) 
occidentaux" in T'oung-pao , 1904, p. 37, note 3, in which he says : " J'ai 
identine ce pays [Fou-lin] avec la Syrie, parce que j'acceptais la theorie 
soutenue avec beaucoup de talent par HIRTH (China and the Roman Ori- 
ent) qui voit dans le terme Fan-tin (anciennement but-lim] le nom de Beth- 
lehem, et qui considere Po-to-li, roi du Fou-lin, comme le bathrik, c'est- 
a-dire le patriarche des Nestoriens. Un nouvel examen de la question 
me conduit^ cependant a reprendre 1'ancienne identification de Fou-lin avec 
Byzance." 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 3 

diseval Greek and Latin classics. * Conjectures of this kind 
may occasionally become necessary, but they ought in all cases 
to be supported by strong circumstantial evidence and ought 
also to admit of some plausible paleographic explanation. 

I have called this paper "The Mystery of Fu-lin," and I 
wish to indicate thereby that I do not by any means pretend 
to have removed all doubt from what may remain a mystery 
for ever. I cannot, however, refrain from placing on record 
the arguments which have induced me to maintain my original 
view. I welcome Professor Chavannes' criticism as the best 
means throwing light on the problem, and I shall be happy 
to hear of his further researches in the direction indicated. 
There still remain quite a number of important points to be 
settled in connection with both Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin, and who 
knows whether some unexpected discovery will not some day 
either shake, or confirm, our present views, if not furnish clues 
which nobody has thought of. 

i. The old sound of the name Fu-lin (g|J ^). 

The first character jjj}jj , now pronounced fu in the Mandarin, 
and fat in the Canton dialect, has a final t, according to all 
the mediaeval authorities quoted by K'ang-hi (Rad. 63, 5). In 
the Tsi-yun, a work which appeared as late as the Sung Dy- 
nasty, its sound is described as JjJ 5jj -tJJ, i. e., _p(ok-m)a, 
or pat. 

The second character ^, now pronounced lin in the Man- 
darin, and lam in the Canton dialect, was according to the 
Tsi-yun pronounced ft Jffj -gj, i. e., I (ik-k) am, or lam, and 
K'ang-hi quotes the name Fu-lin (Fat-lam or Pat-lam] as an 
example of that pronunciation (Rad. 140, 8). 

As a further example of the old sound ending in w, and 
not in n, I may quote the name of one of the priests which 
appears in estrangelo characters as Ephraem (read Abraham 
by Kircher) in the Syriac part of the Nestorian inscription 
with the Chinese transcription JijjJ ;jy(c, = fu-lin, fat-lam or pat- 
lam. I need not say that ffi and jj^ are identical in sound. 
Certainly the final of this character was m, and not n. In 

i Cf. my remarks on the "Textkritik" of Chinese authors, R. 0., 
p. 8 seq. 

1* 



4 F. Hirth, 

order to express the syllable lin in iroAiv, a Chinese transcriber 
of the sixth century would have selected some such character 
as $, lin, the old final of which is w, rather than a sound 
ending in m. In the T'ang-shu-sM-yin, chap. 24, p. 3, ad vo- 
cem Fu-lin, the sound of the character J is described as # 
ft,, i- e. Z (ik-n) am = lam. 

As may be seen from E. 0., p. 287, note 2, I do not doubt 
the correctness of the etymology of the name Istambul = Istan- 
polin (efc rrjv v6Xw) as suggested by Mas'udi; 1 but we have to 
take into consideration that, as Professor Chavannes says him- 
self, it applies to about the year 344 H., i. e., the tenth cen- 
tury A. D., whereas the name Fu-lin was first used in the 
sixth, or seventh, century. But, even granting the Byzantine 
Romans of that early period having called their capital "Istan- 
polin," this need not force us to identify the name with Chi- 
nese "Fu-lin." 

2. First occurrence of the name Fu-lin. 

I quite agree with Professor Chavannes about the Sui-shu 
being the oldest record in which the name Fu-lin is mentioned. 
Indeed I called attention to it on p. 17 and p. 288, note, of 
my book. The biographical portion, including the records re- 
garding foreign countries, of that historian was completed in 
636 A. D., as we are told in the Catalogue of the Imperial 
Library, 2 that is just a year after the arrival at Ch 7 ang-an of 
the first Nestorian mission under O-lo-pon (probably a tran- 
scription for Eabdn or Rabban, id est, monasterii propositus, 
Assemani,I?$Z. Or., Ill Pt. ii, pp. 911 and 913 also very common 
as a name). It seems to me quite possible that the name Fu-lin 
was just then substituted in the final revision of the Sui-shu 
text for that of Ta-ts'in, which may have been the original 
reading. But even if this had not been the case, why could 
not the Chinese have received notices of the country under 
its new name Fu-lin from sources not connected with the 
arrival of its natives, just as well as Ta-ts'in was known to 
them at the time of the general Pan Chau's campaign long 

i For a careful compilation of material regarding the origin and history 
of this name see E. Oberhummer in Pauly-Wissowa's "Real-Encyclopadie," 
B. v. "Constantinopolis." 

- Tsung-mu, chap. 45, p, 53. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 5 

before the first Ta-ts'in mission reached China in 166 A. D.? 
We know that the emperor Yang-ti tried in vain to have 
intercourse with Fu-lin. Could not he, or his representative 
Pei K'u, the author of the Sui-si-yu-Vu (pf jg j[$ @), have 
heard the name as being identical with that of Ta-ts'in through 
the Nestorians in other western countries which had then come 
into contact with China, such as Persia, which is described 
with considerable detail in the Sui-slm, with its city of Madain, 
then the see of Nestorian patriarchs? Certainly the appear- 
ance of the name Fu-lin in Chinese literature previous to 
that of the Nestorians in China does not argue against the 
identity of the country with Syria. Professor Chavannes refers 
to the three trade routes quoted from Pe'i K'ii's work in the 
Sui-shu (chap. 67, p. 12), the northern one of which leads by 
way of I-wu (Hami) past P'u-lei-hai (Lake Barkul), the T'ie-lo 
(Tolos) tribes, the court of the Great Khan of the Turks, and, 
crossing the rivers that flow north, to the country of Fu-lin 
and to the western sea." The route thus described is in my 
opinion not the later road to Constantinople, which skirted 
the Aral, the Caspian and the Pontus, since the several rivers 
to be passed in it flow south] "the rivers that flow north" 
must be the Jaxartes and the Oxus, and I take it for granted 
that this northern route would have taken travellers to An- 
tioch as the capital of Fu-lin. Neither John of Montecorvino 
nor Rubruck had to cross the "rivers that flow north," nor 
does Pegolotti recommend such a route except to those who 
may have merchandize to dispose of at Urgendj (see Yule, 
Cathay and the Way Tliither, p. 288). 

3. Who were the informants through whom the name Fu- 
lin became first known in China? 

We know from the Kiu-t' ang-shu (R. 0., pp. 55 and 105, 
K 33) that the emperor Yang-ti wished to open intercourse 
with Fu-lin, but did not succeed. Professor Chavannes, who 
thinks of Constantinople, maintains that the name Fu-lin be- 
came known in China through the Western Turks, and he 
refers to the relations of those Turks with the Byzantine Court. 
"A Chinese envoy at the court of the Turkish Great Khan," 
he says, "may have met some of these Greeks, or heard them 
spoken about; and thus the name of Constantinople came to 



6 F. ffirth, [1910. 

China in its form Polin, given to it by the Greeks themselves 
according to Masudi." I wish to offer a somewhat different 
explanation. In the introduction to the chapter on the western 
countries the Sui-slm (chap. 83, p. 1) confirms the emperor" 
Yang-ti's desire to have communication with as many countries 
as possible; the emperor, therefore, sent expeditions under 
Wei Tsie (^ fjj), author of a lost work, called Si-fan-ki (jg 
^| i) and quoted in the T'ung-tien in connection with the 
Ephthalites, and Tu Hing-man (^t fr Ji)- The latter visited 
the regions of Western Turkestan. Other officials were sent 
to Japan, Siam, etc. 1 After that he appointed Pel K'ii to a 
special post in north-west Kan-su with a view of inducing foreign 
countries to send envoys to China. From the account of Po- 
ss'i (jjj? fljf, i. e. Persia, chap. 83, p. 16) we learn that Yang-ti 
had deputed an envoy by the name of Li Yii (^ -g.) for the 
special purpose of persuading the Persians to send a mission 
to China, and Persian ambassadors actually came to China 
together with Li Yii, offering tribute to the court. This Per- 
sian embassy, according to the Ts'6-fu-yiian-kui (chap. 970, 
p. 3), arrived with the envoys of quite a number of other states 
in 616 A. D., probably a few years earlier, since the wording 
of this record, though entered under that special year, seems 
to involve the Ta-ye period (605 to 617 A. D.) generally as 
the date of arrival. 

When Yang-ti's envoy Li Yii arrived in Persia, the Persian 
throne was occupied by Khosru II, the bitterest enemy of all 
the Christians, including his political opponent, the emperor 
Heraclius. Syria was again held by the Romans, after it had 
been devastated by the Persians a generation ago. Antioch, 
already reduced to great straits by the earthquake of 525 A. D., 
had been sacked and destroyed by Khosru I in 540 A. D. If 
Antioch was the capital of old Ta-ts'in, or as I maintain, of 
its equivalent, Fu-lin, the fall of this city would mark an event 
in the interpretation of the name inasmuch as a second An- 
tioch had been built on Persian ground. Much of the mystery 
surrounding the Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin question may be explained 
thereby. I quote Rawlinson's The Seventh Great Oriental 
Monarchy (London, 1876, p. 395): 

"The Persian prince [Khosru I] after the fall of Antioch 

1 See Tsfo-furyfian-kui, chap. 662, p. 22 seq. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 1 

passed the winter in building and beautifying a Persian An- 
tioch in the neighbourhood of Ctesiphon, assigning it as a 
residence to his Syrian captives, for whose use he constructed 
public baths and a spacious hippodrome, where the entertain- 
ments familiar to them from their youth were reproduced by 
Syrian artists. The new city was exempt from the jurisdiction 
of Persian satraps, and was made directly dependent upon 
the king, who supplied it with corn gratuitously, and allowed 
it to become an inviolable asylum for all such Greek slaves 
as should take shelter in it, and be acknowledged as their 
kinsmen by any of the inhabitants. A model of Greek civili- 
zation was thus brought into close contact with the Persian 
court." Rawlinson adds in a footnote: "Here the Oriental 
accounts are in entire accord with the Greek. Mirkhond and 
Tabari relate at length the construction of this new Antioch 
in the vicinity of Al Modain, adding that the name given to 
it was Rumia (Rome), and that it was an exact copy of the 
town upon the Orontes." 

The captivity of the Antiochian Christians is referred to by 
Barhebrseus * and in Mar Amr's biographies of the Nestorian 
patriarchs. 2 Tabari describes the new city in two passages 3 
with some detail. The great Persian king had endeavoured 
to build this new Antioch just like the old city in Syria, and 
when the captives entered its gates, everyone of them found a 
home so similar to the one he had left in Syria that he might 
imagine to be there. Khosru I did not, at least at first, inter- 
fere with their Christian idiosyncracies, but the history of the 
Nestorian patriarchs in the sequel abounds with examples of 
that tenacity with which the heroes among them would rather 



1 J. B. Abbeloos and Tho. J. Lamy, Gregorii Barhebrcei Chronicon 
Ecclesiasticum, Paris 1877, II 86 : "Hie (Chosroes Anuschervan) post annos 
octo Antiochiam invasit incenditque, ejus vero incolas captivos abduxit 
atque eis Mahuzam condidit, quam Antiochiam appellavit, eosque illic 
habitare jussit." Mahuza is explained by Assemani (BibL Or. Ill Pt. ii, 
p. 761) to be a city in Babylonia " apud Ctesiphontem ex altera fluminis 
parte, ad provinciam patriarchalem pertinens, eademque Bagdadi subur- 
bium, et Carcha, Corch seu Charch, appellatur." Professor Jastrow tells 
me that mahuza is Babylonic for city. 

2 Henricus Gismondi S. J., Maris Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestoria- 
norum Commentaria, Part II, containing the Latin version, Rome 1897, p. 24. 

3 Th. Nb'ldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasani- 
den, Leiden 1879, pp. 165 and 239. 



8 R Hirth, [1910. 

undergo martyrdom of any kind than cease to be faithful to 
their traditions. Many of them are recorded to have suffered 
death and torture under the threats of Persian kings and 
Arabic caliphs. It is to this virtue of the Syrian captives 
that Tu Huan, the author of the Hing-king-hi (ft 3| ft g fjj), 
who had been made a prisoner and retained in Persia for ten 
years after the battle of Tharaz in 751 A. D., refers when 
he says of the people of Fu-lin, which country he places in 
the west of Sham ("JiJ, = Damask): "If they live as captives in 
foreign states tliey will rather accept death than change their 
national customs." I have adopted Mr. Playfair's improved 
translation of this passage, though I do not with him apply 
it to the Israelites in exile, but to the Christians in their 
second Antioch near Madain. * A prominent case of Christian 
martyrdom has been recorded in Mar Amr's work (pp. cit, 
p. 37) as having occurred in the third year of Abul- Abbas 
(752 A. D.; "per id tempus martyrium fecit Israel medicus, 
cui Deus requiem concedat"). Assemani (II, p. 432) refers to it 
in connection with the imprisonment of the patriarch Jacob 
(754 773 A. D.) by the caliph Abu-Jafar, under whose reign, 
just at the time when Tu Huan himself lived as a captive 
in Persia, the Syrian Christians suffered more than ever under 
the persecutions of Mohammedan potentates. These were the 
outposts of the people of Fu-lin, who may have furnished the 
Chinese envoy to Khosru II, Li Yii, with the accounts of 
their country in Syria, and if the envoy's visit to the Persian 
court, placed in the Ta-ye period by the Chinese historians, took 
place in the earlier part of it, when Syria was still protected 
by the Roman army, this would be a sufficient reason why Yang- 
tr s wish to communicate with the mother country Fu-lin could 
not be fulfilled. Such certainly was the state of things pre- 
vious to the year 611 A. D., when Apameia and Antioch were 
sacked by the Persians under Khosru II. The Emperor's 
commissioner in Central Asia, Pel K'ii, who shared his master's 
ambition to see ambassadors of all the great countries of Asia 
at the steps of the dragon throne, succeeded in a wonderful 
manner; for he communicated with all, "only T'ien-chu (India) 
and Fu-lin (Syria) he did not reach to his regret." 2 

1 Cf. Playfair, "The Mystery ofTa-ts'in" in Journal of the China Br., 
R. A. S., Vol. XX, 1885, p. 78, referring to &. 0., pp. 83 and 116, Q 45. 

2 ffi 5C ^ tt 3fc 7 3* n J JR, Tang-shu, chap. 221 A, p . 25B. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 



4. The king of Fu-lin Po-to-li. 

I have always been of opinion that Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin have 
to be looked upon as the representatives of the Christian world. 
Even in the early accounts of Ta-ts'in we may notice an eccle- 
siastical colouring. "Their kings are not permanent rulers, 
but they appoint men of merit. When a severe calamity vi- 
sits the country, or untimely rain-storms, the king is deposed 
and replaced by another. The one relieved from his duties 
submits to his degradation without a murmur." 1 This is 
clearly neither a Roman Emperor, nor a praetor or proconsul, 
but a patriarch of the Christian Church, the patriarch of An- 
tioch as the head of all the Christians in Asia. With the 
settling of so many Syrian Christians in Persia after the fall 
of Antioch in 540 A. D., the Nestorian patriarch in Persia 
could perhaps lay claim to that dignity. 2 His residence in 
exile was merely a makeshift; to his own flock and to the 
Chinese behind them he was the patriarch of all the Christians, 
whatever the heterodox clergy in the west may have thought 
of it. It was the Nestorian patriarch who sent the first 
Christian missionaries to China, and whether he did so under 
orders from a still higher patriarch in Antioch, or on his own 
authority, it seems not easy to decide. We have a direct allu- 
sion to this crux by a Byzantine author, the archimandrite 
Nilos Doxopatres, a notary in the service of the patriarch of 
Constantinople, who in 1143 A. D. wrote, for king Rogers II 
of Sicily, a short treatise on the patriarchal thrones. 3 Doxo- 
patres may have been a biassed judge owing to his connection 
with the orthodox church, for he seems to ignore the schism 
when he says that "the patriarch of Antioch was in charge of 
all Asia and Anatolia and even India, whither he had sent a 
katholikos ordained by himself, styled the one of Romogyris, 
and also of Persia and Babylon, called Bagdad in his time, 

1 Hou-han-shu, R. O., pp. 41 and 100, E 19 and 20. 

2 According to Assemani, Bibl. Or., Ill Pt ii, p. 617, the Nestorian Arch- 
bishop at Seleucia and the Metropolitan of Persia had to proceed to Antioch 
for their ordination by the Patriarch previous to 498 A. D., after which 
time the "Catholicus" of the Nestorians claimed the title of Patriarch, 
in order to be relieved of the perilous journey to Antioch. 

3 Krumbacher, Gesch. d. lyzantin. Litteratur, 2nd ed., Miinchen 1897, 
p. 415 seq. 



10 F. Hirth, [1910. 

and that he had under him altogether thirteen metropolitans." * 
We know that the early Christians in India were Nestorians. 
The discovery of crosses resembling in shape the one appear- 
ing above the Nestorian tablet of Si-an-fu and, moreover, sur- 
rounded by Pehlevi inscriptions 2 points to the Nestorians in 
Persia as their originators. 

Doxopatres' statement seems to show that the patriarch of 
Antioch (i. e. of Syria or Ta-ts'in) was at least the nominal 
head of the Christians of Asia and that the several metro- 
politans, including those of the Nestorians in Persia and in 
India, were nominally appointed under his authority. If the 
patriarch of the Nestorians appointed his own men to the 
Persian sees and to those of India and China, as we have every 
reason to assume, he may either have had this power delegated 
on him, or he may have acted on a self-assumed authority, look- 
ing upon himself as] the patriarch of Antioch living in exile. 
According to my personal view it is the patriarch at the head 
of the Christians in Asia who is meant by the term "king of 
Fu-lin," or ,,of Ta-ts'in," in the later texts. To support this 
theory I wish to refer to an account of Ta-ts'in dating within 
scarcely a generation after the time when Nilos Doxopatres 
wrote that treatise according to which the "patriarch of An- 
tioch" appoints the heads of all the other churches in Asia, 
including the one of the Christians in India. This it appears 
to me we may infer from Chau Ju-kua's texts regarding 
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu (usually translated by India, but here 
covering the Christian settlements in that country). Chau Ju- 
kua says of his T'ien-chu: "The country is subordinate to the 
country of Ta-ts'in and its chiefs are selected ly Ta-ts'in." * 
I have endeavoured to explain this, at first sight startling, 
assertion by the relations existing, previous to the arrival of 
the Portuguese, between the Indian church of St. Thomas and 
the Nestorian patriarch as the ecclesiastical "King of Ta- 



1 ITaX;v 6 *Avf%9J*f KaTs7%sv a-xasav TT?V 'Aai'av KCU 

Ivc/av, &TTO-J K ai ; T&U vwv Ka&oX/K&v x^orovccv OTsM.ee; T&V jfaXofywvov 'Pw,ao- 
fjpsuf Ktzt alrqv TT/V Hepyia-j, en KAI avnyv -nyv Ba/2uXwva TT?V vDv Kakovfjihr/v Bayca 
K<fKsT yap OTvXXtv o 'Av7/ox*i? fysi olv fir t Tpoiro\e7s ajftapw %sKaTps7;. Varia 

Sacra Stephani le Moyne, Leiden 1685, II, p. 211 seq. Cf. Renaudot, 
Ancient Accounts of India and China, London 1733, p. 119. 

2 J. Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, Giitersloh 1906, p. 36. 



Vol. xxx.] TJie Mystery of Fu-lin. 11 

ts'in." i On entering deeper into the subject I am encouraged 
in maintaining this view, 2 though there seems to be some 
doubt as to who the real chief of the church has been, whe- 
ther the patriarch of Antioch or the one of the Nestorians 
in Persia. The Nestorian primate, to whom part of his juris- 
diction may have been ceded by the Patriarch of Antioch 
(Privilegium a Patriarcha Antiocheno concessum Primati Se- 
leuciensi ut Episcopos ordinare possit. Assemani, III Pt i, 
p. 145), seems to have been more settled in his authority in later 
centuries, when the extension of his dominion had grown too 
much for his western colleague, than in ancient times. I do 
not venture to say that Nestorian patriarchs called them- 
selves "Patriarchs of Antioch." There is, however, a strange 
synchronism between the statement, said to be the result 
of an error by Assemani (Bibl. Orient., Ill Pt. i, p. 289: 
"Golius apud Hottingerum in Bibl. Or., p. 62") to the effect 
that Elias III, catholic of the Nestorians 1176 1190, was 



1 See "Chao Ju-kua ? s Ethnography" in Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc., 
July 1906, pp. 496499. 

2 Ample material will be found in W. Germann, Die Kirche der 
Thomaschristen, Giitersloh, 1877, and Hichter's Indische Missionsgeschichte. 
The following sentences are selected from Capt. Charles Swanston's paper 
"A memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayala, or of the Syrian chris- 
tians of the Apostle Thomas from its first rise to the present time" in 
Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc., Vol. i, pp. 172192, and Vol. ii, pp. 5162 
and 243-247. 

"In 825, a merchant named Job conducted into Malabar, from Baby- 
lon, two Syrian ecclesiastics, Mar Saul and Mar Ambrose, sent by the 
Nestorian patriarch to rule over the church of St. Thomas." "These pre- 
lates governed the church in Trovancor for many years." "They were 
followed by a succession of teachers from Syria, who ruled over the 
church" (i, p. 178). "The authority of the Syrian bishops extends to all 
temporal and spiritual matters" (p. 180181). "The Nestorian patriarch 
of Babylon, a vague appellation, which has been successfully applied to 
the royal seat of Seleucia, of Ctesiphon, and of Bagdad" (p. 183). "What- 
ever credit may be thought due to the current tradition of these Chris- 
tians, that the Apostle Thomas planted the seeds of the Gospel among 
them, so much may be considered established beyond contradiction, that 
they existed in Trovancor as a flourishing people, connected with the 
Syrian church, from the first centuries of the Christian era" (ii, p. 234). 
"Their liturgy is that which was formerly read in the churches of the 
Patriarch of Antioch, and their language is the Syriac" (p. 237). "They 
hold in the highest respect their Patriarch of Antioch or Mosul, and 
make mention of him in their prayers" (p. 239). 



12 F. Hirth, [1910. 

called "Patriarch of Antioch," and Chau Ju-kua's source, the 
Ling-wai-tai-ta, published in 1178, which says that the king 
of Ta-ts'in ("Patriarch of Antioch") appoints the lord of T'ien- 
chu (here ruler over the Christians in India). Assemani (1. c.) 
admits that the Melchite, Maronite and Jacobite Syrians gave 
that title to their patriarchs, but by no means the Nestorians. 
For Assemani's views on the patriarchal title among Nesto- 
rians see also Bill Or., Ill, p. 57 seq. 

Chau Ju-kua's account of Ta-ts'in * is mixed up with a good 
deal of ancient lore, of which it has to be freed before being 
taken into consideration. Thanks to the discovery of Professor 
Tsuboi of Tokio, who drew attention to the Ling-wai-tai-ta 
by Chou K'ii-fei, 2 we are able to trace about one-third of the 
substance of Chau Ju-kua's work to this earlier writer, who 
had collected notices from personal enquiries, but did not 
publish them for a number of years, until he became tired 
of so many questions addressed to him about them by his 
friends. Thus the preface of his work, which may have been 
partly written some time before its publication, happens to be 
dated 1178 A. D., i. e. thirty-five years after the time in which 
Doxopatres wrote his treatise. It contains the account of Ta- 
ts'in partly copied by Chau Ju-kua, and in its simplicity makes 
the impression of a contemporaneous record. 3 

Chou K'u-fei says (chap. 3, p. 1): "The king is styled Ma- 
lo-fu" (5 %fc Jft PJI $,, in Cantonese ma-lo-fat, or giving the 
last character its probable old sound: ma-lo-pat). Since fu 
ijft occurs in a Sanskrit transcription for Ilia (see Julien, Me- 
thode, etc., p. 104, No. 309), we may read: ma-lo-pa. This I 
look upon as the title by which "the king," or in this case 
the patriarch, was known to Chou K'u-fei's informants. It 
seems to correspond to Syriac Mar-Ala, which was indeed 
one of the titles by which the patriarch could be addressed. 
Mar is a title of honour given to learned devotees among the 
Nestorians, somewhat like our " Venerable," 4 Ala means "father." 
Mar- Aba may thus be translated by "Venerable Father." Its 



2 i 



R. 0., pp. 9296 and 120122. 

"Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen iiber die fremden Lander", etc., in 
Actes, Xlle Congres Int. des Orient, Rome 1899, II, pp. 69125. 
a Tsuboi, op. cit, p. 107110. 

4 "Mar, Syriace, Dominus meus, ut post Assemannum observant docti 
Hagiographi", Ducange, Glossarium, etc., ed. L. Favre, s. v. Mar. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 13 

Greek and Latin equivalent was Patricius (Trar/owaos, patrik). 1 
"Patricius," as a title, may be applied to a number of high 
positions in the ancient west. Petros Patrikios, the emperor 
Justinian's ambassador to the Eastern Goths in 534 A. D. 
and to king Kosru of Persia in 550 and 560, held this dig- 
nity. 2 Roman prefects and even church dignitaries could hold 
this title after Constantinus the Great, its supposed creator. 3 
But I cannot quote any particular instance in which it applies 
to an oriental patriarch of either Antioch or Madain. 4 The 
root patrik would be an excellent equivalent for Chinese po- 
to-lik. But the Aramean form for the word "patriarch" itself, 
batrirk, would be fully as good from a linguistic point of view 
and would suit even much better on account of its sense. 
I do not, therefore, hesitate to adhere to my original iden- 
tification of the old sound po-to-lik with batrirk against Cha- 



Two years before Chou K'ii-fei published his accounts of 
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu, in 1176 A. D. the Nestorian church of 
Bagdad was under its patriarch Elias III, elected and or- 
dained at Madain, where he was endowed with a greenish 
cloak, "pallio amictus pistacini coloris" (Mar Amr, ed. Gis- 
mondi, II, p. 64). The sacred gown here translated by pallium 
is by later authors described as a kind of "pluviale," or rain 
cloak. The mistaken description of this gown may have caused 
the Chinese author to speak of a "green" (^f) umbrella, by 
which the "king of Ta-ts'in" is protected when appearing in 
public. Elias III distinguished himself by his architectural 
works. He re-built the patriarchal palace together with the 






1 "Quern enim Graeci Latinique Patricium vocant, is dicitur Syriace 
Aba, et praefixo Mar, seu Domini titulo, Mar-Aba," Assemani, op. cit. 
Ill, Part ii, p. 92 (quoting Bar Hebraeus). 

2 Krumbacher, op. cit., p. 237. 

3 Du Cange, s. v. Patricius. 

4 As a title, though it seems certain that Cosmas Indicopleustes 
(Migne, p. 125) speaks of a "Catholic of Persia," i. e. the head of the 
Nestorian church, under the name of HarpiKio; at a time when, accord- 
ing to other sources (Amr, p. 23), Mar Aba occupied the patriarchal see 
(536552 A. D.). This may be the basis of Assemani's identification of 
the titles Patricius and Mar Aba (cf. also J. "W. M c Crindle's note on the 
passage referred to in The Christian Topography of Cosmas, London 
1897, p. 24). 



14 F. Hirth, [1910. 

Church ("cellam in aedibus Komanorum reaedincare coepit 
unfi cum ecclesia," says Mar Amr, cf. Barhebraeus 7 Clironi- 
con, Abbeloos and Lamy, Vol. iii, p. 370), while according 
to the Chinese account of 1178 the king of Ta-ts'in had a 
subway built from his palace to the Hall of Worship (E. 6., 
p. 93). Although the Nestorian patriarchs were even at this 
time crowned at Madain, their place of residence had since 
the eighth century been at Bagdad, for which reason Chou 
K'u-fe'i, and with him Chau Ju-kua, speak of Ta-ts'in as k 'the 
general meeting ground for the nations of the Western heaven 
and the place where the foreign merchants of Ta-sh'i [Arabs 
and Persians] assemble." E. 0., R 1. 

The king of Fu-lin, who in 643 A. D., more than five hun- 
dred years before the time of Elias III, sent an embassy to 
China, did so at a time when Nestorians were in full grace 
with the Chinese court. The emperor T'ai-tsung favoured 
them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously 
granted presents of silk. 1 The king's name, as entered in 
the two versions of the Tang-shu, was Po-to-li ($ % jj , in 
Cantonese Po-to-lik). What I consider to be the Syriac trans- 
cription of this title could, of course, apply to the orthodox 
patriarch Mar Joannes, the pontifex of Antioch, who died 
after eighteen years' government in 649 A. D., 2 and who is 
distinctly described as batrirk /^i^a. In his case at that 
early time the title batrirk seems certainly unquestionable, 
whereas his Nestorian contemporary Jesujab II is styled ha- 
tulik r A,okj8. 3 On the other hand I observe that the Nesto- 
rian chiefs are styled batrirk in Mar Amr's biographies 
throughout, and that the Nestorians who erected the tablet 
of Si-an-fu say that this was done at the time when "the father 
of fathers" Mar Hananjesus was the catholic patriarch.* This 
shows that the title, whether accorded to their primate by 
orthodox writers or not, was claimed for him by his own 



1 R. 0., K 34 and L 41. 

2 Barhebraeus, op. cit, I, p. 279. 

3 Barhebr., II. p. 114. Regarding the titles by which the early Nes- 
torian chiefs have been referred to see Christ. Harder, Historiae Prime - 
tium ecclesiae Nestorianorum ab Amro filio Matthaei Arabice scriptae ver- 
sionis specimen. Neumiinster, 1890, p. 4. 

4 batrirkis in estrangelo characters, see Havret, La stele chretienne, etc., 
I, p. LXXIX. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 15 

subordinates, and thus circumstances may also favour the 
identification of the person called Po-to-lik with the patriarch 
Jesujab II, who was at the head of the Nestorian church 
from 627 to 646, a man of great political importance, who 
had acted as ambassador of the Persian court to the em- 
peror Heraclius. To whichever of the two dignitaries we may 
give the preference, we have to consider the ecclesiastical 
character of certain subsequent missions to China. One of 
these was sent in 719 A. D., when "their lord" (3 ) de- 
puted a chief of T'"u-huo-lo (Tokharestan) on a mission to the 
Chinese court. 1 The Nestorian patriarch was probably in a 
position to do so through one of his subordinates, some 
bishop of Balkh, a city of T'u-huo-lo or Tokharestan. For 
only sixty-two years later the Nestorian chorepiscopus of Kum- 
dan, Mar Idbuzid, who had his name engraved on the Nesto- 
rian tablet with those of his fellow priests in estrangelo cha- 
racters, calls himself "son of Milis, priest of Balkh." This 
Milis was evidently, like his son, a Nestorian priest, and since 
Idbuzid probably did not attain the dignity of chief of the 
church of Kumdan as a young man, which was the exception 
among Nestorian prelates, it would appear that the Nesto- 
rians actually had a church with priests in the city of Balkh 
about the time when the Fu-lin embassy of 719 A. D. came 
to China. 2 I am not aware that the Byzantine Romans had 
any relations with Tokharestan in 719 A. D., when they had 
a narrow escape of seeing their capital sacked by the mos- 
lems. A few months later Fu-lin sent "priests of great virtue" 
with tribute to China, a further reason for regarding these 
relations as more of an ecclesiastical than a political char- 
acter. The Ts'o-fu-yiian-kui places a mission of priests in the 
year 742 A. D., while in 744, according to the Nestorian In- 
scription, "there was (it is not said when he had arrived) the 
Ta-ts'in priest Ki-lw, who had an audience with the Emperor." 



1 R. 0., K 38. 

2 Cf. Assemani, III Part ii, pp. 482, 550 and 727 seq: "In notitia 
Metropoleon apud Amrum Halac vigesimum locum occupat, quae eadem 
est ac Balcha." 



16 F. Hirtli, [1910. 

5. Political facts stated in Chinese records excluding iden- 
tification with Constantinople. 

The Kiu-Vang-slm says: "Since the Ta-shi [Arabs] had 
conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief 
Mo-i [Muawia] to besiege the capital city [of Fu-lin]; by means 
of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked 
to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in 
the sequel tliey became subject to the Ta-sh'i [Arabs]." 1 

Professor Chavannes agrees with me in explaining the name 
Mo-i (Jgp J^) as a mutilation of the sound Muawia. He does 
not. however, refer it to the great Muawia, who, before he be- 
came caliph, had been appointed Governor of Syria (Fu-lin) 
under Othman, but to his son Yezid, in order to show that 
the passage refers to one of the sieges of Constantinople. In 
doing so he seems to overlook the fact that Fu-lin was not 
only conquered, but u in the sequel became subject to the Arabs f 
and that this means much more than a mere temporary con- 
quest may be shown from a passage of the Kiu-t'ang-shu (chap. 
198 p. 29), which states that the Ta-sh'i, i. e. the Arabs of the 
caliph empire, "in the beginning of the Lung-so period (661 
664 A. D.), on having defeated Po-ss'i (Persia) and Fu-lin, be- 
gan to be in the possession of rice and bread stuff." 2 Fu-lin 
can in this case only refer to Syria. Constantinople was never 
subject to the Arabs, nor did the imperial dominions outside 
of Asia supply them with grain. 3 



2 



ft- S. O., K 35; cf. L 43. 



3 Something similar is remarked in the Sung-sh/i, ch. 90, p. 18, in the 
account of a mission from the Ta-sh'i having arrived at the Imperial court 
in 995 A. D.; but the country is there referred to under its old name 
Ta-ts'in. The emperor asked the Ta-sh'i (Arab, or Persian, of the Caliph 
empire, then divided into numerous branches) about his country, upon 
which he replied: "It is conterminous with the country of Ta-ts'in, and 
considering it a dependency, it is now my native country which has con- 
trol over it" (|| * ^ B * @ * ^ B ^ # B J9f )> 
Since Syria had been conquered and was being held by the Fatimide 
Caliphs residing at Cairo at the end of the tenth Century, the mission 
referred to seems to have come from the Fatimide portion of the Ta-sh'i 
territories. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 17 



6. Fu-lin = Bethlehem. 

My identification, which may at first sight seem strange, is 
based on the Nestorian inscription, in which it is shown that 
the priests, with their "luminous religion," came from Ta-ts'in, 
and that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Ta-ts'in Cj 
i% H 8 1fc 'ifc It)-" 1 Since Ta-ts'in, according to all Chinese 
accounts, is identical with Fu-lin, this is equivalent to saying 
that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Fu-lin." The old 
sound of these two syllables, as shown above, was, or could be, 
pat-lam] and it seemed to me that "Bethlehem" is a much more 
appropriate etymology than polin. In those days, when an 
ecclesiastical current ran through the politics of the world, 
east and west, Chinese literature called the great nations by the 
birth-place of the founders of their religions. Thus the T'ang- 
shu account of India (chap. 221 A , p. 24 B ) is introduced by the 
words "The country of T'ien-chu, also called Mo-k'ie-to," 2 
because Mo-k'ie-to, i. e. Magadha, was the little country where 
Buddha was born. Later on Arabia received its name T'ien- 
fang (J^ -ft, "the Heavenly Square," i. e. the Kaaba) from 
the sanctuary in Mohammed's birth-place. Similarly we read 
in Chinese books: "Ta-ts'in, also called Fu-lin," i. e. Bethlehem, 
because it was the birth-place of Christ. 

7. The Language of Fu-lin. 

We possess about a dozen transcriptions in Chinese char- 
acters said to represent words of the language of Fu-lin. They 
occur in the eighteenth chapter of the well-known cyclopaedia 
Yu-yang-tsa-tsu ( fig ^ ffl) by Tuan Ch'ong-shi (| $ 5^), 
who died in 863 A. D. 3 

The most reliable edition of this work, the quotations from 
which in cyclopaedias, dictionaries and concordances of the 
present dynasty contain a number of fatal misprints, is the 
one published in the Ming collection Tsin-tai-pi-shu (JJ: J| jjj$ 
Iff:), a rare work, of which there is a copy among the Chinese 
books of Columbia Library in New York. It appears that a 



* See Havret, La stele chretienne, I, p. XXIII. 

2 3C ^ B & * * K- 

3 Giles, Chinese Biogr. Diet, p. 788. 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 



18 F. Hirth, [1910. 

bibliophile by the name of Hu Chon-hiang (gj f| iff) had 
planned the publication of a collection of rare prints under 
the title Pi-ti'6-liuiJMn (f flf} ft gj), but that before the 
work saw the light, the blocks from which it was to have been 
printed were partly destroyed in a conflagration, when the 
damaged stock of blocks fell into the hands of Mau Tsin ( 

m^ 1598 1657 A. D.), who published it under the above title 

with a number of additions constituting the greater part of 
the collection, in all 144 works. The texts added bj Mau 
Tsin bear on every page the name of his studio Ki-ku-ko (ffi 
"fr !9) an( i tne Yu-yang-isa-tsu is among them. * 

The best edition next to this is the one of the collection 
Hiau-tsin-Vau-yuan (Jf. p: f J JR), published in 1805 by Chang 
Hai-p'ong (5g f$ |||) in Chau-won near Soochow, 2 who copied 
his text from Mau Tsin's edition, which he compared with 
original sources. 

The eighteenth chapter of the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is inscribed 
mu-p'ien (T|C ||), i. e., "chapter on trees," and treats chiefly on 
exotic trees and shrubs, many of which are said to be indi- 
genous of India, Persia, or Fu-lin, giving the names used in 
those countries in the shape of transcriptions. I have tried 
to identify some of these names with the assistance of my 
colleagues Professors R. Gottheil and A. V. W. Jackson, and 
have come to the conclusion that they are neither Latin nor 
Greek, but Syriac. 

As to the question who may have supplied the information 
regarding these foreign words, we receive a clue in the de- 
scription, on p. 9, 3 of the Asa foetida tree, called a-we'i (fpf 
U). Having said that it comes from K 7 ie-sho-na (fjp pg] -j||$) 
in Northern India, i. e. Ghazna in the present Afghanistan, 
where it is called hmg-yu^ and that it also comes from Persia, 
where it is called a-yii (fpf Jf ), and having outlined his de- 
scription of the tree, the author continues: "This is identical 
with what the priest Wan of the Fu-lin country says; the 
priest Ti-p'o [Deva?] of the Mo-kie-t'o [Maghada] country says, 

etc. (n^,^^m ^ mmm^mm^^m irw 

1 Hui-ko-shu-mu, IV, pp. 54 63. 

2 See my "Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen," p. 17. 

3 I shall quote numbers of pages from the edition of 1805. 

4 ^ JE = Skt - hingu, Hind, hing, Dakh. hinffu, and similarly with 
various foreign writers. See Yule, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s. v. Hing. 



Vol. xxx.J The Mystery of Fu-lin. 19 

We may be allowed to assume from this passage that the in- 
formation on plants growing in Fu-lin and their native names 
were supplied by a priest coming from Fu-lin called Wan. 
Here two priests, the one of Fu-lin (Bethlehem), the other of 
India (Magadha), are placed in contrast with each other as 
representing Christian and Buddhist sources of information. 
The following extracts are from the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu. The 
headings ("The Olive," "The Fig," etc.) have been added 
by me. 

1. The Olive (p. 10 B ). 

"The ts'i-tfun tree (^ flfj, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fun) comes 
from Po-ssi (Persia). It also comes from Fu-lin. In Fu-lin 
it is called ts'i-fi (^ ^, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fai). The tree 
measures two or three chang (= IS 1 ^ or 23*/4 feet 1 ) in height. 
Its bark is green; it has white blossoms like the pumelo (yu, 
JJ), and these are very fragrant. The fruits are like those of 
the yang-Vau (^ ffi , Actinidia chinensis, PL, "a climbing shrub 
which bears edible fruit about the size of a plum," Henry, 
"Chinese names of Plants," in J. of the China Branch, R. As. 
Soc.j 1887, p. 281) and ripen in the fifth month (June). The 
inhabitants of the west press them into oil used for frying 
cakes and fruits, as we in China use ku-shong (Jf )]$, a kind 
of hemp seed? Very doubtful, cf. Bretschneider, Botanicum 
Sinicum, III, pp. 376378)." 

There can scarcely be any doubt about the identity of this 
tree with the olive. Ts'ai-t'un is Persian and Turkish zeitun 
^yoj, and ts'ai-fai of the language of Fu-lin is Aramean 
zaita K'&UJ. See Immanuel Low, Aramtiische Pflanzennamen , 
p. 136, who says that the word applies both to the tree (Olea 
europaea, L.) and its fruit. No such name is known in Greek. 



1 The foot of the T'ang Dynasty, during whose reign the text of the 
Yu~yang-tsa-tsu has originated, was much smaller than the present Chi- 
nese foot. Cf. my notes in "Bausteine zu einer Geschichte der chinesi- 
schen Literatur," Toung-pao, Vol. vii, pp. 502505. The Chinese foot, 
ch"i. J^, of the K'ai-yiian period (713742 A. D.) measured about 23 '/ 2 cm., 
or say 9 1 / 4 inches English measurement. This has to be taken into 
account in forming an approximate idea of the several sizes placed on 
record in our text. The chang, T, or Chinese rod, which is now usually 
taken as ll 3 / 4 , would thus correspond to scarcely 73/ 4 English feet in the 
T'ang period. 

2* 



20 F. Hirth, [1910. 



2. The Fig (p. 12 B ). 

"A-i (p} |$, Canton Dial, a-yik). In the country of Po-ssi 
(Persia) they call it a-i (fnf ,10, C. D. a-?/iA:; the second char- 
acter was read jit or yit during the T'ang period, see Tang- 
sliu-sM-yin, chap. 13, p. 4). In Fu-lin it is called ti-ni (jg 
{jg; the second character appears as J, chon, in all the other 
editions and quotations I have seen, a mistake which has 
clearly arisen from a variant of the second character ^, K'ang- 
hi, Had. 75,5, being confounded with Jft, another form for 
chon). The tree grows to a height of 14 or 15 cJi'i (about 
11 feet). Twigs and leaves are plentiful and luxuriant. Its 
leaves have five lobes (^ ^ 3 ffi) like those of the pei-ma 
(||j |j = gf jjj , Ricinus communis). The plant has no flowers, * 
but fruits. The fruit is reddish like the pei-tz'i (f^ ^ = ffi 
jfjjf ^f, the Chinese Diospyros glutinifera?), and its taste re- 
sembles that of the sweet persimmon (-g* jfjj, han-sh'i). Once 
a month there is a crop." 

The Pon-ttfau-ltang-mu (chap. 31, p. 26) has under the head 
of ivu-hua-kuo, the "flowerless fruit," the name ying-j'i-huo, ftfe 
S' representing the old sound ang-it and apparently a 
transcription of Hindustani anjir. The Persian name, accord- 
ing to the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is a-yit = ayir, which is near 
enough, though not as perfect a transcription as ang-it, to 
Persian anjlr j*g?\, a fig. The Aramean name, according to 
Low, p. 390, is te(n}ta K'^Jr^^, or tena rdire'^, cf. Biblical 
teenah njNJJ\. Our Chinese transcription ti-ni is certainly much 
nearer the Aramean word than the Greek o-v/dj for fig, or 
os for caprificus. 



3. The Myrtle (p. 11 B ). 

"The mo tree (f, Canton Dial, mut, used up to the present 
day as a transcription for mur, the name given to the "myrrh" 
in several western Asiatic languages, but here clearly resorted 
to as a transcription for Persian, or Pehlevi, murd >>*,*, which 



1 A botanical prejudice, which has caused the Chinese to call the Ficus 
carica the "flower-less fruit" (wu-hua-kuo,* $& ft ft) and induced Albertus 
Magnus to say of the fig-tree: "fructum profert sine fiore" (De vegeta- 
bilibus, ed. Meyer and Jessen, Berlin 1867, p. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 21 

Professor Jackson informs me occurs in the Bundehesh in the 
sense of "myrtle") comes from Po-ss'i (Persia). In Fu-lin it is 
called a-t^'i (fnf J|, ^ e ^ as ^ character being also read so, tso 
and tsok, K'ang-hi, Rad. 120, 10, and Chalmers' K'ang-hij 
p. 219). It grows to a height of one chang (7 3 /4 feet) and 
more. Its bark is greenish (or, blueish) white. Its leaves re- 
semble those of the huai (^, now Sophora Japonica L., but 
possibly differing in ancient times, see Bretschneider, Bot. Sin., 
II, p. 379), though they are longer. The flower resembles that 
of the EM (J|j , Citrus of some kind), and it has large seeds 
(or, berries), black in colour, resembling in size those of the 
shan-chu-yu ((Jj 31 $.> Cornus officinalis, S. & Z., see Bret- 
schneider, Bot. .Sin. II, p. 326 and III, p. 507 seq.). Their 
taste is sourish sweet and they are eatable." 

I do not hesitate to identify the botanical features of 
this plant with those of the myrtle, the Aramean name of 

which is asa rdjifxf; Low, p. 50: myrtus communis, L. 

4. Galbanum (p. 11). 

"Pi-ts'i (Jjjj ^, Canton Dial, pit-is* ai) comes from Po-ss'i 
(Persia). In Fu-lin it is called han-po-li-t'o (fj| %Jj ^L p^; this 
is the reading of the Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition; other editions 
have substituted f[ tu, or tub, for the first character, and 
the T" l u-shu-tsi-ch > ong gives it this sound, which is clearly an 
error easily explained by the similarity of the two characters, 
by adding in a scholion: ^, 'having the sound to,' C. D. 
tiit; the edition of 1805 prints Jfji, Tzie, or huk. Regarding 
lian, -fjj , see K'ang-hi, Rad. 181, 3). It grows to a height of 
fully one chang (7 3 /4 feet) and has a circumference of more 
than a ch'i (9*/4 inches). Its bark is green, thin and very 
glossy. The leaves are like those of the a-we'i (Asa foetida), 
each three leaves growing on the twigs. It has neither flowers nor 
fruits. The inhabitants of the west usually cut them in the 
eighth month (September), and till the twelfth month (Janu- 
ary) further trimming takes place. The new twigs are thus 
extremely rich and juicy, whereas without the trimming they 
would wither and die. When cut in the seventh month (Au- 
gust), the twigs yield a yellow juice somewhat like honey 
and slightly fragrant, which is used as a medicine for cer- 
tain cures." 



22 F. Hirth, [1910. 

The Cantonese sound pit-ts'ai is an excellent transcription 
of Persian birzay j*>>, "Galbanum" (Johnson, p. 267). Its 



Aramean equivalent is chelbdnita K'&uinljj, the product of 

Ferula galbaniflua, Boiss. & Buhse, according to Low, p. 163. 
The defenders of the identity of Fu-lin with Constantinople 
might point to Greek x ^/?" 1 "?* which is indeed its botanical 
equivalent, but Professor Gottheil informs me that -ita is 
a characteristic Aramean ending, which distinguishes it from 
other Semitic dialects (bibl. cheWenah mn^H, etc.) as well as 
from the Greek and Latin forms of the word, x^P"! an ^ 
galbanum. 

5. The Nard (p. 12). 

"Nai-chi (|* jjij. The first character according to K'ang-hi, 
Rad. 75, 9, could be read 7J H ty = not; the second, as 
equivalent to |g, could be read ~~f jg -gj = ti, Rad. 113, 4; the 
Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition confounds it with jig, Rad. 113, 5. The 
old sound may thus be reconstructed as not-ti, which may 
stand for nar-ti, or nard) comes from the country of Fu-lin. 
It is a herbaceous plant (miau, "jg), three or four ctt'i in 
height. Its roots are of the size of duck's eggs, its leaves are 
like garlic (suan, J, Allium sativum L.). From the centre 
of the leafrises a twig of great length, and on the stem there 
is a flower, six-lobed, of reddish white, with a brownish calyx, 
forming no fruit. The plant grows in the winter and dies in 
the summer, and it is related to our greens or wheat cereals. 
Its flowers are pressed into oil used as an ointment against 
colds. The king of Fu-lin and the nobles in his country all 
use it." 

The name of this plant may?; be the Persian nard >y, or 
Biblical nard TT3, or belong to any other dialect or language, 
since it seems to be international. Our author does not say any- 
thing about the language of Fu-lin, as he does in other accounts, 
and it apparently "comes from Fu-lin," because it is so largely 

used there. Low, p. 368, gives shebbalta rtf&vLkz* as its Ara- 
mean equivalent. 

6. Jasmine (p. 12). 

"Ye-si-mi (|f & |g, Canton Dial, ye-sik-maf) comes from 
the country of Fu-lin. It also comes from the country of 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 23 

Po-ssi (Persia). It is a herbaceous plant, seven or eight ch'z 
in height. Its leaves are like those of the plum-tree and grow 
ample all the year round; its flowers are five-lobed and white ? 
and they form no fruits. When the blossoms open out, the 
whole country is filled by their flavour resembling (in this 
respect) the chan-t'ang ()} |g, a doubtful tree with fragrant 
flowers, Bretschneider, Bot. Sin. Ill, p. 467) of Ling-nan (Can- 
ton). The inhabitants of the west are in the habit of gathering 
its flowers, which they press into an oil of great fragrance 
and lubricity." 

Persian^/asww^ys^-^b andAramean^/asmm ^afla* are clearly 
the equivalents of this name ye-si-mi, which has been known 
in China since about the year 300 A. D., when it was describ- 
ed in the Nan-fang-ts'au-mu-chuang (jg ^T ^ Tfc JR* chap. 1, 
p. 2) as being introduced by foreigners in Canton under the 
name of ye-si-ming (J$ g| >g). In another passage of this 
work (chap. 2, p. 3) the Henna plant is said to have been in- 
troduced by foreigners together with the ye-si-ming and mo-li 
from the country of Ta-ts T in. The Jasmine plant and the 
mo-li-hua (^ ^ij $;) are now synonyms, but since mo-li is 
described in a separate paragraph, in which it is said that 
"its flowers are white like those of the ts'iang-mi (|f }|f , 'wall 
rose', Bretschneider, Bot. Sin., Ill, p. 302) and its fragrance 
exceeds that of the ye-si-ming", it appears that in 300 A. D. 
it denoted some other fragrant garden plant, imported from 
Syria together with its name mo-li. The latter might be 
connected with molo, O\CO9 (= /xcoAv, Low, p. 317: Peganum 
Harmala L.?). The old work referred to contains a number 
of other botanical names clearly of western origin, such as 
hun-lu (||: H, old sound hun-luk), for "frankincense," which 
may be a transcription of Turkish ghyunluk ^^^ (cf. R. 0., 
p. 266 seq.), or ho-li-lo (fpj ^ fjj, Canton Dial, ho-li-lak), the 
Terminalia Chebula, Retz, or Myrobalan, called halilag ^bn 
and similarly in old Hebrew medicinal works (Low, p. 129). But 
since they have no immediate bearing on the Fu-lin problem, 
I shall not attempt to trace these names. 



I do not wish to commit myself to identifications about 
which I do not feel tolerably confident both from the botanical 
and the linguistic point of view; but I hope to return to 
the subject as soon as I can offer some plausible suggestions 



24 F. Hirth, [.1910 

as to the five remaining plant names said to belong to the 
language of Fu-lin, viz: a-po-ctton (fnf fjj f), a-pu-to ($$ " 
ff), kiin-han (J| '^), a-li-ho-Vo (fpj 5^ M Ptfc) and 



As to a-pu-to, stated (p. 9 B ) under the name po-na-so (|g 
$|> *) to come from Persia, the Pon-ts'au-kang-mu (chap. 31, 
p. 25) refers this name to the Jack fruit (po-lo-mi, $ $| $g, 
Artocarpus integrifolia), and gives as its Fu-lin equivalent a- 
sa-fo (|^f $j ff). But I doubt whether the Jack fruit tree 
occurs in Syria, to say nothing of Greece. Mr. W. F. Mayers, 
in 1869, took up this subject in Notes and Queries on China 
and Japan, Vol. iii, p. 85, where he says: "It may be remark- 
ed en passant, that an identification of the above and other 
sounds attributed in the Pon-ts'au to the language of Fu-lin 
might be of service in determining the precise region that is 
indicated by this name in Chinese literature." The few ex- 
amples I have endeavoured to trace to their real linguistic 
origin seem to contain a broad hint as to the language of 
Fu-lin being Aramean, and to the country where it was spoken 
not being Constantinople, but Syria. Pure Syriac, or Ara- 
mean, was particularly the vernacular in use with the Nesto- 
rians not only in Syria, Mesopotamia, Chaldsea and Persia, 
but also in India, Tartary and China, whereas other denomi- 
nations used a kind of Syriac mixed with Arabic and even 
Greek elements. See Assemani, op. cit., p. 377 seq. 



8. Pseudo-Fu-lin. 

The account of Fu-lin as placed on record during the Sung 
dynasty, probably in connection with an embassy of 1081 A. D., 
has puzzled the Chinese as it is liable to puzzle us, if we com- 
pare its detail with that of older texts. It occurs in the Sung- 
sh'i (chap. 490, cf. E. 0., pp. 6264, 108109) and has been 
reproduced by Ma Tuan-lin (Wdn-hien-t'ung-Vau, chap. 330, 
cf. R. 0., pp. 8891, 119120). Ma Tuan-lin refers to "the 
historians of the Four Reigns" (Q ^ g ^, cf. E. 0., p. 91, 
note), who held that "this country had not sent tribute to 
court up to the time of Yiian-fong [10781086], when they 
sent their first embassy offering local produce", and he draws 
attention to certain discrepancies in the accounts of the T'ang 
and Sung dynasties. 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Pu-lin. 25 

In the interpretation of this mysterious text which I offered 
twenty-five years ago (R. 0., pp. 298301) I had pointed out 
the possibility of its covering the Seldjuk dominions in Asia 
Minor. I am still inclined to maintain this view on geogra- 
phical grounds, but venture to suggest a few slight changes 
in the text, which would place us in the position to adapt its 
contents to the political condition of the country in 1081 A. D., 
when its ruler is said to have sent ambassadors to China. The 
king, in the text referred to (R. 0., pp. 62 and 108: N 3) is 
styled Mie-li-i-ling-kai-sa, %fc jj ffi jj gfc ffi, in Cantonese mlt- 
lik-i-ling-koi-sat. I still think that the two last characters, 
the old pronunciation of which must have been Itai-sat, stand 
for Greek Kcuo-a/>, and that ling, f|, is a somewhat imperfect 
attempt to render the sound Rum. l "Rum kaisar" would have 
to be looked upon as the equivalent of the title "Emperor of 
Rome, or the Romans" placed before the Chinese court in the 
garb of a Turkish combination analogous to such titles as 
"Turgash kakhan," i. e. "the Great Khan of the Turgash" and 
many others occurring in the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions. 
The three first characters mie-li-i would represent the name 
of the ruler who calls himself "Emperor of Rome." I have 
(R. 0., p. 299) drawn attention to the anachronism committed 
by the several learned sinologues who identified the name with 
that of Michael VII Parapinaces, who had been deposed and 
withdrawn into a convent since 1078 A. D. This was the 
reason which had induced me to think of the Seldjuk Soliman as 
the ruler adding the title "kaisar" to his own as "king of Rum." 
I did not realise then that in 1081, when that embassy arrived 
in China, another person lived in Asia Minor who actually 
claimed, and was subsequently granted, the title Kawra/>; and I 
now agree with Chavannes in referring to Nicephorus Melissenus, 
the pretender who claimed to be emperor just about the time 
when the embassy referred to arrived in China. Michael VII 
Ducas had withdrawn into the convent of Studion early in 
1078, when one of this generals, Nicephorus Botaniates, who 
had been stationed in Phrygia, came to Constantinople and 
was crowned as Michael's successor on the 13. April 1078. 
He had to fight a number of claimants who would not 

* It may not seem to be a scientific proof, if I refer to a P'idjin- 
English conversation with a Chinese cook, who asked for "one bottle that 
leng (rum)" to be served with a plum pudding. 



26 F. Hirth, [1910. 

recognise his authority. Chief among these was Nicephorus 
Melissenus, the descendant of a powerful family and husband 
of the sister of Alexius Comnenus, the emperor who succeded 
Nicephorus Botaniates. Nicephorus Melissenus had made an 
agreement with the Seldjuk Turks of Iconium to the effect 
that, in consideration of their assisting him in gaining the 
throne, he would divide with them the provinces conquered by 
their united forces. No sooner was he sure of this support 
than he clad his feet in purple shoes, the insignia of Imperial 
dignity, and began to march about in Anatolia with the troops 
of his allies, the Turks. All the cities he approached opened 
their doors and recognised him as emperor, though he on his 
turn declared these same cities to belong to the Turks, so 
that through his treason the entire former proconsular part 
of Asia, Phrygia and Galatia fell into the hands of the Turks. 
From Nicaea he prepared an attack on Constantinople. Ale- 
xius, then a mere general, was instructed by Botaniates, the 
emperor, to meet him, but for reasons of his own he did not 
proceed and handed over command to a feeble eunuch, who 
had to withdraw from Nicaea at the end of 1080. Melissenos 
intended to attack Constantinople early in 1081, when after 
a medley of intrigues his brother-in-law Alexius was elected 
emperor by the acclamation of his army. Melissenus then 
joined arms with him, and after the two armies had taken 
the capital, the two relatives divided the empire between them. 
Alexius got the European provinces, Melissenus received an 
apanage and the title Kalo-ap (Anna Comnena, Alexias, ed. 
Schopen, Vol. i, p. 116. For further details see the historical 
works of Anna Comnena, Jo. Cinnamus and Nicephorus Bry- 
ennius in Niebuhr's Corpus Scriptt. Hist. Byzant., and the ab- 
stract in W. H. Waddington's paper "Nicephore Melissene, 
pretendant au trone de Byzance" in Revue numismatique, Nouv. 
ser., VoL viii, pp. 393400). 

Although the title "kaisar" is thus shown to have been offi- 
cially conceded to Melissenus in the beginning of April 1081, 
the entire political situation seems to suggest that he actually 
claimed it, and probably had coins cast in his name as kaisar, 
ever since his commencing to pose as a pretender some time 
in 1078. If the embassy that arrived at the Chinese court in 
1081 started from Asia Minor some time in 1080, there were 
at the time practically two rulers in the country dividing 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 27 

supreme power between themselves, viz.: 1, Melissenus, the 
pretender, who considered himself emperor of Rome and claim- 
ed the title "kaisar", and 2, his ally, the Sultan of Iconium, 
who supported his claims and whose name was Soliman. Ta- 
king all this into consideration, we cannot well assume Soliman 
to have represented himself as kaisar in his credentials to the 
court of China. The one man who was a kaisar in Asia Minor 
by usurpation, if not by right, at that time, was Melissenus. 
This has led me to again examine the three characters pre- 
ceding the words ling-kai-sat (= Rum kaisar), and which I 
think might be a transcription of the kaisar's name, viz. Hie- 
li-i, jj^ -ft f^, in Cantonese: mit-lik-i. 

The stumbling block in this name, it appears to me, is the 
third character ffi, i. In trying to find a solution to help us 
out of the difficulty I beg to call attention to a practice, 
occasionally noticeable in the prints of the Sung dynasty, by 
which some characters may be deprived of their radical or 
written with the wrong radical. Thus the character Jjjp, sM, 
"lion," in the Hou-han-shu (E. 0., p. 101, E 39) appears as 
gjjj in the Sung edition of 1242 (see facsimile, R. 0., p. 9). 
Chau Ju-kua (chap. 1, p. 17 B ) has J^, ting, for fj|, tien, "in- 
digo". In the ethnical name Sie-yen-fo, which is clearly the 
equivalent of the name Sir Tardusch in the Old Turkish stone 
inscriptions, the second character Jig, yen, must have been 
substituted for some character read tan (= tar), e. g. fj| , the 
original radical being suppressed (see my Nachworte zur In- 
schrift des Tonjukuk, passim). If we assume, therefore, that 
the ^ in the kaisar's name stands for what in its original 
transcription may have appeared as |J, the radical No. 140 
being suppressed, such a change would not be without preced- 
ent. According to the Chong-tzl-t'ung (quoted in K'ang-hi, 
Had. 140, 6) || was used by mistake for -pf, and this character 
again, according to the Tsi-yim, could have the sound sin, or 
sun (H f* -tJJ IT ^f, K'ang-hi, Rad. 140,4; cf. Chalmers' 
K'ang-lii, p. 206 B , where among other sounds sun, fo /jf, is 
given to the two interchangeable characters ^ and ||). The 
kaisar's name may thus in its transcription be reconstructed 
into Mie-li-sun, or Cantonese Mit-lik-sun, the finals t and k 
of which may disappear by elision so as to leave us as the 
equivalent of the probable old sound some such name as Mi- 
lissun. This I venture to look upon as the equivalent, trans- 



28 F> Hirth, [1910. 

mitted probably by an interpreter who spoke some Turkish 
dialect, of the Greek name MeAto-o-^vos. 

I am encouraged in this view by the mention of a coin the 
description of which, after a slight, but plausible change in 
the text, seems to be traceable. The passage I refer to, E. 0., 
N 16) speaks of gold and silver coins without holes being 
cast in this country, which the people are forbidden to counter- 
feit and which are described by the following words: 

mmm m f* & BE 

The change I wish to suggest in the text is the substitution 
of the character ^, pei, "the back," for |f , kit, "all, alike;" 
"that is." The two characters are quite similar to each other 
and may easily be confounded. Moreover, hie gives a poor 
sense, whereas^' is constantly used in opposition to ]g, mien, 
"the face," the two terms in numismatic texts meaning the 
"obverse" and "reverse" of a coin. I do not, therefore, look 
upon the words mi-lo-fo (j ft f$J), the standard transcription 
for "Maitreya Buddha," as the king's name, but translate: "on 
the obverse [of the coin] is engraved a Maitreya Buddha, on 
the reverse there is the king's name." It is quite probable 
that the ambassadors of 1081 brought coins with them to 
China and on enquiry declared that the legend on the reverse 
represented the king's name, and that some of these coins had 
been preserved in the Imperial collections at K'ai-fong-fu, 
since according to Edkins (Chinese Buddhism, 2nd ed., p. 117, 
note) "the Kin-sh'i-tfu-shu-pu contains a rude representation 
of a gold coin of Mi-li-i-ling-kai-sa." I regret not to have had 
an opportunity of seeing the illustration referred to, because it 
might have given us a chance, rude though it probably is, to 
compare notes with a silver coin of Melissenus the pretender 
actually preserved to our days. The coin, which has been 
described by Waddington in the paper quoted from the Revue 
ymmismatique, is now in the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris. 
Mr. Waddington's illustration and description (Fig. 1) shows on 
the obverse the bust of the Virgin, facing, with hands held up 
in prayer, nimbus and the usual dress, the figure being described 
as pr)Tr)p 0eoG in the customary abbreviation. On the reverse 
we find the legend NIK^O/JW SCO-TTOT^ TW MeAto-ryvio in five lines. 1 



i Cf. Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in 
the British Museum, Vol. ii (London 1908), p. 539, and the illustration 
No. 11 on Plate LXIII. 



Vol. xxx.j The Mystery of Fu-lin. 29 




M-P [0Vj. Buste de face et mmb6 de la Vierge, les 
mains elevea ; le tout dans un grenetis. 

r} [Ke-BOH0ei] NIKH4>OPCU AGCnOTTMco MCM- 
CHNco.-en cinq lignes ; le tout dans un grenetis. 



Fig. 1. 
Coin of Melissenus the pretender and Mr. Waddington's description. 

It looks as if this coin has something to do with the one 
described in the Sung-sh'i. The Chinese scribe who first pla- 
ced on record the details regarding it was, of course, not able 
to read the Greek legend on the reverse, but he must have 
been told by the ambassadors that it represented the king's 
name Melissenus. The portrait on the obverse may have been 
mistaken for that of Maitreya, the Buddha of the future world 
so familiar to. Chinese Buddhists, a male deity, it is true, but 
generally represented as a beardless youth and very frequently 
with the nimbus round his head (cf. Griinwedel, Buddhistische 
Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893, p. 141 : "in Schmuck und 
Tracht eines indischen Gottes oder altindischen Konigs meist 
in sehr jugendlichem Alter"). 

I do not venture to throw out any guesses as to the mo- 
tives which may have caused the Byzantine pretender and ally 
of a Seldjuk sultan to send a special mission to China. Nor 
am I in the position to throw light on the names mentioned 
in connection with the embassy of 1081. According to the 
Chinese text (R. 0., N 3) the king sent "ta-shdu-ling l Ni-sst- 
tu-ling 8si-mong (^ f- J[ fft ^ ^ ft ^), which may stand 
for "the governor Nestorius Simeon", or "the governors Nes- 
torius and Simeon." The two names, if we are not mistaken 
in explaining them thus, are followed by the words ^'ij ^, pan- 
lai, which 1 now believe means that they came in company, 



1 Clearly a high official, since in the passage N 12 we are told that 
"the towns and country districts are each under the government of a 
shou-ling." The ta-shou-ling must have been superior to these local governors. 



30 F. Birth, [1910. 

bringing as tribute saddled horses, swords and pearls. I do 
no longer look upon the character p'an as part of the name. 
^ij, now pronounced flan, must have been identical in sound 
and tone with f pan. K'ang-hi, Rad. 9, 5, quotes several 
T'ang authorities to say that the two characters are identical 
in sound ({ ^ ^'J). This would entitle us to look upon the 
two characters as interchangeable and to assume that ffi $ 
may be a verb meaning "to come in company" similar to { 
jg, pan-yu, which is backed by passages in P'd-won-yun-fu, 
chap. 26 A , p. 63 B , e. g. fft { ;g A 5S " who traveled in the 
company of the qld man?" I am encouraged in offering this 
explanation by a passage of the Sung-sht (chap. 490, p. 16 B ), 
where an Arab embassy is stated to have consisted of 1. the 
ambassador (sh%, '($?), 2. an assistant ambassador (fu-sh/i, glj 
'gi), and 3. a p'an-kuan (fij 'g), or "companion officer," "at- 
tache." Possibly the passage involves that "the king sent a 
ta~shou-ling, accompanied by the Nestorian Simeon, or Simon, 
as attache." 

Professor Chavannes in his recent note on Fu-lin (p. 39) has 
made an important discovery in connection with the ruler of what 
I call Pseudo-Fu-lin, and this may, quite reasonably, have in- 
duced him to fall back on the former identification of Fu-lin 
with Constantinople. But since the Sung historians maintain 
that this Fu-lin had never sent any embassies to China before, 
this seems to involve its non-identity with the Fu-lin of the 
seventh and eighth century. Although merely a pretender, 
Melissenus was closely related to the Imperial court and his 
representatives ought to have been aware of the fact, if court 
missions had gone forward from Constantinople to China. 
The ambassadors, when cross-examined as to former relations 
between their government and the Chinese court, might have 
referred to the Fu-lin embassies of 643, 667, 701 and 719 
A. D. * On the other hand, if these former missions had 
been sent by Christian patriarchs, whether of Antioch, Ma- 
dain, or Bagdad, the kaisar's messengers could not well refer 
to them as having represented the Roman emperors whom 
they had to look upon as the predecessors of their chief. Their 
silence as to former relations would thus be explained. The 
Sung-slii account describes a mission from Fu-lin, it is true; 



See B. 0., p. 126 : Index to Translations, s. v. "Embassies". 



Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 31 

but I think this name had in the course of time grown into 
a general term applied to the Christian world at large. Ori- 
ginally designating the Nestorians as representing the Latin 
population of Syria or Ta-ts'in, the cradle of their faith, it 
was later on applied to other Christians, those of Byzantium 
under the Sung, and even the Pope of Rome under the Ming 
dynasty. It had grown into a term which covered a multitude 
of nations and of governments, like our "America," which may 
mean the United States in one sense and all possible coun- 
tries in another. 



Mr. Kingsmill and the Riung-nu. By FRIEDBICH HIKTH, 
Professor in Columbia University, New York City. 

IN his paper "Dr. F. Hirth and the Hiung-nu," published 
in the Journal of the China Branch, E. A. S., Vol. xxxiv, 
pp. 137141, Mr. T. W. Kingsmill tries to show that the 
Hiung-nu and the Huns were different nations. He refers to 
my paper, presented to the philological section of the Royal 
Academy of Munich, entitled Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung- 
nu (Miinchen, 1900). The main object of that paper was 
to establish the literary proof, based on a text of the 
Wei-shu, for the identity of the Hiung-nu of Chinese history 
with the Huns of Europe. Mr. Kingsmill denies this identity, 
but, as I propose to show in the following pages, fails to 
prove his point. 

A subsequent paper, presented by me to the Hungarian 
Academy of Sciences in Budapest and published in the Revue 
Orientale pour les etudes Ouralo - Altaiques , Vol. ii, 1901, 
pp. 81 91, under the title of "Hunnenforschungen," and a 
third paper, "Die Ahnentafel Attila's nach Johannes von 
Thurocz," published in the Bulletin de VAcademie des Sciences 
de St. Peter sbourg. Fifth Series, Vol. xiii, pp. 220261, were 
apparently not known to Mr. Kingsmill. A study of the 
Chinese sources quoted in them might have prevented several 
serious errors in his criticisms. These I consider inter- 
esting, because they illustrate better than anything else the 
difference in our methods of research. I have on several 
occasions discussed the principles by which I am guided in 
this respect (cf. my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 152, 
170 et passim). In identifying the ancient Chinese accounts 
of foreign countries, we should above all endeavour to recognize 
facts, and only after these have been established, should the lin- 
guistic explanation of names be considered as furnishing ad- 
ditional evidence. Mr. KingsmilFs method is the reverse of 



Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 33 

this. He is unfortunately possessed of a regular mania to 
discover etymologies, and his mind once being set on what 
he considers similarity in sound, all passages in Chinese con- 
temporaneous authors which might warn him as being on the 
wrong track are ignored. 

As an example we may consider the city of Ku-tsang (# Uj$), 
mentioned in the short, but important text of the We'i-sliu 
reproduced below on p. 42. In this text it is said that the 
merchants of this country (Su-to, or Suk-tak, H % , Alans) 
often went to the country of Liang (Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su) 
for trade 1 and that at the capture of Ku-tsang they were 
all made prisoners (& fc)ft /JK Jt X tf M 3 ); 
and that "in the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung [452 466 
A. D.] the king of Su-to (Suk-tak) sent ambassadors to ask for 
their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order (]g ^ ^ 

m a ts n " 

Mr. Kingsmill's imagination here forestalls all further research, 
so necessary in Chinese historical reading, by jumping im- 
mediately to one of his linguistic conclusions. " Ku-tsang r ," he says 
"here is the country called by Ma Tuan-lin Kweishwang, and 
by the Armenian writers Kushan. It formed the most power- 
ful of the five states into which the Ephthalite kingdom was 
divided," &c. This is a characteristic example illustrating the 
dangers of basing historical inferences on mere similarity of 
sound. It is typical of Mr. Kingsmill's method: the sound of 
a word takes possession of his mind to such a degree that 
all logical reasoning is temporarily forgotten in the pursuance 
of a mere phantom. The nation known as Kui-shuang, or 
Kushan, is by Armenian writers referred to Bactria, by the 
Arabo-Persian reports to Tokharestan, Transoxania, &c.. (Th. 
Koldeke, Tabari, p. 115 note 2; cf. Ed. Specht, Etudes sur 
VAsie centrale, I, p. 8 seqq.) and has nothing whatever to do 
with the Liang country of the Wei-shu. Liang was the seat 
of an independent prince of Hiung-nu extraction by the name 
of Tsti-k'u Mu-kien ( , who followed his father 



1 The Aorsi (Alans) carried on considerable trade, bringing Indian and 
Babylonian wares, which they received from the Armenians and Medians 
and transported on the backs of camels from the Caspian to the Palus 
Maeotis. By this means they had amassed considerable wealth, and wore 
ornaments of gold (Strabo, XI, 5, 8 p. 506, Bunbury, A History of An- 
cient Geography, London 1883, Vol. ii, p. 278). 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 3 



34 F. Hirth, [1910. 

Tsii-k'ii Mong-sun (jp? jg), as Prince of Ho-si (Jpf ft} 5) in 
that little dynasty known as "the Northern Liang," and 
whose biography is contained in the We'i-shu (chap. 99, p. 14 B 
seqq.). His troubles with his brother-in-law, the Toba emperor 
T'ai-wu, which have been described in my "Hunnenforschungen," 
led to the siege and final capture in 439 A. D. of Mu-kien's 
city of Ku-tsang. Before attempting guesses of any kind Mr. 
Kingsmill ought to have consulted the P'e'i-won-yun-fu 
(chap. 22 c , p. 150). There he would have found a number 
of passages concerning the city of Ku-tsang, the analysis of 
which would have revealed the real historical basis of this simple 
passage. But apart from this he might have read the whole 
account in plain French in Deguignes' Histoire des Huns, 
Vol. i, Part ii, p. 273. It was at this capture of Ku-tsang 
that merchants hailing from the distant west were made 
prisoners together with 20,000 inhabitants of the city, who 
were transferred to the Toba capital in Shan-si (We'i-shu, 
chap. 4 A , p. 21). Ku-tsang was the residence of the Tsii-k'u 
princes, and according to the Shen-si-t'ung-ch'i (quoted in the 
Tu-shu-tsi-cWong, Sect. 6, chap. 578, ku-ch'i, p. 2) its ruins at 
some time or other were known to exist in close vicinity to 
the present city of Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su. 

With such fundamental errors before us we can under- 
stand why it "is impossible for Mr. Kingsmill to arrive at 
correct results in the most simple question of Chinese 
research. To expose his errors would require a volume, 
and would entail more valuable time than we can afford. 
Moreover, it is difficult to contradict him, because he makes 
mere assertions and seldom supports his opinions by reasons 
based on literature. The following is another characteristic 
example. 

Of the country of K'ang-ku (Jjfc jg) he says: "As a general 
mess has been made by translators over this country of K'angku, 
a few words may be useful. K'angltu first appears in Sz'ma 
Ts'ien, and is there, and, in the early Chinese authors, in- 
variably Kashgar" No proof follows this startling assertion, 
but he goes on to speak about the descendants of Seldjuk in 
the eleventh century, winding up with a sly hit at those wicked 
Sinologues who venture to differ, in saying: "A little knowledge, 
says Pope, is a dangerous thing, and in no instance do we 
find a better exemplification of the general truth of the aphorism 



Vol. xxx.j Mr. Kingsmill and the Hinny-nu. 35 

than in our would-be Chinese authorities." I cannot say that 
this kind of logic will convince me that ancient K'ang-kii is 
Kashgar. Has Mr. Kingsmill ever come across the following 
passage, describing the road from Tun-huang to the west along 
the southern slope of the T'ien-shan to Su-lo [J$j fjf, i- e., 
the real Kashgar], "which is the northern road;" "west of 
the northern road," the account continues, "you cross the 
Ts'ung-ling, whence you come out to Ta-yuan [Ferghana], 
K'ang-ku [Sogdiana] and An-ts'ai [the Aorsi; 4fc jg H ffi JS 

*-***W W * 

This passage occurs in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chapter 118, 

p. 6) and is certainly somewhat older than Mr. Kingsmill's 
story of the Seldjuks. Or does Mr. Kingsmill maintain that 
the Ts'ung-ling is not the Ts'ung-ling? I do not intend to 
recapitulate the arguments which have induced Chinese scholars 
to identify K'ang-kii with Sogdiana or some territory in this 
neighbourhood, but west, not east, of the Ts'ung-ling. These 
scholars, I have reason to believe, are perfectly satisfied with 
the "little knowledge" so dangerous to them according to 
Mr. Kingsmill. 

Another fatal mistake committed a generation ago and 
repeated usque ad nauseam up to his recent effusion about 
the Hiung-nu, is his identification of Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's An-ts'ai, 
also transcribed as Yen-ts'ai (^g ^f ), the country of the Aorsi, 
subsequently called by western and Chinese authors alike Alan, 
or A-lan-na, with Samarkand. To arrive at this idea he has 
to do violence to a perfectly plain and simple passage in the 
Sh'i-ki (chap. 123, p. 5 B ). It occurs in Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's account 
of An-si (4- ,g,, in Cantonese On-sdk), i. e. Parthia, the 
linguistic basis of which name was, I am glad to observe, 
first correctly recognized by Mr. Kingsmill as Arsak, the 
Chinese account substituting the name of its kings for that of 
the country (Journal, China Branch, etc., Vol. xv, p. 8, note 11). 
Unfortunately later editors have broken this text into two 
parts, 1. An-si (Parthia), and 2. T'iau-chi (Chaldsea). But 



1 The character 3, k'i, after J yen, found in the present standard 
editions, has been clearly interpolated. It does not appear in the Kiiig-yu 
edition (1034 1038 A. D.; Han-shu-si-yu-chuan-pu-chu, chap. 1, p. 5). 
Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 170) is, therefore, right in not translating 
it at all. 

3* 



36 F. Hirth, [1910. 

since T'iau-chi is represented in the text as forming part of 
the Parthian empire, I presume that the line being broken 
before T'iau-chi is due to a misunderstanding. To me the 
passage reads as follows : Ji, &c S W I 1 ) {& tt ^Ifc 

W * * ff iitt/ * 1. IS ft ^ M 1$ W ifc&c. 

Speaking of An-si (Parthia), the author says in this passage: 
"West of it there is T'iau-ch'i (Chaldaea), in the north there 
is An-ts'ai (the Aorsi, or Alans); Li-kan (Syria) and T'iau-ch'i 
(Chaldsea) are several thousand li west of An-si (Parthia) 
near the western sea," &c. 

The name Li-kan (^ $f) of the Sh'i-ki occurs in another 
transcription in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chap. 96 A , p. 14 B ), accord- 
ing to which ambassadors from An-si (Parthia) brought as 
tribute to the emperor Wu-ti "big birds' eggs," i. e. ostrich 
eggs, and "jugglers 1 from Li-kien (3$L ff p A)-" Since this 
passage is clearly copied from a parallel passage in the 
Sh'i-ki (p. 13 B ), the two names Li-kan and Li-Men must have 
been identical in sound, though written with different characters 
in the two parallel passages. K'ang-hi's mediaeval authorities 
also describe the two characters as being identical in sound. 2 
The name occurs again in the Hou-han-shu (chap. 118, p. 9 B ), 
which says: "The country of Ta-ts'in (Syria) is also called 
Li-kien (^ Jg g ^g ^ f$|)." Since this third transcription 
is linguistically identical with that of the Ts'ien-han-shu, I do 
not hesitate to look upon the Li-kan of the Sh'i-ki as a variant 
of the name which, in the Hou-lian-shu and later records, is 
declared to be another name for Ta-ts'in, or Syria. 



1 A specialty of Syrian cities often sent abroad. Cf. Marquardt, Das 
Privatleben der Homer, 2. Aufl., p. 338, and Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., V, 
p. 461. Jugglers and musicians came from Ta-ts'in (Syria) to China in 
120 A. D. (China and the Roman Orient, p. 37). 

2 It appears, however, that the character ijrp, kien, had two ancient 
sounds, 1. Jean, or Jem, 2. Jcem. I refer to the work of Yang Shon (^J| '|M> 
died 1529 A. D.), reprinted in the Han-hai collection, Section 14, under 
the title Chuan-chu-Jcu-yin-lio (f| -g- 8), where the character $f 
appears under the rhyme yim (-J- (Jt) |g) with the following note: ^jj. jj 

^ j II If K S^ SK 1J J& "t- T do not q uite ^derstand 
on what authority this statement is made; but if kien ffi- can be shown 
to have been read kem during the Han period, this would tend to support 
from a linguistic point of view my conjecture, made on commercial 
grounds, as to the identity of Chinese Li-kan with Rekem, or Petra (see 
China and the Roman Orient, p. 157 seqq. and 171). 



Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 37 

Now Mr. Kingsmill, who is so fond of fanciful and in- 
genious combinations, has an entirely different idea. He com- 
bines the two names An-ts'ai and Li-kan, each of which may 
be shown from ancient texts to have a distinct sense, and 
gives the following explanation (Journal, China Branch, &c., 
Vol. xiv, 1879, p. 7, note 9): "Im-ts'ai-li-kan 3g ** ff. It 
seems most likely here that the two first characters are in- 
verted and that we should read Ts'ai-im-li-kan, in the old 
pronunciation Sal-im-ar-kand for Salmarkanda, modern Samar- 
kand, the Marakanda of Strabo and Ptolemy." And that in 
the face of the Shi-Id itself, on page 4, describing the country 
of "An-ts'ai" under this name pure and simple without any 
inversion and without the alleged appendix Li-kan. This 
description reads as follows: "An-ts'ai, about two thousand li 
northwest of K'ang-kii, is a nomad country and has in the 
main the same customs as K'ang-ku. Its archers number fully 
a hundred thousand. It lies close to a great ts'o, which has 
no shores; for they say it is the 'Northern Sea' ( ^ ^ ^ J^ 

Jg W 4b PT - ={ M ft ft m Jg * m 8 & * + 

& * & fe m s 75 ft m s>." 

Sii Sung (Han-shu'Si-yti-chuan-pu-chtt, chap. 1, p. 30) makes 
the following remarks in connection with the last sentence of 
my translation: "The Shuo-tvon defines the word ai (Jg) as 
meaning 'a high border;' this means that, since in looking into 
the far distance you do not see high shores, the raised parts 
must appear as low." A ts'o (}|) thus described cannot be 
an ordinary "marsh." This, it is true, is the standard sense 
of the word; but broad sheets of deep water have also been 
called ts'o, e. g. the T'ai-wu Lake near Soochow, which is 
known as "Chon-ts'6" (J| }g), or the Lob-nor, which is called 
Yen-ts'6 (If -}f ), i. e. the "Salt Lake," or Lake Balkash, which 
is called "the biggest ts'o in the north-western territories ($ 
4t tji M :fc P 5" Si-yu-shui-tau-ki, chap. 4, p. 42). Moreover, 
the text adds distinctly that "they say it is the 'Northern Sea' 
(4t }ft)>" which would involve a gross exaggeration, if ta-ts'o 
meant a mere marsh. It is for these reasons that I have 
translated "a great sea," and not "a great marsh," as Mr. 
Kingsmill does. 

I do not, of course, object to the more literal translation, 
as long as it is understood that, since it is said to be "the 
Northern Sea," we must not think of a marsh in the or- 



38 F. Hirth, [1910. 

dinary sense of the word. I have, in my first paper on the 
subject, thought of the Black Sea as being covered by this 
ta-ts'o, but since its first mention goes clearly back to the 
oldest notice of the An-ts'ai (Aorsi), as placed on record in 
the Sh'i-ki, we have to look for their seats in their original 
homes between the banks of the Sea of Azof and the Caucasus. 
The Sea of Azof is described as a palus, i. e. "a swamp," by 
Pliny and other Romans. Early Greek writers speak of a 
Maioms \ifivrj (Dionysius in C. Miiller, Geogr. Graeci Minores, 
II, p. Ill), and Jordanes (Mommsen, p. 89seqq.), in his account 
of the Hunnic irruption, also styles it Palus Mceotis. This 
corresponds to what we know about the physical condition of 
its shores, which prompts Karl Neumann (Die Hellenen im 
Skythenlande, p. 536) to say: "Es verrat Sachkenntnis, wenn 
die Griechen die Maitis nie ein Meer, sondern stets eine 
Limne nannten." Herodotus (IV, 86) held that the Mseotis 
was not much smaller than the Pontus itself, and Ptolemy 
exaggerates its northern extension through more than six 
degrees of latitude (Bunbury, op. cit., Vol. ii, p. 591 seq.). This 
may have been a popular error among the ancients long 
before Ptolemy, repeated also at the court of the Indoscythians, 
where Greek traditions had been taken over from Bactria, 
and where Chang K'ien in 127 B. C. collected his notices of 
western countries subsequently reproduced in the Sh'i-ki. The 
Mseotis is said to be frozen in its northern part during the 
winter (K. Neumann, op. cit., p. 65), and this, too, may have 
helped to challenge comparison with the "Northern Sea" (:|fc 
$|), if this term refers to the Arctic Ocean as it apparently 
does in a passage of Pliny (II, 67), who says: "Ingens argu- 
mentum paludis Mceoticae, sive ea illius oceani sinus est, ut 
multos adverto credidisse, sive angusto discreti situ restagnatio." 
It appears to me that the chief mistake made by Mr. Kings- 
mill in his attempts at identification is the ignoring of in- 
formation, placed on record in notices quite as valuable as, 
though later than, those of Ssi-ma Ts'ien. I am, of course, 
fully aware that the Sh'i-ki, in its chapter 123, is the very 
oldest source regarding the Chinese knowledge of AYestern 
Asia; but we should not forget that between the time when 
Chang K'ien laid his first report before Wu-ti (126 B. C.) and 
the time of Ssi-ma Ts'ien's death, not much more than forty 
years may have elapsed and that much of the geographical 






Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 39 

knowledge of the Chinese during the earlier Han Dynasty was 
placed on record soon after the Slii-ld was completed. Pan 
Ku's account in the Ts'ien-lian-shu, though compiled towards 
the close of the second century A. D., was based on records 
dating from the earlier Han Dynasty itself. Pan Ku's own 
brother, Pan Chau, must have returned from his famous ex- 
pedition to the west with a tolerably complete knowledge of 
the facts placed on record in the Hou-han-shu, and during the 
period of the Three Kingdoms, at the beginning of the third 
century A. D., the knowledge of the west gained three hundred 
years before cannot have been forgotten, though added to and 
modified. Even the geographers of the Sui and the T'ang 
dynasties (the latter with one notable exception, the division 
of foreign territories into nominal Chinese administrative 
districts), being so much nearer in time than we are to the 
Han period, must have been in the possession of traditions 
much more valuable as a source for identification than the 
linguistic speculations of a modern European. Mr. Kings- 
mill's Sal-im-ar-kand is one of these speculations. Why ignore 
what later, though still ancient, traditions tell us about An- 
ts'ai? That so-called "old tradition which made Selm, the 
son of .Feridun, the eponym of Samarkand" is extremely 
doubtful. The mention of a number of other supposed foun- 
ders such as Alexander the Great and Shamar Abu Karib 
of South Arabia (Yakut, Vol. iii, p. 133), shows how little 
we know about the origin of the city, so that nobody can 
tell whether or not such a name existed at all during the 
second century B. C. Of An-ts'ai, however, we read in the 
Hou-han-shu, chap. 118, p. 13: "The country of An-ts'ai has 
changed its name into A-lan-liau G ^ g gfc IW Iff f fJ 
HI)." Professor Chavannes has proved beyond a doubt that 
by this name two different countries are covered, the one 
being called A-lan, the other Liau (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 195 
note 2, and 1905, p. 559 note 1); and according to the Wei- 
lio (1. c., p. 32) An-ts'ai is also called A-lan (g ^ g 



1 Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1905, p. 558, note 5) remarks with regard to 
this passage: "Hirth a bien montre (China and the Roman Orient, p. 139 
note 1, et Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung-nu, p. 249 251) que le nom 
Yen-ts'ai (prononce An-ts'ai) pouvait etre la transcription du nom du 
peuple que Strabon appelle les "Aopaoi. Le temoignage du Wei-lio que 



40 F. Hirih, [1910. 

But we have yet another transcription of the foreign name 
represented in Chang K'ien's An-ts'ai. In the biography of 
the General Ch'on T'ang (ft ib Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 70, 
p. 7 B ) we are told that Chi-chi, the legitimate Shan-yii of the 
Hiung-nu, whom I look upon as the founder of Hunnic power 
near the confines of Europe ( fiber Wolga-Hunnen, &c., p. 269 
seqq.) and who had been assigned to an unclaimed territory by 
his father-in-law, the king of K'ang-kii (Sogdiana), had attacked 
the capital of the Wu-sun and terrorized the population by 
his violence; that the Wu-sun were afraid to pursue him to 
his retreat, because an uninhabited waste on the western 
frontier obstructed the road for a thousand li (j| Jg ^ j| 
31 W & 74 ^ JS % BL =? M); and that ' aftei ; having com- 
mitted all possible atrocities, he built a fortified city and 
"sent ambassadors to exact annual tribute from the countries 
of Ho-su (the Aorsi) and Ta-yuan (Ferghana), which these 
did not dare to refuse (&ft X H & i* ft % ' X Jft ; 
j ^ ^). The scholiast Yen Sh'i-ku refers to Hu Kuang 
(second century A. D.) as having said that "about a thousand 
li north of K'ang-kii there is a country called An-ts'ai, another 
name of which is Ho-su ([i] g)," and on this basis he con- 
cludes that the names An-ts 7 ai and Ho-su are identical. 
The two syllables ts'ai and su can easily be explained, both 
representing ki their initials a sibilant in the transcription of 
foreign names and both representing a possible sal, sa, so or su. 
The ho of Ho-su (fi| g) is read hop in Canton, and hah in 
Foochow. This latter sound could easily be proved to stand 
for liar or ar. But Chinese sound authorities class the 
character with the rhyme " 27. ^," i. e. hop, and this is pre- 
cisely what they do with a number of characters having the 
same final as an $, e. g. Jg, which is even now read both im 
(3fc f) and yap or ap ($ ||; see T'ang-yiin, chap. 20 et 
passim; Eitel, Cantonese Dictionary, p. 190). Though quite 
different in sound at the present day, the two characters may 
have been interchangeable at some time or other, the old final 

les An-ts'ai (Aorsi) ont pris plus tard le nom &A-lan (Alani) explique 
d'ailleurs fort bien le terme Alanorsi qui, chez Ptolemee, embrasse a la 
fois les Alani et les Aorsi; il est vraisemblable que ce royaume comprenait 
deux peuples distincts, les Aorsi et les Alani, et qu'il fut connu d'abord 
sous le nom du premier d'entre eux (Aorsi), puis sous les noms de tous 
deux combines (Alanorsi), enfin sous le nom du second seul (Alani)." 



Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kings-mill and the Hiung-nu. 41 

possibly holding the middle between m and p. 1 Yen Sh'i-ku 
is, therefore, probably right in assuming the identity of the 
two names. The crux in the identification with the "Aopo-oi 
of Strabo is the old final m in the first syllable of An-ts'ai. 
Precedents like Tam-mo, H Jg, for Dharma do not help us, 
because this transcription may stand for Pali Dhamma. I am 
in doubt about Sam-fo-ts'i (^ f$ ^, Palembang in Sumatra), 
which as suggested by Groeneveldt (Notes on the Malay 
Archipelago, p. 62, note 3) might be identical with Arabic 
Sarlaza of doubtful tradition. It is possible, though not cer- 
tain, that the hill-name T'am-man, j| fj| |Jj, the Sa'ian range, 
stands for Tarban, or Tarmal, of the Old-Turkish inscriptions 
(see my Nachworte zur Inschrift des Tonjukuk, pp. 41 seq. and 
87 seq., and Parker in Thomson, Inscriptions de I' Orhhon de- 
chiffrees, p. 196). But why must we have a linguistic precedent 
for m = r at all in the face of so much circumstantial evidence? 
We have other Chinese representatives of final r, which in 
their way might be called <x7ra Aeyo'/xei/a, e. g. Hiian Ts'ang ? s 
ffit ffi P' nang-mot-to, which stands for Skrt. Narmmada, the 
River Nerbudda (Eitel, 2nd ed., p. 107). Altogether I lay 
more stress on historical, than linguistical identification. 
The transcription A- Ian (pj ||}) in the Hou-han-shu and We'i- 
lio is clear and as little dependent upon differing ancient and 
dialectic sounds as any foreign name in Chinese records; it is 
as safe as if it were written in some alphabetic language to 
look upon it as representing the sound Alan, which in this 
neighbourhood and at the period of its first appearance in 
classical and Chinese literature alike can only apply to the 
Alans as a nation. According to the Hou-han-shu, we have 
seen, the name A-lan had been changed from that of An-ts'ai, 
and Pliny (Nat. Hist., IV, 80), speaking of Scythic tribes says: 
"alias Getae, Daci, Romanis dicti, alias Sarmatae, Graecis 
Sauromatae, eorumque Hamaxobii aut Aorsi, alias Scythae 
degeneres et a servis orti aut Trogodytae, mox Alani et Rhoxa- 

1 Pliny (VI, 38) refers to the Aorsi in one passage as Abzoae, and it 
appears that the codices here offer no variants of this exceptional form 
(see Nat. Hist., rec. Detlefsen, I, 1866, p. 238), which may possibly be a 
mistake for Arzoae. But if this were not the case, it might help to ex- 
plain the finals m and p in the two Chinese transcriptions. Abzoae might 
thus be a Latin mutilation of the Greek name heard with the digamma 
as "A/o/xrot. 



42 F. Hirth, [1910. 

lani." In other words, he holds that the Alani were nearly 
related to, or formerly called, the Aorsi. This view, supported 
by quite a number of other arguments, has been adopted by 

modern European scholars (cf. 

|} X -ft % ^ Tomaschek in Pauly- Wissowa, 
H ;fe B Sk ft Beal-Encydo2)adie,etc.,s.\.A.\8i- 

-zz E ni," "Alanorsoi" wahrschein- 
ttl 3E /e s , . , ^. ,7 , , A , 

hch em Konglomerat von AAavot 

ffi S$ ffi und "Aopo-oi, and "Aorsoi"). 

IS J8 & 4t E That part of the Alans which 

U M 1S "i 'S figures in the history of western 

& n Y-p 4* Europe during the fifth century 

soon disappeared without leaving 

iRf traces of its existence; but the 

TH 1ft S "fr eastern Alans continued for gene- 

- ^ _L. ^ rations "in their old seats in the 

steppes between the Caucasus, the 

^ River Don and the lower Volga, 

ft HI HL ^ right among the Bulgars, the suc- 
j ]&[ ^ cessors of the Huns; in Tauris, 
:& r 13 /v too, we find traces of them in the 

towns of Sugdsea [Sogdak], and 

ffi 5fe fa! ?fi Theodosia (Kafa), about the year 
Ira ^ i5t $15 500, had anAlanic nameAbdarda 
Hg fti 3/t w (Tomaschek)." Under the Mon- 

"H P0 ''C5C ->' T T T 1 

. jj. . p gols the Alans were termed A-su 
** (fn( 3^), and sometimes A-ssi, 

IS i 3E jfe (fpf ,,), the name A-?aw occurring 
^ M W ^C onl y once (Bretschneider, "No- 
m & & -) ^ ces ^ ^ e Mediaeval Geogra- 
phy," &c., in Journal, China 

Branch, &c., 1875, p. 261). These two forms may possibly be 
connected with the ancient names An-ts'ai and Ho-su. 

With this material in hand we are now prepared to analyse 
what Mr. Kingsmill thinks an "improved" translation; for, 
with regard to my own, he says: "it is difficult to under- 
stand how he has been misled in the translation of a suffi- 
ciently simple passage, which refers to the Hiung-nu only 
incidentally, and to the Hunni not at all." 

I here insert Mr. Kingsmill's so-called translation of the 
Chinese text reproduced above. 



Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 43 

"Su(k)te(h) is situated west of the Ts'ung-ling; it was the 
ancient Im-ts'ai and was also known as Wannasha. It lies 
close to a great marsh to the north-west of K'ang-ku, and is 
distant from Tai 16000 li. In former days the Hiung-nu 
killed its king, and held possession of the country for three 
generations up to the time of King (H)wui'rsz." 

"Formerly the merchants of this country went in numbers 
to dispose of their wares in the land of Liang: [a party] hav- 
ing entered Kutsang were made prisoners, and at the beginn- 
ing of the reign Kao-ts'ung [of the Wei] the king of Su(k)te(h) 
sent a mission requesting their enlargement." 

"After this period no further diplomatic intercourse took 
place." 

Before attempting any rectification I have to make a slight 
correction in the text. The character g,, ssi, should read g,, 
/, "a sign of the past," the two characters being easily con- 
founded (cf. Giles, Synoptical Studies in Chinese Character, 
Noa. 966 968). I have adopted this view through the perusal 
of a paraphrase furnished in a recent Chinese treatise on the 
subject, the Han-si-yu-t'u-ttau (g| |f Jfe g 5jc> chap. 6, by 
Li Kuang-t'ing, ^ ^ , of Canton, preface dated 1870), which 

says: A # * * ft 3E & IK n H & H ffi it ffi 

fSi , fS H i> i- e -? "I n the beginning of the T'ai-an period 
of the emperor W6n-ch'6ng [in reality 457 A. D. according to 
We'i-shu, chap. 5, p. 5 B j the Hiung-nu prince Hu-ni ? [his an- 
cestors] having conquered the country three generations ago 
(g,), sent ambassadors to ransom them [the prisoners], which 
was granted by imperial edict." It is with this one change 
in the text that I now add my own translation as first laid 
before the Munich Academy. 

"The country of Suk-tak lies in the west of the Ts'uhg-ling. 
It is the ancient An-ts'ai and is also^ called Won-na-sha. It 
lies on a big sea [ts'6] in the north-west of K'ang-kii [Sog- 
diana] and is 16 000 li distant from Tai. Since the time when 
the Hiung-nu killed their king and took possession of their 
country up to their king Hu-ni three generations have elapsed. 
The merchants of this country often went to the country of 
Liang for trade, and at the capture of Ku-tsang they were all 
made prisoners. In the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung 
[452 466 A. D.] the king of Suk-tak sent ambassadors to ask 
for their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order. From 



44 F. Hirth, [1910. 

this time onward they sent no more tribute missions to our 
court." 

It will be seen that Mr. Kingsmill's mistakes are those of 
interpretation rather than of translation, though he was ap- 
parently not satisfied with my rendering ^ J ^ by the Ger- 
man "bei der Eroberung von Ku-tsang." ](, k'o, means "to 
conquer," whether you conquer a city, a country, or your own 
self. Cf. Giles, No. 6115: ft fti ; ->\& " to attack a cit 7 and 
not conquer it," or "to make an unsuccessful attack upon a 
city." Mr. Kingsmill's "a party having entered Ku-tsang" is 
an absolute mistake. The relative clause fg J| J| is left un- 
translated. Apart from the different spelling of names, his 
mistakes are thus the only points in which Mr. Kingsmill's 
rendering differs materially from the one he found in my 
German paper. I, therefore, fail to see what induces him to 
say: "it is difficult to understand how he has been misled in 
the translation of a sufficiently simple passage." 

As regards his interpretation,, the one point of his dis- 
agreement, the identification of the country called An-ts'ai, is, 
of course, the pivot on which the entire question turns. Chang 
K'ien, in his report, merely placed on record what his friends 
at the Indoscythian court had told him. They were the same 
informants who supplied him with that interesting word p'u-Vau 
(fljj 4), "the grape,"=Greek fiorpvs according to Mr. Kingsmill's 
own happy idea, and who are known to have used coins with 
Greek legends as shown in Cunningham's papers on the "Coins 
of the Indoscythians" in the Numismatic Chronicle. Chang 
K'ien's report on An-ts'ai is in my opinion the oldest example 
of the introduction into Chinese literature of a piece of clas- 
sical lore, to wit, the story of the Mcuoms Ai/zn? with its vast 
extension to the north and its connection with the ^Keavo?, 
here "the Northern Sep." 

According to my view Hu-ni (4g fg, Hut-ngai) is Hernak, the 
youngest son of King Attila, who after the death of his father in 
454 A. D. withdrew to the extreme parts of Scythia Minor ("Her- 
nac quoque, junior Attilae films, cum suis in extrema minoris 
Scythiae sedes delegit." Jordanes, ed. Mommsen, p. 127), which 
Strabo identifies with the present Crimea, and here according 
to Tomaschek the Alans had their city of Sogdak (Sudak, 
Soldaia, &c.) since 212 A. D. All this is, however, immaterial. 
The main point I wish to contest against Mr. Kingsmill is the 



Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 45 

identification of the term An-ts'ai, so sadly misunderstood by 
him. If once we are convinced that An-ts'ai, A-lan and Suk- 
tak must be the Alans of western sources, we are justified in 
drawing the following logical conclusions: 

1. Of the Alans we know from European sources that, just 
about three generations before the embassy sent to China by 
the state of Suk-tak (former Alans) in 457 A. D., they were 
conquered by the Huns. 

2. Of the Suk-tak nation we learn in the Wei-slm that their 
ancestors, the An-ts'ai (Aorsi, Alans), three generations before 
their embassy of 457 A. D., were conquered by the Hiung-nu. 

3. Since the same nation cannot at the same time be con- 
quered by two different nations, the result is that the Huns 
and the Hiung-nu are identical. Q. E. D. 



Early Chinese notices of East African territories. By 
FKIEDRICH HIBTH, Professor in Columbia University, 
New York City. 

THE earliest accounts in Chinese literature of Western terri- 
tories contain no allusions of any kind that we might interpret 
as referring to any part of the African Continent. The name 
Li-kan, or Li-kien, which occurs in Ssi-ma Ts'ien's SM-ld (about 
86 B. C.) is there coupled with that of T'iau-chi (Chaldaea), 
and since in records that date from a few generations later the 
term is persistently declared to be identical with that of Ta-ts'in, 
the Eoman empire in its eastern provinces, I do not hesitate 
to look upon it as covering the Roman Orient, possibly in- 
cluding Egypt. This is also the case with the accounts of 
Ta-ts'in contained in the Hou-han-shu, applying mainly to 
the first century A. D., in which the direction of the silk trade 
via Antiochia Margiana, Ktesiphon, Hira and, by the periplus 
of the Arabian peninsula, to the silk-buying factories of the 
Phenician coast, such as Tyre, Sidon and Berytos, is clearly 
indicated. 1 Yet no mention of African ports can be traced 
back earlier than the beginning of the third century A. D., 
when fresh information, though transmitted unfortunately in 
sorely disfigured texts, had reached China. I refer to the 
account of the We'i-Uo,^ where the city of Alexandria is 
manifestly meant by the name Wu-ch'i-san. I admit that the 
Wei-lio is not very clear in its details regarding the de- 
pendencies of Ta-ts'in; but the one passage I refer to leaves 
but little doubt that Wu-ch'i-san is Alexandria. It says: 
"At the city of Wu-ch'i-san, you travel by river on board 
ship one day, then make a round at sea, and after six days' 

1 For texts and translations see my China and the Roman Orient, 
Shanghai, 1885, passim. 

2 An historical work referring to one of the so-called "Three King- 
doms," the state of We'i (535 to 557 A. D.) and compiled between 239 
and 265 A. D. See Chavannes, "Les pays d'occident d'apres le "Wei-lio" 
in T'oung-pao, Serie ii, Vol. vi, No. 5, pp. 519, seq. 



Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 47 

passage on the great sea, arrive in this country [Tats'in, or 
its capital Antioch]." This, I hold, describes the journey from 
Alexandria to Antioch. The first character of the Chinese 
transcription, wu (black), may stand for o and u in the render- 
ing of Indian sounds; 1 and it also represents the vocalic ele- 
ment of the first syllable (a, o or e) in the several west-Asiatic 
forms for "ebony," such as Persian abnus, in their Chinese 
equivalent ivu-man-tzi.' 2 The second character cWi (slow) 
stands for di, 3 and the three characters may be said to stand 
for adisan or odisan, thus furnishing a still recognizable dis- 
tortion of the name Alexandria. Unfortunately Chinese texts 
have preserved nothing beyond that name, assuming our inter- 
pretation of its transcription is at all correct. 

In point of age the next mention in Chinese literature of 
an African territory is an account applying probably to the 
beginning of the T'ang dynasty. It occurs in a text devoted 
to the Ta-sh'i, i. e., the Arabs of the Khalif empire, in the 
T any-sliu (chap. 221 B , p. 19), in a passage describing the 
extent of the Ta-sh'i dominions, "in the east of which there 
are the T'u-k'i-shi," i. e. the Tiirgash of the Old-Turkish stone 
inscriptions, the "south-west being connected with the sea." 
The Tiirgash being mentioned as the Eastern neighbors of 
the Ta-sh'i seems to indicate that the account belongs to the 
early part of the eighth century. It reads as follows: 

"In the south-west [of the Ta-shi, or Arabs] is the sea and 
in the sea there are the tribes of Po-pa-li [in Cantonese and 
old Chinese Put-pat-lik, which I look upon as a transcription 
of Barbarik*}. These do not belong to any country, grow no 
grain, but live on meat and drink a mixture of milk and cow's 
blood; they wear no clothes, but cover their body with sheep- 



i St. Julien, Methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms Sanserifs, etc., 
Nos. 1313 and 1314. 

- See my "Aus der Ethnographic des Tschau Ju-kua" in Stzb. der 
philos. Klasse der K. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., 1898, III p. 491, note 3. 

3 Julien, op. cit., p. 204 No. 1876; cf. Schlegel, "The Secret of the 
Chinese Method of Transcribing Foreign Sounds" in Toung-pao, II, 
Vol. i, p. 249, who says it is pronounced ti at Amoy. 

* See my paper "Chinese equivalents of the letter E, in foreign names" 
in Journ. of the China Branch, E. A. S., Yol. xxi (1886), p. 219. As there 
shown, final t in old Chinese stands for final r\ I stands for r; and before 
I (or r) becomes I (or r) by assimilation (see Schlegel in Toung-pao, 
1900, p. 109). 



48 F. Hirth, [1910. 

skins. Their women are intelligent and graceful. The country 
produces great quantities of ivory and of the incense o-mo 
[in Cantonese o-mut = omur, standing for Persian ambar, i. e. 
ambergris]." 

"When the traveling merchants of Po-ssi (Persia) wish to 
go there for trade, they must go in parties of several thousand 
men, and having offered cloth cuttings and sworn a solemn 
oath (lit. "a blood oath") will proceed to trade." 

Another account written generations before the T'ang-shu, 
the work of 6u-yang Siu completed in 1060 A. D., occurs in 
the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu by Tuan Ch'ong-slii, who died in 863 A. D. 
The transcription here used is identical with that of the T'ang- 
shu, viz: Po-pa-li (Put-pat-lik = Barbarik). Tuan Ch'ong-shi 
says (chap. 4, p. 3 B seq.): 

"The country of Po-pa-li is in the south-western sea. The 
people do not know how to grow grain and live on meat only. 
They are in the habit of sticking needles into the veins of 
cattle, thus drawing blood, which they drink raw, on having 
it mixed with milk. They wear no clothes, but cover their 
loins with sheep-skins. Their women are clean, white and 
upright. The inhabitants make their own countrymen prisoners, 
whom they sell to the foreign merchants at prices several 
times [more than what they would fetch at home]. The country 
produces only elephants' teeth and a-mo [ambergris]. If the 
Persian merchants wish to go to this county they form parties 
of several thousand men and make gifts of strips of cloth, 
and then everyone of them, including the very oldest men and 
tender youths, have to draw their blood wherewith to swear 
an oath, before they can dispose of their goods. From olden 
times they were not subject to any foreign country. In fighting 
they use elephants' teeth and ribs and the horns of wild oxen 
made into halberds, and they wear armour and have bows 
and arrows. They have 200,000 foot soldiers. The Ta-shi 
(Arabs) make constant raids upon them." 

My identification of these two short accounts, which appear 
to be derived from a common source earlier than the year 
863, is based chiefly on the great similarity which the Chinese 
transcription bears to the name of Berbera, the city and 
country on the east coast south of Abyssinia, and on the 
mention of ivory and ambergris as the chief products. Am- 
bergris was as a matter of fact exported from the coast 



k 



Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 49 

of Berbera. 1 The identification is, however, further supported 
by a later account of the same country in the Chu-jan-ch'i of 
Chau Ju-kua, who describes it under the name Pi-pa-lo, in 
Cantonese: Pat-pa-lo, which is another intelligible transcription 
of the foreign sound Barbara. 

Chau ju-kua 2 describes the country as follows: 
"The country of Pi-pa-lo contains four chou (cities), the 
remaining places being villages rivalling each other in influence 
and might. The people worship heaven, they do not worship 
Buddha. The country produces many camels and sheep, and 
the ordinary food of the people consists of camels' flesh, milk 
and baked cakes. The country has ambergris \lung-hien, 
lit. "Dragon's Spittle," the standard word for ambergris, see 
Giles, No. 4508], big elephants' tusks and big rhinoceros horns. 
There are elephants' tusks which weigh over a hundred catties 
and rhinoceros horns of ten catties and more. There is also 
much putchuck, liquid storax, myrrh, and tortoise-shell of great 
thickness, for which there is great demand in other countries. 
Among the products there is further the "camel crane" [lo- 
fo-hau, i. e., the ostrich]. It measures from the ground to 
the top of its head six or seven feet. It has wings and can 
fly, but not to any great height. There is an animal called 



1 See Heyd, Histoire du commerce du levant au moyen-age, ed. Furcy 
Raynaud, Leipzig, 1886, Vol. ii, pp. 571574. The best quality is found 
on the coast of Berbera and Zinj (Renaudot, Ancient accounts of India 
and China, London, 1733, p. 64). 

2 Regarding this author see my papers "Die Lander des Islam nach 
chinesischen Quellen", T'oung-pao, Supplement, Vol. v, Leiden 1894, p. 12 
seqq., and "Chao Ju-kua, a new source of mediaeval geography" in Journal, 
E. A. , 1896, p. 57 seqq. Chau Ju-kua probably wrote at the time of 
the last Abbaside caliph Mustasim (1242 to 1258 A. D.), since in his 
description of Bagdad ("Die Lander des Islam," etc., p. 41) he describes its 
king as a linear descendant of Mohammed the Prophet, and adds that the 
throne was handed down to his own times through twenty-two generations. 
If we look upon Cossai as the genealogical head of the several generations 
the sixth of which saw the prophet himself, the twenty-second was that 
of the caliph Mustasim. The latest date mentioned in Chau Ju-kua's 
work is 1210 A. D. In the Ling-icai-tai-ta by Chou K'u-fe'i, published 
in 1178, which goes over the same field as the Chu-fan-ch'i and from 
which about one-third of the matter placed on record by Chau Ju-kua 
has been copied (see K. Tsuboi, "Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen," etc., 
in Actes, XII e Congres Intern, des Orientalistes, Rome, 1899, Vol. ii, 
pp. 69-125). no mention is made of Pi-pa-lo. 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 4 



50 M Hirth, [1910. 

tsu-la [in Cantonese: tso-lap, a transcription of Arabic zarafa, 
the giraffe]. It resembles a camel in shape, an oxen in size, 
and it is of a yellow colour. Its front legs are five feet long, 
its hind legs only three feet. Its head is high up and turns 
upwards. Its skin is an inch thick. There is also a mule 
with brown, white and black stripes around its body. These 
animals wander about the mountain wilds; they are a variety 
of the camel. The people of the country are great huntsmen 
and hunt these animals with poisoned arrows." 

Mr. W. W. Rockhill, who has collaborated with me in the 
publication of my translation of Chau Ju-kua's ethnographical 
sketches, holds that the "four cities" referred to are Berbera, 
the Malao of the Periplus. and Zeyla, the mart of the Aualites 
of the Periplus to the west of it; and to the east of Berbera, 
Mehet or Mait. the Moundon of the Greeks, and Lasgori or 
Guesele. the Mosullon of the Greeks. He refers to Ibn Batuta 
(II, 180), who says of Zeyla that it was an important city, 
but extremely dirty and bad-smelling on account of the custom 
of the people of killing camels in the streets. He also notes 
that the sheep of this country are famous for their fat. At 
Mukdashau, our Magadoxo or Mugdishu, he says, they killed 
several hundred camels a day for food. In the first century 
A. D. the Pejriplus mentions myrrh, a little frankincense, tin, 
ivory, tortoise-shell, odoriferous gums and cinnamon among 
the exports of the Berbera coast. 

The Chinese name "camel-crane" is a translation of the 
Persian name of the ostrich, shutur-murgh, meaning "camel- 
bird" (Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, London 1888, Vol. i, 
p. 144, note 392). Chou K'ii-fei refers to the "camel-crane" 
in similar terms in his account of the Zinj tribes, but he adds 
that it eats all possible things, even blazing fire or red-hot 
copper or iron. In other words he justifies its wellknown charac- 
teristic, which is conveyed in the popular adage the "stomach of 
an ostrich." The Chinese author speaking of the camel as the 
animal from which the "striped mule" is descended would seem 
strange, if we did not assume that his remark on that point 
refers to the three animals, the ostrich, the giraffe and the mule. 
It certainly holds good for the giraffe, which, as Mr. Rockhill 
points out, was held by some to be a variety of camel, e. g. by 
Mas'udi (Prairies d'or, III 3). Mr. Rockhill has the following 
note regarding the striped mule of Pi-pa-lo: "This, I suppose, 



Vol. xxx.] Early Cliinese notices of East African territories. 51 

is the same animal as the hua-fu-lu, or "spotted fu-lu" of the 
Ming-slii, 326. Bretschneider (Ancient Chinese and Arabs, 21 
note 7) says that "the nua fu-lu is probably the Hippotigris 
Burchelii, or Douw, the Tiger-horse of the ancients, which was 
brought several times to Rome from Africa. It inhabits the 
deserts of Eastern Africa, between the equator and the tenth 
degree of northern latitude, whilst the two other species of 
this genus of the horse family, the Zebra and the Quag y a, 
are to be met with only in Southern Africa." Mr. Rockhill 
refers to Barbosa, who says that the people of Magadoxo "use 
herbs with their arrows." 

There can be but little doubt that the Chinese account of 
Pi-pa-lo refers to Berbera, and this involves a broad hint as 
to the identification of another sketch of Chau Ju-kua's which is 
found in the Chu-fan-chi under the designation Chuny-li. It 
reads as follows: 

"The people of the country of Chung-li go bareheaded and 
barefooted; they wrap themselves about with cotton stuffs, 
for they dare not wear jackets, since wearing jackets and 
turbans is a privilege reserved for the ministers and courtiers 
of the king. The king lives in a brick house covered with 
glazed tiles, the people live in huts of palm-leaves thatched 
with grass. Their daily food consists in baked flour-cakes, 
sheep's and camel's milk. There are great numbers of cattle, 
sheep and camels." 

"Among the countries of the Ta-sh'i (Arabs) this is the only 
one which produces frankincense." 

"There are many sorcerers among them, who are able to 
change themselves into birds, beasts or fish and by these 
means keep the ignorant people in a state of terror. If some 
one of them while trading with a foreign ship has a quarrel, the 
sorcerers cast a charm over the ship, so that it can neither 
go forward or backward, and they only release the ship when 
the dispute has been settled. The government has formally for- 
bidden this practice." 

-Every year countless numbers of birds of passage alight 
on the desert parts of the country. When the sun rises they 
suddenly vanish so that one cannot find a trace of them. The 
people catch them with nets and eat them; they are remarkably 
savoury. They are in season till the end of spring, but as 

4* 



52 F. Hirth, [1910. 

soon as summer comes they disappear to return the following 
year." 

"When one of the people dies and they are about to put 
him in his coffin, his kinsfolks from near and far come to 
condole. Each person flourishing a sword in his hand, goes 
in and asks the mourners the cause of the person's death. 
'If he was killed by someone 7 , each one says, 'we will revenge 
him on the murderer with these swords.' Should the mourners 
reply that he was not murdered, but came to his end by the 
will of heaven, they throw away their swords and break into 
violent wailing." 

"Every year there are driven on the coast a great many 
dead fish measuring as much as twenty ch'ang in length, and 
two cttang through the body. The people do not eat the flesh 
of these fish, but cut out their brains, marrow and eyes, from 
which they get oil, often as much as three hundred tong. They 
mix this oil with lime to caulk their ships, and use it also in 
lamps. The poor people use the ribs of these fish as rafters, 
the back-bones as door-leaves and they cut off the vertebrae 
to make mortars with." 

"There is a shan [hill, range of hills, island, promontory, or 
high coast] in this country which forms the boundary of Pi- 
pa-lo [Berbera]. It is 4,000 li in circumference; for the most 
part it is uninhabited. Dragon's blood is obtained from this 
shan [hill, island, etc.], also aloes, and from the waters, tortoise- 
shell and ambergris [lung-hien, lit. Dragon's Spittle]." 

"It is not known whence ambergris comes; it suddenly 
appears in lumps of from three to five catties, driven on 
the shore by the wind. The people of the country make 
haste to divide it up, lest ships run across it at sea and fish 
it up." 

The essential point in the identification of this country of 
Chung-li is the mention of a shan, which may mean "a range 
of hills," at the boundary of Pi-pa-lo (Berbera). This port, 
well-known to the Arabs of the thirteenth century, was indeed 
separated from the adjoining high plateau by a range of hills, 
the natural boundary between the territory of Berbera and 
Somaliland. The extent of the shan, in this case "a plateau," 
being stated to be 4,000 li, would point to a large tract of 
land. I would not lay too much stress on the name Chung-li; 



Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 53 

but final ng has been used to transcribe final m (see Julien, 
Methode, etc., Nos. 485 and 486: kang for Sanscrit ham and 
c/ham)] chung, middle, is pronounced tsung at Shanghai, and 
ts is quite commonly interchanged with initial s. e. g. in the 
title sengun, "a general," of the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions, 
which stands for Chinese tsiang-lmn. Chung-li may thus poss- 
ibly be a transcription of the sound Somali or Somal. Another 
important characteristic is the remark that this country is the 
only one among the Ta-shi, or Arab, territories which produces 
frankincense. This, even if we admit the coast of Hadramaut 
to have participated in this industry, is a broad hint as to 
its identification with Somaliland 1 . 

Mr. Rockhill is of the opinion that the island of Socotra cor- 
responds to Chau Ju-kua's Chung-li, and in support of this view 
he quotes a number of interesting parallels from mediaeval 
authors. Thus the aloe, mentioned as one of the products of 
Chung-li, is referred to by Mas'udi (III, 37), who calls it 
socotri from the name of the island; Marco Polo (II, 398-399, 
Yule, 2nd ed.) says of its people, "they have a great deal of 
ambergris," and he relates the almost identical story told by 
Chau Ju-kua more than a century before him in connection 
with his Chung-li. He says (p. 399): "And you must know 
that in this Island there are the best enchanters in the world. 
It is true that their Archbishop forbids the practise to the 
best of his ability, but 'tis all to no purpose, for they insist 
that their forefathers followed it, and so must they also. I 
will give you a sample of their enchantments. Thus, if a ship 
be sailing past with a fair wind and a strong, they will raise 
a contrary wind and compel her to turn back. In fact they 
make the wind blow as they list and produce great tempests 
and disasters; and other such sorceries they perform, which 



1 F. A. Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreiches, 3rd. ed., Berlin 
1891, p. 45 seqq.: "Die Bauine, welche den Weihrauch liefern, wachsen 
im Lande der Somalistamme, im auloersten Osten Afrikas, sowie auch auf 
den jenseits liegenden siidostarabischen Kiistenstrichen Hadramaut, Schehr 
und Mahrah." "Der meiste und geschatzteste Weihrauch wird im nord- 
ostliehen Somalilande gesammelt." "In Arabien eingefiihrter oder dort 
gesammelter Weihrauch nimmt auch die Namen arabischer Landschaften 
an, z. B. Schehr, Morbat, Dhofar." In a special chapter on frank- 
incense Chau Ju-kua mentions just these three places as producers of 
the drug. 



54 F. Hirth, [1910- 

it will be better to say nothing about in our Book." Chau 
Ju-kua is less discreet, when he informs us that the sorcerers 
of Chung-li changed themselves into birds or fish, in order to 
terrorize the population. According to him "the Government 
has forbidden such practices." This applies in Socotra to the 
"Archbishop," in reality as late as 1281 a bishop ordained by 
the Nestorian patriarch of Bagdad (Assemani, Bibl. Orient. IV, 
p. 780). Kockhill quotes two other stories of sorcerers, one from 
Purchas' Pilgrims (IX, 254), who quotes Friar Joanno dos 
Santos (A. D. 1597) as describing quite a similar trick practised 
by a great sorcerer on the isle of Zanzibar, and another, 
mentioned by Ibn Batuta (IV, 227), of sorcerers on an island 
in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean, who "raised storms 
by enchantment when vessels did not pay the customary 
tribute." 

Taking into account the parallels to which Mr. Rockhill has 
drawn attention, I feel tempted to accept his suggestion as 
regards Socotra. The translation of shan by "a rocky island" 
is certainly unobjectionable, and since nearly all that can be 
shown to apply to Socotra from western sources occurs in the 
text after the words "there is a shan in this country," etc., the 
concluding part of the chapter may be regarded as an appendix 
to the account of Chung-li describing this outlying island of 
Socotra. The" shan being stated to measure "four thousand 
li in circumference" fairly corresponds to the ideas current 
among western geographers of the period, if we look upon 
the li not as the Chinese li, but as the thirtieth part of a 
parasang, or a stadium, in which sense I have shown it is to 
be taken in the identifications of several western Asiatic 
itineraries (see my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 222-225). 
Four thousand li would thus be equal to 133 parasangs. This 
may be an exaggerated estimate of the size of the island, but 
scarcely more so than the statements of Yakut (Wiistenfeld III 
p. 102, quoting al Hamadani) and Abulfeda (Geogr. d'A., ed. 
Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, p. 371, kindly furnished 
to me by Prof. Gottheil), who state that the length of Socotra 
alone was "eighty parasangs." 

This part of the coast of Africa was certainly well-known 
and much frequented by Arab and Persian traders during 
the thirteenth century. Chau Ju-kua is well acquainted 
with its products such as frankincense, aloe, dragon's blood 



Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 55 

and ambergris, and since all these were staple articles of 
the Chinese market, we may infer that direct commerce was 
carried on through the mediation of Arab skippers plying 
between Ts'iian-chou-fu (Zaitun) and Canton in the Far East 
and the several ports en route, including those of Africa, and 
their Arabian homes. We need not be astonished, therefore, 
to find that remnants of the mediaeval intercourse between the 
coasts of China and Eastern Africa have actually been dis- 
covered. In April 1898 two small collections of Chinese coins 
were sent to me for identification, one by Dr. F. L. Stuhlmann, 
now at the head of the biological and agricultural Institute 
at Amani (East Africa), the other by Mr. Justus Strandes, 
both well-known African travellers. Dr. Stuhlmann wrote 
me that his collection of eight coins had been excavated in 
the neighbourhood of Mugdishu on the Somali coast together 
with a great many broken pieces of Chinese celadon porcelain, 
vitreous paste and Arabic coins ; Mr. Strandes, who had 
purchased his collection of seven coins at the same place, 
wrote in similar terms. Both collections are now in the 
"Museum fur Volkerkunde" of Berlin. The several coins 
were unfortunately in a bad state of preservation, but they 
were without exception of the Chinese type, i. e. round with 
a square hole and of bronze. 

Those coins the legends of which I was able to identify 
are all dated from before the beginning of the thirteenth 
century, the eleventh and twelfth centuries being chiefly re- 
presented. I am, therefore, inclined to ascribe them to the 
very period covered by Chau Ju-kua's account of Chung-li, 
which, owing to the fact that the Ling~ivai-tai-ta of 1178 con- 
tains no mention of these territories, must be placed between 
this date and Chau Ju-kua's time, i. e. about 1242 A. D. 
Chinese junks have visited Mugdishu in 1430 (see my Ancient 
Porcelain, Shanghai, 1888, p. 62 and note 155), but since no 
coins of the Ming Dynasty could be traced in the two small 
collections, unless they were among the few hopelessly dis- 
figured unidentified specimens, I conclude that these unique 
traces of Chinese intercourse so far discovered had nothing 
to do with that later period. 

Of the east coast south of Somaliland we possess short 
accounts of an island called TJong-pa and of a country E?un- 
lun-tsb'ng-Jd, both by Chau Ju-kua. 



56 F. Hirth, [1910. 

Ts'ong-pa, in Cantonese Ts'ang-pat, may be a transcription 
of Zanguebar, or Zanzibar. 

Chau Ju-kua's text runs as follows: 

"The Ts'6'ng-pa country is an island of the sea south of 
Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat]. On the west it borders on a great 
mountain." 

"The inhabitants are of Ta-sh'i stock and follow the religion 
of the Ta-sh'i. They wrap themselves in blue foreign cotton 
stuffs and wear red leather shoes. Their daily food consists 
of meal, baked cakes and mutton." 

"There are many villages and wooded hills, and lines of hills 
rising one above the other.''' 

"The climate is warm, and there is no cold season. The 
products of the land include elephants' tusks, native gold, or 
gold bullion, ambergris and yellow sandalwood." 

"Every year Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat] and the Ta-sh'i settlements 
along the sea-coast send ships to trade white cotton cloth, 
porcelain, copper and red Id-pei [cotton] in this country." 

The chief difficulty in the explanation of this account is the 
mention of sandalwood among the products of the country, 
since it is not likely that Indian, Timorese, or far-eastern 
varieties were brought to this out-of-the-way part of the 
Indian Ocean as a market. I do not know whether the dye 
made of the rock-moss, or orchil, of Zanzibar may possibly 
be confounded with some dye made of sandalwood. The 
mistake might perhaps be accounted for in this way. 

