M
JOURNAL
OP THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
EDITED BY
JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL
Professor in the University of Chicago, Professor in Yale Universit
Chlca«0> IU- New Haven, Conn.
THIRTIETH VOLUME
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U.S.A.
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Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany).
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
/ ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600.
Parti 259
BARRET, L. C. : The Kasbmirian Atharva Veda, Book II 187
BLAKE, F. R.: Expression of the ideaa "to be" and "to have" in
the Philippine Languages 375
CASANOWICZ, J, M. : Note on Some Usages of ]2^ 343
GOTTHEIL, R. J. H. : A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk (with
a Plate) 58
GOTTHEIL, R,. J. H. : The Origin and History of the Minaret . . . 132
GRAY, L. H. : The Parsi-Persian Burj - Namah, or Book of Omens
from the Moon 336
GRIEVE, L. C. G.: The Dasara Festival at Satara, India .... 72
HIRTH, F.; The Mystery of Fu-lin 1
HIRTH, F. : Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu 32
HIRTH, F. : Early Chinese notices of East African territories . . 46
HOPKINS, E. W.: Mythological Aspects of Trees and Mountains in
the Great Epic 347
JASTROW, M. : Another Fragment of the Etana Myth 101
MARGOLIS, M. L. : Complete Induction for the Identification of the
Vocabulary in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with
its Semitic Equivalents; its Necessity, and the Means of
obtaining it 301
MICHELSON, T.: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka. Part I. General Introduction and the dialect
of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions 77
OLIPHANT, S. G. : The Vedic Dual. Part I. The Dual of bodily parts. 155
PRINCE, J. D.: A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the
British Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) 94
Page
PRINCE, J. D. : A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts
from the British Museum, XV, Plate 23) with Translation and
Commentary 325
VANDERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV,
Plates 12 and 13) 61
VAKPERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Mullil (Tablet 29615, CT XV,
Plates 7, 8 and 9) 313
Proceedings of the Meeting in New York, April 1909 ... I
List of Members . . XIII
Constitution and By-Laws XXVIII
List of Publications XXXI
Notices XXXII
The Mystery of Fu-lin. — By FBIEDKICH HIKTH, Professor
in Columbia University, New York City.
THE several accounts we possess in Chinese literature of that
mysterious country in the extreme west called Fu-lin declare
it to be identical with the country known in ancient times as
Ta-ts'in. The texts of the T'ang dynasty speak of "Fu-lin,
that is the ancient Ta-ts'in," or of "Tats'in, also called Fu-
lin," and it appears that the two names were interchangeable.
From the Chinese point of view the question would, therefore,
be simple enough. If Ta-ts'in is Syria, Fu-lin must be Syria.
I am nevertheless disinclined to be guided by this kind of
logic and fully admit the difficulty of the Fu-lin problem.
My present view, which in its main features has undergone
little change from the one expressed twenty-five years ago in
my first study of the subject,1 is briefly this: Ta-ts'in is the
Eoman empire with all its grandeur emanating from Rome, its
capital; but the detail placed on record in the contempor-
aneous Chinese texts is confined to its Asiatic provinces, for
which reason not Rome, but Antioch is described as the ca-
pital city. Its relations to China were of a commercial kind.
Fu-lin is the Eastern empire of Byzantium, but as in the case
of Ta-ts'in, the Chinese accounts are confined to certain Asi-
atic portions of it, and its relations to China were chiefly
ecclesiastical. This at least is the impression I have received
from the study of the Fu-lin chapters in the Chinese standard
histories. I admit that Chinese literature contains a few pas-
sages, to which I hope to revert on some future occasion,
which seem to involve that, besides the countries described
in the standard accounts, a Greater Ta-ts'in and a Greater
Fu-lin were not unknown in China.
1 China and the Roman Orient: Researches into their Ancient and Me-
diaeval Relations as represented in old Chinese records. Shanghai, 1885.
I shall in the course of these notes refer to this book by the letters R. O.
VOL. XXX. Part I.
2 F. Hirth, [1910.
This view has been recently abandoned by my esteemed
friend Professor Ed. Chavannes, who thinks that Fu-lin is after
all Constantinople and not Syria.1 His arguments are briefly
these.
1. The name Fu-lin represents the Greek accusative iroXiv
in €15 rrjv TroXiv, Istan-polin, according to Mas'udi the origin of
the name Istambul.
2. The name Fu-lin appears in Chinese literature previous
to the arrival of the Nestorians in China.
3. It may have been brought to China during the Sui
period by the Western Turks, who had been visited by By-
zantine ambassadors in 568 and 576 A. D.
4. The king of Fu-lin who sent ambassadors to China in
643 was called Po-to-li (Jjfc ^ #). By substituting gfe for
%, the name would appear as Po-si-li, which may stand for
5. The Arab general Mo-i, who was sent to effect the siege
of Fu-lin, may be identical with Muawia's son "Yezid ben
Muawia," one of three emirs who attacked Constantinople.
6. The king of Fu-lin who sent an embassy to China in
1081 Mie-li-i-Ung-kai-sa may have been identical with the pre-
tender Nicephorus Melissenus, the character ffi i in that name
being a mistake for ^ ss'i.
Professor jChavannes justifies the changes he suggests in
connection with such names as Po-to-li and Mie-li-i by the
frequency of errors in the tradition of Chinese texts. I quite
admit this argument as applying to certain works, such as the
Ttfd-fu-yuan-kui, from which his "Notes additionelles" have
been mainly derived. This work bristles with mistakes; but
I would be much less inclined to assume such errors in the
texts of the standard histories, the tradition of which, as re-
gards names, compares not unfavourably with that of our me-
1 In his paper entitled "Notes additionelles sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs)
occidentaux" in T'oung-pao , 1904, p. 37, note 3, in which he says : " J'ai
identine ce pays [Fou-lin] avec la Syrie, parce que j'acceptais la theorie
soutenue avec beaucoup de talent par HIRTH (China and the Roman Ori-
ent) qui voit dans le terme Fan-tin (anciennement but-lim] le nom de Beth-
lehem, et qui considere Po-to-li, roi du Fou-lin, comme le bathrik, c'est-
a-dire le patriarche des Nestoriens. Un nouvel examen de la question
me conduit^ cependant a reprendre 1'ancienne identification de Fou-lin avec
Byzance."
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 3
diseval Greek and Latin classics. *• Conjectures of this kind
may occasionally become necessary, but they ought in all cases
to be supported by strong circumstantial evidence and ought
also to admit of some plausible paleographic explanation.
I have called this paper "The Mystery of Fu-lin," and I
wish to indicate thereby that I do not by any means pretend
to have removed all doubt from what may remain a mystery
for ever. I cannot, however, refrain from placing on record
the arguments which have induced me to maintain my original
view. I welcome Professor Chavannes' criticism as the best
means throwing light on the problem, and I shall be happy
to hear of his further researches in the direction indicated.
There still remain quite a number of important points to be
settled in connection with both Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin, and who
knows whether some unexpected discovery will not some day
either shake, or confirm, our present views, if not furnish clues
which nobody has thought of.
i. The old sound of the name Fu-lin (g|J ^).
The first character jjj}jj , now pronounced fu in the Mandarin,
and fat in the Canton dialect, has a final t, according to all
the mediaeval authorities quoted by K'ang-hi (Rad. 63, 5). In
the Tsi-yun, a work which appeared as late as the Sung Dy-
nasty, its sound is described as JjJ 5jj£ -tJJ, i. e., _p(ok-m)a£,
or pat.
The second character ^, now pronounced lin in the Man-
darin, and lam in the Canton dialect, was according to the
Tsi-yun pronounced ft Jffj -gj, i. e., I (ik-k) am, or lam, and
K'ang-hi quotes the name Fu-lin (Fat-lam or Pat-lam] as an
example of that pronunciation (Rad. 140, 8).
As a further example of the old sound ending in w, and
not in n, I may quote the name of one of the priests which
appears in estrangelo characters as Ephraem (read Abraham
by Kircher) in the Syriac part of the Nestorian inscription
with the Chinese transcription JijjJ ;jy(c, = fu-lin, fat-lam or pat-
lam. I need not say that ffi and jj^ are identical in sound.
Certainly the final of this character was m, and not n. In
i Cf. my remarks on the "Textkritik" of Chinese authors, R. 0.,
p. 8 seq.
1*
4 F. Hirth,
order to express the syllable lin in iroAiv, a Chinese transcriber
of the sixth century would have selected some such character
as $, lin, the old final of which is w, rather than a sound
ending in m. In the T'ang-shu-sM-yin, chap. 24, p. 3, ad vo- •
cem Fu-lin, the sound of the character J£ is described as #
ft,, i- e. Z (ik-n) am = lam.
As may be seen from E. 0., p. 287, note 2, I do not doubt
the correctness of the etymology of the name Istambul = Istan-
polin (efc rrjv v6Xw) as suggested by Mas'udi;1 but we have to
take into consideration that, as Professor Chavannes says him-
self, it applies to about the year 344 H., i. e., the tenth cen-
tury A. D., whereas the name Fu-lin was first used in the
sixth, or seventh, century. But, even granting the Byzantine
Romans of that early period having called their capital "Istan-
polin," this need not force us to identify the name with Chi-
nese "Fu-lin."
2. First occurrence of the name Fu-lin.
I quite agree with Professor Chavannes about the Sui-shu
being the oldest record in which the name Fu-lin is mentioned.
Indeed I called attention to it on p. 17 and p. 288, note, of
my book. The biographical portion, including the records re-
garding foreign countries, of that historian was completed in
636 A. D., as we are told in the Catalogue of the Imperial
Library,2 that is just a year after the arrival at Ch7ang-an of
the first Nestorian mission under O-lo-pon (probably a tran-
scription for Eabdn or Rabban, — id est, monasterii propositus,
Assemani,I?$Z. Or., Ill Pt. ii, pp. 911 and 913— also very common
as a name). It seems to me quite possible that the name Fu-lin
was just then substituted in the final revision of the Sui-shu
text for that of Ta-ts'in, which may have been the original
reading. But even if this had not been the case, why could
not the Chinese have received notices of the country under
its new name Fu-lin from sources not connected with the
arrival of its natives, just as well as Ta-ts'in was known to
them at the time of the general Pan Chau's campaign long
i For a careful compilation of material regarding the origin and history
of this name see E. Oberhummer in Pauly-Wissowa's "Real-Encyclopadie,"
B. v. "Constantinopolis."
- Tsung-mu, chap. 45, p, 53.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 5
before the first Ta-ts'in mission reached China in 166 A. D.?
We know that the emperor Yang-ti tried in vain to have
intercourse with Fu-lin. Could not he, or his representative
Pei K'u, the author of the Sui-si-yu-Vu (pf jg j[$ @), have
heard the name as being identical with that of Ta-ts'in through
the Nestorians in other western countries which had then come
into contact with China, such as Persia, which is described
with considerable detail in the Sui-slm, with its city of Madain,
then the see of Nestorian patriarchs? Certainly the appear-
ance of the name Fu-lin in Chinese literature previous to
that of the Nestorians in China does not argue against the
identity of the country with Syria. Professor Chavannes refers
to the three trade routes quoted from Pe'i K'ii's work in the
Sui-shu (chap. 67, p. 12), the northern one of which leads by
way of I-wu (Hami) past P'u-lei-hai (Lake Barkul), the T'ie-lo
(Tolos) tribes, the court of the Great Khan of the Turks, and,
crossing the rivers that flow north, to the country of Fu-lin
and to the western sea." The route thus described is in my
opinion not the later road to Constantinople, which skirted
the Aral, the Caspian and the Pontus, since the several rivers
to be passed in it flow south] "the rivers that flow north"
must be the Jaxartes and the Oxus, and I take it for granted
that this northern route would have taken travellers to An-
tioch as the capital of Fu-lin. Neither John of Montecorvino
nor Rubruck had to cross the "rivers that flow north," nor
does Pegolotti recommend such a route except to those who
may have merchandize to dispose of at Urgendj (see Yule,
Cathay and the Way Tliither, p. 288).
3. Who were the informants through whom the name Fu-
lin became first known in China?
We know from the Kiu-t' ang-shu (R. 0., pp. 55 and 105,
K 33) that the emperor Yang-ti wished to open intercourse
with Fu-lin, but did not succeed. Professor Chavannes, who
thinks of Constantinople, maintains that the name Fu-lin be-
came known in China through the Western Turks, and he
refers to the relations of those Turks with the Byzantine Court.
"A Chinese envoy at the court of the Turkish Great Khan,"
he says, "may have met some of these Greeks, or heard them
spoken about; and thus the name of Constantinople came to
6 F. ffirth, [1910.
China in its form Polin, given to it by the Greeks themselves
according to Masudi." I wish to offer a somewhat different
explanation. In the introduction to the chapter on the western
countries the Sui-slm (chap. 83, p. 1) confirms the emperor"
Yang-ti's desire to have communication with as many countries
as possible; the emperor, therefore, sent expeditions under
Wei Tsie (^ fjj), author of a lost work, called Si-fan-ki (jg
^| i£) and quoted in the T'ung-tien in connection with the
Ephthalites, and Tu Hing-man (^t fr Ji)- The latter visited
the regions of Western Turkestan. Other officials were sent
to Japan, Siam, etc.1 After that he appointed Pel K'ii to a
special post in north-west Kan-su with a view of inducing foreign
countries to send envoys to China. From the account of Po-
ss'i (jjj? fljf, i. e. Persia, chap. 83, p. 16) we learn that Yang-ti
had deputed an envoy by the name of Li Yii (^ -g.) for the
special purpose of persuading the Persians to send a mission
to China, and Persian ambassadors actually came to China
together with Li Yii, offering tribute to the court. This Per-
sian embassy, according to the Ts'6-fu-yiian-kui (chap. 970,
p. 3), arrived with the envoys of quite a number of other states
in 616 A. D., probably a few years earlier, since the wording
of this record, though entered under that special year, seems
to involve the Ta-ye period (605 to 617 A. D.) generally as
the date of arrival.
When Yang-ti's envoy Li Yii arrived in Persia, the Persian
throne was occupied by Khosru II, the bitterest enemy of all
the Christians, including his political opponent, the emperor
Heraclius. Syria was again held by the Romans, after it had
been devastated by the Persians a generation ago. Antioch,
already reduced to great straits by the earthquake of 525 A. D.,
had been sacked and destroyed by Khosru I in 540 A. D. If
Antioch was the capital of old Ta-ts'in, or as I maintain, of
its equivalent, Fu-lin, the fall of this city would mark an event
in the interpretation of the name inasmuch as a second An-
tioch had been built on Persian ground. Much of the mystery
surrounding the Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin question may be explained
thereby. I quote Rawlinson's The Seventh Great Oriental
Monarchy (London, 1876, p. 395):
"The Persian prince [Khosru I] after the fall of Antioch
1 See Tsfo-furyfian-kui, chap. 662, p. 22 seq.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 1
passed the winter in building and beautifying a Persian An-
tioch in the neighbourhood of Ctesiphon, assigning it as a
residence to his Syrian captives, for whose use he constructed
public baths and a spacious hippodrome, where the entertain-
ments familiar to them from their youth were reproduced by
Syrian artists. The new city was exempt from the jurisdiction
of Persian satraps, and was made directly dependent upon
the king, who supplied it with corn gratuitously, and allowed
it to become an inviolable asylum for all such Greek slaves
as should take shelter in it, and be acknowledged as their
kinsmen by any of the inhabitants. A model of Greek civili-
zation was thus brought into close contact with the Persian
court." Rawlinson adds in a footnote: "Here the Oriental
accounts are in entire accord with the Greek. Mirkhond and
Tabari relate at length the construction of this new Antioch
in the vicinity of Al Modain, adding that the name given to
it was Rumia (Rome), and that it was an exact copy of the
town upon the Orontes."
The captivity of the Antiochian Christians is referred to by
Barhebrseus * and in Mar Amr's biographies of the Nestorian
patriarchs.2 Tabari describes the new city in two passages3
with some detail. The great Persian king had endeavoured
to build this new Antioch just like the old city in Syria, and
when the captives entered its gates, everyone of them found a
home so similar to the one he had left in Syria that he might
imagine to be there. Khosru I did not, at least at first, inter-
fere with their Christian idiosyncracies, but the history of the
Nestorian patriarchs in the sequel abounds with examples of
that tenacity with which the heroes among them would rather
1 J. B. Abbeloos and Tho. J. Lamy, Gregorii Barhebrcei Chronicon
Ecclesiasticum, Paris 1877, II 86 : "Hie (Chosroes Anuschervan) post annos
octo Antiochiam invasit incenditque, ejus vero incolas captivos abduxit
atque eis Mahuzam condidit, quam Antiochiam appellavit, eosque illic
habitare jussit." Mahuza is explained by Assemani (BibL Or. Ill Pt. ii,
p. 761) to be a city in Babylonia " apud Ctesiphontem ex altera fluminis
parte, ad provinciam patriarchalem pertinens, eademque Bagdadi subur-
bium, et Carcha, Corch seu Charch, appellatur." Professor Jastrow tells
me that mahuza is Babylonic for city.
2 Henricus Gismondi S. J., Maris Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestoria-
norum Commentaria, Part II, containing the Latin version, Rome 1897, p. 24.
3 Th. Nb'ldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasani-
den, Leiden 1879, pp. 165 and 239.
8 R Hirth, [1910.
undergo martyrdom of any kind than cease to be faithful to
their traditions. Many of them are recorded to have suffered
death and torture under the threats of Persian kings and
Arabic caliphs. It is to this virtue of the Syrian captives
that Tu Huan, the author of the Hing-king-hi (ft 3| ft g fjj),
who had been made a prisoner and retained in Persia for ten
years after the battle of Tharaz in 751 A. D., refers when
he says of the people of Fu-lin, which country he places in
the west of Sham ("JiJ, = Damask): "If they live as captives in
foreign states tliey will rather accept death than change their
national customs." I have adopted Mr. Playfair's improved
translation of this passage, though I do not with him apply
it to the Israelites in exile, but to the Christians in their
second Antioch near Madain. * A prominent case of Christian
martyrdom has been recorded in Mar Amr's work (pp. cit,
p. 37) as having occurred in the third year of Abul- Abbas
(752 A. D.; "per id tempus martyrium fecit Israel medicus,
cui Deus requiem concedat"). Assemani (II, p. 432) refers to it
in connection with the imprisonment of the patriarch Jacob
(754 — 773 A. D.) by the caliph Abu-Jafar, under whose reign,
just at the time when Tu Huan himself lived as a captive
in Persia, the Syrian Christians suffered more than ever under
the persecutions of Mohammedan potentates. These were the
outposts of the people of Fu-lin, who may have furnished the
Chinese envoy to Khosru II, Li Yii, with the accounts of
their country in Syria, and if the envoy's visit to the Persian
court, placed in the Ta-ye period by the Chinese historians, took
place in the earlier part of it, when Syria was still protected
by the Roman army, this would be a sufficient reason why Yang-
tr s wish to communicate with the mother country Fu-lin could
not be fulfilled. Such certainly was the state of things pre-
vious to the year 611 A. D., when Apameia and Antioch were
sacked by the Persians under Khosru II. The Emperor's
commissioner in Central Asia, Pel K'ii, who shared his master's
ambition to see ambassadors of all the great countries of Asia
at the steps of the dragon throne, succeeded in a wonderful
manner; for he communicated with all, "only T'ien-chu (India)
and Fu-lin (Syria) he did not reach to his regret."2
1 Cf. Playfair, "The Mystery ofTa-ts'in" in Journal of the China Br.,
R. A. S., Vol. XX, 1885, p. 78, referring to &. 0., pp. 83 and 116, Q 45.
2 ffi 5C ^ tt 3fc 7 3* n JJR, Tang-shu, chap. 221 A, p. 25B.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin.
4. The king of Fu-lin Po-to-li.
I have always been of opinion that Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin have
to be looked upon as the representatives of the Christian world.
Even in the early accounts of Ta-ts'in we may notice an eccle-
siastical colouring. "Their kings are not permanent rulers,
but they appoint men of merit. When a severe calamity vi-
sits the country, or untimely rain-storms, the king is deposed
and replaced by another. The one relieved from his duties
submits to his degradation without a murmur."1 This is
clearly neither a Roman Emperor, nor a praetor or proconsul,
but a patriarch of the Christian Church, the patriarch of An-
tioch as the head of all the Christians in Asia. With the
settling of so many Syrian Christians in Persia after the fall
of Antioch in 540 A. D., the Nestorian patriarch in Persia
could perhaps lay claim to that dignity.2 His residence in
exile was merely a makeshift; to his own flock and to the
Chinese behind them he was the patriarch of all the Christians,
whatever the heterodox clergy in the west may have thought
of it. It was the Nestorian patriarch who sent the first
Christian missionaries to China, and whether he did so under
orders from a still higher patriarch in Antioch, or on his own
authority, it seems not easy to decide. We have a direct allu-
sion to this crux by a Byzantine author, the archimandrite
Nilos Doxopatres, a notary in the service of the patriarch of
Constantinople, who in 1143 A. D. wrote, for king Rogers II
of Sicily, a short treatise on the patriarchal thrones. 3 Doxo-
patres may have been a biassed judge owing to his connection
with the orthodox church, for he seems to ignore the schism
when he says that "the patriarch of Antioch was in charge of
all Asia and Anatolia and even India, whither he had sent a
katholikos ordained by himself, styled the one of Romogyris,
and also of Persia and Babylon, called Bagdad in his time,
1 Hou-han-shu, R. O., pp. 41 and 100, E 19 and 20.
2 According to Assemani, Bibl. Or., Ill Pt ii, p. 617, the Nestorian Arch-
bishop at Seleucia and the Metropolitan of Persia had to proceed to Antioch
for their ordination by the Patriarch previous to 498 A. D., after which
time the "Catholicus" of the Nestorians claimed the title of Patriarch,
in order to be relieved of the perilous journey to Antioch.
3 Krumbacher, Gesch. d. lyzantin. Litteratur, 2nd ed., Miinchen 1897,
p. 415 seq.
10 F. Hirth, [1910.
and that he had under him altogether thirteen metropolitans." *
We know that the early Christians in India were Nestorians.
The discovery of crosses resembling in shape the one appear-
ing above the Nestorian tablet of Si-an-fu and, moreover, sur-
rounded by Pehlevi inscriptions2 points to the Nestorians in
Persia as their originators.
Doxopatres' statement seems to show that the patriarch of
Antioch (i. e. of Syria or Ta-ts'in) was at least the nominal
head of the Christians of Asia and that the several metro-
politans, including those of the Nestorians in Persia and in
India, were nominally appointed under his authority. If the
patriarch of the Nestorians appointed his own men to the
Persian sees and to those of India and China, as we have every
reason to assume, he may either have had this power delegated
on him, or he may have acted on a self-assumed authority, look-
ing upon himself as] the patriarch of Antioch living in exile.
According to my personal view it is the patriarch at the head
of the Christians in Asia who is meant by the term "king of
Fu-lin," or ,,of Ta-ts'in," in the later texts. To support this
theory I wish to refer to an account of Ta-ts'in dating within
scarcely a generation after the time when Nilos Doxopatres
wrote that treatise according to which the "patriarch of An-
tioch" appoints the heads of all the other churches in Asia,
including the one of the Christians in India. This it appears
to me we may infer from Chau Ju-kua's texts regarding
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu (usually translated by India, but here
covering the Christian settlements in that country). Chau Ju-
kua says of his T'ien-chu: "The country is subordinate to the
country of Ta-ts'in and its chiefs are selected ly Ta-ts'in." *
I have endeavoured to explain this, at first sight startling,
assertion by the relations existing, previous to the arrival of
the Portuguese, between the Indian church of St. Thomas and
the Nestorian patriarch as the ecclesiastical "King of Ta-
1 ITaX;v 6 *Avf»%9J*f KaTs7%sv a-xasav TT?V 'Aai'av KCU
Ivc/av, &TTO-J Kai ««; T&U vwv Ka&oX/K&v x^orovccv OTsM.ee; T&V jfaXofywvov 'Pw,ao-
fjpsuf Ktzt alrqv TT/V Hepyia-j, en KAI avnyv -nyv Ba/2uXwva TT?V vDv Kakovfjihr/v Bayca
K<fKsT yap OTvXXtv o 'Av7/ox*i«? fysi olv firtTpoiro\e7s ajftapw %sKaTps7;. Varia
Sacra Stephani le Moyne, Leiden 1685, II, p. 211 seq. Cf. Renaudot,
Ancient Accounts of India and China, London 1733, p. 119.
2 J. Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, Giitersloh 1906, p. 36.
Vol. xxx.] TJie Mystery of Fu-lin. 11
ts'in." i On entering deeper into the subject I am encouraged
in maintaining this view,2 though there seems to be some
doubt as to who the real chief of the church has been, whe-
ther the patriarch of Antioch or the one of the Nestorians
in Persia. The Nestorian primate, to whom part of his juris-
diction may have been ceded by the Patriarch of Antioch
(Privilegium a Patriarcha Antiocheno concessum Primati Se-
leuciensi ut Episcopos ordinare possit. Assemani, III Pt i,
p. 145), seems to have been more settled in his authority in later
centuries, when the extension of his dominion had grown too
much for his western colleague, than in ancient times. I do
not venture to say that Nestorian patriarchs called them-
selves "Patriarchs of Antioch." There is, however, a strange
synchronism between the statement, said to be the result
of an error by Assemani (Bibl. Orient., Ill Pt. i, p. 289:
"Golius apud Hottingerum in Bibl. Or., p. 62") to the effect
that Elias III, catholic of the Nestorians 1176 — 1190, was
1 See "Chao Ju-kua?s Ethnography" in Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc.,
July 1906, pp. 496—499.
2 Ample material will be found in W. Germann, Die Kirche der
Thomaschristen, Giitersloh, 1877, and Hichter's Indische Missionsgeschichte.
The following sentences are selected from Capt. Charles Swanston's paper
"A memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayala, or of the Syrian chris-
tians of the Apostle Thomas from its first rise to the present time" in
Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc., Vol. i, pp. 172—192, and Vol. ii, pp. 51—62
and 243-247.
"In 825, a merchant named Job conducted into Malabar, from Baby-
lon, two Syrian ecclesiastics, Mar Saul and Mar Ambrose, sent by the
Nestorian patriarch to rule over the church of St. Thomas." "These pre-
lates governed the church in Trovancor for many years." "They were
followed by a succession of teachers from Syria, who ruled over the
church" (i, p. 178). "The authority of the Syrian bishops extends to all
temporal and spiritual matters" (p. 180—181). "The Nestorian patriarch
of Babylon,— a vague appellation, which has been successfully applied to
the royal seat of Seleucia, of Ctesiphon, and of Bagdad" (p. 183). "What-
ever credit may be thought due to the current tradition of these Chris-
tians, that the Apostle Thomas planted the seeds of the Gospel among
them, so much may be considered established beyond contradiction, that
they existed in Trovancor as a flourishing people, connected with the
Syrian church, from the first centuries of the Christian era" (ii, p. 234).
"Their liturgy is that which was formerly read in the churches of the
Patriarch of Antioch, and their language is the Syriac" (p. 237). "They
hold in the highest respect their Patriarch of Antioch or Mosul, and
make mention of him in their prayers" (p. 239).
12 F. Hirth, [1910.
called "Patriarch of Antioch," and Chau Ju-kua's source, the
Ling-wai-tai-ta, published in 1178, which says that the king
of Ta-ts'in ("Patriarch of Antioch") appoints the lord of T'ien-
chu (here ruler over the Christians in India). Assemani (1. c.)
admits that the Melchite, Maronite and Jacobite Syrians gave
that title to their patriarchs, but by no means the Nestorians.
For Assemani's views on the patriarchal title among Nesto-
rians see also Bill Or., Ill, p. 57 seq.
Chau Ju-kua's account of Ta-ts'in * is mixed up with a good
deal of ancient lore, of which it has to be freed before being
taken into consideration. Thanks to the discovery of Professor
Tsuboi of Tokio, who drew attention to the Ling-wai-tai-ta
by Chou K'ii-fei,2 we are able to trace about one-third of the
substance of Chau Ju-kua's work to this earlier writer, who
had collected notices from personal enquiries, but did not
publish them for a number of years, until he became tired
of so many questions addressed to him about them by his
friends. Thus the preface of his work, which may have been
partly written some time before its publication, happens to be
dated 1178 A. D., i. e. thirty-five years after the time in which
Doxopatres wrote his treatise. It contains the account of Ta-
ts'in partly copied by Chau Ju-kua, and in its simplicity makes
the impression of a contemporaneous record.3
Chou K'u-fei says (chap. 3, p. 1): "The king is styled Ma-
lo-fu" (5£ %fc Jft PJI $,, in Cantonese ma-lo-fat, or giving the
last character its probable old sound: ma-lo-pat). Since fu
ijft occurs in a Sanskrit transcription for Ilia (see Julien, Me-
thode, etc., p. 104, No. 309), we may read: ma-lo-pa. This I
look upon as the title by which "the king," or in this case
the patriarch, was known to Chou K'u-fei's informants. It
seems to correspond to Syriac Mar-Ala, which was indeed
one of the titles by which the patriarch could be addressed.
Mar is a title of honour given to learned devotees among the
Nestorians, somewhat like our " Venerable," 4 Ala means "father."
Mar- Aba may thus be translated by "Venerable Father." Its
2 «i
R. 0., pp. 92—96 and 120—122.
"Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen iiber die fremden Lander", etc., in
Actes, Xlle Congres Int. des Orient, Rome 1899, II, pp. 69—125.
a Tsuboi, op. cit, p. 107—110.
4 "Mar, Syriace, Dominus meus, ut post Assemannum observant docti
Hagiographi", Ducange, Glossarium, etc., ed. L. Favre, s. v. Mar.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 13
Greek and Latin equivalent was Patricius (Trar/owaos, patrik).1
"Patricius," as a title, may be applied to a number of high
positions in the ancient west. Petros Patrikios, the emperor
Justinian's ambassador to the Eastern Goths in 534 A. D.
and to king Kosru of Persia in 550 and 560, held this dig-
nity. 2 Roman prefects and even church dignitaries could hold
this title after Constantinus the Great, its supposed creator.3
But I cannot quote any particular instance in which it applies
to an oriental patriarch of either Antioch or Madain. 4 The
root patrik would be an excellent equivalent for Chinese po-
to-lik. But the Aramean form for the word "patriarch" itself,
batrirk, would be fully as good from a linguistic point of view
and would suit even much better on account of its sense.
I do not, therefore, hesitate to adhere to my original iden-
tification of the old sound po-to-lik with batrirk against Cha-
Two years before Chou K'ii-fei published his accounts of
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu, in 1176 A. D. the Nestorian church of
Bagdad was under its patriarch Elias III, elected and or-
dained at Madain, where he was endowed with a greenish
cloak, "pallio amictus pistacini coloris" (Mar Amr, ed. Gis-
mondi, II, p. 64). The sacred gown here translated by pallium
is by later authors described as a kind of "pluviale," or rain
cloak. The mistaken description of this gown may have caused
the Chinese author to speak of a "green" (^f) umbrella, by
which the "king of Ta-ts'in" is protected when appearing in
public. Elias III distinguished himself by his architectural
works. He re-built the patriarchal palace together with the
1 "Quern enim Graeci Latinique Patricium vocant, is dicitur Syriace
Aba, et praefixo Mar, seu Domini titulo, Mar-Aba," Assemani, op. cit.
Ill, Part ii, p. 92 (quoting Bar Hebraeus).
2 Krumbacher, op. cit., p. 237.
3 Du Cange, s. v. Patricius.
4 As a title, though it seems certain that Cosmas Indicopleustes
(Migne, p. 125) speaks of a "Catholic of Persia," i. e. the head of the
Nestorian church, under the name of HarpiKio; at a time when, accord-
ing to other sources (Amr, p. 23), Mar Aba occupied the patriarchal see
(536—552 A. D.). This may be the basis of Assemani's identification of
the titles Patricius and Mar Aba (cf. also J. "W. McCrindle's note on the
passage referred to in The Christian Topography of Cosmas, London
1897, p. 24).
14 F. Hirth, [1910.
Church ("cellam in aedibus Komanorum reaedincare coepit
unfi cum ecclesia," — says Mar Amr, cf. Barhebraeus7 Clironi-
con, Abbeloos and Lamy, Vol. iii, p. 370), while according
to the Chinese account of 1178 the king of Ta-ts'in had a
subway built from his palace to the Hall of Worship (E. 6.,
p. 93). Although the Nestorian patriarchs were even at this
time crowned at Madain, their place of residence had since
the eighth century been at Bagdad, for which reason Chou
K'u-fe'i, and with him Chau Ju-kua, speak of Ta-ts'in as k'the
general meeting ground for the nations of the Western heaven
and the place where the foreign merchants of Ta-sh'i [Arabs
and Persians] assemble." E. 0., R 1.
The king of Fu-lin, who in 643 A. D., more than five hun-
dred years before the time of Elias III, sent an embassy to
China, did so at a time when Nestorians were in full grace
with the Chinese court. The emperor T'ai-tsung favoured
them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously
granted presents of silk.1 The king's name, as entered in
the two versions of the Tang-shu, was Po-to-li ($£ % jj , in
Cantonese Po-to-lik). What I consider to be the Syriac trans-
cription of this title could, of course, apply to the orthodox
patriarch Mar Joannes, the pontifex of Antioch, who died
after eighteen years' government in 649 A. D.,2 and who is
distinctly described as batrirk /^i^a. In his case — at that
early time — the title batrirk seems certainly unquestionable,
whereas his Nestorian contemporary Jesujab II is styled ha-
tulik rA,okj8.3 On the other hand I observe that the Nesto-
rian chiefs are styled batrirk in Mar Amr's biographies
throughout, and that the Nestorians who erected the tablet
of Si-an-fu say that this was done at the time when "the father
of fathers" Mar Hananjesus was the catholic patriarch.* This
shows that the title, whether accorded to their primate by
orthodox writers or not, was claimed for him by his own
1 R. 0., K 34 and L 41.
2 Barhebraeus, op. cit, I, p. 279.
3 Barhebr., II. p. 114. Regarding the titles by which the early Nes-
torian chiefs have been referred to see Christ. Harder, Historiae Prime -
tium ecclesiae Nestorianorum ab Amro filio Matthaei Arabice scriptae ver-
sionis specimen. Neumiinster, 1890, p. 4.
4 batrirkis in estrangelo characters, see Havret, La stele chretienne, etc.,
I, p. LXXIX.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 15
subordinates, and thus circumstances may also favour the
identification of the person called Po-to-lik with the patriarch
Jesujab II, who was at the head of the Nestorian church
from 627 to 646, — a man of great political importance, who
had acted as ambassador of the Persian court to the em-
peror Heraclius. To whichever of the two dignitaries we may
give the preference, we have to consider the ecclesiastical
character of certain subsequent missions to China. One of
these was sent in 719 A. D., when "their lord" (3£ £) de-
puted a chief of T'"u-huo-lo (Tokharestan) on a mission to the
Chinese court.1 The Nestorian patriarch was probably in a
position to do so through one of his subordinates, some
bishop of Balkh, a city of T'u-huo-lo or Tokharestan. For
only sixty-two years later the Nestorian chorepiscopus of Kum-
dan, Mar Idbuzid, who had his name engraved on the Nesto-
rian tablet with those of his fellow priests in estrangelo cha-
racters, calls himself "son of Milis, priest of Balkh." This
Milis was evidently, like his son, a Nestorian priest, and since
Idbuzid probably did not attain the dignity of chief of the
church of Kumdan as a young man, which was the exception
among Nestorian prelates, it would appear that the Nesto-
rians actually had a church with priests in the city of Balkh
about the time when the Fu-lin embassy of 719 A. D. came
to China.2 I am not aware that the Byzantine Romans had
any relations with Tokharestan in 719 A. D., when they had
a narrow escape of seeing their capital sacked by the mos-
lems. A few months later Fu-lin sent "priests of great virtue"
with tribute to China, a further reason for regarding these
relations as more of an ecclesiastical than a political char-
acter. The Ts'o-fu-yiian-kui places a mission of priests in the
year 742 A. D., while in 744, according to the Nestorian In-
scription, "there was (it is not said when he had arrived) the
Ta-ts'in priest Ki-lw, who had an audience with the Emperor."
1 R. 0., K 38.
2 Cf. Assemani, III Part ii, pp. 482, 550 and 727 seq: "In notitia
Metropoleon apud Amrum Halac vigesimum locum occupat, quae eadem
est ac Balcha."
16 F. Hirtli, [1910.
5. Political facts stated in Chinese records excluding iden-
tification with Constantinople.
The Kiu-Vang-slm says: "Since the Ta-shi [Arabs] had
conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief
Mo-i [Muawia] to besiege the capital city [of Fu-lin]; by means
of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked
to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in
the sequel tliey became subject to the Ta-sh'i [Arabs]."1
Professor Chavannes agrees with me in explaining the name
Mo-i (Jgp J^) as a mutilation of the sound Muawia. He does
not. however, refer it to the great Muawia, who, before he be-
came caliph, had been appointed Governor of Syria (Fu-lin)
under Othman, but to his son Yezid, in order to show that
the passage refers to one of the sieges of Constantinople. In
doing so he seems to overlook the fact that Fu-lin was not
only conquered, but uin the sequel became subject to the Arabs f
and that this means much more than a mere temporary con-
quest may be shown from a passage of the Kiu-t'ang-shu (chap.
198 p. 29), which states that the Ta-sh'i, i. e. the Arabs of the
caliph empire, "in the beginning of the Lung-so period (661 —
664 A. D.), on having defeated Po-ss'i (Persia) and Fu-lin, be-
gan to be in the possession of rice and bread stuff." 2 Fu-lin
can in this case only refer to Syria. Constantinople was never
subject to the Arabs, nor did the imperial dominions outside
of Asia supply them with grain.3
2
ft- S. O., K 35; cf. L 43.
3 Something similar is remarked in the Sung-sh/i, ch. 90, p. 18, in the
account of a mission from the Ta-sh'i having arrived at the Imperial court
in 995 A. D.; but the country is there referred to under its old name
Ta-ts'in. The emperor asked the Ta-sh'i (Arab, or Persian, of the Caliph
empire, then divided into numerous branches) about his country, upon
which he replied: "It is conterminous with the country of Ta-ts'in, and
considering it a dependency, it is now my native country which has con-
trol over it" (|| * ^ B * » @ * ^ B ^ # B J9f « £)>
Since Syria had been conquered and was being held by the Fatimide
Caliphs residing at Cairo at the end of the tenth Century, the mission
referred to seems to have come from the Fatimide portion of the Ta-sh'i
territories.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 17
6. Fu-lin = Bethlehem.
My identification, which may at first sight seem strange, is
based on the Nestorian inscription, in which it is shown that
the priests, with their "luminous religion," came from Ta-ts'in,
and that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Ta-ts'in Cj£
i% H 8 1fc 'ifc It)-"1 Since Ta-ts'in, according to all Chinese
accounts, is identical with Fu-lin, this is equivalent to saying
that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Fu-lin." The old
sound of these two syllables, as shown above, was, or could be,
pat-lam] and it seemed to me that "Bethlehem" is a much more
appropriate etymology than polin. In those days, when an
ecclesiastical current ran through the politics of the world,
east and west, Chinese literature called the great nations by the
birth-place of the founders of their religions. Thus the T'ang-
shu account of India (chap. 221A, p. 24B) is introduced by the
words "The country of T'ien-chu, also called Mo-k'ie-to,"2
because Mo-k'ie-to, i. e. Magadha, was the little country where
Buddha was born. Later on Arabia received its name T'ien-
fang (J^ -ft, "the Heavenly Square," i. e. the Kaaba) from
the sanctuary in Mohammed's birth-place. Similarly we read
in Chinese books: "Ta-ts'in, also called Fu-lin," i. e. Bethlehem,
because it was the birth-place of Christ.
7. The Language of Fu-lin.
We possess about a dozen transcriptions in Chinese char-
acters said to represent words of the language of Fu-lin. They
occur in the eighteenth chapter of the well-known cyclopaedia
Yu-yang-tsa-tsu (§ fig ^ ffl) by Tuan Ch'ong-shi (|£ $ 5^),
who died in 863 A. D.3
The most reliable edition of this work, the quotations from
which in cyclopaedias, dictionaries and concordances of the
present dynasty contain a number of fatal misprints, is the
one published in the Ming collection Tsin-tai-pi-shu (JJ: J| jjj$
Iff:), a rare work, of which there is a copy among the Chinese
books of Columbia Library in New York. It appears that a
* See Havret, La stele chretienne, I, p. XXIII.
2 3C ^ B & 0 * * K-
3 Giles, Chinese Biogr. Diet, p. 788.
VOL. XXX. Part I.
18 F. Hirth, [1910.
bibliophile by the name of Hu Chon-hiang (gj f| iff) had
planned the publication of a collection of rare prints under
the title Pi-ti'6-liuiJMn (f£ flf} ft gj), but that before the
work saw the light, the blocks from which it was to have been
printed were partly destroyed in a conflagration, when the
damaged stock of blocks fell into the hands of Mau Tsin (£
m^ 1598 1657 A. D.), who published it under the above title
with a number of additions constituting the greater part of
the collection, in all 144 works. The texts added bj Mau
Tsin bear on every page the name of his studio Ki-ku-ko (ffi
"fr !9)» an(i tne Yu-yang-isa-tsu is among them. *
The best edition next to this is the one of the collection
Hiau-tsin-Vau-yuan (Jf. p: f J JR), published in 1805 by Chang
Hai-p'ong (5g f$ |||) in Chau-won near Soochow, 2 who copied
his text from Mau Tsin's edition, which he compared with
original sources.
The eighteenth chapter of the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is inscribed
mu-p'ien (T|C ||), i. e., "chapter on trees," and treats chiefly on
exotic trees and shrubs, many of which are said to be indi-
genous of India, Persia, or Fu-lin, giving the names used in
those countries in the shape of transcriptions. I have tried
to identify some of these names with the assistance of my
colleagues Professors R. Gottheil and A. V. W. Jackson, and
have come to the conclusion that they are neither Latin nor
Greek, but Syriac.
As to the question who may have supplied the information
regarding these foreign words, we receive a clue in the de-
scription, on p. 9,3 of the Asa foetida tree, called a-we'i (fpf
U). Having said that it comes from K7ie-sho-na (fjp pg] -j||$)
in Northern India, i. e. Ghazna in the present Afghanistan,
where it is called hmg-yu^ and that it also comes from Persia,
where it is called a-yii (fpf Jf ), and having outlined his de-
scription of the tree, the author continues: "This is identical
with what the priest Wan of the Fu-lin country says; the
priest Ti-p'o [Deva?] of the Mo-kie-t'o [Maghada] country says,
etc. (n^,^^m ^ mmm^mm^^m irw
1 Hui-ko-shu-mu, IV, pp. 54 — 63.
2 See my "Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen," p. 17.
3 I shall quote numbers of pages from the edition of 1805.
4 ^ JE = Skt- hingu, Hind, hing, Dakh. hinffu, and similarly with
various foreign writers. See Yule, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s. v. Hing.
Vol. xxx.J The Mystery of Fu-lin. 19
We may be allowed to assume from this passage that the in-
formation on plants growing in Fu-lin and their native names
were supplied by a priest coming from Fu-lin called Wan.
Here two priests, the one of Fu-lin (Bethlehem), the other of
India (Magadha), are placed in contrast with each other as
representing Christian and Buddhist sources of information.
The following extracts are from the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu. The
headings ("The Olive," "The Fig," etc.) have been added
by me.
1. The Olive (p. 10 B).
"The ts'i-tfun tree (^ flfj, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fun) comes
from Po-ssi (Persia). It also comes from Fu-lin. In Fu-lin
it is called ts'i-fi (^ ^, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fai). The tree
measures two or three chang (= IS1^ or 23*/4 feet1) in height.
Its bark is green; it has white blossoms like the pumelo (yu,
JJ), and these are very fragrant. The fruits are like those of
the yang-Vau (^ ffi , Actinidia chinensis, PL, "a climbing shrub
which bears edible fruit about the size of a plum," Henry,
"Chinese names of Plants," in J. of the China Branch, R. As.
Soc.j 1887, p. 281) and ripen in the fifth month (June). The
inhabitants of the west press them into oil used for frying
cakes and fruits, as we in China use ku-shong (Jf )]$, a kind
of hemp seed? Very doubtful, cf. Bretschneider, Botanicum
Sinicum, III, pp. 376—378)."
There can scarcely be any doubt about the identity of this
tree with the olive. Ts'ai-t'un is Persian and Turkish zeitun
^yoj, and ts'ai-fai of the language of Fu-lin is Aramean
zaita K'&UJ. See Immanuel Low, Aramtiische Pflanzennamen ,
p. 136, who says that the word applies both to the tree (Olea
europaea, L.) and its fruit. No such name is known in Greek.
1 The foot of the T'ang Dynasty, during whose reign the text of the
Yu~yang-tsa-tsu has originated, was much smaller than the present Chi-
nese foot. Cf. my notes in "Bausteine zu einer Geschichte der chinesi-
schen Literatur," Toung-pao, Vol. vii, pp. 502—505. The Chinese foot,
ch"i. J^, of the K'ai-yiian period (713—742 A. D.) measured about 23 '/2 cm.,
or say 9 1/4 inches English measurement. This has to be taken into
account in forming an approximate idea of the several sizes placed on
record in our text. The chang, T£, or Chinese rod, which is now usually
taken as ll3/4, would thus correspond to scarcely 73/4 English feet in the
T'ang period.
2*
20 F. Hirth, [1910.
2. The Fig (p. 12B).
"A-i (p} |$, Canton Dial, a-yik). In the country of Po-ssi
(Persia) they call it a-i (fnf ,10, C. D. a-?/iA:; the second char-
acter was read jit or yit during the T'ang period, see Tang-
sliu-sM-yin, chap. 13, p. 4). In Fu-lin it is called ti-ni (jg
{jg; the second character appears as J£, chon, in all the other
editions and quotations I have seen, a mistake which has
clearly arisen from a variant of the second character ^, K'ang-
hi, Had. 75,5, being confounded with Jft, another form for
chon). The tree grows to a height of 14 or 15 cJi'i (about
11 feet). Twigs and leaves are plentiful and luxuriant. Its
leaves have five lobes (^ ^ 3£ ffi) like those of the pei-ma
(||j |j = gf jjj , Ricinus communis). The plant has no flowers, *
but fruits. The fruit is reddish like the pei-tz'i (f^ ^ = ffi
jfjjf ^f, the Chinese Diospyros glutinifera?), and its taste re-
sembles that of the sweet persimmon (-g* jfjj, han-sh'i). Once
a month there is a crop."
The Pon-ttfau-ltang-mu (chap. 31, p. 26) has under the head
of ivu-hua-kuo, the "flowerless fruit," the name ying-j'i-huo, ftfe
0 S' representing the old sound ang-it and apparently a
transcription of Hindustani anjir. The Persian name, accord-
ing to the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is a-yit = ayir, which is near
enough, though not as perfect a transcription as ang-it, to
Persian anjlr j*g?\, a fig. The Aramean name, according to
Low, p. 390, is te(n}ta K'^Jr^^, or tena rdire'^, cf. Biblical
teenah njNJJ\. Our Chinese transcription ti-ni is certainly much
nearer the Aramean word than the Greek o-v/dj for fig, or
os for caprificus.
3. The Myrtle (p. 11 B).
"The mo tree (f£, Canton Dial, mut, used up to the present
day as a transcription for mur, the name given to the "myrrh"
in several western Asiatic languages, but here clearly resorted
to as a transcription for Persian, or Pehlevi, murd >>*,*, which
1 A botanical prejudice, which has caused the Chinese to call the Ficus
carica the "flower-less fruit" (wu-hua-kuo,* $& ft ft) and induced Albertus
Magnus to say of the fig-tree: "fructum profert sine fiore" (De vegeta-
bilibus, ed. Meyer and Jessen, Berlin 1867, p.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 21
Professor Jackson informs me occurs in the Bundehesh in the
sense of "myrtle") comes from Po-ss'i (Persia). In Fu-lin it is
called a-t^'i (fnf £J|, ^e ^as^ character being also read so, tso
and tsok, K'ang-hi, Rad. 120, 10, and Chalmers' K'ang-hij
p. 219). It grows to a height of one chang (73/4 feet) and
more. Its bark is greenish (or, blueish) white. Its leaves re-
semble those of the huai (^, now Sophora Japonica L., but
possibly differing in ancient times, see Bretschneider, Bot. Sin.,
II, p. 379), though they are longer. The flower resembles that
of the EM (J|j , Citrus of some kind), and it has large seeds
(or, berries), black in colour, resembling in size those of the
shan-chu-yu ((Jj 31 $.•> Cornus officinalis, S. & Z., see Bret-
schneider, Bot. .Sin. II, p. 326 and III, p. 507 seq.). Their
taste is sourish sweet and they are eatable."
I do not hesitate to identify the botanical features of
this plant with those of the myrtle, the Aramean name of
which is asa rdjifxf; Low, p. 50: myrtus communis, L.
4. Galbanum (p. 11).
"Pi-ts'i (Jjjj ^, Canton Dial, pit-is* ai) comes from Po-ss'i
(Persia). In Fu-lin it is called han-po-li-t'o (fj| %Jj ^L p^; this
is the reading of the Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition; other editions
have substituted £f[ tu, or tub, for the first character, and
the T"lu-shu-tsi-ch>ong gives it this sound, which is clearly an
error easily explained by the similarity of the two characters,
by adding in a scholion: •§•• ^, 'having the sound to,' C. D.
tiit; the edition of 1805 prints Jfji, Tzie, or huk. Regarding
lian, -fjj , see K'ang-hi, Rad. 181, 3). It grows to a height of
fully one chang (7 3/4 feet) and has a circumference of more
than a ch'i (9*/4 inches). Its bark is green, thin and very
glossy. The leaves are like those of the a-we'i (Asa foetida),
each three leaves growing on the twigs. It has neither flowers nor
fruits. The inhabitants of the west usually cut them in the
eighth month (September), and till the twelfth month (Janu-
ary) further trimming takes place. The new twigs are thus
extremely rich and juicy, whereas without the trimming they
would wither and die. When cut in the seventh month (Au-
gust), the twigs yield a yellow juice somewhat like honey
and slightly fragrant, which is used as a medicine for cer-
tain cures."
22 F. Hirth, [1910.
The Cantonese sound pit-ts'ai is an excellent transcription
of Persian birzay j*>>, "Galbanum" (Johnson, p. 267). Its
Aramean equivalent is chelbdnita K'&uinljj, the product of
Ferula galbaniflua, Boiss. & Buhse, according to Low, p. 163.
The defenders of the identity of Fu-lin with Constantinople
might point to Greek x0^/?"1"?* which is indeed its botanical
equivalent, but Professor Gottheil informs me that -ita is
a characteristic Aramean ending, which distinguishes it from
other Semitic dialects (bibl. cheWenah mn^H, etc.) as well as
from the Greek and Latin forms of the word, x^P™"! an^
galbanum.
5. The Nard (p. 12).
"Nai-chi (|* jjij£. The first character according to K'ang-hi,
Rad. 75, 9, could be read 7J H ty = not; the second, as
equivalent to |g, could be read ~~f jg -gj = ti, Rad. 113, 4; the
Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition confounds it with jig, Rad. 113, 5. The
old sound may thus be reconstructed as not-ti, which may
stand for nar-ti, or nard) comes from the country of Fu-lin.
It is a herbaceous plant (miau, "jg), three or four ctt'i in
height. Its roots are of the size of duck's eggs, its leaves are
like garlic (suan, J£, Allium sativum L.). From the centre
of the leaf«rises a twig of great length, and on the stem there
is a flower, six-lobed, of reddish white, with a brownish calyx,
forming no fruit. The plant grows in the winter and dies in
the summer, and it is related to our greens or wheat cereals.
Its flowers are pressed into oil used as an ointment against
colds. The king of Fu-lin and the nobles in his country all
use it."
The name of this plant may?; be the Persian nard >y, or
Biblical nard TT3, or belong to any other dialect or language,
since it seems to be international. Our author does not say any-
thing about the language of Fu-lin, as he does in other accounts,
and it apparently "comes from Fu-lin," because it is so largely
used there. Low, p. 368, gives shebbalta rtf&vLkz* as its Ara-
mean equivalent.
6. Jasmine (p. 12).
"Ye-si-mi (|f & |g, Canton Dial, ye-sik-maf) comes from
the country of Fu-lin. It also comes from the country of
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 23
Po-ssi (Persia). It is a herbaceous plant, seven or eight ch'z
in height. Its leaves are like those of the plum-tree and grow
ample all the year round; its flowers are five-lobed and white ?
and they form no fruits. When the blossoms open out, the
whole country is filled by their flavour resembling (in this
respect) the chan-t'ang ()} |g, a doubtful tree with fragrant
flowers, Bretschneider, Bot. Sin. Ill, p. 467) of Ling-nan (Can-
ton). The inhabitants of the west are in the habit of gathering
its flowers, which they press into an oil of great fragrance
and lubricity."
Persian^/asww^ys^-^b andAramean^/asmm ^±afla* are clearly
the equivalents of this name ye-si-mi, which has been known
in China since about the year 300 A. D., when it was describ-
ed in the Nan-fang-ts'au-mu-chuang (jg ^T ^ Tfc JR* chap. 1,
p. 2) as being introduced by foreigners in Canton under the
name of ye-si-ming (J$ g| >g). In another passage of this
work (chap. 2, p. 3) the Henna plant is said to have been in-
troduced by foreigners together with the ye-si-ming and mo-li
from the country of Ta-tsTin. The Jasmine plant and the
mo-li-hua (^ ^ij $;) are now synonyms, but since mo-li is
described in a separate paragraph, in which it is said that
"its flowers are white like those of the ts'iang-mi (|f }|f , 'wall
rose', Bretschneider, Bot. Sin., Ill, p. 302) and its fragrance
exceeds that of the ye-si-ming", it appears that in 300 A. D.
it denoted some other fragrant garden plant, imported from
Syria together with its name mo-li. The latter might be
connected with molo, O\CO9 (= /xcoAv, Low, p. 317: Peganum
Harmala L.?). The old work referred to contains a number
of other botanical names clearly of western origin, such as
hun-lu (||: H, old sound hun-luk), for "frankincense," which
may be a transcription of Turkish ghyunluk ^^^ (cf. R. 0.,
p. 266 seq.), or ho-li-lo (fpj ^ fjj, Canton Dial, ho-li-lak), the
Terminalia Chebula, Retz, or Myrobalan, called halilag ^bn
and similarly in old Hebrew medicinal works (Low, p. 129). But
since they have no immediate bearing on the Fu-lin problem,
I shall not attempt to trace these names.
I do not wish to commit myself to identifications about
which I do not feel tolerably confident both from the botanical
and the linguistic point of view; but I hope to return to
the subject as soon as I can offer some plausible suggestions
24 F. Hirth, [.1910
as to the five remaining plant names said to belong to the
language of Fu-lin, viz: a-po-ctton (fnf fjj f), a-pu-to ($$ "
ff), kiin-han (J| '^), a-li-ho-Vo (fpj 5^ M Ptfc) and
As to a-pu-to, stated (p. 9 B) under the name po-na-so (|g
$|> *£) to come from Persia, the Pon-ts'au-kang-mu (chap. 31,
p. 25) refers this name to the Jack fruit (po-lo-mi, $£ $| $g,
Artocarpus integrifolia), and gives as its Fu-lin equivalent a-
sa-fo (|^f $j ff). But I doubt whether the Jack fruit tree
occurs in Syria, to say nothing of Greece. Mr. W. F. Mayers,
in 1869, took up this subject in Notes and Queries on China
and Japan, Vol. iii, p. 85, where he says: "It may be remark-
ed en passant, that an identification of the above and other
sounds attributed in the Pon-ts'au to the language of Fu-lin
might be of service in determining the precise region that is
indicated by this name in Chinese literature." The few ex-
amples I have endeavoured to trace to their real linguistic
origin seem to contain a broad hint as to the language of
Fu-lin being Aramean, and to the country where it was spoken
not being Constantinople, but Syria. Pure Syriac, or Ara-
mean, was particularly the vernacular in use with the Nesto-
rians not only in Syria, Mesopotamia, Chaldsea and Persia,
but also in India, Tartary and China, whereas other denomi-
nations used a kind of Syriac mixed with Arabic and even
Greek elements. See Assemani, op. cit., p. 377 seq.
8. Pseudo-Fu-lin.
The account of Fu-lin as placed on record during the Sung
dynasty, probably in connection with an embassy of 1081 A. D.,
has puzzled the Chinese as it is liable to puzzle us, if we com-
pare its detail with that of older texts. It occurs in the Sung-
sh'i (chap. 490, cf. E. 0., pp. 62—64, 108—109) and has been
reproduced by Ma Tuan-lin (Wdn-hien-t'ung-Vau, chap. 330,
cf. R. 0., pp. 88—91, 119—120). Ma Tuan-lin refers to "the
historians of the Four Reigns" (Q ^ g ^, cf. E. 0., p. 91,
note), who held that "this country had not sent tribute to
court up to the time of Yiian-fong [1078—1086], when they
sent their first embassy offering local produce", and he draws
attention to certain discrepancies in the accounts of the T'ang
and Sung dynasties.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Pu-lin. 25
In the interpretation of this mysterious text which I offered
twenty-five years ago (R. 0., pp. 298—301) I had pointed out
the possibility of its covering the Seldjuk dominions in Asia
Minor. I am still inclined to maintain this view on geogra-
phical grounds, but venture to suggest a few slight changes
in the text, which would place us in the position to adapt its
contents to the political condition of the country in 1081 A. D.,
when its ruler is said to have sent ambassadors to China. The
king, in the text referred to (R. 0., pp. 62 and 108: N 3) is
styled Mie-li-i-ling-kai-sa, %fc jj ffi jj gfc ffi, in Cantonese mlt-
lik-i-ling-koi-sat. I still think that the two last characters,
the old pronunciation of which must have been Itai-sat, stand
for Greek Kcuo-a/>, and that ling, f|, is a somewhat imperfect
attempt to render the sound Rum. l "Rum kaisar" would have
to be looked upon as the equivalent of the title "Emperor of
Rome, or the Romans" placed before the Chinese court in the
garb of a Turkish combination analogous to such titles as
"Turgash kakhan," i. e. "the Great Khan of the Turgash" and
many others occurring in the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions.
The three first characters mie-li-i would represent the name
of the ruler who calls himself "Emperor of Rome." I have
(R. 0., p. 299) drawn attention to the anachronism committed
by the several learned sinologues who identified the name with
that of Michael VII Parapinaces, who had been deposed and
withdrawn into a convent since 1078 A. D. This was the
reason which had induced me to think of the Seldjuk Soliman as
the ruler adding the title "kaisar" to his own as "king of Rum."
I did not realise then that in 1081, when that embassy arrived
in China, another person lived in Asia Minor who actually
claimed, and was subsequently granted, the title Kawra/>; and I
now agree with Chavannes in referring to Nicephorus Melissenus,
the pretender who claimed to be emperor just about the time
when the embassy referred to arrived in China. Michael VII
Ducas had withdrawn into the convent of Studion early in
1078, when one of this generals, Nicephorus Botaniates, who
had been stationed in Phrygia, came to Constantinople and
was crowned as Michael's successor on the 13. April 1078.
He had to fight a number of claimants who would not
* It may not seem to be a scientific proof, if I refer to a P'idjin-
English conversation with a Chinese cook, who asked for "one bottle that
leng (rum)" to be served with a plum pudding.
26 F. Hirth, [1910.
recognise his authority. Chief among these was Nicephorus
Melissenus, the descendant of a powerful family and husband
of the sister of Alexius Comnenus, the emperor who succeded
Nicephorus Botaniates. Nicephorus Melissenus had made an
agreement with the Seldjuk Turks of Iconium to the effect
that, in consideration of their assisting him in gaining the
throne, he would divide with them the provinces conquered by
their united forces. No sooner was he sure of this support
than he clad his feet in purple shoes, the insignia of Imperial
dignity, and began to march about in Anatolia with the troops
of his allies, the Turks. All the cities he approached opened
their doors and recognised him as emperor, though he on his
turn declared these same cities to belong to the Turks, so
that through his treason the entire former proconsular part
of Asia, Phrygia and Galatia fell into the hands of the Turks.
From Nicaea he prepared an attack on Constantinople. Ale-
xius, then a mere general, was instructed by Botaniates, the
emperor, to meet him, but for reasons of his own he did not
proceed and handed over command to a feeble eunuch, who
had to withdraw from Nicaea at the end of 1080. Melissenos
intended to attack Constantinople early in 1081, when after
a medley of intrigues his brother-in-law Alexius was elected
emperor by the acclamation of his army. Melissenus then
joined arms with him, and after the two armies had taken
the capital, the two relatives divided the empire between them.
Alexius got the European provinces, Melissenus received an
apanage and the title Kalo-ap (Anna Comnena, Alexias, ed.
Schopen, Vol. i, p. 116. For further details see the historical
works of Anna Comnena, Jo. Cinnamus and Nicephorus Bry-
ennius in Niebuhr's Corpus Scriptt. Hist. Byzant., and the ab-
stract in W. H. Waddington's paper "Nicephore Melissene,
pretendant au trone de Byzance" in Revue numismatique, Nouv.
ser., VoL viii, pp. 393—400).
Although the title "kaisar" is thus shown to have been offi-
cially conceded to Melissenus in the beginning of April 1081,
the entire political situation seems to suggest that he actually
claimed it, and probably had coins cast in his name as kaisar,
ever since his commencing to pose as a pretender some time
in 1078. If the embassy that arrived at the Chinese court in
1081 started from Asia Minor some time in 1080, there were
at the time practically two rulers in the country dividing
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 27
supreme power between themselves, viz.: 1, Melissenus, the
pretender, who considered himself emperor of Rome and claim-
ed the title "kaisar", and 2, his ally, the Sultan of Iconium,
who supported his claims and whose name was Soliman. Ta-
king all this into consideration, we cannot well assume Soliman
to have represented himself as kaisar in his credentials to the
court of China. The one man who was a kaisar in Asia Minor
by usurpation, if not by right, at that time, was Melissenus.
This has led me to again examine the three characters pre-
ceding the words ling-kai-sat (= Rum kaisar), and which I
think might be a transcription of the kaisar's name, viz. Hie-
li-i, jj^ -ft f^, in Cantonese: mit-lik-i.
The stumbling block in this name, it appears to me, is the
third character ffi, i. In trying to find a solution to help us
out of the difficulty I beg to call attention to a practice,
occasionally noticeable in the prints of the Sung dynasty, by
which some characters may be deprived of their radical or
written with the wrong radical. Thus the character Jjjp, sM,
"lion," in the Hou-han-shu (E. 0., p. 101, E 39) appears as
gjjj in the Sung edition of 1242 (see facsimile, R. 0., p. 9).
Chau Ju-kua (chap. 1, p. 17B) has J^, ting, for fj|, tien, "in-
digo". In the ethnical name Sie-yen-fo, which is clearly the
equivalent of the name Sir Tardusch in the Old Turkish stone
inscriptions, the second character Jig, yen, must have been
substituted for some character read tan (= tar), e. g. fj| , the
original radical being suppressed (see my Nachworte zur In-
schrift des Tonjukuk, passim). If we assume, therefore, that
the ^ in the kaisar's name stands for what in its original
transcription may have appeared as |J, the radical No. 140
being suppressed, such a change would not be without preced-
ent. According to the Chong-tzl-t'ung (quoted in K'ang-hi,
Had. 140, 6) || was used by mistake for -pf, and this character
again, according to the Tsi-yim, could have the sound sin, or
sun (H f* -tJJ IT ^f, K'ang-hi, Rad. 140,4; cf. Chalmers'
K'ang-lii, p. 206 B, where among other sounds sun, fo /jf, is
given to the two interchangeable characters ^ and ||). The
kaisar's name may thus in its transcription be reconstructed
into Mie-li-sun, or Cantonese Mit-lik-sun, the finals t and k
of which may disappear by elision so as to leave us as the
equivalent of the probable old sound some such name as Mi-
lissun. This I venture to look upon as the equivalent, trans-
28 F> Hirth, [1910.
mitted probably by an interpreter who spoke some Turkish
dialect, of the Greek name MeAto-o-^vos.
I am encouraged in this view by the mention of a coin the
description of which, after a slight, but plausible change in
the text, seems to be traceable. The passage I refer to, E. 0.,
N 16) speaks of gold and silver coins without holes being
cast in this country, which the people are forbidden to counter-
feit and which are described by the following words:
mmm m f* « & BE «
The change I wish to suggest in the text is the substitution
of the character ^, pei, "the back," for |f , kit, "all, alike;"
"that is." The two characters are quite similar to each other
and may easily be confounded. Moreover, hie gives a poor
sense, whereas^' is constantly used in opposition to ]g, mien,
"the face," the two terms in numismatic texts meaning the
"obverse" and "reverse" of a coin. I do not, therefore, look
upon the words mi-lo-fo (j§ ft f$J), the standard transcription
for "Maitreya Buddha," as the king's name, but translate: "on
the obverse [of the coin] is engraved a Maitreya Buddha, on
the reverse there is the king's name." It is quite probable
that the ambassadors of 1081 brought coins with them to
China and on enquiry declared that the legend on the reverse
represented the king's name, and that some of these coins had
been preserved in the Imperial collections at K'ai-fong-fu,
since according to Edkins (Chinese Buddhism, 2nd ed., p. 117,
note) "the Kin-sh'i-tfu-shu-pu contains a rude representation
of a gold coin of Mi-li-i-ling-kai-sa." I regret not to have had
an opportunity of seeing the illustration referred to, because it
might have given us a chance, rude though it probably is, to
compare notes with a silver coin of Melissenus the pretender
actually preserved to our days. The coin, which has been
described by Waddington in the paper quoted from the Revue
ymmismatique, is now in the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris.
Mr. Waddington's illustration and description (Fig. 1) shows on
the obverse the bust of the Virgin, facing, with hands held up
in prayer, nimbus and the usual dress, the figure being described
as pr)Tr)p 0eoG in the customary abbreviation. On the reverse
we find the legend NIK^O/JW SCO-TTOT^ TW MeAto-ryvio in five lines. 1
i Cf. Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in
the British Museum, Vol. ii (London 1908), p. 539, and the illustration
No. 11 on Plate LXIII.
Vol. xxx.j The Mystery of Fu-lin. 29
M-P [0Vj. Buste de face et mmb6 de la Vierge, les
mains elev£ea ; le tout dans un grenetis.
r} [Ke-BOH0ei] NIKH4>OPCU AGCnOTTMco MCM-
CHNco.-en cinq lignes ; le tout dans un grenetis.
Fig. 1.
Coin of Melissenus the pretender and Mr. Waddington's description.
It looks as if this coin has something to do with the one
described in the Sung-sh'i. The Chinese scribe who first pla-
ced on record the details regarding it was, of course, not able
to read the Greek legend on the reverse, but he must have
been told by the ambassadors that it represented the king's
name Melissenus. The portrait on the obverse may have been
mistaken for that of Maitreya, the Buddha of the future world
so familiar to. Chinese Buddhists, — a male deity, it is true, but
generally represented as a beardless youth and very frequently
with the nimbus round his head (cf. Griinwedel, Buddhistische
Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893, p. 141 : "in Schmuck und
Tracht eines indischen Gottes oder altindischen Konigs meist
in sehr jugendlichem Alter").
I do not venture to throw out any guesses as to the mo-
tives which may have caused the Byzantine pretender and ally
of a Seldjuk sultan to send a special mission to China. Nor
am I in the position to throw light on the names mentioned
in connection with the embassy of 1081. According to the
Chinese text (R. 0., N 3) the king sent "ta-shdu-ling l Ni-sst-
tu-ling 8si-mong (^ f- £J[ fft ^ ^ ft 0 ^), which may stand
for "the governor Nestorius Simeon", or "the governors Nes-
torius and Simeon." The two names, if we are not mistaken
in explaining them thus, are followed by the words ^'ij ^, pan-
lai, which 1 now believe means that they came in company,
1 Clearly a high official, since in the passage N 12 we are told that
"the towns and country districts are each under the government of a
shou-ling." The ta-shou-ling must have been superior to these local governors.
30 F. Birth, [1910.
—bringing as tribute saddled horses, swords and pearls. I do
no longer look upon the character p'an as part of the name.
^ij, now pronounced flan, must have been identical in sound
and tone with f£ pan. K'ang-hi, Rad. 9, 5, quotes several
T'ang authorities to say that the two characters are identical
in sound ({£ ^ ^'«J). This would entitle us to look upon the
two characters as interchangeable and to assume that ffi $£
may be a verb meaning "to come in company" similar to {£
jg, pan-yu, which is backed by passages in P'd-won-yun-fu,
chap. 26A, p. 63B, e. g. fft {£ ;g A 5S» "who traveled in the
company of the qld man?" I am encouraged in offering this
explanation by a passage of the Sung-sht (chap. 490, p. 16 B),
where an Arab embassy is stated to have consisted of 1. the
ambassador (sh%, '($?), 2. an assistant ambassador (fu-sh/i, glj
'gi), and 3. a p'an-kuan (fij 'g), or "companion officer," "at-
tache." Possibly the passage involves that "the king sent a
ta~shou-ling, accompanied by the Nestorian Simeon, or Simon,
as attache."
Professor Chavannes in his recent note on Fu-lin (p. 39) has
made an important discovery in connection with the ruler of what
I call Pseudo-Fu-lin, and this may, quite reasonably, have in-
duced him to fall back on the former identification of Fu-lin
with Constantinople. But since the Sung historians maintain
that this Fu-lin had never sent any embassies to China before,
this seems to involve its non-identity with the Fu-lin of the
seventh and eighth century. Although merely a pretender,
Melissenus was closely related to the Imperial court and his
representatives ought to have been aware of the fact, if court
missions had gone forward from Constantinople to China.
The ambassadors, when cross-examined as to former relations
between their government and the Chinese court, might have
referred to the Fu-lin embassies of 643, 667, 701 and 719
A. D. * On the other hand, if these former missions had
been sent by Christian patriarchs, whether of Antioch, Ma-
dain, or Bagdad, the kaisar's messengers could not well refer
to them as having represented the Roman emperors whom
they had to look upon as the predecessors of their chief. Their
silence as to former relations would thus be explained. The
Sung-slii account describes a mission from Fu-lin, it is true;
See B. 0., p. 126 : Index to Translations, s. v. "Embassies".
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 31
but I think this name had in the course of time grown into
a general term applied to the Christian world at large. Ori-
ginally designating the Nestorians as representing the Latin
population of Syria or Ta-ts'in, the cradle of their faith, it
was later on applied to other Christians, those of Byzantium
under the Sung, and even the Pope of Rome under the Ming
dynasty. It had grown into a term which covered a multitude
of nations and of governments, like our "America," which may
mean the United States in one sense and all possible coun-
tries in another.
Mr. Kingsmill and the Riung-nu. — By FRIEDBICH HIKTH,
Professor in Columbia University, New York City.
IN his paper "Dr. F. Hirth and the Hiung-nu," published
in the Journal of the China Branch, E. A. S., Vol. xxxiv,
pp. 137—141, Mr. T. W. Kingsmill tries to show that the
Hiung-nu and the Huns were different nations. He refers to
my paper, presented to the philological section of the Royal
Academy of Munich, entitled Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung-
nu (Miinchen, 1900). The main object of that paper was
to establish the literary proof, based on a text of the
Wei-shu, for the identity of the Hiung-nu of Chinese history
with the Huns of Europe. Mr. Kingsmill denies this identity,
but, as I propose to show in the following pages, fails to
prove his point.
A subsequent paper, presented by me to the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences in Budapest and published in the Revue
Orientale pour les etudes Ouralo - Altaiques , Vol. ii, 1901,
pp. 81 — 91, under the title of "Hunnenforschungen," and a
third paper, "Die Ahnentafel Attila's nach Johannes von
Thurocz," published in the Bulletin de VAcademie des Sciences
de St. Peter sbourg. Fifth Series, Vol. xiii, pp. 220—261, were
apparently not known to Mr. Kingsmill. A study of the
Chinese sources quoted in them might have prevented several
serious errors in his criticisms. These I consider inter-
esting, because they illustrate better than anything else the
difference in our methods of research. I have on several
occasions discussed the principles by which I am guided in
this respect (cf. my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 152,
170 et passim). In identifying the ancient Chinese accounts
of foreign countries, we should above all endeavour to recognize
facts, and only after these have been established, should the lin-
guistic explanation of names be considered as furnishing ad-
ditional evidence. Mr. KingsmilFs method is the reverse of
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 33
this. He is unfortunately possessed of a regular mania to
discover etymologies, and his mind once being set on what
he considers similarity in sound, all passages in Chinese con-
temporaneous authors which might warn him as being on the
wrong track are ignored.
As an example we may consider the city of Ku-tsang (#£ Uj$),
mentioned in the short, but important text of the We'i-sliu
reproduced below on p. 42. In this text it is said that the
merchants of this country (Su-to, or Suk-tak, H % , Alans)
often went to the country of Liang (Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su)
for trade1 and that at the capture of Ku-tsang they were
all made prisoners (& £ fc)ft ±/JK Jt X £ tf M 3 £ £);
and that "in the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung [452 — 466
A. D.] the king of Su-to (Suk-tak) sent ambassadors to ask for
their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order (]g ^ ^
m ® £ a « « ± ts n »•"
Mr. Kingsmill's imagination here forestalls all further research,
so necessary in Chinese historical reading, by jumping im-
mediately to one of his linguistic conclusions. " Ku-tsang r," he says
"here is the country called by Ma Tuan-lin Kweishwang, and
by the Armenian writers Kushan. It formed the most power-
ful of the five states into which the Ephthalite kingdom was
divided," &c. This is a characteristic example illustrating the
dangers of basing historical inferences on mere similarity of
sound. It is typical of Mr. Kingsmill's method: the sound of
a word takes possession of his mind to such a degree that
all logical reasoning is temporarily forgotten in the pursuance
of a mere phantom. The nation known as Kui-shuang, or
Kushan, is by Armenian writers referred to Bactria, by the
Arabo-Persian reports to Tokharestan, Transoxania, &c.. (Th.
Koldeke, Tabari, p. 115 note 2; cf. Ed. Specht, Etudes sur
VAsie centrale, I, p. 8 seqq.) and has nothing whatever to do
with the Liang country of the Wei-shu. Liang was the seat
of an independent prince of Hiung-nu extraction by the name
of Tsti-k'u Mu-kien (• , who followed his father
1 The Aorsi (Alans) carried on considerable trade, bringing Indian and
Babylonian wares, which they received from the Armenians and Medians
and transported on the backs of camels from the Caspian to the Palus
Maeotis. By this means they had amassed considerable wealth, and wore
ornaments of gold (Strabo, XI, 5, 8 p. 506, Bunbury, A History of An-
cient Geography, London 1883, Vol. ii, p. 278).
VOL. XXX. Part I. 3
34 F. Hirth, [1910.
Tsii-k'ii Mong-sun (jp? jg), as Prince of Ho-si (Jpf ft} 5£) in
that little dynasty known as "the Northern Liang," and
whose biography is contained in the We'i-shu (chap. 99, p. 14 B
seqq.). His troubles with his brother-in-law, the Toba emperor
T'ai-wu, which have been described in my "Hunnenforschungen,"
led to the siege and final capture in 439 A. D. of Mu-kien's
city of Ku-tsang. Before attempting guesses of any kind Mr.
Kingsmill ought to have consulted the P'e'i-won-yun-fu
(chap. 22 c, p. 150). There he would have found a number
of passages concerning the city of Ku-tsang, the analysis of
which would have revealed the real historical basis of this simple
passage. But apart from this he might have read the whole
account in plain French in Deguignes' Histoire des Huns,
Vol. i, Part ii, p. 273. It was at this capture of Ku-tsang
that merchants hailing from the distant west were made
prisoners together with 20,000 inhabitants of the city, who
were transferred to the Toba capital in Shan-si (We'i-shu,
chap. 4A, p. 21). Ku-tsang was the residence of the Tsii-k'u
princes, and according to the Shen-si-t'ung-ch'i (quoted in the
Tu-shu-tsi-cWong, Sect. 6, chap. 578, ku-ch'i, p. 2) its ruins at
some time or other were known to exist in close vicinity to
the present city of Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su.
With such fundamental errors before us we can under-
stand why it "is impossible for Mr. Kingsmill to arrive at
correct results in the most simple question of Chinese
research. To expose his errors would require a volume,
and would entail more valuable time than we can afford.
Moreover, it is difficult to contradict him, because he makes
mere assertions and seldom supports his opinions by reasons
based on literature. The following is another characteristic
example.
Of the country of K'ang-ku (Jjfc jg) he says: "As a general
mess has been made by translators over this country of K'angku,
a few words may be useful. K'angltu first appears in Sz'ma
Ts'ien, and is there, and, in the early Chinese authors, in-
variably Kashgar" No proof follows this startling assertion,
but he goes on to speak about the descendants of Seldjuk in
the eleventh century, winding up with a sly hit at those wicked
Sinologues who venture to differ, in saying: "A little knowledge,
says Pope, is a dangerous thing, and in no instance do we
find a better exemplification of the general truth of the aphorism
Vol. xxx.j Mr. Kingsmill and the Hinny-nu. 35
than in our would-be Chinese authorities." I cannot say that
this kind of logic will convince me that ancient K'ang-kii is
Kashgar. Has Mr. Kingsmill ever come across the following
passage, describing the road from Tun-huang to the west along
the southern slope of the T'ien-shan to Su-lo [J$j fjf, i- e.,
the real Kashgar], "which is the northern road;" "west of
the northern road," the account continues, "you cross the
Ts'ung-ling, whence you come out to Ta-yuan [Ferghana],
K'ang-ku [Sogdiana] and An-ts'ai [the Aorsi; 4fc jg H ffi JS
««*-**«*«WW*
This passage occurs in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chapter 118,
p. 6) and is certainly somewhat older than Mr. Kingsmill's
story of the Seldjuks. Or does Mr. Kingsmill maintain that
the Ts'ung-ling is not the Ts'ung-ling? I do not intend to
recapitulate the arguments which have induced Chinese scholars
to identify K'ang-kii with Sogdiana or some territory in this
neighbourhood, but west, not east, of the Ts'ung-ling. These
scholars, I have reason to believe, are perfectly satisfied with
the "little knowledge" so dangerous to them according to
Mr. Kingsmill.
Another fatal mistake committed a generation ago and
repeated usque ad nauseam up to his recent effusion about
the Hiung-nu, is his identification of Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's An-ts'ai,
also transcribed as Yen-ts'ai (^g ^f ), the country of the Aorsi,
subsequently called by western and Chinese authors alike Alan,
or A-lan-na, with Samarkand. To arrive at this idea he has
to do violence to a perfectly plain and simple passage in the
Sh'i-ki (chap. 123, p. 5B). It occurs in Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's account
of An-si (4£- ,g,, in Cantonese On-sdk), i. e. Parthia, the
linguistic basis of which name was, I am glad to observe,
first correctly recognized by Mr. Kingsmill as Arsak, the
Chinese account substituting the name of its kings for that of
the country (Journal, China Branch, etc., Vol. xv, p. 8, note 11).
Unfortunately later editors have broken this text into two
parts, 1. An-si (Parthia), and 2. T'iau-chi (Chaldsea). But
1 The character 3£, k'i, after J§ yen, found in the present standard
editions, has been clearly interpolated. It does not appear in the Kiiig-yu
edition (1034 — 1038 A. D.; Han-shu-si-yu-chuan-pu-chu, chap. 1, p. 5).
Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 170) is, therefore, right in not translating
it at all.
3*
36 F. Hirth, [1910.
since T'iau-chi is represented in the text as forming part of
the Parthian empire, I presume that the line being broken
before T'iau-chi is due to a misunderstanding. To me the
passage reads as follows : § Ji, &c S W I1) {& tt ^Ifc
W * £• * ff iitt/± * 1. IS ft ^ M 1$ W ifc&c.
Speaking of An-si (Parthia), the author says in this passage:
"West of it there is T'iau-ch'i (Chaldaea), in the north there
is An-ts'ai (the Aorsi, or Alans); Li-kan (Syria) and T'iau-ch'i
(Chaldsea) are several thousand li west of An-si (Parthia)
near the western sea," &c.
The name Li-kan (^ $f) of the Sh'i-ki occurs in another
transcription in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chap. 96A, p. 14B), accord-
ing to which ambassadors from An-si (Parthia) brought as
tribute to the emperor Wu-ti "big birds' eggs," i. e. ostrich
eggs, and "jugglers1 from Li-kien (3$L ff p£ A)-" Since this
passage is clearly copied from a parallel passage in the
Sh'i-ki (p. 13B), the two names Li-kan and Li-Men must have
been identical in sound, though written with different characters
in the two parallel passages. K'ang-hi's mediaeval authorities
also describe the two characters as being identical in sound.2
The name occurs again in the Hou-han-shu (chap. 118, p. 9B),
which says: "The country of Ta-ts'in (Syria) is also called
Li-kien (^ Jg g — ^g ^ f$|)." Since this third transcription
is linguistically identical with that of the Ts'ien-han-shu, I do
not hesitate to look upon the Li-kan of the Sh'i-ki as a variant
of the name which, in the Hou-lian-shu and later records, is
declared to be another name for Ta-ts'in, or Syria.
1 A specialty of Syrian cities often sent abroad. Cf. Marquardt, Das
Privatleben der Homer, 2. Aufl., p. 338, and Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., V,
p. 461. Jugglers and musicians came from Ta-ts'in (Syria) to China in
120 A. D. (China and the Roman Orient, p. 37).
2 It appears, however, that the character ijrp, kien, had two ancient
sounds, 1. Jean, or Jem, 2. Jcem. I refer to the work of Yang Shon (^J| '|M>
died 1529 A. D.), reprinted in the Han-hai collection, Section 14, under
the title Chuan-chu-Jcu-yin-lio (f| ££ •£ -g- 8£), where the character $f
appears under the rhyme yim (-J- (Jt) |g) with the following note: ^jj. jj
^ j£ II If K £ S^ SK 1J J& — "t- T do not quite ^derstand
on what authority this statement is made; but if kien ffi- can be shown
to have been read kem during the Han period, this would tend to support
from a linguistic point of view my conjecture, made on commercial
grounds, as to the identity of Chinese Li-kan with Rekem, or Petra (see
China and the Roman Orient, p. 157 seqq. and 171).
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 37
Now Mr. Kingsmill, who is so fond of fanciful and in-
genious combinations, has an entirely different idea. He com-
bines the two names An-ts'ai and Li-kan, each of which may
be shown from ancient texts to have a distinct sense, and
gives the following explanation (Journal, China Branch, &c.,
Vol. xiv, 1879, p. 7, note 9): "Im-ts'ai-li-kan £ 3g ** ff. It
seems most likely here that the two first characters are in-
verted and that we should read Ts'ai-im-li-kan, in the old
pronunciation Sal-im-ar-kand for Salmarkanda, modern Samar-
kand, the Marakanda of Strabo and Ptolemy." And that in
the face of the Shi-Id itself, on page 4, describing the country
of "An-ts'ai" under this name pure and simple without any
inversion and without the alleged appendix Li-kan. This
description reads as follows: "An-ts'ai, about two thousand li
northwest of K'ang-kii, is a nomad country and has in the
main the same customs as K'ang-ku. Its archers number fully
a hundred thousand. It lies close to a great ts'o, which has
no shores; for they say it is the 'Northern Sea' ( ^ ^ ^ J^
Jg W 4b PT - ={• M ft • ft m Jg * m « 8 & * + »
« & * & fe m s 75 ft m s>."
Sii Sung (Han-shu'Si-yti-chuan-pu-chtt, chap. 1, p. 30) makes
the following remarks in connection with the last sentence of
my translation: "The Shuo-tvon defines the word ai (Jg) as
meaning 'a high border;' this means that, since in looking into
the far distance you do not see high shores, the raised parts
must appear as low." A ts'o (}|) thus described cannot be
an ordinary "marsh." This, it is true, is the standard sense
of the word; but broad sheets of deep water have also been
called ts'o, e. g. the T'ai-wu Lake near Soochow, which is
known as "Chon-ts'6" (J| }g), or the Lob-nor, which is called
Yen-ts'6 (If -}f ), i. e. the "Salt Lake," or Lake Balkash, which
is called "the biggest ts'o in the north-western territories ($
4t tji M :fc P 5" Si-yu-shui-tau-ki, chap. 4, p. 42). Moreover,
the text adds distinctly that "they say it is the 'Northern Sea'
(4t }ft)>" which would involve a gross exaggeration, if ta-ts'o
meant a mere marsh. It is for these reasons that I have
translated "a great sea," and not "a great marsh," as Mr.
Kingsmill does.
I do not, of course, object to the more literal translation,
as long as it is understood that, since it is said to be "the
Northern Sea," we must not think of a marsh in the or-
38 F. Hirth, [1910.
dinary sense of the word. I have, in my first paper on the
subject, thought of the Black Sea as being covered by this
ta-ts'o, but since its first mention goes clearly back to the
oldest notice of the An-ts'ai (Aorsi), as placed on record in
the Sh'i-ki, we have to look for their seats in their original
homes between the banks of the Sea of Azof and the Caucasus.
The Sea of Azof is described as a palus, i. e. "a swamp," by
Pliny and other Romans. Early Greek writers speak of a
Maioms \ifivrj (Dionysius in C. Miiller, Geogr. Graeci Minores,
II, p. Ill), and Jordanes (Mommsen, p. 89seqq.), in his account
of the Hunnic irruption, also styles it Palus Mceotis. This
corresponds to what we know about the physical condition of
its shores, which prompts Karl Neumann (Die Hellenen im
Skythenlande, p. 536) to say: "Es verrat Sachkenntnis, wenn
die Griechen die Maitis nie ein Meer, sondern stets eine
Limne nannten." Herodotus (IV, 86) held that the Mseotis
was not much smaller than the Pontus itself, and Ptolemy
exaggerates its northern extension through more than six
degrees of latitude (Bunbury, op. cit., Vol. ii, p. 591 seq.). This
may have been a popular error among the ancients long
before Ptolemy, repeated also at the court of the Indoscythians,
where Greek traditions had been taken over from Bactria,
and where Chang K'ien in 127 B. C. collected his notices of
western countries subsequently reproduced in the Sh'i-ki. The
Mseotis is said to be frozen in its northern part during the
winter (K. Neumann, op. cit., p. 65), and this, too, may have
helped to challenge comparison with the "Northern Sea" (:|fc
$|), if this term refers to the Arctic Ocean as it apparently
does in a passage of Pliny (II, 67), who says: "Ingens argu-
mentum paludis Mceoticae, sive ea illius oceani sinus est, ut
multos adverto credidisse, sive angusto discreti situ restagnatio."
It appears to me that the chief mistake made by Mr. Kings-
mill in his attempts at identification is the ignoring of in-
formation, placed on record in notices quite as valuable as,
though later than, those of Ssi-ma Ts'ien. I am, of course,
fully aware that the Sh'i-ki, in its chapter 123, is the very
oldest source regarding the Chinese knowledge of AYestern
Asia; but we should not forget that between the time when
Chang K'ien laid his first report before Wu-ti (126 B. C.) and
the time of Ssi-ma Ts'ien's death, not much more than forty
years may have elapsed and that much of the geographical
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 39
knowledge of the Chinese during the earlier Han Dynasty was
placed on record soon after the Slii-ld was completed. Pan
Ku's account in the Ts'ien-lian-shu, though compiled towards
the close of the second century A. D., was based on records
dating from the earlier Han Dynasty itself. Pan Ku's own
brother, Pan Chau, must have returned from his famous ex-
pedition to the west with a tolerably complete knowledge of
the facts placed on record in the Hou-han-shu, and during the
period of the Three Kingdoms, at the beginning of the third
century A. D., the knowledge of the west gained three hundred
years before cannot have been forgotten, though added to and
modified. Even the geographers of the Sui and the T'ang
dynasties (the latter with one notable exception, the division
of foreign territories into nominal Chinese administrative
districts), being so much nearer in time than we are to the
Han period, must have been in the possession of traditions
much more valuable as a source for identification than the
linguistic speculations of a modern European. Mr. Kings-
mill's Sal-im-ar-kand is one of these speculations. Why ignore
what later, though still ancient, traditions tell us about An-
ts'ai? That so-called "old tradition which made Selm, the
son of .Feridun, the eponym of Samarkand" is extremely
doubtful. The mention of a number of other supposed foun-
ders such as Alexander the Great and Shamar Abu Karib
of South Arabia (Yakut, Vol. iii, p. 133), shows how little
we know about the origin of the city, so that nobody can
tell whether or not such a name existed at all during the
second century B. C. Of An-ts'ai, however, we read in the
Hou-han-shu, chap. 118, p. 13: "The country of An-ts'ai has
changed its name into A-lan-liau G£ ^ g gfc £ IW Iff f fJ
HI)." Professor Chavannes has proved beyond a doubt that
by this name two different countries are covered, the one
being called A-lan, the other Liau (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 195
note 2, and 1905, p. 559 note 1); and according to the Wei-
lio (1. c., p. 32) An-ts'ai is also called A-lan (g ^ g —
1 Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1905, p. 558, note 5) remarks with regard to
this passage: "Hirth a bien montre (China and the Roman Orient, p. 139
note 1, et Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung-nu, p. 249 — 251) que le nom
Yen-ts'ai (prononce An-ts'ai) pouvait etre la transcription du nom du
peuple que Strabon appelle les "Aopaoi. Le temoignage du Wei-lio que
40 F. Hirih, [1910.
But we have yet another transcription of the foreign name
represented in Chang K'ien's An-ts'ai. In the biography of
the General Ch'on T'ang (£ft ib Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 70,
p. 7B) we are told that Chi-chi, the legitimate Shan-yii of the
Hiung-nu, whom I look upon as the founder of Hunnic power
near the confines of Europe ( fiber Wolga-Hunnen, &c., p. 269
seqq.) and who had been assigned to an unclaimed territory by
his father-in-law, the king of K'ang-kii (Sogdiana), had attacked
the capital of the Wu-sun and terrorized the population by
his violence; that the Wu-sun were afraid to pursue him to
his retreat, because an uninhabited waste on the western
frontier obstructed the road for a thousand li (j| Jg ^ j|£
31 W & § 74 ^ JS % BL =? M); and that' aftei; having com-
mitted all possible atrocities, he built a fortified city and
"sent ambassadors to exact annual tribute from the countries
of Ho-su (the Aorsi) and Ta-yuan (Ferghana), which these
did not dare to refuse (&ft X H & i* ft % •' X Jft ;£
j£ ^ ^).» The scholiast Yen Sh'i-ku refers to Hu Kuang
(second century A. D.) as having said that "about a thousand
li north of K'ang-kii there is a country called An-ts'ai, another
name of which is Ho-su ([i] g)," and on this basis he con-
cludes that the names An-ts7ai and Ho-su are identical.
The two syllables ts'ai and su can easily be explained, both
representing ki their initials a sibilant in the transcription of
foreign names and both representing a possible sal, sa, so or su.
The ho of Ho-su (fi| g) is read hop in Canton, and hah in
Foochow. This latter sound could easily be proved to stand
for liar or ar. But Chinese sound authorities class the
character with the rhyme " 27. ^," i. e. hop, and this is pre-
cisely what they do with a number of characters having the
same final as an $£, e. g. Jg, which is even now read both im
(3fc f) and yap or ap ($ ||; see T'ang-yiin, chap. 20 et
passim; Eitel, Cantonese Dictionary, p. 190). Though quite
different in sound at the present day, the two characters may
have been interchangeable at some time or other, the old final
les An-ts'ai (Aorsi) ont pris plus tard le nom &A-lan (Alani) explique
d'ailleurs fort bien le terme Alanorsi qui, chez Ptolemee, embrasse a la
fois les Alani et les Aorsi; il est vraisemblable que ce royaume comprenait
deux peuples distincts, les Aorsi et les Alani, et qu'il fut connu d'abord
sous le nom du premier d'entre eux (Aorsi), puis sous les noms de tous
deux combines (Alanorsi), enfin sous le nom du second seul (Alani)."
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kings-mill and the Hiung-nu. • 41
possibly holding the middle between m and p.1 Yen Sh'i-ku
is, therefore, probably right in assuming the identity of the
two names. The crux in the identification with the "Aopo-oi
of Strabo is the old final m in the first syllable of An-ts'ai.
Precedents like Tam-mo, H Jg, for Dharma do not help us,
because this transcription may stand for Pali Dhamma. I am
in doubt about Sam-fo-ts'i (^ f$ ^, Palembang in Sumatra),
which as suggested by Groeneveldt (Notes on the Malay
Archipelago, p. 62, note 3) might be identical with Arabic
Sarlaza of doubtful tradition. It is possible, though not cer-
tain, that the hill-name T'am-man, j| fj| |Jj, the Sa'ian range,
stands for Tarban, or Tarmal, of the Old-Turkish inscriptions
(see my Nachworte zur Inschrift des Tonjukuk, pp. 41 seq. and
87 seq., and Parker in Thomson, Inscriptions de I' Orhhon de-
chiffrees, p. 196). But why must we have a linguistic precedent
for m = r at all in the face of so much circumstantial evidence?
We have other Chinese representatives of final r, which in
their way might be called <x7ra£ Aeyo'/xei/a, e. g. Hiian Ts'ang?s
ffit ffi P£' nang-mot-to, which stands for Skrt. Narmmada, the
River Nerbudda (Eitel, 2nd ed., p. 107). Altogether I lay
more stress on historical, than linguistical identification.
The transcription A- Ian (pj ||}) in the Hou-han-shu and We'i-
lio is clear and as little dependent upon differing ancient and
dialectic sounds as any foreign name in Chinese records; it is
as safe as if it were written in some alphabetic language to
look upon it as representing the sound Alan, which in this
neighbourhood and at the period of its first appearance in
classical and Chinese literature alike can only apply to the
Alans as a nation. According to the Hou-han-shu, we have
seen, the name A-lan had been changed from that of An-ts'ai,
and Pliny (Nat. Hist., IV, 80), speaking of Scythic tribes says:
"alias Getae, Daci, Romanis dicti, alias Sarmatae, Graecis
Sauromatae, eorumque Hamaxobii aut Aorsi, alias Scythae
degeneres et a servis orti aut Trogodytae, mox Alani et Rhoxa-
1 Pliny (VI, 38) refers to the Aorsi in one passage as Abzoae, and it
appears that the codices here offer no variants of this exceptional form
(see Nat. Hist., rec. Detlefsen, I, 1866, p. 238), which may possibly be a
mistake for Arzoae. But if this were not the case, it might help to ex-
plain the finals m and p in the two Chinese transcriptions. Abzoae might
thus be a Latin mutilation of the Greek name heard with the digamma
as "A/o/xrot.
42 F. Hirth, [1910.
lani." In other words, he holds that the Alani were nearly
related to, or formerly called, the Aorsi. This view, supported
by quite a number of other arguments, has been adopted by
modern European scholars (cf.
|} X -ft %£ ^ Tomaschek in Pauly- Wissowa,
H ;fe B Sk ft Beal-Encydo2)adie,etc.,s.\.«A.\8i-
-zz E £0 ni," "Alanorsoi" — wahrschein-
ttl 3E /e • s , . , ^. ,7 , , A ,
hch em Konglomerat von AAavot
ffi S$ ffi und "Aopo-oi, — and "Aorsoi").
IS J8 & 4t E That part of the Alans which
U M 1S "i 'S figures in the history of western
«& n Y-p 4* Europe during the fifth century
soon disappeared without leaving
iRf traces of its existence; but the
TH 1ft S "fr eastern Alans continued for gene-
- ^ _L. ^ rations "in their old seats in the
steppes between the Caucasus, the
^ River Don and the lower Volga,
ft HI HL ^ right among the Bulgars, the suc-
j ]&[ ^ — cessors of the Huns; in Tauris,
:«& r 13 /v too, we find traces of them in the
towns of Sugdsea [Sogdak], and
ffi 5fe fa! ?fi Theodosia (Kafa), about the year
Ira ^ i5t $15 500, had anAlanic nameAbdarda
Hg fti 3/t w (Tomaschek)." Under the Mon-
"»H P0 ''C5C •->' T T » T 1
. jj. „. p gols the Alans were termed A-su
** ® (fn( 3^), and sometimes A-ssi,
IS i 3E jfe (fpf ,§,), the name A-?aw occurring
^ M W ^C only once (Bretschneider, "No-
m & & -)§ ^ces °^ ^e Mediaeval Geogra-
phy," &c., in Journal, China
Branch, &c., 1875, p. 261). These two forms may possibly be
connected with the ancient names An-ts'ai and Ho-su.
With this material in hand we are now prepared to analyse
what Mr. Kingsmill thinks an "improved" translation; for,
with regard to my own, he says: "it is difficult to under-
stand how he has been misled in the translation of a suffi-
ciently simple passage, which refers to the Hiung-nu only
incidentally, and to the Hunni not at all."
I here insert Mr. Kingsmill's so-called translation of the
Chinese text reproduced above.
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 43
"Su(k)te(h) is situated west of the Ts'ung-ling; it was the
ancient Im-ts'ai and was also known as Wannasha. It lies
close to a great marsh to the north-west of K'ang-ku, and is
distant from Tai 16000 li. In former days the Hiung-nu
killed its king, and held possession of the country for three
generations up to the time of King (H)wui'rsz."
"Formerly the merchants of this country went in numbers
to dispose of their wares in the land of Liang: [a party] hav-
ing entered Kutsang were made prisoners, and at the beginn-
ing of the reign Kao-ts'ung [of the Wei] the king of Su(k)te(h)
sent a mission requesting their enlargement."
"After this period no further diplomatic intercourse took
place."
Before attempting any rectification I have to make a slight
correction in the text. The character g,, ssi, should read g,,
/, "a sign of the past," the two characters being easily con-
founded (cf. Giles, Synoptical Studies in Chinese Character,
Noa. 966 — 968). I have adopted this view through the perusal
of a paraphrase furnished in a recent Chinese treatise on the
subject, the Han-si-yu-t'u-ttau (g| |f Jfe£ g 5jc> chap. 6, by
Li Kuang-t'ing, ^ ^ ££, of Canton, preface dated 1870), which
says: £ A # * £ * « ft 3E & IK n H & H ffi £ it ffi
fSi £, fS H i§> i- e-? "In the beginning of the T'ai-an period
of the emperor W6n-ch'6ng [in reality 457 A. D. according to
We'i-shu, chap. 5, p. 5Bj the Hiung-nu prince Hu-ni? [his an-
cestors] having conquered the country three generations ago
(g,), sent ambassadors to ransom them [the prisoners], which
was granted by imperial edict." It is with this one change
in the text that I now add my own translation as first laid
before the Munich Academy.
"The country of Suk-tak lies in the west of the Ts'uhg-ling.
It is the ancient An-ts'ai and is also^ called Won-na-sha. It
lies on a big sea [ts'6] in the north-west of K'ang-kii [Sog-
diana] and is 16 000 li distant from Tai. Since the time when
the Hiung-nu killed their king and took possession of their
country up to their king Hu-ni three generations have elapsed.
The merchants of this country often went to the country of
Liang for trade, and at the capture of Ku-tsang they were all
made prisoners. In the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung
[452— 466 A. D.] the king of Suk-tak sent ambassadors to ask
for their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order. From
44 F. Hirth, [1910.
this time onward they sent no more tribute missions to our
court."
It will be seen that Mr. Kingsmill's mistakes are those of
interpretation rather than of translation, though he was ap-
parently not satisfied with my rendering ^ J£ ^ by the Ger-
man "bei der Eroberung von Ku-tsang." ](£, k'o, means "to
conquer," whether you conquer a city, a country, or your own
self. Cf. Giles, No. 6115: ft fti;->£\& "to attack a cit7 and
not conquer it," or "to make an unsuccessful attack upon a
city." Mr. Kingsmill's "a party having entered Ku-tsang" is
an absolute mistake. The relative clause fg J| J| is left un-
translated. Apart from the different spelling of names, his
mistakes are thus the only points in which Mr. Kingsmill's
rendering differs materially from the one he found in my
German paper. I, therefore, fail to see what induces him to
say: "it is difficult to understand how he has been misled in
the translation of a sufficiently simple passage."
As regards his interpretation,, the one point of his dis-
agreement, the identification of the country called An-ts'ai, is,
of course, the pivot on which the entire question turns. Chang
K'ien, in his report, merely placed on record what his friends
at the Indoscythian court had told him. They were the same
informants who supplied him with that interesting word p'u-Vau
(fljj 4§), "the grape,"=Greek fiorpvs according to Mr. Kingsmill's
own happy idea, and who are known to have used coins with
Greek legends as shown in Cunningham's papers on the "Coins
of the Indoscythians" in the Numismatic Chronicle. Chang
K'ien's report on An-ts'ai is in my opinion the oldest example
of the introduction into Chinese literature of a piece of clas-
sical lore, to wit, the story of the Mcuoms Ai/zn? with its vast
extension to the north and its connection with the ^Keavo?,
here "the Northern Sep."
According to my view Hu-ni (4g fg, Hut-ngai) is Hernak, the
youngest son of King Attila, who after the death of his father in
454 A. D. withdrew to the extreme parts of Scythia Minor ("Her-
nac quoque, junior Attilae films, cum suis in extrema minoris
Scythiae sedes delegit." Jordanes, ed. Mommsen, p. 127), which
Strabo identifies with the present Crimea, and here according
to Tomaschek the Alans had their city of Sogdak (Sudak,
Soldaia, &c.) since 212 A. D. All this is, however, immaterial.
The main point I wish to contest against Mr. Kingsmill is the
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 45
identification of the term An-ts'ai, so sadly misunderstood by
him. If once we are convinced that An-ts'ai, A-lan and Suk-
tak must be the Alans of western sources, we are justified in
drawing the following logical conclusions:
1. Of the Alans we know from European sources that, just
about three generations before the embassy sent to China by
the state of Suk-tak (former Alans) in 457 A. D., they were
conquered by the Huns.
2. Of the Suk-tak nation we learn in the Wei-slm that their
ancestors, the An-ts'ai (Aorsi, Alans), three generations before
their embassy of 457 A. D., were conquered by the Hiung-nu.
3. Since the same nation cannot at the same time be con-
quered by two different nations, the result is that the Huns
and the Hiung-nu are identical. Q. E. D.
Early Chinese notices of East African territories. — By
FKIEDRICH HIBTH, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE earliest accounts in Chinese literature of Western terri-
tories contain no allusions of any kind that we might interpret
as referring to any part of the African Continent. The name
Li-kan, or Li-kien, which occurs in Ssi-ma Ts'ien's SM-ld (about
86 B. C.) is there coupled with that of T'iau-chi (Chaldaea),
and since in records that date from a few generations later the
term is persistently declared to be identical with that of Ta-ts'in,
the Eoman empire in its eastern provinces, I do not hesitate
to look upon it as covering the Roman Orient, possibly in-
cluding Egypt. This is also the case with the accounts of
Ta-ts'in contained in the Hou-han-shu, — applying mainly to
the first century A. D., — in which the direction of the silk trade
via Antiochia Margiana, Ktesiphon, Hira and, by the periplus
of the Arabian peninsula, to the silk-buying factories of the
Phenician coast, such as Tyre, Sidon and Berytos, is clearly
indicated.1 Yet no mention of African ports can be traced
back earlier than the beginning of the third century A. D.,
when fresh information, though transmitted unfortunately in
sorely disfigured texts, had reached China. I refer to the
account of the We'i-Uo,^ where the city of Alexandria is
manifestly meant by the name Wu-ch'i-san. I admit that the
Wei-lio is not very clear in its details regarding the de-
pendencies of Ta-ts'in; but the one passage I refer to leaves
but little doubt that Wu-ch'i-san is Alexandria. It says:
"At the city of Wu-ch'i-san, you travel by river on board
ship one day, then make a round at sea, and after six days'
1 For texts and translations see my China and the Roman Orient,
Shanghai, 1885, passim.
2 An historical work referring to one of the so-called "Three King-
doms," the state of We'i (535 to 557 A. D.) and compiled between 239
and 265 A. D. See Chavannes, "Les pays d'occident d'apres le "Wei-lio"
in T'oung-pao, Serie ii, Vol. vi, No. 5, pp. 519, seq.
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 47
passage on the great sea, arrive in this country [Tats'in, or
its capital Antioch]." This, I hold, describes the journey from
Alexandria to Antioch. The first character of the Chinese
transcription, wu (black), may stand for o and u in the render-
ing of Indian sounds;1 and it also represents the vocalic ele-
ment of the first syllable (a, o or e) in the several west-Asiatic
forms for "ebony," such as Persian abnus, in their Chinese
equivalent ivu-man-tzi.'2 The second character cWi (slow)
stands for di, 3 and the three characters may be said to stand
for adisan or odisan, thus furnishing a still recognizable dis-
tortion of the name Alexandria. Unfortunately Chinese texts
have preserved nothing beyond that name, assuming our inter-
pretation of its transcription is at all correct.
In point of age the next mention in Chinese literature of
an African territory is an account applying probably to the
beginning of the T'ang dynasty. It occurs in a text devoted
to the Ta-sh'i, i. e., the Arabs of the Khalif empire, in the
T any-sliu (chap. 221 B, p. 19), in a passage describing the
extent of the Ta-sh'i dominions, "in the east of which there
are the T'u-k'i-shi," i. e. the Tiirgash of the Old-Turkish stone
inscriptions, the "south-west being connected with the sea."
The Tiirgash being mentioned as the Eastern neighbors of
the Ta-sh'i seems to indicate that the account belongs to the
early part of the eighth century. It reads as follows:
"In the south-west [of the Ta-shi, or Arabs] is the sea and
in the sea there are the tribes of Po-pa-li [in Cantonese and
old Chinese Put-pat-lik, which I look upon as a transcription
of Barbarik*}. These do not belong to any country, grow no
grain, but live on meat and drink a mixture of milk and cow's
blood; they wear no clothes, but cover their body with sheep-
i St. Julien, Methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms Sanserifs, etc.,
Nos. 1313 and 1314.
- See my "Aus der Ethnographic des Tschau Ju-kua" in Stzb. der
philos. Klasse der K. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., 1898, III p. 491, note 3.
3 Julien, op. cit., p. 204 No. 1876; cf. Schlegel, "The Secret of the
Chinese Method of Transcribing Foreign Sounds" in Toung-pao, II,
Vol. i, p. 249, who says it is pronounced ti at Amoy.
* See my paper "Chinese equivalents of the letter E, in foreign names"
in Journ. of the China Branch, E. A. S., Yol. xxi (1886), p. 219. As there
shown, final t in old Chinese stands for final r\ I stands for r; and £ before
I (or r) becomes I (or r) by assimilation (see Schlegel in Toung-pao,
1900, p. 109).
48 F. Hirth, [1910.
skins. Their women are intelligent and graceful. The country
produces great quantities of ivory and of the incense o-mo
[in Cantonese o-mut = omur, standing for Persian ambar, i. e.
ambergris]."
"When the traveling merchants of Po-ssi (Persia) wish to
go there for trade, they must go in parties of several thousand
men, and having offered cloth cuttings and sworn a solemn
oath (lit. "a blood oath") will proceed to trade."
Another account written generations before the T'ang-shu,
the work of 6u-yang Siu completed in 1060 A. D., occurs in
the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu by Tuan Ch'ong-slii, who died in 863 A. D.
The transcription here used is identical with that of the T'ang-
shu, viz: Po-pa-li (Put-pat-lik = Barbarik). Tuan Ch'ong-shi
says (chap. 4, p. 3B seq.):
"The country of Po-pa-li is in the south-western sea. The
people do not know how to grow grain and live on meat only.
They are in the habit of sticking needles into the veins of
cattle, thus drawing blood, which they drink raw, on having
it mixed with milk. They wear no clothes, but cover their
loins with sheep-skins. Their women are clean, white and
upright. The inhabitants make their own countrymen prisoners,
whom they sell to the foreign merchants at prices several
times [more than what they would fetch at home]. The country
produces only elephants' teeth and a-mo [ambergris]. If the
Persian merchants wish to go to this county they form parties
of several thousand men and make gifts of strips of cloth,
and then everyone of them, including the very oldest men and
tender youths, have to draw their blood wherewith to swear
an oath, before they can dispose of their goods. From olden
times they were not subject to any foreign country. In fighting
they use elephants' teeth and ribs and the horns of wild oxen
made into halberds, and they wear armour and have bows
and arrows. They have 200,000 foot soldiers. The Ta-shi
(Arabs) make constant raids upon them."
My identification of these two short accounts, which appear
to be derived from a common source earlier than the year
863, is based chiefly on the great similarity which the Chinese
transcription bears to the name of Berbera, the city and
country on the east coast south of Abyssinia, and on the
mention of ivory and ambergris as the chief products. Am-
bergris was as a matter of fact exported from the coast
k
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 49
of Berbera. 1 The identification is, however, further supported
by a later account of the same country in the Chu-jan-ch'i of
Chau Ju-kua, who describes it under the name Pi-pa-lo, in
Cantonese: Pat-pa-lo, which is another intelligible transcription
of the foreign sound Barbara.
Chau ju-kua2 describes the country as follows:
"The country of Pi-pa-lo contains four chou (cities), the
remaining places being villages rivalling each other in influence
and might. The people worship heaven, they do not worship
Buddha. The country produces many camels and sheep, and
the ordinary food of the people consists of camels' flesh, milk
and baked cakes. The country has ambergris \lung-hien,
lit. "Dragon's Spittle," the standard word for ambergris, see
Giles, No. 4508], big elephants' tusks and big rhinoceros horns.
There are elephants' tusks which weigh over a hundred catties
and rhinoceros horns of ten catties and more. There is also
much putchuck, liquid storax, myrrh, and tortoise-shell of great
thickness, for which there is great demand in other countries.
Among the products there is further the "camel crane" [lo-
fo-hau, i. e., the ostrich]. It measures from the ground to
the top of its head six or seven feet. It has wings and can
fly, but not to any great height. There is an animal called
1 See Heyd, Histoire du commerce du levant au moyen-age, ed. Furcy
Raynaud, Leipzig, 1886, Vol. ii, pp. 571—574. The best quality is found
on the coast of Berbera and Zinj (Renaudot, Ancient accounts of India
and China, London, 1733, p. 64).
2 Regarding this author see my papers "Die Lander des Islam nach
chinesischen Quellen", T'oung-pao, Supplement, Vol. v, Leiden 1894, p. 12
seqq., and "Chao Ju-kua, a new source of mediaeval geography" in Journal,
E. A. £, 1896, p. 57 seqq. Chau Ju-kua probably wrote at the time of
the last Abbaside caliph Mustasim (1242 to 1258 A. D.), since in his
description of Bagdad ("Die Lander des Islam," etc., p. 41) he describes its
king as a linear descendant of Mohammed the Prophet, and adds that the
throne was handed down to his own times through twenty-two generations.
If we look upon Cossai as the genealogical head of the several generations
the sixth of which saw the prophet himself, the twenty-second was that
of the caliph Mustasim. The latest date mentioned in Chau Ju-kua's
work is 1210 A. D. In the Ling-icai-tai-ta by Chou K'u-fe'i, published
in 1178, which goes over the same field as the Chu-fan-ch'i and from
which about one-third of the matter placed on record by Chau Ju-kua
has been copied (see K. Tsuboi, "Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen," etc.,
in Actes, XIIe Congres Intern, des Orientalistes, Rome, 1899, Vol. ii,
pp. 69-125). no mention is made of Pi-pa-lo.
VOL. XXX. Part I. 4
50 M Hirth, [1910.
tsu-la [in Cantonese: tso-lap, a transcription of Arabic zarafa,
the giraffe]. It resembles a camel in shape, an oxen in size,
and it is of a yellow colour. Its front legs are five feet long,
its hind legs only three feet. Its head is high up and turns
upwards. Its skin is an inch thick. There is also a mule
with brown, white and black stripes around its body. These
animals wander about the mountain wilds; they are a variety
of the camel. The people of the country are great huntsmen
and hunt these animals with poisoned arrows."
Mr. W. W. Rockhill, who has collaborated with me in the
publication of my translation of Chau Ju-kua's ethnographical
sketches, holds that the "four cities" referred to are Berbera,
the Malao of the Periplus. and Zeyla, the mart of the Aualites
of the Periplus to the west of it; and to the east of Berbera,
Mehet or Mait. the Moundon of the Greeks, and Lasgori or
Guesele. the Mosullon of the Greeks. He refers to Ibn Batuta
(II, 180), who says of Zeyla that it was an important city,
but extremely dirty and bad-smelling on account of the custom
of the people of killing camels in the streets. He also notes
that the sheep of this country are famous for their fat. At
Mukdashau, our Magadoxo or Mugdishu, he says, they killed
several hundred camels a day for food. In the first century
A. D. the Pejriplus mentions myrrh, a little frankincense, tin,
ivory, tortoise-shell, odoriferous gums and cinnamon among
the exports of the Berbera coast.
The Chinese name "camel-crane" is a translation of the
Persian name of the ostrich, shutur-murgh, meaning "camel-
bird" (Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, London 1888, Vol. i,
p. 144, note 392). Chou K'ii-fei refers to the "camel-crane"
in similar terms in his account of the Zinj tribes, but he adds
that it eats all possible things, even blazing fire or red-hot
copper or iron. In other words he justifies its wellknown charac-
teristic, which is conveyed in the popular adage the "stomach of
an ostrich." The Chinese author speaking of the camel as the
animal from which the "striped mule" is descended would seem
strange, if we did not assume that his remark on that point
refers to the three animals, the ostrich, the giraffe and the mule.
It certainly holds good for the giraffe, which, as Mr. Rockhill
points out, was held by some to be a variety of camel, e. g. by
Mas'udi (Prairies d'or, III 3). Mr. Rockhill has the following
note regarding the striped mule of Pi-pa-lo: "This, I suppose,
Vol. xxx.] Early Cliinese notices of East African territories. 51
is the same animal as the hua-fu-lu, or "spotted fu-lu" of the
Ming-slii, 326. Bretschneider (Ancient Chinese and Arabs, 21
note 7) says that "the nua fu-lu is probably the Hippotigris
Burchelii, or Douw, the Tiger-horse of the ancients, which was
brought several times to Rome from Africa. It inhabits the
deserts of Eastern Africa, between the equator and the tenth
degree of northern latitude, whilst the two other species of
this genus of the horse family, the Zebra and the Quag y a,
are to be met with only in Southern Africa." Mr. Rockhill
refers to Barbosa, who says that the people of Magadoxo "use
herbs with their arrows."
There can be but little doubt that the Chinese account of
Pi-pa-lo refers to Berbera, and this involves a broad hint as
to the identification of another sketch of Chau Ju-kua's which is
found in the Chu-fan-chi under the designation Chuny-li. It
reads as follows:
"The people of the country of Chung-li go bareheaded and
barefooted; they wrap themselves about with cotton stuffs,
for they dare not wear jackets, since wearing jackets and
turbans is a privilege reserved for the ministers and courtiers
of the king. The king lives in a brick house covered with
glazed tiles, the people live in huts of palm-leaves thatched
with grass. Their daily food consists in baked flour-cakes,
sheep's and camel's milk. There are great numbers of cattle,
sheep and camels."
"Among the countries of the Ta-sh'i (Arabs) this is the only
one which produces frankincense."
"There are many sorcerers among them, who are able to
change themselves into birds, beasts or fish and by these
means keep the ignorant people in a state of terror. If some
one of them while trading with a foreign ship has a quarrel, the
sorcerers cast a charm over the ship, so that it can neither
go forward or backward, and they only release the ship when
the dispute has been settled. The government has formally for-
bidden this practice."
-Every year countless numbers of birds of passage alight
on the desert parts of the country. When the sun rises they
suddenly vanish so that one cannot find a trace of them. The
people catch them with nets and eat them; they are remarkably
savoury. They are in season till the end of spring, but as
4*
52 F. Hirth, [1910.
soon as summer comes they disappear to return the following
year."
"When one of the people dies and they are about to put
him in his coffin, his kinsfolks from near and far come to
condole. Each person flourishing a sword in his hand, goes
in and asks the mourners the cause of the person's death.
'If he was killed by someone7, each one says, 'we will revenge
him on the murderer with these swords.' Should the mourners
reply that he was not murdered, but came to his end by the
will of heaven, they throw away their swords and break into
violent wailing."
"Every year there are driven on the coast a great many
dead fish measuring as much as twenty ch'ang in length, and
two cttang through the body. The people do not eat the flesh
of these fish, but cut out their brains, marrow and eyes, from
which they get oil, often as much as three hundred tong. They
mix this oil with lime to caulk their ships, and use it also in
lamps. The poor people use the ribs of these fish as rafters,
the back-bones as door-leaves and they cut off the vertebrae
to make mortars with."
"There is a shan [hill, range of hills, island, promontory, or
high coast] in this country which forms the boundary of Pi-
pa-lo [Berbera]. It is 4,000 li in circumference; for the most
part it is uninhabited. Dragon's blood is obtained from this
shan [hill, island, etc.], also aloes, and from the waters, tortoise-
shell and ambergris [lung-hien, lit. Dragon's Spittle]."
"It is not known whence ambergris comes; it suddenly
appears in lumps of from three to five catties, driven on
the shore by the wind. The people of the country make
haste to divide it up, lest ships run across it at sea and fish
it up."
The essential point in the identification of this country of
Chung-li is the mention of a shan, which may mean "a range
of hills," at the boundary of Pi-pa-lo (Berbera). This port,
well-known to the Arabs of the thirteenth century, was indeed
separated from the adjoining high plateau by a range of hills,
the natural boundary between the territory of Berbera and
Somaliland. The extent of the shan, in this case "a plateau,"
being stated to be 4,000 li, would point to a large tract of
land. I would not lay too much stress on the name Chung-li;
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 53
but final ng has been used to transcribe final m (see Julien,
Methode, etc., Nos. 485 and 486: kang for Sanscrit ham and
c/ham)] chung, middle, is pronounced tsung at Shanghai, and
ts is quite commonly interchanged with initial s. e. g. in the
title sengun, "a general," of the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions,
which stands for Chinese tsiang-lmn. Chung-li may thus poss-
ibly be a transcription of the sound Somali or Somal. Another
important characteristic is the remark that this country is the
only one among the Ta-shi, or Arab, territories which produces
frankincense. This, even if we admit the coast of Hadramaut
to have participated in this industry, is a broad hint as to
its identification with Somaliland1.
Mr. Rockhill is of the opinion that the island of Socotra cor-
responds to Chau Ju-kua's Chung-li, and in support of this view
he quotes a number of interesting parallels from mediaeval
authors. Thus the aloe, mentioned as one of the products of
Chung-li, is referred to by Mas'udi (III, 37), who calls it
socotri from the name of the island; Marco Polo (II, 398-399,
Yule, 2nd ed.) says of its people, "they have a great deal of
ambergris," and he relates the almost identical story told by
Chau Ju-kua more than a century before him in connection
with his Chung-li. He says (p. 399): "And you must know
that in this Island there are the best enchanters in the world.
It is true that their Archbishop forbids the practise to the
best of his ability, but 'tis all to no purpose, for they insist
that their forefathers followed it, and so must they also. I
will give you a sample of their enchantments. Thus, if a ship
be sailing past with a fair wind and a strong, they will raise
a contrary wind and compel her to turn back. In fact they
make the wind blow as they list and produce great tempests
and disasters; and other such sorceries they perform, which
1 F. A. Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreiches, 3rd. ed., Berlin
1891, p. 45 seqq.: "Die Bauine, welche den Weihrauch liefern, wachsen
im Lande der Somalistamme, im auloersten Osten Afrikas, sowie auch auf
den jenseits liegenden siidostarabischen Kiistenstrichen Hadramaut, Schehr
und Mahrah." "Der meiste und geschatzteste Weihrauch wird im nord-
ostliehen Somalilande gesammelt." "In Arabien eingefiihrter oder dort
gesammelter Weihrauch nimmt auch die Namen arabischer Landschaften
an, z. B. Schehr, Morbat, Dhofar." In a special chapter on frank-
incense Chau Ju-kua mentions just these three places as producers of
the drug.
54 F. Hirth, [1910-
it will be better to say nothing about in our Book." Chau
Ju-kua is less discreet, when he informs us that the sorcerers
of Chung-li changed themselves into birds or fish, in order to
terrorize the population. According to him "the Government
has forbidden such practices." This applies in Socotra to the
"Archbishop," — in reality as late as 1281 a bishop ordained by
the Nestorian patriarch of Bagdad (Assemani, Bibl. Orient. IV,
p. 780). Kockhill quotes two other stories of sorcerers, one from
Purchas' Pilgrims (IX, 254), who quotes Friar Joanno dos
Santos (A. D. 1597) as describing quite a similar trick practised
by a great sorcerer on the isle of Zanzibar, and another,
mentioned by Ibn Batuta (IV, 227), of sorcerers on an island
in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean, who "raised storms
by enchantment when vessels did not pay the customary
tribute."
Taking into account the parallels to which Mr. Rockhill has
drawn attention, I feel tempted to accept his suggestion as
regards Socotra. The translation of shan by "a rocky island"
is certainly unobjectionable, and since nearly all that can be
shown to apply to Socotra from western sources occurs in the
text after the words "there is a shan in this country," etc., the
concluding part of the chapter may be regarded as an appendix
to the account of Chung-li describing this outlying island of
Socotra. The" shan being stated to measure "four thousand
li in circumference" fairly corresponds to the ideas current
among western geographers of the period, if we look upon
the li not as the Chinese li, but as the thirtieth part of a
parasang, or a stadium, in which sense I have shown it is to
be taken in the identifications of several western Asiatic
itineraries (see my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 222-225).
Four thousand li would thus be equal to 133 parasangs. This
may be an exaggerated estimate of the size of the island, but
scarcely more so than the statements of Yakut (Wiistenfeld III
p. 102, quoting al Hamadani) and Abulfeda (Geogr. d'A., ed.
Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, p. 371,— kindly furnished
to me by Prof. Gottheil),— who state that the length of Socotra
alone was "eighty parasangs."
This part of the coast of Africa was certainly well-known
and much frequented by Arab and Persian traders during
the thirteenth century. Chau Ju-kua is well acquainted
with its products such as frankincense, aloe, dragon's blood
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 55
and ambergris, and since all these were staple articles of
the Chinese market, we may infer that direct commerce was
carried on through the mediation of Arab skippers plying
between Ts'iian-chou-fu (Zaitun) and Canton in the Far East
and the several ports en route, including those of Africa, and
their Arabian homes. We need not be astonished, therefore,
to find that remnants of the mediaeval intercourse between the
coasts of China and Eastern Africa have actually been dis-
covered. In April 1898 two small collections of Chinese coins
were sent to me for identification, one by Dr. F. L. Stuhlmann,
now at the head of the biological and agricultural Institute
at Amani (East Africa), the other by Mr. Justus Strandes,
both well-known African travellers. Dr. Stuhlmann wrote
me that his collection of eight coins had been excavated in
the neighbourhood of Mugdishu on the Somali coast together
with a great many broken pieces of Chinese celadon porcelain,
vitreous paste and Arabic coins ; Mr. Strandes, who had
purchased his collection of seven coins at the same place,
wrote in similar terms. Both collections are now in the
"Museum fur Volkerkunde" of Berlin. The several coins
were unfortunately in a bad state of preservation, but they
were without exception of the Chinese type, i. e. round with
a square hole and of bronze.
Those coins the legends of which I was able to identify
are all dated from before the beginning of the thirteenth
century, the eleventh and twelfth centuries being chiefly re-
presented. I am, therefore, inclined to ascribe them to the
very period covered by Chau Ju-kua's account of Chung-li,
which, owing to the fact that the Ling~ivai-tai-ta of 1178 con-
tains no mention of these territories, must be placed between
this date and Chau Ju-kua's time, i. e. about 1242 A. D.
Chinese junks have visited Mugdishu in 1430 (see my Ancient
Porcelain, Shanghai, 1888, p. 62 and note 155), but since no
coins of the Ming Dynasty could be traced in the two small
collections, unless they were among the few hopelessly dis-
figured unidentified specimens, I conclude that these unique
traces of Chinese intercourse so far discovered had nothing
to do with that later period.
Of the east coast south of Somaliland we possess short
accounts of an island called TJong-pa and of a country E?un-
lun-tsb'ng-Jd, both by Chau Ju-kua.
56 F. Hirth, [1910.
Ts'ong-pa, in Cantonese Ts'ang-pat, may be a transcription
of Zanguebar, or Zanzibar.
Chau Ju-kua's text runs as follows:
"The Ts'6'ng-pa country is an island of the sea south of
Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat]. On the west it borders on a great
mountain."
"The inhabitants are of Ta-sh'i stock and follow the religion
of the Ta-sh'i. They wrap themselves in blue foreign cotton
stuffs and wear red leather shoes. Their daily food consists
of meal, baked cakes and mutton."
"There are many villages and wooded hills, and lines of hills
rising one above the other.'''
"The climate is warm, and there is no cold season. The
products of the land include elephants' tusks, native gold, or
gold bullion, ambergris and yellow sandalwood."
"Every year Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat] and the Ta-sh'i settlements
along the sea-coast send ships to trade white cotton cloth,
porcelain, copper and red Id-pei [cotton] in this country."
The chief difficulty in the explanation of this account is the
mention of sandalwood among the products of the country,
since it is not likely that Indian, Timorese, or far-eastern
varieties were brought to this out-of-the-way part of the
Indian Ocean as a market. I do not know whether the dye
made of the rock-moss, or orchil, of Zanzibar may possibly
be confounded with some dye made of sandalwood. The
mistake might perhaps be accounted for in this way.
On the other hand we have unmistakeable evidence of the
importation of Chinese porcelain. The late Dr. W. S. Bushell,
in a review of my book on "Ancient Porcelain" (North-China
Daily News, May 9th, 1888) has the following remarks on this
point:
"Arabian writers tell us of fleets of large Chinese junks
in the Persian Gulf in the eighth century, and the return
voyage of Marco Polo in the suite of a Mongol Princess from
Zayton to Hormuz is well-known. The "Chu Fan-chi," a
book on foreign countries by Chao Ju-kua, an author of the
Sung Dynasty, was published a century before the time of
Marco Polo. Dr. Hirth quotes this to trace the export of
porcelain even as far as the coast of Zanzibar, the great
African mart of ivory and ambergris, which is described
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 57
under the name of Ts'eng-p'o. I may add that Sir John
Kirk during his residence as Consul -General at Zanzibar,
made a collection of ancient Chinese celadon porcelain, which
he took to the British Museum last year. Some of it was
dug up, I believe from ruins, mixed with Chinese cash of the
Sung Dynasty, a striking confirmation of the Chinese writer,
who was Inspector of Foreign Trade and Shipping in Fuhkien
Province."
A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk. — By RICHAED
J. H. GOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE doors, of which a separate photograph for each wing
is here given, are to-day placed in the entrance to the Hispanic
Museum in New York City. They were bought in Cairo some
years ago by Mr. Archer Huntington and belong to the finest
period of Egypto-Muhammedan metal work. The doors are in
a perfect condition; and though it looks as if in one or two
places they had been restored, the restoration has been so
cleverly done that it is hardly apparent. Each wing is made
of wood completely covered with bronze. Along the sides the
metal is very thin and artistically kept in place by nails
forming diminutive rosettes. The rest of the wood is covered
with thick pieces of metal so cut as to form polygonal rosettes
the angles of which are filled up or embossed so that the
rosettes stand out in relief. All of the embossed work, again,
is damaskeened with silver and part of the unembossed surface
is damaskeened with gold. Each leaf has a finely chiseled
knocker placed about two-thirds of the way up. The in-
scription commences at the lower end of the right-hand leaf
and is of silver damaskeened in placques of bronze. It is in
the late Naskhi form of the Mameluke period, and reads as
follows: \ jJl LJjJl L-*>O blkJl ^JJLl lk) _ II
"Glory to our master the Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Saif al-
dunya wal-dm Abu Sa'id Barkuk, Sultan of Islam and the
Muhammedans, the one who is munificent to orphans and to
the poor, the help of warriors and of those who fight for the
faith. It was finished in the month Rabic al-Awwal in the
year seven hundred and eighty eight of the Hijra."
On the bosses of the four central rosettes is the name
In tne centre of the rosettes in the middle which are
A door from
the Madrasah of Barkuk.
Vol. xxx.] A Door from tJie Madrasah of Barkuk. 59
divided into halves there are also inscriptions which I have
not been able to decipher satisfactorily.
It is quite evident that we have here a door from a building
put up by the Burjl Mamluke Zahir Saif al-Dm Barkuk who
came to the throne in 784 A. H. (= 1382 A. D.). The doors
were finished in April of the year 1386. It is also evident
that the doors come from the Barkukiyyah l or, as it is called,
the Zahiriyyah al-Jadldah— the Madrasah built by Barkuk in
the Suk al-Nahhasm, which served also as a convent for the
Sufis. Van Berchem has given in his Corpus a number of
other inscriptions similar to the one on these doors. The
Madrasah has been often restored; within recent years by
Herz Bey.
The inscription, however, contains one or two difficulties
which it is to hard surmount. I do not refer to the form y\ for
^t; that is not at all uncommon; but to the manner in which
the date is expressed. The hundreds placed first is not an
impossible construction, as compound numbers in Arabic can
be expressed either in an ascending or a descending scaie.
But here the units are placed between the hundred and the
decade, which will not do at all. Indeed, the whole order of
the numerals is unusual in inscriptions. In many hundreds
of inscriptions coming from Egypt, Syria and Mesopotamia
I have not found one case in which the order of the numerals
is other than that of the ascending scale.
In addition to this, the last word of the inscription
is uncommon. The expressions used are: *t^*^ and
• The only other case in which I have
found it used is in the inscription of Ahmad ibn Muzaffar
al-dln TJthman ibn Mankurus on the fortress of Muhelbah in
Northern Syria.2 The want of space may have occasioned the
use of the shortened form in our inscription.
It would be hazardous to pronounce a judgment upon the
genuineness of this door. But, it is surprising that Van Berchem
in his Corpus of the Arabic inscriptions at Cairo3 mentions
1 See Van Berchem, Corpus Inscriptionum Ardbicarum, pp. 297 et seq.;
Baedeker, Egypte, (1903), p. 64; Manuel d'art Musulman, I (par H. Saladin)
pp. 140 et seq.; II (par G. Migeon), pp. 196, 209, 232.
2 Van Berchem, Inscriptions Arabes de Syrie (Le Caire 1897), p. 86.
3 loc. cit. p. 304.
60 R. J. H. Grottheil, A Doorjrom the Madrasah ofBarkuk. [1910.
the fact that in the year 1893 a dealer, Hatoun, in the
Mouski of that city, had for sale a door very similar (to judge
from the description given by Van Berchem) to the one at
present under discussion. The inscription is exactly similar
to the one I have given, only with the word ^f^ omitted.
Yan Berchem could not find any reason for the slightest
suspicion and pronounced the door to be genuine; but Herz
Bey pronounced it to be a piece of modern work manufactured
in the selfsame year 1893, and his judgment was supported
by others on the spot.1
To add to the difficulty, Migeon, in his Manuel d'art Musid-
man, II, p. 196, gives a reproduction of a mosque door which
in every artistic particular is an exact copy of the one under
discussion, with the exception of the outer border which has
less rows of nails than has the door in the Hispanic Museum.
The inscription, however, is different and is similar both in
the upper and lower bands:
"Glory to our master the Sultan, the fighter for the faith,
Muhammad al-N&zir Sultan of Islam and the Muhammedans,"
i. e. Nasir al-Dm Muhammad ibn Kala'un, who ruled several
times in Egypt towards the end of the 13th century. Migeon
states that these doors are in the Arabic Museum in Cairo;
but I can not find them mentioned in the latest edition of the
Catalogue of that Museum.2
1 loc. cit. p. 770.
2 Catalogue raisonne des monuments exposes dans le Musee Nationale
de Vart Arabe . . . par Herz Bey (2nd Ed.). Le Caire 1906. pp. 173,
177, 212.
Postscript (August 18. 1908). In a letter, dated July 15.
1909, Herz Bey confirms my suspicions in regard to the
genuineness of the doors. He writes that they were made in
the year 1892 by an Arab workman named 'All al - Shiyashl
(J^i^Jl £j*) for the Cairo Street of the Midway Plaisance
in the Chicago World's Fair. cAli, however, could not come
to an understanding with the managers of the "Street" in
regard to the price, and the doors remained in Cairo, where
they passed into the possession of the dealer Hatoun.
A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV, Plates 12
and 13). — By FREDEEICK A. VANDERBUKGH, Ph. D.,
Columbia University, New York City.
THE following is one of the collection of twelve unilingual
non-Semitic Babylonian hymns copied from tablets in the
British Museum by Mr. L. W. King, M. A., Assistant in the
Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities, and pub-
lished in "Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the
British Museum by Order of the Trustees," Volume XV.
Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Professor of Semitic Languages in
Columbia University, and myself have now translated the whole
collection. Professor Prince has published three: viz., "To the
Goddess Bau;" "To the God Nergal," and "To the Goddess
Girgilu." "I have published in my "Sumerian Hymns" four:
"To Bel;" "To Sin;" "To Adad;" and "To Tammuz." I have
another "To Bel" that is expected to appear in the Journal
of the American Oriental Society, and still another "To
Bel" is in preparation. The one of which a transliteration,
translation and commentary are given in this Article is the
fourth and last one "To Bel" in the collection.
I am not aware that the hyrnn treated in this Article has
ever been translated before or published.
This hymn in which Bel is addressed in both the Eme-Ku
and the Erne- Sal dialects of the non-Semitic literature of
Babylonia must be recognized as very ancient. It is evident
that Bel is invoked here as the ruler of the nations in the
same spirit in which he is honored in the inscriptions of the
kings of the predynastic and early dynastic periods from the
time of En-sag-kusanna until the time of Hammurabi. When
the hymn was composed, Nippur, Ur and Larsa, the three
cities therein mentioned, were flourishing towns.
Our copy of the hymn, however, is not Old-Babylonian, but
New-Babylonian. While the composition is very old, the copy
is not. For example, GIR or ELIM, MA, LUK TA, KAN,
BIT are Old-Babylonian, but the following signs are New-
62 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
Babylonian: BIT, ZI, UN, AN, KIT, GA, DA, MI, TUB,,
IM, EN, NE, DAMAL, AZAG, KA, MAH, SIS, BL
This hymn is apparently the most beautiful and interesting
one of the four addressed to Bel in CT. XV, 7-30. The con-
ception of the subject is very picturesque and the lyrical
quality characteristic of the religious literature of the Semitic
race is fully as apparent here as in other Babylonian hymns.
The thought is wrought into rhythmic stichs for recitation in
divine service with some traces of strophic division. The
essential attributes of the god and the power he exercises
over the lands are dwelt upon, but, above all, attention seems
to be focused on the heroic administration of Bel in the con-
quest of an insubordinate city.
As to thought and form of statement, the hymn is clearly
divided into three parts. Lines one to nine contain descriptive
epithets of Bel's divine attributes. (1) Bel is known as the
'mighty one,' expressed by the Assyrian kabtu, synonymous
with either gur or dim, and suggestive of the Scriptural idea
'almighty.' (2) Bel was 'lord of the lands;' this umun corre-
sponds to the Semitic belu, 'proprietor' of the lands: a 'lord7
was an 'owner.' As Anu was the heaven god, Sin the moon
god, Sam as the sun god, Istar the star deity, so Bel was the
earth god. (3) Bel was a 'righteous' god, being called 'lord
of righteous command.' (4) Bel was a god of 'providence,'
being 'father of the word of destiny.' (5) Bel's particular care
reached over the Babylonians; he was 'shepherd of the black-
headed.' (6) Bel was a god of vengence, a 'wild bull executing
judgment on the enemy.' (7) Bel was omniscient, 'the all-
seeing one.'
Lines ten to twenty particularize the location of Bel's do-
minion. The seat of his cult was Nippur, but he was honored
also in Ur and Larsa. His temple, E-kur, was located in
Nippur, whither kings and princes from distant lands came
to do him homage.
In lines one to twenty it may be noticed that with a single
exception a characteristic praise-refrain is observed in every
stich.
At the end of line twenty there is a decided change in style.
Lines twenty-one to thirty-four delineate the experiences of a
city in siege under the surveillance of Bel. Water and corn
supplies are cut off. Scenes of famine are sketched and also
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 63
of conflagration and pillage. As the result the fear of Bel
extends over the lands.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
1. ni-tuk gur(KIL) M(tl) eri-zu ^'(SF)-e(BIT) -
Thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable city --
2. elim-ma ni-tuk g&r(KIL) M(U) eri-zu ^(Sl)-e(BIT) —
O king, thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable
city — — — — -- ----- --- ---
3. u-mu-un kur-kur-ra-ge(KIT) gur(KTL) !$(U) eri- --
0 lord of the lands, the mighty one of old; city --
4. u-mu-un sag-ga si-da gur(KIL) M(U) eri- --
0 lord, head of life, the mighty one of old; city — ---
5. dimmer mu-ul-lil(KlT) a-a i(KA) wa-dw-wa(MAL) — ne
0 Bel, fathei of the word of destiny; --
6. siba sag glg(MI)-ga gur(KIL) M(U) eri- -
0 shepherd of the black-headed, the mighty one of old;
city — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
7. i-de gdba «2(IM)-te-«a gur(KIL) $&(TT) eri- ----
0 thou who art by thyself the all-seeing one, the mighty
one of old; city — — — -
8. ama erw»(§AB)-na di-'M gur(KIL) M(U) eri- ----
0 thou wild bull executing judgment on the enemy, the
mighty one of old; city •
9. ii-lul-la ma-ma gur(KYL) 3«(U) eri- -- --
0 thou powerful one of the countries, the mighty one of
old; city -- --
10. eri-zu en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu gur(KIL) 6xa(LJ) -
In thy city thy Nippur, the mighty one of old; -
11. se-ib e(BIT)-kur-ra-ta gur(KIL) 6xa(U) -
In the foundation of E-kur, the mighty one of old; --
12. ki damal ki gal-ta gur(KIL} sa(U) -
In the broad land the great land, the mighty one of old; —
13. c^(TUL) agaz ki azag-ta gur(KTL) M(U) -
In the glorious dwelling of the glorious land, the mighty
one of old; — ' — — ---- — ---
64 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910
14. &HLIB)-e(BIT) dim-ma-ta gur (KIL) M(U) -
In the midst of the house of the king, the mighty one
of old; -
15. e(BIT) ka mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) -
In the house of the high gate, the mighty one of old; -
16. e(BIT) #&(MAL) nun mah-ta gur (KIL) 2a(tl) - -lea
In the firm house of the exalted prince, the mighty one
of old; -
17. ma-mu §u-a-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ha
In the entrance of my land, the mighty one of old ; -
18. ma e(BIT)-gal mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ka
In the land of the exalted temple, the mighty one of
nlrl •
\JJ-\J. *
19. $e-ib uru-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) &*(U) eri- - ne ka
In the foundation of Ur, the mighty one of old; -
20. $e-ib utu-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) £a(U) eri-zu - — ne ka
In the foundation of Larsa, the mighty one of old; -
21. eri a-dug (KA.)-ga a-gi-a-zu
A city striveth; it is turned away by thee.
22. a-dug(KA)-ga a-ta gar(SA)-ra-zu
It striveth; it is shut off from water by thee.
23. eri $e-kud(TAR)-da ki-lal-a-zu
It is a city with corn cut off; it is blocked by thee.
Reverse.
24. [nu]-nag nu-nag-a ud-zal(NI)~zal(NI)-la dl(RI)
They drink not, they drink not; the morning dawneth.
25. dam tur-ra-ge(KIT) dam-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
To the young spouse, one crieth "My spouse."
26. <ta(TUR) tur-ra-ge(KIT) cta(TUR)-ww mu-ni-ib-bi
To the little child, one crieth "My child."
27. ki-el-e $es-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
The maid crieth "My brother."
28. eri-ta damal gan-e du(TISR)-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
In the city the bountiful mother crieth "My child."
29. cZft(TUR) bdn(TUR)-da a-a-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
To the strong man one crieth "My father."
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel. 65
30. tur-e d-e(UD. DU) maJi-e aZ-d(UD. DU)
The small (flames) break out, the great (flames) break out.
31. e-sir(BU) e-gub (Dty-ba mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN)
On the street they stand, they cry.
32. sal-la-l)i ur-e dm (A. AN)-da-ab-ld
Their booty men bear away.
33. slg(PA) gan-bi mu bar-ri dm(A. AN)-da~ab-ld
The staff of their youth the king of judgment beareth
away.
34. Id e-ne ki-zu-ge(KlT) ba-e-ni(IM)
Those lands are in fear of thy land.
t*$w(ES) za er(A. SI) ttm(b)(~Ll!L)-ma dingir en-lil(KIT)-
a-kam
34 (lines) Penitential hymn to Bel.
Commentary.
1. ni-tuk: ni, a common pronominal verbal prefix of the
second person; tuk means primarily 'seize,' 'have,' and then
in an intransitive relation, 'be present,' 'be.'
gur(KILi): the question might arise whether the sign is
not IZ; it occurs nineteen times in the tablet; the wedges
seem to make an enclosure of an equilateral rectangle, as is
always intended in KIL, but usually in the sign IZ, the
horizontal dimension is greater than the vertical. For examples
of IZ in this collection of hymns in CT. XV, see Plates 10 : 24;
11:13, 14, 15 and 16; 14:35; 16:6; and 19:25. For
examples of KIL, see Plates 7 : 27; 9 : 2 and 3; and 19 : 24,
27 and 28. Also cf. sign-lists of Delitzsch in Assyrische Lese-
stiicke, vierte Auflage, and Amiaud in Tableau Compare des
Ecritures Babylonienne et Assyrienne Archaiques et Modernes,
'gur equals kabtu. If the sign is JZ, the value is ges, equal
to idln-j 'hero.'
M(U) equals labwu, 'old;' see Prince's Hymn to Nergal in
JAOS, XXVIII, pp. 168-182. Brummer, in Die Sumerischen
Verbal- Afformative nach den altesten Keilinschriften, explains
U as a compound sign, equal to SI, 'eye,' plus LU, 'take
away;' giving the meaning 'take away the eye,' 'become old,'
'elderly.'
VOL. XXX. Part I. 5
66 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910.
eri or the Eme-Ku uru equals alu, 'city,' and zu is the
common pronominal suffix 'thy,' phonetically cognate with the
personal pronoun za-e\ the value eri for ER occurs in the
ideogram for eridu\ see Creation Legend, Tablet 82-5-22, 1048,
CT. XIII, 35-38, Obverse, line 8, endw(ERI. HI) ul ba-ni.
t0» (&!)-! (BIT): the erasure of the last end of this line
precludes satisfactory explanation of this word, although SI.
BIT is sometimes equal to amaru, 'see,' igi commonly having
the meaning 'eye' and e the meaning 'house;' i. e. 'eye-
structure.'
2. elim-ma: by the process of gunation, several signs have
developed from GIR; for example, KIS by the addition of
MIN, ANSU by the addition of PA, HUS by the addition
of HI, AZ by the addition of UD, UK by the addition of
ZA, and ELIM, or more exactly ALIM, by the addition of
ER(A. SI). The sign in the text is somewhat indistinct; it
appears to be GIR, but MA as a phonetic complement \vould
indicate that the sign was ELIM. GIR equals 'power'. ELIM
means 'lord,' 'king.'
3. u-mu-un, phonetic representation, is sometimes ideo-
graphically represented by the corner wedge U; the value
umun may be shortened to u or mun or MM, or it can be
lengthened to ii-mu-un-e, having the defining vowel e, as in
Plate 10 : 3 where Bel is spoken of, and Plate 17:2 and 3
where Sin is spoken of. umun equals 'lord' (u) plus 'being'
(mun).
Mr, 'mountain,' 'land,' is probably etymologically connected
with /CM, aSdbu, hibtu, 'dwell,' 'dwelling': hu being possibly a
shortened form of kur. ge (KIT) is a common sign of genitive
relation: 'lord of lands.'
4. sag-ga: the sign is quite clearly SAG, but perhaps the
clause is the same as the last clause in Plate 10 : 4, if so,
the reading should be, 'lord of righteous command,' with
dug(KA)-ya instead of sag-ga, dug-ga being equal to kibitu,
'command,' and zi(d)-da being equal to kenu, 'righteous;' see
Vanderburgh, Sumerian Hymns, p. 27.
5. mu-ul-lil(KIT) is Erne-Sal for en-lil(eUil), mul(wul) being
dialectically equal to en (el). The meaning of Ul is somewhat
confused by the word's having been wrongly connected with
Zdkiku, 'wind;' it more properly means 'structure,' 'fulness.'
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 67
a-a is the common word for 'father/ how it comes to mean
'father' is somewhat obscure; it may be shortened from ad-da,
where ad equals abu. a primarily means 'water,' but also means
'father,' perhaps as 'seed-producer/ a~a is probably a phonetic-
ally lengthened a equal to abu.
i(KA): the meaning of KA here is not distinctly indicated.
KA is a sign which has many meanings, but the one some-
times represented by I gives tolerably good sense here, na-
dw-wa(MAL) is phonetic and is a lengthened form for nam
which equals Zimtu.
6. siba means khe who grasps the staff,' and is the common
word for 'shepherd,' though LAH. BA sometimes stands for
'shepherd.' sag-gig (M.l)-ga, equal to salmdt kakkadi, is an
often repeated designation for Babylonians, as subjects of
Bel or some other ruler.
7. i-de is Erne-Sal for igi(ST), equal to mu, 'eye.' gala
equals pitu, 'open.' m(LM)-te equals ramdnu, 'self/ although
the original meaning is 'fear,' yet when applied to the one
who causes fear it comes to mean 'self.' ni-te literally means
'fear a fear.' i-de gaba nl-te-na then means 'open eyed by
thyself,' na being a pronominal suffix equal to -ka.
8. ama: AMMU originally represented the 'bull of the
mountain,' while the same form ungunated by the addition of
the sign KUR, 'mountain,' being a picture of the bull's head,
represented the domestic bull. eriw(SAB)-«a equals 'warrior,'
'soldier,' 'enemy,' and di, 'to judge.' The whole expression
ama erim-na di-di occurs in Plate 10 : 7.
9. u-lul-la: u is sometimes a nominal prefix, having a deter-
minative force, like a in a-lig\ see Plate 19 : 2 and 3, also
Plate 20 : 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9; see MSL. p. XVII, and u-tu,
Br. 1070. LUL sometimes equals dannu, see Br. 7268 and
7276. Its original form was that of a gunated GIR; in the
copy of Tablet 13963, Plate 10 : 8, it has been mistaken for
GIR, as this line clearly shows.
ma-ma: MA is not so common an ideogram as KUR; MA
means 'earth,' KUR means 'mountain.7 MA. DA, 'strong land,'
seems to be original and the Assyrian matu a loan-word.
Besides MA and KUR there seem to be two other Sumerian
•
ideograms for mdtu, namely KALAM and sometimes KI.
5*
68 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
10. en-lil (KITyki, 'land of Bel,' common ideogram for
'Nippur.'
11. $e-ib equals M, the Erne-Sal value for GAR which is
equal to the Eme-Ku Seg no doubt; the Assyrian equivalent
is libittu, 'layers of brick,' from Idbdnu. ta equals 'in,' mean-
ing 'source,' as is shown by the expression kur babbar e-ta
kur babbar $u-$&, 'from the land of the rising sun to the land
of the setting sun.'
12. damal, Erne-Sal for dagal, equals [rap$u, 'broad,' and
gal equals rabu.
13. du: TUL meaning 'to cover,' readily yields the meaning
$uUu, 'dwelling,' with the value, however, of du\ du-azag
sometimes has the meaning of Sadu, 'mountain.'
14. 3d (LIB) is a proposition or rather noun in the con-
struct state followed by the genitive e(BIT). dim-ma equals
Urru, 'king.' Br. 4254.
15. kd equals Mlu, 'gate,' while ka equals pu, 'mouth.' kd
must be pronounced differently from ka. KA represented
'entrance to a house/ but KAGU first represented 'head,r
then 'mouth.' The meaning 'high' for mali is derived from
that of being 'important' or 'great.'
16. #d(MAL) equals SaMnu, 'establish,' and nun equals
rubu, 'prince.' Br. 2629.
17. Su-a-ta means 'in the entrance,' or 'when he enters,' su
being equal to erebu.
18. e(BIT)-gal, 'great house,' the Sumerian form from which
the Assyrian ekallu, 'temple,' is derived.
19. uru(&I&)-unu-ki-ma, Ur, apparently signifies the 'pro-
tected dwelling place,' uru being equivalent to nasdru. But
it is to be noticed that the ideogram for Ur sometimes takes
the form uru-ab-ki] see Code of Hammurabi, 2 : 17. It also
takes the form uru-um-ki-ma> in which ma becomes a true
phonetic complement; see Hilprecht's Old Babylonian In-
scriptions chiefly from Nippur, Nos. 14, 15, 18, 19 and others.
Ur was chiefly famous as being the seat of the cult of Nannar
whose temple was called E-gissirgal.
20. utu-unu-ki-ma, the ideogram for Larsa which was one
of the old seats of the .cult of Sanaas", means the 'dwelling
place of light.'
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 69
21. dug(KA) is a verb with the meaning here of mahasu',
the primary significance of the sign suggests that the meaning
might originate from a contention of words, zu as a suffix
here is subjective, considered as a relative pronoun the ante-
cedent does not appear in the line.
22. a-ta means 'from water.7 gar(SA) equals eseru.
23. $e-kud(TAR,)-da means 'with corn cut off,' kud being
equal to pardsu, and ki-lal equals sandku, 'blockade,' literally
'raise up the ground.'
24. -nag: no doubt the text should be nu-nag. nu-nag-a:
a is a vowel of prolongation; 'to drink no water' would be a
mi-nag. ud-zal(NT)-la means seru, 'morning,' ud is equal to
'light,' and zal to 'shine,' while la is a phonetic complement.
dl(RI) equals nabdtu.
25. dam equals hdiru, 'spouse.' tur-ra equals sihru, 'young.'
ge(KlT) is sometimes represented by ana although always
secondarily. It is more commonly the sign of the genitive.
mu-ni-ib-bi equals 'one speaketh to him,' ni-ib being an infix
that represents a dative, the ni representing the 'him' and
the ib the 'to', bi equals kibu, 'speak.'
26. The sign DUMU as equal to maru or mdrtu has the
value du.
27. ki-el-e equals ardatu, 'maid,' ki being a prefix of deter-
mination, while el means 'shining one.' $es equals alm\ there
is doubt whether the archaic form meant 'protection' or
'other one.'
28. damal equals nmmu, 'mother.' gan-e equals alidu or
alidtu.
29. dw(TUR) may equal amelu and TUB with DA equals
ban-da, 'strong.'
30. al-e(UD. DU) equals nabdtu, 'light up,' 'break out,' the
prefix al being the same as an. Probably the city is set on
fire, so it is the flame that breaks out.
31. e-sir(BU) equals stiku, gub(DM) equals nazazu, and
sar-ri equals sarahu] the m(NIN) at the end may be a
phonetic prolongation although the full force of the syllable
is not very clear.
32. sal-la-bi: sal-la equals 'booty,' and bi is a pronominal
suffix, ur-e equals amelu. In dm (A. A.N)-da-ab-la da-ab is an
70
Frederick A. Vanderburgli,
[1910,
infix referring to the object sal-la and Id is the verb equal
to na$u.
33. slg(PA.) may equal 'staff,' gan 'youth,' mu 'king,' and
bar-ri 'judgment.'
34. e-ne equals Sunu.
35. llm(b): the sign is probably LUL which sometimes
means 'woe;' see Briinnow's Classified List, 7271. er(K. SI
or A. IGI, 'water of the eye') commonly equals biMtu.
Glossary.
a-a, 5
a-a-mu, 29
a-dug(KA)-ga, 21
a-gi-a-zu, 21
al-e(UD. DU), 30
azag, 13
ama, 8
am (A. AN)-da-ab-ia, 32
a-ta, 22
i-de, 7
i(KA), 5
e-gub(DU)-ba^ 31
e-sir(BU), 31
elim-ma, 2
e-ne, 34
en-lil(K!T)-a-kam, 35
en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu, 10
eri-zu, 1
eri-ta, 28
erim(SAB)-na, 8
e(BIT), 15
e(BIT)-gal, 18
er(A. SI), 35
ud-zal(NI)-zal(NI)-la, 24
ur-e, 32
uru ( SIS)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 19
utu(UD)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 20
usu(ES), 35
u-lul-la, 9
ii-mu-un, 3
ba-e-ni(IM), 34
ban(TUR)-da, 29
bar-ri, 33
gaba, 7
gal-ta, 12
gan-bi, 33
gan-e, 28
ga(MAL), 16
gar(SA)-ra-zu, 22
gig(MI)-ga, 6
gur(KIL), 1
dam, 25
dam-mu, 25
damal, 12
di-di, 8
dimmer, 5
dingir, 35
di(RI), 24
dim-ma-ta, 14
du(TUL), 13
du(TUR), 26
du(TUE)-mu, 28
ka, 15
ki, 12
ki-el-e, 27
ki-lal-a-zu, 23
ki-zu-ge(KIT), 34
lim(b)(LUL)-ma, 35
ma, 18
Vol. xxx.]
A Hymn to Bel
71
ma-ma, 5
ma-mu, 17
mah-e, 30
mah-ta, 15
mu, 33
mu-ul-lil(KIT), 5
mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN), 31
mu-ni-ib-bi, 25
na-am-ma(MAL), 5
ni-tuk, 1
ni(IM)-te-na, 7
nun, 16
nu-nag, 24
sag, 6
sag-ga, 4
sal-la-bi, 32
siba, 6
sig(PA), 33
sa(LIB)-e(BIT), 14
sa(U), 1
se-ib, 19
se-kud(TAR)-da, 23
ses-mu, 27
su-a-ta, 17
tur-e, 30
tur-ra-ge(KlT), 25.
The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. — By LUCIA C. Gr.
GKIEVE, New York City.
It is difficult for a mere European, brought up on a dic-
tionary and accustomed to define everything accurately, to
grasp the Proteanism, the fluidity, if I may so speak, of the
Hindu divinity called for the most part simply Devi, the
goddess, or Mai, the mother, or more simply still, Bai, the
woman. Her names are legion: Mahalakshmi, Mahasaraswati,
Jogeshwara, Kali, Bhawani, and many another, often strange
and uncouth. But in the ultimate analysis, each female di-
vinitiy, however ^different her attributes and forms of worship,
is a manifestation of the same "eternal feminine," the goddess,
the mother, the woman.
In every Hindu household in the Maratha country, Devi
is one of the panchaitana, or set of five gods — the others
being G-anapati, Vishnu, Sambh and Surya — represented
by five small stones of appropriate colors and set on a tiny
table in a particular order, according to the chief object of
the householder's devotion. These are worshiped every morning
directly after the Sandhya; but they may each and all be
worshiped separately besides; and each has his particular day
of the week and a high annual festival. Devi's days are
Tuesday and Friday, when she is worshiped with red and yellow
powder, marigolds, sweetened milk and a Sanskrit prayer.
Her great festival occurs in Ashwin (Sept.-Oct.) during
the first ten days of the new moon, and is called Navaratra.
Among the Maratha Brahmans are three classes: Deshasthas
or hill Brahmans, Konkonasthas or Brahmans of the western
slope, and Karhadas, so called from their chief town. These
last, being devotees of Kali, observe this festival with great
solemnity. During the whole nine days they do not shave;
and they arrange a little vessel, called abhishakpatra, so that
water or oil may run continually on the head of the image
of Devi. On the tenth day they kindle the horn fire (with a
Swedish safety match) in the presence of many Brahmans,
and end the day with a great feast.
In every Hindu house this festival is observed. The image
of Devi is set up on its little throne. Every day the worshiper
Vol. xxx.] The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. 73
makes a wreath of flowers, usually marigolds, and placing
one wreath on the neck of the image the first day, adds an-
other each day. In front of the image a square is made of
corn, gram or barley, mixed with dry earth. In the midst of
this is set an earthen water-pot (gager or ghat), and on this
they hang a wreath of flowers, adding another each day.
Every day cakes of wheat are prepared for 'offering; and if
the family be sufficiently rich, a married woman, a Brahman
and an unmarried girl are brought in to be fed and worshiped.
Every day in Brahman households, a Sanskrit prayer, Sapta-
c^atti, is read after bathing, and the worshiper must not yawn
nor leave his place on any pretence, nor make a mistake in a
single letter. On the tenth day the worship is concluded by a
great feast, in which the different castes follow different customs.
This tenth day, the Dasara, is the great day of the festival,
and in Satara the greatest feast-day of the year. Shivaji,
the liberator of the Marathas from the Mohamedan yoke, was
a devotee of Kali, or Bhavani, and of course made much of
her high festival. There was sound reason in this; for it
occurred at the end of the rainy season when the crops were
all in, and settled dry weather might be expected. Further-
more, this tenth day, the Dasara, commemorated the setting
out of Rama on his march against Havana; and what more
appropriate and auspicious day for summoning his army to march
against foes, who were not only their enemies in religion, but,
like Ravana, had frequently carried off their women? Assem-
bling his soldiery, who were mostly farmers cultivating little
patches of ungenerous soil on the rough hillsides, he personally
inspected every man and horse and had an inventory made
of all their possessions. Then their horses and arms were
worshiped, and a day set for their departure to the predatory
warfare which was their joy and strength.
During the latter days of Satara's independence, when wealth
had increased and valor departed, the Dasara procession was
a grand sight. Starting from the Rang Mahal, or chief palace
of the Maharaja, on the upper road, the procession, numbering
as many as 75 elephants in their gay housings, with instruments
of music, chanting priests, prancing horses and gorgeously
apparaled courtiers and servitors, marched to the Poyiche
Naka, or city limit, two miles away; and frequently the head
of the procession had reached that point long before the rear
74 Lucia C. G. Grieve, [1910
had started. Now a solitary unhappy elephant and a few
ponies represent the kingly state.
But to the people, recalling as it does the great days of
old, the festival is as dear as ever. On this day every house
is whitewashed or painted; wreaths of marigolds are strung
across the tops of the doors; and every man puts on a new
white dress. Those who have horses wash them in warm water
and give them an offering of food; wine, or eggs, or something
supposed to be specially acceptable. A corner of the house
is swept clean and washed with cowdung; and instead of
swords and guns and other weapons whose use the Govern-
ment has prohibited, axes, hoes and other farm-implements
are carefully washed and placed on this spot, and are given
offerings of flowers and sandalwood oil and red and yellow
powder. Brahmans bring a drink offering, and other castes
an offering of flesh; and after showing it to the tools they
divide it up among the members of the family.
In the afternoon the horses have cloths, generally the house-
wife's best sari, strapped on their backs; wreaths of flowers
are placed around their necks; and the ladies of the family
lend their anklets and even strings of gold and pearls to adorn
the horses' hoofs; and if there be alight-colored creature, patterns
are traced on his flanks.
In these degenerate days, if the horse belongs to a white
man, the owner is supposed to worship the animal by giving
a coin to the horse-boy; and this particular form of worship
is not confined to Hindus but shared by Mohamedans and
outcastes. Even the Sahib's cats and dogs have their wreaths
of marigolds on this great day.
Early in the afternoon, the gaily dressed horses, and litters
containing images of the gods, in small irregular processions,
are brought to the Raj-wada, or chief market-square. Here
booths are erected for the sale of cakes and sweets, and
especially of great bundles of branches of kanchan, mountain
ebony. Athletic sports of all sorts are carried on, interspersed
with songs and recitations called kirtans. A large male buffalo,
reda, has been fed up for ten days, or even as many months.
At the appointed time he is led out in front of a temple of
Bhavanl, and after the proper ceremonies some descendant of
Shivaji's family, always a man with the surname of Bhonsle,
strikes off the beast's head with a sword. Two strokes may
Vol. xxx.] The Lasara Festival at Satara, India. 75
be given, but the act is more meritorious if only one suffices.
The meat is then cut up and distributed to any who will
take it. Goats and hens are sacrificed by the farmer caste.
The sacrifice of these animals on this day is common
throughout the Maratha country and in many other parts of
India. Indeed, the Dasara festival is a national one, and on
it soldiers of every faith worship their arms; but beyond that,
its significance and mode of observance are different in the
different parts of the country.
As soon as twilight begins to fall, the great procession is
formed in front of the Rang Mahal. BhavanT, Shivaji's sword,
which he considered an incarnation of the goddess, and which
is now kept in a small temple in the Rani's Palace, is placed
on a palanquin and leads off, followed by the Rajah's elephant
and ponies, the Rajah or his representative in an open carriage,
the bloody sword with which the reda was slain, and the
usual oriental rabble. Crowds of people of all sorts line the
route, and congregate especially at the Naka, or sentry-box
marking the city limit. For Satara is an un walled town,
Shivaji believing, like the King of Sparta, that soldiers are
better than bricks for defence.
In former days the procession went farther, for the purpose
of worshiping an apta or kanchan tree, the mountain ebony,
which was then cut down and the leaves distributed to the
crowd. This object has now been lost sight of; the procession
merely passes a little beyond the city limit and then turns and
goes back. Throughout the Maratha country, everyone, to keep
the festival properly, must walk at least beyond the limits of
his town or village, to commemorate the starting out of the
army on that day. When the procession has passed the Naka,
a man comes running through the crowd with his arms full of
kanchan branches, which he distributes to the hundreds of
eager hands reached out to him. The recipients pull off the
leaves and bestow the mon their friends and acquaintance, saying,
"This is gold!" This little ceremony is eminently Hindu;
kanchan, besides being a name for the ebony and champak
trees, also means "gold," and the leaves of the kanchan, which
in size and shape resemble gold coins, are called "soni," the
ordinary word for gold. This giving of "gold" leaves is said
to represent the distribution of money among the crowd "in
the brave days of old."
76 Lucia C. G. Grieve, The Dasara Festival at Satara. [1910.
The deepening darkness is put to flight by colored lights,
sky-rockets and other fire- works ; and the crowds return home
to feast and make merry.
This festival has in some places a darker side. The Kar-
hada Brahmans are strict worshipers of Devi; and her most
acceptable sacrifice is a human being. This caste is perhaps
one of the last vestiges of the dreaded Thugs who used to
infest India; but in some respects their organization is quite
different, though on that I need not dwell. The Government has
attempted to suppress this sect, but has not fully succeeded.
A favorite sacrifice is a son-in-law, who is invited to the house
of his wife's parents and there poisoned. The best sacrifice
is a wedded wife, and in return Kali promises her devotees
great wealth. The proper method of conductingHhis sacrifice
is to invite the lady to visit her mother-in-law for the whole
ten days' festival. There she is made much of, given presents,
bathed in perfumes, clad in fine new garments, and wreathed
with flowers. Meanwhile, in the god-room, a hole has been
dug in the floor in front of Devi's image, the sacred horn, fire
is kindled, prayers are said into the hole, and a lighted lamp
set in each corner. At the right moment the unsuspecting
victim is brought in and suddenly thrown into the hole, and
the earth piled in on top. While I was in Satara an attempt
was made to perform this sacrifice in a nearby village; but
at the last minute the girl discovered the plot, and, escaping,
fled to her fathers house, where she was protected against her
too religious friends.
Since the British Government is so inconsiderate and op-
pressive as to interferre with these little family matters, the
usual method now is by poison; and such masters in the
poisoning art are the Hindus that the dose may be administered
many days previous to the intended death of the victim. It
is even said that as long as six months before the festival,
poison may be given which will cause the victim to die on
the proper day. Though currently believed, this is not easy to
credit; and by its nature is a matter not susceptible of in-
vestigation.
Next after their kindred-in-law, the best sacrifice is a
Konkon Brahman; and in such dread do the Konkonasths
hold their Karhada fellow-castemen, that they would rather
die of starvation than risk taking food at their hands.
The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of
AsoJca. 1: General introduction and the dialect of the
Shdhbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. — By TRUMAN
MICHELSON, Pb. D., Bidgefield, Conn.
IN investigating the dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka,
it is necessary to remember that the ShahbSzgarhi, Mansehra,
and Girnar redactions are translations of an original composed
in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of the Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i — ix) recensions of the Fourteen-
Edicts and the dialects of the six versions of the Pillar-Edicts;
and that the dialect of this 'Magadhan' original has left traces
in them. The dialect of the Kals! redaction presents a rather
curious problem: in edicts i — ix the dialect is practically pure
'Magadhan,' with but few traces of the local dialect, but in
edicts x— xiv the local peculiarities are prominent; yet at the
same time the dialect is intimately related with the dialect of
the Dhauli and Jaugada texts — for these two redactions are
practically the same in both content and language. And as
a matter of fact we can find a few faint traces of the local
dialect in even the Dhauli and Jaugada texts. Examples are
Dhauli vudhi for 'Magadhan' vadhim; Dhauli and Jaugada
bdbhana- for bambhana-. (That bambhana- was the 'Maga-
dhan' correspondent to Sanskrit brahmana — is shown by the
invariable bambhana- of the Kalsl text as well as by the oc-
currence of bambliana- in Dh., J. also.) If savatu at J. ii, 9
is not a mere blunder for savata (Sanskrit sarvatra) — which
is found several times in J. as well as Dh., and the 'Maga-
dhan' portion of K. — it is a local peculiarity. The 'Maga-
dhan7 dialect was undoubtedly the official imperial language,
and hence — as Pischel has very justly remarked— understood
even where it was not spoken as a vernacular. How far the
'Magadhan' dialect as a koine had influenced the other local ver-
naculars, is impossible to say with certainty: but the 'Magadhisms'
in the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, and Mansehra recensions give the
impression that they were taken over bodily from the original
manuscript, and were really foreign to the spoken vernaculars.