On the other hand we have unmistakeable evidence of the 
importation of Chinese porcelain. The late Dr. W. S. Bushell, 
in a review of my book on "Ancient Porcelain" (North-China 
Daily News, May 9th, 1888) has the following remarks on this 
point: 

"Arabian writers tell us of fleets of large Chinese junks 
in the Persian Gulf in the eighth century, and the return 
voyage of Marco Polo in the suite of a Mongol Princess from 
Zayton to Hormuz is well-known. The "Chu Fan-chi," a 
book on foreign countries by Chao Ju-kua, an author of the 
Sung Dynasty, was published a century before the time of 
Marco Polo. Dr. Hirth quotes this to trace the export of 
porcelain even as far as the coast of Zanzibar, the great 
African mart of ivory and ambergris, which is described 



Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 57 

under the name of Ts'eng-p'o. I may add that Sir John 
Kirk during his residence as Consul -General at Zanzibar, 
made a collection of ancient Chinese celadon porcelain, which 
he took to the British Museum last year. Some of it was 
dug up, I believe from ruins, mixed with Chinese cash of the 
Sung Dynasty, a striking confirmation of the Chinese writer, 
who was Inspector of Foreign Trade and Shipping in Fuhkien 
Province." 



A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk. By RICHAED 
J. H. GOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University, 
New York City. 

THE doors, of which a separate photograph for each wing 
is here given, are to-day placed in the entrance to the Hispanic 
Museum in New York City. They were bought in Cairo some 
years ago by Mr. Archer Huntington and belong to the finest 
period of Egypto-Muhammedan metal work. The doors are in 
a perfect condition; and though it looks as if in one or two 
places they had been restored, the restoration has been so 
cleverly done that it is hardly apparent. Each wing is made 
of wood completely covered with bronze. Along the sides the 
metal is very thin and artistically kept in place by nails 
forming diminutive rosettes. The rest of the wood is covered 
with thick pieces of metal so cut as to form polygonal rosettes 
the angles of which are filled up or embossed so that the 
rosettes stand out in relief. All of the embossed work, again, 
is damaskeened with silver and part of the unembossed surface 
is damaskeened with gold. Each leaf has a finely chiseled 
knocker placed about two-thirds of the way up. The in- 
scription commences at the lower end of the right-hand leaf 
and is of silver damaskeened in placques of bronze. It is in 
the late Naskhi form of the Mameluke period, and reads as 
follows: \ jJl LJjJl L-*>O blkJl ^JJLl lk) _ II 




"Glory to our master the Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Saif al- 
dunya wal-dm Abu Sa'id Barkuk, Sultan of Islam and the 
Muhammedans, the one who is munificent to orphans and to 
the poor, the help of warriors and of those who fight for the 
faith. It was finished in the month Rabi c al-Awwal in the 
year seven hundred and eighty eight of the Hijra." 

On the bosses of the four central rosettes is the name 
I n t ne centre of the rosettes in the middle which are 




A door from 




the Madrasah of Barkuk. 



Vol. xxx.] A Door from tJie Madrasah of Barkuk. 59 

divided into halves there are also inscriptions which I have 
not been able to decipher satisfactorily. 

It is quite evident that we have here a door from a building 
put up by the Burjl Mamluke Zahir Saif al-Dm Barkuk who 
came to the throne in 784 A. H. (= 1382 A. D.). The doors 
were finished in April of the year 1386. It is also evident 
that the doors come from the Barkukiyyah l or, as it is called, 
the Zahiriyyah al-Jadldah the Madrasah built by Barkuk in 
the Suk al-Nahhasm, which served also as a convent for the 
Sufis. Van Berchem has given in his Corpus a number of 
other inscriptions similar to the one on these doors. The 
Madrasah has been often restored; within recent years by 
Herz Bey. 

The inscription, however, contains one or two difficulties 
which it is to hard surmount. I do not refer to the form y\ for 
^t; that is not at all uncommon; but to the manner in which 
the date is expressed. The hundreds placed first is not an 
impossible construction, as compound numbers in Arabic can 
be expressed either in an ascending or a descending scaie. 
But here the units are placed between the hundred and the 
decade, which will not do at all. Indeed, the whole order of 
the numerals is unusual in inscriptions. In many hundreds 
of inscriptions coming from Egypt, Syria and Mesopotamia 
I have not found one case in which the order of the numerals 
is other than that of the ascending scale. 

In addition to this, the last word of the inscription 
is uncommon. The expressions used are: *t^*^ an d 



The only other case in which I have 
found it used is in the inscription of Ahmad ibn Muzaffar 
al-dln TJthman ibn Mankurus on the fortress of Muhelbah in 
Northern Syria. 2 The want of space may have occasioned the 
use of the shortened form in our inscription. 

It would be hazardous to pronounce a judgment upon the 
genuineness of this door. But, it is surprising that Van Berchem 
in his Corpus of the Arabic inscriptions at Cairo 3 mentions 

1 See Van Berchem, Corpus Inscriptionum Ardbicarum, pp. 297 et seq.; 
Baedeker, Egypte, (1903), p. 64; Manuel d'art Musulman, I (par H. Saladin) 
pp. 140 et seq.; II (par G. Migeon), pp. 196, 209, 232. 

2 Van Berchem, Inscriptions Arabes de Syrie (Le Caire 1897), p. 86. 

3 loc. cit. p. 304. 



60 R. J. H. Grottheil, A Doorjrom the Madrasah ofBarkuk. [1910. 

the fact that in the year 1893 a dealer, Hatoun, in the 
Mouski of that city, had for sale a door very similar (to judge 
from the description given by Van Berchem) to the one at 
present under discussion. The inscription is exactly similar 
to the one I have given, only with the word ^f^ omitted. 
Yan Berchem could not find any reason for the slightest 
suspicion and pronounced the door to be genuine; but Herz 
Bey pronounced it to be a piece of modern work manufactured 
in the selfsame year 1893, and his judgment was supported 
by others on the spot. 1 

To add to the difficulty, Migeon, in his Manuel d'art Musid- 
man, II, p. 196, gives a reproduction of a mosque door which 
in every artistic particular is an exact copy of the one under 
discussion, with the exception of the outer border which has 
less rows of nails than has the door in the Hispanic Museum. 
The inscription, however, is different and is similar both in 
the upper and lower bands: 



"Glory to our master the Sultan, the fighter for the faith, 
Muhammad al-N&zir Sultan of Islam and the Muhammedans," 
i. e. Nasir al-Dm Muhammad ibn Kala'un, who ruled several 
times in Egypt towards the end of the 13th century. Migeon 
states that these doors are in the Arabic Museum in Cairo; 
but I can not find them mentioned in the latest edition of the 
Catalogue of that Museum. 2 

1 loc. cit. p. 770. 

2 Catalogue raisonne des monuments exposes dans le Musee Nationale 
de Vart Arabe . . . par Herz Bey (2nd Ed.). Le Caire 1906. pp. 173, 
177, 212. 

Postscript (August 18. 1908). In a letter, dated July 15. 
1909, Herz Bey confirms my suspicions in regard to the 
genuineness of the doors. He writes that they were made in 
the year 1892 by an Arab workman named 'All al - Shiyashl 
(J^i^Jl j*) for the Cairo Street of the Midway Plaisance 
in the Chicago World's Fair. c Ali, however, could not come 
to an understanding with the managers of the "Street" in 
regard to the price, and the doors remained in Cairo, where 
they passed into the possession of the dealer Hatoun. 



A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV, Plates 12 
and 13). By FREDEEICK A. VANDERBUKGH, Ph. D., 
Columbia University, New York City. 

THE following is one of the collection of twelve unilingual 
non-Semitic Babylonian hymns copied from tablets in the 
British Museum by Mr. L. W. King, M. A., Assistant in the 
Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities, and pub- 
lished in "Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the 
British Museum by Order of the Trustees," Volume XV. 

Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Professor of Semitic Languages in 
Columbia University, and myself have now translated the whole 
collection. Professor Prince has published three: viz., "To the 
Goddess Bau;" "To the God Nergal," and "To the Goddess 
Girgilu." "I have published in my "Sumerian Hymns" four: 
"To Bel;" "To Sin;" "To Adad;" and "To Tammuz." I have 
another "To Bel" that is expected to appear in the Journal 
of the American Oriental Society, and still another "To 
Bel" is in preparation. The one of which a transliteration, 
translation and commentary are given in this Article is the 
fourth and last one "To Bel" in the collection. 

I am not aware that the hyrnn treated in this Article has 
ever been translated before or published. 

This hymn in which Bel is addressed in both the Eme-Ku 
and the Erne- Sal dialects of the non-Semitic literature of 
Babylonia must be recognized as very ancient. It is evident 
that Bel is invoked here as the ruler of the nations in the 
same spirit in which he is honored in the inscriptions of the 
kings of the predynastic and early dynastic periods from the 
time of En-sag-kusanna until the time of Hammurabi. When 
the hymn was composed, Nippur, Ur and Larsa, the three 
cities therein mentioned, were flourishing towns. 

Our copy of the hymn, however, is not Old-Babylonian, but 
New-Babylonian. While the composition is very old, the copy 
is not. For example, GIR or ELIM, MA, LUK TA, KAN, 
BIT are Old-Babylonian, but the following signs are New- 



62 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910. 

Babylonian: BIT, ZI, UN, AN, KIT, GA, DA, MI, TUB,, 
IM, EN, NE, DAMAL, AZAG, KA, MAH, SIS, BL 

This hymn is apparently the most beautiful and interesting 
one of the four addressed to Bel in CT. XV, 7-30. The con- 
ception of the subject is very picturesque and the lyrical 
quality characteristic of the religious literature of the Semitic 
race is fully as apparent here as in other Babylonian hymns. 
The thought is wrought into rhythmic stichs for recitation in 
divine service with some traces of strophic division. The 
essential attributes of the god and the power he exercises 
over the lands are dwelt upon, but, above all, attention seems 
to be focused on the heroic administration of Bel in the con- 
quest of an insubordinate city. 

As to thought and form of statement, the hymn is clearly 
divided into three parts. Lines one to nine contain descriptive 
epithets of Bel's divine attributes. (1) Bel is known as the 
'mighty one,' expressed by the Assyrian kabtu, synonymous 
with either gur or dim, and suggestive of the Scriptural idea 
'almighty.' (2) Bel was 'lord of the lands;' this umun corre- 
sponds to the Semitic belu, 'proprietor' of the lands: a 'lord 7 
was an 'owner.' As Anu was the heaven god, Sin the moon 
god, Sam as the sun god, Istar the star deity, so Bel was the 
earth god. (3) Bel was a 'righteous' god, being called 'lord 
of righteous command.' (4) Bel was a god of 'providence,' 
being 'father of the word of destiny.' (5) Bel's particular care 
reached over the Babylonians; he was 'shepherd of the black- 
headed.' (6) Bel was a god of vengence, a 'wild bull executing 
judgment on the enemy.' (7) Bel was omniscient, 'the all- 
seeing one.' 

Lines ten to twenty particularize the location of Bel's do- 
minion. The seat of his cult was Nippur, but he was honored 
also in Ur and Larsa. His temple, E-kur, was located in 
Nippur, whither kings and princes from distant lands came 
to do him homage. 

In lines one to twenty it may be noticed that with a single 
exception a characteristic praise-refrain is observed in every 
stich. 

At the end of line twenty there is a decided change in style. 
Lines twenty-one to thirty-four delineate the experiences of a 
city in siege under the surveillance of Bel. Water and corn 
supplies are cut off. Scenes of famine are sketched and also 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 63 

of conflagration and pillage. As the result the fear of Bel 
extends over the lands. 



Transliteration and Translation. 

Obverse. 



1. ni-tuk gur(KIL) M(tl) eri-zu ^'(SF)-e(BIT) - 

Thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable city -- 

2. elim-ma ni-tuk g&r(KIL) M(U) eri-zu ^(Sl)-e(BIT) 
O king, thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable 
city -- ----- --- --- 

3. u-mu-un kur-kur-ra-ge(KIT) gur(KTL) !$(U) eri- -- 
lord of the lands, the mighty one of old; city -- 

4. u-mu-un sag-ga si-da gur(KIL) M(U) eri- -- 

lord, head of life, the mighty one of old; city --- 

5. dimmer mu-ul-lil(KlT) a-a i(KA) wa-dw-wa(MAL) ne 
Bel, fathei of the word of destiny; -- 

6. siba sag glg(MI)-ga gur(KIL) M(U) eri- - 

shepherd of the black-headed, the mighty one of old; 
city 

7. i-de gdba 2(IM)-te-a gur(KIL) $&(TT) eri- ---- 
thou who art by thyself the all-seeing one, the mighty 
one of old; city - 

8. ama erw(AB)-na di-'M gur(KIL) M(U) eri- ---- 
thou wild bull executing judgment on the enemy, the 
mighty one of old; city 

9. ii-lul-la ma-ma gur(KYL) 3(U) eri- -- -- 

thou powerful one of the countries, the mighty one of 
old; city -- -- 

10. eri-zu en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu gur(KIL) 6 x a(LJ) - 

In thy city thy Nippur, the mighty one of old; - 

11. se-ib e(BIT)-kur-ra-ta gur(KIL) 6 x a(U) - 

In the foundation of E-kur, the mighty one of old; -- 

12. ki damal ki gal-ta gur(KIL} sa(U) - 

In the broad land the great land, the mighty one of old; 

13. c^(TUL) agaz ki azag-ta gur(KTL) M(U) - 

In the glorious dwelling of the glorious land, the mighty 
one of old; ' ---- --- 



64 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910 

14. &HLIB)-e(BIT) dim-ma-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - 

In the midst of the house of the king, the mighty one 
of old; - 

15. e(BIT) ka mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - 

In the house of the high gate, the mighty one of old; - 

16. e(BIT) #&(MAL) nun mah-ta gur (KIL) 2a(tl) - -lea 
In the firm house of the exalted prince, the mighty one 
of old; - 

17. ma-mu u-a-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ha 
In the entrance of my land, the mighty one of old ; - 

18. ma e(BIT)-gal mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ka 
In the land of the exalted temple, the mighty one of 

nlrl 

\JJ-\J. * 

19. $e-ib uru-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) &*(U) eri- - ne ka 
In the foundation of Ur, the mighty one of old; - 

20. $e-ib utu-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) a(U) eri-zu - ne ka 
In the foundation of Larsa, the mighty one of old; - 

21. eri a-dug (KA.)-ga a-gi-a-zu 

A city striveth; it is turned away by thee. 

22. a-dug(KA)-ga a-ta gar(SA)-ra-zu 

It striveth; it is shut off from water by thee. 

23. eri $e-kud(TAR)-da ki-lal-a-zu 

It is a city with corn cut off; it is blocked by thee. 

Reverse. 

24. [nu]-nag nu-nag-a ud-zal(NI)~zal(NI)-la dl(RI) 

They drink not, they drink not; the morning dawneth. 

25. dam tur-ra-ge(KIT) dam-mu mu-ni-ib-bi 

To the young spouse, one crieth "My spouse." 

26. <ta(TUR) tur-ra-ge(KIT) cta(TUR)-ww mu-ni-ib-bi 
To the little child, one crieth "My child." 

27. ki-el-e $es-mu mu-ni-ib-bi 

The maid crieth "My brother." 

28. eri-ta damal gan-e du(TISR)-mu mu-ni-ib-bi 

In the city the bountiful mother crieth "My child." 

29. cZft(TUR) bdn(TUR)-da a-a-mu mu-ni-ib-bi 
To the strong man one crieth "My father." 






Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel. 65 

30. tur-e d-e(UD. DU) maJi-e aZ-d(UD. DU) 

The small (flames) break out, the great (flames) break out. 

31. e-sir(BU) e-gub (Dty-ba mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN) 
On the street they stand, they cry. 

32. sal-la-l)i ur-e dm (A. AN)-da-ab-ld 
Their booty men bear away. 

33. slg(PA) gan-bi mu bar-ri dm(A. AN)-da~ab-ld 

The staff of their youth the king of judgment beareth 
away. 

34. Id e-ne ki-zu-ge(KlT) ba-e-ni(IM) 
Those lands are in fear of thy land. 

t*$w(ES) za er(A. SI) ttm(b)(~Ll!L)-ma dingir en-lil(KIT)- 

a-kam 

34 (lines) Penitential hymn to Bel. 

Commentary. 

1. ni-tuk: ni, a common pronominal verbal prefix of the 
second person; tuk means primarily 'seize,' 'have,' and then 
in an intransitive relation, 'be present,' 'be.' 

gur(KILi): the question might arise whether the sign is 
not IZ; it occurs nineteen times in the tablet; the wedges 
seem to make an enclosure of an equilateral rectangle, as is 
always intended in KIL, but usually in the sign IZ, the 
horizontal dimension is greater than the vertical. For examples 
of IZ in this collection of hymns in CT. XV, see Plates 10 : 24; 
11:13, 14, 15 and 16; 14:35; 16:6; and 19:25. For 
examples of KIL, see Plates 7 : 27; 9 : 2 and 3; and 19 : 24, 
27 and 28. Also cf. sign-lists of Delitzsch in Assyrische Lese- 
stiicke, vierte Auflage, and Amiaud in Tableau Compare des 
Ecritures Babylonienne et Assyrienne Archaiques et Modernes, 
'gur equals kabtu. If the sign is JZ, the value is ges, equal 
to idln-j 'hero.' 

M(U) equals labwu, 'old;' see Prince's Hymn to Nergal in 
JAOS, XXVIII, pp. 168-182. Brummer, in Die Sumerischen 
Verbal- Afformative nach den altesten Keilinschriften, explains 
U as a compound sign, equal to SI, 'eye,' plus LU, 'take 
away;' giving the meaning 'take away the eye,' 'become old,' 
'elderly.' 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 5 



66 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910. 

eri or the Eme-Ku uru equals alu, 'city,' and zu is the 
common pronominal suffix 'thy,' phonetically cognate with the 
personal pronoun za-e\ the value eri for ER occurs in the 
ideogram for eridu\ see Creation Legend, Tablet 82-5-22, 1048, 
CT. XIII, 35-38, Obverse, line 8, endw(ERI. HI) ul ba-ni. 

t0 (&!)-! (BIT): the erasure of the last end of this line 
precludes satisfactory explanation of this word, although SI. 
BIT is sometimes equal to amaru, 'see,' igi commonly having 
the meaning 'eye' and e the meaning 'house;' i. e. 'eye- 
structure.' 

2. elim-ma: by the process of gunation, several signs have 
developed from GIR; for example, KIS by the addition of 
MIN, ANSU by the addition of PA, HUS by the addition 
of HI, AZ by the addition of UD, UK by the addition of 
ZA, and ELIM, or more exactly ALIM, by the addition of 
ER(A. SI). The sign in the text is somewhat indistinct; it 
appears to be GIR, but MA as a phonetic complement \vould 
indicate that the sign was ELIM. GIR equals 'power'. ELIM 
means 'lord,' 'king.' 

3. u-mu-un, phonetic representation, is sometimes ideo- 
graphically represented by the corner wedge U; the value 
umun may be shortened to u or mun or MM, or it can be 
lengthened to ii-mu-un-e, having the defining vowel e, as in 
Plate 10 : 3 where Bel is spoken of, and Plate 17:2 and 3 
where Sin is spoken of. umun equals 'lord' (u) plus 'being' 
(mun). 

Mr, 'mountain,' 'land,' is probably etymologically connected 
with /CM, aSdbu, hibtu, 'dwell,' 'dwelling': hu being possibly a 
shortened form of kur. ge (KIT) is a common sign of genitive 
relation: 'lord of lands.' 

4. sag-ga: the sign is quite clearly SAG, but perhaps the 
clause is the same as the last clause in Plate 10 : 4, if so, 
the reading should be, 'lord of righteous command,' with 
dug(KA)-ya instead of sag-ga, dug-ga being equal to kibitu, 
'command,' and zi(d)-da being equal to kenu, 'righteous;' see 
Vanderburgh, Sumerian Hymns, p. 27. 

5. mu-ul-lil(KIT) is Erne-Sal for en-lil(eUil), mul(wul) being 
dialectically equal to en (el). The meaning of Ul is somewhat 
confused by the word's having been wrongly connected with 
Zdkiku, 'wind;' it more properly means 'structure,' 'fulness.' 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 67 

a-a is the common word for 'father/ how it comes to mean 
'father' is somewhat obscure; it may be shortened from ad-da, 
where ad equals abu. a primarily means 'water,' but also means 
'father,' perhaps as 'seed-producer/ a~a is probably a phonetic- 
ally lengthened a equal to abu. 

i(KA): the meaning of KA here is not distinctly indicated. 
KA is a sign which has many meanings, but the one some- 
times represented by I gives tolerably good sense here, na- 
dw-wa(MAL) is phonetic and is a lengthened form for nam 
which equals Zimtu. 

6. siba means k he who grasps the staff,' and is the common 
word for 'shepherd,' though LAH. BA sometimes stands for 
'shepherd.' sag-gig (M.l)-ga, equal to salmdt kakkadi, is an 
often repeated designation for Babylonians, as subjects of 
Bel or some other ruler. 

7. i-de is Erne-Sal for igi(ST), equal to mu, 'eye.' gala 
equals pitu, 'open.' m(LM)-te equals ramdnu, 'self/ although 
the original meaning is 'fear,' yet when applied to the one 
who causes fear it comes to mean 'self.' ni-te literally means 
'fear a fear.' i-de gaba nl-te-na then means 'open eyed by 
thyself,' na being a pronominal suffix equal to -ka. 

8. ama: AMMU originally represented the 'bull of the 
mountain,' while the same form ungunated by the addition of 
the sign KUR, 'mountain,' being a picture of the bull's head, 
represented the domestic bull. eriw(SAB)-a equals 'warrior,' 
'soldier,' 'enemy,' and di, 'to judge.' The whole expression 
ama erim-na di-di occurs in Plate 10 : 7. 

9. u-lul-la: u is sometimes a nominal prefix, having a deter- 
minative force, like a in a-lig\ see Plate 19 : 2 and 3, also 
Plate 20 : 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9; see MSL. p. XVII, and u-tu, 
Br. 1070. LUL sometimes equals dannu, see Br. 7268 and 
7276. Its original form was that of a gunated GIR; in the 
copy of Tablet 13963, Plate 10 : 8, it has been mistaken for 
GIR, as this line clearly shows. 

ma-ma: MA is not so common an ideogram as KUR; MA 
means 'earth,' KUR means 'mountain. 7 MA. DA, 'strong land,' 
seems to be original and the Assyrian matu a loan-word. 

Besides MA and KUR there seem to be two other Sumerian 



ideograms for mdtu, namely KALAM and sometimes KI. 

5* 



68 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910. 

10. en-lil (KITyki, 'land of Bel,' common ideogram for 
'Nippur.' 

11. $e-ib equals M, the Erne-Sal value for GAR which is 
equal to the Eme-Ku Seg no doubt; the Assyrian equivalent 
is libittu, 'layers of brick,' from Idbdnu. ta equals 'in,' mean- 
ing 'source,' as is shown by the expression kur babbar e-ta 
kur babbar $u-$&, 'from the land of the rising sun to the land 
of the setting sun.' 

12. damal, Erne-Sal for dagal, equals [rap$u, 'broad,' and 
gal equals rabu. 

13. du: TUL meaning 'to cover,' readily yields the meaning 
$uUu, 'dwelling,' with the value, however, of du\ du-azag 
sometimes has the meaning of Sadu, 'mountain.' 

14. 3d (LIB) is a proposition or rather noun in the con- 
struct state followed by the genitive e(BIT). dim-ma equals 
Urru, 'king.' Br. 4254. 

15. kd equals Mlu, 'gate,' while ka equals pu, 'mouth.' kd 
must be pronounced differently from ka. KA represented 
'entrance to a house/ but KAGU first represented 'head, r 
then 'mouth.' The meaning 'high' for mali is derived from 
that of being 'important' or 'great.' 

16. #d(MAL) equals SaMnu, 'establish,' and nun equals 
rubu, 'prince.' Br. 2629. 

17. Su-a-ta means 'in the entrance,' or 'when he enters,' su 
being equal to erebu. 

18. e(BIT)-gal, 'great house,' the Sumerian form from which 
the Assyrian ekallu, 'temple,' is derived. 

19. uru(&I&)-unu-ki-ma, Ur, apparently signifies the 'pro- 
tected dwelling place,' uru being equivalent to nasdru. But 
it is to be noticed that the ideogram for Ur sometimes takes 
the form uru-ab-ki] see Code of Hammurabi, 2 : 17. It also 
takes the form uru-um-ki-ma> in which ma becomes a true 
phonetic complement; see Hilprecht's Old Babylonian In- 
scriptions chiefly from Nippur, Nos. 14, 15, 18, 19 and others. 
Ur was chiefly famous as being the seat of the cult of Nannar 
whose temple was called E-gissirgal. 

20. utu-unu-ki-ma, the ideogram for Larsa which was one 
of the old seats of the .cult of Sanaas", means the 'dwelling 
place of light.' 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 69 

21. dug(KA) is a verb with the meaning here of mahasu', 
the primary significance of the sign suggests that the meaning 
might originate from a contention of words, zu as a suffix 
here is subjective, considered as a relative pronoun the ante- 
cedent does not appear in the line. 

22. a-ta means 'from water. 7 gar(SA) equals eseru. 

23. $e-kud(TAR,)-da means 'with corn cut off,' kud being 
equal to pardsu, and ki-lal equals sandku, 'blockade,' literally 
'raise up the ground.' 

24. -nag: no doubt the text should be nu-nag. nu-nag-a: 
a is a vowel of prolongation; 'to drink no water' would be a 
mi-nag. ud-zal(NT)-la means seru, 'morning,' ud is equal to 
'light,' and zal to 'shine,' while la is a phonetic complement. 
dl(RI) equals nabdtu. 

25. dam equals hdiru, 'spouse.' tur-ra equals sihru, 'young.' 
ge(KlT) is sometimes represented by ana although always 
secondarily. It is more commonly the sign of the genitive. 
mu-ni-ib-bi equals 'one speaketh to him,' ni-ib being an infix 
that represents a dative, the ni representing the 'him' and 
the ib the 'to', bi equals kibu, 'speak.' 

26. The sign DUMU as equal to maru or mdrtu has the 
value du. 

27. ki-el-e equals ardatu, 'maid,' ki being a prefix of deter- 
mination, while el means 'shining one.' $es equals alm\ there 
is doubt whether the archaic form meant 'protection' or 
'other one.' 

28. damal equals nmmu, 'mother.' gan-e equals alidu or 
alidtu. 

29. dw(TUR) may equal amelu and TUB with DA equals 
ban-da, 'strong.' 

30. al-e(UD. DU) equals nabdtu, 'light up,' 'break out,' the 
prefix al being the same as an. Probably the city is set on 
fire, so it is the flame that breaks out. 

31. e-sir(BU) equals stiku, gub(DM) equals nazazu, and 
sar-ri equals sarahu] the m(NIN) at the end may be a 
phonetic prolongation although the full force of the syllable 
is not very clear. 

32. sal-la-bi: sal-la equals 'booty,' and bi is a pronominal 
suffix, ur-e equals amelu. In dm (A. A.N)-da-ab-la da-ab is an 



70 



Frederick A. Vanderburgli, 



[1910, 



infix referring to the object sal-la and Id is the verb equal 
to na$u. 

33. slg(PA.) may equal 'staff,' gan 'youth,' mu 'king,' and 
bar-ri 'judgment.' 

34. e-ne equals Sunu. 

35. llm(b): the sign is probably LUL which sometimes 
means 'woe;' see Briinnow's Classified List, 7271. er(K. SI 
or A. IGI, 'water of the eye') commonly equals biMtu. 



Glossary. 



a-a, 5 

a-a-mu, 29 

a-dug(KA)-ga, 21 

a-gi-a-zu, 21 

al-e(UD. DU), 30 

azag, 13 

ama, 8 

am (A. AN)-da-ab-ia, 32 

a-ta, 22 

i-de, 7 



i(KA), 5 
e-gub(DU)-ba^ 31 
e-sir(BU), 31 
elim-ma, 2 
e-ne, 34 

en-lil(K!T)-a-kam, 35 
en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu, 10 
eri-zu, 1 
eri-ta, 28 
erim(SAB)-na, 8 
e(BIT), 15 
e(BIT)-gal, 18 
er(A. SI), 35 
ud-zal(NI)-zal(NI)-la, 24 
ur-e, 32 

uru ( SIS)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 19 
utu(UD)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 20 
usu(ES), 35 
u-lul-la, 9 



ii-mu-un, 3 
ba-e-ni(IM), 34 
ban(TUR)-da, 29 
bar-ri, 33 
gaba, 7 
gal-ta, 12 
gan-bi, 33 
gan-e, 28 
ga(MAL), 16 
gar(SA)-ra-zu, 22 
gig(MI)-ga, 6 
gur(KIL), 1 
dam, 25 
dam-mu, 25 
damal, 12 
di-di, 8 
dimmer, 5 
dingir, 35 
di(RI), 24 
dim-ma-ta, 14 
du(TUL), 13 
du(TUR), 26 
du(TUE)-mu, 28 
ka, 15 
ki, 12 
ki-el-e, 27 
ki-lal-a-zu, 23 
ki-zu-ge(KIT), 34 
lim(b)(LUL)-ma, 35 
ma, 18 



Vol. xxx.] 



A Hymn to Bel 



71 



ma-ma, 5 
ma-mu, 17 
mah-e, 30 
mah-ta, 15 
mu, 33 

mu-ul-lil(KIT), 5 
mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN), 31 
mu-ni-ib-bi, 25 
na-am-ma(MAL), 5 
ni-tuk, 1 
ni(IM)-te-na, 7 
nun, 16 
nu-nag, 24 



sag, 6 
sag-ga, 4 
sal-la-bi, 32 
siba, 6 
sig(PA), 33 
sa(LIB)-e(BIT), 14 

sa(U), 1 
se-ib, 19 

se-kud(TAR)-da, 23 
ses-mu, 27 
su-a-ta, 17 
tur-e, 30 
tur-ra-ge(KlT), 25. 



The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. By LUCIA C. Gr. 
GKIEVE, New York City. 

It is difficult for a mere European, brought up on a dic- 
tionary and accustomed to define everything accurately, to 
grasp the Proteanism, the fluidity, if I may so speak, of the 
Hindu divinity called for the most part simply Devi, the 
goddess, or Mai, the mother, or more simply still, Bai, the 
woman. Her names are legion: Mahalakshmi, Mahasaraswati, 
Jogeshwara, Kali, Bhawani, and many another, often strange 
and uncouth. But in the ultimate analysis, each female di- 
vinitiy, however ^different her attributes and forms of worship, 
is a manifestation of the same "eternal feminine," the goddess, 
the mother, the woman. 

In every Hindu household in the Maratha country, Devi 
is one of the panchaitana, or set of five gods the others 
being G-anapati, Vishnu, Sambh and Surya represented 
by five small stones of appropriate colors and set on a tiny 
table in a particular order, according to the chief object of 
the householder's devotion. These are worshiped every morning 
directly after the Sandhya; but they may each and all be 
worshiped separately besides; and each has his particular day 
of the week and a high annual festival. Devi's days are 
Tuesday and Friday, when she is worshiped with red and yellow 
powder, marigolds, sweetened milk and a Sanskrit prayer. 

Her great festival occurs in Ashwin (Sept.-Oct.) during 
the first ten days of the new moon, and is called Navaratra. 
Among the Maratha Brahmans are three classes: Deshasthas 
or hill Brahmans, Konkonasthas or Brahmans of the western 
slope, and Karhadas, so called from their chief town. These 
last, being devotees of Kali, observe this festival with great 
solemnity. During the whole nine days they do not shave; 
and they arrange a little vessel, called abhishakpatra, so that 
water or oil may run continually on the head of the image 
of Devi. On the tenth day they kindle the horn fire (with a 
Swedish safety match) in the presence of many Brahmans, 
and end the day with a great feast. 

In every Hindu house this festival is observed. The image 
of Devi is set up on its little throne. Every day the worshiper 



Vol. xxx.] The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. 73 

makes a wreath of flowers, usually marigolds, and placing 
one wreath on the neck of the image the first day, adds an- 
other each day. In front of the image a square is made of 
corn, gram or barley, mixed with dry earth. In the midst of 
this is set an earthen water-pot (gager or ghat), and on this 
they hang a wreath of flowers, adding another each day. 
Every day cakes of wheat are prepared for 'offering; and if 
the family be sufficiently rich, a married woman, a Brahman 
and an unmarried girl are brought in to be fed and worshiped. 
Every day in Brahman households, a Sanskrit prayer, Sapta- 
c^atti, is read after bathing, and the worshiper must not yawn 
nor leave his place on any pretence, nor make a mistake in a 
single letter. On the tenth day the worship is concluded by a 
great feast, in which the different castes follow different customs. 

This tenth day, the Dasara, is the great day of the festival, 
and in Satara the greatest feast-day of the year. Shivaji, 
the liberator of the Marathas from the Mohamedan yoke, was 
a devotee of Kali, or Bhavani, and of course made much of 
her high festival. There was sound reason in this; for it 
occurred at the end of the rainy season when the crops were 
all in, and settled dry weather might be expected. Further- 
more, this tenth day, the Dasara, commemorated the setting 
out of Rama on his march against Havana; and what more 
appropriate and auspicious day for summoning his army to march 
against foes, who were not only their enemies in religion, but, 
like Ravana, had frequently carried off their women? Assem- 
bling his soldiery, who were mostly farmers cultivating little 
patches of ungenerous soil on the rough hillsides, he personally 
inspected every man and horse and had an inventory made 
of all their possessions. Then their horses and arms were 
worshiped, and a day set for their departure to the predatory 
warfare which was their joy and strength. 

During the latter days of Satara's independence, when wealth 
had increased and valor departed, the Dasara procession was 
a grand sight. Starting from the Rang Mahal, or chief palace 
of the Maharaja, on the upper road, the procession, numbering 
as many as 75 elephants in their gay housings, with instruments 
of music, chanting priests, prancing horses and gorgeously 
apparaled courtiers and servitors, marched to the Poyiche 
Naka, or city limit, two miles away; and frequently the head 
of the procession had reached that point long before the rear 



74 Lucia C. G. Grieve, [1910 

had started. Now a solitary unhappy elephant and a few 
ponies represent the kingly state. 

But to the people, recalling as it does the great days of 
old, the festival is as dear as ever. On this day every house 
is whitewashed or painted; wreaths of marigolds are strung 
across the tops of the doors; and every man puts on a new 
white dress. Those who have horses wash them in warm water 
and give them an offering of food; wine, or eggs, or something 
supposed to be specially acceptable. A corner of the house 
is swept clean and washed with cowdung; and instead of 
swords and guns and other weapons whose use the Govern- 
ment has prohibited, axes, hoes and other farm-implements 
are carefully washed and placed on this spot, and are given 
offerings of flowers and sandalwood oil and red and yellow 
powder. Brahmans bring a drink offering, and other castes 
an offering of flesh; and after showing it to the tools they 
divide it up among the members of the family. 

In the afternoon the horses have cloths, generally the house- 
wife's best sari, strapped on their backs; wreaths of flowers 
are placed around their necks; and the ladies of the family 
lend their anklets and even strings of gold and pearls to adorn 
the horses' hoofs; and if there be alight-colored creature, patterns 
are traced on his flanks. 

In these degenerate days, if the horse belongs to a white 
man, the owner is supposed to worship the animal by giving 
a coin to the horse-boy; and this particular form of worship 
is not confined to Hindus but shared by Mohamedans and 
outcastes. Even the Sahib's cats and dogs have their wreaths 
of marigolds on this great day. 

Early in the afternoon, the gaily dressed horses, and litters 
containing images of the gods, in small irregular processions, 
are brought to the Raj-wada, or chief market-square. Here 
booths are erected for the sale of cakes and sweets, and 
especially of great bundles of branches of kanchan, mountain 
ebony. Athletic sports of all sorts are carried on, interspersed 
with songs and recitations called kirtans. A large male buffalo, 
reda, has been fed up for ten days, or even as many months. 
At the appointed time he is led out in front of a temple of 
Bhavanl, and after the proper ceremonies some descendant of 
Shivaji's family, always a man with the surname of Bhonsle, 
strikes off the beast's head with a sword. Two strokes may 



Vol. xxx.] The Lasara Festival at Satara, India. 75 

be given, but the act is more meritorious if only one suffices. 
The meat is then cut up and distributed to any who will 
take it. Goats and hens are sacrificed by the farmer caste. 

The sacrifice of these animals on this day is common 
throughout the Maratha country and in many other parts of 
India. Indeed, the Dasara festival is a national one, and on 
it soldiers of every faith worship their arms; but beyond that, 
its significance and mode of observance are different in the 
different parts of the country. 

As soon as twilight begins to fall, the great procession is 
formed in front of the Rang Mahal. BhavanT, Shivaji's sword, 
which he considered an incarnation of the goddess, and which 
is now kept in a small temple in the Rani's Palace, is placed 
on a palanquin and leads off, followed by the Rajah's elephant 
and ponies, the Rajah or his representative in an open carriage, 
the bloody sword with which the reda was slain, and the 
usual oriental rabble. Crowds of people of all sorts line the 
route, and congregate especially at the Naka, or sentry-box 
marking the city limit. For Satara is an un walled town, 
Shivaji believing, like the King of Sparta, that soldiers are 
better than bricks for defence. 

In former days the procession went farther, for the purpose 
of worshiping an apta or kanchan tree, the mountain ebony, 
which was then cut down and the leaves distributed to the 
crowd. This object has now been lost sight of; the procession 
merely passes a little beyond the city limit and then turns and 
goes back. Throughout the Maratha country, everyone, to keep 
the festival properly, must walk at least beyond the limits of 
his town or village, to commemorate the starting out of the 
army on that day. When the procession has passed the Naka, 
a man comes running through the crowd with his arms full of 
kanchan branches, which he distributes to the hundreds of 
eager hands reached out to him. The recipients pull off the 
leaves and bestow the mon their friends and acquaintance, saying, 
"This is gold!" This little ceremony is eminently Hindu; 
kanchan, besides being a name for the ebony and champak 
trees, also means "gold," and the leaves of the kanchan, which 
in size and shape resemble gold coins, are called "soni," the 
ordinary word for gold. This giving of "gold" leaves is said 
to represent the distribution of money among the crowd "in 
the brave days of old." 



76 Lucia C. G. Grieve, The Dasara Festival at Satara. [1910. 

The deepening darkness is put to flight by colored lights, 
sky-rockets and other fire- works ; and the crowds return home 
to feast and make merry. 

This festival has in some places a darker side. The Kar- 
hada Brahmans are strict worshipers of Devi; and her most 
acceptable sacrifice is a human being. This caste is perhaps 
one of the last vestiges of the dreaded Thugs who used to 
infest India; but in some respects their organization is quite 
different, though on that I need not dwell. The Government has 
attempted to suppress this sect, but has not fully succeeded. 
A favorite sacrifice is a son-in-law, who is invited to the house 
of his wife's parents and there poisoned. The best sacrifice 
is a wedded wife, and in return Kali promises her devotees 
great wealth. The proper method of conductingHhis sacrifice 
is to invite the lady to visit her mother-in-law for the whole 
ten days' festival. There she is made much of, given presents, 
bathed in perfumes, clad in fine new garments, and wreathed 
with flowers. Meanwhile, in the god-room, a hole has been 
dug in the floor in front of Devi's image, the sacred horn, fire 
is kindled, prayers are said into the hole, and a lighted lamp 
set in each corner. At the right moment the unsuspecting 
victim is brought in and suddenly thrown into the hole, and 
the earth piled in on top. While I was in Satara an attempt 
was made to perform this sacrifice in a nearby village; but 
at the last minute the girl discovered the plot, and, escaping, 
fled to her fathers house, where she was protected against her 
too religious friends. 

Since the British Government is so inconsiderate and op- 
pressive as to interferre with these little family matters, the 
usual method now is by poison; and such masters in the 
poisoning art are the Hindus that the dose may be administered 
many days previous to the intended death of the victim. It 
is even said that as long as six months before the festival, 
poison may be given which will cause the victim to die on 
the proper day. Though currently believed, this is not easy to 
credit; and by its nature is a matter not susceptible of in- 
vestigation. 

Next after their kindred-in-law, the best sacrifice is a 
Konkon Brahman; and in such dread do the Konkonasths 
hold their Karhada fellow-castemen, that they would rather 
die of starvation than risk taking food at their hands. 



The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of 
AsoJca. 1: General introduction and the dialect of the 
Shdhbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. By TRUMAN 
MICHELSON, Pb. D., Bidgefield, Conn. 

IN investigating the dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka, 
it is necessary to remember that the ShahbSzgarhi, Mansehra, 
and Girnar redactions are translations of an original composed 
in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of the Dhauli, 
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i ix) recensions of the Fourteen- 
Edicts and the dialects of the six versions of the Pillar-Edicts; 
and that the dialect of this 'Magadhan' original has left traces 
in them. The dialect of the Kals! redaction presents a rather 
curious problem: in edicts i ix the dialect is practically pure 
'Magadhan,' with but few traces of the local dialect, but in 
edicts x xiv the local peculiarities are prominent; yet at the 
same time the dialect is intimately related with the dialect of 
the Dhauli and Jaugada texts for these two redactions are 
practically the same in both content and language. And as 
a matter of fact we can find a few faint traces of the local 
dialect in even the Dhauli and Jaugada texts. Examples are 
Dhauli vudhi for 'Magadhan' vadhim; Dhauli and Jaugada 
bdbhana- for bambhana-. (That bambhana- was the 'Maga- 
dhan' correspondent to Sanskrit brahmana is shown by the 
invariable bambhana- of the Kalsl text as well as by the oc- 
currence of bambliana- in Dh., J. also.) If savatu at J. ii, 9 
is not a mere blunder for savata (Sanskrit sarvatra) which 
is found several times in J. as well as Dh., and the 'Maga- 
dhan' portion of K. it is a local peculiarity. The 'Maga- 
dhan 7 dialect was undoubtedly the official imperial language, 
and hence as Pischel has very justly remarked understood 
even where it was not spoken as a vernacular. How far the 
'Magadhan' dialect as a koine had influenced the other local ver- 
naculars, is impossible to say with certainty: but the 'Magadhisms' 
in the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, and Mansehra recensions give the 
impression that they were taken over bodily from the original 
manuscript, and were really foreign to the spoken vernaculars. 



78 T. Midielson, [1910. 

The dialect of the fragment of the eighth edict of the 
Sopara version (ed. by Bhagvanlal Inaraji, JBOAS. xv, 282288) 
must be passed over in the present paper for two reasons, to 
wit, that the fragment is extremely small, and that it fairly 
bristles with easily recognizable 'Magadhisms.' Examples of 
these are: nikhamitha, line 5; lieta, l>aml)ha[na]-, iyam, hoti, 
line 6 (lioti also line 9); dasane, line 7; vudhanam, patividhane, 
line 7; ye (read Ihuye), line 9; ane (i. e. amne), line 10. It 
may be mentioned, however, that the dialect agreed with that 
of the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra and Girnar recensions in main- 
taining r as opposed to the I of the Dhauli, Jaugacla, and 
Kalsi versions as is shown by rail in line 9. This fact enables 
us to interpret hiramna- in line 7; it is a cross between native 
hiramna- (so the Girnar text) and 'Magadhan' liilamna- (so 
the Jaugacla and Kalsl redactions). Shahbazgarhi and Man- 
sehra dhramma- has long been recognized as a cross of the 
same type (cf. Shb. and Mans, dhrama-', and Dh., J. and K. 
dhamma-y, and I have tried to show in IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241 
that Shahbazgarhi prati is to be judged the same way; moreover 
I hope to show in my forthcoming paper mentioned below, 
that crosses of this type are far commoner than supposed. It 
is perhaps worth while noting that -jina in line 10 is to be 
read rdjine, and so is identical with Mansehra rajine which 
has been recognized as standing for native ratio (i. e. rdno) 
through the influence of 'Magadhan' Idjiue. 

Another point that must be born in mind is the fact that 
the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra recensions is 
practically identical. In my opinion if we had texts absolutely 
free from 'Magadhisms,' it would be absolutely identical. It 
may be remarked that the evidence of both texts makes 
it comparatively easy to detect 'Magadhisms' in either in- 
dividual text. Thus Shahbazgarhi prati shows that Mansehra 
pati is a 'Magadhism;' 1 similarly Mansehra spagram, i. e, 
spargam (Sanskrit svargam) shows that Shahbazgarhi spagam 
is a partial 'Magadhism' (cf. J. and K. svagam): the evidence 
of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra vagrena (i. e. vargena) con- 
firms this. 

There are certain points of interest to the general Indo- 
European comparative philologist in the dialects of the Four- 

1 See Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 240. 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 79 

teen-Edicts of Asoka. For example long syllabic m appears 
as a and this only in the dialect of the Girnar version, e. g. 
atikrdtam (Sanskrit atikrdntam). This shows that this dialect 
is not a linear descendant of Sanskrit. Again the short u of 
Girnar susrusd, susrusatdm is noteworthy in view of Avestan 
susrusdmno. Moreover Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Kalsi Idti 
come from Md + iti, not kim + iti as Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 52) 
has shown, 1 Likewise it is worth while noting that Girnar 
srundru, Shahbazgarhi sruneyu, Mansehra rumy[u] agree with 
Avestan surunaoiti in structure as opposed to Sanskrit srnoti 
as I shall shortly demonstrate in Zverg Sp. Furthermore the 
fact that the dialects of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra 
redactions have st corresponding to Sanskrit st(h) would seem to 
indicate that the lingualization of t and th respectively in Aryan 
St and Zth (Avestan st) was Pan-Indie and not Proto-Indic. 
(We may say Pan-Indie, even if this is not strictly accurate, 
for nearly all the Indie languages point to this: cf. Sanskrit 
st(li), Girnar and Magadhl Prakrit st, Pali and ordinary Pra- 
krit, Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalsi, etc. tth (written th on the Asokan 
inscriptions). 

But in fairness I should remark that Girnar ustdna- and 
other Middle-Indie words cited by Johansson to demonstrate 
his thesis that I. E. tst(h) became st(li} in the I. E. period, in 
reality are not valid evidence, quite irrespective of the cor- 
rectness or falsity of his contention, as I hope soon to show 
in the Indogermanische Forscliungen. 

It is proper for me to state that with Johansson and Franke, 
I reject Senart's theory of historical and learned orthography 
in the inscriptions of Asoka. 

Certain linguistic facts mentioned by me in the present 
paper will be proved at length in my 'Linguistic Notes on 
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra Redactions of the Fourteen- 
Edicts of Asoka' which is to appear in the American Journal 
of Philology, presumably in numbers 119 and 120. The same 
applies to the value of certain symbols used in these texts; 
certain linguistic statements concerning the dialect of the 
Girnar redaction will also be fully discussed in the same paper. 



1 According to Dr. Block the reading Idti on the Rampurva Pillar is 
really him ti. If kiti were correct we should connect it with Shb., etc. 
kiti: see IF. xxiii, p. 253. 



80 T. Michelson, [1910. 

Where there is dispute regarding the precise values of 
certain characters in the Girnar recension, I have in most 
cases briefly indicated the value I think should be assigned 
to said characters, and the reason thereof. But I expect to 
take these up systematically later. 

In certain cases it is not easy to determine whether a given 
form in the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Girnar redactions 
is a 'Magadhism' or is really native to the dialects of these 
texts. For example in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra ver- 
sions two different formations in the gerund are to be found, 
namely, one in ti (i. e. ttl, Yedic tvl) and one in tu. Now 
there is but one form of the gerund in Dhauli, Jaugada, and 
Kalsl recensions, to wit, that in tu. It therefore seems plau- 
sible to consider the gerunds in tu in Shb. and Mans, to be 
'Magadhisms,' especially as but one form of the gerund, that 
in tpd (Sanskrit tva), is native to the Girnar redaction. Yet 
as the dialects of the Shb., Mans., DL, J., and K. texts are 
in concord as opposed to the dialect of G. in some particulars 
few, to be sure, when contrasted with the linguistic agreement 
of the dialects of Shb., Mans, and G. as opposed to the dialects 
of Dh., J., and K. this conclusion does not necessarily follow. 

It will be understood that in giving the characteristics of 
the dialects, the 'Magadhisms' are for the most part passed 
over in silence. Where there is room for doubt, 1 have tried 
to demonstrate briefly whether the form is a 'Magadhism' or 
not. Where a long elaborate proof is necessary to decide the 
point involved, I have given reference to my paper which is 
to appear in the AJP. 

The orthography of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions, 
as well as that of the Kalsl recension, limit our investigations 
to a certain degree. Thus it is impossible to say whether 
Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra puna is the equivalent of Girnar 
puna or Kalsl puna, or both; for vowel quantities are not 
distinguished in the Kharosthi alphabet; nor is I distinguished 
from I, ft from u in the Kalsl redaction. 

Buhler's editions of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, 
and Kalsi recensions in Epigraphia Indica ii, 447 if.; and his 
ed's of the Dhauli and Jaugada redactions in ZDMG. 39, 489 ff. 
and 37, 87 ff. respectively have been made the bases of our 
investigations; though his ed's of Shb. and Mans, in ZDMG. 
43 and 44 have been consulted; as well as his ed's of Dh. 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 81 

and J. in the 1st vol. of the Archaeological Survey of Southern 
India. 



Franke, Pali und Sanskrit, p. 108ff. should also be consulted 
for dialectic peculiarities. Johansson's essay on the dialect 
of the Shahbazgarhi (and incidently the Mansehra) redaction 
is a systematic exposition by a comparative philologist. I have 
consulted it constantly, but the material in this paper is drawn 
from the inscriptions themselves. It should be noted that 
Johansson does not state what the characteristics of the dialect 
are, and treats the general relations of this dialect with the 
dialects of the other redactions only in a general way (see ii, 
pp. 24, 25). The present paper and my "Linguistic Notes on 
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions of the Fourteen- 
Edicts of Asoka" which is to appear in AJP. (presumably in 
no's 119 and 120), are designed to supplement Johansson's 
work. Konow's treatise on the dialect of the Girnar recension 
is descriptive only, and nearly neglects the phonology. Senart's 
treatment of the various Asokan dialects is now nearly an- 
tiquated, though valuable at the time. 

With this general introduction ended, we will now proceed 
to investigate the separate dialects. 

Dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. 1 

The most important characteristics of this dialect are: three 
sibilants which correspond as a whole to the same sounds in 
Sanskrit, though subject to certain phonetic laws which have 
a slightly modifying effect 2 (pa&u-\ sramana-\ asilasa; loc. pi. 
-esu; etc.); r is not assimilated to any adjacent consonants 
whatsoever 3 (gravakam, Sramana-, susrusa, sahasra-, mitra-, 

1 In the following citations, the forms are found in both versions, un- 
less expressly stated to the contrary. 

2 These laws are: 1. s- is dissimilated to s if the next syllable begins 
with s, 2. intervocalic s is assimilated to s if the preceding syllable con- 
tains s, 3. siy and sy become ss (written s), 4. Aryan t and sth become 
st. Exceptions are 'Magadhisms'. The whole matter is taken up in 
detail in my paper which is to appear in the AJP. Examples are: sus- 
rusa, anusasisamti, manusa-, Shb. tistiti, Mans. [ti]stitu. 

3 Such is the view of Johansson. In AJP. I hope to show that we 
can hardly avoid assuming that r was in fact assimilated in the com- 
binations drs and arsy (in this case ss not ss is the result). In the same 
periodical I take up the entire question as to whether dhrawa- is merely 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 6 



82 T. MicMson, [1910. 

parahramena, agrena, vagrena, i. e. vargena, athrasa, i. e. ar- 
thasa, dhrama-, i. e. dharma-, pruva-, i. e. purva-, savram, i. e. 
sarvam, etc.); vocalic r becomes ir ordinarily, ur after labials 
(Shb. kitram, i. e. Idrtam, Mans, vudlirana, vudhresu, i. e. vurdh-, 
Shb. mrugo, i. e. murgo)] 1 h in the combination 7iw is assimi- 

graphic for dharma- (as Senart, Biihler and Johansson hold) or really 
represents dhrama- (as Pischel holds), and similar combinations. I come 
to the conclusion that those who hold that dhrama- is merely graphical 
for dharma- are right. The matter is an exceedingly complicated one, 
and not to be disposed of in a few words. I therefore ask the reader 
to consult my article in A J P. Johansson holds that r is assimilated to 
dental stops (which then become linguals) in the dialect of Shb. (He does 
not discuss the dialect of Mans, in this connection.) I have exhaustively 
taken up this problem in the previously mentioned paper. My conclusions 
are that r in fact is retained before dental stops in both Shb. and Mans, 
but that 'Magadhisms' have largely supplanted the true vernacular forms 
in both texts. Briefly my arguments are as follows: it being agreed 
that the language of Shb. and Mans, is practically identical, it would be 
strange if Mans, and Shb. should differ in such a point. Now in Mans., 
athra- (merely graphic for artha-) occurs a dozen and a half times; so 
there can be no question but that in the dialect of Mans, r is not 
assimilated to an immediately following th, for no other correspondent 
to Skt. artha- is found ins Mans. This makes it certain that the single 
athra- of Shb. is the true native form, and that atha- (i. e. attha-), found 
more than a dozen times, is a 'Magadhism' as atha- and this only is the 
correspondent to Skt. artha- in the Dhauli and Jaugada versions of the 
Fourteen-Edicts as well as in the six recensions of the Pillar-Edicts. As 
a parallel where a 'Magadhism' has nearly driven out the native form in 
Shb. but never occurs in Mans., we have sava- (the true native form is 
savra- which is found several times in Mans, and a few times in Shb.). 
The word athra- in Shb. is a blend of native athra- and 'Magadhan' 
atha- exactly as Shb. and Mans, dhramma- is a cross between dhrama- 
and dhamma- (this last has long been recognized). Mans, vadhrite (i. e. 
vardh-} and vadhrayisati (i. e. vardh-} show that r was not assimilated to 
an immediately following dh; but 'Magadhisms' have largely usurped the 
place of the true native forms in Mans., and exclusively obtain in Shb. 
(On Shb. diyadha- see AJP.) 'Magadhisms' or crosses between 'Magadhisms' 
and the true native correspondent to Indie rt have ousted the vernacular 
correspondent in both Mans, and Shb. 

i The history of Indie r in both Shb. and Mans, is treated in detail 
in the paper mentioned above. Scholars are divided as to whether mrugo 
represents murgo or mrugo. Biihler holds the latter, Johansson the former. 
Likewise there is dispute as to whether vudhra- represents the actual 
pronunciation or is merely graphical for vurdha-. I have tried to show 
that the view of those who hold that mrugo and vudhra- are respectively 
merely graphical for murgo and vurdha- alone is tenable. I have also 
tried to demonstrate that all other apparent products of Indie r than ir 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 83 

lated (Iramana-)', tm is retained 1 (Mans, atma-}', sm before i 
becomes sp- (loc. sing, of a-stems, taken from the pronominal 
declension, *aspi, *-asmi, cf. Avestan -alimi as opposed to San- 
skrit -asmin)', suv- and sv- become sp- 2 (spamikena, cf. Dh. J. 
K. suvdmikena, Shb. spasunam, Mans, spasuna,* Skt. svasar-. 
Mans, spagram, K. etc. svagam, Skt. svargam): viy and vy 
become vv 4 (Shb. gerundive -tava-, i. e. tavva-, e. g. vatavo, Skt. 
valdavyas [see Whitney, Skt, Gr. 3 964 c end], divani, Skt. 
divydni); dv- becomes &- 5 (Shb. ladaya-, a mistake for 1)adaa-)', 
tv becomes it, written t and tt (gerund in ti, .Vedic tm\ tada- 
ttaye, Skt. taddtva-)]iny becomes mm (Shb. saw wa-, Skt. samyak-)\ 
Aryan st (Skt. st, Av. st) and 8th (Skt. sth, Av. $) alike become 
st (Shb. asto-, so probably in the 13th edict, Shb. dipista, Skt. 
(a)dipista\ Shb.tistiti, Skt. *tisthitvi, Mans, tistitu, Skt. *tisthitu} ; 
w; becomes ww, written w (Shb. vananato, Skt. vyanjanatas); d 
is retained in the Iranian loan-word d^pi; intervocalic j becomes 
/ 6 (Shb. ra^a, samaye, Kamboya-, Kmiboyesu, prayuhotave; 



and ur in both Shb. and Maus. are either 'Magadhisms' or blends of 
'Magadhisms' and native forms; and that r does not lingualize following 
dental stops in the true native forms of both Shb. and Mans. The whole 
problem is exceedingly complex and can only be summarized here. 

1 Native tm in Shb. is completely ousted by 'Magadhan' tt (written t) 
exactly as native prati by 'Magadhan' pati in Mans. (See Michelson, 
IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241.) 

2 The exact value of the symbol which Biihler transcribes by sp is in 
dispute. Provisionally I follow Biihler. The 'Magadhan' loc. sing, -asi 
has largely taken the place native -aspi in both Shb. and Mans. 

3 Graphically m is often omitted. 

4 In Mans, the 'Magadhan' gerundive -taviya- has completely usurped 
the place of native -tava- as Franke already has said; it is found a few 
times in Shb. 

5 In my judgment (contrary to the opinion of Johansson),. Mans. 
duvadasa- is a Magadhism as well as Shb. duvi and Mans, duve (cf. Kalsi 
duve, etc.) 

s Johansson, Shb. i, p. 177, 63 of the reprint, judges Shb. and Mans. 
uyanaspi (so for his -asi) wrongly. According to him it is 'eigentl. wohl 
ujana- st. ujjana." Shb. and Mans, uyanaspi is merely graphical for 
uyyana-. That is to say that -d y- in word-composition have a different 
history than -dy- when not in word-composition (per contra, note a/a, 
i. e. ajja). The same holds true for the dialects of the Girnar, Dhauli, 
Jaugada, and Kalsl recensions of the Fourteen-Edicts; cf. G. uydnesu, 
Dh. (u}yan[asi\, J. and K. uydnasi as contrasted with G., Dh., J. a/a, 
K. ajd (Skt. adya, Vedic adya). That the y is purely graphic for yy 
and the j for jj is shown by Pali uyyana-, uyydma-, ajja. See Henry, 
Precis, section 87, 3 and E. Miiller, Pali Gr. p. 49; and for the principle 

6* 



84 T. Michelson, [1910. 

Mans. pra[yuho]taviye); intervocalic ~h is either lost, or weakly 
pronounced (ia, Mans, maa as contrasted with Shb. wiaf/ia]); 
Indie mil appears as m in compounds (Shb. nik[r]amatu. Mans. 
nikramamtu, nikramisu; Shb. nikramanam)-^ h as the corre- 
spondent to Indie dh in Shb. iha\ Indie *utthdnam 2 is retained 

Jacobi, Erz. section 36. "Windisch in his essay on Pali (in the trans- 
actions of the International Congress of Orientalists held at Algiers) over- 
looks this fact when he takes Pali uyyana- as a Magadhan relic. In 
Prakrit -d y- in word-composition necessarily has the same history as 
-dy- when not in word - composition, i. e. jj, Magadhi yy. Against 
Johansson's supposition that where we have y for j in Shb. (and Mans.), 
it can be safely considered a 'Magadhism' is the following important 
fact, viz., that y for j is never found in the Dhauli, Jaugada, or Kalsi 
redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts, and yet it is agreed that the dialect 
of the 'Magadhan' original of which Shb. and Mans, are translations 
was composed in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of these 
redactions. That j becomes y in Magadhi Prakrit according to the native 
grammarians proves nothing, for Magadhi Prakrit has only two note- 
worthy agreements with the Magadhan dialects of the Asokan inscriptions, 
namely that I takes the place of r and -e of original -as (-0 in the other 
dialects): but Magadhi Prakrit has one special agreement with the dialect 
of the Girnar redaction, namely that Aryan st (Skt. st) and 8th (Skt. sth) 
fall together in st. I take Shb. and Mans, majura- to be a 'Magadhism': 
cf. the correspondent in the versions of Dh., J., K. 

1 Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 17) is in error when he places nikramisu in 
the same category as dukaram, Shb. [dukatam, Mans, dukata (final m 
graphically ommitted). In the first place [du]katam and dukata are 'Maga- 
dhi BIDS' as 1 shall show in AJP. (cf. Kalsi dukatam), and so must be left 
out of consideration. In the second place, note the difference in Kalsi 
dukatam, dukale and ntkhamatntv, nikhamisu, nikhamithd (possibly -thd), 
vinikhamane; cf. also Dhauli and Jaugada nikhamdvu (for the formation 
see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 89, footnote 2). Shb. joti-kamdhani is certainly 
a 'Magadhism' as is shown by Mans, agi-kamdhani, K. and Dh. agi-kam- 
dhdni', Girnar agi-khawtdhdni points in the same direction, cf. the contrast 
with dukaram, dukatam. Johansson read Girnar agilcamdhani, and so 
offered an explanation which he thought preferable to the one given, but 
the kh is absolutely certain: see the plate in Epigraphia Indica ii. 

2 I see no reason why Shb. uthanam, i. e. utthdnam, should not be 
considered the true native word, and hence the exact equivalent of Skt. 
utthdnam. The fact that the termination in any case is the vernacular 
one, supports this view. Per contra note the 'Magadhan' endings -e and 
-asi in Mans, uthane, Shb. uthanasi, Mans. u[thanasi]. That these last 
cited forms are 'Magadhisms' is absolutely certain as Johansson previously 
saw. Johansson regards Shb. uthanam also as a 'Magadhism'. This is 
highly improbable because *uthdna- never is found in any of the so-called 
Magadhan versions of the Fourteen-Edicts. That the th of Shb. dhrama- 
dhithanaye and dhramadhithan[e] is not a careless writing for th is shown 






Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 85 

(written uthanam); 4c appears as c 1 (graphical for cc? paca) 1 . 
the r of Kerala- ; the nom. sing. masc. of a-stems a few times 
apparently ends in -a (Shb. jana, etc.) ; original r-stems become 
u- stems (pituna, Slab.bhratunam, Shb. spasunam, 'M.&ns.spasuna, 
Shb. and Mans, matapitusu)', nom. pi. of the cardinal number 4 
caturo (Shb. cature with 'Magadhan' -e for -o); the locative 
plurals pamcasu (Shb. pa[mca]su, Mans. pam[casu]) and sasu 
by the analogy of a-stems; the genitive sing, of the first per- 
sonal pronoun maha (Shb. ma[ha], Mans, maa:* see above); 
ayo * as a nom. sing, (only in Shb.); the peculiar optatives 

by Mans, dhramadhithanaye, dhramadhithane, Kalsl dhammddhithdndye. 
[For the views of Johansson, see his treatise on the dialect of the Shb. 
recension, i, pp. 165, 166 (51, 52 of the reprint), 168, 169 (54, 55), 170 
(56); ii, pp. 17, 18.] These forms are 'Magadhisms.' On 'Magadhan' 
uthdna- and Girnar ustdna-, see my coming paper in IF. 

1 So Biihler reads in the two occurrences of the word in Shb. as well 
as Mans, in his ed's of these recensions in ZDMG. 43, 44; but in his ed's 
in Epigraphia Indica ii he reads pacha for the occurrence in the 13th edict 
for both Shb. and Mans. (Biihler in El. chh for cli); so that I am not 
sure but his readings in El. are really a mistake. The devanagarl 
transcript in ZDMG. settles the reading in the 1st edict. If not a 
blunder, then Mans, and Shb. pacha (his pachha] in the 13th edict are 
'Magadhisms;' cf. Kalsl [pa]chd (B's [pa]chhd). [His reading pacd (pachd 
in his transcription) in the 13th ed. of G. in ZDMG. 43 is an error.] 

2 Johansson, Shb. ii, section 118 (end) explains this as 'wohl eine Kon- 
fusionsbildung von mama und aham.' This does not strike me as con- 
vincing. The same form is found in Prakrit. Pischel's explanation (Gr. 
section 418) that it corresponds to Skt. mahyam is phonetically impossible. 
The simplest solution seems to me is that maha is for *mama by influence 
of *mahyawi. If we cared to go outside the Indie sphere, other solutions 
all more or less bold readily would suggest themselves. 

3 According to Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 46, under different accentual 
conditions -am becomes -am and -o in our dialect. I am not convinced 
of this. To begin with, a considerable portion of the material brought 
forward in reality is not decisive as Johansson himself admits (see p. 45, 
footnote 1). If the law be correct, extensive levelling must have taken 
place. It should particularly be observed that ay[am] is found as well 
as ayo. In my opinion ayo is for ayam by the analogy of the nom. sing, 
masc. of other pronouns such as so, yo, etc. The form ayi, I hold to be 
a hyper-Magadhism : see IF. xxiv, p. 55. lyo is a blend of native ayo 
and 'Magadhan' iyam^ and is directly comparable to dhramma- a cross 
between native dhrama- and 'Magadhan' dhamma-. The sole support for 
Johansson's theory according to the text of Biihler in El. seems to be 
dhramo, ace. sing, at Shb. xii, 6 ; and it is not venturesome to pronounce 
this a simple error (cf. Mans, dhramam in the corresponding passage as 
well as the quite numerous other accusative singulars of masculine 



86 T. Michelson, [1910. 

siyasu and hamneyasu (Mans, has lacunas where the forms 
would otherwise occur); gerund in tti (written ti) corresponding 
to Vedic -tvl (Shb. tistiti, Mans, darseti *darayitvi}\ certain 
lexical features such as atra, apagratho l (Mans, has a lacuna 
in the corresponding passage), Shb. menati (if not a blunder 
for ma- it corresponds to Gothic mainjan. Old Bulgarian 
meniti), Shb. joti- (Skt. jyotis-), Shb. vuta (i. e. vittta, Skt. 
vptani), Shb. vidlienam (if not a mere blunder; see Johansson, 
Shb. i, p. 134, 20 of the reprint), Shb. vracamti, Shb. and 
Mans, tatham, 2 Mans, vain, Shb. vo,* Mans, asatasa, Shb. 
a&amanasa, Mans, spasuna, Shb. spasunam, Shb. yo, 4 Shb. 



From the above it will be seen how much nearer to San- 
skrit the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions 
is than the dialects of the other versions of the Fourteen- 
Edicts. Geographically this is just what we should expect. 



a-stems in both Shb. and Mans.). On the gender of ayo, see Johansson, 
1. c., ii, pp. 34 (footnote 2), 79. lyam in both Mans, and Shb. is a 
'Magadhism'. I may add that J's [imo] vanishes in the ed. in El. and 
is replaced by imam; his im[*o*] by im. which can be for imam; and ayi 
is read at Shb. vi, 1, ayo at Shb. xiii, 11. 

1 On the etymology of this word, see Buhler, ZDMGr. xliii, p. 174. 

2 On tatham, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 39. 

3 On vo, see Johansson, ii, pp. 44, 45; Franke, Pu Skt., pp. 105, 151. 
Mans, ram corresponds to Skt. evam; cf. Johansson, Shb. i, p. 154, 40 of 
the reprint. 

* The etymology of this particle has not yet been solved. Johansson, 
Shb. i. pp. 154, 155 (40 and 41 respectively of the reprint) rightly saw 
that Biihler's explanation was untenable. The suggestion of Johansson 
that yo stands for *yava, a doublet of eva, is too far-fetched. His alter- 
native will not be taken seriously. Yo is a fossilized nom. sing. masc. 
of ya- as is shown by the correspondents to Shb. yo (not the particle) 
at x, 21 in the Mansehra and Kalsi redactions, namely, yam. Similarly 
Shb. so and 'Magadhan' se as adverbs are fossilized nom. sing, of sa- as 
is shown by the Girnar correspondent ta(*tad). (Shb. so and 'Magadhan' 
se are treated by Johansson, Shb. ii, pp. 4244 without coming to any 
definite decisions. However brilliant his suggestions are, his combinations 
are strained and complicated as compared with the solution offered above.) 
Shb. cayo (also hitherto unsolved) is simply ca+yo. 

5 On the etymology of this word, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 98. Here 
again, I think Johansson goes too far afield in turning to extra-Indie 
Indo-European languages to explain this difficult word, admitting that 
occasionally we must do so to properly explain certain Middle-lndic 
words. I see no reason why yamatro may not be analized as ya+makro, 
a possessive adj. compound meaning 'as many as.' 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 87 

Indeed the dialect of Shb. and Mans, hardly belongs to the 
Middle-Indie stage of developement. 

We have next to take up the general relations with the 
dialects of the other recensions. 

Special points of contact with the dialect of the Girnar 

version. 

These are very numerous. It is instructive to notice how 
much more striking the points of contact are between the 
dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the dialect of G. than between 
the dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the 'Magadhan' dialects. 

Examples are: final -as appears as -o; 1 st is retained (Shb. 
Mans, nasti, Girnar ndsti; Shb. dJiramasamstave, G. dhamma- 
samstavo] Shb. \)ia]stino, Mans, hastine, G. hasti-; Shb. vistri- 
tena. G. vistatana, etc.); the sound r; the sound n* (Mans. 
dkramacarana, Shb. dhramacaranam, G. dhammacaranam; Shb, 
Mans. Iramana-, G. brdmfiana-, etc); fm (written mn and n) 
from Indie ny* (Shb. G. amna-, ana-, Mans, ana-)] jn becomes 
n initially, and either Tin or n medially (Shb. natinam, Mans. 
natina, G. ndtlnam; Shb. rana, rano, G. rdna, rano)]* II (written 



1 In Mans. 'Magadhan' -e has entirely wiped out native -o. 

2 In cases endings n is replaced by n through the analogy of other 
words where dental n is obtained phonetically. This is true for Mans., Shb., 
and G. There are a couple of cases where the same phenomenon takes 
place in suffixes in the dialect of Shb. See Johansson, Shb. i, p. 168 
(52 of the reprint), and Michelson, AJP. xxx, I.e. J's ka[lanaw] vanishes 
in Buhler's ed. in EL ii; I take garana to be a blunder for *garalia, 
following Biihler. On Tambapamni, see Michelson, IF. xxiv, p. 55; 
also on Pitinika-. On Biihler's reading kdranam in G. see Michelson, 
1. c. p. 53. 

3 In Mans, we have doublets with ?m*[(written n); e. g. ana-, ana-, 
manati, manati. Similarly Mans, punam, punam but always Shb. punam 
(Or. pumnam, Ski. pwnyam). I know no thoroughly satisfactory explanation 
of the doublets. The best I can offer at present is that as n and n alike 
were foreign to the dialect of the Magadhan scribe, he was careless in 
distinguishing the two or was ignorant of their proper usage. The 
forms with n then are purely fictitious. For the possibility of the prin- 
ciple, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 43. 

^ The alphabets of Shb., Mans., and G. hinder us from being positive 
in the matter. For Shb. rana, rano can be either ranTid, ranno or rand, 
rano (and conceivably rannd, ranno); while G. rand, rano can be either 
rand, rano or rdnnd, ranno (it will be recalled that long vowels are not 
shortened before two consonants in the dialect of G.). Pali and the 
various Prakrit languages point to mi in the forms. Shb., Mans, anapemi, 



88 T. Michelson, [1910. 

1) from Indie ly (Shb. Mans, kalana-, G. kaldna-; cf. Pali 
kalldna-); Wi is retained in the correspondents to Skt. Wiavati, 
bhuta-i [as a participle] (Shb. Mans. Wwti, G. Wiavati] Shb. 
Mans, bhuta-, G. Uiuta-}\ partial agreement is not assimilating 
r to adjacent consonants 2 (Shb. Mans, savratra, i. e. sarvatra, 
G. sarvatra; Shb. Mans, parakramena, G. parakramena; Shb. 
G. priyo, Mans, priye; Shb. Mans, sramana-, G. sramana-\ 
Shb. satasahasra-, G. satasahasra-; Shb. Mans, bramana-, G. 
lrdmhana-j etc.); Indie &s becomes ccft, initially c/z 3 (written 
c/i in both cases), e. g. Shb. acliati, G. achatim, Shb. [cham]ti,' 
G. c/za&[m]; ?/ becomes cc (written c), e. g. Shb. opaca, G. 
apacam\ initial ?/ is retained in relative pronouns and adverbs 
(frequently omitted in the 'Magadhan' versions; so it would 
appear that it was either wholly lost in actual pronunciation 
or very weakly pronounced); evam not hevam is the correspon- 
dent to Sanskrit evam] the inflection Shb. rana, rano, G. 

Shb. anapayavni, Shb. anapitam, Mans, anapita, Shb. anapesamti, Mans. 
anapayisati offer some difficulty when contrasted with G. afiapat/dmi, 
anapitam, dnapayisati. Johansson (Shb. i, p. 165, 51 of the reprint) con- 
siders the initial a as long and that n phonetically became n. Note that 
we have the same phenomenon in Pali, e. g. rannd, ranno, yanTio, dndpeti, 
dnatti. In ordinary Prakrit jn becomes nn (initially n), in Magadhi and 
PaisacI nn. For the agreement of Pali with Shb. Mans, in this point as 
opposed to G., Mote Pali hirannam, Shb. [h]i[ra]na-, Mans. Jdna- (read 
hirafia-}, G. hiramna-. 

1 'Magadhan' hoti has nearly everywhere usurped the place of native 
bhoti in Mans.; similarly Jrnta- (written huta-) the place of bhuta- (written 
bhuta-)] hotu has everywhere taken the place of bhotu. In Shb. hoti is 
found a couple of times. In G. hoti is found a few times but bhavati is 
greatly predominant. That hoti is a 'Magadhism' is shown by the fact 
that the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi redactions have hoti and this only 
as the correspondent to Sanskrit bhavati. Similarly regarding huta- and 
hotu. 

2 The law for the retention or assimilation of r in conjoint consonants 
in the dialect of G. is : r is retained after stops and sibilants ; and before 
v; is assimilated to following stops, sibilants, and nasals. Exceptions are 
'Magadhisms.' 

3 Where we have Mi in G., Shb., Mans., these are 'Magadhisms' as is 
shown by the fact that in the dialects of the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi 
recensions, kkh (written kh, kh and not kkh of course initially) is the 
regular correspondent to Indie ks. Cf. Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 23. [Accord- 
ing to Johansson, Buhler reads sam[chi]tena in ZDMG.; in EL he reads 
samkhitena.] I may add that I reject Pischel's 'law' as Johansson and, 
I think, Bartholomae before me. As to whether Aryan zzli is reflected 
by jjh in Middle-Indie languages, at present I am not able to judge. 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 89 

rand, rdno (and not -jin-)\ mayd (written maya in Mans, and 
Slib.) as the inst. sing, of the 1st personal pronoun (and not 
mamayd)\ aham (and not haham) as the nom. sing, of the 
1st personal pronoun; y (and not h) in the ending of the 
1 st person sing, of the optative (Shb. vracheyam, G. gacheyam) ; 
o-conjugation of karoti, prati (not in Mans.), and not pati, 
corresponding to Skt. prati (see Michelson, IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241). 

In the American Journal of Philology I shall show that it 
is possible that the law in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi 
and Mansehra versions that s converts a following intervocalic 
s to A' is to be connected with the law that in the dialect of 
the Girnar redaction original s (historical s) converts a following 
st to st] it is also probable that Shb. Mans, st and G. st 
from Aryan 8th are to be brought into correlation: observe 
the retention of the sibilant and the deaspiration in both cases, 
even if the final result is different. It is certain that in the 
dialects of all three recensions that Indie sth becomes st, but 
'Magadhisms' by chance take the place of the native sounds 
in the case of both the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions. 

It is more problematic if the law that in the dialect of the 
Girnar recension that original drs and drsy become as (Michel- 
son, IF. xxiv, pp. 53, 54) should !in any way be united with 
the apparent law that in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, that 
r is assimilated to an immediately s after d (Michelson, AJP. 
xxx), as vowel quantities are not distinguished in the Kharosthi 
alphabet nor are gemmations. If the two are to be brought 
into rapport with one another, the law would be as follows: r is 
assimilated to an immediately following s in the combinations 
drs and drsy in the dialects of Shb. Mans, and G. becoming as(s) 
in the dialect of Shb. Mans., as in the dialect of G. ; original drs 
remains in Shb. Mans. 1 but becomes as in the dialect of G. 



1 Cases where the r is omraited are probably 'Magadhisms.' Yet it is 
possible that the process which was completed in the case of ars, was 
beginning to take place in the case of drs, and hence the graphic 
fluctuation. The fact that r is assimilated before s but not before other 
consonants in the dialect of Shb. and Mans., may be accounted for by 
the fact that .9 as well as r is a lingual consonant: r would naturally be 
more readily assimilated to a consonant of its own class than other con- 
sonants. I call attention to the fact that in the American Journal of 
Philology I have shown that, contrary to the opinion of Johansson, r is not 
assimilated to immediately following dental stops in our dialect, nor are the 
dental stops converted to lingual stops by the influence of the preceding r. 



90 T. Miclielson, [1910. 

Special points of contact with the dialects of both the 
Kalsi and Girnar redactions. 

These are but few in number. Examples are: the contraction 
of ayi to e l (Shb. Mans, pujetaviya, K. pujetaviya, G. pujetaya, a 
blunder for *pujetavya\ Shb. leklmpesami, K. lekhapesami; Mans. 
liape&ati, Shb. [hapesati], G. hapesati] Shb. [vadhe]amti, anape- 
samti] Slib.aloceti, G.alocetpa, Mans. draseti; Shb. vijetavi[ya]m, 
G. vijetavyam; Shb. prativedetavo, patrivedetavo,* G. prativede- 
tavyam); the phonetic correspondent to Sanskrit manusya-, 
Shb. Mans, manusa-, i. e. manuka-, G. manusa- i. e. manussa-, 
K. manusa-,* i. e. manussa-', -eyu (and not etnt) as the ending 
of the 3d person pi. of the optative active (Shb. avatrapeyu, 
sruneyUy Shb. Mans, vaseyu, susruseyu, Mans. sruney[u], Mans. 
liaveyu, G. vaseyu, K. suneyu, sususeyu, huveyu, -neyu i. e. 
*haneyu). 

It is an acknowledged fact that in edicts i ix, the dialect 
of the Kalsi recension is practically pure 'M&gadhan,' with 
but few traces of the native dialect. In edicts x xiv the 
local dialect is prominent, but ' Magadhisrns ' are not in- 
frequent. It is probably due to this that we are unable to 
point out more special points of contact of the dialects of 
Shb., Mans., G., and K. 

Special points of contact with the dialect of the Kalsi 

recension. 

For the reason stated above, few special points of contact 
can be shown, even if they existed. Examples are: the con- 

1 In Dh. and J. ayi is uncontracted ; as also in the 'Magadhan' portion 
of K. 'Magadhan' ayi for e has forced itself into several words in Shb. r 
Mans., and G. I consider that Johansson's attempt to formulate a law 
determining under what circumstances ayi is retained and when con- 
tracted in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, (the dialect of Gr. is not treated) 
is a failure. In my judgement ayi phonetically contracts to e in the 
dialects of Gr., Shb., and Mans, under all circumstances. The fact that 
Shb. and Mans, are not always in agreement in the use of ayi and e 
distinctly points in this direction. For the principle involved, see Franke, 
Pali and Sanskrit, p. 109. 

2 On Shb. prati and patri, see Michelson. IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241. 

3 This is the true native word. Manusa-, in the 'Magadhan' portion 
is due to the influence of 'Magadhan' munisa- which is also found in the 
'Magadhan' portion of K. This does not affect the fact that 'Magadhan' 
munisa- itself is a contamination of *manusa- and *pulisa- (Michelson, 
IF. xxiii, p. 254 ff.). 









Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 91 

traction of aya to e in the 3d sing, indicative and 3d pi. of 
the imperative of the causative 1 (Shb., Mans., K. pujeti, Shb. 
pat[r]ivedetu^ Mans, pativedetu,* 1 K. [pati]vedemtu, Shb. rocetu,- 
K. locetu,* Shb. Mans, aradlietu, 2 Shb. aradheti, Mans, ara- 
dheti, Shb. vadheti, Shb. anuneti)\ Shb. Mans. K. kiti from 
*kid *iti (Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 52); imam (written also ima in 
Shb. and Mans.) as nom. ace. sing, neutre; i in the gen. sing, 
of Shb. Mans, etisa, K. etisa (as shown by Shb. imisa we 
should expect this in Mans, and the corresponding form in 
K., but 'Magadhisms' have usurped the place of the native 
words). 

Special points of contact with the dialects of the Dhauli, 
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i ix) recensions. 

It will probably always be a matter of dispute as to what are 
special points of contact between the dialect of the Shahbaz- 
garhi and Mansehra redactions on the one hand and the 
dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions on the other. For it is 
sometimes difficult to determine whether the seeming points 
of contact are not after all nothing more than 'Magadhisms' 
in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions. In some cases 
absolute tests are wanting, and the matter becomes more or 
less subjective. For example, I am persuaded that gerunds in 
tu, the iy passive, the word cu 'but' in Shb. and Mans, are 
really 'Magadhisms', and not special points of contact with 
the dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions. 3 I am confident that 

1 The contraction of aya in these forms is foreign to the dialects of the 
Girnar, Dhauli, and Jaugada redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts. Hence 
where aya remains uncontracted in these forms in Shb. Mans. K., we 
can safely conclude that these cases are 'Magadhisms.' (Exactly as where 
ayi remains uncontracted to e in the dialects of Shb., Mans., G., and K.) 
Johansson, Shb. i, p. 141, 142 (27 and 28 of the reprint) attempts to for- 
mulate a law determining under what circumstances aya phonetically 
remains or is contracted to e- successfully in my judgment, only he does 
not make use of the principle of 'Magadhisms' in explaining the apparent 
exceptions. Anuneti included for convenience. 

2 3d pi.; m graphically omitted. 

3 For an argument in favor of holding such gerunds in -tit as occur 
in Shb. and Mans, to be 'Magadhisms', see above p. 82. An argument to 
show that the iy passive in Shb. and Mans, is a 'Magadhism' is that we 
should otherwise have to assume that iyi remained or was contracted to 
1 in both Shb. and Mans, under unknown conditions ; whereas iyi remains 
in Dh., J., and K. Moreover the present passive in iy is the only present 



92 T. Michelson, [1910. 

the following are real points of contact and not 'Magadhisms': 
the contraction of ava to o in the correspondents to Skt. 
Wiavati, Wiavatu (Mans., Shb. Wioti, Shb. Hhotu\ Dh. J. K. 
hoti, hotu); original vocalic m appears as a + a nasal (Shb. 
Mans, atikramtam, Dh. J. K. atikamtam}\ the initial i of iti 
is lost after immediately preceeding vowels; the dat. sing, of 
a-stems ends in -aye (written -aye in Shb. and Mans.); the 
oblique cases in the sing, of a-stems ends in -dye 1 (written 
-aye in Shb. and Mans.) ; samtam as a nom. sing, of the present 



passive found in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts. The fact that Mans. 
ara. isu (i. e. arabhisu) corresponds to Shb. a[rabh]i[yisu] points in the 
same direction. 'Magadhan' s for native s should be observed in the ter- 
mination of both words. Note too the Shb. passive hamnamti (*hani/-) 
with active ending. It should be noticed that cu (and not tu) alone is 
found in the Kalsi redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts as well as the various 
recensions of the Pillar- Edicts. The tu of the Dhauli redaction of the 
Fourteen-Edicts then would be a trace of t the true local vernacular (cf. 
above). This does not make it possible to declare cu the phonetic 
equivalent of Skt. tu, as t before u remains in the dialect of the Delhi- 
Sivalik version of the Pillar-Edicts (cf. tuthdyatandni, Skt. tustydyatandni] 
On the etymology of cu see Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 256 ff. I may add 
that I hold Shb. and Mans, hida to be a 'Magaihism' also. Similarly 
Mans, hidam, if not a pure blunder. 

1 Johansson's explanation of this form is wholly erroneous. As Pischel 
(see his Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) rightly saw, aye corresponds phonetically 
to Sanskrit dydi. For the use of dye (*dydi) as a gen. sing, no question 
will be raised. The use of aye as an inst. sing, is thus to be explained 
*iyds and *iyd, the gen. and inst. sing, of ^-sterns respective phonetically 
fell together in *iyd\ likewise *uvds and *uvd of the ^7-stems; after the 
syncretism of the gen. and dative, iye did duty as a gen. also: now as 
iyd had the function of both gen. and inst., iye was made to serve as an 
inst. Hence dye of <z-stems also was used as an inst. It would be 
possible to assume that dye simply levelled ayd. Another hypothesis that 
is also plausible is: the inst. a^a was levelled to dyd by influence of the 
gen. sing, dyd (*dyds)\ so when dye came to be used as a gen., it also 
was used as an inst. As a matter of fact all the above forces may have 
played a part in bringing about the result. The original loc. sing., what- 
ever it may have been, was simply wiped out in favor of dye. For dya 
in the oblique cases of a-stems in Pali, and in the Girnar redaction of 
Fourteen-Edicts; as well as in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts see my 
forth-coming essay on the dialect of the Girnar redaction. The dat. sing, 
of a-stems in dye is simply borrowed from the a-stems. Pischel (see his 
Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) already saw the possibility of this explanation, but 
rejected it on what appears to me insufficient grounds. Johansson's ex- 
planation is untenable as Pischel presumably saw. See also Michelson, 
IF. xxiii, p. 243. 



Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 93 

participle (written samta once in Mans.); similarly Shb. Mans. 
karamtam (written also karatam in both Shb. and Mans., 
karata in Shb.), Kalsl kalamtam (written also kalamta, kalata)] 
the optative siya (written siya in Shb. and Mans.). It should 
also be noted that in these dialects the nom. sing, neutre of 
a-stems is frequently replaced by the nom. sing. masc. (Shb. 
-o, Dh., J., K. -e\ in Mans. 'Magadhan' -e replaces native -o). 
And the vocalism of ucavuca- (written ucavuca- in Shb. and 
Mans.) in the dialects of J., Dh., and K. is deserving of 
mention in contrast with Girnar ucdvaca-. (Such is the reading 
of J. in ASSI.) 



A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the British 
Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) with translation 
and commentary by Professor J. DYNELEY PEINCE, 
Ph. D., Columbia University, New York. 

Transliteration and Translation. 

Obverse. 

1. ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti 

(Lament) for my mighty one who liveth no more. 

2. nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti 

who liveth no more, for my mighty one who 

liveth no more. 

3. mu-lu nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti 

who liveth no more; for my mighty 
one who liveth no more. 

4. du mu-ud-na-mu nu-un-ti 

- my spouse who liveth no more. 

5. mu mu nu-un-ti 

my - who liveth no more. 

6. - - dimmer gal mu-an-na nu-un-ti 

- great god of the heavenly year who liveth 
no more. 

7. u-mu-un-e a-ra-li nu-un-ti 

Lord of the lower world who liveth no more. 

8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra lamga ki nu-un-ti 

Lord of vegetation, artificer of the earth, who liveth no more. 

9. lax(?)-ba en dimmer dumu-zi nu-un-ti 

The shepherd, the lord, the god Tammuz who liveth no more. 

10. u-mu-un-e ba-ta(?)-ba nu-un-ti 

The lord who giveth gifts who liveth no more. 

11. mu-ud-na-bi-ta (an-na}-lta nu-un-ti 

With his heavenly spouse he liveth no more. 

13. mu-tin-na nu-un-ti 

(The producer of) wine who liveth no more. 

14. - lum-lum-lta na-am-mal nu-un-ti 

Lord of fructification; the established one who liveth no more. 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 95 

15. u-mu-un (gir}-ka na-dm-mal nu-un-ti 

The lord of power; the established one who liveth no more. 

16. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en dib (LUydib (LU)-fo u-Za (ty-a-dim 

ne-tuS (KU) 

Like a mighty bull is his appearance; the forceful one, 
like an ancient bull he coucheth. 

17. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en ma bir-bi ii-8a (ty-a-dim ne-tu$ 

(KD). 

Like a mighty bull is his appearance; in his ship of plenty 
like an ancient bull he coucheth. 

18. me-e-zu(?)-da(?) LI ga-a-an-ma-kud 

In accordance with thy word(?) the earth shall be judged. 

19. su-gir-ma LI ga-a-an-ma-kud 

(Thus) the high parts of the earth verily shall be judged. 

20. mu-lu - - me-a ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA) 

who verily they shall cry out 

for it. 

21. [suku (PAD) nu]-ku-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA) 

For food which they have not to eat they shall verily cry out. 

22. (a) nu-nag-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA) 

For water which they have not to drink they shall verily 
cry out. 

23. (ki}-el sag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA) 

Verily the maiden who is pleasing shall cry out for it. - 

24. (kala) $ag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA) 

Verily the warrior who is acceptable shall cry out for it. 

25. a(?)-zu gir-e kur d$ ba-Sub (RU) 

- thy - the mighty one, the land with 

a curse is destroyed. 

26. - gir-e Jmr a$ ba-sub (RU) 

- the mighty one, the land with a curse is 
destroyed. 

Reverse. 

27. (gir) Itur-ra i-de ugun (DAR) nu ugun (DAR) hur-e 
Power of the land (is he). With (his) gift no gift can vie. 

S. (gir) kur-rd gu (KA) xu-tu-ul-xu-tu-ul-e 
Power of the land (is he). The Word which overcometh 

disease. 

!9. gir u-mu-un-da u-mu-un-da 
Power he exalteth, exalteth. 



96 D- Prince, [1910. 

30. [hiku (PAD)] nu-lm-a-mu u-mu-un-da 

Food which they have not to eat he raiseth up. 

31. a nu-nag-a-mu u-mu-un-da 

Water which they have not to drink he raiseth up. 

32. ki-el Mg-ga-mu u-mu-un-da 

The maiden who is pleasing he raiseth up. 

33. kala sag-ga-mu u-mu-un-da, 

The warrior who is acceptable he raiseth up. 

34. kola mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma 

The mighty one who destroyeth your people. 

35. dimmer db-u tur mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma 

The god Ninib destroyeth even the least among your people. 

36. i-de-bar sag-ga-ni Nina nam-ba-e-bi-bi 
With her gracious aspect Nina speaketh. 

37. sar-bar sag-ga-ni xu-ub-na-an-ni-bar-ri 

In her gracious rising verily she shineth forth. 

38. (hi) am-dirig-ga-na ur-ba kala(?) alam 

Where she waxeth full, her procreative power is mighty 
of aspect. 

39. mu-lu-mal PA gubu (KAB)-gub(D13)-bi-na $am-elteq-ga 

xu-ba-e-ku 

The creative one (with) the staff of her left hand, verily 
she establisheth the cleansing im4i-herb. 

40. <ji-sa (DI)-da~ni im-e-a-an-me 

With her sceptre of judgment she commandeth. 

41. mu-lu-mal li-du-ni im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-me 

The creative one with her firm voice she speaketh to him. 
XLI. er-lim-ma dimmer dumu-zi-da 
XLI lines. A hymn for the god Tammuz. 



Commentary. 

The present hymn to Tammuz in Erne-sal is one of a series 
found in Gun. Texts from the British Museum, Vol. xv, plates 10 if 
Of these Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh has published in his thesis 
"Sumerian Hymns" (Columbia University Press, 1908) Plates 10, 
1516, 17, 19 and also Plates 1112 in the JAOS, 1908. 
I have published Plates 14, 22, and 23 in the AJSL, while 
Dr. Vanderburgh, who is at present preparing for publication 
Plates 7, 8, 9, and 1312, has aided me with the present 
text by many valuable suggestions. 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 97 

Obverse. 

Line 1. ama = AM 'bull' I render 'mighty one.' Note that 
the gocl Ea is also called a bull in ii, 58, 52. 

Line 3. mu-ud-na = xcCiru 'spouse;' cf. Br. 1304. Here the 
bereaved Istar is probably speaking. 

Line 6. dimmer gal mu-an-na 'great god of the year (lit. 
'name') of heaven,' in contradistinction to the present condition 
of Tammuz as lord of the lower world arali, line 7, whither 
he had been transported, leaving the heavenly (or upper) year 
destitute of vegetation. 

Line 8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra 'lord of (spring) vegetation.' Note 
that sar = SAR = kiru 'plantation,' Br. 4315 and see Prince, 
Materials, p. 283. 

The mourning ceremonial for Tammuz took place just before 
the summer solstice which was followed by a season of rejoicing 
at his re-appearance. For this mourning-ceremonial which 
was evidently practised -at Jerusalem in the time of Ezekiel, 
cf. Ezek. viii, 14: 

own DP mm miesn b& IPN mrr rvn nyp nns b TIN Km 

m&n n JYOID map* 1 

Probably also in Zech. xii, 10, the words TITH hy 1SDD refer 
to the ritual lamentation for Tammuz. 

lamga /a; he was the artificer of the earth, because he was 
the cause of plant life especially. For lamga, cf. Prince op. 
cit. 221. 

Line 9. lax(?)-la. Although the first sign is obscure, it 
is most probably lax of the combination lax-la ^re'u 'shepherd,' 
IV, 27, la. 

The Sumerian form dumu-zi 'son of life,' i.e., 'life itself 
= the god of life par excellence, is clearly the original of the 
Semitic corrupted name of this god Tammuz, which appears 
also as the name of the fourth month. Note the fuller form 
dumu-zi-da in line 42, showing that the full form of the word 
for 'life' in Sumerian was zid. 

Line 10. ba-ta(?)-ba. This seems clearly la verbal prefix 
+ the locative infix -ta- + the root la = B A = qd$u * give, 
bestow,' Br. 107. 

Line 13. I assume that some word meaning 'producer,' i. e. 
<of wine' has been erased here. 

Note the ES. form mu-tin-na for ge$-tin. See Prince, op. 
cit., p. 247 = kardnu 'wine.' 

VOL. XXX. Part I. 7 



98 > Prince, [1910. 

Line 14. On lum = LUM, see Prince, op. cit,, p. 227. 
na-am-mal seems to consist of the abstract prefix nam- + mal 
= GA = Sdkanu, Prince, p. 231. 

Line 15. This line evidently contains gir-emuqu 'power/ 
Br. 9184 + the genitive suffix -ka. 

Line 16. The second sign here must clearly be read Mia 
owing to the following vowel of prolongation -a, and not lig, 
as is frequently the case. The suffix I read dim and not gim, 
as the hymn is in ES. 

On alam, see Prince, 29. This is not a certain reading for 
the sign QALAM. Note that Hrozny reads this sign with 
value alana, probably associating it with Sem. Idnu 'appearance/ 
Br. 7299, which seems to be its meaning here. 

The suffix ne-en seems to consist of the demonstrative ele- 
ment ne- + the verbal -en, seen in men 'to be.' 

Note that the combination dib (LiU)-dib (LU)-&i has the 
meanings sitpuru, Br. 10740; $itbu$u> Br. 10741; and sitmarru, 
Br. 10742. Hence my translation. 

u-sa(U)-a-dim consists of sa='\3 =labiru 'ancient,' Br. 9465, 
+ the prolonging vowel -a + the suffix dim (G-IM) = 'like unto.' 
tus (KU) = asdbu 'sit, dwell', Br. 10523. The god is con- 
ceived of as sitting, i. e., couching like a powerful bull resting. 
The couchant attitude is no doubt suggested by the fact that 
the god's power is temporarily at rest in the lower world. 

Line 17. ma = elippu 'ship,' Br. 3683. This is his ritual 
ship of state or wealth; bir = gibtu 'wealth,' Br. 2029, probably 
referring to the ceremonial of carrying the image of a god in 
a small symbolical ship. 

Line 18. me-e-zu(?)-da 'in accordance with thy word;' me 
= qulu 'utterance', Br. 10370. LI means ergitu 'earth,' Br. 1104; 
perhaps this is correct here in connection with the verb-root 
tar-kud = ddnu 'judge,' Br. 364. The prefix ga although pre- 
cative properly, I render here as 'shall,' expressive of the singer's 
hope and thus also in the following lines. 

Line 19. su-gir I render as 'highlands'; see Br. 233 =Elam- 
tu = ma = mdtu 'land', Prince, 228. This combination seems 
to be in genitive apposition to the following LI = err-itu (see 
just above on line 18). 

Line 20. me-a here is perhaps the cognate accusative of 
gu (KA) and means 'they cry a crying' = * they cry lustily 
for it 1 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 99 

Line 21. sufai (PAD) = Jmrmatu 'food, 7 Br. 9929. In nu- 
ku-a-mu, ku = akalu 'eat,' Br. 882, passim. I supply this muti- 
lated line from kindred passages. Note also below line 30. 

Line 22. Note the parallelism here with line 21. nag = $atu 
'drink,' Prince 251. 

Line 23. Jd-el = ardatu 'maid-servant.' For full discussion, 
see Prince 204. In ag-ga-mu, sag = damqu, Br. 7291 + the 
relative suffix -mu t in this case probably not the -mu of the 
first person, but the indeterminative relative possessive -mu 
discussed Prince, p. XXI. 

Line 25. as = arratu 'curse,' see Prince, 41. xub (RU) = ma- 
qdtu 'overwhelm,' Br. 1432. Literally: 'the land he over- 
whelmeth (with) a curse.' I render it passively "is destroyed" 
here, because the curse is negative on the part of Taramuz, 
consisting in his absence. 

Reverse. 

Line 27. The first sign here must be gir = emuqu 'power' 
fully discussed, Prince, 149. (gir) kur-ra seems to me to be 
an epithet of the god. i-de I take as prepositional; cf. Br. 4005: 
maxar; here = 'before' or 'in comparison with.' ugun (DAR) 
= the abstract prefix u-+gun = biltu 'gift, tribute/ See Prince, 
341. In the last part of the line pap must be = nakdru] here 
='vie with,' Br. 1143. 

Line 28. xu-tu-ul xu-tu-id-e by repetition means 'to over- 
come disease thoroughly.' Note xutul = xatu $a murci, Br. 2056: 
'overcome disease.' Here Tammuz is the life giving Word, a 
conception which has many parallels in early Semitic literature 
and which culminated in the Word of the Gospel of St. John. 

Line 29. I must regard -da here as a verb = nasu 'lift up;' 
see Br. 6654 = Saqft 'be lofty.' 

Lines 30 33 inch are parallel with lines 21 24 incl. above. 

Line 34. The suffix -zu-ne ought to mean "your people" 
(mulu = niSti, Br. 1339). See Prince, p. XXIII 10 on -zu-ne 
which can sometimes but incorrectly mean 'their.' xa-lam-ma 
must signify 'destroy'; see Br. 11850: xa-lam = xulluqii 'destroy.' 

Line 35. The god ab-u = Ninib, Br. 3836. 

Line 36. i-de==naplu8u 'look, aspect/ Br. 4010. lar=namdru 
'shine forth,' Br. 1775. i-de-bar is a combination which means 
'aspect' in this connection. Sag = damqu 'gracious,' Br. 7291. 
nam-ba-e-'bi-'bi] the prefix nam is not necessarily negative; cf. 



100 D. Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz. 

Prince, p. XXIX 34: it merely serves here to strengthen 
the ordinary fca-prefix. bi-bi = qibu 'speak', Prince, 57. 

Line 37. sar = nipxu 'rising,' as of the sun or a planet, 
DW 474. sar-bar is a synonym or a parallel of i-de-bar of 
the preceding line. I render the precative force of xu- in 
xu-ub-nani-bar-ri as 'verily she shineth forth;' note that bar 
= namdru 'shine forth/ Br. 1775. pitu 'open out,' Br. 179L 

Line 38. (lei) really = 'place;' here probably = 'where, wher- 
ever.' dm-dirig = 'fullness,' with abstract prefix dm + dirig 'be 
full/ Prince, 81. I render ur- here as bultu 'procreative 
power,' Br. 11258 + the 3 p. suffix -ba. The sign after BA 
is probably lig or kala, as it seems to be pronounced in this 
hymn (note above line 16 LIG -a = kala-a). hala(?) + alam 
must mean 'mighty of aspect.' 

Line 39. mu-lu-mal 'she who' (relative mulii) + nial = saJcdnu 
'establish, make,' Br. 5421. This must be an epithet applied 
to Nina. PA can only indicate the goddess's sceptre of power; 
Br. 5573: xattu 'sceptre, staff.' liab = gubu = Sumelu 'left 
hand,' Br. 2684. I believe that DU = gub is a gloss giving 
the reading of KAB = giib(u). sam-nag-ga; this nag = elteq 
= uxulu 'a cleansing plant like a soap/ DW. 43; the prefix 
gam = II is the determinative for 'plant. 7 ~ku here must 
= nadu 'put in a specified place,' Br. 10 542. 

Line 40. In gi-sa (DI)-dan-ni, 0t = 'reed/ Prince, 138; sa 
(DI) = milku 'counsel, judgment, 7 Br. 9531 ; da is probably the 
infixed postposition before the suffix -ni 'her.' me = qdlu 
'speak,' Br. 10361. 

Line 41. li-du appears in li-du an-na = elitum Sa zamdri 
'high voice in singing.' It is probable that LI was pronounced 
ngu(b), a cognate of me = qdlu 'speak.' du in li-du = M / nu 
'firm,' Br. 4884. In im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-mc, 'unto him' is contained 
in the -r- element. 

It should be noted that in lines 3641 the goddess Nina, 
the consort of Tammuz, is represented as being the revivifying 
power acting against the destructive force of Ninib. Nina is 
thus associated with Tammuz in this hymn as a life-giver after 
the winter solstice. While she and Tammuz are away, all 
vegetation ceases. 

Line 41. er-lim-ma,', the second syllable is really lib, probably 
pronounced Urn in conjunction with the following -ma. 



Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. By MORRIS 
JASTROW jr. 

I. 

BY a fortunate chance the Berkshire Athenaeum of Pitts- 
field Mass, has come into possession of one of the tablets of 
Ashurbanapal's library. ! Like the other specimens known to 
exist in this country, 2 this one also was brought to this country 
by the Rev. Dr. W. F. Williams, who, being at Mosul while 
Layard was conducting his excavations in the region, obtained 
some tablets from native Arabs. Three fragments are now 
in the possession of Dr. Talcott Williams of Philadelphia (son 
of Rev. Dr. Williams), a fourth after passing through several 
hands came into the hands of Mr. George Harding, a Trustee 
of the Berkshire Athenaeum who about two years ago presented 
it to the institution. My attention was called to it during a 
visit to Pittsfield, and I wish to express my obligations to 
Mr. H. H. Ballard, the curator of the Athenaeum who kindly 
placed the very interesting specimen at my disposal for study 
and copying. It measures 8'/2 x 10 cm. and contains parts 
of 31 lines on the obverse and parts of 24 lines on the reverse 
together with a colophon showing parts of 6 lines. By com- 
parison with similar colophons, the one on our text can be 
completed, adding about 3 more lines. Completing the tablet 
in this way, we are enabled to estimate the number of lines 
missing at the top of the obverse at about 9 lines. How 
many lines are missing at the bottom of the obverse and at 
the top of the reverse, it would, of course, be difficult to say, 

1 Discovered at Kouyunjik by Layard (1849). See Jastrow, Did the 
Babylonian Temples have Libraries (PAOS. XXVII, 147 seq.) and Bezold's 
Introduction to his Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik 
Collection etc. (Vol. 5). 

2 Two have been published by me (1) "A Fragment of the Babylonian 
Dibbara Epic" (Phil. 1891) and (2) "A New Fragment of the Etana 
Legend" (Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, Bd. III. pp. 363-383). 

VOL. XXX. Part II. 8 



102 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

but from the comparison of this fragment with the twelve 
others known to us and a study of the various editions 
of the text that they represent, the conclusion may be 
reached that the obverse of our fragment covered about 
70 lines and the reverse about 54. l The tablet when received 
contained considerable incrustation. Thanks to careful 
treatment at the Chemical Department of the University 
of Pennsylvania (for which I am under obligations to my 
colleague Prof. E. F. Smith and to his assistant Mr. \Yallace) 
and to a thorough soaking of the tablet in water, many lines or 
individual characters that were at first obscured became entirely 
legible, or sufficiently so as to enable me to practically make 
out all of the tablet that has been preserved. Conjectural 
restorations are indicated in the transliteration and translation 
by being placed within brackets. The clay of the tablet is 
of the reddish color that is characteristic of so many of the 
tablets of Ashurbanapal's collection. The characters are care- 
fully written but often difficult to read especially in the 
crowded portions. An interesting feature is the small double 
wedge frequently appearing in some of the lines, 2 indicating that 
in the copy from which our tablet was copied a line ended at 
the mark in question. The bearing of this feature on the inter- 
pretation will be shown further on. As to the holes evidently in- 
serted into the clay before the characters were inscribed, scholars 
still waver between the supposition that they were made to 
protect the tablet from cracking in the course of baking, or 
as receptacles for wooden pegs on which the tablet rested 
while the one side was being inscribed. Probably neither 
supposition is correct. Tablets can be burned without air 
holes witness the large historical clay cylinders and the 
business documents and the attempt to steady the tablet by 
means of pegs at the places indicated by the holes would hardly 
prove very effective. The holes are both too close together 
and too irregularly distributed to make this supposition a 
plausible one. I have sometimes thought that they were in- 
serted as a kind of guide to the scribe in copying his tablet, 
but this thesis also encounters objections. 



* The colophon takes up 9 lines and these being more widely spaced, 
the reverse contains fewer lines than the obverse. See below pp. 113123. 
2 On the reverse 11. 3. 12. 16. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22. 



.Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 103 

That the tablet belongs to the Etana myth follows from the 
colophon and is confirmed by the context. It is therefore a 
curious chance that two of the four fragments of the royal 
library that found their way to this country should form parts 
of one and the same series. 

II. 

The fragment reads as follows: 1 

Transliteration. 
Obverse 

[about 9 lines wanting]. 



it-ba-ru a-[-nd-ku] 
[eru] pa-yu i-pu-sam-ma [a-na siri izakkar] 

- so, ru-a-u-iu - 
5. [lim-ni-ta]*-ma kab-[ta-ti nu-u-ri-is]* 

il [GAL-la] 5 $a Hani [a-Sak-fat, ni-kul-ma]* 
al-ka(?) 1 ni-zak-pa-am-ma -- 
ni-it-ma-a irsitim -- 

ina viabar (il) SamaS ku-ra-di ma-mit it-[mu-u] 
10. [*a] i-ta-a sa (il) Samas [it-ti-ku] 

(il) Samas Um-ni ina ka-at ma-ld-si [limabJiis(?) s 

' Restored portions and conjectural readings in brackets. 

2 A variant writing to ru-'-u-tu. Of. Muss - Arnolt, Assyr. Dictionary, 
p. 941 a where it is used of the friendship between ox and horse. 

3 Restored according to rev. 1. 8. Traces of lim and ta are discernible. 

4 Restoration likewise based on rev. line 8 only that since it is 
Shamash who is bringing the charge against the eagle, rev. 1. 8 reads 
tu-u-ri, whereas here where the eagle and serpent are forming a plan, 
we must read nu-u-ri, corresponding to the verbs in 11. 7 8 which are 
in the first person plural. 

& Traces discernible. Cf. rev. 1. 9. 

6 Restored according to rev. 1. 9 but nikul again instead of takul. 

i The first sign can hardly be anything else than al, though Gestin 
(Briinnow Nr. 5004) is possible. The second sign is very puzzling. I 
have settled upon ka as the most likely, though it looks as though the 
scribe had started to write a different sign perhaps Sun (Briinnow Nr. 250). 

s Compare for lines 1011, the parallel in the other fragment of the 
Etana myth published by me obv. 1. 13 (Beitrage zur Assyr. Ill, p. 364), 
where we can now restore after ka-at the word ma-li-?i and which on 
the other hand enables us to restore the end of 11. 10 and 12 of our 
text. Note also that in the other fragment 11. 1011 appear as one line, 

8* 



104 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

$a i-ta-a $a (il) SamaS [it-ti-ku] 

li-is-su-Su-ma ni-ri --- 

kdk-ku mur-tap-pi-du eli-Su - 
15. gi3-par-ru ma-mit (il) Samas lib-bal-ki-tu-$u-ma [li-bar-ru-su] l 

iS-tu ma-mit [(il) Sama$] it-mu-u irsitim -- 

iz-zak-pu-nim-ma sa-da-a e-lu-[u ur-Jja e-te-ku-n] 

umu I (kam) ta-a Hi i-na-sa-ru[-u] 2 

alpu rimu pu-ri-mu eru 3 i-bar-ram-[ma] 
20. siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)] 

ar-mi sabite siru i-bar-ram-[ma] 

eru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [en(?)] 

sa-ap-pa-ri di-da-ni eru i-bar-ram-[ma] 

siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)] 
25. ---- kak-ka-ri siru i-bar-ram-ma 

[eru ik-kal i-ni]-'i-u ik-ka-lu mare [eri(?]} 

[eru ir-bi ak-]-kul-li mare eri ir-bu-u i-si-ti 

[istu mare eri] ir-bu-u i-bi-ti 

[i$tu mare eri]* li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma 
30. [eru lib-ba-] b hi li-mut-tu 

[ik-pu-ud-ma a-na a-ka-li ad-mi sa ru j a] 5 -^u is-kun 

[number of lines lacking about 30]. 

Reverse. 

[number of lines lacking about 30J. 






though with the indication that in the text from which it was copied there 
were two lines as in our text. The word limut is of course conjectural 
but some such word must have stood there. 

1 Parallel line in the other fragment obv. 12 which suggests the 
restoration at the close. 

2 Of. the phrase la na-sir mamit Hani rabuti ( VR. 8, 67). 

3 So the compound ideograph Id-Hu is to be read and not nasru, as 
is shown by the phonetic writing e-ru-u in the fragment published by 
Scheil (Rec. des Travaux, xxiii, p. 21 ; rev. 11. 2 and 4). This is confirmed 
by [e]-ru-u in the fragment K. 1547 rev. 20 (Beitrage zur Assyr. ii, p. 445) 
which in turn corresponds to rev. 21 a of our fragment where the ideo- 
graphic writing Id-Hu occurs. 

4 Restoration suggested by the other fragment obv. 2 which itself may 
now be restored as follows: istu mare eri [li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma]. 

5 The restoration [lib-ba-]su is quite certain. Traces of ba discernible. 
Cf. the other fragment obv. 3 where no doubt limuttu is to be added. 

6 Restored according to the other fragment obv. 5. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 105 

- [u-mi-]sam-ma im-ta-na-Jja-[ra (il) SamaS] 
[i-na] su-ut-ta-ti a-ma-ta-ma man-nu i-di-ki i-sak-na tuS-Se 

arad-ka 
5. [ia-]a-8i eru bid-lit- an-ni-ma 

[a-na] u-mi da-ru-u-tl zi-kir-kalu-us-te eS-me 
(il) SamaS pa-su epuS-ma a-na eri i-zak-kar-[$u] 
lim-ni-ta-ma kctb-ta-ti tu-u-ri-is 
(il) GAL-la so, ildni a-sak-ku ta-kul 
10. ta-ma-ta-a-ma la a-sa-an-ni ka-ak-ka-friy 

a-lik a-me-la sa a-sap-pa-rak-ka kat-ka li-is-[bat] 

(il) E-ta-na u-mi-sam-ma im-ta-alj-Jja-ra (il) feamas 

ta-kul (il) Samas ku-bur su-'-e-a irsitim 2 mithar-ti 3 i-da-am 

ae-li-[ia] 

ildni u-kab-bit e-dim-ma ap-kid 
15. ig-dam-ra ma8-$ak-ki-ia (&AL}EN-ME-LI (mes) 
Jaz-li-ia ina tu-ub-bu-ln 4 ildni iy-dam-[ru-] 
be-lum ina pi-i-ka li-sa-am-ma id-nam-ma Sam-ma Za a-[la-di] 
kul-li-man-ni-ma sam-ma Za a-la-di bil-ti u-sulj-ma su[-ma 

$uk-na-an-ni] b 

(il) SamaS pa-su i-pu-uS-ma a-na (il) E-ta-na i-zak-[kar-$u] 
20. a-lik ur-lia e-ti-ik sad-a a-mur su-ut-ta-tum ki-[rib-3a bi-ri] 6 
ina lib-bi-Sa na-di eru u-kal-lim-ka $am-[ma sa a-la-di] 
a-na zi-kir (il) Samas ku-ra-di (il) E-ta-na ii-lik [ur-ha e-ti-ik 

Sad- a] 

i-mur-ma su-ut-ta-tum ki-rib-sa ib-ri ina lib-[bi-Sa na-di eru] 7 
ul-la-nu-um-ma ul-tak-ka-as-[su] s 



1 From this line on to the middle of 1. 21 we have a duplicate in 
Harper's 2d fragment, Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, p. 394 (K. 1547 Rev.). 
Lines 5 to 10 of this fragment may now be restored according to our text. 

2 The reading confirmed by ir-si-[ti\ in Harper's fragment 1. 9. Note 
that line 13 of our text covers two lines in Harper's fragment (11. 89). 

3 Briinnow Nr. 11261 or perhaps rapasti as Harper restores (ib. p. 392, 
line 10). 

4 Correct Harper's reading accordingly. Of. IV R 2 20 Nr. 1, 27 az-lu 
tu-ub-bu-hu. 

5 Restored according to the duplicate 1. 16. 

6 Restoration based on 1. 23. 

7 According to 1. 21. 

s See the line before the colophon to K 2606 rev. parallel to our 
text [ul-]la-nu-um-ma us-ta-ka-as-su. Correct Harper's reading of the 
line accordingly. For ullanum in the sense of "recently just now," see e. g. 
Virolleaud, I? Astrologie Chaldeenne, Sin Nr. Ill, 4; xviii, 29 etc. 



106 M. Jastroiv, [1910. 

Colophon. 

25. eru pa-su i-pu-sam-ma ana (il) Samas leli-hi [i-zak-kar] 

duppu II (kam) ala i-si tum(?) 

ekal ASur-lan-apal ar [kiSSati sar mat A$ur(kiy\. 1 

$a (il) Nabu (il) Ta$~me-tum uz-nu ra-[pa-as-tum isruku-Zu] 

i-lm-uz-zu end na-mir-tum [ni-sik dup-sar-ru-ti} 

30. $a ina sarrdni a-lik mah-ri-ia [mimmu $ip-ru su-a-tii la 

i-lm-uz-zu\ 

[ni-me-ki (il) Nabu ti-kip sa-an-tak-ki ma-la ba-as-mu 
ina duppdni a$-tur as-nik ab-ri-e-ma, 
a-na ta-mar-ti si-ta-as-si-ia Id-rib ekal-ia u-kin]. 

Translation. 

[Obverse.] 

1. [Let us form(?)] friendship [you and I(?)] 2 
Verily, a friend I [to thee will be (?)] 
[The eagle (?)] 3 opened his mouth and [to the serpent (?) 

spoke], 

[An agreement (?)] of friendship [let us naake(?)], 
5. The wicked and mighty (?) let us crush (?) 4 , 

[The gallu] 5 of the gods, [the a&akku let us destroy], 

1 Restored according to II E, 21, 26-34; 33; 38; IV R2 55 e tc. etc. 

2 "While the restorations in this and in the 4th line are of course 
purely conjectural, it is evident that the serpent and eagle are proposing 
to form an alliance. 

3 Room for two signs hence the suggestion to read ID-HU, though 
of course it is possible that the serpent is addressing the eagle. 

4 nu-u-ri-is (like tu-u-ri-is rev. 8) from amst(?), perhaps related to resu 
(Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet, p. 104 b ) like arasu to resu. One is naturally 
inclined at first to take limnita and kabtati as permansives "evil and 
wicked art thou" but there are various obstacles in the way. One should 
expect kabtata as in the 4th tablet of the Creation Story 1. 3. To denounce 
one as " evil and mighty " would be a strange combination. I prefer to 
take both words as descriptive epithets. The force of the ma which as 
the combining element outside of verbs is not infrequent in divination 
texts (see e. g. IV R2 34 Nr. 1, obv. 4) seems to be that of conveying a 
compound term "powerfully wicked" or "wickedly powerful." 

5 The addition of la to Nun points to the reading gallu and I have 
no hesitation in identifying this with the well-known designation of 
a particular demon, for which, to be sure, the ordinary ideographic 
designation is Te-Lal (Briinnow Nr. 7732) but which is also written 
phonetically gal-lu-u and gal-lu. See Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 217 a . 
The juxtaposition with the demon aSalcku leaves no doubt as to the 
identification. 



Vol. xxx.] Another fragment of the Etana Myth. 107 

let us set up 

Let us lay a ban on the earth 

In the presence of Shamash, the warrior, the ban they laid. 
10. Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash, 

May Shamash grievously through the destroyer 1 [cut off]! 

Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash, 

May he remove him and - 

May the overpowering weapon [fall] on him - 
15. May the sling, the ban of Shamash hit him [and catch him]! 

When they had laid the ban [of Shamash] on the earth 

They set up, they ascended the mountain [they took the 
road(?)]. 

For one day they kept the charm 2 of the god. 

An ox, a wild ox, a wild ass, the eagle caught, 
20. The serpent ate, 3 drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)] ate. 

A mountain goat, gazelles, the serpent caught, 

The eagle ate, drew back, the young [of the eagle (?)] ate. 

A wild mountain gazelle, 4 a didanu, b the eagle caught, 

The serpent ate, drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)] 

ate. 
25. - - of the ground 6 the serpent caught, 

[The eagle ate, drew back], the young [of the eagle (?)] ate. 



1 -For mahisu in the sense here taken it is sufficient to refer to the 
passage in the hymn to Shamash ZA. IV, p. 31, col. Ill, 29 where the word 
appears in juxtaposition with mu-tir-ru buli "destroyer of cattle." 

2 Instead of ta-a one is tempted in view of the preceding lines to 
read i-ta-a, the accidental omission of the i being due to its resemblance 
to the preceding kam. However, tu as a synonym of mamitu is no 
doubt correct. 

3 The reading ik-rib "drew near" is of course possible here and in the 
succeeding lines, but in view of ik-ka-lu, the preference is to be given to 
ik-kal, just as in the Deluge myth (Gilgames XI, ]55) ik-kal i-sa-ah-hi 
"ate and went away" which is a partial parallel to our passage. Of. Muss- 
Aruolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 34 b . Whether at the end of the line we are to 
restore eru or siru is also open to question, though the general sense is 
not affected whichever reading we adopt. 

4 Of. II B, 6, 6d. Our passage fixes the correct reading of the term 
with an s and not sap-pa-ru as has been hitherto assumed. Delitzsch in his 
Assyrische Tiernamen, p. 48 read correctly sapparu, but his comparison 
of a very doubtful Arabic term .-ft-Co "young gazelle" is not acceptable. 

* Or di-ta-nu as II B, 6, 7 d . 

6 It is tempting to restore sah kakkari in view of II E, 24 Nr. 1 rev. 
19, but the traces do not favor this. 



108 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

[When the eagle stirred up] tribulation (?y the young of the 

eagle raised an uproar. 2 

[When the young of the eagle] raised an uproar, 
[When the young of the eagle] planned evil, 
30. [The eagle directed his heart] in evil design. 
[To eat the young of his friend] he determined. 3 



[Reverse.] 

[the eagle] daily faced Shamash. 

[In] the hole I will die and he who stirred up, should settle 

the strife 4 of thy servant. 
5. Me the eagle let me live and 
Eternally, I will glorify thy name. 
Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to the eagle. 
The wicked and mighty one didst thou carry off. 
The powerful one of the gods, the asakku didst thou con- 
sume. 

10. Therefore thou shouldst die 5 and to the unseen (?) 6 land 
Go! The man whom I shall send to thee may he seize 

hold of thee. 7 
Etana daily faced Shamash, 8 

The reading ak-kul-li is suggested by the following isitu. 

2 Cf. e-si-ti mdti (I K, 40 col. IV, 36) by the side of esitu and i-sit-tu 
(see Jastrow, Religion Babyl. u. Assyr., I, p. 480 note 12 and II, p. 54 
note 7). The general sense is "uproar." "Geschrei" as I rendered it 

11, p. 54, is perhaps better than "Vernichtung" (I, p. 480), though destruction 
is also involved. 

3 While the restorations in these lines are again purely conjectural, 
the general context has, I think, been correctly caught with the help of 
the fragment above (p. 103, note 8) referred to. 

4 For tu-se in connection with diku see the Hammurabi Code col. VIII, 
2 tu-u$-sa-am-ma id-ki. The contrast to diku would naturally be sakanu. 

s The emphatic form ta-ma-ta-a-ma conveys the force of deserving 
death; it is a threat rather than a mere assertion. 

6 asannu is a new word and evidently a description of the dwelling- 
place of the dead. One is reminded of the a-ar la a-ri "unseen place" 
in the incantation IV R 2 16, 47 a which, as 1. 51 a-ar la a-si-e shows, 
refers to the nether world. 

7 Evidently in the sense of furnishing assistance, as in the passages 
quoted by Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 861 a . 

8 The phrase implies an appeal to the god (as above 1. 3) making 
the direct statement that Etana opened his mouth etc. superfluous. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 109 

Thou hast consumed, o Shamash, the strength (?) of my sheep, 

in the whole earth the young (?) of my lambs. 1 
The gods I have honored, the shades, I have regarded, 
15. The priestesses 2 have put an end 3 to my offerings. 4 

My lambs through slaughter 5 the gods have put an 

end to. 
lord! By thy command may some one go out and give 

me the plant of birth! 
Show me the plant of birth, tear out the fruit G and [grant 

me] an offspring! 

Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to Etana. 
20. Take the road, pass to the mountain, seek out the hole, 

[look] within it. 
Wherein the eagle has been thrown, I will show thee the 

plant [of birth]. 



1 A difficult line. The parallelism with az-li-ia leaves no doubt as to 
the force of su-'e-a. In the Gilgames epic, ku-bur (VI, 123, 147, 188) 
written as in our passage, occurs in connection with the "horns" and 
"tail" of the divine bull, and the general sense of "strength" fits the con- 
text. The "strength of my sheep" would be equivalent to "my strong 
sheep." As a parallel to this, I am inclined to take i-da-am az-li-ia, 
connecting the former with admu "offspring". Naturally, this is merely 
offered as a suggestion. To take idam as a verbal form from da'amu 
"dark" gives no good sense. Shamash being addressed could not be the 
subject, as little as irsitum which is feminine. If my interpretation is 
correct, idam as a parallel to kubur would have more specifically the force 
of "vigorous." Is this perhaps the underlying sense of the stem addmu 
from which we get admu in Assyrian "young, vigorous" and DIN in Hebrew, 
parallel to vir "the strong one" as the designation of "man" by the 
side of the other word for man among the Semites Bh3X ^^1 e ^ c * 
= Assyrian ensu, nise, teniseti etc. as the "weak" one? 

2 Our text shows that "priestesses" are introduced not priests as 
Harper assumed hence the feminine plural igdamra. The syllabary V R 
13 rev. 49 is, accordingly, to be restored [Sal En-]-Me-Li = &a-il-tu. In 
the text IV R 60* B obv. 7 we have the masculine equivalent with ma&saku 
as in our case. See Jastrow, A Babylonian Parallel to the Story of Job 
(Journal of Bibl. Literature, XXV, p. 159 notes 8485). 

3 igdamra I take in the sense of "destroy" as implying the rejection 
of the offerings. IV R 60* C rev. 99 sahatu " destroy " is employed in 
the same way. 

4 mas-sak-ki-ia. Cf. Jastrow ib. note 85. 

5 Not as a sacrifice but as an actual destruction. 

6 biltu I take as a reference to the tearing out of the plant not to 
the birth of a child as Harper assumed. 



110 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

On the order of Shamash the warrior Etana took [the road 

passed to the mountain], 
Sought out the hole, looked within it, [wherein the eagle 

was cast], 
(Where) recently he had been left to perish. 1 

Colophon. 

25. The eagle opened his mouth and to Shamash his lord [spoke]. 

2nd tablet of the series ala i-si tum(?) 

Palace of Asurbanapal, king [of the universe, king of 

Assyria], 

Whom Nebo and Tasmit [have granted wide] understanding, 

Endowed with clear vision [for the glorious art of writing] 2 , 

30. Whereas among the kings before me [none had acquired 

that art]. 

[The wisdom of Nebo, the grouping (?) 3 of all extant col- 
lections (?) 4 5 

On tablets I wrote, compiled and revised, to be seen and 
to be read in my palace I placed. 5 ] 



1 II, 1 from sakasu. 

2 nisik dupsarruti is to be taken as a compound term "writing-art" 
and to be connected directly with the preceding ena namirtum. The 
latter phrase might be rendered " clear insight." To separate nisik dup- 
sarruti from what precedes as Myhrman does (ZA, XVI, p. 167), following 
Delitzsch, Assyr. Worterbuch, p. 293, is to lose the force of the whole line. 

3 ti-kiptor which Delitzsch's explanation (Assyr. Thiernamen, p. 8), 
connecting it with talmudic *pn "join" still seems to be the most satis- 
factory. Of. also II R 49, Nr. 1 obv. 13 and III R 57, Nr. 6, 52 seven 
ti-ik-pi stars = seven "joined" stars. 

4 santakku is certainly to be derived from sataku with inserted n, as 
the variant sa-tak-ki (V R 51, col IV, 55) shows. My suggestion for 
santakku is based on the circumstance that the ideograph for the word 
is the sign Tis (Meissner, Nr. 7563) in S. A. Smith, Keilschrifttexte Asur- 
banipals, I, p. 112, 15 = V R 13 and elsewhere (see Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. 
Diet., p. 787 b ) in the phrase sabe santakkika = "thy collected troops." 