78 T. Midielson, [1910.
The dialect of the fragment of the eighth edict of the
Sopara version (ed. by Bhagvanlal Inaraji, JBOAS. xv, 282—288)
must be passed over in the present paper for two reasons, to
wit, that the fragment is extremely small, and that it fairly
bristles with easily recognizable 'Magadhisms.' Examples of
these are: nikhamitha, line 5; lieta, l>aml)ha[na]-, iyam, hoti,
line 6 (lioti also line 9); dasane, line 7; vudhanam, patividhane,
line 7; ye (read Ihuye), line 9; ane (i. e. amne), line 10. It
may be mentioned, however, that the dialect agreed with that
of the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra and Girnar recensions in main-
taining r as opposed to the I of the Dhauli, Jaugacla, and
Kalsi versions as is shown by rail in line 9. This fact enables
us to interpret hiramna- in line 7; it is a cross between native
hiramna- (so the Girnar text) and 'Magadhan' liilamna- (so
the Jaugacla and Kalsl redactions). Shahbazgarhi and Man-
sehra dhramma- has long been recognized as a cross of the
same type (cf. Shb. and Mans, dhrama-', and Dh., J. and K.
dhamma-y, and I have tried to show in IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241
that Shahbazgarhi prati is to be judged the same way; moreover
I hope to show in my forthcoming paper mentioned below,
that crosses of this type are far commoner than supposed. It
is perhaps worth while noting that -jina in line 10 is to be
read rdjine, and so is identical with Mansehra rajine which
has been recognized as standing for native ratio (i. e. rdno)
through the influence of 'Magadhan' Idjiue.
Another point that must be born in mind is the fact that
the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra recensions is
practically identical. In my opinion if we had texts absolutely
free from 'Magadhisms,' it would be absolutely identical. It
may be remarked that the evidence of both texts makes
it comparatively easy to detect 'Magadhisms' in either in-
dividual text. Thus Shahbazgarhi prati shows that Mansehra
pati is a 'Magadhism;'1 similarly Mansehra spagram, i. e,
spargam (Sanskrit svargam) shows that Shahbazgarhi spagam
is a partial 'Magadhism' (cf. J. and K. svagam): the evidence
of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra vagrena (i. e. vargena) con-
firms this.
There are certain points of interest to the general Indo-
European comparative philologist in the dialects of the Four-
1 See Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 240.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 79
teen-Edicts of Asoka. For example long syllabic m appears
as a— and this only — in the dialect of the Girnar version, e. g.
atikrdtam (Sanskrit atikrdntam). This shows that this dialect
is not a linear descendant of Sanskrit. Again the short u of
Girnar susrusd, susrusatdm is noteworthy in view of Avestan
susrusdmno. Moreover Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Kalsi Idti
come from Md + iti, not kim + iti as Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 52)
has shown,1 Likewise it is worth while noting that Girnar
srundru, Shahbazgarhi sruneyu, Mansehra §rumy[u] agree with
Avestan surunaoiti in structure as opposed to Sanskrit srnoti
as I shall shortly demonstrate in Zverg Sp. Furthermore the
fact that the dialects of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra
redactions have st corresponding to Sanskrit st(h) would seem to
indicate that the lingualization of t and th respectively in Aryan
St and Zth (Avestan st) was Pan-Indie and not Proto-Indic.
(We may say Pan-Indie, even if this is not strictly accurate,
for nearly all the Indie languages point to this: cf. Sanskrit
st(li), Girnar and Magadhl Prakrit st, Pali and ordinary Pra-
krit, Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalsi, etc. tth (written th on the Asokan
inscriptions).
But in fairness I should remark that Girnar ustdna- and
other Middle-Indie words cited by Johansson to demonstrate
his thesis that I. E. tst(h) became st(li} in the I. E. period, in
reality are not valid evidence, quite irrespective of the cor-
rectness or falsity of his contention, as I hope soon to show
in the Indogermanische Forscliungen.
It is proper for me to state that with Johansson and Franke,
I reject Senart's theory of historical and learned orthography
in the inscriptions of Asoka.
Certain linguistic facts mentioned by me in the present
paper will be proved at length in my 'Linguistic Notes on
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra Redactions of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka' which is to appear in the American Journal
of Philology, presumably in numbers 119 and 120. The same
applies to the value of certain symbols used in these texts;
certain linguistic statements concerning the dialect of the
Girnar redaction will also be fully discussed in the same paper.
1 According to Dr. Block the reading Idti on the Rampurva Pillar is
really him ti. If kiti were correct we should connect it with Shb., etc.
kiti: see IF. xxiii, p. 253.
80 T. Michelson, [1910.
Where there is dispute regarding the precise values of
certain characters in the Girnar recension, I have in most
cases briefly indicated the value I think should be assigned
to said characters, and the reason thereof. But I expect to
take these up systematically later.
In certain cases it is not easy to determine whether a given
form in the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Girnar redactions
is a 'Magadhism' or is really native to the dialects of these
texts. For example in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra ver-
sions two different formations in the gerund are to be found,
namely, one in ti (i. e. ttl, Yedic tvl) and one in tu. Now
there is but one form of the gerund in Dhauli, Jaugada, and
Kalsl recensions, to wit, that in tu. It therefore seems plau-
sible to consider the gerunds in tu in Shb. and Mans, to be
'Magadhisms,' especially as but one form of the gerund, that
in tpd (Sanskrit tva), is native to the Girnar redaction. Yet
as the dialects of the Shb., Mans., DL, J., and K. texts are
in concord as opposed to the dialect of G. in some particulars —
few, to be sure, when contrasted with the linguistic agreement
of the dialects of Shb., Mans, and G. as opposed to the dialects
of Dh., J., and K. — this conclusion does not necessarily follow.
It will be understood that in giving the characteristics of
the dialects, the 'Magadhisms' are for the most part passed
over in silence. Where there is room for doubt, 1 have tried
to demonstrate briefly whether the form is a 'Magadhism' or
not. Where a long elaborate proof is necessary to decide the
point involved, I have given reference to my paper which is
to appear in the AJP.
The orthography of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions,
as well as that of the Kalsl recension, limit our investigations
to a certain degree. Thus it is impossible to say whether
Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra puna is the equivalent of Girnar
puna or Kalsl puna, or both; for vowel quantities are not
distinguished in the Kharosthi alphabet; nor is I distinguished
from I, ft from u in the Kalsl redaction.
Buhler's editions of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra,
and Kalsi recensions in Epigraphia Indica ii, 447 if.; and his
ed's of the Dhauli and Jaugada redactions in ZDMG. 39, 489 ff.
and 37, 87 ff. respectively have been made the bases of our
investigations; though his ed's of Shb. and Mans, in ZDMG.
43 and 44 have been consulted; as well as his ed's of Dh.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 81
and J. in the 1st vol. of the Archaeological Survey of Southern
India.
Franke, Pali und Sanskrit, p. 108ff. should also be consulted
for dialectic peculiarities. Johansson's essay on the dialect
of the Shahbazgarhi (and incidently the Mansehra) redaction
is a systematic exposition by a comparative philologist. I have
consulted it constantly, but the material in this paper is drawn
from the inscriptions themselves. It should be noted that
Johansson does not state what the characteristics of the dialect
are, and treats the general relations of this dialect with the
dialects of the other redactions only in a general way (see ii,
pp. 24, 25). The present paper and my "Linguistic Notes on
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka" which is to appear in AJP. (presumably in
no's 119 and 120), are designed to supplement Johansson's
work. — Konow's treatise on the dialect of the Girnar recension
is descriptive only, and nearly neglects the phonology. — Senart's
treatment of the various Asokan dialects is now nearly an-
tiquated, though valuable at the time.
With this general introduction ended, we will now proceed
to investigate the separate dialects.
Dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions.1
The most important characteristics of this dialect are: three
sibilants which correspond as a whole to the same sounds in
Sanskrit, though subject to certain phonetic laws which have
a slightly modifying effect2 (pa&u-\ sramana-\ asilasa; loc. pi.
-esu; etc.); r is not assimilated to any adjacent consonants
whatsoever3 (gravakam, Sramana-, susrusa, sahasra-, mitra-,
1 In the following citations, the forms are found in both versions, un-
less expressly stated to the contrary.
2 These laws are: 1. s- is dissimilated to s if the next syllable begins
with s, 2. intervocalic s is assimilated to s if the preceding syllable con-
tains s, 3. siy and sy become ss (written s), 4. Aryan §t and sth become
st. Exceptions are 'Magadhisms'. The whole matter is taken up in
detail in my paper which is to appear in the AJP. Examples are: sus-
rusa, anusasisamti, manusa-, Shb. tistiti, Mans. [ti]stitu.
3 Such is the view of Johansson. In AJP. I hope to show that we
can hardly avoid assuming that r was in fact assimilated in the com-
binations drs and arsy (in this case ss not ss is the result). — In the same
periodical I take up the entire question as to whether dhrawa- is merely
VOL. XXX. Part I. 6
82 T. MicMson, [1910.
parahramena, agrena, vagrena, i. e. vargena, athrasa, i. e. ar-
thasa, dhrama-, i. e. dharma-, pruva-, i. e. purva-, savram, i. e.
sarvam, etc.); vocalic r becomes ir ordinarily, ur after labials
(Shb. kitram, i. e. Idrtam, Mans, vudlirana, vudhresu, i. e. vurdh-,
Shb. mrugo, i. e. murgo)]1 h in the combination 7iw is assimi-
graphic for dharma- (as Senart, Biihler and Johansson hold) or really
represents dhrama- (as Pischel holds), and similar combinations. I come
to the conclusion that those who hold that dhrama- is merely graphical
for dharma- are right. The matter is an exceedingly complicated one,
and not to be disposed of in a few words. I therefore ask the reader
to consult my article in A J P. —Johansson holds that r is assimilated to
dental stops (which then become linguals) in the dialect of Shb. (He does
not discuss the dialect of Mans, in this connection.) I have exhaustively
taken up this problem in the previously mentioned paper. My conclusions
are that r in fact is retained before dental stops in both Shb. and Mans,
but that 'Magadhisms' have largely supplanted the true vernacular forms
in both texts. Briefly my arguments are as follows: it being agreed
that the language of Shb. and Mans, is practically identical, it would be
strange if Mans, and Shb. should differ in such a point. Now in Mans.,
athra- (merely graphic for artha-) occurs a dozen and a half times; so
there can be no question but that in the dialect of Mans, r is not
assimilated to an immediately following th, for no other correspondent
to Skt. artha- is found ins Mans. This makes it certain that the single
athra- of Shb. is the true native form, and that atha- (i. e. attha-), found
more than a dozen times, is a 'Magadhism' as atha- and this only is the
correspondent to Skt. artha- in the Dhauli and Jaugada versions of the
Fourteen-Edicts as well as in the six recensions of the Pillar-Edicts. As
a parallel where a 'Magadhism' has nearly driven out the native form in
Shb. but never occurs in Mans., we have sava- (the true native form is
savra- which is found several times in Mans, and a few times in Shb.).
The word athra- in Shb. is a blend of native athra- and 'Magadhan'
atha- exactly as Shb. and Mans, dhramma- is a cross between dhrama-
and dhamma- (this last has long been recognized). Mans, vadhrite (i. e.
vardh-} and vadhrayisati (i. e. vardh-} show that r was not assimilated to
an immediately following dh; but 'Magadhisms' have largely usurped the
place of the true native forms in Mans., and exclusively obtain in Shb.
(On Shb. diyadha- see AJP.) 'Magadhisms' or crosses between 'Magadhisms'
and the true native correspondent to Indie rt have ousted the vernacular
correspondent in both Mans, and Shb.
i The history of Indie r in both Shb. and Mans, is treated in detail
in the paper mentioned above. Scholars are divided as to whether mrugo
represents murgo or mrugo. Biihler holds the latter, Johansson the former.
Likewise there is dispute as to whether vudhra- represents the actual
pronunciation or is merely graphical for vurdha-. I have tried to show
that the view of those who hold that mrugo and vudhra- are respectively
merely graphical for murgo and vurdha- alone is tenable. I have also
tried to demonstrate that all other apparent products of Indie r than ir
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 83
lated (Iramana-)', tm is retained1 (Mans, atma-}', sm before i
becomes sp- (loc. sing, of a-stems, taken from the pronominal
declension, *aspi, *-asmi, cf. Avestan -alimi as opposed to San-
skrit -asmin)', suv- and sv- become sp-2 (spamikena, cf. Dh. J.
K. suvdmikena, Shb. spasunam, Mans, spasuna,* Skt. svasar-.
Mans, spagram, K. etc. svagam, Skt. svargam): viy and vy
become vv 4 (Shb. gerundive -tava-, i. e. tavva-, e. g. vatavo, Skt.
valdavyas [see Whitney, Skt, Gr.3 § 964 c end], divani, Skt.
divydni); dv- becomes &-5 (Shb. ladaya-, a mistake for 1)ada£a-)',
tv becomes it, written t and tt (gerund in ti, .Vedic tm\ tada-
ttaye, Skt. taddtva-)]iny becomes mm (Shb. saw wa-, Skt. samyak-)\
Aryan st (Skt. st, Av. st) and 8th (Skt. sth, Av. $) alike become
st (Shb. asto-, so probably in the 13th edict, Shb. dipista, Skt.
(a)dipista\ Shb.tistiti, Skt. *tisthitvi, Mans, tistitu, Skt. *tisthitu} ;
w; becomes ww, written w (Shb. vananato, Skt. vyanjanatas); d
is retained in the Iranian loan-word d^pi; intervocalic j becomes
«/6 (Shb. ra^a, samaye, Kamboya-, Kmiboyesu, prayuhotave;
and ur in both Shb. and Maus. are either 'Magadhisms' or blends of
'Magadhisms' and native forms; and that r does not lingualize following
dental stops in the true native forms of both Shb. and Mans. The whole
problem is exceedingly complex and can only be summarized here.
1 Native tm in Shb. is completely ousted by 'Magadhan' tt (written t)
exactly as native prati by 'Magadhan' pati in Mans. (See Michelson,
IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241.)
2 The exact value of the symbol which Biihler transcribes by sp is in
dispute. Provisionally I follow Biihler. The 'Magadhan' loc. sing, -asi
has largely taken the place native -aspi in both Shb. and Mans.
3 Graphically m is often omitted.
4 In Mans, the 'Magadhan' gerundive -taviya- has completely usurped
the place of native -tava- as Franke already has said; it is found a few
times in Shb.
5 In my judgment (contrary to the opinion of Johansson),. Mans.
duvadasa- is a Magadhism as well as Shb. duvi and Mans, duve (cf. Kalsi
duve, etc.)
s Johansson, Shb. i, p. 177, 63 of the reprint, judges Shb. and Mans.
uyanaspi (so for his -asi) wrongly. According to him it is 'eigentl. wohl
ujana- st. ujjana." Shb. and Mans, uyanaspi is merely graphical for
uyyana-. That is to say that -d y- in word-composition have a different
history than -dy- when not in word-composition (per contra, note a/a,
i. e. ajja). The same holds true for the dialects of the Girnar, Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl recensions of the Fourteen-Edicts; cf. G. uydnesu,
Dh. (u}yan[asi\, J. and K. uydnasi as contrasted with G., Dh., J. a/a,
K. ajd (Skt. adya, Vedic adya). That the y is purely graphic for yy
and the j for jj is shown by Pali uyyana-, uyydma-, ajja. See Henry,
Precis, section 87, 3 and E. Miiller, Pali Gr. p. 49; and for the principle
6*
84 T. Michelson, [1910.
Mans. pra[yuho]taviye); intervocalic ~h is either lost, or weakly
pronounced (ia, Mans, maa as contrasted with Shb. wiaf/ia]);
Indie mil appears as m in compounds (Shb. nik[r]amatu. Mans.
nikramamtu, nikramisu; Shb. nikramanam)-^ h as the corre-
spondent to Indie dh in Shb. iha\ Indie *utthdnam2 is retained
Jacobi, Erz. section 36. "Windisch in his essay on Pali (in the trans-
actions of the International Congress of Orientalists held at Algiers) over-
looks this fact when he takes Pali uyyana- as a Magadhan relic. In
Prakrit -d y- in word-composition necessarily has the same history as
-dy- when not in word - composition, i. e. jj, Magadhi yy. Against
Johansson's supposition that where we have y for j in Shb. (and Mans.),
it can be safely considered a 'Magadhism' is the following important
fact, viz., that y for j is never found in the Dhauli, Jaugada, or Kalsi
redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts, and yet it is agreed that the dialect
of the 'Magadhan' original — of which Shb. and Mans, are translations —
was composed in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of these
redactions. That j becomes y in Magadhi Prakrit according to the native
grammarians proves nothing, for Magadhi Prakrit has only two note-
worthy agreements with the Magadhan dialects of the Asokan inscriptions,
namely that I takes the place of r and -e of original -as (-0 in the other
dialects): but Magadhi Prakrit has one special agreement with the dialect
of the Girnar redaction, namely that Aryan st (Skt. st) and 8th (Skt. sth)
fall together in st. I take Shb. and Mans, majura- to be a 'Magadhism':
cf. the correspondent in the versions of Dh., J., K.
1 Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 17) is in error when he places nikramisu in
the same category as dukaram, Shb. [dukatam, Mans, dukata (final m
graphically ommitted). In the first place [du]katam and dukata are 'Maga-
dhi BIDS' as 1 shall show in AJP. (cf. Kalsi dukatam), and so must be left
out of consideration. In the second place, note the difference in Kalsi
dukatam, dukale and ntkhamatntv, nikhamisu, nikhamithd (possibly -thd),
vinikhamane; cf. also Dhauli and Jaugada nikhamdvu (for the formation
see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 89, footnote 2). Shb. joti-kamdhani is certainly
a 'Magadhism' as is shown by Mans, agi-kamdhani, K. and Dh. agi-kam-
dhdni', Girnar agi-khawtdhdni points in the same direction, cf. the contrast
with dukaram, dukatam. Johansson read Girnar agilcamdhani, and so
offered an explanation which he thought preferable to the one given, but
the kh is absolutely certain: see the plate in Epigraphia Indica ii.
2 I see no reason why Shb. uthanam, i. e. utthdnam, should not be
considered the true native word, and hence the exact equivalent of Skt.
utthdnam. The fact that the termination in any case is the vernacular
one, supports this view. Per contra note the 'Magadhan' endings -e and
-asi in Mans, uthane, Shb. uthanasi, Mans. u[thanasi]. That these last
cited forms are 'Magadhisms' is absolutely certain as Johansson previously
saw. Johansson regards Shb. uthanam also as a 'Magadhism'. This is
highly improbable because *uthdna- never is found in any of the so-called
Magadhan versions of the Fourteen-Edicts. That the th of Shb. dhrama-
dhithanaye and dhramadhithan[e] is not a careless writing for th is shown
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 85
(written uthanam); 4c appears as c1 (graphical for cc? paca)1.
the r of Kerala- ; the nom. sing. masc. of a-stems a few times
apparently ends in -a (Shb. jana, etc.) ; original r-stems become
u- stems (pituna, Slab.bhratunam, Shb. spasunam, 'M.&ns.spasuna,
Shb. and Mans, matapitusu)', nom. pi. of the cardinal number 4
caturo (Shb. cature with 'Magadhan' -e for -o); the locative
plurals pamcasu (Shb. pa[mca]su, Mans. pam[casu]) and sasu
by the analogy of a-stems; the genitive sing, of the first per-
sonal pronoun maha (Shb. ma[ha], Mans, maa:* see above);
ayo * as a nom. sing, (only in Shb.); the peculiar optatives
by Mans, dhramadhithanaye, dhramadhithane, Kalsl dhammddhithdndye.
[For the views of Johansson, see his treatise on the dialect of the Shb.
recension, i, pp. 165, 166 (51, 52 of the reprint), 168, 169 (54, 55), 170
(56); ii, pp. 17, 18.] These forms are 'Magadhisms.' On 'Magadhan'
uthdna- and Girnar ustdna-, see my coming paper in IF.
1 So Biihler reads in the two occurrences of the word in Shb. as well
as Mans, in his ed's of these recensions in ZDMG. 43, 44; but in his ed's
in Epigraphia Indica ii he reads pacha for the occurrence in the 13th edict
for both Shb. and Mans. (Biihler in El. chh for cli); so that I am not
sure but his readings in El. are really a mistake. The devanagarl
transcript in ZDMG. settles the reading in the 1st edict. If not a
blunder, then Mans, and Shb. pacha (his pachha] in the 13th edict are
'Magadhisms;' cf. Kalsl [pa]chd (B's [pa]chhd). [His reading pacd (pachd
in his transcription) in the 13th ed. of G. in ZDMG. 43 is an error.]
2 Johansson, Shb. ii, section 118 (end) explains this as 'wohl eine Kon-
fusionsbildung von mama und aham.' This does not strike me as con-
vincing. The same form is found in Prakrit. Pischel's explanation (Gr.
section 418) that it corresponds to Skt. mahyam is phonetically impossible.
The simplest solution seems to me is that maha is for *mama by influence
of *mahyawi. If we cared to go outside the Indie sphere, other solutions
—all more or less bold— readily would suggest themselves.
3 According to Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 46, under different accentual
conditions -am becomes -am and -o in our dialect. I am not convinced
of this. To begin with, a considerable portion of the material brought
forward in reality is not decisive as Johansson himself admits (see p. 45,
footnote 1). If the law be correct, extensive levelling must have taken
place. It should particularly be observed that ay[am] is found as well
as ayo. In my opinion ayo is for ayam by the analogy of the nom. sing,
masc. of other pronouns such as so, yo, etc. The form ayi, I hold to be
a hyper-Magadhism : see IF. xxiv, p. 55. lyo is a blend of native ayo
and 'Magadhan' iyam^ and is directly comparable to dhramma- a cross
between native dhrama- and 'Magadhan' dhamma-. The sole support for
Johansson's theory according to the text of Biihler in El. seems to be
dhramo, ace. sing, at Shb. xii, 6 ; and it is not venturesome to pronounce
this a simple error (cf. Mans, dhramam in the corresponding passage as
well as the quite numerous other accusative singulars of masculine
86 T. Michelson, [1910.
siyasu and hamneyasu (Mans, has lacunas where the forms
would otherwise occur); gerund in tti (written ti) corresponding
to Vedic -tvl (Shb. tistiti, Mans, darseti *dar£ayitvi}\ certain
lexical features such as atra, apagratho l (Mans, has a lacuna
in the corresponding passage), Shb. menati (if not a blunder
for ma- it corresponds to Gothic mainjan. Old Bulgarian
meniti), Shb. joti- (Skt. jyotis-), Shb. vuta (i. e. vittta, Skt.
vptani), Shb. vidlienam (if not a mere blunder; see Johansson,
Shb. i, p. 134, 20 of the reprint), Shb. vracamti, Shb. and
Mans, tatham,2 Mans, vain, Shb. vo,* Mans, asatasa, Shb.
a&amanasa, Mans, spasuna, Shb. spasunam, Shb. yo, 4 Shb.
From the above it will be seen how much nearer to San-
skrit the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions
is than the dialects of the other versions of the Fourteen-
Edicts. Geographically this is just what we should expect.
a-stems in both Shb. and Mans.). On the gender of ayo, see Johansson,
1. c., ii, pp. 34 (footnote 2), 79. lyam in both Mans, and Shb. is a
'Magadhism'. I may add that J's [imo] vanishes in the ed. in El. and
is replaced by imam; his im[*o*] by im. which can be for imam; and ayi
is read at Shb. vi, 1, ayo at Shb. xiii, 11.
1 On the etymology of this word, see Buhler, ZDMGr. xliii, p. 174.
2 On tatham, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 39.
3 On vo, see Johansson, ii, pp. 44, 45; Franke, Pu Skt., pp. 105, 151.
Mans, ram corresponds to Skt. evam; cf. Johansson, Shb. i, p. 154, 40 of
the reprint.
* The etymology of this particle has not yet been solved. Johansson,
Shb. i. pp. 154, 155 (40 and 41 respectively of the reprint) rightly saw
that Biihler's explanation was untenable. The suggestion of Johansson
that yo stands for *yava, a doublet of eva, is too far-fetched. His alter-
native will not be taken seriously. Yo is a fossilized nom. sing. masc.
of ya- as is shown by the correspondents to Shb. yo (not the particle)
at x, 21 in the Mansehra and Kalsi redactions, namely, yam. Similarly
Shb. so and 'Magadhan' se as adverbs are fossilized nom. sing, of sa- as
is shown by the Girnar correspondent ta(*tad). (Shb. so and 'Magadhan'
se are treated by Johansson, Shb. ii, pp. 42—44 without coming to any
definite decisions. However brilliant his suggestions are, his combinations
are strained and complicated as compared with the solution offered above.)
Shb. cayo (also hitherto unsolved) is simply ca+yo.
5 On the etymology of this word, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 98. Here
again, I think Johansson goes too far afield in turning to extra-Indie
Indo-European languages to explain this difficult word, admitting that
occasionally we must do so to properly explain certain Middle-lndic
words. I see no reason why yamatro may not be analized as ya+makro,
a possessive adj. compound meaning 'as many as.'
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 87
Indeed the dialect of Shb. and Mans, hardly belongs to the
Middle-Indie stage of developement.
We have next to take up the general relations with the
dialects of the other recensions.
Special points of contact with the dialect of the Girnar
version.
These are very numerous. It is instructive to notice how
much more striking the points of contact are between the
dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the dialect of G. than between
the dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the 'Magadhan' dialects.
Examples are: final -as appears as -o;1 st is retained (Shb.
Mans, nasti, Girnar ndsti; Shb. dJiramasamstave, G. dhamma-
samstavo] Shb. \)ia]stino, Mans, hastine, G. hasti-; Shb. vistri-
tena. G. vistatana, etc.); the sound r; the sound n* (Mans.
dkramacarana, Shb. dhramacaranam, G. dhammacaranam; Shb,
Mans. Iramana-, G. brdmfiana-, etc); fm (written mn and n)
from Indie ny* (Shb. G. amna-, ana-, Mans, ana-)] jn becomes
n initially, and either Tin or n medially (Shb. natinam, Mans.
natina, G. ndtlnam; Shb. rana, rano, G. rdna, rano)]* II (written
1 In Mans. 'Magadhan' -e has entirely wiped out native -o.
2 In cases endings n is replaced by n through the analogy of other
words where dental n is obtained phonetically. This is true for Mans., Shb.,
and G. There are a couple of cases where the same phenomenon takes
place in suffixes in the dialect of Shb. See Johansson, Shb. i, p. 168
(52 of the reprint), and Michelson, AJP. xxx, I.e. J's ka[lanaw] vanishes
in Buhler's ed. in EL ii; I take garana to be a blunder for *garalia,
following Biihler. On Tambapamni, see Michelson, IF. xxiv, p. 55;
also on Pitinika-. On Biihler's reading kdranam in G. see Michelson,
1. c. p. 53.
3 In Mans, we have doublets with ?m*[(written n); e. g. ana-, ana-,
manati, manati. Similarly Mans, punam, punam but always Shb. punam
(Or. pumnam, Ski. pwnyam). I know no thoroughly satisfactory explanation
of the doublets. The best I can offer at present is that as n and n alike
were foreign to the dialect of the Magadhan scribe, he was careless in
distinguishing the two or was ignorant of their proper usage. The
forms with n then are purely fictitious. For the possibility of the prin-
ciple, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 43.
^ The alphabets of Shb., Mans., and G. hinder us from being positive
in the matter. For Shb. rana, rano can be either ranTid, ranno or rand,
rano (and conceivably rannd, ranno); while G. rand, rano can be either
rand, rano or rdnnd, ranno (it will be recalled that long vowels are not
shortened before two consonants in the dialect of G.). Pali and the
various Prakrit languages point to mi in the forms. Shb., Mans, anapemi,
88 T. Michelson, [1910.
1) from Indie ly (Shb. Mans, kalana-, G. kaldna-; cf. Pali
kalldna-); Wi is retained in the correspondents to Skt. Wiavati,
bhuta-i [as a participle] (Shb. Mans. Wwti, G. Wiavati] Shb.
Mans, bhuta-, G. Uiuta-}\ partial agreement is not assimilating
r to adjacent consonants2 (Shb. Mans, savratra, i. e. sarvatra,
G. sarvatra; Shb. Mans, parakramena, G. parakramena; Shb.
G. priyo, Mans, priye; Shb. Mans, sramana-, G. sramana-\
Shb. satasahasra-, G. satasahasra-; Shb. Mans, bramana-, G.
lrdmhana-j etc.); Indie &s becomes ccft, initially c/z3 (written
c/i in both cases), e. g. Shb. acliati, G. achatim, Shb. [cham]ti,'
G. c/za&[m]; £?/ becomes cc (written c), e. g. Shb. opaca, G.
apacam\ initial ?/ is retained in relative pronouns and adverbs
(frequently omitted in the 'Magadhan' versions; so it would
appear that it was either wholly lost in actual pronunciation
or very weakly pronounced); evam not hevam is the correspon-
dent to Sanskrit evam] the inflection Shb. rana, rano, G.
Shb. anapayavni, Shb. anapitam, Mans, anapita, Shb. anapesamti, Mans.
anapayisati offer some difficulty when contrasted with G. afiapat/dmi,
•anapitam, dnapayisati. Johansson (Shb. i, p. 165, 51 of the reprint) con-
siders the initial a as long and that n phonetically became n. Note that
we have the same phenomenon in Pali, e. g. rannd, ranno, yanTio, dndpeti,
dnatti. In ordinary Prakrit jn becomes nn (initially n), in Magadhi and
PaisacI nn. For the agreement of Pali with Shb. Mans, in this point as
opposed to G., Mote Pali hirannam, Shb. [h]i[ra]na-, Mans. Jdna- (read
hirafia-}, G. hiramna-.
1 'Magadhan' hoti has nearly everywhere usurped the place of native
bhoti in Mans.; similarly Jrnta- (written huta-) the place of bhuta- (written
bhuta-)] hotu has everywhere taken the place of bhotu. In Shb. hoti is
found a couple of times. In G. hoti is found a few times but bhavati is
greatly predominant. That hoti is a 'Magadhism' is shown by the fact
that the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi redactions have hoti and this only
as the correspondent to Sanskrit bhavati. Similarly regarding huta- and
hotu.
2 The law for the retention or assimilation of r in conjoint consonants
in the dialect of G. is : r is retained after stops and sibilants ; and before
v; is assimilated to following stops, sibilants, and nasals. Exceptions are
'Magadhisms.'
3 Where we have Mi in G., Shb., Mans., these are 'Magadhisms' as is
shown by the fact that in the dialects of the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi
recensions, kkh (written kh, kh and not kkh of course initially) is the
regular correspondent to Indie ks. Cf. Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 23. [Accord-
ing to Johansson, Buhler reads sam[chi]tena in ZDMG.; in EL he reads
samkhitena.] I may add that I reject Pischel's 'law' as Johansson and,
I think, Bartholomae before me. As to whether Aryan zzli is reflected
by jjh in Middle-Indie languages, at present I am not able to judge.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 89
rand, rdno (and not -jin-)\ mayd (written maya in Mans, and
Slib.) as the inst. sing, of the 1st personal pronoun (and not
mamayd)\ aham (and not haham) as the nom. sing, of the
1st personal pronoun; y (and not h) in the ending of the
1 st person sing, of the optative (Shb. vracheyam, G. gacheyam) ;
o-conjugation of karoti, prati (not in Mans.), and not pati,
corresponding to Skt. prati (see Michelson, IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241).
In the American Journal of Philology I shall show that it
is possible that the law in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi
and Mansehra versions that s converts a following intervocalic
s to A' is to be connected with the law that in the dialect of
the Girnar redaction original s (historical s) converts a following
st to st] it is also probable that Shb. Mans, st and G. st
from Aryan 8th are to be brought into correlation: observe
the retention of the sibilant and the deaspiration in both cases,
even if the final result is different. It is certain that in the
dialects of all three recensions that Indie sth becomes st, but
'Magadhisms' by chance take the place of the native sounds
in the case of both the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions.
It is more problematic if the law that in the dialect of the
Girnar recension that original drs and drsy become as (Michel-
son, IF. xxiv, pp. 53, 54) should !in any way be united with
the apparent law that in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, that
r is assimilated to an immediately s after d (Michelson, AJP.
xxx), as vowel quantities are not distinguished in the Kharosthi
alphabet nor are gemmations. If the two are to be brought
into rapport with one another, the law would be as follows: r is
assimilated to an immediately following s in the combinations
drs and drsy in the dialects of Shb. Mans, and G. becoming as(s)
in the dialect of Shb. Mans., as in the dialect of G. ; original drs
remains in Shb. Mans.1 but becomes as in the dialect of G.
1 Cases where the r is omraited are probably 'Magadhisms.' Yet it is
possible that the process which was completed in the case of ars, was
beginning to take place in the case of drs, and hence the graphic
fluctuation. The fact that r is assimilated before s but not before other
consonants in the dialect of Shb. and Mans., may be accounted for by
the fact that .9 as well as r is a lingual consonant: r would naturally be
more readily assimilated to a consonant of its own class than other con-
sonants. I call attention to the fact that in the American Journal of
Philology I have shown that, contrary to the opinion of Johansson, r is not
assimilated to immediately following dental stops in our dialect, nor are the
dental stops converted to lingual stops by the influence of the preceding r.
90 T. Miclielson, [1910.
Special points of contact with the dialects of both the
Kalsi and Girnar redactions.
These are but few in number. Examples are: the contraction
of ayi to el (Shb. Mans, pujetaviya, K. pujetaviya, G. pujetaya, a
blunder for *pujetavya\ Shb. leklmpesami, K. lekhapesami; Mans.
liape&ati, Shb. [hapesati], G. hapesati] Shb. [vadhe]£amti, anape-
samti] Slib.aloceti, G.alocetpa, Mans. draseti; Shb. vijetavi[ya]m,
G. vijetavyam; Shb. prativedetavo, patrivedetavo,* G. prativede-
tavyam); the phonetic correspondent to Sanskrit manusya-,
Shb. Mans, manusa-, i. e. manuka-, G. manusa- i. e. manussa-,
K. manusa-,* i. e. manussa-', -eyu (and not etnt) as the ending
of the 3d person pi. of the optative active (Shb. avatrapeyu,
sruneyUy Shb. Mans, vaseyu, susruseyu, Mans. sruney[u], Mans.
liaveyu, G. vaseyu, K. suneyu, sususeyu, huveyu, -neyu i. e.
*haneyu).
It is an acknowledged fact that in edicts i — ix, the dialect
of the Kalsi recension is practically pure 'M&gadhan,' with
but few traces of the native dialect. In edicts x — xiv the
local dialect is prominent, but ' Magadhisrns ' are not in-
frequent. It is probably due to this that we are unable to
point out more special points of contact of the dialects of
Shb., Mans., G., and K.
Special points of contact with the dialect of the Kalsi
recension.
For the reason stated above, few special points of contact
can be shown, even if they existed. Examples are: the con-
1 In Dh. and J. ayi is uncontracted ; as also in the 'Magadhan' portion
of K. 'Magadhan' ayi for e has forced itself into several words in Shb.r
Mans., and G. I consider that Johansson's attempt to formulate a law
determining under what circumstances ayi is retained and when con-
tracted in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, (the dialect of Gr. is not treated)
is a failure. In my judgement ayi phonetically contracts to e in the
dialects of Gr., Shb., and Mans, under all circumstances. The fact that
Shb. and Mans, are not always in agreement in the use of ayi and e
distinctly points in this direction. For the principle involved, see Franke,
Pali and Sanskrit, p. 109.
2 On Shb. prati and patri, see Michelson. IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241.
3 This is the true native word. Manusa-, in the 'Magadhan' portion
is due to the influence of 'Magadhan' munisa- which is also found in the
'Magadhan' portion of K. This does not affect the fact that 'Magadhan'
munisa- itself is a contamination of *manusa- and *pulisa- (Michelson,
IF. xxiii, p. 254 ff.).
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 91
traction of aya to e in the 3d sing, indicative and 3d pi. of
the imperative of the causative1 (Shb., Mans., K. pujeti, Shb.
pat[r]ivedetu^ Mans, pativedetu,*1 K. [pati]vedemtu, Shb. rocetu,-
K. locetu,* Shb. Mans, aradlietu,2 Shb. aradheti, Mans, ara-
dheti, Shb. vadheti, Shb. anuneti)\ Shb. Mans. K. kiti from
*kid *iti (Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 52); imam (written also ima in
Shb. and Mans.) as nom. ace. sing, neutre; i in the gen. sing,
of Shb. Mans, etisa, K. etisa (as shown by Shb. imisa we
should expect this in Mans, and the corresponding form in
K., but 'Magadhisms' have usurped the place of the native
words).
Special points of contact with the dialects of the Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i — ix) recensions.
It will probably always be a matter of dispute as to what are
special points of contact between the dialect of the Shahbaz-
garhi and Mansehra redactions on the one hand and the
dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions on the other. For it is
sometimes difficult to determine whether the seeming points
of contact are not after all nothing more than 'Magadhisms'
in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions. In some cases
absolute tests are wanting, and the matter becomes more or
less subjective. For example, I am persuaded that gerunds in
tu, the iy passive, the word cu 'but' in Shb. and Mans, are
really 'Magadhisms', and not special points of contact with
the dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions.3 I am confident that
1 The contraction of aya in these forms is foreign to the dialects of the
Girnar, Dhauli, and Jaugada redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts. Hence
where aya remains uncontracted in these forms in Shb. Mans. K., we
can safely conclude that these cases are 'Magadhisms.' (Exactly as where
ayi remains uncontracted to e in the dialects of Shb., Mans., G., and K.)
Johansson, Shb. i, p. 141, 142 (27 and 28 of the reprint) attempts to for-
mulate a law determining under what circumstances aya phonetically
remains or is contracted to e- successfully in my judgment, only he does
not make use of the principle of 'Magadhisms' in explaining the apparent
exceptions. Anuneti included for convenience.
2 3d pi.; m graphically omitted.
3 For an argument in favor of holding such gerunds in -tit as occur
in Shb. and Mans, to be 'Magadhisms', see above p. 82. An argument to
show that the iy passive in Shb. and Mans, is a 'Magadhism' is that we
should otherwise have to assume that iyi remained or was contracted to
1 in both Shb. and Mans, under unknown conditions ; whereas iyi remains
in Dh., J., and K. Moreover the present passive in iy is the only present
92 T. Michelson, [1910.
the following are real points of contact and not 'Magadhisms':
the contraction of ava to o in the correspondents to Skt.
Wiavati, Wiavatu (Mans., Shb. Wioti, Shb. Hhotu\ Dh. J. K.
hoti, hotu); original vocalic m appears as a + a nasal (Shb.
Mans, atikramtam, Dh. J. K. atikamtam}\ the initial i of iti
is lost after immediately preceeding vowels; the dat. sing, of
a-stems ends in -aye (written -aye in Shb. and Mans.); the
oblique cases in the sing, of a-stems ends in -dye1 (written
-aye in Shb. and Mans.) ; samtam as a nom. sing, of the present
passive found in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts. The fact that Mans.
ara. isu (i. e. arabhisu) corresponds to Shb. a[rabh]i[yisu] points in the
same direction. 'Magadhan' s for native s should be observed in the ter-
mination of both words. Note too the Shb. passive hamnamti (*hani/-)
with active ending. — It should be noticed that cu (and not tu) alone is
found in the Kalsi redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts as well as the various
recensions of the Pillar- Edicts. The tu of the Dhauli redaction of the
Fourteen-Edicts then would be a trace of tthe true local vernacular (cf.
above). — This does not make it possible to declare cu the phonetic
equivalent of Skt. tu, as t before u remains in the dialect of the Delhi-
Sivalik version of the Pillar-Edicts (cf. tuthdyatandni, Skt. tustydyatandni]
On the etymology of cu see Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 256 ff. I may add
that I hold Shb. and Mans, hida to be a 'Magaihism' also. Similarly
Mans, hidam, if not a pure blunder.
1 Johansson's explanation of this form is wholly erroneous. As Pischel
(see his Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) rightly saw, aye corresponds phonetically
to Sanskrit dydi. For the use of dye (*dydi) as a gen. sing, no question
will be raised. The use of aye as an inst. sing, is thus to be explained
*iyds and *iyd, the gen. and inst. sing, of ^-sterns respective phonetically
fell together in *iyd\ likewise *uvds and *uvd of the ^7-stems; after the
syncretism of the gen. and dative, iye did duty as a gen. also: now as
iyd had the function of both gen. and inst., iye was made to serve as an
inst. Hence dye of <z-stems also was used as an inst. It would be
possible to assume that dye simply levelled ayd. Another hypothesis that
is also plausible is: the inst. a^a was levelled to dyd by influence of the
gen. sing, dyd (*dyds)\ so when dye came to be used as a gen., it also
was used as an inst. As a matter of fact all the above forces may have
played a part in bringing about the result. — The original loc. sing., what-
ever it may have been, was simply wiped out in favor of dye. For dya
in the oblique cases of a-stems in Pali, and in the Girnar redaction of
Fourteen-Edicts; as well as in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts see my
forth-coming essay on the dialect of the Girnar redaction. The dat. sing,
of a-stems in dye is simply borrowed from the a-stems. Pischel (see his
Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) already saw the possibility of this explanation, but
rejected it on what appears to me insufficient grounds. Johansson's ex-
planation is untenable as Pischel presumably saw. See also Michelson,
IF. xxiii, p. 243.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 93
participle (written samta once in Mans.); similarly Shb. Mans.
karamtam (written also karatam in both Shb. and Mans.,
karata in Shb.), Kalsl kalamtam (written also kalamta, kalata)]
the optative siya (written siya in Shb. and Mans.). It should
also be noted that in these dialects the nom. sing, neutre of
a-stems is frequently replaced by the nom. sing. masc. (Shb.
-o, Dh., J., K. -e\ in Mans. 'Magadhan' -e replaces native -o).
And the vocalism of ucavuca- (written ucavuca- in Shb. and
Mans.) in the dialects of J., Dh., and K. is deserving of
mention in contrast with Girnar ucdvaca-. (Such is the reading
of J. in ASSI.)
A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the British
Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) with translation
and commentary by Professor J. DYNELEY PEINCE,
Ph. D., Columbia University, New York.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
1. ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
(Lament) for my mighty one who liveth no more.
2. nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
who liveth no more, for my mighty one who
liveth no more.
3. mu-lu nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
— — — — who — — — liveth no more; for my mighty
one who liveth no more.
4. — — du mu-ud-na-mu nu-un-ti
- my spouse who liveth no more.
5. — mu mu nu-un-ti
my — - who liveth no more.
6. - - — dimmer gal mu-an-na nu-un-ti
- — great god of the heavenly year who liveth
no more.
7. u-mu-un-e a-ra-li nu-un-ti
Lord of the lower world who liveth no more.
8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra lamga ki nu-un-ti
Lord of vegetation, artificer of the earth, who liveth no more.
9. lax(?)-ba en dimmer dumu-zi nu-un-ti
The shepherd, the lord, the god Tammuz who liveth no more.
10. u-mu-un-e ba-ta(?)-ba nu-un-ti
The lord who giveth gifts who liveth no more.
11. mu-ud-na-bi-ta (an-na}-lta nu-un-ti
With his heavenly spouse he liveth no more.
13. — mu-tin-na nu-un-ti
(The producer of) wine who liveth no more.
14. - lum-lum-lta na-am-mal nu-un-ti
Lord of fructification; the established one who liveth no more.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 95
15. u-mu-un (gir}-ka na-dm-mal nu-un-ti
The lord of power; the established one who liveth no more.
16. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en dib (LUydib (LU)-fo u-Za (ty-a-dim
ne-tuS (KU)
Like a mighty bull is his appearance; the forceful one,
like an ancient bull he coucheth.
17. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en ma bir-bi ii-8a (ty-a-dim ne-tu$
(KD).
Like a mighty bull is his appearance; in his ship of plenty
like an ancient bull he coucheth.
18. me-e-zu(?)-da(?) LI ga-a-an-ma-kud
In accordance with thy word(?) the earth shall be judged.
19. su-gir-ma LI ga-a-an-ma-kud
(Thus) the high parts of the earth verily shall be judged.
20. — mu-lu - - me-a ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
who — verily they shall cry out
for it.
21. [suku (PAD) nu]-ku-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
For food which they have not to eat they shall verily cry out.
22. (a) nu-nag-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
For water which they have not to drink they shall verily
cry out.
23. (ki}-el sag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
Verily the maiden who is pleasing shall cry out for it. -
24. (kala) $ag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
Verily the warrior who is acceptable shall cry out for it.
25. a(?)-zu gir-e kur d$ ba-Sub (RU)
- thy - — the mighty one, the land with
a curse is destroyed.
26. - — — gir-e Jmr a$ ba-sub (RU)
- the mighty one, the land with a curse is
destroyed.
Reverse.
27. (gir) Itur-ra i-de ugun (DAR) nu ugun (DAR) hur-e
Power of the land (is he). With (his) gift no gift can vie.
S. (gir) kur-rd gu (KA) xu-tu-ul-xu-tu-ul-e
Power of the land (is he). The Word which overcometh
disease.
!9. gir u-mu-un-da u-mu-un-da
Power he exalteth, exalteth.
96 D- Prince, [1910.
30. [hiku (PAD)] nu-lm-a-mu u-mu-un-da
Food which they have not to eat he raiseth up.
31. a nu-nag-a-mu u-mu-un-da
Water which they have not to drink he raiseth up.
32. ki-el Mg-ga-mu u-mu-un-da
The maiden who is pleasing he raiseth up.
33. kala sag-ga-mu u-mu-un-da,
The warrior who is acceptable he raiseth up.
34. kola mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma
The mighty one who destroyeth your people.
35. dimmer db-u tur mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma
The god Ninib destroyeth even the least among your people.
36. i-de-bar sag-ga-ni Nina nam-ba-e-bi-bi
With her gracious aspect Nina speaketh.
37. sar-bar sag-ga-ni xu-ub-na-an-ni-bar-ri
In her gracious rising verily she shineth forth.
38. (hi) am-dirig-ga-na ur-ba kala(?) alam
Where she waxeth full, her procreative power is mighty
of aspect.
39. mu-lu-mal PA gubu (KAB)-gub(D13)-bi-na $am-elteq-ga
xu-ba-e-ku
The creative one (with) the staff of her left hand, verily
she establisheth the cleansing im4i£-herb.
40. <ji-sa (DI)-da~ni im-e-a-an-me
With her sceptre of judgment she commandeth.
41. mu-lu-mal li-du-ni im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-me
The creative one with her firm voice she speaketh to him.
XLI. er-lim-ma dimmer dumu-zi-da
XLI lines. A hymn for the god Tammuz.
Commentary.
The present hymn to Tammuz in Erne-sal is one of a series
found in Gun. Texts from the British Museum, Vol. xv, plates 10 if
Of these Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh has published in his thesis
"Sumerian Hymns" (Columbia University Press, 1908) Plates 10,
15—16, 17, 19 and also Plates 11—12 in the JAOS, 1908.
I have published Plates 14, 22, and 23 in the AJSL, while
Dr. Vanderburgh, who is at present preparing for publication
Plates 7, 8, 9, and 13—12, has aided me with the present
text by many valuable suggestions.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 97
Obverse.
Line 1. ama = AM 'bull' I render 'mighty one.' Note that
the gocl Ea is also called a bull in ii, 58, 52.
Line 3. mu-ud-na = xcCiru 'spouse;' cf. Br. 1304. Here the
bereaved Istar is probably speaking.
Line 6. dimmer gal mu-an-na 'great god of the year (lit.
'name') of heaven,' in contradistinction to the present condition
of Tammuz as lord of the lower world arali, line 7, whither
he had been transported, leaving the heavenly (or upper) year
destitute of vegetation.
Line 8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra 'lord of (spring) vegetation.' Note
that sar = SAR = kiru 'plantation,' Br. 4315 and see Prince,
Materials, p. 283.
The mourning ceremonial for Tammuz took place just before
the summer solstice which was followed by a season of rejoicing
at his re-appearance. For this mourning-ceremonial which
was evidently practised -at Jerusalem in the time of Ezekiel,
cf. Ezek. viii, 14:
own DP mm miesn b& IPN mrr rvn nyp nns b« TIN Km
m&n n« JYOID map*1
Probably also in Zech. xii, 10, the words TITH hy 1SDD refer
to the ritual lamentation for Tammuz.
lamga /a; he was the artificer of the earth, because he was
the cause of plant life especially. For lamga, cf. Prince op.
cit. 221.
Line 9. lax(?)-la. Although the first sign is obscure, it
is most probably lax of the combination lax-la ^re'u 'shepherd,'
IV, 27, la.
The Sumerian form dumu-zi 'son of life,' i.e., 'life itself
= the god of life par excellence, is clearly the original of the
Semitic corrupted name of this god Tammuz, which appears
also as the name of the fourth month. Note the fuller form
dumu-zi-da in line 42, showing that the full form of the word
for 'life' in Sumerian was zid.
Line 10. ba-ta(?)-ba. This seems clearly la verbal prefix
+ the locative infix -ta- + the root la = B A = qd$u * give,
bestow,' Br. 107.
Line 13. I assume that some word meaning 'producer,' i. e.
<of wine' has been erased here.
Note the ES. form mu-tin-na for ge$-tin. See Prince, op.
cit., p. 247 = kardnu 'wine.'
VOL. XXX. Part I. 7
98 £>• Prince, [1910.
Line 14. On lum = LUM, see Prince, op. cit,, p. 227.
na-am-mal seems to consist of the abstract prefix nam- + mal
= GA = Sdkanu, Prince, p. 231.
Line 15. This line evidently contains gir-emuqu 'power/
Br. 9184 + the genitive suffix -ka.
Line 16. The second sign here must clearly be read Mia
owing to the following vowel of prolongation -a, and not lig,
as is frequently the case. The suffix I read dim and not gim,
as the hymn is in ES.
On alam, see Prince, 29. This is not a certain reading for
the sign QALAM. Note that Hrozny reads this sign with
value alana, probably associating it with Sem. Idnu 'appearance/
Br. 7299, which seems to be its meaning here.
The suffix ne-en seems to consist of the demonstrative ele-
ment ne- + the verbal -en, seen in men 'to be.'
Note that the combination dib (LiU)-dib (LU)-&i has the
meanings sitpuru, Br. 10740; $itbu$u> Br. 10741; and sitmarru,
Br. 10742. Hence my translation.
u-sa(U)-a-dim consists of sa='\3 =labiru 'ancient,' Br. 9465,
+ the prolonging vowel -a + the suffix dim (G-IM) = 'like unto.'
tus (KU) = asdbu 'sit, dwell', Br. 10523. The god is con-
ceived of as sitting, i. e., couching like a powerful bull resting.
The couchant attitude is no doubt suggested by the fact that
the god's power is temporarily at rest in the lower world.
Line 17. ma = elippu 'ship,' Br. 3683. This is his ritual
ship of state or wealth; bir = gibtu 'wealth,' Br. 2029, probably
referring to the ceremonial of carrying the image of a god in
a small symbolical ship.
Line 18. me-e-zu(?)-da 'in accordance with thy word;' me
= qulu 'utterance', Br. 10370. LI means ergitu 'earth,' Br. 1104;
perhaps this is correct here in connection with the verb-root
tar-kud = ddnu 'judge,' Br. 364. The prefix ga although pre-
cative properly, I render here as 'shall,' expressive of the singer's
hope and thus also in the following lines.
Line 19. su-gir I render as 'highlands'; see Br. 233 =Elam-
tu = ma = mdtu 'land', Prince, 228. This combination seems
to be in genitive apposition to the following LI = err-itu (see
just above on line 18).
Line 20. me-a here is perhaps the cognate accusative of
gu (KA) and means 'they cry a crying' = * they cry lustily
for it1
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 99
Line 21. sufai (PAD) = Jmrmatu 'food,7 Br. 9929. In nu-
ku-a-mu, ku = akalu 'eat,' Br. 882, passim. I supply this muti-
lated line from kindred passages. Note also below line 30.
Line 22. Note the parallelism here with line 21. nag = $atu
'drink,' Prince 251.
Line 23. Jd-el = ardatu 'maid-servant.' For full discussion,
see Prince 204. In §ag-ga-mu, sag = damqu, Br. 7291 + the
relative suffix -mut in this case probably not the -mu of the
first person, but the indeterminative relative possessive -mu
discussed Prince, p. XXI.
Line 25. as = arratu 'curse,' see Prince, 41. xub (RU) = ma-
qdtu 'overwhelm,' Br. 1432. Literally: 'the land he over-
whelmeth (with) a curse.' I render it passively "is destroyed"
here, because the curse is negative on the part of Taramuz,
consisting in his absence.
Reverse.
Line 27. The first sign here must be gir = emuqu 'power'
fully discussed, Prince, 149. (gir) kur-ra seems to me to be
an epithet of the god. i-de I take as prepositional; cf. Br. 4005:
maxar; here = 'before' or 'in comparison with.' ugun (DAR)
= the abstract prefix u-+gun = biltu 'gift, tribute/ See Prince,
341. In the last part of the line pap must be = nakdru] here
«='vie with,' Br. 1143.
Line 28. xu-tu-ul xu-tu-id-e by repetition means 'to over-
come disease thoroughly.' Note xutul = xatu $a murci, Br. 2056:
'overcome disease.' Here Tammuz is the life giving Word, a
conception which has many parallels in early Semitic literature
and which culminated in the Word of the Gospel of St. John.
Line 29. I must regard -da here as a verb = nasu 'lift up;'
see Br. 6654 = Saqft 'be lofty.'
Lines 30 — 33 inch are parallel with lines 21 — 24 incl. above.
Line 34. The suffix -zu-ne ought to mean "your people"
(mulu = niSti, Br. 1339). See Prince, p. XXIII § 10 on -zu-ne
which can sometimes but incorrectly mean 'their.' xa-lam-ma
must signify 'destroy'; see Br. 11850: xa-lam = xulluqii 'destroy.'
Line 35. The god ab-u = Ninib, Br. 3836.
Line 36. i-de==naplu8u 'look, aspect/ Br. 4010. lar=namdru
'shine forth,' Br. 1775. i-de-bar is a combination which means
'aspect' in this connection. Sag = damqu 'gracious,' Br. 7291.
nam-ba-e-'bi-'bi] the prefix nam is not necessarily negative; cf.
100 D. Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz.
Prince, p. XXIX § 34: it merely serves here to strengthen
the ordinary fca-prefix. bi-bi = qibu 'speak', Prince, 57.
Line 37. sar = nipxu 'rising,' as of the sun or a planet,
DW 474. sar-bar is a synonym or a parallel of i-de-bar of
the preceding line. I render the precative force of xu- in
xu-ub-nani-bar-ri as 'verily she shineth forth;' note that bar
= namdru 'shine forth/ Br. 1775. pitu 'open out,' Br. 179L
Line 38. (lei) really = 'place;' here probably = 'where, wher-
ever.' dm-dirig = 'fullness,' with abstract prefix dm + dirig 'be
full/ Prince, 81. I render ur- here as bultu 'procreative
power,' Br. 11258 + the 3 p. suffix -ba. The sign after BA
is probably lig or kala, as it seems to be pronounced in this
hymn (note above line 16 LIG -a = kala-a). hala(?) + alam
must mean 'mighty of aspect.'
Line 39. mu-lu-mal 'she who' (relative mulii) + nial = saJcdnu
'establish, make,' Br. 5421. This must be an epithet applied
to Nina. PA can only indicate the goddess's sceptre of power;
Br. 5573: xattu 'sceptre, staff.' liab = gubu = Sumelu 'left
hand,' Br. 2684. I believe that DU = gub is a gloss giving
the reading of KAB = giib(u). sam-nag-ga; this nag = elteq
= uxulu 'a cleansing plant like a soap/ DW. 43; the prefix
gam = II is the determinative for 'plant.7 ~ku here must
= nadu 'put in a specified place,' Br. 10 542.
Line 40. In gi-sa (DI)-dan-ni, 0t = 'reed/ Prince, 138; sa
(DI) = milku 'counsel, judgment,7 Br. 9531 ; da is probably the
infixed postposition before the suffix -ni 'her.' me = qdlu
'speak,' Br. 10361.
Line 41. li-du appears in li-du an-na = elitum Sa zamdri
'high voice in singing.' It is probable that LI was pronounced
ngu(b), a cognate of me = qdlu 'speak.' du in li-du = M/nu
'firm,' Br. 4884. In im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-mc, 'unto him' is contained
in the -r- element.
It should be noted that in lines 36—41 the goddess Nina,
the consort of Tammuz, is represented as being the revivifying
power acting against the destructive force of Ninib. Nina is
thus associated with Tammuz in this hymn as a life-giver after
the winter solstice. While she and Tammuz are away, all
vegetation ceases.
Line 41. er-lim-ma,', the second syllable is really lib, probably
pronounced Urn in conjunction with the following -ma.
Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. — By MORRIS
JASTROW jr.
I.
BY a fortunate chance the Berkshire Athenaeum of Pitts-
field Mass, has come into possession of one of the tablets of
Ashurbanapal's library. ! Like the other specimens known to
exist in this country,2 this one also was brought to this country
by the Rev. Dr. W. F. Williams, who, being at Mosul while
Layard was conducting his excavations in the region, obtained
some tablets from native Arabs. Three fragments are now
in the possession of Dr. Talcott Williams of Philadelphia (son
of Rev. Dr. Williams), a fourth after passing through several
hands came into the hands of Mr. George Harding, a Trustee
of the Berkshire Athenaeum who about two years ago presented
it to the institution. My attention was called to it during a
visit to Pittsfield, and I wish to express my obligations to
Mr. H. H. Ballard, the curator of the Athenaeum who kindly
placed the very interesting specimen at my disposal for study
and copying. It measures 8'/2 x 10 cm. and contains parts
of 31 lines on the obverse and parts of 24 lines on the reverse
together with a colophon showing parts of 6 lines. By com-
parison with similar colophons, the one on our text can be
completed, adding about 3 more lines. Completing the tablet
in this way, we are enabled to estimate the number of lines
missing at the top of the obverse at about 9 lines. How
many lines are missing at the bottom of the obverse and at
the top of the reverse, it would, of course, be difficult to say,
1 Discovered at Kouyunjik by Layard (1849). See Jastrow, Did the
Babylonian Temples have Libraries (PAOS. XXVII, 147 seq.) and Bezold's
Introduction to his Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik
Collection etc. (Vol. 5).
2 Two have been published by me (1) "A Fragment of the Babylonian
Dibbara Epic" (Phil. 1891) and (2) "A New Fragment of the Etana
Legend" (Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, Bd. III. pp. 363-383).
VOL. XXX. Part II. 8
102 M. Jastrow, [1910.
but from the comparison of this fragment with the twelve
others known to us and a study of the various editions
of the text that they represent, the conclusion may be
reached that the obverse of our fragment covered about
70 lines and the reverse about 54. l The tablet when received
contained considerable incrustation. Thanks to careful
treatment at the Chemical Department of the University
of Pennsylvania (for which I am under obligations to my
colleague Prof. E. F. Smith and to his assistant Mr. \Yallace)
and to a thorough soaking of the tablet in water, many lines or
individual characters that were at first obscured became entirely
legible, or sufficiently so as to enable me to practically make
out all of the tablet that has been preserved. Conjectural
restorations are indicated in the transliteration and translation
by being placed within brackets. The clay of the tablet is
of the reddish color that is characteristic of so many of the
tablets of Ashurbanapal's collection. The characters are care-
fully written but often difficult to read especially in the
crowded portions. An interesting feature is the small double
wedge frequently appearing in some of the lines,2 indicating that
in the copy from which our tablet was copied a line ended at
the mark in question. The bearing of this feature on the inter-
pretation will be shown further on. As to the holes evidently in-
serted into the clay before the characters were inscribed, scholars
still waver between the supposition that they were made to
protect the tablet from cracking in the course of baking, or
as receptacles for wooden pegs on which the tablet rested
while the one side was being inscribed. Probably neither
supposition is correct. Tablets can be burned without air
holes — witness the large historical clay cylinders and the
business documents— and the attempt to steady the tablet by
means of pegs at the places indicated by the holes would hardly
prove very effective. The holes are both too close together
and too irregularly distributed to make this supposition a
plausible one. I have sometimes thought that they were in-
serted as a kind of guide to the scribe in copying his tablet,
but this thesis also encounters objections.
* The colophon takes up 9 lines and these being more widely spaced,
the reverse contains fewer lines than the obverse. See below pp. 113—123.
2 On the reverse 11. 3. 12. 16. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22.
.Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 103
That the tablet belongs to the Etana myth follows from the
colophon and is confirmed by the context. It is therefore a
curious chance that two of the four fragments of the royal
library that found their way to this country should form parts
of one and the same series.
II.
The fragment reads as follows:1
Transliteration.
Obverse
[about 9 lines wanting].
it-ba-ru a-[-nd-ku]
[eru] pa-yu i-pu-sam-ma [a-na siri izakkar]
- so, ru-a-u-iu -
5. [lim-ni-ta]*-ma kab-[ta-ti nu-u-ri-is]*
il [GAL-la]5 $a Hani [a-Sak-fat, ni-kul-ma]*
al-ka(?)1 ni-zak-pa-am-ma --
ni-it-ma-a irsitim --
ina viabar (il) SamaS ku-ra-di ma-mit it-[mu-u]
10. [*a] i-ta-a sa (il) Samas [it-ti-ku]
(il) Samas Um-ni§ ina ka-at ma-ld-si [limabJiis(?)s
' Restored portions and conjectural readings in brackets.
2 A variant writing to ru-'-u-tu. Of. Muss - Arnolt, Assyr. Dictionary,
p. 941a where it is used of the friendship between ox and horse.
3 Restored according to rev. 1. 8. Traces of lim and ta are discernible.
4 Restoration likewise based on rev. line 8 only that— since it is
Shamash who is bringing the charge against the eagle, — rev. 1. 8 reads
tu-u-ri, whereas here where the eagle and serpent are forming a plan,
we must read nu-u-ri, corresponding to the verbs in 11. 7 — 8 which are
in the first person plural.
& Traces discernible. Cf. rev. 1. 9.
6 Restored according to rev. 1. 9 but nikul again instead of takul.
i The first sign can hardly be anything else than al, though Gestin
(Briinnow Nr. 5004) is possible. The second sign is very puzzling. I
have settled upon ka as the most likely, though it looks as though the
scribe had started to write a different sign — perhaps Sun (Briinnow Nr. 250).
s Compare for lines 10—11, the parallel in the other fragment of the
Etana myth published by me obv. 1. 13 (Beitrage zur Assyr. Ill, p. 364),
where we can now restore after ka-at the word ma-li-?i and which on
the other hand enables us to restore the end of 11. 10 and 12 of our
text. Note also that in the other fragment 11. 10—11 appear as one line,
8*
104 M. Jastrow, [1910.
$a i-ta-a $a (il) SamaS [it-ti-ku]
li-is-su-Su-ma ni-ri ---
kdk-ku mur-tap-pi-du eli-Su -
15. gi3-par-ru ma-mit (il) Samas lib-bal-ki-tu-$u-ma [li-bar-ru-su] l
iS-tu ma-mit [(il) Sama$] it-mu-u irsitim --
iz-zak-pu-nim-ma sa-da-a e-lu-[u ur-Jja e-te-ku-n]
umu I (kam) ta-a Hi i-na-sa-ru[-u] 2
alpu rimu pu-ri-mu eru3 i-bar-ram-[ma]
20. siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)]
ar-mi sabite siru i-bar-ram-[ma]
eru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [en(?)]
sa-ap-pa-ri di-da-ni eru i-bar-ram-[ma]
siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)]
25. ---- kak-ka-ri siru i-bar-ram-ma
[eru ik-kal i-ni]-'i-u ik-ka-lu mare [eri(?]}
[eru ir-bi ak-]-kul-li mare eri ir-bu-u i-si-ti
[istu mare eri] ir-bu-u i-bi-ti
[i$tu mare eri]* li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma
30. [eru lib-ba-]bhi li-mut-tu
[ik-pu-ud-ma a-na a-ka-li ad-mi sa ruja]5-^u is-kun
[number of lines lacking about 30].
Reverse.
[number of lines lacking about 30J.
though with the indication that in the text from which it was copied there
were two lines as in our text. The word limut is of course conjectural
but some such word must have stood there.
1 Parallel line in the other fragment obv. 12 which suggests the
restoration at the close.
2 Of. the phrase la na-sir mamit Hani rabuti ( VR. 8, 67).
3 So the compound ideograph Id-Hu is to be read and not nasru, as
is shown by the phonetic writing e-ru-u in the fragment published by
Scheil (Rec. des Travaux, xxiii, p. 21 ; rev. 11. 2 and 4). This is confirmed
by [e]-ru-u in the fragment K. 1547 rev. 20 (Beitrage zur Assyr. ii, p. 445)
which in turn corresponds to rev. 21a of our fragment where the ideo-
graphic writing Id-Hu occurs.
4 Restoration suggested by the other fragment obv. 2 which itself may
now be restored as follows: istu mare eri [li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma].
5 The restoration [lib-ba-]su is quite certain. Traces of ba discernible.
Cf. the other fragment obv. 3 where no doubt limuttu is to be added.
6 Restored according to the other fragment obv. 5.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 105
- [u-mi-]sam-ma im-ta-na-Jja-[ra (il) SamaS]
[i-na] su-ut-ta-ti a-ma-ta-ma man-nu i-di-ki i-sak-na tuS-Se
arad-ka
5. [ia-]a-8i eru bid-lit- an-ni-ma
[a-na] u-mi da-ru-u-tl zi-kir-kalu-us-te eS-me
(il) SamaS pa-su epuS-ma a-na eri i-zak-kar-[$u]
lim-ni-ta-ma kctb-ta-ti tu-u-ri-is
(il) GAL-la so, ildni a-sak-ku ta-kul
10. ta-ma-ta-a-ma la a-sa-an-ni ka-ak-ka-friy
a-lik a-me-la sa a-sap-pa-rak-ka kat-ka li-is-[bat]
(il) E-ta-na u-mi-sam-ma im-ta-alj-Jja-ra (il) feamas
ta-kul (il) Samas ku-bur su-'-e-a irsitim2 mithar-ti3 i-da-am
ae-li-[ia]
ildni u-kab-bit e-dim-ma ap-kid
15. ig-dam-ra ma8-$ak-ki-ia (&AL}EN-ME-LI (mes)
Jaz-li-ia ina tu-ub-bu-ln4 ildni iy-dam-[ru-]
be-lum ina pi-i-ka li-sa-am-ma id-nam-ma Sam-ma Za a-[la-di]
kul-li-man-ni-ma sam-ma Za a-la-di bil-ti u-sulj-ma su[-ma
$uk-na-an-ni]b
(il) SamaS pa-su i-pu-uS-ma a-na (il) E-ta-na i-zak-[kar-$u]
20. a-lik ur-lia e-ti-ik sad-a a-mur su-ut-ta-tum ki-[rib-3a bi-ri]6
ina lib-bi-Sa na-di eru u-kal-lim-ka $am-[ma sa a-la-di]
a-na zi-kir (il) Samas ku-ra-di (il) E-ta-na ii-lik [ur-ha e-ti-ik
Sad- a]
i-mur-ma su-ut-ta-tum ki-rib-sa ib-ri ina lib-[bi-Sa na-di eru] 7
ul-la-nu-um-ma ul-tak-ka-as-[su]s
1 From this line on to the middle of 1. 21 we have a duplicate in
Harper's 2d fragment, Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, p. 394 (K. 1547 Rev.).
Lines 5 to 10 of this fragment may now be restored according to our text.
2 The reading confirmed by ir-si-[ti\ in Harper's fragment 1. 9. Note
that line 13 of our text covers two lines in Harper's fragment (11. 8—9).
3 Briinnow Nr. 11261 or perhaps rapasti as Harper restores (ib. p. 392,
line 10).
4 Correct Harper's reading accordingly. Of. IV R2 20 Nr. 1, 27 az-lu
tu-ub-bu-hu.
5 Restored according to the duplicate 1. 16.
6 Restoration based on 1. 23.
7 According to 1. 21.
s See the line before the colophon to K 2606 rev.— parallel to our
text [ul-]la-nu-um-ma us-ta-ka-as-su. Correct Harper's reading of the
line accordingly. For ullanum in the sense of "recently just now," see e. g.
Virolleaud, I? Astrologie Chaldeenne, Sin Nr. Ill, 4; xviii, 29 etc.
106 M. Jastroiv, [1910.
Colophon.
25. eru pa-su i-pu-sam-ma ana (il) Samas leli-hi [i-zak-kar]
duppu II (kam) ala i-si tum(?)
ekal ASur-lan-apal §ar [kiSSati sar mat A$ur(kiy\.1
$a (il) Nabu (il) Ta$~me-tum uz-nu ra-[pa-as-tum isruku-Zu]
i-lm-uz-zu end na-mir-tum [ni-sik dup-sar-ru-ti}
30. $a ina sarrdni a-lik mah-ri-ia [mimmu $ip-ru su-a-tii la
i-lm-uz-zu\
[ni-me-ki (il) Nabu ti-kip sa-an-tak-ki ma-la ba-as-mu
ina duppdni a$-tur as-nik ab-ri-e-ma,
a-na ta-mar-ti si-ta-as-si-ia Id-rib ekal-ia u-kin].
Translation.
[Obverse.]
1. [Let us form(?)] friendship [you and I(?)]2
Verily, a friend I [to thee will be (?)]
[The eagle (?)]3 opened his mouth and [to the serpent (?)
spoke],
[An agreement (?)] of friendship [let us naake(?)],
5. The wicked and mighty (?) let us crush (?) 4,
[The gallu] 5 of the gods, [the a&akku let us destroy],
1 Restored according to II E, 21, 26-34; 33; 38; IV R2 55 etc. etc.
2 "While the restorations in this and in the 4th line are of course
purely conjectural, it is evident that the serpent and eagle are proposing
to form an alliance.
3 Room for two signs— hence the suggestion to read ID-HU, though
of course it is possible that the serpent is addressing the eagle.
4 nu-u-ri-is (like tu-u-ri-is rev. 8) from amst«(?), perhaps related to resu
(Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet, p. 104b) like arasu to resu. One is naturally
inclined at first to take limnita and kabtati as permansives "evil and
wicked art thou" but there are various obstacles in the way. One should
expect kabtata as in the 4th tablet of the Creation Story 1. 3. To denounce
one as " evil and mighty " would be a strange combination. I prefer to
take both words as descriptive epithets. The force of the ma which as
the combining element outside of verbs is not infrequent in divination
texts (see e. g. IV R2 34 Nr. 1, obv. 4) seems to be that of conveying a
compound term "powerfully wicked" or "wickedly powerful."
5 The addition of la to Nun points to the reading gallu and I have
no hesitation in identifying this with the well-known designation of
a particular demon, for which, to be sure, the ordinary ideographic
designation is Te-Lal (Briinnow Nr. 7732) but which is also written
phonetically gal-lu-u and gal-lu. See Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 217a.
The juxtaposition with the demon aSalcku leaves no doubt as to the
identification.
Vol. xxx.] Another fragment of the Etana Myth. 107
— let us set up
Let us lay a ban on the earth
In the presence of Shamash, the warrior, the ban they laid.
10. Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash,
May Shamash grievously through the destroyer1 [cut off]!
Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash,
May he remove him and -
May the overpowering weapon [fall] on him — -
15. May the sling, the ban of Shamash hit him [and catch him]!
When they had laid the ban [of Shamash] on the earth
They set up, they ascended the mountain [they took the
road(?)].
For one day they kept the charm2 of the god.
An ox, a wild ox, a wild ass, the eagle caught,
20. The serpent ate, 3 drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)] ate.
A mountain goat, gazelles, the serpent caught,
The eagle ate, drew back, the young [of the eagle (?)] ate.
A wild mountain gazelle,4 a didanu,b the eagle caught,
The serpent ate, drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)]
ate.
25. - - of the ground6 the serpent caught,
[The eagle ate, drew back], the young [of the eagle (?)] ate.
1 -For mahisu in the sense here taken it is sufficient to refer to the
passage in the hymn to Shamash ZA. IV, p. 31, col. Ill, 29 where the word
appears in juxtaposition with mu-tir-ru buli "destroyer of cattle."
2 Instead of ta-a one is tempted in view of the preceding lines to
read i-ta-a, the accidental omission of the i being due to its resemblance
to the preceding kam. However, tu as a synonym of mamitu is no
doubt correct.
3 The reading ik-rib "drew near" is of course possible here and in the
succeeding lines, but in view of ik-ka-lu, the preference is to be given to
ik-kal, just as in the Deluge myth (Gilgames XI, ]55) ik-kal i-sa-ah-hi
"ate and went away" which is a partial parallel to our passage. Of. Muss-
Aruolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 34b. Whether at the end of the line we are to
restore eru or siru is also open to question, though the general sense is
not affected whichever reading we adopt.
4 Of. II B, 6, 6d. Our passage fixes the correct reading of the term
with an s and not sap-pa-ru as has been hitherto assumed. Delitzsch in his
Assyrische Tiernamen, p. 48 read correctly sapparu, but his comparison
of a very doubtful Arabic term .-ft-Co "young gazelle" is not acceptable.
* Or di-ta-nu as II B, 6, 7d.
6 It is tempting to restore sah kakkari in view of II E, 24 Nr. 1 rev.
19, but the traces do not favor this.
108 M. Jastrow, [1910.
[When the eagle stirred up] tribulation (?y the young of the
eagle raised an uproar.2
[When the young of the eagle] raised an uproar,
[When the young of the eagle] planned evil,
30. [The eagle directed his heart] in evil design.
[To eat the young of his friend] he determined.3
[Reverse.]
[the eagle] daily faced Shamash.
[In] the hole I will die and he who stirred up, should settle
the strife4 of thy servant.
5. Me the eagle let me live and
Eternally, I will glorify thy name.
Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to the eagle.
The wicked and mighty one didst thou carry off.
The powerful one of the gods, the asakku didst thou con-
sume.
10. Therefore thou shouldst die5 and to the unseen (?)6 land
Go! The man whom I shall send to thee may he seize
hold of thee. 7
Etana daily faced Shamash, 8
« The reading ak-kul-li is suggested by the following isitu.
2 Cf. e-si-ti mdti (I K, 40 col. IV, 36) by the side of esitu and i-sit-tu
(see Jastrow, Religion Babyl. u. Assyr., I, p. 480 note 12 and II, p. 54
note 7). The general sense is "uproar." "Geschrei" as I rendered it
11, p. 54, is perhaps better than "Vernichtung" (I, p. 480), though destruction
is also involved.
3 While the restorations in these lines are again purely conjectural,
the general context has, I think, been correctly caught with the help of
the fragment above (p. 103, note 8) referred to.
4 For tu§-se in connection with diku see the Hammurabi Code col. VIII,
2 tu-u$-sa-am-ma id-ki. The contrast to diku would naturally be sakanu.
s The emphatic form ta-ma-ta-a-ma conveys the force of deserving
death; it is a threat rather than a mere assertion.
6 asannu is a new word and evidently a description of the dwelling-
place of the dead. One is reminded of the a-§ar la a-ri "unseen place"
in the incantation IV R2 16, 47a which, as 1. 51 a-£ar la a-si-e shows,
refers to the nether world.
7 Evidently in the sense of furnishing assistance, as in the passages
quoted by Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 861a.
8 The phrase implies an appeal to the god (as above 1. 3)— making
the direct statement that Etana opened his mouth etc. superfluous.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 109
Thou hast consumed, o Shamash, the strength (?) of my sheep,
in the whole earth the young (?) of my lambs.1
The gods I have honored, the shades, I have regarded,
15. The priestesses2 have put an end3 to my offerings.4
My lambs through slaughter5 the gods have put an
end to.
0 lord! By thy command may some one go out and give
me the plant of birth!
Show me the plant of birth, tear out the fruit G and [grant
me] an offspring!
Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to Etana.
20. Take the road, pass to the mountain, seek out the hole,
[look] within it.
Wherein the eagle has been thrown, I will show thee the
plant [of birth].
1 A difficult line. The parallelism with az-li-ia leaves no doubt as to
the force of su-'e-a. In the Gilgames epic, ku-bur (VI, 123, 147, 188)
written as in our passage, occurs in connection with the "horns" and
"tail" of the divine bull, and the general sense of "strength" fits the con-
text. The "strength of my sheep" would be equivalent to "my strong
sheep." As a parallel to this, I am inclined to take i-da-am az-li-ia,
connecting the former with admu "offspring". Naturally, this is merely
offered as a suggestion. To take idam as a verbal form from da'amu
"dark" gives no good sense. Shamash being addressed could not be the
subject, as little as irsitum which is feminine. If my interpretation is
correct, idam as a parallel to kubur would have more specifically the force
of "vigorous." Is this perhaps the underlying sense of the stem addmu
from which we get admu in Assyrian "young, vigorous" and DIN in Hebrew,
— parallel to vir "the strong one" as the designation of "man" — by the
side of the other word for man among the Semites Bh3X ^^°1 e^c*
= Assyrian ensu, nise, teniseti etc. as the "weak" one?
2 Our text shows that "priestesses" are introduced — not priests as
Harper assumed — hence the feminine plural igdamra. The syllabary V R
13 rev. 49 is, accordingly, to be restored [Sal En-]-Me-Li =» &a-il-tu. In
the text IV R 60* B obv. 7 we have the masculine equivalent with ma&saku
as in our case. See Jastrow, A Babylonian Parallel to the Story of Job
(Journal of Bibl. Literature, XXV, p. 159 notes 84—85).
3 igdamra I take in the sense of "destroy" as implying the rejection
of the offerings. IV R 60* C rev. 99 sahatu " destroy " is employed in
the same way.
4 mas-sak-ki-ia. Cf. Jastrow ib. note 85.
5 Not as a sacrifice but as an actual destruction.
6 biltu I take as a reference to the tearing out of the plant — not to
the birth of a child as Harper assumed.
110 M. Jastrow, [1910.
On the order of Shamash the warrior Etana took [the road
passed to the mountain],
Sought out the hole, looked within it, [wherein the eagle
was cast],
(Where) recently he had been left to perish.1
Colophon.
25. The eagle opened his mouth and to Shamash his lord [spoke].
2nd tablet of the series ala i-si tum(?)
Palace of Asurbanapal, king [of the universe, king of
Assyria],
Whom Nebo and Tasmit [have granted wide] understanding,
Endowed with clear vision [for the glorious art of writing] 2,
30. Whereas among the kings before me [none had acquired
that art].
[The wisdom of Nebo, the grouping (?) 3 of all extant col-
lections (?)45
On tablets I wrote, compiled and revised, to be seen and
to be read in my palace I placed.5]
1 II, 1 from sakasu.
2 nisik dupsarruti is to be taken as a compound term "writing-art"
and to be connected directly with the preceding ena namirtum. The
latter phrase might be rendered " clear insight." To separate nisik dup-
sarruti from what precedes as Myhrman does (ZA, XVI, p. 167), following
Delitzsch, Assyr. Worterbuch, p. 293, is to lose the force of the whole line.
3 ti-kip—tor which Delitzsch's explanation (Assyr. Thiernamen, p. 8),
connecting it with talmudic *pn "join" still seems to be the most satis-
factory. Of. also II R 49, Nr. 1 obv. 13 and III R 57, Nr. 6, 52 seven
ti-ik-pi stars = seven "joined" stars.
4 santakku is certainly to be derived from sataku with inserted n, as
the variant sa-tak-ki (V R 51, col IV, 55) shows. My suggestion for
santakku is based on the circumstance that the ideograph for the word
is the sign Tis (Meissner, Nr. 7563) in S. A. Smith, Keilschrifttexte Asur-
banipals, I, p. 112, 15 = V R 13 and elsewhere (see Muss-Arnolt, Assyr.
Diet., p. 787b) in the phrase sabe santakkika = "thy collected troops."
5 It is of course possible that the colophon contained several additional
lines like IV R2 56 and V R 51. A collection of all the various colophons
and a careful renewed study of them is much to be desired, as a supple-
ment to Delitzsch's discussion in his Assyrische Thiernamen, pp. 6—11 and
in the Assyr. Worterbuch, pp. 293—294. Such a study would show that
the various classes of texts had distinctive colophons. See Jastrow,
Reliffion Babyloniens und Assyriens, II, p. 226 note 1 for the form
characteristic of divination texts.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. Ill
III.
The general character of the contents of the fragment is
clear. The obverse evidently opens with a scene between the
serpent and the eagle, in the course of which the two agree
to form a friendship in order to carry out some plan of attack
together. That plan involves the capture and destruction of
demons and, apparently also, of placing the entire earth under
a ban. The serpent and eagle swear a powerful and binding
oath in the name of Shamash who is here viewed in his
usual role of judge and punisher of those who do wrong.
The next scene leads us to the mountain whither the
serpent and eagle have gone. During the one day that they
kept the agreement, they succeeded in capturing a number of
animals and sharing them together. Then the catastrophe
occurs. Prompted apparently by a suspicion of the serpent's
fidelity, the eagle plans an attack upon the young of the
serpent. At this point, unfortunately, the obverse of the frag-
ment breaks off, and when the thread of the narrative is again
taken up on the reverse, we find the eagle thrown into a hole
and in a state of utter despair appealing to Shamash to help
him out of his predicament. The sun-god reproaches him for
what he has done, but acceding to the eagle's prayer to let
lii m live, declares that he will send a man to his assistance.
The third scene introduces us to the man who is none other
than Etana. He is a shepherd1 whose flocks have evidently
suffered through the ban that has been laid upon the earth.
They have failed to bring forth young and Etana, accordingly,
appeals to Shamash to show him the plant of birth. Shamash in
reply tells Etana to go to the mountain to the hole wherein
the eagle has been thrown and there he will see the plant of
birth. The fourth scene takes us back to the mountain but
with the meeting of Etana and the eagle, our tablet — the
second of the series — closes,
1 See K 2606 obv. 6 ri-e-um-Si-na (Harper, Beitrage zur Assyr., II,
p. 399). It is interesting to note that on cylinders representing Etana's
flight, a shepherd with his flocks is pictured as looking at the eagle
bearing Etana aloft. According to Dr. "W. H. Ward's plausible explanation,
the accompaniments to a scene on a cylinder stand in a direct connection
with the main representation, symbolizing other episodes that belong to
it. In this case, therefore, the shepherd would be Etana feeding his flocks.
112 M. Jastrow, [191 o.
In order now to understand the purport of these four
scenes it is necessary to pass to a consideration of the other
fragments of this myth that are known to us. It is the merit
of Dr. E. J. Harper l to have added to the three fragments
dealing with a story of the eagle, serpent and Etana found
by George Smith2 among the tablets of Ashurbanapal's library,
seven others in one way or the other connected with the two.
An eleventh fragment— also from this library was published by
me as indicated above3 and a twelfth — in the older Babylonian
script — by Scheil.4
Harper divided his ten fragments into three groups as
follows: — (1) containing a story of the serpent and the eagle
together with what he calls —erroneously however— a prayer of
Etana for his son,5 (2) the story of Etana's ride on the back of
the eagle, (3) an assembly of the gods. In my publication of the
llth fragment, I suggested6 a somewhat different order but
Jensen's discussion of the fragments7 together with the study
of the 13th fragment, herewith published, has led me to a
modification of my views. The new fragment shows that
Jensen was right in his^ suggestion that the llth fragment
though ending with the consignment of the eagle to a hole in
which he is to die does not necessarily involve the death of
the eagle. My contention, therefore, that the episode of the
eagle with Etana must be placed before the discomfiture of
the eagle was erroneous. I now accept Harper's view which
is adopted by Jensen that the story of the serpent and the
eagle comes before that of the eagle and Etana. There is
now also no reason for questioning8 the connection of K 8578
with Rm 79, 7—8, 43 as proposed by Harper, but on the other
hand the new fragment while confirming my suggestion that
the first line of K 8578 obv. is to be completed in accord-
ance with the colophon to K 2606 rev., raises the question
whether K 8578 represents the 4th tablet of the series?