5 It is of course possible that the colophon contained several additional 
lines like IV R 2 56 and V R 51. A collection of all the various colophons 
and a careful renewed study of them is much to be desired, as a supple- 
ment to Delitzsch's discussion in his Assyrische Thiernamen, pp. 611 and 
in the Assyr. Worterbuch, pp. 293294. Such a study would show that 
the various classes of texts had distinctive colophons. See Jastrow, 
Reliffion Babyloniens und Assyriens, II, p. 226 note 1 for the form 
characteristic of divination texts. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. Ill 

III. 

The general character of the contents of the fragment is 
clear. The obverse evidently opens with a scene between the 
serpent and the eagle, in the course of which the two agree 
to form a friendship in order to carry out some plan of attack 
together. That plan involves the capture and destruction of 
demons and, apparently also, of placing the entire earth under 
a ban. The serpent and eagle swear a powerful and binding 
oath in the name of Shamash who is here viewed in his 
usual role of judge and punisher of those who do wrong. 

The next scene leads us to the mountain whither the 
serpent and eagle have gone. During the one day that they 
kept the agreement, they succeeded in capturing a number of 
animals and sharing them together. Then the catastrophe 
occurs. Prompted apparently by a suspicion of the serpent's 
fidelity, the eagle plans an attack upon the young of the 
serpent. At this point, unfortunately, the obverse of the frag- 
ment breaks off, and when the thread of the narrative is again 
taken up on the reverse, we find the eagle thrown into a hole 
and in a state of utter despair appealing to Shamash to help 
him out of his predicament. The sun-god reproaches him for 
what he has done, but acceding to the eagle's prayer to let 
lii m live, declares that he will send a man to his assistance. 
The third scene introduces us to the man who is none other 
than Etana. He is a shepherd 1 whose flocks have evidently 
suffered through the ban that has been laid upon the earth. 
They have failed to bring forth young and Etana, accordingly, 
appeals to Shamash to show him the plant of birth. Shamash in 
reply tells Etana to go to the mountain to the hole wherein 
the eagle has been thrown and there he will see the plant of 
birth. The fourth scene takes us back to the mountain but 
with the meeting of Etana and the eagle, our tablet the 
second of the series closes, 



1 See K 2606 obv. 6 ri-e-um-Si-na (Harper, Beitrage zur Assyr., II, 
p. 399). It is interesting to note that on cylinders representing Etana's 
flight, a shepherd with his flocks is pictured as looking at the eagle 
bearing Etana aloft. According to Dr. "W. H. Ward's plausible explanation, 
the accompaniments to a scene on a cylinder stand in a direct connection 
with the main representation, symbolizing other episodes that belong to 
it. In this case, therefore, the shepherd would be Etana feeding his flocks. 



112 M. Jastrow, [191 o. 

In order now to understand the purport of these four 
scenes it is necessary to pass to a consideration of the other 
fragments of this myth that are known to us. It is the merit 
of Dr. E. J. Harper l to have added to the three fragments 
dealing with a story of the eagle, serpent and Etana found 
by George Smith 2 among the tablets of Ashurbanapal's library, 
seven others in one way or the other connected with the two. 
An eleventh fragment also from this library was published by 
me as indicated above 3 and a twelfth in the older Babylonian 
script by Scheil. 4 

Harper divided his ten fragments into three groups as 
follows: (1) containing a story of the serpent and the eagle 
together with what he calls erroneously however a prayer of 
Etana for his son, 5 (2) the story of Etana's ride on the back of 
the eagle, (3) an assembly of the gods. In my publication of the 
llth fragment, I suggested 6 a somewhat different order but 
Jensen's discussion of the fragments 7 together with the study 
of the 13th fragment, herewith published, has led me to a 
modification of my views. The new fragment shows that 
Jensen was right in his^ suggestion that the llth fragment 
though ending with the consignment of the eagle to a hole in 
which he is to die does not necessarily involve the death of 
the eagle. My contention, therefore, that the episode of the 
eagle with Etana must be placed before the discomfiture of 
the eagle was erroneous. I now accept Harper's view which 
is adopted by Jensen that the story of the serpent and the 
eagle comes before that of the eagle and Etana. There is 
now also no reason for questioning 8 the connection of K 8578 
with Rm 79, 78, 43 as proposed by Harper, but on the other 
hand the new fragment while confirming my suggestion that 
the first line of K 8578 obv. is to be completed in accord- 
ance with the colophon to K 2606 rev., raises the question 
whether K 8578 represents the 4th tablet of the series? 

1 Die Babylonischen Legenden von Etana, Zu, Adapa und Dibbarra 
(Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, pp. 391408). 

2 Chaldaean Genesis (5th ed.), pp. 138144. 3 See above p. 101, note 2. 

4 Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, pp. 1823. 

5 It is an appeal of Etana to the sun-god. 

6 Beitrdge zur Assyr., Ill, p. 371. 

7 Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, VI, 1, p. 100 note 2. 

8 As was done by me in Beitrdge zur Assyr , II, p. 370. See Jensen's 
strictures KB, VI, 1, p. 102. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 113 

Attention has already been called to the fact * that the colo- 
phon of our fragment contains as the opening line of the 
following tablet the same words as in the colophon to K 2606 
rev. Moreover, the last line of K 2606 rev. would appear to 
be identical with the last line of our fragment. In the case 
of our fragment, however, the colophon states that this 
tablet is the 2nd of the series, whereas K 2606 is entered 
as the 3rd tablet of the series. 2 It follows that we have 
here two different editions of the text and that what covered 
only two tablets in the one copy covered three tablets in 
the other. The marks on the reverse of our tablet indicating 
the ends of lines in the copy from which our fragment was 
copied shows, as a matter of fact, that the 12 fragments from 
Ashurbanapal's library represent different copies. Since K 2606 
represents on the obverse the account of the assembly of the 
gods Harper's third episode we would have to assume in 
order that K 2606 rev. and our fragment should represent 
duplicates of one another, that the broken off portion of the 
obv. and the rev. of K 2606 contained considerably more than the 
episodes which in our fragment cover the obverse and reverse. 
A consideration of this thesis will show that it is improbable. 
The new fragment, as will presently be shown belongs to a tablet 
much longer than any of the others and to assume that K 2606 
should represent part of a tablet again twice as long (at least) 
as the new one is certainly highly improbable. Moreover, if K 
2606 belongs to a tablet so much larger than the one of 
which the new fragment forms a part, we would certainly not 
expect since the tablets of any edition of a series are of the 
same size that what covered two tablets in the edition of 
which the new fragment is a part should require three tablets 
in the other edition but rather the reverse. A simpler solution 
will be suggested in the course of this discussion. 

IV. 

The analysis given of the new fragment shows that it 
belongs to Harper's first group. The next point to be made 
clear is its relationship to the other fragments of this group. 

1 See above p. 105, note 8. 

2 A renewed examination of the fragment kindly made by Mr. L, W. 
King confirms Harper's reading (3 wedges). 



114 If. Jastrow, [1910. 

Taking up K 1547 first, we note that the reverse is a 
duplicate of the reverse of the new fragment which we will 
designate hereafter as the 13th, 11. 5 20 of the former 
= 11. 10 20 a of the latter, i.e. 16 lines against 11 1/2 lines, 
indicating that we have two different copies before us. The 
indications in 11. 16, 17, 18 and 19 of the ends of lines in 
the text from which the 13th fragment was copied show 
that the scribe had an original before him in which the lines 
agreed with the length of those in K 1547. The obverse of 
the latter shows no points of agreement with the obverse of 
the new fragment but corresponds with the rev. of K 2527, 
11. 2342 of K 2527 = 11. 124 of obv. of K 1547. Now, 
the obverse of K 1547 begins with the appeal of the serpent 
to Shamash for revenge upon the eagle who has eaten the 
young of the serpent. The lower edge of the obverse of K 
2527 is preserved so that we have on the reverse, as on the 
obverse of K 1547, the continuation of the story the advice 
of the sun-god to the serpent to enter the carcass of a wild 
mountain bull and to pounce upon the eagle as he swoops down 
to eat the flesh of the carcass. The immediate continuation 
of this episode is furnished by the reverse of the llth frag- 
ment. Evidently the first seven lines l correspond to K 2527 
rev. 3542 and to K 1547 obv. 1724. The practical agree- 
ment in regard to lines (7 as against b>) shows that these 
three fragments belong to tablets of about the same size. 

The strategy succeeds, the eagle is caught, stripped of his 
feathers and altogether badly battered is thrown into a hole and 
there left to die. This hole is evidently in the mountain, for it is 
to this hole to which Etana is sent by Shamash. The two tablets 
therefore, K 2527 and the llth fragment closed with this 
episode, while the reverse of K 1547 represents the continuation. 
The obverse of the llth fragment contains the incident of the 
treachery of the eagle and joins on to the end of the obverse of 
the 13th fragment 11. 2-5 of the 1 1 th fragment = 11. 2931 
of the 13th fragment, though the lengths of the lines do not 
correspond. The new fragment thus furnishes a piece of the 
narrative that takes precedence to what is contained on the 
other three namely, the alliance between the eagle and the 



i Some of my readings must be corrected as Jensen (K. B. VI, 1, 
p. 106 seq.) very properly pointed out. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myili. 115 

serpent, and their adventures until the point of treachery. 
Again, the obverse of K 2527 represents the episode after the 
destruction of the young of the serpent by the eagle, namely 
the appeal of the serpent to Shamash, but we have no means 
of accurately determining the size of the gap between where the 
obverse of the llth fragment breaks off and where the obverse 
of K 2527 takes up the thread, but it was probably not large. 
At the top of the obverse of the llth fragment only a few 
lines are missing, for the end of the reverse represents in all 
probalities the last line of the tablet, followed by the colophon. 
Assuming that K2527 and the llth fragment represent parallel 
texts, both must have begun at the point represented by 1. 27 of 
the obverse of the 13th fragment, which marks a new phase in 
the narrative the beginning of the treachery. We thus obtain 
for these two tablets (a) obverse = 20 lines of the llth frag- 
ment plus 20 lines of K 2527 = 40, to which we may add as 
a maximum a gap of say 10 lines = 50 lines and (b) reverse 
= 21 lines of K 2527 plus 17 additional lines of the llth 
fragment = 38 lines which with 3 or 4 lines of the colophon 
would bring the total to about 42 lines. The break of circa 
30 lines at the end of the obverse of the llth fragment and 
the beginning of the reverse (20 of which are filled up by the 
obverse of K 2527) must of course be distributed between 
the two sides. We thus obtain for the total length of each 
of the two fragments between 90 and 100 lines, both covering 
the following episodes: (1) treachery of the eagle and destruction 
of the young of the serpent, (2) appeal of the serpent to 
Shainash, (3) advice of Shamash, and (4) success of the strategy 
and the discomfiture of the eagle. The new fragment covers 
this entire field and, in addition, starts at a point further 
back the story of the alliance and of the adventures of the 
eagle and serpent in the mountain. It also continues the 
story after the discomfiture of the eagle, furnishing three new 
episodes: (1) the appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue, 
(2) the appeal of Etana for the plant of birth, (3) the coming 
of Etana to the place of the eagle in the mountain. The 
length of this tablet must therefore have been considerably 
greater, namely, 27 lines till the obverse of the llth fragment 
plus 90 to 100 lines, and since at the top of the obverse only 
a few lines are missing, inasmuch as we have the close of 
the reverse preserved we may estimate the length of the 



116 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

tablet to which the 13th fragment belongs at about 130 lines 
perhaps only 124 lines divided between the two sides. 
The episode of the alliance and of the adventures of the eagle 
and serpent with which the obverse of the 13th fragment begins 
say from 33 to a maximum of 36 lines not being sufficient 
to cover an entire tablet, we are justified in assuming that 
in the editions to which K 2527 and the llth fragment be- 
longed, the tablet that preceded began at a point further back 
than the account of the alliance and the adventures, which 
could have been narrated on the reverse. In other words 
the relation of the edition of K 2527 and the llth fragment, 
which we may call edition A, to the edition of the 13th frag- 
ment, which we may call B, is about the same as the edition 
of K 1547 the obverse of which = reverse of K 2527, and 
which we may call C, is to A; i. e. 

(a) obverse of A in tablet no x of the series = rev. of 
B, and 

(b) obverse of C in tablet no x of the series = rev. of the 
preceding tablet in A, 

which means that the tablets of edition B contain much 
more than edition A, and the tablets of edition C much 
less than A. "What therefore would be the 2nd tablet in 
B would be the 3rd tablet in A, while a part of it in C 
would even run over into the 4th tablet. The point is of 
importance for the relationship of the two remaining joined 
fragments of Harper's first group K 8578 and Rm 79, 7 8, 43. 
Before taking these up, attention must be called to the 
relationship of K 1547 to the 13th fragment. Just as K 2527 and 
the llth fragment end with the same episode the discomfiture of 
the eagle, so K 1547 and the 13th fragment end with the coming 
of Etana to the eagle, but while the first pair represent parallel 
texts, this is not the case with the latter pair, for the obverse of 
the 13th fragment begins at a point considerably further back 
than the obverse of K 1547 which (so far as preserved) starts 
with the advice of Shamash to the serpent. Since at the most 
six lines on the bottom of the reverse are missing to bring it 
to the point where the 13th fragment closes, there are (making 
allowance for a colophon on the reverse) at the most 10 lines 
missing at the top of the reverse. As a matter of fact, counting 
8 lines back on K 2527, line 22 (= top of obverse of K 1547) 
would bring us to the beginning of Shamash's answer to the 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 117 

appeal of the serpent and with which K 1547 in all probabilities 
began. The total length of K 1547 would thus be 8 + 24+17 
(additional lines on the llth fragment) up to the discomfiture 
of the eagle = 49 lines. Then the 24 lines of the reverse of 
the 13th fragment plus a few lines missing at the top would 
make the total length of this table about 80 lines. The three 
editions would thus be made up of tablets as follows: 
Edition A == Tablets of 90 to 100 lines 
Edition B = Tablets of 124 to 130 lines 
Edition C = Tablets of about 80 lines. 

The calculation is naturally only approximate for the length 
of the lines differs somewhat also in the three editions but it 
is close enough for our purposes. The result reached above 
is thus confirmed that what corresponds to the 2nd tablet of 
the series in B would reach into the 3rd tablet in A and 
perhaps into the 4th tablet in 0. 

Coming now to the two joined fragments, they evidently con- 
tained the second address of the eagle to the sun-god pro- 
mising to do all that was asked of him, 1 and the dialogue 
that ensued between the eagle and Etana upon the coming of 
Etana to the hole wherein the eagle lay. Etana asks the eagle 
to show him the plant of birth 2 but here, unfortunately, the 
fragment breaks off. The colophon to the 13th fragment, 
however, shows that the 3rd tablet of edition B began with 
an address of the eagle to Shamash and since K 8578 etc. 
begins with eru pi-i-8u, Jensen accepts my suggestion, made 
at the time of the publication of the llth fragment, that this 
line is to be restored according to the colophon of K 2606 
which tallies with that of the '13th fragment. Through the 
contents of this fragment the conjecture is strengthened, if not 
indeed definitely confirmed, since, as we have seen it contains an 
episode to which K 8578 etc. naturally joins on. We may there- 
fore with perfect safety assume that K 8578 represents either 

1 11. 56 "whatever he will say to me [I will do], whatever I will 
say to him [let him do]. See Jensen KB VI, 1, p. 110. The reference 
is to Etana. L. 7 "according to the command of the warrior Shamash, 
[Etana took the road]" begins the episode of Etana's coming to the 
eagle, accompanied, apparently, by a young eagle to show him the way. 

2 Line 12seq. evidently repeats in substance rev. 17seq. of the 13th frag- 
mentthe same appeal being made by Etana for the plant of birth, but 
this time addressed to the eagle. 

VOL XXX. Part II. 9 



118 M- Jastrow, [1910. 

the beginning of the 3rd tablet of edition B or the 4th (or more 
probably the 5th) of edition C. To which of these two editions 
it actually belongs, it is of course impossible to say. Dividing 
the contents of all the fragments of the first group now 
known to us (KK 1547, 2527, 8578 etc.) and the llth and 
13th fragments into episodes we obtain the following survey: 

(1) The alliance between the eagle and serpent and the ad- 
ventures of the two recounted on the obv. of the 13th frag- 
ment 11. 126. 

(2) The treachery of the eagle proposed and carried out 
despite the warning of a "very wise" young eagle recounted 
(a) on the remaining portion of the 13th fragment, 11. 27seq. 
and (b) on the llth fragment obverse. 

(3) The appeal of the serpent to Shamash for revenge on 
the eagle, recounted on K 2527, 11. 114. 

(4) Advice of Shamash to the eagle recounted (a) K 2527 
obv. 15 28 (including 6 missing lines), (b) K 1547 obv. 19 
(circa 8 lines missing). 

(5) The carrying out of the strategy proposed by Shamash 
and ending with the discomfiture of the eagle recounted (a) on 
the reverse of the llth fragment (end of tablet) (b) rev. 
3042 of K 2527 (circa 17 lines missing to end of tablet) 
(c) K 1547 obv. 11. 10 24 (circa 17 lines missing of episode). 

(6) The appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue and the 
latter's decision to send Etana to help the eagle out of his plight, 
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 1 11 
and (b) on the rev. of K 1547 11. 1 6 (circa 6 lines missing). 

(7) Etana's lament and request for the plant of birth 
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 1218 
and (b) on the reverse of K 1547 11. 716. 

(8) Address of Shamash to Etana and the order to the 
latter to go to the hole in the mountain into which the eagle 
has been cast, recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th frag- 
ment 11. 1924 (end of 2nd tablet of edition B.) and (b) 
K 1547 rev. 17 20 (circa 6 lines missing to end of tablet). 

(9) Second address of the eagle to Shamash, the coming of 
Etana and the dialogue between the eagle and Etana recounted 
on K 8578 + Em 79, 78, 43 (3rd tablet of edition B or 
5th(?) tablet of edition C). 

Let us now take up the fragment K 2606 which contains 
in the colophon the indication that it is the third tablet of 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 119 

the series ala i-si "he left the city". Scheil does not appear 
to have noticed that the fragment published by him, which I 
designate as the 12th, runs parallel to a considerable extent 
with K 2606, J so that in part the latter can be restored 
through comparison with the former, 2 and vice versa some read- 
ings of Scheil can be corrected. But on the other hand the 
two fragments are not duplicates. Not only do they diverge 
from a certain point, 3 but Scheil's fragment is a large tablet 
dating from the Hammurabi period with two columns to each 
side. 4 The two accounts appear to stand in the relation to 
each other of the beginning and end of an episode. In both 
a state of anarchy is described, due apparently to the hostility 
of the Igigi. 3 The land is without a ruler. Authority is 
lacking, habitations and sanctuaries are not built, and the city 6 
is besieged by the Igigi, but while the description of the terror 



1 11. 10-16 of K 2606 correspond to 11. 19 of the 1st col. obv. of 
the 12th fragment. 

2 In K 2606 1. 9, we must evidently read [ra-]-bu-tum ; 11. 911 can 
now be restored according to 11. 13 of the llth fragment. In 1. 4 of the 
12th fragment we must read according to K 2606, 12 kali-si-na i-lu i-gi-gu. 
For the latter we have in K 2606 the ideographic form. In 1. 2 of the 
llth fragment read im-ta-li-ku. The traces of an additional line seem to 
have been omitted by Harper between lines 12 and 13. Scheil's reading for 
the beginning of 1. 7 can hardly be correct, while if we substitute ina u-mi- 
su-ma (like K 2606 1. 14) we get a perfect sense. In 1. 9 of the fragment 
we must read la ba-nu-u kib-ra-ti ni-is pa-ra-ak-ki like 1. 16 of K 2606. L. 8 
of the fragment evidently contains the phonetic writing uk-ni-a-am for the 
ideograph Za-Gin (=uknu, Briinnow, Nr. 11776) in 1. 15 of K 2606. Of. Scheil, 
Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, 22 who wrongly, as it now turns out, rejected 
the proposed reading. At the close of 1. 10 of the 12th fragment we must 
evidently read e-lu da-ad-nim = elu da-ad-mi (1. 18 of K 2606). At this point 
the two texts divide. It should be noted that this 12th fragment now in the 
J. Pierpont Morgan Collection in New York (see Johns, Catalogue of the 
Collection p. 22) is not only badly preserved but very difficult to read, so 
that without a parallel text one easily misreads certain signs. 

3 See close of preceding note. 

* Apart from palaeographic evidence, the tablet has also the ear marks 
of the Hammurabi period in the expanded phonetic writings like uk-ni-a am, 
ma-a-tam si-im-tim etc. The determinative for deity is omitted before 
Etana also characteristic of the Hammurabi period. The tablet is a 
valuable indication of the age of the Etana story. 

5 Seven in number. Of. 1. 17 of K 2606 (U) si-bit-tum with 1. 19 
(and 12) the ideographic form 5 -f 2. 

6 1. 19 ala Igigi su-tas-Jtu-ru[-u]. The city is evidently the one'referred to 
in the opening line of the series ala i-c,i, and where the subject is some god 

9* 



120 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

in regard to which the Annunaki hold counsel is continued 
in the 12th fragment, in K 2606 the goddess Ishtar 1 is 
represented as intervening. She looks about for a king and 
places him in control, while En-lil looks out for the sanctuaries 
of the gods(?). 2 It would be in accord with the character 
of the Babylonian style of poetic composition to repeat at 
the close of an episode the description of the conditions exist- 
ing at the beginning, witness the frequent descriptions of 
primaeval chaos in the Babylonian creation myth. Unfortunately, 
the reverse, of K 2606 is not preserved with the exception 
of the closing line and a part of the last line. The colophon 
furnishes as the opening of the 4th tablet, a line that agrees 
with the one given in the 13th fragment for the 3rd tablet, and 
since the preserved portion of the closing line in K 2606 agrees 
with the closing line of the 13th fragment, 3 it would be too 
strange a coincidence if the two tablets did not close with 
the same incident the coming of Etana to the place where 
the eagle lies. 

On the other hand, if what covered three tablets in one copy 
corresponds to two tablets in another, the tablets of the former 
must have been of a smaller size and we cannot therefore 
assume that from the point where the obverse of K 2606 
breaks off to the end of the reverse there should have been 
included all the eight episodes covering about 125 lines em- 
braced in the 13th fragment. We are thus confronted with 
a problem for which no definitive solution can be offerred 
until more fragments of the narrative come to light, but the 
most reasonable conjecture is to assume that various versions 
of the tale existed, differring considerably from one another 
and in which episodes were included in one version that 
were omitted in another. So much is clear that the anarchy 
described in the 12th fragment and in K 2606 must have 
preceded the rescue of the eagle by Etana, and since the 
narrative can now be carried back continuously to the alliance 

who is represented as deserting the city. If, as is possible from the 
reference in 1. 24, the god is Enlil, the city in question might be Nippur. 

1 Also designated as In-nin-na in 1. 22. 

2 The reading 1. 24 pa-rak-ke Hani, seems to me preferable to paral&e 
schame which Harper proposes. The photograph (p. 505) favors either reading. 

3 In the 13th fragment we have as the closing line ul-la-nu-um-ma 
ul-tdk-ka-as-[su} and in K 2606 . . . la-nu-um us-ta-ka-as-su. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 121 

between the eagle and the serpent, the state of anarchy must 
have preceded this incident also. There is every reason, 
therefore, to believe that Scheil J is right in his supposition 
that the state of anarchy represents the beginning of the entire 
narrative, 2 just as the Gilgamesh epic opens with a description 
of terror and confusion existing in Uruk. 

Accepting this as a working hypothesis, we would have to 
assume that the first tablet of the copy of which the 13th frag- 
ment represents the 2nd, contained the episode of the state 
of anarchy and the restoration of order. Then followed the 
eight episodes covered by the 2nd tablet, after which came 
another address of the eagle to Shamash perhaps a second 
appeal then presumably an answer of the sun-god and, finally, 
the coming of Etana to the eagle. The joined fragments 
K 8578 + Rm 79, 7 8, 43 represent the beginning of this im- 
mediate continuation of either the 13th fragment or of K 1547. 

The episode in the 12th fragment and with which K. 2606 
begins must therefore be removed from the position assigned 
to the latter by Harper as a third group and placed before 
the nine episodes into which we have divided the first group. 
Harper's second group consisting of the joined fragment and 
supplemented by three further fragments and recounting Etana' s 
flight on the back of the eagle remains where it is and would 
thus form the conclusion of the tale. The flight naturally 
follows the rescue of the eagle by Etana. Taking the joined 
fragment Rm 2, 454 + 79, 78, 280 as one, it is clear that 
this and K 8563 are duplicates or parallels and that both 
began with the story of the flight. 3 K 3651 of which only 
a part of the obverse is legible, joins on at 1. 18 to the re- 
verse of Rm 2, 454 etc. while Rm 522 (only one side preserved) 
duplicates K 3651, beginning with 1. 12 of K 3651 and extending 

1 1. c. p. 18. 

2 If this be so, it must be borne in mind, as above pointed out, that 
K 2606 being the 3rd tablet of the series represents the repetition of the 
description as an introduction to an account of the restoration of order 
by Ishtar and Enlil. 

3 Harper has confused the obverse and reverse of K 8563. In 
K 8563, the beginning of the obverse is preserved. Lines 617 of K 8563 
= 11. 116 of obverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. The reverse of K. 8563 refers 
to the "death" of the king(?) Etana (1. 4) and to his shade (e-dim- 
mu-su 1. 7) and therefore furnishes some incident that followed upon 
the flight. 



122 M. Jastrow, [1910 

5 lines beyond the latter, 11. 2630 of Rin 522 corresponding to 
11. 24 to 27 of the reverse of Em 2, 454 etc. 1 If we are to assume 
that these two fragments (K 3651 and Rm 522) also began with 
the account of the flight, we would have to suppose for the 
former at least 40 additional lines at the top, which would 
give us a tablet of at least 130 lines and for the latter an 
addition of 50 lines at the top which would give us a tablet 
of 160 lines. This is most unlikely and it is much more 
probable that both fragments began with the second and 
fatal flight to the place of Ishtar, the first ending successfully 
with the arrival at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea. 2 This second 
flight forming a new episode would be an appropiate place at 
which to begin a new tablet. The joined fragment and K 8563 
would thus contain both episodes, while the other fragments 
would begin with the second flight the same relationship 
therefore as between K 2527 and K 1547. If we assume 
(as above suggested), that the story of Etana's coming to the 
eagle extended into the 5th tablet of edition C, we may sup- 
pose that the episode of the first flight was still told in this 
tablet and that the two fragments therefore represent the 
beginning of the 6th tablet of this edition and in all pro- 
babilities the last tablet of the series. 

The larger size of the tablets of edition B (to which the 13th 
fragment belongs) warrants us in assuming that both flights 
were included in one tablet. Rm 2, 454 might, therefore, 
represent the 4th tablet of edition B though this would assume 
a long narrative in the 3rd tablet before the actual flight 
began. Perhaps here too it may be more reasonable to sup- 
pose that the other two fragments represent the 4th tablet 
of edition B and the 5th of edition A, while Rm 2, 454 which 
is a much broader tablet than the others (see the photographs 
in Harper, BA, II, p. 509 compared with p. 503) would then 
represent a fourth edition of the narrative complete perhaps 
in three or at the most in four tablets. Certainly, the fatal issue 
of the second flight must bring us to the end of the narrative. 
The result of our examination thus shows that the fragments 
so far recovered represent five and probably six different 
copies of the text: 

1 Note also that 11. 18-23 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. = 11. 17-25 
of reverse of Rm 522 = 11. 1824 of K 3651 obverse. 

2 11. 3436 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. See also below p. 125. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 123 

(1) Edition A in 5 tablets 

(2) Edition B in 4 tablets 

(3) Edition C in 6 tablets 

(4) Edition D in 3 or 4 tablets 

(5) A fragment of an edition (K 2606) 

which may not have contained all the episodes. All these are in 
the Kouyunjik collection, to which is to be added the (6) frag- 
ment of the Hammurabi period a large tablet with two columns 
to each side representing the beginning of the story and 
which probably told the whole story in one tablet. 

V. 

Combining now to the various fragments of the story and 
leaving aside the possibility that in some version or versions 
certain episodes were not included, we may reconstruct the 
story so far as known to us up to the present as follows. 
The scene is laid in a city which has been deserted by 
its patron deity or possibly by the gods in general. A 
state of confusion and anarchy exists, due apparently to the 
hostility of the Igigi. The Anunnaki hold a counsel in order 
to put an end to this state of affairs. The goddess Ishtar and 
the god Enlil appear to be the ones designated to come to the 
rescue. A king is put in control on earth by the goddess, 
while on high Enlil aids in re-establishing order. As in so 
many of the Babylonian myths, we thus have a correspondence 
between occurrences on earth and phenomena in the heavens. 
Confusion and anarchy below is paralleled by disturbances 
on high. During this state of anarchy, productivity ceases 
on earth. The sheep do not bear young, the gods are deaf 
to appeals or powerless to intervene against the ravages com- 
mitted by hostile powers. 

Eagle and serpent are next introduced as forming an alliance 
to carry on a work of destruction. They defy the authority of 
Shamash who represents order and justice. From the fact that 
the king whom Ishtar places in control is also designated as 
re'u "shepherd" and that Etana appears in the story as a 
shepherd, 1 we may perhaps be permitted to conclude that the 
king who is installed or possibly re-installed by Ishtar is none 
other than Etana. However this may be, there is certainly a 

* See above p. 111. 



124 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

direct connection between the ravages committed by the eagle 
and serpent and the distress of Etana, both being due to the 
general confusion that exists through the lack of control on 
the part of those higher powers that represent order and the 
harmonic working of the laws of nature. The state of affairs 
reminds one somewhat of the conditions that prevail during 
the period that Ishtar is retained as a prisoner in the lower 
world, during which time likewise the animals do not bring 
forth their young. 1 In this case we have, as is generally 
recognized, a nature myth portraying the change of seasons; 
and in view of the frequency with which this motif reoccurs 
in Babylonian myths, it is not improbable that the conditions 
portrayed at the beginning of the Etana story rest on the 
same general basis a portrayal of the rainy and stormy 
season in the heavens and on earth, which could be sym- 
bolically represented as a time of confusion and disorder. 

All this, however, must be viewed as merely conjectural until 
a fortunate chance shall bring to light more fragments of this 
part of the narrative. 

The alliance between the eagle and the serpent comes to 
an untimely end. They go into the mountains to hunt for 
food. Each is accompanied by a young brood. First the eagle 
kills an animal and shares it with his young (or with the young 
of the serpent), then the serpent kills an animal and shares it 
with his young (or with the young of the eagle), but the eagle 
seizes the opportunity while the young of the serpent are 
engaged in eating to pounce down upon them. He does this 
despite the warning of one of the young eagles, described as 
"very clever" or "very wise", who urges him not to break the 
laws of Shamash i. e. not to run counter to the laws of righte- 
ousness and justice. The eagle consumes the young of the 
serpent and the latter appeals to Shamash for revenge for the 
injury inflicted. Shamash listens to the serpent and proposes 
a strategy. He advises the serpent to conceal himself within 
the carcass of a wild bull one of the animals slain during 
the alliance between the eagle and the serpent and then when 
the eagle swoops down upon it, to seize him and tear him to 
pieces. The strategy succeeds. Again the young eagle warns 
the father eagle and again the latter pays no heed to the 



Gun. Texts XV, PI. 46 rev. 67. 



Yol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 125 

warning. He lands upon the bull, the serpent jumps out, 
tears the wings and feathers of the eagle and the latter is 
left to die in a hole in the mountains. He does not die 
however. It is now the eagle's turn to appeal to Shamash 
to whom he promises eternal obedience, if only the sun-god 
will help him out of his plight. At the same time Etana 
"the shepherd" daily appeals to Shamash to again bring about 
fertility among his sheep. He asks the sun-god to show him 
the plant of birth that he may give it to his flock. Through 
the new fragment the meeting of the eagle and Etana is for 
the first time made dear. The plant of birth grows in the 
mountains in the very hollow into which the eagle has been 
cast. Shamash reveals this to Etana who takes the road to the 
mountain and, guided by one of the young eagles (if Jensen's 
restoration KB VI, 1 p. 110, 8 is correct), comes across the 
eagle. The eagle appeals to Etana to release him from the hole 
and as a reward promises to fly with Etana to the dwelling of 
the gods. We are unfortunately left in doubt whether Etana 
secures the desired plant and the gap in the narrative at this 
point also prevents us from ascertaining the purpose of the flight. 
In a general way we may conjecture that the eagle holds out 
the hope to Etana of being placed among the gods, in other 
words of securing immortality like e. g. Ut-napishtim, the 
' ero of the deluge. This is a favorite theme in Babylonian 
vths which, it will be recalled is introduced into the Gil- 
mash epic. 1 Etana mounts on the back of the eagle and 
Aether they fly upwards. They reach the heaven of Anu 
and at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea i. e. the ecliptic, 2 
they make a halt. So far so good. Again a gap occurs in 

1 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (English ed.) pp.494seq. 

2 The ecliptic, known as the larran Samsi "road of the sun" (see 
Kugler, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in BabeL I, p. 259; Thompson, 
Reports of the Astrologers etc., Nrr. 88, 103; Virolleaud, UAstrologie Chal- 
deenne, Ishtar, Nrr. XXI, 73 ; XXV, 57, 58 etc. etc.), is divided into three 
sections, known as the "road for Anu," "road for Enlil" and "road for Ea" 
respectively (Virolleaud, Ishtar Nr. IV). The gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea 13 
therefore synonymous with the entrance point of the ecliptic. The Etana 
myth thus assumes the established astrological system, as is also indicated by 
the goal of the second flight the station of Ishtar, identified in the astro- 
logical system with the planet Venus. See Jastrow, Religion Babyloniens 
und Assyriens, IT, pp. 441 and 444sf#. In the Adapa myth, the hero also 
reaches the gate of Anu (Jensen, Keilinscliriftl. BibL, VI, 1, p. 96). 



126 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

the narrative and when the thread is once more taken up, we 
find the eagle urging Etana to continue the journey in order 
to reach the place where Ishtar i. e. the planet Venus dwells. 
As in the case of the first flight, a distance of three kasbu 
or six hours is covered. Whether at this point the eagle's 
strength is exhausted or whether the goddess herself inter- 
venes, at all events the precipitous descent begins. The eagle 
falls through the space of three double hours and reaches the 
ground. The close of the narrative is missing but clearly the 
purpose of the flight has failed. We are left to conjecture 
what happened to Etana and to his ancient "airship." 

In view of the composite character of so many of the stories 
that have come down to us from ancient Babylonia, 1 it will 
not seem hazardous to assume that in the Etana myth two 
originally independent tales have been combined, one based 
on a nature myth and describing a state of anarchy and con- 
fusion in a city which was deserted by its patron deity or by 
the gods in general. During this period all fertility ceases. 
The Igigi are hostile to the city and among those who suffer 
from the anger of the gods is Etana, the shepherd whose 
sacrifices to the gods are of no avail in bringing about fer- 
tility among his flocks. Order is restored through the inter- 
vention of Ishtar the goddess of fertility in cooperation with 
Enlil. After the restoration, Etana appeals to Shamash or 
perhaps originally to Ishtar to show him the plant of birth 
of which he has heard and through which his sheep can again 
be brought to bear young. The request is granted. Etana, 
it would appear, is also reinstated as ruler over his people and 
it is reasonable to suppose that the tale ended with the 
transfer of Etana as a favorite of the gods like Ut-napish- 
tim to a place among the immortals. 

A second tale is that of an alliance formed by the eagle 
and the serpent, the treachery of the former and his punish- 



i For the creation story see the author's paper "On the Composite 
Character of the Babylonian Creation Story" in the Noldeke Festschrift 
Yol II, pp. 969982; for the Gilgamesh epic, the author's Religion 
of Babylonia and Assyria (English edition), pp. 513 seq. and Hermann 
Schneider, Die Entwicklung des Gilgameschepos (Leipziger Semitistische 
Studien, V, 1) who (p. 83) calls attention also to the parallels between 
Etana and Gilgamesh which led to the later confusion of the two by 
Greek writers. 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 127 

ment through the intervention of Shamash the representative 
of justice and order. This tale appears to be a piece of 
ancient folklore rather than a myth, to which there has been 
added after the manner of folk tales a moral not to break 
the decrees of Shamash. 

These two tales the modified nature myth and the folk-tale 
with a moral were combined, just as in the Gilgamesh epic the 
two independent series of tales of Gilgamesh and Etana were 
combined. 1 The alliance of eagle and serpent who join forces 
in a warfare against the animals of the mountains is made a 
feature of the confusion that reigns while the gods manifest 
their anger or hostility. The serpent's appeal to Shamash 
for vengeance suggests Etana's appeal to the god for the plant 
of birth and the complete link between the two tales is brought 
about by the meeting of Etana and the eagle in the mountain 
where the sought for plant is to be found. The transfer of 
Etana to the gods leads to the episode of the eagle carrying 
him thither as a reward for helping the eagle out of his sad 
plight. That through the combination both tales underwent 
a modification is surely natural. So it is a reasonable con- 
jecture that in the story of the eagle and the serpent, the 
former actually dies after being torn to pieces by the serpent. 
Indeed if one reads the description, it is difficult to see 
what else can happen to the eagle except death. There 
seems to be nothing left of him after the serpent finishes his 
work. In order to connect the two tales, the eagle is revived 
and is rescued by Etana. Similarly, in the original tale of 
Etana, there is every reason to suppose that he was actually 
placed among the gods. This is shown by the success of the 
first flight in which the goal is attained, since the heaven of 
Anu the highest part of heaven 2 is reached. The second 
flight is clearly a duplicate of the first and betrays in the 
language used its dependance upon the former. It is a favorite 
theme with the Babylonian theologians to whom we owe the 
preservation and final form in which the old folk tales and 
popular myths were cast, that man cannot come to the gods, 
nor can he find out what is in store for him after death, beyond 
the certainty that he will be condemned to inactivity in a 



1 See the references in the preceding note. 

2 Gilgamesh Epic, XI, 115. 



128 M. Jastrow, [1910. 

gloomy subterranean cavern. There may be exceptions but 
that is the general rule. It would be quite in keeping with this 
spirit if in the combination of the two tales, Etana is pictured 
as prevented from attaining his goal. Instead of being brought 
into the presence of Ishtar he is thrown down to the earth. 
Just as he appears to be approaching his goal, the eagle with 
Etana on his back falls through the great space of three 
double hours * that he has traversed just as Gilgamesh after 
all his wanderings comes back to Uruk whence he started out 
with his main purpose the securing of immunity from death- 
unaccomplished. The two tales thus combined are made to teach 
a lesson or rather two lessons, (a) one that the laws of Shamash 
cannot be transgressed without entailing grievous punishment 
and secondly and more important (b) that man cannot be im- 
mortal like the gods. It is this lesson which the Babylonian 
theologians made the burden of the composite Gilgamesh epic, 
as is shown by the close of the tale on its present form. It is 
this lesson likewise which is illustrated by the tale of Adapa 
who through a deception practised on him forfeits immortality; 2 
and it is this same lesson which, as it seems to me, the Etana 
myth in its final form was intended to convey. 

In view of the new and important fragments of the myth 
that have been found since Harper published his study of the 
text fifteen years ago, it would be profitable to reconsider in 
detail the many parallels of the story found among other 
nations and to some of which Harper already called attention. 3 



1 That the 2nd flight is merely a duplicate of the first is seen in the 
persistance of the "three double hours" as the distance traversed. In 
reality the two flights cover six double hours and the eagle ought to fall 
this distance before reaching the earth, 

2 See Jensen, EeilinschriftlicJie Bibliothek, VI, 1, pp. 94101. 

3 Beitrage zur Assyriologie, II, pp. 404407. In the story of the Kai 
Kaus or Kavi Usan, the King of ancient Iran (990 B. C. according to 
traditional accounts), who attempts to fly to heaven with the help of 
eagles and comes to grief, we can see the influence of the myth of 
Etana, transformed and adapted to teach the lesson of punishment for 
heaven-defying pride. In a paper on this story, read before the American 
Oriental Society, April 21st, 1909, under the title "A Legend of Aerial 
Navigation in Ancient Persia," Professor Jackson gave the various Persian 
and Arabic sources for the tale, viz: The Pahlavi Dinkart 9. 22, 512 
(translation by West in Sacred Books of the East, v. 37, pp. 220223); 
Tabari's Annales (ed. de Goeje I, pt. 1, p. 603); Firdusi, Shahname (ed. 
Vullers & Landauer 1, 411-412, 11. 461486; 2, 1638, 11. 2018-2019); 



Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 129 

To do so, here, however, would carry us too far and must be 
left for some other occasion. 

Al-Tha'alibi, Histoire de Eois des Perses (ed. Zotenberg, Paris, 1900, 
p. 165), told in connection with Kai Kaus' building of a high tower in 
Babylon, from which the attempt to reach heaven by means of eagles 
was made. This interesting combination of the aerial flight with a tale 
that is evidently suggested by the biblical story of the Tower of Babel, 
is a direct consequence of the introduction of the moral element in the 
old nature myth. The biblical story, voicing the same warning against 
ambitious pride, was associated with the tale of Kai Kaus and the latter 
made the central figure of the combined tales. 

May we perhaps see in the Hight of Ganymede with the eagle to the 
seat of the gods and in Psyche's flight with the winged Cupid and her 
fall to earth, (as told in Apuleius' beautiful tale of Cupid and Psyche 
Metamorphoseon V, 104) traces with modifications of the episode in the 
Etana myth? Cf., moreover, Meissner, ZDMG. 48, p. 190, note 5 about 
the story of Kai Kaus. 



." 




30 - 



The Origin and History of the Minaret. By RICHARD 
J. H. GTOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University, 
New York City. 

THE minaret is usually considered to be one of the most 
distinctive features of the Muhammadan mosque and the history 
of its origin is naturally of interest to the student both of Islam 
and of the history of architecture. But unlike the Mihrab 
(prayer-niche) and Minbar (pulpit), the references to the 
minaret in Arabic literature are very few; and the traditions 
that have gathered around it are so scarce as to make one 
feel that the religious significance that attaches to the Mihrab 
and the Minbar are entirely wanting in the Minaret. Indeed, 
the name itself is strange, and in no way expressive of the 
purport for which the object was built. The word J^LL* can 
have meant originally only "an object that gives light". As 
such, it is used in old Arabic poetry for the oil lamp or rush 
light used in the cell of the Christian monk, exactly parallel 
to the Syriac m e ndrta\ l from which, however, it is not neces- 
sary to derive the word, as Guidi and Fraenkel 2 have done, 
seeing that the formation is perfectly regular. It is then used 
for a "light-tower" or "light-house"; 3 the signification "a monk's 
cell or chamber for retirement", given by Lane 4 from the 
Kanz al-Mtiruf must be a late and a local one. Schwally 
has suggested, 5 and he is followed by Douttee, 6 that the ap- 
plication of the word manarat un to the tower of a mosque is 
due to the light held by the Muezzin as he recites the call 
to prayer at night which gives the onlooker below the idea 
of a light-tower; but the explanation strikes one as involved 
and far-fetched. The transfer of the name from a light-tower 

1 Guidi, Delia sede primitiva del popoli Semitici, p. 38. Cfr. e. g. 
Imrulkais (ed. Ahlwardt) 148, 87. Ibid. 152, 20 *>U* = ^L^o^ . 

2 Guidi, loc. tit., p. 37; Fraenkel, Aramdische Fremdworter, p. 270. 

3 See, e. g., the description of the lighthouses of the coast of Syria in 
al-Mukaddasi (Ed. de Goeje), p. 177. 

4 p. 1728. 5 ZDMG. 52, 145. 

6 Les Minarets et Vappel a la priere in Revue Africaine, 43, 339. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 133 

to the tower of a mosque must have been occasioned by the 
resemblance of the one to the other. It is impossible to fix 
the time at which this transfer was made. The earlier and 
more significant designation of the minaret is mi'dhanah or 
midhanah (pronounced in the language of the street ma'dhanah) 1 
"a place from which the time of prayer is announced"', but 
it occurs seldom in the literature of the Middle Ages, and 
seems to have been driven out completely by the more common 
word mandrah. 

It is generally conceded that the earliest mosque in Islam 
had no minarets at all. 2 The mosques built in the days of 
Mohammed at Kuba and Medinah were so simple that there 
was no place for building anything like a tower, even if the 
means and the necessary skill had been available. Caetani, 
in his monumental Annali di Islam,* has shown that the 
mosque at Medinah was, at first, intended simply as a dar or 
private dwelling for the prophet and his family: there was no 
intention to build a place of assembly for the faithful. A 
court with a portico around it, through which one entered 
into the living-rooms of the family was all that it contained. 
The whole was surrounded by a wall which was to preserve 
the privacy of the dar. We have here, in embryo, the open 
Salm and the closed Liivdn of the later mosques. Bilal, the 
first Muezzin, was in general the herald of Mohammed, not 
only the caller to prayer. The Adhan itself was copied from 
the Christians and the Jews. 4 Ibn Hisham tells us that when 

1 Or mdd-na] Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 78. In a story told in 
Kitdb al-Aghdnl xx, 85 <4oiL* } z^Lixo and <*aa-*^o are used promiscuously. 

2 The historians of architecture, then, go too far when they say, as 
does Adamy, Architektonik auf historischer und astketiscker Grundlage^ 
II, 16: "Em oder mehrere Tiirme, Minarets, waren gleichfalls notwendige 
Bestandteile fur die Moscheen". So, also, Adolf Fah, Grundrifi der Ge- 
schichte der bildenden Kiinste (Freiburg 1897) p. 272: "wesentlich waren 
endlich die Minarets"; and Liibke, Grundrifi der Kunstffeschichte, 13th ed. 
II, 70: "Minarets . . . sind ebenfalls unumganglich". The Adhdn, itself, 
however, is necessary: Dardir, Shark akrab al-masdlik p. 46: 



3 I, 438 et seq. 

4 Of course, Mohammedans do not admit this: in fact, the Jews are 
presumed to have been surprised; al-ZurkanT, Shark al-Muwatta, 121: 



* -^ ^4- Mohammedan Scholastics have all sorts 
of conceits in regard to the origin of the ddhdn, e. g. that Gabriel was 

VOL XXX. Part II. 10 



134 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

the first Moslems came to Medinah they prayed without any 
preliminary adhdn. 1 But the Moslems heard the Jews use a 
horn, 2 and the Christians the Nakus or clapper (the so-called 
ayia uAa or o-^/ze^T/ooV, a long piece of wood struck with a 
flexible wabil, the Aramaic nakosha, which is still in use among 
the Nestorians 3 ) ; and they wanted something similar for their 
own use. So Mohammed gave the command "Rise, Bilal, 
and summon to prayer!" Later tradition has embellished 
this simple account. Al-Nawawl gives the words in this wise 
' ; Go to some prominent place and summon to prayer". 4 It 
was quite natural that Bilal should make use of a position 
from which he could best be seen and heard. Upon one 
occasion, during the Umrat al-Kasa in the year 7, Mohammed 
ordered Bilal to recite the Adhdn from the top of the Ka c bah; 5 

the first to recite it in heaven (al-Sharkam, Haehiyah I, 231), and that 
Adam or Abraham was the first on earth to follow the custom (al-Zur- 
kani. loc. cit.\ 

1 ed. Wustenfeld, p. 347: J^f-V. ^ \y*j ^^- < 

l; al-Kastallam, Irshdd al-Sdri II, 3 

0^3 ^^ . Cfr. 

Muslim, al- Sahih (Delhi 1309), p. 164; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Muicatta, p. 121. 

2 As far as we know, the Jews used the horn (shofar) only on certain 
festivals. On the Arabic pronunciation of j^"* see al-Kastallani (loc. 
dt.) ^o^^\,\ i"j^.y,\ jo^xio JL^jsxsiJLl ^j^xJl C^^ J5^^\ o-*-**^^ 
(= jmsn?; cfr. Jawallki, ed. Sachau, p. 94; Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld 
II, 108). The earlier traditions use the word ^^> (Muslim, al-Sahlh, 
p. 164) or ^3^ (Ibn Hisham I, 348; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Mmvatta, p. 121; 
al-Si'utl. al-Hasffis. al-Kubra, Hyderabad 1319, I, 196). Another word 
used appears in various forms : j^- 9 ", -^, J-^, && (Ibn Hisham II, 108). 
Lisdn (X, 131, 174) and Taj al- l Arus (V, 478) decide for 5-0, though 
there are authorities against them. Another, and later, tradition mentions 
a fire-signal: >\ \j^S ^0^1^50, *^_?^. '*&^\ C^S*, \_^Jjo ^ \5j** 
)\>y\ 5^-*^. ^>\ J^~> f*\3 tcoyJU \j*y*a*^\ \^ \2Jfa^ % Muslim loc. cit.\ 
al-Bukhari (ed. Krehl) I, 75; ZurkanT, loc. cit; Ibn Hisham II, 108 (note 
in one Ms.). 

3 Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus 2466. The Nakus was indeed used 
at first for the early morning ddhdn in Fostat; al-Makrlzi, al-Khitat, 
2nd ed., iv, 8. On the use of the word in the older poetry, see Jacob, Das 
Leben der vorislam. Araber, pp. 85, 122 and Douttee, Les Minarets, passim. 

4 j^b *2>j* (J\; al-Kastallam, ibid. p. 3; Zain al-'Abidin, al-Bahr 
al-Rd'ik, p. 268 JU ^^o g ^\>^\ ^0.^. 

5 Ibn Saad, Biographien, ed. Sachau, III, 1, p. 167; Wellhausen, Mo- 
hammed in Medinah, p. 302. Ibn Hisham, p. 822, says only that Moham- 
med ordered Bilal to recite the adhdn; but see Die Chroniken der Stadt 
Mekka, iv, 109. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 135 

which to some of the Meccans appeared to be an unholy act. 
Upon another occasion, so the tradition runs, Bilal issued 
the call from the top of a high house that happened to be in 
the neighbourhood of the mosque; 1 and in the time of the 
Umayyads, the poet al-Farazdak still speaks of the Adhan as 
being pronounced "on the wall of every city". 2 Even in the 
later law books it was laid down that "the Muezzin, if he is 
on the road, may call to prayer while riding; if he descends 
(from his beast) he must halt, but if he is riding, he need not 
halt". 3 The example set by Mohammed, and especially by 
Bilal, was followed; even though no formal prescription can 
be found in reference to the ceremony. If the Mosque is 
large, says a later authority, "there is no harm if a Muezzin 
call to prayer from each one of its sides, so that all that 
are near it may hear him at one and the same time." 4 

There is then, as will be seen, no mention of a special place 
for the Muezzin. We first hear of minarets in connection with 
the mosque of Medinah under the Umayyad Walid ibn 'Abd 
al-Malik (86-96 A. H.). 5 This holds good, also, for the early 
mosques built outside of the Balad al-Haram. 6 The mosque 
of Kufah was built by Sa c d ibn abi al-Wakkas in the year 
17; 7 and that of Basra by Abl Musa al-Ash c arl in the same 
year; 8 but in connection with neither of these is anything 
said about a minaret. The one attached to the Basra mosque 
is said to have been added by Ziyad ibn Abl Sufyan during 
the Caliphate of Mu'awiyah. 9 One of the earliest mosques 
built was that of 'Amr ibn al-Asi in Fostat, Egypt. It was, 



1 Ibn Hisharn p. 348; Zain al-'Abidln, Al Bahr al-Rffik p. 268 c Abd al- 
Rahman ibn al-Kasim, Kitdb al-Mudaivivanah I, 60 in the name of Malik 
ibn Anas., al-Shafi'T, Risdlah II, 152 ,J* J-<o c^ U -**** ^b ^3 
fLoNJl *\Loj ? \^.\ j<3v-*JU j4g&. Cfr., also, al-Si'utl, al-Hasais al-Kubra 
I, 196 (but only Lolsx*l US'wXa*). 

2 >\>b UjSy <3>l-o >^~~ A-ojw* J^ jyi <3 \U ^Xs^; cited 
on the authority of Ibn Barn, Lisdn XVI, 150. 

3 'Abdal-Rahman ibn al-Kasim in note 1. 

4 al-Kastallan! II, 17. 

s Schwaily in Z. D. M. G. LII, 143, citing al-Samhudl. 
6 For the mosques built in the Maghreb, see W. and G. Margais, Les 
monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris 1903), p. 46. 

" al-Biladhurl (ed. de Goeje), p. 275; Yakut IV, 325. 
s al-Biladhurl, pp. 346, 347 ; Yakut I, 640. 
9 al-Biladhurl, p. 348. 

10* 



136 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

to judge from the accounts, a very simple building, without even 
a concave mihrab and with a very low roof: 1 and certainly, it 
had no minaret. There is a definite tradition that before the 
time of Maslamah ibn Mukhallid, one of Mu'awiyah's governors 
in Egypt (ca. 36 A. H.), there was no elevated place at all 
for the Muezzin. Mu'awiyah ordered him to increase the size 
of the mosque and "to build sawami'" for the adhdn. So 
Maslamah constructed for the jdmi' four saivami' at its four 
corners. He was the first one to construct them in it; they 
having not existed before this time . . . the stairway, by means 
of which the Muezzins mounted was in the street, until Khalid 
ibn Sa'ld transported it inside the mosque". What the sau- 
mcCah was, we do not know. The Arabic lexicographers derive 
it from a root meaning "to be sharp, pointed" or "to be 
provided with points or teeth"; 2 but the root is one that is 
very rare in Arabic and it has no congener in the other 
Semitic tongues 3 . The word seems to have come to the 
Arabs from the name given to the cell of the Christian monk 
perhaps" in connection with the Stylites who lived on the top 
of a pillar. At least, both Bar c Ali 4 and Bar Bahlul 5 gloss 

1 al-Makrm, al-Khitat, 2 nd ed. IV, 6; Abu-1-Mahasin 1, 76; Lane- 
Poole, The Story of Cairo, p. 42. The same is true of the Jami 1 al-Askar, 
the second mosque built in Cairo. 

2 Taj al-' Arils V, 411: 




Lisan X, 76: 
Zain al- c Abidm, al-Bahr al-Ra'ik, p. 268: 

Zamakhshari, Asds al-Balaghah s. v. : 



o o iw 

i. e. a sort of cloak: so, also, al-JauharT s. v. : 
c__;UiL:a_n^ y&**\j (3 ^^ ^xi^oJ ^^UaXJ\ CU 
jo^yil) \ *<$j>3 ^-o^Jl^. In some traditions, the word is used for the 
place of the Muezzin; al-Sarakshi, al-Masbut I, 138: ^5^0 c^ *^\ ^ 
^XA-O^O ^j and cfr. Idrlsi, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, 139. 9. 

3 Georg Hoffmann (Z. A. IX, 336) connects with it the word ^-^} 
"a whirlwind of dust 1 '. Similar formations are discussed by al-Si c uti, 
Muzhir II, 77. . 4 Ed. Hoffmann, No. 968. 

5 Ed. Duval 221, 26. Al-Kindl, in his account of Ain Shams, says 
that the figures upon the obelisks are covered by a A~stx>^o; which, of 
course, can mean only "a pointed hat" or "tapering hood" (Oestrup in 
Bulletin de I'Acacl Royale de Danemark, 1896, No. 4. p. 200) whence the 



Vol. xxx.] The origin and History of the Minaret. 137 

the Syriac estond by sainna'ah', and when the Caliph al-Walid 
mounted up to the southern tower of the great Church in 
Damascus before demolishing it, he found a monk living there 
in a sort of hermitage (saumaah), which he refused to leave. 1 
In the twelfth century the traveller Ibn Jubair found the 
custom still prevalent; a Mohammedan anchorite inhabited 
the western minaret, 2 which place the philosopher al-Grhazali 
used as a retreat. It is only in the Maghreb that the term 
saumcfah remained in use among the Mohammedans. 3 Ibn 
Abi Zar' in his description ol the mosque of the Kairuanese 
at Fez uses it interchangeably with manardh.* It has gone 
over into Spanish as "zoma". 5 

Nor does it seem that all mosques, even in later times, 
had minarets; 6 and the historians of architecture go too far 
when they describe them as necessary parts of the building. 
Al-Nu c aiml, who lived in the fifteenth century (or his epi- 
tomizer), in his description of the city of Damascus, 7 gives 
us a more or less complete account of two hundred and one 
mosques; to which he adds twenty-eight by name only. He 
is very careful to mention the peculiarities of each building. 
But only twenty of the whole number are said to have had 
minarets. It is difficult to imagine that he makes mention of 
the fact only when the minaret was in some way noteworthy: 



note has gore, through Ibn Zulak, into Yakut III, 763, and from here 
into al-Makrlzi I, 31, al-KazwTnl I, 149 and indirectly into al-Si'uti, Husn 
al-Mukhadarah I, 32. Ibn lyas (in Arnold, Chrestomathia p. 56) has 



1 Al-Nu'aimi, Tanblh al-Tdlib in J. A. ix Ser. VII, p. 189; Muhammed 
ibn Shakir, Uyim al-Tawdrlkh in Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlouks II, 
p. 264. On al-Walld's activity in building mosques, see de Goeje, Frag- 
menta pp. 4, 3 ; 12, 7. 

2 Ed. de Goeje p. 266, 19; Fr. Schiaparelli p. 257. 

3 W. and G. Margais, Les Monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris 
1903), p. 45. 

4 <_.^kL\ ^^oMl ed. Tornberg, pp. 30-32. 

5 P. de Gayangos, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain I* 
notes p. 499; though this is doubtful. The word was entered in the first 
ed. of Engelmann, Glossaire des Mots espagnoles (Leiden 1861) p. 99, but 
it is omitted in the second ed. (1869) by Dozy. 

6 Therefore, if there is no minaret, the adhan is to be recited at the 
door; al-Ramli, Nihayat al-Mulitaj (Cairo 1886) I. 305: 



7 See Sauvaire in J. A. ix Ser. VI, 409 et seq. 



138 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

for, in most cases, the mere fact is adduced or the additional 
note that it was made of wood or was recently constructed. 
The conclusion to be drawn is that out of the large number 
of mosques in the city, only very few were provided with 
minarets. 

In the same manner at Jerusalem, neither the Kiibbat d- 
Saklird nor the Masjid al-Aksd had a minaret; the style of their 
architecture, of course, made it impossible. At a later time, 
four were added on the Haram area. The only author that 
seems to mention them is Mujir al-Din (a late writer of the 
fifteenth century), who asserts that those that were to be 
seen at his day occupied the same position as did their 
predecessors during the reign of c Abd al-Malik (72 A. H.). * 

The origin of the minaret is not apparent at first sight. 
Franz Pascha, in his "Baukunst des Islam" 2 sees no con- 
nection with the architecture of any other faith or race: 
"Ohne Vorbild wurden die Minarete . . . erfunden"; with which 
Pool is 3 in substantial agreement: "With Christians, bells doubt- 
less led to the idea of towers, and with Moslems the call to 
prayers by the human voice led to minarets". Schwally, 4 
however, looks for some outside influence, but does not find 
it : " Wahrscheinlich sind die Muslime nicht von selbst auf 
diese Gebetstiirme verfallen. Aber wo sind die Yorbilder, 



durch die ihre Architekten oder Bauherren bestimrot wurden, 
zu suchen?" 

From what has preceded it is evident that the idea of the 
minaret arose during the 'Umayyad dynasty and in Syria. In 
part, it was copied from the towers of the Christian Churches. 
Whether the sawdmi* which Mu awiyah ordered his lieutenant 
in Egypt to build on the mosque of Amr, were towers of any 
pretentious, we know not. But the suggestion of a tower as 
the place from which the call to prayers was to be made, or 
as belonging to a religious edifice seems to have come from 
the great church in Damascus which al-Walid finally turned 
into a mosque. Mohammad ibn Shakir says expressly 5 that 

1 Uns al-Jalil (Cairo 1283), p. 379. 

2 Handbuch der Architektur, 1886, II, 17. 

3 Studies in Mohammedanism, 1892, p. 336. 

4 Z. D. M. G. LII, 144. 

s Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlukes 11,273; J.A. 1896, ix Ser.VII, 423. 
In fact "at each angle of this temple there was a small tower erected 



Vol. xxx.] Tlie Origin and History of the Minaret. 139 

the western and eastern minarets existed a long time before 
the days of al-Walid. Al-Walid built the northern one called 
madhanat al 'Arus, after a favourite designation of the city 
as "the bride of the world". 1 What these towers had 
been used for is not certain; the variations in Mohammedan 
traditions seem to evidence this uncertainty. The one upon 
which al-Walid mounted is said to have been called alrSd'ah, 
which would suggest a clock tower. Yakut has the tradition 
that this same minaret was originally a fire-temple and that 
a flame rose up from it into the air. 2 

But there was a more general influence at work, of which 
the towers on the Damascus church are only one expression. 
The earlier explorations of de Vogue and the more recent 
ones of the Princeton expedition to Northern Syria leave 
little doubt that the Church at Damascus merely followed, in 
respect of its towers, an older Syrian and (we may add) 
Mesopotamian tradition. In the basilica of Tafha, which com- 
petent authorities date from the fourth and fifth centuries, 
de Vogue sees the transition from the Roman basilica used 
for civil purposes to the Christian Church: "to the right of 
the fagade", he says, "there is added a tower in three stages" 
a style of architecture common in the Hauran. 3 One has 
only to study the construction of the other Syrian Basilica 
e.g. at Hass (fourth century), 4 at Kasr al-Banat (fifth century), 5 
of Kalb-Luzeh and Termanin (sixth century) to see here the 
origin of the church steeple. 

This Syrian and Mesopotamian tradition leads us back of 
course to the Ziggurats of the old Babylonian and Assyrian 
shrines. With regard to the Syrian Christians, the evidence 
is not more direct than that sketched above. Even if such 
Ziggurats had been standing in their day, they were too fervent 
anti-idolaters to have adopted anything as specially heathen 
as a Ziggurat would have appeared to them. In building 
towers they merely followed the architectural tradition as it 

by the Greeks for astronomical purposes"; Guy le Strange. Palestine under 
the Moslems, p. 230. 

' Mukaddasl, p. 159. 2 n, 596. 

3 La Syrie Centrale, I, 57 ; Butler, The American Archaeological Ex- 
pedition to Syria, p. 409. 

4 See illustration in Butler, loc. cit. p. 220 ; who, however, places it in 
the sixth century. 5 Butler, loc. cit p. 156. 



140 E. J. H. Gottlieil, [1910. 

was current in the country; for such towers were not un- 
common in other than religious edifices in large houses and 
even in connection with funeral monuments. * It was different 
with the Mohammedans. They showed very little distaste to 
accept ideas, formulas, as well as architectural and other 
traditions from systems that had preceded them or were even 
their rivals. What originality Islam possesses lies more in the 
ethical and religious fervour which they imported into that 
which they borrowed. The proof of this, in the present con- 
nection, is to he seen in the two minarets of Samarra: the 
so-called Mauliyyah and the minaret of the mosque of Abu 
Dulaf. 

During the last two years, these have been the subject of 
careful investigation on the part of two travellers the General 
de Beylie and Ernst Herzfelcl. De Beylie's Prome et Samarra^ 
is valuable especially because it gives us, in addition an ob- 
servant description of the mosque of Abu Dulaf, about fifteen 
kilometres north of Samarra in the very heart of the desert, 
and which has, also, a helicoidal minaret. Herzfeld's work is 3 
strong on the historical and archaeological side. Herzfeld holds 
that the architects of al-Mutawakkil, in building the minaret 
of Samarra (850) followed a tradition which they had brought 
with them from Persia, and that this minaret goes back to 
the Ziggurat through Persian affiliations more specifically 
through the celebrated Tirbal of Gor or Phiruzabad. He 
seems to deduce this from the fact that this was the only 
Ziggurat at the time that had retained sufficient of its old 
form to serve as a model. The point must remain undecided. 
At least as late as the fourth century as Herzfeld himself 
admits Ammian mentions such a tower at the Nahar Malka 
near Ctesiphon and Zozimus knew of several at Bersabra, 
i. e. al-Ambar. The Borsippa tower which was described by 
Harpocriton in his Cyranides 365-355 4 B. C. and which was 
in use under the Seleucid kings up to 296 B. C. was still 
recognized as a Ziggurat by the Jewish traveller Benjamin 



1 De Vogue, loc. cit.\ Kraus, Geschichte der Christlichen Kunst I, 308 
speaks of these small towers as "die zu den Emporen fiihrenden Treppen 
aufzunehmen." 2 Paris 1907. 

3 Samara, Berlin 1907. An illustration of the Samarra minaret can 
also be seen in Sachau, Am Euphrat und Tigris, p. 86. 

4 De Miely in Revue Arcliaeologique, 1900, p. 412. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 141 

of Tudela in the twelfth century. 1 That which distinguishes 
the Samarra minarets from the tower at Gor and from the 
relics mentioned by the writers of the fourth century is the 
fact that it is helicoidal or round. Dieulafoy says expressly 
of the tower at Gor 2 that "each of the stages is square and 
less in size than the preceding one". Ammian compares the 
tower at the Nahar-Malka with the Pharos at Alexandria, 
which evidently was not purely helicoidal. The idea that is 
peculiar to them all is that of a tower with an outside ramp ; 
and it seems evident that we must look for the original of 
both the helicoidal and the square or staged tower in the 
Babylonian Ziggurat. 

It must, however, be confessed that cogent proof of this 
statement can not at present be given. Herzfeld believes that 
the Ziggurat was simply a massive pile of bricks with an 
outer ascending' ramp and that the Babylonians and Assyrians 
did not build what we are accustomed to call "staged-towers". 
He also holds that they were not merely portions of the Temple 
proper or adjunct to it; but that they also served as fortresses 
and were used for astronomical purposes. But it seems to 
me that he is mistaken in his interpretation of what evidence 
we have regarding the Ziggurat, When one commences to 
sift that evidence, it becomes surprisingly meagre; and we 
can reasonably doubt whether as is currently believed every 
temple had a Ziggurat. The following, however, seems to me 
to be sufficient to prove that the Ziggurat was indeed a stage- 
tower. 3 

a. The ruins of the so-called "observatory" at Khorsabad. 
This is distinctly stated to contain evident traces of three 
stages and a part of a fourth each stage receding from the 
one below it. 4 

1 J. Q. B. XVII, 519. 

2 L'art antique de la Perse, IV, 52. 

3 I have omitted those remains that have not been definitely examined ; 
e. g. at Kalah Shergat "Triimmer etwa von einem Tempel, einem Stufen- 
turm oder einem anderen monumentalen Bau"; Sachau, Am Euphrat und 
Tigris, p. 113. 

4 On the authority of Place, Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de Vart dans 
rantiquite, II, 403. At Assur the height neither of the older towers nor 
of that of Shalmanezer II can now be determined; W. Andrae, Der Anu- 
Adad Tempel in Assur (Leipzig 1909), pp. 13. 64 though in the recon- 
struction four stages are given. 



142 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

b. The ruins of the stage-tower at Borsippa brought to light 
by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Three stages are said to be clearly 
defined. Hilprecht speaks of the "six or seven stages still to 
be recognized 7 '; 1 but upon what authority, I do not know. Its 
Babylonian name was E. UR. IMIN. ANKI, which Sumerio- 
logists translate either as "Temple of the seven planets of 
Heaven and Earth" or "Temple of the seven directions (spheres) 
of Heaven and Earth" (bit sibitti Jjammame same u'irsitim).' 2 
The name, however, need not necessarily stand in any relation 
to the architectural features of the tower or Ziggurat. 

c. At Mughayyar Loftus 3 seems to have found traces of 
two storeys of the Ziggurat, though his description is not at 
all clear. The second storey "recedes several feet from the 
lower wall", though it is closer to the edge of the first at 
its North- West end than at the South-East. He speaks of 
a gradual stepped incline between the two storeys, though 
its connection with the entrance in the lower storey is not 
defined. Taylor 4 describes a staircase, three yards broad, 
leading up to the edge of the basement of the second storey; 
but no further traces appeared. There seems to be no posi- 
tive evidence that we are at all in the presence of a Zig- 
gurat. 

d. For Birs Nimrud we are dependent upon the general 
description given by Eich, 5 who saw traces of at least four 
stages, each one receding from the one below. No mention 
is made of a rampart. 

e. At Abu Sharain, also, there is little positive evidence of 
a Ziggurat. There is a large basal substructure upon which 
some edifice has been erected, and to which an inclined plane 
led up 6 . Too little has remained of the upper part to deter- 
mine its character. 

f. At Tell-Loh the excavators are said to have found the 
remains of some sort of a building with terraces receding one 



1 Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 184. 

2 Schrader, K. A. T. 3 p. 616. Langdon, Building Inscriptions of the 
New- Babylonian Empire I, 57 translates: "House of the oracular deity 
of the seven regions of earth and sky". 

3 Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 128. 

4 J. R. A. S. XV, 261. 

5 Babylon and Persepolis, p. 167. 
e Taylor in J. R. A. S. XV, 404. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 143 

from the other. * It is quite doubtful whether this is part of 
a Ziggurat at all. 

g. At Nippur Hilprecht assumes that there was a Ziggurat 
of five stages, but no reason is given for this assumption ; and 
I am not aware that the special monograph on the subject 
"E-kur, the Temple of Bel at Nippur" has ever been pub- 
lished. He confesses that very little is left of the higher 
stages of the Ziggurat of Ur-Gur. 2 Haynes found only con- 
siderable remains of a sloping second terrace. Peters, however, 
thinks that there is sufficient warrant for supposing an original 
Ziggurat of two stories, upon which Ur-Gur built one of three. 3 
He confesses, however, that the two upper stages of Ur-Gur's 
Ziggurat "were so ruined by water that it was difficult to 
trace or restore them". 4 Of the supposed causeway, only so 
much was found as lead up "to the top of the first terrace 
of the Ziggurat". 5 

h. At Bismaya, too, the results have been very unsatis- 
factory and hardly warrant the supposition that traces of a 
real Ziggurat have been found. According to Banks, 6 the 
small amount of the rubbish in the place in which it is sup- 
posed to have been would warrant, at best, the conjecture 
of a Ziggurat of two or three stages. In fact, not more than 
one stage, in reality, was found with a flight of steps leading 
up and this may be nothing more than an elevated platform 
for some building. Further down in the so-called plano-convex 
temple, the base only of some building was unearthed: nothing 
compels us to hold that this was part . of a temple-tower. 

i. The so-called Tirbal of Jaur or Gor (Firuzabad). Herz- 
feld represents this to be also merely a tower "von quadrati- 
schem Grundrifi mit aufierer Wendelrampe". But Dieulafoy, 
who has examined the ruins minutely says distinctly that the 
tower "is composed above the platform, of four stages . . . 
Each stage is square and recedes from the preceding one by 
a space equal to */io of the base". 7 

'j. The account of the temple of Bel at Babylon given by 
Herodotus 8 . Whatever value we may place upon his trust- 



1 Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de I art dans I 'antiquite, II, 398; Hil- 
precht, loc. cit. p. 232. 2 Loc. cit. p. 374. 

3 Nippur, II, 122, 124. * Loc. cit. p. 162. 

'> Loc. cit. p. 147-8. e A. J. S. L. 1905, pp. 30-32. 

7 Uart antique de la Perse, IV, 79, 85. 8 j } 180. 



144 .K. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

worthiness, there can be no doubt of the idea that he intended 
to convey. After mentioning the first tower, he speaks of an 
aAAos Trv/ayos = another tower having been erected upon this first 
one (erejoos, i. e. 7/>yos), and so on up to the eighth. l He would 
hardly have described each one of these as an individual 
tower, if the whole had been one massive structure. Harpo- 
criton, also, mentions three towers superimposed as still stand- 
ing in his days ; and he did not regard it as one single tower. 2 
And finally, Benjamin of Tudela, though much too succinct 
in his account, speaks of the outer rampart as if it were not 
continuous: hwpZ D^IJJ Dt? DHll D^YJ mN mwy\ rntPJJ ^31 
"and every ten cubits there are ways (or slopes), by means 
of which one goes in a circle, encircling it until one reaches 
the top". 3 He seems evidently to have a stage-like arrange- 
ment in mind. Unfortunately it is impossible to verify these 
statements. The bricks have all been carried off to be used 
in other buildings; and all that remains to mark the spot is 
a depression called by the Arabs al-sahn, "the bowl". 4 

k. Representations in Babylonian and Assyrian art; tw r o of 
which only have come down to us: the representation on the 
so-called Loftus boundary-stone and the relief from the wall 
of the palace of Sargon at Nineveh. The first of these Herz- 
feld ignores entirely; yet there can be little doubt as to the 
stage character of the tower it is meant to represent. 5 As 
regards the second, Herzfeld 6 is at pains to prove that it 
does not represent a Ziggurat at all; but his argument is not 
at all convincing. The rather crude manner in which the 
Assyrian artists expressed themselves need not deter us from 
seeing in the two curves that flank the portal an attempt to 
picture the inclined planes of a Ziggurat. Herzfeld suggests 
that they represent two towers; but then there would be no 
reason for the curves. And the portal reminds us of a similar 
portal which is part of the Tirbal of Gor, as described by 

1 Zehnpfund, Die Wiederlierstdlung Nineves (A. 0. V, 4; 1903) p. 23 
speaks of six stages; but does not give his authority for the statement. 

2 Revue Archaeologique, 1900, p. 412 et seq. 

3 Adler's translation, J. Q+R. XVII, 527; The Itinery of Benjamin of 
Tudela (1907), p. 43 is not quite exact. 

4 Hilprecht, loc. cit. p. 553. 

5 See e. g. Hommel, Babyl. Assyr. Geschichte, p. 19; Hincke, A Neiv 
Boundary- Stone of Nebuchadrezzar I from Nippur, Phil. 1907, pp. 17,239. 

6 Loc. cit. p. 27. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret 145 

Dieulafoy: "on passait d'abord sous une porte signalee actuelle- 
ment par les naissances d'un arceau de 60 cm. d'epaisseur, 
puis on s'engageait sous une gallerie recouverte d'un berceau 
en partie conserve". 1 

A reminiscence of the Babylonian stage-tower may also be 
seen in the stories told about the famous tower in the castle 
of Ghumdan in San'a. The ordinary report was that it was 
seven stories high; i. e. that it had seven stages; 2 though al- 
Hamdam, in his Iklil, is certain that it had twenty, and not 
seven, stories., 3 A glance at the picture of the castle given 
in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum* will show how the 
mistake arose. The rock has evidently been built upon in 
terrace-like formations. 

The evidence here adduced does seem sufficient to permit 
the view that real stage-towers did exist in connection with 
Babylonian and Assyrian temples. But it may be wrong to 
assume that these were the only kind of towers constructed 
there. The two round towers in the mosques of Samarra 
and Abu Dulaf seem to point to the possibility that some of 
the Babylonian Ziggurat may have been built in a similar 
round form. 

It is, however, in another part of the Mohammedan world 
that we are able to trace the further influence of the old 
Mesopotamian tradition. All through the Middle Ages, Egypt 
stood in close connection with Irak and with Persia: until the 
Ottoman Turks brought the influence of Constantinople to 
bear upon the land of the Nile. The great centres of literary 
and of artistic development in Irak made their influence felt in 

1 I am not able to follow Jeremias in attributing a cosmic character 
to the Ziggurat; Das Alter der baby lonischen Astronomic, 1908, pp. 32-34. 
Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf II, 240, speaks 
of the tower of 'Akar ( c Akr) kuf, to the north-west of Bagdad as a relic 
of the Babylonian period (cfr. also, Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung II, 305 ; 
Rich, Narrative of a Journey to the site of Babylon, p. 80; Ker Porter, 
Travels, II, 275; Layard, Nineveh and Babylon p. 476). But Peters, Nippur, 
I, 188, 354, is probably right in holding that it does not contain the 
remains of a Ziggurat. The Arabic legends in regard to its origin can 
be read in Tabari II, 917 etc.; Yakut I, 863; al-Hamadhanl pp. 196, 210; 
Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium Libri X, ed. Gottwaldt, p. 35. 

2 Yakut III, 811; al-Kazwinl II, 33. Cfr. Caussin de Perceval, Essai 
I, 75. 

3 D. H. Muller, Die Burgen und Schlosser Sudarabiens I, 13, 15, 56. 
* Vol. IV, 1. Tab. 1. 



146 E, J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

the land which has so seldom heen ruled by men of its in- 
digenous races. One of the earliest monuments of Arab archi- 
tecture is the mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo. 1 There can 
be little doubt of the connection of its "corkscrew tower" on 
the one hand with the Pharos 2 in Alexandria, on the other 
with the minaret of Samarra. We can have some correct 
idea of the form of the Pharos from the description left us 
by Arabic writers, from a mosaic in St. Mark at Venice 
(twelfth century) and from a curious representation found in 
some manuscripts of two noted Arabic writers Yakut 3 and 
al-Kazwinl. 4 It was of three storeys; the first square, the 
second octagonal and the third round. 5 The minaret of Ibn 
Tulun, also, has three storeys, but the forms of the second 
and the third are reversed. Now, it is quite possible that in 
building his minaret, Ibn Tulun was partly inspired by the 
Pharos at Alexandria. We know that he repaired it and 
added a Kubbah or dome on the top. 6 But there is a distinct 
tradition, upon the authority of al-Kuda c i (died 454-5 A. H.) 
that Ibn Tulun fashioned both his mosque and its minaret 



1 See e. g. Coste, Architecture Arabe, plate XXXVII ; Lane, Story of 
Cairo p. 73; . Corbet, The Life and Works of Ahmad ibn Tulun in 
J. B.A. S. 1891, p. 527; De Beylie, Prome et Samara, p. 122; Saladin, 
Manuel a" 1 art Mnsulman, I, 81 ; Kaiser and Roloff, Agypten Einst und 
Jetzt, 1908, p. 199. Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt, p. 65 adds "Archi- 
tects, however, throw doubts on the antiquity of Ibn Tulun's minaret''; 
but no arguments are adduced. 

2 Alfred H. Butler was the first to suggest that the Pharos served as 
a model to the workmen of Ibn Tulun; see Academy, Nov. 20. 1880; 
Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 398. Van Berchem (Corpus, p. 481) holds 
the same view. On the other hand, Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 35) thinks that 
the Pharos was rebuilt in accordance with the form of the minaret of 
Ibn Tulun. 3 i ? 263. * H, 93. 

s Hardly four, as Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 391 asserts. See 
Ehitat, 2 nd ed., I, 254. The earliest coins containing a representation of 
the Pharos are dated in the year 15 of Domitian, i. e. 80 A. D. Here it 
has in reality only two stages, seemingly square. On the coins of Corn- 
modus the representation is strictly conventionalized: three round towers 
superimposed. See E. D. J. Dutilh in Bulletin de VInstitut Egypt. 1897, 
p. 24. Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 33) suggests that the form of the Pharos 
itself is not Greek, but that it was inspired by Babylonian precedents. 

e Khitat, 2 nd ed. pp. 253, 254 (cfr. al-Si'utl, Husn I, 44). The text is 
not quite plain: "Ahmad ibn Tulun made some repairs in it and placed 
on the top a Kubbah of wood, that whoever entered it (the manarah) 
might be able to go to the top. It was spacious, but without a stairway". 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 147 

after those of Samarra. There is little reason to doubt the 
correctness of this tradition, or to call it as Herzfeld does 
"Geschichtskonstruktion". Al-Kuda'l stood in high renown 
among Mohammedan historians of Egypt, 1 and his work was used 
liberally by all who have written on the history and the anti- 
quities of the country. Ahmad ibn Tulun had spent part of 
his youth in Samarra;' 2 and when he succeeded in swinging 
himself upon the throne of Egypt, he kept up connection with 
his friends in that city. 3 It was with him that commenced 
that artistic influence of Mesopotamia in Egypt which had 
formerly belonged to Syria. It was one more avenue opened 
through which that artistic influence of late oriental civilization 
was to affect the early Middle Ages, on which Strzygowski has 
dwelt so often. 4 And one is tempted to see both in the 
Pharos and in the minaret of Tulun nothing more than a 
combination of the square or angled Ziggurat and the round 
one that has been presupposed in order to account for the 
Samarra towers. 

But in one important particular the minaret of Ibn Tulun 
differed from the Pharos; and here we must see the direct 
influence of Mesopotamia. In the Pharos, the ascent was 
covered and was, therefore, an integral part of the building. 
Yakut says "It has a wide stairway which a horseman can 
ascend with his horse"; 5 "The ascent is roofed over 6 with 
slabs that rest upon the two walls that enclose the staircase. 
One mounts up to an elevated platform with encircling battle- 



1 See Becker, Beitrdge zur Geschichte Agyptens, I, 20; idem in Z. A. 
XXII, 430; N. A. Koeriig, The History of the Governors of Egypt by 
al-Kindi (N. Y. 1908), p. 23. Strzygowski (Jahrbuch der Konigl. Preuss. 
Kunstsammlungen, 1904, p. 246) also accepts the testimony of al-Kuda'I. 

2 Tabari III, 1670; Vollers, Fragmente aus clem Mugrib des Ibn Sa'id, 
p. 7; Abul-Mahasin H, 6. .3 Vollers, loc. cit p. 47, 15. 

4 Loc. cit. p. 237. Cfr. Rene Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avant 
V Islam (Paris 1907), p. 45. On the general question, see Migeon, Manuel 
d'Art Musulman II, 71, 102, 459 et seq. 

5 Consequently, there were no steps. Ibn Khurdadbeh, Kitcib al- 
Masdlik, (ed. de Goeje) p. 114, 16 has ^> ^^ , which reminds him of 
the ascent in the minaret of the Samarra mosque. Mas'udi has the same 
expression; and the doubt of Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 392, 
note 2) "it does not seem quite clear whether there were actual steps or 
an inclined plane for mounting the tower", is not justified. 

UJ 

6 Yakut has CXaJLco and not the unintelligible CXJuu**j of al-Kazwini. 



148 R. J. S. Gotfheil, [1910. 

ments, from which one has an outlook over the sea. In this 
there is a space as if it were a square tower which one 
ascends by another series of steps unto another place from 
which one can look down upon the roof of the first. It is 
also surrounded by battlements. In this space there is a 
pavilion like a watchman's cabin". That he is speaking here 
of an inner staircase * is plain from his statement a little 
further on that this staircase winds around "something like 
an empty well" a fact that is also reported by the Chinese 
author of the thirteenth century Chao-Yu-Kua in his ethno- 
graphic work Chu-fan-chah: "in the middle of the tower there 
was a spring". 2 Idrlsl (twelfth century) says explicitly: "one 
mounts by means of a wide staircase, constructed in the 
interior, just as is the custom in mounting mosques". 3 The 
minaret of Ibn Tulun, however, has its ascent outside, in the 
form of a rampart, just as was the case with the Ziggurat. 4 
The persistence of this tradition in Mesopotamia itself is seen 
in the tower built at Bagdad by the Caliph al-Muktafi in the 
eleventh century (the Kiibbat al-himar or "Cupola of the Ass") 
"ascended by a spiral stair of such an easy gradient that the 
Caliph could ride to the summit on a donkey trained to an 
ambling gait". 5 

The combination of the square or angled base surmounted 
by a circular tower remained the predominant type of the 
.Egyptian minaret; though the ascent has been placed inside. 
This general character, of course, admitted of certain variations. 
The minaret upon the tomb-mosque of Kala c un is made up 
of a square base, surmounted by another square retrocessing 
and by a circular top; that on the tomb-mosque of Barkuk 

1 Hirth, Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen. Supplement 
au Vol. V du Toung-Pao, Leiden 1894, p. 53. 

2 Description de LAfrique, p. 139. 

3 Van Berchem, Saladin and de Beylie have correctly described the 
Pharos as telescopic in form; while the minarets at Samarra and Abu 
Dulaf are helicoi'dal. See Prome et Samarra, p. 115, note. 

< Guy le Strange, Bagdad during the Abbasid Califate, p. 254. A 
similar tower "up which four horses could be driven" is mentioned by 
Chao-Yu-Kua as existing at Lu-Mei, which Hirth supposes to be;Da- 
mascus. If this is so, the author must confound the tower to which he 
refers with some other perhaps the Pharos itself, as de Goeje suggests: 
loc. cit. p. 47. 

* Coste, Plate IX; Saladin 1, 112. Cfr., also, the minaret of al-Grhuri, 
Coste, Plate XXXVI; Prisse d'Avennes, L>Art Arabe, plate XXVI. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 149 

of a square base, followed by a circular construction, and 
then by a round top resting on pillars. 1 Sometimes the cir- 
cular part was broken into an hexagonal or an octagonal. 
The minaret on the mosque of al-Hasan has a square base 
surmounted by an octangular tower; which is followed by a 
second octangular tower; the whole surmounted by a top piece 
resting upon columns. 2 This is also the form of the minaret 
on the madrasah of Muhammad ibn Nasr. The minaret of 
the tomb-mosque of Kait-Bey has a square base that develops 
before the first stage is finished into an hexagonal. Upon 
this is a circular tower, surmounted by a round top resting 
on pillars. 3 At other times the square base was broken as 
in the minaret of the mosque of al-Mu'ayyid, where it is 
hexagonal; 4 or in that of the Azhar where it is also hexagonal - 
surmounted by a decagonal, and this is crowned by two towers 
that support the top piece. 5 

Both forms, the square and the round tower, have, however, 
persisted uncombined in various parts of the Moslem world; 
the cleavage is rather marked. The square minaret persisted 
in Syria 6 (whenever Egyptian influence was not at work), as 
can be seen in the "Ma'dhanat al-'Arus" in the Cathedral 
mosque at Damascus" and even in the general character 
of the "Minaret of Jesus" there. That of the mosque of 
Zakariyya (the cathedral mosque) at Aleppo is a simple square 
all the way up. 8 The Umayyads carried this form into Spain; 
the most noted example to day being the Giralda at Sevilla, 9 
which has been copied faithfully in the tower of the Madison 
Square Garden of New York City. It was also carried into 
Africa, where, to this day, the usual form of the minaret is 
square. Witness the Jama Zaitoun at Tunis, the minaret of 
the Kalaa Beni Hammad (the Berber capital of North Africa) ; 
the Katubia in Morocco, the Mosque at Oran or the Mansurah 

1 Coste, Plate XIV. 

2 E. T. Rogers and Miss Rogers in Art Journal, 1880, p. 77. 

3 Coste, Plate XXXII. 

* Coste, Plate XXXI; Saladin I, 144. 

5 Coste, Plate XXXVII. 6 Mukaddasi (ed. de Goeje), p. 182. 

7 Saladin I, 72. The top of the "Minaret of Jesus" is evidently a 
later addition. 8 Saladin 1, 105. 

9 Saladin I, 232; Adolf Fah, GrundrijS der Gesch. der bildenden Kiinste, 
p. 280; Liibke, Gesch. der Architektur, p. 81; W. and G. Mar^ais, Les 
Monuments Ardbes de Tlcmcen, p. 45. 

VOL. XXX. Part II. 11 



150 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910. 

at Tlemcen. ! Only in a few cases, as at Hamonda Pasha 
in Tunis, is the absolute square broken into a hexagonal. 

On the other hand, the round minaret is generally found 
in Mesopotamia and the countries further east. 2 Some of the 
great mausoleums, it is true, seem to represent an angular 
base surmounted by a short, 3 pointed tower such as the tomb 
of Zubaidah the wife of Harun al-Rashid near Bagdad with 
its pyramidal stalactite top or the tomb of Hasan al-Basri at 
Zobair near that same city, with its tower curiously formed 
of eight stages in telescopic arrangement. 4 Nor are peculiar 
forms wanting; e. g. the minaret in the Suk al-Ghazal at 
Bagdad, 5 which though round increases in width towards the 
top where it finishes in a beautiful stalactite top (similar to 
the minaret at Amadieh 6 ), or the minaret at al-Anah with 
its eight regular storeys, 7 which reminds one forcibly of some 
of the towers recently found at Axum. 8 In some cases, but 
at a later period, the round form was frankly discarded as 
in the minaret of the Bibi Khanum at Samarcand 9 that 
noble structure erected by Timur to his much-beloved wife 
which is octagonal in form, or in that of the Royal Tekie at 
Teheran, which is square. 10 But in general, one will find 
round minarets of one sort or another from Mesopotamia up 
to the confines of China. There is, of course, much variety 
in the details of these round minarets, and their architecture, 
has been affected by local taste and racial traditions. The 
Minar Kalan (the great minaret) at Bokhara is an immense 
structure "36 feet at the base and tapering upward to a height 
of 210 feet". 11 At times a sort of spiral is worked into the 
tower, as at the Imperial mosque of Ispahan, 12 or at the 
"Gur Amir", the mausoleum of Tamerlane. In the Minar of 

i Saladin I, 198, 217, 224, 228 etc. 2 Saladin I, 289. 

3 Saladin 1,320; de Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 32. 

4 Revue du Monde Musulman VI, 645. 

5 De Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 48. 

6 Binder, Am Kurdistan, p. 207. 7 ^., p. 69. 

8 Jahrb. des KaiserL deutschen Arclidolog. Inst. 1907, pp. 45, 46. Cfr. 
Am. Journ. of Archaeol. XI, 340. 

o Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 392. 

10 Revue du Monde Musulman IV, 483; Jackson, Persia Past and 
Present, p. 417. 

11 Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 374. 

12 Saladin I, 397. 



Vol. xxx.] TJie Origin and History of the Minaret. 151 

the Kutab mosque at Delhi, the smooth surface is broken by 
projecting ribs which form flutes which are alternately angular 
and circular up to the first storey; 1 circular in the second 
and angular in the third. The fourth storey is plainly round. 2 
It is this round form, though much smaller in circumference, 
that has been adopted by the Turks and which they evidently 
learned in Mesopotamia % It is this style that is found, again 
with very few exceptions, in Constantinople and the Balkan 
Peninsula. 3 

But it is not only in Mohammedan countries that the idea 
first expressed in the Babylonian Ziggurat has survived. I 
should not like to be misundertood as falling in with the 
Babylonian exaggerations of some of our most learned As- 
syriologists and of seeing everything through spectacles coloured 
by the grandeur of the antique world. But in matters of art 
and of architecture especially, the borrowings and the in- 
fluences have been so numerous, that one civilization may be 
said to stand upon the shoulders of its predecessor. It is a 
well-known fact that the early Christian basilica had no 
towers attached or superposed. The same is true of the 
earliest Byzantine churches in Italy the classic home of the 
campanile. Even to this day there are none attached to the 
cathedral of Parenzo (535-543), of Prado (571-586) or to that 
of San Lorenzo at Milan (6 th century), which are among the 
earliest examples of church architecture in the West. It is 
true that some of the old Italian churches have at present 
campaniles adjoining. This is the case with a number of the 
Ravenna churches the Basilica Ursiana, Sant' Apollinare 

1 Ferguson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 505. A 
similar method is employed in many of the grand palaces of Mesopotamia 
and in the Minar, or lighthouse at Beni Hammad in North Africa. See 
De Beylie in J. A. Xil (1900) p. 197. 

2 Ferguson, loc. cit. John J. Pool, Studies in Mohammedanism (1892) 
p. 336 "It is not exactly a minaret, that is to say, it is not now, if it 
ever was, connected with a mosque, but it is a lofty turret or tower 
which is called a minar". 

3 One might go still further and examine the connection that exists 
between the Babylonian Ziggurat and the stage-temples found in Tur- 
kestan, at Turfan, Astana and Syrchab (Griinwedel, Bericht tiber archdo- 
logische Arbeiten in Idikutschari und TJwgebung in Abhandl. Phil. Philol. 
Elasse der Bayer. Akad. 1906, p. 49; Hegel in Petermanrfs Mitteil. for 
1879, 1880 and 1881); but such an examination would be foreign to the 
scope of the present paper. 

11* 



152 R. J. H. GottMl, [1910. 

Nuovo, Sant Apollinare in Classe. San Vitale is even sur- 
mounted by two towers. It must be noted, however, that the 
towers on San Vitale are not campaniles in the true sense 
of the term, but merely means for reaching the gallery. l As 
regards the campaniles themselves, all authorities agree that 
though the main edifices of the churches are of the fifth and 
sixth centuries, the campaniles wer^e erected at least two 
centuries later. 2 The dating of the campanile is in no way 
affected by the undoubted fact that the bell was used in 
connection with early Christian churches. Gregory of Tours, 
towards the end of the sixth century, seems to be the first 
to mention it as part of the church paraphanalia. 3 The 
Chronicle of the abbots of Fonteinelle, speaking of the years 
734-738, mentions the "Campanum in turricula collocandum 
ut moris est ecclesiarum". 4 Some of the belfries (e. g. of St. 
Satyrus) are supposed to be as old as the sixth century. 5 But 
belfries are not towers. The oldest campaniles are supposed 
to date from the beginning of the ninth century those of 
Santa Maria della Cella at Viterbo and Sant Ambrogio at 
Milan: though that of Sant Apollinare in Classe is held by 
some to be of the eighth century. 6 The campanile of Sant' 
Apollinare Nuovo is however reliably dated between 850 
and 878. - 

It is therefore a pertinent question whence did this ad- 
dition to church architecture come? The writer of the article 
"Kirchenbau" in the Protestantische Real-Encydopadie 1 is of 
opinion that it was an original conception both in Italy and 
in the Frankish Empire, and that it had no connection 
whatsoever with the East. I understand this to be also the 
meaning of Adolf Fan's words: "Ein neues Element bilden 



1 "... le torri della basilica di San Vitale, dalla muratura sincrona 
ad essa, furono erette per dare accesso alia gallerie superiore"; Yenturi, 
Storia deW arte Italiana (Milan 1902) II, 160. 

2 G. T. Rivoira, Le origini della architettura Lombardia (Rome 1901), 
1,49 et seq.; Venturi, loc. cit.\ Ch. Diehl, Eavenne (1903) p. 48. 

s Venturi, loc. cit. II, 149; Protest. Real-Encycl. VI, 704. 

* Cited from Eulart, Manuel $ archeologie frangaise p. 174 in Arthur 
Kingsley Porter, Mediaeval Architecture (N. Y. 1909) I, 81, note 3. 

6 Rafiaele Sattaneo, Architecture in Italy (London 1896) p. 255. 

6 Dehio and Van Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, 
I, 135. 7 X, 786. 



Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 153 

die meist kreisnmden Turme". l But one might well ask in 
return if they were not necessary as belfries, what purpose 
did they serve? In Ravenna they could hardly be needed as 
towers of defence, since the whole city was enclosed by a 
wall. Nor could they be used as light-houses; for that pur- 
pose they were too far distant from the shore. It is certainly 
peculiar that the rise of the campanile or church tower syn- 
chronizes with the coming of the Arabs into the Mediter- 
ranean. The first Arab raid upon Sicily is said to have taken 
place in the year 701 ; 2 and though Sicily and certain parts 
of Southern Italy did not come under their direct rule until 
the Aghlabites were strong in Africa during the ninth century, 3 
Arab influence permeated the Eastern Mediterranean long be- 
fore that. I do not know what authority there is for the 
statement that the columns for the basilicas at Ravenna were 
made in Istria by oriental workmen; 4 but Ravenna was a 
great centre from which Oriental influences passed on into 
Europe not only in art, but also in decoration, in mosaics, 
and in miniatur-painting as well. 5 The basilica of St. Mark 
at Venice, supposed to contain the remains of the saint brought 
thither in 828 from Alexandria, is adorned with columns 
garnered in the East; and the campanile has an "ascent by a 
continuous inclined plane built between an inner and outer 
wall and turning with a platform at each angle of the tower" 
which reminds one at once of the ascent in the Pharos at 
Alexandria. Like the minaret, the campanile could be either 
round or square. Most of the early examples are round; but 
square ones are not wanting, e. g. at San Giovanni Evangelista, 
San Francesco and San Michele in Affricisco in Ravenna. 
And like the minaret, 6 the campanile was at first not an 
integral part of the church building. It was generally placed 
near to it, sometimes even leaning upon it; until in the church 



1 Grundrij) der Gesch. der Uldenden Kiinste, p. 228. 

2 Weil, Chalifen I, 478. 

3 Weil, loc. tit. II, 249; Muller, Islam I, 551. 

4 Baedeker, Italic Septentrionale (1892), p. 301. 

5 Ch. Diehl, Ravenne, pp. 107-109 ; Venturi, Storia delV Arte Italiana 
II, 110, 127; Corrodo Ricci, Ravenna (Bergamo 1902), pp. 5, 7, 64. 

e Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 108 ". . . not otherwise connected 
with the mosque than by an arch, over which is a way to the terraces 
above the arcades". 



154 E. J. H. Gottheil, The Origin a. History of the Minaret. [1910. 

spire it became almost a necessary part of every Christian 
place of worship. 

It seems to me, therefore, that a possible explanation of 
the sudden appearance of the campanile in Italy during the 
eighth and ninth centuries, would be that they are due to 
Mohammedan influence. Whether this influence came from 
Egypt, or from Syria and Mesopotamia, or even from the 
Maghreb, is a point upon which I should not like to insist. 
But this much does seem to follow from a study of the history 
of the monuments, that the old idea of the Ziggurat or tower 
in some way connected with worship at a shrine has filtered 
down to us through the Mohammedan minaret and finds its 
expression to day in our church steeple. 

April 1909. 



The Vedic Dual: Part I, The Dual of Bodily Parts. 
Dr. SAMUEL G-BANT OLIPHANT, Professor in Olivet 
College, Olivet, Mich. 

NEITHER native nor occidental grammarians have adequately 
defined the scope of the dual in Sanskrit, but both agree on 
the general strictness of its use. The great Panini states the 
general rule for grammatical number with the utmost sim- 
plicity, bahusu bahuvacanam ] dvyeltayor dvivacandikavacane 
(I. 4. 2 If.), i.e.: In the case of many, the plural; in the case of 
two (or) one, the dual (or) the singular (is used). As regards 
the dual he appears to know only two exceptions. In I. 2. 59, 
he states: asmado dvayoQ ca, or that the plural of the first 
personal pronoun may be used of two, and in the next section 
he adds: phalgumprosthapaddndrit ca naksatre, or that the 
plural may be used instead of the dual of the lunar mansions 
plialgum and prostliapadd. We may add that both of the 
Paninean exceptions are found in Vedic. 

Whitney (Sk. Gr. 265) admits "only very rare and spo- 
radic exceptions' 5 to its strict use "in all cases where two ob- 
jects are logically indicated, whether directly or by combination 
of two individuals." Speijer (Sk. Syn. 26) states: "In all 
periods of the language the dual is the proper and sole num- 
ber by which duality is to be expressed". He thinks it not 
improbable that in the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature 
sundry instances may be found of duality expressed by the 
plural number but he is confident that "the number of such 
exceptions cannot be but exceedingly small". 

Students of Vedic syntax, however, occasionally observing 
some of the phenomena to be presented in this study, have 
had an idea that this strictness of use was not as well main- 
tained in the older period of the language. Professor Del- 
briick, for instance, in his Altind. Syn. (p. 102) asks: ,,Steht der 
Plural als allgemeiner Mehrheitskasus auch da, wo man den 
Dual zu erwarten hatte?" and adds: ,,Es giebt unzweifelhaft 
im Veda Stellen, an welchen der Plural auffallend erscheint". 

The first instance he cites is that of RV. III. 33, which we 
notice here as it does not recur in the subsequent study. In 



156 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

this hymn the two rivers, Vipat and Qutudri, are described in 
stanzas 1 3 in the dual. In stanzas 4, 6, 8 and 10, the rivers 
speak in the first plural, but this is an exception recognized 
in all periods of the language. (Of. Pan. I c.\ Speijer, op. c. 
25). In 5, 9, 11 and 12 they are addressed in the plural, 
a not uncommon mark of great respect in the later language, 
though Speijer (Ved. u. Sk. Syn. 10 g.) pronounces it post- 
Vedic and post-Paninean. In the closing 13th stanza the 
waters are addressed in the plural, naturally enough as dpas 
is plurale tantum. The latter half stanza returns to the dual 
as the address is dropped and the two rivers are compared to 
two bulls. Surely everything is normal enough, with the ex- 
ception of the unusual plural of the second person in address 
in the Vedic. Had we plurals in the descriptive stanzas 1 3 
and plural and dual transposed in 13, Delbruck might well 
have thought the numbers remarkable. He is still less happy 
in his citation of RV. IV. 38. 3, for he overlooks the fact that 
the padbhis belong to a horse, in which case the dual is hardly 
to be expected. The other instances he cites are fully con- 
sidered in 6 of the present study. 

With truer insight Professor Bloomfield has long been of 
the opinion that for some reason or other the hieratic lan- 
guage of the RV. admitted the dual more freely than the 
Atharvanic or popular speech. This needed closer definition. 
It was, then, to investigate the phenomena associated with 
the Vedic dual and to determine the extent of the supposed 
encroachments of the plural upon its domain that this study 
was undertaken. In its preparation all the dual substantives 
and adjectives, including participles, have been collected from 
the entire Rig and Atharva Vedas. These have been grouped 
into several parts as follows: 1, The dual of natural bodily 
parts; 2, the dual in comparisons; 3, the dual of implemental 
pairs; 4, the dual of cosmic pairs; 5, the dual of conventional, 
customary or occasionally associated pairs; 6, the elliptic dual; 
7, the dual dvandva compounds; 8, the anaphoric dual; 9, the 
attributive dual. These have been studied each as a unit and 
also in its relation to the others. 

The present paper is concerned only with the first of these, 
the dual of natural bodily parts, for these have been the center 
of the doubt and the controversy. The study has for con- 
venience of treatment been subdivided into seven parts, three 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 157 

of which have to do with the supposed use of the plural for 
the dual. We shall consider first the duality of bodily parts, 
naturally dual, (a) when associated with an individual; (b) with 
a duality of persons; (c) with a plurality of persons: and 
then a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated (a) 
with a plurality of persons; (b) with a duality of persons; (c) 
with an individual. The seventh section on a duality of natu- 
rally singular parts is added for completeness. The conclu- 
sions reached from the study of each section will be presented 
at the end of the section. 



1- 

A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual. 

dnsa, 'shoulder'. RV. 036 ( 4) 1 ; AV. 160. 

ansau, RV. I. 158. 5 d , (dasasya); AV. IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya); 
X. 2. 5 C , (piirusasya); X. 9. 19 b , (aghnyayas); XL 3. 9, 
(odanasya): ansabhyam, RV. X. 163. 2 C = AV. II. 33. 2 C , 
(yaksminas). See also 2 (AV.) and 3 (RV.). 
aks&n, 'eye'. RV. 109 ( 4, 6); AV. 010. 

aksnos, AV. XIX. 60. l b , (mantrakrtas). 
tiksi, 'eye'. RV. 100; AV. 3-21 ( 4). 

aksim, AV. X. 9. 14 h , (agbnyriyas); XL 3. 2, (odanasya). 
dksi, 'eye'. RV. 070; AV. 0140. 

aksi, RV. I. 72. 10 b , (divas); I. 116. 16 C 7 17 C , (rjragvasya); 
X. 79. 2 a , (agnes): 

aksyau, AV. I. 27. l d , (paripanthinas); IV. 3. 3 a , (vya- 
ghrasya); V. 23.3% (kumarasya); V. 29. 4y (pigacasya); 
VI. 9. l b , (vadhuyos); VI. 9. l c , (vrsanyantyas); XIX. 
50. l c , (vrkasya): aksibhyam, RV. X. 163. l a = A V. II. 
33. l a , (yaksminas); AV. XL 3. 34 ad , (odanadatas): aksyos, 
AV. V. 4. 10 b , (takmagrhitasya); VI. 24. 2 a , (adyuttasya); 
VI. 127. 3 b , (amayavinas). See also 2 for one RV. and 
two AV. duals. The remaining dual will be included in 
pt. II. 

1 For the sake of convenience this section is made a repertory of all 
the terms indicating parts of the body of which the dual is found in either 
Veda and a statement is given of the number of times the word is used 
in each grammatical number. References are given to the following sec- 
tions or to the parts of the study, for the use of the plurals and of such 
duals as do not fall within the scope of this section. 



158 8. G. Oliphant. [1910. 

anukya, "ansayor madhyadehasya ca sahdhi" (Say.), AY. 

21-0. 

anukye, AV. XI. 3. 9, (odanasya). 
anuvfj, 'flank'. AV. 10. 

anuvrjau, IX. 4. 12 b , (rsabhasya). 
asthwat, 'knee 7 . RV. 020; AV. 080. 
' asthivantau, RV. VII. 50. 2 b , (mantrakrtas); AV. IX. 4. 12 C ; 
7. 10, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 2 b ; XL 8. 14 a , (piirusasya); X. 
9. 21 a , (aghnyayas): 
asthivadbhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 a =AV. II. 33. 5 a , (yaksmi- 

nas); AV. XI. 3. 45% (odanadatas), 45 d , (tvastur). 
dnda, 'testis'. AV. 010. 

andaii, IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya). 
andi, 'testis.' AV. 010. 

andyaii, VI. 138. 2 d , (piirusasya). 
irma, 'fore- quarter.' AV. 1 0. 
irmabhyam, X. 10. 21% (vagayas). 
uchMh&y 'sole.' AV. 010. 

uchlakhau, X. 2. l d , (piirusasya). 
upastha, 'lap.' RV. 6120; AV. 1500. 

See 7 and pt. IV. 
uru, 'thigh'. RV. 160; AV. 1130. 

uru, RV. X. 85. 37 C =AV. XIV. 2. 38 C , (vadhuyos); RV. 

X. 90. ll d =AV. XIX. 6. 5 d ; RV. X. 90. 12% (piirusa- 
sya); X. 162.4% (striyas); AV. VIII. 6. 3 b , (kanyayas); 
IX. 7. 9, (rsabhasya); IX. 8. 7% (amayavinas) ; X. 2. 3 C ; 

XI. 8. 14% (piirusasya) ; X. 9. 21% (aghnyayas); XL 3. 44 b , 
(odanadatas): uriibhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 a =AV. II. 33. 5% 
(yaksminas) ; AV. XI. 3.44% (odanadatas): urvos, RV. 
VIII. 70. 10 C , (indrasya dasasya va); AV. XIX. 60. 2% 
(mantrakrtas). See 2 (AV.) for the remaining dual. 

oni, 'breast'. RV. 010. Of. pt. III. 

onyos, IX. 101. 14 b , (matur). 
ostha, 'lip'. RV. l(pt. II.) 0; AV. 110. 

osthau, AV. X. 9. 14% (aghnyayas). 
kaphduda, 'elbow'. AV. 1 0. 

kaphaudaii, X. 2. 4% (piirusasya). 
harasna, 'fore-arm'. RV. 1 2 0. 

karasna, III. 18. 5 d , (agnes); VI. 19. 3% (indrasya). 
Ic&rna, 'ear'. RV. 583 ( 46); AV. 2110. 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 159 

karna, RV. IV. 23. 8 d , (ayos); IV. 29. 3 a ; VI. 38. 2 a , (in- 
drasya); VI. 9. 6 a , (mantrakrtas); VIII. 72. 12 C , (ghar- 
masya); AV. X. 2. 6 b , (piirusasya); X, 9. 13 b , (aghnyayas); 
XII. 4. 6% (vagayas); XII 5. 22, (brahmagavyas); XVI. 
2.4, Us, (mantrakrtas): karnabhyam, RV. X. 163. l b = 
AV. II. 33. l b , (yaksminas); AV. IX. 4. 17 C , (rsabhasya); 
IX. 8. 2 a , (amayavinas): karnayos, AV. VI. 141. 2 b , 
(vatsasya); XIX. 60. l b , (mantrakrtas). See part II. 
for the other two duals (RV.). 
Mrnaka, 'outspread leg'. AV. 1 0. 

karnakau, XX. 133. 3 a , (kumaryas). 
'kagaplaka, 'buttock. 7 RV. 010. 

kagaplakaii, VIII. 33. 19 C , (asangasya). 
kuksi, 'dank, loin.' RV. 451 ( 6); AV. 35-0. 
kuksi, RV. II. 11. ll c ; X. 28. 2 d ; 86. 14 d ; AV. II. 5. 4 b , 
(indrasya); AV. IV. 16. 3 C , (varunasya); IX. 5. 20 d , 
(ajasya); X. 9. 17 b , (aghnyayas): kuksibhyam, AV. II. 
33. 4 C , (yaksminas): kuksyos*, RV. III. 51. 12 a ; VIII. 
17. 5% (indrasya). 
kulpM, 'ankle. 7 RV. 010. Cf. gulpha. 

kulphaii, VII. 50. 2 b , (mantrakrtas). 
kroda, 'breast. 7 AV. 210. 

krodaii, X. 9. 25% (aghnyayas). 
gabhasti, 'hand. 7 RV. 6230. 

gabhasti, VI 19. 3 a ; VII. 37. 3 C , (indrasya): gabhastyos, 
I. 82. 6 b ; 130. 4; III. 60. 5 b ; V. 86. 3 C ; VI. 29. 2 C ; 
45. 18 a ; VIII 12. 7 b ; X. 96. 3 b , (indrasya); IX. 76. 2% 
(somasya). See 3 for the other twelve duals. 
gavinikd, 'groin. 7 AV. 020. 

gavinike, I. 11. 5 b , (nary as); IX. 8. 7 b , (amayavinas). 
gamni, 'groin. 7 AV. 5 0. 

gavmyos, I 3. 6 a , (amayavinas), V. 25. 10 b 13 b , (naryas). 
gulpha, 'ankle. 7 AV. 020. Cf. kulpha. 

gulphau, X. 2. l b , 2 a , (piirusasya). 
caksan, 'eye. 7 AV. 010. 

caksani, X. 2. 6 b , (purusasya). 
caksus, 'eye. 7 RV. 36-0-1 ( 4); AV. 7813 ( 4, 6). 

caksusT, AV. IX. 5. 21 a , (ajasya). 
jaghana, 'buttock, haunch. 7 RV. 111 ( 4); AV. 1-00. 

The one dual belongs to part II. 
jangha, 'leg. 7 RV. 200; AV. 023 ( 6). 



160 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

janghe, AY. X, 2. 2 C , (purusasya): janghayos, XIX. 60. 2 a , 

(mantrakrtas). 
jdnu, 'knee.' RV. 100; AV. 13-0. 

janubhyam, IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) : X. 2. 3 b , (piirusasya): 

janunos, X. 2. 2 d , (purusasya). 
daristm, 'tusk, molar, fang. 7 RV. 011 ( 6); AV. 041 

( 6 )- 

danstra, RV. X. 87. 3 a = danstrau, AV. VIII. 3. 3 a , (agnes): 
danstrabhyam, AV. X. 5. 43 a , (vaic, vanarasya) : danstra- 
yos, IV. 36. 2 C ; XVI. 7. 3, (vaigvanarasya). 
danta, 'deciduous middle incisor'. AV. 04 0. 

dantau, VI. 140. l c , 2 d , 3 b , 3 d , fcigos). 
dos&n, 'fore-leg.' AV. 020. 

dosani, IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya); X. 9. 19 a , (aghnyayas). 
nds, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 010; AV. 210: 

nasos, RV. V. 61. 2 C , (agvasya); AV. XIX, 60. l b , (man- 
trakrtas). 
ndsa, 'nose, nostril.' RV. l(pt. II.) 0; AV. 01-0. 

nase, AV. V. 23. 3 b , (kumarasya). 
nasika, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 010; AV. 140. 

nasike, AV. X. 2. 6 b , (purusasya); X. 9. 14 a , (aghnyayas); 
XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya): nasikabhyam, RV. X. 163. l a = 
AV. II. 33. 1% (yaksminas). 
ndcti, 'retovahe' (Say.), 'seminal ducts.' AV. 1 0. 

nadyau, VI. 138. 4 a , (purusasya). 
nrbahti, 'arm of man.' RV. 1 0. 
nrbahubhyam, IX. 72. 5 a , (sotur). 
paksd, 'wing.' RV. 352 ( 4); AV. 1-6-1 ( 6). 
paksa, RV. I. 163. l c ; VIII. 34. 9 1 ', (gyenasya); X. 106. 3% 
(c,akunasya) : paksaii, AV. IV. 34. l c , (odanasya); VI. 
8. 2'\ (suparnasya); VIII. 9. 14 b , (yajnasya); X. 8. 18 a ; 
XIII. 3. 14 a , (hansasya); X. 9. 25 C , (aghnyayas). See 
3 for the other two RV. duals. 
patdurd, 'side, costal region.' AV. 01 0. See 3 for 

the only dual. 
pativedana, 'husband-finder, breast?' AV. 1 0. 

pativedanau, VIII. 6. l b , (kanyiyas). 

pad, 'foot. 7 RV. 16 10-8 (46); AV. 11137 (6). 

pada, RV. I. 24 8 C , (suryasya); VI. 29. 3 a ; X. 73. 3 a , (in- 

drasya); X. 90. ll d = padau, AV. XIX. 6. 5 d ; padau, 

RV. VI. 47. 15 C , (purusasya); AV. I. 27. 4 a , (mantra- 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 161 

krtas); VI. 9.1% (vadhuyos); X. 1.21% (krtyas); XL 
8. 14% (purusasya); XIX, 49. 10% (stenasya): padbhyam, 
RV. X. 90. 12' 1 , 14 l =AV. XIX. 6. 6 d , 8 C , (purusasya); 
AV. V. 30. 13 d , (fimayavinas) ; XII. 1. 28 C , (mantrakrtas): 
pados, RV. X. 166. 2 C , (sapatnaghnas) ; AV. I. 18.2% 
(striyas); XII. 4. 5% (viklindvas). See also 6 and 
pt. II. 
pani, 'hand.' RV. 0-21 ( 6); AV. 110. 

pani, RV. IV. 21. 9 a , (indrasya); VI. 71. l c , (savitiir): 

panibhyam, AV. II. 33. 6 C , (yaksminas). 
pdda, 'foot.' RV. 202 ( 6); AV. 151 ( 6). 

padabhyam, AV. IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) ; XL 3. 46% 
(odanadatas): padayos, XIX. 60. 2 b , (mantrakrtas). See 
also 2 and 3. 
padakd, 'little foot.' RV. 010. 

padakaii, VIII. 33. 19 b , (asangasya). 
parevA, 'side. 7 RV. 100; AV. 250. 

pargve, IX. 4. 12% (rsabhasya); IX. 5. 20 d , (ajasya); IX. 
8. 15% (amayavinas); XL 8. 14 C , (purusasya): pargva- 
bhyarn, II. 33. 3 b , (yaksminas). 
pdrsni, 'heel.' RV. 11-0; AV. 231 ( 4). 

parsm, AV. X. 2. 1% (purusasya): parsnibhyam, II. 33. 5 b 
= RV. X. 163. 4 b , (yaksminas): parsnyos, VI. 24. 2 b , 
(adyuttasya). 
prdpad, 'forepart of foot.' AV. 01 0. 

prapados, VI. 24. 2 b , (adyuttasya). 
prdpada, 'front part of foot'. RV. 011 ( 6); AV. 

131 ( 4). 

prapadabhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 b = AV. II. 33. 5 b , (yaks- 
minas); AV. X. 3. 47% (odanadatas); XL 3. 47 d , (savitiir). 
barjahyd, 'nipple.' AV. 1 0. 

barjahye, XL 8. 14 C (purusasya). 
bdhdva. 'arm.' RV. 030. 

bahava, II. 38. 2 b , (savitiir). See 2 for the other two duals. 
lahu, 'arm, fore-leg.' RV. 25010 ( 46); AV. 2 

19-7 ( 4). 

bahii, RV. I. 95. 7 a ; X. 142. 5 C , (agnes); I. 102. 6 a ; III. 
51. 12 C ; VI. 47. 8 C = AV. XIX. 15. 4 C ; VIII. 61. 18 C ; 
77. 11% (indrasya); I. 163. 1% (harinasya); I. 190. 3 b ; IV. 
53. 3 C . 4 C ; VI. 71. l b , 5 a ; VII. 45. 2 a ; 79. 2 d , (savitiir); 
V. 43.4% (somasiitvanas); X. 90. ll c , 12 b = AV. XIX. 



162 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

6. 5% 6 b , (purusasya); X. 102. 4 d , (vrsabhasya) ; X. 121. 4 C ; 
AY. IV. 2. 5 C , (hiranyagarbhasya); AY. VI. 65. l b , (c,a- 
tros), VI. 99. 2 C , 3 a ; XIX. 13. 1% (indrasya); VII. 70. 4 a 
5% (prtanyatas) ; IX. 4.8% (yarunasya); IX. 7.7, (rsa- 
bhasya); X. 2. 5 a , (purusasya); X. 9.19% (aghnyayas): 
bahubhyam, RV. II. 17. 6 a ; IV. 22. 2 b , (indrasya), VII. 

22. l c , (sotur) ; X. 81. 3 C , (vigvakarmanas) = AY. XIIL 
2. 26 C , (suryasya); X. 163. 2 d = AV. II. 33. 2 d , (yaksmi- 
nas): bahvos, RY. I. 51. 7 C ; 52. 8 C ; 63. 2 b ; 80. 8 C ; II. 
11. 4 b , 6 C ; 20. 8 C ; 36. 5 b ; III. 44. 4 d ; IV. 22. 3 C ; VI. 

23. l d ; 46. 14 d ; VII. 25. l c ; VIII. 96. 3'\ 5"; X. 52. 5 C ; 
153. 4 b , (indrasya); V. 16. 2 b , (agnes); VII. 84. l c , (yaja- 
manasya); AV. VII. 56. 6% (garkotasya) ; XIX. 60. l d , 
(mantrakrtas). For the other duals, six RY. and one AY. 
see 2 and 3. 

bhurij, 'hand, arm.' RY. 040; AY. 010. 

bhurijos, RY. IX. 26. 4 a , (sotur). The other four duals 

belong to part III. 
Wieda, 'pudenda.' RV. 010. 
bhedaii, IX. 112. 4 C , (naryas). 
Mrd, 'brow.' RY. 010. 

bhruvos, IV. 38. 7 d , (dadhikrayas). 
matasna, 'lung.' RV. 010; AV. 020. 

matasne, AY. X. 9. 16% (aghnyayas): matasnabhyam, II. 

33. 3 C = RY. X. 163. 3 C , (yaksminas). 
muskd, 'testis, pudendum. 7 RV. 010; AV. 070. 
muskau, AY. IV. 37. 7% (gandharvasya) ; VI. 127. 2 b , (ama- 
yavinas); XX. 136. l c , 2 b , (naryas mahanagnyas) : mus- 
kabhyam, VIII. 6. 5 C , (kany%as) : muskayos, RV. X. 
38. 5 d , (indrasya); AV. VI. 138. 4 d , 5 d , (naryas). 
?raji, 'pudendum?' RV. 010. 

raji, X. 105. 2 C , (patnyas). So GRY. and BRY. GWB. 
and LRV. take it as some kind of a maned animal. 
PWB. merely cites Sayana's two guesses rajasl dya- 
vaprthivav iva or maliantau ranjakau surydcandrama- 
sdv iva. 
vartman, 'eyelid.' AY. 01 0. 

vartmabhyam, XX. 133. 6 C , (kumaryas). 
vrltka, 'kidney.' RV. 100; AY. 020. 

vrkkau, VII. 96. l d , (purusasya); IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya). 
$ipra, *lip.' RV. 062 ( 4). 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 163 

Qipre, I. 101. 10 b ; III. 32. 1; V. 36. 2 a ; VIII. 76. 10 b ; X. 

96. 9 b , (indrasya): giprabhyam, X. 105. 5 C , (indrasya). 
Qirsakapala i 'cranial hemisphere.' AV. 01 0. 

girsakapale, XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya). 

tfnga, 'horn. 7 RV. 265 ( 4, 6); AV. 2-8-1 ( 4). 
grnge, RV. V. 2. 9 d = AV. VIII. 3. 24 d ; RV. VIII. 60. 13 b , 
(agnes); IX. 5. 2 b ; 70. 7 b ; 87. 7 C , (somasya); AV. II. 
32. 6% (krmes); VIII. 3. 25% (agnes); IX. 7. 1, (r.sabha- 
sya); X. 9. 14 b , (aghnyayas) ; XX. 130. 13, (pfdakavas, 
cf. 129. 9, 10): grngabhyam, IX. 4. 17% (rsabhasya); 
XIX. 36. 2% (manes). See part II. for the other RV. 
dual. 
Qrfai, 'hip/ RV. 0-10; AV. 0-60. 

grom, AV. IX. 4. 13 b ; 7. 9, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 3 C , (puru- 
>asya); X. 9. 21 b , (aghnyayas): gronibhyam, RV. X. 
163.4*; AV. II. 33. 5 C , (yaksminas); AV. IX. 8. 21 b , 
(amayavinas). 
grdtra, 'ear.' RV. 2-00; AV. 19-40. 

grotre, AV. XL 3. 2% (odanasya); XIV. 1. ll c , (suryayas, 
cf. RV. X. 85. ll c grotram): grotrabhyam, XL 3. 33 ad , 
(odanadatas). 
s&ktlii, 'leg.' RV. 100; AV. 110. 

sakthibhyam, X. 10. 21 b , (vagayas). 
sakthi, 'leg.' RV. 0-2-0; AV. 030. 

sakthya, RV. X. 86. 16 b , 17 d = sakthyau AV. XX. 126. 
16 b , 17 d , (indrasya); sakthyau, AV. VI. 9. l b , (vadhuyos). 
sandhi (jdnunos), 'knee-joint.' AV. 1 10. 

sandhi, X. 2. 2 d , (piirusasya). 

stana, 'nipple, teat.' RV. 3 l(pt. II.)- 0: AV. 135 ( 6). 
stanau, AV. IX. 1. 7 b , (madhukagayas) ; X. 2. 4 C , (piiru- 
sasya). 

See 6 for the other dual. 
Mnu, 'jaw.' RV. 151 ( 6); AV. 16-0. 

hanu, RV. IV. 18. 9 b ; V. 36. 2% (indrasya); X. 79. l c , 
(agnes); X. 152. 3 b = AV. I. 21. 3 b , (vrtrasya); AV. VL 
56. 3 b , (svajasya); X. 9. 13 b , (aghnyayas); XIX. 47.9% 
(vrkasya): hanvos, RV. I. 52. 6 d , (vrtrasya); AV. X. 
2. 7 a . 8 C , (piirusasya). 
lidsta, 'hand.' RV. 29175 ( 4, 6); AV. 22184 

( 4). 
hasta, RV. IV. 21. 9 a ; VIII. 68. 3-\ (indrasya); hastau, RV. 



164 8. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

X. 117. 9 a ; AY. XL 8. 14 b , 15% (piirusasya); AV. VI. 
81.1% (naryas); VII. 26. 8 C , (visnos); VII. 109. 3 C , (ki- 
tavasya); VIII. 1. 8 d , (amayavinas) ; XIX. 49. 10 b , (ste- . 
nasya): hastabhyam, AV. III. 11.8% (satyasya); VI. 
102. 3% (bhagasya); XL 3. 48% (odanadatas); XL 3.48 d , 
(rtasya); XIX. 51.2, (pusnas): hastayos, EV. I. 24.4% 
(savitur); I. 38. l b , (pitiir); I. 55. 8 a ; 81. 4 e ; 176, 3 a ; VI. 
31. l b ; 45. 8% (indrasya); I. 135. 9=, (vayos); I. 162. 9% 
(Samitur); IX. 18. 4 b ; 90. l d , (somasya); AV. I. 18. 2 b , 
(striyas): XVIII. 3. 12% (mantrakrtas). For the other 
duals see 3 (1 EV., 4 AV.) and pt. II. (2 EV.). 
In this section are listed 146 of the 191 duals of the 
natural bodily parts, found in the EV., and 212 of the 225 such 
duals in the AV. 

Of the EV. instances, 96 pertain to the various gods. In- 
dra leads with 65. Savitar follows with 10 and Agni is close 
behind with 9. Only 39 pertain to human beings, and of these 
11 pertain to the yaksmin. (consumptive) of X. 163, a hymn 
distinctively Atharvanic and at home in AV. II. 33. Seven 
pertain to animals, 3 to demons and 1 to the inanimate gharmd. 
The different sphere of the AV. is well shown in its con- 
trasts to these numbers. Humanity comes to the front with 
124 duals and the sick still lead with 30. The animals get 
49 duals and the gods drop to the third place with only 24 
duals in all. Indra still leads them, but with a paltry 7. 
Agni is a close second with his 6 and Savitar has but a single 
dual. The demons have 5; inanimate objects 9, of which 4 
pertain to the odand. 

Thus these duals clearly establish the hieratic character 
of the EV. and the demotic character of the AV. The im- 
portance of this distinction will appear later. 

Only in 4 instances out of these 358 duals is there the 
slightest need to comment upon any grammatical usage. In 
three instances the dual is predicate to a singular AV. IX. 
7. Sbdlam urti (strength his thighs) and id. 13krodho vrkkdu 
manyur anddu (anger his kidneys, wrath his testes). In EV. 
X. 85. ll c grotram te cakre dstdm (thy chariot wheels were 
an ear) shows the reverse, a singular predicate to a dual. 
The AV. XIV. 1. ll c has this pada with the normal Qrotre. 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 165 

2. 

A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of 

persons. 