1 Die Babylonischen Legenden von Etana, Zu, Adapa und Dibbarra
(Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, pp. 391—408).
2 Chaldaean Genesis (5th ed.), pp. 138—144. 3 See above p. 101, note 2.
4 Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, pp. 18—23.
5 It is an appeal of Etana to the sun-god.
6 Beitrdge zur Assyr., Ill, p. 371.
7 Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, VI, 1, p. 100 note 2.
8 As was done by me in Beitrdge zur Assyr , II, p. 370. See Jensen's
strictures KB, VI, 1, p. 102.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 113
Attention has already been called to the fact * that the colo-
phon of our fragment contains as the opening line of the
following tablet the same words as in the colophon to K 2606
rev. Moreover, the last line of K 2606 rev. would appear to
be identical with the last line of our fragment. In the case
of our fragment, however, the colophon states that this
tablet is the 2nd of the series, whereas K 2606 is entered
as the 3rd tablet of the series.2 It follows that we have
here two different editions of the text and that what covered
only two tablets in the one copy covered three tablets in
the other. The marks on the reverse of our tablet indicating
the ends of lines in the copy from which our fragment was
copied shows, as a matter of fact, that the 12 fragments from
Ashurbanapal's library represent different copies. Since K 2606
represents on the obverse the account of the assembly of the
gods —Harper's third episode — we would have to assume in
order that K 2606 rev. and our fragment should represent
duplicates of one another, that the broken off portion of the
obv. and the rev. of K 2606 contained considerably more than the
episodes which in our fragment cover the obverse and reverse.
A consideration of this thesis will show that it is improbable.
The new fragment, as will presently be shown belongs to a tablet
much longer than any of the others and to assume that K 2606
should represent part of a tablet again twice as long (at least)
as the new one is certainly highly improbable. Moreover, if K
2606 belongs to a tablet so much larger than the one of
which the new fragment forms a part, we would certainly not
expect — since the tablets of any edition of a series are of the
same size— that what covered two tablets in the edition of
which the new fragment is a part should require three tablets
in the other edition but rather the reverse. A simpler solution
will be suggested in the course of this discussion.
IV.
The analysis given of the new fragment shows that it
belongs to Harper's first group. The next point to be made
clear is its relationship to the other fragments of this group.
1 See above p. 105, note 8.
2 A renewed examination of the fragment kindly made by Mr. L, W.
King confirms Harper's reading (3 wedges).
114 If. Jastrow, [1910.
Taking up K 1547 first, we note that the reverse is a
duplicate of the reverse of the new fragment which we will
designate hereafter as the 13th, — 11. 5 — 20 of the former
= 11. 10— 20a of the latter, i.e. 16 lines against 11 1/2 lines,
indicating that we have two different copies before us. The
indications in 11. 16, 17, 18 and 19 of the ends of lines in
the text from which the 13th fragment was copied show
that the scribe had an original before him in which the lines
agreed with the length of those in K 1547. The obverse of
the latter shows no points of agreement with the obverse of
the new fragment but corresponds with the rev. of K 2527, —
11. 23—42 of K 2527 = 11. 1—24 of obv. of K 1547. Now,
the obverse of K 1547 begins with the appeal of the serpent
to Shamash for revenge upon the eagle who has eaten the
young of the serpent. The lower edge of the obverse of K
2527 is preserved so that we have on the reverse, as on the
obverse of K 1547, the continuation of the story — the advice
of the sun-god to the serpent to enter the carcass of a wild
mountain bull and to pounce upon the eagle as he swoops down
to eat the flesh of the carcass. The immediate continuation
of this episode is furnished by the reverse of the llth frag-
ment. Evidently the first seven lines l correspond to K 2527
rev. 35—42 and to K 1547 obv. 17—24. The practical agree-
ment in regard to lines (7 as against b>) shows that these
three fragments belong to tablets of about the same size.
The strategy succeeds, the eagle is caught, stripped of his
feathers and altogether badly battered is thrown into a hole and
there left to die. This hole is evidently in the mountain, for it is
to this hole to which Etana is sent by Shamash. The two tablets
therefore,— K 2527 and the llth fragment— closed with this
episode, while the reverse of K 1547 represents the continuation.
The obverse of the llth fragment contains the incident of the
treachery of the eagle and joins on to the end of the obverse of
the 13th fragment— 11. 2-5 of the 1 1 th fragment = 11. 29—31
of the 13th fragment, though the lengths of the lines do not
correspond. The new fragment thus furnishes a piece of the
narrative that takes precedence to what is contained on the
other three— namely, the alliance between the eagle and the
i Some of my readings must be corrected as Jensen (K. B. VI, 1,
p. 106 seq.) very properly pointed out.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myili. 115
serpent, and their adventures until the point of treachery.
Again, the obverse of K 2527 represents the episode after the
destruction of the young of the serpent by the eagle, namely
the appeal of the serpent to Shamash, but we have no means
of accurately determining the size of the gap between where the
obverse of the llth fragment breaks off and where the obverse
of K 2527 takes up the thread, but it was probably not large.
At the top of the obverse of the llth fragment only a few
lines are missing, for the end of the reverse represents in all
probalities the last line of the tablet, followed by the colophon.
Assuming that K2527 and the llth fragment represent parallel
texts, both must have begun at the point represented by 1. 27 of
the obverse of the 13th fragment, which marks a new phase in
the narrative —the beginning of the treachery. We thus obtain
for these two tablets (a) obverse = 20 lines of the llth frag-
ment plus 20 lines of K 2527 = 40, to which we may add as
a maximum a gap of say 10 lines = 50 lines and (b) reverse
= 21 lines of K 2527 plus 17 additional lines of the llth
fragment = 38 lines which with 3 or 4 lines of the colophon
would bring the total to about 42 lines. The break of circa
30 lines at the end of the obverse of the llth fragment and
the beginning of the reverse (20 of which are filled up by the
obverse of K 2527) must of course be distributed between
the two sides. We thus obtain for the total length of each
of the two fragments between 90 and 100 lines, both covering
the following episodes: (1) treachery of the eagle and destruction
of the young of the serpent, (2) appeal of the serpent to
Shainash, (3) advice of Shamash, and (4) success of the strategy
and the discomfiture of the eagle. The new fragment covers
this entire field and, in addition, starts at a point further
back — the story of the alliance and of the adventures of the
eagle and serpent in the mountain. It also continues the
story after the discomfiture of the eagle, furnishing three new
episodes: (1) the appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue,
(2) the appeal of Etana for the plant of birth, (3) the coming
of Etana to the place of the eagle in the mountain. The
length of this tablet must therefore have been considerably
greater, namely, 27 lines till the obverse of the llth fragment
plus 90 to 100 lines, and since at the top of the obverse only
a few lines are missing,— inasmuch as we have the close of
the reverse preserved — we may estimate the length of the
116 M. Jastrow, [1910.
tablet to which the 13th fragment belongs at about 130 lines
— perhaps only 124 lines divided between the two sides.
The episode of the alliance and of the adventures of the eagle
and serpent with which the obverse of the 13th fragment begins
— say from 33 to a maximum of 36 lines — not being sufficient
to cover an entire tablet, we are justified in assuming that
in the editions to which K 2527 and the llth fragment be-
longed, the tablet that preceded began at a point further back
than the account of the alliance and the adventures, which
could have been narrated on the reverse. In other words
the relation of the edition of K 2527 and the llth fragment,
which we may call edition A, to the edition of the 13th frag-
ment, which we may call B, is about the same as the edition
of K 1547 — the obverse of which = reverse of K 2527, and
which we may call C, is to A; i. e.
(a) obverse of A in tablet no x of the series = rev. of
B, and
(b) obverse of C in tablet no x of the series = rev. of the
preceding tablet in A,
which means that the tablets of edition B contain much
more than edition A, and the tablets of edition C much
less than A. "What therefore would be the 2nd tablet in
B would be the 3rd tablet in A, while a part of it in C
would even run over into the 4th tablet. The point is of
importance for the relationship of the two remaining joined
fragments of Harper's first group K 8578 and Rm 79, 7 — 8, 43.
Before taking these up, attention must be called to the
relationship of K 1547 to the 13th fragment. Just as K 2527 and
the llth fragment end with the same episode— the discomfiture of
the eagle, — so K 1547 and the 13th fragment end with the coming
of Etana to the eagle, but while the first pair represent parallel
texts, this is not the case with the latter pair, for the obverse of
the 13th fragment begins at a point considerably further back
than the obverse of K 1547 which (so far as preserved) starts
with the advice of Shamash to the serpent. Since at the most
six lines on the bottom of the reverse are missing to bring it
to the point where the 13th fragment closes, there are (making
allowance for a colophon on the reverse) at the most 10 lines
missing at the top of the reverse. As a matter of fact, counting
8 lines back on K 2527, line 22 (= top of obverse of K 1547)
would bring us to the beginning of Shamash's answer to the
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 117
appeal of the serpent and with which K 1547 in all probabilities
began. The total length of K 1547 would thus be 8 + 24+17
(additional lines on the llth fragment) up to the discomfiture
of the eagle = 49 lines. Then the 24 lines of the reverse of
the 13th fragment plus a few lines missing at the top would
make the total length of this table about 80 lines. The three
editions would thus be made up of tablets as follows:
Edition A == Tablets of 90 to 100 lines
Edition B = Tablets of 124 to 130 lines
Edition C = Tablets of about 80 lines.
The calculation is naturally only approximate for the length
of the lines differs somewhat also in the three editions but it
is close enough for our purposes. The result reached above
is thus confirmed that what corresponds to the 2nd tablet of
the series in B would reach into the 3rd tablet in A and
perhaps into the 4th tablet in 0.
Coming now to the two joined fragments, they evidently con-
tained the second address of the eagle to the sun-god pro-
mising to do all that was asked of him,1 and the dialogue
that ensued between the eagle and Etana upon the coming of
Etana to the hole wherein the eagle lay. Etana asks the eagle
to show him the plant of birth2 but here, unfortunately, the
fragment breaks off. The colophon to the 13th fragment,
however, shows that the 3rd tablet of edition B began with
an address of the eagle to Shamash and since K 8578 etc.
begins with eru pi-i-8u, Jensen accepts my suggestion, made
at the time of the publication of the llth fragment, that this
line is to be restored according to the colophon of K 2606
which tallies with that of the '13th fragment. Through the
contents of this fragment the conjecture is strengthened, if not
indeed definitely confirmed, since, as we have seen it contains an
episode to which K 8578 etc. naturally joins on. We may there-
fore with perfect safety assume that K 8578 represents either
1 11. 5—6 "whatever he will say to me [I will do], whatever I will
say to him [let him do]. See Jensen KB VI, 1, p. 110. The reference
is to Etana. L. 7 "according to the command of the warrior Shamash,
[Etana took the road]" begins the episode of Etana's coming to the
eagle, accompanied, apparently, by a young eagle to show him the way.
2 Line 12seq. evidently repeats in substance rev. 17seq. of the 13th frag-
ment—the same appeal being made by Etana for the plant of birth, but
this time addressed to the eagle.
VOL XXX. Part II. 9
118 M- Jastrow, [1910.
the beginning of the 3rd tablet of edition B or the 4th (or more
probably the 5th) of edition C. To which of these two editions
it actually belongs, it is of course impossible to say. Dividing
the contents of all the fragments of the first group now
known to us (KK 1547, 2527, 8578 etc.) and the llth and
13th fragments into episodes we obtain the following survey:
(1) The alliance between the eagle and serpent and the ad-
ventures of the two recounted on the obv. of the 13th frag-
ment 11. 1—26.
(2) The treachery of the eagle proposed and carried out
despite the warning of a "very wise" young eagle recounted
(a) on the remaining portion of the 13th fragment, 11. 27seq.
and (b) on the llth fragment obverse.
(3) The appeal of the serpent to Shamash for revenge on
the eagle, recounted on K 2527, 11. 1—14.
(4) Advice of Shamash to the eagle recounted (a) K 2527
obv. 15 — 28 (including 6 missing lines), (b) K 1547 obv. 1—9
(circa 8 lines missing).
(5) The carrying out of the strategy proposed by Shamash
and ending with the discomfiture of the eagle recounted (a) on
the reverse of the llth fragment (end of tablet) (b) rev.
30—42 of K 2527 (circa 17 lines missing to end of tablet)
(c) K 1547 obv. 11. 10 — 24 (circa 17 lines missing of episode).
(6) The appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue and the
latter's decision to send Etana to help the eagle out of his plight,
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 1 — 11
and (b) on the rev. of K 1547 11. 1 — 6 (circa 6 lines missing).
(7) Etana's lament and request for the plant of birth
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 12—18
and (b) on the reverse of K 1547 11. 7—16.
(8) Address of Shamash to Etana and the order to the
latter to go to the hole in the mountain into which the eagle
has been cast, recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th frag-
ment 11. 19—24 (end of 2nd tablet of edition B.) and (b)
K 1547 rev. 17 — 20 (circa 6 lines missing to end of tablet).
(9) Second address of the eagle to Shamash, the coming of
Etana and the dialogue between the eagle and Etana recounted
on K 8578 + Em 79, 7—8, 43 (3rd tablet of edition B or
5th(?) tablet of edition C).
Let us now take up the fragment K 2606 which contains
in the colophon the indication that it is the third tablet of
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 119
the series ala i-si "he left the city". Scheil does not appear
to have noticed that the fragment published by him, which I
designate as the 12th, runs parallel to a considerable extent
•with K 2606, J so that in part the latter can be restored
through comparison with the former, 2 and vice versa some read-
ings of Scheil can be corrected. But on the other hand the
two fragments are not duplicates. Not only do they diverge
from a certain point,3 but Scheil's fragment is a large tablet
dating from the Hammurabi period with two columns to each
side.4 The two accounts appear to stand in the relation to
each other of the beginning and end of an episode. In both
a state of anarchy is described, due apparently to the hostility
of the Igigi.3 The land is without a ruler. Authority is
lacking, habitations and sanctuaries are not built, and the city6
is besieged by the Igigi, but while the description of the terror
1 11. 10-16 of K 2606 correspond to 11. 1—9 of the 1st col. obv. of
the 12th fragment.
2 In K 2606 1. 9, we must evidently read [ra-]-bu-tum ; 11. 9—11 can
now be restored according to 11. 1—3 of the llth fragment. In 1. 4 of the
12th fragment we must read according to K 2606, 12 kali-si-na i-lu i-gi-gu.
For the latter we have in K 2606 the ideographic form. In 1. 2 of the
llth fragment read im-ta-li-ku. The traces of an additional line seem to
have been omitted by Harper between lines 12 and 13. Scheil's reading for
the beginning of 1. 7 can hardly be correct, while if we substitute ina u-mi-
su-ma (like K 2606 1. 14) we get a perfect sense. In 1. 9 of the fragment
we must read la ba-nu-u kib-ra-ti ni-is pa-ra-ak-ki like 1. 16 of K 2606. L. 8
of the fragment evidently contains the phonetic writing uk-ni-a-am for the
ideograph Za-Gin (=uknu, Briinnow, Nr. 11776) in 1. 15 of K 2606. Of. Scheil,
Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, 22 who wrongly, as it now turns out, rejected
the proposed reading. At the close of 1. 10 of the 12th fragment we must
evidently read e-lu da-ad-nim = elu da-ad-mi (1. 18 of K 2606). At this point
the two texts divide. It should be noted that this 12th fragment now in the
J. Pierpont Morgan Collection in New York (see Johns, Catalogue of the
Collection p. 22) is not only badly preserved but very difficult to read, so
that without a parallel text one easily misreads certain signs.
3 See close of preceding note.
* Apart from palaeographic evidence, the tablet has also the ear marks
of the Hammurabi period in the expanded phonetic writings like uk-ni-a am,
ma-a-tam si-im-tim etc. The determinative for deity is omitted before
Etana— also characteristic of the Hammurabi period. The tablet is a
valuable indication of the age of the Etana story.
5 Seven in number. Of. 1. 17 of K 2606 (U) si-bit-tum with 1. 19
(and 12) the ideographic form 5 -f 2.
6 1. 19 ala Igigi su-tas-Jtu-ru[-u]. The city is evidently the one'referred to
in the opening line of the series ala i-c,i, and where the subject is some god
9*
120 M. Jastrow, [1910.
in regard to which the Annunaki hold counsel is continued
in the 12th fragment, in K 2606 the goddess Ishtar 1 is
represented as intervening. She looks about for a king and
places him in control, while En-lil looks out for the sanctuaries
of the gods(?).2 It would be in accord with the character
of the Babylonian style of poetic composition to repeat at
the close of an episode the description of the conditions exist-
ing at the beginning, witness the frequent descriptions of
primaeval chaos in the Babylonian creation myth. Unfortunately,
the reverse, of K 2606 is not preserved with the exception
of the closing line and a part of the last line. The colophon
furnishes as the opening of the 4th tablet, a line that agrees
with the one given in the 13th fragment for the 3rd tablet, and
since the preserved portion of the closing line in K 2606 agrees
with the closing line of the 13th fragment,3 it would be too
strange a coincidence if the two tablets did not close with
the same incident — the coming of Etana to the place where
the eagle lies.
On the other hand, if what covered three tablets in one copy
corresponds to two tablets in another, the tablets of the former
must have been of a smaller size and we cannot therefore
assume that from the point where the obverse of K 2606
breaks off to the end of the reverse there should have been
included all the eight episodes covering about 125 lines em-
braced in the 13th fragment. We are thus confronted with
a problem for which no definitive solution can be offerred
until more fragments of the narrative come to light, but the
most reasonable conjecture is to assume that various versions
of the tale existed, differring considerably from one another
and in which episodes were included in one version that
were omitted in another. So much is clear that the anarchy
described in the 12th fragment and in K 2606 must have
preceded the rescue of the eagle by Etana, and since the
narrative can now be carried back continuously to the alliance
who is represented as deserting the city. If, as is possible from the
reference in 1. 24, the god is Enlil, the city in question might be Nippur.
1 Also designated as In-nin-na in 1. 22.
2 The reading 1. 24 pa-rak-ke Hani, seems to me preferable to paral&e
schame which Harper proposes. The photograph (p. 505) favors either reading.
3 In the 13th fragment we have as the closing line ul-la-nu-um-ma
ul-tdk-ka-as-[su} and in K 2606 . . . la-nu-um us-ta-ka-as-su.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 121
between the eagle and the serpent, the state of anarchy must
have preceded this incident also. There is every reason,
therefore, to believe that Scheil J is right in his supposition
that the state of anarchy represents the beginning of the entire
narrative,2 just as the Gilgamesh epic opens with a description
of terror and confusion existing in Uruk.
Accepting this as a working hypothesis, we would have to
assume that the first tablet of the copy of which the 13th frag-
ment represents the 2nd, contained the episode of the state
of anarchy and the restoration of order. Then followed the
eight episodes covered by the 2nd tablet, after which came
another address of the eagle to Shamash— perhaps a second
appeal— then presumably an answer of the sun-god and, finally,
the coming of Etana to the eagle. The joined fragments
K 8578 + Rm 79, 7 — 8, 43 represent the beginning of this im-
mediate continuation of either the 13th fragment or of K 1547.
The episode in the 12th fragment and with which K. 2606
begins must therefore be removed from the position assigned
to the latter by Harper as a third group and placed before
the nine episodes into which we have divided the first group.
Harper's second group consisting of the joined fragment and
supplemented by three further fragments and recounting Etana' s
flight on the back of the eagle remains where it is and would
thus form the conclusion of the tale. The flight naturally
follows the rescue of the eagle by Etana. Taking the joined
fragment Rm 2, 454 + 79, 7—8, 280 as one, it is clear that
this and K 8563 are duplicates or parallels and that both
began with the story of the flight.3 K 3651 of which only
a part of the obverse is legible, joins on at 1. 18 to the re-
verse of Rm 2, 454 etc. while Rm 522 (only one side preserved)
duplicates K 3651, beginning with 1. 12 of K 3651 and extending
1 1. c. p. 18.
2 If this be so, it must be borne in mind, as above pointed out, that
K 2606 being the 3rd tablet of the series represents the repetition of the
description as an introduction to an account of the restoration of order
by Ishtar and Enlil.
3 Harper has confused the obverse and reverse of K 8563. In
K 8563, the beginning of the obverse is preserved. Lines 6—17 of K 8563
= 11. 1—16 of obverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. The reverse of K. 8563 refers
to the "death" of the king(?) Etana (1. 4) and to his shade (e-dim-
mu-su 1. 7) and therefore furnishes some incident that followed upon
the flight.
122 M. Jastrow, [1910
5 lines beyond the latter, 11. 26—30 of Rin 522 corresponding to
11. 24 to 27 of the reverse of Em 2, 454 etc.1 If we are to assume
that these two fragments (K 3651 and Rm 522) also began with
the account of the flight, we would have to suppose for the
former at least 40 additional lines at the top, which would
give us a tablet of at least 130 lines and for the latter an
addition of 50 lines at the top which would give us a tablet
of 160 lines. This is most unlikely and it is much more
probable that both fragments began with the second— and
fatal — flight to the place of Ishtar, the first ending successfully
with the arrival at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea.2 This second
flight forming a new episode would be an appropiate place at
which to begin a new tablet. The joined fragment and K 8563
would thus contain both episodes, while the other fragments
would begin with the second flight— the same relationship
therefore as between K 2527 and K 1547. If we assume
(as above suggested), that the story of Etana's coming to the
eagle extended into the 5th tablet of edition C, we may sup-
pose that the episode of the first flight was still told in this
tablet and that the two fragments therefore represent the
beginning of the 6th tablet of this edition — and in all pro-
babilities the last tablet of the series.
The larger size of the tablets of edition B (to which the 13th
fragment belongs) warrants us in assuming that both flights
were included in one tablet. Rm 2, 454 might, therefore,
represent the 4th tablet of edition B though this would assume
a long narrative in the 3rd tablet before the actual flight
began. Perhaps here too it may be more reasonable to sup-
pose that the other two fragments represent the 4th tablet
of edition B and the 5th of edition A, while Rm 2, 454 which
is a much broader tablet than the others (see the photographs
in Harper, BA, II, p. 509 compared with p. 503) would then
represent a fourth edition of the narrative — complete perhaps
in three or at the most in four tablets. Certainly, the fatal issue
of the second flight must bring us to the end of the narrative.
The result of our examination thus shows that the fragments
so far recovered represent five and probably six different
copies of the text:
1 Note also that 11. 18-23 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. = 11. 17-25
of reverse of Rm 522 = 11. 18—24 of K 3651 obverse.
2 11. 34—36 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. See also below p. 125.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 123
(1) Edition A in 5 tablets
(2) Edition B in 4 tablets
(3) Edition C in 6 tablets
(4) Edition D in 3 or 4 tablets
(5) A fragment of an edition (K 2606)
which may not have contained all the episodes. All these are in
the Kouyunjik collection, to which is to be added the (6) frag-
ment of the Hammurabi period — a large tablet with two columns
to each side — representing the beginning of the story and
which probably told the whole story in one tablet.
V.
Combining now to the various fragments of the story and
leaving aside the possibility that in some version or versions
certain episodes were not included, we may reconstruct the
story so far as known to us up to the present as follows.
The scene is laid in a city which has been deserted by
its patron deity or possibly by the gods in general. A
state of confusion and anarchy exists, due apparently to the
hostility of the Igigi. The Anunnaki hold a counsel in order
to put an end to this state of affairs. The goddess Ishtar and
the god Enlil appear to be the ones designated to come to the
rescue. A king is put in control on earth by the goddess,
while on high Enlil aids in re-establishing order. As in so
many of the Babylonian myths, we thus have a correspondence
between occurrences on earth and phenomena in the heavens.
Confusion and anarchy below is paralleled by disturbances
on high. During this state of anarchy, productivity ceases
on earth. The sheep do not bear young, the gods are deaf
to appeals or powerless to intervene against the ravages com-
mitted by hostile powers.
Eagle and serpent are next introduced as forming an alliance
to carry on a work of destruction. They defy the authority of
Shamash who represents order and justice. From the fact that
the king whom Ishtar places in control is also designated as
re'u "shepherd" and that Etana appears in the story as a
shepherd,1 we may perhaps be permitted to conclude that the
king who is installed or possibly re-installed by Ishtar is none
other than Etana. However this may be, there is certainly a
* See above p. 111.
124 M. Jastrow, [1910.
direct connection between the ravages committed by the eagle
and serpent and the distress of Etana, both being due to the
general confusion that exists through the lack of control on
the part of those higher powers that represent order and the
harmonic working of the laws of nature. The state of affairs
reminds one somewhat of the conditions that prevail during
the period that Ishtar is retained as a prisoner in the lower
world, during which time likewise the animals do not bring
forth their young.1 In this case we have, as is generally
recognized, a nature myth portraying the change of seasons;
and in view of the frequency with which this motif reoccurs
in Babylonian myths, it is not improbable that the conditions
portrayed at the beginning of the Etana story rest on the
same general basis — a portrayal of the rainy and stormy
season in the heavens and on earth, which could be sym-
bolically represented as a time of confusion and disorder.
All this, however, must be viewed as merely conjectural until
a fortunate chance shall bring to light more fragments of this
part of the narrative.
The alliance between the eagle and the serpent comes to
an untimely end. They go into the mountains to hunt for
food. Each is accompanied by a young brood. First the eagle
kills an animal and shares it with his young (or with the young
of the serpent), then the serpent kills an animal and shares it
with his young (or with the young of the eagle), but the eagle
seizes the opportunity while the young of the serpent are
engaged in eating to pounce down upon them. He does this
despite the warning of one of the young eagles, described as
"very clever" or "very wise", who urges him not to break the
laws of Shamash i. e. not to run counter to the laws of righte-
ousness and justice. The eagle consumes the young of the
serpent and the latter appeals to Shamash for revenge for the
injury inflicted. Shamash listens to the serpent and proposes
a strategy. He advises the serpent to conceal himself within
the carcass of a wild bull — one of the animals slain during
the alliance between the eagle and the serpent — and then when
the eagle swoops down upon it, to seize him and tear him to
pieces. The strategy succeeds. Again the young eagle warns
the father eagle and again the latter pays no heed to the
Gun. Texts XV, PI. 46 rev. 6—7.
Yol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 125
warning. He lands upon the bull, the serpent jumps out,
tears the wings and feathers of the eagle and the latter is
left to die in a hole in the mountains. He does not die
however. It is now the eagle's turn to appeal to Shamash
to whom he promises eternal obedience, if only the sun-god
will help him out of his plight. At the same time Etana
"the shepherd" daily appeals to Shamash to again bring about
fertility among his sheep. He asks the sun-god to show him
the plant of birth that he may give it to his flock. Through
the new fragment the meeting of the eagle and Etana is for
the first time made dear. The plant of birth grows in the
mountains in the very hollow into which the eagle has been
cast. Shamash reveals this to Etana who takes the road to the
mountain and, guided by one of the young eagles (if Jensen's
restoration KB VI, 1 p. 110, 8 is correct), comes across the
eagle. The eagle appeals to Etana to release him from the hole
and as a reward promises to fly with Etana to the dwelling of
the gods. We are unfortunately left in doubt whether Etana
secures the desired plant and the gap in the narrative at this
point also prevents us from ascertaining the purpose of the flight.
In a general way we may conjecture that the eagle holds out
the hope to Etana of being placed among the gods, in other
words of securing immortality like e. g. Ut-napishtim, the
' ero of the deluge. This is a favorite theme in Babylonian
vths which, it will be recalled is introduced into the Gil-
mash epic.1 Etana mounts on the back of the eagle and
Aether they fly upwards. They reach the heaven of Anu
and at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea — i. e. the ecliptic,2
they make a halt. So far so good. Again a gap occurs in
1 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (English ed.) pp.494seq.
2 The ecliptic, known as the larran Samsi "road of the sun" (see
Kugler, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in BabeL I, p. 259; Thompson,
Reports of the Astrologers etc., Nrr. 88, 103; Virolleaud, UAstrologie Chal-
deenne, Ishtar, Nrr. XXI, 73 ; XXV, 57, 58 etc. etc.), is divided into three
sections, known as the "road for Anu," "road for Enlil" and "road for Ea"
respectively (Virolleaud, Ishtar Nr. IV). The gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea 13
therefore synonymous with the entrance point of the ecliptic. The Etana
myth thus assumes the established astrological system, as is also indicated by
the goal of the second flight— the station of Ishtar, identified in the astro-
logical system with the planet Venus. See Jastrow, Religion Babyloniens
und Assyriens, IT, pp. 441 and 444sf#. In the Adapa myth, the hero also
reaches the gate of Anu (Jensen, Keilinscliriftl. BibL, VI, 1, p. 96).
126 M. Jastrow, [1910.
the narrative and when the thread is once more taken up, we
find the eagle urging Etana to continue the journey in order
to reach the place where Ishtar — i. e. the planet Venus — dwells.
As in the case of the first flight, a distance of three kasbu
or six hours is covered. Whether at this point the eagle's
strength is exhausted or whether the goddess herself inter-
venes, at all events the precipitous descent begins. The eagle
falls through the space of three double hours and reaches the
ground. The close of the narrative is missing but clearly the
purpose of the flight has failed. We are left to conjecture
what happened to Etana and to his ancient "airship."
In view of the composite character of so many of the stories
that have come down to us from ancient Babylonia,1 it will
not seem hazardous to assume that in the Etana myth two
originally independent tales have been combined, one based
on a nature myth and describing a state of anarchy and con-
fusion in a city which was deserted by its patron deity or by
the gods in general. During this period all fertility ceases.
The Igigi are hostile to the city and among those who suffer
from the anger of the gods is Etana, the shepherd whose
sacrifices to the gods are of no avail in bringing about fer-
tility among his flocks. Order is restored through the inter-
vention of Ishtar— the goddess of fertility in cooperation with
Enlil. After the restoration, Etana appeals to Shamash — or
perhaps originally to Ishtar to show him the plant of birth
of which he has heard and through which his sheep can again
be brought to bear young. The request is granted. Etana,
it would appear, is also reinstated as ruler over his people and
it is reasonable to suppose that the tale ended with the
transfer of Etana as a favorite of the gods— like Ut-napish-
tim — to a place among the immortals.
A second tale is that of an alliance formed by the eagle
and the serpent, the treachery of the former and his punish-
i For the creation story see the author's paper "On the Composite
Character of the Babylonian Creation Story" in the Noldeke Festschrift
Yol II, pp. 969—982; for the Gilgamesh epic, the author's Religion
of Babylonia and Assyria (English edition), pp. 513 seq. and Hermann
Schneider, Die Entwicklung des Gilgameschepos (Leipziger Semitistische
Studien, V, 1) who (p. 83) calls attention also to the parallels between
Etana and Gilgamesh which led to the later confusion of the two by
Greek writers.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 127
ment through the intervention of Shamash — the representative
of justice and order. This tale appears to be a piece of
ancient folklore rather than a myth, to which there has been
added after the manner of folk tales a moral — not to break
the decrees of Shamash.
These two tales— the modified nature myth and the folk-tale
with a moral — were combined, just as in the Gilgamesh epic the
two independent series of tales of Gilgamesh and Etana were
combined.1 The alliance of eagle and serpent who join forces
in a warfare against the animals of the mountains is made a
feature of the confusion that reigns while the gods manifest
their anger or hostility. The serpent's appeal to Shamash
for vengeance suggests Etana's appeal to the god for the plant
of birth and the complete link between the two tales is brought
about by the meeting of Etana and the eagle in the mountain
where the sought for plant is to be found. The transfer of
Etana to the gods leads to the episode of the eagle carrying
him thither as a reward for helping the eagle out of his sad
plight. That through the combination both tales underwent
a modification is surely natural. So it is a reasonable con-
jecture that in the story of the eagle and the serpent, the
former actually dies after being torn to pieces by the serpent.
Indeed if one reads the description, it is difficult to see
what else can happen to the eagle except death. There
seems to be nothing left of him after the serpent finishes his
work. In order to connect the two tales, the eagle is revived
and is rescued by Etana. Similarly, in the original tale of
Etana, there is every reason to suppose that he was actually
placed among the gods. This is shown by the success of the
first flight in which the goal is attained, since the heaven of
Anu— the highest part of heaven2 — is reached. The second
flight is clearly a duplicate of the first and betrays in the
language used its dependance upon the former. It is a favorite
theme with the Babylonian theologians to whom we owe the
preservation and final form in which the old folk tales and
popular myths were cast, that man cannot come to the gods,
nor can he find out what is in store for him after death, beyond
the certainty that he will be condemned to inactivity in a
1 See the references in the preceding note.
2 Gilgamesh Epic, XI, 115.
128 M. Jastrow, [1910.
gloomy subterranean cavern. There may be exceptions but
that is the general rule. It would be quite in keeping with this
spirit if in the combination of the two tales, Etana is pictured
as prevented from attaining his goal. Instead of being brought
into the presence of Ishtar he is thrown down to the earth.
Just as he appears to be approaching his goal, the eagle with
Etana on his back falls through the great space of three
double hours *• that he has traversed— just as Gilgamesh after
all his wanderings comes back to Uruk whence he started out
with his main purpose — the securing of immunity from death-
unaccomplished. The two tales thus combined are made to teach
a lesson or rather two lessons, — (a) one that the laws of Shamash
cannot be transgressed without entailing grievous punishment
and secondly — and more important — (b) that man cannot be im-
mortal like the gods. It is this lesson which the Babylonian
theologians made the burden of the composite Gilgamesh epic,
as is shown by the close of the tale on its present form. It is
this lesson likewise which is illustrated by the tale of Adapa
who through a deception practised on him forfeits immortality;2
and it is this same lesson which, as it seems to me, the Etana
myth in its final form was intended to convey.
In view of the new and important fragments of the myth
that have been found since Harper published his study of the
text fifteen years ago, it would be profitable to reconsider in
detail the many parallels of the story found among other
nations and to some of which Harper already called attention. 3
1 That the 2nd flight is merely a duplicate of the first is seen in the
persistance of the "three double hours" as the distance traversed. In
reality the two flights cover six double hours and the eagle ought to fall
this distance before reaching the earth,
2 See Jensen, EeilinschriftlicJie Bibliothek, VI, 1, pp. 94—101.
3 Beitrage zur Assyriologie, II, pp. 404—407. In the story of the Kai
Kaus or Kavi Usan, the King of ancient Iran (990 B. C. according to
traditional accounts), who attempts to fly to heaven with the help of
eagles and comes to grief, we can see the influence of the myth of
Etana, transformed and adapted to teach the lesson of punishment for
heaven-defying pride. In a paper on this story, read before the American
Oriental Society, April 21st, 1909, under the title "A Legend of Aerial
Navigation in Ancient Persia," Professor Jackson gave the various Persian
and Arabic sources for the tale, viz: The Pahlavi Dinkart 9. 22, 5—12
(translation by West in Sacred Books of the East, v. 37, pp. 220—223);
Tabari's Annales (ed. de Goeje I, pt. 1, p. 603); Firdusi, Shahname (ed.
Vullers & Landauer 1, 411-412, 11. 461—486; 2, 1638, 11. 2018-2019);
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 129
To do so, here, however, would carry us too far and must be
left for some other occasion.
Al-Tha'alibi, Histoire de Eois des Perses (ed. Zotenberg, Paris, 1900,
p. 165), told in connection with Kai Kaus' building of a high tower in
Babylon, from which the attempt to reach heaven by means of eagles
was made. This interesting combination of the aerial flight with a tale
that is evidently suggested by the biblical story of the Tower of Babel,
is a direct consequence of the introduction of the moral element in the
old nature myth. The biblical story, voicing the same warning against
ambitious pride, was associated with the tale of Kai Kaus and the latter
made the central figure of the combined tales.
May we perhaps see in the Hight of Ganymede with the eagle to the
seat of the gods and in Psyche's flight with the winged Cupid and her
fall to earth, (as told in Apuleius' beautiful tale of Cupid and Psyche
— Metamorphoseon V, 104) traces with modifications of the episode in the
Etana myth? Cf., moreover, Meissner, ZDMG. 48, p. 190, note 5 about
the story of Kai Kaus.
."
30-
The Origin and History of the Minaret. — By RICHARD
J. H. GTOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE minaret is usually considered to be one of the most
distinctive features of the Muhammadan mosque and the history
of its origin is naturally of interest to the student both of Islam
and of the history of architecture. But unlike the Mihrab
(prayer-niche) and Minbar (pulpit), the references to the
minaret in Arabic literature are very few; and the traditions
that have gathered around it are so scarce as to make one
feel that the religious significance that attaches to the Mihrab
and the Minbar are entirely wanting in the Minaret. Indeed,
the name itself is strange, and in no way expressive of the
purport for which the object was built. The word J^LL* can
have meant originally only "an object that gives light". As
such, it is used in old Arabic poetry for the oil lamp or rush
light used in the cell of the Christian monk, exactly parallel
to the Syriac mendrta\l from which, however, it is not neces-
sary to derive the word, as Guidi and Fraenkel2 have done,
seeing that the formation is perfectly regular. It is then used
for a "light-tower" or "light-house";3 the signification "a monk's
cell or chamber for retirement", given by Lane 4 from the
Kanz al-Mtiruf must be a late and a local one. Schwally
has suggested,5 and he is followed by Douttee,6 that the ap-
plication of the word manaratun to the tower of a mosque is
due to the light held by the Muezzin as he recites the call
to prayer at night which gives the onlooker below the idea
of a light-tower; but the explanation strikes one as involved
and far-fetched. The transfer of the name from a light-tower
1 Guidi, Delia sede primitiva del popoli Semitici, p. 38. Cfr. e. g.
Imrulkais (ed. Ahlwardt) 148, 87. Ibid. 152, 20 *>U* = ^L^o^ .
2 Guidi, loc. tit., p. 37; Fraenkel, Aramdische Fremdworter, p. 270.
3 See, e. g., the description of the lighthouses of the coast of Syria in
al-Mukaddasi (Ed. de Goeje), p. 177.
4 p. 1728. 5 ZDMG. 52, 145.
6 Les Minarets et Vappel a la priere in Revue Africaine, 43, 339.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 133
to the tower of a mosque must have been occasioned by the
resemblance of the one to the other. It is impossible to fix
the time at which this transfer was made. The earlier and
more significant designation of the minaret is mi'dhanah or
midhanah (pronounced in the language of the street ma'dhanah)1
—"a place from which the time of prayer is announced"', but
it occurs seldom in the literature of the Middle Ages, and
seems to have been driven out completely by the more common
word mandrah.
It is generally conceded that the earliest mosque in Islam
had no minarets at all.2 The mosques built in the days of
Mohammed at Kuba and Medinah were so simple that there
was no place for building anything like a tower, even if the
means and the necessary skill had been available. Caetani,
in his monumental Annali di Islam,* has shown that the
mosque at Medinah was, at first, intended simply as a dar or
private dwelling for the prophet and his family: there was no
intention to build a place of assembly for the faithful. A
court with a portico around it, through which one entered
into the living-rooms of the family was all that it contained.
The whole was surrounded by a wall which was to preserve
the privacy of the dar. We have here, in embryo, the open
Salm and the closed Liivdn of the later mosques. Bilal, the
first Muezzin, was in general the herald of Mohammed, not
only the caller to prayer. The Adhan itself was copied from
the Christians and the Jews.4 Ibn Hisham tells us that when
1 Or mdd-na] Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 78. In a story told in
Kitdb al-Aghdnl xx, 85 <4oiL*} z^Lixo and <*aa-*^o are used promiscuously.
2 The historians of architecture, then, go too far when they say, as
does Adamy, Architektonik auf historischer und astketiscker Grundlage^
II, 16: "Em oder mehrere Tiirme, Minarets, waren gleichfalls notwendige
Bestandteile fur die Moscheen". So, also, Adolf Fah, Grundrifi der Ge-
schichte der bildenden Kiinste (Freiburg 1897) p. 272: "wesentlich waren
endlich die Minarets"; and Liibke, Grundrifi der Kunstffeschichte, 13th ed.
II, 70: "Minarets . . . sind ebenfalls unumganglich". The Adhdn, itself,
however, is necessary: Dardir, Shark akrab al-masdlik p. 46:
3 I, 438 et seq.
4 Of course, Mohammedans do not admit this: in fact, the Jews are
presumed to have been surprised; al-ZurkanT, Shark al-Muwatta, 121:
*0-^ ^4- • Mohammedan Scholastics have all sorts
of conceits in regard to the origin of the ddhdn, e. g. that Gabriel was
VOL XXX. Part II. 10
134 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
the first Moslems came to Medinah they prayed without any
preliminary adhdn.1 But the Moslems heard the Jews use a
horn,2 and the Christians the Nakus or clapper (the so-called
ayia £uAa or o-^/ze^T/ooV, a long piece of wood struck with a
flexible wabil, the Aramaic nakosha, which is still in use among
the Nestorians 3) ; and they wanted something similar for their
own use. So Mohammed gave the command "Rise, 0 Bilal,
and summon to prayer!" Later tradition has embellished
this simple account. Al-Nawawl gives the words in this wise
';Go to some prominent place and summon to prayer".4 It
was quite natural that Bilal should make use of a position
from which he could best be seen and heard. Upon one
occasion, during the Umrat al-Kasa in the year 7, Mohammed
ordered Bilal to recite the Adhdn from the top of the Kacbah;5
the first to recite it in heaven (al-Sharkam, Haehiyah I, 231), and that
Adam or Abraham was the first on earth to follow the custom (al-Zur-
kani. loc. cit.\
1 ed. Wustenfeld, p. 347: J^f-V. ^ \y*j£ ^^- <
l; al-Kastallam, Irshdd al-Sdri II, 3
0^3 ^^ . Cfr.
Muslim, al- Sahih (Delhi 1309), p. 164; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Muicatta, p. 121.
2 As far as we know, the Jews used the horn (shofar) only on certain
festivals. On the Arabic pronunciation of j^"* see al-Kastallani (loc.
dt.) ^o^^\,\ i"j^.y,\ jo^xio JL^jsxsiJLl ^j^xJl C^^ J5^^\ o-*-**^^
(= jmsn?; cfr. Jawallki, ed. Sachau, p. 94; Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld
II, 108). The earlier traditions use the word ^^> (Muslim, al-Sahlh,
p. 164) or ^3^ (Ibn Hisham I, 348; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Mmvatta, p. 121;
al-Si'utl. al-Hasffis. al-Kubra, Hyderabad 1319, I, 196). Another word
used appears in various forms : j^-9", £-^, J-^, && (Ibn Hisham II, 108).
Lisdn (X, 131, 174) and Taj al-lArus (V, 478) decide for 5-0, though
there are authorities against them. Another, and later, tradition mentions
a fire-signal: £>\ \j^S£ ^0^1^50, *^_?^. '*&^\ C^S*, \_^Jjo ^ \5j**
£)\>y\ 5^-*^. ^>\ J^~> f*\3 tcoyJU \j*y*a*^\ \^ \2Jfa^% Muslim loc. cit.\
al-Bukhari (ed. Krehl) I, 75; ZurkanT, loc. cit; Ibn Hisham II, 108 (note
in one Ms.).
3 Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus 2466. The Nakus was indeed used
at first for the early morning ddhdn in Fostat; al-Makrlzi, al-Khitat,
2nd ed., iv, 8. On the use of the word in the older poetry, see Jacob, Das
Leben der vorislam. Araber, pp. 85, 122 and Douttee, Les Minarets, passim.
4 j^b £*2>j* (J\; al-Kastallam, ibid. p. 3; Zain al-'Abidin, al-Bahr
al-Rd'ik, p. 268 JU ^^o g ^\>^\ £^0.^.
5 Ibn Saad, Biographien, ed. Sachau, III, 1, p. 167; Wellhausen, Mo-
hammed in Medinah, p. 302. Ibn Hisham, p. 822, says only that Moham-
med ordered Bilal to recite the adhdn; but see Die Chroniken der Stadt
Mekka, iv, 109.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 135
which to some of the Meccans appeared to be an unholy act.
Upon another occasion, so the tradition runs, Bilal issued
the call from the top of a high house that happened to be in
the neighbourhood of the mosque;1 and in the time of the
Umayyads, the poet al-Farazdak still speaks of the Adhan as
being pronounced "on the wall of every city".2 Even in the
later law books it was laid down that "the Muezzin, if he is
on the road, may call to prayer while riding; if he descends
(from his beast) he must halt, but if he is riding, he need not
halt".3 The example set by Mohammed, and especially by
Bilal, was followed; even though no formal prescription can
be found in reference to the ceremony. If the Mosque is
large, says a later authority, "there is no harm if a Muezzin
call to prayer from each one of its sides, so that all that
are near it may hear him at one and the same time."4
There is then, as will be seen, no mention of a special place
for the Muezzin. We first hear of minarets in connection with
the mosque of Medinah under the Umayyad Walid ibn 'Abd
al-Malik (86-96 A. H.).5 This holds good, also, for the early
mosques built outside of the Balad al-Haram.6 The mosque
of Kufah was built by Sacd ibn abi al-Wakkas in the year
17; 7 and that of Basra by Abl Musa al-Ashcarl in the same
year;8 but in connection with neither of these is anything
said about a minaret. The one attached to the Basra mosque
is said to have been added by Ziyad ibn Abl Sufyan during
the Caliphate of Mu'awiyah.9 One of the earliest mosques
built was that of 'Amr ibn al-Asi in Fostat, Egypt. It was,
1 Ibn Hisharn p. 348; Zain al-'Abidln, Al Bahr al-Rffik p. 268 cAbd al-
Rahman ibn al-Kasim, Kitdb al-Mudaivivanah I, 60 in the name of Malik
ibn Anas., al-Shafi'T, Risdlah II, 152 ,J* J-<o c£^U «-**** ^b ^3
fLoNJl *\Loj ?\^.\ j<3£v-»*JU j4g&. Cfr., also, al-Si'utl, al-Hasais al-Kubra
I, 196 (but only Lolsx*»l US'wXa*).
2 £>\>b UjSy <3>l-o >^~~° A-ojw* J^ jyi <3 \U ^Xs^; cited
on the authority of Ibn Barn, Lisdn XVI, 150.
3 'Abdal-Rahman ibn al-Kasim in note 1.
4 al-Kastallan! II, 17.
s Schwaily in Z. D. M. G. LII, 143, citing al-Samhudl.
6 For the mosques built in the Maghreb, see W. and G. Margais, Les
monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris 1903), p. 46.
" al-Biladhurl (ed. de Goeje), p. 275; Yakut IV, 325.
s al-Biladhurl, pp. 346, 347 ; Yakut I, 640.
9 al-Biladhurl, p. 348.
10*
136 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
to judge from the accounts, a very simple building, without even
a concave mihrab and with a very low roof:1 and certainly, it
had no minaret. There is a definite tradition that before the
time of Maslamah ibn Mukhallid, one of Mu'awiyah's governors
in Egypt (ca. 36 A. H.), there was no elevated place at all
for the Muezzin. Mu'awiyah ordered him to increase the size
of the mosque and "to build sawami'" for the adhdn. So
Maslamah constructed for the jdmi' four saivami' at its four
corners. He was the first one to construct them in it; they
having not existed before this time . . . the stairway, by means
of which the Muezzins mounted was in the street, until Khalid
ibn Sa'ld transported it inside the mosque". What the sau-
mcCah was, we do not know. The Arabic lexicographers derive
it from a root meaning "to be sharp, pointed" or "to be
provided with points or teeth";2 but the root is one that is
very rare in Arabic and it has no congener in the other
Semitic tongues3. The word seems to have come to the
Arabs from the name given to the cell of the Christian monk—
perhaps" in connection with the Stylites who lived on the top
of a pillar. At least, both Bar cAli4 and Bar Bahlul5 gloss
1 al-Makrm, al-Khitat, 2nd ed. IV, 6; Abu-1-Mahasin 1, 76; Lane-
Poole, The Story of Cairo, p. 42. The same is true of the Jami1 al-Askar,
the second mosque built in Cairo.
2 Taj al-' Arils V, 411:
Lisan X, 76:
Zain al-cAbidm, al-Bahr al-Ra'ik, p. 268:
Zamakhshari, Asds al-Balaghah s. v. :
o o iw
i. e. a sort of cloak: so, also, al-JauharT s. v. :
c__;UiL:a_n^ y&**\j (3 ^^ ^xi^oJ ^^UaXJ\ CU
jo^yil) \ *<$j>3 ^«-o^Jl^. In some traditions, the word is used for the
place of the Muezzin; al-Sarakshi, al-Masbut I, 138: ^5^0 c^ *^\ ^
^XA-O^O ^j and cfr. Idrlsi, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, 139. 9.
3 Georg Hoffmann (Z. A. IX, 336) connects with it the word ^-^}
"a whirlwind of dust1'. Similar formations are discussed by al-Sicuti,
Muzhir II, 77. . 4 Ed. Hoffmann, No. 968.
5 Ed. Duval 221, 26. Al-Kindl, in his account of £Ain Shams, says
that the figures upon the obelisks are covered by a A~stx>^o; which, of
course, can mean only "a pointed hat" or "tapering hood" (Oestrup in
Bulletin de I'Acacl Royale de Danemark, 1896, No. 4. p. 200) whence the
Vol. xxx.] The origin and History of the Minaret. 137
the Syriac estond by sainna'ah', and when the Caliph al-Walid
mounted up to the southern tower of the great Church in
Damascus before demolishing it, he found a monk living there
in a sort of hermitage (saumaah), which he refused to leave.1
In the twelfth century the traveller Ibn Jubair found the
custom still prevalent; a Mohammedan anchorite inhabited
the western minaret,2 which place the philosopher al-Grhazali
used as a retreat. It is only in the Maghreb that the term
saumcfah remained in use among the Mohammedans.3 Ibn
Abi Zar' in his description ol the mosque of the Kairuanese
at Fez uses it interchangeably with manardh.* It has gone
over into Spanish as "zoma". 5
Nor does it seem that all mosques, even in later times,
had minarets;6 and the historians of architecture go too far
when they describe them as necessary parts of the building.
Al-Nucaiml, who lived in the fifteenth century (or his epi-
tomizer), in his description of the city of Damascus,7 gives
us a more or less complete account of two hundred and one
mosques; to which he adds twenty-eight by name only. He
is very careful to mention the peculiarities of each building.
But only twenty of the whole number are said to have had
minarets. It is difficult to imagine that he makes mention of
the fact only when the minaret was in some way noteworthy:
note has gore, through Ibn Zulak, into Yakut III, 763, and from here
into al-Makrlzi I, 31, al-KazwTnl I, 149 and indirectly into al-Si'uti, Husn
al-Mukhadarah I, 32. Ibn lyas (in Arnold, Chrestomathia p. 56) has
1 Al-Nu'aimi, Tanblh al-Tdlib in J. A. ix Ser. VII, p. 189; Muhammed
ibn Shakir, Uyim al-Tawdrlkh in Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlouks II,
p. 264. On al-Walld's activity in building mosques, see de Goeje, Frag-
menta pp. 4, 3 ; 12, 7.
2 Ed. de Goeje p. 266, 19; Fr. Schiaparelli p. 257.
3 W. and G. Margais, Les Monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris
1903), p. 45.
4 <_.^kL\ ^^oMl ed. Tornberg, pp. 30-32.
5 P. de Gayangos, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain I*
notes p. 499; though this is doubtful. The word was entered in the first
ed. of Engelmann, Glossaire des Mots espagnoles (Leiden 1861) p. 99, but
it is omitted in the second ed. (1869) by Dozy.
6 Therefore, if there is no minaret, the adhan is to be recited at the
door; al-Ramli, Nihayat al-Mulitaj (Cairo 1886) I. 305:
7 See Sauvaire in J. A. ix Ser. VI, 409 et seq.
138 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
for, in most cases, the mere fact is adduced or the additional
note that it was made of wood or was recently constructed.
The conclusion to be drawn is that out of the large number
of mosques in the city, only very few were provided with
minarets.
In the same manner at Jerusalem, neither the Kiibbat d-
Saklird nor the Masjid al-Aksd had a minaret; the style of their
architecture, of course, made it impossible. At a later time,
four were added on the Haram area. The only author that
seems to mention them is Mujir al-Din (a late writer of the
fifteenth century), who asserts that those that were to be
seen at his day occupied the same position as did their
predecessors during the reign of cAbd al-Malik (72 A. H.). *
The origin of the minaret is not apparent at first sight.
Franz Pascha, in his "Baukunst des Islam"2 sees no con-
nection with the architecture of any other faith or race:
"Ohne Vorbild wurden die Minarete . . . erfunden"; with which
Pool is3 in substantial agreement: "With Christians, bells doubt-
less led to the idea of towers, and with Moslems the call to
prayers by the human voice led to minarets". Schwally, 4
however, looks for some outside influence, but does not find
it : " Wahrscheinlich sind die Muslime nicht von selbst auf
diese Gebetstiirme verfallen. Aber wo sind die Yorbilder,
•
durch die ihre Architekten oder Bauherren bestimrot wurden,
zu suchen?"
From what has preceded it is evident that the idea of the
minaret arose during the 'Umayyad dynasty and in Syria. In
part, it was copied from the towers of the Christian Churches.
Whether the sawdmi* which Mu awiyah ordered his lieutenant
in Egypt to build on the mosque of Amr, were towers of any
pretentious, we know not. But the suggestion of a tower as
the place from which the call to prayers was to be made, or
as belonging to a religious edifice seems to have come from
the great church in Damascus which al-Walid finally turned
into a mosque. Mohammad ibn Shakir says expressly5 that
1 Uns al-Jalil (Cairo 1283), p. 379.
2 Handbuch der Architektur, 1886, II, 17.
3 Studies in Mohammedanism, 1892, p. 336.
4 Z. D. M. G. LII, 144.
s Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlukes 11,273; J.A. 1896, ix Ser.VII, 423.
In fact "at each angle of this temple there was a small tower erected
Vol. xxx.] Tlie Origin and History of the Minaret. 139
the western and eastern minarets existed a long time before
the days of al-Walid. Al-Walid built the northern one called
madhanat al 'Arus, after a favourite designation of the city
as "the bride of the world".1 What these towers had
been used for is not certain; the variations in Mohammedan
traditions seem to evidence this uncertainty. The one upon
which al-Walid mounted is said to have been called alrSd'ah,
which would suggest a clock tower. Yakut has the tradition
that this same minaret was originally a fire-temple and that
a flame rose up from it into the air.2
But there was a more general influence at work, of which
the towers on the Damascus church are only one expression.
The earlier explorations of de Vogue and the more recent
ones of the Princeton expedition to Northern Syria leave
little doubt that the Church at Damascus merely followed, in
respect of its towers, an older Syrian and (we may add)
Mesopotamian tradition. In the basilica of Tafha, which com-
petent authorities date from the fourth and fifth centuries,
de Vogue sees the transition from the Roman basilica used
for civil purposes to the Christian Church: "to the right of
the fagade", he says, "there is added a tower in three stages"
— a style of architecture common in the Hauran. 3 One has
only to study the construction of the other Syrian Basilica —
e.g. at Hass (fourth century),4 at Kasr al-Banat (fifth century),5
of Kalb-Luzeh and Termanin (sixth century) to see here the
origin of the church steeple.
This Syrian and Mesopotamian tradition leads us back — of
course — to the Ziggurats of the old Babylonian and Assyrian
shrines. With regard to the Syrian Christians, the evidence
is not more direct than that sketched above. Even if such
Ziggurats had been standing in their day, they were too fervent
anti-idolaters to have adopted anything as specially heathen
as a Ziggurat would have appeared to them. In building
towers they merely followed the architectural tradition as it
by the Greeks for astronomical purposes"; Guy le Strange. Palestine under
the Moslems, p. 230.
' Mukaddasl, p. 159. 2 n, 596.
3 La Syrie Centrale, I, 57 ; Butler, The American Archaeological Ex-
pedition to Syria, p. 409.
4 See illustration in Butler, loc. cit. p. 220 ; who, however, places it in
the sixth century. 5 Butler, loc. cit p. 156.
140 E. J. H. Gottlieil, [1910.
was current in the country; for such towers were not un-
common in other than religious edifices — in large houses and
even in connection with funeral monuments. * It was different
with the Mohammedans. They showed very little distaste to
accept ideas, formulas, as well as architectural and other
traditions from systems that had preceded them or were even
their rivals. What originality Islam possesses lies more in the
ethical and religious fervour which they imported into that
which they borrowed. The proof of this, in the present con-
nection, is to he seen in the two minarets of Samarra: the
so-called Mauliyyah and the minaret of the mosque of Abu
Dulaf.
During the last two years, these have been the subject of
careful investigation on the part of two travellers — the General
de Beylie and Ernst Herzfelcl. De Beylie's Prome et Samarra^
is valuable especially because it gives us, in addition an ob-
servant description of the mosque of Abu Dulaf, about fifteen
kilometres north of Samarra in the very heart of the desert,
and which has, also, a helicoidal minaret. Herzfeld's work is 3
strong on the historical and archaeological side. Herzfeld holds
that the architects of al-Mutawakkil, in building the minaret
of Samarra (850) followed a tradition which they had brought
with them from Persia, and that this minaret goes back to
the Ziggurat through Persian affiliations — more specifically
through the celebrated Tirbal of Gor or Phiruzabad. He
seems to deduce this from the fact that this was the only
Ziggurat at the time that had retained sufficient of its old
form to serve as a model. The point must remain undecided.
At least as late as the fourth century — as Herzfeld himself
admits — Ammian mentions such a tower at the Nahar Malka
near Ctesiphon and Zozimus knew of several at Bersabra,
i. e. al-Ambar. The Borsippa tower which was described by
Harpocriton in his Cyranides 365-355 4 B. C. and which was
in use under the Seleucid kings up to 296 B. C. was still
recognized as a Ziggurat by the Jewish traveller Benjamin
1 De Vogue, loc. cit.\ Kraus, Geschichte der Christlichen Kunst I, 308
speaks of these small towers as "die zu den Emporen fiihrenden Treppen
aufzunehmen." 2 Paris 1907.
3 Samara, Berlin 1907. An illustration of the Samarra minaret can
also be seen in Sachau, Am Euphrat und Tigris, p. 86.
4 De Miely in Revue Arcliaeologique, 1900, p. 412.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 141
of Tudela in the twelfth century.1 That which distinguishes
the Samarra minarets from the tower at Gor and from the
relics mentioned by the writers of the fourth century is the
fact that it is helicoidal or round. Dieulafoy says expressly
of the tower at Gor2 that "each of the stages is square and
less in size than the preceding one". Ammian compares the
tower at the Nahar-Malka with the Pharos at Alexandria,
which evidently was not purely helicoidal. The idea that is
peculiar to them all is that of a tower with an outside ramp ;
and it seems evident that we must look for the original of
both the helicoidal and the square or staged tower in the
Babylonian Ziggurat.
It must, however, be confessed that cogent proof of this
statement can not at present be given. Herzfeld believes that
the Ziggurat was simply a massive pile of bricks with an
outer ascending' ramp and that the Babylonians and Assyrians
did not build what we are accustomed to call "staged-towers".
He also holds that they were not merely portions of the Temple
proper or adjunct to it; but that they also served as fortresses
and were used for astronomical purposes. But it seems to
me that he is mistaken in his interpretation of what evidence
we have regarding the Ziggurat, When one commences to
sift that evidence, it becomes surprisingly meagre; and we
can reasonably doubt whether — as is currently believed — every
temple had a Ziggurat. The following, however, seems to me
to be sufficient to prove that the Ziggurat was indeed a stage-
tower. 3
a. The ruins of the so-called "observatory" at Khorsabad.
This is distinctly stated to contain evident traces of three
stages and a part of a fourth — each stage receding from the
one below it.4
1 J. Q. B. XVII, 519.
2 L'art antique de la Perse, IV, 52.
3 I have omitted those remains that have not been definitely examined ;
e. g. at Kalah Shergat— "Triimmer etwa von einem Tempel, einem Stufen-
turm oder einem anderen monumentalen Bau"; Sachau, Am Euphrat und
Tigris, p. 113.
4 On the authority of Place, Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de Vart dans
rantiquite, II, 403. At Assur the height neither of the older towers nor
of that of Shalmanezer II can now be determined; W. Andrae, Der Anu-
Adad Tempel in Assur (Leipzig 1909), pp. 13. 64— though in the recon-
struction four stages are given.
142 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
b. The ruins of the stage-tower at Borsippa brought to light
by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Three stages are said to be clearly
defined. Hilprecht speaks of the "six or seven stages still to
be recognized7';1 but upon what authority, I do not know. Its
Babylonian name was E. UR. IMIN. ANKI, which Sumerio-
logists translate either as "Temple of the seven planets of
Heaven and Earth" or "Temple of the seven directions (spheres)
of Heaven and Earth" (bit sibitti Jjammame same u'irsitim).'2
The name, however, need not necessarily stand in any relation
to the architectural features of the tower or Ziggurat.
c. At Mughayyar Loftus3 seems to have found traces of
two storeys of the Ziggurat, though his description is not at
all clear. The second storey "recedes several feet from the
lower wall", though it is closer to the edge of the first at
its North- West end than at the South-East. He speaks of
a gradual stepped incline between the two storeys, though
its connection with the entrance in the lower storey is not
defined. Taylor4 describes a staircase, three yards broad,
leading up to the edge of the basement of the second storey;
but no further traces appeared. There seems to be no posi-
tive evidence that we are at all in the presence of a Zig-
gurat.
d. For Birs Nimrud we are dependent upon the general
description given by Eich, 5 who saw traces of at least four
stages, each one receding from the one below. No mention
is made of a rampart.
e. At Abu Sharain, also, there is little positive evidence of
a Ziggurat. There is a large basal substructure upon which
some edifice has been erected, and to which an inclined plane
led up 6. Too little has remained of the upper part to deter-
mine its character.
f. At Tell-Loh the excavators are said to have found the
remains of some sort of a building with terraces receding one
1 Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 184.
2 Schrader, K. A. T.3 p. 616. Langdon, Building Inscriptions of the
New- Babylonian Empire I, 57 translates: "House of the oracular deity
of the seven regions of earth and sky".
3 Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 128.
4 J. R. A. S. XV, 261.
5 Babylon and Persepolis, p. 167.
e Taylor in J. R. A. S. XV, 404.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 143
from the other. *• It is quite doubtful whether this is part of
a Ziggurat at all.
g. At Nippur Hilprecht assumes that there was a Ziggurat
of five stages, but no reason is given for this assumption ; and
I am not aware that the special monograph on the subject
"E-kur, the Temple of Bel at Nippur" has ever been pub-
lished. He confesses that very little is left of the higher
stages of the Ziggurat of Ur-Gur.2 Haynes found only con-
siderable remains of a sloping second terrace. Peters, however,
thinks that there is sufficient warrant for supposing an original
Ziggurat of two stories, upon which Ur-Gur built one of three.3
He confesses, however, that the two upper stages of Ur-Gur's
Ziggurat "were so ruined by water that it was difficult to
trace or restore them".4 Of the supposed causeway, only so
much was found as lead up "to the top of the first terrace
of the Ziggurat".5
h. At Bismaya, too, the results have been very unsatis-
factory and hardly warrant the supposition that traces of a
real Ziggurat have been found. According to Banks,6 the
small amount of the rubbish in the place in which it is sup-
posed to have been would warrant, at best, the conjecture
of a Ziggurat of two or three stages. In fact, not more than
one stage, in reality, was found with a flight of steps leading
up and this may be nothing more than an elevated platform
for some building. Further down in the so-called plano-convex
temple, the base only of some building was unearthed: nothing
compels us to hold that this was part . of a temple-tower.
i. The so-called Tirbal of Jaur or Gor (Firuzabad). Herz-
feld represents this to be also merely a tower "von quadrati-
schem Grundrifi mit aufierer Wendelrampe". But Dieulafoy,
who has examined the ruins minutely says distinctly that the
tower "is composed above the platform, of four stages . . .
Each stage is square and recedes from the preceding one by
a space equal to */io of the base".7
'j. The account of the temple of Bel at Babylon given by
Herodotus8. Whatever value we may place upon his trust-
1 Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de I art dans I 'antiquite, II, 398; Hil-
precht, loc. cit. p. 232. 2 Loc. cit. p. 374.
3 Nippur, II, 122, 124. * Loc. cit. p. 162.
'•> Loc. cit. p. 147-8. e A. J. S. L. 1905, pp. 30-32.
7 Uart antique de la Perse, IV, 79, 85. 8 j} 180.
144 .K. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
worthiness, there can be no doubt of the idea that he intended
to convey. After mentioning the first tower, he speaks of an
aAAos Trv/ayos = another tower having been erected upon this first
one (erejoos, i. e. 7™/>yos), and so on up to the eighth. l He would
hardly have described each one of these as an individual
tower, if the whole had been one massive structure. Harpo-
criton, also, mentions three towers superimposed as still stand-
ing in his days ; and he did not regard it as one single tower. 2
And finally, Benjamin of Tudela, though much too succinct
in his account, speaks of the outer rampart as if it were not
continuous: hwpZ D^IJJ Dt? DHll D^YJ m»N mwy\ rntPJJ ^31
"and every ten cubits there are ways (or slopes), by means
of which one goes in a circle, encircling it until one reaches
the top".3 He seems evidently to have a stage-like arrange-
ment in mind. Unfortunately it is impossible to verify these
statements. The bricks have all been carried off to be used
in other buildings; and all that remains to mark the spot is
a depression called by the Arabs al-sahn, "the bowl".4
k. Representations in Babylonian and Assyrian art; twro of
which only have come down to us: the representation on the
so-called Loftus boundary-stone and the relief from the wall
of the palace of Sargon at Nineveh. The first of these Herz-
feld ignores entirely; yet there can be little doubt as to the
stage character of the tower it is meant to represent.5 As
regards the second, Herzfeld6 is at pains to prove that it
does not represent a Ziggurat at all; but his argument is not
at all convincing. The rather crude manner in which the
Assyrian artists expressed themselves need not deter us from
seeing in the two curves that flank the portal an attempt to
picture the inclined planes of a Ziggurat. Herzfeld suggests
that they represent two towers; but then there would be no
reason for the curves. And the portal reminds us of a similar
portal which is part of the Tirbal of Gor, as described by
1 Zehnpfund, Die Wiederlierstdlung Nineves (A. 0. V, 4; 1903) p. 23
speaks of six stages; but does not give his authority for the statement.
2 Revue Archaeologique, 1900, p. 412 et seq.
3 Adler's translation, J. Q+R. XVII, 527; The Itinery of Benjamin of
Tudela (1907), p. 43 is not quite exact.
4 Hilprecht, loc. cit. p. 553.
5 See e. g. Hommel, Babyl. Assyr. Geschichte, p. 19; Hincke, A Neiv
Boundary- Stone of Nebuchadrezzar I from Nippur, Phil. 1907, pp. 17,239.
6 Loc. cit. p. 27.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret 145
Dieulafoy: "on passait d'abord sous une porte signalee actuelle-
ment par les naissances d'un arceau de 60 cm. d'epaisseur,
puis on s'engageait sous une gallerie recouverte d'un berceau
en partie conserve".1
A reminiscence of the Babylonian stage-tower may also be
seen in the stories told about the famous tower in the castle
of Ghumdan in San'a. The ordinary report was that it was
seven stories high; i. e. that it had seven stages;2 though al-
Hamdam, in his Iklil, is certain that it had twenty, and not
seven, stories.,3 A glance at the picture of the castle given
in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum* will show how the
mistake arose. The rock has evidently been built upon in
terrace-like formations.
The evidence here adduced does seem sufficient to permit
the view that real stage-towers did exist in connection with
Babylonian and Assyrian temples. But it may be wrong to
assume that these were the only kind of towers constructed
there. The two round towers in the mosques of Samarra
and Abu Dulaf seem to point to the possibility that some of
the Babylonian Ziggurat may have been built in a similar
round form.
It is, however, in another part of the Mohammedan world
that we are able to trace the further influence of the old
Mesopotamian tradition. All through the Middle Ages, Egypt
stood in close connection with Irak and with Persia: until the
Ottoman Turks brought the influence of Constantinople to
bear upon the land of the Nile. The great centres of literary
and of artistic development in Irak made their influence felt in
1 I am not able to follow Jeremias in attributing a cosmic character
to the Ziggurat; Das Alter der baby lonischen Astronomic, 1908, pp. 32-34.
Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf II, 240, speaks
of the tower of 'Akar (cAkr) kuf, to the north-west of Bagdad as a relic
of the Babylonian period (cfr. also, Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung II, 305 ;
Rich, Narrative of a Journey to the site of Babylon, p. 80; Ker Porter,
Travels, II, 275; Layard, Nineveh and Babylon p. 476). But Peters, Nippur,
I, 188, 354, is probably right in holding that it does not contain the
remains of a Ziggurat. The Arabic legends in regard to its origin can
be read in Tabari II, 917 etc.; Yakut I, 863; al-Hamadhanl pp. 196, 210;
Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium Libri X, ed. Gottwaldt, p. 35.
2 Yakut III, 811; al-Kazwinl II, 33. Cfr. Caussin de Perceval, Essai
I, 75.
3 D. H. Muller, Die Burgen und Schlosser Sudarabiens I, 13, 15, 56.
* Vol. IV, 1. Tab. 1.
146 E, J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
the land which has so seldom heen ruled by men of its in-
digenous races. One of the earliest monuments of Arab archi-
tecture is the mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo.1 There can
be little doubt of the connection of its "corkscrew tower" on
the one hand with the Pharos2 in Alexandria, on the other
with the minaret of Samarra. We can have some correct
idea of the form of the Pharos from the description left us
by Arabic writers, from a mosaic in St. Mark at Venice
(twelfth century) and from a curious representation found in
some manuscripts of two noted Arabic writers — Yakut3 and
al-Kazwinl. 4 It was of three storeys; the first square, the
second octagonal and the third round. 5 The minaret of Ibn
Tulun, also, has three storeys, but the forms of the second
and the third are reversed. Now, it is quite possible that in
building his minaret, Ibn Tulun was partly inspired by the
Pharos at Alexandria. We know that he repaired it and
added a Kubbah or dome on the top. 6 But there is a distinct
tradition, upon the authority of al-Kudaci (died 454-5 A. H.)
that Ibn Tulun fashioned both his mosque and its minaret
1 See e. g. Coste, Architecture Arabe, plate XXXVII ; Lane, Story of
Cairo p. 73; £. Corbet, The Life and Works of Ahmad ibn Tulun in
J. B.A. S. 1891, p. 527; De Beylie, Prome et Samara, p. 122; Saladin,
Manuel a"1 art Mnsulman, I, 81 ; Kaiser and Roloff, Agypten Einst und
Jetzt, 1908, p. 199. Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt, p. 65 adds "Archi-
tects, however, throw doubts on the antiquity of Ibn Tulun's minaret'';
but no arguments are adduced.
2 Alfred H. Butler was the first to suggest that the Pharos served as
a model to the workmen of Ibn Tulun; see Academy, Nov. 20. 1880;
Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 398. Van Berchem (Corpus, p. 481) holds
the same view. On the other hand, Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 35) thinks that
the Pharos was rebuilt in accordance with the form of the minaret of
Ibn Tulun. 3 i? 263. * H, 93.
s Hardly four, as Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 391 asserts. See
Ehitat, 2nd ed., I, 254. The earliest coins containing a representation of
the Pharos are dated in the year 15 of Domitian, i. e. 80 A. D. Here it
has in reality only two stages, seemingly square. On the coins of Corn-
modus the representation is strictly conventionalized: three round towers
superimposed. See E. D. J. Dutilh in Bulletin de VInstitut Egypt. 1897,
p. 24. Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 33) suggests that the form of the Pharos
itself is not Greek, but that it was inspired by Babylonian precedents.
e Khitat, 2nd ed. pp. 253, 254 (cfr. al-Si'utl, Husn I, 44). The text is
not quite plain: "Ahmad ibn Tulun made some repairs in it and placed
on the top a Kubbah of wood, that whoever entered it (the manarah)
might be able to go to the top. It was spacious, but without a stairway".
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 147
after those of Samarra. There is little reason to doubt the
correctness of this tradition, or to call it — as Herzfeld does—
"Geschichtskonstruktion". Al-Kuda'l stood in high renown
among Mohammedan historians of Egypt,1 and his work was used
liberally by all who have written on the history and the anti-
quities of the country. Ahmad ibn Tulun had spent part of
his youth in Samarra;'2 and when he succeeded in swinging
himself upon the throne of Egypt, he kept up connection with
his friends in that city. 3 It was with him that commenced
that artistic influence of Mesopotamia in Egypt which had
formerly belonged to Syria. It was one more avenue opened
through which that artistic influence of late oriental civilization
was to affect the early Middle Ages, on which Strzygowski has
dwelt so often.4 And one is tempted to see both in the
Pharos and in the minaret of Tulun nothing more than a
combination of the square or angled Ziggurat and the round
one that has been presupposed in order to account for the
Samarra towers.
But in one important particular the minaret of Ibn Tulun
differed from the Pharos; and here we must see the direct
influence of Mesopotamia. In the Pharos, the ascent was
covered and was, therefore, an integral part of the building.
Yakut says "It has a wide stairway which a horseman can
ascend with his horse";5 "The ascent is roofed over6 with
slabs that rest upon the two walls that enclose the staircase.
One mounts up to an elevated platform with encircling battle-
1 See Becker, Beitrdge zur Geschichte Agyptens, I, 20; idem in Z. A.
XXII, 430; N. A. Koeriig, The History of the Governors of Egypt by
al-Kindi (N. Y. 1908), p. 23. Strzygowski (Jahrbuch der Konigl. Preuss.
Kunstsammlungen, 1904, p. 246) also accepts the testimony of al-Kuda'I.
2 Tabari III, 1670; Vollers, Fragmente aus clem Mugrib des Ibn Sa'id,
p. 7; Abul-Mahasin H, 6. .3 Vollers, loc. cit p. 47, 15.
4 Loc. cit. p. 237. Cfr. Rene Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avant
V Islam (Paris 1907), p. 45. On the general question, see Migeon, Manuel
d'Art Musulman II, 71, 102, 459 et seq.
5 Consequently, there were no steps. Ibn Khurdadbeh, Kitcib al-
Masdlik, (ed. de Goeje) p. 114, 16 has ^> ^^ , which reminds him of
the ascent in the minaret of the Samarra mosque. Mas'udi has the same
expression; and the doubt of Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 392,
note 2) "it does not seem quite clear whether there were actual steps or
an inclined plane for mounting the tower", is not justified.
UJ
6 Yakut has CXaJLco and not the unintelligible CXJuu**j of al-Kazwini.
148 R. J. S. Gotfheil, [1910.
ments, from which one has an outlook over the sea. In this
there is a space as if it were a square tower which one
ascends by another series of steps unto another place from
which one can look down upon the roof of the first. It is
also surrounded by battlements. In this space there is a
pavilion like a watchman's cabin". That he is speaking here
of an inner staircase * is plain from his statement a little
further on that this staircase winds around "something like
an empty well"— a fact that is also reported by the Chinese
author of the thirteenth century Chao-Yu-Kua in his ethno-
graphic work Chu-fan-chah: "in the middle of the tower there
was a spring".2 Idrlsl (twelfth century) says explicitly: "one
mounts by means of a wide staircase, constructed in the
interior, just as is the custom in mounting mosques". 3 The
minaret of Ibn Tulun, however, has its ascent outside, in the
form of a rampart, just as was the case with the Ziggurat. 4
The persistence of this tradition in Mesopotamia itself is seen
in the tower built at Bagdad by the Caliph al-Muktafi in the
eleventh century (the Kiibbat al-himar or "Cupola of the Ass")
"ascended by a spiral stair of such an easy gradient that the
Caliph could ride to the summit on a donkey trained to an
ambling gait".5
The combination of the square or angled base surmounted
by a circular tower remained the predominant type of the
.Egyptian minaret; though the ascent has been placed inside.
This general character, of course, admitted of certain variations.
The minaret upon the tomb-mosque of Kalacun is made up
of a square base, surmounted by another square retrocessing
and by a circular top; that on the tomb-mosque of Barkuk
1 Hirth, Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen. Supplement
au Vol. V du Toung-Pao, Leiden 1894, p. 53.
2 Description de LAfrique, p. 139.
3 Van Berchem, Saladin and de Beylie have correctly described the
Pharos as telescopic in form; while the minarets at Samarra and Abu
Dulaf are helicoi'dal. See Prome et Samarra, p. 115, note.
< Guy le Strange, Bagdad during the Abbasid Califate, p. 254. A
similar tower "up which four horses could be driven" is mentioned by
Chao-Yu-Kua as existing at Lu-Mei, which Hirth supposes to be;Da-
mascus. If this is so, the author must confound the tower to which he
refers with some other— perhaps the Pharos itself, as de Goeje suggests:
loc. cit. p. 47.
* Coste, Plate IX; Saladin 1, 112. Cfr., also, the minaret of al-Grhuri,
Coste, Plate XXXVI; Prisse d'Avennes, L>Art Arabe, plate XXVI.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 149
of a square base, followed by a circular construction, and
then by a round top resting on pillars. 1 Sometimes the cir-
cular part was broken into an hexagonal or an octagonal.
The minaret on the mosque of al-Hasan has a square base
surmounted by an octangular tower; which is followed by a
second octangular tower; the whole surmounted by a top piece
resting upon columns. 2 This is also the form of the minaret
on the madrasah of Muhammad ibn Nasr. The minaret of
the tomb-mosque of Kait-Bey has a square base that develops
before the first stage is finished into an hexagonal. Upon
this is a circular tower, surmounted by a round top resting
on pillars.3 At other times the square base was broken as
in the minaret of the mosque of al-Mu'ayyid, where it is
hexagonal; 4 or in that of the Azhar where it is also hexagonal — -
surmounted by a decagonal, and this is crowned by two towers
that support the top piece.5
Both forms, the square and the round tower, have, however,
persisted uncombined in various parts of the Moslem world;
the cleavage is rather marked. The square minaret persisted
in Syria 6 (whenever Egyptian influence was not at work), as
can be seen in the "Ma'dhanat al-'Arus" in the Cathedral
mosque at Damascus" and even in the general character
of the "Minaret of Jesus" there. That of the mosque of
Zakariyya (the cathedral mosque) at Aleppo is a simple square
all the way up.8 The Umayyads carried this form into Spain;
the most noted example to day being the Giralda at Sevilla, 9
which has been copied faithfully in the tower of the Madison
Square Garden of New York City. It was also carried into
Africa, where, to this day, the usual form of the minaret is
square. Witness the Jama Zaitoun at Tunis, the minaret of
the Kalaa Beni Hammad (the Berber capital of North Africa) ;
the Katubia in Morocco, the Mosque at Oran or the Mansurah
1 Coste, Plate XIV.
2 E. T. Rogers and Miss Rogers in Art Journal, 1880, p. 77.
3 Coste, Plate XXXII.
* Coste, Plate XXXI; Saladin I, 144.
5 Coste, Plate XXXVII. 6 Mukaddasi (ed. de Goeje), p. 182.
7 Saladin I, 72. The top of the "Minaret of Jesus" is evidently a
later addition. 8 Saladin 1, 105.
9 Saladin I, 232; Adolf Fah, GrundrijS der Gesch. der bildenden Kiinste,
p. 280; Liibke, Gesch. der Architektur, p. 81; W. and G. Mar^ais, Les
Monuments Ardbes de Tlcmcen, p. 45.
VOL. XXX. Part II. 11
150 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
at Tlemcen. ! Only in a few cases, as at Hamonda Pasha
in Tunis, is the absolute square broken into a hexagonal.
On the other hand, the round minaret is generally found
in Mesopotamia and the countries further east. 2 Some of the
great mausoleums, it is true, seem to represent an angular
base surmounted by a short, 3 pointed tower — such as the tomb
of Zubaidah the wife of Harun al-Rashid near Bagdad with
its pyramidal stalactite top or the tomb of Hasan al-Basri at
Zobair near that same city, with its tower curiously formed
of eight stages in telescopic arrangement.4 Nor are peculiar
forms wanting; e. g. the minaret in the Suk al-Ghazal at
Bagdad,5 which though round increases in width towards the
top where it finishes in a beautiful stalactite top (similar to
the minaret at Amadieh6), or the minaret at al-Anah with
its eight regular storeys, 7 which reminds one forcibly of some
of the towers recently found at Axum. 8 In some cases, but
at a later period, the round form was frankly discarded — as
in the minaret of the Bibi Khanum at Samarcand9 — that
noble structure erected by Timur to his much-beloved wife — •
which is octagonal in form, or in that of the Royal Tekie at
Teheran, which is square. 10 But in general, one will find
round minarets of one sort or another from Mesopotamia up
to the confines of China. There is, of course, much variety
in the details of these round minarets, and their architecture,
has been affected by local taste and racial traditions. The
Minar Kalan (the great minaret) at Bokhara is an immense
structure "36 feet at the base and tapering upward to a height
of 210 feet".11 At times a sort of spiral is worked into the
tower, as at the Imperial mosque of Ispahan,12 or at the
"Gur Amir", the mausoleum of Tamerlane. In the Minar of
i Saladin I, 198, 217, 224, 228 etc. 2 Saladin I, 289.
3 Saladin 1,320; de Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 32.
4 Revue du Monde Musulman VI, 645.
5 De Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 48.
6 Binder, Am Kurdistan, p. 207. 7 ^., p. 69.
8 Jahrb. des KaiserL deutschen Arclidolog. Inst. 1907, pp. 45, 46. Cfr.
Am. Journ. of Archaeol. XI, 340.
o Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 392.
10 Revue du Monde Musulman IV, 483; Jackson, Persia Past and
Present, p. 417.
11 Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 374.
12 Saladin I, 397.
Vol. xxx.] TJie Origin and History of the Minaret. 151
the Kutab mosque at Delhi, the smooth surface is broken by
projecting ribs which form flutes which are alternately angular
and circular up to the first storey;1 circular in the second
and angular in the third. The fourth storey is plainly round.2
It is this round form, though much smaller in circumference,
that has been adopted by the Turks and which they evidently
learned in Mesopotamia% It is this style that is found, again
with very few exceptions, in Constantinople and the Balkan
Peninsula. 3
But it is not only in Mohammedan countries that the idea
first expressed in the Babylonian Ziggurat has survived. I
should not like to be misundertood as falling in with the
Babylonian exaggerations of some of our most learned As-
syriologists and of seeing everything through spectacles coloured
by the grandeur of the antique world. But in matters of art
and of architecture especially, the borrowings and the in-
fluences have been so numerous, that one civilization may be
said to stand upon the shoulders of its predecessor. It is a
well-known fact that the early Christian basilica had no
towers attached or superposed. The same is true of the
earliest Byzantine churches in Italy — the classic home of the
campanile. Even to this day there are none attached to the
cathedral of Parenzo (535-543), of Prado (571-586) or to that
of San Lorenzo at Milan (6th century), which are among the
earliest examples of church architecture in the West. It is
true that some of the old Italian churches have at present
campaniles adjoining. This is the case with a number of the
Ravenna churches — the Basilica Ursiana, Sant' Apollinare
1 Ferguson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 505. A
similar method is employed in many of the grand palaces of Mesopotamia
and in the Minar, or lighthouse at Beni Hammad in North Africa. See
De Beylie in J. A. Xil (1900) p. 197.