The RV. has five instances of this phenomenon: dksi (CLQ- 
vinos), I. 120. 6 C , aksl gubhas pati dan, (Hither your eyes, 
ye lords of splendor); bahdvd (mitrdvdrunayos), V. 64. 2% 
ta bahava sucetiina pra yantam asma arcate, (Stretch forth 
with kindly thought those arms unto this one that sings); VII. 
62. 5 a , pra bahava sisrtam jlvase na, (Stretch forth your arms 
to grant us life) ; bahubhyam (mitrdvdrunayos), VIII. 101. 4- [ , 
bahubhyam na urusyatam, (Keep us in safety by your arms); 
bdhvos (mitrdvdnmayos), V. 64. l c , pari vrajeva bahvor jagan- 
vansa svarnaram, (As in the pen-fold of your arms encom- 
passed ye the realm of light). 

The AV. also has five instances: diisdu (a$vinos), IX. 4. 8 b 
indrasyaujo varunasya bahu agvinor ansau marutam iyaih 
kakut, (Indra's strength, Varuna ? s arms, the Agvins' shoulders, 
this Marut's hump) ; aksyau (vadhilyor vadhuag ca), VII. 36. 
7 a , aksyau nau madhusaiiikage, anlkam nau samanjanam, (Of 
honey aspect be our eyes, an ointment be our face) ; uruWiydm 
(mitrdvarunayos^ XL 3. 44 d , tatag cainam anyabhyam urii- 
bhyani pragir yabhyam caitam purva rsayah pragnan | uru te 
marisyata ity enam aha | tarn va / mitravarunayor urubhySm 

tabhyam enam pragisam tabhyam enam ajigamam \ (-If 
thou didst eat this with other thighs than those with which 
the Eishis of yore did eat it, thy thighs will die', thus says 

one to him. 'With the thighs of Mitra-Varuna, with 

these I ate this', etc.) ; pdddbhyam (agvinos), XL 3. 46 A , tatag 
cainam anyabhyam padabhyam / / / agvinoh padabhyam 

/ / ('If with other feet', etc. 'With the feet of the 

Agvins, etc.); bahubhyam (agvinos*), XIX. 51. b , agvinor ba- 
hubhyam pusrio hastabhyam prasuta a rabhe (With the Agvins' 
arms, with Pushan's hands, I, impelled, seize thee). 

It will be noticed that nine of these ten passages refer 
either to the Agvins or to Mitra-Varuna. Though it is true 
that of all the Vedic pantheon the deities of these respective 
groups are the ones most intimately associated, that Mitra is 
so closely assimilated to Varuna that, as Macdonell (Ved. 
Myth., p. 27) observes, he has hardly an independent trait left, 
that only on the rarest occasions are the Agvins separable, 

VOL. XXX. Part H. 12 



166 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

yet there is never a unification of the members of either dual. 
Nowhere are they invoked in the singular; nowhere described 
by a singular epithet; nowhere is a singular verb predicated 
of them. The immediate context in at least seven of our pas- 
sages would positively forbid such an hypothesis as an ex- 
planation of the dual. 

Nor are they metri causa, as the plural will scan in each 
of the eight metrical passages. That they are mere gram- 
matical lapsus linguce or due to laxity of thought on the part 
of the Bishis, should be our dernier ressort. We hold that 
this interpretation is unworthy and unnecessary and that a 
study of the passages, both by themselves and in contrast with 
those of 5, in which a plurality of these same bodily parts is 
associated with these same dual divinities, reveals a conscious 
purpose in the selection of the grammatical number. In the 
passages before us this purpose is the dissociation and in- 
dividualization of the members of the duality. Such an as- 
sumption is made imperative by AY. VII. 36. 1, where the 
eyes and singular face must individualize the bride and the 
groom. Each ndu receives its full interpretation only in "of 
each of us." 

In AV. IX. 4. 8, the phrase marutam iydm kahut requires 
the individualization of the Maruts, for they can possess no 
collective kdkut. The natural extension of this distributive 
idea to the former part of the pada gives the clearest and 
best explanation of the dual, agvinor ansau. 

If we compare the five RV. passages, each having the idea 
of duality so strongly explicit in it, with those of 5, we can 
hardly decide otherwise than that in the passages with the 
dual, the Rishis address the deities with an implied 'each of 
you', and in those passages that have the plural, with an im- 
plied 'both of you'. 

We have thus a logically consistent and satisfying explana- 
tion of the eight such duals found in the metrical portions 
of the Yedas. In each of the two passages from the Odana 
Sukta (AV. XI. 3), the same explanation may apply, if not 
so obvious and compelling, or the duals may in each instance 
be echoic of the perfectly normal duals of the same words 
immediately preceding. 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 167 

3. 

A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of 

persons. 

We find twenty instances in the B,V.: (i), aitsayos (marii- 
tarn), V. 57. 6*, rstayo vo maruto ansayor adhi saha 6jo bah- 
vor vo balaiii hitam | nrmna oirsasv ayudha rathesu vo vigva 
vah c,rir adhi tanusu pipiQe || (Lances are on your shoulders 
twain, O Maruts; energy and strength are placed together in 
your arms; manliness on your heads, weapons on your cars, 
all majesty is moulded on your forms); (2), gabhastyos (marit- 
tdm), I. 64. 10 C , astara isum dadhire gabhastyoh (The archers 
have set the bow in their hands); (3), I. 88. 6 M , isa sya vo 
maruto 'nubhartri prati stobhati vaghato na van! | astobhayad 
vrthasam anu svadhaiii gabhastyoh || l (This invigorating hymn, 
O Maruts, peals forth in praise to meet you, as the music of 
one in prayer. Joyously did Gotama make these sing forth 
a gift of praise unto your hands); (4), V. 54. ll f , ansesu va 
rstayah patsii khadayo vaksassu rukma maruto rathe c.ubhah j 
agnibhrajaso vidyiito gabhastyoh <}iprah girsasu vitata hiran- 
yayih || (Lances on shoulders, spangles on feet, gold on your 
breasts, splendor on your car, fire-glowing lightnings in your 
hands, visors wrought of gold arranged upon your heads); 
(5), yabliastyos (somasutvdndm) , IX. 10. b , hinvanaso ratha 
iva dadhanvire gabhastyoh | bharasah karinam iva || (Driven 
on like chariots the Somas flow in the hands, like hymns of 
the singers); (6), IX. 13. 7 C , dadhanvire gabhastyoh (they flow 
in the hands); (7) and (8), IX. 20. b ; 65. 6 b , mrjamano 



1 The passage is difficult and has no satisfactory explanation in com- 
mentator or translator. The principal mooted points are the substantive 
implied in a, the subject and object of astobhayad in c, the syntax and re- 
ference of dsdm in c and of gabhastyos in d. Stanzas 4 and 5 are replete 
with ^the idea of the excellence and potency of Gotama s former hymns. 
Here he expresses his confidence of continuing merit and the consequent 
acceptance and approval of the present effort, the anubhartrl of a. Asto- 
bhayad has the Gotama of 4 and 5 for its subject, and its object is implied 
in dsdm, the antecedent of which is esd anubhartrl of a. The case of 
dsdm is the partitive gen. after the idea of 'give, present' implied in asto- 
bhayad (cf. Speijer's Sk. Syn. 119 and E. Siecke, De gen. in ling. Sansk. 
imp. Ved. usu 7, p. 36). Gabhastyor depends upon same idea of 'present* 
in the verb, and refers to the Maruts. This gives at least a consistent sense 
and a possible syntax. 

12* 



168 8. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

gabhastyoh (cleansed in the hands); (9) and (10), IX. 36. 4 b and 
64. 5 b , gumbhamana rtayiibhir mrjamano gabhastyoh (made 
radiant by pious men, cleansed in their hands) ; (n), IX. 71. 3\ 
adribhih sutah pavate gabhastyoh (Soma pressed by the 
stones becomes clear in the hands); (12), IX. 107. 13 d , tarn 
Im hinvanty apaso yatha ratham nadisv a gabhastyoh (Skilful 
men drive him as a car, in streams in their hands) ; (13), IX. 
110. 5 C , garyabhir na bharamano gabhastyoh (Borne on by 
the arrows, as it were, of the hands); (14), paksd (vmdm), VIII. 
47. 2 C , paksa vayo yathopari vy asme garma yachata and 
(15), VIII. 47. 3 b , vy asme adhi garma tat paksa vayo na 
yantana (Spread your protection over us as birds spread their 
wings); (16), bahubhyam (dngirasdm),. II. 24. 7 C , te bahu- 
bhyam dhamitam agnim agmani (They leave upon the rock the 
fire enkindled with their arms); (17), bahubhyam (dyundm), X. 
7. 5 c j bahubhyam agnim ayavo 'jananta (With their arms did 
men generate Agni); (18), bdhvos (marutam), see no. 1 above; 
(19), bdhvos (nrndm), VI. 59. 7 b , indragni a hi tanvate naro 
dhanvani bahvoh (Indra-Agni, men are stretching the bows 
in their arms); (20), hdstdbhydm (mantrakftdm), X. 137. 7 a , 
hastabhyam dagaQakhabhyam (With our hands of ten branches 
we stroke thee). 

The AV. furnishes these six instances: (i), patdurdu (strl- 
ndm), XL 9. 14 b , pratighnanah sam dhavantu urah. pataurav 
aghnanah (Let them run together, without anointing, smiting 
each her breast and thighs); (2), pdddbhydm (devdndm), X. 
7. 39 a , yasmai hastabhyam padabhyam vaca grotrena caksusa 
[Unto whom (Skambha), with hands, with feet, with voice, with 
hearing and with sight (the gods continually render tribute)]; 
(3) and (4), Mstdbhydm (mantrakftam), IV. 13. 7 a and c , hasta- 
bhyam dagagakhabhyam .... anamayitniibhyam hastabhyam 
tabhyam tvabhi mrgamasi || (With our hands of ten branches, 
.... with hands that banish disease, with these we stroke thee); 
(5), VI. 118. P, yad dhastabhyam cakrma kilbisani aksanam 
ganam upalipsamanah (If we have committed sins with our 
hands, in our desire of the troop of the dice); (6), X. 7. 39*, 
see no. 2 above. 

An examination of these passages in detail will readily 
show in twenty-two of them the same clearly marked in- 
dividuality of action among the plurality of actors that we found 
in the preceding section in the case of the duality of actors. 






Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 169 

In fifteen of the twenty instances in the RV., it will be seen 
at once that the specified act naturally and imperatively de- 
mands the exercise of both of the given bodily members for 
its performance. Such are the acts in nos. 2 and 19, aiming 
the bow; in nos. 16 and 17, kindling fire with the fire-sticks; 
in nos. 14 and 15, birds spreading their wings; in nos. 5 to 
13 inclusive, the pressers cleansing the soma. In all the AV. 
passages we have evidence of the individual element in the 
action. In no. 1, the sg. uras and dual pataurau serve this 
purpose; in nos. 2 and 6 the singulars of b as well as the 
duals of a indicate the individual rather than the collective 
homage of the gods; in no. 5 the gamblers seek forgiveness 
each for his own sins, not for their joint offences; in nos. 3 
and 4 and in RV. no. 20, it is the shaman that acts. It may 
be that in AV. nos. 3, 4 and 5 and E-V. no. 20, we have a 
single subject speaking in the first plural and that these really 
belong in 1 rather than here. 

It remains to show that the same explanation holds in the 
other four passages. We should remember that the Rishis 
have all the Oriental exuberance and liveliness of fancy, love 
of variety and of profuse ornamentation. They excel also in 
the use of the swift, bold and sometimes startling transition. 
They were often consummate artists, masters of word-painting. 
They exhibit their skill now throughout an entire hymn, now 
in a stanza that is a miniature master-piece, now in a single 
word that is athrill with poetic concept. The difficulty is for 
the cool, logical and too often phlegmatic Occidental mind to 
appreciate the riotous luxuriance of their imagination and the 
art that is in its expression. 

In our no. 4 of the RV. the swift transition from the plu- 
rals of a and b to the duals of b and c and then back to the 
plurals of d is but a part of the Rishi's artistic equipment, of 
his professional stock in trade, by which he presents to view 
now the group, now the individual member of it and now 
again the group. To us, unfamiliar with the real nature of 
the vidi/ut, it may seem to accord ill with the imagery of the 
context and even to make the picturesque almost grotesque, 
to represent the individual Maruts as clutching with both 
hands their missile bolts, but surely there is nothing incon- 
gruous in this to the Hindoo familiar with that magnificent 
but appalling electrical display by which the whole arch of 



170 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

heaven, from zenith to horizon, is made to glow with such con- 
tinuous flashes of flame that the intense inky blackness of the 
monsoon night is made to rival the brilliance of the tropical 
noonday. 

In nos. 1 and 18 of the RV., which are from successive 
padas of the same re and separated only by our alphabetic 
scheme of listing, the transition from the plurals of a and ~b 
to the duals of c and d may be compared in effect to a paint- 
ing in which individual Maruts are strongly limned in the 
foreground and the Marut host sketched in more vague and 
shadowy outlines in the background. Too fanciful? There 
are scores of such artistic transitions in the RV. Again as 
the lances are the vidyut flashes the Rishi is not without skill 
in his art when he makes them in their play rest upon both 
shoulders of the individual Maruts. In no. 3 of the RV. a 
like interpretation presents an individualistic touch at the 
close of the re that has opened with a collective plural ad- 
dress. Gotama's gift of song is unto you, Maruts, yea unto 
you individually as well as collectively. 

So in every instance cited the use of the dual resolves the 
plurality of persons and presents the component individuals. 
The art of the hieratic Rishi is pronounced in at least four 
of the passages and the demotic shaman of the AY. shows no 
parallel. The results accord with those of 2 and are the 
proper contrast to those derived from the study of the next 
section. 



4. 

A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of 

persons. 

We find these thirty-five instances in the RV.: (i), dnsesu 
(marutdm), I. 64. 4 C , ansesv esam ni mimrksur rstayah (The 
lances on their shoulders beat down); (2), I. 166. 9 C , ansesv 
a vah prapathesu khadayo (Spangles on your shoulders in your 
journeys); (3), I. 166. 10 C , ansesv etah pavisu ksura adhi (On 
shoulders, buckskins; on fellies, knives); (4), I. 168. 5 C , aisam 
ansesu rambhimva rarabhe (On their shoulders rests, as it 
were, a lance) ; (5), 7. 54. IP, ansesu va rstayah patsu kha- 
dayo (Lances on your shoulders, spangles on the feet); (6), 777. 
56. 13*, ansesv a marutah khadayo vo (On your shoulders, 






Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 111 

Maruts, are spangles); (7) aksdni, (purusdndm], VII, 55. 6> c , 
ya aste yac. ca carati yag ca pacjati no janah | tesaih sarii 
hanmo aksani (Of him who sits and him who walks and him 
who looks on us, of these we close the eyes); (8), aksdbhis 
(ydjamdndndm), I. 89. 8 b , bhadram pacjemaksabhir yajatrah 
(May we with our eyes behold the good, ye adorable ones); 
(9) and (10), I. 139. 2^, dki'biQ cana manasa svebhir aksabhih 
somasya svebhir aksabhih (Not with the thoughts, the mind, 
but with our own eyes, our own eyes of Soma given, have we 
behold the golden one); (u), IX. 102. S\ kratva gukrebhir 
aksabhir rnor apa vrajaiii divah (With our eyes clear with 
wisdom unbar the stall of heaven); (12), apihahsebhis (devdndm), 
X. 134. 7 C , paksebhir apikaksebhir atrabhi sarii rabhamahe 
(To your wings, to your shoulders, there do we closely cling); 
(13), kdrnebhis (ydjamdndndm), I. 89. <S a , bhadram karnebhih 
grnuyama deva (May we, Gods, with our ears hear the 
good); (14), cdJcsaiisi (purusanam), V. 1. 4 b , caksunsiva surye 
saiii caranti (As the eyes of men turn to Surya); (15), jaglidndn 
(d^vdndtn), VI. 75. 13 { \ a janghanti sanv esam jaghanaii upa 
jighnate (He lashes their backs, lashes their haunches); (16), 
paksan (vlnCim), I. 166. 10 d , vayo na paksan vy anu griyo dhire 
(As birds their wings, the Maruts spread their glory out); 
(17), pakaebhis (devdndm), same as no. 12 above; (18), padbhis 
(ydjamdndndm), IV. 2. 14 h , padbhir hastebhig cakrma tanu- 
bhih (We have done with our feet, our hands, our bodies); 
(19), X. 79. 2*, atrany asmai paclbhih sam bharanty uttana- 
hasta namasadhi viksii (With their feet they gather food for 
Agni, with upraised hands and reverence in their dwellings); 
(20), patsu (marutdm), see no. 5 above; (21), Idhdvas (nrudm), 
X. 103. 13 C , ugra vah santu bahavo (Strong be your arms, 
heroes, in battle); (22), bdhun (ydtudhdndm), X. 87. 4 d , 
pratico bahun prati bhandhy esam (Break their arms raised 
against you); (23), bdhubhis (marutdm), I. 85. b , pra jigata 
bahubhih (Advance with your arms); (24), (agnimdnthandndm), 
III. 29. 6*, yadl manthanti bahiibliir vi rocate (When they 
rub Agni with their arms, he shines forth); (25), (mahato 
mdnyamdndndm), VII. 98. 4 b , saksama tan bahubhih gaca- 
danan (We shall subdue them confiding in their arms); (26), 
lidlmsu (marutdm), I. 166. _/# b , bhuruni bhadra niiryesu ba- 
hiisu (Many goodly things are in your manly arms); (27), VIIL 
20. 10\ rukmaso adhi balmsu (Golden ornaments upon their 



172 S. O. Oliphant, [1910. 

arms); (28), giprds (marutdm) 1 , V. 54. 11 A , giprah girsasu vi- 
tata hiranyaylh (Visors of gold arranged upon their heads); 
(29) *, VIII. 7.25^, giprah clrsan hiranyaylh (Visors of gold 
upon their heads); (30), grngdni (grngmdm), III. 8. 10% grn- 
ganlvec chrnginaiii sarii dadrgre casalavantah svaravah prthi- 
vyam (The sacrificial posts set in the earth and adorned with 
knobs, seem like the horns of horned creatures); (31), (sak- 
thdni (marutdm), X. 61. <? c , vi sakthani naro yamuh putrakrthe 
na janayah (The heroes spread their thighs apart like women 
in childbirth); (32), hdstebhis (ydjamdndndm), see no. 18 above; 
(33)* hdstdir (manlsmdm), IX. 79. 4 d , apsii tva hastair dudu- 
hur mamsinah (Sages have with their hands milked the sorna 
into the waters); (34), hastesu (marutdm), I. 37. 3 ] \ iheva 
cjnva esam kaga hastesu yad vadan (The whip in their hands 
is heard as if here, when they crack it); (35), I. 168. 3 d . 
hastesu khadig ca krtic, ca saiii dadhe (A ring and a dagger 
are held in their hands). 

The AV. has fourteen instances of its own: (i), cdksurtsi 
(Qdtrundm}, III. 1. 6 C , caksunsy agnir a dattam (Let Agni 
take their eyes); (2), cdksusdm (purusdndm), V. 24. 9*, suryac, 
caksusam adhipatih (Surya is overlord of eyes); (3), pCirsnis 
(durndmnmdm), VIII. 6. ^5 b , purah pfirsmh puro mukha 
(Whose heels are in front, in front their faces); (4), prdpaddni 
(durnCmnmam}, VIII. 6. 15% yesam pagcat prapadani (The 
fore-parts of whose feet are behind) ; (5), bdhdvas (nrndvi), XL 
9. 1%je bahavo ya isavo (What arms, what arrows!); (6), 
(gdtrunam), XL 9. 13*, muhyantv esam bahavah (Let their 
arms fail); (7), (8) and (9), baMn (gdtrundm), III. 19. 2% VI. 
65. c , XL 10. 16 C , vrgcami gatrunam bahun (I hew off the 
arms of the foemen); (10), gfngdni (durndmmndm), VIII. 6.14 b , 
ye purve badhvo yanti haste gfngaiii bibhratah (Who go 
before a bride, bearing horns in the hand); (n), hastesu (yd- 
jamdndndm), IV. 14. b , kramadhvam agnina nakam ukhyan 
hastesu bibhratah (Stride ye with fire to the vault of heaven, 
bearing potfires in your hands); (12), (13) and (14), (brahmd- 
nam), VI. 122. 5 b , X. 9. 27^, XL 1. 27^ brahmanam hastesu 
praprthak sadayami (1 place these separately in the hands of 
the Brahmans). 

1 Say. glosses the former by iismsamayyas (consisting of head-dresses), 
the latter by firastrdndni (head protectors). The name is doubtless due 
to some resemblance to the real fiprds, 'lips'. 






Vol. xxx.] The Vedic, Dual 173 

The AV. has also three repetitions from the RV.: altsini, 
IV. 5. 5 C = aks&ni RV. VII. 55. 6'; lahavas, III. 19. 7 b = RV. 
X. 103. 13 C ; bdhfin, VIII. 3. 6 d = RV. X. 87. 4 d . 

A comparison of these passages with those of 3 in which 
the dual is associated with a like plurality of persons, shows 
that in these the plural is thought of as general and collec- 
tive. The Rishis here view the concert rather than the in- 
dividualization of the action. In nos. 18 and 32 of the RV. 
tanubhis shows there is no idea of individuality. So do viksti 
of no. 19, the plural simile janayali of no. 31, and the con- 
text of no. 27, which has taniisu in 12 I} , rathesu in 12 C and 
griyas in 12 d . In no. 7 tesdm is plainly "of all these", not 
u of each of these". Nos. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 21, 22, 25, 32 and 
33 are obviously general and collective, not specific and in- 
dividual. In nos. 1 to 6, 20, 23, 26 to 29, 34 and 35 the 
Rishis refer to the Marut host, not to individual members of 
it. A comparison of no. 15 with the no. 14 of 3 shows that 
here the simile looks to the ensemble of wings. So the com- 
parison in no. 31 is general. In nos. 16, 24 and 31 the use 
of both the bodily members is indeed necessary in any single 
case, but comparison with nos. 16 and 17 of 3 shows that 
the Rishis by the plural generalize the act that the dual would 
individualize. So with the remaining passages, nos. 12, 15 
and 17 of the RV. and all of the AV., the plural is general 
and synthetic where the dual would resolve the group into its 
components. 

5. 

A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of 

persons. 

There are but three instances of this phenomenon, all in 
the RV. The passages are: (i), Mrndis (a$vinos), L 184. 2 (] . 
rrutam me achoktibhir matlnam esta nara nicetara ca kar- 
ntiih (Hearken, ye heroes, to the invocations of my hymns, ye 
who are worshipped and are observant with your ears); (2), 
pa<!bhis (mitrdvarunayos), V. 64. 7 l \ sutarii somaiii mi hasti- 
bhir a padbhir dhavantam nara bibhratav arcanfmasam (As 
to the soma finger-pressed, hither speed with your feet, O 
heroes, supporting Arcananas); (3), "baliuWils (mitrdi'iirunayos), 
VI. 67. 7 (1 , sum ya racmeva yamatur yamistha dva janaii asa- 



174 8. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

ma bahiibhih svaih (The peerless twain who by their arms as 
with a rein, best control the peoples). 

Concert of action is clearly indicated in all, but most clearly 
in the third passage. The invocation of the first and second 
passages has an implied "both of you." Compare and contrast 
the passages in 2. 



6. 

A plurality 1 of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual. 

We expect the plural when a plural numeral is added. 
There are these instances: B,V. dksdbhis (agnes], I. 128. 3 d , 
gatam caksano aksabhih (Observant with a hundred eyes); X. 
79. 5 C , tasmai sahasram aksabhir vi cakse (He looks on him 
with a thousand eyes); pddds (ghrldsya\ IV. 58. 3 a , catvari 
gfnga trayo asyo pads (Four are his horns and three his feet) ; 
bah&n (urunasya), II. 14. 4 b , nava cakhvansam navatirii ca 
bahun (Showing nine and ninety arms); bdhusu (bramandasyd), 
VIII. 101. 13 C , citreva praty adargy ayaty antar dagasu ba- 
husu (Radiant Usas is seen advancing amid the ten arms); 
gfnga (ghrtasya), IV. 58. 3 a , see pddds above; hdstdsas (glir 
tdsya), IV. 58. 3 b , dve glrse sapta hastaso asya (Two are his 
heads and seven his hands). 

AV. padbhis (purusasya), XIX. 6. 2*, tribhih padbhir dyam 
arohat (With three feet he climbed the sky); caksunsi (bha- 

1 The plural is the natural number in the following instances: RV 
padbhis, IV. 38. 3 C (agvasya dadhikras); panibhis, II. 31. 2 d (= gapha ag- 
vasya); pddds, I. 163. 9 a (agvasya); prdpaddis, VI. 75. 7 C (agvasya). 

AV. jdfiffhds, IX. 7.10 (rsabhasya); X. 9. 23 a (aghnydyas); jdnghabhiS) 
IV. 11. 10 b (anaduhas);^afeawam, IX. 3. 4 C (=sthuna vigvavarayas) ; padds, 
IV. 15. 14 d , (manddkasya); IX. 4. 14 C (rsabhasya); 'padbhis, III. 7. 2 b (hari- 
nasya); IV. 11. 10 a (anaduhas); IV. 14. 9 d (ajasya); patsu, VI. 92. l d (a- 
vasya); pdddn, XIV. 1. 60 a (asandyas); stands, IX. 7. 14; X. 9. 22 b ; 10. 7 d 
(aghnyayas); stdndn, XII. 4. 18 b (vagayas); stanebhyas, X. 10. 20 d (vagayas). 

Twice in AV. such a plural is resolved into two duals: 
pdddu, XV. 3. 4 (asandyas vratyasya). 

tasya grlsmaQ ca vasantag ca dvau | padav astam garag ca varsag 
ca dvau. (The summer and the spring were two of its feet, the 
autumn and the winter were two). 
stdndn, VIII. 10. 13 (virajo vagaya iva). 

brhag ca rathamtaram ca dvau stanav astam | yajnayajniyam ca va- 
madevyam ca dvau. (B. and R. were two of her teats, Y. and V 
were two). 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 175 

vasya) XI. 2. 5 h , yani caksunsi te bhava 1 (To the eyes that 
thou hast, be homage, Bhava). In this latter instance the 
numeral is expressed in the sahasrdksa of 3 d , 7 b and 17*. 

That these plurals are due to poetic tropes or to mythic 
or mystic creations of Hindoo fancy admits of no question. 
No one thinks of a literal interpretation. The hundred or 
the thousand eyes of Agni are the bright flames that dart 
forth beams of light in all directions. The metaphor requires 
the plural. The numeral is intensive. By its use Agni is re- 
presented as sharp-sighted or omnivident. The nine and ninety 
arms of the Asura Urana mean only that the demon is many- 
armed or strong-armed. The ten arms of Irahmdnda are, as 
Sayana says, the ten digas or regions of the universe. 

It is liturgical mysticism that turns the glirta into a gdura, 
or Indian buffalo, and then proceeds to invest it with the 
symbolism of such an odd plurality of natural members, four 
horns, three feet, two heads and seven hands. Speculation as 
to the interpretation of these symbolic members was rife among 
the native commentators 2 and their inability to think the Ri- 
shi's thoughts after him is shown in the great variety of con- 
clusions reached. Without undertaking to decide among them 
we know that the plural members are mystic and symbolic 
and that the Rishi had no conscious conception of the result- 
ant zoomorphic incongruity of his fancy. The addition of 
the hands shows that the idea of an actual gdura is not 
present to his consciousness. 

In AV. XIX. 6, the shifting mythic symbolism produces 
an almost continuous change in the anatomy of the cosmic 
piirusa. In 1 he has a thousand arms, a thousand eyes and 
a thousand feet; in 2, three feet; in 4, four feet; in 5 and 6, 
two arms and two feet; in 7, one eye. There are similar 
changes in the corresponding RV. X. 90, but they do not 
come so apace. 

Of the same nature are the plurals implied in dvigu com- 
pounds. Thus in RV. I. 31. 13 b , Agni is caturaksd] in I. 79. 12% 
sahasrdksa; in V. 43. 13 d , a tridhdtugrnyo vrsabhds', in V. 1. 8 C , 



1 Bhava is identified with Rudra. Cf. VS. 16. 18. 28; 39. 8 and QB, 
6. 1. 3. 7. In RV. 2. 1. 6; AV. 7. 87. 1; TS. 5. 4. 3. 1; 5. 5. 7. 4 and 
QB. 1. 7. 3. 8; 6. 1. 3. 10 this deity is identified with Agni. 

2 Vid. TA. 10. 10. 2 a ; GB. 1. 2. 16; Sayana on RV. I. c ; and MahT- 
dhara on VS. 17. 91. The last is especially rich in alternatives. 



176 S. 0. Oliphant, [1910. 

a sahdsragrngo vrsaWias] in VIII. 19. 32 b , a sahasramusko devds ; 
in I. 97. 6% he is vigvatomukha', in III. 38. 4 d , vigvdrupa; etc., 
etc. These dvigu compounds are figurative allusions to the 
phenomena of fire, celestial or terrestrial. A similar inter- 
pretation explains all such in either Yeda. 

Closely akin to these plurals with numerals are those in 
metaphors and poetic symbolism in which the number is ob- 
viously determined by the figure. A clear instance is B-V. 
X. 127. 1, rdtn vy akhyad dyatl purutrd devy dksabhis (The 
goddess Night, as she approaches, looks about in many a place 
with her eyes). Her eyes are the stars and the plural is as 
natural here as is the dual in RV. I. 72. 10 b , in which ciksi 
divas (eyes of the sky) are the sun and moon. 

A number of such instances cluster about Agni. In RV. 
I. 146. 2 he is transformed into an uksd malidn that urvy&h 
pado ni dadheiti sCindu (Plants his feet upon the broad earth's 
back). The tauropoeia justifies the plurality of feet. In III. 
20. 2, the Rishi says to Agni tisrds te jihvd .... tisrd u te 
tanvb (three are thy tongues, . . . three also thy bodies), in 
which the plurals are due to the symbolism of the metaphors. 
Sayana identifies the three tongues as the three sacrificial 
fires, gdrliapatya, dliavamya and daJcsina and makes the three 
bodies pavaka, pavamdna and $uci. Other interpretations have 
been given but none that impugns the figure which justifies 
the plurals. Our principle becomes clear, if we compare two 
such passages as V. 2. 9 d giglte Qfnge rdksase vimhse (He 
whets his horns to gore the Raksas) and I. 140. 6 d Wilmo nil 
gf-ngoii davidhdva durgfbliis (Like one terrific he tosses his 
horns). In the former the tauropoeia is complete and the 
duality of horns naturally follows; in the latter the simile in 
which Agni is compared to a bull rampant in the jungle 
suggests the metaphor by which the tips of flame are called 
his horns. The flames are uppermost in thought and the plu- 
rality of horns inevitably follows. Sayana well says gmgd 
grngavad unnatd jvdlds (flames shooting up like horns) and 
Yaska (Nir. I. 17) gives grngdni as one of the eleven syno- 
nyms of 'flames.' In II. 2. 4 cd , pfgnydh patardm citdyantam 
aksdbhih pdtlio nd pdyum jdnasl ublie dnu (The bird of the 
firmament, observant with his eyes, as guard of the path looks 
at both races). The first metaphor avifies the celestial Agni 
and suggests the second, in the transition to which the first 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 177 

fades away as the plurality of phenomena comes to the front 
in thought and leads to the plural eyes in the new metaphor. 
Sayana's svalaydir jvdldrupdir avayavdili (his own members 
having the form of flames) expresses the idea. 

Similar is RV. X. 21. 7 cd , ghrtdpratikam mdnuso m vo made 
guJcrdm cetistham aksabhir vivahsase (With butter-smeared face 
you are merry in spirit, bright, observant with your eyes, you 
wax great). In a Agni is an rtvij (priest); in c the personi- 
fication is fading from thought in the transition to the new 
figure in d. Sayana's vydptdis tejobhis (far- extending, radiant 
flames) well explains the metaphor in aksdbhis and its plural 
form. Parallel to this is VIII. 60. 13, gicdno vrsabho yathd 
agnili gfhge ddvidhvat \ tigmd asya hdnavo na pratidhfse su- 
jdmbhah sdhaso yahiih (Like a bull Agni doth whet and toss 
his horns. Sharp are his jaws and not to be withstood, with 
good teeth, strong and swift). The simile in a and b shows 
the proper duality of horns. In c comes the new figure and 
its natural resultant in the plural hdnavo. So in X. 79 we 
have a shift from Jidnu in l c and aim in 2 a to sahdsram ok- 
sdbhir in 5 C . 

The sacrificial aspect of Agni in II. 13. 4 C , dsinvan ddn- 
strdih pitur aiti bhojanam (Insatiate with his tusks he eats 
his father's food) should be contrasted with the zoomorphic 
Agni of X. 87. 3 ab , ubhobhaydvinn upa dhehi ddhstrd hiitsrdh 
clgdno 'varam pdraiii ca (Apply thy tusks destructive, whet- 
ting both, the upper and the lower). The dual of the latter 
is required by the personification; the plural of the former is 
as necessary to the metaphor of the consuming flames. In it 
the personification is arrested and the metaphor predominates. 
There is no need of disregarding the usual distinction between 
ddnstra and ddnta, as is so often done in the interpretation 
of the former passage. 

One passage relating to Agni remains. This is the much 
mooted 4 IV. 2. 12, dtas tvdm dfQydn agna etdn padWiih pa^yer 



1 For a summary of the earlier discussion of this passage and of the 
word padbhih, see M. Bloomfield in A. J. P. XI. 350 ff. and in Actes du 
XIV e Congres International des Orientalistes, I., or the Johns Hopkins 
University Circulars, 1906, no. 10, p. 15ff. In the latter paper Professor 
Bloomfield concludes: "Shocking as may seem the paradox, we shall, 
I think, have to endure it, that Agni is here said to see with his feet; 
of course, the pun as well as the paradox between padbhih and pa^yer 



178 8. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

ddbhutdn aryd evaih. We believe that Sayana's gloss on 
padbhih pdddis svatejcbhih pagya (He sees with his feet, his 
own bright flames) embodies the Bishi's meaning so far as 
the noun itself is concerned. We do not, however, feel com- 
pelled to construe it with pagyer. It is not so unusual for 
words at the beginning of successive padas to be syntactically 
connected that we may not construe padbhih with dtas or 
with the implicit idea of motion in dtas. The passage would 
then mean: Hence (speeding) with thy feet (i. e., thy nimble 
jets of flame) mayst thou, Agni, noble one, behold those 
wondrous ones (i. e., the gods) in visible presence (i. e., go 
thither carrying our oblations and prayers). In either case 
the passage swings right into line with all the others con- 
sidered relative to Agni and the metaphor affords ample ex- 
planation of the plural. In the latter case the paradox and 
supposed difficulties of the passage vanish. 

We shall next consider the passage X. 99. 12 that has so 
long proved a puzzle for the commentators: eva malio asura 
vaksdtliaya vamrakdh padbliir upa sarpad indram \ sd iyandli 
~karati svastim asmd isam Arjarii suksitim vigvam dWidh \\ (Thus, 
Asura, for his exaltation did the great Vamraka crawl upon 
his feet up to Indra. That one, when supplicated, will give 
him a blessing; food, strength, secure dwelling, all will he 
bring him). 

Bloomfield has shown (II. cc.) that padblns everywhere means 
primarily "with the feet" and has argued plausibly for an 
occasional secondary meaning, "quickly, nimbly, briskly, etc." 
Cf. our colloquial "with both feet." This word may, then, be 
considered to lie within this range of meaning. Vamrdka, too, 
is a mooted word. Its possibilities are, however, either an 
ant, 1 or a Eishi, or a demon. In a study to be published 
separately the writer has maintained that Vamraka is here Ant, 
the personified type of his genus. If, then, vamraka is ant, 
the plural padWiis is natural; if Eishi or demon, the plural is 

may have invited an unusually daring poet to this tour de force. Of 
itself the likening of the nimble jets of flame to moving feet is not out 
of the Rishi's range. The exact sense of the passage is not quite clear, 
but its obscurities are not likely to affect our judgment of padbhih either 
one way or another." 

1 So PWB. and GWB. Sayana, Griffith and Ludwig take it as name 
of a Rishi; GRV. as that of a demon. 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 179 

the intensive with Bloomfield's secondary meaning or else due 
to a paronomasia upon the literal meaning of his name. In 
any case the difficulty of the plurality of feet is removed. 

In I. 163. ll cd , it is said of the horse: tava gfngani visthitd 
purutrd dranyesu jdrWmrdnd caranti (Tossing thy horns out- 
spread in all directions, thou rangest in the wildernesses). 
With this we must compare 9 a preceding: hiranyagrngo J yo 
asya pddd (Golden-horned is he, of iron are his feet). Sayana 
explains the implied Qfngdni of 9 a by unnata girasko hrdaya- 
ramcina crngasthdmya girorulio (Prominent hairs of the head 
made fast at its centre and occupying the usual place of horns) 
and the expressed gfngani of ll c by giraso nirgatdh grngastha- 
wli/tih kecdh (Hairs growing out from the head in the usual 
place of horns). Sayana is thus consistent and we believe 
him alone of the commentators 1 to be correct. He undoubtedly 
means the foretop. As liari is the predominant color of the 
Vedic horse, hiranya is a natural epithet for the foretop. What 
could better suggest the comparison in ll cd than the waving, 
tossing hairs of a heavy, shaggy foretop? The metaphor alone 
is ample reason for the plural horns. We have also the addi- 
tional reason that in this hymn the horse is a celestial ani- 
mal actually identified in 3 a with Aditya, the sun, and cours- 
ing the heavens in 6 and 7. This identification is more or 
less prominent throughout the hymn. The foretop, then, re- 
presents also the beams of the sun. 

In IX. 15. 4 ab , the Kishi says of Soma in the press: esa 
rnigani dodhuvac chigite yutliyb vfsd (He brandishes his horns; 
he whets them as a bull of the herd). Oidenberg's identifi- 
cation of the horns of soma here with the horns of the moon 
affords no explanation for the plural and seems otherwise in- 

1 LRV. renders 9 a "mit goldenem [vorder] hufe erz die beiden [hinter] 
fiisze" and in ll c renders gnigdni by "hufen." We believe the pddd of 
9 a is the padds of the padapathi, not the dual of LRV. GRV. renders 
9 a "Goldhufig ist er, Eisen seine Fiisse" and gnigdni of ll c by "Hufe". 
This reduces the poetic figure to a mere comparison of material com- 
posing horn and hoof. Wilson renders 9 a "His mane is of gold," etc., 
and ll c "The hairs of thy mane," etc. This does not render Sayana 
properly. On top of the head "in the usual place of horns," i. e. 
between the ears, is the foretop, not the mane. Griffith translates literally 
"horns" in both passages, citing Say. in 9 a for "mane" and commenting 
on ll c "Meaning, here, perhaps, hoofs." The meaning must, of course, 
be the same in both passages. 



180 8. O. Oliphant, [1910. 

consistent with the entire context. Occidental commentators 
are silent. Sayana glosses grngam by grngavad unnatdn an- 
gun abliisavakale (Stalks or filaments of the soma plant that 
project like horns at the time of the pressing). This suits 
the case admirably. The figure explains the number and leads 
on naturally to the simile of &. 

The omnific Vigvakarman is the universal father and the 
architect of the world. In X. 81. 3 the Bishi s&jsivicvdtag- 
caksur utd vigvdtomukho vigvdtobdhur utd vigvdtaspdt \ sdm 
Mhubhydm dhdmati sdm pdtatrdir dytivdbliumi jandyan devd 
ekah \\ (With eyes and face on every side, and arms and feet 
on every side, with twain arms and with wings he kindles the 
fire, that lone god creating heaven and earth). The implied 
plurals of the compounds of a and fr are hyperbolic and in- 
tensive. Cf. our "He is all eyes, all ears," etc. The dual of 
c is noticeable. Though the god may have multiple arms yet 
in twirling the fire-sticks naturally but two are used. The 
plural pdtatrdir may best be considered as poetic hyperbole 
again, akin to the implied intensive plurals of a and b. With 
two arms Vic^vakarman starts the fire; with many wings he 
fans into fervent heat the flames that are to fuse heaven and 
earth for his welding. There is the prosaic alternative that 
pdtatrdir may mean "pinions," i. e. "wing-feathers" rather 
than "wings." 

There is a poor imitation of the passage in AV. XIII. 2. 26 
yo vigvdcarsanir utd vigvdtomukho yo vigvdtaspdnir utd vig- 
vdtasprthah \ sdm bdhubhydrn Widrati sdm pdtatrdir dyavdprthivl 
jandyan devd ekah \\ The diversity of bodily members in c may 
mean that the god, Surya this time, bears heaven and earth 
in his two arms and that the poet gives him the hyperbolic 
plurality of wings to indicate the swiftness and strength of 
his flight. 

In a description of Indra in R,V. III. 36. 8 we have: hradd 
iva kuksdyah somadhdndh sdm i vivydca sdvand purtini (Like 
lakes are his flanks, soma- containing; verily he holdeth full 
many a libation). In the RV. kuksi occurs only in connection 
with Indra. It is found five times in the dual and only here 
in the plural. This unique plural may be considered as a 
hyperbole in thorough keeping with 6 C , in which the sorna- 
filled Indra is too vast for heaven to contain him. 

But one more instance remains. This is the AV. XL 6. 22 C 



Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 181 

yti devil} panca prad'iQo ye devd dvadaga rtdvali \ samvatsa- 
rdsya ye dditstrds te nah santu sddd givCih \\ (The five divine 
regions, the twelve divine seasons the fangs of the year, let 
these ever be propitious to us). The numerals in a and b and 
the metaphor sufficiently warrant the plural. There is the 
alternative of taking dditstrds as the equivalent of dantds. So 
V. Henry, Les Livres X, XI et XII de PAtharva Veda, has: 
"En totalisant probablement, soit done 5 + 12 = 17 x2 (parce 
que toute entite celeste a son double terrestre et reciproque- 
ment) = 34, ce que qui donne une denture a peu pres nor- 
male". 

Excluding from the count the natural plurals, the plurals 
with numerals attached and those implied in the dvigu epi- 
thets, we have left in the RV. a total of thirteen instances 
in which a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, is ascribed 
to an individual. The AY. contributes one independent in- 
stance and one adaptation from the RV. These include in 
their number nearly all the mooted instances of plural for dual 
in Yedic. 

It was some of these that raised Delbriick's question l and 
led him to remark: "Es ist merkw r iirdig, dafi vom Soma ge- 
sagt wird Qfnqdni dodhuvaf 1 , 9. 15.4, wahrend es von Agni 3 
8. 60. 13 heifit gfnge davidhvat. In derselben Stelle wird von 
den hdnavas des Agni gesprochen. Ich mochte dahin auch 
iiatUhis*, 4. 38. 3, rechnen, bemerke aber, daft Ludwig das 
Wort durch 'Schlingen' iibersetzt. Diese und ahnliche Falle 
lieften sich wohl so erklaren, dato man sagt, der Dual stehe 
eben nur da, wo die Beidheit hervorgehoben wird, man konne 
rfugani sagen, wenn nur die Mehrheit ausgesprochen werden 
soil, Qfnge wenn man 'beide Horner' sagen will". 

Our study of the passages shows how utterly unsatisfactory 
is Delbriick's conclusions. As there was need of caution in 
entering upon this disputed matter we have considered each 
instance separately and in detail and we think an ample rea- 
son for the plural has been found. The numerical plurals and 
the dvigu compounds furnished the key as their figurative 
interpretation is beyond question. The next advance was the 
extension of a like exegetical method to the interpretation of 

i See p. 1 above. 2 See p. 39. Cf. RV. I. 140. 6, p. 36. 
3 Sed p. 37. See n. on p. 34. The reference is to the feet 

of the mythical horse, Dadhikra. 

VOL. XXX. Part II. 13 



182 S. G. Qliphant, [1910. 

the passage referring to the eyes of Ratrl, which is indispu- 
tably correct; then to the seven passages referring to the 
plural members of Agni, and then to the remaining five pas- 
sages of the RV. and the two of the AV. Every instance 
yields readily to the same solvent. The poetic figure, met- 
aphor, paronomasia, hyperbole, etc., or a combination of these, 
that flits before the Rishi's mind at the moment or the 
mythic concept of his imagination, fixes the plural. In not a 
single instance could the dual have been used without a de- 
cided poetic loss. 

It is in this section alone that any plural of bodily parts 
could be considered as an encroachment upon the domain of 
the dual. So far as these fifteen instances out of the entire 
five hundred and fifteen considered in these pages are con- 
cerned, the encroachment, if it may be so termed, is purely 
artistic and not syntactical. 

The disparity of instances between the RV. and the AV. is 
but another indication of the enormous difference between these 
two Vedas in poetic power and artistic skill. The study of 
the "Dual in Comparisons 77 reveals the same striking difference 
in the use of figurative language. We have in this section 
the same principles operating in metaphors that we find there 
to be operative in similes. The two studies illumine each 
other and together show that the mooted use of plural for 
dual in Yedic is simply the difference between the highly 
figurative and richly poetic language of the hieratic Rishi and 
the more prosaic diction of the Atharvan Shaman, the differ- 
ence between the imaginative conceptions of a poet and the 
mechanical composition of a versifex. 

It is but simple justice to the much- contemned Sayana to 
note that, whatever may be his lack of merit in some other 
respects, in several of these passages he alone of all commen- 
tators has caught the spirit and meaning of the ancient Rishis. 
Our method of interpretation was wrought out before reading 
his commentary, but we are glad it is supported by him. 

7. 

A duality of bodily parts, naturally singular, associated with a duality of 

persons. 

The RVo has these eight instances: (i), updstlia (pitror 
usdsas=--- divasprtliivyos], L 124. o d , obha prnanti pitror upas- 






Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 183 

thfi (Filling both laps of her parents); (2), tanva (arvinos), 
I. 181. 4 b , arepasa tanva namabhih svaih (Unblemished bo- 
dies, with marks their own); (3), VII. 72. 1\ sparhaya griya 
tanva gubhana (Radiant in body with an enviable beauty); 
(4), tanva (menayos), II. 39. c , mene iva tanva Qumbhamane 
(Like two dames adorning their bodies) ; (5), tanva (usasos), 
III. 4. 6 { \ a bhandamane ustisfi upake uta smayete tanva vi- 
rupe (Night and Dawn, closely united, come hither beaming 
and smile; different in hue are their bodies); (6), tanva (dl- 
vdvprthivyos), IV. 56. 6*, punane tanva mithah (Making pure 
their bodies alternately); (7), tanva (indragnyos}, X. 65. b , 
mitho hinvana tanva samokasa (Speeding each the other, hav- 
ing bodies with one dwelling); (8), gepa (= 1 hdrl yajamanasya}, 
X. 105. b , harl yasya suyuja vivrata ver arvantanu c,epa 
(Whose twain dun steeds, well-yoked, swerving apart, thou 
seekest after, fleet stallions). 

There is no clear instance in the AV., as the tanfi of IV. 
25. 5 b , like that of RV. X. 183. 2 b , is better taken as a loc. 
sg. Some consider tanva in our nos. 2 and 3 to be inst. sg. 

These eight duals are obviously normal and need no com- 
ment in explanation or justification. They make the list of 
the duals of the bodily parts entirely complete for the two 
Yedas. 

Our study of the dual of the natural bodily parts has been 
based only upon the two oldest monuments of the language, 
the Rig and the Atharva Veda. Among the results we may 
repeat by way of summary the following. 

We have found 191 such duals in RV. and 225 in AY., 
also 62 plurals in RV. and 37 in AV. referring to the same 
bodily parts. Of the duals, 158 in RV. and 212 in AV. per- 
tain to individuals and the dual expresses in each instance 
the natural number of the bodily parts specified. Of these 
as duals, there is no need of comment, as they are admittedly 
characteristic of the language at all periods. Their numerical 
distribution, however, has been found to indicate strongly the 



1 A much mooted passage. Because of the close similarity of a to I. 
63. 2 a , yad dlidrl indra vivrata ver we prefer Bergaigne's (II. 256) inter- 
pretation, and incline to modify it by accepting Sayana's ^epavantdu as 
the sense of $epd. Cf. hastin as an analogous synecdochical metonym. 

13* 



184 S. G. Oliphant, [1910. 

marked contrast between the hieratic character of the RV. 
and the demotic nature of the AY. An attentive scanning 
of the list will reveal many interesting and not unimportant 
details which neither our space has permitted nor our special 
theme has required that we should indicate. These have been 
thought an ample justification for the publication of the en- 
tire list, which is also more complete than Grassmann's and 
contains several corrections of his. t 

We have found only eight duals, all in RV., of bodily parts 
naturally singular, referring to a duality of persons. The 
number of such "pure" duals seems rather surprisingly small, 
less than two percentum of the Vedic duals. Their entire 
absence from the AV. in also striking. 

We have found only two instances, both in AV., of a phe- 
nomenon natural enough, yet so rare, duals arising from the 
resolution of natural plurals. 

We have found that of the naturally dual parts of the 
body, both duals and plurals are used in reference to a dual- 
ity or a plurality of individuals, that the dual resolves the 
group and presents the acts of the component individuals, 
that the plural merges the individual into the concert of the 
group, that of a dualic group the dissociative dual is far 
more frequent than the synthetic plural (10 to 3), while of 
a plural group the plural is just twice as frequent as the 
dual (52 to 26), that the resolution of a plural group is 
far more numerous (20 to 6) in the RV. than in the AV. 
and is sometimes attended by distinctively hieratic and 
artistic characteristics and that its "ambal" nature is very 
marked. 

We have found that 24 plurals in RV. and 20 in AV. 
refer to individuals, but in 4 instances in RV. and 16 in AV. 
this plural expresses the natural number of bodily parts and 
in 7 in RV. and 2 in AV. plural numerals are attached 
showing the figurative or symbolic nature of the plurals. For 
the remaining 15 instances we have found a simple logical 
and consistent explanation, based not upon any preconceived 
notions but upon ample evidence furnished by the Vedas 
themselves. Contrary to the impression of eminent scholars 
we find that Vedic Sanskrit does not admit plurals for duals 
with any marked freedom and that the supposed encroach- 
ment of plural upon dual is purely an artistic phenomenon in 






Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 185 

every instance and one characteristic of the higher reaches 
of hieratic art. 

Incidentally we have given a new or a modified interpre- 
tation to several passages, the more important of which have 
been briefly noted. 

Finally, and by way of anticipation also, we may add that 
the conclusions drawn from the remaining parts of our study 
give ample confirmation to our main conclusions from the 
foregoing. 



The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Two. Edited, 
with critical notes, by LEROY CAEE BAKKET, M.A., 
Ph.D., Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H. 

Prefatory. The second book of the Kashmirian AV. is 
here presented, elaborated upon about the same methods and 
principles as was the first book, published in volume 26 of 
this Journal. As in the first book so here the transliteration 
is regarded as of first importance: the publication of Bloom- 
field's Vedic Concordance makes it unnecessary to report 
variants in full as was done for the first book, but if a hymn 
or a stanza appears in the Concordance then at least one 
reference is given, so that practically all the new material is 
immediately evident. 

It will be noted that sometimes the transliteration of an 
entire hymn is given followed by an emended version, while 
again transliteration and emendation proceed stanza by stanza: 
no strong objection will be made to this freedom, if it is 
remembered that the work is still in an experimental stage. 
But it may be objected that while the word "experimental" 
is used here in the preface, further on the emendations are 
proposed with an air of considerable certainty: for I am sure 
it has not been possible to indicate successfully just the shade 
of certainty I feel concerning the proposed readings. Let us 
discuss the situation. Here is a manuscript, the sole and only 
one of its kind, written in such a slovenly fashion and so 
corrupt that in many places the true reading can never be 
attained: some of the hymns it presents are known in other 
texts, the rest are not known in any other text. In editing 
a hymn which appears both here and elsewhere one is con- 
stantly tempted to think that the Paipp. reading is only a 
corruption of the reading given by the other text, because 
one gets to feel that any and all mistakes are liable to appear 
in this manuscript The easy thing then is simply to set 
down the reading of the other text as the correct reading of 

VOL. XXX. Part III. 14 



188 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

the Paipp., but just because it is easy it creates a tendency 
that needs to be restrained. When we take up new hymns 
there is always a temptation to indulge freely in conjectural 
emendation, which is indeed a pretty pastime, but not pro- 
ductive of firmly founded results: when a pada or a stanza 
seems senseless (a conclusion which may sometimes be reached 
too readily) it would not be difficult, at least in some cases, 
to write one sensible and suitable to the context. But this is 
not criticism. Emendations are suggested here which are pure 
conjecture and not to be regarded in any other light; surely 
here if anywhere conjectural emendation has its opportunity 
but here as everywhere its value is very slight. Such are the 
principles I have tried to follow in editing this text: this 
statement of them may be taken too as a protest against 
certain methods of textual criticism, the methods of those who so 
gaily chop or stretch texts to make them fit a preconceived theory. 
The transliteration is given in lines which correspond to the 
lines of the ms. ; the division of words is of course mine, based 
upon the edited text. The abbreviations need little explana- 
tion: Q. is used to refer to the AY. of the Qaunikiya School, 
and ms. (sic) is used for manuscript to avoid confusion with 
the other abbreviation MS. The signs of punctuation used in 
the ms. are pretty faithfully represented by the vertical bar 
(= colon) and the "z" (= period): in transliteration the Roman 
period stands for a virdma. The method of using daggers to 
indicate a corrupt reading is that familiar in the editions of 
classical texts. 

Introduction. 

Of the ins. This second book in the Kashmir ms. begins 
f. 29b, 1. 6 and ends at the bottom of f. 48b 19 J /2 folios; of 
these f. 43 is badly broken and from f. 42 a the larger part of 
the written surface has peeled off: other than this there is 
practically no damage to the ms. in this part. There are as 
many as 20 lines to the page and as few as 15, but the most 
of the pages have 17 to 19 lines. 

Numbering of hymns and stanzas. In this book there are 
no stanza numbers and furthermore the end of a stanza is 
not regularly indicated by a mark of punctuation; often a 
visarga or virama is the only indication of the end of a hemi- 
stich. Most frequently the colon is the mark used if any 






Vol. xxx.] TJie Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 189 

mark appears. Except when rewriting a stanza corrections 
of punctuation have not been mentioned regularly. 

The hymns are grouped in anuvakas, all properly numbered 
save the tenth. The anuvakas consist of five hymns each save 
that the sixth has six. Practically all the hymns are num- 
bered, only three times is the number omitted and only five 
times is the wrong number written. At the end of No. 49 
stands a sort of colophon, imam raksamantram digdhandhanam 
(sic)] after some formulae which are thrust into the middle of 
No. 50 stands iti agnisuktam; and after No. 69 stands iti 
saclrtasuktam (sic). 

Accents. The accentuation in this book is about as poorly 
done as the punctuation. Accents are marked more or less 
fully on 30 stanzas of 12 different hymns, not counting a very 
few cases where an accent stands lonesomely on one single 
word: in no hymn is the accentuation marked on all the 
stanzas. No marks appear after f. 36 b. I have marked the 
accents in transliterating, but have not attempted to edit them 
in the emended portions because they seem to have no value. 

Extent of the look. This book contains 18 anuvakas each 
having 5 hymns, except that anu 6 has 6, so that I have num- 
bered 91 hymns: but hymns 1 and 2 of anu 17 seem to be 
in reality only one. The lacunae in f. 42 and f. 43 have not 
concealed the fact that anu 12 and anu 13 had 5 hymns 
each, provided of course that the numbers written are correct, 
as they seem to be. The mutilation of the two folios has taken 
away No. 63 entire and parts of Nos. 60, 61, 64, and 65. 

The word "hymn" means kancla whether verse or prose, and 
there are at least 20 hymns that are non-metrical. The 
90 hymns as they now stand in the ms. present approximately 
470 stanzas, thus showing an average of 5 stanzas which is 
clearly the norm here as well as in Q. 2 for 65 hymns here 
certainly have 5 stanzas each; only 4 have more than 6 stanzas. 
1 hymn has 3 stanzas = 3 stanzas 

3 hymns have 4 each =12 

65 5 =325 

10 6 = 60 

1 7 7 

n 

n n = 8 

2 11 - 22 
83 hymns 437 stanzas 

14* 



190 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

83 hymns have 437 stanzas 

2 hymns possibly have 6 stanzas each = 12 stanzas 
5 hymns (uncertain) show about 17 

1 is entirely lost 

~~91 hymns 466 stanzas. 

Counting in the 5 formulae which appear in the middle of 
No. 50 we have the approximate total of 470 stanzas. 1 

In Book One we saw that 67 out of 112 hymns clearly had 
4 stanzas so that it seems that the verse-norm for Books One 
and Two is the same in Q. and Paipp. 

New and old material. In Book One about 150 stanzas out 
of 425 were new material: here in Book Two about 270 out 
of the 470 are new. There are 50 hymns which may properly 
be called new though a number of them contain padas or 
even stanzas which are in the Concordance. The greater part 
of the new material is in the second half of the book; 17 of 
the first 46 hymns are new and 33 of second 44 are new. 
Perhaps it is also worth while to note here that of the 
36 hymns in Q. 2 18 appear in Paipp. 2 in fairly close agree- 
ment just as 19 of the 35 in Q. 1 appear in Paipp. 1. 

This book contains hymns and stanzas which appear in 
Books 17 and 19 of Q.; 1 hymn of Q. 1; 18 of C. 2; 3 of 
Q. 3; 2 of Q. 4; 8 of Q. 5; 4 of Q. 6; 2 of Q. 19; and some 
scattered padas of C. 7. Of the RV. there are 2 hymns and 
some stanzas, of MS. 2 hymns and some stanzas, of TB., Vait., 
and KauQ. 1 hymn each. 

ATHARVA-VEDA PAIPPALADA-QAKHA. 
BOOK TWO. 

1. [f. 29 b 1.6.] 
Q. 4. 7. 26. 

om nama sti i 

lotamayai z z om rasam pracyarh visam arasam yad 

udicyam yathedai 

i It will be understood that the figures given are not minutely exact, 
could not be and need not be: the total, 470 stanzas is a minimum. 
The ms. shows about 900 stanzas for Books 1 and 2; from this we may 
roughly estimate 5500 stanzas for the entire manuscript. 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmiri an Atharva Veda. 191 

s adharacyam karambhena vi kalpate karambham krtva 

turlyam pivassaka 
m udahrtam ksudha krtva justano jaksivipyasya nu rurupah 

vi te madam : 
sarayati cantam iva patayamasi | pari tva varmive gantam 

varcasa 
sthapayamasi | pari gramyavacitarh pari tva sthapayamasi | 

tva! 
sta vrksaiva sthasarh abhisate na rurupah pavastvarh yas 

tva pariy akri I 
narh durusebhir ajanir uta | prakrlr asi tvam osadhl atisata 

na ru : 
namah z i z 

The invocation may be read om namo 'sti lotamayai. The 
stanzas may be read thus: arasaiii pracyaiii visam arasaiii yad 
udicyam | athedam adharacyarh karambhena vi kalpate z I z 
karambham krtva turiyaiii pivaspakam udahrtam | ksudha kila 
tva dustano -j-jaksivlpyasya na rurupah z 2 z vi te madaiii 
sarayati carum iva pStayamasi | pari tva varmeva gantvaiii 
vacasa sthapayamasi z 3 z pari gramam ivacitaiii pari tva 
sthapayamasi | tistha vrksa iva sthaman abhrisate na rurupah 
z 4 z pavastaiii tva pary akrman durgebhir ajinair uta | pra- 
krir asi tvam osadhe e bhrisate na rurupah z 5 z 1 z 

2. [f. 29 b 1. 14] 

avidyad dyavaprthivT avidya bhagam a9vina! I 
avidya vrahmanaspatirh krnomy asam visam 
Read avedya in a, b, and c; arasaiii in d. 

vaso hedada visam yad ena : 

d aham agitharh utair adadyat praruso bhavadi jagadas punah 
Pada d may be read bhavami , but for the rest I see 
nothing. 

m5 bibhe I 
r na marisyasi pari tva masi vigvatah rasarh visasya navidam 

udhna I 
[f. 30 a.] s phena madann iva z 

Read pami in b, udhnas phenaiii in d. Pada a = Q. 5. 30. 8a; 
c = SMB. 2. 6. 18c. 

apavocad apavakta prathamo daivya bhisak. sam aga 
cchasindraga yavayava co visadusanih 



192 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

In VS. 16. 5 and elsewhere is a variant of ab; a possible 
reading for cd is sam u gacchaslndraja yavayava ca visa- 
dusanah: read daivyo in b. 

yag ca pistarh yag capistam : 
yady agrharh yag ca dehyarh devas sarvasya vidvarh so 

rasarh krnuta visarh I I 
z 2 z 

Read: yac ca pistarii yac c&pistaih yac ca grhyam yac 
cadehyam | devasya sarvasya vidvan so 'rasaih krnutam visam 
z 5 z 2 z 

3. [f. 30 a 1.4.] 
Q. 2. 10. 

ksettriya tva nirrtya jahasigarhsa druho muncasi: 
varunasya pgat. | anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi giva te I 
dyavaprthiviha bhutarh can te agnis saha dhibhir astu mam 

gavas sa i 
hosadhlbhih gam anlariksam sahavatam astu te gam te 

bhavantu pradi ! 
gag catasrah ya devis pradigag catasro vatapattir abhi 

suryo vi I 
caste | tasv edam jarasa a dadami pra ksyam eta nirrtis 

paracah : 
suryam rtam camaso grahya yatha deva muncantu asrjan 

pare 

tasah eva tv^rh ksettriyarh nirrtya jahimigamsa druho muficai 
mi varunasya pca ahomoci yaksml durita vadadyld druhah i 
patrad grahyag cod amoci juharivartim avidat syunam apy 

abhuta : 
bhadre sukrtasya loke z 3 z 

This hynin appears also in TB. 2. 5. 6. 1 2, and all but 
the fifth stanza in HGr. 2. 3. 10; 4. 1: it will be noted that our 
version is more like these than the Q. version. For Ppp. 
version read: 

ksetriyat tva nirrtya jamigansad druho muncami varunasya 
pac,at i anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi give te dyavaprthiviha 
bhutarii z 1 z gam te agnis saha dhibhir astu gam gavas 
sahausadhibhih | gain antariksarii sahavatam astu te gaiii te 
bhavantu pradic,ag catasrah z 2 z ya devis pradigag catasro 
vatapatnir abhi suryo vicaste tasv etam jarasa a dadhami 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 193 

pra yaksma etu nirrtis paracaih z 3 z suryam rtam tamaso 
grahya yatha deva muiicanto asrjan paretasah | eva tvaiii 
ksetriyan nirrtya jamigansad druho muiicami varunasya pagat 
z 4 z amoci yaksmad duritad avadyad druhah patrad grahyag 
cod amoci | aha avartim avidat syonam apy abhud bhadre 
sukrtasya loke z 5 z 3 z] 

4. [f. 30 a 1. 14.] 

Q. 2. 14. 

nissalarh dhisnyam dhisanam ekava: 
dyam jighatsvam sarva9 candama napatiyo nagayamas 

sadatva | ya i 
devagha ksettriyad yadi va purusesita | yad astu dagvibhyo 

jata) 
nagyatetas sadatva pari dhamany asam asrar gastham 

ivasaram | | : 
[f. 30b.] ajiso sarvan ajin yo nayatetah sadatva nira vo 

gosthad ajamasi : 
nir yonin nrpanaga | nir vo magumdya duhitaro grhebhyag 

catayamasi | I 
amusminn adhare grhe sarvasvant arayah | tatra papma ni 

yacchatu sa I 
rvag ca yatudhanyah z 4 z 

Read: nissalarii -j-dhisnyaiii dhisanam ekavadyarii jighatsvam | 
sarvag candasya naptyo nagayamas sadanvah z 1 z ya deva 
aghas ksetriya yadi va purusesitah | yadi stha dasyubhyo jata 
nacyatetas sadanvali z 2 z pari dhamany asam aguh kastham 
ivasaram | ajaisaiii sarvan ajin vo nagyatetas sadanvah z 3 z 
nir vo gosthad ajamasi nir yoner nir upanasat | nir vo magun- 
dya duhitaro grhebhyag catayamasi z 4 z amusminn adhare 
grhe sarvas santv arayyah | tatra papma ni yacchatu sarvac. 
ca yatudhanyah z 5 z 4 z 

Our ms. offers no help towards solving the troublesome 
st. la. 

5. [f. 30 b, 1. 4.] 

Q. 2. 12. 

dyaVaprthivI urv antariksam kse 
ttrasya pattrir gayo dbhutah utantariksam urvatagopam 

tesu tapyantam ma 
yi tasyamane z 



194 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

For b read ksetrasya patny urugayo 'dbhutah; in cd read 
uru vatagopam te 'nu tapyamane. 

yadam indra snuhi somapa ya tva hrda 9ocata i 
johavimi | vi^casi tarn kuligeneva vrksam yo smakarh mana i: 
dam hinasti | 

In a read idam and grnuhi, in b yat tva, in c vrgcami, and 
in d 'smakam. 

idam dev9 9rnute yajniya sta bharadvajo ma I 
hyam uktyani 9arisatu | pa9e sa baddho durite bhy ucyatam 

yo smakam i 
mana idam hinasti 

In a read grnuta ye yajniya stha, in b ukthani, in c c bhi 
yujyatam, and in d yo c smakaiii. 

a9itibhis tisrbhis samagebhir aditye 
bhir vasubhir angirobhih | istapurtam avatu nah pitfnsLmm 

amum: 

dade harasa daivyena 
In c read istapurtam and pitfnam. 

dylvaprthivi ami ma didhyatam 1 
vicve devso anu mS rabhadhvam | angirasas pitaras 

somy^sah | : 
papas aricchatv apakamasya karta z 

In a read didhyatbaiii, in d papam arcchatv. 

ativa yo maruto manyate no I 
vrahma va yo nirhdvisatas kriyamanam tapuhsi tasmai 

vrajanani santu vra 
hmadvisam abhi tarn 9603 dyauh 

In b read nindisat kriyamanam, in c vrjinani. 

a dadami te padam samiddhe jatavedasi | i 
agni 9arlram vevestu imam gacchatu te vasu | 
In a read dadhami, in c agni^ and vevestv. 

sapta pranan astau majna i 
[f. 31 a.] s tans te vi^asi vrahmana yamasya gaccha ma- 

danam agnito arankrtah z z : 
z 5 z prathamanuvakah z z 

Read: sapta pranan astau majjnas tans te vrgcami vrah- 
mana yamasya gaccha sadanarn agniduto aramkrtah z 8 z 5 
z prathamanuvakah z 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 195 

6. [f. 31 a, 1.2.] 
Q. 2. 1. 

vends tat pa9yanta paramam padarh yatra 
vi9varh bhavaty ekanadam | idam dhenur aduhaj jayamanas 

svarvido bhyanukti I 
r virat. 

The simplest emendation in a would be venas, but to let 
venas stand and read pacjat as in Q. is possible. In b read 
ekamdam. Reading idaiii dhenur aduhaj jayamana we have 
tho same pada as RV. 10. 61. 19d. I am inclined to think 
that the reading of d in our ms. is only a corruption of Q. 
abhy anusata vrah. 

prthag voced amrtarh na vidvan gandharvo dhama paramam 

guha yat. | | 

trini pad^ni hata guhas* vas tni veda sa pitus pitdsat. 
In a read pra tad and nu, in c nihita guhasya, and in d yas. 

sa no : 
bandhur janit sa vidhart dhmani veda bhuvanani vicva 

yatra dev 
amftam anaganS samSne dhmann addhlrayanta 

In b read dhainani, in c amrtam ana^anas, and in d dhamany 
adhy airayanta. In the margin the ms. gives "to ba." 



pari vi9va bhiivana 
ny ayam upacaste | prathamaj^ rtasya vacas ivaktri bhuva- 

nestha dha I 
sramn esa natv eso agnih 

In b read upatisthe, in c vacam iva vaktari, and for d 
dhasyur esa nanv eso agnih. 

pari dyavaprthi sadyayam rtasya ta I 
nturh vitatam drkecarh | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas 

samanarh bandhum i 
vi pari9chad ekah z i z 

Read: pari dyavapvthivi sadya ayam rtasya tantuiii vitataiii 
drge kam | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas samanaiii bandhuiii 
vi pary aicchad ekah z 5 z 1 z 



196 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

7. [f. 31 a, 1.11.] 
Q. 2. 5 (in part). 

indra jusasva yahi 9ura piva su : 
ta9ca madho9 cakana carun madathah | a tva vigantu mutasa 

indra I 
prnasya kuksi vidhy acatru dhehy a nah indra jathararh 

prnasva madho i 
rasya sutasya | | upa tva madesu vajo stu | indras turasad 

jaghana : 
vrtrarh sasaha catrur mamu9 ca | vajrir made somasya9* 

ti hava me ! 
kiro jusasya indra syagubhin matsa madaya mahe ranaya 

z 2 z: 

Read: indra jusasva yahi gura piba sutasya madhoQ ca | 
cakanag carur madaya z 1 z a tva vigantu sutasa indra 
prnasva kuksi | viddhy agatro dhiyehy a nah z 2 z indra 
jatharam prnasva madhurasasya sutasya | upa tva madas suvaco 
f sthuh z 3 z indras turasad jaghana vrtrarii sasahe gatrun 
fmaniug ca | vajrl made somasya z 4 z grudhi havarii me giro 
jusasvendra svayugbhir matsva j madaya mahe ranaya z 5 z 2 z 

8. [f. 31 b, 1. 1.] 

Q. 4. 3. 

ud itye kramarh trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah hrg veda 

suryo hrg devo i 
vanaspatir hrn manavantu 9attravah paramena patha vrka 

pare 
na stenor arsatu | tato vyaghras parama aksau ca te hanu 

ca te vyaghrarh i 
jambhayamasi | at sarvah vrhsatin nakharh yat sarhnaso 

vi yan na i 
so na sarhnasa | purna mrgasya danta upa9rrna u paristayah 

vyaghrarh I 
datutam vayarh prathamarh jambhayamasi [ ad iku stenam 

ahyarh yatu i 
dhanam atho vrkam. | naivaraspasain na grhas para9 cara 

dvipac catu i 

spanto ma hihsir indrajas somajasih z om indrajas somaja: 
asih z 3 z 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 197 

Read: ud ito ye 'kraman trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah | hrg 
devas suryo hrg vanaspatir hrn me namantu Qatravah z 1 z 
paramena patha vrkah parena steno arsatu | tato vyaghras 
paramena z 2 z aksyau ca te harm ca te vyaghra jambhayamasi | 
at sarvan viiic,atiiii nakhan z 3 z yat saiiinamo na vi namo vi 
yan namo na sarimamah | murna mrgasya danta upaglrna u 
prstayah z 4 z vyaghram datvatara vayam prathamam jam- 
bhayamasi | ad ittha stenam ahim yatudhanam atho vrkam 
z 5 z j-naivaraspasain na grhas parag cara dvipac catuspanto^ 
ma hiiisir indrajas somaja asi z 6 z 3 z 

In st. 1 hiruk, as in Q., might just as will be written. If 
st. 2 and 3 were combined we would have a hymn of five 
stanzas, the norm of Bk. 2. In st. 6 we get good meaning by 
writing dvipac catuspan no ma ; the meter is correct without 
no: parag eara is a good ending for pada b, but the rest 
seems hopeless. 

9. [f. 31 b, 1.9.] 
Q. 1. 34. 1 (partly). 

yam viru madhujata madhune tva panamasi | : 
madhor adhi prajato si sa no madhumadhas krdhih jihva- 

yagre me 
madhu jihvamule madhulakarh | yatha mam kaminy aso 

yam vai 

va mam anv a yasT pari tva paritannuteyaksanakam avi ! 
dvise | yatha na vidvavahi na vibhavava kada cana rajni 
vruhi varunay9vaya purusaya ca | patha me pathye revati i 
jay am a vaha sadhuna | jay am me mittravaruna jay am : 
devi sarasvati | jayan me agvinaubha dhattam puskarasrja : 
z 4 z 

Read: iyaiii virun madhujata madhune tva khanamasi | 
madhor adhi prajatasi sa no madhumatas krdhi z 1 z jihvaya 
agre me madhu jihvamule madhulakam | yatha mam kaminy 
aso yam va mam anv ayasi z 2 z pari tva paritatnuneksunagain 
avidvise | yatha na vidvisavahe na vibhavava kada cana z 3 z 
rajne vruhi varunayagvaya purusaya ca | patha me patye revati 
jayam a vaha sadhuna z 4 z jayaiii me mitravaruna jayam me 
devl sarasvati | jayam me agvinav ubha dhattaih puskarasraja 
z 5 z 4 z 

For st. 5 cf. below, 35. 5. 



198 ' L. C. Barret, [1910. 

10. [f. 32 a, 1. 1.] 

g. 2. 9. 

dagavrksa samcemam ahihsro grahyac ca | atho yenarh 

vanaspate i 
jivanam lokam un annaya | 

Read muncemam in a, enarii in c, and lokam unnaya in d. 

yag cakara niu niskarat sa eva suvisa : 
ktama sa eva tubhyarh bhesajam cakara bhisajati ca | 

Read sa (for mu) in a, subhisaktamah in b, and bhesajani 
in d (or possibly with Q. bhisaja gucih): but bhisajati ca 
might stand. 

catam te devavi : 
dam vrahmanam ud vivrdha catam te bhy ottamam avidarh 

bhumyam adhi 

Read deva avidan in a, vrahmana uta vlrudhah for b; e bhy 
uttamam avidan in cd. 

agai 
d ud agad ayam jivanarh vratam apy agat. abhuta putra- 

narh pita I 
nfnam ca bhagavattama 

Read abhud u in c, and bhagavattamah in d. 

adhitam adhy agad ayam adhi jivapuragat. I 
catam te sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesajah z 5 z anu- 

vakarh 2 z 

Read: adhltim adhy agad ayam adhi jivapura agat | Qataiii 
te 'sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesaja z 5 z 5 z anuvakah 2 z 

11. [f. 32 a, 1. 8.] 
Q. 2. 4. 

dirgh^yutvatha vfhate ranaya rsyambho rksamnas sadaiva | 

ma! 
nis sahasraviryas pari nas patu vigvatah 

Read in a yutvaya, in ab ranayarisyanto raksamanas; 
patu in d. 

idam viskandharh sate 
ayam raksopa badhate | ayam no vigvabhesajo j anginas 

patv anha 
sah I 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 199 

Head sahate in a; raksan apa seems best in b. Our ms. 
here spells the name of this amulet with a nasal instead of 
jangida as in Q.; I am retaining it as possible peculiarity of 
the Ppp. 

devair dattena manina janginena mayobhuvah viskandham 

sarva 
raksarisi vyayama samahe | 

For b read janginena mayobhuva; for d vyayame sahfimahe. 

khana9 ca tva j anginas ca viskandhad a 
bhi muficatam | aranyad aty adyatas krsyanyo rasebhyah 

z i z i 

Read: c.anac, ca tva janginag ca viskandhad abhi muiicatam | 
aranyad anya abhrtas krsya anyo rasebhyah z 4 z 1 z 

In a sanas, the reading of Q., seems better; but khanas is 
not impossible. 

It will be noted that our st. 1 is composed of hemistichs 
which are st. lab and st. 2cd in Q.; Whitney suggests that 
the two hemistichs between have fallen out in the ms.: insert- 
ing them would bring this hymn to the norm of five stanzas. 
They read maniiii viskandhadiisanaih jangidam bibhrmo vayarn, 
and jangido jambhfid vicarad viskandhad abhic.ocanat. 

12. [f. 32 a, ,1.14] 

0. 2. 26. 
yeha yantu pacavo yeyur vayur yasarh mahatararh tujosa | 

tvasta ye i 

sarh rupayeyani veda asmins tarn gosthe savita ni yacchat. | 
Read eha and ye pareyur in a, yesaiii sahacaraiii jujosa in b; 
in cd rupadheyani vedasmin tan. 

imam gostharh pacavas sarh sravantu vrhaspatir a naitu 

prajanam. si i 

ni'vall nay at v agram esam ajinmukhe anumatir ni yacchat. | i 
Read nayatu prajanan in b, figram in c: probably ajimukhe 
in d. 



sarh sam sravantu pacavas sam 9V huta paiirusah sam 

dhanyasya spha i 
tibhis sarhsravena havisa juhomi | 

In b read ae,vfi uta purusah; in c we probably have only a 
corruption of dhanyasya ya sphatis, which is the reading in (J. 



200 L, C. Barret,. [1910. 

sarh sihcami gavam ksl i 
[f. 32 b.] ram sam ajyana balaih rasam samsiktasmakarh vira 

mayi gavac ca gopa I 
tau 

Read sincami in a, ajyena in b, samsikta asmakam in c. 
In the top margin of f. 32 b is written gam ream . 

ahnami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyam rasam aharisam 

asmakam : 
viran a patnim edam astakam z 2 z 

Read: a harami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyarii rasam | 
aharsam asmakam viran a patnim edam astakam z 5 z 2 z 

13. [f. 32 b, 1. 3.] 
Q. 3. 14. 

sam vat srjatv aryam. sam pui 
s sam vrhaspatih sam indra yo dhananjaya iha pusyati 

yad vasu | i 

In a read vas, in c dhanamjaya; in d read pusyata as in Q., 
or pusyatu as Whitney suggests. 

ihaiva gava yeneho saka iva pusyata | iho yad ya pra 

jayadhvam ma I 
yi samjnanam astu vah 

In ab read etaneho; in c I would incline to the reading 
gavah for yad ya. 

maya gavo gopatyas sacadhvam mayi vo gostha iha: 
posayati | rayas posena bahula bhavantir jiva jiva i 
ntlr upa va sadema | 

In a we might read gopatayas (= bulls), but gopatina as in 
Q. is better; read jlvantir upa vas sadema in d. 

sam vo gosthena susada sam rayya sam sapustya a I 
harjatama yan nama tena mas sam srjamasi | 
Read aharjatasya in c, and tena vas in d. 

samjnnam vihrtam a i 

smin gosthe karisinlm bibhratis somya havis svavefa sa eta: 
nah z 3 z 

Read: samjagmana avihruta asmin gosthe karisimh | bibhratis 
somyam havis svave^a ma etana z 5 z 3 z 

This stanza and the first appear MS. 4. 2. 10; the readings 
of st. 5 a and d are similar to those in MS. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 201 

14. [f. 32b, 1. 11.] 

<\ 2. 32. 

udyann adityas krimm hantu suryo nimrocam ra9mi I 
bhir hantu ye ntas krimayo gavl nah 

Read adityas in a, nimrocan in b, and 'ntas and gavi in c. 

yo dviglrsa caturaksas krimi I 

9 9rgo arjunah hato hatatrata krimin hatamahata hata9vasa| 
In b read krimis sarango, in c hatabhrata krimir, and for 
d hatamata hatasvasa. 

hato raja krimmam 'utai*arh sthapacir* hatah | hataso sya 

vesa : 
so hatasas parive9asas 

In b read utaisam sthapatir, in c 'sya ve^aso; in d pari- 
vegasah. 

pa te 99rnami 9rnge yabhya yattarh vi i 
tadayasi | atho bhinaddi tarn kumbharh yasmin te nihatarh 

visam | : 

In a read pra te Qrnami, for b yabhyarii vitudayasi; in c 
bhinadmi, and in d nihitaiii visam. 

a : 
ttrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat. agastyarh 

vrahmana : 
sarve te krimayo hatah z 4 z 

Read: atrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat | 
agastyasya vrahmana sarve te krimayo hatah z 5 z 4 z 

15. [f. 32 b, 1. 18.] 

g. 2. 31. 

indrada ya mahi drsa 
[f. 33 a.] t krimer vi9vasya tarham taya pina9ma sarh krmlri> 

dr9a vakhalvan iva | dr I 
stam adrstam adruham atho kuriram adruham | alganduna 

sarva 9alulana i 
krimana vacasa jambhayami | alganduna hanmi mahata va- 

dena- 

dunaddunarasa bhuvam I srstam asrsti ny akilasi n a ya 1 

' vacan J 



202 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

tha krimmam nyakhilacchavataih atvaharhtnyaharh glrsa- 

nyam a: 
tho pargvayam krmlrh avaskavarh yaram krimma vacasa 

jambhayama I 
si | ye krimayas parvatesu ye vanesu | ye osadhisu pagusv 

apsv antah I 
ye smakarh tanno sthama caktrir indras tan hantu mahata 

vadhena | 5 z 
z a 3 z 

Read: indrasya ya main drsat krimer vigvasya tarham | 
taya pinasmi saiii krimin drsada khalvan iva z 1 z drstam 
adrstam adruham atho kurlram adruham | algandun sarvan 
galulan krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 2 z algandun hanmi 
mahata vadhena duna aduna arasa abhuvan | srstan asrstan 
ni kirami vaca yatha krimlnarii -j-nyakhil aQchavatailrj- z 3 z 
anvSntnyaiii Qirsnyam atho parsteyaiii krimin | avaskavam 
vyadhvaram krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 4 z ye krimayas 
parvatesu ye vanesu ya osadhisu pagusv apsv antah | ye c smakaiii 
tanvo sthama cakrur indras tan hantu mahata vadhena z 5 z 
5 z anuvakah 3 z 

The reading of our ms. in st. 3c does not force upon us 
anything different from the reading of C., gistan acistftn 
ni tirami; jind in st. 3d we probably have only a corruption 
of the reading of Q., nakir ucchisatai. 

16. [f. 33 a, 1.9.] 
Q. 2. 27. 

yag catfn sanjayat sahamanabhibhur asi j samun pratipraco i 
jayarasa krnv ovadhe | suparnas tvamn avidadat sukhacas 

tvakhanam na : 
sa | indras tva cake hvo asurebhyas taritave | payas indro 

vy asnan ha : 

ntava asurebhyah | tayaham catfn saksiye indrac calavrkan i : 
va rudra jalajabhesaja nllagitva karmakrt. prsnarh durasyato i 
jahi yo sman abhidasati | tasya prsnaih jahi yo na indra- 

bhida i 
sate | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttararh krdhi 

z i z: 

Read: ya gatrun samjayat sahamanabhibhur asi | samun 
pratiprago jayarasan krnv osadhe z 1 z suparnas tvanv avindat 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 203 

sukaras tvakhanan nasa | indras tva cakre bahav asurebhyas 
staritave z 2 z patam indro vy agnad hantava asurebhyah | 
tayahaiii gatrun saksya indras salavrkan iva z 3 z rudra jalasa- 
bhesaja nilagikhanda karmakrt | pragarii durasyato jahi yo 
'sman abhidasati z 4 z tasya pragaiii tvaiii jahi yo na indra- 
bhidasati | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttaraih krdhi 
z 5 z 1 z 

In Q. the second hemistich of st. 1 is used as a refrain for 
six stanzas to which our st. 5 is added as a seventh; it is not 
beyond our ms. to fail utterly to indicate a refrain, but I have 
preferred to arrange in five stanzas. For st. la Q. has nee 
chatrun pragaiii jayati; elsewhere 6ur ms. follows it closely. 

17. [f. 33a, 1. 16.] 
Q. 2. 30. 

yathedarh bhumyadi vatas trnam mathayathi | eva ma9nami 

te mano ya : 
tha mam kamity aso eva mam atvayasi | 

In a read bhumya adhi, in b mathayati; in c mathnami, in 
d karniny, and in e m&m abhyayasi. 

yemagarh patikama 
janikamo ham agamam. a9vas kanikradad yatha bhagenaharh 

sahal 
gamam | 

In a read eyam agan, in b 'ham agamam; in d sahagamam. 

sa cen nayatho agvina kamina sarh ca nesitah sarvan 

ma 
[f. 33 b.] nasy agmata mam caksuhsi sama vrata | 

In a read sam cen, in b nesathah; for cd we may read 
saiii vaiii manansv agmata saiii caksunsi sam u vrata. 

yad antararh tada bahyarh yad bslhyam tad anta i 
ram. kanyanam vigvarupanam mano grnadh osadhe | 

In a read tad; in d grhmtad is probably nearest to the 
reading of the ms.; Q. has grbhaya. 

yas suparna raksa ! 
na va na vaksana va ttratanpitarh manah | 9alyeva gulma- 

lum yatha i 
z 2 z. 

VOL. XXX. Part III. ] ;> 



204 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

Read: yas suparna raksana va yas suparna vaksana va | 
tatra ta arpitaiii manag c.alya ha kulmalarii yatha z 5 z 2 z 

This version of this stanza is fully as good as the version 
in Q. but it does not help to relieve the obscurity. 

18. [f. 33 b, 1.4.] 
Q. 6. 38. 

sihhe vyaghra uta y. prdakau tvisir agnaii vrahmane siirye : 
y. | indrarh ya devi subhaga vavardha sL 5 naitu varcasL 

sariivi : 
dana | 

Read vrahmane in b ; in d we might read sa a na etu, but 
sa na aitu, as in C., seems much better. 

y. hastini dvipini y yd hiranyaye tvisir agvesu pu i 
rusesu gosii indram ya devi subhaga vavardha sa a naitu 

varca i 
sa sarhvidana | 

In a read dvipini ya hiranye: d as in st. 1. 

y raj any e dundubhaV Syatayarh tvisi 1 
r agvenayarh stanayitna gosu yili indram ya devi subhaga 

vava I 
rdha sa a naitu varcasa sarhvidana | 

In b we may safely read stanayitnor ghose, but for agvenayaiii 
I find nothing satisfactory, unless perhaps agvinayam; to omit 
ya after ghose would improve the metre. Read d as in st. 1 

rathe aksisu paribhasva vL : 

je parjanye v5te varunasya gusme indram y divi subha: 
ga vavardha s5 5. netu varcasa sarhviddna | 
In a read aksesu vrsabhasya vaje; d as in st. 1. 

ya rudresu ya : 

vasusv adityesu marutsu ya | tvisir ya vigvesu devesu sa nai 1 
tu varcasa sarhvidanam. z 3 z 

Read: ya rudresu ya vasusv adityesu marutsu ya tvisir vi- 
vesu devesu | indram ya devi samvidana z 5 z 3 z 

This restoration of st. 5 is not entirely satisfactory but is 
fairly plausible; it has no parallel in Q. or in TB. 2. 7. 7. 1 
and 2 where the rest appears. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 205 

19. [f. 33 b, 1. 14.] 

yadi gadanarh yadi na I 

vyanam nadmaih pare nrpatis sakha nah vi9ve devaso abhi ! 
raksatemarh yatha jivo vidatham a vidasi | yady avare ya 
di vagha pare yadi dhanvini nrpatis sakha nah yady at sudr 
tyarh yadi samrtyam nrpatis sakha nah adhasparmyatam 

adhane I 
[f. 34 a.] bhavanv ena suryarh maghavanarh prtanyarh vigve 

devso bhi raksatemarh | ya ! 
tha jivo vidatham a vidasi | imam mrtyu mainam hinsir 

yo mam I 
hrdam anu saca gopa | yo maharh pipanti yom aham pi- 

parmi su 
prajasa varh maghav^m surir astu z 4 z 

Read: yadi gadhanam yadi navyanaiii nadmaih pare nrpatis 
sakha nah | vigve devaso abhi raksatemam yatha jivo vidatham 
a vidasi z I z yady avare yadi vaccha p&re yadi dhanvani 
nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devSso e z 2 z yady at svadhrtyam 
yadi samrtyaiii nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devaso z 3 z 
j-adhasparmyataih adhane bhavanv ena suryarii maghavanaiii 
prtanyaiii*j- | vigve devaso z 4 z imarii mrtyo mainam hinsir 
-J-yo marii hrdam anu saca gopa | yo mam piparti yam aham 
piparmi'j- suprajasam maghavan surir astu z 5 z 4 z 

For st. 4ab we might perhaps write adhas patyantam 
adhare bhavantu ye nas suriih maghavanam prtanyan; but one 
could hardly insist upon it. 

20. [f. 34 a, 1.4.] 

imi nvam L rohata : 
acchidrarh parayisnuvarh nara9ahsasya ya grhe gatSritra 

bhagasya : 
ca | upadho gulguna yaksmas samtv aghnya | rudrasyesva 

yatudhana : 
n atho raj no bhavasya ca rudra vaigate dvipadarh catus- 

padarh tayor va : 

yam aguvake syama | paktrir vithvi pratibhusanti no vayarh de 
vanarh sumatau syama | pratlci nama te mata fatavaro ha te ! 
pita | tato ha jajnise tvam amirity arundhati mata nama : 
si matrtau amrtasyaiva vasi arundhati tvam sarvam abhijl i 

vam adhayudham. z 5 z anu 4 z 

15 



206 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

For the first stanza we may read, imaih navam a roha- 
tacchidram parayisnvam | naragansasya ya grhe gataritra 
bhagasya ca. With much hesitation the following is proposed 
for the second stanza: upabaddhs gulgulunayaksmas santv 
aghnyah | rudrasyesva yatudhanan atho rajno bhagasya ca. 

To emend the rest and divide it into stanzas seems im- 
possible; but a few points are clear. A stanza probably ends 
with vayam devanam sumatau syama, and for the first pada 
of this we might read rudro va agate catuspadam; for the 
other two padas I can suggest nothing. Beginning with praticl 
we have three good padas of eight syllables each; in the rest, 
which amounts to about one stanza I can suggest only the 
possibility of reading matrto amrtasyaivasi. 

We seem to have here a charm for protection of cattle; 
and there are indications of the use of an amulet. 

21. [f. 34 a, 1. 12.] 
Q. 2. 36. 

a no agne sumatim ska I 

ndaloke idamam kumaryam ma no bhagena justa varesu suma I 
nesu valgur osam patya bhavati snurhbhageyam | 

In ab we may probably read with Q. sambhalo gamed 
imam kumarlrii saha no; in c read samanesu and in d bhavati 
subhageyam. 

yam agne nan pa 

tirii videstas somo hi raja subhagam krnotu suvana putra I 
n mahisi bhavasi gatva patirii subhage vi raja | 

In a read iyam and videsta, in b subhagam krnoti; in d vi 
rajah. 

somoju 
[f. 34 b.] sto aryamna sambhrto bhaga dhatur devasya satyena 

krnomi patirvedanam. | | 

For ab read somajustam vrahmajustam aryamna sambhrtaiii 
bhagam, and in d pativedanam. Perhaps however the nomina- 
tive may stand in ab. 

yathakhamram maghavarh carur esu priyo mrganam susada 

babhuva | yam I 
vayam justa bhagasyastu sampriya patyaviradhayantT 

For a read yathakharo maghavaiiQ carur esa; in c iyani 
vadhu. 



! 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 207 

bhagasya na : 
vam a ruha purnam anuparasvatim trayopah pusahitarh 

yas pati I 
s patikasyarh 

In a read roha, in b anupadasvatlm ; for c tayopa pusahito, 
and in d pratikamyah. 

idam hiranyam gulguluv ayas ukso atho bhaga | e I 
te patibhyas tvam adhuh patikamaya vettave z i z 

Read: idam hiranyam gulgulv ayam aukso atho bhagah | ete 
patibhyas tvam adus pratikamaya vettave z 6 z 1 z 

22. [f. 34 b, 1.6.] 

Q. 3. 17 (in part). 

yunakta 
slra vi nu yugL tanotu krte ksettre vapateha bajarh | vira 

jas su I 

nistas sabhara9chin no nediya it srnyah pakvam a yuvam sf 
ra yumjanti kavayo yug vi tanvate pfthak. dhlra devesu su 
mnayo anudvahas purusa ye krnanti | langalam phalam su 
mana jisphatya 9unam kenago anv etu vaharh gunarh phalo 

vina 

dann ayatu bhumim gunasir^ havisa yo yajatrai supippal 
osadhayas santu tasmai cunan naro I5ngalena anadudbhih 
parjanyo bijam irya do | hinotu gunasirsl kr : 
nutam dhanyena indrah sitam ni grhnatu tm pust mahyam 

raksa I 
[f. 35 a.] ntu sl nah payasvatT duham littaram uttaram sa- 

mam | lid asthad rathajid go I 

jid agvajid dhiranyajit sunftaya parivrtah | ekagcakrena savi 
t rathanorjo bhgais prthivin ety aprnarh z 2 z 

There are just 24 padas here but they do not fall readily 
into stanzas; the first two are st. 2 and 1 in Q. but our second 
adds a pada to Q. 1: our third must end with santu tasmai 
but this gives five padas the first of which seems out of place 
here; in st. 4 it seems almost necessary to insert a pada b in 
accord with MS. We may read as follows: 

yunakta sir a vi nu yuga tanota krte ksetre vapateha bijam | 
virajag gnustis sabhara asan no nediya it srnyah pakvam a 
yuvan z 1 z slra yunjanti kavayo yuga vi tanvate prthak | dhlra 
devesu suinnayav anadvahas purusa ye krnvanti z 2 z -j-laii- 
galaiii phalam sumanaji sphatyarj- Qunam kinago anv etu vahan 



208 C. L. Barret, [1910. 

unam phalo bhindann etu bhumim | gunaslra havisa yo yajatai 
supippala osadhayas santu tasmai z 3 z gunam naro langale- 
nanadudbhir bhagah phalaih slrapatir marudbhih parjanyo 
bijam iraya no hinotu gunasira krnutam dhanyam nah z 4 z 
indrah sitam ni grhnatu tarii pusa mahyam raksatu | sa nah paya- 
svatl duham uttaram-uttaram samam z 5 z lid asthad rathajid 
gojid agvajid dhiranyajit sunrtaya parivrtah | ekacakrena savita 
rathenorjo bhagais prthivim ety aprnan z 6 z 2 z 

Stanzas 1, 2, 3, and 5 here are 2, 1, 5, and 4 in Q.; the 
other two appear MS. 2. 7. 12 and elsewhere. The omission 
of 4b can easily be accounted for by the similarity of endings. 
It might be a better arrangement to put the colon after sum- 
nayau and take langalam in as st. 2e. 

23. [f. 35 a, 1.3.] 

gavarh grha 
nam rasam osadhinam anujyestharh varca ayur vikalpyas 

ma ma hinsih i 
pitaro vardhamano bhadr^ gacchahsim abhi lokam ehi | 

Read osadhinam in a, vikalpayah in b : for c I am inclined 
to propose ma ma hitsisuh pitaro vardhamana, although the 
second person in d makes somewhat against this; in d I 
believe aiic,ain is the third word so we might read bhadra 
gacchangam abhi lokam ehi, though bhadram would seem better 
in some respects. 

yadidam bhaktam i 
yadi v vibhaktarh ksettrarh devSnam yadi va pitfnarh | 

ud u surya i 
ud ite diva manusyavac chiva no stu prthivi uta dyauh. 

With ksetram in b the first hemistich may stand: at the 
end of c one naturally thinks of the contrast, gods and manes, 
so we might read ete deva manusya va or ud it te ; for d 
civa no c stu prthivy uta dyauh. 

urjo varh i 
bhago vara prthivyam devair dvaro vrahmana varh dhara- 

yami | givarh 93 i 

gmam avasanarh no stu ratim devebhih pitrbhir manusyaih 
In a I think bhagam should be read, and varaya seems 
possible; in b perhaps devir would be good: read c stu in c, 
and in d ratir might stand. 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 209 

vi9vavaso i 
stv asadanam kulayam gandharva sovedaso mahyam ucuh 

ma ma hifi i 
519 cheva dhiyanta heto 9antam himas pari dadhmo manu- 

syam 

In a I think we may read 'stv asadanaih kulayam, in b 
ganclharvas suvedaso: in c if we have second person we should 
write ma ma hinslc, c,iva, but hinsic chiva if third person; I 
do not think hetog is possible; at the beginning of d c,atam 
himan is probable. 

rudra utse sa I 
dam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro manusyah yam bhago 

bhai 
gapate9 ca deva urviras tarya 9aradas tarema z 2 z. 

Read: rudra utse sadam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro 
manusyah | yam bhago bhagapatig ca deva {urviras tarya -j- 
^aradas tarema z 5 z 3 z 

In some respects these stanzas seem to have a connection 
with funeral rites, but their meaning and intent is wholly 
unclear; the corrections proposed are based almost entirely on 
palaeographic possibility and cannot be regarded as compel- 
ling, or even satisfactory. 

24. [f. 35 a, 1 13.] 

yam a I 
smin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyam saha | agnis 

tarn ghr i 
tavodano apa skandayatv atiduram asmat. | so nyena sap 



tvam asmai pra savamasi | yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas 

pi! 
[f. 35 b.] trbhi9 ca yah tasmat tva vi9ve deva muncantu pary 

arihasah te te yaksma i 
m apa skandayatv adhi | ya tvam eno nyakrtarh yada tvam 

akrtam ahrtah ta I 
smat va vi9va bhutani muncantu pary arihasah tani te 

yaksmam apa ! 
skandayatv adhi yad va sadr9 yad va cakara nistya tasmat 

tva pr i 
thivi mata muncatu pary arihasah sa te yaksmam apa 

skandayatv adhi | ! 



210 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

apaskandena havisa yaksman te nafayamasi | tad agnir 

aha tad u I 
soma aha vrhaspatis savita tad indrah te te yaksmam apa 

skandaya 
tv adhiduram asmat. so tyena maprgchatarh tvam asmai 

pra suvamasi z : 
z 3 z. 

Read: yo asmin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyani 
sahah | agnis tain ghrtabodhano apa skandayatv atiduram 
asmat | so 'anyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi zl z 
yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas pitrbhic, ca yah | tasmat tva 
viQve deva muncantu pary anhasah | te te yaksmam apa skan- 
dayantv atiduram asmat z 2 z -fyat tvain eno 'nyakrtam yad a 
tvam akrtam ahrtah-J- | tasmat tva vigva bhutani muncantu pary 
anhasah | tani te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat 
z 3 z yad va dadarga yad va cakara nistyam | tasmat tva 
prthivi mata muncatu pary anhasah | sa te yaksmam apa skan- 
dayatv atiduram asmat z 4 z apaskandena havisa yaksmam te 
nagayamasi | tad agnir aha tad u soma aha vrhaspatis savita 
tad indrah | te te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat | 
so 'nyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi z 5 z 4 z 

The first stanza appears in the Parigistas of the AV. Ib. 
1. 5. In stanza Sab the sense seems to be "whatever sin or 
evil has laid hold on thee;" as a possibility consider yat tvam 
eno c nyakrtam yad a tvam akrtam ahrtam. The two p&das 
which stand at the end of 1 and 5 should doubtless stand at 
the end of the others also. 

25. [f. 35 b, 1. 9.] 

agne agra indra bala aditya ya ido iduh yudho 
idhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhuti | abhiyuktasya pradhane 
naya vo rdharam icchatam havlsy agre vidyatarh prati- 

grhnata juhvataih I 

jayatra rajna varunena jayatra rudrena ke9ina | bhavena ji 
snuna jay eta par j anyena sahiyasa astra tarn prena vrhhata 
astra sarvye ni yudhyata gandharvena tvisimata rathena 

upayo i 
dhina | sinivaly anu matir vahagvan isanginah jayanto 

bhii 
prathatamitrarh sakam indrena medina z 5 z anuvakam 

5 z : - 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslnnirian Atliarva Vtda. 211 

For the first hemistich of st. 1 no reconstruction works out 
satisfactorily but for the second hemistich we might read yudho 
adhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhoti. Pitda a of st. 2 seems 
good as it stands but the rest seems past mending. For the 
other three stanzas the following reading may be found accept- 
able: jaitra rajna varunena jaitra rudrena kegina | bhavena 
jisnuna jayeta parjanyena sahlyasa z 3 z astra -j-taiii prena-(- 
vrnhatastra sarvena yudhyata | gandharvena tvisimata ratheno- 
payodhina z 4 z sinlvaly anu matin vahagvan isanginah | jayanto 
'bhi prathatamitran sakam indrena medina z 5 z 5 z anuva- 
kah 5 z 

Possibly mandrena might stand in st. 4a; and in st. 6b 
isvanginah might seem a good reading. This is surely a charm 
for success in battle. 



26. [f 35b, 1 17.] 

yat svapne ni jagattha yad va gepise nrtam agnis tat tas- 

mad enaso : 
[f. 36 a ] vrahma muncatv ahhasah yad aksesu dudrohitam 

yad va mitrebhyas tvam somas 

tval 
tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv ahhasah yada kumaras 

kumaresu yad va jyaya I 
s taresu nimeta krtva gepise tacat krnvo agadarii givarii | 

pratidmiphalam ! 
ha tvam apamarga babhuvyathah sarvam gaccha patham 

adhi maryo yavaya tvam | : 
pra apamarga osadhmam vigvasam eka ut pati tena te 

mrjum asthi I 
tarn atha tvam agadag carah z i z 

Read: yat svapne ni jagantha yad va gepise 'nrtam | agnis 
tva tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv anhasah z 1 z yad aksesu 
dudrohitha yad va mitrebhyas tvam | somas tva tasmad 
z 2 z yat kumaras kumaresu yad va jyayans turesu | -j-nimeta 
krtva Qepise -{-tagat krnvo *j- agadaui givam z 3 z praticinaphalo 
hi tvam apamargo babhuvitha | sarvan mac chapathan adhi 
varlyo yavayas tvam z 4 z apamarga osadhln&ita vigvasam eka 
it patih | tena te mrjma asthitam atha tvam agadag cara 
7 5 z 1 z 



212 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

In st. 2d it would probably be safe to read krnve. St. 4 
occurs Q. 7. 65. 1, and st. 5 is Q. 4, 17. 8. 

27. [f. 36 a, 1.6.] 
Q. 19. 36. 

gatavaro aninagad raksamam raksari : 
si tejasa | aroham varcasa saha manir dunamagatanam 

In b read yaksman raksansi, in c arohan, and in d durna- 
macatanah. 

grngabhyam rakso ! 
nudate mulena yatudhanyah | madhyena yaksmam badhate 

nainarh papmati tatrati | i 
In a read c.rngabhyam, and in d papmati tarati. 

ye yaksmaso arbhaka mahamco ye ca gapathinah | sarvan 

dunnamaha mani ! 
9 gatavaro amnagat. 

In b read mahanto, and perhaps we should read c,abdinah 
as in g.; in c read durnamaha. 

gatam virani janayag chatam yaksmann amavapat. : 
dunnastris sarvas tridhva apa raksansy apakramim. | 

In a read viryani janayan, as suggested by Whitney; for b 
c,atam yaksman apavapat: for cd durnamnas sarvans trdhvapa 
raksansy apakramit. 

gatam aham dunnamani I 
nam gandharvapsarasarh gatam gatam sunvatmam gata- 

varena varaye z 2 z : 

Head: gatam aham durnamnlnam gandharvapsarasam gatam | 
gatam ca gvanvatinaih gatavarena varaye z 5 z 2 z. 

28. [f. 36a, 1. 13.] 
g. 6. 71, with additions: TA. 2. 6. 2. 

vigvam vijmi prthivava pustam ayad ayatu prati grhnamy 

annam vaigvanarasya ma: 
hato mahimna agnis tad vigva suhitam krnotu | 

For this stanza cf. MS. 4. 11. 1. In a read vivyajmi prthivlva, 
in b anyad ay at; in cd mahimnagnis tad vigvam suhutam. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 213 

yad annam adbhir bahudha- 
viruparh vasu hiranyam a^vam uta gam ajam avirh yad 

annam admy anrtena de I 
va udasyan uta va karisyan. | 

In a read admi, in b vaso and avim; in c anrtena, and in 
d dasyann adasyann uta . 

yan ma hutarh yad ahutam ajagama ya 
smad anna manasod rarajimi z yad devanam caksusaka- 

9inagnis tad dho 1 
ta suhutam krnotu | 

In b read annan; in cd it seems best to read with TA cak- 
susy ago asty agnis . 

jamadagnis kasyapas sadv etad bharadvajo madhv annam 1 1 ! 
krnotu | pratigrhitre gotamo vasistho vi9vamitro nah prati- 

ranty ayuh : 

pathena pratirady ayuh zz 3 zz ! 

Read: jamadagnis kagyapas sadhv etad bharadvajo madhv 
annam krnotu | pratigrahitre gotamo vasistho vi^vamitro nah 
tirantv ayuh z 4 z 3 z 



29. [f. 36 b, 1. 1.] 

agne yajnasya caksur edarh vid^mi yathedam bhavisyati 

svaha | agne yajnasya: 
crotram agne yajnasya prana | agne yajnasyapanah agne 

yajnasyatmam agne : 
yajnasya sarva idam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha 

z 4 z I 

Read: agne yajnasya gaksur edaih vidami yathedam bhavi- 
syati svaha z 1 z agne yajnasya grotram edaih z 2 z agne 
yajnasya prana edam z 3 z agne yajnasyapana edaiii 
z 4 z agne yajnasyatman edam z 5 z agne yajnasya sar- 
vam edam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha z 6 z 4 z 
In the margin the ms. has agni rcaiii. 

30. [f. 36 b, 1. 4.] 

RV. 1. 89. 2, 3; 10. 15. 2 (= Q. 18. 1. 46); MS. 4. 14. 17. 

devSnarh bhadrd sumatir rjuyatarii devSnam ratrir abhi nu 

ni vartatam. I 



214 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

devSnam sakhyam lipa sedima vayam devdnam ayus pra 

tirantu jiva i 
se| 

In a read rjuyatam, in b ratir abhi no; and in d deva na 
ayus. 

tan purvaya nivida humate vayam bhagam mittram aditir 

daksam asri i 
dhim aryamnam varunam somam agvina sarasvatl nas 

subhaga mayas karat, | i 

In a read humane, in b mitram aditim and asridham; in c 
aryamanam. 

idam pitfbhyo namo astv adya ye pdrvaso ye parasas 

pareyiih ye prthi i 
ve rajasy a nisata ye va nunarh suvrjinasi viksu 

In b read ye 'parasas pary lyuh; in c nisatta, and in d 
suvrjanasu. 

pratyanco agne sarvah: 
patantu krtyakrte ripave martyayah kravyad etrna sa me 

mrda krivi I 
snu ma dhehi nirrter upasthe 

In a read sarvah, in b martyaya. In c kravyad and me 
mrda seem clear, and probably kravisno at the end of c; 
perhaps a subject for dhehi should be supplied before ma. 
This stanza has no parallel. 

jayassag gansad uta va kamyasah sajai 
taggahsad uta jamigahsa anadistam anyakrtam yad enas 

tan nas tasma i 
j jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z 

Read: jyayasa^ ^ansad uta va kamyasas sajatagansad uta 
jamiQansad | anadhrstam anyakrtam yad enas tan nas tasmaj 
jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z 5 z 



31. [f. 36 b, 1. 13.] 

imau padau pra haramy a grhebhyas tvasta: 
yendras pagcad indras purastad indro nas patu madhyatah 
Read svastaye in b; indras pagcad in c. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 215 

indram bhayam vigva! 
tah cudra ca narya ca indrah pathibhir adrava asamrddha- 

ghaya I 
vah 

Read bhayan in a, canarya in b; in cd a dravat asamrddha 
aghayavah. 

indram hasyatam vidhi vi nas paean iva carat. | idamarh 

pantha i 
m aduksama sugo svastivahanarh | 

In a we might read hrsyatam vidhir, or possibly harsayatam; 
for b vir nas : for cd emam pantham aruksama sugaiii , 
which is Q. 14. 2. 8 cd. 

yatra vigva pari dviso vrnakti I 
nindatesv antam ety anahatah paravrajata kim tat tava 

kam vaksana I 
nn iva | 

Read vi^van in a, and with ninditesv in b we have a possible 
reading. In the rest I see no good reading; perhaps paravrnjata 
is intended. 

vicvanco yantag gaphala vigvahcah parimanthinah vigvak. I 
[f. 37 a.] punarbhava mano asamrddhaghayavah z 

Read: visvaiico yantu -j- gaphala visvancah paripanthinah | 
visvak punarbhuva mano asamrddha aghayavah z 5 z. 

In a gabala would seem very good: padas cd^ occur Q. 1. 
27. 2 cd which has connections into which our stanzas evi- 
dently fit (cf. Whitney's Trans.). 

svasti vyacakagam svasti pratyuca I 

kagam svasti paridigdham ny apa svasty apsaihtah pari- 

vrajam svarija svastena sa me 
bharad vajarh svasti punarayanam z 6 z anu 6 z 
In the top margin the ms. gives svasty rca . 
Out of this I have been unable to make anything more than 
the division of words may indicate, except that apsaihtah is 
probably for apsv antah. 



216 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

32. [f. 37 a, 1. 3.] 

ye uttara rja: 
yate madhugo madhugad adhi vedahe tad bhesajarh jihva 

madhumati piva : 
madhumat ye paurnamasi madho grngo adho puspakarh 

madhuman parvatam asi | : 
yato jatasy osadhe ( garbho sy osadhmam apam garbha 

utasitah atho soma I 
sya tratasi madhura prava me vaca | grunarh vaharh madhu- 

gasya pitfnam eva 
jagrabhah yo ma hiranyavarcasaih krnomi paurusam priyarh | 

priyarh ma kr I 
nu devesu priyarh rajasu ma krnu priyam sarvasya pacyata 

uta gudra u i 
tarya z i z 

Read: ya uttarad ajayate madugho madughad adhi | vedamahe 
tad bhesajaih jihva madhumati piba z I z madhumati paurna- 
masi madhoQ Qrngo atho puspakam | madhuman parvatam asi 
yato jatasy osadhe z 2 z garbho c sy osadhlnam ap^ih garbha 
utasitha | atho somasya bhratasi madhuna prava me vacah 
z 3 z Qronim vaham madughasya pitfnam eva jagrabha | yo 
ma hiranyavarcasaih krnoti purusaiii priyam z 4 z priyam ma 
krnu devesu priyam rajasu ma krnu | priyam sarvasya pagyata 
uta gudra utarye z 5 z 1 z 

In st. la the ms. might be transliterated uttarad aja . 
The last stanza occurs Q. 19, 62. 1. 

33. [f. 37 a, 1.10.] 

udna vana hrda vana mukhena jihvaya vana | prapina : 
payasa vanarh 

Read udhna in a, vana in c. 

vaccha se padau tatvarh vacchaksyau vamccha saktau 

viccham a i 
nu pra de vano nimnarh var iva dhavatu z 

Read: vanccha me padau tanvam vaiicchaksyau vanccha 
sakthyau | vlcim anu pra te vano nimnam var iva dhavatu z 2 z 

For ab see below No. 90. 2 and Q. 6. 9. 2; for cd cf. Q. 
3. 18. 6. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 217 

urdhvani te lomani tisthanty aksau I 
kamena 9isyatam simida vatsena gaur iva udhna suraiva 

pa9yatam | 

In a read tisthantv, for b aksyau kamena Qusyataiii; in c 
gimivata and probably gor, in d udhnas and srjyatam rather 
than pacjatam. 

ima ! 
gavas sabandhavas samanam vatsam akrata | hinnati kani- 

kratir addhara ni ! 
ravid vasa 

A possible reading for c would be mahimnabhikanikratir, 
which carries one on to think of something like aravid vrsa 
at the end of d. 

9rngopasa galabhusa aghnyac carmavasim | gavo ghrta I 
sya mataras ta vatseva nayamasi z 2 z 

Head: grngaupaga galabhusa aghnyag ^armavasinlh | gavo 
ghrtasya mataras ta vatsa iva nayamasi z 5 z 2 z 

34. [f. 37 a, 1. 16.] 

yac ca varcas kanyasu ya9 ca I 
hastisv ahitarh hiranyesu tad varcas tasya bhaksi iha var- 

casah 
Read yac ca in a and b; in d bhakslya or bhaksiha. 

ya9 ca ! 
varco rajarather ya9 ca rajasv ahitam niske rukse yad 

varcas tasya bhaksi i i 
ha varcasah 

Read yac in a and b; d as above; in a rajarathe seems 
good. 

yad apsu yad vanaspatau yad agnau ya9 ca surye 

yajne daksi : 

nayarh varcas tasya bhaksi iha varcasah 
Read yac ca in b; d as above. 

varcasvan me mukham astu va 
[f. 37 b.] rcasvatarhdu me 9irah varcas vam vi9vatas pratyan 

varcasvam varno stu me z 

Read varcasvan in a, varcasvad uta in b; varcasvan and 
pratyan in c, and varcasvan varno c stu in d. 



218 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

subhagarh ; 
me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah subhago vigvatas 

pratyan subhago va I 
rno stu me z 2 z 

Read: subhagam me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah | 
subhago vi^vatas pratyan subhago varno f stu me z 5 z 3 z 

35. [f. 37 b, 1. 3.] 

ud amau suryo agat sahavat ta nama ma | aham te madhuma I 
ti madhugam madhumattara | 

Read asau in a, tan nama mama in b; madughan in d. 

yad girisu parvatesu gosv agvesu yan madhu | i 
surayarh sicyamanayarh kilale madhu tan mayi | 
Read girisu in a. 

yatha sura ya ! 
tha madhu yathaksa adhidevane yathaha gavyato mana 

eva sam abhi te I 
manah 

Read mam in d. Of. Q. 6. 70. 1 for ab. 

ya te padam padena rsyatam manasa manah pratyarhcam 

agrabham tva a i 
vam iva9vabhidhanya | 

Read yatha in a, padenarsyatam in ab; pratyancam in c, 
and tvagvam in cd. 

mahyarh tva dyavaprthivi mahyarh devi sarasva i 
tl | mahyam tva madhyarh bhumya ubhav antau sam 

asyatarh z 4 z 

Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivi mahyam devi sarasvat! | 

mahyam tva madhyam bhumya ubhav antau sam asyatam z 5 z 4 z 

Por this last stanza cf. below, No. 90 st. 5, and Q. 6. 89. 3. 

36. [f. 37 b, 1. 9.] 

ya vai9vade i 
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya somasya ya bhagasya | 

vigve deva i i 

savo yavatir vas ta vo agnina garmana gamayami | 
Read isavo in a. 

ya adide I 
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya agvino yavatls tah vigve 

deva isa I 
vo yavatir vas ta vo devas savita gamayati | 






Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 219 

Read in b rudrasyagvinor; the visarga indicates that the 
hemistich ends with tah and yavatls seems out of place here, 
where another genitive would be appropriate; a possible reading 
might be ya vrhaspateh. 

yas te gnisavo vata ya: 
te apam ugchrityam uta va marutsu | indrasya samna 

varunasya raja ta: 
vat suryo vrhata 9amayati | 

Read for a yas te 'gna isavo vata yas te, in b probably 
utsrstyam; in c rajna, and in d ta vas seems better than tavat. 

ma vrhy adityo ma vasubhyo ma rudraya: 
gnaye paktivaya | indrasya guco varunasya ya gucis ta vo 

devy al 
9amayati | 
In a ma bibhrhy aditya seems possible, in b parthivaya. 



ca vate vi9vagvate ya9 ca rudrasya dhanvani | agnii 
s tva vasor Tra9anas tva sarva bhesajas karat, z 5 z anuva 7 zl 
Read: yag ca vate visvagvate yag ca rudrasya dhanvani | 
agnis tva vasor iganas tva sarva bhisajas karat z 5 z 5 z 
anuva 7 z. In cd ta and tas would improve this very un- 
certain reconstruction. 

37. [f. 37b, 1. 19.] 
cittirh yaktasi manasa cittin devan rtavrdhah jatavedas pra 

nas ti: 
[f. 38 a] ra agne vi9vamarudbhih 

In view of MS. 2. 10. 6 it seems clear that in yaktasi we 
have the root yaj ; yaksasi might be the reading, but yaksyami 
may be worth consideration. If vigvamarudbhih is not accept- 
able, we might read vidvan or vigvan. 

yavayayavayassad dvesahsi yavamaye I 
na havisa yas te mrta dvisvapmyasya bhavas sa te tudanta 

etarh pra: 
hinmah 

In a read yavayasmad; in c dussvapnyasya, and perhaps 
mrto rather than mrta. In Q. 19. 57. 3 occurs the phrase sa 
mama yah papas tarn dvisate pra hinmah; imitating this we 
might reconstruct dvisate tudanta , and this would call for 
bhavo. 

VOL. XXX. Part II r. 16 



220 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

yatha kalarh yatha capham yatharno son nayanti | eval 
dussvapnyarh sarvas apriye sun nayamasi z 

This is Q. 6. 46. 3 (= 19. 57. 1) ; read yatharnaiii sarii in b, 
sarvam in c and sarii in d. 

araro hig catam adya gal 
gavam bhaksiya gatam ajanam catam avmam catam acva- 

narh purusa: 
nam tatrapi bhaksayamum amusyayanam amusyah patrarh 

tam aham: 
nirrtaye preksyami tam mrtyoh pacaye badhnyami sa baddho 

hato stu | I 
sa tato ma mocih z i z 

This prose portion falls into two parts thus giving the normal 
five stanzas to this hymn. At the beginning araro might be 
vocative of araru (cf. Q. 6. 46. 1) and hie. might conceal some 
form of the root hid: read -j- araro hie,-}- gatam adya gavam 
ooo. purusanam tatrapi bhaksiya z 4 z 

For the rest there are similar passages in Q. 16. 7. 8 and 
8. Iff. Read: amum amusyayanam amusyah putram tam aham 
nirrtaye presyami tam mrtyoh page badhnami | sa baddho hato 
'stu sa tato ma moci z 5 z 

With this hymn cf. Q. 6. 46 and 19. 57. 

38. [f. 38 a, 1. 8.] 

ye nag gapanty apa te bhavantu vrksan va I 
vrhnam api tam jayama | bhrajiya ayus pratirarh dadhanarh va: 
yam devanam sumatau syama 

In b I think we must read vrknan api tan; the margin cor- 
rects to draghiya in c, and we must read dadhana: padas cd 
occur frequently but not together. 

krtyakrtam payasvan adargata agneh | ; 
pratyasva nu dhuddhyasva prati sma raivatam dahah | 

For b, a possible reading is a dharsata agnih; in c prathasva 
and yudhyasva are probable; d can stand, but risato, or the 
like, would seem better. 

yas tva krtye pratigha: 
ya vidvan aviduso grham. | punas tva tasma dadhimo 

yatha kr: 
krtam hanah 

In pratighaya, I think, lies the verb of the first hemistich 
and we might read pra jaghana as a possibility: in c it would 
seem safe to restore tasmai dadhmo, and in d krtyakrtam hanat, 






Vol. xxx.J The Kashmirian Atltarca Veda. 221 

punas krtyam krtyakrte hastigrhya para naya uto tvai 
m uttama punas tatarmaiva sudanamsvarh | 

Read hastagrhya in b; uto tvain uttama punas is probably 
a good pada but for d I see nothing. Padas ab occur Q. 5. 
14. 4ab. 

krtya yantu krtyakrtam vrki: 
vavimato grham stokarh pakasva vardhatarh ma vrvrsta | 

osadhlr iva | : 

Read: krtya yantu kr.tyakr.tam vrkivavimato grham | stokaih 
pakasva vardhataiii saiiivr>ta osadhlr iva z 5 z 2 z 
Q. 6. 37. 1 d reads vrka ivavimato gvham. 

39. [f. 38 a, 1. 16.] 

Vait. 24. 1. 
yat te grava bahucyuto cakro naro yad va te hastayor 

adhuksam tat tapya: 
yatarii ut te nistyayatam soma rajan. z 

In a read 'cucyon, in b adhuksan; ta Spyayatam tat in c. 

yat te grabna cicrdas so 

ma rajin priyany anga sukrta paroni | tat samjatsvajeneto: 
vardhayasva anagamo yatha sadam it samksiyema z z ofh 

ana: 
[f. 38 b] gamo yatha sadam it samksiyema 

In a read gravna cicchidus and rajan, in b puruni; for cd 
tat saiiidhatsvajyenota vardhayasvanagaso . 

yam te tvacam babhrutam ta yonir hrdyami 
sthana pracyuto di vasuto si tasmai te soma luptam asmakam 

etad u : 
pa no rajan sukrte hvayasva | 

In a read bibhidur yarn ca yonim, in b sthanat and yadi 
vasuto 'si with yad va (as in Vait.) for hrdy&m ; in c we may 
read guptam as in TB. 3. 7. 13. 3. 

sam pranapanabhyam sam caksusa sam 
crotrena gacchasya soma rajan. | yat te vilistam sam u tanv 

ayattaj ja: 
nitam nas sangamam pathmam. 

In b read gacchasva ; in c viristam sam u tat ta etaj, in d 
jamtfin and samgamane. 

16* 



222 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

abac gariram payasa sam etv a- 
nyo nyo bhavati varunosya | tasmai tado havisa vidhemah 

vayam syamal 
patayo rayinam. 

In a read ahag and sam ety, in b anyo 'nyo and varno 4 sya; 
in c ta indo and vidhema. 

abhyaksaranti jihvo ghrtenaga paruhsi tal 
vardhayanti | tasmai te soma nasa yad visat vapa no raja 

sukrte hvayal 
sva z 3 z 

Read : abhiksaranti juhvo ghrtenanga parunsi tava vardhay- 
anti | tasmai te soma nama id vasat copa no rajan sukrte 
hvayasva z 6 z 3 z 

40. [f. 38 b, 1. 9.] 

ihata devlr ayam astu pantha ayarh vo lokag garanaya 
sadhuh idam bavir jusamana ud ita ksipra jfia varunena 

prasuta z 
In a read ihaita and pantha; in d ksipra rajiia and prasutah. 

ihata raja varuno dadabhir devo devesu haviso jusatah krnu 
sva pantha madayan durdibhir anena babhro mahata prthi- 

vyam. 

In a the reading of the ms. may be rdabhir. Head in a 
ihaitu; in this context dadhabhir seems to be possible but it 
is hard to give up the thought of some form or compound of 
rta; in MG. 2. 11. 17 occurs praitu raja varuno revatlbhih: 
in b jusatam ought to stand. In c read pantham, and we 
might consider drtibhir as a possibility. 

pri: 

yad dhriyad va madayan abhunja tirokoghanam iha ranltu | a I 
neneve gam mrjata dvisimato jahy osram gabhum ajanah 

adhrsnatah | : 

Out of this all I can get is tvisimato j&hy and perhaps 
gatrun ajanan adhrsatah. 

ye parato madhyato ye ca yanta ye apsumado nihatas tire 

agnayah I 
te devaja iha no mrdunn apag ca jihvan ubhaye saban- 

dhavah 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 223 

Opposite the first of these lines the margin gives saihcayaih, 
and there is a correction to jinvan over jihvan. In a read 
yanti, in b apsusado nihitas; in c mrdann and in d ta a 
jinvan. 

idam 
vapo hrdayam ayam vasv aritavari iha tvam eta 9akvarl 

yatraivam : 
vegayamasi z 4 z 

Read: idaiii va apo hrdayam ayam vatsa rtavarih | ihettham 
eta gakvarir yatraivam vegayamasi z 5 z 4 z 

This is Q. 3. 13. 7; we might read idam vasv in b; for d 
Q. has yatredaiii vegayami vah. 

41. [f. 38 b, 1. 18.] 
RV. 10. 159; ApMB. 1. 16. 

ud asau suryo agad ud ayam masako i 
bhagah tenaham vidvala patim abhy a I 
[f. 39 a.] saksi visasahih | 
Read mamako in b. 

aham ketur aham murdhva aham ugra visada 1 
ni | named apa kradam patis sehanaya upacara | 

Read murdhaham in a, visadam in b; mamed apa kratuiii 
in c and upa carat in d. 

mama putra i 

9 9attruhano vo me duhita virat. | utaham asmi samjaya i 
patyar me 9loka uttamah 

Read gatruhano c tho in ab; patyur in d. 

yena devas surebhyo bhavanti marmattara 
idam utakra devasapattra kilabhuvam 

In a a good reading would be deva asurebhyo; for b read 
bhavanty amarmantarah, and for cd idaiii tad akri deva 
asapatna kilabhuvam. 

sapattra sapatnyaghni 
jayaty abhibhuvarT musnamy anyasam bhagam vamo yaste- 

yaca i 
m iva z 5 z anu 8 z 

Read: asapatna sapatnaghni jayanty abhibhuvar! | musnamy 
anyasam bhagaiii varco astheyasam iva z 5 z 5 z anu 8 z 

In d vamam would be about as good as varco. This hymn 
has a sixth stanza in the other texts. 



224 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

42. [f. 39 a, 1. 7.] 

Of. Q. 2. 24. 

sarabhaka seragabha punar bho ya I 
nti yadavas punar hatis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo 

va pra : 
hi tarn utta mma samsamany ata gevrka cevrdha sarpan- 

sarpa I 
srokan mro jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado punar vo yanti 

yadavah | 
punar jutis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo na pra | hi 

tarn utva I 
sma marhsany atta z i z 

Read: gerabhaka gerabha punar vo yantu yatavas punar 
hetis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta 
sv& mansany atta z 1 z cevrdhaka gevrdha punar vo | z 
2 z sarpanusarpa | z 3 z mrokSnumroka | z 4 z 
j-jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado-j- punar vo yantu yatavas punar 
jutis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta 
sva mansany atta z 5 z 1 z 

At the beginning of 5 it would be impossible to emend 
with any certainty; it is barely possible that jurni (Q. st. 5) 
is there and perhaps also arjuni (Q. st. 7); yet it is fairly 
clear that these should all be grouped in one stanza, and 
that they are names of male demons. Cf. our No. 91 and the 
comments. 