2 Ferguson, loc. cit. John J. Pool, Studies in Mohammedanism (1892)
p. 336 "It is not exactly a minaret, that is to say, it is not now, if it
ever was, connected with a mosque, but it is a lofty turret or tower
which is called a minar".
3 One might go still further and examine the connection that exists
between the Babylonian Ziggurat and the stage-temples found in Tur-
kestan, at Turfan, Astana and Syrchab (Griinwedel, Bericht tiber archdo-
logische Arbeiten in Idikutschari und TJwgebung in Abhandl. Phil. Philol.
Elasse der Bayer. Akad. 1906, p. 49; Hegel in Petermanrfs Mitteil. for
1879, 1880 and 1881); but such an examination would be foreign to the
scope of the present paper.
11*
152 R. J. H. GottMl, [1910.
Nuovo, Sant Apollinare in Classe. San Vitale is even sur-
mounted by two towers. It must be noted, however, that the
towers on San Vitale are not campaniles in the true sense
of the term, but merely means for reaching the gallery. l As
regards the campaniles themselves, all authorities agree that
though the main edifices of the churches are of the fifth and
sixth centuries, the campaniles wer^e erected at least two
centuries later.2 The dating of the campanile is in no way
affected by the undoubted fact that the bell was used in
connection with early Christian churches. Gregory of Tours,
towards the end of the sixth century, seems to be the first
to mention it as part of the church paraphanalia. 3 The
Chronicle of the abbots of Fonteinelle, speaking of the years
734-738, mentions the "Campanum in turricula collocandum
ut moris est ecclesiarum". 4 Some of the belfries (e. g. of St.
Satyrus) are supposed to be as old as the sixth century. 5 But
belfries are not towers. The oldest campaniles are supposed
to date from the beginning of the ninth century — those of
Santa Maria della Cella at Viterbo and Sant Ambrogio at
Milan: though that of Sant Apollinare in Classe is held by
some to be of the eighth century.6 The campanile of Sant'
Apollinare Nuovo is however reliably dated between 850
and 878. -
It is therefore a pertinent question — whence did this ad-
dition to church architecture come? The writer of the article
"Kirchenbau" in the Protestantische Real-Encydopadie1 is of
opinion that it was an original conception both in Italy and
in the Frankish Empire, and that it had no connection
whatsoever with the East. I understand this to be also the
meaning of Adolf Fan's words: "Ein neues Element bilden
1 "... le torri della basilica di San Vitale, dalla muratura sincrona
ad essa, furono erette per dare accesso alia gallerie superiore"; Yenturi,
Storia deW arte Italiana (Milan 1902) II, 160.
2 G. T. Rivoira, Le origini della architettura Lombardia (Rome 1901),
1,49 et seq.; Venturi, loc. cit.\ Ch. Diehl, Eavenne (1903) p. 48.
s Venturi, loc. cit. II, 149; Protest. Real-Encycl. VI, 704.
* Cited from Eulart, Manuel $ archeologie frangaise p. 174 in Arthur
Kingsley Porter, Mediaeval Architecture (N. Y. 1909) I, 81, note 3.
6 Rafiaele Sattaneo, Architecture in Italy (London 1896) p. 255.
6 Dehio and Van Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes,
I, 135. 7 X, 786.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 153
die meist kreisnmden Turme". l But one might well ask in
return — if they were not necessary as belfries, what purpose
did they serve? In Ravenna they could hardly be needed as
towers of defence, since the whole city was enclosed by a
wall. Nor could they be used as light-houses; for that pur-
pose they were too far distant from the shore. It is certainly
peculiar that the rise of the campanile or church tower syn-
chronizes with the coming of the Arabs into the Mediter-
ranean. The first Arab raid upon Sicily is said to have taken
place in the year 701 ;2 and though Sicily and certain parts
of Southern Italy did not come under their direct rule until
the Aghlabites were strong in Africa during the ninth century,3
Arab influence permeated the Eastern Mediterranean long be-
fore that. I do not know what authority there is for the
statement that the columns for the basilicas at Ravenna were
made in Istria by oriental workmen;4 but Ravenna was a
great centre from which Oriental influences passed on into
Europe — not only in art, but also in decoration, in mosaics,
and in miniatur-painting as well.5 The basilica of St. Mark
at Venice, supposed to contain the remains of the saint brought
thither in 828 from Alexandria, is adorned with columns
garnered in the East; and the campanile has an "ascent by a
continuous inclined plane built between an inner and outer
wall and turning with a platform at each angle of the tower"
which reminds one at once of the ascent in the Pharos at
Alexandria. Like the minaret, the campanile could be either
round or square. Most of the early examples are round; but
square ones are not wanting, e. g. at San Giovanni Evangelista,
San Francesco and San Michele in Affricisco in Ravenna.
And like the minaret,6 the campanile was at first not an
integral part of the church building. It was generally placed
near to it, sometimes even leaning upon it; until in the church
1 Grundrij) der Gesch. der Uldenden Kiinste, p. 228.
2 Weil, Chalifen I, 478.
3 Weil, loc. tit. II, 249; Muller, Islam I, 551.
4 Baedeker, Italic Septentrionale (1892), p. 301.
5 Ch. Diehl, Ravenne, pp. 107-109 ; Venturi, Storia delV Arte Italiana
II, 110, 127; Corrodo Ricci, Ravenna (Bergamo 1902), pp. 5, 7, 64.
e Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 108 ". . . not otherwise connected
with the mosque than by an arch, over which is a way to the terraces
above the arcades".
154 E. J. H. Gottheil, The Origin a. History of the Minaret. [1910.
spire it became almost a necessary part of every Christian
place of worship.
It seems to me, therefore, that a possible explanation of
the sudden appearance of the campanile in Italy during the
eighth and ninth centuries, would be that they are due to
Mohammedan influence. Whether this influence came from
Egypt, or from Syria and Mesopotamia, or even from the
Maghreb, is a point upon which I should not like to insist.
But this much does seem to follow from a study of the history
of the monuments, that the old idea of the Ziggurat or tower
in some way connected with worship at a shrine has filtered
down to us through the Mohammedan minaret and finds its
expression to day in our church steeple.
April 1909.
The Vedic Dual: Part I, The Dual of Bodily Parts.—
Dr. SAMUEL G-BANT OLIPHANT, Professor in Olivet
College, Olivet, Mich.
NEITHER native nor occidental grammarians have adequately
defined the scope of the dual in Sanskrit, but both agree on
the general strictness of its use. The great Panini states the
general rule for grammatical number with the utmost sim-
plicity,— bahusu bahuvacanam ] dvyeltayor dvivacandikavacane
(I. 4. 2 If.), i.e.: In the case of many, the plural; in the case of
two (or) one, the dual (or) the singular (is used). As regards
the dual he appears to know only two exceptions. In I. 2. 59,
he states: — asmado dvayoQ ca, or that the plural of the first
personal pronoun may be used of two, and in the next section
he adds: — phalgumprosthapaddndrit ca naksatre, or that the
plural may be used instead of the dual of the lunar mansions
plialgum and prostliapadd. We may add that both of the
Paninean exceptions are found in Vedic.
Whitney (Sk. Gr. § 265) admits "only very rare and spo-
radic exceptions'5 to its strict use "in all cases where two ob-
jects are logically indicated, whether directly or by combination
of two individuals." Speijer (Sk. Syn. § 26) states:— "In all
periods of the language the dual is the proper and sole num-
ber by which duality is to be expressed". He thinks it not
improbable that in the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature
sundry instances may be found of duality expressed by the
plural number but he is confident that "the number of such
exceptions cannot be but exceedingly small".
Students of Vedic syntax, however, occasionally observing
some of the phenomena to be presented in this study, have
had an idea that this strictness of use was not as well main-
tained in the older period of the language. Professor Del-
briick, for instance, in his Altind. Syn. (p. 102) asks: ,,Steht der
Plural als allgemeiner Mehrheitskasus auch da, wo man den
Dual zu erwarten hatte?" and adds: ,,Es giebt unzweifelhaft
im Veda Stellen, an welchen der Plural auffallend erscheint".
The first instance he cites is that of RV. III. 33, which we
notice here as it does not recur in the subsequent study. In
156 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
this hymn the two rivers, Vipat and Qutudri, are described in
stanzas 1 — 3 in the dual. In stanzas 4, 6, 8 and 10, the rivers
speak in the first plural, but this is an exception recognized
in all periods of the language. (Of. Pan. I c.\ Speijer, op. c.
§ 25). In 5, 9, 11 and 12 they are addressed in the plural,
a not uncommon mark of great respect in the later language,
though Speijer (Ved. u. Sk. Syn. 10 g.) pronounces it post-
Vedic and post-Paninean. In the closing 13th stanza the
waters are addressed in the plural, naturally enough as dpas
is plurale tantum. The latter half stanza returns to the dual
as the address is dropped and the two rivers are compared to
two bulls. Surely everything is normal enough, with the ex-
ception of the unusual plural of the second person in address
in the Vedic. Had we plurals in the descriptive stanzas 1 — 3
and plural and dual transposed in 13, Delbruck might well
have thought the numbers remarkable. He is still less happy
in his citation of RV. IV. 38. 3, for he overlooks the fact that
the padbhis belong to a horse, in which case the dual is hardly
to be expected. The other instances he cites are fully con-
sidered in § 6 of the present study.
With truer insight Professor Bloomfield has long been of
the opinion that for some reason or other the hieratic lan-
guage of the RV. admitted the dual more freely than the
Atharvanic or popular speech. This needed closer definition.
It was, then, to investigate the phenomena associated with
the Vedic dual and to determine the extent of the supposed
encroachments of the plural upon its domain that this study
was undertaken. In its preparation all the dual substantives
and adjectives, including participles, have been collected from
the entire Rig and Atharva Vedas. These have been grouped
into several parts as follows: 1, The dual of natural bodily
parts; 2, the dual in comparisons; 3, the dual of implemental
pairs; 4, the dual of cosmic pairs; 5, the dual of conventional,
customary or occasionally associated pairs; 6, the elliptic dual;
7, the dual dvandva compounds; 8, the anaphoric dual; 9, the
attributive dual. These have been studied each as a unit and
also in its relation to the others.
The present paper is concerned only with the first of these,
the dual of natural bodily parts, for these have been the center
of the doubt and the controversy. The study has for con-
venience of treatment been subdivided into seven parts, three
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 157
of which have to do with the supposed use of the plural for
the dual. We shall consider first the duality of bodily parts,
naturally dual, (a) when associated with an individual; (b) with
a duality of persons; (c) with a plurality of persons:— and
then a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated (a)
with a plurality of persons; (b) with a duality of persons; (c)
with an individual. The seventh section on a duality of natu-
rally singular parts is added for completeness. The conclu-
sions reached from the study of each section will be presented
at the end of the section.
§1-
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual.
dnsa, 'shoulder'. RV. 0—3—6 (§ 4)1; AV. 1—6—0.
ansau, RV. I. 158. 5d, (dasasya); AV. IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya);
X. 2. 5C, (piirusasya); X. 9. 19b, (aghnyayas); XL 3. 9,
(odanasya): ansabhyam, RV. X. 163. 2C = AV. II. 33. 2C,
(yaksminas). See also § 2 (AV.) and § 3 (RV.).
aks&n, 'eye'. RV. 1—0—9 (§§ 4, 6); AV. 0—1—0.
aksnos, AV. XIX. 60. lb, (mantrakrtas).
tiksi, 'eye'. RV. 1—0—0; AV. 3-2—1 (§ 4).
aksim, AV. X. 9. 14h, (agbnyriyas); XL 3. 2, (odanasya).
dksi, 'eye'. RV. 0—7—0; AV. 0—14—0.
aksi, RV. I. 72. 10b, (divas); I. 116. 16C7 17C, (rjragvasya);
X. 79. 2a, (agnes):
aksyau, AV. I. 27. ld, (paripanthinas); IV. 3. 3a, (vya-
ghrasya); V. 23.3% (kumarasya); V. 29. 4y (pigacasya);
VI. 9. lb, (vadhuyos); VI. 9. lc, (vrsanyantyas); XIX.
50. lc, (vrkasya): aksibhyam, RV. X. 163. la = A V. II.
33. la, (yaksminas); AV. XL 3. 34ad, (odanadatas): aksyos,
AV. V. 4. 10b, (takmagrhitasya); VI. 24. 2a, (adyuttasya);
VI. 127. 3b, (amayavinas). See also § 2 for one RV. and
two AV. duals. The remaining dual will be included in
pt. II.
1 For the sake of convenience this section is made a repertory of all
the terms indicating parts of the body of which the dual is found in either
Veda and a statement is given of the number of times the word is used
in each grammatical number. References are given to the following sec-
tions or to the parts of the study, for the use of the plurals and of such
duals as do not fall within the scope of this section.
158 8. G. Oliphant. [1910.
anukya, "ansayor madhyadehasya ca sahdhi" (Say.), AY.
2—1-0.
anukye, AV. XI. 3. 9, (odanasya).
anuvfj, 'flank'. AV. 0 — 1—0.
anuvrjau, IX. 4. 12b, (rsabhasya).
asthwat, 'knee7. RV. 0—2—0; AV. 0—8—0.
' asthivantau, RV. VII. 50. 2b, (mantrakrtas); AV. IX. 4. 12C;
7. 10, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 2b; XL 8. 14a, (piirusasya); X.
9. 21a, (aghnyayas):
asthivadbhyam, RV. X. 163. 4a=AV. II. 33. 5a, (yaksmi-
nas); AV. XI. 3. 45% (odanadatas), 45d, (tvastur).
dnda, 'testis'. AV. 0—1—0.
andaii, IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya).
andi, 'testis.' AV. 0—1—0.
andyaii, VI. 138. 2d, (piirusasya).
irma, 'fore- quarter.' AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
irmabhyam, X. 10. 21% (vagayas).
uchMh&y 'sole.' AV. 0—1—0.
uchlakhau, X. 2. ld, (piirusasya).
upastha, 'lap.' RV. 61—2—0; AV. 15—0—0.
See § 7 and pt. IV.
uru, 'thigh'. RV. 1—6—0; AV. 1—13—0.
uru, RV. X. 85. 37C=AV. XIV. 2. 38C, (vadhuyos); RV.
X. 90. lld=AV. XIX. 6. 5d; RV. X. 90. 12% (piirusa-
sya); X. 162.4% (striyas); AV. VIII. 6. 3b, (kanyayas);
IX. 7. 9, (rsabhasya); IX. 8. 7% (amayavinas) ; X. 2. 3C;
XI. 8. 14% (piirusasya) ; X. 9. 21% (aghnyayas); XL 3. 44b,
(odanadatas): uriibhyam, RV. X. 163. 4a=AV. II. 33. 5%
(yaksminas) ; AV. XI. 3.44% (odanadatas): urvos, RV.
VIII. 70. 10C, (indrasya dasasya va); AV. XIX. 60. 2%
(mantrakrtas). See § 2 (AV.) for the remaining dual.
oni, 'breast'. RV. 0—1—0. Of. pt. III.
onyos, IX. 101. 14b, (matur).
ostha, 'lip'. RV. 0— l(pt. II.)— 0; AV. 1—1—0.
osthau, AV. X. 9. 14% (aghnyayas).
kaphduda, 'elbow'. AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
kaphaudaii, X. 2. 4% (piirusasya).
harasna, 'fore-arm'. RV. 1 — 2 — 0.
karasna, III. 18. 5d, (agnes); VI. 19. 3% (indrasya).
Ic&rna, 'ear'. RV. 5—8—3 (§§ 4—6); AV. 2—11—0.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 159
karna, RV. IV. 23. 8d, (ayos); IV. 29. 3a; VI. 38. 2a, (in-
drasya); VI. 9. 6a, (mantrakrtas); VIII. 72. 12C, (ghar-
masya); AV. X. 2. 6b, (piirusasya); X, 9. 13b, (aghnyayas);
XII. 4. 6% (vagayas); XII 5. 22, (brahmagavyas); XVI.
2.4, Us, (mantrakrtas): karnabhyam, RV. X. 163. lb=
AV. II. 33. lb, (yaksminas); AV. IX. 4. 17C, (rsabhasya);
IX. 8. 2a, (amayavinas): karnayos, AV. VI. 141. 2b,
(vatsasya); XIX. 60. lb, (mantrakrtas). See part II.
for the other two duals (RV.).
Mrnaka, 'outspread leg'. AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
karnakau, XX. 133. 3a, (kumaryas).
'kagaplaka, 'buttock.7 RV. 0—1—0.
kagaplakaii, VIII. 33. 19C, (asangasya).
kuksi, 'dank, loin.' RV. 4—5—1 (§ 6); AV. 3—5-0.
kuksi, RV. II. 11. llc; X. 28. 2d; 86. 14d; AV. II. 5. 4b,
(indrasya); AV. IV. 16. 3C, (varunasya); IX. 5. 20d,
(ajasya); X. 9. 17b, (aghnyayas): kuksibhyam, AV. II.
33. 4C, (yaksminas): kuksyos*, RV. III. 51. 12a; VIII.
17. 5% (indrasya).
kulpM, 'ankle.7 RV. 0—1—0. Cf. gulpha.
kulphaii, VII. 50. 2b, (mantrakrtas).
kroda, 'breast.7 AV. 2—1—0.
krodaii, X. 9. 25% (aghnyayas).
gabhasti, 'hand.7 RV. 6—23—0.
gabhasti, VI 19. 3a; VII. 37. 3C, (indrasya): gabhastyos,
I. 82. 6b; 130. 4»; III. 60. 5b; V. 86. 3C; VI. 29. 2C;
45. 18a; VIII 12. 7b; X. 96. 3b, (indrasya); IX. 76. 2%
(somasya). See § 3 for the other twelve duals.
gavinikd, 'groin.7 AV. 0—2—0.
gavinike, I. 11. 5 b, (nary as); IX. 8. 7b, (amayavinas).
gamni, 'groin.7 AV. 0 — 5 — 0.
gavmyos, I 3. 6a, (amayavinas), V. 25. 10b— 13b, (naryas).
gulpha, 'ankle.7 AV. 0—2—0. Cf. kulpha.
gulphau, X. 2. lb, 2a, (piirusasya).
caksan, 'eye.7 AV. 0—1—0.
caksani, X. 2. 6b, (purusasya).
caksus, 'eye.7 RV. 36-0-1 (§ 4); AV. 78—1—3 (§§ 4, 6).
caksusT, AV. IX. 5. 21a, (ajasya).
jaghana, 'buttock, haunch.7 RV. 1—1—1 (§ 4); AV. 1-0—0.
The one dual belongs to part II.
jangha, 'leg.7 RV. 2—0—0; AV. 0—2—3 (§ 6).
160 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
janghe, AY. X, 2. 2C, (purusasya): janghayos, XIX. 60. 2a,
(mantrakrtas).
jdnu, 'knee.' RV. 1—0—0; AV. 1—3-0.
janubhyam, IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) : X. 2. 3b, (piirusasya):
janunos, X. 2. 2d, (purusasya).
daristm, 'tusk, molar, fang.7 RV. 0—1—1 (§ 6); AV. 0—4—1
(§ 6)-
danstra, RV. X. 87. 3a = danstrau, AV. VIII. 3. 3a, (agnes):
danstrabhyam, AV. X. 5. 43a, (vaic, vanarasya) : danstra-
yos, IV. 36. 2C; XVI. 7. 3, (vaigvanarasya).
danta, 'deciduous middle incisor'. AV. 0—4 — 0.
dantau, VI. 140. lc, 2d, 3b, 3d, fcigos).
dos&n, 'fore-leg.' AV. 0—2—0.
dosani, IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya); X. 9. 19a, (aghnyayas).
nds, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 0—1—0; AV. 2—1—0:
nasos, RV. V. 61. 2C, (agvasya); AV. XIX, 60. lb, (man-
trakrtas).
ndsa, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 0— l(pt. II.)— 0; AV. 0—1-0.
nase, AV. V. 23. 3b, (kumarasya).
nasika, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 0—1—0; AV. 1—4—0.
nasike, AV. X. 2. 6b, (purusasya); X. 9. 14a, (aghnyayas);
XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya): nasikabhyam, RV. X. 163. la=
AV. II. 33. 1% (yaksminas).
ndcti, 'retovahe' (Say.), 'seminal ducts.' AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
nadyau, VI. 138. 4a, (purusasya).
nrbahti, 'arm of man.' RV. 0 — 1 — 0.
nrbahubhyam, IX. 72. 5a, (sotur).
paksd, 'wing.' RV. 3—5—2 (§ 4); AV. 1-6-1 (§ 6).
paksa, RV. I. 163. lc; VIII. 34. 91', (gyenasya); X. 106. 3%
(c,akunasya) : paksaii, AV. IV. 34. lc, (odanasya); VI.
8. 2'\ (suparnasya); VIII. 9. 14b, (yajnasya); X. 8. 18a;
XIII. 3. 14a, (hansasya); X. 9. 25C, (aghnyayas). See
§ 3 for the other two RV. duals.
patdurd, 'side, costal region.' AV. 0—1 — 0. See § 3 for
the only dual.
pativedana, 'husband-finder, breast?' AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
pativedanau, VIII. 6. lb, (kanyiyas).
pad, 'foot.7 RV. 16— 10-8 (§§4—6); AV. 11—13—7 (§6).
pada, RV. I. 24 8C, (suryasya); VI. 29. 3a; X. 73. 3a, (in-
drasya); X. 90. lld = padau, AV. XIX. 6. 5d; padau,
RV. VI. 47. 15C, (purusasya); AV. I. 27. 4a, (mantra-
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 161
krtas); VI. 9.1% (vadhuyos); X. 1.21% (krtyas); XL
8. 14% (purusasya); XIX, 49. 10% (stenasya): padbhyam,
RV. X. 90. 12'1, 14l =AV. XIX. 6. 6d, 8C, (purusasya);
AV. V. 30. 13d, (fimayavinas) ; XII. 1. 28C, (mantrakrtas):
pados, RV. X. 166. 2C, (sapatnaghnas) ; AV. I. 18.2%
(striyas); XII. 4. 5% (viklindvas). See also § 6 and
pt. II.
pani, 'hand.' RV. 0-2—1 (§ 6); AV. 1—1—0.
pani, RV. IV. 21. 9a, (indrasya); VI. 71. lc, (savitiir):
panibhyam, AV. II. 33. 6C, (yaksminas).
pdda, 'foot.' RV. 2—0—2 (§ 6); AV. 1—5—1 (§ 6).
padabhyam, AV. IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) ; XL 3. 46%
(odanadatas): padayos, XIX. 60. 2b, (mantrakrtas). See
also §§ 2 and 3.
padakd, 'little foot.' RV. 0—1—0.
padakaii, VIII. 33. 19b, (asangasya).
parevA, 'side.7 RV. 1—0—0; AV. 2—5—0.
pargve, IX. 4. 12% (rsabhasya); IX. 5. 20d, (ajasya); IX.
8. 15% (amayavinas); XL 8. 14C, (purusasya): pargva-
bhyarn, II. 33. 3b, (yaksminas).
pdrsni, 'heel.' RV. 1—1-0; AV. 2—3—1 (§ 4).
parsm, AV. X. 2. 1% (purusasya): parsnibhyam, II. 33. 5b
= RV. X. 163. 4b, (yaksminas): parsnyos, VI. 24. 2b,
(adyuttasya).
prdpad, 'forepart of foot.' AV. 0—1 — 0.
prapados, VI. 24. 2b, (adyuttasya).
prdpada, 'front part of foot'. RV. 0—1—1 (§ 6); AV.
1—3—1 (§ 4).
prapadabhyam, RV. X. 163. 4b = AV. II. 33. 5b, (yaks-
minas); AV. X. 3. 47% (odanadatas); XL 3. 47d, (savitiir).
barjahyd, 'nipple.' AV. 0 — 1 — 0.
barjahye, XL 8. 14C (purusasya).
• bdhdva. 'arm.' RV. 0—3—0.
bahava, II. 38. 2b, (savitiir). See § 2 for the other two duals.
lahu, 'arm, fore-leg.' RV. 2—50—10 (§§ 4—6); AV. 2—
19-7 (§ 4).
bahii, RV. I. 95. 7a; X. 142. 5C, (agnes); I. 102. 6a; III.
51. 12C; VI. 47. 8C = AV. XIX. 15. 4C; VIII. 61. 18C;
77. 11% (indrasya); I. 163. 1% (harinasya); I. 190. 3b; IV.
53. 3C. 4C; VI. 71. lb, 5a; VII. 45. 2a; 79. 2d, (savitiir);
V. 43.4% (somasiitvanas); X. 90. llc, 12b = AV. XIX.
162 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
6. 5% 6b, (purusasya); X. 102. 4d, (vrsabhasya) ; X. 121. 4C;
AY. IV. 2. 5C, (hiranyagarbhasya); AY. VI. 65. lb, (c,a-
tros), VI. 99. 2C, 3a; XIX. 13. 1% (indrasya); VII. 70. 4a
5% (prtanyatas) ; IX. 4.8% (yarunasya); IX. 7.7, (rsa-
bhasya); X. 2. 5a, (purusasya); X. 9.19% (aghnyayas):
bahubhyam, RV. II. 17. 6a; IV. 22. 2b, (indrasya), VII.
22. lc, (sotur) ; X. 81. 3C, (vigvakarmanas) = AY. XIIL
2. 26C, (suryasya); X. 163. 2d= AV. II. 33. 2d, (yaksmi-
nas): bahvos, RY. I. 51. 7C; 52. 8C; 63. 2b; 80. 8C; II.
11. 4b, 6C; 20. 8C; 36. 5b; III. 44. 4d; IV. 22. 3C; VI.
23. ld; 46. 14d; VII. 25. lc; VIII. 96. 3'\ 5"; X. 52. 5C;
153. 4b, (indrasya); V. 16. 2b, (agnes); VII. 84. lc, (yaja-
manasya); AV. VII. 56. 6% (garkotasya) ; XIX. 60. ld,
(mantrakrtas). For the other duals, six RY. and one AY.
see §§ 2 and 3.
bhurij, 'hand, arm.' RY. 0—4—0; AY. 0—1—0.
bhurijos, RY. IX. 26. 4a, (sotur). The other four duals
belong to part III.
Wieda, 'pudenda.' RV. 0—1—0.
bhedaii, IX. 112. 4C, (naryas).
Mrd, 'brow.' RY. 0—1—0.
bhruvos, IV. 38. 7d, (dadhikrayas).
matasna, 'lung.' RV. 0—1—0; AV. 0—2—0.
matasne, AY. X. 9. 16% (aghnyayas): matasnabhyam, II.
33. 3C = RY. X. 163. 3C, (yaksminas).
muskd, 'testis, pudendum.7 RV. 0—1—0; AV. 0—7—0.
muskau, AY. IV. 37. 7% (gandharvasya) ; VI. 127. 2b, (ama-
yavinas); XX. 136. lc, 2b, (naryas mahanagnyas) : mus-
kabhyam, VIII. 6. 5C, (kany%as) : muskayos, RV. X.
38. 5d, (indrasya); AV. VI. 138. 4d, 5d, (naryas).
?raji, 'pudendum?' RV. 0—1—0.
raji, X. 105. 2C, (patnyas). So GRY. and BRY. GWB.
and LRV. take it as some kind of a maned animal.
PWB. merely cites Sayana's two guesses — rajasl dya-
vaprthivav iva or maliantau ranjakau surydcandrama-
sdv iva.
vartman, 'eyelid.' AY. 0—1 — 0.
vartmabhyam, XX. 133. 6C, (kumaryas).
vrltka, 'kidney.' RV. 1—0—0; AY. 0—2—0.
vrkkau, VII. 96. ld, (purusasya); IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya).
$ipra, *lip.' RV. 0—6—2 (§ 4).
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 163
Qipre, I. 101. 10b; III. 32. 1«; V. 36. 2a; VIII. 76. 10b; X.
96. 9b, (indrasya): giprabhyam, X. 105. 5C, (indrasya).
Qirsakapala i 'cranial hemisphere.' AV. 0—1 — 0.
girsakapale, XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya).
tfnga, 'horn.7 RV. 2—6—5 (§§ 4, 6); AV. 2-8-1 (§ 4).
grnge, RV. V. 2. 9d = AV. VIII. 3. 24d; RV. VIII. 60. 13b,
(agnes); IX. 5. 2b; 70. 7b; 87. 7C, (somasya); AV. II.
32. 6% (krmes); VIII. 3. 25% (agnes); IX. 7. 1, (r.sabha-
sya); X. 9. 14b, (aghnyayas) ; XX. 130. 13, (pfdakavas,
cf. 129. 9, 10): grngabhyam, IX. 4. 17% (rsabhasya);
XIX. 36. 2% (manes). See part II. for the other RV.
dual.
Qrfai, 'hip/ RV. 0-1—0; AV. 0-6—0.
grom, AV. IX. 4. 13b; 7. 9, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 3C, (puru-
>asya); X. 9. 21b, (aghnyayas): gronibhyam, RV. X.
163.4*; AV. II. 33. 5C, (yaksminas); AV. IX. 8. 21b,
(amayavinas).
grdtra, 'ear.' RV. 2-0—0; AV. 19-4—0.
grotre, AV. XL 3. 2% (odanasya); XIV. 1. llc, (suryayas,
cf. RV. X. 85. llc— grotram): grotrabhyam, XL 3. 33ad,
(odanadatas).
s&ktlii, 'leg.' RV. 1—0—0; AV. 1—1—0.
sakthibhyam, X. 10. 21b, (vagayas).
sakthi, 'leg.' RV. 0-2-0; AV. 0—3—0.
sakthya, RV. X. 86. 16b, 17d = sakthyau AV. XX. 126.
16b, 17d, (indrasya); sakthyau, AV. VI. 9. lb, (vadhuyos).
sandhi (jdnunos), 'knee-joint.' AV. 1 — 1—0.
sandhi, X. 2. 2d, (piirusasya).
stana, 'nipple, teat.' RV. 3— l(pt. II.)- 0: AV. 1—3—5 (§ 6).
stanau, AV. IX. 1. 7b, (madhukagayas) ; X. 2. 4C, (piiru-
sasya).
See § 6 for the other dual.
Mnu, 'jaw.' RV. 1—5—1 (§ 6); AV. 1—6-0.
hanu, RV. IV. 18. 9b; V. 36. 2% (indrasya); X. 79. lc,
(agnes); X. 152. 3b = AV. I. 21. 3b, (vrtrasya); AV. VL
56. 3b, (svajasya); X. 9. 13b, (aghnyayas); XIX. 47.9%
(vrkasya): hanvos, RV. I. 52. 6d, (vrtrasya); AV. X.
2. 7a. 8C, (piirusasya).
lidsta, 'hand.' RV. 29—17—5 (§§ 4, 6); AV. 22—18—4
(§ 4).
hasta, RV. IV. 21. 9a; VIII. 68. 3-\ (indrasya); hastau, RV.
164 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
X. 117. 9a; AY. XL 8. 14b, 15% (piirusasya); AV. VI.
81.1% (naryas); VII. 26. 8C, (visnos); VII. 109. 3C, (ki-
tavasya); VIII. 1. 8d, (amayavinas) ; XIX. 49. 10b, (ste- .
nasya): hastabhyam, AV. III. 11.8% (satyasya); VI.
102. 3% (bhagasya); XL 3. 48% (odanadatas); XL 3.48d,
(rtasya); XIX. 51.2, (pusnas): hastayos, EV. I. 24.4%
(savitur); I. 38. lb, (pitiir); I. 55. 8a; 81. 4e; 176, 3a; VI.
31. lb; 45. 8% (indrasya); I. 135. 9=, (vayos); I. 162. 9%
(Samitur); IX. 18. 4b; 90. ld, (somasya); AV. I. 18. 2b,
(striyas): XVIII. 3. 12% (mantrakrtas). For the other
duals see § 3 (1 EV., 4 AV.) and pt. II. (2 EV.).
In this section are listed 146 of the 191 duals of the
natural bodily parts, found in the EV., and 212 of the 225 such
duals in the AV.
Of the EV. instances, 96 pertain to the various gods. In-
dra leads with 65. Savitar follows with 10 and Agni is close
behind with 9. Only 39 pertain to human beings, and of these
11 pertain to the yaksmin. (consumptive) of X. 163, a hymn
distinctively Atharvanic and at home in AV. II. 33. Seven
pertain to animals, 3 to demons and 1 to the inanimate gharmd.
The different sphere of the AV. is well shown in its con-
trasts to these numbers. Humanity comes to the front with
124 duals and the sick still lead with 30. The animals get
49 duals and the gods drop to the third place with only 24
duals in all. Indra still leads them, but with a paltry 7.
Agni is a close second with his 6 and Savitar has but a single
dual. The demons have 5; inanimate objects 9, of which 4
pertain to the odand.
Thus these duals clearly establish the hieratic character
of the EV. and the demotic character of the AV. The im-
portance of this distinction will appear later.
Only in 4 instances out of these 358 duals is there the
slightest need to comment upon any grammatical usage. In
three instances the dual is predicate to a singular— AV. IX.
7. S—bdlam urti (strength his thighs) and id. 13—krodho vrkkdu
manyur anddu (anger his kidneys, wrath his testes). In EV.
X. 85. llc — grotram te cakre dstdm (thy chariot wheels were
an ear) shows the reverse, a singular predicate to a dual.
The AV. XIV. 1. llc has this pada with the normal Qrotre.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 165
§ 2.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of
persons.
The RV. has five instances of this phenomenon: — dksi (CLQ-
vinos), I. 120. 6C, — aksl gubhas pati dan, (Hither your eyes,
ye lords of splendor); bahdvd (mitrdvdrunayos), V. 64. 2% —
ta bahava sucetiina pra yantam asma arcate, (Stretch forth
with kindly thought those arms unto this one that sings); VII.
62. 5a, — pra bahava sisrtam jlvase na, (Stretch forth your arms
to grant us life) ; bahubhyam (mitrdvdrunayos), VIII. 101. 4-[,
— bahubhyam na urusyatam, (Keep us in safety by your arms);
bdhvos (mitrdvdnmayos), V. 64. lc, — pari vrajeva bahvor jagan-
vansa svarnaram, (As in the pen-fold of your arms encom-
passed ye the realm of light).
The AV. also has five instances: — diisdu (a$vinos), IX. 4. 8b
— indrasyaujo varunasya bahu agvinor ansau marutam iyaih
kakut, (Indra's strength, Varuna?s arms, the Agvins' shoulders,
this Marut's hump) ; aksyau (vadhilyor vadhuag ca), VII. 36.
7a, — aksyau nau madhusaiiikage, anlkam nau samanjanam, (Of
honey aspect be our eyes, an ointment be our face) ; uruWiydm
(mitrdvarunayos^ XL 3. 44d, — tatag cainam anyabhyam urii-
bhyani pragir yabhyam caitam purva rsayah pragnan | uru te
marisyata ity enam aha | tarn va °/ mitravarunayor urubhySm
tabhyam enam pragisam tabhyam enam ajigamam \ (-If
thou didst eat this with other thighs than those with which
the Eishis of yore did eat it, thy thighs will die', thus says
one to him. 'With the thighs of Mitra-Varuna, with
these I ate this', etc.) ; pdddbhyam (agvinos), XL 3. 46A, — tatag
cainam anyabhyam padabhyam °/ — °/— °/ agvinoh padabhyam
°/ °/ ('If with other feet', etc. —'With the feet of the
Agvins, etc.); bahubhyam (agvinos*), XIX. 51. £b, — agvinor ba-
hubhyam pusrio hastabhyam prasuta a rabhe (With the Agvins'
arms, with Pushan's hands, I, impelled, seize thee).
It will be noticed that nine of these ten passages refer
either to the Agvins or to Mitra-Varuna. Though it is true
that of all the Vedic pantheon the deities of these respective
groups are the ones most intimately associated, that Mitra is
so closely assimilated to Varuna that, as Macdonell (Ved.
Myth., p. 27) observes, he has hardly an independent trait left,
that only on the rarest occasions are the Agvins separable,
VOL. XXX. Part H. 12
166 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
yet there is never a unification of the members of either dual.
Nowhere are they invoked in the singular; nowhere described
by a singular epithet; nowhere is a singular verb predicated
of them. The immediate context in at least seven of our pas-
sages would positively forbid such an hypothesis as an ex-
planation of the dual.
Nor are they metri causa, as the plural will scan in each
of the eight metrical passages. That they are mere gram-
matical lapsus linguce or due to laxity of thought on the part
of the Bishis, should be our dernier ressort. We hold that
this interpretation is unworthy and unnecessary and that a
study of the passages, both by themselves and in contrast with
those of § 5, in which a plurality of these same bodily parts is
associated with these same dual divinities, reveals a conscious
purpose in the selection of the grammatical number. In the
passages before us this purpose is the dissociation and in-
dividualization of the members of the duality. Such an as-
sumption is made imperative by AY. VII. 36. 1, where the
eyes and singular face must individualize the bride and the
groom. Each ndu receives its full interpretation only in "of
each of us."
In AV. IX. 4. 8, the phrase marutam iydm kahut requires
the individualization of the Maruts, for they can possess no
collective kdkut. The natural extension of this distributive
idea to the former part of the pada gives the clearest and
best explanation of the dual, agvinor ansau.
If we compare the five RV. passages, each having the idea
of duality so strongly explicit in it, with those of § 5, we can
hardly decide otherwise than that in the passages with the
dual, the Rishis address the deities with an implied 'each of
you', and in those passages that have the plural, with an im-
plied 'both of you'.
We have thus a logically consistent and satisfying explana-
tion of the eight such duals found in the metrical portions
of the Yedas. In each of the two passages from the Odana
Sukta (AV. XI. 3), the same explanation may apply, if not
so obvious and compelling, or the duals may in each instance
be echoic of the perfectly normal duals of the same words
immediately preceding.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 167
§3.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of
persons.
We find twenty instances in the B,V.: — (i), aitsayos (marii-
tarn), V. 57. 6*, — rstayo vo maruto ansayor adhi saha 6jo bah-
vor vo balaiii hitam | nrmna oirsasv ayudha rathesu vo vigva
vah c,rir adhi tanusu pipiQe || (Lances are on your shoulders
twain, O Maruts; energy and strength are placed together in
your arms; manliness on your heads, weapons on your cars,
all majesty is moulded on your forms); (2), gabhastyos (marit-
tdm), I. 64. 10C, — astara isum dadhire gabhastyoh (The archers
have set the bow in their hands); (3), I. 88. 6M,— isa sya vo
maruto 'nubhartri prati stobhati vaghato na van! | astobhayad
vrthasam anu svadhaiii gabhastyoh || l (This invigorating hymn,
O Maruts, peals forth in praise to meet you, as the music of
one in prayer. Joyously did Gotama make these sing forth
a gift of praise unto your hands); (4), V. 54. llf,— ansesu va
rstayah patsii khadayo vaksassu rukma maruto rathe c.ubhah j
agnibhrajaso vidyiito gabhastyoh <}iprah girsasu vitata hiran-
yayih || (Lances on shoulders, spangles on feet, gold on your
breasts, splendor on your car, fire-glowing lightnings in your
hands, visors wrought of gold arranged upon your heads);
(5), yabliastyos (somasutvdndm) , IX. 10. £b,— hinvanaso ratha
iva dadhanvire gabhastyoh | bharasah karinam iva || (Driven
on like chariots the Somas flow in the hands, like hymns of
the singers); (6), IX. 13. 7C,— dadhanvire gabhastyoh (they flow
in the hands); (7) and (8), IX. 20. £b; 65. 6b,— mrjamano
1 The passage is difficult and has no satisfactory explanation in com-
mentator or translator. The principal mooted points are the substantive
implied in a, the subject and object of astobhayad in c, the syntax and re-
ference of dsdm in c and of gabhastyos in d. Stanzas 4 and 5 are replete
with ^the idea of the excellence and potency of Gotama s former hymns.
Here he expresses his confidence of continuing merit and the consequent
acceptance and approval of the present effort, the anubhartrl of a. Asto-
bhayad has the Gotama of 4 and 5 for its subject, and its object is implied
in dsdm, the antecedent of which is esd anubhartrl of a. The case of
dsdm is the partitive gen. after the idea of 'give, present' implied in asto-
bhayad (cf. Speijer's Sk. Syn. § 119 and E. Siecke, De gen. in ling. Sansk.
imp. Ved. usu § 7, p. 36). Gabhastyor depends upon same idea of 'present*
in the verb, and refers to the Maruts. This gives at least a consistent sense
and a possible syntax.
12*
168 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
gabhastyoh (cleansed in the hands); (9) and (10), IX. 36. 4b and
64. 5b,— gumbhamana rtayiibhir mrjamano gabhastyoh (made
radiant by pious men, cleansed in their hands) ; (n), IX. 71. 3\
— adribhih sutah pavate gabhastyoh (Soma pressed by the
stones becomes clear in the hands); (12), IX. 107. 13d, — tarn
Im hinvanty apaso yatha ratham nadisv a gabhastyoh (Skilful
men drive him as a car, in streams in their hands) ; (13), IX.
110. 5C, — garyabhir na bharamano gabhastyoh (Borne on by
the arrows, as it were, of the hands); (14), paksd (vmdm), VIII.
47. 2C, — paksa vayo yathopari vy asme garma yachata and
(15), VIII. 47. 3b, — vy asme adhi garma tat paksa vayo na
yantana (Spread your protection over us as birds spread their
wings); (16), bahubhyam (dngirasdm),. II. 24. 7C,— te bahu-
bhyam dhamitam agnim agmani (They leave upon the rock the
fire enkindled with their arms); (17), bahubhyam (dyundm), X.
7. 5cj — bahubhyam agnim ayavo 'jananta (With their arms did
men generate Agni); (18), bdhvos (marutam), see no. 1 above;
(19), bdhvos (nrndm), VI. 59. 7b, — indragni a hi tanvate naro
dhanvani bahvoh (Indra-Agni, men are stretching the bows
in their arms); (20), hdstdbhydm (mantrakftdm), X. 137. 7a,—
hastabhyam dagaQakhabhyam (With our hands of ten branches
we stroke thee).
The AV. furnishes these six instances: — (i), patdurdu (strl-
ndm), XL 9. 14b, — pratighnanah sam dhavantu urah. pataurav
aghnanah (Let them run together, without anointing, smiting
each her breast and thighs); (2), pdddbhydm (devdndm), X.
7. 39a, — yasmai hastabhyam padabhyam vaca grotrena caksusa
[Unto whom (Skambha), with hands, with feet, with voice, with
hearing and with sight (the gods continually render tribute)];
(3) and (4), Mstdbhydm (mantrakftam), IV. 13. 7a and c, — hasta-
bhyam dagagakhabhyam .... anamayitniibhyam hastabhyam
tabhyam tvabhi mrgamasi || (With our hands of ten branches,
.... with hands that banish disease, with these we stroke thee);
(5), VI. 118. P, — yad dhastabhyam cakrma kilbisani aksanam
ganam upalipsamanah (If we have committed sins with our
hands, in our desire of the troop of the dice); (6), X. 7. 39*,
see no. 2 above.
An examination of these passages in detail will readily
show in twenty-two of them the same clearly marked in-
dividuality of action among the plurality of actors that we found
in the preceding section in the case of the duality of actors.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 169
In fifteen of the twenty instances in the RV., it will be seen
at once that the specified act naturally and imperatively de-
mands the exercise of both of the given bodily members for
its performance. Such are the acts in nos. 2 and 19, aiming
the bow; in nos. 16 and 17, kindling fire with the fire-sticks;
in nos. 14 and 15, birds spreading their wings; in nos. 5 to
13 inclusive, the pressers cleansing the soma. In all the AV.
passages we have evidence of the individual element in the
action. In no. 1, the sg. uras and dual pataurau serve this
purpose; in nos. 2 and 6 the singulars of b as well as the
duals of a indicate the individual rather than the collective
homage of the gods; in no. 5 the gamblers seek forgiveness
each for his own sins, not for their joint offences; in nos. 3
and 4 and in RV. no. 20, it is the shaman that acts. It may
be that in AV. nos. 3, 4 and 5 and E-V. no. 20, we have a
single subject speaking in the first plural and that these really
belong in § 1 rather than here.
It remains to show that the same explanation holds in the
other four passages. We should remember that the Rishis
have all the Oriental exuberance and liveliness of fancy, love
of variety and of profuse ornamentation. They excel also in
the use of the swift, bold and sometimes startling transition.
They were often consummate artists, masters of word-painting.
They exhibit their skill now throughout an entire hymn, now
in a stanza that is a miniature master-piece, now in a single
word that is athrill with poetic concept. The difficulty is for
the cool, logical and too often phlegmatic Occidental mind to
appreciate the riotous luxuriance of their imagination and the
art that is in its expression.
In our no. 4 of the RV. the swift transition from the plu-
rals of a and b to the duals of b and c and then back to the
plurals of d is but a part of the Rishi's artistic equipment, of
his professional stock in trade, by which he presents to view
now the group, now the individual member of it and now
again the group. To us, unfamiliar with the real nature of
the vidi/ut, it may seem to accord ill with the imagery of the
context and even to make the picturesque almost grotesque,
to represent the individual Maruts as clutching with both
hands their missile bolts, but surely there is nothing incon-
gruous in this to the Hindoo familiar with that magnificent
but appalling electrical display by which the whole arch of
170 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
heaven, from zenith to horizon, is made to glow with such con-
tinuous flashes of flame that the intense inky blackness of the
monsoon night is made to rival the brilliance of the tropical
noonday.
In nos. 1 and 18 of the RV., which are from successive
padas of the same re and separated only by our alphabetic
scheme of listing, the transition from the plurals of a and ~b
to the duals of c and d may be compared in effect to a paint-
ing in which individual Maruts are strongly limned in the
foreground and the Marut host sketched in more vague and
shadowy outlines in the background. Too fanciful? There
are scores of such artistic transitions in the RV. Again as
the lances are the vidyut flashes the Rishi is not without skill
in his art when he makes them in their play rest upon both
shoulders of the individual Maruts. In no. 3 of the RV. a
like interpretation presents an individualistic touch at the
close of the re that has opened with a collective plural ad-
dress. Gotama's gift of song is unto you, 0 Maruts, yea unto
you individually as well as collectively.
So in every instance cited the use of the dual resolves the
plurality of persons and presents the component individuals.
The art of the hieratic Rishi is pronounced in at least four
of the passages and the demotic shaman of the AY. shows no
parallel. The results accord with those of § 2 and are the
proper contrast to those derived from the study of the next
section.
§4.
A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of
persons.
We find these thirty-five instances in the RV.: — (i), dnsesu
(marutdm), I. 64. 4C, — ansesv esam ni mimrksur rstayah (The
lances on their shoulders beat down); (2), I. 166. 9C,— ansesv
a vah prapathesu khadayo (Spangles on your shoulders in your
journeys); (3), I. 166. 10C,— ansesv etah pavisu ksura adhi (On
shoulders, buckskins; on fellies, knives); (4), I. 168. 5C,— aisam
ansesu rambhimva rarabhe (On their shoulders rests, as it
were, a lance) ; (5), 7. 54. IP,— ansesu va rstayah patsu kha-
dayo (Lances on your shoulders, spangles on the feet); (6), 777.
56. 13*, — ansesv a marutah khadayo vo (On your shoulders, 0
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 111
Maruts, are spangles); (7) aksdni, (purusdndm], VII, 55. 6>c, —
ya aste yac. ca carati yag ca pacjati no janah | tesaih sarii
hanmo aksani (Of him who sits and him who walks and him
who looks on us, of these we close the eyes); (8), aksdbhis
(ydjamdndndm), I. 89. 8b, — bhadram pacjemaksabhir yajatrah
(May we with our eyes behold the good, ye adorable ones);
(9) and (10), I. 139. 2^, — dki'biQ cana manasa svebhir aksabhih
somasya svebhir aksabhih (Not with the thoughts, the mind,
but with our own eyes, our own eyes of Soma given, have we
behold the golden one); (u), IX. 102. S\— kratva gukrebhir
aksabhir rnor apa vrajaiii divah (With our eyes clear with
wisdom unbar the stall of heaven); (12), apihahsebhis (devdndm),
X. 134. 7C, — paksebhir apikaksebhir atrabhi sarii rabhamahe
(To your wings, to your shoulders, there do we closely cling);
(13), kdrnebhis (ydjamdndndm), I. 89. <Sa,— bhadram karnebhih
grnuyama deva (May we, 0 Gods, with our ears hear the
good); (14), cdJcsaiisi (purusanam), V. 1. 4b,— caksunsiva surye
saiii caranti (As the eyes of men turn to Surya); (15), jaglidndn
(d^vdndtn), VI. 75. 13{\ — a janghanti sanv esam jaghanaii upa
jighnate (He lashes their backs, lashes their haunches); (16),
paksan (vlnCim), I. 166. 10d, — vayo na paksan vy anu griyo dhire
(As birds their wings, the Maruts spread their glory out);
(17), pakaebhis (devdndm), same as no. 12 above; (18), padbhis
(ydjamdndndm), IV. 2. 14h, — padbhir hastebhig cakrma tanu-
bhih (We have done with our feet, our hands, our bodies);
(19), X. 79. 2*, — atrany asmai paclbhih sam bharanty uttana-
hasta namasadhi viksii (With their feet they gather food for
Agni, with upraised hands and reverence in their dwellings);
(20), patsu (marutdm), see no. 5 above; (21), Idhdvas (nrudm),
X. 103. 13C, — ugra vah santu bahavo (Strong be your arms,
0 heroes, in battle); (22), bdhun (ydtudhdndm), X. 87. 4d, —
pratico bahun prati bhandhy esam (Break their arms raised
against you); (23), bdhubhis (marutdm), I. 85. £b, — pra jigata
bahubhih (Advance with your arms); (24), (agnimdnthandndm),
III. 29. 6*, — yadl manthanti bahiibliir vi rocate (When they
rub Agni with their arms, he shines forth); (25), (mahato
mdnyamdndndm), VII. 98. 4b, — saksama tan bahubhih gaca-
danan (We shall subdue them confiding in their arms); (26),
lidlmsu (marutdm), I. 166. _/#b, — bhuruni bhadra niiryesu ba-
hiisu (Many goodly things are in your manly arms); (27), VIIL
20. 10\ — rukmaso adhi balmsu (Golden ornaments upon their
172 S. O. Oliphant, [1910.
arms); (28), giprds (marutdm)1, V. 54. 11A,— giprah girsasu vi-
tata hiranyaylh (Visors of gold arranged upon their heads);
(29) *, VIII. 7.25^, — giprah clrsan hiranyaylh (Visors of gold
upon their heads); (30), grngdni (grngmdm), III. 8. 10% — grn-
ganlvec chrnginaiii sarii dadrgre casalavantah svaravah prthi-
vyam (The sacrificial posts set in the earth and adorned with
knobs, seem like the horns of horned creatures); (31), (sak-
thdni (marutdm), X. 61. <?c, — vi sakthani naro yamuh putrakrthe
na janayah (The heroes spread their thighs apart like women
in childbirth); (32), hdstebhis (ydjamdndndm), see no. 18 above;
(33)* hdstdir (manlsmdm), IX. 79. 4d, — apsii tva hastair dudu-
hur mamsinah (Sages have with their hands milked the sorna
into the waters); (34), hastesu (marutdm), I. 37. 3]\ — iheva
cjnva esam kaga hastesu yad vadan (The whip in their hands
is heard as if here, when they crack it); (35), I. 168. 3d. —
hastesu khadig ca krtic, ca saiii dadhe (A ring and a dagger
are held in their hands).
The AV. has fourteen instances of its own: — (i), cdksurtsi
(Qdtrundm}, III. 1. 6C, — caksunsy agnir a dattam (Let Agni
take their eyes); (2), cdksusdm (purusdndm), V. 24. 9*, — suryac,
caksusam adhipatih (Surya is overlord of eyes); (3), pCirsnis
(durndmnmdm), VIII. 6. ^5b, — purah pfirsmh puro mukha
(Whose heels are in front, in front their faces); (4), prdpaddni
(durnCmnmam}, VIII. 6. 15% — yesam pagcat prapadani (The
fore-parts of whose feet are behind) ; (5), bdhdvas (nrndvi), XL
9. 1%—je bahavo ya isavo (What arms, what arrows!); (6),
(gdtrunam), XL 9. 13*, — muhyantv esam bahavah (Let their
arms fail); (7), (8) and (9), baMn (gdtrundm), III. 19. 2% VI.
65. £c, XL 10. 16C, — vrgcami gatrunam bahun (I hew off the
arms of the foemen); (10), gfngdni (durndmmndm), VIII. 6.14b,
— ye purve badhvo yanti haste gfngaiii bibhratah (Who go
before a bride, bearing horns in the hand); (n), hastesu (yd-
jamdndndm), IV. 14. £b,— kramadhvam agnina nakam ukhyan
hastesu bibhratah (Stride ye with fire to the vault of heaven,
bearing potfires in your hands); (12), (13) and (14), (brahmd-
nam), VI. 122. 5b, X. 9. 27^, XL 1. 27^ — brahmanam hastesu
praprthak sadayami (1 place these separately in the hands of
the Brahmans).
1 Say. glosses the former by iismsamayyas (consisting of head-dresses),
the latter by firastrdndni (head protectors). The name is doubtless due
to some resemblance to the real fiprds, 'lips'.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic, Dual 173
The AV. has also three repetitions from the RV.: altsini,
IV. 5. 5C= aks&ni RV. VII. 55. 6'; lahavas, III. 19. 7b = RV.
X. 103. 13C; bdhfin, VIII. 3. 6d = RV. X. 87. 4d.
A comparison of these passages with those of § 3 in which
the dual is associated with a like plurality of persons, shows
that in these the plural is thought of as general and collec-
tive. The Rishis here view the concert rather than the in-
dividualization of the action. In nos. 18 and 32 of the RV.
tanubhis shows there is no idea of individuality. So do viksti
of no. 19, the plural simile janayali of no. 31, and the con-
text of no. 27, which has taniisu in 12I}, rathesu in 12C and
griyas in 12d. In no. 7 tesdm is plainly "of all these", not
uof each of these". Nos. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 21, 22, 25, 32 and
33 are obviously general and collective, not specific and in-
dividual. In nos. 1 to 6, 20, 23, 26 to 29, 34 and 35 the
Rishis refer to the Marut host, not to individual members of
it. A comparison of no. 15 with the no. 14 of § 3 shows that
here the simile looks to the ensemble of wings. So the com-
parison in no. 31 is general. In nos. 16, 24 and 31 the use
of both the bodily members is indeed necessary in any single
case, but comparison with nos. 16 and 17 of § 3 shows that
the Rishis by the plural generalize the act that the dual would
individualize. So with the remaining passages, nos. 12, 15
and 17 of the RV. and all of the AV., the plural is general
and synthetic where the dual would resolve the group into its
components.
§5.
A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of
persons.
There are but three instances of this phenomenon, all in
the RV. The passages are: — (i), Mrndis (a$vinos), L 184. 2(].
— rrutam me achoktibhir matlnam esta nara nicetara ca kar-
ntiih (Hearken, ye heroes, to the invocations of my hymns, ye
who are worshipped and are observant with your ears); (2),
pa<!bhis (mitrdvarunayos), V. 64. 7l\ — sutarii somaiii mi hasti-
bhir a padbhir dhavantam nara bibhratav arcanfmasam (As
to the soma finger-pressed, hither speed with your feet, O
heroes, supporting Arcananas); (3), "baliuWils (mitrdi'iirunayos),
VI. 67. 7(1, — sum ya racmeva yamatur yamistha dva janaii asa-
174 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
ma bahiibhih svaih (The peerless twain who by their arms as
with a rein, best control the peoples).
Concert of action is clearly indicated in all, but most clearly
in the third passage. The invocation of the first and second
passages has an implied "both of you." Compare and contrast
the passages in § 2.
§ 6.
A plurality1 of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual.
We expect the plural when a plural numeral is added.
There are these instances: B,V. dksdbhis (agnes], I. 128. 3d, —
gatam caksano aksabhih (Observant with a hundred eyes); X.
79. 5C, — tasmai sahasram aksabhir vi cakse (He looks on him
with a thousand eyes); pddds (ghrldsya\ IV. 58. 3a, — catvari
gfnga trayo asyo pads (Four are his horns and three his feet) ;
bah&n (urunasya), II. 14. 4b, — nava cakhvansam navatirii ca
bahun (Showing nine and ninety arms); bdhusu (bramandasyd),
VIII. 101. 13C, — citreva praty adargy ayaty antar dagasu ba-
husu (Radiant Usas is seen advancing amid the ten arms);
gfnga (ghrtasya), IV. 58. 3a, — see pddds above; hdstdsas (glir
tdsya), IV. 58. 3b, — dve glrse sapta hastaso asya (Two are his
heads and seven his hands).
AV. padbhis (purusasya), XIX. 6. 2*, — tribhih padbhir dyam
arohat (With three feet he climbed the sky); caksunsi (bha-
1 The plural is the natural number in the following instances: RV
padbhis, IV. 38. 3C (agvasya dadhikras); panibhis, II. 31. 2d (= gapha ag-
vasya); pddds, I. 163. 9a (agvasya); prdpaddis, VI. 75. 7C (agvasya).
AV. jdfiffhds, IX. 7.10 (rsabhasya); X. 9. 23a (aghnydyas); jdnghabhiS)
IV. 11. 10b (anaduhas);^afeawam, IX. 3. 4C (=sthuna vigvavarayas) ; padds,
IV. 15. 14d, (manddkasya); IX. 4. 14C (rsabhasya); 'padbhis, III. 7. 2b (hari-
nasya); IV. 11. 10a (anaduhas); IV. 14. 9d (ajasya); patsu, VI. 92. ld (a§-
vasya); pdddn, XIV. 1. 60a (asandyas); stands, IX. 7. 14; X. 9. 22b; 10. 7d
(aghnyayas); stdndn, XII. 4. 18b (vagayas); stanebhyas, X. 10. 20d (vagayas).
Twice in AV. such a plural is resolved into two duals:
pdddu, XV. 3. 4 (asandyas vratyasya).
tasya grlsmaQ ca vasantag ca dvau | padav astam garag ca varsag
ca dvau. (The summer and the spring were two of its feet, the
autumn and the winter were two).
stdndn, VIII. 10. 13 (virajo vagaya iva).
brhag ca rathamtaram ca dvau stanav astam | yajnayajniyam ca va-
madevyam ca dvau. (B. and R. were two of her teats, Y. and V«
were two).
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 175
vasya) XI. 2. 5h, — yani caksunsi te bhava1 (To the eyes that
thou hast, be homage, 0 Bhava). In this latter instance the
numeral is expressed in the sahasrdksa of 3d, 7b and 17*.
That these plurals are due to poetic tropes or to mythic
or mystic creations of Hindoo fancy admits of no question.
No one thinks of a literal interpretation. The hundred or
the thousand eyes of Agni are the bright flames that dart
forth beams of light in all directions. The metaphor requires
the plural. The numeral is intensive. By its use Agni is re-
presented as sharp-sighted or omnivident. The nine and ninety
arms of the Asura Urana mean only that the demon is many-
armed or strong-armed. The ten arms of Irahmdnda are, as
Sayana says, the ten digas or regions of the universe.
It is liturgical mysticism that turns the glirta into a gdura,
or Indian buffalo, and then proceeds to invest it with the
symbolism of such an odd plurality of natural members, four
horns, three feet, two heads and seven hands. Speculation as
to the interpretation of these symbolic members was rife among
the native commentators2 and their inability to think the Ri-
shi's thoughts after him is shown in the great variety of con-
clusions reached. Without undertaking to decide among them
we know that the plural members are mystic and symbolic
and that the Rishi had no conscious conception of the result-
ant zoomorphic incongruity of his fancy. The addition of
the hands shows that the idea of an actual gdura is not
present to his consciousness.
In AV. XIX. 6, the shifting mythic symbolism produces
an almost continuous change in the anatomy of the cosmic
piirusa. In 1 he has a thousand arms, a thousand eyes and
a thousand feet; in 2, three feet; in 4, four feet; in 5 and 6,
two arms and two feet; in 7, one eye. There are similar
changes in the corresponding RV. X. 90, but they do not
come so apace.
Of the same nature are the plurals implied in dvigu com-
pounds. Thus in RV. I. 31. 13b, Agni is caturaksd] in I. 79. 12%
sahasrdksa; in V. 43. 13d, a tridhdtugrnyo vrsabhds', in V. 1. 8C,
1 Bhava is identified with Rudra. Cf. VS. 16. 18. 28; 39. 8 and QB,
6. 1. 3. 7. In RV. 2. 1. 6; AV. 7. 87. 1; TS. 5. 4. 3. 1; 5. 5. 7. 4 and
QB. 1. 7. 3. 8; 6. 1. 3. 10 this deity is identified with Agni.
2 Vid. TA. 10. 10. 2a; GB. 1. 2. 16; Sayana on RV. I. c ; and MahT-
dhara on VS. 17. 91. The last is especially rich in alternatives.
176 S. 0. Oliphant, [1910.
a sahdsragrngo vrsaWias] in VIII. 19. 32b, a sahasramusko devds ;
in I. 97. 6% he is vigvatomukha', in III. 38. 4d, vigvdrupa; etc.,
etc. These dvigu compounds are figurative allusions to the
phenomena of fire, celestial or terrestrial. A similar inter-
pretation explains all such in either Yeda.
Closely akin to these plurals with numerals are those in
metaphors and poetic symbolism in which the number is ob-
viously determined by the figure. A clear instance is B-V.
X. 127. 1, — rdtn vy akhyad dyatl purutrd devy dksabhis (The
goddess Night, as she approaches, looks about in many a place
with her eyes). Her eyes are the stars and the plural is as
natural here as is the dual in RV. I. 72. 10b, in which ciksi
divas (eyes of the sky) are the sun and moon.
A number of such instances cluster about Agni. In RV.
I. 146. 2 he is transformed into an uksd malidn that urvy&h
pado ni dadheiti sCindu (Plants his feet upon the broad earth's
back). The tauropoeia justifies the plurality of feet. In III.
20. 2, the Rishi says to Agni — tisrds te jihvd .... tisrd u te
tanvb (three are thy tongues, . . . three also thy bodies), in
which the plurals are due to the symbolism of the metaphors.
Sayana identifies the three tongues as the three sacrificial
fires, gdrliapatya, dliavamya and daJcsina and makes the three
bodies pavaka, pavamdna and $uci. Other interpretations have
been given but none that impugns the figure which justifies
the plurals. Our principle becomes clear, if we compare two
such passages as V. 2. 9d — giglte Qfnge rdksase vimhse (He
whets his horns to gore the Raksas) and I. 140. 6d — Wilmo nil
gf-ngoii davidhdva durgfbliis (Like one terrific he tosses his
horns). In the former the tauropoeia is complete and the
duality of horns naturally follows; in the latter the simile in
which Agni is compared to a bull rampant in the jungle
suggests the metaphor by which the tips of flame are called
his horns. The flames are uppermost in thought and the plu-
rality of horns inevitably follows. Sayana well says gmgd
grngavad unnatd jvdlds (flames shooting up like horns) and
Yaska (Nir. I. 17) gives grngdni as one of the eleven syno-
nyms of 'flames.' In II. 2. 4cd, — pfgnydh patardm citdyantam
aksdbhih pdtlio nd pdyum jdnasl ublie dnu (The bird of the
firmament, observant with his eyes, as guard of the path looks
at both races). The first metaphor avifies the celestial Agni
and suggests the second, in the transition to which the first
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 177
fades away as the plurality of phenomena comes to the front
in thought and leads to the plural eyes in the new metaphor.
Sayana's svalaydir jvdldrupdir avayavdili (his own members
having the form of flames) expresses the idea.
Similar is RV. X. 21. 7cd, — ghrtdpratikam mdnuso m vo made
guJcrdm cetistham aksabhir vivahsase (With butter-smeared face
you are merry in spirit, bright, observant with your eyes, you
wax great). In a Agni is an rtvij (priest); in c the personi-
fication is fading from thought in the transition to the new
figure in d. Sayana's vydptdis tejobhis (far- extending, radiant
flames) well explains the metaphor in aksdbhis and its plural
form. Parallel to this is VIII. 60. 13, — gicdno vrsabho yathd
agnili gfhge ddvidhvat \ tigmd asya hdnavo na pratidhfse su-
jdmbhah sdhaso yahiih (Like a bull Agni doth whet and toss
his horns. Sharp are his jaws and not to be withstood, with
good teeth, strong and swift). The simile in a and b shows
the proper duality of horns. In c comes the new figure and
its natural resultant in the plural hdnavo. So in X. 79 we
have a shift from Jidnu in lc and aim in 2a to sahdsram ok-
sdbhir in 5C.
The sacrificial aspect of Agni in II. 13. 4C, — dsinvan ddn-
strdih pitur aiti bhojanam (Insatiate with his tusks he eats
his father's food) should be contrasted with the zoomorphic
Agni of X. 87. 3ab, — ubhobhaydvinn upa dhehi ddhstrd hiitsrdh
clgdno 'varam pdraiii ca (Apply thy tusks destructive, whet-
ting both, the upper and the lower). The dual of the latter
is required by the personification; the plural of the former is
as necessary to the metaphor of the consuming flames. In it
the personification is arrested and the metaphor predominates.
There is no need of disregarding the usual distinction between
ddnstra and ddnta, as is so often done in the interpretation
of the former passage.
One passage relating to Agni remains. This is the much
mooted 4 IV. 2. 12,— dtas tvdm dfQydn agna etdn padWiih pa^yer
1 For a summary of the earlier discussion of this passage and of the
word padbhih, see M. Bloomfield in A. J. P. XI. 350 ff. and in Actes du
XIVe Congres International des Orientalistes, I., or the Johns Hopkins
University Circulars, 1906, no. 10, p. 15ff. In the latter paper Professor
Bloomfield concludes: — "Shocking as may seem the paradox, we shall,
I think, have to endure it, that Agni is here said to see with his feet;
of course, the pun as well as the paradox between padbhih and pa^yer
178 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
ddbhutdn aryd evaih. We believe that Sayana's gloss on
padbhih — pdddis svatejcbhih pagya (He sees with his feet, his
own bright flames) — embodies the Bishi's meaning so far as
the noun itself is concerned. We do not, however, feel com-
pelled to construe it with pagyer. It is not so unusual for
words at the beginning of successive padas to be syntactically
connected that we may not construe padbhih with dtas or
with the implicit idea of motion in dtas. The passage would
then mean: — Hence (speeding) with thy feet (i. e., thy nimble
jets of flame) mayst thou, 0 Agni, noble one, behold those
wondrous ones (i. e., the gods) in visible presence (i. e., go
thither carrying our oblations and prayers). In either case
the passage swings right into line with all the others con-
sidered relative to Agni and the metaphor affords ample ex-
planation of the plural. In the latter case the paradox and
supposed difficulties of the passage vanish.
We shall next consider the passage X. 99. 12 that has so
long proved a puzzle for the commentators: eva malio asura
vaksdtliaya vamrakdh padbliir upa sarpad indram \ sd iyandli
~karati svastim asmd isam Arjarii suksitim vigvam dWidh \\ (Thus,
Asura, for his exaltation did the great Vamraka crawl upon
his feet up to Indra. That one, when supplicated, will give
him a blessing; food, strength, secure dwelling, all will he
bring him).
Bloomfield has shown (II. cc.) that padblns everywhere means
primarily "with the feet" and has argued plausibly for an
occasional secondary meaning, "quickly, nimbly, briskly, etc."
Cf. our colloquial "with both feet." This word may, then, be
considered to lie within this range of meaning. Vamrdka, too,
is a mooted word. Its possibilities are, however, either an
ant,1 or a Eishi, or a demon. In a study to be published
separately the writer has maintained that Vamraka is here Ant,
the personified type of his genus. If, then, vamraka is ant,
the plural padWiis is natural; if Eishi or demon, the plural is
may have invited an unusually daring poet to this tour de force. Of
itself the likening of the nimble jets of flame to moving feet is not out
of the Rishi's range. The exact sense of the passage is not quite clear,
but its obscurities are not likely to affect our judgment of padbhih either
one way or another."
1 So PWB. and GWB. Sayana, Griffith and Ludwig take it as name
of a Rishi; GRV. as that of a demon.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 179
the intensive with Bloomfield's secondary meaning or else due
to a paronomasia upon the literal meaning of his name. In
any case the difficulty of the plurality of feet is removed.
In I. 163. llcd, it is said of the horse:— tava gfngani visthitd
purutrd dranyesu jdrWmrdnd caranti (Tossing thy horns out-
spread in all directions, thou rangest in the wildernesses).
With this we must compare 9a preceding: — hiranyagrngo Jyo
asya pddd (Golden-horned is he, of iron are his feet). Sayana
explains the implied Qfngdni of 9a by unnata girasko hrdaya-
ramcina crngasthdmya girorulio (Prominent hairs of the head
made fast at its centre and occupying the usual place of horns)
and the expressed gfngani of llc by giraso nirgatdh grngastha-
wli/tih kecdh (Hairs growing out from the head in the usual
place of horns). Sayana is thus consistent and we believe
him alone of the commentators 1 to be correct. He undoubtedly
means the foretop. As liari is the predominant color of the
Vedic horse, hiranya is a natural epithet for the foretop. What
could better suggest the comparison in llcd than the waving,
tossing hairs of a heavy, shaggy foretop? The metaphor alone
is ample reason for the plural horns. We have also the addi-
tional reason that in this hymn the horse is a celestial ani-
mal actually identified in 3a with Aditya, the sun, and cours-
ing the heavens in 6 and 7. This identification is more or
less prominent throughout the hymn. The foretop, then, re-
presents also the beams of the sun.
In IX. 15. 4ab, the Kishi says of Soma in the press: — esa
rnigani dodhuvac chigite yutliyb vfsd (He brandishes his horns;
he whets them as a bull of the herd). Oidenberg's identifi-
cation of the horns of soma here with the horns of the moon
affords no explanation for the plural and seems otherwise in-
1 LRV. renders 9a "mit goldenem [vorder] hufe erz die beiden [hinter]
fiisze" and in llc renders gnigdni by "hufen." We believe the pddd of
9a is the padds of the padapathi, not the dual of LRV. GRV. renders
9a "Goldhufig ist er, Eisen seine Fiisse" and gnigdni of llc by "Hufe".
This reduces the poetic figure to a mere comparison of material com-
posing horn and hoof. Wilson renders 9a "His mane is of gold," etc.,
and llc "The hairs of thy mane," etc. This does not render Sayana
properly. On top of the head "in the usual place of horns," i. e.
between the ears, is the foretop, not the mane. Griffith translates literally
"horns" in both passages, citing Say. in 9a for "mane" and commenting
on llc "Meaning, here, perhaps, hoofs." The meaning must, of course,
be the same in both passages.
180 8. O. Oliphant, [1910.
consistent with the entire context. Occidental commentators
are silent. Sayana glosses grngam by grngavad unnatdn an-
gun abliisavakale (Stalks or filaments of the soma plant that
project like horns at the time of the pressing). This suits
the case admirably. The figure explains the number and leads
on naturally to the simile of &.
The omnific Vigvakarman is the universal father and the
architect of the world. In X. 81. 3 the Bishi s&jsi—vicvdtag-
caksur utd vigvdtomukho vigvdtobdhur utd vigvdtaspdt \ sdm
Mhubhydm dhdmati sdm pdtatrdir dytivdbliumi jandyan devd
ekah \\ (With eyes and face on every side, and arms and feet
on every side, with twain arms and with wings he kindles the
fire, that lone god creating heaven and earth). The implied
plurals of the compounds of a and fr are hyperbolic and in-
tensive. Cf. our "He is all eyes, all ears," etc. The dual of
c is noticeable. Though the god may have multiple arms yet
in twirling the fire-sticks naturally but two are used. The
plural pdtatrdir may best be considered as poetic hyperbole
again, akin to the implied intensive plurals of a and b. With
two arms Vic^vakarman starts the fire; with many wings he
fans into fervent heat the flames that are to fuse heaven and
earth for his welding. There is the prosaic alternative that
pdtatrdir may mean "pinions," i. e. "wing-feathers" rather
than "wings."
There is a poor imitation of the passage in AV. XIII. 2. 26
— yo vigvdcarsanir utd vigvdtomukho yo vigvdtaspdnir utd vig-
vdtasprthah \ sdm bdhubhydrn Widrati sdm pdtatrdir dyavdprthivl
jandyan devd ekah \\ The diversity of bodily members in c may
mean that the god, Surya this time, bears heaven and earth
in his two arms and that the poet gives him the hyperbolic
plurality of wings to indicate the swiftness and strength of
his flight.
In a description of Indra in R,V. III. 36. 8 we have: hradd
iva kuksdyah somadhdndh sdm i vivydca sdvand purtini (Like
lakes are his flanks, soma- containing; verily he holdeth full
many a libation). In the RV. kuksi occurs only in connection
with Indra. It is found five times in the dual and only here
in the plural. This unique plural may be considered as a
hyperbole in thorough keeping with 6C, in which the sorna-
filled Indra is too vast for heaven to contain him.
But one more instance remains. This is the AV. XL 6. 22C
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 181
—yti devil} panca prad'iQo ye devd dvadaga rtdvali \ samvatsa-
rdsya ye dditstrds te nah santu sddd givCih \\ (The five divine
regions, the twelve divine seasons — the fangs of the year, let
these ever be propitious to us). The numerals in a and b and
the metaphor sufficiently warrant the plural. There is the
alternative of taking dditstrds as the equivalent of dantds. So
V. Henry, Les Livres X, XI et XII de PAtharva Veda, has:
"En totalisant probablement, soit done 5 + 12 = 17 x2 (parce
que toute entite celeste a son double terrestre et reciproque-
ment) = 34, ce que qui donne une denture a peu pres nor-
male".
Excluding from the count the natural plurals, the plurals
with numerals attached and those implied in the dvigu epi-
thets, we have left in the RV. a total of thirteen instances
in which a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, is ascribed
to an individual. The AY. contributes one independent in-
stance and one adaptation from the RV. These include in
their number nearly all the mooted instances of plural for dual
in Yedic.
It was some of these that raised Delbriick's question l and
led him to remark: — "Es ist merkwriirdig, dafi vom Soma ge-
sagt wird Qfnqdni dodhuvaf1, 9. 15.4, wahrend es von Agni3
8. 60. 13 heifit gfnge davidhvat. In derselben Stelle wird von
den hdnavas des Agni gesprochen. Ich mochte dahin auch
iiatUhis*, 4. 38. 3, rechnen, bemerke aber, daft Ludwig das
Wort durch 'Schlingen' iibersetzt. Diese und ahnliche Falle
lieften sich wohl so erklaren, dato man sagt, der Dual stehe
eben nur da, wo die Beidheit hervorgehoben wird, man konne
rfugani sagen, wenn nur die Mehrheit ausgesprochen werden
soil, Qfnge wenn man 'beide Horner' sagen will".
Our study of the passages shows how utterly unsatisfactory
is Delbriick's conclusions. As there was need of caution in
entering upon this disputed matter we have considered each
instance separately and in detail and we think an ample rea-
son for the plural has been found. The numerical plurals and
the dvigu compounds furnished the key as their figurative
interpretation is beyond question. The next advance was the
extension of a like exegetical method to the interpretation of
i See p. 1 above. 2 See p. 39. Cf. RV. I. 140. 6, p. 36.
3 Sed p. 37. « See n. on p. 34. The reference is to the feet
of the mythical horse, Dadhikra.
VOL. XXX. Part II. 13
182 S. G. Qliphant, [1910.
the passage referring to the eyes of Ratrl, which is indispu-
tably correct; then to the seven passages referring to the
plural members of Agni, and then to the remaining five pas-
sages of the RV. and the two of the AV. Every instance
yields readily to the same solvent. The poetic figure, — met-
aphor, paronomasia, hyperbole, etc., or a combination of these,
— that flits before the Rishi's mind at the moment or the
mythic concept of his imagination, fixes the plural. In not a
single instance could the dual have been used without a de-
cided poetic loss.
It is in this section alone that any plural of bodily parts
could be considered as an encroachment upon the domain of
the dual. So far as these fifteen instances out of the entire
five hundred and fifteen considered in these pages are con-
cerned, the encroachment, if it may be so termed, is purely
artistic and not syntactical.
The disparity of instances between the RV. and the AV. is
but another indication of the enormous difference between these
two Vedas in poetic power and artistic skill. The study of
the "Dual in Comparisons77 reveals the same striking difference
in the use of figurative language. We have in this section
the same principles operating in metaphors that we find there
to be operative in similes. The two studies illumine each
other and together show that the mooted use of plural for
dual in Yedic is simply the difference between the highly
figurative and richly poetic language of the hieratic Rishi and
the more prosaic diction of the Atharvan Shaman, the differ-
ence between the imaginative conceptions of a poet and the
mechanical composition of a versifex.
It is but simple justice to the much- contemned Sayana to
note that, whatever may be his lack of merit in some other
respects, in several of these passages he alone of all commen-
tators has caught the spirit and meaning of the ancient Rishis.
Our method of interpretation was wrought out before reading
his commentary, but we are glad it is supported by him.
§7.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally singular, associated with a duality of
persons.
The RVo has these eight instances: — (i), updstlia (pitror
usdsas=--- divasprtliivyos], L 124. od,— obha prnanti pitror upas-
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 183
thfi (Filling both laps of her parents); (2), tanva (arvinos),
I. 181. 4b, — arepasa tanva namabhih svaih (Unblemished bo-
dies, with marks their own); (3), VII. 72. 1\ — sparhaya griya
tanva gubhana (Radiant in body with an enviable beauty);
(4), tanva (menayos), II. 39. £c, — mene iva tanva Qumbhamane
(Like two dames adorning their bodies) ; (5), tanva (usasos),
III. 4. 6{\ — a bhandamane ustisfi upake uta smayete tanva vi-
rupe (Night and Dawn, closely united, come hither beaming
and smile; different in hue are their bodies); (6), tanva (dl-
vdvprthivyos), IV. 56. 6*, — punane tanva mithah (Making pure
their bodies alternately); (7), tanva (indragnyos}, X. 65. £b, —
mitho hinvana tanva samokasa (Speeding each the other, hav-
ing bodies with one dwelling); (8), gepa (=1 hdrl yajamanasya},
X. 105. £b, — harl yasya suyuja vivrata ver arvantanu c,epa
(Whose twain dun steeds, well-yoked, swerving apart, thou
seekest after, fleet stallions).
There is no clear instance in the AV., as the tanfi of IV.
25. 5b, like that of RV. X. 183. 2b, is better taken as a loc.
sg. Some consider tanva in our nos. 2 and 3 to be inst. sg.
These eight duals are obviously normal and need no com-
ment in explanation or justification. They make the list of
the duals of the bodily parts entirely complete for the two
Yedas.
Our study of the dual of the natural bodily parts has been
based only upon the two oldest monuments of the language,
the Rig and the Atharva Veda. Among the results we may
repeat by way of summary the following.
We have found 191 such duals in RV. and 225 in AY.,
also 62 plurals in RV. and 37 in AV. referring to the same
bodily parts. Of the duals, 158 in RV. and 212 in AV. per-
tain to individuals and the dual expresses in each instance
the natural number of the bodily parts specified. Of these
as duals, there is no need of comment, as they are admittedly
characteristic of the language at all periods. Their numerical
distribution, however, has been found to indicate strongly the
1 A much mooted passage. Because of the close similarity of a to I.
63. 2a,— yad dlidrl indra vivrata ver — we prefer Bergaigne's (II. 256) inter-
pretation, and incline to modify it by accepting Sayana's ^epavantdu as
the sense of $epd. Cf. hastin as an analogous synecdochical metonym.
13*
184 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
marked contrast between the hieratic character of the RV.
and the demotic nature of the AY. An attentive scanning
of the list will reveal many interesting and not unimportant
details which neither our space has permitted nor our special
theme has required that we should indicate. These have been
thought an ample justification for the publication of the en-
tire list, which is also more complete than Grassmann's and
contains several corrections of his. t
We have found only eight duals, all in RV., of bodily parts
naturally singular, referring to a duality of persons. The
number of such "pure" duals seems rather surprisingly small,
less than two percentum of the Vedic duals. Their entire
absence from the AV. in also striking.
We have found only two instances, both in AV., of a phe-
nomenon natural enough, yet so rare, duals arising from the
resolution of natural plurals.
We have found that of the naturally dual parts of the
body, both duals and plurals are used in reference to a dual-
ity or a plurality of individuals, that the dual resolves the
group and presents the acts of the component individuals,
that the plural merges the individual into the concert of the
group, that of a dualic group the dissociative dual is far
more frequent than the synthetic plural (10 to 3), while of
a plural group the plural is just twice as frequent as the
dual (52 to 26), that the resolution of a plural group is
far more numerous (20 to 6) in the RV. than in the AV.
and is sometimes attended by distinctively hieratic and
artistic characteristics and that its "ambal" nature is very
marked.
We have found that 24 plurals in RV. and 20 in AV.
refer to individuals, but in 4 instances in RV. and 16 in AV.
this plural expresses the natural number of bodily parts and
in 7 in RV. and 2 in AV. plural numerals are attached
showing the figurative or symbolic nature of the plurals. For
the remaining 15 instances we have found a simple logical
and consistent explanation, based not upon any preconceived
notions but upon ample evidence furnished by the Vedas
themselves. Contrary to the impression of eminent scholars
we find that Vedic Sanskrit does not admit plurals for duals
with any marked freedom and that the supposed encroach-
ment of plural upon dual is purely an artistic phenomenon in
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 185
every instance and one characteristic of the higher reaches
of hieratic art.
Incidentally we have given a new or a modified interpre-
tation to several passages, the more important of which have
been briefly noted.
Finally, and by way of anticipation also, we may add that
the conclusions drawn from the remaining parts of our study
give ample confirmation to our main conclusions from the
foregoing.
The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Two. — Edited,
with critical notes, by LEROY CAEE BAKKET, M.A.,
Ph.D., Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.
Prefatory. — The second book of the Kashmirian AV. is
here presented, elaborated upon about the same methods and
principles as was the first book, published in volume 26 of
this Journal. As in the first book so here the transliteration
is regarded as of first importance: the publication of Bloom-
field's Vedic Concordance makes it unnecessary to report
variants in full as was done for the first book, but if a hymn
or a stanza appears in the Concordance then at least one
reference is given, so that practically all the new material is
immediately evident.
It will be noted that sometimes the transliteration of an
entire hymn is given followed by an emended version, while
again transliteration and emendation proceed stanza by stanza:
no strong objection will be made to this freedom, if it is
remembered that the work is still in an experimental stage.
But it may be objected that while the word "experimental"
is used here in the preface, further on the emendations are
proposed with an air of considerable certainty: for I am sure
it has not been possible to indicate successfully just the shade
of certainty I feel concerning the proposed readings. Let us
discuss the situation. Here is a manuscript, the sole and only
one of its kind, written in such a slovenly fashion and so
corrupt that in many places the true reading can never be
attained: some of the hymns it presents are known in other
texts, the rest are not known in any other text. In editing
a hymn which appears both here and elsewhere one is con-
stantly tempted to think that the Paipp. reading is only a
corruption of the reading given by the other text, because
one gets to feel that any and all mistakes are liable to appear
in this manuscript The easy thing then is simply to set
down the reading of the other text as the correct reading of
VOL. XXX. Part III. 14
188 L. C. Barret, [1910.
the Paipp., but just because it is easy it creates a tendency
that needs to be restrained. When we take up new hymns
there is always a temptation to indulge freely in conjectural
emendation, which is indeed a pretty pastime, but not pro-
ductive of firmly founded results: when a pada or a stanza
seems senseless (a conclusion which may sometimes be reached
too readily) it would not be difficult, at least in some cases,
to write one sensible and suitable to the context. But this is
not criticism. Emendations are suggested here which are pure
conjecture and not to be regarded in any other light; surely
here if anywhere conjectural emendation has its opportunity
but here as everywhere its value is very slight. Such are the
principles I have tried to follow in editing this text: this
statement of them may be taken too as a protest against
certain methods of textual criticism, the methods of those who so
gaily chop or stretch texts to make them fit a preconceived theory.