43. [f. 39 a, 1. 12.] 
Q. 2. 16. 

dyavaprthivi upagrute ma i 

patam svaha | dhanayayuse prajayai ma patam svaha | prana i 
panau mrtyor ma patam svaha | surya caksusi ma pahi sva i 
ha | agne vigvambhara vigvato ma pahi svaha ] 
Read dyavaprthivi upagruter: the kanda is no. 2. 

44. [f. 39 a, 1. 15.] 
Cf. Q. 2. 17. 

ayurma : 

agni ayur me dha svaha varcodagner varco me dha svaha tejo 
dagnis tejo me dha svaha sahoda agnes saho me dha svaha | i 
balada agnir balam me svaha z 3 z 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 225 

Read: ayurda agna ayur me dah svaha z 1 z varcoda agne 
varco me dah svaha z 2 z tejoda agne tejo me dah svaha 
z 3 z sahoda agne saho me dah svaha z 4 z balada agne 
balaiii me dah svaha z 5 z 3 z 



45. [f. 39 a, 1. 18.] 

Q. 2. 17. 

ayur asya a i 
[f. 39 b.] ayur me dhehi svaha | varco si varco mayi dhehi 

svaha J tejo I 

si tejo mayi dhehi svaha | saho si saho mayi dhehi svaha j 
ballam asi balarh mayi dhedhi svaha | 4 z 

In 1 read ayur asy ayur mayi; in 2, 3, and 4 read c si; in 
5 balam and dhehi. 

46. [f. 39 b, 1. 3.] 
Q. 2. 18. 

picacaksi i 

nam asi pigacajambhanam asi svaha | yatudhanakslnam a 
si yatudhanajambhanam asi svaha | sadanvaksinam asi i 
sadanvajambhanam asi svaha | sapattraksinam asi sapattra 
jambhanam asi svaha | bhratrvyaksinam asi bhratrvyajaja i 
mbhanam asi svaha z 5 z a 9 z 

Read ksayanam in each formula, pigacajambhanam in 1, 
sapatna in 4, and bhratrvyajambhanam in 5. The kanda is 
no. 5. 

In the margin the ms. has raksamantram va agnih. 

47. [f. 39 b, 1. 8.] 

a te sauvlryarh 

dade mayi te sauvlryarh | a sauvarco dade mayi te sauvarcah | 
a sautejo dade mayi te sautejah a saunrmnarh dade mayi i 
te saunrmnarh | a te saugukrarh dade mayi te saugukram 

z i z : 
At the beginning of 2, 3, and 4 read a te. 



226 L. C. Barret, [1910, 

48. [f. 39 b, 1. 12.] 

Q. 2. 19. 

ofh agna yat te tapas tena tarn prati tapa yo sman dvesti 

yam ca vaya : 
n dvismah z te haras tena tarn prati hara yoh te cocis 

tena tarn prati I 
coca te rcis tena tarn praty area | agne yat te jyotis tena 

tarn prati da i 
ha yo sman dvesti yam ca vayam dvismah z 2 z 

Read: agne yat te tapas tena tain prati tapa yo f sman 
dvesti yam ca vayarii dvismah z I z agne yat te haras tena 
tarn prati hara z 2 z agne yat te gocis tena tarii prati 
goca z 3 z agne yat te 'rcis tena tarn praty area z 4 z 
agne yat te jyotis tena tarii prati daha yo r sman dvesti yam 
ca vayam dvismah z 5 z 2 z 

49. [f. 39 b, 1. 15.] 

praci di I 
g gayatrarh devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyegu nag gaka- 

raya : 
ttarh tasyavedanam asi z svam cemam asmad yaksa tas- 

mad ama 
[f. 40 a.] yetu svaha | daksina dig rathantaram devata pratici 

dig vamadevam i 

devata udici dig yajnayajniyarh devata urdhva dig vrhaddeva ! 
ta yad devesu manusye | cva nag cakarayattarh tasyavedanam 

asi z mum : 
cemam asmad yaksa tasmad amayatu svaha z 3 z imam 

raksa i 
mantram digdhandhanam z z 

Read: praci dig gayatrain devata yad devesu pitrsu manu- 
syesu nag cakarayattvam tasyavedanam asi | sam cemam asmad 
yaccha tasmad amayatat svaha z 1 z daksina dig rathantaram 
devata z 2 z pratici dig vamadevyam devata z 3 z 
udicl dig yajnayajniyam devata z 4 z urdhva dig vrhad 
devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyesu nag cakarayattvam tasya- 
vedanam asi | sam cemam asmad yaccha tasmad amayatat 
svaha z 5 z 3 z 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 227 

These formulae are suggestive of the sphere of the Yajur 
Veda. The emendation proposed is open to a number of ob- 
jections, but it is fairly close to the ms. and offers a reasonable 
meaning. In the colophon \ve might read digdhanam. 

50. [f. 40 a, 1.5.] 

agnim vayam trataram havamahe imam traya 
tasmad yaksma tasmad amayata jusano agnir ajyasya trata : 
trayatam svaha ( 

Read ya imam trayate 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | 
jusano z 1 z 

mitravarunau vayam tratarau havamahe ya : 
v ayimarh trayite smad yaksma tasmad amayata jusanau 

mitra : 
varunav ajyasya tratarau trayetam svaha | 

Read yav imaiii trayete 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | 
jusanjlu z 2 z 

marutan vayam tratrT I 
n havamahe imam trayamta smad yaksmad amayata | 

jusanau maru i 
tajyasya trataras tray an tarn svaha z 

Read maruto vayam tratfn havamahe ya imam trayante 
c smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusSna maruta ajyasya 
z 3 z 

agnaya ghrtapataye svaha | i 

agninagni grhebhya svaha | vajasyan agniye svaha | agnim 
vayam svagnaya svaha | tena vrahmana tena? chandasa 

taya devataya i 
ngirasvad devebhyas svaha z z iti agnisuktam. z z i 

It is almost impossible to believe that these formulae belong 
in this place, thrust into the midst of five stanzas so sym- 
metrical; but we cannot throw them out entirely. The first 
and last are in the Concordance: in 1 read agnaye, for the 
second perhaps agninagne grhebhyas svaha can stand, vajasya 
is good at the beginning of 3 and agnaye should be read, in 
4 svagnayas is probable, and in 5 read tena for tenag; perhaps 
in 5 we should insert dhruvas sldata (or the like) before 
devebhyas, as these words appear in the numerous occurrences 
of this formula. 



228 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

pitfn vayam bhratfn havamahe | imam trayantammabh 

yaksma tasma I 

d amayata | jusanas pitarajyasya trataras trayantam svaha z: 
Read vayam tratrn and the rest as in st. 3 except jusanas 
pitara. 

vrhaspatirh vayam trataram havamahe imam trayatasmad 

yaksma : 

tasmad amayata jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya trataram tra! 
yatarh svaha z 4 z 

Read : vrhaspatim vayam trataram havamahe ya imam trayate 
'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya 
trata trayatani svaha z 5 z 4 z 

51. [f. 40 a, 1. 19.] 

agnirh vayam trataram yajamahe meni ! 
[f. 40 b] hana valagahanarh jusano agnir ajyasya meniha 

valagaha : 

trata trayatam svaha z indrarh vayam jusana indra ajyasya z: 
somarh vayam trataram yajamahe menihalam valagahanarh 

jusa: 

nas soma ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam sva : 
ha z vigvan devans vayam tratrn yajamahe menighno valaga : 
ghnas trataras trayantam svaha z vrhaspatim vayam trataram: 
yajamahe menihalam valagahanam jusano vrhaspati | : 
r ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha z 5 z 
z anu z 

Read: agnim vayam trataram yajamahe menihanam valaga- 
hanam | jusano aguir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam 
svaha z I z indram vayam | jusana indra ajyasya z 2 z 
somam vayarh | jusanas soma ajyasya z 3 z vi(}van 
vayam devans tratrn yajamahe menighno valagaghnah | jusana 
ajyasya menihano valagahanas trataras trayantam svaha z 4 z 
vrhaspatim vayam trataram yajamahe menihana valagahanam j 
jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha 
z 5 z 5 z anu 10 z 

52. [f. 40 b, 1. 9.] 
TB. 2. 7. 17. 

ye kecinas prathamas satram asita yebhir abhrtarh : 
yad idarh vi rocate bhyo juhomi ha visa ghrtena a^van gorna! 
man ayam astu vlrah 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 229 

In a read asata, in c tebhyo ; in cd ghrtenagvavan goman 
vlrah. Our pada d is very nearly Q. 6. 68. 3 d ; TB. has rayas 
posena varcasa saiii srjatha. 

nante ranas tapaso mucyate sudvina: 

vniyam diksarh vi9amyarh hy etat. prapya ke9stuvate ka: 
nyano bhavantu tesarh vrahme9e vapanasya namnya 

In a read narte vrahmanas, and sudvinammyam vaginiyarii 
hy etat would giv<* a good pada b; TB has dvinainni diksa 
vaginl hy ugra. For the rest it seems best to read with TB 
pra kegas suvate kandino bhavanti tesam vrahmed ige vapanasya 
nanyah z 2 z 

yenavapat sal 

vita 9irsno agre ksurena rajno varunasya ke9n. | I 
tena vrahmano vapatedam asya9yamo dirghayur ayam astu I 
vlrah z 

In cd asyayusman seems the most satisfactory. Cf. Q. 6. 
68. 3 and Whitney's Translation. 

ma te ke9am anugada vanta etat taya dhata dadha I 
tu te | tubhyam indro varuno vrhaspatis savita varco dadharii | 
In a read ma te kegan anugad varca, in b tatha; in d 'dadhan. 
This stanza appears MG. 1. 21. 8. 

a roha prostharh visahasya 9atfn ajasradiksam va9ini: 
hy ugra dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva varu : 
nasya p9at. z i z 

Read: a roha prostham visahasva gatrun ajasram dlksfi 
vacini hy ugra | dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva 
varunasya pacat z 5 z 1 z 

53. [f. 41 a, 1.1.] 
MS. 2. 6. 3. 

ye devas purassado gninetra raksohanas te nas pa 
ntu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva daksinasado 

yamanetra raksohana ! 
s te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye devas 

pa9catsado marunnetra rakso : 
hanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva 

uttaratsadas somanetra : 



230 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

raksohanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye 

deva antariksassado I 

vrhaspatinnetra raksohanas te nas pantu te no vantu tebhyo 

namas tebhyas svaha | | i 

z 2 z 

In 1 read 'gninetra in 2 daksinatsado, in 5 antariksatsado 

vrhaspatinetra and 'vantu; it seems probable that the phrase 

te no 'vantu should be read in each formula as it occurs in 

each one in MS. 

54. [f. 41 a, 1. 7.] 
KS. 15. 2; MS. 2. 6. 3. 

agnaye purassade raksoghna svaha | yamaya daksinatsa I 
de raksoghne svaha | marudbhyas pagcatsadbhyo raksoha- 

bhyas svaha | somaya 
uttarasade raksoghne svaha | avaspate divaspate raksoghne 

svaha | | : 
vrhaspataye antariksasade raksoghne svaha z 3 z 

In 1 read raksoghne, in 3 raksohabhyas, in 4 somayottaratsade; 
a possible reading in 5 is avaspataye divassade; in 6 read 
antariksatsade. 

55. [f. 41 a, 1. 10.] 

divo jato diva: 
s putro asmaj jatarh sahat saha agvattham agre jaitrayat 

sahadevarh dama i 
si | tarn tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu raj anas surna- 

tibhyo vi vabhuve | i 
tvaya vayarh devajatas sarvas pra 9ocayamasi | uta satya 

utanr : 
tah yo acvatthena mittrena sumatir iva gacchati jayac ca 

sarva i 
s prtana yag ca satya utanrtah adharanco ni druvantu 

sumatya ! 

ululakrta | agvattha mittram purusarh ye vata prdanya z 4 z I 
The following seems a possible reading: divo jato divas 
putro asmaj jatam sahat sahah | agvattho agre jaitrayat saha- 
devam damasi z 1 z tam tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu 
rajanah | samrtibhyo vai vibhuve z 2 z tvaya vayam devajata 
sarvas pra gocayamasi | uta satya utanrtah z 3 z yo acvatthena 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 231 

mitrena samrtlr iva gacchati | jayac ca sarvas prtana yag ca 
satya utfmrtah z 4 z adharaiico ni dravantu samrtya ulu- 
lakrtah | agvattha mitraiii purusaiii ye 'vata.s prtanyanti z 5 
z 4 z 

The emendations are rather bold but in keeping with the 
evident intent of the charm: cf. Q. 3. 6. 



56. [f. 41 b, 1.1.] 
Cf. TS. 5. 5. 10. 3 and 4; Q. 3. 26 and 27. 

ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grahah praci dik tesam vo 

agnir isavah: 
te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo yany ayudhani 

va isavas tebhyo I 
namas tebhyas svaha z kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad 

grha daksina di 
k tesam va apa isavah virajo nama stha tesam vah pa9cad 

grha praticT! 
dik tesam vas kasa isavah avastha nama stha tesam va 

uttarad grha udi- 
ci dik tesam vo vata isavah uttare nama stha tesam va 

upari grha I 
urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah te no mrduta dvipade 

catuspade te 
sarh vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas 

svaha z 5 z 
z anu ii z 

Read: ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grhah praci dik tesam 
vo agnir isavah | te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo 
yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z 1 z 
kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad grha daksina dik tesaiii 
va apa isavah | te no z 2 z virajo nama stha tesam vah 
pagcad grhas pratici dik tesaiii vas karna isavah | te no 
z 3 z avastha nama stha tesam va uttarad grha udici dik tesaiii 
vo vata isavah | te no - z 4 z uttare nama stha. tesaiii va 
upari grha urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah | te no mrdata 
dvipade catuspade tesaih vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo 
namas tebhyas svaha z 5 z 5 z anu 11 z 



232 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

57. [f.41b, 1.9.] 

yadidam divo yady avajagama yady antariksad ya: 
di parthivoyah yadi yajfio yajnapate sargas tebhyas sarvebhyo 

manasa i 
vidhema | 

Read ava jagama in a, perhaps prthivyah at end of b ; 
yajnapates in c, and namasa in d. 

yam indram ahur yam mitram ahu yama somam 

ahuh yam agnim a : 
hur yam ahus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema | 

Read ahur at end of a, yam somam ahur yam agnim ahuh 
for b; for c we might read yam varunani vrhaspatirn ahus. 

yad indriya jalpyah : 
prordhnavanti svapunarh durbhutam abhi ye sinanti | ye 

devanam rtvijoi 
yajniyanam tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema | 

For a yad indriyaya jalpya prardhnavanti would seem pos- 
sible; in b read svapnam. 

ye gsa9ana nanama I 
sa ni yanti suryasya ragmir anu sam caranti | ye devanam 

dharmadhrto babhu I 

vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema | 
In a read ^agamana namasa, in b ragmin. 

svarbhisiyer abhi ye bhayanti yebhyah : 
[f. 42 a] krnvanti yo rodayanti ye va strmarh pratirupa babhu- 

vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa : 
vidhema z i z 

Read: surisu ye rabhanti ye bhanti -[-ye bhyah krnvanti-j- 
ye rocayanti | ye va strinam pratirupa babhuvus tebhyas sar- 
vebhyo namasa vidhema z 5 z 1 z 

The reading suggested for pada a is of course only a bare 
possibility. Several of the padas of this hymn occur elsewhere 
also but in dissimilar context. 

58. [f. 42 a, 1. 2.] 

vyavrttau payau gavau vigvati vijnatata vidvesanarh kilasi : 
tayatainau vy ata dvisah vi kilinav ata dvisat vasatibhyas 

samabhyah atho I 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 233 

Imukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antara sihhas te 

caksuso vyaghrah pari : 
sum jane agnir vastv antera yatha. vam na9sati vi dyaur 

vy ata tad vayas tata kal 
patyavah vya osadhe praraspasy agnir iva tam dahah | 

vyavayyarhtu hrdayani vi ci 
ttani manansi ca atho ya tamno sangatam tad vam astu 

vidhulakam | asti vaisami 
vidvisam ubhau sannetara vi9vancau pary a vartayetam 

yatha vam na9sati 
z 2 z 

The transliteration praraspasy in line 5 is not certain. 
It seems pretty clear that six stanzas are intended here, 
the first to end vy ata dvisah bat out of it I get nothing. 
Pada a of st. 2 I cannot reconstruct out of vi kilinav ata dvi^it 
but for bed it seems possible to read vasantibhyas sama- 
bliyah | atholmukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antarah. 
Tho second hemistich of st. 3 is probably to be read agnir 
vam astv antaro yatha vam nac.o asati. St. 4d is clear as it 
stands agnir iva taiii dahah and for pada a vi dyaur vy ety 
tad vayas seems possible. For st. 5 we may read vy ava yantu 
hrdayiini vi cittani manansi ca | atho yat tanvo sangatam tad 
v;iiii astu vidhulakam; it seems possible to connect vidhulakam 
with vidhura. Though not wholly satisfactory we may read 
for st. 6 c d visvancau pary a vartayetaiii yatha varii nago 
I; and the words ubhau sannetara seem good in pada b. 
Other than the above I am unable to suggest anything; it 
is fairly clear that this is a charm to drive away a disease or 
demon, perhaps one afflicting cattle. 

59. [f. 42 a, 1.9.] 
Q. 5. 28. 311, 1, 12. 

trayas posa trivrta9 9rayantas anaktu pusa payasa ghrtena | : 
anyasya bhauma purusa bhauma bhuma pa9unam dahi 

9rayantam z 

In a read posas and Qrayantam, for c annasya bhuma puru- 
bhuma, and in d ta iha grayantam. 

imam a: 
ditya vasuna sam aksatesam agne vardhayamavrdhanah 

yasmim ttrivr9 chetam ! 
pusayisnur imam indra sam srja viryena | 



234 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

Read in ab uksateraam, in b vardhaya vavrdhanah; in c 
trivrc chrayataiii posayisnur. 

bhumis tva patu haritena vigva I 
bhir agnih pipartu payasa majaisa virudbhis te arjuno sarh- 

vidanam va I 
rco dadhatu sumanasyamanam 

In a read vigvabhrd, in b sajosah; in c arjunam, manam 
at end of d. 

dvedha jatarh janmanedam hiranyamm agner ekam I 
priyatam babhuvah somasyaikarh hihsitasya parapatad apam 

ekam ve i 
daso retahus tat te hiranyam trivrtastv ayuse 

In a read tredha and hiranyam, in b priyatamaiii babhuva, 
in c somasyaikarii and parapatat (before colon); in d vedhaso 
reta ahus, in e trivrd astv. 

triyayusam jamadagnes kai 
yapasya triyayusam tredhamrtasya caksanam trmy ayuhsi 

nas krdhi | 
In b read triyayusam, in d nas. 

tra: 
yas s*parnas travitayam ekaksaram abhisambhuya gakra 

praty uha mr : 

* * * * *na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma- 
in a read suparnas trivrta yad ayann, in b gakrah; for the 
second hemistich praty auhan mrtyum amrtena sakam antar 
dadhana duritani vi^va. 

Inasmuch as f. 42 b is badly defaced I give now all that is 
legible on it. 

*na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma 

*ya patu pra harad devapurayarh imasti 

*tah tans tvarh bibhratayusman varcasvan utta 

*amrtam hiranyam yabhedeh prathamo devo a 

*nomy anu manyatam trivrta vadhena | nava pra 

* Ir * ayutvaya catacaradaya harite tri 

*n* rajasavistitani | a ta tritattva 

*harjatassa yan nama tena te ci gr 

* z 3 z yajnentam tapasa vr 

* y * nih upah * tagne jarasas parasta 

*pati grhnati vidvan vr 

*s*ad a 






Vol. xxx.] Tfie KasJimirian Atharva Veda. 235 

Drawing on Q. to fill the lacunae we may read the remain- 
ing stanzas as follows: divas tva patu haritara madhyat tva 
patv arjunam | bhumya ayasmayaiii patu praharad devapura 
ayam z 7 z imas tisro devapuras tas tva raksantu sarvatah | 
tas tvaiii bibhrad ayusman varcasvan uttaro dvisitam l)hava 
z 8 z puraiii devanam arnrtam hirariyam ya abedhe prathamo 
devo agre | tasmai namo daga pracih krnomy anu manyatani 
trivrd abadhe me z 9 z nava pranan navabhis sam mimlte 
dlrghayutvaya gataQaradaya | harite trini raj ate trlny ayasi 
trlni rajasavis^itani z 10 z a tva crtatv aryama pusa vrhaspatih | 
aharjatasya yan nama tena te 'ti crtamasi z 11 z 3 z 

60. 

Q. 6. 122. 4 and 1. 

The visible fragments of the last four lines of f. 42 b (given 
above) are clearly parts of Q. 6. 122; Whitney reports st. 2 
and 3 as being in Paipp. 16. Drawing from Q. we may get 
the following possible reconstruction: yajnani yantam tapasa 
vrbantam anv a rohami manasa sayonih | upahuta agne jarasas 
parastat trtlye nake sadhamadaui madema z 1 z taiii prajanan 
prati grlmati vidvan vrhaspatih prathamaja rtasya | asmabhir 
dattaiii jarasas parastad acchinnam tantum anu sam tarema 



61. [f. 43a, 1. 1.] 

** * ****** 

ne paspari viva bhuvanani g*pa antariksasya * * vi * * * 
na bilarh te ghrta9cutam nadinarh pathe su9rutam juhomi | 

pravidvan * * 
mumugdhi pa9anyasya pattri vidhava yathasat. | anaturena 

varun* * 
the no svastibhir ati durgani vesyat. | tarn a9vina pratigrhya 

svast* 

dosavena pusa se sam pra yacchat. z 5 z anuvakam 12 zz 
Read: * | paspara vigva bhuvanani gopa antariksasya mahato 
vinianah z z* *na bilam te ghvtaQcutam nadmfuii patye 
suQrutam juhomi | pravidvan* * mumugdhi ^pag anyasya patnl 
vidhava yathasat z z anaturena varun* *the no svastibhir 
ati durgani viksat | tarn agvina pratigrhya svastaye -j- dosavena 
pusa me sani pra yacchat z z 5 z anuvakah 12 z 

VOL. XXX. Part III. 17 



236 L. C. Barret, [1910 

Of course it is impossible to know how many stanzas pre- 
ceded these, but it seems probable to me that the hymn 
originally contained five; for six, or possibly seven, lines stood 
after the last line visible on f. 42 b and probably not more 
than two lines are broken from the top of f. 43: about that 
amount of space would be required for the last three stanzas 
of no. 60 (if it had five) and the first two and a half of no. 61, 

62. [f. 43 a, 1. 5.] 

ye pig* 
ca imam vidyam akutim mohayantu nah tesarh tvam agne 

nagaya varca* 
ttam atho prajarh nagayagne pigacanam varcag cittam atho 

prajanam yath* 
gam mahyam dharayathaharh kamayantu me | agarh myaham 

radhatv indriyena 
* *tam tvam agne kravyadas sarvari pigacah arcisa daha 

prati dah* 
*danah sura devah vicarsana yo no durasyad vesana 

yathagam 
*nah enas pagugmitsahty agayam purusesu ca | tans 

tvam sahasra 
*** pi *Hc i * ?5 ** haz * z * * * * * * 

Read: ye pic,aca imam vidyam akutim mohayanti nah | .tesarn 
tvam agne nagaya varcag cittam atho prajam z 1 z nagayagne 
pigacanam varcag cittam atho prajam | yathagam mahyam 
dharaya yatha ha kamayantu me z 2 z 5,gam mahyam radha- 
yatv indriyena * * * tarn | tvam agne kravyadas sarvSn pigacan 
arcisa daha z 3 z prati daha yatudhanan sura devan vicar- 
sanm | yo no durasyad vesanarn yathagam * * * nah z 4 z 
ye nas pagun agna icchanty agayam purusesu ca | tans tvam 
sahasracaksasas pigacan arcisa dah'a z 5 z 1 z 

64. [f. 43 b, 1. 1.] 

********** 

mi reksatim devanam sarvesam sajatana * d*v*nirrtir h* *: 
*agyapasya pratisaro dyaus pita prthivi mata yathabhi 

cakru deva i 
s tathabhi krnuta punah yas krtya nilavatT yas krtyas 

pagyavatih : 






Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 237 

krtya y9 cakrun lohinis ta ito na^ayamasi | yadiva yad i I 
ma jahur ime bhadrasi sunvati | krtyasi kalyany asi samurh 

karta i 
rasvam jahi z 3 z. 

Beginning with the second line visible on this page we have 
the last three stanzas of the third hymn in anuvaka 13; the 
first one of these is very near Q. 3. 9. 1. The following gives 
some emendations which seem possible: kagyapasya pratisaro 
dyaus pita prthivl mata | yathabhi cakra devas tathabhi krnuta 
punah z z yas krtya nilavatlr yas krtyiis pegyavatih | krtya 
yag cakrur lohinis ta ito nagayamasi z z -j- yadiva yad ima 
jahur ime*(- bhadrasi sunvati | kj-tyasi kalyany asi samum kar- 
taramyam jahi z z 3 z 

The first stanza varies decidedly from Q in pada a, where 
Q has kargaphasya vigaphasya. The form pegyavant is not in 
the lexicon, but it seems a possible formation from pig. For 
pada a of the last stanza we might read yad deva yad imag 
cahur; aramyam in pada d is not satisfactory. The general 
sphere of the hymn seems to be indicated in the second stanza. 

65. [f. 43 b, L 6.] 

vrhat te varcas prthatam apa dyam mittrebhy eti i 
sudubhis suvarcah rte raja varuno vravitu tasmat tvam 

havisa bhaga 
dama z 9atam heman tan dagaya sapattrah vi9as tva sarvan 

guhguvo bhava : 
ntu z ya stotipanam praty ut patayas tva sujato vilaha 

tvam n*ica z 
indras tvam yoktre adhime vinakty asmai yas tva yacchan- 

darh praty urn si * 

sbha jigisam prtanas saparye vrhas tarn avajahghani* 
* rasya te balim soma srjatan upa sam * 

****:;:***** *** 

[f. 44 a.] ro abhya prayunga damaya sapatnan. | rte raja 

varuno vravitu tasmat tvam 
havisa bhagadasa z 9atam heman tan damaya sapatnan 

vi9as tva sarva i 
n guhguvo bhavantu z 4 z 

The number of lines lost from f. 43 cannot be ascertained, 
but it is probable that this hymn contained not less than six 
stanzas. In the last stanza it may be possible to read in b 

17* 



238 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

bhagadha asah, in c heman tan damaya, in d vic,as tvas sarva 
gungavo. In the first stanza in pada a it seems possible to 
read prathatain abhi, in b mitro 'bhy and suvarcah (but I see 
nothing for sudubhis), and the next two p3das as in the final 
stanza. Further than these I cannot make suggestions: this 
seems to be a charm for the increase of a king's glory and 
dominion. 

66. [f. 44 a, 1.3.] 

bhagaya raj fie prathamam juhomi vigve deva i 
uttare madayantam z ugam patnibhya ugatlbhya abhyah 

patim agni a vaha 
ratahavya | 

In b read madayantam followed by colon; in d agna and 
ratahavya. 

patim vrnlsva havisa grnanas tarn a vahat savita tam te a 
gnih tam imdra masmi gatagaradaya bhagabhakta bhaga- 

vati suvirah | : 

In a grnana is probably the better reading, in b savita: in 
c we seem to have indra but masmi I cannot solve; in d read 
suvira. 

yam arsa sam patim asye didesita janed icchantam tam iya 

vahasi | I 
sumangaly apatighm suseva rayas posena ucisa sutasva 

In a we may read asyai didegitha, but for arsa I have 
nothing; in b it seems clear that we must read tam iha vahasi 
and icchantam fits the connection very well, but jane dhitsan- 
tam is a possibility, I think. In d we may read sam isa 
srjasva. 

yat te pa : 

tim aryama jayamanam yam dhata ca kalpajam iha vahasi | a : 

bhi varena havisa juhomi | prajam naitu sumanasyamanarh 

In a read jayamanam, in b yam and kalpajam; in d nayatu. 

patim te dya i 
vaprthivi a dhatam patim mittravaruna vato gnih saptar- 

sayo di i 
tis soma indras te tva devas pativatm krnvantu z 5 z anu 

13 ZZ : 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 239 

Read: patim te dyavaprthivl a dhatam mitravaruna vato 
c gnih | saptarsayo c ditis soma indras te tva devas pativatiih 
krnvantu z 5 z 5 z anu 13 z 

67. [f. 44 a, 1. 13.] 

ya9 tvaraya pra vivea janur janivat uta | atho tanvam 

pasprga ta I 
m ito nin nayamasi. 

The ms. is slightly cracked and the first of pada a is not 
clear. In a read yas tvarayas, for b I have no suggestion: 
in c read pasparc,a, in d nir. 

nis tvaraya nayamasi | ya iman pra vive : 
gatah atmanam asya ma hirisir anyatra cara meha bhuh | 
For b read ya imam pra vivegitha, with colon following: in 
c asya. 

yejara i 
yemam upayasi dhehasyai rayiposanam. prajam ca tasya 

ma hih 1 
sir anyatra cara meha bhuh j 

In a I think we must read yo 'rayemam, in b dhehy asyai 
rayas . 

yejaraye vihayasi hanami vi 
rudha tva | atho khanatramis tva varsena yatha bhagarh 

For a we might read yo 'rayemam vyayasi; for the second 
hemistich I have no suggestions. 

yejaraya : 

[f. 44 b.] suryarh strsu yam avato kyarh yat pautrsadyam 

daurbhagyarh tarn ito nir nayamasi z i I 

For a we might read yo c rayas suryam strlsu, but b seems 

hopeless and so leaves us uncertain about a: with pautrasa- 

dyarn the second hemistich can stand. The stanza is number 

5, the hymn number 1 (in anu 14). 

68. [f. 44 b r 1. 2.] . 

agner vo balavato balena manyu vya nayamasi | indrasya 

vas somasya vah vrhaspa . 
ter vas prajapater vo balavato balena manyur va nayamasi | 

yat te suryarh divi deve : 
su varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetarh aham ca vigras 

tvisitas tvisiman i i 
mam vacam vi 9aksiya z 2 z 



240 L. C. Barret, [191 o. 

Read: agner vo balavato balena manyum ava nayamasi | 
indrasya vo | somasya vo | vrhaspater vo e | prajapater 
vo balavato manyum ava nayamasi | yat te surya divi devesu 
varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetasah z aham ca vigras 
tvisitas tvisiman imam vacam vi cakslya z 2 z 

We might also read vi nayamasi, and dhehi might be even 
better than dehi. If the formulae are to be numbered it seems 
that we must count six. 

69. [f. 44 b, 1. 5.] 

vatas purastat pavamena bhasvan namas te I 
vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih tapodas puro dak- 

sinatah pavamena bhasva i 
n namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih | vigvayur 

vigvajanmas prati : 

cya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas te vidma te nama- 
dheyam ma no hihsih z ': 
givo vaigvadeva udicya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas 

te vidma te namadhe i 
yam ma no hihsih z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas 

pavamena bha i 
svan. namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih z 3 z 

iti sadrta i 
suktam. z z 

Read: vatass purastat -j-pavamena bhasvan namas te vidma 
te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 1 z tapodas puro daksinatah 
-j-pavamena z 2 z vi^vayur vigvajamnas pratlcya digas 
f* pavamena e z 3 z Qivo vaigvadeva udicya dic,as -j-pavamena 
z 4 z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas -j-pavamena 
bhasvan namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 5 z 
3 z iti sadrcasuktam z z 

In the margin opposite this hymn is written sadrtasuktarii 
vata purastat. Probably pavamanena should stand for pava- 
mena. 

70. [f. 44 b, 1.12.] 

apa dyor apa utanad apaskadya vaded ahim kalyany ayatah i 
smrtam sumanas santu vidyatah | 

In a it seems possible to read apo dyor apa uttarad, in b 
apaskandya vadhed ahim: in c I think we should have kalyanl, 
followed by ayatah rather than ayatah; smrtani is hardly 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 241 

satisfactory and I have thought of rtaiii, but no suggestions 
can be made with confidence; for d it seems as if we must 
read sumanasas santu vidyutah. 

yat parjas tayitnussa sarh sam vyatate jagat. pa ! 
tantu dvitlya trayavati prthivi prati modate | 

The transliteration of pada a is not certain owing to a 
crack in the ms. We may read for ab yat parjanyas tanayit- 
nus sam sam vyathate jagat: in c patanti would seem better, 
and if a form of dvitlya is to stand it would probably be 
dvitiyas; trayavati cannot stand, I think, and trsyavatT would 
be a pretty emendation though the change to twelve syllables 
for d is rather sudden; if trsyavati seems worth consideration 
I would be inclined to push conjecture a little further and 
read in c udanvatir yas. Cf. RV. 5. 83. 9. 

esenabhy arkam divrkave 
dhenum kam iva ahihs tvam vidyutam jahi masmakarh 

purusam vadhih | 

Pada b seems to end with iva, before which gam is probable 
though dhenukam is possible; one may suspect that the syllables 
rkac,ve are a corruption of rsabho or else of a verb-form from 
the root arc, while the letters div could lead us in several 
directions: I think the import of the hemistich is 'the thunders 
roar lustily.' For cd we may read ahins tvam vidyutam 
jahi masmakaiii purusam vadhih. 

abhikra I 
ndah stanayitnor avasphurjad acanya uta | deva maruto 

mrdata nah patu no : 
duritad avadyat. 

Read abhikrandah in a and avasphurjad in b; the hemistich 
in this form is slightly asymmetrical but it results from the 
simplest emendation: in c read mrdata (the ms. so corrects), 
in d pantu. 

vicite pari no nama aditya9 carma yacchata | yuyata 
parnino 9aram utaparno rsada9a z 4 z 

Read: vrjlte pari no nama adityag c.arma yacchata | yuyota 
parninaui garam utaparnain ri^adasah z 5 z 4 z. 

The first pada is a variant of Q. 1. 2. 2 a. 



242 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

71. [f. 44b, 1. 18.] 
Of. Q. 5. 14. 

krtavyadhana vidva tarn 739 ca : 
kara tarn ij jahi da tvam icaklise vayarh vadhaya 9am sasi- 

mahe yatha : 
[f. 45 a] tva devy osadham praticmam phalarh krtam eva tvam 

krtyane krtam hastigriha para : 
yanah punas krtyam krtyakrte praticinam phalarh krtam. 

eva tvam krtyane kr: 
tarn hastigri para nayah punas krtya krtarhkrti go dhenuka 

vaturh mum nayat. | : 
9aktur vya9aktupe9yarh praticis prati tad vasat. yan te 

cakrur vantanesu va : 
nta kukhur vratasu ca manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya 

krtyakrto jahi I 
agnir vaitus pratikulam anukulam ivodakam 9uke rathai- 

vartatarh krtyekrtya: 
krtamtah z 5 z anu 14 z 

It will be noted that the ms. writes the four padas begin- 
ning praticlnaih phalam twice; evidently a dittography. Stanzas 
1 and 5 here are 9 and 13 of Q. 5. 14, and Q. 5. 14. 4ab also 
appears; with st. 4 cf. Q. 4. 17. 4. 

Read: krtavyadhani vidhya tarn yag cakara tarn ij jahi na 
tvam acakruse vayarii vadhaya sain QiQlmahi z 1 z yatha tvam 
devy osadhmam pratlcinaphalam krtam | eva tvam krtyena krtam 
hastagrhya para nayah z 2 z punas krtyarn krtyakrte gaur dhe- 
nuka -j-vatum mum-j- nayat | -f-gaktur vyagaktupegyam-j- praticis 
prati tad vasat z 3 z yam te cakrur vartanesu *( vanta kukhur 
vratasu ca-j- | manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya krtyakrto jahi 
z 4 z agnir ivaitu pratikulam anukulam ivodakam | sukho ratha 
iva vartatam krtya krtyakrtam pun ah z 5 z 5 z anu 14 z 

In st. 2 b the neuter is difficult but not impossible, I think. 
In st. 3b vatsam nayat would be a good reading; and in 3d 
perhaps pratlcl would be better. 

72. [f. 45 a, 1. 7.] 

agnir dyumnena suryo jyotisa dyaur mahi : 
mna antariksa vyacasa di9a9abhis prthivi payobhir idam 

rastram vardhaya i 
ntu prajavat. | 



Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atliarva Veda. 243 

Read antariksaih, dic.a ac.abhih and payobhih, punctuating 
after each pair of words down to idaih. 

tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mittrena varunena ratri I 
pusa pustir bhagamsena bhagaday idarh rastram vardhay- 

antu prajavat. 

Read mitrena, pustibhih, and possibly bhagadheyena bha- 
gadha. 

yani vi 
gvakarmani jaghana medimamtara dyakaprthivi ubhe | ta- 

syahuh ksa I 
ttriyam garbham pari ma vapatha murdhani carayasva 

We may feel certain in reading dyavaprthivi, k?atriyarii and 
dharayasva; vigvakarma ni would seem a better reading: it is 
probable that antara stands before dyava , and sedima is 
possible palaeographically, giving sedimantara. 



9chandahsy abhito mayukha^sto : 
ma tuma ya jarasyah purlsam tasyahuh ksattriyam nirmitam 

pari ma va 
pattha murdhani dharayasva | 

We might read: chandansy abhito mayukhas stoman -j-tuma 
ye jarasyah | purisam tasyahuh ksatriyam nirmitam z 4 z 

parani tasya vratatha yapi mahati madaspa I 
dam krnusva durdharaya va ma tva dabharh sapattra dip- 

satus tava rastra : 
m uttamarh dyumnam astu z i z 

Read: parani tasya -j- vratatha yabhi sahate sadaspadaih 
krnusva durdharaya va | ma tva dabhan sapatna dipsatas tava 
rastram uttamani dyumnam astu z 5 z 1 z 

73. [f. 45a, 1. 16.] 

idam tarn mittravaruna havir vam yenagre 
deva amrtatvam ayan. | yenasmai ksattram adhi dharayojo 

sapattras pra I 
di9as santv asmai | 

Read tan mitra in a, ksatram in c, and dharayaujo 'sap- 
atnas in cd. 



244 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

ghrtasya dhara mittravaruna duha varh dhenur anupa : 
[f.45b] sphuranti deva savitota vayur agnir bhutasya patir iha 

garma yacchat. | 
Read mitra in a, duhe in b; devas in c, 

9am nas tarn: 
mittravaruna grnitam tredha mitra bahudha vageram jayate 

seno apa gho 
sa etat prthak satvano bahudha bhavantarh 

In a read tan mitra , in b vageran; in c read eti, and if 
seno (= sena) does not seem acceptable we will have to read 
senapa or jayante sena. 

hanama mitravaruna samitram bha : 
vasa bhadre sukrtasya loke parayan nas savita devo agnir 

jayamedam ha ! 
visa kagyapasya | 

In a it almost seems that we must read amitran; in b read 
bhavama, in c parayan. 

vato yam mittravaruna tad aha havisy antaram 

nirmitam ka I 
gyapasya adhvaryavo maruta yasyasan tena devebhyo varu- 

nani cakruh i 
om tena devebhyo varimani cakruh z 2 z 

Head: vato yan mitravaruna tad aha havisy antaram nir- 
mitam kacjapasya | adhvaryavo maruto yasyasan tena devebhyo 
varim&ni cakruh z 5 z 2 z 

74. [f. 45 b, 1. 7.] 
Q. 3. 3. 

asikrat svapa iha bhava : 
d agne dambha rodasi urucT | amum naya namama rata- 

havyo yunjanti supraja: 
sam pafica janah | 

For this stanza cf. RV. 6. 11. 4 and MS. 4. 14. 15. Read in 
a acikradat, in b dambhaya where Q. has vyacasva; in c namasa 
ratahavyam. 

dure digchantam argasa indram a gyavayantu 

sakhyaya ri I 

pum yadi gayatriyarh vrhatim arkam asmai sautramanya 

dadrgantu devah | i 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 245 

In a read cit santam arusasa, in b cyava and vipram ; in c 
yad gayatriih, and in d dadhrsanti. 

adbhyas tva raja varuno juhava somas tvayarh hvayati par- 

vatebhyah indras tva ! 

yam hvayati vidbhyabhyah gyeno bhutva visa patema9 
In c read vidbhya abhyag, and in d vic.a a patemah. 

9yeno havin nayatv a para I 
smad anyaksettre aparusyam carantarh a9vinam pantham 

krnutarh sajan te garbharh : 
sajata abhi sarh sarh vigadhvarh 

In a read havir, in b anyaksetre aparuddham carantam; in 
c a^vina and sugam, in d abhi samvigadhvam. 

9yeno havis ka9yapasyopa 9ikse indrarh vatah prai 
hito duta va visi ya catrun. | senagrai viso vrsanano adhara 

kasi! 

Reading Qiksaty we can get a good pada a; and for pada 
d we might consider as a possibility vic.o vrsan a no adharan 
carasi: the form visi is probably for vic.i, and senagrai for 
senagre, but for the rest I have nothing. 

yas te havam prati nistyat sajata uta nistya z 2 z apata 

indra tarn : 
mitvayatheham ava gayah 

Read : yas te havam prati tisthat sajata uta nistyah | apan- 
cam indra tarn mitvathemam ava gamaya z 6 z 
\ 

hvayanti tva panca j any ah pati mitravarsa i 
ta indragm vi9ve deva vi9i ksemam adhldharam z 3 z 

Read: hvayantu tva panca janah prati mitra avrsata | indragnl 
vigve devas te vi^i ksemam adldharan z 7 z 3 z 

75. [f. 45 b, 1. 18.] 

prajapatir a- 
nuvartis sa prajabhir anuvantih sa manuvarti anuvantim 

krnotu | i 
[f. 46 a] indro nuvantis sa viryenanuvartis somo nuvantis sa 

osadhibhir anuvartih i 
apo nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah ta manuvartayor 

anuvartim krao i 



246 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

tu | devanuyartayas te mrtenanuvartayah te manuvartayor 

anuvartim kr : 
notu z 4 z 

Read: prajapatir anuvartis sa prajabhir anuvartih | sa manu- 
vartir anuvartim krnotu z 1 z indro 'nuvartis sa viryen anu- 
vartih | sa e z 2 z somo 'nuvartis sa osadhlbhir anuvartih j 
sa z 3 z apo 'nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah 
te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu z 4 z deva anuvartayas 
te 'mrtenanuvartayah | te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu 
z 5 z 4 z 

76. [f. 46 a, 1.4.] 

payo mahyam osadhayas payo me virudho dadham | 

apam payasva I 
d yat payas tenve varsantu vrstayah 

In b read dadhan, in c payasvad and in d tad me. 

payo mahyam parasvanto hastino me payo da- 
dham | pa i 

yas patatrino mahyam vinaya me payo dadham | 
In b read dadhan, also in d. 

payasvandre ksettram astu paya: 
svad rtu dharh | aharh payasvan bhuyasam gavo mota 

payasvatih 

For ab read payasvan me ksetram astu payasvad uta me 
dhaman; read ma uta in d. 

payo mahyam a : 

psarasam gandharva me payo ^dadham | payo me vigva 

bhutani vato dadhatu me pa: 
yah 

In a read apsaraso, in b dadhan. 

payo mahyam dyavaprthivi antariksarh payo dadhat. | payo 

me vigva bhui 
tani dhata dadhatu me payah 

payas prthivyam paya osadhlsu payo dhi: 
vy antariksa payo dhah payasvatis pradigas santu ma- 
hyam. z z\ 
z 5 z anu 15 z 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 247 

Read: payas prthivySiii paya osadhlsu payo divy antarikse 

dhah I payasvatis pradigas santu mahyam z 6 z 5 z anu 15 z 

For the last stanza cf. VS. 18. 36; MS. 2. 12. 1, and others. 

In the margin opposite st. I is written payas prthivyaiii e . 



77. [f. 46 a, 1. 12.] 

aham bibharmi te mano aharh cittam aham vra ! 
vratam mamed apa kratav aso mamasag ced asidapi | amna- 

saistra samhi : 
te ramatam mano mayi te ramatam manah amjanasya 

madhusasya kusthasya na : 
latasya ca | virodikasya mulena mukhena mardanam krtam 

madhu me antar a I 
sya mukhena mandanam krtam. | tatro tvam vivartasva 

naracT iva vartasi | : 
yatha nemi rathacakrarh samantarh pari sasvaje eva pari 

sasva ma yatha: 
[f. 46 b] sam payite manah z i z 

The sphere of this is clear, it is a love-charm; cf. Q. 6. 102 
and the many others. The division of the padas presented by 
the ms. into stanzas, and the details of emendation raise many 
difficulties which cannot be convincingly settled. The last 
stanza is perfectly clear and is equivalent to Q. 6. 8. 1 : read 
svajasva mam in c and payate in d. We may feel sure, I 
think, that the next to the last stanza begins madhu me; it 
seems possible to read for the first hemistich madhu mayy 
antar a syan mukhena mardanam krtam: in pada c, read tatra, 
and at the end of d perhaps vartase, but for naracl I can 
suggest nothing unless we take an entirely different turn and 
read the hemistich tatra tvam vai varcasvan aranl iva vartasi. 
Another stanza is as follows: anjanasya madughasya kusthasya 
naladasya ca | vlrudhas tasya krtam; but the emendation 
in pada c is not very forceful. To start now with the first 
words, reading vratam in b and mamed aha in c we get three 
padas of st. 1, and in view of Q. 1. 34. 2 I think we might 
read for d mama cittam a sldasi (Q. upayasi). In the remain- 
ing part we find a whole pada written twice, the correct form 
being mayi te ramatam manah (Q. 6. 102. 2d has vestataiii) which 
would be a good fifth pada for st. 1 were it not for the inter- 
vening letters amnasaistra and these seem beyond emendation. 



248 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

78. [f. 46 b, 1. 1.] 

yathedam agvina trinam vato havatu bhumyam e I 
va vayam vahamasi yam vayam kamayamahe | 
Read trnam in a, vahati bhumyam in b. 

utva mata sthapayatu pra : 
tva nudatam agvina | da gvagur iva mataram mam evajotu 

te manah 
Read ut tva in a, probably sa Qvagrur in c and evarnotu in d. 

yathal 
ksirarh ca sarpig ca manusyanam hrye priyam. | evaham 

asya nariyai 
hrdo bhuyasam uttamah 
Read hj*de in b, narya in c. 

agnes tva tapas tapatu vatasya vraji ma sprksa ta : 
ni sadanani madhava ut tistha prehy agnivat te krnomi 
In b read dhrajir ma sprksat, in c sadhava. 

suryas tva tapas tapa: 
tu vatasya vraji ma sprksa tati sadanani madhava ut tistha 

prehi su : 
ryavat te krnomi z 2 z 

Read : suryas tva tapas tapatu vatasya dhrajir ma sprksat | 
tani sadanani sadhava ut tistha prehi suryavat te krnomi z 5 
z 2 z 

79. [f. 46 b, 1.8.] 

hiranyapuspi subhaga rupag cayam sumangala : 
tav enam bhadraya dattam amrtav amrte bhage 
Read sumangalah in b. 

hiranyapidvam haritarh tat te ange : 
su rohati tenemam agvina nari bhagenabhi sincatam 
In a read hiranyapindam, in c narim, in d sincatam. 

yatha rupasudhrta i 
s trpyanto yanti kaminah eva tva sarve devarah petayo 

yarhtu kaminah: 
In d read pretaro yantu. 



Vol. xxx ] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 249 

hiranyaksa madhuvarno hiranyaparicantane ankarh hiranya 

yas tuva tenai 
syaih patim a vaha 

Read : hiranyakso madhuvarno hiranyaparicchandanah | anko 
hiranyo yas tava tenasyai . 

yadi vaspa dirocanam yadi va nabhyas tira | yam 

tva ma- 
hyam osadhir amkena ma nyanaya z 3 z 

This stanza appears Q. 7. 38. 5, which has tirojanam in a; 
this seems to me better than the tirocanam of the commen- 
tator. Read: yadi vasi tirojanam yadi va nadyas tirah | iyam 
tva mahyam osadhir ankena me nyanayat z 5 z 3 z 

80. [f. 46 b, 1. 14.] 

punas pranarh punar apanum a I 
smai punar vyanam uta soma dhehi | atmanam caksur udite 

samanas tarn anu pa : 
hi tarn anu jiva jagavi | 

Read apanam in a, adite in c and probably samanam; in d 
jivaiii jagrhi: the omission of the second anu would improve 
the metre. 

tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mitrena 
varunena ratri indro jyesthena vrahmanaya vrhaspatih 

pusasmai puna: 
[f. 47 a] r asarh dadhatu 

Read asuiii in d; dadatu would be better too, in view of 
st. 5d and RY. 10. 59. 7 a punar no asuiii prthivi dadatu. 

yathaditya vasavo ye ca rudra vi9ve deva aditir ya" 

ca ra! 
tri yajno bhagas savita ye ca | deva yamo smai punar asam 

dadhatu | 
Read 'smai and asum in d; the colon should follow ratri. 

somo raja: 
asucit te punar ma indro marudbhir a9vina te bhisaj yad 

agnl rudro vasuvi i 
t ta punar dat. 

The first pada of this stanza seems to have been lost; for 
pada b I read somo raja vasuvit te punar dat: pada c begins 
with indro; read te in d. 



250 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

punar dyaur devl punantariksam agnir vatah pavamano 

bhisajyai 
tu | grahyas pa^am nirrtyas pacam mrtyoh pargad vak ca 

devl punar da! 
datu z 4 z 

Read : punar dyaur devl punar antariksam agnir vatas pava- 
mano bhisajyatu | grahyas pagan nirrtyas pagan mrtyoh pagad 
vak ca devl punar dadatu z 5 z 4 z 

81. [f. 47 a, 1. 6.] 

idarh caksur patavari ma hihsit purayusah yad varh ! 
tamo yad u lapisam apa vacam ni dadhmasi | 

Read rtavarl in a, in b pura ayusah might be better: at 
the end of c I would read yat kilbisam, in d vaca (with 
apavacam as an alternative). 

idarh dhehy ada ganam yatho ! 
rmati rohati | ayasmayas taranku9o aksaur aram sam apu 

lampatu z 

In a we may read adhigunam or adhi gandam, in b yathor- 
myadhi or better yathormir adhi: in d upa limpatu seems 
probable, and the locative dual might stand at the beginning; 
I would suggest then aksyo rasam upa limpatu. 

yama I 
hy abhyam ujayam nrcaksa yam 9ansena9 9akta nir yam 

suparna ud ahu9 caksu 1 

r uditer anantam somo nrcaksa mayi tad darmam dhatu j 
The first two padas do not connect well with either the 
preceding or following, and it is possible that they were padas 
cd of a stanza whose first hemistich has fallen out: a possible 
reading would be yarno hy abhyam uj jayan nrcaksa yam 
gansena. It seems possible to read nir ayan suparna with 
some form of gakti at the beginning of the pada; read uditeh 
and insert colon; the last two words are probably dharmam 
dadhatu. 

yatha caksus suparna i 
9ca yatha 9va9ru yatha 9unah eva me a9vina caksus krnu- 

tam puskara I 
sraja | 

Read suparnasya in a, gvagror in b; krnutaih puskarasraja 
for d: with this stanza cf. Q. 3. 22. 4. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 261 

yasyas suparnam prapata9 caksusa caksur a dadhe 

tasyaha samu I 
draje uva caksusa caksur a dadhe z 5 z anu 16 z zz I 

The second pada looks as if pada d had displaced a more 
appropriate pada b; yet if we might read for a yas suparnasya 
prapatag perhaps b could stand: in c we might read samudraih 
jetave. This is stanze 5 of hymn 5 in anu 16. 

There are suggestions in the first two stanzas of healing 
some disease of the eye, in the last two the suggestions are 
rather of a charm for keenness of vision ; of course both could 
stand in the same hymn. 

82 and 83. [f. 47 a, 1. 14.] 

agnis te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha vatam te pranas 

sisaktu ! 
suryam te caksus sisaktu antariksarh te grotram sisaktu 

paramam te paravatarh I 

manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z i z apas te rasas sisaktu i 
yatudhana svaha | osadhis te lomani sisajantu samudraih 

de va I 
s sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 2 z 

Head: agnini te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z vatam 
te pranas sisaktu z 2 z suryam te caksus sisaktu z 3 z 
antariksam te grotraiii sisaktu z 4 z paramam te paravatam 
manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 5 z 1 z 

apas te rasas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z osadhis te 
lomani sisajantu z 2 z samudraih te -j-vas sisaktu yatu- 
dhana svaha z 3 z 2 z 

In 83. 3 vak would seem a good reading. 

The ms. so clearly separates these formulae into two groups 
that I have not felt it advisable to unite them in spite of 
their unity as regards content. Opposite 83 the margin has 
raksamantram ha 4. 

84. [f. 47 a, 1. 18.] 

idam te giro bhinadmi ya i 
tudhana svahedarh te mastiskam ni tarananaddi bhumyarh 

te hano bhina I 
[f. 47 b.] dmi yatudhana svahedam te jihva ni te griva 

bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam : 

VOL. XXX. Part III. 18 



252 L. C. arret, [1910. 

te skandha ni idarh te sau bhinadmi yatudana svahedamn 

te bahu ni te hrda I 
yam bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te parisur ni te grom 

bhinaddi yatudha i 
na svahedam te kloma ni te prsthe bhinadmi yatudhana 

svahedam te vasta ni i 
idam ta uru bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te janghe 

bhinaddi yatudhana sva i 
hedam te gulhau bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te padau 

ni te tvacam bhinaddi : 
yatudhana svahedam te pranam ni idam te parunsi bhinaddi 

yatudhana sva i 
hedam te majjo ni taranenaddi bhumyam z 3 z 

Read: idam te giro bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te 
mastiskam ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z I z idam te 
hanu | idaiii te iihvam m z 2 z idaih te grlvam | 
idam te skandhan m z 3 z idam te hastau | idam te 
bahu ni z 4 z idam te hrdayam | idam te pargur 
(Wackernagel, Altind. Gr. 51) ni e z 5 z idam te grom 
| idam te kloma ni z 6 z idam te prsthe | idam 
te Vastham ni z 7 z idarii te uru | idam te janghe 
ni z 8 z idam te gulhau idam te padau ni 
z 9 z idam te tvacam | idaih te pranam ni z 10 z 
idam te parunsi bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te majja 
ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z 11 z 3 z 

85. [f. 47 b, 1. 8.] 

nandasodalam anta 
kajisnu haparajita amum bhrunany arpaya svayam pafan 

yayati a 
srar aitu sahakratur atu ma prano atho balam mano dadhatu 

bhadraya agni i 
r vi9vad vasu ma svastaye daksina ma daksinato daksina 

patu sa : 
vyatah pafcad anam vyadhat patu sarvasya bhavahebhya 

catam apo divya mittra i 
sya ca daksinah | dhata savita rudras te no muncantv 

ahhasah | 9atam pa9a i 
tu varunasya vrahmanaspate9 9a te mantan pa9m no vi 

9atat pace I 
bhyo vayantam z 4 z 






Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atfiarva Veda. 253 

This seems little more than words and phrases put together 
without connection, though there is in several places indication 
of prayer for protection; such as vyadhat patu, muncantv 
anhasah. It does not seem to be metrical. 

At the very beginning I think nandasodaram is not im- 
probable, then probably antakajisnum and aparajitam, these 
being in agreement with amum; doubtless we should read 
bhrunany, but it seems hardly possible to construe two accusa- 
tives with arpaya. If asrar is a verb, as seems possible, we 
would want to read yayaty asrah (followed by a period). 
Reading aitu ma prano and bhadrayagnir we would get a 
fairly good sense for aitu sahakratur vic.vad vasuh 
(followed by period), though it would be quite possible to put 
the period after bhadraya and then read vasur ma ; enaih 
vyadhat patu would be the last words which can stand, but 
it seems that a full stop comes after bhavahebhya. Of course 
dhata anhasah is good but of the rest I can make nothing 
though many of the words are obvious. 

The above suggestions really offer no help in solving this 
hymn, for there is nothing in it that gives a solid base from 
which to work; at least I cannot see it. 



86. [f. 47 b, 1.15.] 

pracim digam astham agnir mavatv ojame ba : 

laya digam priyo bhuyasam ami mitva me digo bhavantu 

ghrtapratlka : 

daksinam digam astham indro mavatv ojase balaya prati- 

cim di I 

gam astham varuno mavatv aujase balaya udiclm digam 

astham : 

somo mavatv aujase balaya dhruvarh digam astham visnur 

mavatv auja i 

[f. 48 a] se balaya urdhvam digam astham vrhaspatir mavatv 

aujase balaya I 

digam priya bhuyasam anu mittra me digo bhavantu ghrta- 
pratlka z : 

z 5 z a 17 z 
Read: pracliii digam astham agnir mavatv ojase balaya | 

dizain priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me di$o bhavantu ghrta- 

pratlkah z I z daksinaiii di^am astham indro mavatv | 

18* 



254 L. C. Barret. [1910. 

digam z 2 z praticlrii digam asthaih varuno mavatv | 
digam, z 3 z udlcirii digam asthaih somo mavatv | 
digaih z 4 z dhruvarii digam asthaih visnur mavatv | 
digaih y 5 z urdhvam digam asthaih vrhaspatir mavatv 
ojase balaya | digam priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me digo 
bhavantu ghrtapratlkah z 6 z 5 z anu 17 z 

87. [f. 48 a, 1. 3.] 
Kaug. 107. 

manayi tahtu prathamam pagced ahvyatanvata tarn 
nan pra vravimi va cadir na santurvari sadurvyas tantur 

bhavati sadhu I 
n odur ito vrkah atho horvarlr yuyarh prattar vodheva 

dhavaja kharga i 
la yurva paturir apa agram ivayanam | patantu pratvarir 

ivorvarih i 
sadhuna patha avacyu tautubhyete tedevagvatarav iva | 

pra stomas u i 
rvarmam khasayanam astvavisam | narl pancamayosam 

sutravat kr i 

nutam vasu aristo sya vastha priyamda vasi tatautira z i z : 
Read: manayai tantum. prathamam pagyed anya atanvata | 
tan narlh pra vravimi vas sadhvir vas santurvarih z 1 z sadhur 
vas tantur bhavatu sadhur otur etu vrtah | atho horvarlr yuyam 
pratar vodheva dhavata z 2 z khargala iva patvarir apam 
ugram ivayanam | patantu patvarir ivorvarih sadhuna patha 
z 3 z avacyau te totudyete todenagvatarav iva | pra stomam 
urvarmam gagayanam astavisam z 4 z narl pancamayukham 
sutravat krnutam vasu | aristo c sya vasts, { priyamda vasi 
tatautira -j- z 5 z 1 z 

The reading of 2b may not seem good but I regard it as 
probable; Bloomfield reports sadhur otu as the reading of 
three mss. but reads in his text sadhur etu ratho. In 2dBl. 
reads vodhave. In 5b Bl. reads krnute vasu, though all but 
one of his mss. have krnutam; in his note he suggests the 
reading here given. For priyamda in 5d we should probably 
read prendra as in Kaug. but for the rest our reading seems 
as hopeless as that of Kaugika. 



Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 255 

88. [f.48a, 1.10.] 
RV. 10. 152. 

9asa ittha mahah asy amittrakhaghato adbhutah na yasya 

hanya : 
te sakha na jiyate kada cana 

In a read mahan, and in b amitrakhado. 

vrkso vi mavrdho jahi vi vrttrasya I 

hanu ruja vi manyumanyu vrttrahann amittrasyabhidasati | 
Read: vi rakso vi mrdho jahi vi vrtrasya hanu ruja | vi 
manyum indra vrtrahann amitrasyabhidasatah z 2 z 

vi nl : 
ndra vi mrdo jahi nlda yatsva pradhanyatah adhamarh 

gamaya taso yo : 
asma abhi dasati | 

Eead: vi na indra mrdho jahi mca yaccha prtanyatah | 
adhamam gamaya tamo yo asman abhi dasati z 3 z 

svastida vi9m pati vrttrahai 

vi mrdo jahi vrsendras pura etu nas somapa abhayankarah I 
In a read patir, in b vrtraha and vi mrdho or vimrdho; jahi 
does not fit in well here, and the reading of RV. is much 
preferable vimrdho vagi. 

apendra dvisato mano pa jijyasato vadham vi maha9 9arma 

yaccha vai 
riyo yavadha vadham z 2 z 

Read: apendra dvisato mano 'pa jijyasato vadham | vi mahac 
(jarma yaccha variyo yavaya vadham z 5 z 2 z 

89. [f. 48 a, 1. 17.] 

yo titaro manis tenati taru! 
sva sah sapattrah dvisato mane prnutasva prdanyatah | 

In a read devo yo 'titaro; in b I think tarusva dvisah is the 
best of several possibilities: in c read sapatnan, and for d pra 
nutasva prtanyatah. 

prnui 

[f. 48 b] tasva pra dahasva sapattrah dvisato mane tarapi 

mahatam dusvasam varco bhankti I 
pradanyatarh 



256 L. C. Barret, [1910. 

In a read pra nutasva, in b sapatnan; in b ati or ava would 
be better and then mahatvam dvisam is at least possible; in d 
read bhandhi prtanyatam. 

varco jahi manyum jahy akutirh dvisatam mane | devo 

yo til 

taro manis tenati tara dhurvata | 
In c read 'titaro and in d dhurvatah. 

ye dhurvanti ye druhyanti ye dvisanti pra: 
tanyatah | sarvah sapattras te manir na manyum dvisatas 

karat. 
In b read prtanyantah; in cd sarvan sapatnaiis te manir nir. 

tava citte ta! 
va vrate tavaivadhaspadam cararh | devo yo nyataro manis 

tenati tara dusvama: 
z 3 z 

Read : tava citte tava vrate tavaivadhaspadam karam | devo 
yo 'titaro manis tenati tarusva dvisah z 5 z 3 z 

For 5d and Ib tenati tara dustaran might seem as good 
as the reading given above. 

90. [f. 48 b, 1. 6.] 

Q. 6. 9. 
a te mana9 caksu9 ca a ma te hrdayarh dade pados 

te padyam a: 
dade yatha tisthasi me vafe vafe 

In ab read mana caksu^ ca; in c pados, and in d vage 
only once. This stanza and the last one do not appear in Q., 
nor elsewhere. 

vahccha se padau tanvam vacchaksur van: 
ccha saksnyu akso vrsanyantyas kega osthau mam te kamena 

asyatam 

For a read vanccha me ; for b vancchaksyau vanccha sak- 
thyau; in c aksyau and in d c.usyatam: the sign transliterated 
a in asyatam might be a poorly formed c.u. 

mai tva: 
dusanimrgam nomi hrdayasprgam mamed apa kratav aso 

mamasa i 
9 ced asa9 ced asidapi 



Vol. xxx.] TJie Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 257 

For the first hemistich I think we may read mayi tva 
dosanisprgam krnomi hrdayasprgam; in c read aha, and for d 
see hymn 77 where I suggested mama cittam a sldasi. 

yasarh nabhir arohanarh hrdi samvananam krtam | : 
gavo ghrtasya mataro amu sam vanayantu me 
In a read yasarii, in d amuih. 

mahyam tva dyavaprthi- 
vi sahyarh devi sarasvati mahyam tvendra9 cagni9 cahoratre 

ni yacchatam. z: 

Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivl mahyam devi sarasvati 
mahyaiii tvendrag cagnig cahoratre ni yacchatam z 5 z 4 z 
For st. 5 cf. above Nos. 9. 5 and 35. 5. 



91. [f. 48b, 1. 13.] 
Cf. Q. 2. 24. 

bhulir muly arjum punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis 

kimidinii 
yasya stha [dam atta yo va prahit tarn utta ma samsany 

attah acchavo jigha! 
cchavah havisyavas pagyavah sphatihari ramahari vata 

jute sa: 
nojavah punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis kimidinl yasya 

stha da- 
rn atta yo va prahit tarn utta mamsany attah z z om tvam 

utta sma: 

mamsany attah zz 5 z anuva 18 z z iti atharva! 
[f. 49 a] ni pipaladacakhayam dvitiyas kandas samaptah 

z z 

Q. 2. 24 is a hymn of eight stanzas divided between male 
and female kimidins; above in No. 42 we have a hymn, seem- 
ingly of five stanzas, devoted to the male kimidins and here 
are the stanzas against the females. An arrangement in five 
stanzas may be made with some degree of reason, but to emend 
the words which are supposed to be names of the demons is 
not possible : feminine vocatives are called for, and I can only 
suggest as more or less plausible arjuni, jighatsavah, sphati- 
hari, ramahari, manojavah. Taking up these suggestions we 
may read as follows: bhuli muly arjuni punar vo yantu yatavah 



258 L. C. Barret, The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. [1910. 

punar jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn 
atta sva mansany atta z 1 z acchavo jighatsavah punar 
z 2 z havisyavas pa^yavah z 3 z sphatihari ramahari 
o o z 4 z vatajute manojavah punar vo yantu yatavah punar 
jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta 
sva mansany atta z 5 z 5 z anu 18 z z ity atharvani paippa- 
ladagakhayani dvitlyas kandas samaptah z z 



on Village Government in Japan After 1600, I. 
By K. ASAKAWA, Ph. D., Yale University, New Haven. 
Conn. 

Introduction. 

IN the year 1600, Tokugawa leyasu, through his victory at 
the battle of Sekigahara, became the virtual ruler of feudal 
Japan, and proceeded to elaborate that careful system of 
government which, with remarkably few changes, continued to 
exercise an undisputed sway over the nation till the middle 
of the nineteenth century. In this system culminated, and 
with it ended, the feudal regime of Japan. Each of the larger 
phases of the system, its relation to the Emperor and civil 
nobility, to religious institutions, and to the military, agricul- 
tural, and mercantile classes of society, and its moral, intel- 
lectual, economic and institutional contributions to the present 
era of Japanese history, presents a field of fruitful study. 
It is the aim of this essay to analyze some of the leading 
features of the rural aspects of the great system. 

Generally considered, the main objects of this system can 
hardly be said to have been entirely selfish. Coming after 
nearly three centuries of continual civil war, leyasu was as 
eager to restore at last the peace and order for which the 
nation had long yearned, as to perpetuate the political power 
of his own family. It was in fact the primary motive of his 
policy that the power of his house should depend upon the 
stability of the realm 1 . It may indeed be said that every 
important phase of the political system which he built was so 
designed as to subserve this double purpose. 

It is this full consciousness of its aims that characterizes 
:he Tokugawa regime and distinguishes it from its predecessors 
.n the history of feudal Japan. leyasu and his councillors 
ivould run no risk and leave nothing to nature, wherever their 
iiuman intelligence guided them. They made every effort to 



260 K. Asakctwa, [1910. 

avail themselves of the wisdom to be derived from the study 
of the past political experience of both Japan and China 2 , and 
sought to adapt it to the peculiar conditions prevailing in the 
feudal Japan of the early seventeenth century, 3 always with" 
the steadfast purpose of insuring peace and of perpetuating 
the new regime. 

The general system so framed was characterized, in all its 
phases, by a studied balance of two elements seemingly contra- 
dictory to each other, namely, government by rigid laws and 
government by discretion. The historian who sees only the 
former, in which an elaborate machinery was set in motion, 
as it were, regardlessly of the men operating it, would be 
puzzled to meet everywhere almost an excess of liberty that 
was left for the exercise of the personal sense of equity and 
proportion of the individual administrator. Nor would one 
succeed in regarding the latter element the only basic prin- 
ciple of the Tokugawa rule. It would seem that largely by 
a harmony of the two, the one not less important than the 
other, was served the primary aim of leyasu's government. 

1. Government by rigid laws, which one might term institu- 
tionalism, may be conveniently discussed as in the following 
analysis. In the first place, a Chinese political idea was used 
to explain and emphasize the actual division of social classes. 
The nation was conceived as falling into two main classes, 
rulers and ruled, with a broad division of labor between them: 
the rulers to govern and in return to be supported, and the 
ruled to support and in return to be governed. 4 True to the 
feudal nature of the society, the rulers were mostly warriors, 5 
and the ruled were mostly tillers of the soil. The separation 
between the noble functions of the former and the ignoble 
services of the latter was distinct and decisive, each class 
living a separate life from the other, with its own laws, edu- 
cation, taste and views of life. 6 Less than two millions of the 
fighting class were thus superimposed upon more than twenty- 
four millions of the producing class. 7 

In the second place, let it be noted that in each of the 
two classes, and in their mutual relationship, there had 
developed in the course of previous history an ill-defined but 
important division of sub-classes, which the Tokugawa rulers 
now organized in a minute and rigid gradation of rank. To 
enumerate but a few of the chief steps in the hierarchy, such 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 261 

as concern the subject of this essay. The Suzerain 8 appointed 
about forty Intendants 9 with regular salaries over his own 
Domain Lands. 10 He also received allegiance of more than 
two hundred large and small Barons, 11 who. with some of 
their vassals, ruled over their respective Fiefs. 10 The suzerain's 
domain lands were assessed as equivalent to about a fourth 
of the aggregate of the fiefs of all the barons. 10 His intendants 
stood in their respective districts in immediate relation with 
representatives of the peasants, but the barons and their larger 
land-holding vassals were removed from the rural population 
under them by one or more intermediate grades of officials, 12 
whom we might conveniently designate Bailiffs. 

The peasants of each Village 13& u were themselves divided 
into classes, according to their tenures. 15 They, however, 
were all under their Village-Head, 16 usually one but sometimes 
more, either elected or hereditary, and, holding office annually, 
for a term of years, or for life. He was assisted by several 
Chiefs, 16 and was, with the latter, under the counsel and 
supervision of one or more selected Elders. 16 In larger fiefs 
there frequently were District-Heads, who, being also of the 
ant birth, each discharged in a group of villages func- 
tions similar to those of the heads of individual villages. 17 

In the third place, all these grades were held together by 
a carefully studied system of checks and balances. These 
evidently conceived in accordance with the two familiar 
principles that have characterized many a bureaucratic govern- 
ment in history, and were especially developed in China, iy 
namely, the principles of responsibility and of delegation, the 
delegation of the suzerain's powers to his subordinate officials, 
and the responsibility of each functionary for his official 
conduct to those above him. Each official was inviolable, 19 so 
long as he acted within the powers delegated to him, and each 
law was sacred, 20 so long as it embodied the just will of the 
highest authorities. Every person, however high, was answer- 
able for his act to his superiors, and the suzerain's punishment 
for wrongs committed by even the greatest baron was swift 
and was witnessed by all 'men under him. 21 It was very 
common that the officials or even all the members of a corpor- 
ate body Avere punished for a grave offence committed by one 
of the latter, or otherwise held responsible for the due perfor- 
mance of public duties enjoined on them. This was especially 



262 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

the rule with rural communities, with city wards, and with 
merchant and artisan gilds. 22 It would not be difficult to see 
that the double chain of delegation and responsibility was 
forged in order to hold the society solidly together. 

2. Beside these rigorous institutional arrangements of the 
Tokugawa regime, the latitude it carefully and generously left 
to the individual administrator for the exercise of his sense 
of equity and right proportion is all the more remarkable by 
contrast. Unless the suzerain's motive of deliberately 
balancing these two opposite principles is thoroughly appre- 
ciated, the story of his government is apt to baffle us at 
every turn, and has in fact betrayed many writers into in- 
evitable errors. Rule by discretion should be absent [in no 
form of government, and is likely to play a large part in a 
feudal government, which usually comprises arrangements 
essentially private and personal in origin. In the Tokugawa 
regime, discretionary conduct of affairs formed a predominant 
feature of its operation, and, what is more important, was 
maintained side by side with a rigid institutionalism, some 
phases of which we have analyzed, both elements supplementing 
and rectifying each other. The law was framed, or, at least, 
such was the ideal, with the conscious intention at the same 
time to guide the blind magistrate by its provisions and to 
allow the wise magistrate to supply them with his wisdom. 23 
Once promulgated, therefore, the law was a ready instrument 
in the hands of benevolent and experienced rulers. 24 Not 
seldom was it expanded, bent, or even overridden, to give 
free play to a higher sense of equity. 25 This was, in short, 
a system of government one half of whose success depended 
upon the skill and the justice of the individual official, the 
other half being provided for by minute laws. The first half, 
it is easy to see, was ever liable to be turned to abuses by 
corrupt men, and the second always tended to become mech- 
anical and unwieldy. The careful combination devised by the 
Tokugawa rulers served their aims with rare success, but 
failed them in the end, for, indeed, no human hand could 
strike an even balance and effect a complete organic union 
of the two factors for all time. 

So much for the general system. We are now ready to 
devote our attention to that part of the Tokugawa regime 
which concerned the rural population, and observe how it 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 263 

illustrates the general reflections we have made, and how its 
peculiar conditions reacted upon the entire system. 

The peasants were a class destined, as has been said, to 
be ruled by warriors and in return to support them with 
fruits of their labor. It was first of all necessary to keep 
them submissive. There was no thought of ever allowing them 
to take part in the government of the country or even of the 
fief. Not only would they be incapable of the work, but it 
would in all probability result in breaking the very fabric of 
feudal society. Nor was it a difficult problem to enforce 
passive obedience upon the peasants, for, habitually employing 
dull wood and metal as tools, as they do, and depending on 
mute but irrestible forces of nature, the peasants are always 
the mildest and most patient class of people. The rank and 
dignity of the authorities command from them more genuine 
respect than from merchants in the cities. Political ideas 
grow but slowly among the peasants. Their mental horizon 
is apt to be limited to their own interests, which are at once 
circumscribed and protected by custom. Only when these 
interests, their only citadel, are unreasonably attacked, they 
would be seen to lose their equanimity and become as fero- 
cious as an enraged ox. So long as their interests are safe- 
guarded, however, peasants would be a malleable material in 
the hands of a wise ruler. This was especially the case with 
the Japanese peasants. They had for centuries been inured 
to passivity. They were in most instances accustomed to a 
gregarious mode of living in old hamlets, a fact which tended 
to develop fixed social forms and sanctions and a cordial 
spirit of mutual dependence and assistance among them- 
selves. It will be seen later that this tendency was promoted 
by the Tokugawa rulers with extreme care. Altogether, 
this was not a life conducive to independence of thought 
and action. 

Obedience, however, might not be contentment. It was 
necessary to control the peasants in such a way as to render 
them, not only submissive, but also contented, so contented, 
if possible, that they would counterbalance whatever unstable 
elements of society there existed in and out of their circle, 
and throw the weight of their native desire for order and 
conservatism in the interest of peace and of the perpetuation 
of the regime. 



264 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

This double task was at once imperative and difficult, for 
the Japanese peasants of the seventeenth century were less 
easily contented and should therefore be appeased with all the 
greater solicitude, than the serfs of the thirteenth. Not only 
did they form the bulk of the nation, and were, from the 
economic standpoint, the support of the entire body politic; 26 
not only was there a degree of community of interest between 
them and the warriors, as against the rising burgher class; 27 
but also, more important than these circumstances, the peas- 
ants' position in relation to the land they tilled and to the 
warriors who drew revenues from the land had materially 
risen since the earlier period. Under the stress of the conti- 
nual civil strife that raged before 1600, warriors found that 
they could no longer retain their role of seigneurs over landed 
estates, where they had for generations lived, in time of peace, 
amid their serfs, and, in time of war, defended their castles with 
their retainers. They were now obliged to betake themselves to 
the castles of the greater lords, to remain in their immediate 
neighbourhood, and to leave their land to be managed largely by 
the tillers themselves. From this time on, political conditions 2 ^ 
accelerated the change already begun. By the beginning of the 
seventeenth century, most serfs had turned freer tenants, and 
many of the latter had become proprietors employing tenants 
and laborers. 29 A long experience had led the peasants to 
feel that the lord and the lord became an impersonal being 
in the eyes of the peasants living on the suzerain's domain 
lands' cared much less for the land they tilled than for the 
dues levied upon it. This was in fact a fundamental point: 
the fiscal obligation of land, rather than the land itself, was 
now a controlling principle of the institutional life of the 
peasant. Between the lord and his land, the tilling of which 
he had overseen, had now stepped forth the peasant, who had 
formerly stood behind the land, and the lord's eye had turned 
perforce from the land to what the peasant should bring to 
him from it. The peasant had become the virtual, though 
not theoretical, owner 30 of cultivated land. 31 This was a 
transitional state of things betokening a greatly advanced 
social position of the tiller of the soil. For although the 
process could not in all cases have resulted in his improved 
material condition, he must nevertheless under these circum- 
stances have become more mindful of his rights and interests. 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 265 

To illustrate. The lord's right of seizure over land 32 had 
vanished, and even his right of escheat or mortmain, as tin- 
medieval jurist of Europe would call it, was very imperfect. 33 
Succession by testament was common; 34 a collateral relative 
of the deceased to whom the latter had willed his holding 
inherited it without purchase-money ever being paid to the 
lord, and was, in default of a will and of a nearer relative, 
even compelled to do so, in order that the same dues as 
before would be forthcoming from the estate. As regards 
these dues, they were almost all levied on the productive 
capacity of each holding, 35 capitation or house taxes being 
unpopular and unimportant, a fact indicating how far was 
the peasant removed from personal servitude to the lord. 
Regulations concerning alienation of land by sale, gift, or 
mortgage, 36 and its division, were primarily actuated by the 
motive that the act should not affect the fiscal issues of the 
land. 37 In matters of personal rights, also, the same consider- 
ation largely prevailed. Change of residence between different 
juirts of the country was discouraged, mainly because it might 
introduce elements tending to disturb the unity of village 
customs, and thereby conduce to unrest and a consequent 
fiscal derangement. 38 Marriage 39 was in no way interfered 
with, so long as it did not directly or indirectly tend to 
diminish the public revenue of the village. When, in later 
years of this period, the running away of impoverished peasants 
became frequent, the lord seldom exercised a right of pursuit, 40 
provided the land deserted by the absconders was taken care 
of by their relatives or by the village and yielded the same 
dues as before. 

All this points to a condition that deeply and radically 
affected all classes of the feudal society, and exercised a 
specially profound influence upon the rural policy of the period. 
The peasants were, indeed, still the "ruled" class, but it is 
easy to see that their interests called for the most scrupulous 
consideration of the suzerain's government. The barons, too, 
on their part, would court the good-will of the village popu- 
lation within their fiefs, for no lord could hope to wield influ- 
ence for a long time over discontented peasants. The latter 
would often find a ready listener in the suzerain himself, who, 
while openly discountenancing popular riots and direct appeals, 
would eagerly puuish the baron for maladministration and 



266 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

indirectly right the wrongs of the aggrieved peasantry. 
Whether the suzerain or the baron, the inevitable criterion 
of distinguishing a good from a bad lord was the one's regard 
and the other's disregard for rural interests. 41 And these 
interests could be studied only with sincere zeal and sympathy, 
for the peasants would not express themselves until it was too 
late until their long pent-up grievances burst forth in violant 
mobs. The greatest stress was, therefore, laid everywhere 
upon the need of studying agricultural conditions and minis- 
tering to them with justice and skill. 42 Under these circum- 
stances, it was exceedingly difficult at once to secure from 
the peasants the degree of submission, and to grant them the 
degree of satisfaction, which were both absolutely necessary 
lor the success of the regime. The ingenious and thorough 
manner in which this delicate work was generally contrived 
to be done by the feudal ' authorities is worthy of a careful 
study. 

In the first place, the Tokugawa's village administration 
was an example of extreme paternalism at once kind and 
stern. It was here that the greatest care was taken in 
balancing law and equity, inflexible justice and generous dis- 
cretion. The fundamental conception was that the peasant 
was at once too passive and too ignorant to provide for the 
morrow, so that his ills should receive official attention even 
before he himself perceived their symptoms. 43 It was unneces- 
sary, and sometimes dangerous, that he should understand 
what the authorities were doing for him, for they were afraid 
that his too much knowledge might interfere with their exercise 
of equity and arbitrary adjustment. He "should be made to 
follow," as said Confucius, and as was habitually repeated by 
the Tokugawa rulers, "but should not be made to know". 44 
The peasants, accordingly, should not be allowed to become 
over-wealthy, for "if they grew too rich," said a practical ad- 
ministrator, "they would cease to work, and employ poor 
warriors to till their land, and so the distinction between the 
classes would pass away;" 45 yet the moderate holdings of the 
peasants were zealously protected by law and by precept, so 
that they would not become too poor. They should know in 
general, but not in exact detail, how their lands were valued, 
how their taxes were remitted or reduced in hard years, and 
what were the finances of the entire fief or domain land. 46 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 267 

Nor was the penal law given publicity among them, 47 and 
most legal provisions came to them in the form of moral 
admonitions. 45 Yet the peasants were fairly well advised as 
to the general nature of the rights and obligations of their 
own class and of the officials directly concerned with their 
affairs'. This knowledge was further reinforced by a qualified 
right granted the peasants to appeal from an unjust official to 
the baron or intendant, and thence to the suzerain's council. 49 
Much of this paternalism and this limited publicity and 
protection was extended to the rural population by the rulers, 
and was utilized by the latter, in a manner at once effective 
and characteristic of their general policy. Ever since the 
Reform of 645, the Chinese village institution known usually 
as pao or lin had been familiar to Japan. It consisted in 
dividing the inhabitants of each village into groups each 
comprising a certain number of house-fathers, who were held 
responsible for the order, the good behavior, and the perfor- 
mance of the political obligations of all the members of the 
respective groups. 50 The institution was copied in Japan after 
the seventh century, 51 and, despite the general social changes 
which followed, lingered till the beginning of the seventeeth. 
Then the early Tokugawa government seized upon it, and 
forced it on the lower warrior classes and the entire village 
and municipal population throughout the realm. 52 The normal 
group of peasants, usually termed the five-man group, consist- 
ed of five land-holding house-fathers living near together, with 
all their family-members, dependents, and tenants. 53 It was 
continually ordered, and the order was well carried out, that 
every inhabitant in the village, no matter what his status or 
tenure, should be incorporated into the system. 54 That this 
old institution should now be, as it was, so eagerly resuscitated 
and so universally extended, was evidently due to a belief 
based upon the past experience in China and Japan, that the 
system would enable the rulers to attain with the least 
possible cost and friction a large part of the aims of village 
administration to secure peace and order, to afford the exact 
degree of control and freedom that was deemed necessary, to 
insure a prompt return of the taxes, to inculcate the moral 
principles most desirable in an agricultural society under a 
feudal regime, and, above all, to hold the people responsible 
for most of these results. 

VOL. XXX. Part III. 19 



268 -ST. Asahawa, [1910. 

Let us observe how these things were done through this 
simple institution. The responsibilities and the rules of conduct 
of the villagers were made known to them through edicts, 
public sign-boards, and also oral exhortations given by the 
intendant or bailiff and the village-head. 55 The more impor- 
tant of these rules were re-iterated to the peasants with great 
persistence. 56 Gradually, from about the middle of the seven- 
teenth century, the older custom of certain warrior- officials to 
present to their lords written pledge under oath to fulfil their 
orders, repeating them as nearly as was practicable in the 
form they had been given, was extended to the five-man group 
in the village with respect to its duties. By the end of the 
eighteenth century, there probably were few villages in Japan 
that did not keep their so-called group-records (kumi-cho).*\ 
The record began with an enumeration of such laws and 
precepts as had been repeatedly given to the villagers, and. 
ended with an oath that those would be strictly obeyed and 
enforced in the village. All the house-fathers put their names 
and seals after the oath in the order of their groups in the 
village. The record was then periodically in some instances 
as often as four times in the year or even once a month- 
read and fully explained by the village-head to all the people 
in his charge. As new laws were enacted, or as the village 
population changed, the record was revised and made anew, 
with the usual oath and affixed seals. 58 

These laws, 59 which were thus published among the people 
through edicts, sign-boards and group-records, and for the 
execution of which the peasants were held responsible by means 
of the system of the five-man group, are among the important 
sources for the study of our subject. Attempts may be made 
to reconstruct the rural government under the Tokugawa upon 
the basis of these laws. It should be noted, however, that 
they were never the whole of the laws relating to village 
administration. As has been stated, the penal side of the 
laws was, except in a few rare cases, carefully concealed from 
the peasants, the latter being merely told what to do and what 
not to do. 47 Nor should it be forgotten that, even after 
studying penal laws from other sources, we could not be certain 
that all the law thus collected presented a sound basis for a 
discussion of the entire subject. In order to obtain a com- 
prehensive survey of the institutional life of the village, it 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 269 

would seem that one should do three more things from a 
vastly greater amount of materials. The laws should be inter- 
preted in the light of the social and political conditions which 
called them forth. Then it should be studied how far the 
laws were actually enforced, how much they accomplished the 
result they were purported to bring about, and how they 
reacted upon the society. Finally, one should carefully examine 
if there were not certain conditions in the life of the village 
and of the nation that were too universal or too vital to find 
expression in the laws or to be materially affected by their 
operation. 

From these points of view, it may almost be said that the 
first problem of the village administration under the Tokugawa, 
of the paternal rule over the responsible village and the 
five-man group, concerned its financial affairs, and that most 
of its other features were so modelled as to facilitate the 
collection of the taxes. Simple morals were inculcated for 
the sake of peace and order, and economic life was carefully 
regulated for the maintenance of moderate prosperity, but the 
peace and the prosperity subserved steady fiscal returns of 
the village. Nor is this strange when we consider that the 
peasants constituted the large class of people whose foremost 
part in the life of the State was to furnish the means to 
carry on the government of the nation. The warriors ruled 
the peasants, and the peasants fed the warriors and them- 
selves. Few provisions of the laws for the village had no bearing, 
direct or indirect, upon the subject of taxation; few phases of 
the entire structure of the feudal rule and of national welfare 
were not deeply influenced by the solution of this fundamental 
problem. It is, therefore, not impossible, as we are about to 
do, to treat the whole subject of village government with its 
financial problem as its center. 

If we might be allowed to anticipate a conclusion of this 

discussion, we should venture to say: it was probably inevitable, 

but it was none the less a tragic outcome of the Tokugawa 

regime, that, between the mounting expenses of the government 

and the falling or, at best, stationary productivity of the soil. 

the taxes should, as they did, grind upon the peasants with 

increasing weight, and that this fundamental malady should 

uuilly sap the vitality, not of the nation, but of the whole 

vernment. It has often been said that had there 

1!' 



270 K. Ascikawa, [1910. 

been no pressure from foreign Powers causing the downfall of 
the Tokugawa government in 1868, its days had then been all 
but numbered, and the statement seems the most tenable 
on the financial side of the question. That such a result was 
inevitable appears to have been due primarily to the fact that, 
from the economic standpoint, the feudal system in general 
was costly, and that the Japanese feudalism after 1600 was 
particularly wasteful. 

It needs no reminder that feudalism as such would afford 
too inefficient an economic organization for a government whose 
growing budgets must be supported only by an increasing 
wealth of the nation. Agriculture, upon which the feudal 
society was built, was at the mercy of natural forces, and at 
its best could not support a large population. What few people 
subsisted therein could not hope to increase their wealth at a 
rapid rate or on a large scale, because they were encumbered 
by regulations designed to maintain rigid and stable classes 
of society, and by customs which frowned upon sudden de- 
partures from the settled routine of life, and because the 
intercommunication between the fiefs was inadequate, if not 
restricted. Even when it was tolerably free, its economic 
value was small, in proportion that money was scarce, credit 
undeveloped, and capital immobile. Under these conditions, 
both the population and the wealth of a normal feudal society 
would, as long as it retained its character, remain almost 
stationary. 

It will, however, require an explanation that the economic 
organization of Japan under the Tokugawa was abnormally 
wasteful even as a feudal society. Out of the many circum- 
stances that may be thought to have contributed to this state 
of things, we may introduce three at this stage of discussion, 
namely: the separation of the warrior from land; an exhaustive 
degree of paternalism, attended by some serious errors, in the 
economic policy of the government; and finally, a long reign 
of peace breeding luxury and extravagance. The first of 
these conditions awaited the Tokugawa at their accession to 
power in 1600. 

(1) Separation of arms from land. It has already been 
alluded to that the continual turmoil during the period of feudal 
anarchy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had forced 
many a warrior to become a professional fighter, and to leave 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 271 

the country and to live near his lord's castle. The introduc- 
tion of gun-powder about 1543, and the consequent progress 
in organized tactics, accelerated this process. A further 
impetus was given by Nobunaga and Hideyoshi, who for 
political reasons forced large bodies of warriors to migrate 
from one place to another. During the period of civil wars, 
the military service of the vassal was often compensated for 
in money or in rice. When a baron apportioned a piece of 
land to his vassal, it often meant that the latter was granted 
the right over the dues from the land ($f ^ 1$ ft], 
instead of over the land itself ("f $fa (7) p 'ff). In this 
case, he was far from overseeing its cultivation in person, for 
he lived in his lord's castle-town. 

This custom had so long been established in 1600, was so 
strongly reinforced by the increase of dispossessed warriors 
of the Osaka party in that and subsequent years, and indeed 
so much facilitated the control of the warrior class, that the 
Tokugawa found it not only impossible, but also impolitic, to 
return to the older system of feudal arrangement. 60 

It was a natural order of things that the congregation of 
warriors in the castle-towns, and, as it was now required of 
a large number of warriors in each fief, in the assigned 
quarters in Bdo, should tend toward a greater cost of living 
than before. What was more important, the separation of 
arms and land made the collection of taxes more indirect and 
expensive than in former days. It was common in the early 
years of the fourteenth century that a knight with his atten- 
dants on foot could be maintained on seven acres of the 
average rice-land. Such a condition was, however, regarded 
unthinkable in the Tokugawa period, 61 and the difference was 
generally attributed 62 to the greater cost of living and of tax- 
collection due to the warrior's absence from the country. It 
will be seen later how the otherwise expensive system of in- 
direct collection through several grades of officials led, also, 
to inevitable leakage and corruption. 63 

(2) Economic paternalism. In their zeal at once to secure 
rural tranquility and to insure steady returns of the taxes, 
the Tokugawa rulers continued throughout the period to enact 
and enforce minute regulations of agriculture, which must 
have had a benumbing effect upon the economic sense of the 
people. In one fief, the hereditery estate of the peasant 



272 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

family was limited to between 500 and 5000 momme in pro- 
ductive value, representing probably about 1.25 to 12.5 acres 
of the average rice-land, and in few places in Japan estates 
smaller than 10 Icoku in assessed productive value, or perhaps 
about 2.5 acres of the same quality of land, were allowed to 
be divided amongst children. 64 Agriculture was encouraged 
with great care. The villagers should look after the fields of 
those who were unable to work, and all should equally share 
the disaster of a drought or an inundation. Subsidiary occu- 
pations, especially the production and manufacture of silk, 
were in many places fostered and controlled. 65 Careless 
cutting of bamboo and trees, 66 the raising of useless and 
harmful crops, including tobacco, 67 the building of new houses 
upon cultivated land, and a host of other actions, were for- 
bidden on pain of joint punishment of the village or the group. 
Public granaries 6S were established everywhere, and the manu- 
facture of sake^ was kept within bounds. 

Other occupations received perhaps more interference and 
certainly much less fostering care than did agriculture. The 
change of a peasant into a merchant was not permitted. 7( > 
The dimensions of woven fabrics, the output of merchandise, 
and the scale of wages of several forms of labor, were often 
fixed by law, while commercial transactions at rates higher 
or lower than current prices were declared illegal. 71 The 
repeated debasing of coins by the Edo government, and the 
unfortunate custom of allowing certain cities to issue copper 
coins and many fiefs to circulate paper currency, 72 must have 
seriously interfered with the growth of credit and legitimate 
commerce, and reacted unfavorably upon the economic life of 
the village. 

Most stringent were restrictions relating to communication. 
There were many barriers at strategic points on the approaches 
to Edo, and, besides, minor passes impeded travel between 
and even within fiefs. 73 Indeed, the very village could be 
considered a barrier in itself, for no unknown character 
should find in it even a night's lodging, it being illicit even 
for a hotel to keep an unaccompanied stranger for more than 
one night. Nor should the peasant go out of the village to 
pass a night elsewhere without an explicit understanding with 
village officials. There is reason to believe that the regulations of 
communication were enforced with a large measure of success. 74 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 273 

It would be unjust, however, not to appreciate the probable 
motives which had compelled the authorities to issue these 
paternal measures of economic control. The prosperity of the 
warrior and the peasant depending on the success of the rice 
harvest, their interests were, especially in bad years, largely 
common, but antagonistic to that of the rice merchant.' 27 If, 
in years of rich crops, the peasant rejoiced and the warrior 
suffered, for the latters income in rice would sell cheap, even 
then the merchant, who bought the grains at a low price, 
pleased neither the one nor the other. It was considered 
essential for the officials to insure the steady, mild prosperity 
of the farmers, and, at the same time, to prevent the merchants 
from profiting at the expense of the rulers and the bulk of 
the ruled. Few things were more dreaded as a dissolvent 
force of social organisation, than the passing of the control 
of the economic life of the nation from the warrior to the 
merchant. 7411 It is an important phase of the history of this 
period, which falls beyond the scope of this paper, that this 
perilous situation steadily grew up despite all the effort of 
the feudal government to arrest its progress. The presentiment 
felt by the authorities of this impending crisis is reflected in 
the nervous zeal with which they continually issued strict 
economic measures, some of which have been described. 

(3) Peace and luxury. It would be difficult to gage the 
evils of so extreme a form of economic paternalism, for, 
immense as they must have been, they were largely negative. 
Flagrant, positive evils resulted from the long period of peace 
lasting for more than two and a half centuries, the golden 
peace for the creation of which the founders of the Tokugawa 
regime had exhausted their wisdom, with so large a degree 
of success, and which enabled the brilliant civilisation of the 
Edo period to rise. 

We have space enough merely to allude to the enormous 
expenses which the peace policy of the suzerain entailed upon 
all the barons throughout Japan. The baron's own income, 
after deducting from it the emoluments for his retainers, was 
seldom large, and yet he had to bear sundry expenses very 
onerous in proportion to his means, and, besides, render his 
regular, though seemingly voluntary, dues to the suzerain. 
Other occasional requisitions from the latter for special pur- 
poses were a source of continual embarrassment to the baron. 



274 ZT. Asakawa, [1910. 

Many a baron was thus obliged to borrow heavily from his 
vassals, who could rarely expect reimbursement. Unfortunately, 
when the circumstances of the baron and the vassals became 
more straitened, their luxurious habits had advanced too far 
to be checked, much less to be eradicated. What had greatly 
tended to bring about this condition was the fact that each 
baron was obliged to pay his annual visit to the suzerain's 
court at Edo with his full retinue, and to maintain two 
establishments worthy of his rank, one at the Capital and the 
other at his castle-town. Edo was the fountain-head of luxury 
and extravagance, and its fashions were through this system 
of continual communication quickly diffused into all the chief 
centers of culture. There was little doubt that the system 
helped the prosperity of the Capital and of the towns on the 
high roads, but at the expense of the warriors and peasants. 
It was the suzerain's policy to impoverish the barons, and it 
was the barons' part to replenish their coffers from the 
peasants. The periodic absence of the baron and some of his 
vassals at Edo had also resulted in many a case in conspiracy 
or corruption among the retainres in the fief, which again 
bore heavily upon the tax-paying class. 75 

In the meantime, the suzerain's own finances at Edo, 
despite the great care with which the fiscal administration of 
his domain lands through his intendants was supervised, 
showed deficits that swelled as the luxury of his court pro- 
gressed. They were barely balanced by the seigniorage derived 
from an increasing adulteration of the gold and silver cur- 
rency. 72 Many of the suzerain's immediate vassals residing at 
Edo were plunged into abject poverty. 76 

Nor should it be forgotten that there was something radi- 
cally anomalous in the very idea of a perpetual tranquillity 
of a feudal society an "armed peace," or, peace of an agri- 
cultural community guarded exclusively by a warrior class 
which did neither fight nor produce. All the numerous 
sumptuary laws 77 enacted during this period for the warrior 
classes could not check the growth of luxury and extravagance 
of the unproductive and unoccupied men of arms. Indeed, 
sumptuary laws in a society where one class produces at best 
a fixed amount of wealth, and the other spends it on an 
increasing scale, are highly significant. Here they are always 
necessary and always ineffective. 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 275 

All these evils were greatly intensified by the luxurious 
habits that had seized upon the peasants themselves. Before 
we discuss the effects of peace and luxury upon the econcrtnic 
life of the village, let us first observe how the peace itself 
had been secured therein. 

Here, again, the paternalism of the government was, for 
evident reasons, hardly less exhaustive than in other matters 
of village administration. The family institutions marriage, 
adoption, succession, and inheritance were well guarded and 
controlled. The group and the entire village were made to 
be actively interested in the peace and in the maintenance of 
each household. 78 The peasants should watch and correct 
one another's conduct, 79 and disputes should as far as possible 
be adjusted by mutual conciliation. 8 Private expulsion of an 
unruly member was rarely permitted, 81 while sales of persons 
were illegal. 82 Virtues which were inculcated among the 
villagers, and for the practice of many of which they were 
made responsible, were: filial piety, concord within the family, 
diligence, patience, obedience, charity, and mutual helpfulness 
in the hamlet. 83 It was a common duty of the village to 
provide necessary measures for preventing and extinguishing 
fires, and arresting robbers and disorderly persons. 84 Most 
heinous were riots of all kinds; for the mobbing of an inten- 
dant's office, for example, not only were the culpable parties 
beheaded, but also the village-officials were fined, deprived of 
land-holdings, or banished. 85 Peasants were strictly forbidden 
to own fire-arms or to carry swords. 86 It has already been 
shown that no one might without permission lodge a stranger 
or himself stay out of the village even for one night. 74 All the 
servants hired into the village had personal sureties responsible 
for their good behavior. 87 Catholic converts were excluded 
most rigorously. 88 Dealings in smuggled foreign wares were 
forbidden. 89 No books interdicted by the censor were to be 
admitted, 90 while the study of Confucian classics by the 
peasants was discouraged. 6 Festivals should not be celebrated 
on a larger than the usual scale, and no novel religious sects or 
practices should be initiated. The Buddhist church, whose rights 
were very narrowly circumscribed, was utilized as an agent of 
peace and contentment. 91 It is not possible to enumerate other 
details of the careful measures which were provided for the pur- 
pose of maintaining the unity of village customs and population. 



276 K Asakawa, [1910. 

It is more important to know that not only did these 
measures successfully insure the social stability for which they 
were intended, hut the effects they produced contained evils 
which could not have been entirely foreseen, but which, once 
grown, no new laws could eradicate. The artificial, dead 
peace, together with the debased currency of the period, had 
continually tended to breed luxury even among the toiling 
population of the village, and, furthermore, luxury did often 
so operate as to reduce the productive capacity of the peasant 
family. The logic of this serious condition is clearly shown 
in an outspoken memorial 92 written in 1790 by a man in the 
Sendai fief who was familiar with rural conditions of the 
period and strove to improve them. 

"Formerly", says he in one passage of this interesting 
document, "when the farmer could bring up two, three, four 
or five sons, all the younger sons were hired out by other 
farmers as soon as they were old enough, saved their wages, 
and married or were adopted into families. There was every- 
where an abundant supply of cheap labor for the field. The 
farmers could also keep horses, which yielded manure. The 
productive power of the soil was therefore large, and rice was 
plentiful. They could likewise afford daughters. Marriage 
was inexpensive, the population increased at the normal rate, 
and the Heavenly Law was fulfilled." But now, continues the 
writer, marriages cost the man nearly 30 kwan and the woman's 
family almost 40. It being increasingly hard to maintain a 
household, the average peasant seldom had more than three 
children, and the poorer tenant only one child. Labor was 
scarce and dear, having risen from 5 or 6 Itwan to more 
than 10, and rising every year. Horses were fewer, and manure 
less. It being in many instances impossible to take care of 
one's own holding, it was rented to some one else who seemed 
willing to till it, but who would be inclined to neglect the 
land that was not his own. In recent years most land yielded 
on the average only 15 to 16 koJcu per did (74.5 to 79.5 bushels 
per 2.45 acres), instead of the former average of 20 (nearly 
100 bushels). Yet the peasants understood little the cause 
of their trouble, and did not abate their thoughtless extra- 
vagance. 

It is true that this document speaks of conditions in a 
particular fief, but, while some districts fared better, there 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 277 

were others whose lot was still worse. 93 The universal and 
persistent enactment of sumptuary regulations for the rural 
population 94 has led some writers to fancy that the Japanese 
peasants must have been a model of frugality, but it is another 
evidence of the prevailing trend for needless luxury and the 
increasing difficulty of checking it. The village life under the 
Tokugawa would, of course, be considered extremely simple, 
according to the modern standard, but it was in many places 
positively extravagant in proportion to their limited earning 
capacity. 115 

To sum up the forgoing discussion of the wastefulness of 
the Tokugawa feudalism. Peace and luxury led the peasants 
to spend, and the same condition, added to the peculiar feudal 
arrangement of the period, impelled the warriors more and 
more to absorb, the wealth of the nation that, owing to the 
exclusion of foreign trade and to the inadequate economic 
organisation of society, could not be increased correspondingly, 
and did in many instances diminish. We shall discuss briefly 
how these conditions influenced the system of taxation, and 
how the latter reacted upon the life of the village. 

The taxation of the Tokugawa period clearly reflects the 
important characteristics of its feudal system. The separation 
of the warrior from land had resulted in the peasant's finan- 
cial obligations acquiring the general appearance of being 
public taxes to the government, rather than personal dues to 
the lord. The State as a whole was largely feudal, but smaller 
districts were more bureaucratic than feudal, and it is here 
that one has to- discover the working of the system of taxation. 
There was very little in the whole system that savored of 
obligations due directly from the peasant to the lord. .There 
were no banalities; whatever corvee originated in the per- 
sonal relationship had become overshadowed by or incor- 
porated into the corvee for the public; the peasant had 
no opportunity to entertain the lord at his own house, and 
was explicitly forbidden to entertain his agents; and con- 
tions of land were rare and meant merely changes of 
cultivators. 

The principal tax was the land-tax, levied, as has been 
said, 35 not upon each peasant as an individual person, but on 
the officially determined productive capacity of each holding. 
From the purely fiscal point of view, the peasant would be 



278 K. Asdkawa, [1910. 

considered an instrument to make the holding continue to 
yield what it should. 

The Tokugawa inherited this system from the earlier feudal 
ages, which in their turn had accepted, though with serious 
changes, the Chinese notion of land-tax adopted in Japan in 
the seventh century. "We are unable here to trace the interesting 
evolution of this tax in Japanese history, but the following 
data would be necessary for an understanding of the Tokugawa 
system. The land-tax was originally, when it was copied 
from China, a capitation-tax, paid by the head of each family 
as a unit, but assessed on the basis of the equal pieces of 
land alloted to all the peasants in the family above five years 
of age. From thus being a personal imposition levied through 
the family, the tax changed, during the transitional and the 
first feudal periods, into a tax still levied through the family 
(now nearly identical with the house) 51 but assessed on its 
land -holdings. From this point on, this fundamental nature 
of the tax remained constant, but the method of its assessment, 
which had been made uncertain at the aforesaid change in 
the nature of the tax, gradually tended to become uniform 
and definite. At length, under Hideyoshi, at the end of the 
sixteenth century, the principle had been firmly established 
that the tax on each holding should be assessed at a certain 
rate upon the annual productive capacity measured and recorded 
in terms of hulled rice. 95 

In the meantime, the ratio between the tax on land and 
its annual productivity, which in the eighth century was at 
most 5 per cent, had risen high during the thirteenth, due 
largely to the fact that the land-tax superseded other taxes, 
and then remained substantially the same till 1600 at 50 per 
cent, more or less. A strong tradition had grown up that 
the tax should not be raised much beyond this limit. Nor 
could this rate, high as it may seem, be considered extortionate 
from the point of view of the period. For, it should be 
remembered that, in the conception of the feudal lawyer, the 
peasant was the virtual but not the theoretical owner 30 of the 
land he tilled, and his land-tax was rather a rent than a tax. 
Even as a rent, the rate could not be said to have been 
always excessive. When, after the fall of the feudal govern- 
ment, a complete survey of the cultivated area of Japan was 
made between 1873 and 1881, it was discovered that an 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 279 

annual tax of 3 /o of the average assessed value of agri- 
cultural land would give a sum equal to the land-tax levied 
under the feudal rule. 96 

In 1600, when the Tokugawa came to power, they accepted 
in general the current method of assessing the productivity 
of land and the prevalent tax-rate, and modified and elaborated 
them with their characteristic care. While they were in no 
position to initiate a much lower rate of taxation, they showed 
an unmistakable disposition to lighten the burden of the 
peasant by various devices, some of which follow. 

(1) The annual productive power of each land-holding was 
measured with scrupulous care, and determined usually a 
little below its actual capacity. 97 What was more, there was 
a constant tendency to make the tax-rate itself definitely fixed 
beyond the caprice of the collector. This rate, even including 
the minor levies 98 connected with the main tax, was, at least 
in the domain land, often below 50 /o." The assessment was 
probably at the time considered as not unreasonable. The 
apparent iniquity of the feudal tax arose, not so much from 
its rates, as from the method of its collection, and from the 
too infrequent revision of the recorded productivity of the 
holdings. The former of these difficulties will be discussed 
in the Notes ^2 & 103. AS regards the -latter, the probably 
complete records made during the first half of the seventeenth 
century, and the confessedly partial revision of the early 
eighteenth century, seem to have remained unaltered except 
in cases of urgent need. It is easy to see that both the 
area and the productivity of most pieces of land must have 
changed much during the more than two centuries of the 
regime. That such was the case was abundantly proved 
during the recent survey just referred to. 100 

(2) The Tokugawa government allowed a greater freedom 
than in the earlier period of partially commuting the land- 
tax into money.^ Local customs varied on this point, but 
frequently as much as half the tax was thus paid in money. 101 
That this was an important gain for the peasant will be seen 
when we note that the village was held responsible for the 
collection 102 of the tax, and for its transportation, either to 
Edo, if the village was situated in a domain land, or to the 
lord's store-houses, if it formed a part of a fief. 103 This burden 
remained oppressive, for no region was permitted to commute 



280 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

all its taxes into money, but the burden would have been 
greater but for the limited commutation allowed. 

(3) The old system of remitting taxes for special reasons 
was minutely elaborated under the Tokugawa. Remissions 
partial or entire, temporary or permanent, were granted to 
wood and waste land, land reserved for public purposes, newly 
tilled land, land once recorded but long since non-existent, 
land wasted by natural calamities, and the like. 104 In this 
connection may also be mentioned the loans of seed-rice and 
rice for food issued by the authorities in bad years. 105 

In fact, the land-tax could not, from its very nature and 
from the strength of the customary law, be increased beyond, 
say, 60 per cent., at most, of the estimated productivity of the 
soil. There were other items of taxation, however, which 
could be and were, especially in fiefs, expanded almost in- 
definitely. These were: corvees, sundry customary taxes, and 
special taxes on products and occupations. Generally speaking, 
all the three kinds of taxes were apt to be more uniform in 
the domain land than in the fief, and, within the latter, in 
the baron's own land than in the land granted to the vassal. 

The corvees were of two different kinds: labor for the 
baron or his vassal, whichever it may be, who had the superior 
right over the land in which the peasant lived, and labor for 
the public. The former was rendered in repairing the fences 
and thatched roofs of the lord's buildings, transporting his 
wood for fuel, and the like; the latter consisted mainly in 
repairing roads, bridges and other public works. The corvees 
were levied either on the holding in land or on the adult 
peasant, and were often commuted in money. They were 
sometimes, in the first part of the period, partially paid for, 
and the expenses for extraordinary public works, as, for example, 
after a flood or an earthquake, continued to be supplied by 
the authorities. The general tendency in the fiefs was, however, 
toward a gradual increase of the imposition of unpaid labor. 
In 1616, the corvee in the Akita fief was 236 day-men per 
100 hoku] in 1845, it was in the Sendai fief as high as 6000 or 
more day- men. In 1799, the Mito fief employed nearly two 
million day-men out of the peasant population of two hundred 
thousand. 106 These figures do not include the poorly paid 
service of the post-horse system, which proved a great burden 
to peasants near the high roads. 107 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 281 

Of the customary taxes, some, as, for example, straw, bran, 
hay, and wood for fuel, seem originally to have been used, 
at least in part, in connection with the corvee for the lord, 
but were later commuted into rice and money, and became 
independent dues. There were several other taxes, including 
dues for the baron's groceries, for the bait for his hawks and 
fodder for his horses, for the performance of Shinto ritual 
services at Ise, and the like, which, beginning as incidental 
or local dues, became customary and universal within the fie 
The villages of the domain lands paid fixed taxes whose issues 
were intended for the maintenance of the post-horse system, 
of the officials in charge over the suzerain's store -houses in 
Edo, and of men employed in his kitchen, all levied on the 
peasant holdings. On the same basis were imposed, in both 
domain lands and fiefs, dues paid in beans, a kind of sesame, 
millet, and glutinous rice, as well as those levied nominally 
on certain domesticated plants, on the use of grass on waste- 
land and of ponds and rivers, and many other items. These 
taxes would be considerable in the aggregate, even if each 
was small and did not increase, but in many a fief some of 
them were neither small nor fixed. At Mito, for instance, the 
bean, sesame, and millet taxes alone amounted to nearly 10 
per cent, of the recorded annual productivity of land; at Akita, 
the bran, straw, and hay taxes, converted into money, increased 
from 4.8 Ibs. of silver per 100 koku of the productive value 
of the holding about 1650 to 32.3 Ibs. about I860. These were 
conspicuous, but not extreme, examples. Perhaps not the 
least objectionable feature of the customary taxes was that 
frequently they were collected by officials specially despatched 
to the villages at a time when the latter had already, paid 
their annual land-tax and were again almost as poor as before 
the harvest. The fear that the main tax might suffer if the 
customary dues were collected at the same time with it was 
so great that the latter were usually preceded by the former. 
Xor were they always consolidated, as they sometimes were, 
to a large saving of the expense of collection. Commuting in 
money was not always a blessing, for the rates would bo un- 
fovorable, particularly when the taxes had been, as they often 
were, farmed out to private collector- 

The evils of farming were probably more frequent with the 
taxes on various secondary occupations and products other 



282 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

than the grains. These dues were extremely numerous in 
every fief or domain land. They did not always fall directly 
on the farmers, but nevertheless redounded to them in the 
form of increased prices of articles. As we come nearer the 
end of the period, especially after 1800, we see barons' govern- 
ments recklessly multiplying the kinds of taxes of this class. 109 

Over and above these multifarious taxes, there were expenses 
of the village administration to be borne, including the salaries 
of village-officials, repairs of the public works of the village, 
cost of policing the village against fire and robbery, of enter- 
taining visiting officials, of making petitions, and the like. 
They were levied either on the holding, on the individual 
peasant, or on each peasant family. They were at first almost 
negligible, and, in the suzerain's domains, where the accounts 
of the village were to be open to the inspection of the peasant, 
continued to be comparitively light. In some fiefs, however, 
it was not uncommon that, owing to the venality of village 
and higher officials, the village expenses equalled or exceeded 
the total amount of taxes for the fiefs. 110 

That the bribery of the officials was a frequent and serious 
evil is reflected in the continuous repetition of the instructions 
issued to them on this point and in the persistent order to 
the peasants to impeach corrupt officials. Unfortunately, however, 
there was every temptation for corrupt practices to grow up 
between the feared but ill-paid official on the one hand and 
the passive and blindely self-interested peasant on the other. 
For a considerate though illegal act of an official at the 
assessment or collection of a tax, a farmer would be induced 
to entertain him at his house, to bribe him, to sell him things 
at a nominal cost, or to borrow from him at usurious rates. 
Examples of self-denying rural administrators were not wanting, 
but more frequently both people and officials came to regard 
taxation as a field for secret dealings and understandings. 111 
These easily escaped the notice of special supervisers that the 
suzerain and the baron occasionally sent in circuit about 
villages, 112 and continued to raise the expenses of the peasant. 

Moreover, it should be noted that, both the suzerain and 
the baron ordered special irregular requisitions in addition to 
the regular taxes. Indeed, it was one of the suzerain's fa- 
vorite methods of weakening the barons to impose requisitions 
upon the fiefs for extraordinary needs, such as the building 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 283 

and repairing of the temples at Nikko and Edo and of the 
Imperial palace, his own journeys to Kyoto, the reception of 
foreign envoys, and, in the later years, the defense of the coast 
against European aggression. Besides these requisitions from 
Edo, which were borne ultimately by none but the tax-payers, 
the people of specially ill- governed fiefs were subjected to 
illegal and irregular exactions by warrior -officials, some of 
whom even went to the extent of collecting the next years' 
taxes in advance. 113 

All these numerous taxes levied in so complex a manner 
on the peasant holdings, families and individuals, paid at so 
high rates in money, labor, rice and other products, and, 
above all, increased so continuously in many of their secondary 
items, were, nevertheless, insufficient to meet the growing 
expenditures of the government. 114 Still more unfortunately, 
when the tax-rates, originally high enough, were being raised, 
the productive power of the peasant family was, as will be 
remembered, already declining. If, in 1650, from his holding 
of 1 c//o (2.45 acres) of rice-land, a peasant paid out of the 
average crop of 20 koku (about 100 bushels), 5 hoku, of the 
land-tax, 2 or 3 of the other taxes, and netted the remaining 
six-tenths of his income, he would, in 1800, be able to raise 
but 15 hoku on the same land, while his land-tax and other 
dues had risen to 10 or more and village expenses absorbed 
at least 5. He had become a mere tool to move t'he spade. 115 
How was he to provide for his farming implements, horse and 
harness, incidental expenses, irregular imposts, sickness, and 
calamity? Where was the money to buy the very manure? 
This last question was serious, for although, it is true, the 
Japanese peasant was fortunate in being able to rely so largely 
on human labor and human manure, it was none the less 
becoming more and more difficult to go without buying other 
manure, as new land was tilled, rotations of crops were dis- 
carded, and the farming was growing yearly more intensive. 116 
When the farmer wished to borrow, he had to submit to rates 
of interest as high as 25 or 30 per cent, per annum, so that, 
it was said about 1720, a debt of five ryo would ruin his 
family in five years. 117 That the average peasant did subsist 
despite these alarming conditions was due to the sundry crops 
of cereals and vegetables he was obliged to raise, and to such 
subsidiary industries, including the silk- culture, as he was 

VOL. XXX. Pait in. 20 



284 K. Asalcawa, [1910. 

compelled to pursue. 118 These, of course, if they brought to 
him the needed income, also made his otherwise arduous life 
toilsome to the extreme. 119 Signs of his weariness, both 
material and moral, are visible from the early years of the 
regime, and continued to multiply through the period. 12 Conser- 
vative as he naturally was, his fortune altered and his land 
changed hands with much ease. 121 

One will now be able to appreciate the deeper significance 
of those minute measures of economic and moral paternalism 
of the feudal authorities which were discussed earlier in this 
paper. It was by dint of these measures that the meagre 
prosperity of the peasant might 1 * be maintained at all. The 
government was not, however, content with negative orders 
alone, but also eagerly encouraged the tilling of new land, 
putting restrictions only where they were necessary, 122 and, it 
must be admitted, succeeded in making the acreage of culti- 
vated land probably twice as large at the end of the period 
as at the beginning. 1 23 It would be difficult to overestimate 
the importance of this great fact, and yet it was not a pure 
gain to the peasant. The consequent decrease of waste-land 
deprived him much of the manure which Nature had afforded 
in the form of decayed hay, while at the same time more 
manure than before was needed in his increasingly intensive 
farming. 116 Also, enlarged crops of rice throughout Japan 
tended, except in years of famine, to check the price of this 
cereal, which the farmer sold, from advancing in proportion 
to the continual adulteration of coins and rise of prices of 
other things, which he bought. 124 Unfortunately, too, there 
was little outside market to which surplus rice could be ex- 
ported, for Japan's door was closed almost totally against 
foreign trade. Nor should it be forgotten that so long as the 
principal form of agricultural labor remained manual, the very 
limit of the working capacity made an indefinite expansion of 
the cultivated area a physical impossibility. Small as was 
the average landed estate in Japan, it seemed in general to 
have been even too large for the holding peasant to manage. 125 
It is highly interesting to see that this fundamental condition 
served to make Japan persist as a country of essentially small 
farming, in spite of the universal need for more wealth. This 
condition not only (tended to limit the size of the estate of 
the average peasant, but also, together with the taxes too 






Vol. xxx.j Notes on Village Government in Japan. 285 

high in relation to the rent, made it an unprofitable invest- 
ment for the rich to enlarge their landed properties. 126 This 
natural equilibrium was only the more strongly insured 
by the restrictions imposed by law upon the alienation of 
land. 

The selling and mortgaging of land was, indeed, a necessity 
for the penurious peasant. The authorities, in their anxiety to 
prevent aggrandisement by the rich few, forbade a permanent 
sale of old land, and restricted mortgage. 127 However, "without 
free sale of land,' 7 wrote Tanaka Kyugu, about 1720, "what 
province or what district, whether in a fief or in a domain 
land, would be able to pay all its taxes?" Mortgages often 
meant permanent transfers, and always were attended with 
high rates of interest. Hence, illicit or specially permitted 
sales were effected under all conceivable devices to elude 
the law. 36 It should not be imagined, however, that the 
peasant cheerfully parted with his hereditary holdings of land. 
On the contrary, few things were done more reluctantly than 
this extreme measure, which deprived the farmer of the only 
material basis of his humble status, lowered him in the eyes 
of his neighbours, and disgraced him in the memory of his 
ancestors. Thus the peasant struggled on between his family 
pride and his penury, and between the restrictions of sale 
and mortgage and the forced necessity of modest livelihood. 
The general tendency among the rural population was not to- 
wards a greater inequality, but towards a continual change of 
fortune within limited bounds. 

The loss of the peasant estate was liable to be followed by 
more regrettable circumstances. While the poor peasant might 
be hired by a more fortunate neighbour as farm-hand, he oftener 
chose to migrate to a city and take service under a warrior 
or a merchant, for it would give him a higher wage with less 
labor than on the farm. When he returned, he would have 
acquired the speculative point of view and the extravagant 
habits that ruled in the larger cities. He thus carried about 
him a certain restless and flippant air, and the half- exhausted 
inhabitants of the village contained elements susceptible exactly 
to this sort of influence. Soon every part of the country came 
to feel a longing for easy money and easy life. From the 
end of the seventeenth century, the supply even for menial 
service in the warrior's or merchant's household was growing 

30 



286 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

scarce. In order to remedy this difficulty, the authorities, 
who in the earlier years had taken great pains to forbid sales 
of persons and to limit the terms of personal service, were 
now obliged to modify the law to a considerable extent. 12 s 
Every district, if not every village, contained landless persons 
who would live rather by speculation, trading on popular 
superstitions, contracts, gambling, fraud, or robbery, than any 
from of honest labor. 129 Especially, provinces near Edo were 
infested with the most desperate classes of brigands. 130 

These dangerous elements in the rural population made 
themselves felt in years of famine. They led or joined dis- 
contented peasants, hundreds or thousands of whom would 
rise in mobs, as it often happened in different parts of Japan, 
and everywhere in 1787 8, and destroy and rob merchants' 
establishments and demand radical changes of prices. As was 
characteristic with uneducated peasants, they were on these 
occasions extremely foolhardy, coarse and cruel, but. when 
confronted with strong armed forces, broke down abruptly. 131 
It was in order to prevent these events that good rulers filled 
public granaries in ordinary years, and in famines opened 
them and fed poor peasants on generous scales. 132 A success 
of these measures was always considered a mark of wise rural 
administration, for it was tacitly understood that the people 
should not be expected to be able to provide for their own 
needs in hard years. 

Riots took place only at unusual times. What was of 
continual occurrence in all parts of Japan from the beginning 
to the end of the Tokugawa period was the desertion of the 
impoverished peasant of his ancestral home and hamlet. In 
ordinary years, the estate of the runaway would be cultivated 
and its taxes paid by his relatives or village, 33 , 40 but at every 
slight increase of hardship such large numbers would abscond 
that, despite the rigorous laws of the joint responsibility of 
the village, much cultivated land would be laid waste, or at 
best be thrust into unwilling hands and decline in productivity. 
A literal enforcement of law would only increase the number 
of runaways. Nothing is. more significant of the rural govern- 
ment under the Tokugawa than this subject of the desertion 
of the peasant. 133 

The peasant wishing to run away was apt to find a ready 
solution of his problem in the multiplicity of land tenures that 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 287 

prevailed in feudal Japan. There were, besides the estates 
of civil nobles and of religious institutions, the suzerain's domain 
lands, the baron' fiefs, and lands apportioned to some of their 
vassals, with a great diversity of financial laws and customs. 134 
The deserter from a fief might pass into a domain land, as it 
often took place, or the reverse. He might also pass from the 
baron's own land to land held by one of his vassals. It was 
not uncommon that a vassal's land was situated adjacent to, 
or even in the same village with, a holding of his lord. A 
destitute peasant in the latter would either in some manner 
transfer the title over what little patches of land still remained 
in his hands to a person in the vassal's territory, preferably to 
its manager, who was generally regarded one of the most 
sinful of all men, or else himself move into the territory. The 
process of removal might also be reversed, according to the 
circumstance. 

One remarkable fact in the economic history of this period 
is the apparently slow increase of population beside a great 
extension of the area of cultivated land. The latter increased 
from perhaps 5000000 in 1600 to more than 11500000 acres 
at the end of the regime, 123 while the former rose from 
26060000 in 1721 to only 26900000 in 1847. 13 s Allowing for 
the probable inexactness of the official statistics, 136 it is worthy 
of note that, after the middle of the eighteenth century down 
to 1867, cases of considerable increase of population in the 
provinces are rarely met with. 137 Evidently the terrible 
famines which visited Japan repeatedly at the end of the 
eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century decim- 
ated the people. 138 For under no condition would an isolated 
agricultural community be so helpless as under a universal 
failure of crops and famine. Yet it is striking that the nation 
should have been so slow, as it was, to recuperate. The 
successive famines reducing the population raised the wages, 
it was complained, but the natural equilibrium which should be 
expected did not follow. In a few fiefs, the population 
slowly increased between the famines and the end of the 
period, but their taxable population actually decreased. 139 
An explanation would suggest itself that it was the small 
land-holding peasantry, rather than the total population, that 
did not increase. It has already been shown that circum- 
stances led peasants in many places to have recourse to illicit 



288 K Asdkawa, [1910. 

sales and mortgages, to menial service to the merchant and 
warrior classes, to irregular modes of life, and to desertion. 
Not a few turned peddlers and petty merchants, much against 
the policy of the government, 70 and thereby created more 
intermediate steps between the producer and consumer, raising 
prices and producing nothing. 

There were not absent certain forces that counteracted the 
tendency of the taxable population to remain stationary. 
Among these may be mentioned the conscious measures adop- 
ted in many districts to increase their peasant population, either 
by generally good administration, by forbidding infanticide 
and -giving bounties for births, by inducing people of other 
classes and districts to settle down as farmers, or by 
encouraging the opening of hitherto uncultivated land. 140 
Besides, the laws restricting changes of residence and sales of 
land, the high taxes of land discouraging aggrandisement by 
the rich, the general economic conditions still too little ad- 
vanced to make the comparative disadvantage of the agricul- 
tural occupation overwhelming, and, also, the tenacious family 
institutions breeding conservative views of life, these circum- 
stances, too, must have tended to make the peasant think 
twice before abandoning his status. In the main, however, 
nothing cotild resist the two mighty forces that silently but 
surely carried the regime to its destiny. The first was the 
fundamental question of land versus population. If the average 
rice-land, such as formed the basis of taxation under the 
Tokugawa, was capable of supporting the population at the 
rate of one person on every one and a quarter acres, 141 it 
would have taken thirty million acres, instead of the five to 
eleven and a half millions of the cultivated area during this 
period, 123 to maintain Japan's rural population of about twenty- 
four million souls. The actual rate was only one half acre 
per head. 142 It is true that potatoes, oranges, grapes, cotton, 
and a few other crops more valuable than rice were raised in 
some districts, but these were, except the first, purely local, 
and their cultivation was generally not allowed to encroach 
upon that of rice. It is also true that the government was 
alive to the danger of over-population, and forbade indefinite 
divisions of estates, 36 & 45 but this measure created undesirable 
social conditions among the younger sons of the peasant. 143 It 
must be admitted, too, that the peasant family could and 






Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 289 

usually did undertake the silk-culture and other secondary 
occupations, and, indeed, these were the saving elements of the 
rural life. Nevertheless, one can hardly avoid the general 
conclusion that the Japan under the Tokugawa contained a 
population as large, if not too large, as could be supported 
by her intensive agriculture. 

The second fundamental question was the productive power 
of the soil versus the expenditures of the government, the 
latter increasing and the former relatively decreasing though 
perhaps absolutely increasing. 144 The economics of the 
nation were inadequate to support the finances of the State. 
One has but to remember with what unceasing effort, though 
with ultimate failure, the paternal rulers strove to bridge the 
widening gap with the labor of the peasant, whom they caressed, 
exhorted, threatened, and wearied. 



In conclusion, let us, from the historical point of view, sug- 
gest a few other lines of criticism of the regime than have 
already been touched upon. One may attempt to judge the 
merit of a movement by comparing its final results with its 
original objects. Ask, therefore, if the ingenious and elaborate 
polity of the Tokugawa, so far as it concerned village admini- 
stration, succeeded in attaining its primary object: namely, to 
secure the submission and the contentment of the peasant 
population to a degree that it would cheerfully and without 
friction contribute the fruits of its labor to the maintenance of 
the warrior class, and to the perpetuation of the power of 
the Tokugawa. 

To this general question no impartial student would hesi- 
tate to return an affirmative answer. It was nothing short 
of genius in statesmanship that wove the great fabric of the 
Tokugawa government; it completely overwhelmed the lawless 
elements of which the Japan of the seventeenth century was 
full, and continued without serious interruptions to exercise 
an almost absolute control over national affairs during the 
rule of fifteen successive suzerains. The profound peace thus 
brought about enabled a large part of Japan's arable land 
to be turned to cultivation, numerous arts and industries to 
be built up, and a highly diversified civilization to be developed 



290 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

and diffused among the people. If this wonderful regime failed 
to prevent the rise of certain evils, they would be found to have 
been largely due to the fact that the government was essen- 
tially feudal, and that it had to be built upon the existing 
conditions of the family and society. Nor did the evils harm 
any one so much as they did the suzerain's own government. 

It would, however, be unjust to ignore the evils, even if we 
lay aside the question how much they were within the moral 
control of the suzerain. They were many, and some of them 
have been of immense magnitude. To be brief. Just as the 
suzerain's policy toward the feudal classes had subdued them 
at the cost of their true vigor and their genuine loyalty to 
himself, so his control of the peasants stifled their enterprise, 
limited their wealth, and levelled down their conditions. If 
they did not rise in a general revolt, it was because they 
were thoroughly deprived of not only the opportunity, but also 
the energy, to protest. When at last the national crisis came 
in the middle of the nineteenth century, just as the feudal 
classes chose to make no serious effort to defend the waning 
power of the Tokugawa, but, on the contrary, furnished men 
to efface it, so the peasants, also, proved surprisingly indifferent. 
The great Revolution was begun and consummated by dis- 
contented warriors, with the rural population too weary and 
too meak to lift a finger in the cause of their own liberation. 
It has been said that the great reform was accomplished 
without a drop of the peasants's blood being shed, but the 
fact does not reflect honor upon them. They are still largely 
passive under the new rights 145 that have been heaped upon 
them. What has been training them since the Revolution is not 
so much their new political power, for as yet hardly one in every 
forty farmers has a vote, 146 as the national system of education, 
their amalgamation with the other classes of society, which is 
growing apace, and the object lessons in public interest taught by 
the stirring events that have transpired about them in the East. 

If, however, the peasant has emerged from the feudal regime 
with little added wealth and energy, he has also inherited 
from it two important legacies: a moderate but secure holding 
in land, and a wonderful capacity for discipline. These are 
the great material and moral debts of the new age to the old. 
History will probably tell of what immense value the heritage 
has been for the upbuilding of a steady and collected nation. 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 291 

Bibliography. 

In the following list, the titles of those works which consist wholly or 
largely of original sources are in capital letters. Many other works also 
contain sources. It should be noted that none, except the last three, of 
the following works are provided with indexes, and many have not tables 
of contents. 

No attempt has been made to translate the title of each work, but its 
nature is briefly indicated in square brackets. 

When an author's name is doubtful, an interrogation mark in paren- 
theses, (?), is placed before it. When only the pronunciation of a name is 
in doubt, the same mark alone is used without parentheses. 

1. DAI NI-HON KO-MON-ZHO, : k B # " 3C tr [historical 
documents of Japan hitherto unpublished], compiled and edited by the 
Historiographic Institute, (jjj, f5(- |g JJ ^), Imperial University, Tokyo, 
1901 .1. 657; le-wake, I. vi. 591 pages. 

2. DAI NI-HON SHI-RYO, ^C EJ ^ A f^, [historical materials 
of Japan relating to events after 887], compiled and edited by the same. 
1901 .Part XII, vols. i xi, 990, 996, 1008, 1018, 1044, 1096, 1192+6, 
958+12, 1022+3, 810+223, 708+332 pages. 

3. Tokugawa zhikki', fjg J|( jj ij> [chronicles of the government of 
the first ten suzerains of the Tokugawa family, down to 1786], com- 
piled , by an official order , by Narushima Motonao , jfc jll&j tfj ], 
and others, between 1809 and 1849. In the Zoku koku-shi tai-kei 
H B A :fc S 8eries > vols - IX XV, Tokyo, 1902-04. 7 vols., 1014, 1032, 
969, 1011, 1259, 806, 856 pages. 

4. Zoku Tokugawa zhikki, %jj( f Jl| JJ $, [chronicles of the last five 
suzerains, sequel to the above, 17871868], compiled officially toward the 
end of the regime but left incomplete, and brought down to 1868 after 
the fall of the Tokugawa government. Tokyo, 190507. 5 vols., 1081, 
976, 1852, 1869, 1776 pages. 

5. Tokugawa baku-fu zhi-dai shi, jj| Jl{ X Jflf ft f$ & [history of 
the Tokugawa period, down to 1845], by Ikeda Ko-en?, $& 03 ^ ilffi 
Tokyo, 1907. 1 vol., 1003 pages. 

6. Baku-matsu shi, | ^ jfe> [history of the fall of the Tokugawa 
government], by Kobayashi Shozhiro, >J> ^ j ^C III)- Tokyo, 1907. 
1 vol, 554 pages. _ 



7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI E UI-HEN, % & & fl 3S H, [history 
of agriculture in Japan, treated topically], compiled by "Watanabe Saku?, 
$| |p jjjj, and Oda Kwan-shi?, f$ ffl % ,, of the Department of 
Agriculture and Commerce. Tokyo, 1897. 1 vol., 634 pages. 

8. DAI NI-HON NO-SHI, 9t 0# H 4, [history of agriculture 
n Japan], compiled by Tanaka Yoshiwo, ffl 4 1 5* ^ Oda Kwan-shi?, 
and others, of the same Department. Tokyo, 1891. 3 vols., 528, 478, 
544 pages. 

9. Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi, ^ J| H >J* j, [brief history of agri- 
culture in Japan], by Numada Rai-ho?, ffl ffl tS II- Tokyo, 1904. 
1 vol., 198 pages. 



292 K. Asakawa, [1910. 



10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi-seki, J$ 2 j| 3jf , [historical 
data relating to the growth of industries], by Ohayashi Yuya, ^C ^(c ^f| JJL- 
Vol. 1. Tokyo, 1891. 330 pages. 

11. KO-ZHI BUI-EN, ^f M $ [historical encyclopedia, con- 
sisting of excerpts from sources and literature], compiled by Hosokawa 
Zhunzhiro, $B jl| jfej ^ j}|), and others. Part on industries (|J fj| [)). 
Vol. I. Tokyo. 1908. 906 pages. 

12. No-gyo zen-sho, J| ^ > ^-", [treatise on agriculture], by Miya- 
zaki Yasusada, '&" |I|f S A (162297), and revised by Kaibara Raku- 
ken, JH J t?t tf (1625-1702). Preface dated 1696. Illustrated. 11 vols. 
(old style). 

13. No-gyo yo-wa, J| fj| f fS [notes on agriculture], by Konishi 

Atsuyoshi, >J^ W M S 182 , 9 - 2 vols - (- s -) 

14. No-gyo hon-ron, ]j% ^ ^, |^, [essays on agriculture], by Dr. Ni- 
tobe Inazo, ff Jg j5 Jg jg. Tokyo, 5th. ed., 1903. 1 vol., 461 pages. 



15. Tokugawa baJcu-fu Jcen-ji yo-ryaku, f }\\ jf S }& g ^,[treat- 
ise on the government of the suzerain's domain land by his intendant] 
by Ando Hiroshi, ^ || fH , of a family engaged for generations in rural 
administration. Preface dated 1905. Illustrated. Manuscript, copied 
from the original. 9 vols. (o. s.), 407 leaves. 

16. Kwan-no waku-mon, HJ J| JJfc PP], [queries and answers regarding 
rural administration], by Fujita Yu-koku, |J ffl ffl , of Mito, 1799. In 

the Mito sen-tetsu so-sho 7J< ^ 3t 15 It S series, Tokyo, 1887. 
2 vols. (o. s.), 56 leaves. 

17. No-sei za-yu, J| \fc ^ /&, [notes on rural government], by Komi- 
yama Masahide, >J\ ^ [jj ^ ^, of Mito, 1829. In the same series. 
4 vols. (o. s.), 93 leaves. 

18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku, $ ^ f4J ^ 85 ff , [notes on local ad- 
ministration], by ? Shozhi Koki?, jg fij ^ f^, Nagasaki, 1833? 35 bks. 
in 31 vols. (o. s.), 1135 leaves. 

Not always reliable. 

19. Notes on land tenure and local institutions in Old Japan, edited 
from posthumous papers of Dr. D. B. Simmons, by Prof. John Henry 
Wigmore. In the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 19, 
part I, pp. 37270. 

20. KEN-KYO BUI- TEN, ft %t H Jl, [documents relating to the 
Tokugawa government, classified], compiled by KondO Morishige, 
i II Tp S (17731829). Manuscript. 5 parts, 147 bks. 

The authenticity of some of the documents is in doubt. 

21. TOKUGAWA KIN-REI KO, fg Jl| ** ^ ^, [laws of the 
Tokugawa government], compiled by the Department of Justice. Tokyo, 
187895. In 2 series. Series I, edicts and orders, in 6 vols., 444, 506, 
749, 622, 746, 660 pages. Series II, penal laws and laws of equity, in 
4 vols., 676, 772, 818, ? pages. 

The penal part of Series II is in substance the KWA-JO RUI TEN. See 
Note 47, below. 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 293 

22. KWA-JO RUI-TEN HON-MON, ft fa & M # , [edicts 
and notes relating to penal law and administration of criminal justice], 
compiled by order of the suzerain, in 1742. Edited by Tokyo University, 
1881. 2 vols., 131, 190 pages. 

This is the main text of the KWA-JO RUI-TEN, which was an enlarged 
edition of the KU-ZHI-KATA 0-SADAME-GAKl compiled in 1742, and, 
therefore, it is presumed that the present work is identical with the latter. 
See Note 47, below. 

23. KEN-PO BU-RUL fc & ffi JR, [notes and orders relating to 
details of government]. Anonymous. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. 8.) 

24. RUI-REI HLROKU, & #lj $ $c, [orders and precedents 
relating to penal law], compiled by Ono Hiroki, ^ ff- g| $J (d. 1841). 
Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.) 

25. GEN-PI ROKU, jg % $, [notes on judicial business]. Anon. 
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

26. RITSU-REI DAI HLROKU, fe & % j ft, [notes on penal 
law and details of official business], compiled by (?) Ono Hiroki. Manu- 
script. 11 VOls. (O. 8.) 

27. BUN-DEN SO-SHO, ffi $ J| |f. 
The same as the above. 

28. KU-ZHI KATA YO-REI, & ^ # S flJ. [notes on judicial 
business at the suzerain's high court]. Anon. Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.) 

29. GO-TO-KE REI-JO, $ ft $ fa H% f edicts and o rders and 
customs, of the Tokugawa government]. Anon. Manuscript. 36 vols. (o. s.) 

30. KO-SA1 ROKU, & $& $%, [orders and notes relating to official 
business]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.) 

31. ON TOME-GAK1, ffij {g ^. 

The same as the above, with alterations in the last part. 

32. RITSU-REI ROKU, \% fa $, [orders of the suzerain's govern- 
ment, 17641846]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.) 

33. JI-KATA KO-SAI ROKU, Mf j^T & ft &> [ rders and P re ' 
cedents regarding to village administration in the suzerain's domain land]. 
Anon. Manuscript. 7 vols. (o. s.) 

34. KO-SAI HIKKI SEI-ZANHI-ROKU, & jfc | IE ff Ul K- 
[private notes on judicial business]. Anon. Manuscript. 5 vols. (o. s.) 

b5. GO-KATTE-GATA 0-SADAME-GAKI NARABI NI UKA- 
GAI NO UE OSE- WATASARE-GAKI, & ) ^ ^f '$ fc ^ jf 
ffl , JL. ?fi V$ $& ^, [orders and notes relating to the financial ad- 
ministration of the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 257 leaves. 

36. TOKUGAWA ZHI- DAI MIN-ZHI KWAN-REI SHU, 
i& Jf! flf ft K V fft ft] H> [laws and precedents relating to civil 
matters during the Tokugawa period], compiled by officials of the De- 
partment of Justice. No date. Manuscript, copied from the original kept 
in the archives of the Department. 11 vols., 2458 leaves. 

37. Min-zhi kwan-rei rui shit, .R AJJ". j'['[ $ij gj ^, [customs relating 
to civil affairs in the last years of the Tokugawa rule, collected through 
oral testimonies given by old people], by special commissioners of the 
Department of Justice despatched to all the larger sections of Japan 
Proper, 1877. 1 vol., 597 pages. 



294 K. Asakaiva, [1910. 

38. Materials for the study of private law in old Japan, with notes 
and an introduction, by Professor John Henry Wigmore. In the Trans- 
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 20, supplement, parts I. IT, 
III, and V, Tokyo. 1892, 203+41, 138, 426+17, 112 pages. 

Largely based upon the two works mentioned above. Highly valuable, but 
unfortunately not yet completed. 



39. SUI-CHIN EOKU, Pfc ft $, [laws and notes, relating mainly 
to financial matters, of the Tokugawa period], compiled, at the request of 
the Department of Finance, by the late Count Katsu Awa, jjf: 4r |^ 
(182399). Tokyo, [1890]. 35 bks. in 2 vols., 1187, 1270 pages. 

40. SUI-CEINYO-ROKU, Pfc ft | $$, [sequel to the above], by 
the same. Tokyo, 1890. 10 bks. in 1 vol., 901 pages. 

41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU, ^ ^ ft H, [secret memorandum on 
currency], prepared by some authority, about 1842. In the On-chi so- 
sho ffl H !r series, (12_vols., Tokyo, 1891), vol. 5, pp. 145. 

42. Yu-ri Ko-sei, fe %\] & JE, [life of Yuri Kosei, 18291909] by 
Haga Hachiya, ^ j A SB- Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol., 325-J-58 pages. 

Contains an account of the Tokugawa system of currency. 

43. So chd ko, fH S3 ^> [brief history of taxation in Japan], by 
Miura Chiharu, H M ^ # Nagoya, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

Not always reliable. 

44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi, fc 13 ^ ^3. ^& 7[v> [history of Japanese 
taxation till 1880], compiled by Nonaka Hitoshi?, Jf> pf If, and others, 
of the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1885]. 30 vols. (o. s.) 

This is a convenient compilation, but contains errors. 

45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki, ffl fl '}& f g |, [brief history of the 
land-tax in Japan], by Koda Shisei, 2JE ^ Jj, of the same Depart- 
ment. Tokyo, 1896. 1 vol. (o. s.) Contains Kcku-daka ko, ^ ^ ^, and 
errata of the Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi. 

46. DEN-SEI HEN, flj |j, [excerpts from sources and litera- 
ture relating to land and taxation], compiled by Yokoyama Yoshikiyo, 
IS LJj A ?ff> of tlie former Gen-ro-in. Tokyo. 1883. 11 vols. (o. s.) 

To be used with caution. 

47. Den-en rui-setsu, 03 IS iff |j, [notes on land and taxation], by 
Komiyama Mokunoshin, >] " ill ^ j (early 18th century), and revised 
and augmented by Tani Motonori, ^ ^ (d. 1752), Oishi Hisayoshi?, 
Jt fi & $ (d. 1797), and Yamauchi Tadamasa?, [ij ft j| JE , 1842. 
In the Zoku-zoku gun-sho rui-zhu |f J( |$ ^ H |5 series, VII., 
(Tokyo, 1907). 267354. 

48. Ji-kata han-rei roku, Jft ~ft Ji f?'J Wk* [treatise on the taxation 
and rural administration of the suzerain's domain lands], compiled by 
Oishi Hisayoshi?, 1794. 2 copies. (1) Eevised edition by Okura Gi?, 
^ H H 1886. 11 vols. (o. s.). (2) Manuscript. 11 vols. (o. s.) 

Citations in the Notes are from (1), its numerous misprints being checked 
with (2). 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 295 

49. Ji-kata ochi-bo ahu, Jfi Jj & fg jg, [notes on financial admini- 
stration of the domain lands], by Yasumichi?, jj| $f. Revised by Otsuki 
Tadaoki. ft R S- ft- Tokyo, 1870. 14 vols. (o. B.) 

50 .Ji-kata tai-ffoi s/m, Jg -ft ^ Jj f [ ditto]| by Kat5 Takabumi, 
Zffl 111 PPJ 3t- Osaka, 1874. 2 series, 8 vols. (o. B.) 

51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku, Jfi # X IS IX, [practical notes on public 
works in the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 146 leaves. 

Many illustrations and accounts. 

52. JI-KATA- GAKARI ATSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI, ]fa -ft \& fR 
fi SI $t [practical notes on financial administration]. Anon. 1796. 
Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.) 

53. 0# TOR1-KA KOKORO-E GAKI, ft) Jft ,& $ *, [prac- 
tical notes on taxation in the domain lands], copied by one Miyasaka, 
' $1JL- Manuscript, 2 vols. (o. s.) 

54. BAN-SHU_GO NEN-GU MAI OSAME-HARAI KA-SHI NO 

^^fl'SSZiS -** TOMEf ***# 

, ill ijji 4^ IP JtJ W [documents relative to transporting tax-rice from 
Harima to Osaka, in 1831]. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

55^ BAN- SHU GO NEN-GU GO K WAI- MAI IKKEN, f$ ffl ^) 
^ R ffl) 51 ?K "~ " ft* [docaments relative to transporting tax-rice from 
Harima to Edo, in 1833]. Manuscript. 2 vols. (o. s.) 

56. Ta-Jiata ken-mi on tori-ka shi-tate ho, ffl ^i |g ^ |gl H ft 
-JA 'ii [practical notes on assessing taxes and making accounts], by Ko- 
bayashi Tetsuzhiro, >J> ffi $fr ^ jj|), of the financial department of the 
suzerain's government, 1848. Manuscript, 1 vol. (o. s.) 

57. Wata ken-mi shi-yo cho, ^ ^ ^ ft f^ lpft> [notes on mea- 
suring the productive power of cotton-land in Yamato, Settsu, Kawachi, 
and Idzumi], compiled by Ono Chu-sai, -fa ^ *, gf. No date. Manu- 
script. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku sho, ]fa | & IE ^ ^ itf, [report to the 
Prime Minister Sanjo on the reform of the land-tax], by (now Marquis) 
Matsukata Masayoshi, ^ ^ j ^, then Minister of Finance. Tokyo, 
1882. 1 vol., 197 pages. 

59. Fu-ken chi-so kai-sei ki-yo, j|J -JJJ jfa fl E4 j $G 3 [reports 
of the three Cities and thirty- six Prefectures on the change of the land- 
tax], compiled by the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1882?]. 1 vol., 
39 sections. 

60. Go-nin-ffumi sei-do no ki-gen, 5 A iJi ^J ^ ^ jfc *iS [ n tne 
origin of the five-man group system], by Prof. Miura Shuko?, H fffi Jii 
ft- The Ho-ri ron-so f 3g |& ^ series, No. 9. Tokyo, 1900. 1 vol., 
83 pages. 

60 a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do, 3E A Ifl. "$] S [ n tne five-man group 
system], by Prof. Hodzumi Nobushige?, $| ^ $jt g. The same series. 
No. 11. Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol.,_241+38 pages. 

61. GO-NIN-GUMI CHO I-DO BEN, Z A $11 IE H (R! Sh 
[parallel articles of several five-man group records], compiled by the 
Department of Justice. Tokyo, 1884. Manuscript, copied from the ori- 
ginal in the Department archives. 1 vol., 120 leaves. 



296 K. Asakawa, [1910. 

62. MURA SHO-YA KOKORO-E BEKI JO-JO, M ffi M RT <& 

|H ft ft, [general instructions to village-heads], by the government of 
Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

_63. MURA SHO-YA TOSHI-YORI YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI 
JO-JO, $ j M ^ ^ f^ Pj >fr |f ft ft, [general instructions to 
village-heads and village-chiefs] , by the government of Osaka, 1872. 
1 vol. (o. s.) 

64. 0-SHO-YA YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI JO- JO, ^ j M & 
"Pi >fr i%- ft ft' [general instructions to district-heads], by the govern- 
ment of Osaka, 1872. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

65. GUN-CHU-SEI-HO, B5 4 1 M *Ji [general instructions to pea- 
sants], by the government of Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

These four works are interesting as survivals in early years of the new 
era of the old method of village government. 



66. BI-HAN TEN-KE1, ff Sf Jl JflJ, [orders of Ikeda Mitsumasa, 
Vfo ffl 7t fl& lord of Okayama 1642-71], compiled by Yuasa Zho-zan, 
Wf ^ *% lii (1708-81). Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.) 

67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU, flfi $f H H, or, Ytf-ITI ROKU, ft 
T$ $1) [life and laws of Ikeda Mitsumasa], by Mimura Nagatada, 
H +| 7K *> No date - Manuscript. 1749. 4 vols. (o. s.) 

68. Tsugaru Nobumasa kj, ^ 11 ft ft 5V L life of Tsugaru Nobu- 
masa, lard of Hirosaki 16461710], by Tozaki Satoru, ^ (Ig 1 ^;. Tokyo, 
1902. 1 vol., 362 pages. 

69. En-kyo fu-setsu shit, 5{E ^ HI nit ^' [ rumors a bout Matsudaira 
Norimura, ^ ^p ^ S, lord of Sakura and councillor to the suzerain 
172345]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

Gossipy. 

70. Gin-dai i-zhi, jjk S iS V. [ notes on the life of Hosokawa Shi- 
gekata, ft Jl| fi K, lord of Higo and Bungo, 1718-85]. Anon. Manu- 
script. 4 vols. (o. s.) 

71. YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI, j tlj & -\\l ft, [life of Uesugi Haru- 
nori, Jl ^ ffi ^, lord of Yonezawa, 17511822], compiled by Ikeda 
Nariaki?, ftfc ffl ^ ^. Tokyo, 1906. 1 vol., 1056 pages. 

72. NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0, ~j j5 ^ ^ ^, [life and writings of 
Nozoki Yoshimasa, j ^p ^ j^, 17351803 twice councillor to Uesugi 
Harunori], compiled by Suibara Ken?, ^ ]^ |f . Tokyo, 1898. 1 vol., 
926+84 pages. 

73. U-YO SO-SHO, J$ \>jj ^ ^, [writings of Uesugi Harunori, 
with notes on his life], compiled by Yaoita Bai-seteu, ^ JH |^ $$ ^, 
Nozoki Tai-kwa, Hara Raku-zan, J!^ |?| tlj, and Asaoka Nan-koku, |fj|]5] 
l^j ^f . Yonezawa, 187983. 3 series, (kan-to, gyo-so, and sei-toku), in 

6 vob. (o. 8.) 

Largely superseded by the l?st two works. 

74. Uesugi Yo-zan ko. [life of the same lord], by Kawamura Makoto?, 
Jll ^ 1$. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol., 364 pages. 



Vol. xxx.J Notes on Village Government in Japan. 297 

75. Sei-zan kan-wa, ^ [jj |J$ gjf, [notes on the life of Hosoi Hei-shQ, 
fel rtt ^p |Hi once tutor and councillor to the same lord]. Anon. Manu- 
script. 1 VOl. (0. 8.) 

76. Shirakawa Raku-o ko to Tokugaiva zhi-dai, & ?Pj ^$ f & i. 

f* jl| fl f^' t life and times of Matsudaira Sadanobu, fe Zp. g? f^ ? i or d 
of Shirakawa and councillor to the suzerain, 1759 1829J, by Professor 
Mikami Sanzhi, H Jl ^fc. Tokyo, 1891. 1 vol., 198 pages. 

77. Egawa Tan-an, t jl| ^ /?, [life of Egawa Tarozaemon, heredi- 
tary intendant of Nirayama, Idzu, 180165], by Yada ShichitarS, ^ [H 
k ~k fsl). Tokyo,_1902. 1 vol., 243 pages. 

78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI, |ft fc V [Hfe of Abe Masahiro, |*pf 
"Si) IK 5i l r( i of Fukuyama, once chief councillor to the suzerain, 1819 
58], compiled by Haraano Shokichi, 'g[ |f ^ "g. Tokyo, 1899. 1 vol., 
872+157 pages. 

79. Gei-han san-zhu-san nen roku, ^ ^ ^ + H. ^ IS> [an account 
of the financial experiences of the Hiroshima fief between 1833 and 
1863], by Kotakagari Gen-gai?, >J* H JJ jJC JJ[. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol., 
184 pages. 

80. Hiroshima Mo-gyu, ]f| ||,^ ^ ^, [stories from the Hiroshima 
fief], by the same author. Tokyo, 1905. 1 vol., 139 pages. 

81 V AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO BASSUI, ^ '}# "K V H ^ 
}^ ^ [documents and notes relating to Aidzu, being an abridgement of 
the AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO, compiled by Mukai Yoshishige, f^j 
3t In S' 3 vols.]. Dated 1662. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

82. ON KE-MI TE-TSUDZUKI, 4 Ji ^ $%> ( h to measure 
the productive power of land, in the Okayama fief]. Anon. No date. 
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI YO-SHU, ^ & $ ^ % $ ^, [guide 
to measuring the productive power of land, in the same fief]. Anon. No 
date. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.) 

84. SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI YO-RYAKU, 111] j| fl $ ^ Bfr, 
[documents relating to the financial administration of the Sendai fief], 
edited by Yamada Ki-ichi, [jj O ^ - , of the prefectural government 
at Sendai. [Sendai, 1888]. 5 vols., 255 leaves. 

85. Shu-ffi tca-sho, jj| ^ ft tfr, [notes on philosophy, ethics, and 
politics], by Kumazawa Ban-zan, ffe '}p ^| [lj (161991). 16 bks. In 
the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen ^ ft S ;ft li series, (10 vols., Tokyo, 1901 
03), I, 255600. 

86. Shil-gi gwai-sho, ^ ^ ^ t!f, [sequel to the above], by the same 
author. 16 bks. In the same series, II. 9332. 

87. Min-kan sei-yo, j |"i] ^ ^-, [notes on rural administration], by 
Tanaka Kyngu-emon Nobuyoshi? ffl *$* 1 ft IS ^6 ffi H -W " Prefaces 
dated 1720 and 1721. Manuscript. 2 series, 7 and 8 vols. (o. s.) 

Fearless criticisms by a practical administrator of the rural government of 
domain lands. The work attracted the attention of the wise suzerain Yoshi- 
mune, who gradually raised the author to the position of intendant. See To, 
XIII. 962, XIV, 278. 



298 K. Asakawa, [1910. 



88. Kei-zairoku, $M iP? m< [views on government], by Dazai Shun-dai, 
iC # it (16801747), 1729. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.) 

Thoroughly Confucian. 

89. Shun-dai zatsu-wa, Jj? >fg $f| fjf, [miscellaneous notes on history, 
morals, and literature], by Muro Kyu-so, ? #| J| (16581734), 1732. 
5 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, VII. 81309. 

90. So-bo ki~gen, j|[ ^ ^ "g", [political and social criticisms], by 
Nakai Chiku-zan, pf* # fj tlj (17301804), 1789. Kyoto, 1868. 5 vols., 
280 leaves. 

91. Byd-kan cho-go, jfjif f^j ^ pjf, [miscellaneous notes], by Inoue 
Kin-ga, # _t ^ ffi (173384). In the On-chi so-sho series, XI, 70 pages. 

92. Ama no taku mo, 5g jjz <^ |f|, [miscellaneous notes], by Mori- 
kawa Takamori ^ J|| ^ ^, c. 1790. In the same series, XI, 122 pages. 

93. O-mei-kwan i-so, p ,| | jfi !, posthumous ethjco-political 
works by Hosoi Hei-shu, once tutor to Uesugi Harunori and other 
barons, (17281801). 6 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, IX. 9161. 

Good examples of the great influence of Confucian ideas on rural government. 

94. Ho-toku givai-roku, 3j$ fj ^ $1, views by Ninomiya Takanori 
(Son-toku), ZL ft"4t tt ( 1786 1856), compiled by his pupil Saito Taka- 
yuki, g |H ^ ft. 2 bks. InJ;he same series, X. 397439. 

95. Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. HL * ^fc tf p& JB, sayings of Xinomiya 
Takanori, compiled by the same pupil. 4 bks. In the same series, X. 
440-542. 

96. Chi-so ron, }fa ffl f&, [on the land-tax and its relation to the life 
of the peasantry], by the late Fukuzawa Yukichi, jjfg ^jj| |fj ", about 
1893. In the Fukuzawa Yukichi zen-shu (^ j||) f V. 

97. Ho-sei ron-san, '}J "$lj |j^ ^, [seventy-eight essays and addresses 
on the institutional history of Japan by various scholars], edited by the 
Koku-gaku-in, g $ g. Tokyo, 1903. 1 vol., 1446 pages. 

98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen ($j| j$j|), [sequel to the above, containing 
fifty-seven more essays and addresses], edited by the same. Tokyo, 1904. 

1 vol., 914 pages. 

99. Tokugawa sei-kyo ko, $& Jl[ 1^ ^jl ^, [evolution of political- 
philosophical ideas during the Tokugawa period], by Prof. Yoshida 
To-go, ^ ffl ^ f5. Tokyo, 1894. 2 vols., 206, 212 pages. 

100. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi-sho, ^ ^ Jfc ^g || ^, dictionary 
of Japanese historical geography], by the same author. Tokyo, 190007. 
4 vols., cxxxiv-f-288 + 4752 pages. 

101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten, @ ^ ^ f| .ffi., [dictionary of Japanese 
history], by Yashiro Kuniji?, /\. f^ H }pf, Hayakawa Zhunzaburo, 

-? Jil M H IK, and Inobe Shigewo, # If j| S SI- Tok y' 1908 ' 

2 vols., 2390 and 220 pages. 

102. Shi-gaku zasshi, j ^ J{| |J, [monthly journal devoted to history]. 
Tokyo, 1890. 



Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 



299 



Abbreviations. 

The following abbreviations are used in the Notes for those works which 
receive frequent reference. Two capitals, (for example, 'BE'), are used for 
each old work which consists primarily of sources; a capital and a small 
letter, (for example, 'Mi'), for each old secondary authority; three capitals, 
(for example, 'DSR'), for each recent work consisting mainly of sources; 
and a capital and two small letters, (for example, 'Hrs'), for each recent 
secondary authority. 



AI 81. AIDZUKYU-ZHIZAK- 

KO BASSUL 
BG 55. BAN-SHU GO 

KWAI-MAI .... 
BK 66. BI-HAN TEN-KEI. 
Bms 6. Baku-matsu shi. 
BO 54. BAN-SHU . . . OSAME- 

HARAI 

BR 67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU. 
Chk 58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku 

sho. 

Chr 96. Chi-so ron. 
Dch 1UO. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi- 

sho. 

De 47. Den-en rui-setsu. 
DKM i. DAI NI-HON KO-MON- 

ZHO. 
DNR 7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI 

RUI-HEN. 

DNS 8. DAI NI-HON NO SHI. 
Dns 44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi. 
DO 83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI.... 
Dse 45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki. 
Dsg 10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi- 

seki. 

DSH 46. DEN-SEI HEN. 
DSR 2. DAI NI-HON SHI- 

RYO. 

En 69. En-kyo fu-setsu roku. 
Eta 77. Egawa Tan-an. 
Fuk 59. Fu-Ken chi-so kai-sei ki- 

yo- 

GGI 61. GO-NIN-GUMI OHO I- 

DO BEN. 
Ggk 60. Go-nin-gumi sei-do no 

ki-gen. 

VOL. XXX. Part III. 



Ggs 60a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do. 

Gi 70. Gin-dai i-/.hi. 

GK 35. GO KATTE-GATA O 

SADAME-GAKI. 
GS 65. GUN-CHU SEI-HO. 
Gsr 79. Gei-han san-zha-san nen 

roku. 

GT 29. GO TO-KE REI-JO. 
Hmg 80. Hiroshima mo-gyu. 
Hrs 97. H5-sei ron-san. 
Hrz 98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen. 
Ht 94. Ho-toku gwai-roku. 
JG 52. JI-KATA-GAKARI A- 

TSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI. 
Jh 48. Ji-kata han-rei roku. 
JK 33. JI-KATA KO-SAI RO- 
KU. 

Jk 51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku. 
Jo 49. Ji-kata ochi-bo shu. 
Jt 50. Ji-kata tai-gai slid. 
KB 23. KEN-PO BU RUI. 
KH 41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU. 
KK 20. KEN-KYO RUI-TEN. 
KKK 78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI. 
Km 18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku. 
KR 22. K WA - J RUI - TEN 

HON-MON. 

KRE 11. KO-ZHI RUI-EN. 
Ksd 101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten. 
Kw 16. Kwan-no waku-mon. 
KY 28. KU - ZHI - KATA YO- 

REI. 

Kz 88. Kei-zai roku. 
Mi 87. Min-kan sei-yo. 
MK 62. MURA SHO-YA 

KYOTO. 



300 K.Asdkawa, Notes on Village Government in Japan. [1910. 



Mkr 


37. 


MO 


63. 


Ng 
Ngh 
Nn 


12. 
14. 
95. 


Nns 


9. 


NTK 


72. 


Ny 
Nz 


13. 
17. 


OK 


82. 


Om 


93. 


00 


64. 


OT 


53. 


RD 


26. 


RH 


24. 


RR 


32. 


Sb 


90. 


SCR 


39. 


SCY 


40. 


Sd 


89. 


SDS 


84. 



Sg 86. 



Min-zhi kwan-rei rui-shu. Shr 76. 

MURA SHO-YA .... Shz 102. 

OSAKA. Smw 19. 

No-gyo zen-sho. 

No-gyo hon-ron. Sw 85. 

Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. Tbf 5. 

Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi. 

NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0. Tk 15. 

No-gyo yo-wa. 

No-sei za-yu. TKR 21. 

ON KE-MI TE-TSU- 

DZUKI. TMK 36. 

0-mei-kwan i-so. 

0-SHO-YA.... OSAKA. 

ON TORI-KA KOKO- 

RO-E GAKI. 

RITSU-REI DAI HI- 

ROKU. Tnk 68. 

RUI-REI HI-ROKU. To 3. 

RITSU-REI ROKU. Tsk 99. 

So-bo ki-gen. Tt 56. 

SUI-CHIN ROKU. US 73. 

SUI-CHIN YO-ROKU. Uyz 74. 

Shun-dai zatsu-wa. Wa 57. 

SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI Wig 38. 

YO-RYAKU. YZS 71. 

Shu-gi gwai-sho. Zo 4. 



Shirakawa Raku-p ko . . . . 
Shi-gaku zasshi. 
Simmons-Wigmore, 

Notes 

Shu-gi wa-sho. 
Tokugawa baku-fu zhi- 
dai shi. 

Tokugawa baku-fu ken- 
ji yo-ryaku. 

TOKUGAWA KIN-REI 
KO. 

TOKUGAWA MIN-ZHI 
KWAN-REI SHU. 
z . . . . zhin-zhi hen, 
d . . . . do-san hen, 
f . . . . fu-do-san hen, 
s . . . . so-sho hen. 
Tsugaru Noburaasa ko. 
Tokugawa zhikki. 
Tokugawa sei-kyo ko. 

Ta-hata ken-mi 

U-YO SO-SHO. 
Uesugi Yo-zan ko. 
Wata ken-mi .... 
Wigmore, Materials .... 
YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI. 
Zoku Tokujrawa zhikki. 



(Note: The Notes accompanying this article will appear in a subsequent 
number of the Journal.) 






Complete Induction for the Identification of the Vocabulary 
in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with its 
Semitic Equivalents: Its Necessity and the Means of 
obtaining it By MAX L. MARGOLIS, Philadelphia, Pa. 

(NB. The sigla for the Septuagint codd. are, in the book of Genesis, those 
of the larger Cambridge edition ; for the other books, those of Swete's 
manual edition or those used in his Introduction] the figures refer 
to manuscripts in the edition of Holmes-Parsons. A = Lucian. The 
abbreviations of the Biblical books are for the most part the same 
as in the Oxford Concordance.) 

THE first of the canons laid down by the The first La^ar- 
noted Septuagint scholar LAGAKDE requires on ^ ian Canon 

the part of the student who aims at recovering the original 
text of the Greek translation of the Old Testament, a "know- 
ledge of the style of the individual translators," with which 
is coupled a "faculty of referring variant readings to their 
Semitic original, or else of recognizing them as inner-Greek 
corruptions." It is ohvious that LAGARDE has reference merely 
to the material side of the task and ignores the formal 
questions of orthography and grammar altogether. It is a 
matter with which the future editor will have to grapple, 
whether, for example, he should admit forms with anaptyxis, 
as dyav/DMtyta, dyav/otai/, -acrOai. 1 He will have to choose between 
r/yav and rjyov^ rjydyocrav and yyayov 3 , crvvr)e and crlw/yyaye 4 , <ay?j 
and </>ayecrai 5 , epya and epydcry 6 , 8iavoL\Otj(rovTai. and 8iai'Oiy?y<rovTat ". 

"With a view to all such questions the editor will have to study 
the grammatical evidence presented by the papyri and other 

1 AyvpiafM is found .Jb 4 to 253; 13" B*C. 160. 161. 250. 252. 253. 
Compl.; Is 627 ABc.bQ. 22. 51. 86. 87. 91. 93. 97. 109mg. 147. 233. 
302 mg. 306. 309. Compl.; Je 31(48)2 AB. 239; Ba 434 O mn exc 49. 51. 
62. 88. 90. 231. Compl. Aid. (106 reads a-yaXXio/ta) ; Ju 10 s 74; ayavpiav, 
-8*601 Jb 3i* ABC. 55. 106. 137. 139. 250. 252. 258; 39*i 160. 252. 253; 
ibid. 23 160. 252. 253. See DIETERICH, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der 
griechischen Sprache, p. 33 sqq. 2 II K 6 3 Tjyov AX. A. alii. 

2 I Es 1 19 -of AN. 58. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid., -wrav rell. 

* Jd 1120 ffvvr e BM. 16. 52. 57-59. 63. 77. 85. 107. 120. 131. 144. 209. 
-236. 237. 5 Ge 3>s <t>aye<rai r. e Ge 4 '2 cpya<rr) la? Phil-codd. 

7 Ge 3 5 diavoiyrja-ovrai TO. 
VOL. XXX. Part IV. 



302 Max L. Margolis, [1910. 

contemporaneous literature in order to determine the linguistic 
forms with which the translators may be credited. In this 
sense the way has "been paved by HELBING'S "Grammatik der 
Septuaginta" J which, however, ignores the cursives entirely. 
There will be also questions of internal Greek syntax on which 
the Semitic original has no bearing. 

is really a rule What LAGAKDE really means by the original 
for identifying text of the Septuagint is that text which, from 
the Greek with amon g the conflicting forms it has assumed in 
the Semitic. of its transmission, conforms to 



the Semitic original underlying the translations ("die Vor- 

lage") and to the conception of its meaning on the part of 

the translators (their exegesis). The .First Lagardian Canon 

is thus a rule for identifying the Greek with the Semitic, 

the Greek text, buried at present in a mass of variants, with 

the great unknown quantity, the "Vorlage," with which the 

prototype of the received Masoretic text was by no means 

wholly idendical. After an elimination of the irrational element 

of chance corruptions or of the disfiguring element of conscious 

alteration (diaskeuastic corrections and interpolations), there 

remains the stupendous task of retroversion for which indeed 

a knowledge of the style of each individual translator is an 

all-important prerequisite. The pitfalls are many, not the least 

Retroversion being mechanical haste. LAGAKDE himself was 

must not lie a sinner in that direction. Following the lead 

mechanical. O f Le 26 ^, he referred pera Trapprjo-las = openly, 

publicly (comp. Talmudic fcODiTlB::) Pr 10 ^ back to rTP&Dlp. 

He forgot that he was dealing with a translation which aims 

at elegance rather than at literal accuracy, as well as the 

fact that the rendering in Le is equally free. rtt'jpDIjp means 

properly uith head erect; one can be made to walk with head 

erect, but one cannot reprove a friend with head erect. It is a 

question of Hebrew idiom pure and simple. The Hebrew phrase 

underlying juera irapp^a-ia^ Pr 10 10 remains an unknown quantity. 

Retroversion un- The phrase occurs, for instance, also I Ma 
scientific is pass- 41S : Ka l ^ ra Ta \dftere o-KvXa /cat (>V. Sixt.) 
ages wanting in ^ w Who win attempt to render it 

the Hebrew. , T-T i A < / 

into Hebrew? As a matter of fact, in passages 

wanting in the Hebrew, all attempts at retroversion are un- 



Gottingen 1907. 






Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 303 



scientific. Take, for example, the plus Le 10 9 : 
ptvwv vfiuv TT/DOS TO 0vcnacmj/3iov. Ryssel (in Kittel's Bible) 
renders: nrQT&n DDllpn IK (comp. Ex 4032); but hti DDfitriO IK 
nnt&n (comp. Ex 28 43 30 20) i 8 j us t as possible. Not even the 
particle is certain; for, though IK will suggest itself first, 1 is 
quite as correct (comp. Ex 38 ' 27 (40 3 2 )). 1 

It may be even laid down as a canon that Certainty of iden- 
certainty of identification is possible only when lifioaiion poss- 

the translator has misread or misinterpreted the iil' <>ly "hen 

original. Just as complete identity is often a 1|LO on - llial has 

less reliable criterion of the affinity of lang- . 

(^111 1 S 1 II M* I*|H*(M f * (1 

uages than differentiations of sound regulated 
by law, so it is only through variation, provided it is psycho- 
logically explainable, that we may with certainty arrive at the 
true text underlying a translation. Thus dyopevovs Is 60 n 
corresponds to D^rtt; but D^O or D'Tttpb or (if the sense be 
"led as captives") D^3fc would be possible equivalents, and we 
cannot say with absolute certainty that our text was read by 
the translator. But ayd/^veu La 1 4 to which ntttt corresponds 
in the Hebrew, points with necessity to nwrtt as its equivalent, 
and to nothing else; for both nUW and ntMJl} = JTtttt 2 are re- 
ducible to one and the same consonantal text. 

Not merely a "knowledge of the style of ^ knowledge of 
the individual translators" leads to correct the style of the in- 
identification, but equally a knowledge of dividual Hebrew 
the style of the individual Hebrew writers. writ ers equally 
Otherwise anachronism ensues. When Kittel 
(in his Bible) puts down o-w/rjx^ " "' 8e Ge 37 35 == ^rjpjl as a 
variant for toj5 s t l, he not only misconceives the paraphrastic 
character of the translation (hence also the free addition /cat 
rXOov}, but, which is less pardonable, burdens the Jahvist with 
an expression which occurs but once in E (Ex 32 *), and is 
elsewhere in the Hexatcuch confined to P. 



1 The proportion of 1 to IK for Greek rj is 163 : 251 in the Septuagint, 
'2 . 3 in Aquila, 5 : 4 in Symm., 1 : 4 in Theod.. 3 : 8 in AL., : 1 in 

2 In accordance with a well-known orthographic rule; see WELLHAUSEN, 
Der Text der Biicher Samuelis, pp. v-vii. Comp. Ex 15 22 w*l (5 

18 ' *:ri_ (5 (inaa'i M ) / wa;i. 



304 Max L. Margolis, [1910. 

The "units" of It is furthermore gratuitous to assume that 

indiYidual trails- each of the Biblical books was rendered by a 

lations still to be new an( j "individual" translator. Prologues, 

determined. a in the cage Qf Ecclesiasticus? and colo . ' 

phons. as at the end of Job or Esther, are rare; for the most 
part we are left to internal evidence to determine the limits 
of a "unit" of translation. The "higher criticism" of the Greek 
version is in its very beginnings. We may assume, for example, 
that the Twelve are the work of one translator; the question 
is, how much more? A singular rendering like a-wdyav for 
Hebrew njj? (suggested by njjji o-wayeo-ftu Ge 1 9 Je 3 17 and 
njjjp o-waycoyTJ Ge 1 10 ) which meets us Mi 5 " t( ^ l occurs again 
twice in Je 8 15 2 and 27(50)". 3 It would be reasonable to 
ascribe both Jeremiah and the Twelve to one and the same 
translator, provided of course a sufficient number of similar 
criteria were available. 

The method of In order, however, to discover the total sum 
Procedure. of criteria, the student must obviously collect 
his data from the wliole of the Greek Old Testament, where- 
upon he may proceed to distribute them among the various 
groups of translators thus brought to light. The right method 
would be first to ascertain the attitude of the general sum of 
translators towards all of the phenomena which go to make 
up a translator's style; on the basis of similarity or dissimil- 
arity of "reaction," the idiosyncracies of the individual trans- 
lators will reveal themselves. For a translator's style is the 
total sum of "reactions," of the ways in which the original is 
handled by him in the various provinces of grammar, rhetoric, 
semantics, and exegesis. 

Illustrations : Take, for example, the use of the historical 

The Historical present (with Se or preceding KC.L) to express 

Present. ^ ne n e "b rew i consecutivum cum imperfecto. 

Examples are frequent in K 4 ; there is just one example in 

Jd. 5 How far the usage extends beyond the books just 

mentioned, remains to be investigated. It is clear that, in 

order to establish the interrelation of various books, the student 

must go through the entire Old Testament in Greek. 



1 h was apparently taken as nota accusativi; passivum pro active? 

2 Activum pro passive. * "Nj2^ / Tli?'?*? 

* E. g., IK 58.il 7 ibis 1021 135 17 ibis son mK 18 . s 






Vol. xxx.] Complete Inched ion for the Jdettti/ication etc. 305 

Or take the criterion of "subordination in Subordination in 
the place of coordination." The following types the place of < >- 
are met with: ordination. 

(a) Kal \a/3ova-a fyaycv tem Hpm (6. g. Ge 3 6 41 41 14bi j; 

(b) Kal raxvvavrfs /caTayayere DfiTlim DJVintDI (e. g., Ge 45 13 
De 23 i3< 14 > 30); 

(C) e&rayaywv KaTa^vrevcrov avrovs IDJJBrn IttK^ri (e. g., Ex 15 17 
Jb 3921); 

(d) eVayaywv ^awxAoKTGi (re ^rP^l ntytf (e. g., Ex 33 s 1); 

(e) KCW cWciAaro <ayeu/ ^DH . . 12P1 (e. g., Ge 2 16 2 3 1: 3 
43 16 4 EX 6 26 5 N U 21 16 G JK 14 13 7; ibid. 34 9). 

Or, "the generic singular for the Semitic The Generic 
plural"; e. g., Si 4 l2 o dyairuv avrrjv dya-jry. / Singular. 
"OilX n^UnX; 47 - 2 TOU dycnri/ja-avros avrov j VU(niS). 

Or, conversely, "the plural for the generic The Plural for the 
singular in Semitic;" e.g., Ge 4 20 r ^v KO.TOI- Generic Singular. 
Kovvrtov I D^; Ne 12 J4 *cu9 TOIS aviniypcvois (apparently neuter 

plural) kv avro6S (sc. fv TOLS yaCo^vAaKt'ois) ap^ovcriv ruv 

nnyn nto 1 ? ann Duip 1 ? / onj;n n^b onn DiiDb; Pr 11 102 d 

o-ovrat TroAas / mp ^H; Is 1 23 dyaTrwvres 85/oa 1 " / i 
13 l 5 omvc?! 1 (rvvrjyij.voi. ticrtv j HSDin 7D. J2 

Or, "participial construction in the place of Participial Con- 
a finite verb in relative clauses;" e. g. Ex 20 2 struction. 
6 gayayuv (re 13 -JTlNXin 1t^; 29 46 o eayayu>i> avrovs / 1Bf 
Dn TINXVI; Ru 4 i 5 17 dyaTrrjo-ao-a <r / "jnnn 1ty and else- 
where. 

Or, conversely, "a relative clause in the Relative Clauses 
place of a Semitic participle;" e. g. I Es 5 69 i" the place of 
(Ezr 4 2 ) Ss fjxTi'iyayw (var. peryKurcv) / H^ttH; 1'articiplcs. 
1"> 41 s Bv YjydTrrja-d = ^n^ / "Onif; and elsewhere. 



I 15. 55. 73. 78. Lucif. 2 9. 3 omn exc n. < A. 
5 omn exc 75. 7 945. 8 O mn exc A. 

9 The translator took '\y\ 0^2^ as a general expression summing up 
the preceding particulars; in such cases, the Hebrew may and may not 
prefix the conjunction which the translator is free to express if he so 
chooses; comp. DC 15 21 jn Dl *?3 IIP IK HDD x w ^" *) f>\6i>, ^ (var. $ Kcd, 
Kal) rras /*w/ios TrovT}p6t AF. alii. 10 But Tras rts ayaTa Q m 8. 

II or 106 off 01 A. 

12 neo as an equivalent of r\Q* also De 32 33 (unless = HDOK / neon) 
and Is 29 '; Je 722 (unless 1DD - an abbreviated IBDX, comp. Arabic and 
Aramaic imperatives of "B verbs). 1S AF alii. 



306 L. Margolis, [1910. 

Complete Indue- From an imperfect collation like the pre- 
tion prevents in- ceding it becomes evident that (1) a phe- 
dividualizing' nomenon may indeed be characteristic of 
what is general certam g rou p s O nly; (2) when a phenomenon 
is scattered over a wide area (possibly the entire area), it 
ceases to be a mark of individual style, but becomes a general 
characteristic of translation from Semitic into Greek; (3) cer- 
tain manuscripts or groups of manuscripts (= recensions) show 
a predilection for a certain stylistic peculiarity. Thus I find 
that Lucian frequently substitutes the aorist for the historical 
present. 1 But such results are conclusive only when complete 
induction is available; otherwise the student runs the risk of 
individualizing what is general. 

and renders Many identifications, uncertain at the first 

identification blush, become incontrovertible when supported 
possible. by f ur ther evidence which the complete in- 
duction alone will bring to light. That 7ra/>ax/o7J/za, = on the 
spot, is the equivalent of innn, nnnn II K 3 12 Jb 40 ?( 12 ), a 
matter of doubt for the editors of the Oxford Concordance, is 
corroborated by Ps 65 (66) 17 2 (= ^nn / nnn). || We are safe 
in identifying ISo>Kav foXdvo-av Je 43 (36) 20 with HpSH, if we 

compare Tre^vAay/zei/ji = JII^D 1 ? Ge 41 36 . || Si 44 l avSpas evSofovs 

for "TDH WN ceases to be strange when Sofa = IDH Is 40 6 is 
compared. || EC 2 26 rov vpoa-Qdvai = ryh (^p1!"6) / tpb (1bfc6), 
just as Le 19 25 AL. *cal o-wafere = *)bfe6 / *)N?inb. \\ When it 
is remembered that in 99 instances avdytw is employed for 
rftgn, it will not be difficult to identify K<U iTravayovrojv Za 4 12 

with D^501 / &CP^?P' II Ps 15 (16) 4 (rwaydyo) ras (Tvvaya>yas av- 

v must certainly be* reduced to DiJDJ? DiD (Di?) / DTODi Tj'Dg, 
which proves that in the archetype *pDN was written *]DiS, 
that is, with the 2 expressed, though perhaps "assimilated' 7 in 
pronunciation. The evidence is afforded by the knowledge that 
<rwayetv = D3D in 11 cases. || The last two examples are 
illustrations of transposition for which other instances are 
available. Thus Na 2 3 < 4 > l/wrat'foi/ras = D^VgOP / n^Vno ; comp. 
epira&iv == b^nn Ex 10 2 Nu 22 29 Jd 19 25 I K^ 6 31 4 

I Ch 10 4 , 4/>i7raty/x,aTa = Dv'l/^ri Is 66 4 , e/^TraiKTat = do. ibid. 

3 4 . || Is 35 2 /cat 6 Aa6s fiov = jnBh / jn^ni, just as Ps 28 (29) 6 
KOI 6 ^ydwrq/iei/os = jr^^J / JVIBh. While the latter identification 



E. g., Jd 1 ' IK 10 21 17 2 HI K 18 40. 



Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 307 

is supported directly by De 32 l5 33 5 - 26 Is 44 -, we may cite 
in substantiation of the former, examples like Ex 17 "> Jo 
7 11. i IB. 24 2 10 293 where 6 Aao* = h&W, or Jd 20 where 
o Aaos 4 = ^fcOty *3D, or Mi 2 12 where a Aaos O{TOS or 6 Aaos 6 
= ^nt? 11 , or Si 45 16 where 6 Aads ooi; 7 == h**\W ^3, also Je 
43 (36) (i where 6 Aaos 3 an( l Si 48 ' 5 where 6 Aads 9 = miJT. 
Instructive is also Ps55(56) ut where 6 Aads corresponds to 
nil', comp. Sanhedrin 95 a (and parallels): HiV 5 ? ^*W nDiD 
r6Ti&^, "the Community of Israel is likened unto a dove". || 
Only through the juxtaposition of the total number- of passages 10 
win re euAa/3eto-0ai m/a or O.TTO TWOS = 2 HDH was it possible for 

Prof. NESTLE 11 to identify Kal tv\a/3ovfJLvov<s TO 6Vo/*a avrov Ma 

3 1B with 10^2 ^H^ in the place of our 1Dtf 'ntfrftt and thus 
to bring to light a reading which is unquestionably the original. 
He acknowledges his indebtedness to my article "AAMBAN6IN 
(including Derivatives and Compounds) and its Hebrew-Ara- 
maic Equivalents" which appeared in the AJSL., XXII (1906;, 
11 Off., closing with a confirmation of my own statement that 
we may obtain through just such work as I am planning, "in 
the place of the brilliant, but uncertain, guesses, results which 
may be predicted with almost mathematical accuracy." 

Results which are equally certain are afforded It equally leads to 
by a possession of the complete material when the recognition 
we turn to inner-Greek corruptions. A few of inner-Gr<<>k 

M1 , i . corruptions. 

examples will not be amiss: 

III K 8 46 K<U 7raets avrovs Sixt. (== B. 92. 120. 158. 247j / 

02 nciS"! has been recognized as faulty. Mr. Burney emends 
Kal Irakis avTo?? 12 ; he compares Ps 7 12 , where opyrjv .rayo>i/ = 
DJJt, and Is 26 21 eVaya Try 6pyr}v / ]iy Tpfi^j he should have 

added ibid. 42 25 Kat i-jri^yayev ITT' avrovs opyrjv / HDH V?J^ *]2^' I|< 1 

and Si 5 s cTraywyvj = m2$. But he fails to account for the 
"alteration" in the parallel passage .11 Ch 6 36 Kat Trara^eis au- 
for which no variant reading is available. Nevertheless, 



i Omn exc 54. 75. 2 BM. 29. 30. 59. 63. 64. 72. 77. 85mff. 

3 A. 16. 52. 77. * AGA. alii. 5 A. 6 26. 

7 (7ou>x*. 248; atfroO 23. 70. . 8 A. 9 omn. 

to p r 24 23 (3Q5) Na 1 7 Ze 3 n. n ZAW., XXVI (1906), 290. 

12 Comp. the reading /cat e7ray e?r avrovs 44. 52. 55. 64. 71. 74. 106. 119. 
121 (with the error -&t / -\ 123. 134. 144. 236. 242-246. Aid. Cat. Xic. 
^ 1. ed Kal fTrapeis or ai'rous A; Kal tbi> ^Tra-'dyrjs (tirdZis Compl.) ^TT' ai/roi/s A. 

13 A: Kal <i.v dvfMudr^ fir' octroi's. 



308 Max L. Hargolis, [1910. 



we must emend here likewise: KOI eTrafeis a-urois or ITT 
The emendation is rendered plausible by the knowledge that 
in four other places that have come under my observation 
7rao> has by its side the corrupt variant Trara^w. 1 

The corrupt reading aTrax^o-^o-eor^at n / <Mrax&?T Ge 42 1& 
finds its analogy in Is 16 14 where axfeVfl^s 2 or ax&o-tfeis 3 is 
found for ax^S 5 - ^he latter is of course the correct reading; 
the translator pointed 'ton (or 'ton, ton) 4 / "to*?- 

Is 28 20 TOV r)fj.as o~vvax&r)vai is apparently corrupt. In the 
first place >//Aas BtfAQ 5 is itacistic error for V/ACCS F 6 ; but 
the whole is corrupt. The translator wrote TOV p) crvvaxQfjvai 
= 6. With the aid of the emended text, we arrive at the 
reading Disnno / D33nrD; (TOV) /xr? c. infin. = )D c. infin., as 
may be seen from such an example as /^ 7rayayeiV = "liSJD Is 
54 9 . 7 || Hence we are led to the conclusion that the trans- 
lator with his TOV /xr) oia7ropVo-Oai p^Se avaKcx/xTrrcti/ Za 9 8 pointed 
his text SBtol IbtfD / 2WM lajjo. || An then to the solution ot 
a more difficult problem: I K 13 6 M Trpoa-ayav OLVTOV is re- 
ducible to Ufaap for the received t^ai ""S. For the graphic 
variant ^ / D I cannot quote another instance from my own 
observations; but undoubtedly examples will be found. On the 
other hand, I have met with a sufficient number of the (exege- 
tical) misreading (misinterpretation) of \& into # and vice 
versa, and in this very verb I am in a position to cite Is 53 7 
where both 6 Trpoo-TJx^ and 2 ayxxnpcx^ 1 ? presuppose #3} for the 
Masoretic t^ai The form t^ii for n^a, which suggested itself 
to the translator, is no more impossible than NbO for flKiP, or 
]ii: for nn. || This observation leads to another find. Je 44(37) ^ 
we read d-yopaa-at / p"?n^. The consonants are supported by 
'A6 829 a: 10 5 11 $12; j us t how the word was pointed by them, 
may still be a matter of doubt ; at all events, they took it as 
a denominative from pbn. According to Giesebrecht, the ren- 






1 Le 26 25 (16. 73. 77); IV K 6 i (243); Je 22 7 (106); 25 " (A). Con- 
versely we find the corrupt eira^u B. 42 for the correct 7rardoj rell Ez 
22 ts (Roth stein's retro version ViiOrn is thus rendered problematical). 

2 93. 3 62. 147 (bad orthography). The corrupt reading underlie 
.11 & h. 4 Comp. Am 7 11. * Is 23 i Je 47 (40) 1. 

5 Also 24. 49. 51. 62. 106. 147. 306. 309. Compl. Hier. 
e = Sixt (and rell ex sil). 7 Activum pro passive. 

* ^fpivQrivan. 9 fj.epL<7a<r6ai. 1 iTPiDnS J<i^S^. 

11 l\juo o^v.flnoV. 12 u t divideret possessionem. 



Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 309 

tiering of the Septuagint goes back to the same consonants 
and to the same interpretation. But, to say the least, that 
is by no means obvious. On the other hand, we find that 
dyopafav corresponds in two passages l to nj^, just as in five 
passages 2 it represents the synonymous njj?, while Ne 10 3t 
dyopao-pos = ngo. Hence it may be readily conjectured that 
the translator read in his text np^ / p^n^>, that is, the same 
consonants transposed, and that his grammar permitted him 
to see in the word the form l$hh as a possible by-form of 



Da 11 ^ Kal ol viol avrov <rvvdov(riv o\\ov ava utcrov 

contains two corruptions: for ava pea-ov read with AA. alii Sv- 

i/a/zewv,-* and for a-wagova-iv read crwotyovcri Kal (rvvd$ov(riv. Note 

the variant arvva\^ova-iv 88 for a-vva^ova-iv, and the insertion of 
/cat o-wco/rovo-t after TroAAwi/ in A. The whole is then = lim 
D^l D^>TI )1DH 1SDN1 TtiJV ^; o-waTrrciv SC. TrdAc/iov, comp. with 
the object expressed verse 24 6 = nonW mjnn, De 2 9-24 
= JlDrte rnjnn and ibid. s. 19 = mjnn. Apparently crvvfyovo-t 
was miswritten into o-wafovo-t, and then /cat a-wdgova-tv was 
omitted; o-wa^ and o-waf are proved as possible variants 



1 Ne 10 31 and II Ch 1 16; in the latter passage, Tnon is expressed by 
A (to 6.\\dyfjLTi}. Also 2 ^ 67 (68) w nnp 1 ? is rendered J^xaj. 

2 I Ch 21 24bis Si 37 11 Is 24 2; AL. Ge 47 i. 

3 Observe that while ftSD supply an object denoting "portion, possess- 
ion" the "land of Benjamin" and chapter 32 are responsible for this cu- 
rious bit of exegesis, certain Greek manuscripts (xc.amgQmgA) rightly 
add aprov, "to buy food", a most natural thing to do during the moment- 
ary raising of the siege. It is true, imsrr Jb 4025(30) i s rendered by 9 
ayopdo-oveiv avrbv (against @ /zeptretfoirat 5 avrdv, 'A -r)fuaeiiffov<ni> avrov, S 5ta- 
/j.epi<rdri<rovTai sive -OfoeTai) ; as nsn and p^n are synonyms, it may still be 
possible to reduce a.yopd<rat in Je to the received p^Ti^. If so, that would 
be another illustration of the value of complete induction. But it re- 
mains difficult to see how nsn and ayopafav could be equivalent. Perhaps 
the Theodotionic rendering belongs to the first half of the verse (Via*.; 
comp. De 2 e where nan is rendered in (5 by \7^e<r0e U ayopdo-are = 
natffi). An interesting variant in the Je passage is droSpcw-at (239). Of 
course, it may be a corruption from ayopdvou. On the other hand, it may 
represent the Masoretic p'pnj? in the sense "to slip through, run away" 
(see Giesebrecht ad locum). (Another variant is irapoiKHrai 26 = ?) 

* Swa^ews Q, is corrupt, as it does not agree with TO\\WI>; the ab- 
breviated Sui/a/xew (so A) was incorrectly resolved. 



310 Max L. Margolis, [1910. 

not only from the reading in codex 88 but also from De 32 23 1 
and IV K 5 11.2 



II K 3 23 rjKowav A for Hebrew IfcC is certainly suspic- 
ious ; ?xOr}o-av B. rell is graphically somewhat distant. But an 
instance like Le 1 10 avrov 54. 75 for avro will suggest the 
possibility that ^/covo-av is a misheard r/Koo-av. Since JJKOV is 
used as an aorist, the ending -oo-av for -ov, so frequently met 
with in the Greek of the Septuagint in aorists, becomes in- 
telligible. 3 

K and TT are found interchanged in a number of instances. 
I have noted some in a previous paper. 4 Observe the addi- 
tional examples: Za 9 4 Karaa 5 / Trara&i 6 ; ibid. 12 4 Karaa>7/ 



The meaningless Karara^ere w Ge 44 29 is due to ditto- 
graphed ra; the correct reading is of course Karajeje = DJYTTinO). 
The same error occurs Ge 44 ^ 9 III K 3 1 10 Am 3 " u 
Jl 3(4) 2 . 12 The next step is the simplex rafere^ (hence also 
without an intermediary Is 26 5 14 ); and, conversely, Je 19 8 15 
Ez44 14 - 16 

How complete in- "Whether the student of the Septuagint aims 
duction may be at res t ring the Greek original as it left the 
translators' hands, or, more ultimately, at a 
recovery of "the Semitic "Vorlage," he is always face to face 
with problems of identification. Whatever is isolated, depending 
upon a particular constellation, cannot of course be covered 
by a general rule. But all those facts which are general, 
conditioned by causes which may occur again and again, 
must be formulated as rules, and as such be placed at 
the service of students. The complete induction of the 



58 / ffvvd^u rell. 

2 firia-vva^ei 247 / 'cmawdfa 71. 119. 243. 

3 Comp. Is 538 tycei Qmg. 62. 90. 144. 147. 233. Clem- Rom. Just-Mar. 
Chrys as a synonymous variant for tfx.drj rell. 

* ZAW., XXVI (1906), 88. 

s K*AQ a . 36. 40. 42. 49. 62. 86. 95. 106. 147. 185. 311. 

e Btfc.a c .b. r eli = mn(i)|). ? K*. 8 rell = nrx ). 

9 t*. 10 247. ii- 198. 12 62. 147. 

13 Jl 3(4)2 (311). u Ta & 36 / wwd&w rell. 

15 KaT a& B. rell / rd& AGA = "nat? (I). 

16 Karatowny BQ. rell / roW^ A. 26. 42. 49. 90. 91. 106. 198. 238. 239. 
306. Aid. = TU^CI), the intermediate Karara^ovaiv is found in 62. 






Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 311 

sum total of general, typical facts can be secured only by 
two methods of procedure which can be easily combined. 
On the one hand, each article in the Concor- Lexical equa- 
dance to the Septuagint and the other Greek tions. 

Versions of the Old Testament, such as we possess in the 
Oxford publication, must be gone through for the purpose of 
establishing all lexical equations. It is obvious, following as 
it does from the nature of Semitic speech, that derivatives 
and compounds must be treated in conjunction with the 
primary words and the simplicia. It has been shown in this 
paper how the equation of tird-yew nvl or rt TWO. = n *)3K is 
substantiated by the equation eTraywyjj = n*Dy. The Greek 
compounds often serve merely to mark the " Aktionsart". 1 
Whether we say in Greek oVayyeAActi/, cwrayycAAeij', or the sim- 
plex dyyeAAav, the Semitic equivalents will in most cases be 
indifferently the same. Where, on the other hand, the pre- 
verb retains its local force, as in the case of ayeiv, the Semitic 
equivalent will naturally differ, and the differences will be- 
come evident as the compounds are studied in their totality 
and with a view to each other. 

On the other hand, the text of the vers- Grammatical 
ions must be investigated with a view to gram- equations. 
matical equations. I use the two terms, lexical and gram- 
matical, in their widest connotations. When I say, cfyeiv = 
JH}, I abstract from all grammatical differences, such as 
the correspondence of the active to the Kal, of the passive 
to the Semitic passive, of the aorist to the perfect, and the 
like. Equally, when I treat of the equations : aorist = per- 
fect, lav c. conjunct, aor. = DN c. imperf., or of such stylistic 
peculiarities as "adjectivum pro nomine in genit.", or "ac- 
tivum pro passivo", I abstract from the lexical meaning of 
the words or phrases entering into consideration. While 
a modicum of grammatical observation is necessary for the 
proper grouping of lexical equations within each article, the 
material for a grammatical Concordance may be gathered 
direct from the texts. Complete induction, at all events, can 
be had only by means of the two lines of investigation, the 



1 See the lucid exposition by MOULTON, A Grammar of the New Testa- 
ment Greek, vol. i: Prolegomena, chapter vi. 



312 



Max L. Margolis, Complete induction etc. 



[1910. 



lexical and the grammatical. It is a stupendous work, but 
it must be done: it is of utmost importance not only for 
purposes of textual criticism, but equally for a study of the 
oldest exegesis of Scriptures. And the results will have a 
decided bearing upon an understanding of the New Testa- 
ment likewise which, in language and range of ideas, is linked 
to the Old Testament in the Hellenistic garb. 



A Hymn to Mullil Tablet 29615, CT. XV, Plates 7, 
8 and 9. By Kev. FBEDERICK A. VANDERBUHGH, Ph. D., 
Columbia University, New York City. 

PLATES 7, 8 and 9 in Volume XV of Cuneiform Texts from 
Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum contain texts of 
sixteen tablets of Sumerian Hymns which are very important. 
The hymns are of sufficient length and variety to afford a 
good idea of what Babylonian Psalmody consists. Not one has 
less than thirty lines, and, in the collection, seven different 
deities are addressed: Bel, Sin, Adad, Nergal, Bau, Kirgilu, 
and Tammuz, gods whose functions relate to almost every 
phase of Babylonian theology. 

This hymn, addressed to Bel, who is called in the colophon, 
line 74, Mu-ul-lil, is the first in the collection and one of the 
longest umlingual Babylonian hymns on record. The first 
sixteen or eighteen lines, however, and the last thirteen are 
too badly broken to give a connected discourse. From line 20 
to line 63, the text is in fairly good condition. 

This hymn dwells upon the majesty of Bel's word. The 
.Non-Semitic Bel, older than Nannar or Samas, who were 
successively rivals of Bel as local gods, came to be recognized 
as "the Lord of the lands." The place of his dwelling was in 
the temple, E-kur, located at Nippur, probably the "house" 
referred to in this hymn. As "the Lord of the lands", he was 
conceived of as controlling the destinies of men. Thus, we 
find him approaching men and speaking to them, as the follow- 
ing hymn shows. The fuller development of Bel's position, as 
belonging to a triad, where Anu was considered god of heaven, 
Bel, god of earth, and Ea, god of the deep, was Assyrian. 
We have no trace of this thought in our hymn. 

My translation of this very difficult hymn and its commen- 
tary have had the cooperation of Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Pro- 
fessor of Semitic Languages in Columbia University, and 
Author of Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon, whom I have 



314 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910. 

consulted while preparing this work, and who is himself just 
publishing a translation of the interesting Hymn to Kirgilu 
from the same collection, Plate 23. 



Transliteration and Translation. 
Obverse. 

BKOKEN TEXT. 

1. - nun(?)-e-bi ma-te 

- his prince (?) approacheth. 

2. [-b]i ma-te 

- his - approacheth, 

3. - - O 

4. - - [ 

5. - - a ^in(DU) 

6. - mu-un-$i-gar(SA) &f(RI) 

it is done; it is established. 

7. - [-e]-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-la e(RI) 

- the word of Mullil, it is established. 

8. dimmer gu-la-a es(RI) 

- of Gula, it is established. 

9. - - [-a]m dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld eS(RI) 

- of Mullil, it is established. 

10. - - ma-ab-gu-la-a e$(RI) 

- which maketh it great ; it is established. 

11. - - ma-ab-hul-a e$(Rl) 

which maketh it evil; it is established. 

12. - - %(PA) ^e(GAN)-z>2-^(KA)-#a e2(RI) 

- [bearing] the sceptre (?), let him speak; it is 
established. 

13. -- nu-mu-da-ma(MA)-ma(M.A) 

- on(?) the one who begetteth not 

14. - nu-mu-da-zi-zi 

- the one who giveth no life. 

15. - - sar-ra mu-ub-bi-ir 

- the one who bindeth the forest. 
16. bi sila(TA!R)-a mu-ub-ri 

- the one who setteth up the road. 



Vol. xxx.] .1 HymntoMullil 315 



17. - - [-a]b(?)-tt-e me-ri 

- the one who lifteth up, who lif'teth up the dagger. 

18. -- [-n]a-dm-da $am(\J)-sun(SE)-na-ge sag im-da-sty(PA)-gi 

- the one who at the fixed period (?) of plant- 
growth smiteth the head. 

19 - - ~ gig-ga-bi-e$ am(A.AN) bi-til(Tl)-U 

- (to the sick one) (?) thou givest life. 

LOED OF ABUNDANCE. 

20. [da]m-a nu-mu-un-til(TI)-li-en ma-al-la nu-mu-un-til(TI)'li-en 
To(?) the spouse that liveth not, the husband (?) that liveth not, 

21. dam-ma nU'mu-un-til(Tl)-li-en dumu(TUR)-a nu-mu-un- 



the wife that liveth not, the child that liveth not (thou 
givest life). 

22. zal(NI) nigin ne-en ^aZ(NI) Sa(LIB) ne-en 
Abundance of everything there is, abundance in the midst 

(of the land) there is. 

/ / 

23. gam(TJ) hi imina-li ki-bi-ta 3aw(U) ku me-en 

The food of that land is sevenfold, in that land food to 
eat there is. 

24. tur amar(ZUR)-bi a nag an-me-en 

In the resting place of their young water to drink there is. 

25. ga-$a-an me-en mu-lu M-$M(KU) eri-a &wr(BAB>-ra me-en 
Lord art thou who for the gate in the city art protector. 

26. el hi sug-bi ma su-a me-en 

In the shining land on its water-ways shipping thou in- 
creasest. 

27. pe$ a sug-ra ba-an-nigin-na me-en 

Plentifulness of water thou causest the water-ways to enclose. 

28. mu gig gin(Dl5) en-yd(MAL) pes me-en kud(TA.U)-mu 
lid me-en 

When an epidemic sickness is spread over the established 
city my (its) judge in the gate thou art. 

29. Id U Id ne-en e(BIT) damal mulj ^d(MAL) sag e(BIT) iir- 
ra-bi me-en 

Over the land, the high land, over the broad house thou 
art established; thou art head over the house and its 
structure (beams). 



316 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910. 

30. lid~$d(LIB)-ni-mdl(IG-) d (ID) -nu-mdl(lG) me-en 

In the midst of their cattle when they are without power 
thou art. 

31. nin gin(DU) $dl-mdl(IGc) Ud-Sd(LlE)-nu-mdl(IG) me-en 
Faithful lord of compassion in the midst of the cattle that 
are unsustained thou art. 

LOED OF NEAE APPEOACH. 

32. u-mu-un-na e-ne-dm-ma(M.AIj)-ni na-ma-da-te mu(-lu)-da 
ni-ma-te 

The lord whose word approacheth, to mankind it is near. 

33. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 
The word of Gula approacheth, to mankind it is near. 

34. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 
The word of Mullil approacheth, to mankind it is near. 

35. e(BIT) zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 

My true house which in the city of the land endureth, to 
mankind it is near. 

36. mu-lu zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 

My faithful folk (priesthood) who in the city of the land 
endure, to mankind they are near. 

37. g(BlT)-mw zu gal-gal-la ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 

My house of great wisdom, may it be near; to mankind it 
is ne^r. 

Reverse. 

38. [mu]-lu led si ll-ll ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te 

He of the gate of the high tower (horn), may he be near; 
to mankind he is near. 

LOED OF SUPPLICATION. 

39. damal(?) gan me-en ud-da gal)-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de 
Mighty, productive one thou art, let light extend, to his 
people he shall speak. 

40. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de 
The word of Gula, may it extend, to his people it shall speak. 

41. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu- 
pad-de 

The word of Mullil may it extend, to his people it shall 
speak. 



Vol. xxx.J .1 II urnn In Mitllil. .17 

42. ud-da e(BIT) azay-cja ga-ba-da-pes mu-lu-na mu-pud-de 
The light of the shining house, may it extend, to his people 
it shall speak. 

43. e(BlT) azag g(BIT) pisan(&lT)-na r/a-W/f-/** mu-lx-na 
mu-pad-de 

The shining house, the house of vessels, may it extend, to 
his people it shall speak. 

44. mulu 1ml Id-ne gdl(lGr)-gdl(lG) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne 
Sinners at the altar prostrate themselves, for life they speak. 

45. e(BIT) ri-a-ni gal(IG)-gal(IGr) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne 

In the house of their protection they prostrate themselves, 
for life they speak. 

46. dii-md(MAL)-ni sar mu-un-na-ra i-dib(W) mu-un-na- 
ab-bi 

Before their king they hold a festival, the word they speak. 

47. dim dimmer gu-la dim dimmer bara gin(Gri)-gin(GI)-na 
i-dib (LU) mu-un-na-ab-bi 

To the queen, to Gula the queen, to the deity of the 
shrine, they turn, the word they speak. 

LOED OF MAJESTY. 

48. za-e ud-da ga-$a-an~mu za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na a-a- 



Thou who art the light, my lord, thou who art the light, 

who can reach (to thee) ! What can measure itself (with thee) ! 

49. e-ne-tnn dimmer gu-la-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na <>"- 



The word of Gula, thou who art the light, who can reach 
(to thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)! 
50. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ (a)-na 



Word of Mullil, thou who art the light, who can reach (to 
thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)! 

51. a f/a-$d-an-mu tur-zu-da du(KAK)-e alam-zu ta-a-an nir/in 
Father, my lord, in thy court where thou art creative, who 
can encompass thy image! 

52. mulu gam-ma-zu Id nu-un-gam alam-zu ta-a-an nigin 

Of the men who bow to thee in the lands which submit 
not, who may encompass thy image! 

VOL. XXX. Part IV. 23 



318 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910. 



53. <fomu(TUR) #wr(?)(KU) gam-ma h'l $e-ir nu-un-ma-al 
alam-zu ta-a-an nigin 

Of the lofty (?) sons who bow down and exercise no power, 
who may encompass thy image! 

54. dtMiw(TUR) dur(?)(KTJ) dg(?)(RA.M.)-ga(?) li-a gu tuS(?) 
(KU) i&(TUM)-fu zal(NI) $im-e ba-nd. 



LORD OF RECOMPENSE. 

55. ogfd(MIR) sag mulu-e-da e-ne $u d kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de 
With crowned head among the people (and) with uplifted 
hand he pronounceth judgment. 

56. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e-ne $u al kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de 
The word of Gula, it with uplifted hand pronounceth 
judgment. 

57. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e-ne $u al hud (TAR) -hud 
(TAR)-cte 

The word of Mullil it with uplifted hand pronounceth 
judgment. 

58. igi(SI)-ni-da ud-de e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-e$(RI) 
The light of his face in the house of decision, may it 
establish light. 

59. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e(BIT) lar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-eS (RI) 
The word of Gula in the house of decision, may it estab- 
lish light. 

60. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba- 



The word of Mullil in the house of decision, may it estab- 
lish light. 
61. a-ba ba- -a-de a-ba fca-w#(TUK)-#d(MAL)-e a-ba ba-an- 



Who can who can grasp it! Who can keep it! 

62. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\]K)-gd(M.A.'L)-e. a-ba 
ba-an-si-dg (RAM )-e 

The word of Gula, who can grasp it! Who can keep it!" 

63. e-ne-am dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\3K)-ga(MA.Ij)-e 
a-ba ba-an-si-[dg(RAM)-e] 

The word of Mullil, who can grasp it! Who can keep iti 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil. 319 

BKOKEN TEXT. 

64. dumu(T\]R)-mu - - ba lad a#(RAM)-e 
My son - - who can measure it! 

65. - - ba bad a-ba ba-an-dg(RAM)-e 

- who can measure it! 

66. - - a-ba ba-an-dg (RAM)-e 

who can measure it! 

67. - a mu - - a-ba 6a-aw-d#(RAM)-e 

who can measure it! 

68. - an-si-dg(RAM.)-e 

can keep it! 

69. - - e ba al bi e$ mal-e a-ba ba-an- 

- who can - 

70. - - an-da ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si- - 

- who can keep 
71. - - ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si-dg(RA.M.)-e 

- who can keep it! 

72 - in-dug (K A) -ga $es-ra ba-an-da-$ub(RU) 

- speak - brother - throw - 

73. - in-dug (KA.}-ga - - ba an-da $w&(RTJ) 

speak - throw 

74. - him -ma dimmer mu-ul-lil 

of penitence to Mullil. 

75. - - mu-bi im 

- its lines in the tablet. 

Commentary. 

Lines 1 to 19. Broken Text. 

The beginning of each line up to line 20, being erased, a 
connected translation for this section is precluded. The 
closing words of each line, however, giving some complete 
clauses, are intact. Some of the characteristics of Bel or 
Mullil who seems to be the subject of the hymn therefore 
crop out here. 

1. bi is no doubt a pronominal suffix in this line, te, occur- 
ring here and many times farther on, has in it the idea of 
'approaching,' telu being the Assyrian equivalent. 

3. gin is a value of DU that might possibly fit here, equal to 
Mnu 'set,' or the value gub might do, equal to nazazu 'stand.' 

23* 



320 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910. 

6. mu-un is a common verbal prefix signifying completed 
action, Si an infix of location or direction, and #ar(SA) or 
possibly the Erne Sal value mar as a verb, if we take its most 
usual meaning, equals the Assyrian $akdnu. <?3, one of the 
values of RI, equal to nadu, gives the meaning 'establish' 
which is probably the one intended for the close of this and 
the following six lines. 

7. e-ne-dm is probably the subject of e(BI). e-ne-dm equals 
amdtu and is a dialectic phoneticism for inim(KA), Br. 508. 
e-ne-dm occurs 15 or 16 times in this hymn, e-ne-dm is an 
'authoritative word.' It sometimes stands for the god himself; 
see line 50. mu-ul-lil-la is the Erne Sal form in Sumerian for 
Bel's name. 

8. gu-la-a equals rcibu 'great,' and was also the name of a 
goddess. She appears in this hymn evidently as the consort 
of Bel. The gods sometimes had more than one consort. The 
chief consort of Bel was Belit. The goddess naturally possessed 
the same qualities as the god with whom she was consorted, 
but in a diminutive degree. Gula is more generally known as 
the consort of Nin-ib. 

11. Jml, the common Sumerian word for 'evil.' 

12. We cannot state with much certainty the relation of 
PA in this sentence. Jje(QA.N)-in-gug(KA)-ga is clearly a verb 
in the precative construction, in may be a part of the preca- 
tive prefix, lie-in being dialectic for gan. 

13. wa(MA) = alddu, Br. 6769, and the infix da may be 
locative, the pronominal representative being understood. 

14. zi is one of the common words for 'life,' = Assyrian 
napi$tu, but here evidently a verb. 

15 & 16. sar-ra = Mru, Br. 4315. ul) and U are verbal in- 
fixes, MSL. p. XXIV. ir = bamfi, Br. 5386. 

17. U = na$u, Br. 6148. me-ri is phonetic for the Erne Sal: 
mer (AD), patru. dm (A. AN) seems to occur sometimes as a 
verbal prefix, Br. p. 548, but it serves more usually as a 
suffix equal to the verb 'to be.' In da-ab } dab, 'unto it,' we 
have the pronominal object represented by ab. 

18. |(H(U)-SMw(SE)-na, a word not often found outside of 
the collection of hymns in CT. XV, is explained by Professor 
Prince in his translation of some of these hymns, as 'plant- 
growth.' It is to be regretted that the sign SE in this com- 



Vol. xxx.] .1 /-If/mn to Midlil 321 

bination in these inscriptions is not very readily identified; 
the phonetic complement >*a, however, helps to confirm the 
reading of the sign as sun. %(PA) *+ma 'smite,' Br. 5576. 

19. eS is sometimes a postposition, Br. 9998. til(TI) ba> 

Lines 20 to 31. Lord of Alum/lance. 

The Assyrian Creation Legends assume that Bel, the old 
god of Nippur, was the god of the earth par excellence, and 
that it was he who prepared the earth for the habitation of 
mankind. See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, 
p. 140. 

20 & 21. dam aSSatu and dumu(T^R) = maru, and the 
jiarallellism between the two lines would suggest that ma-al-la 
must mean 'husband,' being a dialectic form for mdl(IG) 
which equals ba$u, also sakanu, signifying 'substance/ 'exist- 
ence,' &c. 

22 & 23. *aZ(NI) = barii 'be abundant,' Br. 5314. uigin = 
irn, Br. 10335. imina-bi = sibitti-Sunu or sibitti-su. Sam 
ku = rttu ahdlu, 'food to eat.' 

24. tur = tarhaxu and amar(ZiUR) = burn 'offspring.' a nag 
= me $atu 'water to drink.' &wr(BAB)-ra in 25 means 'pro- 
tector, 5 from nasara. 

26 & 27. These two lines go together and illustrate how 
Bel's and Ea's provinces overlap each other, as regards the 
water-courses, sug = #usu and su = ruddu. pes = rapasu 
'extent,' from which we derive the idea 'plentifulness,' and a 
may equal mu 'water.' ba-an-nigin-na is a verb; the prefix, 
one of usual occurence, in a pronominal way takes up the 
remote object just given, nigin as a verb = palidru; above, 
it is a noun. 

28. This and the following three lines offer a considerable 
difficulty in translation, mu = Sattu from the fuller form mu- 
an-na 'name of heaven,' i. e., 'year.' Prom gig 'sick' and gin 
'going' we get the translation 'epidemic sickness.' kucl(TAR) 
= danu 'judge.' 

29. II = elu or na$u, and muJj, although usually a preposition, 
seems here to have the place of a postposition, ur-ra = 

/e 'beam.' 

30 & 31. These two lines have parallel thoughts and con- 
sequently should be explained together. Their duplicates in 
Plate 24, possessing slight phonetic variations, help to a cor- 



322 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910. 

rect reading. Perhaps IGr should be read gal, but line 11 of 
Plate 24 gives ma-al. Possibly lid is a loan-word from the 
Semitic lidu which is connected with alddu, but there are 
lexicographic references which connect it with lu, making it 
equal to the feminine littu 'wild cow.' It is interesting to note 
also that the sign LID has a value db = arJm 'wild ox: gin 
(DU) = kanu and 8al = remu. 

32 to 38. Lord of Near Approach. 

The Babylonian theologian, as pointed out by Professor 
Jastrow, regarded Bel as representing providential forces 
which operate among the inhabited portions of the globe. 
This idea is apparent here in the lines about Bel's near 
approach. 

32. Possibly it is well to note the difference between na- 
ma-da-te and ni-ma-te. The first, it will be noticed, has the 
infix da which the second does not have. This must be 
because of the locative relation of da to the noun preceding 
the verb. Another difference is that the first verb has the 
prefix na where the second has ni. na does not often occur 
as a prefix; when it does, it usually belongs to the verb of 
the third person, na may probably be a harmonic equivalent 
of ni. ni and ne are both used with an aorist tense. If te 
means 'is approaching,' ni-te must mean 'is near.' ma as a 
prefix would be a harmonic equivalent of mu, but, as an infix, 
must have reference to matter going before, mu-da seems to 
be a scribal error for mu-lu-da; see the same refrain in line 33. 

35. ni-in-u: nin (ni-in) is a reduplication referring to the 
indirect object, probably to ma 'land.' it as equivalent to 
labdru can mean 'endure.' Possibly a value should be chosen 
for U as meaning 'old' that may take the phonetic complement 
-ra; instances with U + ra meaning 'old' are on record. On 
the other hand, ra may not be a phonetic complement at all. 

38. si = karnu 'horn.' Notice the precative form of the 
verb, ga-ma-te; the infix da now has dropped out. 

39 to 47. Lord of Supplication. 

The thought passes here from that of Bel giving command 
to his people to that of the people offering prayer to Bel. 

39. damal = gabsu and gan = alidu. gab-da-pe seems to be 



Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil 323 

for ga-ba-da-pes ; see the next line, where ga is plainly precative. 
pe = rapaSu 'extend' as above, pad -= tamu 'speak.' 

43. _pisan(SIT)-/ia = pisannu 'vessel;' we are guided by the 
phonetic complement in determining this value of IT; the 
value Sid would have given alaktu 'going,' hti = menutu 
'counting,' and sangu = sangu 'priest.' Sacrificial vessels are 
no doubt referred to. 

44. ~ki-ne, 'place of fire,' hence 'altar.' gdl(I(jr) = labanu, Br. 
2241. ri in line 45 = hatdnu which gives us the word 'pro- 
tection.' 

46. sar: the right Assyrian equivalent for this word here is 
isinnu, Br. 4311. No other meaning for SAR will suit in this 
line. From sar as 'forest' we easily pass to the conception 
'park' and then to the 'festival' that might be held there, ra 
= ramu, Br. 6362. ?'-?#> (LU)is the same as the Assyrian kubu. 
i-dib is said to mean 'seizing speech' and i-nim, referred to 
above, 'high speech.' It may not, however, be safe often to 
regard the parts of such composite words as having ideographic 
value, bi = kibu and nab (na-db) calls up the double object, 
direct and indirect, giving such a use as in 'they speak it 
to him.' 

47. dim = Sarru, Br. 4254, and of course we can say 'queen,' 
if dim can mean 'king.' bara = parakku and gin(GrI) = tdru. 

48 to 54. Lord of Majesty. 

The last two lines of this section are exceedingly difficult, 
lines 51 and 52 also give considerable trouble. 

The thought that the loftiness of the deity as incomparable, 
found here, appears in other hymns, particularly the great 
bilingual hymn to Nannar, published in IV R. 9. See Vander- 
burgh's Sumerian Hymns. 

48. a-ba = mannu 'who? 5 a-na = minu 'what?' a-rt-a^(RAM); 
reduplication of a for a verbal prefix is unusual; d^(RAM) = 
madadu 'measure.' In line 50, wa, by scribal error, stands 
for a-nn. 

51. ttir, 'court;' see line 24. du(KAK) = banu, epe$u, ritu, &c. 
abnn, according to Sb. 378, but salam, according to Br. 7297, 
giving the Assyrian lanu and salimi 'image.' ta-a-an = minu 
'what?;' Br. 3969. a-an above = 'what?' ta alone also can 
'what?;' Br. 3958. mgin = saharii similar in meaning to pa- 
Ijaru; see lines 22 & 27. gam in 52 kandSu 'bow down.' 



324 Frederick A. Vanderlurgh, A Hymn to Mullil. [1910. 

53. efwww(TUR) == mdru 'son;' see line 21. ^r(KU); possibly 
KU = rubu; if so, the value would be dur, Br. 10498 & 10547. 
It would not alter the sense very much, if we should read KU 
as equal to ltakl& and say 'son with weapons.' su = emuku 
power.' $e-ir is dialectic for nir = beht,, etellu, Sarru and 
other synonyms, ma-al is the same as gdl(IG-) = SaMnu 
'establish.' 

54. It is almost impossible to tell how KU and RAM should 
be read in this line. If the fourth sign is ga the value of 
RAM is ag. RAM can = uru 'command,' yielding a parallel 
with f5(TIJM) 'wrath.' li-a (disu) 'luxuriant growth' + gu 'vege- 
tation' form a parallel with zal(NI) 'abundant' + $im-e 'herbage.' 
The second KU read as ins (ctMbu) makes a parallel to nd 
(rabdsu). 

55 to 63. Lord of Recompense. 

In passing from the previous section to this, there is a 
change in the pronouns used. In that section Bel is referred 
to with the pronominal suffix -zu 'thy;' in this section by the 
suffix -ni 'his.' 

55. aga(M.TR)\ this sign signifies 'crown,' and the value ago, 
is apparently from the Semitic agu. al = sjiru 'lofty,' Br. 5749. 
TAR we have had above; with the value hud, required by the 
phonetic complement de, we are led to some such meaning as 
'judge,' danu, Br. 364, line 28. 

mulu-e-da; in line 33 and elsewhere, we have mu-lu-da; is 
there any difference in these two phrases except phonetically? 
Is -e-, in a case like this, equal to the definite article 'the?' 

58. igi(SI) = pdnu, Br. 9259. bar =* pirtitu, Br. 1788. 

61. %(TUK) = aMzw 'seize.' 



A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts from 
the British Museum, XV., Plate 23) with translation 
and commentary. By Professor J. DYNELEY PRINCE, 
Ph.D., Columbia University, New York City. 

THE following Erne-Sal hymn to the goddess Kir-y't-ln 
(obv. 4; also Nin-kir-gi-lu, rev. 14) is distinctly a prayer for 
fructifying rain, the granting of which in this petition is made 
the chief function of the deity. That Kir-gi-lu, occurring 
also Reisner, Sum. Bab. Hymnen, NO. III., PI. 137, col. iii, 4, 
was none other than Istar seems apparent from obv. 4, where 
Kir-gi-lu is mentioned as the tutelary deity of the E-Nana, 
the temple of Istar. Istar herself was the personification of 
fertility, the great mother of all that manifests life (Jastrow, 
Religion, Eng. Ed., p. 459), so that a hymn of this character, 
praying for plenty, is perfectly natural. 

The exact meaning of the name Kir-gi-lu is not clear, but 
it seems undoubtedly to be connected with the idea of plen- 
teousness. Note that the sign KIR-PES = mamlu 'fullness/ 
6933; also KIR-GAL, 6941; = maru 'be fat,' 6934; = rap&Su 
'extend,' 6936; Md$u 'to triple' = 'multiply,' 6937, all which 
meanings are in harmony with the general idea of fertility 
(MSL. 269). * For further discussion, see also below on obv. 2. 

In obv. 20, 21, I have rendered DA-MU as Bau, in spite 
of the absence of the god-determinative AN. Here it should 
be noted that in some forms of the Babylonian theology, 
Bau was the mother of Ea, the deity of the ocean; viz., of 
water. Jastrow has suggested (Religion, p. 61) that, since Ea 
represents the waters of the abyss or lower realm, Bau, his 
mother, probably was the deity of the waters of the upper 
realm; i. e., the clouds, which makes an allusion to her in the 
present hymn peculiarly appropriate and implies her identi- 
fication by the writer with the water-giving Istar. 

MSL. --= John Dyneley Prince, Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon, 
Leipzig, 1905. Numbers not preceded by a title are references to Briinnow's 
Classified List. 



326 J. D. Prince, [1910. 

An interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of 
glosses giving the Erne-Sal pronunciation of certain signs; e. g., 
obv. 5; UN = u\ UBUR = u-bi-ur for u-bu-ur; also rev. 8, 
zu-ur zu-ur, written under a sign which otherwise might be 
difficult to place. 

I am especially indebted to the .Rev. Drs. F. A. Vander- 
burgh and Robert Lau for many valuable suggestions in con- 
nection with the rendering of this difficult hymn. 

CT. XV. PI. 23. 

Obverse. 

1. du(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta er(A-Sl) e?(A-AN)-4tt 

For growth in the bud; a lamentation for 'rain 

2. azag-zu-mu nin ga-ta dimmer Kir-gi-lu 

My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with plenty, goddess 
Kirgilu, 

3. &w--sMn(GUL)-sttn(GUL) MU-GIG-IB ga-ta dimmer 

an-na 

who irrigatest the earth, goddess endowed with fulness, 
deity of heaven, 

4. nin-zi-mu ga-ta dimmer e Nana-a-ra 

my faithful lady, endowed with fulness, goddess of 
the house of Istar! 

5. dimmer it(UN)-ma i-de ma-al ama ubur zi-da 

goddess of my people (land), wise one, mother of un- 
failing breast! 

6. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Sag 

Messenger of mercy, endowed with fulness, goddess of grace! 

7. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta tu$(K1J)-a-ta 
When growth dwelleth in the bud, 

8. du(\]Ij)-e pa-pa-al dimmer azag-ga-ta 

the growth of the bud (is) from the goddess of glorious 
fulness. 

9. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al dara(IB)-a-ta 

When the growth of the bud becometh full, 

10. ~ki-ag(RA.M.) me-e ma-ar ba-an-ag an-na 

the beloved one establisheth the decree; heaven ordaineth it. 

11. mulu-di ama-mu-ra dug(KA}-ga-na-ab me-na mu-un-gaba-e 
For the man of judgment who prayeth to my mother, 

his command she setteth forth. 






Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 327 

12. fja-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu-ge(KlT) dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na 

mu-un-gaba-e 

For him who prayeth to the fulness of Grirgilu, his com- 
mand she setteth forth. 

13. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Say-bi me-na mu-un-gaba-e 
(She) the messenger o'f mercy, endowed with fulness, his 

lady of grace, his command she setteth forth. 

14. dimmer ses-ld-ra mu$(QI.S)-gi-ta dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na 

mu-un-gaba-e 

For him who prayeth to Nannar (Sin) with devout in- 
clination (?), his command she setteth forth. 

15. mus(Gl&)-gi ama dimmer azaij-ga-ta a-a-mu-ra dug(KA)~ 

ga-na-ab 

For him who prayeth devoutly inclining (?) before the 
divine mother endowed with glorious fulness; (viz.,) 
to my father, 

16. me-na azag mu-un-tu(K\3) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un- 

gaba-e 

his glorious command she setteth forth; his command 
she setteth forth. 

17. me-na za mu-un-tu(KU) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un- 

gaba-e 

His command as a jewel she fixeth; she setteth it forth; 
his command she setteth forth. 

18. azag ni-tuk-a azag-mu ba-ti 

The glorious one she is; my glorious one she liveth. 

19. za-gin(K[JR,) ni-tuk-a za-mu ba-ti 

A crystal she is; my jewel she liveth. 

20. lil e$(AB) da-mu ide (Sl)-ni-$6(KU) ba-gul 

The storm of the house, the goddess Bau before its very 
face rendereth nought. 

21. (Ul e*[AB]) da-mu ide (8l>i-$6(KU) ba-xul 

The storm of the house, Bau before its very face de- 
stroyeth. 

22 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-$u(K\J) ba-pi-(el) 

(the welfare?) of my father before his very face she 
seeketh (?). 

23 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-*u(KU) ba 

of my father before his very face she 

24 ?-dW(LU) nu-a-Se er(A-I) ?0(A-AN>da 

lament for lack of grain ; lamentation for rain 



328 J. D. Prince, [1910. 

25 ........ (JF/r)-#J-?tt-#e(KIT) i-dib(LU) nu-a-3e er(A-SI) 



....... of Kirgilu; a lament for lack of grain; a lamen- 

tation for rain ..... 

Reverse. 

1 ........... i-di6(LU)-md we- a ....... 

.......... ray lament; the voice of ........ 

2 .............. 

3. u-siin-na a-se-ir er(A.-&I)-ra-ta ...... 

The gift of vegetation (in return for) penitential psalms 
and tears (she will grant?). 

4. damal-saqqad-mu er(A.-Sl)-xul ag-na me-(na) ....... 

my broad headdress (all sufficient protection), I(?) 
making sad lament, the voice ..... 

5. me-e dimmer En-lil tub(KU)-bi &g(A-AN) ide(ST) ^w(DTJ) 

a-ma lu ..... 

The decree of Bel is established; the rain goeth forward; 
my water . . . 

6. a eri-gul-a-mu ga se#(A-AN) ufe(I) gin(D\J) a-mu lu ...... 

Water for my city laid waste; plenteous rain goeth 

forward; my water .... 

7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu zi ....... 

For my house laid waste, for my city laid waste, life 
(hath been decreed?) 

8. su-ni-el-ta im-ta zur-zur er(A-SI) gig ni-ib- 

With her exalted hand in the rain-storm she establishes 
it; (in response to) troubled weeping ..... 

9. gaba-ni su-id) azag ga al gul-e er(A-&I)-gig ni-ib-bad(BJ&) 
Her breast is glorious (and) shining; the devastation (in 

response to) troubled weeping (she will remove?). 

10. iir-ni u-lad-tir-ra-ni sag(?) er(A-SI)-gig ni-ib- .... 
Her step (tread) the seed of her vegetation graciously (?) 

(in return for) troubled weeping (will cause to be?). 

11. utuga-a e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi mw^(GIS) ba-an-tuk-a-ta 
When on the day of plenty, with her many streams (?) 

she giveth ear, 

12. en rftttnw(TUR) dimmer Nin-M-gal-la-ge(KIT) nin-a-i 

^i't(KU) mu-un-na-ni-me-en 

the lord, the son of the goddess Allatu (Ninkigal), unl 
his lady is inclined. 



Vol. xxx.j .1 Hi/mn to tlie Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 329 

13. azag-zu-mu nint/a-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu kur-ta nam-ta-e 

(UD-DU) ' 

My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with fulness, the 
goddess Girgilu over the land cometh forth. 

14. er(A>-&I)-lib(m)-ma dimmer Nin-Kir-gi-lu 

A penitential psalm to the goddess, the lady Kirgilu. 

15. sal-zi-du i-dib(L\J) ya-man-ku-tin mulu nam-mu-un-zi 
Faithful lady, may (her) word give life; she is the one 

who endoweth with life! 

16. du(UIj)-e pa-pa-al-la ga-man-ku-tin 

The growth of the bud may she endow with life! 

17. du(\JL)-e ki-azag-mu ga-man-kn-tin 

The growth of my pure place may she endow with life! 

18. kiazag ld-?-na ga-man-ku-tin 

The glorious place; the place of ... may she endow with 
life. 

19. /r/-a//(RAM?) me-e mar(?)-ra-mu ga-man-ku-tin 

The beloved one (the plaint which I make?) may she 
endow with life-giving effect! 

20. azag a-a-mu ba-til-la-ia 

The glorious one; when she giveth life to my father; 

21. za a-a-mu ba-til-la-ta 

The jewel; when she endoweth my father with life! 

Commentary. 

Obverse. 

1. du(UL) = Suklulu 'complete,' 9142. The original meaning 
of the sign seems to be 'advance, 7 as seen in Sitbti 'advance, 
cause to advance,' 9162. It also means naqapu 'gore,' said of 
a bull, 9144. For this root-idea 'push,' see MSL. 85, s. v. 



pa-pa-al-ta, with sufiix -fa; also 7, 8, 9. See 56315632: 
gi$(IZi) pa-pa-al geStin = dillatu and papallu ; loanword, papal 
may be for pal-pal, a fuller form of PA-PA 'staff, shoot of a 
plant.' Of. 5629: U PA-PA-PA = araru 'a sort of plant.' I 
render 'vegetation' here. 

er(A-SI), also rev. 3: 'weeping' (lit. 'water of the eye'); 
'lamentation' (see MSL. 104). 

'water of heaven' = 'rain.' See especially, MSL. 313. 



330 J. D. Prince, [1910. 

It is highly probable that this line is the heading of the 
inscription. Note the refrain-like recurrence of the words 
dn(l]ii)-e pa-pa-al in obv. 7, 8, 9. Obv. 25 is possibly another 
heading for the second part of the hymn given in the reverse. 

2. Azag-zu-mu. I render 'my (mu) glorious wisdom (azag 
= ellu, 9890 + zu = nimequ 'deep wisdom, 7 136). The con- 
ventional Semitic translation of this combination is emuqtu 
'deep wisdom;' cf. Reisner, Hymnen, plate 135, NO. III., col. 
iii., 3; a parallel passage. 

nin-ga-ta,', lit. 'lady endowed with breast' = 'plenteousness' 
(MSL., Ill: ga 'breast, milk, plenty 5 )- 

dimmer Kir-gi-lu, the name of the goddess. See also In- 
troduction for discussion. Kir-pe$ = 6933: mamlu 'fulness 7 
(MSL. 269). gi seems also to mean 'plenteousness' (MSL. 136). 
The name then appears to mean 'the lady who embraces 
(LU-DIB) copious plenty,' an epithet harmonizing admirably 
with her character as set forth in this hymn, where she is the 
giver of plenty-bringing showers. It is not certain whether 
the signs KIR-GI-LU should not be read Pe$-gi-lu, or even 
PeS-gi-dib, pe$ being the usual Sumerian value for KIR 
(MSL. 269). 

3. kur-sun-sun 'who irrigatest the earth.' sun = gul must 
denote irrigation here from the context, which demands a 
benevolent function of the goddess. With the value gid, 
however, it means 'inundation;' cf. rev. 6: gul = abdtu 'destroy 
by water.' 

mu-gig-ib = 1319: iUaritu ' goddess;' cf. also Reisner, Hymnen, 
pi. 135, III. col. iii, 5: mu-gig-an-na = il iStarit il A-nim 'the 
goddess of heaven.' mu-gig seems to mean 'heavy' or 'important 
name,' being a grandiloquent equivalent for the goddess Istar, 
whose name was all powerful. Note that gig = kibtu 'heaviness, 
trouble,' 9232. ib perhaps = baru 'be full,' as in obv. 9, q. v. 

4. nin-zi-mu 'my faithful lady;' zi = kenu 'faithful,' 2313, 
probably not 'lady of life 7 here, as nin-zi suggests nin-zi-da, 
the fuller form (see below on obv. 5). Reisner, Hymnen, 135, 
III, col. iii, 8: rubdtum kettum 'lady of faithfulness/ 

e nand 'the house of Nand' was probably e-an-na in Erech. 
Note the dative ~ra for the genitive -^e(KIT). 

5. dimmer w(UN)-wm. .Un, here with the new value w(ES) 
especially glossed in, = mdtu 'land,' 5914, or niSu 'people,' 5915. 
The usual EK value is kalama. The suffix ma here is, I think, 



1 



Vol. xxx.J .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 331 

the ES suffix md = EK -mu of the first person. See also 
rev. 1. Elsewhere in this hymn, the ordinary EK -mu of the 
first person is used, as obv. 24; rev. 6, etc., perhaps, however, 
applied purely ideographically and to be pronounced md, since- 
the hymn is unmistakably ES. 

I'de ma-alj lit. 'having eye 7 = 'perception' = mudu 'wise one, 7 
4011. On the val. awa, see MSL. 30. 

The sign UBUR with value ubur (5553) also -= ugan, 5552. 
The word u-bur seems to be a combination of the abstract 
u- + bur 'vessel,' MSL. 63, and probably means 'the vessel par 
excellence? hence 'breast, teat.' Note that the gloss here in- 
dicating the pronunciation is written u-bi-ur and not u-bu-ur 
as might be expected. This practically gives the consonantal 
value b to the syllable &f, an unusual phenomenon. 

:-i-da = kenu 'fixed, unfailing,' 2313. 

i. la-bar = suhkallu 'messenger,' 993. 

Hl-e must = siUtu 'mercy' here, 5932, although this meaning 
is not well established. The context certainly requires a bene- 
volent sense, lil seems to occur in an opposite sense in obv. 20; 

dimmer-sal-$ag] I render 'goddess of grace,' regarding sal as 
the abstract prefix (as in sal-xul = limuttu 'evil,' 10958) before 
Sag = dumqu 'grace,' 7292. 

7. ta(KTJ>o-fa 'when it is established;' lit.: 'when it dwells.' 
KC = aS&bu 'dwell,' 10523. 

9. dara(LB)-a-ta 'when it becometh full.' See MSL. 72. IB 
means 'be plenteous'; cf. DAR = tarru, 3471 and dara(IE) 
= isxu 'a swarm of fish,' 10483. Hence the rendering here. 

10. 7a-o#(RAM) = nardmu 'beloved,' 971. 

me-e = qulu 'voice, decree,' 10370 and 10374: parqu 'decree.' 
md-ar must be ES for gar = Sakdnu 'establish,' 11978. 
ba-an-ag 'makes, ordains;' ag == epe$u 'do, make,' 2778; also 

rev. 4. Here ba-an-ag may be construed participially 'maker 

of:' k heaven is the maker of it.' 

11. malu 'man,' 6398 + di = denu 'judgment,' 9525. 
ama-mu-ra 'to (-ra) my (-mu) mother' (ama; see on obv. 5). 
dug(KA.)-ga-na-ab] lit.: 'to him who (nab) speaketh (dug-ga 

= qilii, 531). 

me-e\ here with third personal suffix -na. 

t/aba = pafdru 'loosen, solve;' here = 'set forth,' 4488. 

14. Ses-Jfi-ra 'to Xannar,' the moon-god. Cf. CT. XV., pi. xvii, 
obv. 2 5, and see Vanderburgh, Sumer. Hymns, p, 45, for the term. 



332 J. D. Prince, [1910. 

mu$ (GrIS) -yi-ta 'with (ta) inclination' = mu$(G:lS)-gi. I 
assign the ES value mu$ to GrIS which seems to serve here 
as an abstract prefix to the root gi, which connotes the idea 
'bending.' The sense appears to require the idea 'prostration 
in worship.' 

15. a-a-mu-ra 'to my father;' a-a = abu, 11690. 

16. If the third sign is Sw&(RU), it seems to mean nadu, 
1434: 'fix, place' and qualifies me-na 'his command/ but I am 
inclined to read it as azag, owing to 2 a in line 17 and a 
similar parallelism between lines 18 and 19. 

wi*-?w-iw(KU) 'she established' (also obv. 7). KU, 10528 
= kanu 'fix, establish' (see MSL. 210, 211). 'In rev. 5, KV-bi 
must be read tub(K\3)-bi, with the same meaning. 

17. za; also obv. 19 = abnu 'stone' or 'jewel,' MSL. 359360. 
Of. Rev. 20. 

18. ba-ti 'she liveth' (MSL. 330). 

19. za-gin(KUR) 'jewel, shining object' (MSL. 362), usually 
with ideogram tak = abnu 'stone, 3 11773. Note that zagin is 
repeated in the second member here by the simple za 'jewel 7 
(see on obv. 17). 

20. lil-eS(A.E) da-mu\ a very difficult combination. The first 
sign may be 7z7(KIT) = Mru 'wind,' 5933; zaqiqu 'tempest,' 
5934. e(AB) means Mtu 'house,' Sb. 189, while da-mu may 
signify the goddess Ba-u, 6662, in spite of the absence of the 
god-sign AN. See above Introduction. 

z<2e(SI)-W2-M(KU) can only mean then 'before its very face;' 
viz., directly, without resort to subterfuge, she destroys the 
storm of the hostile house, or perhaps the storm which attacks 
^my house.' 

ba-gul; gul must = abdtu 'destroy', 8954 (cf. rev. 6, 7), here 
used in rhymed assonance with the clear xul of the following line. 

21. ba-xul', by paronomastic association xul = qullulu 'slight, 
treat lightly,' 9500; lamdnu 'treat evilly,' here associated with 
the preceding gul. 

22. ba-2)i-(el). Thus Dr. Lau, who cites 7977: ba-pi-el-la(l) 
= ite, 'cares for, seeks.' 

Line 23, although very mutilated, seems to imply a bene- 
volent sense; viz., that the goddess aids the father after destroy- 
ing the foes. 

24. i-dib(L1]), also obv. 25, rev. 1, = qubu 'lament,' 4040. 
Note also rev. 15. 




Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 333 

nu-a-Se must be the privative nu 'lack of 4- a-se 'irrigation of 
grain.' On the following words, see on obv. 1. This is perhaps 
a heading of the reverse part of the hymn. 

Reverse. 

1. i-dib(L1J)-md, with apparent ES suffix md of the first 
person. See on obv. 5. 

3. u-sun-na 'gift of vegetation.' The second sign here is 
clearly se, sum, but to bo read sun with the following -na 
complement, as Dr. Lau has suggested. The preformative u 
must mean 'plant,' 6027. The whole combination then means 
plant-giving.' 

a-$e-ir = tamxu 'penitential psalm,' 11574. This combination 
was probably identical with a-$i, obv. 1, which has the val. er. 

4. darned Saqqad-mu means literally: 'my broad headdress;' 
Saqqad = kubSu 'headdress,' 8864, MSL. 310. The meaning of 
the line is obscure. Possibly "headdress" means protection of 
the head, referring to the goddess as a protecting force. Cf. 
also PI. XXIV, line 10 of Ct. XV. 

5. The decree of En-lil = Bel, who is the god having 
authority over the storm (see Vanderburgh, Sum. Hymns, 
pi. 15, line 15). 

tiib(KU)-li 'it is established. See on obv. 1617. On Zeq 
(A-AN), see on obv. 1. 

ide(o!)-gin(DU) must mean that after the supplication to 
the goddess was made, the fructifying rain then went on. The 
allusion in the word a-mu at the beginning of the final muti- 
lated phrase is of the same character. 

6. eri-gul-a-mu seems to mean 'my city laid waste;' gul is 
the same sign as in obv. 20 = dbdtu 'destroy,' 8954. 

&#(A-AN), I render, 'plenteous rain,' regarding ga as 
standing in adjectival relation to e#(A-AN). 

7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu\ here the possessive -ma applies 
evidently to both the nouns e and eri. The sign zi must mean 
'life' (MSL. 363364), as the context demands a promise. 

8. su-ni-el-ta 'with her glorious hand;' $u 'hand' being the 
symbol of the goddess's power. 

im-ta 'in the rain-storm;' im = zunnu 'rain,' 8374. The 
goddess establishes the coming of plenty by the coming rain. 
zur-zur = kunnu 'establish,' 9087 (9071); note the gloss here 
r zu-ur. 

VOL XXX. Part IV. 24 



334 J. D. Prince, [1910. 

er(A.-Ql)-gig may commence a phrase meaning 'in reply to 
troubled weeping she will bestow rain or plenty.' Note that 
gig = margu 'troubled,' 9235. 

Then follows a verb with the prefix nib- as in the following 
line 9. 

9. su-ub = masaSu 'glitter, shine,' 203. 

I cannot render ga-al, as the line is very obscure. 

10. A difficult line. I regard the first sign as ur = kibsu 
'step,' 11891. Perhaps her step or tread calls forth vege- 
tation? 

u-kul-tir-ra-ni] a difficult combination. I am inclined to 
render: u, probably merely the abstract preformative here 
+ lml = zeru 'seed/ 1668 +tir = kistu '.plantation,' 7661. The 
sign rendered sag 'graciously' is very obscure in this text. 

11. utu, ga-a can only mean 'on the day of plenty,' = ga-a, 
as in rev. 6. e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi is very doubtful, as the sign I 
read gul might just as well be RAM. The sense seems to 
be that e = iku 'water-stream,' 5841 (MSL. 9293). If the 
second sign is gul-sun, this is the gul-sun 'inundation' as in 
obv. 3, read sun. The reduplication would then indicate the 
plenteousness of the fructifying waters. 

wu$ == ES for gis; ink must mean 'give ear' = Semu, 5727. 
The suffix -ta appended here makes the whole clause de- 
pendent, as in rev. 20 21. We have a precisely similar 
construction in Turkish dediklerinde 'when they said' (-de 
= 'when'). 

12. In connection with Nin-ki-gal = Allatu, the goddess of 
the lower world, note that she was regarded as a represen- 
tative of production as manifested in the earth. 

mu-un-na-ni-me-en\ lit.: 'he is (men) to her' = ni\ i. e., 'he 
is inclined towards her to do her will.' 

13. waw-ta-e(UD-DU) 'she cometh forth' (e = agu 'go forth'). 
The ft -prefix nam- is not necessarily negative. 

14. er(A-ST)-lib(m)-ma\ see Prince, JAOS. xxviii, 180. 
With this colophon the hymn proper ends. Then follow 

seven lines of what appears to be additional addresses to the 
goddess, possibly the work of another hand. 

15. sal-zi-du 'faithful lady;' zi-du for zi-da = kenu 'firm, 
faithful' occurs also IV, 28, 29 a. 

ga-man-ku-tin must mean 'may she (prec. ga-) endow it 



Vol. xxx.] .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lii. 335 

(-man-) with life (kn-thi)\ leu = 'establish' + tin = lalatu 
'life,' 9853. This is the refrain of the next three lines. 

wu-lu as subject here must mean 'she is the one who,' as 
mulu = rel. $a = 'who, the one who.' 

In nam-mu-un-zii we have again a ^."M-pivfix which is 
clearly not negative, as in line 13, rev. 

20. ba-til-la-ta, with suffix -ta = 'whea,' as in rev. 11. 

21. These lines close with an unfinished clause, indicating 
that they were probably jottings from a parallel hymn. 



24= 



The Parsi-Persian Burj-Ncnnali, or Book of Omens from 
the Moon. By Louis H. GKAY, Ph.D., German Valley, 

New Jersey. 

THE title of Burj-Namali, "Zodiacal Sign Book," is applied 
to a short Parsi-Persian poem "in 26 couplets, stating what 
the first appearance of the new moon portends in each sign 
of the zodiac" (West, in Grundriss der iranischen Pliilologie, 
ii. 128). It is contained on folio 64 of a most interesting 
collection of rivayats and other Parsi-Persian material (for a 
partial list see West, op, cit., pp. 123-128) preserved in a manu- 
script belonging to the University of Bombay (BIT 29). '-All 
the 26 couplets are written in double columns, and occupy 
three-quarters of folio 64 &" (letter of Darab Dastur Peshotan 
Sanjana, Bombay, June 29, 1909). The whole manuscript is 
officially entitled "Revayet-i Darab Hormazdyar Autograph of 
the compiler, written A. Y. 1048, A.D. 1679," and is bound in 
two volumes, the first containing folios 1-287, and the second 
folios 308-556. In view of the exceptionable value of the 
collection for students of Zoroastrianism, the following de- 
scription of the codex, most kindly sent me by Fardunji 
M. Dastur, Registrar of the University of Bombay (Feb. 3, 
1910), may well find permanent record here. "This Rivayat 
was obtained for the Bombay Government at Bharuch by Pro- 
fessor Martin Haug in January 1864, and was shortly after- 
wards bound in two volumes. Originally, it must have con- 
tained 556 folios, each 10 { /i inches high, 8 3 /4 inches wide, and 
all written 21 lines to the page; but 47 of these folios were 
lost before 1864, namely folios 35-43, 160, 161, 288-307, 428-441, 
535, and 540. The contents of folios 160, 161 were recovered, 
in 1893, from another MS. (W), formerly belonging to the 
Revd Dr. John Wilson of Bombay and now in the library of 
the Earl of Crawford at Wigan in Lancashire, which is des- 
cended from this MS. and was written in 1761-2 by Noshlrvvan 
Babram of Bharuch. W is also an imperfect MS., as 55 of 



Vol. xxx.] Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burf- Ndmah. 337 

its folios (corresponding with folios 65-107 of this MS.) have 
never been written; but all deficiencies of this MS. can be 
supplied from W, except the contents of fols. 535 and 540, 
which must have been lost before 1762. This MS., itself, is 
probably the original compilation of Darab Hormazdyar Framroz 
Kiyamu-d-dln (or Ka\v;unu-d-din) Kal-Kubad Harajiyar Pad am 
Sanjanah, and contains eleven colophons written in his name 
and varying in date from 20 April to 21 November, 1679, at 
which latter date the compilation was completed. His names 
and dates occur on 13 a 8-10, 30 a 11-15, 34 a (centre), 5n // 
(bottom), 78 a (bottom), 106 b (bottom), 108 a 5-6, 198 b 3-4, 
484 a 4-7, 518 b 5-8, and 550 a 16-18; the dates of which are 
six years earlier than that of Darab's supposed original Rivayat 
at Balsar mentioned in the Parsl Pralals, p. 16, n. 3. J Other 
copies of Darab's Rivayat exist in the Mulla Firuz Library, 
and in that of Dastur Dr. Jamasp Minochiharji, both in Bombay; 
and in some cases the arrangement of the contents varies, as 
appears from the catalogue of the Mulla Firuz Library (Bom- 
bay, 1873), pp. 172-178.2" 

In BIT 29 the Burj-Ndmah immediately follows the Mar- 
Nam ah, a similar list of omens to be drawn from the appear- 
ance of a snake on each of the days of the month. This Mar- 
Ndmah I have already considered at some length in a paper 
which will appear in the Hoshang Memorial Volume now in 
press at Bombay; and the present contribution may, accord- 
ingly, be regarded as a continuation and supplement of my 
study of the "Snake Book." 

The Burj-Ndmah goes back, as we have seen, to 1679, and 
it is probably of somewhat earlier date, for it is scarcely 
likely that Darab Hormazdyar, the compiler of the manuscript 
which has preserved it, was also its author. In my study of 
the Mdr-Ndmah I have suggested that the whole basal system 
of this sort of augural calendars may have been derived ul- 
timately from Babylonia. Perhaps the same suggestion may 
be made in the case of the Burj-Ndmah, though whether the 
" astrological forecasts for the various months, taken from ob- 



1 Two more references to the Parsl Prakas are given by "West (op. 
cit., p. 126), but the work is unfortunately inaccessible to me. 

2 This catalogue fails, however, to mention anything corresponding to 
the Burj-Ndmah. 



338 Louis H. Gray, [1910. 

servatious of the moon,'' listed by Bezold (Catalogue of the 
Kouyunjik Collection, K 5847, K 6468, 82-3-23 33 [pp. 745, 
789, 1816]), furnish any parallels is, of course, impossible to 
tell until these tablets shall have been edited. It is at least 
certain, from the description of Ahlwardt (Verzeiclinis der 
arabischen Handschriften der konigliclien Bibliotliek zu Berlin, 
v. 301-302), that the Berlin Arabic manuscripts 5904-5905 do 
not come under our category, despite their "Deutungen aus 
dem Stand des Blondes in den zwolf Tierkreis-Zeichen auf 
allerlei Ereignisse." 

The tone of the Burj-Ndmah is more specifically Zoroastrian 
than is the Mar-Namah. The form of the bismilldh is dis- 
tinctly Iranian (the article on the bismilldh by Goldziher in 
Basting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. 666-668, en- 
tirely ignores the Zoroastrian adaptation of this phrase, though 
referring to Arabo-Greek forms, current especially in Egypt, 
such as iv 6v6[j.aTL TOV Qtov TOV lAo^ovos (fciXavBpcoTrov for a particul- 
arly elaborate Zoroastrian bismilldh cf. that prefixed to all three 
versions of the Sikand-Gumamg Vijdr [ed. Hoshang and West, 
pp. 3, 181]), j>\> ^b^.^0 >^\ ? Lo. A specifically Parsi-Persian 
word is^Uu* 1 (v. 3), which is a faulty transcription of the Pahlavl 
/.u^ "making" (cf. Justi, Bundaliesli, p. 207, Spiegel, Ein- 

leitung in die traditionellen Scliriften der Par sen, ii. 385). When 
the new moon is seen in Capricornus, the Asdm voliu (Tasna 
xxvii. 14) is to be recited (verse 20; on this prayer as a 
QriSdmruta, or "prayer to be thrice repeated," cf. Vendlddd 
x. 8, Nirangistdn 35); and when the new moon is seen in 
Aquarius, the TaOd ahu vairyo (Yasna xxvii. 13) must be re- 
peated (verse 23; liturgically this prayer is a cadrusdmruta, 
or "prayer to be repeated four times" [Vendiddd x. 11, Ni- 
rangistdn 36]; for further literature see Mills, in Hastings, op. 
cit, i. 238-239, and JBAS., 1910, pp. 57-68). 

There is, however, one non-Zoroastrian trait in the Burj- 
Ndmah its matter-of-fact acceptance of the vice of paederasty 
(verses 10, 21, 23), against which both the Avesta and the 
Pahlavl texts polemise (cf. Vendiddd viii. 26-32, Ddtistdn-i 
Denik Ixxii. 6-7). It is true that this vice occurred among 
other Indo-Germanic peoples than the Greeks, from whom 
Herodotus (i. 135) states that the Persians learned if (cf. 
Schrader, Reallexilton der indogermanisclien Alter tumskunde, 



Vol. xxx.] The Parsl-Persian Burj-Nanaili. 339 

pp. 438-439); and the impossibility of making any people par- 
ticularly guilty for its introduction is shown, were such proof 
necessary, by its occurrence among the American Indians 
(Waitz, Anlhroimlwjie der Nalurvollter, iii. 113, 383; see also 
Post, Grundriss dcr ethnologischen .///>vy/rm/ ( <^, ii. 391-392 for 
legislation against it among American Indians, Semites, and 
Aryans). Despite the statement of Herodotus and the pro- 
hibitions of the Avesta, however, I am inclined to doubt whe- 
ther paederasty was wide-spread among the Persians until a 
much later period, which perhaps began with the Mohammedan 
invasion of Iran. That it was lamentably common among the 
Arabicised Persians is only too plain from' the TJiousand Nights 
and Out Sight (cf., for example, Payne's translation, ix. 69 sqq.). 
To some extent the practise formed part of the Babylonian cult 
(cf. the determined resistance to the DHShp in Deut.xxiii. 17-18, 
I Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46, II Kings xxiii. 7), and this may 
perhaps have lingered on (possibly furthering, if not even more 
powerful than, the maleficent influence of Greece), to be still 
more enhanced by the sensuality of the Arab invaders. But 
on the other hand, India seems free from this vice, even so 
minute a scholar as Schmidt recording nothing regarding it 
in his Beitrdge zur indischen ErotiJt. 

This absence of paederasty from India, combined with the 
repeated mention of it in the Burj-flamah, makes it probable 
that the poem was composed in Persia, not in India, and that, 
as already intimated, Darab Hormazdyar was merely its com- 
piler, not its author. How far previous to 1679 it was written 
is, of course, uncertain, but it may well be several centuries 
older, especially when it is remembered that the analogous 
Mar-Ndmah, contained in the same collection, occurs in prin- 
ciple in al-Blruni's Chronology of Ancient Nations (tr. Sachau, 
p. 218), written in 1000 A.D. 

For the text of the JBurj-Ndmah, here published and trans- 
lated for the first time, I am indebted to the courtesy of 
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, High Priest of the Parsis 
at Bombay, who, at my request, made the transcript for me 
from BU 29 in June, 1909. The text and its translation are 
as follows: 



340 Louis H. Gray, [1910. 



y 



y 

iU 
y ^ f 

*r^ /^ 

joj ^>-*^T j* y 

o ly O J^ uT^ ^.^^ ^^^ ^.j^ CU^Uw 8^sr? 10 
^-^ 3^ O^^; O b y L5 X ^ ^ ^oyi. ^ y 3^ 

y c?-^ 

^ 

^=r 

sr? 15 



b\ ^ a,> 

L> 

r? \ 20 



y ^s^' ^ y Jo y 

y ^;>^ ^f>* o-^^* 

i sLo y 



In the name of God, Compassionate, Omnipotent! 
(1) By the grace of the Lord I shall tell, so far as poss- 
ible, what the days bring according to each new moon. 



1 MS. UA*. 2 Dastur Darab's transcript has 






Vol. xxx.] The Parsi-Persian Burf-Namdh. 341 

(2) When thou seest the new moon from the sign of Aries, 
at that instant gaze on the fire; 

(3) If in that moon thy affairs should be better, consider 
(that to be) from the making of a grain-jar. 1 

(4) Also from Taurus (when the new moon appears), gaze 
(and) look on a cow if this month is to be better for thee. 

(5) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Gemini, 
at that moment gaze on her shining; 

(6) Beware of mirage and look not on water if that month 
is to be most good for thee. 

(7) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Cancer, hark 
thou to tidings from the speech of this physician; 

(8) Then look to the gate of the soul, though for verdure 
(this sign) is good, Auvaran (?). 