The transliteration is given in lines which correspond to the
lines of the ms. ; the division of words is of course mine, based
upon the edited text. The abbreviations need little explana-
tion: Q. is used to refer to the AY. of the Qaunikiya School,
and ms. (sic) is used for manuscript to avoid confusion with
the other abbreviation MS. The signs of punctuation used in
the ms. are pretty faithfully represented by the vertical bar
(= colon) and the "z" (= period): in transliteration the Roman
period stands for a virdma. The method of using daggers to
indicate a corrupt reading is that familiar in the editions of
classical texts.
Introduction.
Of the ins. — This second book in the Kashmir ms. begins
f. 29b, 1. 6 and ends at the bottom of f. 48b— 19J/2 folios; of
these f. 43 is badly broken and from f. 42 a the larger part of
the written surface has peeled off: other than this there is
practically no damage to the ms. in this part. There are as
many as 20 lines to the page and as few as 15, but the most
of the pages have 17 to 19 lines.
Numbering of hymns and stanzas. — In this book there are
no stanza numbers and furthermore the end of a stanza is
not regularly indicated by a mark of punctuation; often a
visarga or virama is the only indication of the end of a hemi-
stich. Most frequently the colon is the mark used if any
Vol. xxx.] TJie Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 189
mark appears. Except when rewriting a stanza corrections
of punctuation have not been mentioned regularly.
The hymns are grouped in anuvakas, all properly numbered
save the tenth. The anuvakas consist of five hymns each save
that the sixth has six. Practically all the hymns are num-
bered,— only three times is the number omitted and only five
times is the wrong number written. At the end of No. 49
stands a sort of colophon, imam raksamantram digdhandhanam
(sic)] after some formulae which are thrust into the middle of
No. 50 stands iti agnisuktam; and after No. 69 stands iti
saclrtasuktam (sic).
Accents. — The accentuation in this book is about as poorly
done as the punctuation. Accents are marked more or less
fully on 30 stanzas of 12 different hymns, not counting a very
few cases where an accent stands lonesomely on one single
word: in no hymn is the accentuation marked on all the
stanzas. No marks appear after f. 36 b. I have marked the
accents in transliterating, but have not attempted to edit them
in the emended portions because they seem to have no value.
Extent of the look. — This book contains 18 anuvakas each
having 5 hymns, except that anu 6 has 6, so that I have num-
bered 91 hymns: but hymns 1 and 2 of anu 17 seem to be
in reality only one. The lacunae in f. 42 and f. 43 have not
concealed the fact that anu 12 and anu 13 had 5 hymns
each,— provided of course that the numbers written are correct,
as they seem to be. The mutilation of the two folios has taken
away No. 63 entire and parts of Nos. 60, 61, 64, and 65.
The word "hymn" means kancla whether verse or prose, and
there are at least 20 hymns that are non-metrical. The
90 hymns as they now stand in the ms. present approximately
470 stanzas, thus showing an average of 5 stanzas which is
clearly the norm here as well as in Q. 2 for 65 hymns here
certainly have 5 stanzas each; only 4 have more than 6 stanzas.
1 hymn has 3 stanzas = 3 stanzas
3 hymns have 4 „ each =12 „
65 „ „ 5 „ „ =325 „
10 „ „ 6 „ „ = 60
1 7 7
» « » « n
» n « n = 8 „
2 „ „ 11 „ „ - 22 „
83 hymns 437 stanzas
14*
190 L. C. Barret, [1910.
83 hymns have 437 stanzas
2 hymns possibly have 6 stanzas each = 12 stanzas
5 hymns (uncertain) show about 17 „
1 is entirely lost
~~91 hymns 466 stanzas.
Counting in the 5 formulae which appear in the middle of
No. 50 we have the approximate total of 470 stanzas. 1
In Book One we saw that 67 out of 112 hymns clearly had
4 stanzas so that it seems that the verse-norm for Books One
and Two is the same in Q. and Paipp.
New and old material. — In Book One about 150 stanzas out
of 425 were new material: here in Book Two about 270 out
of the 470 are new. There are 50 hymns which may properly
be called new though a number of them contain padas or
even stanzas which are in the Concordance. The greater part
of the new material is in the second half of the book; 17 of
the first 46 hymns are new and 33 of second 44 are new.
Perhaps it is also worth while to note here that of the
36 hymns in Q. 2 18 appear in Paipp. 2 in fairly close agree-
ment just as 19 of the 35 in Q. 1 appear in Paipp. 1.
This book contains hymns and stanzas which appear in
Books 1—7 and 19 of Q.;— 1 hymn of Q. 1; 18 of C. 2; 3 of
Q. 3; 2 of Q. 4; 8 of Q. 5; 4 of Q. 6; 2 of Q. 19; and some
scattered padas of C. 7. Of the RV. there are 2 hymns and
some stanzas, of MS. 2 hymns and some stanzas, of TB., Vait.,
and KauQ. 1 hymn each.
ATHARVA-VEDA PAIPPALADA-QAKHA.
BOOK TWO.
1. [f. 29 b 1.6.]
Q. 4. 7. 2—6.
om nama sti i
lotamayai z z om rasam pracyarh visam arasam yad
udicyam yathedai
i It will be understood that the figures given are not minutely exact,
— could not be and need not be: the total, 470 stanzas is a minimum.
The ms. shows about 900 stanzas for Books 1 and 2; from this we may
roughly estimate 5500 stanzas for the entire manuscript.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmiri an Atharva Veda. 191
s adharacyam karambhena vi kalpate karambham krtva
turlyam pivassaka •
m udahrtam ksudha krtva justano jaksivipyasya nu rurupah
vi te madam :
sarayati cantam iva patayamasi | pari tva varmive gantam
varcasa •
sthapayamasi | pari gramyavacitarh pari tva sthapayamasi |
tva!
sta vrksaiva sthasarh abhisate na rurupah pavastvarh yas
tva pariy akri I
narh durusebhir ajanir uta | prakrlr asi tvam osadhl atisata
na ru :
namah z i z
The invocation may be read om namo 'sti lotamayai. The
stanzas may be read thus: arasaiii pracyaiii visam arasaiii yad
udicyam | athedam adharacyarh karambhena vi kalpate z I z
karambham krtva turiyaiii pivaspakam udahrtam | ksudha kila
tva dustano -j-jaksivlpyasya na rurupah z 2 z vi te madaiii
sarayati carum iva pStayamasi | pari tva varmeva gantvaiii
vacasa sthapayamasi z 3 z pari gramam ivacitaiii pari tva
sthapayamasi | tistha vrksa iva sthaman abhrisate na rurupah
z 4 z pavastaiii tva pary akrman durgebhir ajinair uta | pra-
krir asi tvam osadhe ebhrisate na rurupah z 5 z 1 z
2. [f. 29 b 1. 14]
avidyad dyavaprthivT avidya bhagam a9vina! I
avidya vrahmanaspatirh krnomy asam visam
Read avedya in a, b, and c; arasaiii in d.
vaso hedada visam yad ena :
d aham agitharh utair adadyat praruso bhavadi jagadas punah
Pada d may be read bhavami ° °, but for the rest I see
nothing.
m5 bibhe I
r na marisyasi pari tva masi vigvatah rasarh visasya navidam
udhna I
[f. 30 a.] s phena madann iva z
Read pami in b, udhnas phenaiii in d. Pada a = Q. 5. 30. 8a;
c = SMB. 2. 6. 18c.
apavocad apavakta prathamo daivya bhisak. sam aga •
cchasindraga yavayava co visadusanih
192 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In VS. 16. 5 and elsewhere is a variant of ab; a possible
reading for cd is sam u gacchaslndraja yavayava ca visa-
dusanah: read daivyo in b.
yag ca pistarh yag capistam :
yady agrharh yag ca dehyarh devas sarvasya vidvarh so
rasarh krnuta visarh I I
z 2 z
Read: yac ca pistarii yac c&pistaih yac ca grhyam yac
cadehyam | devasya sarvasya vidvan so 'rasaih krnutam visam
z 5 z 2 z
3. [f. 30 a 1.4.]
Q. 2. 10.
ksettriya tva nirrtya jahasigarhsa druho muncasi:
varunasya p§gat. | anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi giva te I
dyavaprthiviha bhutarh can te agnis saha dhibhir astu mam
gavas sa i
hosadhlbhih gam anlariksam sahavatam astu te gam te
bhavantu pradi !
gag catasrah ya devis pradigag catasro vatapattir abhi
suryo vi I
caste | tasv edam jarasa a dadami pra ksyam eta nirrtis
paracah :
suryam rtam camaso grahya yatha deva muncantu asrjan
pare •
tasah eva tv^rh ksettriyarh nirrtya jahimigamsa druho muficai
mi varunasya p§ca ahomoci yaksml durita vadadyld druhah i
patrad grahyag cod amoci juharivartim avidat syunam apy
abhuta :
bhadre sukrtasya loke z 3 z
This hynin appears also in TB. 2. 5. 6. 1 — 2, and all but
the fifth stanza in HGr. 2. 3. 10; 4. 1: it will be noted that our
version is more like these than the Q. version. For Ppp.
version read:
ksetriyat tva nirrtya jamigansad druho muncami varunasya
pac,at i anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi give te dyavaprthiviha
bhutarii z 1 z gam te agnis saha dhibhir astu gam gavas
sahausadhibhih | gain antariksarii sahavatam astu te gaiii te
bhavantu pradic,ag catasrah z 2 z ya devis pradigag catasro
vatapatnir abhi suryo vicaste tasv etam jarasa a dadhami
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 193
pra yaksma etu nirrtis paracaih z 3 z suryam rtam tamaso
grahya yatha deva muiicanto asrjan paretasah | eva tvaiii
ksetriyan nirrtya jamigansad druho muiicami varunasya pagat
z 4 z amoci yaksmad duritad avadyad druhah patrad grahyag
cod amoci | aha avartim avidat syonam apy abhud bhadre
sukrtasya loke z 5 z 3 z]
4. [f. 30 a 1. 14.]
Q. 2. 14.
nissalarh dhisnyam dhisanam ekava:
dyam jighatsvam sarva9 candama napatiyo nagayamas
sadatva | ya i
devagha ksettriyad yadi va purusesita | yad astu dagvibhyo
jata)
nagyatetas sadatva pari dhamany asam asrar gastham
ivasaram | | :
[f. 30b.] ajiso sarvan ajin yo na£yatetah sadatva nira vo
gosthad ajamasi :
nir yonin nrpanaga | nir vo magumdya duhitaro grhebhyag
catayamasi | I
amusminn adhare grhe sarvasvant arayah | tatra papma ni
yacchatu sa I
rvag ca yatudhanyah z 4 z
Read: nissalarii -j-dhisnyaiii dhisanam ekavadyarii jighatsvam |
sarvag candasya naptyo nagayamas sadanvah z 1 z ya deva
aghas ksetriya yadi va purusesitah | yadi stha dasyubhyo jata
nacyatetas sadanvali z 2 z pari dhamany asam aguh kastham
ivasaram | ajaisaiii sarvan ajin vo nagyatetas sadanvah z 3 z
nir vo gosthad ajamasi nir yoner nir upanasat | nir vo magun-
dya duhitaro grhebhyag catayamasi z 4 z amusminn adhare
grhe sarvas santv arayyah | tatra papma ni yacchatu sarvac.
ca yatudhanyah z 5 z 4 z
Our ms. offers no help towards solving the troublesome
st. la.
5. [f. 30 b, 1. 4.]
Q. 2. 12.
dyaVaprthivI urv antariksam kse •
ttrasya pattrir gayo dbhutah utantariksam urvatagopam
tesu tapyantam ma •
yi tasyamane z
194 L. C. Barret, [1910.
For b read ksetrasya patny urugayo 'dbhutah; in cd read
uru vatagopam te 'nu ° ° tapyamane.
yadam indra snuhi somapa ya tva hrda 9ocata i
johavimi | vi^casi tarn kuligeneva vrksam yo smakarh mana i:
dam hinasti |
In a read idam and grnuhi, in b yat tva, in c vrgcami, and
in d 'smakam.
idam dev§9 9rnute yajniya sta bharadvajo ma I
hyam uktyani 9arisatu | pa9e sa baddho durite bhy ucyatam
yo smakam i
mana idam hinasti
In a read grnuta ye yajniya stha, in b ukthani, in c cbhi
yujyatam, and in d yo csmakaiii.
a9itibhis tisrbhis samagebhir aditye •
bhir vasubhir angirobhih | istapurtam avatu nah pitfnsLmm
amum:
dade harasa daivyena
In c read istapurtam and pitfnam.
dylvaprthivi ami ma didhyatam 1
vicve dev§so anu mS rabhadhvam | angirasas pitaras
somy^sah | :
papas aricchatv apakamasya karta z
In a read didhyatbaiii, in d papam arcchatv.
ativa yo maruto manyate no I
vrahma va yo nirhdvisatas kriyamanam tapuhsi tasmai
vrajanani santu vra •
hmadvisam abhi tarn 9603 dyauh
In b read nindisat kriyamanam, in c vrjinani.
a dadami te padam samiddhe jatavedasi | i
agni 9arlram vevestu imam gacchatu te vasu |
In a read dadhami, in c agni^ and vevestv.
sapta pranan astau majna i
[f. 31 a.] s tans te vi^asi vrahmana yamasya gaccha ma-
danam agnito arankrtah z z :
z 5 z prathamanuvakah z z
Read: sapta pranan astau majjnas tans te vrgcami vrah-
mana yamasya gaccha sadanarn agniduto aramkrtah z 8 z 5
z prathamanuvakah z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 195
6. [f. 31 a, 1.2.]
Q. 2. 1.
vends tat pa9yanta paramam padarh yatra •
vi9varh bhavaty ekanadam | idam dhenur aduhaj jayamanas
svarvido bhyanukti I
r virat.
The simplest emendation in a would be venas, but to let
venas stand and read pacjat as in Q. is possible. In b read
ekamdam. Reading idaiii dhenur aduhaj jayamana we have
tho same pada as RV. 10. 61. 19d. I am inclined to think
that the reading of d in our ms. is only a corruption of Q.
abhy anusata vrah.
prthag voced amrtarh na vidvan gandharvo dhama paramam
guha yat. | | •
trini pad^ni hata guhas* vas t§ni veda sa pitus pitdsat.
In a read pra tad and nu, in c nihita guhasya, and in d yas.
sa no :
bandhur janit§ sa vidhart§ dh§mani veda bhuvanani vicva
yatra dev§ •
amftam anaganS samSne dh§mann addhlrayanta
In b read dhainani, in c amrtam ana^anas, and in d dhamany
adhy airayanta. In the margin the ms. gives "to ba."
pari vi9va bhiivana •
ny ayam upacaste | prathamaj^ rtasya vacas ivaktri bhuva-
nestha dha I
sramn esa natv eso agnih
In b read upatisthe, in c vacam iva vaktari, and for d
dhasyur esa nanv eso agnih.
pari dyavaprthi sadyayam rtasya ta I
nturh vitatam drkecarh | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas
samanarh bandhum i
vi pari9chad ekah z i z
Read: pari dyavapvthivi sadya ayam rtasya tantuiii vitataiii
drge kam | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas samanaiii bandhuiii
vi pary aicchad ekah z 5 z 1 z
196 L. C. Barret, [1910.
7. [f. 31 a, 1.11.]
Q. 2. 5 (in part).
indra jusasva yahi 9ura piva su :
ta9ca madho9 cakana carun madathah | a tva vigantu mutasa
indra I
prnasya kuksi vidhy acatru dhehy a nah indra jathararh
prnasva madho i
rasya sutasya | | upa tva madesu vajo stu | indras turasad
jaghana :
vrtrarh sasaha catrur mamu9 ca | vajrir made somasya9*
ti hava me !
kiro jusasya indra syagubhin matsa madaya mahe ranaya
z 2 z:
Read: indra jusasva yahi gura piba sutasya madhoQ ca |
cakanag carur madaya z 1 z a tva vigantu sutasa indra
prnasva kuksi | viddhy agatro dhiyehy a nah z 2 z indra
jatharam prnasva madhurasasya sutasya | upa tva madas suvaco
fsthuh z 3 z indras turasad jaghana vrtrarii sasahe gatrun
•fmaniug ca | vajrl made somasya z 4 z grudhi havarii me giro
jusasvendra svayugbhir matsva j madaya mahe ranaya z 5 z 2 z
8. [f. 31 b, 1. 1.]
Q. 4. 3.
ud itye kramarh trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah hrg veda
suryo hrg devo i
vanaspatir hrn manavantu 9attravah paramena patha vrka
pare •
na stenor arsatu | tato vyaghras parama aksau ca te hanu
ca te vyaghrarh i
jambhayamasi | at sarvah vrhsatin nakharh yat sarhnaso
vi yan na i
so na sarhnasa | purna mrgasya danta upa9rrna u paristayah
vyaghrarh I
datutam vayarh prathamarh jambhayamasi [ ad iku stenam
ahyarh yatu i
dhanam atho vrkam. | naivaraspasain na grhas para9 cara
dvipac catu i
spanto ma hihsir indrajas somajasih z om indrajas somaja:
asih z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 197
Read: ud ito ye 'kraman trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah | hrg
devas suryo hrg vanaspatir hrn me namantu Qatravah z 1 z
paramena patha vrkah parena steno arsatu | tato vyaghras
paramena z 2 z aksyau ca te harm ca te vyaghra jambhayamasi |
at sarvan viiic,atiiii nakhan z 3 z yat saiiinamo na vi namo vi
yan namo na sarimamah | murna mrgasya danta upaglrna u
prstayah z 4 z vyaghram datvatara vayam prathamam jam-
bhayamasi | ad ittha stenam ahim yatudhanam atho vrkam
z 5 z •j-naivaraspasain na grhas parag cara dvipac catuspanto^
ma hiiisir indrajas somaja asi z 6 z 3 z
In st. 1 hiruk, as in Q., might just as will be written. If
st. 2 and 3 were combined we would have a hymn of five
stanzas, the norm of Bk. 2. In st. 6 we get good meaning by
writing dvipac catuspan no ma ° °; the meter is correct without
no: parag eara is a good ending for pada b, but the rest
seems hopeless.
9. [f. 31 b, 1.9.]
Q. 1. 34. 1 (partly).
yam viru madhujata madhune tva panamasi | :
madhor adhi prajato si sa no madhumadhas krdhih jihva-
yagre me •
madhu jihvamule madhulakarh | yatha mam kaminy aso
yam vai
va mam anv a yasT pari tva paritannuteyaksanakam avi !
dvise | yatha na vidvavahi na vibhavava kada cana rajni •
vruhi varunay§9vaya purusaya ca | patha me pathye revati i
jay am a vaha sadhuna | jay am me mittravaruna jay am :
devi sarasvati | jayan me agvinaubha dhattam puskarasrja :
z 4 z
Read: iyaiii virun madhujata madhune tva khanamasi |
madhor adhi prajatasi sa no madhumatas krdhi z 1 z jihvaya
agre me madhu jihvamule madhulakam | yatha mam kaminy
aso yam va mam anv ayasi z 2 z pari tva paritatnuneksunagain
avidvise | yatha na vidvisavahe na vibhavava kada cana z 3 z
rajne vruhi varunayagvaya purusaya ca | patha me patye revati
jayam a vaha sadhuna z 4 z jayaiii me mitravaruna jayam me
devl sarasvati | jayam me agvinav ubha dhattaih puskarasraja
z 5 z 4 z
For st. 5 cf. below, 35. 5.
198 ' L. C. Barret, [1910.
10. [f. 32 a, 1. 1.]
g. 2. 9.
dagavrksa samcemam ahihsro grahyac ca | atho yenarh
vanaspate i
jivanam lokam un annaya |
Read muncemam in a, enarii in c, and lokam unnaya in d.
yag cakara niu niskarat sa eva suvisa :
ktama sa eva tubhyarh bhesajam cakara bhisajati ca |
Read sa (for mu) in a, subhisaktamah in b, and bhesajani
in d (or possibly with Q. bhisaja gucih): but bhisajati ca
might stand.
catam te devavi :
dam vrahmanam ud vivrdha catam te bhy ottamam avidarh
• bhumyam adhi
Read deva avidan in a, vrahmana uta vlrudhah for b; ebhy
uttamam avidan in cd.
agai
d ud agad ayam jivanarh vratam apy agat. abhuta putra-
narh pita I
nfnam ca bhagavattama
Read abhud u in c, and bhagavattamah in d.
adhitam adhy agad ayam adhi jivapuragat. I
catam te sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesajah z 5 z anu-
vakarh 2 z •
Read: adhltim adhy agad ayam adhi jivapura agat | Qataiii
te 'sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesaja z 5 z 5 z anuvakah 2 z
11. [f. 32 a, 1. 8.]
Q. 2. 4.
dirgh^yutvatha vfhate ranaya rsyambho rksam§nas sadaiva |
ma!
nis sahasraviryas pari nas patu vigvatah
Read in a °yutvaya, in ab ranayarisyanto raksamanas;
patu in d.
idam viskandharh sate •
ayam raksopa badhate | ayam no vigvabhesajo j anginas
patv anha •
sah I
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 199
Head sahate in a; raksan apa seems best in b. Our ms.
here spells the name of this amulet with a nasal instead of
jangida as in Q.; I am retaining it as possible peculiarity of
the Ppp.
devair dattena manina janginena mayobhuvah viskandham
sarva •
raksarisi vyayama samahe |
For b read janginena mayobhuva; for d vyayame sahfimahe.
khana9 ca tva j anginas ca viskandhad a
bhi muficatam | aranyad aty adyatas krsyanyo rasebhyah
z i z i
Read: c.anac, ca tva janginag ca viskandhad abhi muiicatam |
aranyad anya abhrtas krsya anyo rasebhyah z 4 z 1 z
In a sanas, the reading of Q., seems better; but khanas is
not impossible.
It will be noted that our st. 1 is composed of hemistichs
which are st. lab and st. 2cd in Q.; Whitney suggests that
the two hemistichs between have fallen out in the ms.: insert-
ing them would bring this hymn to the norm of five stanzas.
They read maniiii viskandhadiisanaih jangidam bibhrmo vayarn,
and jangido jambhfid vicarad viskandhad abhic.ocanat.
12. [f. 32 a, ,1.14]
0. 2. 26.
yeha yantu pacavo yeyur vayur yasarh mahatararh tujosa |
tvasta ye i
sarh rupayeyani veda asmins tarn gosthe savita ni yacchat. | •
Read eha and ye pareyur in a, yesaiii sahacaraiii jujosa in b;
in cd rupadheyani vedasmin tan.
imam gostharh pacavas sarh sravantu vrhaspatir a naitu
prajanam. si i
ni'vall nay at v agram esam ajinmukhe anumatir ni yacchat. | i
Read nayatu prajanan in b, figram in c: probably ajimukhe
in d.
sarh sam sravantu pacavas sam §9V§ huta paiirusah sam
dhanyasya spha i
tibhis sarhsravena havisa juhomi |
In b read ae,vfi uta purusah; in c we probably have only a
corruption of dhanyasya ya sphatis, which is the reading in (J.
200 L, C. Barret,. [1910.
sarh sihcami gavam ksl i
[f. 32 b.] ram sam ajyana balaih rasam samsiktasmakarh vira
mayi gavac ca gopa I
tau
Read sincami in a, ajyena in b, samsikta asmakam in c.
In the top margin of f. 32 b is written gam ream0.
ahnami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyam rasam aharisam
asmakam :
viran a patnim edam astakam z 2 z
Read: a harami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyarii rasam |
aharsam asmakam viran a patnim edam astakam z 5 z 2 z
13. [f. 32 b, 1. 3.]
Q. 3. 14.
sam vat srjatv aryam§. sam pui
s§ sam vrhaspatih sam indra yo dhananjaya iha pusyati
yad vasu | i
In a read vas, in c dhanamjaya; in d read pusyata as in Q.,
or pusyatu as Whitney suggests.
ihaiva gava yeneho saka iva pusyata | iho yad ya pra
jayadhvam ma I
yi samjnanam astu vah
In ab read etaneho; in c I would incline to the reading
gavah for yad ya.
maya gavo gopatyas sacadhvam mayi vo gostha iha:
posayati | rayas posena bahula bhavantir jiva jiva i
ntlr upa va sadema |
In a we might read gopatayas (= bulls), but gopatina as in
Q. is better; read jlvantir upa vas sadema in d.
sam vo gosthena susada sam rayya sam sapustya a I
harjatama yan nama tena mas sam srjamasi |
Read aharjatasya in c, and tena vas in d.
samj§n§nam vihrtam a i
smin gosthe karisinlm bibhratis somya havis svavefa sa eta:
nah z 3 z
Read: samjagmana avihruta asmin gosthe karisimh | bibhratis
somyam havis svave^a ma etana z 5 z 3 z
This stanza and the first appear MS. 4. 2. 10; the readings
of st. 5 a and d are similar to those in MS.
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 201
14. [f. 32b, 1. 11.]
<\ 2. 32.
udyann adityas krimm hantu suryo nimrocam ra9mi I
bhir hantu ye ntas krimayo gavl nah
Read adityas in a, nimrocan in b, and 'ntas and gavi in c.
yo dviglrsa caturaksas krimi I
9 9§rgo arjunah hato hatatrata krimin hatamahata hata9vasa| •
In b read krimis sarango, in c hatabhrata krimir, and for
d hatamata hatasvasa.
hato raja krimmam 'utai*arh sthapacir* hatah | hataso sya
vesa :
so hatasas parive9asas
In b read utaisam sthapatir, in c 'sya ve^aso; in d pari-
vegasah.
pa te 99rnami 9rnge yabhya yattarh vi i
tadayasi | atho bhinaddi tarn kumbharh yasmin te nihatarh
visam | :
In a read pra te Qrnami, for b yabhyarii vitudayasi; in c
bhinadmi, and in d nihitaiii visam.
a :
ttrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat. agastyarh
vrahmana :
sarve te krimayo hatah z 4 z
Read: atrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat |
agastyasya vrahmana sarve te krimayo hatah z 5 z 4 z
15. [f. 32 b, 1. 18.]
g. 2. 31.
indrada ya mahi drsa •
[f. 33 a.] t krimer vi9vasya tarham taya pina9ma sarh krmlri>
dr9a vakhalvan iva | dr I
stam adrstam adruham atho kuriram adruham | alganduna
sarva 9alulana i
krimana vacasa jambhayami | alganduna hanmi mahata va-
dena-
dunaddunarasa bhuvam I srstam asrsti ny akilasi n a ya 1
' vacan J
202 L. C. Barret, [1910.
tha krimmam nyakhilacchavataih atvaharhtnyaharh glrsa-
nyam a:
tho pargvayam krmlrh avaskavarh yaram krimma vacasa
jambhayama I
si | ye krimayas parvatesu ye vanesu | ye osadhisu pagusv
apsv antah I
ye smakarh tanno sthama caktrir indras tan hantu mahata
vadhena | 5 z •
z a 3 z
Read: indrasya ya main drsat krimer vigvasya tarham |
taya pinasmi saiii krimin drsada khalvan iva z 1 z drstam
adrstam adruham atho kurlram adruham | algandun sarvan
galulan krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 2 z algandun hanmi
mahata vadhena duna aduna arasa abhuvan | srstan asrstan
ni kirami vaca yatha krimlnarii -j-nyakhil aQchavatailrj- z 3 z
anvSntnyaiii Qirsnyam atho parsteyaiii krimin | avaskavam
vyadhvaram krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 4 z ye krimayas
parvatesu ye vanesu ya osadhisu pagusv apsv antah | ye csmakaiii
tanvo sthama cakrur indras tan hantu mahata vadhena z 5 z
5 z anuvakah 3 z
The reading of our ms. in st. 3c does not force upon us
anything different from the reading of C., — gistan acistftn
ni tirami; jind in st. 3d we probably have only a corruption
of the reading of Q., — nakir ucchisatai.
16. [f. 33 a, 1.9.]
Q. 2. 27.
yag catfn sanjayat sahamanabhibhur asi j samun pratipraco i
jayarasa krnv ovadhe | suparnas tvamn avidadat sukhacas
tvakhanam na :
sa | indras tva cake hvo asurebhyas taritave | payas indro
vy asnan ha :
ntava asurebhyah | tayaham catfn saksiye indrac calavrkan i :
va rudra jalajabhesaja nllagitva karmakrt. prsnarh durasyato i
jahi yo sman abhidasati | tasya prsnaih jahi yo na indra-
bhida i
sate | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttararh krdhi
z i z:
Read: ya gatrun samjayat sahamanabhibhur asi | samun
pratiprago jayarasan krnv osadhe z 1 z suparnas tvanv avindat
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 203
sukaras tvakhanan nasa | indras tva cakre bahav asurebhyas
staritave z 2 z patam indro vy agnad hantava asurebhyah |
tayahaiii gatrun saksya indras salavrkan iva z 3 z rudra jalasa-
bhesaja nilagikhanda karmakrt | pragarii durasyato jahi yo
'sman abhidasati z 4 z tasya pragaiii tvaiii jahi yo na indra-
bhidasati | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttaraih krdhi
z 5 z 1 z
In Q. the second hemistich of st. 1 is used as a refrain for
six stanzas to which our st. 5 is added as a seventh; it is not
beyond our ms. to fail utterly to indicate a refrain, but I have
preferred to arrange in five stanzas. For st. la Q. has nee
chatrun pragaiii jayati; elsewhere 6ur ms. follows it closely.
17. [f. 33a, 1. 16.]
Q. 2. 30.
yathedarh bhumyadi vatas trnam mathayathi | eva ma9nami
te mano ya :
tha mam kamity aso eva mam atvayasi |
In a read bhumya adhi, in b mathayati; in c mathnami, in
d karniny, and in e m&m abhyayasi.
yemagarh patikama •
janikamo ham agamam. a9vas kanikradad yatha bhagenaharh
sahal
gamam |
In a read eyam agan, in b 'ham agamam; in d sahagamam.
sa cen nayatho agvina kamina sarh ca nesitah sarvan
ma •
[f. 33 b.] nasy agmata mam caksuhsi sama vrata |
In a read sam cen, in b nesathah; for cd we may read
saiii vaiii manansv agmata saiii caksunsi sam u vrata.
yad antararh tada bahyarh yad bslhyam tad anta i
ram. kanyanam vigvarupanam mano grnadh osadhe |
In a read tad; in d grhmtad is probably nearest to the
reading of the ms.; — Q. has grbhaya.
yas suparna raksa !
na va na vaksana va ttratanpitarh manah | 9alyeva gulma-
lum yatha i
z 2 z.
VOL. XXX. Part III. ] ;>
204 L. C. Barret, [1910.
Read: yas suparna raksana va yas suparna vaksana va |
tatra ta arpitaiii manag c.alya ha kulmalarii yatha z 5 z 2 z
This version of this stanza is fully as good as the version
in Q. but it does not help to relieve the obscurity.
18. [f. 33 b, 1.4.]
Q. 6. 38.
sihhe vyaghra uta y§. prdakau tvisir agnaii vrahmane siirye :
y§. | indrarh ya devi subhaga vavardha s§L 5 naitu varcas§L
sariivi :
dana |
Read vrahmane in b ; in d we might read sa a na etu, but
sa na aitu, as in C., seems much better.
y£. hastini dvipini y§ yd hiranyaye tvisir agvesu pu i
rusesu gosii indram ya devi subhaga vavardha sa a naitu
varca i
sa sarhvidana |
In a read dvipini ya hiranye: d as in st. 1.
y§ raj any e dundubhaV Syatayarh tvisi 1
r agvenayarh stanayitna gosu yili indram ya devi subhaga
vava I
rdha sa a naitu varcasa sarhvidana |
In b we may safely read stanayitnor ghose, but for agvenayaiii
I find nothing satisfactory, — unless perhaps agvinayam; to omit
ya after ghose would improve the metre. Read d as in st. 1»
rathe aksisu paribhasva v§L :
je parjanye v5te varunasya gusme indram y§ divi subha:
ga vavardha s5 5. netu varcasa sarhviddna |
In a read aksesu vrsabhasya vaje; d as in st. 1.
ya rudresu ya :
vasusv adityesu marutsu ya | tvisir ya vigvesu devesu sa nai 1
tu varcasa sarhvidanam. z 3 z
Read: ya rudresu ya vasusv adityesu marutsu ya tvisir vi§-
vesu devesu | indram ya devi ° ° ° » samvidana z 5 z 3 z
This restoration of st. 5 is not entirely satisfactory but is
fairly plausible; it has no parallel in Q. or in TB. 2. 7. 7. 1
and 2 where the rest appears.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 205
19. [f. 33 b, 1. 14.]
yadi gadanarh yadi na I
vyanam nadmaih pare nrpatis sakha nah vi9ve devaso abhi !
raksatemarh yatha jivo vidatham a vidasi | yady avare ya •
di vagha pare yadi dhanvini nrpatis sakha nah yady at sudr •
tyarh yadi samrtyam nrpatis sakha nah adhasparmyatam
adhane I
[f. 34 a.] bhavanv ena suryarh maghavanarh prtanyarh vigve
dev§so bhi raksatemarh | ya !
tha jivo vidatham a vidasi | imam mrtyu mainam hinsir
yo mam I
hrdam anu saca gopa | yo maharh pipanti yom aham pi-
parmi su •
prajasa varh maghav^m surir astu z 4 z
Read: yadi gadhanam yadi navyanaiii nadmaih pare nrpatis
sakha nah | vigve devaso abhi raksatemam yatha jivo vidatham
a vidasi z I z yady avare yadi vaccha p&re yadi dhanvani
nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devSso ° e z 2 z yady at svadhrtyam
yadi samrtyaiii nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devaso ° ° z 3 z
•j-adhasparmyataih adhane bhavanv ena suryarii maghavanaiii
prtanyaiii*j- | vigve devaso ° ° z 4 z imarii mrtyo mainam hinsir
-J-yo marii hrdam anu saca gopa | yo mam piparti yam aham
piparmi'j- suprajasam maghavan surir astu z 5 z 4 z
For st. 4ab we might perhaps write adhas patyantam
adhare bhavantu ye nas suriih maghavanam prtanyan; but one
could hardly insist upon it.
20. [f. 34 a, 1.4.]
im§i n§vam §L rohata :
acchidrarh parayisnuvarh nara9ahsasya ya grhe gatSritra
bhagasya :
ca | upadho gulguna yaksmas samtv aghnya | rudrasyesva
yatudhana :
n atho raj no bhavasya ca rudra vaigate dvipadarh catus-
padarh tayor va :
yam aguvake syama | paktrir vithvi pratibhusanti no vayarh de •
vanarh sumatau syama | pratlci nama te mata fatavaro ha te !
pita | tato ha jajnise tvam amirity arundhati mata nama :
si matrtau amrtasyaiva vasi arundhati tvam sarvam abhijl i
vam adhayudham. z 5 z anu 4 z
15
206 L. C. Barret, [1910.
For the first stanza we may read, imaih navam a roha-
tacchidram parayisnvam | naragansasya ya grhe gataritra
bhagasya ca. With much hesitation the following is proposed
for the second stanza: upabaddhs gulgulunayaksmas santv
aghnyah | rudrasyesva yatudhanan atho rajno bhagasya ca.
To emend the rest and divide it into stanzas seems im-
possible; but a few points are clear. A stanza probably ends
with vayam devanam sumatau syama, and for the first pada
of this we might read rudro va agate catuspadam; for the
other two padas I can suggest nothing. Beginning with praticl
we have three good padas of eight syllables each; in the rest,
which amounts to about one stanza I can suggest only the
possibility of reading matrto amrtasyaivasi.
We seem to have here a charm for protection of cattle;
and there are indications of the use of an amulet.
21. [f. 34 a, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 36.
a no agne sumatim ska I
ndaloke idamam kumaryam ma no bhagena justa varesu suma I
nesu valgur osam patya bhavati snurhbhageyam |
In ab we may probably read with Q. sambhalo gamed
imam kumarlrii saha no; in c read samanesu and in d bhavati
subhageyam.
yam agne nan pa •
tirii videstas somo hi raja subhagam krnotu suvana putra I
n mahisi bhavasi gatva patirii subhage vi raja |
In a read iyam and videsta, in b subhagam krnoti; in d vi
rajah.
somoju •
[f. 34 b.] sto aryamna sambhrto bhaga dhatur devasya satyena
krnomi patirvedanam. | | •
For ab read somajustam vrahmajustam aryamna sambhrtaiii
bhagam, and in d pativedanam. Perhaps however the nomina-
tive may stand in ab.
yathakhamram maghavarh carur esu priyo mrganam susada
babhuva | yam I
vayam justa bhagasyastu sampriya patyaviradhayantT
For a read yathakharo maghavaiiQ carur esa; in c iyani
vadhu.
!
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 207
bhagasya na :
vam a ruha purnam anuparasvatim trayopah pusahitarh
yas pati I
s patikasyarh
In a read roha, in b anupadasvatlm ; for c tayopa pusahito,
and in d pratikamyah.
idam hiranyam gulguluv ayas ukso atho bhaga | e I
te patibhyas tvam adhuh patikamaya vettave z i z
Read: idam hiranyam gulgulv ayam aukso atho bhagah | ete
patibhyas tvam adus pratikamaya vettave z 6 z 1 z
22. [f. 34 b, 1.6.]
Q. 3. 17 (in part).
yunakta
slra vi nu yug§L tanotu krte ksettre vapateha bajarh | vira
jas su I
nistas sabhara9chin no nediya it srnyah pakvam a yuvam sf
ra yumjanti kavayo yug§ vi tanvate pfthak. dhlra devesu su
mnayo anudvahas purusa ye krnanti | langalam phalam su
mana jisphatya 9unam kenago anv etu vaharh gunarh phalo
vina •
dann ayatu bhumim gunasir^ havisa yo yajatrai supippal§ •
osadhayas santu tasmai cunan naro I5ngalena anadudbhih •
parjanyo bijam irya do | hinotu gunasirsl kr :
nutam dhanyena indrah sitam ni grhnatu t§m pust mahyam
raksa I
[f. 35 a.] ntu s§l nah payasvatT duham littaram uttaram sa-
mam | lid asthad rathajid go I
jid agvajid dhiranyajit sunftaya parivrtah | ekagcakrena savi •
t§ rathanorjo bh§gais prthivin ety aprnarh z 2 z
There are just 24 padas here but they do not fall readily
into stanzas; the first two are st. 2 and 1 in Q. but our second
adds a pada to Q. 1: our third must end with santu tasmai
but this gives five padas the first of which seems out of place
here; in st. 4 it seems almost necessary to insert a pada b in
accord with MS. We may read as follows:
yunakta sir a vi nu yuga tanota krte ksetre vapateha bijam |
virajag gnustis sabhara asan no nediya it srnyah pakvam a
yuvan z 1 z slra yunjanti kavayo yuga vi tanvate prthak | dhlra
devesu suinnayav anadvahas purusa ye krnvanti z 2 z -j-laii-
galaiii phalam sumanaji sphatyarj- Qunam kinago anv etu vahan
208 C. L. Barret, [1910.
£unam phalo bhindann etu bhumim | gunaslra havisa yo yajatai
supippala osadhayas santu tasmai z 3 z gunam naro langale-
nanadudbhir bhagah phalaih slrapatir marudbhih parjanyo
bijam iraya no hinotu gunasira krnutam dhanyam nah z 4 z
indrah sitam ni grhnatu tarii pusa mahyam raksatu | sa nah paya-
svatl duham uttaram-uttaram samam z 5 z lid asthad rathajid
gojid agvajid dhiranyajit sunrtaya parivrtah | ekacakrena savita
rathenorjo bhagais prthivim ety aprnan z 6 z 2 z
Stanzas 1, 2, 3, and 5 here are 2, 1, 5, and 4 in Q.; the
other two appear MS. 2. 7. 12 and elsewhere. The omission
of 4b can easily be accounted for by the similarity of endings.
It might be a better arrangement to put the colon after sum-
nayau and take langalam ° ° in as st. 2e.
23. [f. 35 a, 1.3.]
gavarh grha •
nam rasam osadhinam anujyestharh varca ayur vikalpyas
ma ma hinsih i
pitaro vardhamano bhadr^ gacchahsim abhi lokam ehi |
Read osadhinam in a, vikalpayah in b : for c I am inclined
to propose ma ma hitsisuh pitaro vardhamana, although the
second person in d makes somewhat against this; in d I
believe aiic,ain is the third word so we might read bhadra
gacchangam abhi lokam ehi, though bhadram would seem better
in some respects.
yadidam bhaktam i
yadi v§ vibhaktarh ksettrarh devSnam yadi va pitfnarh |
ud u surya i
ud ite diva manusyavac chiva no stu prthivi uta dyauh.
With ksetram in b the first hemistich may stand: at the
end of c one naturally thinks of the contrast, gods and manes,
so we might read ete deva manusya va or ud it te ° ° ; for d
civa no cstu prthivy uta dyauh.
urjo varh i
bhago vara prthivyam devair dvaro vrahmana varh dhara-
yami | givarh 93 i
gmam avasanarh no stu ratim devebhih pitrbhir manusyaih
In a I think bhagam should be read, and varaya seems
possible; in b perhaps devir would be good: read cstu in c,
and in d ratir might stand.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 209
vi9vavaso i
stv asadanam kulayam gandharva sovedaso mahyam ucuh
ma ma hifi i
519 cheva dhiyanta heto 9antam himas pari dadhmo manu-
syam
In a I think we may read 'stv asadanaih kulayam, in b
ganclharvas suvedaso: in c if we have second person we should
write ma ma hinslc, c,iva, but hinsic chiva if third person; I
do not think hetog is possible; at the beginning of d c,atam
himan is probable.
rudra utse sa I
dam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro manusyah yam bhago
bhai
gapate9 ca deva urviras tarya 9aradas tarema z 2 z.
Read: rudra utse sadam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro
manusyah | yam bhago bhagapatig ca deva •{•urviras tarya -j-
^aradas tarema z 5 z 3 z
In some respects these stanzas seem to have a connection
with funeral rites, but their meaning and intent is wholly
unclear; the corrections proposed are based almost entirely on
palaeographic possibility and cannot be regarded as compel-
ling, or even satisfactory.
24. [f. 35 a, 1 13.]
yam a I
smin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyam saha | agnis
tarn ghr i
tavodano apa skandayatv atiduram asmat. | so nyena sap
tvam asmai pra savamasi | yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas
pi!
[f. 35 b.] trbhi9 ca yah tasmat tva vi9ve deva muncantu pary
arihasah te te yaksma i
m apa skandayatv adhi | ya tvam eno nyakrtarh yada tvam
akrtam ahrtah ta I
smat va vi9va bhutani muncantu pary arihasah tani te
yaksmam apa !
skandayatv adhi yad va sadr9§ yad va cakara nistya tasmat
tva pr i
thivi mata muncatu pary arihasah sa te yaksmam apa
skandayatv adhi | !
210 L. C. Barret, [1910.
apaskandena havisa yaksman te nafayamasi | tad agnir
aha tad u I
soma aha vrhaspatis savita tad indrah te te yaksmam apa
skandaya •
tv adhiduram asmat. so tyena maprgchatarh tvam asmai
pra suvamasi z :
z 3 z.
Read: yo asmin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyani
sahah | agnis tain ghrtabodhano apa skandayatv atiduram
asmat | so 'anyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi zl z
yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas pitrbhic, ca yah | tasmat tva
viQve deva muncantu pary anhasah | te te yaksmam apa skan-
dayantv atiduram asmat z 2 z -fyat tvain eno 'nyakrtam yad a
tvam akrtam ahrtah-J- | tasmat tva vigva bhutani muncantu pary
anhasah | tani te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat
z 3 z yad va dadarga yad va cakara nistyam | tasmat tva
prthivi mata muncatu pary anhasah | sa te yaksmam apa skan-
dayatv atiduram asmat z 4 z apaskandena havisa yaksmam te
nagayamasi | tad agnir aha tad u soma aha vrhaspatis savita
tad indrah | te te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat |
so 'nyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi z 5 z 4 z
The first stanza appears in the Parigistas of the AV. Ib.
1. 5. In stanza Sab the sense seems to be "whatever sin or
evil has laid hold on thee;" as a possibility consider yat tvam
eno cnyakrtam yad a tvam akrtam ahrtam. The two p&das
which stand at the end of 1 and 5 should doubtless stand at
the end of the others also.
25. [f. 35 b, 1. 9.]
agne agra indra bala aditya ya ido iduh yudho
idhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhuti | abhiyuktasya pradhane •
naya vo rdharam icchatam havlsy agre vidyatarh prati-
grhnata juhvataih I
jayatra rajna varunena jayatra rudrena ke9ina | bhavena ji
snuna jay eta par j anyena sahiyasa astra tarn prena vrhhata
astra sarvye ni yudhyata gandharvena tvisimata rathena
upayo i
dhina | sinivaly anu matir vahagvan isanginah jayanto
bhii
prathatamitrarh sakam indrena medina z 5 z anuvakam
5 z:-
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslnnirian Atliarva Vtda. 211
For the first hemistich of st. 1 no reconstruction works out
satisfactorily but for the second hemistich we might read yudho
adhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhoti. Pitda a of st. 2 seems
good as it stands but the rest seems past mending. For the
other three stanzas the following reading may be found accept-
able: jaitra rajna varunena jaitra rudrena kegina | bhavena
jisnuna jayeta parjanyena sahlyasa z 3 z astra -j-taiii prena-(-
vrnhatastra sarvena yudhyata | gandharvena tvisimata ratheno-
payodhina z 4 z sinlvaly anu matin vahagvan isanginah | jayanto
'bhi prathatamitran sakam indrena medina z 5 z 5 z anuva-
kah 5 z
Possibly mandrena might stand in st. 4a; and in st. 6b
isvanginah might seem a good reading. This is surely a charm
for success in battle.
26. [f 35b, 1 17.]
yat svapne ni jagattha yad va gepise nrtam agnis tat tas-
mad enaso :
[f. 36 a ] vrahma muncatv ahhasah yad aksesu dudrohitam
yad va mitrebhyas tvam somas
tval
tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv ahhasah yada kumaras
kumaresu yad va jyaya I
s taresu nimeta krtva gepise tacat krnvo agadarii givarii |
pratidmiphalam !
ha tvam apamarga babhuvyathah sarvam gaccha patham
adhi maryo yavaya tvam | :
pra apamarga osadhmam vigvasam eka ut pati tena te
mrjum asthi I
tarn atha tvam agadag carah z i z
Read: yat svapne ni jagantha yad va gepise 'nrtam | agnis
tva tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv anhasah z 1 z yad aksesu
dudrohitha yad va mitrebhyas tvam | somas tva tasmad ° ° °
z 2 z yat kumaras kumaresu yad va jyayans turesu | -j-nimeta
krtva Qepise -{-tagat krnvo *j- agadaui givam z 3 z praticinaphalo
hi tvam apamargo babhuvitha | sarvan mac chapathan adhi
varlyo yavayas tvam z 4 z apamarga osadhln&ita vigvasam eka
it patih | tena te mrjma asthitam atha tvam agadag cara
7 5 z 1 z
212 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In st. 2d it would probably be safe to read krnve. St. 4
occurs Q. 7. 65. 1, and st. 5 is Q. 4, 17. 8.
27. [f. 36 a, 1.6.]
Q. 19. 36.
gatavaro aninagad raksamam raksari :
si tejasa | aroham varcasa saha manir dunamagatanam
In b read yaksman raksansi, in c arohan, and in d durna-
macatanah.
grngabhyam rakso !
nudate mulena yatudhanyah | madhyena yaksmam badhate
nainarh papmati tatrati | i
In a read c.rngabhyam, and in d papmati tarati.
ye yaksmaso arbhaka mahamco ye ca gapathinah | sarvan
dunnamaha mani !
9 gatavaro amnagat.
In b read mahanto, and perhaps we should read c,abdinah
as in g.; in c read durnamaha.
gatam virani janayag chatam yaksmann amavapat. :
dunnastris sarvas tridhva apa raksansy apakramim. |
In a read viryani janayan, as suggested by Whitney; for b
c,atam yaksman apavapat: for cd durnamnas sarvans trdhvapa
raksansy apakramit.
gatam aham dunnamani I
nam gandharvapsarasarh gatam gatam sunvatmam gata-
varena varaye z 2 z :
Head: gatam aham durnamnlnam gandharvapsarasam gatam |
gatam ca gvanvatinaih gatavarena varaye z 5 z 2 z.
28. [f. 36a, 1. 13.]
g. 6. 71, with additions: TA. 2. 6. 2.
vigvam vijmi prthivava pustam ayad ayatu prati grhnamy
annam vaigvanarasya ma:
hato mahimna agnis tad vigva suhitam krnotu |
For this stanza cf. MS. 4. 11. 1. In a read vivyajmi prthivlva,
in b anyad ay at; in cd mahimnagnis tad vigvam suhutam.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 213
yad annam adbhir bahudha-
viruparh vasu hiranyam a^vam uta gam ajam avirh yad
annam admy anrtena de I
va udasyan uta va karisyan. |
In a read admi, in b vaso and avim; in c anrtena, and in
d dasyann adasyann uta °.
yan ma hutarh yad ahutam ajagama ya •
smad anna manasod rarajimi z yad devanam caksusaka-
9inagnis tad dho 1
ta suhutam krnotu |
In b read annan; in cd it seems best to read with TA cak-
susy ago asty agnis ° °.
jamadagnis kasyapas sadv etad bharadvajo madhv annam 1 1 !
krnotu | pratigrhitre gotamo vasistho vi9vamitro nah prati-
ranty ayuh :
pathena pratirady ayuh zz 3 zz !
Read: jamadagnis kagyapas sadhv etad bharadvajo madhv
annam krnotu | pratigrahitre gotamo vasistho vi^vamitro nah
tirantv ayuh z 4 z 3 z
29. [f. 36 b, 1. 1.]
agne yajnasya caksur edarh vid^mi yathedam bhavisyati
svaha | agne yajnasya:
crotram agne yajnasya prana | agne yajnasyapanah agne
yajnasyatmam agne :
yajnasya sarva idam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha
z 4 z I
Read: agne yajnasya gaksur edaih vidami yathedam bhavi-
syati svaha z 1 z agne yajnasya grotram edaih ° ° ° z 2 z agne
yajnasya prana edam ° ° ° z 3 z agne yajnasyapana edaiii ° ° °
z 4 z agne yajnasyatman edam ° ° • z 5 z agne yajnasya sar-
vam edam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha z 6 z 4 z
In the margin the ms. has agni rcaiii.
30. [f. 36 b, 1. 4.]
RV. 1. 89. 2, 3; 10. 15. 2 (= Q. 18. 1. 46); MS. 4. 14. 17.
devSnarh bhadrd sumatir rjuyatarii devSnam ratrir abhi nu
ni vartatam. I
214 L. C. Barret, [1910.
devSnam sakhyam lipa sedima vayam devdnam ayus pra
tirantu jiva i
se|
In a read rjuyatam, in b ratir abhi no; and in d deva na
ayus.
tan purvaya nivida humate vayam bhagam mittram aditir
daksam asri i
dhim aryamnam varunam somam agvina sarasvatl nas
subhaga mayas karat, | i
In a read humane, in b mitram aditim and asridham; in c
aryamanam.
idam pitfbhyo namo astv adya ye pdrvaso ye parasas
pareyiih ye p§rthi i
ve rajasy a nisata ye va nunarh suvrjinasi viksu
In b read ye 'parasas pary lyuh; in c nisatta, and in d
suvrjanasu.
pratyanco agne sarvah:
patantu krtyakrte ripave martyayah kravyad etrna sa me
mrda krivi I
snu ma dhehi nirrter upasthe
In a read sarvah, in b martyaya. In c kravyad and me
mrda seem clear, and probably kravisno at the end of c;
perhaps a subject for dhehi should be supplied before ma.
This stanza has no parallel.
jayassag gansad uta va kamyasah sajai
taggahsad uta jamigahsa anadistam anyakrtam yad enas
tan nas tasma i
j jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z
Read: jyayasa^ ^ansad uta va kamyasas sajatagansad uta
jamiQansad | anadhrstam anyakrtam yad enas tan nas tasmaj
jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z 5 z
31. [f. 36 b, 1. 13.]
imau padau pra haramy a grhebhyas tvasta:
yendras pagcad indras purastad indro nas patu madhyatah
Read svastaye in b; indras pagcad in c.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 215
indram bhayam vigva!
tah cudra ca narya ca indrah pathibhir adrava asamrddha-
ghaya I
vah
Read bhayan in a, canarya in b; in cd a dravat asamrddha
aghayavah.
indram hasyatam vidhi vi nas paean iva carat. | idamarh
pantha i
m aduksama sugo svastivahanarh |
In a we might read hrsyatam vidhir, or possibly harsayatam;
for b vir nas °: for cd emam pantham aruksama sugaiii °,
which is Q. 14. 2. 8 cd.
yatra vigva pari dviso vrnakti I
nindatesv antam ety anahatah paravrajata kim tat tava
kam vaksana I
nn iva |
Read vi^van in a, and with ninditesv in b we have a possible
reading. In the rest I see no good reading; perhaps paravrnjata
is intended.
vicvanco yantag gaphala vigvahcah parimanthinah vigvak. I
[f. 37 a.] punarbhava mano asamrddhaghayavah z
Read: visvaiico yantu -j- gaphala visvancah paripanthinah |
visvak punarbhuva mano asamrddha aghayavah z 5 z.
In a gabala would seem very good: padas cd^ occur Q. 1.
27. 2 cd which has connections into which our stanzas evi-
dently fit (cf. Whitney's Trans.).
svasti vyacakagam svasti pratyuca I
kagam svasti paridigdham ny apa svasty apsaihtah pari-
vrajam svarija svastena sa me •
bharad vajarh svasti punarayanam z 6 z anu 6 z
In the top margin the ms. gives svasty rca °.
Out of this I have been unable to make anything more than
the division of words may indicate, except that apsaihtah is
probably for apsv antah.
216 L. C. Barret, [1910.
32. [f. 37 a, 1. 3.]
ye uttara rja:
yate madhugo madhugad adhi vedahe tad bhesajarh jihva
madhumati piva :
madhumat ye paurnamasi madho grngo adho puspakarh
madhuman parvatam asi | :
yato jatasy osadhe ( garbho sy osadhmam apam garbha
utasitah atho soma I
sya tratasi madhura prava me vaca | grunarh vaharh madhu-
gasya pitfnam eva •
jagrabhah yo ma hiranyavarcasaih krnomi paurusam priyarh |
priyarh ma kr I
nu devesu priyarh rajasu ma krnu priyam sarvasya pacyata
uta gudra u i
tarya z i z
Read: ya uttarad ajayate madugho madughad adhi | vedamahe
tad bhesajaih jihva madhumati piba z I z madhumati paurna-
masi madhoQ Qrngo atho puspakam | madhuman parvatam asi
yato jatasy osadhe z 2 z garbho csy osadhlnam ap^ih garbha
utasitha | atho somasya bhratasi madhuna prava me vacah
z 3 z Qronim vaham madughasya pitfnam eva jagrabha | yo
ma hiranyavarcasaih krnoti purusaiii priyam z 4 z priyam ma
krnu devesu priyam rajasu ma krnu | priyam sarvasya pagyata
uta gudra utarye z 5 z 1 z
In st. la the ms. might be transliterated uttarad aja °.
The last stanza occurs Q. 19, 62. 1.
33. [f. 37 a, 1.10.]
udna vana hrda vana mukhena jihvaya vana | prapina :
payasa vanarh
Read udhna in a, vana in c.
vaccha se padau tatvarh vacchaksyau vamccha saktau
viccham a i
nu pra de vano nimnarh var iva dhavatu z
Read: vanccha me padau tanvam vaiicchaksyau vanccha
sakthyau | vlcim anu pra te vano nimnam var iva dhavatu z 2 z
For ab see below No. 90. 2 and Q. 6. 9. 2; for cd cf. Q.
3. 18. 6.
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 217
urdhvani te lomani tisthanty aksau I
kamena 9isyatam simida vatsena gaur iva udhna suraiva
pa9yatam |
In a read tisthantv, for b aksyau kamena Qusyataiii; in c
gimivata and probably gor, in d udhnas and srjyatam rather
than pacjatam.
ima !
gavas sabandhavas samanam vatsam akrata | hinnati kani-
kratir addhara ni !
ravid vasa
A possible reading for c would be mahimnabhikanikratir,
which carries one on to think of something like aravid vrsa
at the end of d.
9rngopasa galabhusa aghnyac carmavasim | gavo ghrta I
sya mataras ta vatseva nayamasi z 2 z
Head: grngaupaga galabhusa aghnyag ^armavasinlh | gavo
ghrtasya mataras ta vatsa iva nayamasi z 5 z 2 z
34. [f. 37 a, 1. 16.]
yac ca varcas kanyasu ya9 ca I
hastisv ahitarh hiranyesu tad varcas tasya bhaksi iha var-
casah
Read yac ca in a and b; in d bhakslya or bhaksiha.
ya9 ca !
varco rajarather ya9 ca rajasv ahitam niske rukse yad
varcas tasya bhaksi i i
ha varcasah
Read yac in a and b; d as above; in a rajarathe seems
good.
yad apsu yad vanaspatau yad agnau ya9 ca surye
yajne daksi :
nayarh varcas tasya bhaksi iha varcasah
Read yac ca in b; d as above.
varcasvan me mukham astu va •
[f. 37 b.] rcasvatarhdu me 9irah varcas vam vi9vatas pratyan
varcasvam varno stu me z
Read varcasvan in a, varcasvad uta in b; varcasvan and
pratyan in c, and varcasvan varno cstu in d.
218 L. C. Barret, [1910.
subhagarh ;
me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah subhago vigvatas
pratyan subhago va I
rno stu me z 2 z
Read: subhagam me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah |
subhago vi^vatas pratyan subhago varno fstu me z 5 z 3 z
35. [f. 37 b, 1. 3.]
ud amau suryo agat sahavat ta nama ma | aham te madhuma I
ti madhugam madhumattara |
Read asau in a, tan nama mama in b; madughan in d.
yad girisu parvatesu gosv agvesu yan madhu | i
surayarh sicyamanayarh kilale madhu tan mayi |
Read girisu in a.
yatha sura ya !
tha madhu yathaksa adhidevane yathaha gavyato mana
eva sam abhi te I
manah
Read mam in d. Of. Q. 6. 70. 1 for ab.
ya te padam padena rsyatam manasa manah pratyarhcam
agrabham tva a i
£vam iva9vabhidhanya |
Read yatha in a, padenarsyatam in ab; pratyancam in c,
and tvagvam in cd.
mahyarh tva dyavaprthivi mahyarh devi sarasva i
tl | mahyam tva madhyarh bhumya ubhav antau sam
asyatarh z 4 z
Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivi mahyam devi sarasvat! |
mahyam tva madhyam bhumya ubhav antau sam asyatam z 5 z 4 z
Por this last stanza cf. below, No. 90 st. 5, and Q. 6. 89. 3.
36. [f. 37 b, 1. 9.]
ya vai9vade i
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya somasya ya bhagasya |
vigve deva i i
savo yavatir vas ta vo agnina garmana gamayami |
Read isavo in a.
ya adide I
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya agvino yavatls tah vigve
deva isa I
vo yavatir vas ta vo devas savita gamayati |
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 219
Read in b rudrasyagvinor; the visarga indicates that the
hemistich ends with tah and yavatls seems out of place here,
where another genitive would be appropriate; a possible reading
might be ya vrhaspateh.
yas te gnisavo vata ya:
te apam ugchrityam uta va marutsu | indrasya samna
varunasya raja ta:
vat suryo vrhata 9amayati |
Read for a yas te 'gna isavo vata yas te, in b probably
utsrstyam; in c rajna, and in d ta vas seems better than tavat.
ma vrhy adityo ma vasubhyo ma rudraya:
gnaye paktivaya | indrasya guco varunasya ya gucis ta vo
devy al
9amayati |
In a ma bibhrhy aditya seems possible, in b parthivaya.
ca vate vi9vagvate ya9 ca rudrasya dhanvani | agnii
s tva vasor Tra9anas tva sarva bhesajas karat, z 5 z anuva 7 zl
Read: yag ca vate visvagvate yag ca rudrasya dhanvani |
agnis tva vasor iganas tva sarva bhisajas karat z 5 z 5 z
anuva 7 z. In cd ta and tas would improve this very un-
certain reconstruction.
37. [f. 37b, 1. 19.]
cittirh yaktasi manasa cittin devan rtavrdhah jatavedas pra
nas ti:
[f. 38 a] ra agne vi9vamarudbhih
In view of MS. 2. 10. 6 it seems clear that in yaktasi we
have the root yaj ; yaksasi might be the reading, but yaksyami
may be worth consideration. If vigvamarudbhih is not accept-
able, we might read vidvan or vigvan.
yavayayavayassad dvesahsi yavamaye I
na havisa yas te mrta dvisvapmyasya bhavas sa te tudanta
etarh pra:
hinmah
In a read yavayasmad; in c dussvapnyasya, and perhaps
mrto rather than mrta. In Q. 19. 57. 3 occurs the phrase sa
mama yah papas tarn dvisate pra hinmah; imitating this we
might reconstruct dvisate tudanta ° °, and this would call for
bhavo.
VOL. XXX. Part II r. 16
220 L. C. Barret, [1910.
yatha kalarh yatha capham yatharno son nayanti | eval
dussvapnyarh sarvas apriye sun nayamasi z
This is Q. 6. 46. 3 (= 19. 57. 1) ; read yatharnaiii sarii in b,
sarvam in c and sarii in d.
araro hig catam adya gal
gavam bhaksiya gatam ajanam catam avmam catam acva-
narh purusa:
nam tatrapi bhaksayamum amusyayanam amusyah patrarh
tam aham:
nirrtaye preksyami tam mrtyoh pacaye badhnyami sa baddho
hato stu | I
sa tato ma mocih z i z
This prose portion falls into two parts thus giving the normal
five stanzas to this hymn. At the beginning araro might be
vocative of araru (cf. Q. 6. 46. 1) and hie. might conceal some
form of the root hid: read -j- araro hie,-}- gatam adya gavam
ooo. purusanam tatrapi bhaksiya z 4 z
For the rest there are similar passages in Q. 16. 7. 8 and
8. Iff. Read: amum amusyayanam amusyah putram tam aham
nirrtaye presyami tam mrtyoh page badhnami | sa baddho hato
'stu sa tato ma moci z 5 z
With this hymn cf. Q. 6. 46 and 19. 57.
38. [f. 38 a, 1. 8.]
ye nag gapanty apa te bhavantu vrksan va I
vrhnam api tam jayama | bhrajiya ayus pratirarh dadhanarh va:
yam devanam sumatau syama
In b I think we must read vrknan api tan; the margin cor-
rects to draghiya in c, and we must read dadhana: padas cd
occur frequently but not together.
krtyakrtam payasvan adargata agneh | ;
pratyasva nu dhuddhyasva prati sma raivatam dahah |
For b, a possible reading is a dharsata agnih; in c prathasva
and yudhyasva are probable; d can stand, but risato, or the
like, would seem better.
yas tva krtye pratigha:
ya vidvan aviduso grham. | punas tva tasma dadhimo
yatha kr:
krtam hanah
In pratighaya, I think, lies the verb of the first hemistich
and we might read pra jaghana as a possibility: in c it would
seem safe to restore tasmai dadhmo, and in d krtyakrtam hanat,
Vol. xxx.J The Kashmirian Atltarca Veda. 221
punas krtyam krtyakrte hastigrhya para naya uto tvai
m uttama punas tatarmaiva sudanamsvarh |
Read hastagrhya in b; uto tvain uttama punas is probably
a good pada but for d I see nothing. Padas ab occur Q. 5.
14. 4ab.
krtya yantu krtyakrtam vrki:
vavimato grham stokarh pakasva vardhatarh ma vrvrsta |
osadhlr iva | :
Read: krtya yantu kr.tyakr.tam vrkivavimato grham | stokaih
pakasva vardhataiii saiiivr>ta osadhlr iva z 5 z 2 z
Q. 6. 37. 1 d reads vrka ivavimato gvham.
39. [f. 38 a, 1. 16.]
Vait. 24. 1.
yat te grava bahucyuto cakro naro yad va te hastayor
adhuksam tat tapya:
yatarii ut te nistyayatam soma rajan. z
In a read 'cucyon, in b adhuksan; ta Spyayatam tat in c.
yat te grabna cicrdas so •
ma rajin priyany anga sukrta paroni | tat samjatsvajeneto:
vardhayasva anagamo yatha sadam it samksiyema z z ofh
ana:
[f. 38 b] gamo yatha sadam it samksiyema
In a read gravna cicchidus and rajan, in b puruni; for cd
tat saiiidhatsvajyenota vardhayasvanagaso ° °.
yam te tvacam babhrutam ta yonir hrdyami
sthana pracyuto di vasuto si tasmai te soma luptam asmakam
etad u :
pa no rajan sukrte hvayasva |
In a read bibhidur yarn ca yonim, in b sthanat and yadi
vasuto 'si with yad va (as in Vait.) for hrdy&m ; in c we may
read guptam as in TB. 3. 7. 13. 3.
sam pranapanabhyam sam caksusa sam •
crotrena gacchasya soma rajan. | yat te vilistam sam u tanv
ayattaj ja:
nitam nas sangamam pathmam.
In b read gacchasva ; in c viristam sam u tat ta etaj, in d
jamtfin and samgamane.
16*
222 L. C. Barret, [1910.
abac gariram payasa sam etv a-
nyo nyo bhavati varunosya | tasmai tado havisa vidhemah
vayam syamal
patayo rayinam.
In a read ahag and sam ety, in b anyo 'nyo and varno 4sya;
in c ta indo and vidhema.
abhyaksaranti jihvo ghrtenaga paruhsi tal
vardhayanti | tasmai te soma nasa yad visat vapa no raja
sukrte hvayal
sva z 3 z
Read : abhiksaranti juhvo ghrtenanga parunsi tava vardhay-
anti | tasmai te soma nama id vasat copa no rajan sukrte
hvayasva z 6 z 3 z
40. [f. 38 b, 1. 9.]
ihata devlr ayam astu pantha ayarh vo lokag garanaya •
sadhuh idam bavir jusamana ud ita ksipra jfia varunena
prasuta z •
In a read ihaita and pantha; in d ksipra rajiia and prasutah.
ihata raja varuno dadabhir devo devesu haviso jusatah krnu •
sva pantha madayan durdibhir anena babhro mahata prthi-
vyam.
In a the reading of the ms. may be rdabhir. Head in a
ihaitu; in this context dadhabhir seems to be possible but it
is hard to give up the thought of some form or compound of
rta; in MG. 2. 11. 17 occurs praitu raja varuno revatlbhih:
in b jusatam ought to stand. In c read pantham, and we
might consider drtibhir as a possibility.
pri:
yad dhriyad va madayan abhunja tirokoghanam iha ranltu | a I
neneve gam mrjata dvisimato jahy osram gabhum ajanah
adhrsnatah | :
Out of this all I can get is tvisimato j&hy and perhaps
gatrun ajanan adhrsatah.
ye parato madhyato ye ca yanta ye apsumado nihatas tire
agnayah I
te devaja iha no mrdunn apag ca jihvan ubhaye saban-
dhavah
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 223
Opposite the first of these lines the margin gives saihcayaih,
and there is a correction to jinvan over jihvan. In a read
yanti, in b apsusado nihitas; in c mrdann and in d ta a
jinvan.
idam •
vapo hrdayam ayam vasv aritavari iha tvam eta 9akvarl
yatraivam :
vegayamasi z 4 z
Read: idaiii va apo hrdayam ayam vatsa rtavarih | ihettham
eta gakvarir yatraivam vegayamasi z 5 z 4 z
This is Q. 3. 13. 7; we might read idam vasv in b; for d
Q. has yatredaiii vegayami vah.
41. [f. 38 b, 1. 18.]
RV. 10. 159; ApMB. 1. 16.
ud asau suryo agad ud ayam masako i
bhagah tenaham vidvala patim abhy a I
[f. 39 a.] saksi visasahih |
Read mamako in b.
aham ketur aham murdhva aham ugra visada 1
ni | named apa kradam patis sehanaya upacara |
Read murdhaham in a, visadam in b; mamed apa kratuiii
in c and upa carat in d.
mama putra i
9 9attruhano vo me duhita virat. | utaham asmi samjaya i
patyar me 9loka uttamah
Read gatruhano ctho in ab; patyur in d.
yena devas surebhyo bhavanti marmattara •
idam utakra devasapattra kilabhuvam
In a a good reading would be deva asurebhyo; for b read
bhavanty amarmantarah, and for cd idaiii tad akri deva
asapatna kilabhuvam.
sapattra sapatnyaghni •
jayaty abhibhuvarT musnamy anyasam bhagam vamo yaste-
yaca i
m iva z 5 z anu 8 z
Read: asapatna sapatnaghni jayanty abhibhuvar! | musnamy
anyasam bhagaiii varco astheyasam iva z 5 z 5 z anu 8 z
In d vamam would be about as good as varco. This hymn
has a sixth stanza in the other texts.
224 L. C. Barret, [1910.
42. [f. 39 a, 1. 7.]
Of. Q. 2. 24.
sarabhaka seragabha punar bho ya I
nti yadavas punar hatis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo
va pra :
hi tarn utta mma samsamany ata gevrka cevrdha sarpan-
sarpa I
srokan mro jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado punar vo yanti
yadavah | •
punar jutis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo na pra | hi
tarn utva I
sma marhsany atta z i z
Read: gerabhaka gerabha punar vo yantu yatavas punar
hetis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sv& mansany atta z 1 z cevrdhaka gevrdha punar vo ° ° | ° z
2 z sarpanusarpa ° ° | ° z 3 z mrokSnumroka ° ° | ° z 4 z
j-jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado-j- punar vo yantu yatavas punar
jutis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sva mansany atta z 5 z 1 z
At the beginning of 5 it would be impossible to emend
with any certainty; it is barely possible that jurni (Q. st. 5)
is there and perhaps also arjuni (Q. st. 7); yet it is fairly
clear that these should all be grouped in one stanza, and
that they are names of male demons. Cf. our No. 91 and the
comments.
43. [f. 39 a, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 16.
dyavaprthivi upagrute ma i
patam svaha | dhanayayuse prajayai ma patam svaha | prana i
panau mrtyor ma patam svaha | surya caksusi ma pahi sva i
ha | agne vigvambhara vigvato ma pahi svaha ]
Read dyavaprthivi upagruter: the kanda is no. 2.
44. [f. 39 a, 1. 15.]
Cf. Q. 2. 17.
ayurma :
agni ayur me dha svaha varcodagner varco me dha svaha tejo •
dagnis tejo me dha svaha sahoda agnes saho me dha svaha | i
balada agnir balam me svaha z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 225
Read: ayurda agna ayur me dah svaha z 1 z varcoda agne
varco me dah svaha z 2 z tejoda agne tejo me dah svaha
z 3 z sahoda agne saho me dah svaha z 4 z balada agne
balaiii me dah svaha z 5 z 3 z
45. [f. 39 a, 1. 18.]
Q. 2. 17.
ayur asya a i
[f. 39 b.] ayur me dhehi svaha | varco si varco mayi dhehi
svaha J tejo I
si tejo mayi dhehi svaha | saho si saho mayi dhehi svaha j •
ballam asi balarh mayi dhedhi svaha | 4 z
In 1 read ayur asy ayur mayi; in 2, 3, and 4 read csi; in
5 balam and dhehi.
46. [f. 39 b, 1. 3.]
Q. 2. 18.
picacaksi i
nam asi pigacajambhanam asi svaha | yatudhanakslnam a •
si yatudhanajambhanam asi svaha | sadanvaksinam asi i
sadanvajambhanam asi svaha | sapattraksinam asi sapattra •
jambhanam asi svaha | bhratrvyaksinam asi bhratrvyajaja i
mbhanam asi svaha z 5 z a 9 z
Read °ksayanam in each formula, pigacajambhanam in 1,
sapatna0 in 4, and bhratrvyajambhanam in 5. The kanda is
no. 5.
In the margin the ms. has raksamantram va agnih.
47. [f. 39 b, 1. 8.]
a te sauvlryarh •
dade mayi te sauvlryarh | a sauvarco dade mayi te sauvarcah | •
a sautejo dade mayi te sautejah a saunrmnarh dade mayi i
te saunrmnarh | a te saugukrarh dade mayi te saugukram
z i z :
At the beginning of 2, 3, and 4 read a te.
226 L. C. Barret, [1910,
48. [f. 39 b, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 19.
ofh agna yat te tapas tena tarn prati tapa yo sman dvesti
yam ca vaya :
n dvismah z te haras tena tarn prati hara yoh te cocis
tena tarn prati I
coca te rcis tena tarn praty area | agne yat te jyotis tena
tarn prati da i
ha yo sman dvesti yam ca vayam dvismah z 2 z
Read: agne yat te tapas tena tain prati tapa yo fsman
dvesti yam ca vayarii dvismah z I z agne yat te haras tena
tarn prati hara ° ° ° z 2 z agne yat te gocis tena tarii prati
goca ° ° ° z 3 z agne yat te 'rcis tena tarn praty area ° ° ° z 4 z
agne yat te jyotis tena tarii prati daha yo rsman dvesti yam
ca vayam dvismah z 5 z 2 z
49. [f. 39 b, 1. 15.]
praci di I
g gayatrarh devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyegu nag gaka-
raya :
ttarh tasyavedanam asi z svam cemam asmad yaksa tas-
mad ama •
[f. 40 a.] yetu svaha | daksina dig rathantaram devata pratici
dig vamadevam i
devata udici dig yajnayajniyarh devata urdhva dig vrhaddeva !
ta yad devesu manusye | cva nag cakarayattarh tasyavedanam
asi z mum :
cemam asmad yaksa tasmad amayatu svaha z 3 z imam
raksa i
mantram digdhandhanam z z
Read: praci dig gayatrain devata yad devesu pitrsu manu-
syesu nag cakarayattvam tasyavedanam asi | sam cemam asmad
yaccha tasmad amayatat svaha z 1 z daksina dig rathantaram
devata ° ° ° z 2 z pratici dig vamadevyam devata ° ° ° z 3 z
udicl dig yajnayajniyam devata ° ° ° z 4 z urdhva dig vrhad
devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyesu nag cakarayattvam tasya-
vedanam asi | sam cemam asmad yaccha tasmad amayatat
svaha z 5 z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 227
These formulae are suggestive of the sphere of the Yajur
Veda. The emendation proposed is open to a number of ob-
jections, but it is fairly close to the ms. and offers a reasonable
meaning. In the colophon \ve might read digdhanam.
50. [f. 40 a, 1.5.]
agnim vayam trataram havamahe imam traya •
tasmad yaksma tasmad amayata jusano agnir ajyasya trata :
trayatam svaha (
Read ya imam trayate 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat |
jusano ° ° z 1 z
mitravarunau vayam tratarau havamahe ya :
v ayimarh trayite smad yaksma tasmad amayata jusanau
mitra :
varunav ajyasya tratarau trayetam svaha |
Read yav imaiii trayete 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat |
jusanjlu ° ° z 2 z
marutan vayam tratrT I
n havamahe imam trayamta smad yaksmad amayata |
jusanau maru i
tajyasya trataras tray an tarn svaha z
Read maruto vayam tratfn havamahe ya imam trayante
csmad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusSna maruta ajyasya0
° z 3 z
agnaya ghrtapataye svaha | i
agninagni grhebhya svaha | vajasyan agniye svaha | agnim •
vayam svagnaya svaha | tena vrahmana tena? chandasa
taya devataya i
ngirasvad devebhyas svaha z z iti agnisuktam. z z i
It is almost impossible to believe that these formulae belong
in this place, thrust into the midst of five stanzas so sym-
metrical; but we cannot throw them out entirely. The first
and last are in the Concordance: in 1 read agnaye, for the
second perhaps agninagne grhebhyas svaha can stand, vajasya
is good at the beginning of 3 and agnaye should be read, in
4 svagnayas is probable, and in 5 read tena for tenag; perhaps
in 5 we should insert dhruvas sldata (or the like) before
devebhyas, as these words appear in the numerous occurrences
of this formula.
228 L. C. Barret, [1910.
pitfn vayam bhratfn havamahe | imam trayantammabh
yaksma tasma I
d amayata | jusanas pitarajyasya trataras trayantam svaha z:
Read vayam tratrn and the rest as in st. 3 except jusanas
pitara.
vrhaspatirh vayam trataram havamahe imam trayatasmad
yaksma :
tasmad amayata jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya trataram tra!
yatarh svaha z 4 z
Read : vrhaspatim vayam trataram havamahe ya imam trayate
'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya
trata trayatani svaha z 5 z 4 z
51. [f. 40 a, 1. 19.]
agnirh vayam trataram yajamahe meni !
[f. 40 b] hana valagahanarh jusano agnir ajyasya meniha
valagaha :
trata trayatam svaha z indrarh vayam jusana indra ajyasya z:
somarh vayam trataram yajamahe menihalam valagahanarh
jusa:
nas soma ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam sva :
ha z vigvan devans vayam tratrn yajamahe menighno valaga :
ghnas trataras trayantam svaha z vrhaspatim vayam trataram:
yajamahe menihalam valagahanam jusano vrhaspati | :
r ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha z 5 z •
z anu z
Read: agnim vayam trataram yajamahe menihanam valaga-
hanam | jusano aguir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam
svaha z I z indram vayam ° ° | jusana indra ajyasya ° ° z 2 z
somam vayarh ° ° ° | jusanas soma ajyasya ° ° z 3 z vi(}van
vayam devans tratrn yajamahe menighno valagaghnah | jusana
ajyasya menihano valagahanas trataras trayantam svaha z 4 z
vrhaspatim vayam trataram yajamahe menihana valagahanam j
jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha
z 5 z 5 z anu 10 z
52. [f. 40 b, 1. 9.]
TB. 2. 7. 17.
ye kecinas prathamas satram asita yebhir abhrtarh :
yad idarh vi rocate bhyo juhomi ha visa ghrtena a^van gorna!
man ayam astu vlrah
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 229
In a read asata, in c tebhyo ; in cd ghrtenagvavan goman • •
vlrah. Our pada d is very nearly Q. 6. 68. 3 d ; TB. has rayas
posena varcasa saiii srjatha.
nante ranas tapaso mucyate sudvina:
vniyam diksarh vi9amyarh hy etat. prapya ke9§stuvate ka:
nyano bhavantu tesarh vrahme9e vapanasya namnya
In a read narte vrahmanas, and sudvinammyam vaginiyarii
hy etat would giv<* a good pada b; TB has dvinainni diksa
vaginl hy ugra. For the rest it seems best to read with TB
pra kegas suvate kandino bhavanti tesam vrahmed ige vapanasya
nanyah z 2 z
yenavapat sal
vita 9irsno agre ksurena rajno varunasya ke9§n. | I
tena vrahmano vapatedam asya9yamo dirghayur ayam astu I
vlrah z
In cd asyayusman seems the most satisfactory. Cf. Q. 6.
68. 3 and Whitney's Translation.
ma te ke9am anugada vanta etat taya dhata dadha I
tu te | tubhyam indro varuno vrhaspatis savita varco dadharii | •
In a read ma te kegan anugad varca, in b tatha; in d 'dadhan.
This stanza appears MG. 1. 21. 8.
a roha prostharh visahasya 9atfn ajasradiksam va9ini:
hy ugra dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva varu :
nasya p§9at. z i z
Read: a roha prostham visahasva gatrun ajasram dlksfi
vacini hy ugra | dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva
varunasya pacat z 5 z 1 z
53. [f. 41 a, 1.1.]
MS. 2. 6. 3.
ye devas purassado gninetra raksohanas te nas pa •
ntu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva daksinasado
yamanetra raksohana !
s te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye devas
pa9catsado marunnetra rakso :
hanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva
uttaratsadas somanetra :
230 L. C. Barret, [1910.
raksohanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye
deva antariksassado I
vrhaspatinnetra raksohanas te nas pantu te no vantu tebhyo
namas tebhyas svaha | | i
z 2 z
In 1 read 'gninetra in 2 daksinatsado, in 5 antariksatsado
vrhaspatinetra and 'vantu; it seems probable that the phrase
te no 'vantu should be read in each formula as it occurs in
each one in MS.
54. [f. 41 a, 1. 7.]
KS. 15. 2; MS. 2. 6. 3.
agnaye purassade raksoghna svaha | yamaya daksinatsa I
de raksoghne svaha | marudbhyas pagcatsadbhyo raksoha-
bhyas svaha | somaya •
uttarasade raksoghne svaha | avaspate divaspate raksoghne
svaha | | :
vrhaspataye antariksasade raksoghne svaha z 3 z
In 1 read raksoghne, in 3 raksohabhyas, in 4 somayottaratsade;
a possible reading in 5 is avaspataye divassade; in 6 read
antariksatsade.
55. [f. 41 a, 1. 10.]
divo jato diva:
s putro asmaj jatarh sahat saha agvattham agre jaitrayat
sahadevarh dama i
si | tarn tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu raj anas surna-
tibhyo vi vabhuve | i
tvaya vayarh devajatas sarvas pra 9ocayamasi | uta satya
utanr :
tah yo acvatthena mittrena sumatir iva gacchati jayac ca
sarva i
s prtana yag ca satya utanrtah adharanco ni druvantu
sumatya !
ululakrta | agvattha mittram purusarh ye vata prdanya z 4 z I
The following seems a possible reading: divo jato divas
putro asmaj jatam sahat sahah | agvattho agre jaitrayat saha-
devam damasi z 1 z tam tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu
rajanah | samrtibhyo vai vibhuve z 2 z tvaya vayam devajata
sarvas pra gocayamasi | uta satya utanrtah z 3 z yo acvatthena
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 231
mitrena samrtlr iva gacchati | jayac ca sarvas prtana yag ca
satya utfmrtah z 4 z adharaiico ni dravantu samrtya ulu-
lakrtah | agvattha mitraiii purusaiii ye 'vata.s prtanyanti z 5
z 4 z
The emendations are rather bold but in keeping with the
evident intent of the charm: cf. Q. 3. 6.
56. [f. 41 b, 1.1.]
Cf. TS. 5. 5. 10. 3 and 4; Q. 3. 26 and 27.
ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grahah praci dik tesam vo
agnir isavah:
te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo yany ayudhani
va isavas tebhyo I
namas tebhyas svaha z kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad
grha daksina di •
k tesam va apa isavah virajo nama stha tesam vah pa9cad
grha praticT!
dik tesam vas kasa isavah avastha nama stha tesam va
uttarad grha udi-
ci dik tesam vo vata isavah uttare nama stha tesam va
upari grha I
urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah te no mrduta dvipade
catuspade te •
sarh vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas
svaha z 5 z •
z anu ii z
Read: ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grhah praci dik tesam
vo agnir isavah | te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo
yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z 1 z
kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad grha daksina dik tesaiii
va apa isavah | te no ° ° ° z 2 z virajo nama stha tesam vah
pagcad grhas pratici dik tesaiii vas karna isavah | te no • ° °
z 3 z avastha nama stha tesam va uttarad grha udici dik tesaiii
vo vata isavah | te no ° - • z 4 z uttare nama stha. tesaiii va
upari grha urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah | te no mrdata
dvipade catuspade tesaih vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo
namas tebhyas svaha z 5 z 5 z anu 11 z
232 L. C. Barret, [1910.
57. [f.41b, 1.9.]
yadidam divo yady avajagama yady antariksad ya:
di parthivoyah yadi yajfio yajnapate sargas tebhyas sarvebhyo
manasa i
vidhema |
Read ava jagama in a, perhaps prthivyah at end of b ;
yajnapates in c, and namasa in d.
yam indram ahur yam mitram ahu yama somam
ahuh yam agnim a :
hur yam ahus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
Read ahur at end of a, yam somam ahur yam agnim ahuh
for b; for c we might read yam varunani vrhaspatirn ahus.
yad indriya jalpyah :
prordhnavanti svapunarh durbhutam abhi ye sinanti | ye
devanam rtvijoi
yajniyanam tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
For a yad indriyaya jalpya prardhnavanti would seem pos-
sible; in b read svapnam.
ye gsa9ana nanama I
sa ni yanti suryasya ragmir anu sam caranti | ye devanam
dharmadhrto babhu I
vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
In a read ^agamana namasa, in b ragmin.
svarbhisiyer abhi ye bhayanti yebhyah :
[f. 42 a] krnvanti yo rodayanti ye va strmarh pratirupa babhu-
vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa :
vidhema z i z
Read: surisu ye rabhanti ye bhanti -[-ye bhyah krnvanti-j-
ye rocayanti | ye va strinam pratirupa babhuvus tebhyas sar-
vebhyo namasa vidhema z 5 z 1 z
The reading suggested for pada a is of course only a bare
possibility. Several of the padas of this hymn occur elsewhere
also but in dissimilar context.
58. [f. 42 a, 1. 2.]
vyavrttau payau gavau vigvati vijnatata vidvesanarh kilasi :
tayatainau vy ata dvisah vi kilinav ata dvisat vasatibhyas
samabhyah atho I
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 233
Imukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antara sihhas te
caksuso vyaghrah pari :
sum jane agnir vastv antera yatha. vam na9§sati vi dyaur
vy ata tad vayas tata kal
patyavah vya osadhe praraspasy agnir iva tam dahah |
vyavayyarhtu hrdayani vi ci •
ttani manansi ca atho ya tamno sangatam tad vam astu
vidhulakam | asti vaisami
vidvisam ubhau sannetara vi9vancau pary a vartayetam
yatha vam na9§sati •
z 2 z
The transliteration praraspasy in line 5 is not certain.
It seems pretty clear that six stanzas are intended here,
the first to end vy ata dvisah bat out of it I get nothing.
Pada a of st. 2 I cannot reconstruct out of vi kilinav ata dvi^it
but for bed it seems possible to read vasantibhyas sama-
bliyah | atholmukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antarah.
Tho second hemistich of st. 3 is probably to be read agnir
vam astv antaro yatha vam nac.o asati. St. 4d is clear as it
stands agnir iva taiii dahah and for pada a vi dyaur vy ety
tad vayas seems possible. For st. 5 we may read vy ava yantu
hrdayiini vi cittani manansi ca | atho yat tanvo sangatam tad
v;iiii astu vidhulakam; it seems possible to connect vidhulakam
with vidhura. Though not wholly satisfactory we may read
for st. 6 c d visvancau pary a vartayetaiii yatha varii nago
I; and the words ubhau sannetara seem good in pada b.
Other than the above I am unable to suggest anything; it
is fairly clear that this is a charm to drive away a disease or
demon, perhaps one afflicting cattle.
59. [f. 42 a, 1.9.]
Q. 5. 28. 3—11, 1, 12.
trayas posa trivrta9 9rayantas anaktu pusa payasa ghrtena | :
anyasya bhauma purusa bhauma bhuma pa9unam dahi
9rayantam z
In a read posas and Qrayantam, for c annasya bhuma puru-
bhuma, and in d ta iha grayantam.
imam a:
ditya vasuna sam aksatesam agne vardhayamavrdhanah
yasmim ttrivr9 chetam !
pusayisnur imam indra sam srja viryena |
234 L. C. Barret, [1910.
Read in ab uksateraam, in b vardhaya vavrdhanah; in c
trivrc chrayataiii posayisnur.
bhumis tva patu haritena vigva I
bhir agnih pipartu payasa majaisa virudbhis te arjuno sarh-
vidanam va I
rco dadhatu sumanasyamanam
In a read vigvabhrd, in b sajosah; in c arjunam, °manam
at end of d.
dvedha jatarh janmanedam hiranyamm agner ekam I
priyatam babhuvah somasyaikarh hihsitasya parapatad apam
ekam ve i
daso retahus tat te hiranyam trivrtastv ayuse
In a read tredha and hiranyam, in b priyatamaiii babhuva,
in c somasyaikarii and parapatat (before colon); in d vedhaso
reta ahus, in e trivrd astv.
triyayusam jamadagnes kai
£yapasya triyayusam tredhamrtasya caksanam trmy ayuhsi
nas krdhi |
In b read triyayusam, in d nas.
tra:
yas s*parnas travitayam ekaksaram abhisambhuya gakra
praty uha mr :
* * * * *na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma-
in a read suparnas trivrta yad ayann, in b gakrah; for the
second hemistich praty auhan mrtyum amrtena sakam antar
dadhana duritani vi^va.
Inasmuch as f. 42 b is badly defaced I give now all that is
legible on it.
*na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma
*ya patu pra harad devapurayarh imasti
*tah tans tvarh bibhratayusman varcasvan utta
*amrtam hiranyam yabhedeh prathamo devo a
*nomy anu manyatam trivrta vadhena | nava pra
* Ir * ayutvaya catacaradaya harite tri
*n* rajasavistitani | a ta tritattva
*harjatassa yan nama tena te ci gr
* z 3 z yajnentam tapasa vr
* y * nih upah * tagne jarasas parasta
*pati grhnati vidvan vr
*s*ad a
Vol. xxx.] Tfie KasJimirian Atharva Veda. 235
Drawing on Q. to fill the lacunae we may read the remain-
ing stanzas as follows: divas tva patu haritara madhyat tva
patv arjunam | bhumya ayasmayaiii patu praharad devapura
ayam z 7 z imas tisro devapuras tas tva raksantu sarvatah |
tas tvaiii bibhrad ayusman varcasvan uttaro dvisitam l)hava
z 8 z puraiii devanam arnrtam hirariyam ya abedhe prathamo
devo agre | tasmai namo daga pracih krnomy anu manyatani
trivrd abadhe me z 9 z nava pranan navabhis sam mimlte
dlrghayutvaya gataQaradaya | harite trini raj ate trlny ayasi
trlni rajasavis^itani z 10 z a tva crtatv aryama pusa vrhaspatih |
aharjatasya yan nama tena te 'ti crtamasi z 11 z 3 z
60.
Q. 6. 122. 4 and 1.
The visible fragments of the last four lines of f. 42 b (given
above) are clearly parts of Q. 6. 122; Whitney reports st. 2
and 3 as being in Paipp. 16. Drawing from Q. we may get
the following possible reconstruction: yajnani yantam tapasa
vrbantam anv a rohami manasa sayonih | upahuta agne jarasas
parastat trtlye nake sadhamadaui madema z 1 z taiii prajanan
prati grlmati vidvan vrhaspatih prathamaja rtasya | asmabhir
dattaiii jarasas parastad acchinnam tantum anu sam tarema
61. [f. 43a, 1. 1.]
** * ******
ne paspari vi£va bhuvanani g*pa antariksasya * * vi * * *
na bilarh te ghrta9cutam nadinarh pathe su9rutam juhomi |
pravidvan * *
mumugdhi pa9anyasya pattri vidhava yathasat. | anaturena
varun* *
the no svastibhir ati durgani vesyat. | tarn a9vina pratigrhya
svast*
dosavena pusa se sam pra yacchat. z 5 z anuvakam 12 zz
Read: * | paspara vigva bhuvanani gopa antariksasya mahato
vinianah z z* *na bilam te ghvtaQcutam nadmfuii patye
suQrutam juhomi | pravidvan* * mumugdhi ^pag anyasya patnl
vidhava yathasat z z anaturena varun* *the no svastibhir
ati durgani viksat | tarn agvina pratigrhya svastaye -j- dosavena
pusa me sani pra yacchat z z 5 z anuvakah 12 z
VOL. XXX. Part III. 17
236 L. C. Barret, [1910
Of course it is impossible to know how many stanzas pre-
ceded these, but it seems probable to me that the hymn
originally contained five; for six, or possibly seven, lines stood
after the last line visible on f. 42 b and probably not more
than two lines are broken from the top of f. 43: about that
amount of space would be required for the last three stanzas
of no. 60 (if it had five) and the first two and a half of no. 61,
62. [f. 43 a, 1. 5.]
ye pig*
ca imam vidyam akutim mohayantu nah tesarh tvam agne
nagaya varca*
ttam atho prajarh nagayagne pigacanam varcag cittam atho
prajanam yath*
gam mahyam dharayathaharh kamayantu me | agarh myaham
radhatv indriyena
* *tam tvam agne kravyadas sarvari pigacah arcisa daha
prati dah*
*danah sura devah vicarsana yo no durasyad vesana
yathagam
*nah enas pagugmitsahty agayam purusesu ca | tans
tvam sahasra
***pi*Hci*?5**haz*z* * * * * *
Read: ye pic,aca imam vidyam akutim mohayanti nah | .tesarn
tvam agne nagaya varcag cittam atho prajam z 1 z nagayagne
pigacanam varcag cittam atho prajam | yathagam mahyam
dharaya yatha ha kamayantu me z 2 z 5,gam mahyam radha-
yatv indriyena * * * tarn | tvam agne kravyadas sarvSn pigacan
arcisa daha z 3 z prati daha yatudhanan sura devan vicar-
sanm | yo no durasyad vesanarn yathagam * * * nah z 4 z
ye nas pagun agna icchanty agayam purusesu ca | tans tvam
sahasracaksasas pigacan arcisa dah'a z 5 z 1 z
64. [f. 43 b, 1. 1.]
**********
mi reksatim devanam sarvesam sajatana * d*v*nirrtir h* *:
*agyapasya pratisaro dyaus pita prthivi mata yathabhi
cakru deva i
s tathabhi krnuta punah yas krtya nilavatT yas krtyas
pagyavatih :
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 237
krtya y§9 cakrun lohinis ta ito na^ayamasi | yadiva yad i I
ma jahur ime bhadrasi sunvati | krtyasi kalyany asi samurh
karta i
rasvam jahi z 3 z.
Beginning with the second line visible on this page we have
the last three stanzas of the third hymn in anuvaka 13; the
first one of these is very near Q. 3. 9. 1. The following gives
some emendations which seem possible: kagyapasya pratisaro
dyaus pita prthivl mata | yathabhi cakra devas tathabhi krnuta
punah z z yas krtya nilavatlr yas krtyiis pegyavatih | krtya
yag cakrur lohinis ta ito nagayamasi z z -j- yadiva yad ima
jahur ime*(- bhadrasi sunvati | kj-tyasi kalyany asi samum kar-
taramyam jahi z z 3 z
The first stanza varies decidedly from Q in pada a, where
Q has kargaphasya vigaphasya. The form pegyavant is not in
the lexicon, but it seems a possible formation from pig. For
pada a of the last stanza we might read yad deva yad imag
cahur; aramyam in pada d is not satisfactory. The general
sphere of the hymn seems to be indicated in the second stanza.
65. [f. 43 b, L 6.]
vrhat te varcas prthatam apa dyam mittrebhy eti i
sudubhis suvarcah rte raja varuno vravitu tasmat tvam
havisa bhaga •
dama z 9atam heman tan dagaya sapattrah vi9as tva sarvan
guhguvo bhava :
ntu z ya stotipanam praty ut patayas tva sujato vilaha
tvam n*ica z •
indras tvam yoktre adhime vinakty asmai yas tva yacchan-
darh praty urn si *
sbha jigisam prtanas saparye vrhas tarn avajahghani*
* rasya te balim soma srjatan upa sam *
****:;:***** ***
[f. 44 a.] ro abhya prayunga damaya sapatnan. | rte raja
varuno vravitu tasmat tvam •
havisa bhagadasa z 9atam heman tan damaya sapatnan
vi9as tva sarva i
n guhguvo bhavantu z 4 z
The number of lines lost from f. 43 cannot be ascertained,
but it is probable that this hymn contained not less than six
stanzas. In the last stanza it may be possible to read in b
17*
238 L. C. Barret, [1910.
bhagadha asah, in c heman tan damaya, in d vic,as tvas sarva
gungavo. In the first stanza in pada a it seems possible to
read prathatain abhi, in b mitro 'bhy and suvarcah (but I see
nothing for sudubhis), and the next two p3das as in the final
stanza. Further than these I cannot make suggestions: this
seems to be a charm for the increase of a king's glory and
dominion.
66. [f. 44 a, 1.3.]
bhagaya raj fie prathamam juhomi vigve deva i
uttare madayantam z ugam patnibhya ugatlbhya abhyah
patim agni a vaha •
ratahavya |
In b read madayantam followed by colon; in d agna and
ratahavya.
patim vrnlsva havisa grnanas tarn a vahat savita tam te a •
gnih tam imdra masmi gatagaradaya bhagabhakta bhaga-
vati suvirah | :
In a grnana is probably the better reading, in b savita: in
c we seem to have indra but masmi I cannot solve; in d read
suvira.
yam arsa sam patim asye didesita janed icchantam tam iya
vahasi | I
sumangaly apatighm suseva rayas posena ucisa sutasva
In a we may read asyai didegitha, but for arsa I have
nothing; in b it seems clear that we must read tam iha vahasi
and icchantam fits the connection very well, but jane dhitsan-
tam is a possibility, I think. In d we may read sam isa
srjasva.
yat te pa :
tim aryama jayamanam yam dhata ca kalpajam iha vahasi | a :
bhi varena havisa juhomi | prajam naitu sumanasyamanarh
In a read jayamanam, in b yam and kalpajam; in d nayatu.
patim te dya i
vaprthivi a dhatam patim mittravaruna vato gnih saptar-
sayo di i
tis soma indras te tva devas pativatm krnvantu z 5 z anu
13 ZZ :
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 239
Read: patim te dyavaprthivl a dhatam mitravaruna vato
cgnih | saptarsayo cditis soma indras te tva devas pativatiih
krnvantu z 5 z 5 z anu 13 z
67. [f. 44 a, 1. 13.]
ya9 tvaraya pra vive£a janur janivat uta | atho tanvam
pasprga ta I
m ito nin nayamasi.
The ms. is slightly cracked and the first of pada a is not
clear. In a read yas tvarayas, for b I have no suggestion:
in c read pasparc,a, in d nir.
nis tvaraya nayamasi | ya iman pra vive :
gatah atmanam asya ma hirisir anyatra cara meha bhuh |
For b read ya imam pra vivegitha, with colon following: in
c asya.
yejara i
yemam upayasi dhehasyai rayiposanam. prajam ca tasya
ma hih 1
sir anyatra cara meha bhuh j
In a I think we must read yo 'rayemam, in b dhehy asyai
rayas °.
yejaraye vihayasi hanami vi •
rudha tva | atho khanatramis tva varsena yatha bhagarh
For a we might read yo 'rayemam vyayasi; for the second
hemistich I have no suggestions.
yejaraya :
[f. 44 b.] suryarh strsu yam avato kyarh yat pautrsadyam
daurbhagyarh tarn ito nir nayamasi z i I
For a we might read yo crayas suryam strlsu, but b seems
hopeless and so leaves us uncertain about a: with pautrasa-
dyarn the second hemistich can stand. The stanza is number
5, the hymn number 1 (in anu 14).
68. [f. 44 br 1. 2.] .
agner vo balavato balena manyu vya nayamasi | indrasya
vas somasya vah vrhaspa .
ter vas prajapater vo balavato balena manyur va nayamasi |
yat te suryarh divi deve :
su varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetarh aham ca vigras
tvisitas tvisiman i i
mam vacam vi 9aksiya z 2 z
240 L. C. Barret, [191 o.
Read: agner vo balavato balena manyum ava nayamasi |
indrasya vo ° ° | somasya vo ° ° | vrhaspater vo e ° | prajapater
vo balavato manyum ava nayamasi | yat te surya divi devesu
varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetasah z aham ca vigras
tvisitas tvisiman imam vacam vi cakslya z 2 z
We might also read vi nayamasi, and dhehi might be even
better than dehi. If the formulae are to be numbered it seems
that we must count six.
69. [f. 44 b, 1. 5.]
vatas purastat pavamena bhasvan namas te I
vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih tapodas puro dak-
sinatah pavamena bhasva i
n namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih | vigvayur
vigvajanmas prati :
cya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas te vidma te nama-
dheyam ma no hihsih z ':
givo vaigvadeva udicya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas
te vidma te namadhe i
yam ma no hihsih z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas
pavamena bha i
svan. namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih z 3 z
iti sadrta i
suktam. z z
Read: vatass purastat -j-pavamena bhasvan namas te vidma
te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 1 z tapodas puro daksinatah
-j-pavamena • ° z 2 z vi^vayur vigvajamnas pratlcya digas
•f* pavamena e ° z 3 z Qivo vaigvadeva udicya dic,as -j-pavamena °
° z 4 z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas -j-pavamena
bhasvan namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 5 z
3 z iti sadrcasuktam z z
In the margin opposite this hymn is written sadrtasuktarii
vata purastat. Probably pavamanena should stand for pava-
mena.
70. [f. 44 b, 1.12.]
apa dyor apa utanad apaskadya vaded ahim kalyany ayatah i
smrtam sumanas santu vidyatah |
In a it seems possible to read apo dyor apa uttarad, in b
apaskandya vadhed ahim: in c I think we should have kalyanl,
followed by ayatah rather than ayatah; smrtani is hardly
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 241
satisfactory and I have thought of rtaiii, but no suggestions
can be made with confidence; for d it seems as if we must
read sumanasas santu vidyutah.
yat parjas tayitnussa sarh sam vyatate jagat. pa !
tantu dvitlya trayavati prthivi prati modate |
The transliteration of pada a is not certain owing to a
crack in the ms. We may read for ab yat parjanyas tanayit-
nus sam sam vyathate jagat: in c patanti would seem better,
and if a form of dvitlya is to stand it would probably be
dvitiyas; trayavati cannot stand, I think, and trsyavatT would
be a pretty emendation though the change to twelve syllables
for d is rather sudden; if trsyavati seems worth consideration
I would be inclined to push conjecture a little further and
read in c udanvatir yas. Cf. RV. 5. 83. 9.
esenabhy arkam divrka£ve •
dhenum kam iva ahihs tvam vidyutam jahi masmakarh
purusam vadhih |
Pada b seems to end with iva, before which gam is probable
though dhenukam is possible; one may suspect that the syllables
rkac,ve are a corruption of rsabho or else of a verb-form from
the root arc, while the letters div could lead us in several
directions: I think the import of the hemistich is 'the thunders
roar lustily.' For cd we may read ahins tvam vidyutam
jahi masmakaiii purusam vadhih.
abhikra I
ndah stanayitnor avasphurjad acanya uta | deva maruto
mrdata nah patu no :
duritad avadyat.
Read abhikrandah in a and avasphurjad in b; the hemistich
in this form is slightly asymmetrical but it results from the
simplest emendation: in c read mrdata (the ms. so corrects),
in d pantu.
vicite pari no nama aditya9 carma yacchata | yuyata •
parnino 9aram utaparno rsada9a z 4 z
Read: vrjlte pari no nama adityag c.arma yacchata | yuyota
parninaui garam utaparnain ri^adasah z 5 z 4 z.
The first pada is a variant of Q. 1. 2. 2 a.
242 L. C. Barret, [1910.
71. [f. 44b, 1. 18.]
Of. Q. 5. 14.
krtavyadhana vidva tarn 739 ca :
kara tarn ij jahi da tvam icaklise vayarh vadhaya 9am sasi-
mahe yatha :
[f. 45 a] tva devy osadham praticmam phalarh krtam eva tvam
krtyane krtam hastigriha para :
yanah punas krtyam krtyakrte praticinam phalarh krtam.
eva tvam krtyane kr:
tarn hastigri para nayah punas krtya krtarhkrti go dhenuka
vaturh mum nayat. | :
9aktur vya9aktupe9yarh praticis prati tad vasat. yan te
cakrur vantanesu va :
nta kukhur vratasu ca manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya
krtyakrto jahi I
agnir vaitus pratikulam anukulam ivodakam 9uke rathai-
vartatarh krtyekrtya:
krtamtah z 5 z anu 14 z
It will be noted that the ms. writes the four padas begin-
ning praticlnaih phalam twice; evidently a dittography. Stanzas
1 and 5 here are 9 and 13 of Q. 5. 14, and Q. 5. 14. 4ab also
appears; with st. 4 cf. Q. 4. 17. 4.
Read: krtavyadhani vidhya tarn yag cakara tarn ij jahi na
tvam acakruse vayarii vadhaya sain QiQlmahi z 1 z yatha tvam
devy osadhmam pratlcinaphalam krtam | eva tvam krtyena krtam
hastagrhya para nayah z 2 z punas krtyarn krtyakrte gaur dhe-
nuka -j-vatum mum-j- nayat | -f-gaktur vyagaktupegyam-j- praticis
prati tad vasat z 3 z yam te cakrur vartanesu *(• vanta kukhur
vratasu ca-j- | manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya krtyakrto jahi
z 4 z agnir ivaitu pratikulam anukulam ivodakam | sukho ratha
iva vartatam krtya krtyakrtam pun ah z 5 z 5 z anu 14 z
In st. 2 b the neuter is difficult but not impossible, I think.
In st. 3b vatsam nayat would be a good reading; and in 3d
perhaps pratlcl would be better.
72. [f. 45 a, 1. 7.]
agnir dyumnena suryo jyotisa dyaur mahi :
mna antariksa vyacasa di9a9abhis prthivi payobhir idam
rastram vardhaya i
ntu prajavat. |
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atliarva Veda. 243
Read antariksaih, dic.a ac.abhih and payobhih, punctuating
after each pair of words down to idaih.
tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mittrena varunena ratri I
pusa pustir bhagamsena bhagaday idarh rastram vardhay-
antu prajavat.
Read mitrena, pustibhih, and possibly bhagadheyena bha-
gadha.
yani vi •
gvakarmani jaghana medimamtara dyakaprthivi ubhe | ta-
syahuh ksa I
ttriyam garbham pari ma vapatha murdhani carayasva
We may feel certain in reading dyavaprthivi, k?atriyarii and
dharayasva; vigvakarma ni would seem a better reading: it is
probable that antara stands before dyava °, and sedima is
possible palaeographically, giving sedimantara.
•
9chandahsy abhito mayukha^sto :
ma tuma ya jarasyah purlsam tasyahuh ksattriyam nirmitam
pari ma va •
pattha murdhani dharayasva |
We might read: chandansy abhito mayukhas stoman -j-tuma
ye jarasyah | purisam tasyahuh ksatriyam nirmitam ° ° z 4 z
parani tasya vratatha yapi mahati madaspa I
dam krnusva durdharaya va ma tva dabharh sapattra dip-
satus tava rastra :
m uttamarh dyumnam astu z i z
Read: parani tasya -j- vratatha yabhi sahate sadaspadaih
krnusva durdharaya va | ma tva dabhan sapatna dipsatas tava
rastram uttamani dyumnam astu z 5 z 1 z
73. [f. 45a, 1. 16.]
idam tarn mittravaruna havir vam yenagre •
deva amrtatvam ayan. | yenasmai ksattram adhi dharayojo
sapattras pra I
di9as santv asmai |
Read tan mitra0 in a, ksatram in c, and dharayaujo 'sap-
atnas in cd.
244 L. C. Barret, [1910.
ghrtasya dhara mittravaruna duha varh dhenur anupa :
[f.45b] sphuranti deva savitota vayur agnir bhutasya patir iha
garma yacchat. |
Read mitra0 in a, duhe in b; devas in c,
9am nas tarn:
mittravaruna grnitam tredha mitra bahudha vageram jayate
seno apa gho •
sa etat prthak satvano bahudha bhavantarh
In a read tan mitra0, in b vageran; in c read eti, and if
seno (= sena) does not seem acceptable we will have to read
senapa or jayante sena.
hanama mitravaruna samitram bha :
vasa bhadre sukrtasya loke parayan nas savita devo agnir
jayamedam ha !
visa kagyapasya |
In a it almost seems that we must read amitran; in b read
bhavama, in c parayan.
vato yam mittravaruna tad aha havisy antaram
nirmitam ka I
gyapasya adhvaryavo maruta yasyasan tena devebhyo varu-
nani cakruh i
om tena devebhyo varimani cakruh z 2 z
Head: vato yan mitravaruna tad aha havisy antaram nir-
mitam kacjapasya | adhvaryavo maruto yasyasan tena devebhyo
varim&ni cakruh z 5 z 2 z
74. [f. 45 b, 1. 7.]
Q. 3. 3.
asikrat svapa iha bhava :
d agne dambha rodasi urucT | amum naya namama rata-
havyo yunjanti supraja:
sam pafica janah |
For this stanza cf. RV. 6. 11. 4 and MS. 4. 14. 15. Read in
a acikradat, in b dambhaya where Q. has vyacasva; in c namasa
ratahavyam.
dure digchantam argasa indram a gyavayantu
sakhyaya ri I
pum yadi gayatriyarh vrhatim arkam asmai sautramanya
dadrgantu devah | i
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 245
In a read cit santam arusasa, in b cyava° and vipram ; in c
yad gayatriih, and in d dadhrsanti.
adbhyas tva raja varuno juhava somas tvayarh hvayati par-
vatebhyah indras tva !
yam hvayati vidbhyabhyah gyeno bhutva visa patema9
In c read vidbhya abhyag, and in d vic.a a patemah.
9yeno havin nayatv a para I
smad anyaksettre aparusyam carantarh a9vinam pantham
krnutarh sajan te garbharh :
sajata abhi sarh sarh vigadhvarh
In a read havir, in b anyaksetre aparuddham carantam; in
c a^vina and sugam, in d abhi samvigadhvam.
9yeno havis ka9yapasyopa 9ikse indrarh vatah prai
hito duta va visi ya catrun. | senagrai viso vrsanano adhara
kasi!
Reading Qiksaty we can get a good pada a; and for pada
d we might consider as a possibility vic.o vrsan a no adharan
carasi: the form visi is probably for vic.i, and senagrai for
senagre, but for the rest I have nothing.
yas te havam prati nistyat sajata uta nistya z 2 z apata
indra tarn :
mitvayatheham ava gayah
Read : yas te havam prati tisthat sajata uta nistyah | apan-
cam indra tarn mitvathemam ava gamaya z 6 z
\
hvayanti tva panca j any ah pati mitravarsa i
ta indragm vi9ve deva vi9i ksemam adhldharam z 3 z
Read: hvayantu tva panca janah prati mitra avrsata | indragnl
vigve devas te vi^i ksemam adldharan z 7 z 3 z
75. [f. 45 b, 1. 18.]
prajapatir a-
nuvartis sa prajabhir anuvantih sa manuvarti anuvantim
krnotu | i
[f. 46 a] indro nuvantis sa viryenanuvartis somo nuvantis sa
osadhibhir anuvartih i
apo nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah ta manuvartayor
anuvartim krao i
246 L. C. Barret, [1910.
tu | devanuyartayas te mrtenanuvartayah te manuvartayor
anuvartim kr :
notu z 4 z
Read: prajapatir anuvartis sa prajabhir anuvartih | sa manu-
vartir anuvartim krnotu z 1 z indro 'nuvartis sa viryen anu-
vartih | sa ° e ° ° z 2 z somo 'nuvartis sa osadhlbhir anuvartih j
sa ° ° ° ° z 3 z apo 'nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah
te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu z 4 z deva anuvartayas
te 'mrtenanuvartayah | te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu
z 5 z 4 z
76. [f. 46 a, 1.4.]
payo mahyam osadhayas payo me virudho dadham |
apam payasva I
d yat payas tenve varsantu vrstayah
In b read dadhan, in c payasvad and in d tad me.
payo mahyam parasvanto hastino me payo da-
dham | pa i
yas patatrino mahyam vinaya me payo dadham |
In b read dadhan, also in d.
payasvandre ksettram astu paya:
svad rtu dharh | aharh payasvan bhuyasam gavo mota
payasvatih
For ab read payasvan me ksetram astu payasvad uta me
dhaman; read ma uta in d.
payo mahyam a :
psarasam gandharva me payo ^dadham | payo me vigva
bhutani vato dadhatu me pa:
yah
In a read apsaraso, in b dadhan.
payo mahyam dyavaprthivi antariksarh payo dadhat. | payo
me vigva bhui
tani dhata dadhatu me payah
payas prthivyam paya osadhlsu payo dhi:
vy antariksa payo dhah payasvatis pradigas santu ma-
hyam. z z\
z 5 z anu 15 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 247
Read: payas prthivySiii paya osadhlsu payo divy antarikse
dhah I payasvatis pradigas santu mahyam z 6 z 5 z anu 15 z
For the last stanza cf. VS. 18. 36; MS. 2. 12. 1, and others.
In the margin opposite st. I is written payas prthivyaiii e.
77. [f. 46 a, 1. 12.]
aham bibharmi te mano aharh cittam aham vra !
vratam mamed apa kratav aso mamasag ced asidapi | amna-
saistra samhi :
te ramatam mano mayi te ramatam manah amjanasya
madhusasya kusthasya na :
latasya ca | virodikasya mulena mukhena mardanam krtam
madhu me antar a I
sya mukhena mandanam krtam. | tatro tvam vivartasva
naracT iva vartasi | :
yatha nemi rathacakrarh samantarh pari sasvaje eva pari
sasva ma yatha:
[f. 46 b] sam payite manah z i z
The sphere of this is clear, it is a love-charm; cf. Q. 6. 102
and the many others. The division of the padas presented by
the ms. into stanzas, and the details of emendation raise many
difficulties which cannot be convincingly settled. The last
stanza is perfectly clear and is equivalent to Q. 6. 8. 1 : read
svajasva mam in c and payate in d. We may feel sure, I
think, that the next to the last stanza begins madhu me; it
seems possible to read for the first hemistich madhu mayy
antar a syan mukhena mardanam krtam: in pada c, read tatra,
and at the end of d perhaps vartase, but for naracl I can
suggest nothing unless we take an entirely different turn and
read the hemistich tatra tvam vai varcasvan aranl iva vartasi.
Another stanza is as follows: anjanasya madughasya kusthasya
naladasya ca | vlrudhas tasya ° • krtam; but the emendation
in pada c is not very forceful. To start now with the first
words, reading vratam in b and mamed aha in c we get three
padas of st. 1, and in view of Q. 1. 34. 2 I think we might
read for d mama cittam a sldasi (Q. ° upayasi). In the remain-
ing part we find a whole pada written twice, the correct form
being mayi te ramatam manah (Q. 6. 102. 2d has vestataiii) which
would be a good fifth pada for st. 1 were it not for the inter-
vening letters amnasaistra and these seem beyond emendation.
248 L. C. Barret, [1910.
78. [f. 46 b, 1. 1.]
yathedam agvina trinam vato havatu bhumyam e I
va vayam vahamasi yam vayam kamayamahe |
Read trnam in a, vahati bhumyam in b.
utva mata sthapayatu pra :
tva nudatam agvina | da gvagur iva mataram mam evajotu
te manah
Read ut tva in a, probably sa Qvagrur in c and evarnotu in d.
yathal
ksirarh ca sarpig ca manusyanam hrye priyam. | evaham
asya nariyai
hrdo bhuyasam uttamah
Read hj*de in b, narya in c.
agnes tva tapas tapatu vatasya vraji ma sprksa ta :
ni sadanani madhava ut tistha prehy agnivat te krnomi
In b read dhrajir ma sprksat, in c sadhava.
suryas tva tapas tapa:
tu vatasya vraji ma sprksa tati sadanani madhava ut tistha
prehi su :
ryavat te krnomi z 2 z
Read : suryas tva tapas tapatu vatasya dhrajir ma sprksat |
tani sadanani sadhava ut tistha prehi suryavat te krnomi z 5
z 2 z
79. [f. 46 b, 1.8.]
hiranyapuspi subhaga rupag cayam sumangala :
tav enam bhadraya dattam amrtav amrte bhage
Read sumangalah in b.
hiranyapidvam haritarh tat te ange :
su rohati tenemam agvina nari bhagenabhi sincatam
In a read hiranyapindam, in c narim, in d sincatam.
yatha rupasudhrta i
s trpyanto yanti kaminah eva tva sarve devarah petayo
yarhtu kaminah:
In d read pretaro yantu.
Vol. xxx ] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 249
hiranyaksa madhuvarno hiranyaparicantane ankarh hiranya
yas tuva tenai
syaih patim a vaha
Read : hiranyakso madhuvarno hiranyaparicchandanah | anko
hiranyo yas tava tenasyai ° °.
yadi vaspa dirocanam yadi va nabhyas tira | yam
tva ma-
hyam osadhir amkena ma nyanaya z 3 z
This stanza appears Q. 7. 38. 5, which has tirojanam in a;
this seems to me better than the tirocanam of the commen-
tator. Read: yadi vasi tirojanam yadi va nadyas tirah | iyam
tva mahyam osadhir ankena me nyanayat z 5 z 3 z
80. [f. 46 b, 1. 14.]
punas pranarh punar apanum a I
smai punar vyanam uta soma dhehi | atmanam caksur udite
samanas tarn anu pa :
hi tarn anu jiva jagavi |
Read apanam in a, adite in c and probably samanam; in d
jivaiii jagrhi: the omission of the second anu would improve
the metre.
tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mitrena •
varunena ratri indro jyesthena vrahmanaya vrhaspatih
pusasmai puna:
[f. 47 a] r asarh dadhatu
Read asuiii in d; dadatu would be better too, in view of
st. 5d and RY. 10. 59. 7 a punar no asuiii prthivi dadatu.
yathaditya vasavo ye ca rudra vi9ve deva aditir ya"
ca ra!
tri yajno bhagas savita ye ca | deva yamo smai punar asam
dadhatu |
Read 'smai and asum in d; the colon should follow ratri.
somo raja:
asucit te punar ma indro marudbhir a9vina te bhisaj yad
agnl rudro vasuvi i
t ta punar dat.
The first pada of this stanza seems to have been lost; for
pada b I read somo raja vasuvit te punar dat: pada c begins
with indro; read te in d.
250 L. C. Barret, [1910.
punar dyaur devl punantariksam agnir vatah pavamano
bhisajyai
tu | grahyas pa^am nirrtyas pacam mrtyoh pargad vak ca
devl punar da!
datu z 4 z
Read : punar dyaur devl punar antariksam agnir vatas pava-
mano bhisajyatu | grahyas pagan nirrtyas pagan mrtyoh pagad
vak ca devl punar dadatu z 5 z 4 z
81. [f. 47 a, 1. 6.]
idarh caksur patavari ma hihsit purayusah yad varh !
tamo yad u lapisam apa vacam ni dadhmasi |
Read rtavarl in a, in b pura ayusah might be better: at
the end of c I would read yat kilbisam, in d vaca (with
apavacam as an alternative).
idarh dhehy ada ganam yatho !
rmati rohati | ayasmayas taranku9o aksaur aram sam apu
lampatu z
In a we may read adhigunam or adhi gandam, in b yathor-
myadhi or better yathormir adhi: in d upa limpatu seems
probable, and the locative dual might stand at the beginning;
I would suggest then aksyo rasam upa limpatu.
yama I
hy abhyam ujayam nrcaksa yam 9ansena9 9akta nir yam
suparna ud ahu9 caksu 1
r uditer anantam somo nrcaksa mayi tad darmam dhatu j
The first two padas do not connect well with either the
preceding or following, and it is possible that they were padas
cd of a stanza whose first hemistich has fallen out: a possible
reading would be yarno hy abhyam uj jayan nrcaksa yam
gansena. It seems possible to read nir ayan suparna with
some form of gakti at the beginning of the pada; read uditeh
and insert colon; the last two words are probably dharmam
dadhatu.
yatha caksus suparna i
9ca yatha 9va9ru yatha 9unah eva me a9vina caksus krnu-
tam puskara I
sraja |
Read suparnasya in a, gvagror in b; krnutaih puskarasraja
for d: with this stanza cf. Q. 3. 22. 4.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 261
yasyas suparnam prapata9 caksusa caksur a dadhe
tasyaha samu I
draje uva caksusa caksur a dadhe z 5 z anu 16 z zz I
The second pada looks as if pada d had displaced a more
appropriate pada b; yet if we might read for a yas suparnasya
prapatag perhaps b could stand: in c we might read samudraih
jetave. This is stanze 5 of hymn 5 in anu 16.
There are suggestions in the first two stanzas of healing
some disease of the eye, in the last two the suggestions are
rather of a charm for keenness of vision ; of course both could
stand in the same hymn.
82 and 83. [f. 47 a, 1. 14.]
agnis te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha vatam te pranas
sisaktu !
suryam te caksus sisaktu antariksarh te grotram sisaktu
paramam te paravatarh I
manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z i z apas te rasas sisaktu i
yatudhana svaha | osadhis te lomani sisajantu samudraih
de va I
s sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 2 z
Head: agnini te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z vatam
te pranas sisaktu ° ° z 2 z suryam te caksus sisaktu ° ° z 3 z
antariksam te grotraiii sisaktu ° ° z 4 z paramam te paravatam
manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 5 z 1 z
apas te rasas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z osadhis te
lomani sisajantu ° • z 2 z samudraih te -j-vas sisaktu yatu-
dhana svaha z 3 z 2 z
In 83. 3 vak would seem a good reading.
The ms. so clearly separates these formulae into two groups
that I have not felt it advisable to unite them in spite of
their unity as regards content. Opposite 83 the margin has
raksamantram ha 4.
84. [f. 47 a, 1. 18.]
idam te giro bhinadmi ya i
tudhana svahedarh te mastiskam ni tarananaddi bhumyarh
te hano bhina I
[f. 47 b.] dmi yatudhana svahedam te jihva ni te griva
bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam :
VOL. XXX. Part III. 18
252 L. C. £arret, [1910.
te skandha ni idarh te sau bhinadmi yatudana svahedamn
te bahu ni te hrda I
yam bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te parisur ni te grom
bhinaddi yatudha i
na svahedam te kloma ni te prsthe bhinadmi yatudhana
svahedam te vasta ni i
idam ta uru bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te janghe
bhinaddi yatudhana sva i
hedam te gulhau bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te padau
ni te tvacam bhinaddi :
yatudhana svahedam te pranam ni idam te parunsi bhinaddi
yatudhana sva i
hedam te majjo ni taranenaddi bhumyam z 3 z
Read: idam te giro bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te
mastiskam ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z I z idam te
hanu ° ° | idaiii te iihvam m ° ° ° z 2 z idaih te grlvam ° ° |
idam te skandhan m ° ° ° z 3 z idam te hastau ° ° | idam te
bahu ni ° ° ° z 4 z idam te hrdayam ° ° | idam te pargur
(Wackernagel, Altind. Gr. § 51) ni ° e ° z 5 z idam te grom
° ° | idam te kloma ni ° ° ° z 6 z idam te prsthe ° ° | idam
te Vastham ni ° ° ° z 7 z idarii te uru ° ° | idam te janghe
ni ° • ° z 8 z idam te gulhau ° ° idam te padau ni ° ° °
z 9 z idam te tvacam ° ° | idaih te pranam ni ° ° ° z 10 z
idam te parunsi bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te majja
ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z 11 z 3 z
85. [f. 47 b, 1. 8.]
nandasodalam anta •
kajisnu haparajita amum bhrunany arpaya svayam pafan
yayati a •
srar aitu sahakratur atu ma prano atho balam mano dadhatu
bhadraya agni i
r vi9vad vasu ma svastaye daksina ma daksinato daksina
patu sa :
vyatah pafcad anam vyadhat patu sarvasya bhavahebhya
catam apo divya mittra i
sya ca daksinah | dhata savita rudras te no muncantv
ahhasah | 9atam pa9a i
tu varunasya vrahmanaspate9 9a te mantan pa9§m no vi
9atat pace I
bhyo vayantam z 4 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atfiarva Veda. 253
This seems little more than words and phrases put together
without connection, though there is in several places indication
of prayer for protection; such as vyadhat patu, muncantv
anhasah. It does not seem to be metrical.
At the very beginning I think nandasodaram is not im-
probable, then probably antakajisnum and aparajitam, these
being in agreement with amum; doubtless we should read
bhrunany, but it seems hardly possible to construe two accusa-
tives with arpaya. If asrar is a verb, as seems possible, we
would want to read yayaty asrah (followed by a period).
Reading aitu ma prano and bhadrayagnir we would get a
fairly good sense for aitu sahakratur ° ° ° vic.vad vasuh
(followed by period), though it would be quite possible to put
the period after bhadraya and then read vasur ma °; enaih
vyadhat patu would be the last words which can stand, but
it seems that a full stop comes after bhavahebhya. Of course
dhata ° ° ° anhasah is good but of the rest I can make nothing
though many of the words are obvious.
The above suggestions really offer no help in solving this
hymn, for there is nothing in it that gives a solid base from
which to work; at least I cannot see it.
86. [f. 47 b, 1.15.]
pracim digam astham agnir mavatv ojame ba :
laya digam priyo bhuyasam ami mitva me digo bhavantu
ghrtapratlka :
daksinam digam astham indro mavatv ojase balaya prati-
cim di I
gam astham varuno mavatv aujase balaya udiclm digam
astham :
somo mavatv aujase balaya dhruvarh digam astham visnur
mavatv auja i
[f. 48 a] se balaya urdhvam digam astham vrhaspatir mavatv
aujase balaya I
digam priya bhuyasam anu mittra me digo bhavantu ghrta-
pratlka z :
z 5 z a 17 z
Read: pracliii digam astham agnir mavatv ojase balaya |
dizain priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me di$o bhavantu ghrta-
pratlkah z I z daksinaiii di^am astham indro mavatv • ° |
18*
254 L. C. Barret. [1910.
digam ° ° ° z 2 z praticlrii digam asthaih varuno mavatv « « |
digam, • ° ° z 3 z udlcirii digam asthaih somo mavatv • • |
digaih ° ° ° z 4 z dhruvarii digam asthaih visnur mavatv ° ° |
digaih ° ° ° y 5 z urdhvam digam asthaih vrhaspatir mavatv
ojase balaya | digam priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me digo
bhavantu ghrtapratlkah z 6 z 5 z anu 17 z
87. [f. 48 a, 1. 3.]
Kaug. 107.
manayi tahtu prathamam pagced ahvyatanvata tarn •
nan pra vravimi va cadir na santurvari sadurvyas tantur
bhavati sadhu I
n odur ito vrkah atho horvarlr yuyarh prattar vodheva
dhavaja kharga i
la yurva paturir apa agram ivayanam | patantu pratvarir
ivorvarih i
sadhuna patha avacyu tautubhyete tedevagvatarav iva |
pra stomas u i
rvarmam khasayanam astvavisam | narl pancamayosam
sutravat kr i
nutam vasu aristo sya vastha priyamda vasi tatautira z i z :
Read: manayai tantum. prathamam pagyed anya atanvata |
tan narlh pra vravimi vas sadhvir vas santurvarih z 1 z sadhur
vas tantur bhavatu sadhur otur etu vrtah | atho horvarlr yuyam
pratar vodheva dhavata z 2 z khargala iva patvarir apam
ugram ivayanam | patantu patvarir ivorvarih sadhuna patha
z 3 z avacyau te totudyete todenagvatarav iva | pra stomam
urvarmam gagayanam astavisam z 4 z narl pancamayukham
sutravat krnutam vasu | aristo csya vasts, •{• priyamda vasi
tatautira -j- z 5 z 1 z
The reading of 2b may not seem good but I regard it as
probable; Bloomfield reports sadhur otu as the reading of
three mss. but reads in his text sadhur etu ratho. In 2dBl.
reads vodhave. In 5b Bl. reads krnute vasu, though all but
one of his mss. have krnutam; in his note he suggests the
reading here given. For priyamda in 5d we should probably
read prendra as in Kaug. but for the rest our reading seems
as hopeless as that of Kaugika.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 255
88. [f.48a, 1.10.]
RV. 10. 152.
9asa ittha mahah asy amittrakhaghato adbhutah na yasya
hanya :
te sakha na jiyate kada cana
In a read mahan, and in b amitrakhado.
vrkso vi mavrdho jahi vi vrttrasya I
hanu ruja vi manyumanyu vrttrahann amittrasyabhidasati |
Read: vi rakso vi mrdho jahi vi vrtrasya hanu ruja | vi
manyum indra vrtrahann amitrasyabhidasatah z 2 z
vi nl :
ndra vi mrdo jahi nlda yatsva pradhanyatah adhamarh
gamaya taso yo :
asma abhi dasati |
Eead: vi na indra mrdho jahi mca yaccha prtanyatah |
adhamam gamaya tamo yo asman abhi dasati z 3 z
svastida vi9§m pati vrttrahai
vi mrdo jahi vrsendras pura etu nas somapa abhayankarah I
In a read patir, in b vrtraha and vi mrdho or vimrdho; jahi
does not fit in well here, and the reading of RV. is much
preferable ° vimrdho vagi.
apendra dvisato mano pa jijyasato vadham vi maha9 9arma
yaccha vai
riyo yavadha vadham z 2 z
Read: apendra dvisato mano 'pa jijyasato vadham | vi mahac
(jarma yaccha variyo yavaya vadham z 5 z 2 z
89. [f. 48 a, 1. 17.]
yo titaro manis tenati taru!
sva sah sapattrah dvisato mane prnutasva prdanyatah |
In a read devo yo 'titaro; in b I think tarusva dvisah is the
best of several possibilities: in c read sapatnan, and for d pra
nutasva prtanyatah.
prnui
[f. 48 b] tasva pra dahasva sapattrah dvisato mane tarapi
mahatam dusvasam varco bhankti I
pradanyatarh
256 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In a read pra nutasva, in b sapatnan; in b ati or ava would
be better and then mahatvam dvisam is at least possible; in d
read bhandhi prtanyatam.
varco jahi manyum jahy akutirh dvisatam mane | devo
yo til
taro manis tenati tara dhurvata |
In c read 'titaro and in d dhurvatah.
ye dhurvanti ye druhyanti ye dvisanti pra:
tanyatah | sarvah sapattras te manir na manyum dvisatas
karat.
In b read prtanyantah; in cd sarvan sapatnaiis te manir nir.
tava citte ta!
va vrate tavaivadhaspadam cararh | devo yo nyataro manis
tenati tara dusvama:
z 3 z
Read : tava citte tava vrate tavaivadhaspadam karam | devo
yo 'titaro manis tenati tarusva dvisah z 5 z 3 z
For 5d and Ib tenati tara dustaran might seem as good
as the reading given above.
90. [f. 48 b, 1. 6.]
Q. 6. 9.
a te mana9 caksu9 ca a ma te hrdayarh dade pados
te padyam a:
dade yatha tisthasi me vafe vafe
In ab read mana£ caksu^ ca; in c pados, and in d vage
only once. This stanza and the last one do not appear in Q.,
nor elsewhere.
vahccha se padau tanvam vacchaksur van:
ccha saksnyu akso vrsanyantyas kega osthau mam te kamena
asyatam
For a read vanccha me °; for b vancchaksyau vanccha sak-
thyau; in c aksyau and in d c.usyatam: the sign transliterated
a in asyatam might be a poorly formed c.u.
mai tva:
dusanimrgam nomi hrdayasprgam mamed apa kratav aso
mamasa i
9 ced asa9 ced asidapi
Vol. xxx.] TJie Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 257
For the first hemistich I think we may read mayi tva
dosanisprgam krnomi hrdayasprgam; in c read aha, and for d
see hymn 77 where I suggested mama cittam a sldasi.
yasarh nabhir arohanarh hrdi samvananam krtam | :
gavo ghrtasya mataro amu sam vanayantu me
In a read yasarii, in d amuih.
mahyam tva dyavaprthi-
vi sahyarh devi sarasvati mahyam tvendra9 cagni9 cahoratre
ni yacchatam. z:
Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivl mahyam devi sarasvati
mahyaiii tvendrag cagnig cahoratre ni yacchatam z 5 z 4 z
For st. 5 cf. above Nos. 9. 5 and 35. 5.
91. [f. 48b, 1. 13.]
Cf. Q. 2. 24.
bhulir muly arjum punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis
kimidinii
yasya stha [dam atta yo va prahit tarn utta ma samsany
attah acchavo jigha!
cchavah havisyavas pagyavah sphatihari ramahari vata
jute sa:
nojavah punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis kimidinl yasya
stha da-
rn atta yo va prahit tarn utta mamsany attah z z om tvam
utta sma:
mamsany attah zz 5 z anuva 18 z z iti atharva!
[f. 49 a] ni pipaladacakhayam dvitiyas kandas samaptah
z z
Q. 2. 24 is a hymn of eight stanzas divided between male
and female kimidins; above in No. 42 we have a hymn, seem-
ingly of five stanzas, devoted to the male kimidins and here
are the stanzas against the females. An arrangement in five
stanzas may be made with some degree of reason, but to emend
the words which are supposed to be names of the demons is
not possible : feminine vocatives are called for, and I can only
suggest as more or less plausible arjuni, jighatsavah, sphati-
hari, ramahari, manojavah. Taking up these suggestions we
may read as follows: bhuli muly arjuni punar vo yantu yatavah
258 L. C. Barret, The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. [1910.
punar jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn
atta sva mansany atta z 1 z acchavo jighatsavah punar ° ° °
z 2 z havisyavas pa^yavah « ° • z 3 z sphatihari ramahari
0 o o z 4 z vatajute manojavah punar vo yantu yatavah punar
jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sva mansany atta z 5 z 5 z anu 18 z z ity atharvani paippa-
ladagakhayani dvitlyas kandas samaptah z z
on Village Government in Japan After 1600, I.—
By K. ASAKAWA, Ph. D., Yale University, New Haven.
Conn.
Introduction.
IN the year 1600, Tokugawa leyasu, through his victory at
the battle of Sekigahara, became the virtual ruler of feudal
Japan, and proceeded to elaborate that careful system of
government which, with remarkably few changes, continued to
exercise an undisputed sway over the nation till the middle
of the nineteenth century. In this system culminated, and
with it ended, the feudal regime of Japan. Each of the larger
phases of the system, — its relation to the Emperor and civil
nobility, to religious institutions, and to the military, agricul-
tural, and mercantile classes of society, and its moral, intel-
lectual, economic and institutional contributions to the present
era of Japanese history, — presents a field of fruitful study.
It is the aim of this essay to analyze some of the leading
features of the rural aspects of the great system.
Generally considered, the main objects of this system can
hardly be said to have been entirely selfish. Coming after
nearly three centuries of continual civil war, leyasu was as
eager to restore at last the peace and order for which the
nation had long yearned, as to perpetuate the political power
of his own family. It was in fact the primary motive of his
policy that the power of his house should depend upon the
stability of the realm1. It may indeed be said that every
important phase of the political system which he built was so
designed as to subserve this double purpose.
It is this full consciousness of its aims that characterizes
:he Tokugawa regime and distinguishes it from its predecessors
.n the history of feudal Japan. leyasu and his councillors
ivould run no risk and leave nothing to nature, wherever their
iiuman intelligence guided them. They made every effort to
260 K. Asakctwa, [1910.
avail themselves of the wisdom to be derived from the study
of the past political experience of both Japan and China2, and
sought to adapt it to the peculiar conditions prevailing in the
feudal Japan of the early seventeenth century,3 always with"
the steadfast purpose of insuring peace and of perpetuating
the new regime.
The general system so framed was characterized, in all its
phases, by a studied balance of two elements seemingly contra-
dictory to each other, namely, government by rigid laws and
government by discretion. The historian who sees only the
former, in which an elaborate machinery was set in motion,
as it were, regardlessly of the men operating it, would be
puzzled to meet everywhere almost an excess of liberty that
was left for the exercise of the personal sense of equity and
proportion of the individual administrator. Nor would one
succeed in regarding the latter element the only basic prin-
ciple of the Tokugawa rule. It would seem that largely by
a harmony of the two, the one not less important than the
other, was served the primary aim of leyasu's government.
1. Government by rigid laws, which one might term institu-
tionalism, may be conveniently discussed as in the following
analysis. In the first place, a Chinese political idea was used
to explain and emphasize the actual division of social classes.
The nation was conceived as falling into two main classes,
rulers and ruled, with a broad division of labor between them:
the rulers to govern and in return to be supported, and the
ruled to support and in return to be governed.4 True to the
feudal nature of the society, the rulers were mostly warriors,5
and the ruled were mostly tillers of the soil. The separation
between the noble functions of the former and the ignoble
services of the latter was distinct and decisive, each class
living a separate life from the other, with its own laws, edu-
cation, taste and views of life.6 Less than two millions of the
fighting class were thus superimposed upon more than twenty-
four millions of the producing class.7
In the second place, let it be noted that in each of the
two classes, and in their mutual relationship, there had
developed in the course of previous history an ill-defined but
important division of sub-classes, which the Tokugawa rulers
now organized in a minute and rigid gradation of rank. To
enumerate but a few of the chief steps in the hierarchy, such
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 261
as concern the subject of this essay. The Suzerain8 appointed
about forty Intendants9 with regular salaries over his own
Domain Lands.10 He also received allegiance of more than
two hundred large and small Barons,11 who. with some of
their vassals, ruled over their respective Fiefs.10 The suzerain's
domain lands were assessed as equivalent to about a fourth
of the aggregate of the fiefs of all the barons.10 His intendants
stood in their respective districts in immediate relation with
representatives of the peasants, but the barons and their larger
land-holding vassals were removed from the rural population
under them by one or more intermediate grades of officials,12
whom we might conveniently designate Bailiffs.
The peasants of each Village 13& u were themselves divided
into classes, according to their tenures.15 They, however,
were all under their Village-Head,16 usually one but sometimes
more, either elected or hereditary, and, holding office annually,
for a term of years, or for life. He was assisted by several
Chiefs,16 and was, with the latter, under the counsel and
supervision of one or more selected Elders.16 In larger fiefs
there frequently were District-Heads, who, being also of the
ant birth, each discharged in a group of villages func-
tions similar to those of the heads of individual villages.17
In the third place, all these grades were held together by
a carefully studied system of checks and balances. These
evidently conceived in accordance with the two familiar
principles that have characterized many a bureaucratic govern-
ment in history, and were especially developed in China, iy
namely, the principles of responsibility and of delegation, — the
delegation of the suzerain's powers to his subordinate officials,
and the responsibility of each functionary for his official
conduct to those above him. Each official was inviolable,19 so
long as he acted within the powers delegated to him, and each
law was sacred,20 so long as it embodied the just will of the
highest authorities. Every person, however high, was answer-
able for his act to his superiors, and the suzerain's punishment
for wrongs committed by even the greatest baron was swift
and was witnessed by all 'men under him.21 It was very
common that the officials or even all the members of a corpor-
ate body Avere punished for a grave offence committed by one
of the latter, or otherwise held responsible for the due perfor-
mance of public duties enjoined on them. This was especially
262 K. Asakawa, [1910.
the rule with rural communities, with city wards, and with
merchant and artisan gilds.22 It would not be difficult to see
that the double chain of delegation and responsibility was
forged in order to hold the society solidly together.
2. Beside these rigorous institutional arrangements of the
Tokugawa regime, the latitude it carefully and generously left
to the individual administrator for the exercise of his sense
of equity and right proportion is all the more remarkable by
contrast. Unless the suzerain's motive of deliberately
balancing these two opposite principles is thoroughly appre-
ciated, the story of his government is apt to baffle us at
every turn, and has in fact betrayed many writers into in-
evitable errors. Rule by discretion should be absent [in no
form of government, and is likely to play a large part in a
feudal government, which usually comprises arrangements
essentially private and personal in origin. In the Tokugawa
regime, discretionary conduct of affairs formed a predominant
feature of its operation, and, what is more important, was
maintained side by side with a rigid institutionalism, some
phases of which we have analyzed, both elements supplementing
and rectifying each other. The law was framed, or, at least,
such was the ideal, with the conscious intention at the same
time to guide the blind magistrate by its provisions and to
allow the wise magistrate to supply them with his wisdom.23
Once promulgated, therefore, the law was a ready instrument
in the hands of benevolent and experienced rulers.24 Not
seldom was it expanded, bent, or even overridden, to give
free play to a higher sense of equity.25 This was, in short,
a system of government one half of whose success depended
upon the skill and the justice of the individual official, the
other half being provided for by minute laws. The first half,
it is easy to see, was ever liable to be turned to abuses by
corrupt men, and the second always tended to become mech-
anical and unwieldy. The careful combination devised by the
Tokugawa rulers served their aims with rare success, but
failed them in the end, for, indeed, no human hand could
strike an even balance and effect a complete organic union
of the two factors for all time.
So much for the general system. We are now ready to
devote our attention to that part of the Tokugawa regime
which concerned the rural population, and observe how it
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 263
illustrates the general reflections we have made, and how its
peculiar conditions reacted upon the entire system.
The peasants were a class destined, as has been said, to
be ruled by warriors and in return to support them with
fruits of their labor. It was first of all necessary to keep
them submissive. There was no thought of ever allowing them
to take part in the government of the country or even of the
fief. Not only would they be incapable of the work, but it
would in all probability result in breaking the very fabric of
feudal society. Nor was it a difficult problem to enforce
passive obedience upon the peasants, for, habitually employing
dull wood and metal as tools, as they do, and depending on
mute but irrestible forces of nature, the peasants are always
the mildest and most patient class of people. The rank and
dignity of the authorities command from them more genuine
respect than from merchants in the cities. Political ideas
grow but slowly among the peasants. Their mental horizon
is apt to be limited to their own interests, which are at once
circumscribed and protected by custom. Only when these
interests, their only citadel, are unreasonably attacked, they
would be seen to lose their equanimity and become as fero-
cious as an enraged ox. So long as their interests are safe-
guarded, however, peasants would be a malleable material in
the hands of a wise ruler. This was especially the case with
the Japanese peasants. They had for centuries been inured
to passivity. They were in most instances accustomed to a
gregarious mode of living in old hamlets, — a fact which tended
to develop fixed social forms and sanctions and a cordial
spirit of mutual dependence and assistance among them-
selves. It will be seen later that this tendency was promoted
by the Tokugawa rulers with extreme care. Altogether,
this was not a life conducive to independence of thought
and action.
Obedience, however, might not be contentment. It was
necessary to control the peasants in such a way as to render
them, not only submissive, but also contented, — so contented,
if possible, that they would counterbalance whatever unstable
elements of society there existed in and out of their circle,
and throw the weight of their native desire for order and
conservatism in the interest of peace and of the perpetuation
of the regime.
264 K. Asakawa, [1910.
This double task was at once imperative and difficult, for
the Japanese peasants of the seventeenth century were less
easily contented and should therefore be appeased with all the
greater solicitude, than the serfs of the thirteenth. Not only
did they form the bulk of the nation, and were, from the
economic standpoint, the support of the entire body politic;26
not only was there a degree of community of interest between
them and the warriors, as against the rising burgher class;27
but also, more important than these circumstances, the peas-
ants' position in relation to the land they tilled and to the
warriors who drew revenues from the land had materially
risen since the earlier period. Under the stress of the conti-
nual civil strife that raged before 1600, warriors found that
they could no longer retain their role of seigneurs over landed
estates, where they had for generations lived, in time of peace,
amid their serfs, and, in time of war, defended their castles with
their retainers. They were now obliged to betake themselves to
the castles of the greater lords, to remain in their immediate
neighbourhood, and to leave their land to be managed largely by
the tillers themselves. From this time on, political conditions2^
accelerated the change already begun. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century, most serfs had turned freer tenants, and
many of the latter had become proprietors employing tenants
and laborers.29 A long experience had led the peasants to
feel that the lord — and the lord became an impersonal being
in the eyes of the peasants living on the suzerain's domain
lands'— cared much less for the land they tilled than for the
dues levied upon it. This was in fact a fundamental point:
the fiscal obligation of land, rather than the land itself, was
now a controlling principle of the institutional life of the
peasant. Between the lord and his land, the tilling of which
he had overseen, had now stepped forth the peasant, who had
formerly stood behind the land, and the lord's eye had turned
perforce from the land to what the peasant should bring to
him from it. The peasant had become the virtual, though
not theoretical, owner30 of cultivated land.31 This was a
transitional state of things betokening a greatly advanced
social position of the tiller of the soil. For although the
process could not in all cases have resulted in his improved
material condition, he must nevertheless under these circum-
stances have become more mindful of his rights and interests.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 265
To illustrate. The lord's right of seizure over land32 had
vanished, and even his right of escheat or mortmain, as tin-
medieval jurist of Europe would call it, was very imperfect.33
Succession by testament was common;34 a collateral relative
of the deceased to whom the latter had willed his holding
inherited it without purchase-money ever being paid to the
lord, and was, in default of a will and of a nearer relative,
even compelled to do so, in order that the same dues as
before would be forthcoming from the estate. As regards
these dues, they were almost all levied on the productive
capacity of each holding,35 capitation or house taxes being
unpopular and unimportant, a fact indicating how far was
the peasant removed from personal servitude to the lord.
Regulations concerning alienation of land by sale, gift, or
mortgage,36 and its division, were primarily actuated by the
motive that the act should not affect the fiscal issues of the
land.37 In matters of personal rights, also, the same consider-
ation largely prevailed. Change of residence between different
juirts of the country was discouraged, mainly because it might
introduce elements tending to disturb the unity of village
customs, and thereby conduce to unrest and a consequent
fiscal derangement.38 Marriage39 was in no way interfered
with, so long as it did not directly or indirectly tend to
diminish the public revenue of the village. When, in later
years of this period, the running away of impoverished peasants
became frequent, the lord seldom exercised a right of pursuit,40
provided the land deserted by the absconders was taken care
of by their relatives or by the village and yielded the same
dues as before.
All this points to a condition that deeply and radically
affected all classes of the feudal society, and exercised a
specially profound influence upon the rural policy of the period.
The peasants were, indeed, still the "ruled" class, but it is
easy to see that their interests called for the most scrupulous
consideration of the suzerain's government. The barons, too,
on their part, would court the good-will of the village popu-
lation within their fiefs, for no lord could hope to wield influ-
ence for a long time over discontented peasants. The latter
would often find a ready listener in the suzerain himself, who,
while openly discountenancing popular riots and direct appeals,
would eagerly puuish the baron for maladministration and
266 K. Asakawa, [1910.
indirectly right the wrongs of the aggrieved peasantry.
Whether the suzerain or the baron, the inevitable criterion
of distinguishing a good from a bad lord was the one's regard
and the other's disregard for rural interests.41 And these
interests could be studied only with sincere zeal and sympathy,
for the peasants would not express themselves until it was too
late — until their long pent-up grievances burst forth in violant
mobs. The greatest stress was, therefore, laid everywhere
upon the need of studying agricultural conditions and minis-
tering to them with justice and skill.42 Under these circum-
stances, it was exceedingly difficult at once to secure from
the peasants the degree of submission, and to grant them the
degree of satisfaction, which were both absolutely necessary
lor the success of the regime. The ingenious and thorough
manner in which this delicate work was generally contrived
to be done by the feudal ' authorities is worthy of a careful
study.
In the first place, the Tokugawa's village administration
was an example of extreme paternalism at once kind and
stern. It was here that the greatest care was taken in
balancing law and equity, inflexible justice and generous dis-
cretion. The fundamental conception was that the peasant
was at once too passive and too ignorant to provide for the
morrow, so that his ills should receive official attention even
before he himself perceived their symptoms.43 It was unneces-
sary, and sometimes dangerous, that he should understand
what the authorities were doing for him, for they were afraid
that his too much knowledge might interfere with their exercise
of equity and arbitrary adjustment. He "should be made to
follow," as said Confucius, and as was habitually repeated by
the Tokugawa rulers, "but should not be made to know".44
The peasants, accordingly, should not be allowed to become
over-wealthy, for "if they grew too rich," said a practical ad-
ministrator, "they would cease to work, and employ poor
warriors to till their land, and so the distinction between the
classes would pass away;"45 yet the moderate holdings of the
peasants were zealously protected by law and by precept, so
that they would not become too poor. They should know in
general, but not in exact detail, how their lands were valued,
how their taxes were remitted or reduced in hard years, and
what were the finances of the entire fief or domain land.46
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 267
Nor was the penal law given publicity among them,47 and
most legal provisions came to them in the form of moral
admonitions.45 Yet the peasants were fairly well advised as
to the general nature of the rights and obligations of their
own class and of the officials directly concerned with their
affairs'. This knowledge was further reinforced by a qualified
right granted the peasants to appeal from an unjust official to
the baron or intendant, and thence to the suzerain's council.49
Much of this paternalism and this limited publicity and
protection was extended to the rural population by the rulers,
and was utilized by the latter, in a manner at once effective
and characteristic of their general policy. Ever since the
Reform of 645, the Chinese village institution known usually
as pao or lin had been familiar to Japan. It consisted in
dividing the inhabitants of each village into groups each
comprising a certain number of house-fathers, who were held
responsible for the order, the good behavior, and the perfor-
mance of the political obligations of all the members of the
respective groups.50 The institution was copied in Japan after
the seventh century,51 and, despite the general social changes
which followed, lingered till the beginning of the seventeeth.
Then the early Tokugawa government seized upon it, and
forced it on the lower warrior classes and the entire village
and municipal population throughout the realm.52 The normal
group of peasants, usually termed the five-man group, consist-
ed of five land-holding house-fathers living near together, with
all their family-members, dependents, and tenants.53 It was
continually ordered, and the order was well carried out, that
every inhabitant in the village, no matter what his status or
tenure, should be incorporated into the system.54 That this
old institution should now be, as it was, so eagerly resuscitated
and so universally extended, was evidently due to a belief
based upon the past experience in China and Japan, that the
system would enable the rulers to attain with the least
possible cost and friction a large part of the aims of village
administration — to secure peace and order, to afford the exact
degree of control and freedom that was deemed necessary, to
insure a prompt return of the taxes, to inculcate the moral
principles most desirable in an agricultural society under a
feudal regime, and, above all, to hold the people responsible
for most of these results.
VOL. XXX. Part III. 19
268 -ST. Asahawa, [1910.
Let us observe how these things were done through this
simple institution. The responsibilities and the rules of conduct
of the villagers were made known to them through edicts,
public sign-boards, and also oral exhortations given by the
intendant or bailiff and the village-head.55 The more impor-
tant of these rules were re-iterated to the peasants with great
persistence.56 Gradually, from about the middle of the seven-
teenth century, the older custom of certain warrior- officials to
present to their lords written pledge under oath to fulfil their
orders, repeating them as nearly as was practicable in the
form they had been given, was extended to the five-man group
in the village with respect to its duties. By the end of the
eighteenth century, there probably were few villages in Japan
that did not keep their so-called group-records (kumi-cho).*\
The record began with an enumeration of such laws and
precepts as had been repeatedly given to the villagers, and.
ended with an oath that those would be strictly obeyed and
enforced in the village. All the house-fathers put their names
and seals after the oath in the order of their groups in the
village. The record was then periodically — in some instances
as often as four times in the year or even once a month-
read and fully explained by the village-head to all the people
in his charge. As new laws were enacted, or as the village
population changed, the record was revised and made anew,
with the usual oath and affixed seals.58
These laws,59 which were thus published among the people
through edicts, sign-boards and group-records, and for the
execution of which the peasants were held responsible by means
of the system of the five-man group, are among the important
sources for the study of our subject. Attempts may be made
to reconstruct the rural government under the Tokugawa upon
the basis of these laws. It should be noted, however, that
they were never the whole of the laws relating to village
administration. As has been stated, the penal side of the
laws was, except in a few rare cases, carefully concealed from
the peasants, the latter being merely told what to do and what
not to do.47 Nor should it be forgotten that, even after
studying penal laws from other sources, we could not be certain
that all the law thus collected presented a sound basis for a
discussion of the entire subject. In order to obtain a com-
prehensive survey of the institutional life of the village, it
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 269
would seem that one should do three more things from a
vastly greater amount of materials. The laws should be inter-
preted in the light of the social and political conditions which
called them forth. Then it should be studied how far the
laws were actually enforced, how much they accomplished the
result they were purported to bring about, and how they
reacted upon the society. Finally, one should carefully examine
if there were not certain conditions in the life of the village
and of the nation that were too universal or too vital to find
expression in the laws or to be materially affected by their
operation.
From these points of view, it may almost be said that the
first problem of the village administration under the Tokugawa,
— of the paternal rule over the responsible village and the
five-man group, — concerned its financial affairs, and that most
of its other features were so modelled as to facilitate the
collection of the taxes. Simple morals were inculcated for
the sake of peace and order, and economic life was carefully
regulated for the maintenance of moderate prosperity, but the
peace and the prosperity subserved steady fiscal returns of
the village. Nor is this strange when we consider that the
peasants constituted the large class of people whose foremost
part in the life of the State was to furnish the means to
carry on the government of the nation. The warriors ruled
the peasants, and the peasants fed the warriors and them-
selves. Few provisions of the laws for the village had no bearing,
direct or indirect, upon the subject of taxation; few phases of
the entire structure of the feudal rule and of national welfare
were not deeply influenced by the solution of this fundamental
problem. It is, therefore, not impossible, as we are about to
do, to treat the whole subject of village government with its
financial problem as its center.
If we might be allowed to anticipate a conclusion of this
discussion, we should venture to say: it was probably inevitable,
but it was none the less a tragic outcome of the Tokugawa
regime, that, between the mounting expenses of the government
and the falling or, at best, stationary productivity of the soil.
the taxes should, as they did, grind upon the peasants with
increasing weight, and that this fundamental malady should
uuilly sap the vitality, not of the nation, but of the whole
•vernment. It has often been said that had there
1!'
270 K. Ascikawa, [1910.
been no pressure from foreign Powers causing the downfall of
the Tokugawa government in 1868, its days had then been all
but numbered, and the statement seems the most tenable
on the financial side of the question. That such a result was
inevitable appears to have been due primarily to the fact that,
from the economic standpoint, the feudal system in general
was costly, and that the Japanese feudalism after 1600 was
particularly wasteful.
It needs no reminder that feudalism as such would afford
too inefficient an economic organization for a government whose
growing budgets must be supported only by an increasing
wealth of the nation. Agriculture, upon which the feudal
society was built, was at the mercy of natural forces, and at
its best could not support a large population. What few people
subsisted therein could not hope to increase their wealth at a
rapid rate or on a large scale, because they were encumbered
by regulations designed to maintain rigid and stable classes
of society, and by customs which frowned upon sudden de-
partures from the settled routine of life, and because the
intercommunication between the fiefs was inadequate, if not
restricted. Even when it was tolerably free, its economic
value was small, in proportion that money was scarce, credit
undeveloped, and capital immobile. Under these conditions,
both the population and the wealth of a normal feudal society
would, as long as it retained its character, remain almost
stationary.
It will, however, require an explanation that the economic
organization of Japan under the Tokugawa was abnormally
wasteful even as a feudal society. Out of the many circum-
stances that may be thought to have contributed to this state
of things, we may introduce three at this stage of discussion,
namely: — the separation of the warrior from land; an exhaustive
degree of paternalism, attended by some serious errors, in the
economic policy of the government; and finally, a long reign
of peace breeding luxury and extravagance. The first of
these conditions awaited the Tokugawa at their accession to
power in 1600.
(1) Separation of arms from land. It has already been
alluded to that the continual turmoil during the period of feudal
anarchy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had forced
many a warrior to become a professional fighter, and to leave
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 271
the country and to live near his lord's castle. The introduc-
tion of gun-powder about 1543, and the consequent progress
in organized tactics, accelerated this process. A further
impetus was given by Nobunaga and Hideyoshi, who for
political reasons forced large bodies of warriors to migrate
from one place to another. During the period of civil wars,
the military service of the vassal was often compensated for
in money or in rice. When a baron apportioned a piece of
land to his vassal, it often meant that the latter was granted
the right over the dues from the land ($f ^ 0 1$ ft],
instead of over the land itself ("f $fa (7) £p 'ff). In this
case, he was far from overseeing its cultivation in person, for
he lived in his lord's castle-town.
This custom had so long been established in 1600, was so
strongly reinforced by the increase of dispossessed warriors
of the Osaka party in that and subsequent years, and indeed
so much facilitated the control of the warrior class, that the
Tokugawa found it not only impossible, but also impolitic, to
return to the older system of feudal arrangement.60
It was a natural order of things that the congregation of
warriors in the castle-towns, and, as it was now required of
a large number of warriors in each fief, in the assigned
quarters in Bdo, should tend toward a greater cost of living
than before. What was more important, the separation of
arms and land made the collection of taxes more indirect and
expensive than in former days. It was common in the early
years of the fourteenth century that a knight with his atten-
dants on foot could be maintained on seven acres of the
average rice-land. Such a condition was, however, regarded
unthinkable in the Tokugawa period,61 and the difference was
generally attributed62 to the greater cost of living and of tax-
collection due to the warrior's absence from the country. It
will be seen later how the otherwise expensive system of in-
direct collection through several grades of officials led, also,
to inevitable leakage and corruption.63
(2) Economic paternalism. In their zeal at once to secure
rural tranquility and to insure steady returns of the taxes,
the Tokugawa rulers continued throughout the period to enact
and enforce minute regulations of agriculture, which must
have had a benumbing effect upon the economic sense of the
people. In one fief, the hereditery estate of the peasant
272 K. Asakawa, [1910.
family was limited to between 500 and 5000 momme in pro-
ductive value, representing probably about 1.25 to 12.5 acres
of the average rice-land, and in few places in Japan estates
smaller than 10 Icoku in assessed productive value, or perhaps
about 2.5 acres of the same quality of land, were allowed to
be divided amongst children.64 Agriculture was encouraged
with great care. The villagers should look after the fields of
those who were unable to work, and all should equally share
the disaster of a drought or an inundation. Subsidiary occu-
pations, especially the production and manufacture of silk,
were in many places fostered and controlled.65 Careless
cutting of bamboo and trees,66 the raising of useless and
harmful crops, including tobacco,67 the building of new houses
upon cultivated land, and a host of other actions, were for-
bidden on pain of joint punishment of the village or the group.
Public granaries 6S were established everywhere, and the manu-
facture of sake^ was kept within bounds.
Other occupations received perhaps more interference and
certainly much less fostering care than did agriculture. The
change of a peasant into a merchant was not permitted. 7(>
The dimensions of woven fabrics, the output of merchandise,
and the scale of wages of several forms of labor, were often
fixed by law, while commercial transactions at rates higher
or lower than current prices were declared illegal.71 The
repeated debasing of coins by the Edo government, and the
unfortunate custom of allowing certain cities to issue copper
coins and many fiefs to circulate paper currency,72 must have
seriously interfered with the growth of credit and legitimate
commerce, and reacted unfavorably upon the economic life of
the village.
Most stringent were restrictions relating to communication.
There were many barriers at strategic points on the approaches
to Edo, and, besides, minor passes impeded travel between
and even within fiefs.73 Indeed, the very village could be
considered a barrier in itself, for no unknown character
should find in it even a night's lodging, it being illicit even
for a hotel to keep an unaccompanied stranger for more than
one night. Nor should the peasant go out of the village to
pass a night elsewhere without an explicit understanding with
village officials. There is reason to believe that the regulations of
communication were enforced with a large measure of success.74
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 273
It would be unjust, however, not to appreciate the probable
motives which had compelled the authorities to issue these
paternal measures of economic control. The prosperity of the
warrior and the peasant depending on the success of the rice
harvest, their interests were, especially in bad years, largely
common, but antagonistic to that of the rice merchant.'27 If,
in years of rich crops, the peasant rejoiced and the warrior
suffered, for the latters income in rice would sell cheap, even
then the merchant, who bought the grains at a low price,
pleased neither the one nor the other. It was considered
essential for the officials to insure the steady, mild prosperity
of the farmers, and, at the same time, to prevent the merchants
from profiting at the expense of the rulers and the bulk of
the ruled. Few things were more dreaded as a dissolvent
force of social organisation, than the passing of the control
of the economic life of the nation from the warrior to the
merchant.7411 It is an important phase of the history of this
period, which falls beyond the scope of this paper, that this
perilous situation steadily grew up despite all the effort of
the feudal government to arrest its progress. The presentiment
felt by the authorities of this impending crisis is reflected in
the nervous zeal with which they continually issued strict
economic measures, some of which have been described.
(3) Peace and luxury. It would be difficult to gage the
evils of so extreme a form of economic paternalism, for,
immense as they must have been, they were largely negative.
Flagrant, positive evils resulted from the long period of peace
lasting for more than two and a half centuries,— the golden
peace for the creation of which the founders of the Tokugawa
regime had exhausted their wisdom, with so large a degree
of success, and which enabled the brilliant civilisation of the
Edo period to rise.
We have space enough merely to allude to the enormous
expenses which the peace policy of the suzerain entailed upon
all the barons throughout Japan. The baron's own income,
after deducting from it the emoluments for his retainers, was
seldom large, and yet he had to bear sundry expenses very
onerous in proportion to his means, and, besides, render his
regular, though seemingly voluntary, dues to the suzerain.
Other occasional requisitions from the latter for special pur-
poses were a source of continual embarrassment to the baron.
274 ZT. Asakawa, [1910.
Many a baron was thus obliged to borrow heavily from his
vassals, who could rarely expect reimbursement. Unfortunately,
when the circumstances of the baron and the vassals became
more straitened, their luxurious habits had advanced too far
to be checked, much less to be eradicated. What had greatly
tended to bring about this condition was the fact that each
baron was obliged to pay his annual visit to the suzerain's
court at Edo with his full retinue, and to maintain two
establishments worthy of his rank, one at the Capital and the
other at his castle-town. Edo was the fountain-head of luxury
and extravagance, and its fashions were through this system
of continual communication quickly diffused into all the chief
centers of culture. There was little doubt that the system
helped the prosperity of the Capital and of the towns on the
high roads, but at the expense of the warriors and peasants.
It was the suzerain's policy to impoverish the barons, and it
was the barons' part to replenish their coffers from the
peasants. The periodic absence of the baron and some of his
vassals at Edo had also resulted in many a case in conspiracy
or corruption among the retainres in the fief, which again
bore heavily upon the tax-paying class.75
In the meantime, the suzerain's own finances at Edo,
despite the great care with which the fiscal administration of
his domain lands through his intendants was supervised,
showed deficits that swelled as the luxury of his court pro-
gressed. They were barely balanced by the seigniorage derived
from an increasing adulteration of the gold and silver cur-
rency.72 Many of the suzerain's immediate vassals residing at
Edo were plunged into abject poverty.76
Nor should it be forgotten that there was something radi-
cally anomalous in the very idea of a perpetual tranquillity
of a feudal society — an "armed peace," or, peace of an agri-
cultural community guarded exclusively by a warrior class
which did neither fight nor produce. All the numerous
sumptuary laws77 enacted during this period for the warrior
classes could not check the growth of luxury and extravagance
of the unproductive and unoccupied men of arms. Indeed,
sumptuary laws in a society where one class produces at best
a fixed amount of wealth, and the other spends it on an
increasing scale, are highly significant. Here they are always
necessary and always ineffective.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 275
All these evils were greatly intensified by the luxurious
habits that had seized upon the peasants themselves. Before
we discuss the effects of peace and luxury upon the econcrtnic
life of the village, let us first observe how the peace itself
had been secured therein.
Here, again, the paternalism of the government was, for
evident reasons, hardly less exhaustive than in other matters
of village administration. The family institutions— marriage,
adoption, succession, and inheritance — were well guarded and
controlled. The group and the entire village were made to
be actively interested in the peace and in the maintenance of
each household.78 The peasants should watch and correct
one another's conduct,79 and disputes should as far as possible
be adjusted by mutual conciliation. 8° Private expulsion of an
unruly member was rarely permitted,81 while sales of persons
were illegal.82 Virtues which were inculcated among the
villagers, and for the practice of many of which they were
made responsible, were: filial piety, concord within the family,
diligence, patience, obedience, charity, and mutual helpfulness
in the hamlet.83 It was a common duty of the village to
provide necessary measures for preventing and extinguishing
fires, and arresting robbers and disorderly persons.84 Most
heinous were riots of all kinds; for the mobbing of an inten-
dant's office, for example, not only were the culpable parties
beheaded, but also the village-officials were fined, deprived of
land-holdings, or banished.85 Peasants were strictly forbidden
to own fire-arms or to carry swords.86 It has already been
shown that no one might without permission lodge a stranger
or himself stay out of the village even for one night.74 All the
servants hired into the village had personal sureties responsible
for their good behavior.87 Catholic converts were excluded
most rigorously.88 Dealings in smuggled foreign wares were
forbidden.89 No books interdicted by the censor were to be
admitted,90 while the study of Confucian classics by the
peasants was discouraged.6 Festivals should not be celebrated
on a larger than the usual scale, and no novel religious sects or
practices should be initiated. The Buddhist church, whose rights
were very narrowly circumscribed, was utilized as an agent of
peace and contentment.91 It is not possible to enumerate other
details of the careful measures which were provided for the pur-
pose of maintaining the unity of village customs and population.
276 K Asakawa, [1910.
It is more important to know that not only did these
measures successfully insure the social stability for which they
were intended, hut the effects they produced contained evils
which could not have been entirely foreseen, but which, once
grown, no new laws could eradicate. The artificial, dead
peace, together with the debased currency of the period, had
continually tended to breed luxury even among the toiling
population of the village, and, furthermore, luxury did often
so operate as to reduce the productive capacity of the peasant
family. The logic of this serious condition is clearly shown
in an outspoken memorial92 written in 1790 by a man in the
Sendai fief who was familiar with rural conditions of the
period and strove to improve them.
"Formerly", says he in one passage of this interesting
document, "when the farmer could bring up two, three, four
or five sons, all the younger sons were hired out by other
farmers as soon as they were old enough, saved their wages,
and married or were adopted into families. There was every-
where an abundant supply of cheap labor for the field. The
farmers could also keep horses, which yielded manure. The
productive power of the soil was therefore large, and rice was
plentiful. They could likewise afford daughters. Marriage
was inexpensive, the population increased at the normal rate,
and the Heavenly Law was fulfilled." But now, continues the
writer, marriages cost the man nearly 30 kwan and the woman's
family almost 40. It being increasingly hard to maintain a
household, the average peasant seldom had more than three
children, and the poorer tenant only one child. Labor was
scarce and dear, having risen from 5 or 6 Itwan to more
than 10, and rising every year. Horses were fewer, and manure
less. It being in many instances impossible to take care of
one's own holding, it was rented to some one else who seemed
willing to till it, but who would be inclined to neglect the
land that was not his own. In recent years most land yielded
on the average only 15 to 16 koJcu per did (74.5 to 79.5 bushels
per 2.45 acres), instead of the former average of 20 (nearly
100 bushels). Yet the peasants understood little the cause
of their trouble, and did not abate their thoughtless extra-
vagance.