(9) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Leo, 
gaze a while upon the sky; 

(10) Ask thy need of a pure king; look not, so far as pos- 
sible, on boy or woman, O famous one! 

(11) When in the sign of Virgo thou seest (the new moon), 
be wise from its meaning, harken to me thus: 

(12) Look not on women (and) make thy musician of smoke, 2 
unless thou wouldst make thyself particularly sorrowful; 

13) Recite thou praise of God with perfect sincerity if 
fortunate doings are to be in that new moon. 

(14) When in the sign of Libra thou seest the moon, gaze 
on a mirror and on armour smooth; 

(15) Ask thy need of the Creator of the world. Likewise 
of the sign of Scorpio I shall tell, so far as possible: 

(16) Look on Scorpio with a good gaze; young man, in 
tradition it is not blind and not deaf; 3 

(17) Look not on an abominable object, famous one, if 
with goodness that moon is to come to thee. 

(18) When the moon enters the sign of Sagittarius, look 
straightway on silver and gold; 

(19) Look not on the face of the sick then; be on thy guard 
that thou mayest be joyful. 



1 The meaning of this line, if I have rightly rendered it, is very un- 
clear to me. 

2 I.e. of nothing; in other words, "have no musician." 

3 The meaning of the allusion is unknown to me. 



342 Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burj-Namah. [1910. 

(20) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Capri- 
cornus, straightway recite the A$lm ahu (Asdm vohu) thrice; 

(21) Look not on the sick and likewise (not) on boys, else 
wilt thou be unhappy in that month. 

(22) When in Aquarius thou seest the new moon, recite the 
Ayta ahu vair (YaOa ahu vairyo), listen unto them; 

(23) Ask thy need of the mighty Creator; look not on boy 
or woman, famous one! 

(24) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Pisces, look 
straightway on gem and jewels; 

(25) Look and be happy then; be happy, and it will not 
be harm to thee. 

(26) Likewise is the snake now, Creator, if the king be 
guardian. 



Note on Some Usages of p. By J. M. CASANOWICZ, 
National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

IN a former article in this Journal l a number of passages 
from the Old Testament were quoted in which b is not a 
preposition but an emphatic particle, meaning 'verily'. Pro- 
fessor Haupt pointed out to me that this emphatic b can also 
be traced in some cases of pV, which is then not a compound 
of the preposition b and the adverb p, meaning 'thus', = 
'therefore', but of the emphatic b and the adjective p, meaning 
'verily thus', as, for instance, in Micah i, 14, or 'very well', 
as in Gen. iv, 15; xxx, 15; Jud. viii, 7; I S. xxviii, 2, while in 
some passages it is to be rendered by 'not so', 'but', 'yet' 
(= Arabic lalrin). 

In the following passages of the 176 in which p^ occurs 
the adopting of an emphatic, instead of a causal or argument- 
ative, meaning for it would seem to establish a better logical 
connection of the context, 
p^ 'verily'. 

l. Is. xxvi, 14. Diwm mgs p^ ic|; s bz D^KBI VJT bz D* 

fob 131 ^>3 12SH1, 'the dead will not live, the shades will not 
rise. Verily thou hast visited to destroy them and cause all 
memory of them to perish'. The difficulty of 'b here in its 
usual causative or argumentative meaning was perceived by 
Delitzsch (in loco) and in Brown-Driver-Briggs in their Hebrew 
and English Lexicon, p. 487 a , who explain it (as also in Is. 
Ixi, 7; Jer. ii, 33; v. 2; Job xxxiv, 25; xlii, 3) as 'inferring the 
cause from the effect, or developing what is logically involved 
in a statement'. But we would expect "Q instead of p7. But 
taking 'b in the emphatic meaning the second hemistich is an 
epexegatical climax of the first: They will not live, they will 
not rise: yea, or, to be sure, thou didst visit upon them a 
radical punishment. 

1 Vol. 16, Proceedings, pp. clxvi-clxxi. 



344 J. M. Casanowicz, [1910. 



2. Is. xxvii, 9. inKton npn -HB to nn npr py iw 1 ; HSD p^ 

'151, vv. 7 and 8 read: 'Has he smitten it as he smote the 
smiter? Or was it slain as its slayers were slain? By aff- 
righting it, by sending it away dost thou contend with it; he 
drove it away with his rough blast in the dry of the east wind'. 
V. 9 then goes on to say: 'Verily by this i. e., only in this 
way will the sin of Jacob be expiated and this will be the 
fruit of removing his sin', &c. So also Gratz, Monatsschr. 
fur Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Jdth. 1886, 21, 'wahrlich'. How- 
ever, the connection of v. 9 with the preceding and succeeding 
passages is rather loose, and it is possibly out of place here. 

3. Is. ixi, 7. an 5 ? rvnn nbiy nn&fe un* njtfp D2n*o p^>. If 

the reading of v. 6 in the MT. is correct, viz, 'For your 
shame ye will have double, and for confusion they (or, you) 
will rejoice over their (your) portion', 'b introduces an em- 
phatic parallelism: 'Yea, in their own land will they possess 
double and their joy will be everlasting'. See, however, the 
emendations of v. 6 by Oort (quoted in the critical notes to 
Kautzsch's translation) and Cheyne, SBOT, Isaiah, Hebr. edition, 
pp. 66 and 161. 

4. Jer. v, 2. Ijntf 11 Ipts6 p^> TO^ ni!T ^H DN1, 'and though 
they say, As Jhvh lives, surely they swear falsely 7 . So the 
ARVV. This makes unnecessary the adoption of an advers- 
ative meaning for 'b here. Duhm (in Marti's Kurz. Hdk.) 
would change the 'sinnlose' pb, after viii, 6, into p^ orp fc6 
and strike "Ipti6. But for swearing falsely yst?} is always 
combined with IptP or K1$. In taking an oath it is not prim- 
arily a question of right or wrong, but of true or false. 

5. Micah i, 14. ro nBhID by DTJI^ ^nn p 5 ?, 'thus thou 
must indeed give a parting gift to Moresheth Gath'. So Haupt. 

6. Zach. xi, 7. ]K3n "J}$ ]lb ]&* n HV11, 'so I fed the 
flock of slaughter, verily the poor of the flock'. So the RV. 

LXX, ets TTJV Xavaavtrtj/ == '2JH ^i^?^- 

7. Job xxxiv, 25. 1K3T1 fib*b ^DHI DnnngJS T3! p 5 ?, v. 24 
reads: 'He breaks the mighty without an inquiry and sets 
others in their place', 'b introduces not the cause, but the 
reason of 'without inquiry': 'Verily he knows their works 
(sc., without inquiry), and so he overturns them in the night 
so that they are crushed'. So Vulg.: novit enim opera eorum; 

LXX: o yvw/DtCwy avr&v ra e/>ya, omitting 'b. 

8. Job xlii, 3. ps *Ai Tnun p^ njn *b* nsg 0^50 nt v 






Vol. xxx.j Note on Some Usages oj }3b. 345 



fc6l "OIOO rflN^W, 'who is this that hides counsel without 
knowledge; thus indeed I have uttered that which I under- 
stood not, things too wonderful for me, which I knew not. 7 
Kamphausen (in Bunsen's Bibelwerk), 'nay' ("ja"); Budde '(in 
Nowack's Hdk.) strikes 3 a to avoid the difficulty of the 'b, 
while Duhm considers it a marginal gloss. LXX: TI? 8 dv- 

ayycAet //06 = "b Tr ^ S D. 

p^, 'very well', 'all right'. 

9. Gen. xxx, 15. n DJ nnp^ & ns ^nnp &j>n r6 ION 
TO wn nnn nWn TJDJ; 33^ p^ ^m im < 'wn, 'and 

she (Leah) said unto her, Is it not enough that thou hast 
taken away my husband, that thou also takest away my son's 
love apples? And Rachel said, Very well, he shall lie with 
thee to night for thy son's love apples. LXX: o\>x 

while Vulg. omits b. 

10. Jud. xiii, 7. 'TO JttO^SI rQT n m.T nr>l p^ )1p 

n^girn ni iinpn ^ip n DDi^n n ^11, v. 6 reads, 'And 

the princes of Succoth said, Are the hands (properly, palms) 
of Zebah and Zalmunna in thy hands, that we should give 
bread to thy hosts?' And Gideon said, Very well, when Jhvh 
will have given Zebah and Zalmunna into my hand I shall 
thresh your flesh with thorns of the wilderness and with briars.' 
So also Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Nun gut'. 

11. IS. xxviii, 2. ?pny nfejp *WK n jnn nn p^ "in *ID^, 

v. l lj 'and Achish said unto David, know thou assuredly that 
thou wilt go with me into the campaign, thou and thy men?' 
'And David said unto Achish, Very well, thou wilt learn what 
thy servant will do.' Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Gut nun'. LXX: 
oirw vvv 71/0077; Vulg.: nunc etiam (nny for nnN). The meaning 
of 'verily' or 'surely' (so AV.) for 'b would also be proper here. 
pX 'not so', 'but', 'yet'. 

12. Gen. iv, 15. Dp; D^njntf pp nn *7D niiT b IfcfcOl, v. 14 \ 
'and I will be a fugitive and .wanderer on the earth, and it 
will come to pass that whosoever finds me will slay me.' 'And 
Jhvh said to him, Not so, whosoever slays Cain vengeance will 
be taken on him sevenfold.' LXX: ovx ovrws; Vulg.: nequarn- 
quam. Tuch, 'dennoch', 'aber doch'. 

13. Jud. xi, 24. *p^ viw nny p^ nns^ b* nj;^ ^jpt no^, 
v. 7, 'and Jephthah said unto the elders of Gilead, Did not 
you hate me and drive me out of my father's house, and why 
have you come now when you are in distress?' 'And the 



346 J. M. Casanowicz, Note on Some Usages of pi. [1910. 

elders of Gilead said unto Jephthah, But now we have turned 
again to thee.' Kautzsch: 'Ja'. Still, the argumentative meaning 
of 'i would here also be in place: 'therefore', i. e. t either 
because we want to make good the wrong done to you by us 
(Nowack), or because we are now in distress (Konig, Histor.- 
Compar. Syntax der Hebr. Spr. 373 p.). 

14. Is. x, 24. n^ I&B KTH i nins nviiK ^T IDS HD pi 

'U1 TIPKB ]VS, v. 23 'for a strict decree of destruction will the 
Lord God Sabaoth execute upon all the land'. 'Yet, thus 
says the Lord God Sabaoth, Fear not my people who dwell 
in Zion because of Asshur, etc.' 

15. Is. xxx, 18. TiiK -o DSDrni on; pii DD}}ni mm nan 1 ; pii 

'131 mrp DSfc^D, v. 17, 'thousand at the war-cry of one, and the 
war cry of five shall ye flee, till you are left like a pole on 
the top of a mountain and like a signal on a hill.' 'And yet, 
Jhvh waits to be gracious to you, and yet, he rises to show 
mercy to you, for a God of right is Jhvh,' etc. 

16. Jer. xxx, 16. 13^ ^Bb DiD Ipnx im li^ ^iDK is p 5 ?, 
v. 15 b , 'thy pain is incurable on account of the multitude of 
thy iniquities; because thy sins were multiplied have I done 
these things to thee.' 'But all they that devoured thee will 
be devoured, and all thy adversaries will everyone of them 
go into captivity.' 

17. Hos. ii, 16. Turn won rprotoi rpns ^: mn pi 

TQ^ i^? v - 15 b , ian( i she went after her lovers and forgot me.' 
'But behold, I will prevail on her, and will lead her into the 
wilderness and speak to her heart.' 

In Ezekiel, with his tendency to lengthy, discursive argu- 
ments, the function of pi seems sometimes to be to sum up 
and clinch as it were such an argument 1 ; so perhaps xviii, 30; 
xx, 30; xxiv, 6; xxxi, 10; xxxvi, 22; xxxix, 25. 

i Similar to h&, cf. vol. 16, p. clxvii f. 






ERRATA. 

In vol. 30, p. 359, line 14, read "refuge" for "refuse"; p. 365, 
foot-note 1, line 4, read "Vasistha" for "Vaslstha"; p. 371, 
note 1, line 2, read "dvlpas" for "dvipas"; p. 372, line 29, read 
In-side" for "besides"; and p. 372, line 33, read "Symplegades" 
for "simple edges". 



ie Punjab. 8. 44. 31, on which, as on the ami and Inguda 
(nuts), it is said that camels are fattened, 2. 51.4; though the 
i^ a holy tree, being the birth-place of Agni, 13. 85. 44, 
Mii'l use itself contributes to holiness. Thus the "great tree 
at whose foot the king sits" is described as punyadhara,' or 
"bestowing good" in a religious sense, 3. 24. 24. l 

N ' . says it is a Kadamba-tree. It is described as latdvatanctvanatafy (bent 
under its canopy of creepers), a phrase perhaps borrowed from R. 5. 16. 28. 



348 E.Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

Of tabu-trees there are a number. * Thus only sinners make 
a free use of Palasa (bulea frondosa] and Tinduka wood for 
seats and tooth-picks, respectively, obviously because they are 
sacro-sanct, 7. 73. 38. The last mentioned tree it utilized (as 
are others) to point a moral. It is productive of a short 
fierce blaze and a sluggish coward is exhorted to imitate this: 
"Better to blaze for a moment than smoulder long" (aldtam 
tindukasyeva muhurtatn api hi jvala) 5. 133. 14 f. Similarly, 
the Salmali-tree is an image of mortals' (inconstant) thoughts, 
"tossed by the movement of the wind like the seed of the 
Salmali", 5. 75. 19, etc. The Sala is opposed to the creeper 
as strength to weakness, 5. 37. 63 (said of the heroes and their 
foes), and the same image gives the epic equivalent of noblesse 
oblige: "As the Syandana-tree, though slight in size, is able 
to endure much, so a noble family sustains a weight not to 
be borne by inferior people," 5. 36. 36; with another image 
following a few verses later: "Even a great tree cannot with- 
stand a great wind, while many by being united together (in 
a grove) endure the hurricane," ib. 62 (sigliratamdn vdtdn 
saliante 'nyonyasamsraydt}. Compare 12. 154. 4f. 

But of ordinary (not supernatural) trees, some are distinctly 
"revered." The most general case is the "one tree in a vill- 
age", because it is not specified of what sort it is. Standing 
alone it affords shade and a resting-place and for this reason 
it is a cditya arcanlt/ah and supiijitah, that is, "revered and 
honored" (like a divinity; grdmadruma, 1. 151. 33). The cditya- 
vrhsa is "thus an image of the grandeur of Garutmat, the 
heavenly bird, 2. 24. 23. Yet only one such tree is noticed 
in the texts, the famous Aksaya-vata of Gaya. 2 Trees suit- 



1 The names of a number of trees whose fruit must not be eaten are 
given in 13. 104. 92. Their use as food is tabu, pratisiddhdnna. These 
are the pippala or ficus religiosa, the vata or ficus indica, the sana-ti'QQ 
(cannabis sativa), the sdka or tectona grandis, and the udumbara or ficus 
glomerata. A list of unguent-making trees is given just before, priyangu, 
sandal, bttva, tagara, kesara, etc., 13. 104. 88. In 13. 98. 39 are mentioned 
woods to make dhupa (incense). The Sami, pippala, and pdldsa are especi- 
ally spoken of as samidhas, wood for making sacrificial fire, and are 
mentioned along with the udumbara, 12. 40. 11. In 13. 14. 58, ascetics 
live on the fruit of the Asvattha, though this is a tabu-tree (= Pippala). 
It represents the male element in the production of fire, versus the Saml. 

2 This is mentioned several times, yet not as a tree in itself undying, 
but as conferring deathlessness, dkf&yakarana, or as making endless the 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 349 

able for an asylum of Saints arc enumerated in 13. 14. 
46 f. 1 All cditya trees are homes of spirits. 12. 69. 41f. 

It is to be noticed that the tree called Bhandlra, the holy 
Nyagrodha of Vrndavana. is mentioned in the early epic only 
in the South Indian recension, at 2. 53. 8 f. The famous Kha- 
dira is known as a tree used for staking moats, 3. 284. 3. 

The ficus religiosa, Pippala or Asvattha-tree (the sun is called 
the axvaUJut, i. e. life-tree) is the chief of all trees, 6. 34. 26, 
and typifies, with its roots above and its branches below, the 
tree of life, rooted in God (above), 6. 39. 1 f. He who dai'y 
honors this tree worships God (Visnu is identified with nyag- 
rodha-udumbara-asvattha, 13. 149. 101), 13. 126. 5 (it is as 
holy as a cow or rocand, ib.). The four Vedas are "word- 
branched Pippal trees", 7. 201. 76. 

On the other hand, the Vibhitaka-tree stands in disrepute 
-as an unholy tree (see 3. 66. 41, entered by Kali); while, in 
general, "from one and the same tree are produced evil and 
good" (only SI. 5. 33. 22, ekasmdd vdi jay ate l sac ca sac ca). 
This refers to implements etc. made of the tree, for harmful 
or for religious purposes. The sin of Indra, divided among 
trees, rivers, mountains, earth, and women, 5. 13. 19, etc., seems 
to have had no effect upon the holiness of trees in general. 
The "tree of good" and "tree of evil" are metaphors. The 
hero of the epic is a "great tree of virtue," whose trunk and 
branches are his brothers, though as with the Asvattha (above) 
the roots are here divine (brahma] but also the Brahmanas). 
He is thus opposed to the "tree of evil," the foe, as the 6ala 
to the vine, 5. 29. 53 and 56.2 Cf. Mmadruma, 12. 255. 1. 

Magical trees are for the most part supernatural, either 

offering there given to the Manes. It maiks the place where the Asura 
Gaya fell, or his sacrifice; 3. F4. 83: 87. 11; 95. 14; 7. 66. 20; 13. 88. 14 
(proverb); R. 2. 107. 13; my Great Epic, 83, n. -2. 

1 dhava-/;akubha-kadamba-ndrikeldih kurabakaketaka-jambu-pataldbhih 
vafa-varunaka-vatsandbha bilvdih sarala-T\,apittha prii/dla-sdla- tnldih 

(47) ladarl-kunda-punnagair asokd-mrd'-tinntktakn l(< 
madhiikaih Uovidartis ca campakaih panasdis tathn 

(48) vani/air bahuvidhdir vrks<~<ih phalapuspapradair yutam 

. . . kadatisandasolhitam (ksetram tapasdm . devagandharvasevitam). 

2 In this place occurs also the common figure of the wood and the 
tiger, which mutually protect each other, 5. 29. 54 f.; also ib. 37. 46; and 
of the lion, ib. 37. 64. The "wood- dwellers", it may be remarked, are, un- 
less qualified as saints, hermits, etc., simply "robbers" 7. 55. 5, etc. 

VOL. XXX. Part IV. Q5 



350 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

belonging to unearthly places or to prehistoric times, though 
of course plants that instantly heal wounds are in the hands 
of the wiseacres. Compare for example, 6. 81. 10: "Thus 
speaking he gave to him a fine wound- curing strength-endow-' 
ing plant and he became free of his wounds." The Slesmataka 
(fruit) stupifies: slesmdtakl Imnavarcali srnosi (you fail to under- 
stand), the commentator says that to eat the leaf or fruit 
dulls the intellect, 3. 134. 28. But medicinal plants belong 
especially to the mountain of plants (whence aid was brought 
to the brother of Rama) Gandhamadana (below), and the epic 
gives a special list of trees that grow on this favored mountain 
in the Himalayas, 3. 158. 43 f. (saptapatra, etc.). In this realm 
of plants and vines, mythology is almost absent and even philo- 
sophy scarcely more than affirms that plants are sentient, but 
"they know not where their leaves are," 12. 251. 8. 

There is an implicit denial of any active belief in the action 
of Karma ever resulting in a man being reborn as a vegetable; 
the worst he has to fear being re-birth as an insect, a 
demon, or a low savage. But vines and insects serve the 
poet better than the metaphysician and here the vines are 
Love's arrows and ear-rings, and the bees are like Love's arrows 
(tilakaits tildkdn iva, trees were the tilaka, forehead marks, etc.) 
3. 158. 66 f. 

That trees were sentient beings is philosophically proved in 
12. 184. ]0f.; but the tales of the earlier period assume 
this. Thus in the account of Bhaglratha, the text of the South 
Indian recension says: "The trees, turning toward him with 
their faces, stood bowed down, wishing to go after their lord", 
SI. 7. 16. 14. 1 It is true that in 3. 230. 35, the "mother" of 
the trees is kind and gives boons and is compassionate, so 
that those who wish sons revere her in a Karanja-tree, where 
she has her abode, while under a Kadamba-tree is worshipped 
Lohitayam, 3. 230. 41, the daughter of the Red Sea, and nurse of 
Skanda; and there can be no doubt that these goddesses are 
dryads, not so much divine trees as spirits in trees. They are 
vegetal divinities, but, like many other divinities of like nature, 
they are savage and eat human flesh and are compassionate only 
when appeased by offerings. The name given to them (only here!) 

i B. has "the trees here going after him, the lord, king (raja, sic) 
wish to arrive there where the two space- devourers Makha-Mukhau went." 
In 12. 269. 24 f., trees desire and attain heaven. 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 

is Vrksikas, dryads, and they are described as "goddesses born 
in trees who must be worshipped by those desiring children." * 

Nevertheless, this Buddhistic attitude is off-set by a few 
passages, such as that already cited, in which not spirits in 
trees but the trees themselves act, think, speak, etc., un- 
doubtedly a more primitive thought than that of a spirit in 
the tree. Thus in the age of Prthu Vainya, "when people 
lived in caves and trees," not only were all the trees good, 
so that clothes pleasant to touch and wear could be made 
of their bark, 7. 69. 5 and 7 (vrksah in SI.), but the trees 
personified came to Prthu Vainya and begged a boon of him, 
wherupon he commanded earth to milk out their wish, and 
the trees rose first to milk earth, so that the Sala became the 
calf, the Plaksa-tree the milker, and the Udumbara the vessel, 
7. 69. 10 f. Or, if this seems too mystic to be primitive, one 
could appeal to the tree-marriage. In 3. 115. 35 f. (cf. 13. 4. 
27 f.), two wives want children and embrace trees, one a Pippala 
and the other a fig (Asvattha and Udumbara), at the proper 
time, and also (it must be said) take medicine. The trees, 
however, are exchanged, so that the woman who should have 
'jail a warrior son from the heroic tree bore a priestly son, 
and the priest's daughter, who wanted a saintly son, got a 
fighter ; through embracing the Asvattha instead of the Udumbara. 

The "trees of gold", which one sees with disastrous results 
in a dream, seem to be connected with the idea expressed at 
5. 46. 9 in the words "the tree of ignorance has golden leaves". 
As it is elsewhere expressed "Him whom the gods wish to 
destroy they make mad; (so that) he sees things upside down," 
and "he who is to die sees things inverted; he sees golden 
trees," that is, to see trees of gold is to share in the more 
general delusion of seeing things inverted or turned about, the 
sign of madness precedent to death. - 

More particularly, to see golden trees in a cemetery presages 
death. In 3. 119. 12, "On committing this crime he saw golden 

i 3. 231. 16 (vrksesu jdtdh; hence vrksikafy with SI. better than the 
vrddhikc ndma ndmatah of B.). ."Tree-girded Siva," 7. 202. 35, is in SI. 
still more emphatically "the tree" (epithet of Siva), SI. 7. 203. 32. 

- A parallel maranacihna occurs in R. B. 3. 59. 16: "He that is about 
to die smells not the expiring lamp, hears not a friend's word, sees not 
Arundhatl" (a star). Cf. AJP. 20. 23, and add R. 2. 106. 13; 3. 30. 15; 
Ml.h. 12. 322. 44. -House-grown" trees are forbidden, 13. 127. 15. 

25* 



352 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

trees in full bloom on the earth of the Pitr- world (cemetery)", 
cdmiharabhdn ksitijdn . .pitrlohaWiumdu. But the addition of 
the significant cemetery is not necessary. In 6. 98. 17, mu- 
mursur hi narah sarvdn vrhscm pasyati Itancanan, "he that is 
about to die sees all trees golden" (the moral: so thou wilt 
die because thou seest things wrong, viparitani). 

The later epic lays a good deal of stress upon tree-worship, 
doubtless reviving old practices as well as bringing in new 
ideas. Not only is Siva identified with the bdkula, the sandal- 
wood tree, and the chada-tree, 13. 17. 110 (the last is the 
saptapatra, N,), and with the world-tree (ib. lS r .), and especial 
efficacy attributed to the grov*e of Deodars, ib. 25. 27 (from 
the wood of this tree the sacrificial posts are made, according 
to epic tradition); but the mere planting of trees is extolled 
as a meritorious act calculated to insure the planter "fame 
on earth and rewards in heaven," ib. 58. 24, since such plant- 
ing "saves one's ancestors" and "gods, saints, and demigods 
have their resort in trees," ib. 26 and 29. On the other hand, 
one who cuts down the lords of the forest on the day of the 
new moon is guilty of Brahman-murder, 13. 127. 3. One should 
offer a lamp to a karanjaka tree, holding in his hand the 
root of the suvarcala, the latter being both the name of a 
plant and of the Sun's wife, if he desires offspring, ib. 123. 8. 

Besides other wonderful trees there are five trees of Para- 
dise which the epic writers regard as capable of being trans- 
planted to earth. Thus the heavenly tree called Parijata was 
seized by Krsna and carried off by him in defiance of Indra, 
whose defence was useless, 5. 130. 49. In Har. 7168f., this 
tree is identified with another heavenly tree, the Mandfira; 
but in 7. 80. 30 the latter appears to be an independent tree 
on Mount Mandara. The Nairrtas in the north country guard 
the Saugandhika-vana (cf. pundarlkavandni, 7. 97. 7) in the 
same way as the gods guard their sacred trees in heaven, and 
the trees there are called santdnakds (nag as) or immortal 
trees, distinct from the remarkable Kadali- trees which also 
grow on the grassy places of the favored region, 5. 111. 12 f. 
Bloody bodies in battle are likened to Parijata- vanani in 7, 
187. 34 (red); but the heavenly trees are not described in 
detail. Even the earthly banyan is figured only by allusion 
and implication, though it is probably the model of the "hundred- 
branch tree" to which Drupada is likened because of his 






Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 

numerous descendants, 5. 151. 14. But magical trees are not 
confined to heaven. In the land of demon-, Daityas. in the 
town called Hiranyapnra, there are also "trees that b ear fruit 
and flowers at will and go at will," 5. 100. 15. Many even 
of the sacred asylums on earth have trees which grant v i 
Thus in the Alaniba-tirtha the trees grant wishes, 1. ^9. 40, 
and other trees there have branches of gold, silver, and beryl; 
one of the banyans being the resort of the little Valakhilya 
saints, who hang from the branches head down, 1. 30. 2. (-)n 
the Utsava hill there are also Kalpavrksas (wish-granting 
>i, 1. 219. 3, though this is an artificial creation. Just as 
Indra. has a TtalpalatiM, or magic vine granting every wish, 
so the AwTpa-tree grants wishes. This is so well known (though 
rarely referred to) as to introduce a simile in 3. 281. 5: "though 
adorned with care he seemed less like a (beautiful) fcaZpa-tree 
than like a criitf/i.i-lrQQ in a cemetery," na kalpavrksa sadrso.. 
;"(>lru,nitv(it. Of. 8. 94. 44, and the kapparukkho. 

The trees of earthly districts almost merge with those of 
heaven, as one climbs the mountains to the upper world ; but 
in those divisions of earth known as Dvlpas are to be found 
similar trees, and where it is etymologically possible the local 
tree is adored by the inhabitants. Thus in Saka-dvipa the 
.a, tree is worshipped, 6. 11. 28. 

Of the divine trees three or four are specially prominent. 
The grove of Kadali-trees seen by Bhima on Mt. G-andhama- 
dana is leagues in extent and the grove is "golden" and di- 
vine. It lies on the way to heaven, a narrow path, on which 
the hero is stopped by Hanumat, to prevent his being cursed. 
But he discovers that this golden grove of plantains, pisang 
. kadallsanda, conceals the further end of the "road to 
the world of the gods", devalolmsya margah, 3. 146. 51, 58, 
13. Seven trees are "kings," 14.43.3. 

East of Meru, 6. 7. 14 f., in Bhadrasva-dvipa, there is a 

great mango-tree which always bears fruit and flowers and is 

a league high. It is frequented by Siddhas and Caranas and 

its juice gives immortal youth, ib. 18 (the Kalfimra-tree). The 

e of the Dvipa Jambu, is derived from the Jambuvrksa, 

ed "south of Xila and north of Nisadha" (mountains), 

called Sudarsana. an eternal tree which grants all desires and 

is frequented by Siddhas, etc. It is one thousand and one 

hundred leagues in height and touches the sky; its fruit being 



354 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910. 

measured by fifteen and ten hundred cubits (2500 aratni). Its 
juice makes a river -which flows around Meru to the Northern 
Kurus. The red gold used for gods' ornaments, like indrago- 
pas in color, comes from it and is hence called jdmbiinada 
(red gold), 6. 7. 20-26. 

As the juice of this tree makes a river, so the Ganges itself, 
which among the gods is called Alakananda (Alaka is Kubera's 
city, and Alaka designates an inhabitant thereof, 3. 162. 13) 
has its source at the great jujube-tree which grows on Mount 
Kailasa, mahanadl ladarlprabkava, revered by gods and seers 
as well as by the aerial Saints called Vaihayasas, and by 
Valakhilyas, and Gandharvas, 3. 142. 4 f. The tree grows be- 
side the Ganges, according to 3. 145. 51 and is reached only 
by a long journey through many districts of northern Mlecchas 
and hills inhabited by Vidyadharas, Yanaras, Kinnaras, Kim- 
purusas, Gandharvas, and Caranas (so SI. 3. 145. 16), till one 
gets to the asylum of Nara-Narayana, which is full of "heavenly 
trees," i. e. "always bearing fruit and flowers/' on Mt. Kailasa. 
The Badari-tree is huge, with a thick trunk and its boughs 
afford constant shade. It is of incomparable beauty and its 
fruits are sweet as honey. The rest of the description is the 
usual picture of heaven. There are no mosquitoes or gnats; 
the grass is blue (ntia) and soft as snow. The "songs of glad 
birds" resound. There is an absence of thorns, darkness, sor- 
row, hunger, thirst, cold, heat; but the place is full of sacri- 
ficial glory and holy beauty, brdhmyd laksml, though it had 
no light from the sun. The badarl is the most important of 
the many "divine trees" found there, ib. 27 f. As Saka-dvlpa 
has its tree of wonders worshipped by the inhabitants, 6. 11. 
27; so Salmalika-dvlpa has a Salmali-tree, 6. 12. 6. This 
tree also is worshipped, just as Mt. Kraunca in worshipped in 
Krauiica-dvlpa, ib. 7. 

These last passages already reveal the close connection 
between the trees divine and the mountain heights, and more 
particularly show that the idea not only of a divine tree but 
of a divine grove was as familiar to the Hindu as to the 
Assyrian, German, or Roman. Such a grove, called vanant 
divyam, or devaranyani (plural, 5. 14. 6; 186. 27), devodydna, 
upavana, vandnta, banana, drama, nandana, etc., is not only 
sacred to the gods but is where the gods themselves perform 
religious rites. In 3. 118. 9f., Yudhisthira journeys from Sur- 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 355 

paraka past a place by the sea and arrives at the sacred 
grove where the gods practiced austerity. There he sees the 
ayatandni (templa) of Kcika's son and of the Vasus, troops 
of Maruts, Asvins, Vaivasvata (Yama), Aditya, the lord of 
wealth, Indra, Visnu, lord Savitar, Bhava, Candra, the day- 
maker, the lord of waters, the troop of Sadhyas, Dhatar, the 
Pitrs, Rudra with his troop, SarasvatI, the troop of Siddhas, 
"and whatever (other) immortals" (there are). 

2. Mountains. 

The shrines but not the gods are found in this lowland 
place. The gods dwell upon the " ownerless "j (13. 66. 36) 
mountains, the high places; and it is significant that it is net 
upon the Seven Hills of the more southern district but chiefly 
on the thousands of hills of the northern country that one 
finds the gods. i Bharata-land comprises the Seven Hills. 

It is said in 3. 39. 40 that "the assemby of gods, tridasdndm 
mmagamdh, is found on the best of mountains" (Himavat); 
and in 7. 54. 25, u The gods of old made sacrifice on the top 
of Himavat." When Nahusa, as king of the gods, devendra, 
sported in "all the parks and pleasure-groves" familiar to the 
divinities, he lived "in Kailasa, on the top of Himavat, on 
Mandara, the White Mountain, Sahya, Mahendra, and Malaya," 
as well as by seas and streams, 5. 11. llf. But when the 
Panclus go to seek the gods they travel to the northern dis- 
tricts to "divine Haimavata, holy, beloved of Gods," 3. 37. 39. 
It is in the northern mountains also that one finds the most 
famous shrines of the saints. The Agastya-vata (but also Mt. 
Kufijara), Vasistha's mountain, parvata, and the still more 
ronowned Bhrgu-tunga, are visited by Arjuna in the Hima- 

i The Seven Hills of TS. 6. 2. 4. 3 (where, 3. 4. 5. 1, Visnu and not 
iva is "overlord of the hills") remain in epic tradition as the seven Kula- 
parvatas, 6. 9. 11 (cf. the seven mountains in aka-dvipa, 6. 11. 13). They 
are perhaps the "seven doors of heaven", TB. 3. 12. 2. 9. They comprise 
the Orissa chain, Mahendra; the southern part of the western Ghat?, 
Malabar (Malaya); the northen part of the western Ghats, Sahya; Sukti- 
mat location in the east but doubtful); the Gondwana range called Bear- 
mountain, Rksavat; the (eastern) Vindhya; and the northern and western 
Vindhya, Pariyatra. In SI. (only) 4. 3. 36, Arjuna is called "the eighth 
mountain", implying the same ordinary number of mountain ranges. 
Among the Seven Hills, Mahendra is best known as a holy place, 1. 215. 
13; 3. 85. 16 f. (Rama-tlrtha). Twelve mountains are "kings," 14.43.4. 



356 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910. 

layas, 1. 215. 1 f. (with tunga cf. tanka, mountains-slope, only 
in the pseudo-epic). 

The mysterious element comes to the fore in the descript- . 
ion of one of the holy places in the hills: "Clouds arise with- 
out wind to bring them; stones fall; the wind is always blowing 
and ever rains the god (nityam devas ca varsati). One hears 
a sound as of reading but (the reader) is not seen. A fire 
burns there (of itself) both morn and eve. Flies and mos- 
quitoes interrupt devotion. Melancholy is born there and a 
man longs for his home", 3. 110. 3 f . l 

A religious explanation of these phenomena is essayed by 
the traveller's guide. The gods do not like to be seen and so 
they made this place, which is their resort, inaccessible- It 
is on Hemakuta (Esabhakuta). When the gods "gather at 
the river" (Nanda is its name), only a great saint may as- 
cend the mountain. For here the gods sacrifice. The grass 
is sacred (kusa) grass and the trees grow like sacrificial posts 
and are used as such by the gods. "Here with the saints 
live ever the gods and it is their sacred fire which burns morn 
and eve. On bathing here all sins are destroyed," ib. 15 and 
18. The weird sounds, however, have an historical explanation. 
The great saint Rsabha, who lived in this holy place, was 
once disturbed in his meditations by a party of tourists, which 
made him very angry and he gave orders to the mountain: 
"If any man speaks in this place, throw stones at him and 
raise a wind to stop his noise," ib. 9 f. Hence came the uni- 
versal rule that one should keep silence in the presence of 
holiness. "Sit thou down in silence" (tusmm Cissva), says Lo- 
masa, 3. 114. 16, "for this is the grove divine of Brahma" (the 
Self- existent). But mountains in general are holy and have 
a purifying effect, according to 12. 36. 7 and 264. 40. 2 

The myths of the mountains imply for the most part that 
they are living beings and of course divine. With other 
divinities the rivers, seas, and mountains approach and adore 
Siva, 13. 14. 399; or Indra, saying "hail to thee", 5. 17. 22. 

1 ib. 6 : nirvedo jayate tatra grlidni smarate janah. In the beginning 
of the description another reading is: "With the sound (of speech) clouds 
arise". For volcanic mountains, see 8. 81. 15. 

2 Among punydni are dharanibhrtas ("earth-holders"; the hills uphold 
earth) and bathing and visiting the places of the Gods, devasthanabhiga- 
mana, 12. 36. 7. Mountains assist at a sacrifice, ib. 321. 182. 



Vol. xxx.] Mytlioloyical Aspects, etc. 357 



So, conversely, a human ix-iu-j- is n-pivsj ntrd us revering Mt. 
Kaivata and all (other) divinities and as '-walking the dt-asil" 
around the mountain, 1. 220. 6. Compare 14. 59. 4f. and 
the adoration of mountains and trees, in 13. 166. 31 f. In 
another passage it is said that the local mountain i> i < \x-red 
by offerings of flowers and perfumes and cars (? supratitfkita), 
2. 21. 20, although here Caityaka, one of the five hills sur- 
rounding a town, is revered rather as a memorable place. 
There the minotaur, mai'usddn rxtthJm, which destroyed the in- 
habitants, was slain by Brhadratha, who (perhaps with the 
\\i'\[i of the propitious mountain) killed the monster and made 
three drums of its hide, ib. 16 f. Possibly the fact that the 
hills are represented as running red with metal, dhdtu, or 
chalk washed down in the rainy season may have helped in 
personifying the mountains as bleeding beings (with whom 
bleeding men and elephants are often compared), but 
this was not necessary in a land where everything was alive.- 
One hill in particular, said to be five (or) six thousand 
leagues in height, is called "garlanded/ 7 Malyavat, but it is 
garlanded with the samvariaha fire, and here reside those 
who have fallen from the world of Brahma. They precede 
Aruna and then enter the moon after 66000 years, 6. 7. 28. 
It runs off to east and west into little hills called (uniquely) 

'ikds (purvapurvdnugandikas and aparagamfikds, 6. 7. 28 f. 
The title of Himavat as "Guru of mountains," sailayura (rare 
and late), 9. 51. 34, of itself imparts personality to the mountain. 
So a mountain begets children upon a river, 1. 63. 35 f. Here 
the mountain, Kolahala, in expressly said to be "gifted with 
intelligence," cetandyuktah. His daughter was called Girika. 
Mountains speak, 12. 333. 30; as an echo, 334. 25. 

On the assumption that mountains are alive rests one of 
the oldest legends in regard to them. RV. 2. 12. 2, yah prthiviih 
rt/athamdnam adrnihal yah parvatdn prakupit&n aramndt 
("Indra made firm the shaking earth and brought to rest the 

ird mountains") is explained by the legend narrated in 
^I>. 1. 10. 13: tesCtm indrah paksdu acchinat tdir widi adnnliat 
cvlndra out off the wings of the mountains and made earth 
firm"). In the epic, "like the mountains with wings out off" 

1 Compare 7. 93. 36, adrtyanta \lrayah kale gdirikambusiavd iva (gai- 
, . 78. 28, etc.); dhatttn, 3. 158. 94 f.; 6. 93. 37, and often. N. takes 
, 13. 17. 118, as Meru (epithet of Siva). 



358 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

is a standing simile, e. g. 6. 93. 36. That the old legend is 
in mind is shown by the addition of the words "of old," as 
in 7. 26. 65, where an elephant is likened to "a winged moun- 
tain of old"; and ib. 37, a fight of elephants "resembles that 
of two mountains of old, winged and wooded." But at pre- 
sent it is "something unknown that hills should move," 7. 103. 6. 

Historically interesting is the fact that in times of distress 
(Kali, as reflecting history) the upper castes, when over-taxed, 
as an alternative to serving a Sudra king take refuge in 
mountain- caves, girigahvana, not (apparently) artificial but the 
common resort of tigers and other wild animals, 3. 190. 61; 
7. 107. 12 (of animals), as well as of Mlecchas, who in 7. 93. 
48 are described as habitually living in caves, girigahvana- 
vdsinali. They are here savages, like those of the north, Par- 
vatlyas, who fight with stones, an art unknown to the Kurus, 
7. 121. 33. In the history of Sunda and Upasunda it is said 
that "they sent to Yama's home even him who sought refuge 
in inaccessible places," samlmam api durgesu, 1. 210. 20. So, 
when afraid of the Kaleyas, "some retreated to caves;" kecid 
yuhdh pravivigur nirjhardM cd 'pare gritdh, 3. 102. 14. The 
kandaras (caves, a rare word in Mbh. but common in R.) are 
thus utilized by beasts and saints alike, guhdkandara (sauillnds), 
3. 100. 17; ib. 40. 28. In 2. 31. 17 the caves of Orissa are 
mentioned (pray ay du daksindpatliam, gulidm dsddaydm dsa 
Kiskindlmm lokavisrutdm) as being already famous. Of. darl, 
3. 64. 6; Itandara, ib. 110; tatasdnukandaram, 3. 40. 28. 

Later legends representing the mountains as very much alive 
occur in the accounts of the Vindhya, the Kraunca, and the 
Mainaka mountains. The fact that Kraunca is the son of 
Mainaka and Mainaka is the son of Himavat, gives even a 
genealogical tree; but the descent is not always so given and 
Kraunca itself or himself is also called the son of Himavat. 
Although the Vindhya legend is more popular, the story of 
Mainaka is more directly connected with the tale of the winged 
mountains. The epic use of Mainaka is to compare with this 
mountain a steadfast hero or elephant. For Mainaka was the 
only mountain that escaped or resisted Indra, when the others 
had their wings cut off. "Like Mainaka cast on the ground 
by great Indra" is the incredible fall of Bhima (as hard to 
realize); it is parallel to the "drying of ocean or removal, visar- 
pana, of Meru, or the overthrow of Indra at the hands of 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 359 

Vrtra, or the fall of the sun, 7. 3. 4f.; 9. 12 f. Stereotyped 
is the phrase "stood firm as Mainaka," e. g. 6. 92. 26; 7. 92. 
17; 99. 28; 123. 2; 9. 19. 45, etc., referring not to being un- 
shaken by the wind, as is Vindhyagiri, 7. 92. 53, but to its 
firmness against Indra Nagari ("foe of the mountains"). 

In 3. 134. 5f., Mainaka is said to be as superior to all other 
mountains as Indra to other gods, or as Ganges to other 
rivers. It is situated north of Kailasa (q. v.) and is famous 
for the mass of gems and jewels deposited there by Maya in 
or near the lake Bindusaras, where Danavas sacrifice, 2. 3. 3. 
It is spoken of as having a vinasana (see below, Meru) in the 
interior of the mountain where Aditi "cooked food of old for 
the sake of a son," 3. 135. 3. The legend that Ocean gave 
the mountain refuse when it escaped from Indra is preserved 
in 1. 21. 35, "Mainaka's asylum-giver is ocean." There is a 
watering-place there of some renown, 13. 25. 59. It is to 
(hundred-peaked) Mt. Mainaka that a Raksasa with "one 
hundred heads" is compared, 7. 175. 63. 

Mt. Kriiurica is called the White Mountain, because of 
the white silver there (Himavat is famous for gold-mines and 
gems), 3. 188. 112. Compare 13. 166. 30-31, "Himavat rich 
in herbs divine, Vindhya in metals, Tirthas, and herbs; and 
Sveta full of silver" (rajatdvrtah). It is guarded by seven- 
headed dragons and in it is the golden lake where the mothers 
of Kumfira (Skanda) bore him (by proxy). Skanda shot at 
Mt. Kraunca and it fled but afterwards returned: "Skanda 
drew his bow and shot his arrows at the White Mountain, 
and with his arrows he split the mountain Kraunca (cf. 
Kraunca-nisudaka, epithet of Skanda), the son of Himavat . . 
Kraunca fell uttering fearful howls and the other mountains 
seeing his fall began to shout. But Skanda split the White 
Mountain, lopping off one peak and the White Mountain fled 
in fear from earth," 3. 225. 10 f.; 9. 46. 84. In 3. 229. 28. this 
mountain is called "Rudra's seed;" though it was son of Himavat 
(whom Menaka bore to Himavat). Compare 8. 90. 68; 9. 17. 51 ; 
and the seed of Rudra (Agni) cast on Meru by Ganges, 9. 
44. 9; 13.85. 68. 

The legend of Vindhya (renowned for metals and plants, 
13. 166. 31) represents that range of hills as angry with the 
sun for refusing to go round it as it does around Meru, in a 
respectful manner (pradaksinam). Vindhya resolved to hide 



360 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910, 

the sun's light, and for that purpose began to grow till it 
shaded earth from the light of sun and moon. The gods 
h egged it to stop growing, but to no purpose. Then the great 
saint Agastya got permission from it to pass over it both on 
his way south and on his way back. But as Agastya (the 
civilizer of the South) never came back, the mountain could 
grow no more and is still waiting for the saint's return before 
it grows higher, 3. 103. 16 and 104. 12 f. As the mountain 
rages here, so it may rejoice, "as a mountain rejoicing in heart 
receives the rain," 4. 64. 5, that is, shows its bravery, since 
"water is the destruction of mountains," parvatdndm jalcnh 
jard (as travel is the destruction of bodies; lack of fortune,, 
of women; and word-arrows, of the mind), 5. 39. 78. 

Another story illustrates a popular belief. The "G-athas of 
the gods" say that there was a saint called Baladhi, who de- 
sired to have an immortal son. The gods were kindly dis- 
posed toward him because he had been religious; but they 
said "No mortal is seen (to be) immortal; but he shall have 
a life conditioned by a cause," nimittdyuh. Then he, think- 
ing "mountains are indestructible," said: "Let his life last as 
long as the mountains" (let the mountain be the cause). Then 
Medhavin, his son, was born but, being arrogant, he insulted 
the saints. One of the saints, Dhanusaksa, after vainly curs- 
ing him, took the form of a buffalo and charging against the 
mountains reduced them to ashes. So, the cause (of life) 
being destroyed, Medhavin, the son of Baladhi, was also dest- 
troyed. A Gatha is sung about it to this day ("no one can 
escape what is ordained; Dhanusaksa the great seer split the 
mountains"). * 

In connection with the mountain-myths may be mentioned 
the story of the nymph turned into stone, like similar tales 
in Greek mythology. The Apsaras JRambha, wife of Tumburu, 
was thus turned into a rock on failing to seduce Visvamitra 
as she came under the curse of that saint, 5, 117. 16, etc. 

1 This is the version in SI. 3. 135, which, at vs. 52, inserts half a 
a dozen verses showing that the seer himself became a buftalo. The 
words in B. makisdir bhedayamdsa parvatdn are changed to maharsir 
and so in the Gatha: maharsir Wiedayamdsa Dhanusdltso mahidhardn. 
B., 135. 52 and 55, represents the saint splitting the mountains "by means 
of buffaloes." So, in the story of Kolahala (p. 357, above), Vasu out- 
raged by its behavior, kicked a hole in it, through which the river escaped. 



Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects, etc. 

Other legends abound, connecting some mountain with a 
god or saint, as in the landing of the ark on X;nib;indii;iM;i. 
3, 187, 50. Often the Puranic story is just alluded to. a< 
when ( lovardhana is mentioned as the }>l:i< Yi : nu-I\r?na 

{called mahii'h'i'ihrl in 13. 149. 32) upheld the hill for the 
of the cows, 5. 130. 46; 13. 159. 17 gam uddadhara (SI. 
7. 11. 4, ddvdn mitktvd . . dhrtva Qovardliannm), VP. 5. 11. 
In the mountain Mahendra (Orissa chain) lived Rama (after 
Dejecting the ocean") at the command of Kasyapa Mfirica to 
"leave the earth." { what time he extirpated the warriors. 7. 70. 
21 :'. On the ]S armada river is the beryl-mountain (sometimes 
located in the north) and in this locality "Kausika drank 
soma with the Asvins and Cyavana paralyzed Indra and won 
Sukanya as his wife," 3. 121. 19. Both epics have the story 
of Gandhamfulana (also a name of Havana, 3. 283. 5) as the 
home of medicinal plants, utilized by Hanumat to cure Rama's 
brother. It bears the epithet maluiusadhisamayuldah parvatdh, 
7. 139. 86. In both epics, Mandara is the instrument used 
by the gods to churn ambrosia from the ocean, 1. 18. 13 
= RB. 1. 46. 21 (C. 45. 18, less exactly like Mbh.). 

This Mandara, "Indra's golden mountain," jdinbunadaparvata, 
3. 139. 16, is identical with Indra-Klla, 3. 37. 42, and is 

cially invoked as the home of Sadhus and Munis. It is 
through the grace of this mountain that priests, warriors, and 

i'armer-mcrchant caste attain heaven. Tirthas (3. 26. 121'.), 
sweet streams, nymphs, and the sound of Yedic recitation are 
found there, 3. 42. 22 f. In 1. 18. 11, it is supported by the 
sacred tortoise (Visnu). Vrtra, it is said in 3. 101. 15, "fell 
like Mandara hurled of old from the hand of Visnu." Else- 

re it associated with Mt. Sveta: "We shall see the White 
Mountain and Mt. Mandara, where are the mai/ivum Yaksa 
and Kubera the king of Yaksas, 88000 Gandharvas and four 
times as many Kimpurusas and Yaksas" (who with Raksasas 
guard the mountain), 3. 139. 5. In 3. 163. 4, it lies east of 
(Meru and; Gandhamadana and "illuminates all the earth as 
far as the sea; and the region is protected by Indra and 
Kubera.'' Also here it is said that when Soma and the stars 
hav- gone around Meru they "return to Mt. Mandara," i. e.. 

i So Yudhisthira on leaving Kubora's mountain "goes to earth" (and 
addresses it as a person, drastd tar/ '<o>ii, auf Wiedersehen !), 3. 176. 20. 



362 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

to the east (SI. has \sagaram). It is located in the north, 
with Mandakim, in 5. 111. 12, and in the South in 5. 109. 9, 
its grottoes (as in the Indraloka ascent, called kimjas] being 
especially mentioned. In 5. 110. 9, it is found in the west. 
Here the root of Himavat is said to extend (in the western 
district) toward Mandara, inapproachable, sunk in the ocean. 
The fact that these three statements are virtually one de- 
scription weakens the force of each statement and makes 
the eastern (Bengal) position of Mandara more probable, as 
this accords with tradition (at the present day "Mandar- 
giri" is near Bhagalpar, Bengal). The fact that Mandara is 
especially Indra's mountain also helps to establish its geo- 
graphical position, since "Indra's district" is the east. 

But the epic has a vague notion of the northern mountains,, 
the approach to which was difficult and the ascent impossible 
except to very great saints and heroes. 1 The Pandus see, as 
they ascend from the south, the peaks of Kailasa, Mainaka, 
the foot of Gandhamadana (-pddas), and Sveta; whence they 
journey seventeen days to the back of Himavat and "four 
days later" come to the White Mountain, "like a huge mass 
of clouds and full of gems and gold" (gold is in all the 
mountains, 2. 50. 21; 9. 44. 15, etc.) without having yet 
reached Gandhamadana, 3. 158. ISf. But, when one stands 
on Gandhamadana, the "mountain of Indra and Kubera" (that 
is, Mt. Mandara) lies to the east, as opposed to Samyamana,. 
the region of the south (of Yama), to the abode of Varuna 
and the Asta-mountain (where the sun sets; itself opposed to 
Udaya, sunrise-hill), and to the abode of Brahma, "great 
Meru, which illuminates the north," while next (to the east) 
is the "abode of Visnu."2 Compare the confused account of 
the Mahaparsva mountains, and those "beyond Kailasa and 
Mandara," 13. 19. 20, 53. 



1 Cf. aruruksur yatha mandaJi parvatam Gandhamadanam, (boasting) 
"like a fool who (pretends he) is going to climb Mt. Gandhamadana," 5. 
160. 94. 

2 Asta maMdhra, 5. 181. 16; asto ndma parvata, 5. 110. 6 (astamana 
= astam-ayana}. The Udaya hill appears at 3. 224. 11. The Asta is 
conceived as a real "mountain-king," and there "and in the sea dwells 
Varuna protecting all creatures," 3. 163. 10. The gods find Siva on Mt. 
Mandara, 7. 94. 57, though his regular abode is Kailasa, whose lofty peak 
serves the hyperbole of the poets as an image, "high as peaked Kailasa 






Vol. xxx.] Mi/tholoffical Aspects, etc. 363 

Despite the fact that the gods roam about as they will and 
an- constantly found in each others' pleasure-groves, they are 
ascribed in general not only to certain regions but also to 
certain mountains. Thus: "The Raksasas (rateahsi, sc. live) on 
Himavat; on Kailasa (Hemakuta) live the Guhyakas; serpents 
and Nagas on (Mt.) Nisadha; Gokarnam is a grove of asceticism 
(cf. 13. 18. 6, Krsna practiced asceticism there); the White 
Mountain is said to belong to all the gods and Asuras; the 
Gandharvas (live) ever on Nisadha, likewise the Brahmarsis 
on Nlla; but the resort of gods is the Peaked hill" (sritgavdits 
tu . . devantim pratisa near air, a special range). 6. 6. 51 f. Then 
follows the statement that the fire of destruction (satitvartaka) 
and the saints who precede Aruna (above, p. 357) are on top 
of Malyavat, ib. 7. 28. Only devl Sandili ("Agni's mother;" 
cf. 13. 123. 2f.) is, however, especially ascribed to Mt. Srngavat 
at 6. 8. 9. which, like Meru, has three peaks, one of gold, one 
of gems, and one of all kinds of jewels, 6. 6. 4 and 6. 8. 8. 
The flank of Meru called Karnikara (wood) is a favorite resort 
of Pasupati and Urna; and Hiranmaya is especially the moun- 
tain oi Garuda, 6. 6. 24 and 6. 8. 6. The Gandharvas too 
live on Mandara (q. v.), on Meru (in Saka-dvlpa), 6. 11. 15; 
and in Kusa, ib. 12. 14, while "all the districts" (sub Krauria- 
dvipa) have gods and Gandharvas, ib. 12, 21. Harigiri, "Visnu's 
hill," is in Kusa-dvlpa 6. 12. 11. Skanda gives his special 
mountain, near Ellora. the name of devagiri, "hill of the god" 
(not "gods' hill"). The devakuta (tlrtha) of 3. 84. 141 (ib. 149, 
ilif "lake of Pitamaha" near the &ailaraja) may refer to the 
-hill of gods" (in general). The statement in 12. 27. 21, that 
Draupadi grieves for her five sons "like earth deprived of five 
mountains" does not limit the number of mountains in any way. 

Further examination of the data leads into the realm of 
cosmology and ethnology, with which mythology on its religious 
>idr is less nearly connected. Yet a word must be said in 
regard to the conception of the Himalayas in general and the 
site of the world-mountain Meru. It is evident that the epic 

stood he, with club upraised," 6. 94. 23, etc. "High as Mandara," 1. 207. 
3^ (gopuras). Gandhamadana (Kubera's own mountain) is where Pitamaha 
receives in audience the gods and seers, 6. 65. 42. The pddas (above) of 
this mountain suggest the simile of 1. 136.2, padacdrlva parvatah (Karna 
in arena) "like a footed mountain." The pada.. foot (plain), of Himavat 
is '-sno\vy r (hairnet), 7. 55. 39. 



364 E. Waslibiirn Hopkins, [1910. 

poets are acquainted with the world as it appears from the 
Gangetic plains, where the Eastern Ocean is known but not 
near; where the "western littoral" is also known but distant, 
as are the "Punjab kings," the mountaineers, and, more remotely', 
the kings of the Sakas, Pahlavas, Daradas, Kambojas, Yavanas, 
etc., e. g. 5. 4. 15f. But the flight of Indra to "the end of 
the worlds" sets him in a lake on an island in the sea north 
of Himavat, 5. 10. 45; 14. 8; and when Arjuna goes north be 
finds beyond the White Mountain the land of Kimpurusas, 
protected by Drumaputra, and still farther the land (protected 
by Guhyakas) called Hataka, near lake Manasa, where there 
were "streams of saints," rsikulyas, and near Hataka (which 
gives its name to a kind of gold) he comes on the country 
protected by the Gandharvas (the Gandharva-nagara is localized 
here), whence he seeks to cross the "northern Hari-Varsa" or 
unconquerable land of the Northern Kurus, 2. 27. 29 to 28. 11 
(and expanded in ST.), just as Bhlma gets to the extreme 
south when he comes to Tamralipta, 2. 30. 24. Jambudvipa, 
3. 79. 4 and 6. 1. 8 (yavat tapati suryo lii Jambudvlpasija 
mandalam) and 14. 85. 39, is India. 

Himavat itself is often personified, though too huge to be 
always thought of as individual. .For the most part it serves- 
as does any hill (1. 188. 7), for a type of stability, endurance, 
and size. 'A standing solemn asseveration is, "Himavat shall 
fall (or burst) and earth shall burst" (ere such or such happen), 
where the common distinction between earth and mountain 
again appears. l 

A general description in 3. 108. 4f., lauds Himavat's peaks, 
rivers, forests, caves, lions, tigers, birds (the kinds being given 

1 caled dhi H. sailah, etc., 5. 82. 48; cf. pated Dydur H, siryet, 3. 12. 
130, and oft. In 3. 32. 10, it is said that even Hiraavat, if "divided up 
and not added to." Widksyamdno liy andvdpah, might he destroyed. Its 
hugeness leads to the phrase "hide Himavat with a handful of grass." 
3. 35. 23 (like "hiding Meru," ib. 29); "it cannot be moved," 13. 35. 20; 
typical of dhdirya, 1. 188. 9. The most striking personification of Himavat 
occurs at 13. 25. 62. vikhydto Himavdn punyah Sailkara-svasuro girih, 
dkarali sarvaratnandm siddhacdranasevitali, "Mt. Himavat, a mine of 
gems of all sorts, is called Siva's father-in-law; it is holy and cultivated 
by saints and singers" (Siva's wife is Parvati, " daughter of the moun- 
tain"). Hence perhaps Siva is called Haima, but, as he "lives in moun- 
tain caves," it may be that Mima means "living on Himavat," as he is 
Merudhaman, "living on Meru," 13. 17.61, 64 (Mima), and 91. Himavat 
is also "father of Ganges," 6. 119. 97 and of Mt. Abu (below). 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 365 

in detail), Kinnaras, Apsarasas, elephants, Vidyadharas, jewels, 
and snakes. In particular it is famous for its gold-mines and 
gold-bearing waters. 1 

Kailasa is of all the mountains in Him:ivut the most famous 
and serves as a means of comparison when one wishes to 
ilt->cribe towers etc., which in Sanskrit as in our parlance are 
called "sky-scrapers," divisprt, as in 1. 185. 19; 2. 34. 20; cf. 
(not in B) SI. 1. 96. 56, Kdildsasiklidrdir gopnrnih. Even 
the house of lac is compared with it, 1. 146. 12, or a man, as 
Balanuna is "like the Kailasa peak," 1. 220. 20. It lies, as 
described in Vana, beside the upper Ganges but beyond the 
Northern Kurus and is near Mt. Mainaka, 3. 145. 17 f., 41 
and 51 (also SI. 1. 243. 31). The Sabha of Kubera is "like 
the peak of Kailasa'* 2. 10. 2. It is said to be six leagues (!) 
high. All the gods assemble upon it, and the Yak?as, Raksasas, 
to be seen there are without number, 3. 139. llf. The 
monster jujube described as being there and in Gandhamadana 
(ib. and above) shows perhaps that no 'great distinction was 
felt between them, unless one was a part of the other. Accord- 
ing to 3. 12. 43, Krsna once lived there (SI. quite different, 
vdirdjabhavane for KdildsabJtavane).* The two mountains else- 
where, as at a later date, are differentiated. 

1 Compare 5. 111. 24, the "gold-mine of Himavat," hdimavatah kana- 
kdkarah, and -gold-giving lake," found at Uslra-blja. In 3. 82. 55, Arbuda 
is -son of the Himalayas," himavatsuta, "where there was of old a cleft 
in the earth" and asylum of YasTstha. As it is near Prabhasa (on the 
Gujarat coast) it must be the modern Mt. Abu, and not Mainaka, as 
later in VP. The gold comes from "Rudra's seed," 9. 44. 15. Gold in the 
"essence;" sara, of (all) mountains (as honey is of flowers), 13. 17. 14. 

2 The commentators here understand badarl and vdisdld to refer to 
the jujube tree and not to the stream or asylum of Narayana so called 
(5. 111. 4). But anyway Kailasa seems to include, as a range, the further 
hill called Muinaka and Gandhamadana. Cf. the later rajatddri "silver 
hill," as epithet of Kailasa, with the statement above regarding veta. 
In 3. 158. 17, where the heroes see Gandhamadana and veta after Kai- 
lasa and Mainaka, SI. has Meru for veta. In the more or less stereo- 

1 geographical scheme of 6. 6. 11'., Gandhamadana lies north of 
avat, which is north of Nisadha, and Nisadha is the mountain west 
of Hemakiita (Kailasa). According to a v. 1. in SI. "black men" live on 
Gandhamadana (in B, they are " happy" hrstd}, krsna nardh), 6. 6. 31 (36). 
Jn 1. 119. 48, Gandhamadana is this side of Indra-Klla and beyond Hima- 
vat (cf. 3. 37. 41); it is protected by Saints, Siddhas, and by mahdbhutas. 
Indradyumna-lake and Hansa-kuta lie beyond it (ib. 50). It is accessible 
only to ascetic mortals, and the visdld badarl is there, 3. 140. 22; 141. 23. 

XXX. Part IV. 26 



366 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

Mt. Meru, if no cosmological theory stood opposed, would 
seem to be a hill "beaten by rain," 7. 166. 14; 174. 20, etc., 
like other hills of the north country, only surpassing all and 
reaching higher than the sun, so that the sun goes around it,' 
3. 104. 2. It is Meru-giri, trikuta, the best of peaked moun- 
tains, 5. 65. 5 (it has three golden peaks, 6. 82. 27), and it is 
covered with cloud but not stirred, mathita, by the wind, 7. 156. 
81 f. ("Wind shall bear away Meru, and the sky fall," ere this 
thing shall happen, is said as above of Himavat, 5. 160. 98). 
The "rocks of Meru" ("may be counted," 13. 26. 98) appear 
to be as well known as the "sands of the Ganges" (with the 
stars in the sky usually as type of countless hosts of cows), 
7. 58. 7, yavatyali sikatd gangyo ydvan Meror maliopalali. Like 
other mountains it is red with metal, 5. 179. 30 (see above). 
Like other peaks it stretches to the heavens and "golden 
Meru" is a part of the Svarloka (light-world), holding parks 
of the gods, its extent being given in one place as three and 
thirty thousand leagues, 3. 261. 8. It is the "Indra of moun- 
tains" and is ever resplendent with sunlight, 1. 225. 37; 2. 38. 
28; 3. 81. 5. Yet its glory excels that of the sun, and it is the 
home of gods, Gandharvas, and beasts, but not of men who 
are unrighteous. It is there the gods consulted how to use 
Mandara as a churning stick to get ambrosia, 1. 17. 5f.; and 
1. 18. The deva-saWid is on Meru, SI. 2. 51, 43. It cannot 
be destroyed (or, SI., turned round, vivartanam for vimardanam), 
3. 36. 3 (cf. viparyasa, 7. 193. 7) or concealed (above). It is 
typical of dignity (Merupratimagaurava, "0 thou as grave as 
Meru!"), 3. 41. 40. 

Yet the poets do not hesitate to say that the sun lights it, 
SI. 4. 19. 13; that vultures visit it, 3. 225. 33; that the saint 
Visvamitra can "hurl Meru away from earth," 1. 71. 36; and 
that the "house-goddess" can devour it, 2. 18. 8. Hiranyaka- 
sipu is known as "the shaker of Meru" (-kampana), 13. 14. 73. 
On its wooded top sit saints and gods, 12. 324. 1121. Asylums 
are found there, as, for example, that of Vasistha, albeit "on 
the flank" of the mountain, 1. 99. 6, though Yayati sports 
upon its very peak, Merusrnge . . uttare (northern), 1. 85. 9, 
as does Usanas with the demon Daityas, 6. 6. 22, and the 



It -is described in 3. 146. 22, as "dancing with clouds outspread" (as a 
ballet-dancer with skirts). 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects etc. 367 

"wives of the gods" ascend it, 1. 134. 16. The mountain is 
spoken of as if the poets saw it before them. "He shone in 
splendor on his golden car as shines the sun on Meru," 7. 84. 
17; "looked like Maha-Meru with its clouds," G. 109. 38; 
"resplendent as the peak of Meru," 7. 120. 4. A long de- 
scription of it is found in 3. 163. 12 f. It lies north of Gandha- 
madana, is holy, the gate of the saints, and illuminates the 
northern district. There Prajapati, tin- soul of being, abides. 
There too, in a blessed and healthful abode, live those who 
are called the putrd mdnasdh of Brahma (his mental sons), 
of whom Daksa is the seventh (14). The "seven seers of the 
irods" (Devarsis) set and rise there. The topmost peak is 
occupied by PitSmaha, "with the self-pleased gods" (dtmatrpta >!>)-, 
but beyond the seat of Brahma is that of the eternal supreme 
Xar:iy?na (God). This even the gods cannot see (or "see with 
difficulty/ 5 SI.), 18. This place of Visnu (God) is to the east 
of Meru and is inaccessible even to Brahmarsis and so, of 
course, to the "great seers" (Maharsis, by implication in- 
ferior to Brahmarsis, ib. 21), though Manu holds a conversation 
there, 13. 98. 6. Around Meru revolve continually the sun 
and moon, from east to west, pradaksinam updvrtya kurutah 
(cf. 3. 168. 36, girim dmantrya Sdi&ram pradaksinam updvrtya), 
as do all the heavenly lights, which the sun drags with him 
as "he makes the circuit, kurute (Merum) abhipradaksinam; for 
the sun, on reaching the Asta mountain and getting "beyond 
the twilight," takes the northern district as his course, bhajate . . 
Iciixfluim (to the north of Meru) and so returns, facing east, 
30 f.: Jferum anuvrttah sa punar gacchati prdnmukhah (SI. has 
sumerum for sa Merum}. Thus also the moon, dividing the 
months, goes with the stars (naksatras), and "passing on the 
other side of Meru .. returns to Mandara" (i.e., the eastj. 1 
Meru itself is east of Ketumala, 6. 6. 31. 



1 The expression atikramya is a technical geographical term, meaning 

"passing behind'' or "on the other side of;" cf. Piin. 3. 4. 20. In 30, 

above, it is used of the sun getting to the other side of the twilight. In 

13. 96. 10, one who kills a refugee is likened to one who should atikramet 

the brightness of Meru, i.e., disdain. The account following (above) 

that to make winter the sun goes to the southern district, but 

nothing more is said of Meru at this point. In 3. 164. 8, the mountain 

of the north is luminous with plants, and has no distinction of day and 

night; but the inhabitants see the sun rise and set (astamana, 9). 

26* 



368 E. Washburn Hoplnns, [1910. 

It is even possible that Mainaka is at times regarded as 
part of Meru. There is a vinasana ascribed to Mainaka above, 
and in the Tirtha stories of Vana, 3. 82. Ill, the vinasana 
of the Sarasvati, is where this river " goes concealed on Meru's 
flank" (and is seen again at Camasa, Sirodbheda, and Nagod- 
bheda). 

The Meru of the Mahabharata nowhere appears to be 
regarded as the axis of the world, the north pole to which 
the (later) Sumeru is antithetical. In the "car of the gods," 
it is the perpendicular flagstaff of the car, that is it is a 
lofty mountain-range situated in the north, 7. 202. 78. In 
view of the theory recently propounded in this Journal that 
Babylonian and Hindu cosmology rest on the same basis, it 
is necessary to observe that there is in fact no southern pole, 
Sumeru, recognized at all in the epic. One passage given 
above shows a doubtful reading (SI.) of swneru for sa Meru, 
but in that case sumeru is Meru itself ("fair Meru"), as shown 
by the context. The only other case where Sumeru occurs is 
of a similar nature. Instead of the reading babhuva paramo- 
petali svayamWiur iva bhamina, in 6. 2078 (C.), the Bombay 
and South Indian recensions have (50. 46) sumerur iva, which, 
in the light of the similes just given, is evidently "resplendent 
as fair Meru." 

Meru as described in the late geographical intrusion at the 
beginning of Bhisma J is half way between the earlier and 

1 It is only here that the Persians bear the (Puranic) name Parasikas, 
6. 9. 66, Hundh Pdrasikdih saha (so too in SI.; in VP. 2. 3. 13, Pdra- 
sikadayas tathd, to avoid three iambics). One very important difference 
between the epic and Puranic descriptions is that, whereas the Visnu 
Parana 2. 4. 1, says that the Plaksadvipa (and others) surrounds the sea, 
which in turn surrounds Jambu-dvipa, ksdrodena yathci dvipo jambusanjno 
'bhivestitah, samvestya ksdram udadhim plaksadvlpas tathd sthitah, the 
epic nowhere says that a continent encircles an ocean, but only that an 
ocean surrounds each continent, 6. 5. 13 f. ; cf. ib. (8. 10 and 15) 11. 6; 
11. 9; 12. If. Furthermore, in 6. 12. 27, after remarking that "jewels 
come into (are exported into) the Dvipa called Puskara from Jambu- 
dvipa" (just as "Indra brings the rain from Saka-dvipa," 6. 11. 16), the 
poet saya that all these dvlpas excel as they go north, both in virtue 
and in length of life, but that nevertheless they must all be regarded as 
one nation, for that is called (one) nation where there is one law" (or 
religion), eko janapado rdjan dvipesv etem Bhdrata, uktd janapadd yesu 
dharmas cdi'kah pradrsyate, and finally he ascribes to the guardian 
elephants of space a "Plain" country still beyond those already mentioned, 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 369 

later (Puranic) conception, and one among many indications 
that the muddled South Indian text (as published) is tainted 
with later passages is to be seen in this, that just where Mem 
is sufficiently described in the Bombay texts as being eighty- 
four thousand leagues high and eighty-four thousand deep, the 
SI. text adds (in the words of the Visnu Purana, 2. 2. 8) that 
its apex is twice the size of its base, 6. 6. 10. To get a 
proper idea of the epic Meru it must be remembered that in 
this work the dvlpas islands or continents, are not spheres but 
parts of the earth, which to the observer stretch away to the 
north and north-west on a scale resembling in general that 
made with Mercator's projection (the farther north the greater 
the extent), each continent having all its virtues including size, 
double that of the preceding. Meru is one of seven mountains 
running across Jambu the Rose-apple continent. It stands 
exactly in the middle, having south and east of it the three 
great ranges Nisadha, Hemakuta (or Kailasa), and Himavat 
(the thousand leagues between each range making a valley, 
varxa), and to the north and west of it the ranges called 
Nlla, !veta (White Mountain) and Srngavat, while north of 
the last the country "borders on the sea," and so stops the 
row; but south of the south-eastern end, occupied by Himavat, 
lies the India of the plains, Bharata-land. Other continents 
to the north and east of Jambu-dvlpa (Rose-apple continent) 
Ivetu-mala, immediately west, and Kasyapa-continent still 
further west, which, along with S&ka-continent, or Naga- 
(Ceylon? In SI. aka for Naga, 6. 6. 56) 1, forms the ears of 
the "hare"-shape of part of Sudarsana, equivalent to Jambu 
continent (also of the discus). This in general is circular, but 
part of it looks like a hare and part looks like a tree and 
these shapes are reflected in the moon "as in a mirror." It 

tatah param samd ntima, having four corners, and thirty (leagues?) in 
extent. 6. 12. 33 (or "having thirty circuits"). This land called Sama is 
itself (ib.} described as lokasamsthitih, "the form of the world/' as if it 
were the tower of Babel in Sumerian land! Kusa is not an uncommon 
place prefix. Compare Kusavarta a teacher on Mt. Nila, mentioned with 
.idvara, in 13. 25, 13; Kusastamba, ib. 26 (Kusasthal! is Dvaraka). 
Kusadvipa was presented to Vidyutprabha by Siva, according to 13. 
14. 84. 

1 Lanka also has its trikuta, three-peaked mountain (cf. trisrnga, 8. 15. 
8). The Vedic trikakud H an epithet of Krsna- Visnu. Bharatavarsa is 
middle India, 6. 9. 4f.; 12. 326. 14 f. 



370 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

is possible that the land called Kasyapa may be Caspian land, 
at any rate that is where it should be according to the de- 
scription. Meru rises in the middle of Ilavrta, between Nila 
and Nisadha and also between Malyavat and Gandhamadana.- 
On its flanks are Ketumala on the west; Bhadrasva, the land 
of the Kalamra-tree (above), on the east; the Northern Kurus 
and the Karnikara forest, on the north. Ganges falls from its 
peak into lake Candramas, appearing first at Bindusaras near 
Mainaka, north of Kailasa. On its south is Bharata-land. 
The countries and mountains from the last north to Bharata 
in the south lie like a bow (curved). The $aka-continent also 
has seven mountain-ranges and the first is Meru (6. 11. 15). 
Meru is the house of divinities and is golden (even the birds 
being indistinguishably golden); so it resembles the sun (not 
in being round but in being brilliant), 6. 6. 10. The juice of 
the 1100 league high rose-apple tree (divasprs, "touching the 
sky") runs around the base of Meru and gives health, ageless- 
ness, etc., to the Northern Kurus, as said above, 6. 7. 20. 

But it would be a mistake to suppose that there are literally 
seven continents. Even in this description the poet says ex- 
pressly: "There are many continents; I will describe seven," 
6. 11. 4, using indeed a synonym, since sapta dvipdli meant 
originally the subaliavo dvlpd ydir santatam idam jagat ("very 
many continents extend the world"). 1 They are thought of as 
comprising not the sphere of the universe but the earth, sap- 
tadvipd, so called in 8. 90. 106; 12. 49. 37; cf. "earth with its 
seven continents and seas," .R. 7. 38. 56. The poet of the 
Jambukhandavinirmana is quite right in saying there are more 
continents. In Sabha is mentioned a Sakala-dvipa and the 
"seven dvipas" are here clearly equivalent to "the whole earth." 
Thus in 2. 12. 12, Hariscandra, a king, "conquered the seven 
continents," id est, the whole earth, and in 2. 26. 5f., "He 
conquered Sakala-dvlpa and king Prativindhya and whatever 
kings there were in all the seven continents," meaning of 
course in this conquerable earth. In 2. 32. 14, Sakala is a 
city of the Madras (Punjab). Compare 13. 95. 23, sapta dvlpdn 
imdn varsend 'bhipravarsati, " rains over this earth." But 
"earth has thirteen dvipas in 3. 3. 52 and 134. 20; and eighteen 



* Compare the use of " seven kings" of the Kiratas, the "seven tribes" 
of Utsava, 2. 27. 16; 30. 12, etc. "Seven" is often several. 



Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 371 

in 7. 70. 15.i The "gate of Manasa lake," according to the 
epic itself, 3. 130. 12, is called "the varsam made by Rama 
in the midst of the mountain," apparently Mt. Kailasa, where 
the famous lake (the brooding-place of swans) is situated, al- 
though the passage would appear also to include it within the 
"holy circuit of Kashmir/' Kd&riircwuindalam (sarvapunyani) 
not far from which is Visnupadam. The "seers of the north," 
duttard rsayali, held a conversation there with Nahusa, Agni, 
and Kasyapa, ib. 8 and 10. 

The number of oceans is indifferently given as four or seven. 
The "four oceans united by Darbhin" are repeatedly alluded 
to: 3. 83. 156; 84. 126; 85. 63. On the other hand, the sap- 
tasamudrdntd main of 7. 198. 55 (R. 4. 15. 8) and sapta samu- 
drdli of R. 3. 78. 4 imply earthly oceans numbered conventionally 
as "seven" (still earlier, as in VS. 13. 31, there are three 
oceans; or only the eastern and western, as in Manu, 2. 22;. 
But even "four oceans" are also recognized, as in Manu 8. 406 
and Kath. 69, 181. oatuhtamudrd prthiw. 

Thus the very account in the epic which is supposed to 
imply the Puranic cosmogony speaks of only four oceans in 
6. 3. 38, catvdrah sagarah. In the account of the Dvlpas 
also four oceans are expressly mentioned, glirtatoy tli samudro 
'tra dadhimandodako 'parah surodah sagaras cdi'va tathd J nyo 
jalasagarah, 6. 12. 2, though in 11. 8f. the ksiroda is said to 
surround Saka-dvipa. Apparently the original conception was 
that there was around all the earth four seas, one for each 
direction, just as there was a four-fold river running from the 
mountain in the middle of all the earth, and, to judge by the 
disposition of the four regions around Meru, there were at 
first but four dvipas. Thus in 6. 6. 12: "On the flanks of 
Meru are four (is)lands (tasya pdrsvesv ami dvipas catvdrah 
saiiisthitd vibho), Bhadrasvah, Ketumala, Jambudvlpa, and 
the Northern Kurus." In VP. 2. 2. 22, the. first two are called 
d.ir*e dve. Even there dvlpa is used for varsa. Compare 
VP. 2. 2. 3, where the varsa called Bharata has nine dvipas 
(Indra-dvipa, Naga-dvipa, Gandharva, Varuna, etc.). 

As late as the Santi, 12. 14. 2 If., the four Dvipas around 



1 Jambudvlpa is mentioned as "famous" in 3. 79. 4. SI. 2. 96. 29 adds 
one passage to those giving "seven dvipas." The dvlpa is a safety-place 
of any sort, 2 63. 7f.; 3. 177. 19; 8. 93. 5; 12. 302. 71 f. 



372 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910. 

Maha-Meru are spoken of as we should speak of the quarters 
of the earth. The king is said to have brought under his 
sway "Jambudvlpa, and Kraunca-dvlpa which resembles it 
lying below, adharena, Maha-Meru, and Saka-dvipa, to the- 
east of Maha-Meru, and Bhadrasva of equal extent with 
Saka-dvlpa lying north of Maha-Meru;" and further: "Dvlpas 
and atitara-Dvipas by plunging into the sea thou hast brought 
under thy dominion," vs. 25. Here the Dvrpas and "antara- 
Dvlpas" are all part of the conquest of a king of earth, as 
earth itself in 12. 14. 38 is described as saparvatavanadvipd, 
"(divine earth) with her mountains, woods, and islands." 

In this book alone, 12. 336 f., occurs the description of the 
White Island, Sveta Dvrpa, otherwise known only from the 
Puranas (including the Harivansa), which is a part of the 
earth lying in the northwestern direction where men profess 
a monotheistic cult. There is no reason to suppose that 
Sveta Dvipa was ever heard of for centuries after our era. 
It forms no part of the very complete geographical sections in 
the early epic or even of the late intrusion which precedes 
the Bhagavad Glta at the beginning of Bhlsma. 

Despite pretended familiarity with the northern country, it 
was really reckoned a death -journey to go thither. Thus 
when Sanjaya "says farewell and sets out for the Himalayas,' 7 
it means he- is going to the bourne whence there is no return, 
15. 37. 34. Questionable also is the exact bearing of "Hima- 
vat" to the southerner. As Mt. Abu is a son of Himavat 
(above) so the "plain of Himavat" (prastha) extends so far 
south that it is within two leagues of Kuruksetra. There, 
"on the plain of Himavat, besides the red Sarasvati" is the 
camp of the Pandus, 9. 5. 50 f.; 6. 4. 

Particularly in regard to Meru it is to be noticed that 
even in Santi its peak joins that of Himavat and is of the 
same height, so that the two united peaks form simple edges 
(at least Suka has to burst his way through them as they 
join together), which would be indistinguishable were it not 
that one peak is golden (Meru is hemagiri, 8. 56. 114) and 
the other (snowy or) silvery, 12. 334. 8f. Nor does it accord 
with the notion of a polar mountain that its top has groves 
upon it and that not only gods and saints sit there but even 
"gentle and learned priests" live under the Jambu-tree on its 
very summit, 13. 102. 20 f. In SI. 13. 33. 22, Vatsanabha 



Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects etc. 373 

proposes to expiate his fault by "going to the top of Meru" 
and committing suicide. In the epic, in short, Meru is felt 
to be a mountain like Himavat, only taller and farther north; 
but its peak rises like that of other mountains perpendicularly 
and not parallel with the plain of earth as axis of a sphere. 
Another distinction between the epic and Puranic idea of 
the world must be kept in mind. In the Puranas, e. g. VP. 

2. 7. It'., there is fully developed Jhe idea of the planetary 
spheres (not Dvipas) which go by the names Maharloka, Jana- 
loka, Tapoloka, and Satyaloka, superadded upon the older 
Bhurloka and Svarloka or Svargaloka (these are epic) with 
the intermediate blntvas as Bhuvarloka. Now the epic knows 
nothing of these seven spheres as such. It is only in its 
latest parts that it recognizes the seven spheres bhuvandh 
(masculine!), 13. 16. 34 and 52: Dliruvali saptarsayas cdi 'va 
lihiivandli sapta eva ca, "Dhruva, the seven seers, and seven 
spheres," not exactly as in the Purana, even then, since there 
(loc. cit.) the pole-star, Dhruva, is above the Seven Seers, and 
only four spheres rise above this. What the earlier epic 
recognizes is the (old) general conception expressed by "seven 
worlds;" compare (in the imitation-Upanisad) the half- verse 
tatah para ih Jcsetravido vadantl prakalpayad yo bliuvandni sapta, 

3. 213. 22. So in 1. 179. 22, the sapta lokds are mentioned 
as in Mund. Up. 2. 1. 8); cf. AB. 2. 16; 4. 7; 4. 9; 5. 10. 
That is to say, the epic has the idea of the plurality of worlds, 
vaguely grouped as Seven Worlds, as this idea came down 
from antiquity together with that of the Seven Hills, Seven 
Seas, Seven Rivers, Seven Mountains, Seven Seers, Seven 
Flames, etc. But there is no recognition of the systematic 
sevenfold planetary sphere, whose names as subdivisions are 
not even mentioned till the Puranas (cf. 3. 261. 17f. many 
worlds). In this regard the ideas of space run parallel with 
those of time. The Puranic system of Manus and manvantaras 
(aeons and ages systematically arranged) is unknown to the 
early epic. The Anusasana, which is little better than a 
Purana-addition to the poem, knows it well; and so do the 
later (335 350) Parvans of anti and possibly the Sun-Hymn 
(which alludes to Mithra of Persia) in Vana. The "worlds" 
of the epic are three or seven or twenty-seven or innumer- 
able. Against the assumtion of Indo-Babylonian cosmological 
unity stands the fact that the earlier the Indie data are the 



374 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, Mythological Aspects etc. [1910. 

slighter appears the resemblance to those of Babylon. Even 
if it be claimed that the epic represents only a disintegrated 
original system, it must remain an historical contradiction 
that its data show earlier conceptions than those of the 
Puranas and yet represent the system of the Puranas. The 
only parallel with Babylonian cosmology in India's very early 
literature is, as it seems to me, the "seven worlds;" but as 
these are not spheres and as seven is anything but a precise 
term, it would be periculous to make very much of that fact. 
Buddhistic world-theories are too late to be of importance in 
this regard, but they too have affected the later epic. 



Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" in the 
Philippine Languages. By FRANK B. BLAKE, Ph. D., 
Johns Hopkins University. 

ONE of the most important uses of the study of languages 
which lie outside of the more familiar Indo-European and 
Semitic groups, is to broaden our knowledge of general gram- 
mar, to make us acquainted with unfamiliar turns of speech, 
and to disabuse our minds of the notion that the way in which 
the better known tongues are accustomed to express a certain 
idea, is the logical and only way. In several articles previously 
published in the Journal I have illustrated this general prin- 
ciple by bringing forward some of the most peculiar linguistic 
phenomena of Tagalog and the other Philippine Languages, I 
have discussed their peculiar system of counting, in which the 
numbers intermediate between the tens are made, somewhat 
as in Latin duodeviginti, undeviginti, upon the basis of the 
ten toward which the count is proceeding; I have pointed out 
that simple adjectives have the same construction as relative 
clauses; I have shown that the case relation of a noun or 
pronoun may be expressed by the form of the verb. 1 In the 
following paper I shall discuss the peculiarities involved in 
the expression of two ideas of fundamental importance, with- 
out a knowledge of which it is impossible to have the mastery 
of any language, the ideas "to be" and "to have." 

In the languages with which we are most familiar, English, 
German, the Romance Languages, Latin, Greek, these ideas 
are expressed by verbs, and so to our minds this is the most 
natural and simple way of expressing them. We receive our 
first shock when we turn to Sanskrit, where we find there is 



1 Cf. my articles, Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar 
II., JAOS, vol. xxviii, 1907; The Tagalog Ligature and Analogies in other 
Languages, JAOS. vol. xxix, 1908; Expression of Case by the Verb in Ta- 
galog, JAOS. vol. xxvii, 1906. 



376 Frank R. Blake, [1910. 

no verb for "to have" at all, but that we must express the idea 
by the verb "to be" followed by the genitive, e. g. mama asti 
"it is of me, I have," a construction, however, for which we 
have been prepared by the Latin mihi est = luibeo. 

If we turn from the Indo-European to the Semitic field, 
conditions are still more unfavourable to our preconceived 
notions. Not only is there no verb "to have" in any of the 
languages except Assyrian, 1 but the idea "to be" is often not 
expressed by the verb "to be," but by particles, or pronouns; 
in fact it is sometimes not expressed at all. For example in 
Hebrew "I have a horse" is rendered by "to me a horse" 
DID ^, "the man is good" by "the man good" 21tD l^KH or "the 
man he good" 31t3 Kin t^Kn. 

In the Philippine Languages we must break entirely with 
our traditions, for here we find generally speaking no verb for 
either "to be" or "to have," these ideas being expressed either 
by particles, or simply by the construction itself. 

These two ideas are, however, not always expressed in the 
same way, there is not one particle which can always be used 
to translate 'to be 5 and another which can always be used to 
translate 'to have;' the mode of rendition depends on a number 
of things besides the fundamental ideas of 'being' or 'having.' 

In the case of 'to be' we must distinguish three types of 
construction, viz.: 

a) constructions in which some statement is made with 
regard to the class or characteristics of the subject, e. g., 
'the man is good,' 'his father is a farmer;' 

b) constructions in which some statement is made with 
regard to the place of the subject, e. g., 'his father is in the 
house;' 

c) constructions in which some statement is made with 
regard to the existence of an indefinite subject, correspond- 
ing to English 'there is,' 'there are,' German es gibt, French 
H y a. 

The first we will call 'copulative to be? the second 'locative 
to be,' and the third 'indefinite to be.' 

In the case of 'to have' we must distinguish two types of 
construction, viz.: 

1 Here the particle which corresponds to Hebrew tf\ Syriac XJ has 
become a verb and takes verbal inflection, cf. Delitzsch, Assyrisches Hand- 
worterbuch, Leipzig, 1896, p. 310 a. 



Vol. xxx.] Expression of Hie ideas "to be" and "to nave" etc. 377 

a) constructions in which the thing possessed is definite, 
e. g., 'your brother has the money I sent you;' 

b) constructions in which the thing possessed is indefinite, 
e. g., 'have you any money?' 

We will call these two types respectively 'definite' and 'in- 
definite to liave? 

'Definite to Jiave' is expressed in the same way as 'locative 
to be? the original idea here being similar to that in Latin 
inilii est, 'is to me,' Sanskrit mama asti, 'is of me.' Modern 
Arabic ^xic. ( andi 'is with me,' Ethiopic fl-f ' beia 'is in me.' 
'Indefinite to have' and 'indefinite to be' are expressed in the 
same way, the idea of 'having' being the original one and 
passing into that of 'indefinite being' when the possessor is 
indefinite; e. g., 'they (in clef.) have visitors in the house' becomes 
'there are visitors in the house,' just as in Spanish hay, and 
French il y a. 

The five types therefore resolve themselves into three, viz.: 
a) copulative to be, b) locative to be and definite to have, c) in- 
definite to be and indefinite to have. 

The negative of these three types is expressed in two 
different ways; either the negative is added to the affirmative 
construction as e. g., in English 'he is' and 'he is not,' or a 
negative particle meaning 'not to be,' 'not to have' is sub- 
stituted for the affirmative particle meaning 'to be.' 'to have,' 
as e. g., in Hebrew ^ & 'I have' and ^ ]\* 'I have not.' The 
first way is the regular one in the first type, the second in 
the other two. 

The following table gives the particles which are employed 
to express 'to be' and 'to have' affirmatively and negatively in 
the three types of construction just discussed. A dash in- 
dicates that no particle is employed. Generally speaking these 
particles are invariable for person, number, mood and tense, 
though occasionally they are varied to express person or follow 
the tense formation of the verb. The particles will be known 
as quasi-verbal particles or quasi-verbs. * 

The languages treated are Tagalog; the Bisaya 2 dialects 



1 It would be well to adopt some such designation in Semitic grammar 
for particles like Heb. P", \*, TIP; Arab. ^^, Syr. J^l, Eth. f:, etc., 
instead of speaking of them as adverbs, nouns, or prepositions. 

2 I have adopted in this article the spelling of. the language names 
suggested by Prof. C. E. Conant in Anthropos, Vol. IV, 1909, pp. 1069 



378 



Frank E. Slake, 



[1910. 



Cebuan, Hiligayna, Samaro-Leytean; Bikol; Pampanga; Pan- 
gasinan; Iloko; Ibanag; Bontok and Nabaloi Igorot; Magin- 
danau ; and Sulu. l 







I 
copulative 
'to be' 


II 

locative 'to be' 
definite 'to have 5 


III 

indefinite 'to be' 
indefinite 'to have' 


Tag. 


off. 

neg. 


di, hindi, dili 


n a 

wala 


may 
wala 


Bis. 
(Ceb.) 


off. 

neg. 


dili 


( nia, ania, naa, 
\ anaa, tua, atua 
wala 


( may, duna, aduna, 
\ duna may 
wala 


Bis. 
(Hil.) 


aff. 
neg. 


dili 


f ari, yari, ara, 
\yara, adto 
( wala, wa 
\ walay, way 


may 
{wala, wa 
walay, way 
wala may, wa may 


Bis. 

(Sam.-Ley.) 


off* 

neg. 


diri 


ini, ada, adto, ito, 
waray 


may 
waray 


Bik. 


aff. 
neg. 


di, bako 


fyaon, iyaon, 

\ idtong, na 
day 


may, igua 
day 


Pamp. 


aff. 
neg. 


ali, ai, e 


ni, ani, ti, ati, ta 
ala 


tin, atin 
ala 


Pang. 


.aff. 
neg. 


ag, alioa 


oa 
andi 


oala 
andi 


Ilok. 


aff. 
neg. 


di, saan 


ad da 
aoan 


adda 
aoan 


Iban. 


aff. 
neg. 


ari, akkan, ji 


egga 
auan, an 


egga 
auan, an 


Igor. 
(Bon.) 


aff. 
neg. 


adi, faken 


woda, woday 
ma'id 


woda, woday 
ma'id 



to 1074. The general principle of spelling which he there proposes, and 
which should certainly be followed by all those who are working in 
Philippine Languages, is to use the native name of the language wherever 
possible. The changes from the spelling formerly used in my Philippine 
publications are, viz., Bisaya for Bisayan, Pampanga for Pampangan, 
Iloko for Ilokan, Magindanau for Magindanao. 

1 For the principal grammars and dictionaries of these languages cf. 
the list given in my Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar 
JAOS. vol. xxvii (1906), p. 323, ft. nt. 2; vol. xxviii (1907) p. 1, ft. nt. 2. 
To these add C. W. Seidenadel, The language spoken by the Bontok Igorot, 
Chicago, 1909. 



Vol. xxx.j Expression of the Ideas "to &e" and "to have r etc. 379 



Igor. 

(Nab.) 



copulative 
'to he' 



II 

locative 'to be' 
definite 'to have' 



III 

indefinite 'to be' 
indefinite 'to have' 



aff. 
neg. 


ag, aligoa 


guara 

anchi 


guara 
anchi 


aff. 

neg. 


di 


da 


aden 
da 


aff. 
neg. 


di, bukiin 


aun 

wai 


aun, tuga 
wai 



Sulu 



In the first type there are no affirmative quasi-verbs. The 
ligatures Tagalog ay, y, Bontok ya, which are very close to 
being such particle?, are better regarded simply as connective 
particles between predicate and preceding subject. 

In type I the negatives are based for the most part on a 
particle di which appears in the different languages in the 
varying forms di, ri, li, (Ibanag also ji),i probably with final 
glottal catch (so at least in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot): 
dili and diri are apparently reduplicated forms of di (so Conant): 
in Tagalog hin-di, Pampanga a-li, Pangasinan a-li-oa, Ibanag 
we have prefixed elements, a being perhaps the same 
prefix that occurs in Cebuan ania, anaa, Pampangan ani, ati. 
The element oa in Pangasinan alioa seems to be the quasi- 
verb oa. Pampanga ai is derived from all by elision of the 
intervocalic /, and e is simply a contraction of ai (so Conant). 
A negative particle ag occurs in Pangasinan and Nabaloi, and 
perhaps in Ibanag ak-kan; the negative particle an, which is 
found in Ibanag uncombined, in Pangasinan and Ibanag com- 
bined with other particles (viz., an-di, au-an) as negative verbal 
particle of the t\yo other types, probably occurs in Iloko 
sa-an, Ibanag akkan. Bikol Idko, Bontok Igorot faken, and 
Sulu bukiin are evidently identical; these negatives mean not 
simply 'not/ but indicate 'it is not this but something else' in 
correcting a mistake. Nabaloi aligoa and probably Pangasinan 
alioa, Ibanag akkati, have the same meaning. 

In type II the affirmative particles are in many cases derived 

from the demonstratives. Compare Hiligayna adto with dernon- 

' i'i'] to; Samaro-Leytean ini, adto, ito, which form the 



Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, vol. xxvii, 1906, 
pp. 333, 334. 



380 Frank E. Blake. [1910. 

basis of quasi-verbal particles, with the identical demon- 
stratives; Bikol idtong with demonstrative idto\ Pampanga ni, 
ti, ta with the demonstratives ini, iti, ita\ Sulu aun with 
demonstrative iaun\ Hiligayna ari, yari, ara, yam are to be 
compared with the demonstratives. Cebuan k-ari and Ibanag 
yari, yara\ Bikol yaon, iyaon with Tagalog demonstrative 
yaon\ Tagalog and Bikol na, Cebuan naa, anaa seem to be 
connected with the demonstrative particle na\ Cebuan nia, 
ania are perhaps to be connected with the demonstrative 
particle ia. The n- of nia may have been adopted from na, 
and on the other hand the final a of naa may have been 
borrowed from nia] what the prefixed a is that occurs before 
the Cebuan and Pampanga particles is not certain. Samaro- 
Leytean ada and Iloko adda are identical with Malay ada 
'to be.' 1 In Pangasinan and Igorot, oa, woda, guara are 
apparently the same as 'the negatives iva and ivala. 2 Cebuan 
tua and Ibanag egga are difficult; egga is perhaps the same 
as Bikol igua, the u (= w) being assimilated to the g. 

The negative particles of the second type are in most cases 
based on a particle wa (Nabaloi gua)* or on one written 
variously la, ra, da, sometimes on both combined. The y or 
i at the end of the particle in Bisaya, Bikol, Igorot, and 
Sulu is simply the ligature i which has become an integral 
part of the particle. Pampanga ala perhaps contains the 
same initial a as the affirmatives ani, ati. Pangasinan andi, 
Nabaloi anchi? is apparently a compound of two negative 
particles, viz., the an which occurs as quasi-verb in Ibanag, 
and the di that forms the basis of most of the negatives of 
the first type. Ibanag an, though said to be a syncopated form 
of auan,* is probably a simple negative particle; auan seems 
to be made up of this an and a particle au-, which occurs 
in Tagalog ay-aw 'not to want/ and ai-au the Sulu prohibitive 
negative. In Igorot the meanings of affirmative and negative 
particles seem to be reversed. If the affirmative woda is the 
same as the negative wala, then it is possible to connect the 



1 Cf. Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, voL \xvii. 1906, 
pp. 349357. 

2 Cf. op. cit., p. 399. ft. nt. 3. 

3 Cf. op. cit, pp. 332, 333. 

4 Cf. De Cuevas, Arte nuevo de la lengua ybanag, Manila, 1854, p. 241. 



Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to bj" and "to have" etc. 381 

negative ma'id with the affirmative may and explain it as 
or ma 4- preposition id. 

In type III the particle may probahly contains the ligature 
// (is in way, waray; the element ma is perhaps to be con- 
nected with the prefix ma that is used to form adjectives in 
many of the languages, e. g., Tagalog makes from lakas 'strength,' 
the adjective ma-laha-s 'strong' originally perhaps 'having strength': 
Bikol igua contains perhaps the particle wa used affirmatively 
as in Pangasinan : Pampanga (a)tin is simply the (a)ti of type 
two with ligature n: Magindanau adcn is perhaps a com- 
bination of ada (== Malay ada, Iloko adda) and the demon- 
strative particle en : the etymology of Cebuan duna, aduna and 
Sulu tuga is uncertain; the initial a of aduna is probably the 
same as the initial a of Cebuan ania, anaa, atua, Pampanga 
a n^ ati. In Pangasinan and Igorot, oala, woda, guara appear to 
correspond to the negative wala. The negative particles are 
regularly the same as those of type II: in Hiligayna the liga- 
ture y and in Pampanga the ligature n do not form an in- 
separable part of the particle; in Cebuan duna may two affirma- 
tive particles are used together, and in Hiligayna wala may, 
wa may, the negative particle is prefixed to the affirmative. 
Sometimes another word or particle is employed so frequently 
in connection with the quasi-verb that it has become an 
integral part of the word: so, for example, in Tagalog may- 
roon = may, and Nabaloi guara-anan = gnara. Here roon is 
the adverb doon 'there;' anan is perhaps a similar element. 

In some languages the quasi-verbs of types II and III are 
varied to express person or tense. In some of the Bisaya 
dialects and in Pampanga different particles are apparently 
employed according to the person of the subject. In Cebuan 
a is employed with first person, anaa or naa with the 
second or third, and (a}tua with the third person. In Pampanga 
(}n> and (a}ti are used with all three persons, (d)ta only with 
the third. The reason for this seems to be that the forms 
used with the first and second persons are based on the 
nearer demonstratives, and mean 'to be here,' those that are 
employed only with the third are based on the more remote 
demonstratives, and mean 'to be there.' 

In Samaro-Leytean the particles are varied like verbs to 
express tense, viz.. 

VOL. XXX. Part IV. 07 



382 Frank E. Blake, [1910. 

'to be there' 



Pres. 


Fret. 


Fut. 


iito 






aada 


nakada 


makada 


aadto 


nakadto 


makadto 



'to be here' iini 

nakanhi (makanhi) * 

Occasionally in Tagalog the combination of the particle 
na + an adverb of place is treated as if it were the past 
tense of a verb with prefixed ma, e. g., from naroon is formed 
a present tense naroroon. 

In Magindanau aden makes a preterite naden. 
Sentences containing 'copulative to be' are expressed in 
most of the languages by simply juxtaposing subject and 
predicate. The normal order, affirmative and negative, in all 
the languages seems to be predicate, subject, in negative 
sentences the negative standing before the predicate, 2 e.g.: 
Tag. mataas ito-ng lalaki 'this man is tall.' 
matatapang sila 'they are brave.' 
hindi mabuti ang tawo 'the man is not good.' 
hindi sila 3 matatapang 'they are not brave.' 
hindi ko ina 4 '(she) is not my mother.' 
Bis. (Ceb.) salapian ako 'I am rich.' 

dili maayo si Pedro 'Pedro is not good.' 
Bis. (Hil.) maayo ini 'this is good.' 

si Pedro ako 'I am Pedro.' 
maloloyon ang Dios 'God is merciful.' 
dili ako 3 si padre Ramon 'I am not Father Ramon/ 
Bik. marahay ako 'I am good.' 

bako ini-ng papel 'it is not this paper.' 
bako-ng 5 sako iyan 'this is not mine.' 

1 Not given but implied in Figueroa, Arte del idioma visaya de Samar 
y Leyte, 2 a ed., Binondo, 1872. 

2 Negative examples are not always to be found in the material avail- 
able for study, but the rule probably holds good in all cases. 

3 To judge from these examples, when'_the subject is a personal pro- 
noun in Tagalog and Hiligayna (presumably also in the other Bisaya 
dialects) it stands between the negative and the rest of the predicate. 

* When the predicate of a negative sentence in Tagalog is a noun 
modified by a possessive pronoun and the subject is not expressed, the 
postpositive form of the possessive seems to be placed between negative 
and noun as here. 

* A ligature seems to be regularly employed after the negatives saan, 
alioa, aligoa, and also sometimes after bako. 



Vol. xxx.] Expression oftlie ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 383 

Pamp. masanting ya 'he is handsome.' 
Pang, kapitan ak 'I am capital*? 

baleg so kataoan 'the master is powerful.' 

&<$ maronong 1 ... 

I 'he is wise.' 
ahoa-n maronong J 

Ilok. tao ak 'I am a man.' 

maymaysa ak 'I am alone.' 
naimbag daytoy 'this is good.' 
di nasayaat toy a pusa -this cat is not pretty.' 
saan a 5 daket toy a silid 'this room is not large.' 
Iban. babayak 'I am a woman.' 

mapia im masipot 'the gentle one is good.' 
Igor. (Bon.) kawis siya 'he is good.' 

adi kawis sa 'this is not good.' 
Igor. (Nab.) kadubong-ko iai 'this is my hat.' 

aligoa-n 5 balei-ko 'it is not my house.' 
Mag. mapia si Pedro 'Pedro is good.' 
Sulu maraiau tau ien 'that man is good.' 

buldin amu ien 'that is not exact.' 

The subject, however, may also stand first, but this seems 
to be the case in many of the languages at least, only when 
it is specially emphasized. In the northern group of Philip- 
pine Languages, Pangasinan, Iloko, Ibanag, and probably Pam- 
panga l this is apparently allowed only when the predicate is 
definite, i. e., is preceded by the definite article or a demon- 
strative pronoun. When the subject is a personal pronoun 
these languages employ a special emphatic form, e.g.: 

Pang, si Juan so mabayani 'Juan is the brave one.' 

say kapitan so linma dia ; the capitan was the 

* one that came here.' 

siak so kapitan 'I am the capitan? 
Ilok. sika ti napigsa 'you are the brave one.' 

toy a tao ti naimbag 'this man is the good one.' 
Iban. sakan ig gobernador 'I am the Governor.' 

sikau si Pedro 'you are Pedro.' 

Cebuan and Hiligayna seem to follow the same rule as the 
northern languages, though they have no special series of emphatic 



1 No examples are available, but the fact that Pampanga possesses a 
special series of emphatic personal pronouns, besides its general resemblance 
to the other languages makes this probable. 

27* 



384 Frank R. Blake, [1910. 

pronouns; the definite article may be replaced by the particle 
y, e.g.: 

Ceb. si Pedro ang ] , . f 'Pedro is the 
; VA maloloy< 



si Pedro-y J " " WJ j merciful one.' 
Hil. siya ang amay ko 'he is my father.' 

ako-y amay niya 'I am his father.' 

In Tagalog, Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, Bontok Igorot, Magin- 
danau, and Sulu, the subject may apparently stand first with- 
out special emphasis; in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot the subject 
and predicate are joined by the particle ay (after a vowel ay 
or '?/), and ya respectively, e.g.: 

Tag. ang tawo 'y mabuti 'the man is good.' 

ikaw ay hindi matapang 'you are not brave/ 
Sam.-Ley. si Juan diri maopay 'Juan is not good.' 
Bik. si Antonio maraot 'Antonio is bad.' 

ini bulauan 'this is gold.' 
Igor. (Bon.) nan mamamagkid ya fanig 'the girls are little. 

sika ya antjo 'you are tall.' 
Mag. su kayo makapal 'the tree is large.' 

si Rudolfo mapulu a tau 'Rudolf is a tall man.' 
su islam talau 'the moro is a coward.' 
Sulu in salapa nia balawan 'his betel-box is (made 

of) gold.' 

in batabata ini di masipug 'this boy is with- 
out shame (not bavin g-shame).' 

In constructions of type II, the affirmative is expressed by 
particles which, in many cases at least, are derived from the 
demonstrative pronouns; the negative particle is regularly the 
same as in the third type. When the sentence contains 'loca- 
tive to ~be' the particle is regularly followed by the oblique 
case of the place in which or a demonstrative adverb of place; 
when it contains 'definite to have,' by the oblique case of the 
possessor. In the second case the subject of the sentence is 
the thing possessed. The rules with regard to the relative 
position of subject and predicate seem to be the same as in 
type I; in Tagalog, and apparently in Bontok Igorot, ay, y 
and ya are used as in type I, e. g.: 

Tag. ang bata 'y na sa bahay ] u 

, , , ., J I 'the boy is m the house, 

na sa bahay ang bata J 

ang pari ay wala sa simbahan J 'the priest is not in 
wala sa simbahan ang pari the church.' 



Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 385 

ang kabayo ni Pedro 'y na sa akin 'I have 

Pedro's horse.' 
wala kay Juan ang salapi 'Juan has not the 

money. 7 
Bis. (Ceb.) ania kanako ang sinina 'I have the shirt.' 

tua sa ilalom sa lamesa '(it) is under the 

table.' 
Bis. (Hil.) adto siya sa Ogtong 'he is at Ogtong.' 

wala siya sa San Marino 'he is not at San 

Marino.' 

way diri ang amay ko 'my father is not here.' 
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) iini sa akon kamut 'it is here in my hand.' 
aadto sa balay 'it is there in the house.' 
nakadto ka sa Katbalogan 'have you been in 

Katbalogan?' 
Bik. ang kupia iyaon sa lamesa 'the hat is on the 

table.' 
day duman sa lamesa an sogkod 'the stick is 

not on the table.' 
na saimo dao an panyo ko 'have you my 

handkerchief?' 
Pamp. ni-ko keni 'I am here.' 

ta-yo karin king silid 'he is there in the room.' 
ala-yo keti 'he is not here.' 
Pang, oa-d abung to si Pedro 'Pedro is in his house.' 

oa-d sika-y kaballo 'have you the horse?' 
Ilok. adda iti sirnbaan si apo Padi 'the priest is in 

the church.' 

adda ak ditoy 'I am here.' 
aoan ditoy ti aso 'the dog is not here.' 
adda kenka ti pagtinteroak 'have you my ink- 
stand.' 

adda-da iti cocinero 'the cook has them.' 
aoan ti malo kaniak 'I have not the hammer.' 
Iban. egga ip pirak nikau 'have you the money?' 

auas i si Pedro tab balay 'Pedro is not in the 

house.' 
Igor. (Bon.) woday-ak is nan afong 'I am in the house.' 

1 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions 
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336. 



386 Frank E. Blake, [1910. 

ma'id siya isna adwani 'he is not here to-day, 
siya ya woday isna 'he is here.' 
Igor. (Nab.) guara-ak chi balei 'I am in the house/ 

Sulu in barong nm aun ha-lum bai 'your barong is ' 

in the house.' 

wai run pa-lum bai 'it is not in the house.' 
In Magindanau this type, in the affirmative, seems to be 
expressed in the same way as type I, without particle, the 
prepositional phrase or adverb simply taking the place of the 
nominal or adjectival predicate, e. g.: 

su glat sa linauau na tulugan 'the knife is on the bed.' 
su asu sa lamalama 'the dog is on the plaza.' 
Some of the other languages also occasionally follow this 
construction in the affirmative, e. g.: 
Bis. (Ceb.) dinhi ako 'I am here.' 
Bis. (Hil.) dira si Juan 'Juan is there.' 

Ilok. dita ka pay 'are you still there?' 
Iban. ajjau ak 'I am here.' 

In constructions of type III, in the case of 'indefinite to 
have 1 the possessor stands sometimes in the nominative, some- 
times in the genitive, sometimes, probably after the analogy 
of type II, in the oblique. The original idea in the case of 
the genitive in such a sentence as 'I have money' is probably 
'there is, there exists money of mine.' The possessor stands in 
the nominative only, in Tagalog, and apparently in Hiligayna, 
Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, and Sulu; in the genitive only, in 
Iloko: in either nominative or genitive in Cebuan, Pampanga, 
Nabaloi, and Magindanau; in either genitive or oblique in 
Ibanag, Pangasinan, and Bontok Igorot. 

The thing possessed may be preceded by a ligature or in- 
definite particle or it may stand alone. The ligatures are the 
following viz., Tag., Bik. -ng, Pamp. -?z, Ceb., Hil., Pang, -y, 
Mag. a; the indefinite particles, which in some languages (e. g., 
Iloko) seem to be used only after a negative, are viz., Ceb. 
ug, in, ing, Hil. sing, Iban. tu: Bik. nin, Igor. (Bon.) nan, 
Nab. ne, Ilok. ti, which are used in the same way as the in- 
definite particles, although forms of the definite article, are 
to be classed here. In some cases a ligature has become an 
integral part of the quasi-verb, so apparently in Tag., Bis., 
Bik. ma-y, Bis. wa-y, luala-y, wara-y, Bik. da-y, Pamp. ti-n, 
Igor. (Bon.) woda-y: Sulu tuga is probably tug (used as nominal 






Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 387 

prefix, e. g., tug-hai 'having a house, owner of a house') -f the 
ligature a. The object may stand without preceding ligature 
or indefinite particle after some of these quasi-verbs, under 
just what conditions is not in all cases clear; in Tagalog or 
Bisaya an object that follows may directly has this con- 
struction. 

In the case of 'indefinite to be,' the element that corresponds 
to the possessor, being indefinite 'one, they,' is not expressed; 
the thing that is or exists, the logical subject, stands in the 
same construction as the thing possessed; the place where is 
expressed by an adverb of place or by an oblique case. 

Here, as in type II, the relative position of subject and 
predicate are governed by the same rules as in type I. In 
Tagalog the particles ay, y, in Bontok Igorot the particle 
ya are used as in the two other types. 

The following examples will illustrate these principles, e. g.: 

Tag. may ako-ng salapi } T , , 

, J , , I 'I have money.' 

ako y may salapi J 

wala ako-ng anak ] T . 

, , i*I have no son.' 

ako y wala-ng anak J 

may tawo sa bahay 'there is a man in the house.' 
wala-ng tawo sa lansangan 'there is no one on 
the street.' 

Bis. (Ceb,) duna-v ako-ng (gen.) tiernpo ) T , . , 

. I 'I have time.' 

duna ako-y (nom.) tiempo J 

wala ako (nom.} ug humay 'I have no rice.' 
aduna ing katigayonan 'he has riches. 

Bis. (Hil.) ako may asawa na ) T . .- 

, I'l have a wife now. 
may asawa na ako J 

wa-y kan'on ini-ng tauo 'this man has no food.' 

wala-y buut yana 'he has no sense.' 

wa ka-y buut 'you have no sense.' 

wala ako-y kan'on 'I have no food.' 

wala pa siya sing buut 'he has still no sense.' 

way ako sing katungdanan sa pagbuhat sina 

'I have no obligation to do that.' 
wala may pilak ako 'I have no money.' 
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) may salapi ka 'have you any money?' 
waray ka salapi 'you have no money. 7 
Bik. igua ako-ng saro-ng ayam na magayom 'I have 

a pretty dog.' 



388 Frank E. Slake, [1910. 

day ako-ng gubing 'I have no clothing.' 
ika dai-ng gubing 'you have no clothes. 7 
clay ako nin saro-ng sadit 'I have not one cuarto.' 
igua ka nin tubig 'have you any water?' 
dai-ng tawo sa harong 'there is no one in the house.' 
Pamp. atin kopia ning kapatad mo 'has your brother a hat?' 
atin mo 1 -!! imalan 'he has indeed clothing. 7 
atin palse karin 'there is rice there.' 

ala-n imalan mo ) , , ,, <->, 

I 'have you no clothes r 
ala ka-n imalan J 

ala-n pale karin 'there is no rice there. 7 

Pang, oala-y kaballo-m Q , 

i , i 11 ,-, ., [. 'have you a horse r 
oala-y kaballo d sika J 

oala-y polvos yo ] , 

, ., I 'have you (pi.) any powders r 
oala-y polvos ed sikayo J 

oala-y too ed abung 'there are people in the house. 7 
andi gapo-y polvos 'there are no powders at all. 7 
Ilok. adda tabako-m 'have you any tobacco?' 
adda aso-mi 'we have a dog.' 
aoan ti aso-da 'they have no dog.' 
aoan ti naimbag a arak-na 'he has no good wine.' 
adda tao itoy a balay 'there are people in this house.' 
adda arak ditoy 'there is wine here.' 
aoan ti pusa iti balay itoy 'there are no cats in 

this house. 7 

Iban. egga ginageram mu ] 'have you slandered anyone 
egga tu ginageram mu J(have you any slandered one).' 

auan yaya tu utok ] , , 

I 'he has judgment. 
auas 2 sa tu utok J 

auan ak tu pirak 1 T , , 

. . L 'I have no money, 
auan makan tu pirak J 

auas 2 si Pedro tu utok j 'Pedro has no 

auat 2 tu utok takkuani Pedro j judgment. 7 
at 2 tu tolay tab balay 'there is no one in the house. 7 

Igor. (Bon.) woday ken sak'en nan afong 1 , 

1 I 'I have a house, 
woday nan afong-ko J 

woda nan kayo 'there is a tree. 7 



1 mo is here an adverb. 

2 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions 
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336. 



Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "io 6e" and " to have" etc. 389 

woda nan onash id Falidfid 'there was ;i sugar- 
cane-plantation at Falidtid.' 
ma'id kayo-k 'I have no wood.' 
ma'id noang 'there is no buffalo (here).' 
Igor. (Nab.) guara balei-to 'has he a house?' 
anchi balei-to 'he has no house.' 
guara anan tayo ne kabadyo 'we have horses.' 
anchi chanum 'there is no water.' 
Mag. aden aku bengala 'I have a shirt.' 

aden a tau lu 'there are people there.' 
da palay ko 'I have no rice.' 
da musala nin 'he has no handkerchief.' 
da tau lu 'there is no one there.' 
kagay naden aku pilak 'yesterday I had money.' 
Sulu in sapit tuga jungal 'the sapit has a bowsprit.' 
tau tuga ekog 'men that have tails.' 
tuga buling-batu ha Sog 'there is coal in Sulu.' 
in hula ini tuga saitan 'this country is possessed 

with devils (has devils).' 

tuga tau ha bai ini 'there are people in this house.' 
aun kah bili-bili ha Sog 'are there any sheep in 

Sulu?' 

aun ang gatus 'there are a hundred.' 
wai run manok kabili ha Sog 'there are no capons 

in Sulu.' 

wai kasudahan in hinang ini 'this work has no end.' 
The object of the quasi- verbal particles of this third type 
is in many cases a verbal form, the construction corresponding 
usually to the English idiom 'to have to.' This construction 
certainly occurs in many of the languages and probably in all 
of them, but a few examples from Tagalog will suffice to 
illustrate the general principle, e.g.: 
Tag. may siya-ng pinatay na tawo 'he has killed a man (he 

has a killed man).' 
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say (I have not 

anything-about-to-be-said).' 

may nagnakaw na tawo ] 'there was a robber (a man 
may tawo-ng nagnakaw J that robbed).' 

Cf. also examples in next paragraph. 

These particles in connection with their objects often express 
indefinite pronominal ideas, such as 'some,' 'any,' 'something,' 



390 Frank E. Blake, [1910. 

'anything,' 'no,' 'nothing.' As in the preceding case the examples 
will be confined to Tagalog, e. g. : 

mayroon ako-ng tinapay 'I have some bread.' 

mayroon ka-ng salapi 'have you any money?' 

mayroon siya-ng sinabi 'did he say anything?' 

mayroon kayo-ng hinahanap 'are you looking, for anyone, 

anything.' 

wala ako-ng asawa 'I have no wife.' 
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say.' 
wala ako-ng sinabi 'I said nothing.' 

All of the three types may also be expressed interrogatively, 
with negative interrogation, and in connection with special 
interrogative words such as 'who,' 'what.' 

The simple interrogative and negative interrogative of these 
types do not differ from the affirmative and negative except 
in the addition of interrogative particles, and the changes in 
position caused by them. Such particles are, e. g. : Tag. baga, 
~kaya, Bis. la, Bik. baga, Pamp. ta, kaya, kasi. Pang, kasi, 
Iban. dasi, Sulu kah. In some languages these particles are 
more commonly used than in others; they do not appear to 
be absolutely essential in any. They usually stand after or 
between two elements of the predicate, but may stand after 
the subject when it precedes the predicate. When special 
interrogative words are used they regularly constitute the 
predicate of the sentence, the remainder of the sentence stand- 
ing as subject. These special interrogative words may be 
followed by the interrogative particles. Some examples from 
Tagalog will illustrate the general principles of construction, e. g.: 
malaki baga ang iyo-ng aso 'is your dog large?' 
mayaman ka baga 'are you rich?' 

na sa bahay baga ang ina mo 'is your mother in the house ?' 
wala baga sa kaniya ang damit ko 'has-n't he my clothes?' 
mayroon baga sila-ng salapi 'have they any 'money?' 
sino ka 'who are you?' 

sino kaya ito-ng babayi-ng ito 'who is this woman?' 
kanino baga ito-ng bahay 'whose is this house?' 
ano-ng * ngalan mo 'what is your name ?' 

sino ang] 

I na sa bahay 'who is m the house r 
smo-ng 1 I 

1 Ligature used for the article ang. 



Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and kl to have" etc. 391 

ano-ng bulaklak ang na sa kaniya 'what flower has he?' 

sino-ang 1 

sino-ng | may TQQn 9 banl ' who nas a 8 un? 

ano-ng mayroon ka 'what have you?' 

The foregoing discussion does not claim to be by any means 
an exhaustive treatment of the two important ideas 'to be' and 
'to have' in the Philippine Languages, it simply indicates the 
lines along which their further study should be carried. It is 
practically impossible, on the basis of the material available 
for study to obtain a thoroughgoing knowledge of these three 
types of construction, and as such a knowledge is essential for 
the mastery of any Philippine language, those who have the 
opportunity to investigate these languages at first hand should 
attempt to supply this want. They should study these types 
from all points of view. Numerous examples should be collected 
illustrating the various types expressed affirmatively, negatively, 
interrogatively, with negative interrogation, and with special 
interrogative words. These examples should present instances 
of all the parts of speech, both alone and with all possible 
modifiers, employed as subject, predicate, or case form depend- 
ing on the quasi-verb. Especial attention should be devoted 
to the construction of the pronouns (personal, demonstrative, 
the article, interrogative, indefinite particles, ligatures) and to 
the construction of postpositive words (i. e., pronominal or ad- 
verbial particles like Tagalog fra, mo\ na, pa, baga, etc., which 
must always follow some other word); and the rules governing 
the position of the various elements should be carefully worked 
out and tested. Moreover any special idioms founded on these 
constructions should be pointed out and thoroughly discussed. 

It is a difficult matter for those who have no special lin- 
guistic training to recognize what things are important and 
what are trivial in the great mass of material with which they 
are brought in contact, when they take up the study of a 
Philippine language, especially one of those about which little 
is known. For such it is hoped that the sketch here presented 
may furnish an introduction and guide to the study of one of 
the most fundamental portions of the grammar of the Philip- 
pine Languages. 

1 Eoon + ng > roong + ng > roong by assimilation of n to ng and 
simplification of the doubling. Italics are used to indicate that final ng 
results from n + ligature ng. 



Printed by W. Drugulin. Leipzig (Germany) 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

AT ITS 

MEETING IN NEW YORK, N. Y. 
1909. 



The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred 
and twenty-first occasion of its assembling, was held in New 
York City, at Columbia University, on Thursday, Friday, and 
Saturday of Easter Week, April 15th, 16th and 17th. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 
sessions: 



Adler, 


Gilmore, 


Joseph, 


Olmstead, 


Arnold', W. it. 


Gottheil, 


Kohn, Miss 


Peters, 


Asakawa, 


Gray, L. H. 


Kyle, 


Quackenbos, 


Barret, 


Gray, Mrs. L. H. 


Lanman, 


Rosenau, 


Barton, 


Grieve, Miss 


Levonian, 


Rudolph, Miss 


Black, 


Haas, 


Lyon, 


Scott, C. P. G. 


Brown, 


Haessler, Miss 


Madsen, 


Scott, Mrs. S.B. 


Carus, 


Harper, 


Margolis, 


Shepard, 


Campbell, 


Haupt, 


Meyer, 


Sherman, 


Colton, Miss 


Haynes, 


Micnelson, 


Steele, 


Davidson, 


Hirth, 


Moore, J. H. 


Thompson, 


Demarest, 


Hock, 


Miiller, 


Todd,' 


Ember, 


Hopkins, 


Musa-Arnolt, 


Torrey, 


Frachtenberg, 


Howland, 


Nies, J. B. 


Vanderburgh, 


Frank, 


Hussey, Miss 


Nies, W. C. 


Ward, W. H. 


Friedenwald, 


Jackson, 


Oertel, 


Ussher, 


Friedlaender, 


Jastrovv, 


Ogden, C. J. 


Yohannan. 


Gelbach, 


Johnston, 


Ogden, Miss E. S. 


Total, 71. 



The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three 
o'clock in the Trustees Room of the University, with the Presi- 



11 

dent of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, in the 
chair. 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting held in Cam- 
bridge, Mass., April 23d and 24th, 1908, was dispensed with, 
because they were presented in printed form as advance sheets 
ready to appear in the Journal (vol. xxix, 304 314). 

The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through 
Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, in the form of a printed program, 
and made some special supplementary announcements. 

The succeeding sessions of the Society were appointed for 
Friday morning at half-past nine, Friday afternoon at half- 
past two, and Saturday morning at half-past nine. It was 
announced that a luncheon would be given to the Society at 
Columbia University by the local members on Friday at one 
o'clock, and that arrangements had been made for a sub- 
scription dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel on Thursday evening 
at seven o'clock. 



REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor 
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows: 

The Corresponding Secretary desires at the outset to express his thanks 
and appreciation to his predecessor in office, Professor Hopkins, now 
President of the Society, for the kindly help lent to him when assuming 
the new duties and for the aid so generously given to lighten the burden 
of work inevitable in a secretarial position. 

The correspondence for the year has been somewhat extensive. There 
has been an ever-growing number of communications called forth by the 
inclusion of the American Oriental Society's name in the lists of organi- 
zations that are regularly published in various bulletins and records in 
different parts of the country. This is a good thing, as it draws wider 
attention to the scope and aims of the Society, and it might perhaps be 
well for us later to consider the question of enlarging somewhat the list 
of cities in which our meetings are held, since several Boards of Trade 
in other places have made tender of opportunities that might be offered 
if their particular city should be chosen for one of the annual 
meetings. 

A pleasant part of the interchange of letters which has been carried 
on since the last meeting has been the correspondence with the newly 
elected members and with those who had been chosen as honorary 
members and who have expressed in complimentary terms their appre- 
ciation of the distinction conferred by the Society's electing them. 

A sad but sympathetic part of the year's work has been writing ex- 
pressions of thought and remembrance for those who have been bereaved 






Ill 

by the death of some member of the family who was thus lost as a 
member from our own midst. The list is not small considering our 
limited membership. 

DEATHS. 

HONORARY MEMBERS. 

Professor Richard Pischel. 
Professor Eberhard Schrader. 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mrs. Emma J. Arnold. 
Mr. Ernest B. Fenollosa. 
Mr. Francis Blackmore Forbes. 
President Daniel Coit Gilman. 
Professor Charles Eliot Norton. 
Professor John Henry Wright. 

Professor Pischel, one of our more recent honorary members, was a 
German Sanskrit scholar of wide learning and whose name was recognized 
with honor throughout the learned world. He died at the age of fifty- 
nine, in December, 1908, at Madras, India, shortly after reaching the 
land to which he had devoted his life's studies and which it had ever 
been his heart's desire to visit. 

Professor Schrader, of the University of Berlin, was made an honorary 
member of the Society in 1890, in recognition of his distinguished ser- 
vices to Oriental science especially in the line of Assyriological research. 
His long and eminent career, which led him to the position of a Privy 
Councilor at the Royal Court of Germany, lent a special dignity to the 
list of the Society's membership. 

Mrs. Emma J. Arnold, of Providence, R. I., a corporate member of 
the Society since 1894, died at the home of her husband, Dr. Oliver H. 
Arnold, of Providence, on June 7, 1908. 

Ernest F. Fenollosa, of Mobile, Alabama, since 1894 a member of the 
Society, died in England in October, 1908, just as he was about to return 
to America. His special interest lay in the field of Japan, where he had 
lived for some time, and he was a very agreeable lecturer and writer on 
the subject of its art, its history and its civilization. 

Francis Blackman Forbes, of Boston, a member since 1864, died at his 
home in Boston, May 21, 1908, at the age of sixty-eight. Mr. Forbes 
had been a merchant in China for twenty-five years, until 1882, when he 
removed to Paris for four years and afterwards returned to his home 
in Massachusetts. His interest in Chinese flora and the fine collection 
of specimens which he made in that field won him a fellowship in the 
Linnean Society of London. 

Daniel Coit Gilman, who was an active member of the Society for 
over half a century, having joined in 1857, and who was our president 
for thirteen years, from 1893 to 1906, d.ed at his birthplace in Norwich, 



IV 

on October 13, 1908, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. After his 
graduation from Yale College in 1852, he continued his studies at Cam- 
bridge and at Berlin, and then entered upon a distinguished career as 
an educator, as is well known to those who are acquainted with the edu- 
cational development of this country whose interests he served so faith- 
fully. He was President of the Johns Hopkins University from 1875 to 
1901, when he retired as emeritus to take the presidency of the newly 
founded Carnegie Institution. He had previously enjoyed the honor of 
being appointed by the President of the United States to act as one of 
the five members of the United States Commission on the subject of the 
boundary line between Venezuela and Colombia. The valuable services 
which he rendered to the American Oriental Society during the thirteen 
years in which he was our presiding officer, and the distinction which 
he lent by his association with the Society, will always remain a bright 
memory. 

Professor Charles Eliot Norton, of Harvard University, art critic and 
man of letters, who joined the Society in 1857, the same year as Mr. Oil- 
man, passed away in the week after his contemporary's death. He died 
at Cambridge, Mass, on October 21, 1908. The public press throughout 
the land paid tribute to his memory. Although not an active attendant 
at the Oriental meetings, he never lost his interest during the fifty-one 
years of his membership. The part which Mr. Norton took as one of 
the first scholars to draw attention to Fitzgerald's version of Omar 
Khayyam will always associate his name with the interest taken in the 
Persian poet. 

Professor John Henry Wright, of Harvard University, a member of 
the Oriental Society since 1898 , died at Cambridge , Mass, on No- 
vember 25, 1908. Professor Wright was born in Urumiah, Persia, the 
city which is believed by some to have been the birthplace of Zoroaster. 
Although Dr. Wright's specialty was in Greek, he had early taken an 
interest in Sanskrit in his student days, and showed his interest in the 
Oriental Society by joining it ten years ago. 

In conclusion the Secretary is pleased to add that the major part of 
his correspondence has been of a special or technical character as asso- 
ciated with work now incorporated in the Journal or as carried on with 
fellow-searchers for light in the realm of the Land of the Dawn. 

The details of the Secretary's report were accepted as pre- 
sented and it was directed to place the report on record. 



REPORT OF THE TREASURER. 

The report of the Treasurer, Professor Frederick Wells 
Williams, was presented by the Corresponding Secretary and 
read as follows: 



RECEIPTS AND DISI-.TMISEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or Tin AMERICAN ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY FOII THE YEAU KNI.ING DECEMBER 31, 1908. 

Receipts. 

Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1907 $ 59.12 

Dues (190) for 1908 $ 950.00 

., (64) for other years 320.00 

(14) for Hist. S. R. Sect 28.00 

$ 1,298.00 

Sales of Journal 193.79 

Life Memberships (2) 150.00 

Subscriptions collected for Or. Bibl. Subvention . . 9M.OO 

State National Bank Dividends 122.21 

Annual Interest from Savings Banks 47.22 , ^ 22 

$ 1,966.34 
Expenditures. 

T., M. and T. Co., printing vol. xxviii (remainder) $ 1,364.48 

Librarian, postage, etc 7.09 

Other postage and express 6.77 

Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 100.00 

Balance to general account . $ 488.00 

$ 1,966.34 

STATEMENT. 

1907 1908 

Bradley Type Fund . $ 2,481.93 $ 2,653.41 

Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00 

State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00 

Connecticut Savings Bank 6.03 6.39 

National Savings Bank 11.67 12.11 

Interest Cotheal Fund 149.27 195.69 

Cash on hand 102.93 12.54 

Interest 55 

$ 5,702738 $ 5,830.14 

The report of the Treasurer was supplemented verbally by 
Professor Jackson with a statement, merely for record, that 
the Directors had voted that the Society should continue next 
year to contribute as before to the Orientalische Bibliographic, 
and that the Treasurer was authorized to pay said contri- 
bution directly out of the funds in the treasury. 

REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE. 

The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by Professor C. C. Torrey, as follows: 

We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Acting Treasurer of this Society, and have found the same correct, and 



VI 

that the foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also 
compared the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and 
pass-books and have found all correct. 

CHARLES C. TORREY, \ A u 
HANNS OERTEL, } A 

NEW HAVEN, April 17, 1909. 

REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 

The Librarian, Professor Harms Oertel, presented his report 
as follows: 

Miss Margaret D. Whitney has continued her work of cataloguing 
the Society's Library. The response to a circular letter to our exchanges 
asking that incomplete sets be, as far as possible, completed, has been 
very cordial and generous. The next report of the Librarian will contain 
a bibliographical list of all periodical literature deposited in our Library. 
As in previous reports, the Librarian again calls attention to the abso- 
lute necessity of a small sum of money for the binding of our accessions. 
It is impossible to allow unbound volumes to go out of the library, and 
as almost all of our members live at a distance, unbound books cannot 
be used by them. 

The thanks of the Society are again due to Miss Margaret D. Whitney 
for her continued interest in the Library, to Mr. Schwab, Librarian of 
Yale University, for many favours, and to Mr. Gruener of the Yale 
Library for valued assistance in mailing. 

REPORT OF THE EDITORS. 

The report of the Editors of the Journal of the Society, 
Professors Oertel and Jewett, was made by Professor Oertel 
as follows: 

The editors regret that owing to the delay in setting up and correcting 
one of the articles, it has not been possible to complete the current number 
of the Journal in time to have it in the hands of the members before 
this meeting. It will be sent out early in May. As is well known to 
the members, the cost of printing of the Society's Journal has for some 
years past exceeded the Society's income and made it necessary to draw 
on our invested funds. It did not seem wise to the editors to continue 
indefinitely such a policy of living beyond our means. They, therefore, 
reluctantly decided to publish the Society's Journal for the current year 
in one volume of about 100 pages less than has been customary. 

By direction of the Board of Directors, the Editors will make arrange- 
ments for printing the next volume of the Journal abroad, and they ex- 
pect that the saving thus effected will make it possible to print the 
Journal as before without exceeding the income of the Society. 

The Editors, finally, desire to call the attention of members to the 
rule that all papers read at the Society's meeting are presumed to be 
available for printing in the Society's Journal and subject to the call of 
the Editors for that purpose. 



Vll 

ELECTION OF MEMBERS. 

The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected members of the Society: 

HONORARY MEMBERS. 

Rev. Canon Samuel R. Driver, M. Charles Clermont-Ganneau, 

Professor Hermann Jncobi. 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mr. George William Brown, Mr. James H. Hyde, 

Mr. Charles Dana Burrage, Mr. Thomas W. Kingsmill, 

Senor Felipe G. Calderon, Rev. M. G. Kyle, 

Mr. Irving Comes Demarest, Mr. Levon J. K. Levonian, 

Dr. Carl Frank, Mr. Albert Howe Lybyer, 

Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, Mr. Charles J. Morse, 

Miss Marie Gelbach, Mr. Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead, 

Dr. George W. Gilmore, Mr. Walter Peterson, 

Miss Luise Haessler, Mr. George V. Schick, 

Edward H. Hume, M. D., Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, 
Rev. Sydney N. Ussher. 

OFFICERS FOR 1909-1910. 

The committee appointed at Cambridge to nominate officers 
for the ensuing year consisted of Professors Francis Brown, 
Torrey, and Oertel, (see Journal, vol. xxix, 311) and their report 
recommended the following names, which were duly elected: 

President-^. William Hayes Ward, of New York. 

Vice- Presidents Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; Professor 
Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry Hyvernat, of Washington. 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of New 
York. 

Eecording Secretary Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass. 

Secretary of the Section for Religions Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., 
of Philadelphia. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven. 

Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy 
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New 
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven ; 
Robert F. Harper and James R. Jewett, of Chicago. 

ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT. 

At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session, 
the President of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, 



Vlll 

of Yale University, delivered his annual address on "Exagge- 
rations of Tabu as a Religious Motive." 

The Society adjourned at the close of the address to meet 
at half past seven o'clock for dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel. 

FRIDAY SESSION. 

The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past 
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communi- 
cations were presented: 

Doctor K. Asakawa, of Yale University, Notes on village 
administration in Japan under the Tokugawa. *Remarks by 
Professor Hopkins. 

Professor L. C. Barret, of Princeton University, Concerning 
Kashmir Atharva-Veda, Book 2. Remarks by Professor Lan- 
man. 

Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College, The nota- 
tion for 216,000 in the Tablets of Telloh. Remarks by Pro- 
fessors Jastrow and Haupt. 

Doctor George F. Black, of Lenox Library, N. Y., Concern- 
ing the Gypsy Lore Society, presented by Dr. C. P. G. Scott 

Doctor A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University, Hebrew 
stems with prefixed $. Remarks by Professors Haupt and 
W. Max Mfiller. 

Dr. M. Margolis, of the Jewish Publication Society, Phila., 
The necessity of complete induction for finding the Semitic 
equivalents of Septuagint words. Remarks by Professor Haupt. 

Mr. L. J. Frachtenberg, of New York, The superstition of 
the evil eye in Zoroastrian literature. Remarks by Professors 
Hopkins, Miiller, Jastrow, Peters. 

Professor L. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Semi- 
nary of America, The Fountain of Life and the Islands of the 
Blessed in the Alexander legends. Remarks by Professors 
Haupt and Jastrow, and Doctor Yohannan. 

Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The .Kitab 
Dlwan Misr. 

Professor A. V. "W. Jackson, of Columbia University, A 
legend of aerial navigation in Ancient Persia. Remarks by 
Professors Friedlaender and Jastrow. 

Professor M. Jastrow, of the University of Pennsylvania, An- 
other fragment of the Etana myth. 

At twelve thirty the Society took a recess till half past two 
o'clock, and were invited to luncheon as guests of the local 
members. 



IX 

On convening again after luncheon the session was held in 
the auditorium of Schermerhorn Hall, Columbia, President 
Hopkins presiding, and the following papers were presented: 

Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The origin 
and history of the minaret. Remarks by Professor Jastrow. 

Miss L. C. G. Grieve, Ph. D., of New York, The Dasara 
Festival at Satara, India. Remarks by Professor Hopkins. 

Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, The 
Location of Mount Sinai. 

Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University, Pali book 
titles and how to cite them. Remarks by Professors Hopkins 
and Haupt. 

Professor "W. Max Muller, of Philadelphia, Scenes of the 
religious worship of the Canaanites on Egyptian monuments. 
Illustrated by stereopticon photographs. Remarks by Professor 
Haupt. 

Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University, The Harvard 
excavations at Samaria. Illustrated by stereopticon photo- 
graphs. Remarks by Professor Lanman. 

Dr. T. A. Olmstead, Preparatory School, Princeton, N. J., 
Some results of the Cornell Expedition to Asia Minor and the 
Assyro-Babylonian Orient. 

Dr. Truman Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn., The general 
interrelation of the dialects of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts, with 
some remarks on the home of Pali. 

Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University, On Chinese 
Hieroglyphics. 

At five thirty the Society adjourned for the day; and the 
evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the members 
for supper and general conversation. 

SATURDAY SESSION. 

On Saturday morning at half-past nine, the fourth and con- 
cluding session was held in Room 407 of Schermerhorn Hall, 
and was devoted to the reading of papers and the transaction 
of important business. 

In the business portion of the session, which formed the 
first matter of consideration, the Committee on the Nomi- 
nation of Officers reported the names as already given above. 

The Chair then appointed as committee to nominate officers 
at the first session of the next annual meeting, the following 
members: 



Professor Robert F. Harper, of Chicago; 
Dr. George C. O. Haas, of Columbia; 
Dr. Albert A. Madsen, of Cleveland, Ohio. 

The Directors reported that they had appointed Professor 
Hanns Oertel and Professor James R. Jewett as Editors of 
the Journal for the ensuing year. 

The place and date of the next meeting as appointed by 
the Directors was further announced to be Baltimore, during 
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st, 
April 1st and 2d, 1910. 

The Committee to audit the Treasurer's accounts consists of 
Professors Torrey and Oertel. 

Professor Hirth brought before the Society for consideration 
the question of the tariff imposed upon books in foreign 
languages imported into the United States. Upon motion of 
Professor Haupt, the following petition was unanimously adopted 
and the Corresponding Secretary was instructed to forward it 
in an appropriate manner to the authorities at Washington: 

The American Oriental Society, assembled at its annual meeting 
held in New York, April 17, 1909, respectfully petition the Senate 
and House of Representatives of the United States of America that 
all scientific books dealing with foreign languages imported from 
abroad be admitted free of duty. 

I 

The presentation of papers was resumed in the following 
order : 

Professor Christopher Johnston, of Johns Hopkins Uni- 
versity: 

(a) The fable of the horse and the ox in cuneiform lite- 
rature. 

(b) Assyrian lexicographical notes. 

(c) The Sumerian verb. 
Remarks by Professor Haupt. 

Dr. Ishya Joseph, of New York, Notes on some matters 
relating to Arabic philology. Remarks by Professor Haupt. 
Professor Hanns Oertel, of Yale University: 

(a) Some cases of analogy formation. 

(b) The Sanskrit, root drp, 'stumble'. 
Remarks by Professor Hopkins. 

Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh, of New York, A hymn to Bel, 
Tablet 29623, British Museum, as published in CT. xv, plates 
12 and 13. 






XI 

Dr. A. Yohaiman, of Columbia University, A Turkish manu- 
script treatise on physiognomy. 

Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: 

(a) Pi-hahiroth and the route of the Exodus. 

(b) The disgrace and rehabilitation of Galilee. (Isaiah ix. 1.) 

At eleven thirty Vice-President Haupt was invited to the 
Chair by Professor Hopkins on his withdrawal. The session 
continued as follows: 

Professor P. Hirth, of Columbia University, On early Chinese 
notices of African territories. Remarks by Professors Haupt 
and W. Max Miiller. 

Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, of Columbia University, Notes 
on Zoroastrian chronology. 

Professor I. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Seminary 
of America, N. Y., 'Abdallah b. Saba, the Jewish founder of 
Shiism. 

Before the session closed, the following resolution was un- 
animously adopted: 

The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to 
the President and Trustees of Columbia University and to the local 
members for the courtesies which they have extended to the 
Society during this meeting; and to the Committee of Arrange- 
ments for the provisions they have made for its entertainment. 

The Society adjourned at half past twelve on Saturday to 
meet in Baltimore, Md., March 31st, April 1st, and 2d 1910. 

The following communications were read by title: 

Dr. Bigelow, of Boston, Nirvana and the Buddhist moral 
code. 
Dr. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: 

(a) The Tagalog verb. 

(b) Brockelmann's Comparative Semitic Grammar. 
Professor Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University, Studies 

on the text and language of the Rig- Veda. 

Professor Gottheil, of Columbia University, A door from the 
Madrassah of Barkuk. 

Reverend A. Kohut, of New York: 

(a) Royal Hebraists. 

(b) A tradition concerning Haman in Albiruni, and the 
story of Rikayon in the Sefer Ha-Yashar. 

Professor Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz. 



Xll 

Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University: 

(a) The uses of lb in Post-Biblical Hebrew. 

(b) Abstract formations in the philosophical Hebrew. 
Professor Torrey, of Yale University: 

(a) The question of the date of the Samaritan schism. 

(b) The lacuna in Neh. ix. 5 f. 



List of Members. xiii 






LIST or MEMBERS. 

The number placed after the address indicates the year of election. 



I. HONORARY MEMBERS. 

M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan- 

ciere, 10.) 1898. 
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India. 

1887. 

JAMES BCRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899. 
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Asbton-on-Mersey, England. 

1907. 

Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUECK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893. 
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England 1909. 

Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Steglitz, Friedricb Str. 10/11, Berlin, Germany. 1903. 
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 

Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906. 
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnh am, 

Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 

1893. 

Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger- 
many. 1909. 
Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 

1893. 
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Kb'nigliche Wein- 

berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898. 
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de 

1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898. 
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. Gross-Lichterfelde- 

AVest, Mommsen Str. 7) 1908. 
Prof. THEODOR NOELDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs- 

gasse 16.) 1878. 
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gb'ttingen, Germany. 1910. 

(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.) 
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormser Str. 12, W.) 

1887. 



xiv List of Members. 

EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris, 

France. 1908. 

Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber 

Str. 18 a.) 1902. 
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (Universitats 

Str. 15.) 1890. [Total 26] 



II. CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Names marked with * are those of life members. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Tardeo, Bombay, India. 1900. 
Dr. CYRUS ABLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884. 
WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St.. Cambridge, Mass. 1910. 
F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904. 
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906. 

Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893. 
Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904. 
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. J. CULLEN AYER (P. E. Divinity School), 5000 Woodlawn Ave., Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1907. 

Miss ALICE M. BACON, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1803. 
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888. 
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894. 
Prof. HARLAN^P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn. 

1898. 

Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900. 
HAROLD H. BENDER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1906. 
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond. S. L, N. Y. 1893. 
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), 700 Park Ave. 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St, Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887. 
GEORGE F. BLACK, Ph.D., Lenox Library, Fifth Ave. and 70th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1907. 
Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE (Johns Hopkins Univ.), Dixon Park, Mt. 

Washington, Md. 1900. 

Rev. PHILIP BLANC, Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore, Md. 1907. 
Rev. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, Chicago Hebrew Institute, 485 West Taylor St. 

Chicago, 111. 1891. 

Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898. 
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New 

York, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary, 

Rock Island, 111. 1900. 



List of Members. xv 

Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1881. 

Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambesy, Switzerland. 1897. 
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran 

St., Washington, D. C. 1896. 

Prof. C. B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910. 
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne, 

Switzerland. 1908. 

Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIGGS (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906. 
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New York. 

N. Y. 1881. 

Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909. 
Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, Univeisity of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces, 

Philippine Islands. 1908. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester. Mass. 1910. 
EUGEN WASTON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Philadelphia, Pa. 

1910. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 186. 
Rev. SIMEON J. CARE, 1527 Church St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1892. 
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, care Hon. F. J. Kingsbury, Waterbury, Conn. 1873. 
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897. 

Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893. 
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907. 
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908. 

*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, 515 Carlisle Place, Chattanooga, Tenn. 1905. 
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902. 
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 
Dr. WILLIAM R. P. DAVEY (Harvard Univ.), 21 Mellen St., Cambridge, Mass. 

1908. 

Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 

1888. 

LIVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex st., Hackensack, N. J. 1909. 
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900. 
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867. 
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894. 



xvi List of Members. 

Prof. M. W. EASTOX, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872. 
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910. 
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901. 
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLUCOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md. 

1897. 
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass. 

1883. 

Dr. AARON EMBER, Johns Hopkins University. 1902. 
Rev. ARTHUR H. EWING, The Jumna Mission House, Allahabad, N. W. P., 

India. 1900. 

Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., NPW York, N. Y. 1901. 
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin, 

Texas. 1888. 

Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Land, Shanghai, China. 1900. 
Prof. RALPH HALL FERRIS (Theological Seminary), 45 Warren Ave., Chi- 
cago, 111. 1905. 

CLARENCR STANLAY FISHER, 4152 Parkside Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy. 

1886. 

Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906. 
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1900. 

Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907. 
MARQUIS ANTOINE FRABASILIS, 1017 East 187th St., New York, N. Y., 

1907. 
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N. Y. 1907. 
Rev. Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave. 

New York, N. Y. 1892. 

Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909. 
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 338 West 85th St., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place, 

New York, N. Y. 1904. 

Dr. WILLIAM H. FURNESS, 3d, 1906 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1897. 
Dr. FLETCHER GARDNER, 202 East Kirkwood Ave., Bloomington, Ind. 1905. 
ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903. 
Miss MARIE GELBACH, 534 West 143d St., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 

Md. 1858. 
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (HarvardUniv.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge. 

Mass. 1857. 
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y, 

1886. 

Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 

1904. 
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, German Valley, N. J. 1897. 



List of Members. xvii 

Mrs. Louis H. GRAV, Germun Valley X. J. 1907. 

Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., Xew York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, 0. 1890. 
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 
*GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, Whittier Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N. Y. 1909. 

Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902. 
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906. 
Prof. ROUERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886. 
Prof. SAMUEL HAKT, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 1879. 
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore, 

Md. 1883. 

Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Col. THOS. WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, 25 Buckingham St., Cambridge, Mass. 

1869. 
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 807 Spruce St., 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1887. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York, 

N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield, 

N. J. 1903. 

*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893. 
Rev. HUGO W. HOFFMAN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899. 
Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, 502 Fulton St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven. 

Conn. 1881. 

Miss SAKAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New Yoik, N. Y. 1910. 
HENIIY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907. 
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Huan, China. 1909. 
Miss ANNiE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873. 
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901. 
HENRY MINOR HUXLEY, 1550 Monadnock Block, Chicago, 111. 1902. 
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

(668 Riverside Drive). 1885. 

JOHN DAY JACKSON, 86 Crown St., New Haven, Conn. 1905. 
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW, (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St., 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1886. 

Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874. 

Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, 5757 Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1887. 
CHARLES JOHNSTON, 511 West 122d St., New. Yorx, X. Y. 1910. 
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St., 

Baltimore, Md. 1889. 



xviii List of Members. 

ISHYA JOSEPH, 700 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1908. 

ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office, London, S. W., England. 

1908. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1886. 

Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1890. 

Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
THOMAS W. KINGSMILL, Shanghai, China. 1909. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Billiard St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

Rev. GEORGE A. KOHUT, 781 West End Ave., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907. 
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909. 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 
C. S. LEAVENWORTH, care of Brown, Shipley & Co., 123 Pall Mall, London, 

England. 1900. 

LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Aintal, Turkey. 1909. 
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville, 

Tenn. 1901. 
Prof. ENNO LITTMAN, Schweighauser Str. 24", Strassburg i. Els., Germany. 

1902. 

PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893. 
Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Bleeker St., New York, N. Y. 1908. 
ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Irving St., Cambridge, Mass. 1909. 
*BENJAMIN StaiTH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871. 
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1882. 
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 

1899. 
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

Conn. 1893. 
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan 

Allen, Vt. 1904. 

Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN 22 Courtney Ave. Newburgh, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th 

St., New York, N. Y. 1889. 
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto, 

Canada. 1906. 

C. 0. MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910. 
WILLIAM MERRILL, West Newbury, Mass. 1910. 
J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907. 
MARTIN A. MEYER, 300 Hamilton St., Albany, N. Y. 1906. 
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, R. F. D. 48, Ridgefield, Conn. 1899. 



List of Members. xix 

Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico. Mo. 1892. 

Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng- 
land. 1881. 

Prof. EDWIN KNOX MITCHELL (Hartford Theol. Sem.), 57 Gillette St., Hart- 
ford, Conn. 1898. 

ROLAND H. MODE, 5836 Drexel Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906. 

Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German- 
town, Pa. 1903. 

Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, 
Mass. 1887. 

Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 8 West 119th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 

*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 

CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909. 

Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894. 

Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906. 

Prof. W. MAX MUELLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 

Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road. Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908. 

Dr. WILLIAM MUSS.-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887. 

Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank. Threadneedle St., 
London, England. 1906. 

Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908. 

Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS T. O'CONNELL, D.D. (Catholic Univ.), Washington, 
D. C. 1903. 

Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 

Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New Xork, N. Y. 1906. 

Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898. 

Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906. 

ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton, 
N. J. 1909. 

Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette, 
Geneve, Switzerland. 1904. 

*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861. 

Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890. 

Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn. 
1900. 

Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, .Conn. 
1894. 

Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada. 
1903. 

Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 

Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894. 

Prof. EDWARD DEL A VAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 
York, N. Y. 1879. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882. 

WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909. 

Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beech wood Ave, 
Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889. 

Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 

Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 



xx List of Members. 

Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co., 

N. Y. 1888. 

GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 
Prof. F. P. RAMSAY (S. W. Presbyterian Univ.), Clarksville, Tenn. 1889. 
Dr. GEORGE ANDREW REISNEE, The Pyramids, Cairo, Egypt. 1891. 
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St., 

Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

1900. 

J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1S02 
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers 

Place, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, St. Petersburg, 

Russia. 1880. 
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. Md. 1897. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894. 
Mrs. JANET E. RDDTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897. 
Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900. 
Prof. ARTHUR W. RYDER (Univ. of California), 2337 Telegraph Ave., 

Berkeley, Cal. 1902. 

Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897. 
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam, Holland. 1906. 

GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Dr. H te ERNEST SCHMID, White Plains, N. Y. 1866. 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., First Secretary of the American Embassy, 

St. Petersburg, Russia. 1899. 

GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1906. 
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1908. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 78 Higashi Sambancho, Sendai, Japan. 1902. 
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904. 
*The Very Rev. JOHN R. SLATTERY, 261 Central Park West, New York, 

N. Y. 1903. 

Major (P. S.) C. C. SMITH, P. S. Manila : Philippine Islands. 1907. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877. 
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 



List of Members. xxi 

Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1884. 

Rev. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892. 
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900. 
MAYER SDLZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 

1907. 

Prof. WILLIAM C. THAYER, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 1907. 
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906. 
Rev. Dr. J. J. TIERNEY, Mount St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, Md. 

1901. 
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 

OLAP A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1906. 
*Prof. CHARLES C. TORREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1891. 
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass. 

1871. 
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison. 

Ave., N. Y. 1909. 
Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH , 53 Washington Sq., New York, 

N. Y. 1908. 

ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863. 
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark, 

N. J. 1874. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869. 
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline, 

Mass. 1877. 

Rev. W. SCOTT WATSON, West New York, Hudson Co., New Jersey. 1893 
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to 

H.S.M. Govt, Bangkok, Siam. 1903. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

1885. 
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge 

Mass. 1877. 
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 

1908. 

Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897, 
Rev. E. T. WILLIAMS, Division of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of State. 

Washington, D. C. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 
Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Pa. 1884. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 



xxii List of Members. 

HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario. 

1885. 

Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1228 Mound St., Madison, Wis. 1904. 
WILLIAM W. WOOD, 2210 North Fulton Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1900. 
Dr. WILLIAM H. WORRELL, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 

1910. 
Rev. JAMES OWENS WRIGHTSON, 812 20th St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

1903. 
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1894. 

[Total, 286.] 

III. MEMBEBS OF THE SECTION FOR THE HISTORICAL STUDY 

OF RELIGIONS. 

Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898. 

Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899. 

SAMUEL DICKSON, 901 Clinton St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1899. 

Prof. FRANKLIN GIDDINGS, Columbia Univ., New York, N. Y. 1900. 

Prof. ARTHUR L. GILLETT, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 
1898. 

Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard University), 59 Fayerweather st., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1899. 

Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn. 
1898. 

M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1907. 

Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.), Longfellow Park, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1900. 

Rev. W. A. SHEDD. Am. Mission, Urumia, Persia (via Berlin and Tabriz). 
1906. 

Pres. LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901. 

Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898. 

Rev. G. E. WHITE, Anatolia College, Marsovan, Turkey [Papers to German 
Consulate (White), Samsoun, Turkey.] 1906. 

Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 

[Total, 14.] 
Number of Members of all Classes, 326. 



CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF LIVING MEMBERS. 

(The names of HONORARY MEMBERS are printed in large 
Capitals and (hon.) is placed after their names ; the names of 
Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions are 
printed Italics and (S. S. R.) is placed after their names.) 

1857 W. W. GOODWIN. 1858 B. L. GILDERSLEEVE. 

1861 R. M. OLYPHANT. 1863 A. VAN NAME. 1866 H. E. SCHMID. 1867 D. S. 
DODGE. 1869 T. W. HIGGINSON; W. H. WARD. 

1870 J. H. SENTER. 1871 B. S. LYMAN; C. H. TOY. 1872 M. W. EASTON. 



List of Members. xxi i i 

1873 F. CARTER; A. K. HUMPIIBREY. 1874 H. F. JENKS; S. H. WARD. 

1876'H. FERGUSON; C. R. LANMAN. 1877 H. P. SMITH; W. F. WARREN; 

J. W. WHITE. 1878 B. DELBRUCK (hon.) ; T. NOELDEKE (hon.). 

1879 C. A. BRIGGS ; S. HART ; E. D. PEKKV. 
1880 W. W. ROCKHILL. 1881 M. BLOOMFIELD; F. BROWN; E. W. HOPKINS; 

L. H. MILLS. 1882 G. W. COLLES; D. G. LYON; J. P. PETERS. 1883 

E. CHANNING; L. H. ELWELL; P. HAUPT. 1884 C. ADLER; E. H. SPIEKKI: : 

T. WILLIAMS. 1885 A. V. W. JACKSON; H. A. TODD; B. I. WHEELER; 

W. C. WINSLOW; H. B. WITTON. 1886 C. DEF. FITZ-&ERALD; R. J. 

H. GOTTHEIL; R. F. HARPER; M. JASTROW; M. L. KELLNER. 1887 

R. G. BHANDARKAR (hon.); J. BINNEY; H. COLLITZ ; H. V. 

HILPHRECHT ; J. R. JEWETT ; H. W. MAGOUN; G. F. MOORE ; W. Muss- 

ARXOLT ; I. M. PRICE ; E. SACHAU (hon.). 1888 G. A. Barton ; 

J. D. DAVIDS; E. W. FAY; A. MARQUAND; J. D. PRINCE; M. SULZBERGER. 

1889 H. HYVERNAT ; CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON ; W. E. MARTIN ; D. 

PHILIPSON ; E. P. RAMSAY. 
1890 L. GROSSMANN ; C. F. KENT ; M. L. MARGOLIS ; H. OERTEL ; J. ORNE ; 

E. WIXDISCH (hon.). 1891 D. BLAUSTEIN; J. H. BREASTED; F. D. 
CHESTER; G. A. REISNER; C. C. TORREY. 1892 C. D. BUCK; S. J. 
CARR; J. R. FRAME; H, H. HAYNES ; H. L. MILLION; C. PEABODY ; 
G. L. ROBINSON ; J. D. STEELE. 1893 W. R. ARNOLD ; J. F. BERG ; 
I. M. CASANOWICZ; F. DELITZSCH (hon.); I. GUIDI (hon.); 
H. KERN (hon.); A. F. R. HOENRNLE; P. LOWELL; D. B. MAC 
DONALD; J. H. ROPES; A. H. SAYCE (hon.); W, S. WATSON. 
1894 E. E. ATKINSON; L. W. BATTEN; W. S. BIGELOW; H. W. 
DUNNING ; L. C. G. GRIEVE ; G. A. KOHUT ; E. S. MORSE ; L. B. PATON ; 
I. J. PERITZ; E. ROBINSON; A. RUDOLPH; N. SCHMIDT; C. WARREN; 
J. E. WERREN ; S. S. WISE ; A. YOHANNAN. 1895 C. P. G. SCOTT ; 

F. W. WILLIAMS. 1896 G. M. BOLLING; J. CAMPBELL; E. S. COLTON; 

E. H. KENDRICK. 1897 A. BOISSIER; P. CARUS; W. M. ELLICOTT; 
W. H. FURNESS; L. H. GRAY; W. POPPER; W. ROSENAU ; J. E. 
RUUTZ-REES; F. K. SANDERS; W. D. WHITNEY. 1898 S. E. BALDWIN; 
A. EARTH (hon.); H. P. BEACH; S. H. Bishop (S. S. R.); F. J. 
BLISS; A. L. Gillett (S. S. R); G. T. Ladd (S. S.R.); A. LUDWIG 
(hon.); G. MASPERO (hon.); E. K. MITCHELL; E. S. OGDEN; R. M. 
Wenley (S. S. R.). 1899 J. BURGESS (lion.); J. L. Chandler (S..S. R.); 
S. Dickson (S. S. R.); C. B. Gulick (S. S. R.); H. W. HOFFMAN; 

G. L. KlTTREDGE ; A. M. LjYTHGOE ; T. MlCHELSON ; M. SCHUYLER JR. 

1900 J. E. ABBOTT; W. J. BEECHER; F. R. BLAKE; C. A. BLOMGREN; 
A. L. P. DENNIS; A. H. EWING; J. C. FERGUSON; T. C. FOOTE; 

F. Giddings (S. S. R.); C. S. LEAVEN WORTH; C. R. PALMER; E. C. 
RICHARDSON; F. N. Robinson (S. S R.); C. B. RUNKLE; A. P. STOKES; 
W. AY. WOOD; J. H. WOOD. 1901 F. C. EISELEN; C. P. FAGNANI; 
M. I. HUSSEY; C. E. LITTLE; L. C. Stewardson (S. S. R.); J. J. 
TIERNEY; E. T. WILLIAMS. 1902 W. M. CRANE; A. EMBER; R. GARBE 
(hon.); C. C. HANSEN; H. M. HUYLEY; E. LITTMAN; M. H. MOORE; 
J. X. ROBERTSON; A. W. RYDER; W. G. SEIPLE; J. WELLHAUSEN 
(hon.). 1903 L. C. BARRET; A. ERMAN (hon ); R. GARRET; G. C. 0. 
HAAS; F. HIRTH; C. T. HOCK; J. A. MONTGOMERY; D. T. O'CONXELL; 



xxiv List of Members. 

W. M. PATTON; S. B. SCOTT; J. R. SLATTERY ; J. I. AVESTENGARD; 
J. 0. WRIGHTSON. 1904 F. S. ALLEN; K. ASAKAWA; C. W. CURRIER; 
I. FRIEDLAENDER; E. W. M. GRANT; W. E. W. MACKIXLAY; J. H. 
MOORE; P. OLTRAMARE; G. P. QUACKENBOS; C. C. SHERMAN; L. B. 
WOLFENSON. 1905 C. E. CONANT; K. H. FERRIS; C. S. FISHER; 
F. GARDNER; K. F. GELDNER (hon.) ; G. A. GRIERSON (hon.) 
J. D. JACKSON; AV. MAX MUELLER; I. F. Wood (S. S. R.). 1906 H. H. 
BENDER; F. B. BLODGETT; C. A. B. BROCKWELL; AV. E. CLARK; AV. B. 
FLEMING; I. GOLDZIHER (hon.); F. A. GRAGG; P. V. HARPER; 
F. W. HOOPER; A. A. MADSEN; I. G. MATTHEWS; M. A. MEYER; 
R.H. MODE; H. K. MOUSSA; J. B. NIES; C. J. OGDEN; S. G. OLIPHANT; 
E. E. SALISBURY; J. F. SCHELTEMA; G. C. SCOGGIN; W. A. Shedd 
(S. S. R.); J. M. P. SMITH; E. F. THOMPSON; C. A. TOFFTEEN; G. E. 
White (S. S. R.). 1807 J. C. AYER; A. M. BACON; G. R. BERRY; 
J. A. BEWER; G. F. BLACK; P. BLANC; A. T. CLAY; H. E. W. Fos- 
BROOKE; A. FRABASILIS; L. J. FRACHTENBERG; E. GRANT; L. H. GRAY; 
AV. M. GROTON; W. J. HINKE; H. R. HOWLAND; L. KOHN; M. A, Lane 
(S. S. R.); J. R, METHENY; T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS (hon.); C. N. 
SHEPARD; C. C. SMITH; S. Y. STEVENSON; G. SVERDRUP; AA T . G. THAYER. 
1908 R. BRANDSTETTER; H. H. BUCK; H. C. BUTLER; A. S. COCHRAN; 
"W. R. P. DAVBY; H. S. DAVIDSON; I. JOSEPH; A. B. KEITH; F. LUG- 
SCHEIDER; E. MEYER (hon.) ; A. H. MUNSELL; W. E. NIES; P. M. 
RHINELANDER; J. L. SCULLY; E. SENART (hon.); F. A. VANDER- 
BURGH; M. D. WHITNEY. 1909 G. W. BROWN; C. D. BURRAGE; 
C. CLERMONT-GANNEAU (hon.) ; I. C. DEMAREST ; S. R. DRIVER 
(hon.); C. FRADK ; H. FRIEDENWALD ; M. GELBACK ; L. HAESSLER ; 
E. H. HUME ; J. H. HYDE ; H. JACOBI (lion.) ; T. AV. KINGSMILL ; 
M. G. KYLE ; L. J. K. LEVONIAN ; A. H. LYBYER ; C. J. MORSE ; A. T. 
OLMSTEAD; W. PETERSON; G. V. SCHICK ; S. N. USSHER. 1910 E. M. 
AITKEN ; C. B. BRADLEY ; A. H. BULLOCK ; E. AV. BURLINGAME ; F. A. 
CUNNINGHAM ; F. EDGERTON ; S. F. HOYT ; CHARLES JOHNSTON; R. G. 
KENT ; C. 0. MAWSON ; AV. MERRILL ; H. OLDENBERG (hon.) ; 
B. REVEL ; W. H. WORRELL. 



SOCIETIES AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF 

THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OP GIFT, 

EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE. 

I. AMERICA. 

BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 
CHICAGO, ILL.: Field Museum of Natural History. 
NEW YORK: American Geographical Society. 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society. 

Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna. 
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
AVORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society. 



List of Member?. 



XXV 



II. EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek. 
(Josephsplatz 1.) 
Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 

PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK: University Library. 

FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.) 
Bibliotheque Nationale. 
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.) 
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. 
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.) 
GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Konigliche Bibliothek. 

Seminar fiir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.) 
DARMSTADT: Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek. 
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaf't der Wissenschaften. 

HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft. 

(Friedrichstrasse 50.) 
LEIPZIG: Koniglich Sachsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. 

Leipziger Semitistische Studien. (J. C. Hinrichs.) 
MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek. 
TUBINGEN: Library of the University. 
GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire- 
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.) 
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, SW.) 
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell 

St., Bloomsbury, W.C.) 
Philological Society. (Care of Dr. F. J. Furnival, 

3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, NW.) 

ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna. 
FLORENCE; Societa Asiatica Italiana. 

ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei. 
NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen. 

THE HAGUE: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en 

Volkerikunde van Nederlandsch Indie. 
LEYDEN: Curatorium of the University. 
RUSSIA, HELSINGFORS: Societe Finno-Ougrienne. 

ST. PETERSRURG: Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk. 

Archeologiji Institut. 
SWEDEN, UPSALA: Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet. 

III. ASIA. 

BENARES: Benares Sanskrit Coll. "The Pandit.'' 

CALCUTTA, GOV'T or INDIA: Home Department. 

CEYLON, COLOMBO: Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 



xx vi List of Members. 

CHINA, SHANGHAI: China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

TONKIN: 1'Ecole Franchise d'extreme Orient (Rue de Coton), Hanoi. 
INDIA, BOMBAY: Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

The Anthropological Society. (Town Hall.) 
CALCUTTA: The Asiatic Society of Bengal. (57 Park St.) 

The Buddhist Text Society. (86 Jaim Bazar St.) 
LAHORE : Library of the Oriental College. 

SIMLA: Office of the Director General of Archaeology. (Benmore, 

Simla, Punjab.) 

JAPAN, TOKYO: The Asiatic Society of Japan. 

JAVA, BATAVIA: Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. 
KOREA: Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Seoul, Korea. 
NEW ZEALAND: The Polynesian Society, New Plymouth. 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The Ethnological Survey, Manila. 
SYRIA: The American School (care U. S. Consul, Jerusalem). 
Revue Biblique, care of M. J. Lagrange, Jerusalem. 
Al-Machriq, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, Syria. 

IV. AFRICA. 
EGYPT, CAIRO: The Khedivial Library. 

V. EDITORS OF THE FOLLOWING PERIODICALS. 

The Indian Antiquary (Education Society's Press, Bombay, India). 
Wiener Zeitschrif't fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (care of Alfred Holder, 

Rothenthurmstr. 15, Vienna, Austria). 
Zeitschrift fur, vergleichende Sprachforschung (care of Prof. E. Kuhn, 

3 Hess Str., Munich, Bavaria). 
Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (care of M. Jean Reville, chez M. E. 

Leroux, 28 rue Bonaparte, Paris. France). 
Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (care of Prof. D. Karl 

Marti, Marienstr, 25, Bern, Switzerland). 
Beiirage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. (J. C. 

Hinrichs'sche Buchhandluug, Leipzig, Germany ) 
Orientalische Bibliographic (care of Prof. Lucian Scherman, 18 Ungerer 

Str., Munich, Bavaria). 

The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, 438 East 57th St., Chi- 
cago, 111. 

American Journal of Archaeology, 65 Sparks St., Cambridge, Mass. 
Transactions of the American Philological Association (care of Prof. F. G. 

Moore, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn.). 
Le Monde Oriental (care of Prof. K. F. Johansson, Upsala, Sweden). 

VI. LIBRARIES. 

The Editors request the Librarians of any Institution or Libraries, 
not mentioned below, to which this Journal may regularly come, to notify 
them of the fact. It is the intention of the Editors to print a list, as 



List of Members. xxvii 

complete as may be, of regular subscribers for the Journal or of recipients 
thereof. The following is the beginning of auch a list. 

Andover Theological Seminary. 

Boston Public Library. 

Brown University Library. 

Buffalo Society of Natural Science, Library Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Chicago University Library. 

Columbia University Library. 

Cornell University Library. 

Harvard Sanskrit Class-Room Library. 

Harvard Semitic Class-Room Library. 

Harvard University Library. 

Nebraska University Library. 

New York Public Library. 

Yale University Library. 

Recipients: 326 (Members) + 75 (Gifts and Exchanges) + 13 (Lib- 
raries) = 414. 



xxviii Constitution and By-Laws. 



CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 

OF THE 

AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY 



"With Amendments of April, 1897. 



CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE I. This Society shall be called the AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 
ARTICLE II. The objects contemplated by this Society shall be: 

1. The cultivation of learning in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian 
languages, as well as the encouragement of researches of any sort by 
which the knowledge of the East may be promoted. 

2. The cultivation of a taste for oriental studies in this country. 

3. The publication of memoirs, translations, vocabularies, and other 
communications, presented to the Society, which may be valuable with 
reference to the before-mentioned objects. 

4. The collection of a library and cabinet. 

ARTICLE III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as 
corporate and honorary. 

ARTICLE IV. All candidates for membership must be proposed by the 
Directors, at some stated meeting of the Society, and no person shall be 
elected a member of either class without receiving the votes of as many as 
three-fourths of all the members present at the meeting. 

ARTICLE V. The government of the Society shall consist of a President, 
three Vice Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary, 
a Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions, a 
Treasurer, a Librarian, and seven Directors, who shall be annually elected 
by ballot, at the annual meeting. 

ARTICLE VI. The President and Vice Presidents shall perform the 
customary duties of such officers, and shall be cx-officio members of the 
Board of Directors. 

ARTICLE VII. The Secretaries, Treasurer, and Librarian shall be 
x-officio members of the Board of Directors, and shall perform their 
respective duties under the superintendence of said Board. 

ARTICLE VIII. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to regu- 
late the financial concerns of the Society, to superintend its publications, 
to carry into effect the resolutions and orders of the Society, and to 
exercise a general supervision over its affairs. Five Directors at any 
regular meeting shall be a quorum for doing business. 

ARTICLE IX. An Annual meeting of the Society shall be held during 
Easter week, the days and place of the meeting to be determined by the 
Directors, said meeting to be held in Massachusetts at least once in three 
years. One or more other meetings, at the discretion of the Directors, 









Constitution and By-Laws. xxix 



may also be held each year at such place and time as the Directors shall 
determine. 

ARTICLE X. There shall be a special Section of the Society, devoted to 
the historical study of religions, to which section others than members of 
the American Oriental Society may be elected in the same manner as is 
prescribed in Article IV. 

ARTICLE XI. This Constitution may be amended, on a recommendation 
of the Directors, by a vote of three-fourths of the members present at an 
annual meeting. 

BY-LAWS. 

I. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of 
the Society, and it shall be his duty to keep, in a book provided for the 
purpose, a copy of his letters; and he shall notify the meetings in such 
manner as the President or the Board of Directors shall direct. 

II. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of 
the Society in a book provided for the purpose. 

III. a. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the Society; 
and his investments, deposits, and payments shall be made under the 
superintendence of the Board of Directors. At each annual meeting he 
shall report the state of the finances, with a brief summary of the receipts 
and payments of the previous year. 

III. b. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall 
correspond with the calendar year. 

III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President 
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men preferably men residing 
in or near the town where the Treasurer lives to examine the Treasurer's 
accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the Society's prop- 
erty, and to see that the funds called for by his balances are in his hands. 
The Committee shall perform this duty as soon as possible after the New 
Year's day succeeding their appointment, and shall report their findings 
to the Society at the next annual business meeting thereafter. If these 
findings are satisfactory, the Treasurer shall receive his acquittance by a 
certificate to that effect, which shall be recorded in the Treasurer's book, 
and published in the Proceedings. 

IV. The Librarian shall keep a catalogue of all books belonging to the 
Society, with the names of the donors, if they are presented, and shall at 
each annual meeting make a report of the accessions to the library during 
the previous year, and shall be farther guided in the discharge of his 
duties by such rules as the Directors shall prescribe. 

V. All papers read before the Society, and all manuscripts deposited 
by authors for publication, or for other purposes, shall be at the disposal 
of the Board of Directors, unless notice to the contrary is given to the 
Editors at the time of presentation. 

VI. Each corporate member shall pay into the treasury of the Society 
an annual assessment of five dollars; but a donation at any one time of 
seventy-five dollars shall exempt from obligation to make this payment. 

VII. Corporate and Honorary members shall be entitled to a copy of 
all the publications of the Society issued during their membership, and 



xxx Constitution and By-Laws. 

shall also have the privilege of taking a copy of those previously pub- 
lished, so far as the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling 
price. 

VIII. Candidates for membership who have been elected by the 
Society shall qualify as members by payment of the first annual assess- 
ment within one month from the time when notice of such election is 
mailed to them. A failure so to qualify shall be construed as a refusal 
to become a member. If any corporate member shall for two years fail 
to pay his assessments, his name may, at the discretion of the Directors, 
be dropped from the list of members of the Society. 

IX. Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions 
shall pay into the treasury of the Society an annual assessment of two 
dollars; and they shall be entitled to a copy of all printed papers which 
fall within the scope of the Section. 

X. Six members shall form a quorum for doing business, and three 
to adjourn. 

SUPPLEMENTARY BY-LAWS. 

I. FOR THE LIBRARY. 

1. The Library shall be accessible for consultation to all members of 
the Society, at such times as the Library of Yale College, with which it is 
deposited, shall be open for a similar purpose; further, to such persons 
as shall receive the permission of the Librarian, or of the Librarian or 
Assistant Librarian of Yale College. 

2. Any member shall be allowed to draw books from the Library upon 
the following conditions: he shall give his receipt for them to the 
Librarian, pledging himself to make good any detriment the Library may 
suffer from their loss or injury, the amount of said detriment to be 
determined by the Librarian, with the assistance of the President, or of 
a Vice President ; and he shall return them within a time not exceeding 
three months from that of their reception, unless by special agreement 
with the Librarian this term shall be extended. 

3. Persons not members may also, on special grounds, and at the 
discretion of the Librarian, be allowed to take and use the Society's books, 
upon depositing with the Librarian a sufficient security that they shall 
be duly returned in good condition, or their loss or damage fully com- 
pensated. 






Until further notice the 

Publications of the American Oriental Society 

will be sold as follows: 

1. Members of the Society receive the current number of the 
Society's Journal free of charge. 

2. To those who are not members of the Society the price of the 
current volume is six dollars, carriage to be paid by the purchaser. 

3. The back volumes of the Journal will be sold separately as 
follows : 



*Vol. [ (1843-1849) $25 

Vol. II (1851) 5 

Vol. Ill (1852-1853) 5 



Vol. XVI (1894-1896).... S 6 

Vol. XVII (1896) 4 

Vol. XVIII (1897) 6 



Vol. IV (1853-1854) 51 Vol. XIX (1898) 6 

Vol. V (1855-1856) 5 j Vol. XX (1899) 6 

*Vol. VI (1860) 20 Vol. XXI (1900) 6 

Vol. VII (1862) 6 Vol. XXII (1901) 6 

Vol. VIII (1866) 8 Vol. XXIII (1902) 6 



Vol. IX (1871) 8 

Vol. X (1872-1880) 8 

Vol. XI (1882-1885) 6 

Vol. Xtl (1881) 6 

Vol. XIII (1889) 8 

Vol. XIV (1890) 6 

Vol. XV (1893) 6 



Vol. XXIV (1903) 6 

Vol. XXV (1904) 6 

Vol. XXVI (1905) 6 

Vol. XXVII (1906) 6 

Vol. XXVIII (1907) 6 

Vol. XXIX (1908-1909) 5 

Vol. XXX (1909-1910) 6 



* Only a very limited number of volumes I aud VI can be sold separately. 

4. A discount of 20 per cent, will be allowed to public libraries 
and to the libraries of educational institutions. 

5. A limited number of complete sets (vol. I vol. XXX) will be 
sold at the price off 180, carriage to be paid by the purchaser. 

6. The following separate prints are for sale: 

H. G. 0. Dwight, Catalogue of works in the Armenian language 

prior to the seventeenth century $5.00 

N. Khanikoff, Book of the Balance of Wisdom 5.00 

Burgess, Surya-Siddhanta 8.00 

Paspati, Memoir on the language of the Gypsies in the Turkish 

Empire 5.00 

L. H. Gulick, Panape Dialect 2.50 

"Whitney's Taittirlya-Pratic,akhya 6.00 

Avery's Sanskrit- Verb-Inflection 3.00 

Whitney's Index Verborum to the Atharva-Veda 6.00 

The same on large paper 8.00 

Hopkins's Position of the Ruling Caste 5.00 

Oertel's Jaimimya-Upanisad-Brahamana 2.50 

Arnold's Historical Vedic Grammar . .' 2.50 

Bloomfield's Kauc.ika- Sutra of the Atharva-Veda 8.00 

The Whitney Memorial volume 3.00 

7. Beginning with volume XXX the Journal appears in four 
quarterly parts of which the first is issued on December first, the 
second on March first, the third on June first, and the fourth on Sep- 
tember first. Single parts of the Journal cannot be sold. 

All communications concerning the Library should be addressed to 
HANNS OERTEL, 2 Phelps Hall, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., 
U. S. A. 



xxxii Notices. 

TO CONTRIBUTORS. 

Fifty copies of each article published in this Journal will be 
forwarded to the author. A larger number will be furnished at. 
cost. 



GENERAL NOTICES. 

1. Members are requested to give immediate notice of changes 
of address to the Treasurer, Prof. Frederick Wells "Williams, 
135 Whitney avenue, New Haven, Conn. 

2. It is urgently requested that gifts and exchanges intended 
for the Library of the Society be addressed as follows: The 
Library of the American Oriental Society, Yale University New 
Haven, Connecticut, U. S. America. 

3. For information regarding the sale of the Society's pub- 
lications see the next foregoing page. 

4. Communications for the Journal should be sent to Prof. 
James Richard Jewett, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111., or 
Prof. Hanns Oertel, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 



CONCERNING MEMBERSHIP. 

It is not necessary for any one to be a professed Orientalist in 
order to become a member of the Society. All persons men or 
women who are in sympathy with the objects of the Society and 
willing to further its work are invited to give it their help. This help 
may be rendered by the payment of the annual assessments, by gifts 
to its library, or by scientific contributions to its Journal, or in all 
of these ways. Persons desiring to become members are requested 
to apply to the Treasurer, whose address is given above. Members 
receive the Journal free. The annual assessment is f 5. The fee for 
Life-Membership is $75. 

Persons interested in the Historical Study of Religions may 
become members of the Section of the Society organized for this 
purpose. The annual assessment is $2; members receive copies of 
all publications of the Society which fall within the scope of the 
Section. 



JOURNAL 



OF THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 



EDITED BY 



JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL 



Professor in Harvard University, 
Cambridge,, Mass. 



Professor in Yale University, 
New Haven, Conn. 



THIRTY- FIRST VOLUME 



THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 

NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U. 8. A. 

MCMXI. 



A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be 
obtained anywhere within the limits of the 
Universal Postal Union, by sending a Postal 
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva- 
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New 
Haven, Connecticut, United States of America. 



Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany). 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 
Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Baltimore, 1910 1 IX 

Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Cambridge, 

Massachusetts, 1911 I IX 

List of Members, 1911 XI 

Constitution and By-laws of the Society XXIII 

Publications of the American Oriental Society XXVI 

Notices XXVII 

JACOBI, Hermann: The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the 

Brahmans 1 

BARTON, George A.: Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian 

Deluge Story 30 

BLOOMFIELD, Maurice: Some Rig- Veda Repetitions 49 

CONANT, Carlos Everett: The RGH Law in Philippine Languages . 70 
KYLE, M. G.: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of 

Shoshenq 1 86 

EDGERTON, Franklin: The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The 

K-Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta 93, 296 

ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600. 

Part II 151 

BLAKE, Frank R. : Vocalic r, I, m, n, in Semitic 217 

MICHELSON, Truman: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Four- 

teen-Edicts of Asoka. 2. The dialect of the Girnar Redaction . 223 
BARTON, George A.: The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of 

Lugalanda and Urkagina 251 

MONTGOMERY, James A.: Some Early Amulets from Palestine . . 272 
BRADLEY. Cornelius Beach: Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents 

of the Siamese Language (with one plate) 282 



BREASTED, James Henry: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographi- 
cal List of Shoshenq 1 290 

QUACKESBOS, G. P.: The Mayurastaka, an unedited Sanskrit poem 

by Mayura 343 

BARTON, George A.: On the Etymology of Ishtar 355 

KENT, Roland G.: The Etymology of Syriac dastablrd 359 

MARGOLIS, Max L. : The Washington MS. of Joshua ...... 365 

SVERDRUP, George, jr. : A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad 

to General C. G. Gordon 368 

CONANT, Carlos Everett: Monosyllabic Boots in Pampanga . . . 389 

PRISCE, J. Dyneley: A Divine Lament (CT. XV, plates 24 25) . 395 

FAY, Edwin W.: Indo-Iranian Word-Studies 403 



PKOCEEDINGS 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 



AT ITS 



[MEETING IN BALTIMORE, MD. 
igio. 



The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred 
twenty-second occasion of its assembling, was held in Balti- 
more, Md., at the Johns Hopkins University, on Thursday, 
Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st and April 
1st and 2d. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 
sessions : 



Barret, 


Davidson, 


Hyvernat, 


Quackenbos, 


Blake, 


Edgerton, 


Jastrow, 


Rosenau, 


Bloomfield, 


Ember, 


Kent, R. G. 


Rudolph. Miss 


Boiling, 


Foote, 


Kyle, 


Schick, 


Brown, F. 


Gilder sleeve, 


Lyon, 


Steele, 


Brown, G. W. 


Grieve, Miss 


Margolis, 


Torrey, 


Burlingame, 


Haas, 


Meyer, E. 


Vanderburgh, 


Casanowicz. 


Harper, R.F. 


Michelson, 


Ward, W. H. 


Clay, 


Haupt, 


Montgomery, 


Yohannan. 


pollitz, 


Haynes, ' 


Miiller, 




Conant, 


Hopkins, 


Muss-Arnolt, 


Total: 


Currier, 


Hussey, Miss 


Oertel, 





The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three 
o'clock in the Donovan Room, McCoy Hall, with the President, 
Dr. Wm. Hayes Ward, in the chair. In the absence of both 
the secretaries Dr. George C. O. Haas was appointed to act as 
recording secretary for the meeting. 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting in New York, 



April 15th, 16th, and 17th, 1909, was dispensed with, because 
they had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 30, p. i-xii). 
The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through 
Professor Haupt, in the form of a printed program. The suc- 
ceeding sessions were appointed for Friday morning at half 
past nine, Friday afternoon at half past two, and Saturday 
morning at half past nine. It was announced that a luncheon 
would be given to the Society by the University at the Johns 
Hopkins Club on Friday at one o'clock, and that arrange- 
ments had been made for a subscription dinner at the same 
place on Friday evening at seven o'clock. The Johns Hopkins 
Club and the University Club extended their courtesies to the 
members of the Society during the meeting. 

REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor 
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows: 

The Secretary lias the honor to report that he has endeavoured to 
carry on the duties of his office during the current year as before, and 
has had pleasant correspondence, not only with the newly elected 
members, honorary and corporate, but also with various persons who 
take an interest in Oriental matters and have been attracted by the aims 
of the Society. A special phase of the correspondence is represented 
by letters to and from one engaged in writing a report for a Japanese 
publication on the history of learned organizations in America. Several 
communications have been received requesting the Society to consider 
different cities from those where it has met in the past, as places for 
the annual meeting. Most noteworthy among these is an invitation from 
the Conventions Bureau of the Business Men's League of St. Louis, ac- 
companied by letters from the Governor of Missouri, the Mayor of St. 
Louis, and a number of local civic bodies. 

The Secretary has to record the loss of several members whose names 
have added honor to our list. 

DEATHS. 

HONORARY MEMBER. 

Professor M. J. De Goeje. 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mr. Henry Charles Lea. 
Miss Maria Whitney. 

Professor M. J. De Goeje, of the University of Leyden, who died * 
May, 1909, was elected to honorary membership in 1898 as a represent- 
ative of Dutch scholarship and in recognition of his distinguished con- 



Ill 

tributions in the field of Semitic philology, especially Arabic, which are 
too well known to need record here. 

Mr. Henry C. Lea, of Philadelphia, who had been a member of the 
Society since 1898, died in October 1909. He was a zealous furtherer 
of scholarship, historical and antiquarian, and the author of numerous 
works on mediaeval history. 

Miss Maria Whitney, sister of the late Professor W. D. Whitney, died 
in January last. She joined the Society in 1897. 

The Secretary cannot close this report without a word of appreciation 
of the help he has received from his Baltimore colleagues on the Com- 
mittee of Arrangements (Professors Bloomfield and Haupt) in arranging 
the details of the meeting at which this report is presented. 

REPORT OF THE TREASURER. 

The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. "W. Williams, 
was then presented, as follows: 

RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1909. 

Receipts. 

Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1908 $ 488.00 

Dues (190) for 1909 $ 950.00 

(43) for other years 214.88 

(15) for His. Stud, of Relig. Section .... 30.00 1,194.88 

Life Membership payment 75.00 

State National Bank Dividends 124.97 

Annual interest from Savings Banks 42.92 

Sales of Journal 408.52 

$ 2,334.29 
Expenditures. 
T. M. and T. Co., Printing Vol. xxiv and sundry $ 1,357.80 

Editor's Honorarium 100.00 

Librarian, Scribe and Postage 64.50 

Treasurer, Postage . 1.00 

Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.95 

Balance to general account 715.04 

~ $ 2,334.29 
STATEMENT. 

1908 1909 

Bradley Type Fond $ 2,653.41 $ 2,781.29 

Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00 

State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00 

Connecticut Savings Bank 6.39 6.64 

National Savings Bank 12.11 12.89 

Interest, Cotheal Fund 195.69 237.88 

Cash in hand 12.54 24.69 

$ 5,830.14 $ 6,013.09 



REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE. 
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows: . 
"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the 
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared 
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books 
and have found all correct. 

CHARLES C. TORREY, | 
HAWS OERTEL, 
NEW HAVEN, March 23. 1910. 

REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 

The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report 
as follows: 

The library was unfortunate in losing the help this year which Miss 
Margaret D. Whitney has very generously given the last three years. 
As a consequence the accessioning had to be done by paid labor, [and 
it was through the kindness of my fellow editor, who allowed his 
honorarium to be used to defray this expense, that this work could be 
carried on. However, it will be necessary to provide hereafter a regular 
appropriation for the librarian to pay for the labor of accessioning and 
acknowledging; the work of binding has been entirely discontinued owing 
to lack of funds. It will be impossible to continue for any length of 
time a policy which is sure] to result in confusion and loss, and the 
Librarian again wishes to impress upon the members of the Society the 
absolute necessity of a regular allowance for the payment of clerical help. 

This report was completed when the Librarian received the sum of 
one hundred dollars fronl Professor Jewett as a second most welcome 
gift toward the expenses of the library.' 

Upon motion it was voted to convey the thanks of the 
Society to Professor Jewett for his two gifts. 

REPORT OF THE EDITORS. 

The report of the Editors of this Journal, Professors Oertel 
and Jewett, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows: 

Pursuant to a vote of the directors at the last annual meeting, the 
editors arranged to have the Journal published hereafter in four quarterly 
numbers. The first of these was sent to the members on December 1st, 
the second on March 1st. The third will be sent out on June 1st, and 
the fourth on September 1st. The second number contained the pro- 
ceedings of the New York meeting. It is possible now to form an 
estimate of the cost of the printing of the current volume of the Journal. 
The first number of volume 30, including addressing and postage, cost 
1271 marks and 30 pfennigs. The cost of the second number amounts 






to 1006 marks and 50 pfennigs. Figuring on this basis, the Editors 
estimate that the whole volume will cost 4556 marks, thus coming well 
within the estimated sum of | 1200. 

ELECTION OF MEMBERS. 

The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected members of the Society: 

HONORARY MEMBER. 
Professor Hermann Oldenberg. 

CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Mr. William E. M. Aitken, Miss Sarah Fenton Hoyt, 

Prof. Cornelius B. Bradley, Mr. Charles Johnston, 

Mr. Alexander H. Bullock, Prof. Roland G. Kent, 

Mr. Eugene Watson Burlingame, Mr. C. 0. Sylvester Mawson, 

Mr. Francis A. Cunningham, Mr. William Merrill, 

Dr. Franklin Edgerton, Mr. Bernard Revel, 
Dr. William H. Worrell. 

OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911. 

The committee appointed at New York to nominate officers 
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professor Harper, Dr. Haas, 
and Dr. Madsen, reported through Professor Harper and re- 
commended the following, who were duly elected: 

President Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore. 

Vice-Presidents Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry 
Hyvernat, of Washington; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven. 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. Y. Williams Jackson, of New 
York. 

Recording Secretary Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass. 

Secretary of the Section for Religions Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr., 
of Philadelphia. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven. 

Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy 
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New 
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Robert F. Harper and James 
R, Jewett, of Chicago ; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York. 

At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session, 
the Society adjourned to the large lecture-room in the same 
building, where the President, Dr. William Hayes Ward, de- 
livered the annual address on "Oriental Sources of Greek 
Mythology." 

At five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer of the University 
of Berlin, Exchange Professor at Harvard University and an 



VI 

Honorary Member of the Society, delivered in the same hall 
an illustrated lecture on "The Egyptians in the Time of the 
Pyramid-builders." 

The evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the 
members for supper and general conversation. 

SECOND SESSION. 

The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past 
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communic- 
ations were presented: 

Dr. F. E. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: 'To be' and 
'to have' in the Philippine languages. 

Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: An- 
nouncement of a work on Repetitions in the Rig-Yeda. 

Mr. G. W. Brown, of Baltimore: Prana and apdna in the 
Upanishads. Remarks by Professor Bloomfield. 

Professor C. E. Conant, of the University of Chattanooga: 
RGH and RLD in Philippine languages. Remarks by Dr. Blake. 

Rev. Dr. C. W. Currier, of Washington: Gonzales de Men- 
doza and his work on China. Remarks by Professor Jastrow 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University : Semito-Egyptian 
sound-changes. Remarks by Professor W. Max Miiller. 

Dr. M. Margolis, of Dropsie College, Philadelphia: Gram- 
matical notes on transliterations in the Greek Old Testament. 
Remarks by Professors W. Max Miiller and Haupt. 

Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University : Babylonian 
words in the Talmud. 

At twelve thirty the Society took a recess until half past 
two, and the members were invited to luncheon as guests of 
the University at the Johns Hopkins Club. 

THIRD SESSION. 

The third session was held in the large lecture-room in 
McCoy Hall, President Ward presiding. The following papers 
were read: 

Professor L. C. Barret, of Dartmouth College: Myths about 
dragon-fights. Remarks by Professor Bloomfield. 

Dr. Lucia Grieve, of New York: The Mohurrum in Western 
India. 

Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: A Mac- 
cabean oratorio. 

Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania : 
The Etana myth on the Baby Ionian- Assyrian seal-cylinders. 
Remarks by Dr. Ward and Professor Bloomfield. 



Vll 

Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College: On the latest 
addition to the Babylonian Deluge literature; presented by 
Professor Torrey. Eemarks by Professors Haupt and Clay. 

Dr. G. A. Reisner, of Harvard University: The Harvard ex- 
cavations at Samaria in 1909; presented by Professor Lyon. 

The reading of papers was concluded at four forty, and at 
five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer delivered in the same hall 
a lecture on 'Augustus Caesar.' At half past seven the members 
met for dinner at the Johns Hopkins Club. 

FOURTH SESSION. 

On Saturday morning at half past nine the fourth and con- 
cluding session was held in the Donovan Room in McCoy 
Hall. President-elect Bloomfield presided in the absence of 
President Ward. 

The directors reported that they had re-appointed Professors 
Oertel and Jewett as Editors of the Journal for the ensuing 
year. 

They further announced that the next meeting would take 
place at Cambridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911. 
(This date was afterwards changed by the Directors to 
April 20, 21, and 22 in Easter week.) 

It was announced that the President had appointed as com- 
mittee to nominate officers, Professors Hopkins, Christopher 
Johnston, and Barret; as committee to arrange the details of 
the next meeting, Professors Lyon, Lanman, and Jackson; as 
Auditors, Professors Torrey and Oertel. 

On motion of President Francis Brown the following resolu- 
tion was unanimously adopted: 

The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to the 
Johns Hopkins University and to the Johns Hopkins and University 
Clubs for the courtesies they have extended to the Society during this 
meeting; and to the Committee of Arrangements for the provision they 
have made for its entertainment. 

The presentation of papers was then resumed in the follow- 
ing order: 

Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Another word 
on the structure of the Hammurabi code. Remarks by Pro- 
fessor Jastrow. 

Rev. Mr. M. G. Kyle, of Philadelphia: The 'Field of Abraham' 
in the geographical list of Shishak I. 

Dr. T. Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn.: The dialect of the 



Vlll 

Grirnar redaction of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts. Eemarks by 
Professor Bloomfield. 

Dr. Mary I. Hussey, of Cambridge, Mass.: Notes on some 
cuneiform tablets in the Semitic Museum of Harvard University. 

Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: Some Judaeo- 
Aramaic mortuary inscriptions from the Hauran. Remarks by 
Professor Jastrow, Dr. Yohannan, and Professor Bloomfield. 

Professor H.Hyvernat, of the Catholic University of America: 
On some so-called prehistoric tablets lately discovered in 
Michigan. Remarks by Professors Jastrow and Haupt. 

Mr. Gr. Y. Schick, of Baltimore : On the stems DV1 and DIM. 
Remarks of Professor Haupt. 

Rev. Dr. F. A. Vander burgh, of New York : A hymn to Mullil 
(Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plates 7, 8, and 9). Remarks by 
Professor Jastrow. 

Rev. Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Inscriptions 
on some Persian tiles from Rhages. 

Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: Vocalic n, 
m, r, I in Semitic. Remarks by Dr. Michelson. 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Some Hebrew 
etymologies. 

Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: The 
priestly blessing. 

Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania: 
The Babylonian astrological series Anu-Enlil] presented in 
abstract. 

Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: A novel form 
of early Syriac script. 

The Society adjourned at half past twelve to meet in Cam- 
bridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911. (This date was 
afterwards changed by the Directors to April 20, 21, and 22 
in Easter week.) 

The following communications were read by title: 

Mr. W. E. M. Aitken, of Courtright, Canada: 'Collation of 
two unpublished copies of the Standard inscription of Ashur- 
nasirpal. 

Professor Gr. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College : 

(a) The significance of Babylonian label tablets; 

(b) The Babylonian calendar in the oldest temple archives; 

(c) The location of the Land of Uz. 

Dr. I. M. Casanowicz, of the National Museum at Washington: 
Note on some usages of ]!&. 






IX 

Professor M. W. Easton, of the University of Pennsylvania: 
The physics and psychology of the Vai&sika system. 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: On the trans- 
literation of Egyptian. 

Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Two Indo- 
Tranian notes. 

Dr. L. H. Gray, of Newark, N. J.: The Parsi-Persian Burj 
Ndmah, or Book of Omens from the Moon. 

Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University: On methods of 
studying Chinese. 

Professor E. W. Hopkins, of Yale University: Mythological 
aspects of woods and mountains in the Sanskrit Epic. 

Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of Columbia University : On the 
precise location of the Pass of the Caspian Gates. 

Professor Hermann Jacobi, of the University of Bonn : When 
were the philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans composed? 

Mr. Charles Johnston, of New York: On a Buddhist catechism. 

Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddhaghosa 
and the Way of Purity. 

Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Some recent 
accessions to the Harvard Semitic Museum. 

Professor W. Max Miiller, of Philadelphia : 

(a) The swords of the ancient Orient. 

(b) An American scarab. 

Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A hymn to 
the goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plate 23). 
Rev. Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University: 

(a) A word about Abraham Geiger; 

(b) Some educational theories held by the Rabbis prior 
to the last century. 

Professor C. C. Torrey, of Yale University: 

(a) A bilingual inscription from Baal-Peor; 

(b) The American School in Jerusalem. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OP THE 



AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, 



AT ITS 



MEETING IN CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS. 

ign. 



The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred 
twenty-third meeting, was held in Cambridge, Massachusetts, 
on Wednesday and Thursday of Easter week, April 19th 
and 20th. 

The following members were present at one or more of the 
sessions : 



Aitken, 


Gellot, 


Lanman, 


Reisner, 


Arnold, 


Haas, 


Lyon, 


Rudolph, Miss 


Atkinson, 


Haupt, 


Moore, G. F., 


Steele, 


Barret, 


Hoyt, Miss, 


Moore, Mrs. G. 


F. Toy, 


Bloomfield, 


Hussey, Miss 


Muss-Arnolt, 


Vanderburgh, 


Cams, 


Jastrow, 


Oertel, 


Ward, W. H. 


Channing, Miss, 


Kellner, 


Ogden, C. J., 


Warren, W. F., 


Clay, 


Miss Kendrick, 


Ogden, Miss 


Winslow, 


Edgerton, 


Kent, R. G. 


Oliphant, 


Wood, 


Ember, 


Kyle, 


Orne, 


Total: 39. 



The first session was held in the Phillips Brooks House, 
on "Wednesday morning, beginning at eleven o'clock; the 
President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, being in the chair. 

The reading of the minutes of the meeting in Baltimore, 
March 31 st- April 2nd, 1910, which had been already printed 
in the Journal (vol. 31, pp. i-ix), was dispensed with. 

The Committee on Arrangements presented its report, through 
Professor Lyon, in the form of a printed programme. The 
succeeding sessions were appointed for Wednesday afternoon 



11 

at half past two, Thursday morning at half past nine, and 
Thursday afternoon at half past two. It was announced that 
a luncheon ( would he given to the Society by its resident 
members at the Colonial Club on Wednesday at one o'clock, 
and that arrangements had been made for a subscription 
dinner at the same place on Thursday evening at seven o'clock. 
The Colonial Club extended its courtesies to the members of 
the Society during their meeting. 

REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY. 

The report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. Y. 
Williams Jackson, was presented by Dr. Haas as follows: 

During the course of the year the Secretary has had pleasant corre- 
spondence not only with persons interested in Oriental matters who have 
inquired as to the aims and activities of the Society, but also with some 
fellow-members in more distant parts, such as Major C. C. Smith, in the 
Philippines, Dr. Edward P. Hume, of China, Dr. Justin E. Abbott, of 
Bombay, (who is now in this country), and with a number of colleagues 
in Europe. Letters of acceptance have been received from all those 
elected to membership at the last meeting. 

Among the formal communications received may be mentioned invi- 
tations to participate in the International Congress of Orientalists, to be 
held at Athens in 1912, and in the Universal Races Congress, which will 
take place in London this July; a request for co-operation from the 
George Washington Memorial Association of America; and a letter from 
Professor Snouck Hurgronje, of Leiden, calling upon the members of the 
Society to aid in the publication of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. 
All of these communications have been duly acknowledged and laid before 
the Directors for consideration. 

The Secretary has to record the loss of three members by death during 
the past year. 

The Rev. Dr. Henry N. COBB, of New York, who was a member of the 
Society since 1875, died in April 1910, at an advanced age. 

Mr. Thomas W. KINGSMILL, who died at Shanghai in the autumn of 
1910, was a recent accession to our number, having joined the Society 
in 1909. Although an architect by profession, he was an indefatigable 
student and had considerable knowledge of the classical Chinese literature. 
He was the author of many articles on Chinese subjects and made several 
happy poetical translations from the Odes of the Shih Ching. 

Professor William G. SDMNER, of Yale University, who died in April 
1910, became a member of the Section for the Historical Study of Reli- 
gions in the year 1898. 

In closing this report, which will be presented during the absence of' 
the Secretary on another journey to India and the East, he desires to 
express his appreciation of the willing co-operation of all concerned in, 
the work and to add a hearty wish for the continued welfare of the; 
Society. 






Ill 

REPORT OF THE TREASURER. 

The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. W. Williams, 
was presented by the Recording Secretary, as follows: 

RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER OP THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL 
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1910. 

Receipts. 

Balance from old account, Dec., 1909 $ 715.04 

Dues (183) for 1910 $ 914.41 

(33) for other years 165.00 

(12) H. S. R. Section 24.00 1,103.41 

Sales of Journal 295.69 

State National Bank Dividends 127.93 

'$ 2,242.07 
Expenditures. 

Printing Journal, Volume XXX $ 1,102.38 

Sundry printing and addressing 65.87 

Typewriter 4.00 

Editor's Honorarium 100.00 

Treasurer, Postage 13.55 

Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.33 

Balance to new account 860.94 

~ $ 2,242.07 
STATEMENT. 

1909 1910 

Bradley Type Fond $ 2,781.29 $ 2,914.35 

Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00 

State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00 

Connecticut Savings Bank 6.64 6.90 

National Savings Bank 12.59 13.07 

Interest, Cotheal Fund 237.88 284.71 

Cash in hand 24.69 

$ 6,013.09 $ 6,169.03 

The Treasurer in presenting his report for the year 1910 
calls the attention of the members of the Society to a falling 
off in receipts from dues owing chiefly to an unusual number 
of delinquencies in paying the annual assessment. He takes 
occasion to remind them again that on failing to pay two 
years in succession they are dropped from the list of members 
unless good reason is given for a longer delay. The total 
receipts during the past year show a falling off (J 1527.03 
against $ 1813.37), leaving out the small sum of interest from 
the Savings Bank interest, which being left in the banks is 
removed from the Treasurer's debit and credit account and 
reported in the annual Statement. The cost of printing and 
mailing the Journal has been reduced from about $ 1800 to $1102. 



REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE. 

The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey 
and Oertel, was presented by the Recording Secretary, as 
follows: 

"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the 
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the 
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared 
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books 
and have found all correct. 

CHARLES C. TORREY, \ ,.. 
HANNS OERTEL, ) A 

NEW HAVEN, Conn., April 10, 1911. 



REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN. 

The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report 
as follows: 

By arrangement with the Librarian of Yale University the work of 
accessioning of new books was carried on during the past year by the 
regular staff of the University Library. In the same way the University 
Library took charge of the sales of the Journal, covering all necessary 
correspondence and the collecting of bills. For this service the Society 
paid a nominal charge. 

The Library has received from Professor Jewett one hundred dollars, 
this being the amount of his honorarium as editor of the Journal and 
a further sum of one hundred dollars for defraying the expenses of the 
Library. 

REPORT OF THE EDITORS. 

The report of the Editors, Professors Oertel and Jewett, was 
presented by Professor Oertel, as follows: 

From the financial point of view the printing of the Journal abroad 
has resulted in a decided saving (see the Treasurer's Report). It has 
also been possible to use a greater variety of Oriental type without any 
appreciable increase of cost, and, in spite of the distance, the four parts 
of the Journal have appeared fairly punctually at the beginning of each 
quarter. But as it is manifestly impossible to allow authors more than 
two proofs, the editors would urge contributors to prepare their MS. 
carefully for the press, to make corrections as plainly as possible, and 
to avoid extensive alterations and additions. If additions are unavoidable; 
they should be added at the end of the article. 

ELECTION OF MEMBERS. 

The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were 
elected corporate members of the Society: 






CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Rev. Mr. D. F. Bradley, Cleveland, 0. 

Professor R. E. Briinnow, Princeton, N. J. 

Mrs. Francis W. Dickins, Washington, D. C. 

Mr. E. A. Gellot, Ozone Park, L. L, N. Y. 

Mr. W. S. Howell, New York, N. Y. 

Mr. R. L. Kortkamp, Hillsboro, 111. 

Rev. Dr. E. S. Rousmaniere, Boston, Mass. 

Mr. R. H. Rucker, New York, N. Y. 

Mr. E. B. Soane, Muhammerah, Persian Gulf. 

Rev. Mr. H. B. Vanderbogart, Middletown, Conn. 

Professor J. E. Wishart, Xenia, O. 

Mr. R. Zimmermann, Berlin, Germany. 

OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911. 

The committee appointed in Baltimore to nominate officers 
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professors E. Washburn 
Hopkins, Christopher Johnston, and Barrett, reported through 
Professor Barrett. 

The election of a Secretary for the Section for Religions 
was postponed to Friday morning. 

The officers nominated by the committee were duly elected, 
as follows: 

President Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge. 

Vice-Presidents Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Robert 
F. Harper, of Chicago; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven. 

Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of New York. 

Recording Secretary Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York. 

Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven. 

Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven. 

Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy 
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge ; E. Washburn Hopkins and Hanns 
Oertel, of New Haven; Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; George A. 
Barton, of Bryn Mawr; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York. 

The President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Johns 
Hopkins University, delivered the annual address on "The 
Religion of the Sikhs". 

After the Presidential address the Society proceeded to the 
hearing of communications. 

Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, present- 
ed a communication on Some Difficult Passages in the Cu- 
neiform Account of the Deluge. 

At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two. 

SECOND SESSION. 
At half past two o'clock the Society reassembled in the Phillips 



VI 

Brooks House, and the presentation of communications was 
resumed, as follows: 

Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Name of the Red Sea. 

Professor R. G. Kent, of the University of Pennsylvania: 
The Etymology of Syriac dastabird. 

Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddha- 
ghosa's Way of Purity. 

Dr. C. J. Ogden, of Columbia University: References to the 
Caspian Gates in Ammianus Marcellinus. 

Miss E. S. Ogden, of Albany : A Conjectural Interpretation 
of Cuneiform Texts (v 81. 7 27). -- Remarks were made by 
Professors Jastrow and Bloomfield. 

The Rev. Dr. F. A. Yanderburgh, of Columbia University: 
The Babylonian Legends published in Cuneiform Texts (xv. 1-6.) 

Professor M. Jastrow, Jr.: The Chronology of Babylonia 
and Assyria. - - Remarks were made by Mr. Kyle and by 
Professor Wiener. 

At five o'clock the Society adjourned to Thursday morning, 
at half past nine. 

THIRD SESSION. 

The Society met at quarter before ten o'clock in the Phillips 
Brooks House, President Bloomfield presiding. The reading 
of communications was resumed as follows: 

Dr. Edgerton, of Johns Hopkins University: Later history 
of the Sanskrit suffix ka. - - Remarks by Professors Lanman 
and Bloomfield, and Dr. C. J. Ogden. 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Semite-Egyp- 
tian words. - - Remarks by Professor Haupt, Mr. Kyle, and 
Professor Bloomfield. 

Professor S. G. Oliphant, of Olivet College: The elliptic 
dual and the dual dvandva. - - Remarks by Dr. Edgerton, 
Dr. C. J. Ogden, and Professor Bloomfield. 

The President announced that a telephone message had just 
been received from Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 
one of the oldest members of the Society, sending his greetings 
to the Society and regretting that he was prevented by the 
inclemency of the weather from attending the sessions today. 
It was voted that the Society send its greetings to Colonel \ 
Higginson and express its regret that he was unable to be 
present. Professor Lanman was asked to communicate this<| 
vote to Colonel Higginson, and also to send a salutation from 
the Society to Professor W. W. Goodwin. Professor Lyon 
was requested to do the same to Professor C. H. Toy, who 
has been for forty years a member of the Society. 



Vll 



Mr. E. A. Gellot: Monosyllabism of the Semitic Languages. 
Remarks by Professors Lyon, Haupt, Kent, and Bloomfield. 

Professor Paul Haupt, a Vice-President of the Society, took 
the chair. 

Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: Final 
account of the work on Rig-Veda Repetitions. 

Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Holy One in Psalm 16 : 10. 

- Remarks by Dr. Ember. 

Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of 
Ibn SmS; presented by title by Professor Jastrow. 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: The etymologies 
of Aramaic leJjena and Hebrew gahar, Selem, etc. 

At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two 
o'clock. 

FOURTH SESSION. 

The Society met at a quarter before three o'clock in the 
lecture-room of the Semitic Museum, with Vice-President Haupt 
in the chair. A communication was presented by Miss S. F. 
Hoyt, of Baltimore: The etymology of religion. 

At three o'clock President Bloomfield took the chair. Pro- 
fessor Oertel reported for the Directors that they had appointed 
the next annual meeting of the Society to be held in New York, 
on Tuesday, "Wednesday, and Thursday of Easter week, April 
9th, 10th, and llth, 1912. 

They had reappointed as Editors of the Journal, Professors 
Oertel and Jewett. 

The Directors further recommended the adoption of the 
following resolutions concerning the Section for the Historical 
Study of Religions: 

1. That the American Oriental Society emphasize more forcibly in the 
future the inclusion of the historical study of religions in its scope. 

2. To discontinue the separate Section for the Historical Study of 
Religions. 

3. To invite the members of the present Section for the Historical Study 
of Religions to become corporate members of the Society. 

4. That one special session of the meeting be devoted to papers dealing 
with the historical study of religion in its widest scope (including 
primitive religions, European religions, etc.) 

5. That the Constitution be ammended by the omission of the words 
"Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions" in 
Article V, by the omission] of Article X entire, and by the renumber- 
ing of Article XI as Article X; that the By-Laws be amended by 
the omission of Article IX and the renumbering of Article X as 
Article IX. 



Vlll 

It was moved that the report be adopted, and that the 
proposed changes in the Constitution and By-Laws be made. 
This motion was carried, nemine contradicente. 

Professor Oertel moved a vote of thanks to the authorities 
of Harvard University, to the Governors of the Colonial Club, 
and x to the Committee of Arrangements, Professors Lyon and 
Lanman. 

On motion of Dr. Haas, the thanks of the Society were 
tendered to Professor Oertel for his services as Librarian. 

The President, Professor Bloomfield, announced that he had 
appointed as a Committee on Arrangements for the next 
annual meeting Professors Gottheil and Jackson, and Dr. Haas, 
of Columbia University; as a Committee to nominate officers 
to be elected at the next annual meeting, Professors Lanman 
and Lyon, of Harvard University, and Dr. C. J. Ogden, of 
Columbia ; as Auditors to audit the accounts of the Treasurer, 
Professors Torrey and Oertel, of Yale University. 

Communications were presented as follows: 

Dr. W. H. Ward, of New York: The Zadokite document. 

Professor George Moore, of Harvard University : A hitherto 
unknown Jewish sect; Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectaries I. 

Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Notes on a 
Canaanite cemetery. 

Miss A. Eudolph, of Cleveland: The outlook for Oriental 
studies in Cleveland. 

Professor W. F. Warren, of Boston University: Why does 
Plutarch describe the moon as bi-perforate ? 

At quarter after five o'clock the Society adjourned to meet 
in New York, on Tuesday, of Easter week, April 9 th, 1912. 

The following communications were read by title: 

Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott: The Fire Temple at Baku and its 
inscriptions. 

Professor K. Asakawa, of Yale University : The parallels of 
the Frankish precaria and ~benefidum in the mediaeval history 
of Japan. 

Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College: 

(a) On the etymology of Ishtar; 

(b) Notes on Babylonian and Assyrian systems of measures ; 

(c) Improvements in the renderings of the Blau monuments, 
the Scheil tablet, and the Hoffman tablet (J. A. 0. S. 22, 
118128; 23, 2128). 

Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: 
(a) The original meaning of the Semitic intransitive verbal 
forms ; 



IX 

(b) The Hebrew metheg. 

(c) Relative clauses in Tagalog. 

Eev. Mr. J. L. Chandler, of Madura, Southern India 
Hinduism as taught in Hindu Schools. 

Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of 
Ibn Sma. 

Mr. C. E. Conant, of the University of Chicago : Monosyllabic 
roots in Pampanga. 

Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: 
(b) Scriptio plena of the Hebrew imperfect iqtol. 

Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Indo- 
Iranian word-studies. 

Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: 
(b) The four Assyrian stems IcCu; 

(d) Biblical and Oriental articles in the new edition of the 
Encyclopaedia Britannica, and the Islamic Encyclo- 
paedia. 

Professor Margolis, of the Dropsie College: The "Washington 
manuscript of Joshua. 

Professor W. Max Miiller, of the University of Pennsylvania 
General account of a papyrus collection recently acquired by 
the University of Pennsylvania Museum. 

Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A divine 
lament (Cuneiform Texts, xv. 24, 25). 

Mr. G. P. Quackenbos, of New York: An unedited Sanskrit 
poem of Mayura. 

Rev. Dr. "W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University: 

(a) The term min in the Talmud. 

(b) The Talmudic proclitic Kp. 

(c) Some Talmudic compounds. 

Professor G. Sverdrup, Jr., of Augsburg Seminary, Minnea- 
polis: A letter from the Mahdi to General Gordon. 

Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Some references 
in Arab writers to the ancient city of Merv. 



List of Members. xi 



LIST or MEMBERS. 

The number placed after the address indicates the year of election. 



I. HONORARY MEMBERS. 

M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan- 

ciere, 10.) 1898. 
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India. 

1887. 

JAMES BDRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899. 
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909. 
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on-Mersey, England. 

1907. 

Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893. 
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England. 1909. 
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, PeterLennestr.72. 

1903. 
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger 

Str. 14.) 1902. 

Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4 ; Budapest, Hungary. 1906. 
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham, 

Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905. 
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.) 

1893. 

Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger- 
many. 1909. 

Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893. 
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Konigliche Wein- 

berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898. 
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de 

1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898. 
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde- 

West, Mommsenstr. 7) 1908. 
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs- 

gasse 16.) 1878. 
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gottingen, Germany. 1910. 

(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.) 
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr. 12, W.) 

1887. 



xii List of Members. 

EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris, 

France. 1908. 

Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893. 
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber- 

str. 18 a.) 1902. 
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (UniversitatB- 

str. 15.) 1890. [Total, 26] 



II. CORPORATE MEMBERS. 

Names marked with * are those of life members. 

Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Irvington, N. Y. 1900. 

Dr. CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884. 

WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1910. 

F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904. 

Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906. 

Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893. 

Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904. 

Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 

Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898. 

Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903. 

Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888. 

Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894. 

Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn. 

1898. 

Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900. 
Dr. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton New Jersey. 

1906. 

Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond, S. I., N. Y. 1893. 
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway and 

120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898. 
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, N. Y. Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42 d St., 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md. 
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Md. 1907. 
Rev. Dr. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, The New York School of Philanthropy, 105 

East 22 d St., New York, N. Y. 1891. 

Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898. 
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New 

York, N. Y. 1906. 
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary, 

Rock Island, 111. 1900. 
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1881. 
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres ChambBsy, Switzerland. 1897. 



List of Members. xiii 

Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran 

St., Washington, D. C. 1896. 

Prof. CORNELIUS B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910. 
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14 th St., Cleveland, Ohio. 

1911. 
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne, 

Switzerland. 1908. 

Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891. 
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIQGS (Union Theological Sera.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1879. 

Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906. 
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1881. 

Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909. 
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRUNNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton, 

N. J. 1911. 

Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces, 

Philippine Islands. 1908. 

ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910. 
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 1910. 

CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909. 
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908. 
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896. 
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL.D. Williamstown Mass. 
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897. 

Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum , Washington, D. C. 1893. 
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899. 
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883. 
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891. 
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907. 
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908. 

*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882. 
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887. 
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 1905. 
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902. 
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904. 
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908. 
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J. 

1888. 

IRVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex St., Hackensack, N. J. 1909. 
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900. 
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911. 
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867. 
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. M. W. EASTON, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872. 



xiv List of Members. 

Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910. 
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901. 
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLICOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md. 1897. 
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass. 

1883. 

Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1901. 
Prof. EDWIN WHITPIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin, 

Texas. 1888. 

Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876. 
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Lane, Shanghai, China. 1900. 
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy. 

1886. 

Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906. 
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900. 
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907. 
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York, 

N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 

120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1892. 

Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909. 
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356, 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place, 

New York, N. Y. 1904. 

ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903. 
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909. 
EUGENE A. GTELLOT, 1420 Chester Ave., Ozone Park, L. I., N. Y., 1911. 
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, 

Md. 1858. 

Gev. WM. GILMORE, 11 Waverly Place, New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (Harvard Univ.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge. 

Mass. 1857. 
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1886. 

Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907. 
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y. 

1904. 

Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1897. 
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1907. 
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin- 
nati, 0. 1890. 
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School, 

5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 
Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard Univ.), 59 Fayerweather St. Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903. 
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 1230 Amsterdam Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909. 
Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902. 
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906. 



List of Members. xv 

Prof. ROBERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886. 
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley D i vinity School, Middleto wn , Conn. 1879. 
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore, 

Md. 1883. 

Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, 807 Spruce St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1887. 
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907. 
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York, 

N. Y. 1903. 
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield, 

N. J. 1903. 

*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893. 
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899. 
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1881. 

WILSON S. HOWELL, 416 West 118th St., New York, N. Y. 1911. 
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907. 
Miss SARAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New York, N. Y. 1910. 
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909. 
Miss ANNIE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873. 
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901. 
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909. 
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St., 

N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889. 
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York , N. Y. 

1885. 
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 1886. 

Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874. 
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, (Harvard Univ.) Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St., 

Baltimore, Md. 1889. 
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office , London , S. W., England. 

1908. 
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1886. 

Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896. 
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1890. 

Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Hilliard St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1899. 

Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907. 
RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111. 

Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909. 
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1898. 

M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1907. 
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 1876. 



xvi List of Members. 

Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111. 
1900. 

LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Syrian Protest. College, Beirut, Syria. 1909. 

Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville, 
Tenn. 1901. 

PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893. 

Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Blecker St., New York, N. Y. 1908. 

Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, 153 South Cedar Ave., Oberlin, Ohio. 1909. 

*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871. 

Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge, 
Mass. 1882. 

ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 
1899. 

Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 
Conn. 1893. 

WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan 
Allen, Vt. 1904. 

Rev. Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN, 22 Courtney Ave., Newburgh, N. Y. 1906. 

Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887. 

Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890. 

Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888. 

Prof, WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156 th 
St., New York, N. Y. 1889. 

ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto, 
Canada. 1906. 

C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910. 

J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907. 

MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906. 

Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 
D. C. 1899. 

Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892. 

Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng- 
land. 1881. 

Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German- 
town, Pa. 1903. 

Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, 
Mass. 1887. 

Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 549 Springdale Ave, East Orange, N. J. 1904. 

*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902. 

CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909. 

Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894. 

Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906. 

Prof. W. MAX MULLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905. 

Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908. 

Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887. 

Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank, Threadneedle St., 
London, England. 1906. 

Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908. 

Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, DD. St. Mary's Cathedral, San Fran- 
cisco, Cal. 1903. 



List of Members. xvii 

Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890. 
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New York, N. Y. 1906. 
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898. 
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906. 
ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton, 

N. J. 1909. 
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette, 

Geneve, Switzerland. 1904. 

*ROBERT M. OLYPHAKT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861. 
Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890. 
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Are., New Haven, Conn. 

1900. 
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn. 

1894. 
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada. 

1903. 

Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892. 
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New 

York, N. Y. 1879. 

Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882. 
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909. 
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave., 

Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889. 

Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897. 
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887. 
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co., 

N. Y. 1888. 

GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904. 
Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1891. 
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910. 
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St., 

Cambridge, Mass. 1908. 
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 

1900. 

J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1902 
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.) Longfellow Park, Cambridge, 

Mass. 1900. 
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers 

Place, Chicago, 111. 1892. 
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, Constantinople, 

Turkey. 1880. 
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge, 

Mass. 1893. 

Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897. 
Rev. Dr. EDMUND S. ROUSMANIERE, 56 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1911. 
ROBERT HAMILTON RUCKER, 27 Pine Street, New York, N. Y. 1911. 
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894. 
Mrs. JANET E. RUOTZ-REES, Rouemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897. 



xviii List of Members. 

Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900. 
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906. 
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897. 
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht, 

Amsterdam, Holland. 1906. 

GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909. 
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894. 
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., American Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. 1899. 
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 

1906. 

Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895. 
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut 

Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903. 
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St., 

New York, N. Y. 1908. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 125 Tschihidai, Sendai, Japan. 1902. 
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870. 
Rev. W. A. SHEDD, American Mission, Urumia, Persia, (via Berlin and 

Tabriz). 1906. 
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square, 

New York, N. Y. 1907. 

CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904. 
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14, rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903. 
Major C. C. SMITH, P. S., Manila, Philippine Islands. 1907. 
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877. 
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall, 

London, W., England. 1911. 
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 

1884. 

Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892. 
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907. 
President LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901. 
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900. 
MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888. 
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907. 
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906. 
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York, 

N. Y. 1885. 

OLAF A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1906. 
*Prof. CHARLES C. TOEREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven, 

Conn. 1891. 
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass. 

1871. 
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison 

Ave., N. Y. 1909. 
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School, 

Middletown, Conn. 1911. 
Rev. Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH, 53 Washington Sq., New 

York, N. Y. 1908. 



List of Members. xix 

ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863. 
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark, 

N. J. 1874. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869. 
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davia Ave., Brookline, 

Mass. 1877. 

Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898. 
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894. 
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to 

H.S.M. Govt., Bangkok, Siam. 1903. 
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

1885. 
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge 

Mass. 1877. 
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 

1908. 

Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897, 
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901. 
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New 

Haven, Conn. 1895. 
Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

1884. 

Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885. 
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894. 
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, Xenia, Ohio. 1911. 
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario. 

1885. 

Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1620 Madison St., Madison, Wis. 1904. 
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905. 
WILLIAM W. WOOD, Shirley Lane, Baltimore, Md. 1900. 
Prof. JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 

1900. 

Dr. WILLIAM H, WORRELL, 53 Premont Street, Hartford, Conn. 1910. 
Rev. JAMES OWENS WRIGHTSON, 812 20th St., N. W., Washington, D. C. 

1903. 
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y. 

1894. 
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., Niederwallstrasse 89, Berlin, SW. 19, 

Germany. 1911. (Total, 292.) 



xx List of Members. 

SOCIETIES, EDITORS, AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF 

THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OF GIFT, 

EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE. 

I. AMERICA. 

BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences. 
CHICAGO, ILL.: Field Museum of Natural History. 
NEW YORK: American Geographical Society. 
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society. 

Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna. 
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution. 

Bureau of American Ethnology. 
WORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society. 

II. EUROPE. 

AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek. 

(Josephsplatz 1.) 
Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 

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List of Members. xxi 

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Constitution and By-Laws. 
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AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY. 

With Amendments of April. 1897 and 1911. 



XX111 



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xxiv Constitution and By-Laivs. 

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Constitution and By-Laws. xxv 

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Notices. xxvii 



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Priutad by W. Drugulia, Leipzig (Germany). 



The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans. 
By HERMANN JACOBI, Professor in the University of 
Bonn, Germany. 

Subject of the investigation. Some of the Sutras of the six 
orthodox philosophical Systems of the Brahmans 1 refer to 
Buddhist doctrines and refute them. As we are now sufficiently 
acquainted with Buddhist philosophy and its history, we can 
attempt to make out the peculiar school of Buddhist philosophy 
which is referred to in a passage of a Sutra, and thus to 
determine the date, or rather terminus a quo, of the Sutra in 
question. Our inquiry will he chiefly concerned with the 
Sunyavada or philosophical nihilism, and with the Vijnanavada 
or pure idealism. The former is the philosophy of the Mndhya- 
mikas; the latter is that of the Yogacaras. It may be premised 
that hoth these systems admit the Ksanikavada or the theory of 
the momentariness of everything, so far at least as is consistent 
with their peculiar principles'; to these I will now briefly advert. 
The Sunyavada maintains that all our ideas, if analysed, contain 
logical impossibilities or self-contradictions, and that therefore 
nothing real can underlie them; and that that upon which 
they are based is a nonentity or the void (Sunya, nirupakhyd). 
This system 2 was established by Nagarjuna, who flourished 



1 Abbreviations: M.S. = ALlmamsa Sutra; B.S. = Brahma Sutra (Ve- 
danta); V.D. = Vaisesika Darsana; N.D. = Nyaya Darsana; Y.S. = Yoga 
Sutra; S.S. = Sankhya Sutra. 

2 The Sunyavada may be compared with the philosophy of Zeno, who 
by a similar method tried to refute the common opinion that there exist 
many things of a changing nature. Aristotle called Zeno cvpcr^v TT/J Sia- 
Xf/cn/cTjs; the same may be said of Xagarjuna whose Madhyamikasutras 
sot the example for the dialectical literature of the Hindus which reached 
its height in Srfharfa's Khandnna-Khanda-KhSdya. It deserves to be 
remarked that in this regard also the VedSntiu of Sankara's school 
follows in the track of the anyavadin, 

VOL. XXXF. Tart I. 



2 Hermann Jacobi, [1911. 

about the end of the second century A.D. 1 The Vijnanavada 
contends that only consciousness or vijnana is real. There 
are two kinds of vijnana: 1. alaya-vijnana or consciousness 
proper, which lasts till the individual reaches Nirvana (a-laya) ; 
and 2. pravrtti-vijndna or the thoughts of the same individual 
concerning objects. The latter is produced from alaya-vijnana. 
The Vijnanavada was established by Asanga and his younger 
brother Yasubandhu, who seem to have flourished during the 
latter part of the fifth century A.D. 2 To this school belong 
Dignaga and Dharmaklrti, the greatest Buddhist philosophers 
and writers on Logic (pramdna). DignSga attacked Vatsya- 
yana's Nyayabhasya, and was answered by the Uddyotakara 
(6th century A.D.) in the Nyayavarttika. Dharmaklrti, who 
further developed Dignaga's philosophy, appears to have flourish- 
ed about the middle of the seventh century A.D. 

It will be our task to examine closely the Buddhist doctrines 
controverted in the philosophical Sutras in order to decide 
whether they belong to the Sunyavada or to the Vijnanavada, 
On the result of our inquiry will depend the presumable date 
of the Sutras in question. If they refer to the Vijnanavada, 
they must be later than the fifth century A.D.; if however 
this is not the case, and we can assign to them an acquain- 
tance with the Sunyavada only, they must date somewhere 
between 200 "and 500 A.D. 

Doubts about the collusiveness of this argumentation. Even 
if we should succeed in recognising the true origin of the 
controverted doctrines, still it might be doubted whether the 
few passages on which we must rely for proof, form a genuine 
part of the work in which they occur, or are a later addition. 
For the aphoristical style of the Sutras, the somewhat desultory 
way of treating subjects, and the loose connexion of the several 
parts (adhikaranas) in most of these works make the insertion 
of a few Sutras as easy as the detection of them is difficult. 
The text of the Sutras as we have them is at best that which 
the oldest Scholiast chose to comment upon, and it cannot be 

1 A contemporary of Nagarjuna was Aryadeva. A poem ascribed to 
him has been edited in JASB. 1898. As in that poem the zodiacal signs 
(ras'i) and the weekdays (vdraJca) are mentioned, it can not be earlier 
than the third century A.D. 

2 See Takakusu in Bulletin de VEcole Fran^aise d' Extreme- Or lent, 
1904, vol. iv, p. 53 f. 



Vol. xxxi.] The Dates oj the Philosophical Sutras <&c. 3 

safely traced further hack. The uncertainty occasioned by the 
nature of our texts is, however, iu the present case ptirtK 
remedied by the repeated allusions in one text to the same 
doctrines, or by the occurrence in two Sutra works of the same 
discussion with the same arguments. These facts make it 
probable that the topic in question was one which at that 
time a Sutrakara considered himself bound to discuss. 

Another objection may be raised against our chronological 
argument. It may be said, and not without a considerable 
amount of plausibility, that even before Nagarjuna had brought 
the Sunyavada into a system, similar opinions may already 
been held by earlier Buddhist thinkers; and the same 
remark applies to the Vijrifmavada. Therefore, it may be 
argued, a reference to doctrines of the Sunyavada or Vijnana- 
need not be posterior to the definite establishment of 
a systems. On the other hand, however, it is almost certain 
that a Sutrakara would not have thought it necessary to refute 
all opinions opposed to his own, but only such as had success- 
fully passed the ordeal of public disputation. For only in that 
case would the doctrines themselves and the arguments pro 
and contra have been defined with that degree of precision 
which rendered their discussion in aphorisms possible to the 
author and intelligible to the student. Now when a philo- 
sopher succeeds in upholding his individual opinions against 
all opponents in public disputations, he is henceforth considered 
the founder of a new school or sect, and the author of its 
tenets. 1 Therefore we may be sure that a discussion of Sunya- 
vada or Vijnanavada opinions in a Sutra must be referred to 
the period after the definite establishment of those schools. 

Origin and development of the views here presented. I con- 
ceived the general ideas set forth above and began to work 
them out in the summer of 1909. My first impression, sup- 
ported by the comments of Safikara and Vacaspatimisra and 
others, was that the Sutras, especially B.S. and N.D., refer to 
the Vijnanavada. On a closer examination, however, of the 
evidence, I became convinced that they really refer to the 
Sunyavada, and that the later commentators had brought in 
the Vijnanavada because that system had in their time risen 
to paramount importance. I had nearly finished my article 

1 Compniv my remarks on the Dhvanikara in ZDMG. 56. 409 f. 

1* 



4 Hermann Jacobi, [1911. 

when Professor von Stcherbatskoi told me that he had treated 
the question about the age of the philosophical Sutras in his 
work Teopin nosnauifi u Jiozma no yuenito nosduibiiwuxz Eyd- 
ducmo65, HaciL II, St. Petersburg, 1909, and had arrived at the 
conclusion that the Sutras refer to the Vijnanavada. He kindly 
sent me an abstract in English of his arguments, which I sub- 
join for the benefit of those readers who, like the author of this 
paper, cannot read the Russian original. 

In his work " Epistemology and Logic as taught by the later Buddhists" 
Mr. Stcherbatskoi maintains (p. 29) that the Sutras of the chief philo- 
sophical systems in their present form do not belong to that high anti- 
quity to which they commonly are assigned, nor to those half-mythical 
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. The philosophical systems 
themselves have been evolved at a much earlier period than that in 
which the Sutras were written. The Sutras in their present form must 
have been elaborated during the period subsequent to the formation of 
the Yogacara school (Vijnanavada), and their authorship has been attri- 
buted to writers of a high antiquity in order to invest them with greater 
authority. In a previous paper (Notes de litterature buddhique, Museon 
nouv. serie, vol. vi, p. 144), Mr. Stcherbatskoi had already established, 
on the authority of the Tibetan historian Bouston, that the Vijnanavada 
system (Buddhist idealism), professed by a part of the Yogacara school, 
was clearly formulated for the first time by Vasubandhu in his celebrated 
Five Prakaranas. As Vasubandhu could not have lived much earlier 
than the fifth century A.D., it follows that those philosophical Sutras 
which refer to his doctrine, in order to refute it, cannot have been 
written at an earlier time. 

It is well known that Buddhist idealism is mentioned, and that its 
tenets are refuted, in the Sutras of Badarayana and of Gotama. Thus 
B.S. ii. 2. 28 refutes the doctrine of the non-existence of external things. 
Again, ii. 2. 30 refutes the erroneous opinion of those who admit solely 
the existence of a series of mental impressions unsupported by external 
objects, and, arguing from the Buddhist's point of view, demonstrates 
that a series of mental impressions (internal cognitions) could not exist, 
unless there were external objects to produce the impression. Once 
more, B.S. ii. 2. 31 maintains, according to Sankara's interpretation, 
that, inasmuch as, according to Buddhist doctrine, the stream of internal 
cognition consists of a series of separate moments, it cannot have actual 
existence on account of its momentariness. 

It appears upon consideration of these Sutras that their author is 
bent upon refuting the doctrine which proclaims 1. the unreality of the 
external world, and 2. the actuality of an internal consciousness which 
consists of a series of cognitional acts. Both these tenets are charac- 
teristic of Buddhist idealism which developed subsequently to the nihi- 
listic doctrine of the Madhyamikas. The latter denied the reality of the 
internal consciousness as well as that of the external world. 

In his commentary, Sankara corroborates our opinion, inasmuch as 



Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c. 



he avers that the above mentioned SQtras refute the diH-trine of those 
who maintain that the stream of our consciousness is an altogether 
internal process, existing only so far as it is connected with the mind. 
Now it is well known that the Vijnanavadins alone professed the doctrine 
that prameya and pramana and pramdnnphala have existence only in 10 
far as they are connected with the mind (cf. p. 418 of vol. i of Thibaut's 
translation of B.S.; lokav. iv. 74 ff.; \\fiynbiiidu, i. 18, ii, 4). Safi- 
ktira mentions likewise the scholastic argument against realism of which 
])i.unaga made use at the opening of his work Alambauapariksa (cf. Tan- 
jour, mdc v. 95). This work, in which the main tenet of idealism 
(Yi jfianavada, otherwise termed Nirilambanavida) is proved, is one of 
the fundamental works of the school. The argument starts from the 
antinomic character of the ideas of the whole and of the parts, and 
states that the external object can be neither the whole, nor can it con- 
sist of atoms (indivisible partless things: cf. p. 419 in Thibaut's transl. 
of B.S.). 

Further we find in the Nyayasutras a refutation of Buddhist idealism, 
nani. A in iv. 2. 26 35. It is worthy of note that the Buddhist doctrine 
is referred to in the course of an argument upon the nature of atoms 
thus as it were answering the considerations which we likewise find in 
the work of Dignaga in favor of the Niralambanavada. The Xyayasutras 
maintain the indivisibility of atoms, and, while refuting the opposed 
opinions touching this point, they refer to the Buddhists, to the Madhya- 
mikas (who denied the existence of atoms), and to the idealists (who ad- 
mitted atoms to be a percept of the mind or an idea). In the Tatparya- 
tika, p. 458, Vacaspatimisra avers that the Sutra, X.D. iv. 2. 24 implies 
a refutation of the Madhyamika doctrine, while the Sutras iv. 2. 26 35 
are directed against those who proclaim that all ideas of external things 
are false (ibid. p. 461). It is thus established by the testimony of Vacas- 
patimisra and of Vatsyayana (Nyaya-bhasya, p. 233. 6) that Sutra iv. 
2. 26 is directed chiefly against the school of the Vijnanavadius. 

Though the philosophical Sutras of the remaining systems do not 
contain any clear reference to the Vijnanavadins, yet it has been noted 
that some of the Sntras display a remarkable knowledge of each other. 
To judge by the whole tone and drift of the philosophical Sutras, they 
must be the production of one and the same literary epoch. 

On the basis of what has been here said, it can be averred with a 
considerable degree of probability that the philosophical Sutras of the 
chief systems belong approximative^ to one and to same period, a com- 
paratively late one, and can in no wise be attributed to those venerable 
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. 

Improbability of this view. As stated before, I too enter- 
tained at first the opinion expressed by Professor von Stcher- 
batskoi, but I was induced to give it up by reason of the 
following chronological considerations. As the Nyayabhasya 
was criticised by Dignaga, its [author Vatsyayana (Paksila- 
svamin) must be earlier than the latter, by at least ten or 



6 Hermann Jacobi, [1911. 

twenty years, since it is not Vatsyayana, but the Uddyotakara 
(Bharadvaja) who answered Dignaga. He may therefore have 
flourished in the early part of the sixth century or still earlier. 
Now Vatsyayana is not the immediate successor of Aksapada 
Gautama, the author of the Sutra; for, as Professor "Windisch 
pointed out long ago, Vatsyayana incorporated in his work, 
and commented upon them, sentences of the character of Vart- 
tikas which apparently give in a condensed form the result 
of discussions carried on in the school of Gautama. Hence 
Gautama must have been separated by at least one generation 
from the Bhasyakara, and can therefore not be placed after 
the last quarter of the fifth century. 1 Thus if we accept the 
latest possible date for the composition of the N.D., it would 
fall in a period when the Vijnanavada could scarcely have 
been firmly established. The V.D. is probably as old as the 
N.D.; for V.D. iv. 1. 6 is twice quoted by Vatsyayana, namely 
in his comment on N.D. iii. 1. 33 and 67, and V.D. iii. 1. 
16 is quoted by him 2 in his comment on N.D. ii. 2. 34, and 
the Uddyotakara quotes the V.D. several times simply as the 
Sutra or Sastra, and once calls its author Paramarsi, a title 
accorded only to ancient writers of the highest authority. 3 
We are therefore almost certain that two Sutras at least, N.D. 
and V.D., preceded the origin of the Vijnanavada, or rather 
its definite establishment; and the same assumption becomes 
probable with regard to some of the remaining Sutras, because 
the composition of the Sutras seems to be the work of one period 



1 This result is supported by collateral proofs. 1. When commenting 
on N.D. i. 1, 5, Yatsyayana gives two different explanations of the terms 
purvavat, sesavat, samdnyato drstam, the names of the three subdivisions 
of inference, showing thereby that the meaning of these important terms 
had become doubtful at his time. 2. In his concluding verse, which 
however, is wanting in some MSS., Yatsyayana calls Aksapada a Rsi, 
which he would not have done, if he had not considered the Sutrakara 
as an author of the remote past. 

2 See Bodas's Introduction (p. 23) in Tarkasamgraha BSS., 1897. 

3 At this point I may mention that Professor von Stcherbatskoi, when 
passing through Bonn on his way to India in December 1909, told me 
that he had meanwhile studied the first pariccheda of Dignaga's Prama- 
nasamuccaya in the Tanjour. Dignaga giving there his definition of 
pratyaksa (perception) and refuting the opinions of the Mlmamsa, Nyaya, 
Yaisesika, and Sankhya, quotes N.D. i. 1. 4 and several Sutras of A T .D. 
which treat of pratyaksa. 



Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c. 1 

nit her. than of many. In order to prove this assumption to 
he true, we must show, as stated above, that the Buddhist 
doctrines refuted in several Sutras need not be interpreted as 
belonging to the Vijiianavada, but that the discussion in the 
Sutra becomes fully intelligible if understood as directed against 
the Sunyav&da. 

Difficulty of distinguishing loth systems in our case. The 
point at issue is whether perception (pratyaksa) is a means of 
true knowledge (pramdna) or not. The realistic view, strictly 
maintained by the Nyaya and Vaisesika philosophies, is that 
by perception we become truly cognizant of real objects. The 
Sunyavada, Nihilism or Illusionism, contends that no real 
objects underlie our perceptions, but that those imagined objects 
as well as our ideas themselves are intrinsically illusory, in 
other words, they are nonentities or a mere void. On the 
other hand, the Vijiianavada declares that our ideas or mental 
acts (perception included) are the only reality, and that ex- 
ternal objects (since they have no existence) are not really 
perceived and do not cause our ideas about them, but are 
produced, so far as our consciousness is concerned, by ideas 
existing independently of objects. It will thus be seen that 
both Vijnanavada and Sunyavada are at one as far as regards 
the unreality of external objects; and therefore a refutation of 
this theory may be directed against the one of these doctrines 
as well as the other. Commentators chose between them as 
suited their purpose. Thus Rumania, commenting on a passage 
which will be dealt with later, makes the following remarks: 1 
"(Among the Bauddhas) the Yogacaras hold that 'Ideas' are 
without corresponding realities (in the external world), and 
those that hold the Madhyamika doctrine deny the reality of 
the Idea also. To both of these theories, however, the denial 
of the external object is common. 2 Because it is only after 
setting aside the reality of the object that they lay down the 
Samvrti (falsity) of the 'Idea.' Therefore on account of this 
(denial of the reality of external objects) being common (to 
both), and on account of (the denial of the reality of the 
Idea') being based upon the aforesaid denial of the external 

i loka\ arttika, translated by Ganganatha Jha, p. 120, 1416 (Biblio- 
theca Indica). 

* Similarly Sridhara ad Prasastapadabhasya p. 229 speaks of nirdlam- 
banam vijtianam icchatdm Mahay dnikdndm. 



8 Hermann Jacobi, - [1911. 

object, the author of the Bhasya has undertaken to examine 
the reality and unreality of the external object." And accord- 
ingly Kumarila interprets his text in such a way as to make 
it serve as a basis for the refutation first of the Vijnanavada 
and then of the Sunyavada. He, as well as Sankara and 
Vacaspatimisra and later authors who wrote when the Vijnana- 
vada had become the most famous Buddhist philosophy, felt 
of course bound to refute it; and if the text they commented 
upon still ignored the Vijnanavada and combated the Sunya- 
vada only, they could introduce their refutation of the Vijnana- 
vada by doing just a little violence to their text. That such 
was actually the case, is the thesis I want to prove. 1 

Mentioning of the Vijnanavada in the Safikliya Sutra. Be- 
fore examining those texts which give rise to doubts regarding 
the particular school combated, I briefly advert to one which 
beyond doubt discusses the Vijnanavada doctrine. I refer to 
the Sankhya Sutra. In that work the principal doctrines of 
the four philosophical schools of the Buddhists are discussed: 
those of the Vaibhasikas i, 27 33, of the Sautrantikas i, 
34 41, of the Vijnanavadins i, 42, and of the Sunyavadins 

1 Remarks on the development of the Sunyavada. Like Kumarila, other 
brahmanical philosophers treat the Sunyavada as the logical sequence of 
the Vijnanavada or as a generalization thereof; but the true or historical 
relation is just the reverse: the belief in the unreality of external things 
is a restriction of the previously obtaining and more general belief in 
the unreality or illusory nature of everything whatever, consciousness 
included. Buddhist Nihilism or Illusionism, introduced and supported 
by a splendid display of the novel dialectic art, seems to have deeply 
impressed and invaded the Hindu mind of that period. But realistic- 
convictions or habits of thought could not be wholly eradicated; they 
entered into various kinds of compromise with Illusionism. The belief 
in the transcendent reality and oneness of Brahma as taught in the 
Upanisads admitted a combination with Illusionism in the Mayavada of 
the Vedantins of Sankara's school, nicknamed Pracchannabauddhas. who 
maintained that Brahma alone is real and that the phenomenal world is 
an illusion (see Sukhtankar, The teachings of Veddnta according to Ed- 
mdnuja in WZKM. vol. xii). On the other hand the 'cogito ergo sum' 
proved irresistibly self-evident to many MahBySnists also, and led them 
to acknowledge the reality of consciousness. These were the Vijnana- 
vadins or pure Idealists. But the great Logicians of this school seem 
to have further encroached on its principles; for Dharmakirti, in this 
particular point also probably following Dignaga, declared the object of 
perception to be svalaksana, i. e. the catena or series (santdna) of hsanas 
to be parmdrthasat, i. e. really existing. 



Vol. xxx i.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras 

i, 4347. The Sutra referring to the Vijnanavadins reads 
thus: na vijndnamdtram bahyapratlteh; 'Not Thought alone 
because of the conception of the external.' * The next Sutra 
(43): tadabhdve tadabhdvdc chunyam tarhi, 'Since as the one 
docs not exist, the other too does not, there is the void then' 
is ;tccording to Vijiianabhiksu a refutation of the Vijnanavada, 
but according to Aniruddha the statement of the >unyavada 
AY hi di is discussed in the following Sutras. However this may 
be, there can be no doubt that here both the Vijnanavada 
and the Sunyavada are discussed, in that sequence which (as 
stated in the last note) has become customary for later 
theoretical writers. Now it is admitted on all sides that the 
Sankhya Sutra is a very late, or rather a modern, production, 
and that it does not rank with the genuine philosophical 
Sutras. Therefore the fact that the Sankhya Sutra mentions 
the Vijnanavada does in no way prejudice any one in deciding 
the question whether the Sutras of the other systems also were 
acquainted with it. Perhaps it might be said that the direct- 
ness of reference to the Vijnanavada in the Sankhya Sutra 
shows what we should expect to find in the other Sutras if 
they did really know and refute that doctrine. 



i. Nyaya. 

I begin our inquiry with the examination of the passage 
N.D. iv. 2, 25 ff., which, according to Vacaspatimisra, is 
directed against the Vijnanavadins; for, as explained above, 
chronological considerations make it almost certain that our 
Sutra was composed before the establishment of the Vijnana- 
vada, and therefore entitle us to doubt, in this matter, the 
authority of the author of the Tatparya Tlka. The subject 
treated in those Sutras, namely, whether perception is a means 
of true knowledge, is connected with and comes at the end of 
a discussion of, other subjects which for the information of the 
reader must briefly be sketched. First comes the problem of 
the -whole and its parts,' iv, 2, 4if. The adherents of Nyaya 
(and Vaisesika) maintain that the whole is something different 
(artJidntara) from the parts in which it 'inheres,' an opinion 
which is strongly combated by other philosophers. Connected 

1 Anirmldha's Commentary, Garlto's translation, in BL, page 23. 



10 Hermann Jacobi, [1911. 

with this problem is the atomic theory, which is discussed in 
14ff. After Sutra 17, Vatsyayana introduces an opponent, 'a 
denier of perception, who thinks that everything is non-existent' 
(dnupalambhikali sarvam ndstiti manyamandti). There can be 
no doubt that an adherent of the Sunyavada is meant. He 
attacks the atomic theory, 18 24, and is refuted in 25 thus: 
"as your arguments would lead us to admit a regressus in in- 
finitum (by acknowledging unlimited divisibility) and as a 
regressus in infinitum is inconsistent with sound reason, your 
objection is not valid (anavasthdhdritvdd anavasthdmipapatte$ 
cd 'pratisedhah). Vatsyayana, after explaining this Sutra, con- 
tinues: '(An opponent objects:) what you say with regard to 
notions (buddlii), that their objects are really existing things, 
(that cannot be proved). These notions are intrinsically er- 
roneous (mitliydltuddliayas); for if they were true notions, 
(tattvabuddliayas) they would, on being analysed by the under- 
standing, teach us the true nature of their objects." The 
argument of this opponent is stated in Sutra 26 which the 
above passage serves to introduce, and runs thus: "If we ana- 
lyse things, we do not (arrive at) perceiving their true nature 
(or essentia) ; this not-perceiving is just as, when we take away 
the single threads (of a cloth), we do not perceive an existing 
thing (that is called) the cloth." Vatsyayana explains': "(This is) 
just as on distinguishing the single threads (of a cloth) : this is a 
thread, this is a thread, &c. &c., no different thing is perceived 
that should be the object of the notion cloth. Since we do 
not perceive the essentia, in the absence of its object, the 
notion of a cloth, that it exists, is an erroneous notion. And 
so everywhere." Sutras 27 and 28 contain the counter-argu- 
ments, and Sutra 29 adds to them the following : "And because 
by right perception (pramdnatas, viz. upalahdhya) we come 
to know things (whether and how they are)." Sutra 30 gives 
a proof for this view: pramdndmipapattyiipapattibliydm. Vat- 
syayana explains: 'Now then the proposition that nothing 
exists is against reason; why? (answer): pramdndnupapattyu- 
papattibhydm. If there is proof pramdna (in favour of the 
proposition) that nothing exists, (this proposition that) nothing 
exists, sublates the (existence of) proof as well. And if there is 
no proof for it, how can it be established that nothing exists? 
If it is regarded to be established without proof, why should 
(the contrary) that all things do exist, not be regarded as 



Vol. mi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 11 

established?" Here it is quite clear that the opponent whom 
Vatsyayana refutes, is a Sunyavadin just as in Sutra 17. For 
there is no indication that Vatsyayana in the mean time has 
changed front, and that the opponent in Sutra 26 is not a 
Sunyavadin, hut a Vijnanavadin. The latter contends that 
external things do not exist (Imliydrthd na santi), while Vatsya- 
yana (on 27) makes his opponent uphold sarvabhdvdndm ydtlid- 
tmydnupalabdliili. Moreover, this opponent maintains that 
"notions about things are erroneous notions (mithydbuddhayOs)," 
and this is primarily the view of the Sunyavada. The fun- 
damental principle of the Vijfianavada is that ideas only 
(vijndna) are really existent, and not that they are erroneous 
ideas. That Vatsyayana really has in view the opinions of 
the ^unyavadins, may be seen from his concluding words in 
36, u therefore erroneous notions too are really existing," and 
in 37, where he speaks of his opponent as one for whom 
"everything is without essence and unreal" (niratmdkam niru- 
pakhya.m sarvam). Nevertheless Vacaspatimisra, 1 commenting 
on Vatsyayana's words in Sutra 25 translated above ("An 
opponent objects: what you say," &c.), remarks that the op- 
ponent is a Vijnanavadin. That he is mistaken, we have seen, 
and a general cause of such a mistake on the part of later 
commentators has been given above, p. 7. In the present case 
we can watch the gradual development of this mispresentation. 
For in his comment on 26 the Uddyotakara again introduces 
the opponent's argument that every part of a thing may be 
regarded as a (minor) whole consisting of minor parts, and 
that this analysis may be continued not only down to atoms 
but in wfinitum till everything is dissolved into nothing. 
Now as Professor von Stcherbatskoi informs us (see above 
p. 5), Dignaga in his work Alambanaparlksa makes the dis- 
cussion of the problem of 'the whole and its parts' the basis 
of his exposition of the Vijnanavada. Therefore the Uddyota- 
kara, who answers Dignaga's attacks on Vatsyayana, avails 
himself of an opportunity to undermine the antagonist's basis 
of argumentation. And Vacaspatimisra, knowing what was 
the starting-point of Dignaga's speculations, and seeing that 
it was exhaustively treated by the authors of the Sutra and 
the Bhasya, was easily misled to believe that they were defend- 

i XyfiyavarttikatStparyatlkS (viz. S. S.>, p. 40, 3d line from below. 



12 H&inann Jacobi, [1911. 

ing it against the Yijnanavada. Being separated from them 
by 400 years or more, he was ignorant of their historical 
interrelation, and consequently interpreted the philosophical 
discussion in the text before him from a merely theoretical 
point of view. For, as indicated above, a rational refutation 
of the ^unyavada was naturally divided into two parts, the 
first proving the reality of objects and the second the reality 
of ideas; and a theoretical construction could well treat the 
Sunyavada as the logical outcome of the Yijnanavada, and 
take the first part of the refutation of the Sunyavada as 
directed against the Yijnanavada. 

We proceed in our analysis of the Sutra. After the last 
passage translated above, we have another objection of the 
Illusionist in Sutras 31 and 32. "Like the erroneous belief in 
the objects seen in a dream is this belief in the means of true 
knowledge and the things known through them erroneous." 
Yatsyayana explains: "Just as in a dream the objects seen in 
it are not real, while there is belief in them, so the means 
of knowledge and the things known through them are also not 
real (na santi), though there is belief in either." Sutra 32 
completes this argument: "Or like magic, fata morgana, and 
mirage." As this argument serves to demonstrate that pra- 
mdna and prameya are an illusion, it is evident that the 
opponent is a Sunyavadin. The next Sutra 33 answers his 
objection, in pointing out that 'he has established nothing, as 
he has given no reason' for declaring (1) that the belief in 
pramdna and prameya is like that in objects seen in a dream 
and not like the perception of objects in the waking state, 
(2) that in a dream non-existing things are perceived. This 
argument of the Sutra is supplemented in the Bhasya by 
another formulated in what looks like a Yarttika; it comes to 
this. If you say that things seen in a dream do not exist 
because they are no more seen in the waking state, you must 
admit that those seen in the waking state do exist; for the 
force of an argument is seen in the contrary case, viz. that 
things exist because they are seen. The Uddyotakara enlarg- 
ing upon this argument unmistakably introduces Yijnanavada 
views ; for he speaks of things independent of the mind (citta- 
vyatirekiri) and uses the term vijnana', but there is no trace 
of all this in the Bhasya. The Sutra then goes on to explain 
the belief in things seen in a dream and other topics con- 



Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. !'> 

nectcd with the subject in hand which, however, do not con- 
cern us here. 

To sum up: our investigation has proved that neither the 
Sutra nor the Bhasya refer to the Vijnanavada, and that the 
whole discussion is perfectly intelligible if we consider it as 
meant to refute the Sunyavada. 1 

2. Vedanta and Mimamsa. 

Brahma Sutra, 2nd Adhyaya; ^nd Pada, contains a dis- 
cussion and refutation of other philosophical systems. The 
Sutras 1832 deal with Buddhist philosophy. Sutras 1827 
deal with the doctrines of the Sarvastivadins; and 28 32, 
according to Sankara, with those of the Vijnanavada. Rama- 
nuja agrees with Sankara in so far as he also refers Sutras 
28 30 to the Vijnanavada, but he differs from him in that 
he interprets the last Sutra 2 as containing a refutation of the 
&unyavada. For convenience of reference I subjoin the text 
of the Sutras 28 32 and the translation of them by Thibaut 
according to ^ankara's and Ramanuja's interpretation: 
ndbhdva upalabdheh 28 
vaidharmydc ca na svapnddivat 29 
na Widvo 'nupdlabdheh 30 
ksanikatvdc ca 31 
sarvathdnupapattes ca 32. 

I. Sankara's interpretation, SBE. vol. xxxiv, p. 418 ff.: 

The non-existence (of external things) cannot be maintained, 
on account of (our) consciousness (of them), 28. 

And on account of their difference of nature (the ideas of 
the waking state) are not like those of a dream, 29. 

The existence (of mental impressions) is not possible (on 
the Buddhist view) on account of the absence of perception 
(of external things), 30. 

And on account of the momentariness (of the dlayavijndna 
it cannot be the abode of mental impressions), 31. 

And on account of its general deficiency in probability, 32. 

* If the Sutrakara knew