It is true that this document speaks of conditions in a
particular fief, but, while some districts fared better, there
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 277
were others whose lot was still worse.93 The universal and
persistent enactment of sumptuary regulations for the rural
population 94 has led some writers to fancy that the Japanese
peasants must have been a model of frugality, but it is another
evidence of the prevailing trend for needless luxury and the
increasing difficulty of checking it. The village life under the
Tokugawa would, of course, be considered extremely simple,
according to the modern standard, but it was in many places
positively extravagant in proportion to their limited earning
capacity.115
To sum up the forgoing discussion of the wastefulness of
the Tokugawa feudalism. Peace and luxury led the peasants
to spend, and the same condition, added to the peculiar feudal
arrangement of the period, impelled the warriors more and
more to absorb, the wealth of the nation that, owing to the
exclusion of foreign trade and to the inadequate economic
organisation of society, could not be increased correspondingly,
and did in many instances diminish. We shall discuss briefly
how these conditions influenced the system of taxation, and
how the latter reacted upon the life of the village.
The taxation of the Tokugawa period clearly reflects the
important characteristics of its feudal system. The separation
of the warrior from land had resulted in the peasant's finan-
cial obligations acquiring the general appearance of being
public taxes to the government, rather than personal dues to
the lord. The State as a whole was largely feudal, but smaller
districts were more bureaucratic than feudal, and it is here
that one has to- discover the working of the system of taxation.
There was very little in the whole system that savored of
obligations due directly from the peasant to the lord. .There
were no banalities; whatever corvee originated in the per-
sonal relationship had become overshadowed by or incor-
porated into the corvee for the public; the peasant had
no opportunity to entertain the lord at his own house, and
was explicitly forbidden to entertain his agents; and con-
tions of land were rare and meant merely changes of
cultivators.
The principal tax was the land-tax, levied, as has been
said,35 not upon each peasant as an individual person, but on
the officially determined productive capacity of each holding.
From the purely fiscal point of view, the peasant would be
278 K. Asdkawa, [1910.
considered an instrument to make the holding continue to
yield what it should.
The Tokugawa inherited this system from the earlier feudal
ages, which in their turn had accepted, though with serious
changes, the Chinese notion of land-tax adopted in Japan in
the seventh century. "We are unable here to trace the interesting
evolution of this tax in Japanese history, but the following
data would be necessary for an understanding of the Tokugawa
system. The land-tax was originally, when it was copied
from China, a capitation-tax, paid by the head of each family
as a unit, but assessed on the basis of the equal pieces of
land alloted to all the peasants in the family above five years
of age. From thus being a personal imposition levied through
the family, the tax changed, during the transitional and the
first feudal periods, into a tax still levied through the family
(now nearly identical with the house) 51 but assessed on its
land -holdings. From this point on, this fundamental nature
of the tax remained constant, but the method of its assessment,
which had been made uncertain at the aforesaid change in
the nature of the tax, gradually tended to become uniform
and definite. At length, under Hideyoshi, at the end of the
sixteenth century, the principle had been firmly established
that the tax on each holding should be assessed at a certain
rate upon the annual productive capacity measured and recorded
in terms of hulled rice.95
In the meantime, the ratio between the tax on land and
its annual productivity, which in the eighth century was at
most 5 per cent, had risen high during the thirteenth, due
largely to the fact that the land-tax superseded other taxes,
and then remained substantially the same till 1600 at 50 per
cent, more or less. A strong tradition had grown up that
the tax should not be raised much beyond this limit. Nor
could this rate, high as it may seem, be considered extortionate
from the point of view of the period. For, it should be
remembered that, in the conception of the feudal lawyer, the
peasant was the virtual but not the theoretical owner30 of the
land he tilled, and his land-tax was rather a rent than a tax.
Even as a rent, the rate could not be said to have been
always excessive. When, after the fall of the feudal govern-
ment, a complete survey of the cultivated area of Japan was
made between 1873 and 1881, it was discovered that an
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 279
annual tax of 3 °/o of the average assessed value of agri-
cultural land would give a sum equal to the land-tax levied
under the feudal rule.96
In 1600, when the Tokugawa came to power, they accepted
in general the current method of assessing the productivity
of land and the prevalent tax-rate, and modified and elaborated
them with their characteristic care. While they were in no
position to initiate a much lower rate of taxation, they showed
an unmistakable disposition to lighten the burden of the
peasant by various devices, some of which follow.
(1) The annual productive power of each land-holding was
measured with scrupulous care, and determined usually a
little below its actual capacity.97 What was more, there was
a constant tendency to make the tax-rate itself definitely fixed
beyond the caprice of the collector. This rate, even including
the minor levies98 connected with the main tax, was, at least
in the domain land, often below 50 °/o." The assessment was
probably at the time considered as not unreasonable. The
apparent iniquity of the feudal tax arose, not so much from
its rates, as from the method of its collection, and from the
too infrequent revision of the recorded productivity of the
holdings. The former of these difficulties will be discussed
in the Notes ^2 & 103. AS regards the -latter, the probably
complete records made during the first half of the seventeenth
century, and the confessedly partial revision of the early
eighteenth century, seem to have remained unaltered except
in cases of urgent need. It is easy to see that both the
area and the productivity of most pieces of land must have
changed much during the more than two centuries of the
regime. That such was the case was abundantly proved
during the recent survey just referred to.100
(2) The Tokugawa government allowed a greater freedom
than in the earlier period of partially commuting the land-
tax into money.^ Local customs varied on this point, but
frequently as much as half the tax was thus paid in money.101
That this was an important gain for the peasant will be seen
when we note that the village was held responsible for the
collection102 of the tax, and for its transportation, either to
Edo, if the village was situated in a domain land, or to the
lord's store-houses, if it formed a part of a fief.103 This burden
remained oppressive, for no region was permitted to commute
280 K. Asakawa, [1910.
all its taxes into money, but the burden would have been
greater but for the limited commutation allowed.
(3) The old system of remitting taxes for special reasons
was minutely elaborated under the Tokugawa. Remissions
partial or entire, temporary or permanent, were granted to
wood and waste land, land reserved for public purposes, newly
tilled land, land once recorded but long since non-existent,
land wasted by natural calamities, and the like.104 In this
connection may also be mentioned the loans of seed-rice and
rice for food issued by the authorities in bad years.105
In fact, the land-tax could not, from its very nature and
from the strength of the customary law, be increased beyond,
say, 60 per cent., at most, of the estimated productivity of the
soil. There were other items of taxation, however, which
could be and were, especially in fiefs, expanded almost in-
definitely. These were: corvees, sundry customary taxes, and
special taxes on products and occupations. Generally speaking,
all the three kinds of taxes were apt to be more uniform in
the domain land than in the fief, and, within the latter, in
the baron's own land than in the land granted to the vassal.
The corvees were of two different kinds: labor for the
baron or his vassal, whichever it may be, who had the superior
right over the land in which the peasant lived, and labor for
the public. The former was rendered in repairing the fences
and thatched roofs of the lord's buildings, transporting his
wood for fuel, and the like; the latter consisted mainly in
repairing roads, bridges and other public works. The corvees
were levied either on the holding in land or on the adult
peasant, and were often commuted in money. They were
sometimes, in the first part of the period, partially paid for,
and the expenses for extraordinary public works, as, for example,
after a flood or an earthquake, continued to be supplied by
the authorities. The general tendency in the fiefs was, however,
toward a gradual increase of the imposition of unpaid labor.
In 1616, the corvee in the Akita fief was 236 day-men per
100 hoku] in 1845, it was in the Sendai fief as high as 6000 or
more day- men. In 1799, the Mito fief employed nearly two
million day-men out of the peasant population of two hundred
thousand.106 These figures do not include the poorly paid
service of the post-horse system, which proved a great burden
to peasants near the high roads.107
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 281
Of the customary taxes, some, as, for example, straw, bran,
hay, and wood for fuel, seem originally to have been used,
at least in part, in connection with the corvee for the lord,
but were later commuted into rice and money, and became
independent dues. There were several other taxes, including
dues for the baron's groceries, for the bait for his hawks and
fodder for his horses, for the performance of Shinto ritual
services at Ise, and the like, which, beginning as incidental
or local dues, became customary and universal within the fie£
The villages of the domain lands paid fixed taxes whose issues
were intended for the maintenance of the post-horse system,
of the officials in charge over the suzerain's store -houses in
Edo, and of men employed in his kitchen, all levied on the
peasant holdings. On the same basis were imposed, in both
domain lands and fiefs, dues paid in beans, a kind of sesame,
millet, and glutinous rice, as well as those levied nominally
on certain domesticated plants, on the use of grass on waste-
land and of ponds and rivers, and many other items. These
taxes would be considerable in the aggregate, even if each
was small and did not increase, but in many a fief some of
them were neither small nor fixed. At Mito, for instance, the
bean, sesame, and millet taxes alone amounted to nearly 10
per cent, of the recorded annual productivity of land; at Akita,
the bran, straw, and hay taxes, converted into money, increased
from 4.8 Ibs. of silver per 100 koku of the productive value
of the holding about 1650 to 32.3 Ibs. about I860. These were
conspicuous, but not extreme, examples. Perhaps not the
least objectionable feature of the customary taxes was that
frequently they were collected by officials specially despatched
to the villages at a time when the latter had already, paid
their annual land-tax and were again almost as poor as before
the harvest. The fear that the main tax might suffer if the
customary dues were collected at the same time with it was
so great that the latter were usually preceded by the former.
Xor were they always consolidated, as they sometimes were,
to a large saving of the expense of collection. Commuting in
money was not always a blessing, for the rates would bo un-
fovorable, particularly when the taxes had been, as they often
were, farmed out to private collector-
The evils of farming were probably more frequent with the
taxes on various secondary occupations and products other
282 K. Asakawa, [1910.
than the grains. These dues were extremely numerous in
every fief or domain land. They did not always fall directly
on the farmers, but nevertheless redounded to them in the
form of increased prices of articles. As we come nearer the
end of the period, especially after 1800, we see barons' govern-
ments recklessly multiplying the kinds of taxes of this class.109
Over and above these multifarious taxes, there were expenses
of the village administration to be borne, including the salaries
of village-officials, repairs of the public works of the village,
cost of policing the village against fire and robbery, of enter-
taining visiting officials, of making petitions, and the like.
They were levied either on the holding, on the individual
peasant, or on each peasant family. They were at first almost
negligible, and, in the suzerain's domains, where the accounts
of the village were to be open to the inspection of the peasant,
continued to be comparitively light. In some fiefs, however,
it was not uncommon that, owing to the venality of village
and higher officials, the village expenses equalled or exceeded
the total amount of taxes for the fiefs.110
That the bribery of the officials was a frequent and serious
evil is reflected in the continuous repetition of the instructions
issued to them on this point and in the persistent order to
the peasants to impeach corrupt officials. Unfortunately, however,
there was every temptation for corrupt practices to grow up
between the feared but ill-paid official on the one hand and
the passive and blindely self-interested peasant on the other.
For a considerate though illegal act of an official at the
assessment or collection of a tax, a farmer would be induced
to entertain him at his house, to bribe him, to sell him things
at a nominal cost, or to borrow from him at usurious rates.
Examples of self-denying rural administrators were not wanting,
but more frequently both people and officials came to regard
taxation as a field for secret dealings and understandings.111
These easily escaped the notice of special supervisers that the
suzerain and the baron occasionally sent in circuit about
villages,112 and continued to raise the expenses of the peasant.
Moreover, it should be noted that, both the suzerain and
the baron ordered special irregular requisitions in addition to
the regular taxes. Indeed, it was one of the suzerain's fa-
vorite methods of weakening the barons to impose requisitions
upon the fiefs for extraordinary needs, such as the building
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 283
and repairing of the temples at Nikko and Edo and of the
Imperial palace, his own journeys to Kyoto, the reception of
foreign envoys, and, in the later years, the defense of the coast
against European aggression. Besides these requisitions from
Edo, which were borne ultimately by none but the tax-payers,
the people of specially ill- governed fiefs were subjected to
illegal and irregular exactions by warrior -officials, some of
whom even went to the extent of collecting the next years'
taxes in advance.113
All these numerous taxes — levied in so complex a manner
on the peasant holdings, families and individuals, paid at so
high rates in money, labor, rice and other products, and,
above all, increased so continuously in many of their secondary
items, — were, nevertheless, insufficient to meet the growing
expenditures of the government.114 Still more unfortunately,
when the tax-rates, originally high enough, were being raised,
the productive power of the peasant family was, as will be
remembered, already declining. If, in 1650, from his holding
of 1 c//o (2.45 acres) of rice-land, a peasant paid out of the
average crop of 20 koku (about 100 bushels), 5 hoku, of the
land-tax, 2 or 3 of the other taxes, and netted the remaining
six-tenths of his income, he would, in 1800, be able to raise
but 15 hoku on the same land, while his land-tax and other
dues had risen to 10 or more and village expenses absorbed
at least 5. He had become a mere tool to move t'he spade.115
How was he to provide for his farming implements, horse and
harness, incidental expenses, irregular imposts, sickness, and
calamity? Where was the money to buy the very manure?
This last question was serious, for although, it is true, the
Japanese peasant was fortunate in being able to rely so largely
on human labor and human manure, it was none the less
becoming more and more difficult to go without buying other
manure, as new land was tilled, rotations of crops were dis-
carded, and the farming was growing yearly more intensive.116
When the farmer wished to borrow, he had to submit to rates
of interest as high as 25 or 30 per cent, per annum, so that,
it was said about 1720, a debt of five ryo would ruin his
family in five years.117 That the average peasant did subsist
despite these alarming conditions was due to the sundry crops
of cereals and vegetables he was obliged to raise, and to such
subsidiary industries, including the silk- culture, as he was
VOL. XXX. Pait in. 20
284 K. Asalcawa, [1910.
compelled to pursue.118 These, of course, if they brought to
him the needed income, also made his otherwise arduous life
toilsome to the extreme.119 Signs of his weariness, both
material and moral, are visible from the early years of the
regime, and continued to multiply through the period. 12° Conser-
vative as he naturally was, his fortune altered and his land
changed hands with much ease.121
One will now be able to appreciate the deeper significance
of those minute measures of economic and moral paternalism
of the feudal authorities which were discussed earlier in this
paper. It was by dint of these measures that the meagre
prosperity of the peasant might1* be maintained at all. The
government was not, however, content with negative orders
alone, but also eagerly encouraged the tilling of new land,
putting restrictions only where they were necessary,122 and, it
must be admitted, succeeded in making the acreage of culti-
vated land probably twice as large at the end of the period
as at the beginning.1 23 It would be difficult to overestimate
the importance of this great fact, and yet it was not a pure
gain to the peasant. The consequent decrease of waste-land
deprived him much of the manure which Nature had afforded
in the form of decayed hay, while at the same time more
manure than before was needed in his increasingly intensive
farming.116 Also, enlarged crops of rice throughout Japan
tended, except in years of famine, to check the price of this
cereal, which the farmer sold, from advancing in proportion
to the continual adulteration of coins and rise of prices of
other things, which he bought.124 Unfortunately, too, there
was little outside market to which surplus rice could be ex-
ported, for Japan's door was closed almost totally against
foreign trade. Nor should it be forgotten that so long as the
principal form of agricultural labor remained manual, the very
limit of the working capacity made an indefinite expansion of
the cultivated area a physical impossibility. Small as was
the average landed estate in Japan, it seemed in general to
have been even too large for the holding peasant to manage.125
It is highly interesting to see that this fundamental condition
served to make Japan persist as a country of essentially small
farming, in spite of the universal need for more wealth. This
condition not only (tended to limit the size of the estate of
the average peasant, but also, together with the taxes too
Vol. xxx.j Notes on Village Government in Japan. 285
high in relation to the rent, made it an unprofitable invest-
ment for the rich to enlarge their landed properties.126 This
natural equilibrium was only the more strongly insured
by the restrictions imposed by law upon the alienation of
land.
The selling and mortgaging of land was, indeed, a necessity
for the penurious peasant. The authorities, in their anxiety to
prevent aggrandisement by the rich few, forbade a permanent
sale of old land, and restricted mortgage.127 However, "without
free sale of land,'7 wrote Tanaka Kyugu, about 1720, "what
province or what district, whether in a fief or in a domain
land, would be able to pay all its taxes?" Mortgages often
meant permanent transfers, and always were attended with
high rates of interest. Hence, illicit or specially permitted
sales were effected under all conceivable devices to elude
the law.36 It should not be imagined, however, that the
peasant cheerfully parted with his hereditary holdings of land.
On the contrary, few things were done more reluctantly than
this extreme measure, which deprived the farmer of the only
material basis of his humble status, lowered him in the eyes
of his neighbours, and disgraced him in the memory of his
ancestors. Thus the peasant struggled on between his family
pride and his penury, and between the restrictions of sale
and mortgage and the forced necessity of modest livelihood.
The general tendency among the rural population was not to-
wards a greater inequality, but towards a continual change of
fortune within limited bounds.
The loss of the peasant estate was liable to be followed by
more regrettable circumstances. While the poor peasant might
be hired by a more fortunate neighbour as farm-hand, he oftener
chose to migrate to a city and take service under a warrior
or a merchant, for it would give him a higher wage with less
labor than on the farm. When he returned, he would have
acquired the speculative point of view and the extravagant
habits that ruled in the larger cities. He thus carried about
him a certain restless and flippant air, and the half- exhausted
inhabitants of the village contained elements susceptible exactly
to this sort of influence. Soon every part of the country came
to feel a longing for easy money and easy life. From the
end of the seventeenth century, the supply even for menial
service in the warrior's or merchant's household was growing
30
286 K. Asakawa, [1910.
scarce. In order to remedy this difficulty, the authorities,
who in the earlier years had taken great pains to forbid sales
of persons and to limit the terms of personal service, were
now obliged to modify the law to a considerable extent. 12s
Every district, if not every village, contained landless persons
who would live rather by speculation, trading on popular
superstitions, contracts, gambling, fraud, or robbery, than any
from of honest labor.129 Especially, provinces near Edo were
infested with the most desperate classes of brigands.130
These dangerous elements in the rural population made
themselves felt in years of famine. They led or joined dis-
contented peasants, hundreds or thousands of whom would
rise in mobs, as it often happened in different parts of Japan,
and everywhere in 1787 — 8, and destroy and rob merchants'
establishments and demand radical changes of prices. As was
characteristic with uneducated peasants, they were on these
occasions extremely foolhardy, coarse and cruel, but. when
confronted with strong armed forces, broke down abruptly.131
It was in order to prevent these events that good rulers filled
public granaries in ordinary years, and in famines opened
them and fed poor peasants on generous scales.132 A success
of these measures was always considered a mark of wise rural
administration, for it was tacitly understood that the people
should not be expected to be able to provide for their own
needs in hard years.
Riots took place only at unusual times. What was of
continual occurrence in all parts of Japan from the beginning
to the end of the Tokugawa period was the desertion of the
impoverished peasant of his ancestral home and hamlet. In
ordinary years, the estate of the runaway would be cultivated
and its taxes paid by his relatives or village,33, 40 but at every
slight increase of hardship such large numbers would abscond
that, despite the rigorous laws of the joint responsibility of
the village, much cultivated land would be laid waste, or at
best be thrust into unwilling hands and decline in productivity.
A literal enforcement of law would only increase the number
of runaways. Nothing is. more significant of the rural govern-
ment under the Tokugawa than this subject of the desertion
of the peasant.133
The peasant wishing to run away was apt to find a ready
solution of his problem in the multiplicity of land tenures that
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 287
prevailed in feudal Japan. There were, besides the estates
of civil nobles and of religious institutions, the suzerain's domain
lands, the baron' fiefs, and lands apportioned to some of their
vassals, with a great diversity of financial laws and customs.134
The deserter from a fief might pass into a domain land, as it
often took place, or the reverse. He might also pass from the
baron's own land to land held by one of his vassals. It was
not uncommon that a vassal's land was situated adjacent to,
or even in the same village with, a holding of his lord. A
destitute peasant in the latter would either in some manner
transfer the title over what little patches of land still remained
in his hands to a person in the vassal's territory, preferably to
its manager, who was generally regarded one of the most
sinful of all men, or else himself move into the territory. The
process of removal might also be reversed, according to the
circumstance.
One remarkable fact in the economic history of this period
is the apparently slow increase of population beside a great
extension of the area of cultivated land. The latter increased
from perhaps 5000000 in 1600 to more than 11500000 acres
at the end of the regime,123 while the former rose from
26060000 in 1721 to only 26900000 in 1847.13s Allowing for
the probable inexactness of the official statistics,136 it is worthy
of note that, after the middle of the eighteenth century down
to 1867, cases of considerable increase of population in the
provinces are rarely met with.137 Evidently the terrible
famines which visited Japan repeatedly at the end of the
eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century decim-
ated the people.138 For under no condition would an isolated
agricultural community be so helpless as under a universal
failure of crops and famine. Yet it is striking that the nation
should have been so slow, as it was, to recuperate. The
successive famines reducing the population raised the wages,
it was complained, but the natural equilibrium which should be
expected did not follow. In a few fiefs, the population
slowly increased between the famines and the end of the
period, but their taxable population actually decreased.139
An explanation would suggest itself that it was the small
land-holding peasantry, rather than the total population, that
did not increase. It has already been shown that circum-
stances led peasants in many places to have recourse to illicit
288 K Asdkawa, [1910.
sales and mortgages, to menial service to the merchant and
warrior classes, to irregular modes of life, and to desertion.
Not a few turned peddlers and petty merchants, much against
the policy of the government,70 and thereby created more
intermediate steps between the producer and consumer, raising
prices and producing nothing.
There were not absent certain forces that counteracted the
tendency of the taxable population to remain stationary.
Among these may be mentioned the conscious measures adop-
ted in many districts to increase their peasant population, either
by generally good administration, by forbidding infanticide
and -giving bounties for births, by inducing people of other
classes and districts to settle down as farmers, or by
encouraging the opening of hitherto uncultivated land.140
Besides, the laws restricting changes of residence and sales of
land, the high taxes of land discouraging aggrandisement by
the rich, the general economic conditions still too little ad-
vanced to make the comparative disadvantage of the agricul-
tural occupation overwhelming, and, also, the tenacious family
institutions breeding conservative views of life, — these circum-
stances, too, must have tended to make the peasant think
twice before abandoning his status. In the main, however,
nothing cotild resist the two mighty forces that silently but
surely carried the regime to its destiny. The first was the
fundamental question of land versus population. If the average
rice-land, such as formed the basis of taxation under the
Tokugawa, was capable of supporting the population at the
rate of one person on every one and a quarter acres,141 it
would have taken thirty million acres, instead of the five to
eleven and a half millions of the cultivated area during this
period,123 to maintain Japan's rural population of about twenty-
four million souls. The actual rate was only one half acre
per head.142 It is true that potatoes, oranges, grapes, cotton,
and a few other crops more valuable than rice were raised in
some districts, but these were, except the first, purely local,
and their cultivation was generally not allowed to encroach
upon that of rice. It is also true that the government was
alive to the danger of over-population, and forbade indefinite
divisions of estates,36 & 45 but this measure created undesirable
social conditions among the younger sons of the peasant.143 It
must be admitted, too, that the peasant family could and
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 289
usually did undertake the silk-culture and other secondary
occupations, and, indeed, these were the saving elements of the
rural life. Nevertheless, one can hardly avoid the general
conclusion that the Japan under the Tokugawa contained a
population as large, if not too large, as could be supported
by her intensive agriculture.
The second fundamental question was the productive power
of the soil versus the expenditures of the government, the
latter increasing and the former relatively decreasing though
perhaps absolutely increasing.144 The economics of the
nation were inadequate to support the finances of the State.
One has but to remember with what unceasing effort, though
with ultimate failure, the paternal rulers strove to bridge the
widening gap with the labor of the peasant, whom they caressed,
exhorted, threatened, and wearied.
In conclusion, let us, from the historical point of view, sug-
gest a few other lines of criticism of the regime than have
already been touched upon. One may attempt to judge the
merit of a movement by comparing its final results with its
original objects. Ask, therefore, if the ingenious and elaborate
polity of the Tokugawa, so far as it concerned village admini-
stration, succeeded in attaining its primary object: namely, to
secure the submission and the contentment of the peasant
population to a degree that it would cheerfully and without
friction contribute the fruits of its labor to the maintenance of
the warrior class, and to the perpetuation of the power of
the Tokugawa.
To this general question no impartial student would hesi-
tate to return an affirmative answer. It was nothing short
of genius in statesmanship that wove the great fabric of the
Tokugawa government; it completely overwhelmed the lawless
elements of which the Japan of the seventeenth century was
full, and continued without serious interruptions to exercise
an almost absolute control over national affairs during the
rule of fifteen successive suzerains. The profound peace thus
brought about enabled a large part of Japan's arable land
to be turned to cultivation, numerous arts and industries to
be built up, and a highly diversified civilization to be developed
290 K. Asakawa, [1910.
and diffused among the people. If this wonderful regime failed
to prevent the rise of certain evils, they would be found to have
been largely due to the fact that the government was essen-
tially feudal, and that it had to be built upon the existing
conditions of the family and society. Nor did the evils harm
any one so much as they did the suzerain's own government.
It would, however, be unjust to ignore the evils, even if we
lay aside the question how much they were within the moral
control of the suzerain. They were many, and some of them
have been of immense magnitude. To be brief. Just as the
suzerain's policy toward the feudal classes had subdued them
at the cost of their true vigor and their genuine loyalty to
himself, so his control of the peasants stifled their enterprise,
limited their wealth, and levelled down their conditions. If
they did not rise in a general revolt, it was because they
were thoroughly deprived of not only the opportunity, but also
the energy, to protest. When at last the national crisis came
in the middle of the nineteenth century, just as the feudal
classes chose to make no serious effort to defend the waning
power of the Tokugawa, but, on the contrary, furnished men
to efface it, so the peasants, also, proved surprisingly indifferent.
The great Revolution was begun and consummated by dis-
contented warriors, with the rural population too weary and
too meak to lift a finger in the cause of their own liberation.
It has been said that the great reform was accomplished
without a drop of the peasants's blood being shed, but the
fact does not reflect honor upon them. They are still largely
passive under the new rights145 that have been heaped upon
them. What has been training them since the Revolution is not
so much their new political power, for as yet hardly one in every
forty farmers has a vote,146 as the national system of education,
their amalgamation with the other classes of society, which is
growing apace, and the object lessons in public interest taught by
the stirring events that have transpired about them in the East.
If, however, the peasant has emerged from the feudal regime
with little added wealth and energy, he has also inherited
from it two important legacies: a moderate but secure holding
in land, and a wonderful capacity for discipline. These are
the great material and moral debts of the new age to the old.
History will probably tell of what immense value the heritage
has been for the upbuilding of a steady and collected nation.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 291
Bibliography.
In the following list, the titles of those works which consist wholly or
largely of original sources are in capital letters. Many other works also
contain sources. It should be noted that none, except the last three, of
the following works are provided with indexes, and many have not tables
of contents.
No attempt has been made to translate the title of each work, but its
nature is briefly indicated in square brackets.
When an author's name is doubtful, an interrogation mark in paren-
theses, (?), is placed before it. When only the pronunciation of a name is
in doubt, the same mark alone is used without parentheses.
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1 vol, 554 pages. _
7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI E UI-HEN, % 0 & & fl£ 3S H, [history
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$| |p jjjj, and Oda Kwan-shi?, f$ ffl % £,, of the Department of
Agriculture and Commerce. Tokyo, 1897. 1 vol., 634 pages.
8. DAI NI-HON NO-SHI, 9t 0# H 4, [history of agriculture
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and others, of the same Department. Tokyo, 1891. 3 vols., 528, 478,
544 pages.
9. Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi, 0 ^ J| H >J* j£, [brief history of agri-
culture in Japan], by Numada Rai-ho?, ffl ffl tS II- Tokyo, 1904.
1 vol., 198 pages.
292 K. Asakawa, [1910.
10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi-seki, J$ 0 2£ j| 3jf , [historical
data relating to the growth of industries], by Ohayashi Yuya, ^C ^(c ^f| JJL-
Vol. 1. Tokyo, 1891. 330 pages.
11. KO-ZHI BUI-EN, •£ ^f M $£» [historical encyclopedia, con-
sisting of excerpts from sources and literature], compiled by Hosokawa
Zhunzhiro, $B jl| jfej ^ j}|), and others. Part on industries (|J fj| §[)).
Vol. I. Tokyo. 1908. 906 pages.
12. No-gyo zen-sho, J| ^ £> ^-", [treatise on agriculture], by Miya-
zaki Yasusada, '&" |I|f S A (1622—97), and revised by Kaibara Raku-
ken, JH J® t?t tf (1625-1702). Preface dated 1696. Illustrated. 11 vols.
(old style).
13. No-gyo yo-wa, J| fj| f£ fS» [notes on agriculture], by Konishi
Atsuyoshi, >J^ W M S • 182,9- 2 vols- (°- s-)
14. No-gyo hon-ron, ]j% ^ ^, |^, [essays on agriculture], by Dr. Ni-
tobe Inazo, ff Jg j5 Jg jg. Tokyo, 5th. ed., 1903. 1 vol., 461 pages.
15. Tokugawa baJcu-fu Jcen-ji yo-ryaku, f§ }\\ £ jf S }& g ^,[treat-
ise on the government of the suzerain's domain land by his intendant]
by Ando Hiroshi, ^ ||£ fH , of a family engaged for generations in rural
administration. Preface dated 1905. Illustrated. Manuscript, copied
from the original. 9 vols. (o. s.), 407 leaves.
16. Kwan-no waku-mon, HJ J| JJfc PP], [queries and answers regarding
rural administration], by Fujita Yu-koku, |J ffl ffl §, of Mito, 1799. In
the Mito sen-tetsu so-sho 7J< ^ 3t 15 It S series, Tokyo, 1887.
2 vols. (o. s.), 56 leaves.
17. No-sei za-yu, J| \£fc ^ /&, [notes on rural government], by Komi-
yama Masahide, >J\ ^ [jj ^ ^, of Mito, 1829. In the same series.
4 vols. (o. s.), 93 leaves.
18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku, $£ ^ f4J ^ 85 ff , [notes on local ad-
ministration], by ? Shozhi Koki?, jg fij ^ f^, Nagasaki, 1833? 35 bks.
in 31 vols. (o. s.), 1135 leaves.
Not always reliable.
19. Notes on land tenure and local institutions in Old Japan, edited
from posthumous papers of Dr. D. B. Simmons, by Prof. John Henry
Wigmore. In the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 19,
part I, pp. 37—270.
20. KEN-KYO BUI- TEN, ft %t H Jl, [documents relating to the
Tokugawa government, classified], compiled by KondO Morishige,
i£ II Tp S (1773—1829). Manuscript. 5 parts, 147 bks.
The authenticity of some of the documents is in doubt.
21. TOKUGAWA KIN-REI KO, fg Jl| ** ^ ^, [laws of the
Tokugawa government], compiled by the Department of Justice. Tokyo,
1878—95. In 2 series. Series I, edicts and orders, in 6 vols., 444, 506,
749, 622, 746, 660 pages. Series II, penal laws and laws of equity, in
4 vols., 676, 772, 818, ? pages.
The penal part of Series II is in substance the KWA-JO RUI TEN. See
Note 47, below.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 293
22. KWA-JO RUI-TEN HON-MON, ft fa & M # £, [edicts
and notes relating to penal law and administration of criminal justice],
compiled by order of the suzerain, in 1742. Edited by Tokyo University,
1881. 2 vols., 131, 190 pages.
This is the main text of the KWA-JO RUI-TEN, which was an enlarged
edition of the KU-ZHI-KATA 0-SADAME-GAKl compiled in 1742, and,
therefore, it is presumed that the present work is identical with the latter.
See Note 47, below.
23. KEN-PO BU-RUL fc & ffi JR, [notes and orders relating to
details of government]. Anonymous. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. 8.)
24. RUI-REI HLROKU, & #lj $£ $c, [orders and precedents
relating to penal law], compiled by Ono Hiroki, ^ ff- g| $J (d. 1841).
Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.)
25. GEN-PI ROKU, jg % £$, [notes on judicial business]. Anon.
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
26. RITSU-REI DAI HLROKU, fe & % j£ ft, [notes on penal
law and details of official business], compiled by (?) Ono Hiroki. Manu-
script. 11 VOls. (O. 8.)
27. BUN-DEN SO-SHO, ffi $ J| |f.
The same as the above.
28. KU-ZHI KATA YO-REI, & ^ # S flJ. [notes on judicial
business at the suzerain's high court]. Anon. Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
29. GO-TO-KE REI-JO, $ ft $ fa H% fedicts and orders» and
customs, of the Tokugawa government]. Anon. Manuscript. 36 vols. (o. s.)
30. KO-SA1 ROKU, & $& $%, [orders and notes relating to official
business]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.)
31. ON TOME-GAK1, ffij {g ^.
The same as the above, with alterations in the last part.
32. RITSU-REI ROKU, \% fa £$, [orders of the suzerain's govern-
ment, 1764—1846]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.)
33. JI-KATA KO-SAI ROKU, Mf j^T & ft &> [°rders and Pre'
cedents regarding to village administration in the suzerain's domain land].
Anon. Manuscript. 7 vols. (o. s.)
34. KO-SAI HIKKI SEI-ZANHI-ROKU, & jfc |£ IE ff Ul ® £K-
[private notes on judicial business]. Anon. Manuscript. 5 vols. (o. s.)
b5. GO-KATTE-GATA 0-SADAME-GAKI NARABI NI UKA-
GAI NO UE OSE- WATASARE-GAKI, & )§ ^ ^f '$ fc ^ jf
ffl £, JL. ?fi V$ $& ^, [orders and notes relating to the financial ad-
ministration of the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 257 leaves.
36. TOKUGAWA ZHI- DAI MIN-ZHI KWAN-REI SHU,
i& Jf! flf ft K V fft ft] H> [laws and precedents relating to civil
matters during the Tokugawa period], compiled by officials of the De-
partment of Justice. No date. Manuscript, copied from the original kept
in the archives of the Department. 11 vols., 2458 leaves.
37. Min-zhi kwan-rei rui shit, .R AJJ". j'['[ $ij gj ^, [customs relating
to civil affairs in the last years of the Tokugawa rule, collected through
oral testimonies given by old people], by special commissioners of the
Department of Justice despatched to all the larger sections of Japan
Proper, 1877. 1 vol., 597 pages.
294 K. Asakaiva, [1910.
38. Materials for the study of private law in old Japan, with notes
and an introduction, by Professor John Henry Wigmore. In the Trans-
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 20, supplement, parts I. IT,
III, and V, Tokyo. 1892, 203+41, 138, 426+17, 112 pages.
Largely based upon the two works mentioned above. Highly valuable, but
unfortunately not yet completed.
39. SUI-CHIN EOKU, Pfc ft £$, [laws and notes, relating mainly
to financial matters, of the Tokugawa period], compiled, at the request of
the Department of Finance, by the late Count Katsu Awa, jjf: 4§r |^
(1823—99). Tokyo, [1890]. 35 bks. in 2 vols., 1187, 1270 pages.
40. SUI-CEINYO-ROKU, Pfc ft |£ $$, [sequel to the above], by
the same. Tokyo, 1890. 10 bks. in 1 vol., 901 pages.
41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU, ^ ^ ft H, [secret memorandum on
currency], prepared by some authority, about 1842. In the On-chi so-
sho ffl £0 H !r series, (12_vols., Tokyo, 1891), vol. 5, pp. 1—45.
42. Yu-ri Ko-sei, fe %\] & JE, [life of Yuri Kosei, 1829—1909] by
Haga Hachiya, ^ j£ A SB- Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol., 325-J-58 pages.
Contains an account of the Tokugawa system of currency.
43. So chd ko, fH S3 ^> [brief history of taxation in Japan], by
Miura Chiharu, H M ^ #• Nagoya, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
Not always reliable.
44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi, fc 13 ^ ^3. ^& 7[v> [history of Japanese
taxation till 1880], compiled by Nonaka Hitoshi?, Jf> pf» If, and others,
of the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1885]. 30 vols. (o. s.)
This is a convenient compilation, but contains errors.
45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki, ffl fl '}& f g |£, [brief history of the
land-tax in Japan], by Koda Shisei, 2JE 0 ^ Jj£, of the same Depart-
ment. Tokyo, 1896. 1 vol. (o. s.) Contains Kcku-daka ko, ^ ^ ^, and
errata of the Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi.
46. DEN-SEI HEN, 0 flj |j, [excerpts from sources and litera-
ture relating to land and taxation], compiled by Yokoyama Yoshikiyo,
IS LJj A ?ff> of tlie former Gen-ro-in. Tokyo. 1883. 11 vols. (o. s.)
To be used with caution.
47. Den-en rui-setsu, 03 IS iff |j£, [notes on land and taxation], by
Komiyama Mokunoshin, >]•» §" ill ^ j§ (early 18th century), and revised
and augmented by Tani Motonori, § ^ ^ (d. 1752), Oishi Hisayoshi?,
Jt fi & $£ (d. 1797), and Yamauchi Tadamasa?, [ij ft j| JE , 1842.
In the Zoku-zoku gun-sho rui-zhu |f J( |$ ^ H |5§ series, VII.,
(Tokyo, 1907). 267—354.
48. Ji-kata han-rei roku, Jft ~ft Ji f?'J Wk* [treatise on the taxation
and rural administration of the suzerain's domain lands], compiled by
Oishi Hisayoshi?, 1794. 2 copies. (1) Eevised edition by Okura Gi?,
^ H£ H» 1886. 11 vols. (o. s.). (2) Manuscript. 11 vols. (o. s.)
Citations in the Notes are from (1), its numerous misprints being checked
with (2).
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 295
49. Ji-kata ochi-bo ahu, Jfi Jj & fg jg, [notes on financial admini-
stration of the domain lands], by Yasumichi?, jj| $f. Revised by Otsuki
Tadaoki. ft R S- ft- Tokyo, 1870. 14 vols. (o. B.)
50 .Ji-kata tai-ffoi s/m, Jg -ft ^ Jj£ £f [ditto]| by Kat5 Takabumi,
Zffl 111 PPJ 3t- Osaka, 1874. 2 series, 8 vols. (o. B.)
51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku, Jfi # X IS IX, [practical notes on public
works in the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 146 leaves.
Many illustrations and accounts.
52. JI-KATA- GAKARI ATSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI, ]fa -ft \& fR
fi SI $t [practical notes on financial administration]. Anon. 1796.
Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
53. 0# TOR1-KA KOKORO-E GAKI, ft) Jft ® ,& $ *, [prac-
tical notes on taxation in the domain lands], copied by one Miyasaka,
'§ $1JL- Manuscript, 2 vols. (o. s.)
54. BAN-SHU_GO NEN-GU MAI OSAME-HARAI KA-SHI NO
^^fl'SSZiS0-** TOMEf »»**»*»»»#
£, ill ijji 4^ IP JtJ W» [documents relative to transporting tax-rice from
Harima to Osaka, in 1831]. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
55^ BAN- SHU GO NEN-GU GO K WAI- MAI IKKEN, f$ ffl ^)
^ R ffl) 51 ?K "~ " ft* [docaments relative to transporting tax-rice from
Harima to Edo, in 1833]. Manuscript. 2 vols. (o. s.)
56. Ta-Jiata ken-mi on tori-ka shi-tate ho, ffl ^i |g ^ |gl H © ft
-JA 'ii» [practical notes on assessing taxes and making accounts], by Ko-
bayashi Tetsuzhiro, >J> ffi $fr ^ jj|), of the financial department of the
suzerain's government, 1848. Manuscript, 1 vol. (o. s.)
57. Wata ken-mi shi-yo cho, £ ^ ^ ^ ft f^ lpft> [notes on mea-
suring the productive power of cotton-land in Yamato, Settsu, Kawachi,
and Idzumi], compiled by Ono Chu-sai, -fa ^ *, gf. No date. Manu-
script. 1 vol. (o. s.)
58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku sho, ]fa |£ & IE ^ ^ itf, [report to the
Prime Minister Sanjo on the reform of the land-tax], by (now Marquis)
Matsukata Masayoshi, ^ ^ j£ ^, then Minister of Finance. Tokyo,
1882. 1 vol., 197 pages.
59. Fu-ken chi-so kai-sei ki-yo, j|J -JJJ jfa fl E4 j£ $G 3£» [reports
of the three Cities and thirty- six Prefectures on the change of the land-
tax], compiled by the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1882?]. 1 vol.,
39 sections.
60. Go-nin-ffumi sei-do no ki-gen, 5£ A iJi ^J ^ ^ jfc *iS» [°n tne
origin of the five-man group system], by Prof. Miura Shuko?, H fffi Jii
ft- The Ho-ri ron-so f± 3g |& ^ series, No. 9. Tokyo, 1900. 1 vol.,
83 pages.
60 a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do, 3E A Ifl. "$•] S» [°n tne five-man group
system], by Prof. Hodzumi Nobushige?, $| ^ $jt g. The same series.
No. 11. Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol.,_241+38 pages.
61. GO-NIN-GUMI CHO I-DO BEN, Z A $11 IE H (R! Sh »
[parallel articles of several five-man group records], compiled by the
Department of Justice. Tokyo, 1884. Manuscript, copied from the ori-
ginal in the Department archives. 1 vol., 120 leaves.
296 K. Asakawa, [1910.
62. MURA SHO-YA KOKORO-E BEKI JO-JO, M ffi M RT <&
|H ft ft, [general instructions to village-heads], by the government of
Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
_63. MURA SHO-YA TOSHI-YORI YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI
JO-JO, $ j£ M ^ ^ f^ Pj >fr |f ft ft, [general instructions to
village-heads and village-chiefs] , by the government of Osaka, 1872.
1 vol. (o. s.)
64. 0-SHO-YA YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI JO- JO, ^ j£ M &
"Pi >fr i%- ft ft' [general instructions to district-heads], by the govern-
ment of Osaka, 1872. 1 vol. (o. s.)
65. GUN-CHU-SEI-HO, B5 41 M *Ji» [general instructions to pea-
sants], by the government of Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
These four works are interesting as survivals in early years of the new
era of the old method of village government.
66. BI-HAN TEN-KE1, ff Sf Jl JflJ, [orders of Ikeda Mitsumasa,
Vfo ffl 7t fl& lord of Okayama 1642-71], compiled by Yuasa Zho-zan,
Wf ^ *% lii (1708-81). Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU, flfi $f H H, or, Ytf-ITI ROKU, ft
T$£ $1) [life and laws of Ikeda Mitsumasa], by Mimura Nagatada,
H +»| 7K *>• No date- Manuscript. 1749. 4 vols. (o. s.)
68. Tsugaru Nobumasa kj, ^ 11 ft ft 5V» Llife of Tsugaru Nobu-
masa, lard of Hirosaki 1646—1710], by Tozaki Satoru, ^ (Ig1 ^;. Tokyo,
1902. 1 vol., 362 pages.
69. En-kyo fu-setsu shit, 5{E ^ HI nit ^' [rumors about Matsudaira
Norimura, ^ ^p ^ S, lord of Sakura and councillor to the suzerain
1723—45]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
Gossipy.
70. Gin-dai i-zhi, jjk S iS V. [notes on the life of Hosokawa Shi-
gekata, ft Jl| fi K, lord of Higo and Bungo, 1718-85]. Anon. Manu-
script. 4 vols. (o. s.)
71. YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI, j§ tlj & -\\l ft, [life of Uesugi Haru-
nori, Jl ^ ffi ^, lord of Yonezawa, 1751—1822], compiled by Ikeda
Nariaki?, ftfc ffl ^ ^. Tokyo, 1906. 1 vol., 1056 pages.
72. NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0, ~j£ j5 ^ ^ ^, [life and writings of
Nozoki Yoshimasa, j£ ^p ^ j^, 1735—1803 twice councillor to Uesugi
Harunori], compiled by Suibara Ken?, ^ ]^ |f . Tokyo, 1898. 1 vol.,
926+84 pages.
73. U-YO SO-SHO, J$ \>jj ^ ^, [writings of Uesugi Harunori,
with notes on his life], compiled by Yaoita Bai-seteu, ^ JH |^ $$ ^£,
Nozoki Tai-kwa, Hara Raku-zan, J!^ |?| tlj, and Asaoka Nan-koku, |fj|]5]
l^j ^f . Yonezawa, 1879—83. 3 series, (kan-to, gyo-so, and sei-toku), in
6 vob. (o. 8.)
Largely superseded by the l?st two works.
74. Uesugi Yo-zan ko. [life of the same lord], by Kawamura Makoto?,
Jll ^ 1$. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol., 364 pages.
Vol. xxx.J Notes on Village Government in Japan. 297
75. Sei-zan kan-wa, ^ [jj |J$ gjf, [notes on the life of Hosoi Hei-shQ,
fel rtt ^p |Hi once tutor and councillor to the same lord]. Anon. Manu-
script. 1 VOl. (0. 8.)
76. Shirakawa Raku-o ko to Tokugaiva zhi-dai, & ?Pj ^$ f£ & i.
f* jl| fl£ f^' tlife and times of Matsudaira Sadanobu, fe Zp. g? f^? iord
of Shirakawa and councillor to the suzerain, 1759— 1829J, by Professor
Mikami Sanzhi, H Jl § ^fc. Tokyo, 1891. 1 vol., 198 pages.
77. Egawa Tan-an, £t jl| ^ /?£, [life of Egawa Tarozaemon, heredi-
tary intendant of Nirayama, Idzu, 1801—65], by Yada ShichitarS, ^ [H
k ~k fsl). Tokyo,_1902. 1 vol., 243 pages.
78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI, |ft • fc V» [Hfe of Abe Masahiro, |*pf
"Si) IK 5i» l°r(i of Fukuyama, once chief councillor to the suzerain, 1819
—58], compiled by Haraano Shokichi, 'g[ |f ^ "g. Tokyo, 1899. 1 vol.,
872+157 pages.
79. Gei-han san-zhu-san nen roku, ^ ^ ^ + H. ^ IS> [an account
of the financial experiences of the Hiroshima fief between 1833 and
1863], by Kotakagari Gen-gai?, >J* H JJ jJC JJ[. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol.,
184 pages.
80. Hiroshima Mo-gyu, ]f| ||,^ ^ ^, [stories from the Hiroshima
fief], by the same author. Tokyo, 1905. 1 vol., 139 pages.
81V AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO BASSUI, ^ '}# "K V H ^
}^ ^ [documents and notes relating to Aidzu, being an abridgement of
the AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO, compiled by Mukai Yoshishige, f^j
3t In S' 3 vols.]. Dated 1662. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
82. ON KE-MI TE-TSUDZUKI, §0 4 Ji ^ $%> (h™ to measure
the productive power of land, in the Okayama fief]. Anon. No date.
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI YO-SHU, ^ & $ ^ % $ ^, [guide
to measuring the productive power of land, in the same fief]. Anon. No
date. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
84. SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI YO-RYAKU, 111] j| 0 fl $£ ^ Bfr,
[documents relating to the financial administration of the Sendai fief],
edited by Yamada Ki-ichi, [jj O ^ — -, of the prefectural government
at Sendai. [Sendai, 1888]. 5 vols., 255 leaves.
85. Shu-ffi tca-sho, jj| ^ ft tfr, [notes on philosophy, ethics, and
politics], by Kumazawa Ban-zan, ffe '}p ^| [lj (1619—91). 16 bks. In
the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen 0 ^ ft S ;ft li series, (10 vols., Tokyo, 1901
—03), I, 255—600.
86. Shil-gi gwai-sho, ^ ^ ^ t!f, [sequel to the above], by the same
author. 16 bks. In the same series, II. 9—332.
87. Min-kan sei-yo, j£ |"i] ^ ^-, [notes on rural administration], by
Tanaka Kyngu-emon Nobuyoshi? ffl *$* 1 ft IS ^6 ffi H -W "§• Prefaces
dated 1720 and 1721. Manuscript. 2 series, 7 and 8 vols. (o. s.)
Fearless criticisms by a practical administrator of the rural government of
domain lands. The work attracted the attention of the wise suzerain Yoshi-
mune, who gradually raised the author to the position of intendant. See To,
XIII. 962, XIV, 278.
298 K. Asakawa, [1910.
88. Kei-zairoku, $M iP? m< [views on government], by Dazai Shun-dai,
iC ¥ # it (1680—1747), 1729. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.)
Thoroughly Confucian.
89. Shun-dai zatsu-wa, J§j? >fg $f| fjf, [miscellaneous notes on history,
morals, and literature], by Muro Kyu-so, §? #| J| (1658—1734), 1732.
5 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, VII. 81—309.
90. So-bo ki~gen, j|[ ^ ^ "g", [political and social criticisms], by
Nakai Chiku-zan, pf* # fj tlj (1730—1804), 1789. Kyoto, 1868. 5 vols.,
280 leaves.
91. Byd-kan cho-go, jfjif f^j ^ pjf, [miscellaneous notes], by Inoue
Kin-ga, # _t ^ ffi (1733—84). In the On-chi so-sho series, XI, 70 pages.
92. Ama no taku mo, 5g 0 jjz <^ |f|, [miscellaneous notes], by Mori-
kawa Takamori ^ J|| ^ ^, c. 1790. In the same series, XI, 122 pages.
93. O-mei-kwan i-so, © p,| |§ jfi §!, posthumous ethjco-political
works by Hosoi Hei-shu, once tutor to Uesugi Harunori and other
barons, (1728—1801). 6 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, IX. 9—161.
Good examples of the great influence of Confucian ideas on rural government.
94. Ho-toku givai-roku, 3j$ fj§ ^ $1, views by Ninomiya Takanori
(Son-toku), ZL ft"4t tt (1786— 1856), compiled by his pupil Saito Taka-
yuki, g |H ^ ft. 2 bks. InJ;he same series, X. 397—439.
95. Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. HL *§£ ^fc tf£ p& JB, sayings of Xinomiya
Takanori, compiled by the same pupil. 4 bks. In the same series, X.
440-542.
96. Chi-so ron, }fa ffl f&, [on the land-tax and its relation to the life
of the peasantry], by the late Fukuzawa Yukichi, jjfg ^jj| |fj "§, about
1893. In the Fukuzawa Yukichi zen-shu (^ j||)f V.
97. Ho-sei ron-san, '}J "$lj |j^ ^, [seventy-eight essays and addresses
on the institutional history of Japan by various scholars], edited by the
Koku-gaku-in, g $ g£. Tokyo, 1903. 1 vol., 1446 pages.
98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen ($j| j$j|), [sequel to the above, containing
fifty-seven more essays and addresses], edited by the same. Tokyo, 1904.
1 vol., 914 pages.
99. Tokugawa sei-kyo ko, $& Jl[ 1^ ^jl ^, [evolution of political-
philosophical ideas during the Tokugawa period], by Prof. Yoshida
To-go, ^ ffl ^ f5. Tokyo, 1894. 2 vols., 206, 212 pages.
100. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi-sho, ^ 0 ^ Jfc ^g || ^, dictionary
of Japanese historical geography], by the same author. Tokyo, 1900—07.
4 vols., cxxxiv-f-288 + 4752 pages.
101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten, @ ^ ^ f| .ffi., [dictionary of Japanese
history], by Yashiro Kuniji?, /\. f^ H }pf, Hayakawa Zhunzaburo,
-? Jil M H IK, and Inobe Shigewo, # If j| S SI- Toky°' 1908'
2 vols., 2390 and 220 pages.
102. Shi-gaku zasshi, j£ ^ J{| |J, [monthly journal devoted to history].
Tokyo, 1890—.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
299
Abbreviations.
The following abbreviations are used in the Notes for those works which
receive frequent reference. Two capitals, (for example, 'BE'), are used for
each old work which consists primarily of sources; a capital and a small
letter, (for example, 'Mi'), for each old secondary authority; three capitals,
(for example, 'DSR'), for each recent work consisting mainly of sources;
and a capital and two small letters, (for example, 'Hrs'), for each recent
secondary authority.
AI 81. AIDZUKYU-ZHIZAK-
KO BASSUL
BG 55. BAN-SHU GO
KWAI-MAI ....
BK 66. BI-HAN TEN-KEI.
Bms 6. Baku-matsu shi.
BO 54. BAN-SHU . . . OSAME-
HARAI
BR 67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU.
Chk 58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku
sho.
Chr 96. Chi-so ron.
Dch 1UO. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi-
sho.
De 47. Den-en rui-setsu.
DKM i. DAI NI-HON KO-MON-
ZHO.
DNR 7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI
RUI-HEN.
DNS 8. DAI NI-HON NO SHI.
Dns 44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi.
DO 83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI....
Dse 45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki.
Dsg 10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi-
seki.
DSH 46. DEN-SEI HEN.
DSR 2. DAI NI-HON SHI-
RYO.
En 69. En-kyo fu-setsu roku.
Eta 77. Egawa Tan-an.
Fuk 59. Fu-Ken chi-so kai-sei ki-
yo-
GGI 61. GO-NIN-GUMI OHO I-
DO BEN.
Ggk 60. Go-nin-gumi sei-do no
ki-gen.
VOL. XXX. Part III.
Ggs 60a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do.
Gi 70. Gin-dai i-/.hi.
GK 35. GO KATTE-GATA O
SADAME-GAKI.
GS 65. GUN-CHU SEI-HO.
Gsr 79. Gei-han san-zha-san nen
roku.
GT 29. GO TO-KE REI-JO.
Hmg 80. Hiroshima mo-gyu.
Hrs 97. H5-sei ron-san.
Hrz 98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen.
Ht 94. Ho-toku gwai-roku.
JG 52. JI-KATA-GAKARI A-
TSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI.
Jh 48. Ji-kata han-rei roku.
JK 33. JI-KATA KO-SAI RO-
KU.
Jk 51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku.
Jo 49. Ji-kata ochi-bo shu.
Jt 50. Ji-kata tai-gai slid.
KB 23. KEN-PO BU RUI.
KH 41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU.
KK 20. KEN-KYO RUI-TEN.
KKK 78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI.
Km 18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku.
KR 22. K WA - J 0 RUI - TEN
HON-MON.
KRE 11. KO-ZHI RUI-EN.
Ksd 101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten.
Kw 16. Kwan-no waku-mon.
KY 28. KU - ZHI - KATA YO-
REI.
Kz 88. Kei-zai roku.
Mi 87. Min-kan sei-yo.
MK 62. MURA SHO-YA
KYOTO.
300 K.Asdkawa, Notes on Village Government in Japan. [1910.
Mkr
37.
MO
63.
Ng
Ngh
Nn
12.
14.
95.
Nns
9.
NTK
72.
Ny
Nz
13.
17.
OK
82.
Om
93.
00
64.
OT
53.
RD
26.
RH
24.
RR
32.
Sb
90.
SCR
39.
SCY
40.
Sd
89.
SDS
84.
Sg 86.
Min-zhi kwan-rei rui-shu. Shr 76.
MURA SHO-YA .... Shz 102.
OSAKA. Smw 19.
No-gyo zen-sho.
No-gyo hon-ron. Sw 85.
Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. Tbf 5.
Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi.
NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0. Tk 15.
No-gyo yo-wa.
No-sei za-yu. TKR 21.
ON KE-MI TE-TSU-
DZUKI. TMK 36.
0-mei-kwan i-so.
0-SHO-YA.... OSAKA.
ON TORI-KA KOKO-
RO-E GAKI.
RITSU-REI DAI HI-
ROKU. Tnk 68.
RUI-REI HI-ROKU. To 3.
RITSU-REI ROKU. Tsk 99.
So-bo ki-gen. Tt 56.
SUI-CHIN ROKU. US 73.
SUI-CHIN YO-ROKU. Uyz 74.
Shun-dai zatsu-wa. Wa 57.
SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI Wig 38.
YO-RYAKU. YZS 71.
Shu-gi gwai-sho. Zo 4.
Shirakawa Raku-p ko . . . .
Shi-gaku zasshi.
Simmons-Wigmore,
Notes
Shu-gi wa-sho.
Tokugawa baku-fu zhi-
dai shi.
Tokugawa baku-fu ken-
ji yo-ryaku.
TOKUGAWA KIN-REI
KO.
TOKUGAWA MIN-ZHI
KWAN-REI SHU.
z . . . . zhin-zhi hen,
d . . . . do-san hen,
f . . . . fu-do-san hen,
s . . . . so-sho hen.
Tsugaru Noburaasa ko.
Tokugawa zhikki.
Tokugawa sei-kyo ko.
Ta-hata ken-mi
U-YO SO-SHO.
Uesugi Yo-zan ko.
Wata ken-mi ....
Wigmore, Materials ....
YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI.
Zoku Tokujrawa zhikki.
(Note: The Notes accompanying this article will appear in a subsequent
number of the Journal.)
Complete Induction for the Identification of the Vocabulary
in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with its
Semitic Equivalents: Its Necessity and the Means of
obtaining it— By MAX L. MARGOLIS, Philadelphia, Pa.
(NB. The sigla for the Septuagint codd. are, in the book of Genesis, those
of the larger Cambridge edition ; for the other books, those of Swete's
manual edition or those used in his Introduction] the figures refer
to manuscripts in the edition of Holmes-Parsons. A = Lucian. The
abbreviations of the Biblical books are for the most part the same
as in the Oxford Concordance.)
THE first of the canons laid down by the The first La^ar-
noted Septuagint scholar LAGAKDE requires on ^ian Canon
the part of the student who aims at recovering the original
text of the Greek translation of the Old Testament, a "know-
ledge of the style of the individual translators," with which
is coupled a "faculty of referring variant readings to their
Semitic original, or else of recognizing them as inner-Greek
corruptions." It is ohvious that LAGARDE has reference merely
to the material side of the task and ignores the formal
questions of orthography and grammar altogether. It is a
matter with which the future editor will have to grapple,
whether, for example, he should admit forms with anaptyxis,
as dyav/DMtyta, dyav/otai/, -acrOai.1 He will have to choose between
r/yav and rjyov^ rjydyocrav and yyayov 3, crvvr)£e and crlw/yyaye 4, <£ay?j
and </>ayecrai 5, epya and epydcry 6, 8iavoL\Otj(rovTai. and 8iai'Oiy?y<rovTat ".
"With a view to all such questions the editor will have to study
the grammatical evidence presented by the papyri and other
1 Ay«vpiafM is found .Jb 4 to 253; 13" B*C. 160. 161. 250. 252. 253.
Compl.; Is 627 AB«c.bQ. 22. 51. 86. 87. 91. 93. 97. 109mg. 147. 233.
302 mg. 306. 309. Compl.; Je 31(48)2 AB«. 239; Ba 434 Omn exc 49. 51.
62. 88. 90. 231. Compl. Aid. (106 reads a-yaXXio/ta) ; Ju 10 s 74; ayavpiav,
-8*601 Jb 3i* AB«C. 55. 106. 137. 139. 250. 252. 258; 39*i 160. 252. 253;
ibid. 23 160. 252. 253. See DIETERICH, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
griechischen Sprache, p. 33 sqq. 2 II K 6 3 Tjyov AX. A. alii.
2 I Es 1 19 -of AN. 58. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid., -wrav rell.
* Jd 1120 ffvvr£e BM. 16. 52. 57-59. 63. 77. 85. 107. 120. 131. 144. 209.
-236. 237. 5 Ge 3>s <t>aye<rai r. e Ge 4 '2 cpya<rr) la? Phil-codd.
7 Ge 35 diavoiyrja-ovrai TO.
VOL. XXX. Part IV.
302 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
contemporaneous literature in order to determine the linguistic
forms with which the translators may be credited. In this
sense the way has "been paved by HELBING'S "Grammatik der
Septuaginta" J which, however, ignores the cursives entirely.
There will be also questions of internal Greek syntax on which
the Semitic original has no bearing.
is really a rule What LAGAKDE really means by the original
for identifying text of the Septuagint is that text which, from
the Greek with among the conflicting forms it has assumed in
the Semitic. of its transmission, conforms to
the Semitic original underlying the translations ("die Vor-
lage") and to the conception of its meaning on the part of
the translators (their exegesis). The .First Lagardian Canon
is thus a rule for identifying the Greek with the Semitic,
the Greek text, buried at present in a mass of variants, with
the great unknown quantity, the "Vorlage," with which the
prototype of the received Masoretic text was by no means
wholly idendical. After an elimination of the irrational element
of chance corruptions or of the disfiguring element of conscious
alteration (diaskeuastic corrections and interpolations), there
remains the stupendous task of retroversion for which indeed
a knowledge of the style of each individual translator is an
all-important prerequisite. The pitfalls are many, not the least
Retroversion being mechanical haste. LAGAKDE himself was
must not lie a sinner in that direction. Following the lead
mechanical. Of Le 26 ^, he referred pera Trapprjo-las = openly,
publicly (comp. Talmudic fcODiTlB::) Pr 10 ^ back to rTP&Dlp.
He forgot that he was dealing with a translation which aims
at elegance rather than at literal accuracy, as well as the
fact that the rendering in Le is equally free. rtt'jpDIjp means
properly uith head erect; one can be made to walk with head
erect, but one cannot reprove a friend with head erect. It is a
question of Hebrew idiom pure and simple. The Hebrew phrase
underlying juera irapp^a-ia^ Pr 10 10 remains an unknown quantity.
Retroversion un- The phrase occurs, for instance, also I Ma
scientific is pass- 41S: Kal ^ ra£Ta \dftere o-KvXa /cat (>«V. Sixt.)
ages wanting in ^ w Who win attempt to render it
the Hebrew. • , T-T i « A <• /• •
into Hebrew? As a matter of fact, in passages
wanting in the Hebrew, all attempts at retroversion are un-
Gottingen 1907.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 303
scientific. Take, for example, the plus Le 10 9:
ptvwv vfiuv TT/DOS TO 0vcnacmj/3iov. Ryssel (in Kittel's Bible)
renders: nrQT&n DDllpn IK (comp. Ex 4032); but hti DDfitriO IK
nnt&n (comp. Ex 28 43 30 20) i8 just as possible. Not even the
particle is certain; for, though IK will suggest itself first, 1 is
quite as correct (comp. Ex 38 '27 (40 32)).1
It may be even laid down as a canon that Certainty of iden-
certainty of identification is possible only when lifioaiion poss-
the translator has misread or misinterpreted the ii»l«' <>»ly "hen
original. Just as complete identity is often a 1|LO on-llial has
less reliable criterion of the affinity of lang- .
(^111 1 S 1 II M* I*|H*(M f * (1 •
uages than differentiations of sound regulated
by law, so it is only through variation, provided it is psycho-
logically explainable, that we may with certainty arrive at the
true text underlying a translation. Thus dyopevovs Is 60 n
corresponds to D^rtt; but D^O or D'Tttpb or (if the sense be
"led as captives") D^3fc would be possible equivalents, and we
cannot say with absolute certainty that our text was read by
the translator. But ayd/^veu La 1 4 to which ntttt corresponds
in the Hebrew, points with necessity to nwrtt as its equivalent,
and to nothing else; for both nUW and ntMJl} = JTtttt2 are re-
ducible to one and the same consonantal text.
Not merely a "knowledge of the style of ^ knowledge of
the individual translators" leads to correct the style of the in-
identification, but equally a knowledge of dividual Hebrew
the style of the individual Hebrew writers. writers equally
Otherwise anachronism ensues. When Kittel
(in his Bible) puts down o-w/rjx^0"0"' 8e Ge 37 35 == ^rjpjl as a
variant for toj5stl, he not only misconceives the paraphrastic
character of the translation (hence also the free addition /cat
rXOov}, but, which is less pardonable, burdens the Jahvist with
an expression which occurs but once in E (Ex 32 *), and is
elsewhere in the Hexatcuch confined to P.
1 The proportion of 1 to IK for Greek rj is 163 : 251 in the Septuagint,
'2 •. 3 in Aquila, 5 : 4 in Symm., 1 : 4 in Theod.. 3 : 8 in AL., 0 : 1 in
2 In accordance with a well-known orthographic rule; see WELLHAUSEN,
Der Text der Biicher Samuelis, pp. v-vii. Comp. Ex 15 22 w«*l (5
18 ' *«:ri_ (5 (inaa'i M) / wa;i.
304 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
The "units" of It is furthermore gratuitous to assume that
indiYidual trails- each of the Biblical books was rendered by a
lations still to be new an(j "individual" translator. Prologues,
determined. a§ in the cage Qf Ecclesiasticus? and colo. '
phons. as at the end of Job or Esther, are rare; for the most
part we are left to internal evidence to determine the limits
of a "unit" of translation. The "higher criticism" of the Greek
version is in its very beginnings. We may assume, for example,
that the Twelve are the work of one translator; the question
is, how much more? A singular rendering like a-wdyav for
Hebrew njj? (suggested by njjji o-wayeo-ftu Ge 1 9 Je 3 17 and
njjjp o-waycoyTJ Ge 1 10) which meets us Mi 5 "t(^ l occurs again
twice in Je 8 15 2 and 27(50)". 3 It would be reasonable to
ascribe both Jeremiah and the Twelve to one and the same
translator, provided of course a sufficient number of similar
criteria were available.
The method of In order, however, to discover the total sum
Procedure. of criteria, the student must obviously collect
his data from the wliole of the Greek Old Testament, where-
upon he may proceed to distribute them among the various
groups of translators thus brought to light. The right method
would be first to ascertain the attitude of the general sum of
translators towards all of the phenomena which go to make
up a translator's style; on the basis of similarity or dissimil-
arity of "reaction," the idiosyncracies of the individual trans-
lators will reveal themselves. For a translator's style is the
total sum of "reactions," of the ways in which the original is
handled by him in the various provinces of grammar, rhetoric,
semantics, and exegesis.
Illustrations : Take, for example, the use of the historical
The Historical present (with Se or preceding KC.L) to express
Present. ^ne ne"brew i consecutivum cum imperfecto.
Examples are frequent in K 4; there is just one example in
Jd. 5 How far the usage extends beyond the books just
mentioned, remains to be investigated. It is clear that, in
order to establish the interrelation of various books, the student
must go through the entire Old Testament in Greek.
1 h was apparently taken as nota accusativi; passivum pro active?
2 Activum pro passive. * «"Nj2»^ / •Tli?'?*?
* E. g., IK 58.il 7 ibis 1021 135 17 ibis son mK 18 «. s
Vol. xxx.] Complete Inched ion for the Jdettti/ication etc. 305
Or take the criterion of "subordination in Subordination in
the place of coordination." The following types the place of < •>-
are met with: ordination.
(a) Kal \a/3ova-a fyaycv te«m Hpm (6. g. Ge 3 6 41 41 14bi»j;
(b) Kal raxvvavrfs /caTayayere DfiTlim DJVintDI (e. g., Ge 45 13
De 23 i3<14> 30»);
(C) e&rayaywv KaTa^vrevcrov avrovs IDJJBrn IttK^ri (e. g., Ex 15 17
Jb 3921);
(d) eVayaywv ^awxAoKTGi (re ^rP^l ntytf (e. g., Ex 33 s 1);
(e) KCW cWciAaro <£ayeu/ ^D«H . « . 12P1 (e. g., Ge 2 16 2 3 1: 3
43 16 4 EX 6 26 5 NU 21 16 G JK 14 13 7; ibid. 34 9).
Or, "the generic singular for the Semitic The Generic
plural"; e. g., Si 4 l2 o dyairuv avrrjv dya-jry. / Singular.
"OilX n^UnX; 47 -2 TOU dycnri/ja-avros avrov j VU(niS).
Or, conversely, "the plural for the generic The Plural for the
singular in Semitic;" e.g., Ge 4 20 r^v KO.TOI- Generic Singular.
Kovvrtov I D^; Ne 12 J4 *cu9 TOIS aviniypcvois (apparently neuter
plural) kv avro6S (sc. fv TOLS yaCo^vAaKt'ois) ap^ovcriv ruv
nnyn nto1? ann Duip1? / onj;n n^b onn DiiDb; Pr 11 102 d
o-ovrat TroAas / mp ^H; Is 1 23 dyaTrwvres 85/oa1" / i
13 l5 omvc?!1 (rvvrjyij.€voi. ticrtv j HSDin 7D. J2
Or, "participial construction in the place of Participial Con-
a finite verb in relative clauses;" e. g. Ex 20 2 struction.
6 gayayuv (re 13 -JTlNXin 1t^«; 29 46 o e£ayayu>i> avrovs / 1Bf«
Dn« TINXVI; Ru 4 i5 17 dyaTrrjo-ao-a <r« / "jnnn« 1ty« and else-
where.
Or, conversely, "a relative clause in the Relative Clauses
place of a Semitic participle;" e. g. I Es 5 69 i" the place of
(Ezr 4 2) Ss fjxTi'iyayw (var. peryKurcv) / H^ttH; 1'articiplcs.
1"> 41 s Bv YjydTrrja-d = ^n^ / "Onif; and elsewhere.
I 15. 55. 73. 78. Lucif. 2 9. 3 omn exc n. < A.
5 omn exc 75. 7 945. 8 Omn exc A.
9 The translator took '\y\ 0^2^ as a general expression summing up
the preceding particulars; in such cases, the Hebrew may and may not
prefix the conjunction which the translator is free to express if he so
chooses; comp. DC 15 21 jn Dl» *?3 IIP IK HDD xw^" *) ™f>\6i>, ^ (var. $ Kcd,
Kal) rras /*w/ios TrovT}p6t AF. alii. 10 But Tras rts ayaTa Qm8.
II or 106 off 01 A.
12 neo as an equivalent of r\Q* also De 32 33 (unless = HDOK / neon)
and Is 29 '; Je 722 (unless 1DD -» an abbreviated IBDX, comp. Arabic and
Aramaic imperatives of «"B verbs). 1S AF alii.
306 L. Margolis, [1910.
Complete Indue- From an imperfect collation like the pre-
tion prevents in- ceding it becomes evident that (1) a phe-
dividualizing' nomenon may indeed be characteristic of
what is general certam groups Only; (2) when a phenomenon
is scattered over a wide area (possibly the entire area), it
ceases to be a mark of individual style, but becomes a general
characteristic of translation from Semitic into Greek; (3) cer-
tain manuscripts or groups of manuscripts (= recensions) show
a predilection for a certain stylistic peculiarity. Thus I find
that Lucian frequently substitutes the aorist for the historical
present.1 But such results are conclusive only when complete
induction is available; otherwise the student runs the risk of
individualizing what is general.
and renders Many identifications, uncertain at the first
identification blush, become incontrovertible when supported
possible. by further evidence which the complete in-
duction alone will bring to light. That 7ra/>ax/o7J/za, = on the
spot, is the equivalent of °innn, nnnn II K 3 12 Jb 40 ?(12), a
matter of doubt for the editors of the Oxford Concordance, is
corroborated by Ps 65 (66) 17 2 (= ^nn / nnn). || We are safe
in identifying ISo>Kav foXdvo-av Je 43 (36) 20 with HpSH, if we
compare Tre^vAay/zei/ji = JII^D1? Ge 41 36. || Si 44 l avSpas evSofovs
for "TDH WN ceases to be strange when Sofa = IDH Is 40 6 is
compared. || EC 2 26 rov vpoa-Qdvai = ryh (^p1!"6) / tpb (1bfc6),
just as Le 19 25 AL. *cal o-wafere = *)bfe6 / *)N?inb. \\ When it
is remembered that in 99 instances avdytw is employed for
rftgn, it will not be difficult to identify K<U iTravayovrojv Za 4 12
with D^5§01 / &CP^?P' II Ps 15 (16) 4 (rwaydyo) ras (Tvvaya>yas av-
™v must certainly be* reduced to DiJDJ? DiD« (Di?«) / DTODi Tj'Dg,
which proves that in the archetype *pDN was written *]DiS,
that is, with the 2 expressed, though perhaps "assimilated'7 in
pronunciation. The evidence is afforded by the knowledge that
<rwayetv = D3D in 11 cases. || The last two examples are
illustrations of transposition for which other instances are
available. Thus Na 2 3 <4> l/wrat'foi/ras = D^VgOP / n^Vno ; comp.
epira&iv == b^nn Ex 10 2 Nu 22 29 Jd 19 25 I K^ 6 31 4
I Ch 10 4, 4/>i7raty/x,aTa = Dv'l/^ri Is 66 4, e/^TraiKTat = do. ibid.
3 4. || Is 35 2 /cat 6 Aa6s fiov = jnBh / jn^ni, just as Ps 28 (29) 6
KOI 6 ^ydwrq/iei/os = jr^^J / JVIBh. While the latter identification
E. g., Jd 1 ' IK 10 21 17 2 HI K 18 40.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 307
is supported directly by De 32 l5 33 5-26 Is 44 -, we may cite
in substantiation of the former, examples like Ex 17 •"> Jo
7 11. i IB. 24 2 10 293 where 6 Aao* = h&W, or Jd 20 « where
o Aaos 4 = ^fcOty *3D, or Mi 2 12 where a Aaos O{TOS ° or 6 Aaos6
= ^nt?11, or Si 45 16 where 6 Aads ooi;7 == h**\W ^3, also Je
43 (36) (i where 6 Aaos 3 an(l Si 48 '5 where 6 Aads9 = miJT.
Instructive is also Ps55(56)ut where 6 Aads corresponds to
nil', comp. Sanhedrin 95 a (and parallels): HiV5? ^*W nDiD
r6Ti&^, "the Community of Israel is likened unto a dove". ||
Only through the juxtaposition of the total number- of passages10
win re euAa/3eto-0ai m/a or O.TTO TWOS = 2 HDH was it possible for
Prof. NESTLE11 to identify Kal tv\a/3ovfJL€vov<s TO 6Vo/*a avrov Ma
3 1B with 10^2 ^H^ in the place of our 1Dtf 'ntfrftt and thus
to bring to light a reading which is unquestionably the original.
He acknowledges his indebtedness to my article "AAMBAN6IN
(including Derivatives and Compounds) and its Hebrew-Ara-
maic Equivalents" which appeared in the AJSL., XXII (1906;,
11 Off., closing with a confirmation of my own statement that
we may obtain through just such work as I am planning, "in
the place of the brilliant, but uncertain, guesses, results which
may be predicted with almost mathematical accuracy."
Results which are equally certain are afforded It equally leads to
by a possession of the complete material when the recognition
we turn to inner-Greek corruptions. A few of inner-Gr<»<>k
M1 , i . corruptions.
examples will not be amiss:
III K 8 46 K<U €7ra£ets avrovs Sixt. (== B. 92. 120. 158. 247j /
02 nciS"! has been recognized as faulty. Mr. Burney emends
Kal Irakis avTo??12; he compares Ps 7 12, where opyrjv .«rayo>i/ =
DJJt, and Is 26 21 eVaya Try 6pyr}v / ]iy Tpfi^j he should have
added ibid. 42 25 Kat i-jri^yayev ITT' avrovs opyrjv / HDH V?J^ *]2^'I|<1
and Si 5 s cTraywyvj = m2$. But he fails to account for the
"alteration" in the parallel passage .11 Ch 6 36 Kat Trara^eis au-
for which no variant reading is available. Nevertheless,
i Omn exc 54. 75. 2 BM. 29. 30. 59. 63. 64. 72. 77. 85mff.
3 A. 16. 52. 77. * AGA. alii. 5 A. 6 26.
7 (7ou>x*. 248; atfroO 23. 70. £. 8 A. 9 omn.
to pr 24 23 (3Q5) Na 1 7 Ze 3 n. n ZAW., XXVI (1906), 290.
12 Comp. the reading /cat e7ra£«y e?r avrovs 44. 52. 55. 64. 71. 74. 106. 119.
121 (with the error -&t / -£«»\ 123. 134. 144. 236. 242-246. Aid. Cat. Xic.
^ 1. ed £• Kal fTrapeis or ai'rous A; Kal tbi> ^Tra-'dyrjs (tirdZis Compl.) ^TT' ai/roi/s A.
13 A: Kal £<i.v dvfMudr^ fir' octroi's.
308 Max L. Hargolis, [1910.
we must emend here likewise: KOI eTrafeis a-urois or ITT
The emendation is rendered plausible by the knowledge that
in four other places that have come under my observation
€7ra£o> has by its side the corrupt variant Trara^w.1
The corrupt reading aTrax^o-^o-eor^at n / <Mrax&?T€ Ge 42 1&
finds its analogy in Is 16 14 where axfeVfl^s2 or ax&o-tfeis3 is
found for ax^S5- ^he latter is of course the correct reading;
the translator pointed 'ton (or 'ton, ton)4/ "to*?-
Is 28 20 TOV r)fj.as o~vvax&r)vai is apparently corrupt. In the
first place >//Aas BtfAQ5 is itacistic error for V/ACCS F6; but
the whole is corrupt. The translator wrote TOV p) crvvaxQfjvai
= 6. With the aid of the emended text, we arrive at the
reading Disnno / D33nrD; (TOV) /xr? c. infin. = )D c. infin., as
may be seen from such an example as /^ €7rayayeiV = "liSJD Is
54 9. 7 || Hence we are led to the conclusion that the trans-
lator with his TOV /xr) oia7rop€V€o-Oai p^Se avaKcx/xTrrcti/ Za 9 8 pointed
his text SBtol IbtfD / 2WM lajjo. || An then to the solution ot
a more difficult problem: I K 13 6 M Trpoa-ayav OLVTOV is re-
ducible to Ufaap for the received t^ai ""S. For the graphic
variant ^ / D I cannot quote another instance from my own
observations; but undoubtedly examples will be found. On the
other hand, I have met with a sufficient number of the (exege-
tical) misreading (misinterpretation) of \& into # and vice
versa, and in this very verb I am in a position to cite Is 53 7
where both 6 Trpoo-TJx^ and 2 ayxxnpcx^1? presuppose #3} for the
Masoretic t^ai The form t^ii for n^a, which suggested itself
to the translator, is no more impossible than NbO for flKiP, or
]ii: for nn. || This observation leads to another find. Je 44(37) ^
we read d-yopaa-at / p"?n^. The consonants are supported by
'A6 829 a: 10 5 11 $12; just how the word was pointed by them,
may still be a matter of doubt ; at all events, they took it as
a denominative from pbn. According to Giesebrecht, the ren-
1 Le 26 25 (16. 73. 77); IV K 6 i» (243); Je 22 7 (106); 25 " (A). Con-
versely we find the corrupt eira^u B. 42 for the correct 7rard£oj rell Ez
22 ts (Roth stein's retro version ViiOrn is thus rendered problematical).
2 93. 3 62. 147 (bad orthography). The corrupt reading underlie
.11 & h. 4 Comp. Am 7 11. *• Is 23 i Je 47 (40) 1.
5 Also 24. 49. 51. 62. 106. 147. 306. 309. Compl. Hier.
e = Sixt (and rell ex sil). 7 Activum pro passive.
* ^fpivQrivan. 9 fj.epL<7a<r6ai. 1° iTPiDnS J<i^S^.
11 l\juo o^v.flnoV. 12 ut divideret possessionem.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 309
tiering of the Septuagint goes back to the same consonants
and to the same interpretation. But, to say the least, that
is by no means obvious. On the other hand, we find that
dyopafav corresponds in two passages l to nj^, just as in five
passages2 it represents the synonymous njj?, while Ne 10 3t
dyopao-pos = ngo. Hence it may be readily conjectured that
the translator read in his text np^ / p^n^>, that is, the same
consonants transposed, and that his grammar permitted him
to see in the word the form l$hh as a possible by-form of
Da 11 ^ 0 Kal ol viol avrov <rvvd£ov(riv o\\ov ava utcrov
contains two corruptions: for ava pea-ov read with AA. alii Sv-
i/a/zewv,-* and for a-wagova-iv read crwotyovcri Kal (rvvd$ov(riv. Note
the variant arvva\^ova-iv 88 for a-vva^ova-iv, and the insertion of
/cat o-wco/rovo-t after TroAAwi/ in A. The whole is then = lim
D^l D^>TI )1DH 1SDN1 TtiJV ^; o-waTrrciv SC. TrdAc/iov, comp. with
the object expressed verse 24 6 = nonW mjnn, De 2 9-24
= JlDrte rnjnn and ibid. s. 19 = mjnn. Apparently crvvfyovo-t
was miswritten into o-wafovo-t, and then /cat a-wdgova-tv was
omitted; o-wa^ — and o-waf — are proved as possible variants
1 Ne 10 31 and II Ch 1 16; in the latter passage, Tnon is expressed by
A (to 6.\\dyfjL«Ti}. Also 2 ^ 67 (68) w nnp1? is rendered J^xaj.
2 I Ch 21 24bis Si 37 11 Is 24 2; AL. Ge 47 i».
3 Observe that while ftSD supply an object denoting "portion, possess-
ion"— the "land of Benjamin" and chapter 32 are responsible for this cu-
rious bit of exegesis—, certain Greek manuscripts (xc.amgQmgA) rightly
add aprov, "to buy food", a most natural thing to do during the moment-
ary raising of the siege. It is true, imsrr Jb 4025(30) is rendered by 9
ayopdo-oveiv avrbv (against @ /zeptretfoirat 5£ avrdv, 'A -r)fuaeiiffov<ni> avrov, S 5ta-
/j.epi<rdri<rovTai sive -OfoeTai) ; as nsn and p^n are synonyms, it may still be
possible to reduce a.yopd<rat in Je to the received p^Ti^. If so, that would
be another illustration of the value of complete induction. But it re-
mains difficult to see how nsn and ayopafav could be equivalent. Perhaps
the Theodotionic rendering belongs to the first half of the verse (Via*.;
comp. De 2 e where nan is rendered in (5 by \7^e<r0e U ayopdo-are =
natffi). — An interesting variant in the Je passage is droSpcw-at (239). Of
course, it may be a corruption from ayopdvou. On the other hand, it may
represent the Masoretic p'pnj? in the sense "to slip through, run away"
(see Giesebrecht ad locum). (Another variant is irapoiKHrai 26 = ?)
* Swa^ews Q, is corrupt, as it does not agree with TO\\WI>; the ab-
breviated Sui/a/xew (so A) was incorrectly resolved.
310 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
not only from the reading in codex 88 but also from De 32 23 1
and IV K 5 11.2
II K 3 23 rjKowav A for Hebrew IfcC is certainly suspic-
ious ; ?xOr}o-av B. rell is graphically somewhat distant. But an
instance like Le 1 10 avrov 54. 75 for avro will suggest the
possibility that ^/covo-av is a misheard r/Koo-av. Since JJKOV is
used as an aorist, the ending -oo-av for -ov, so frequently met
with in the Greek of the Septuagint in aorists, becomes in-
telligible.3
K and TT are found interchanged in a number of instances.
I have noted some in a previous paper.4 Observe the addi-
tional examples: Za 9 4 Kara£a 5 / Trara&i 6 ; ibid. 12 4 Kara£a>7/
The meaningless Karara^ere w Ge 44 29 is due to ditto-
graphed ra; the correct reading is of course Karajeje = DJYTTinO).
The same error occurs Ge 44 ^ 9 III K 3 1 10 Am 3 " u
Jl 3(4) 2. 12 The next step is the simplex rafere^ (hence also
without an intermediary Is 26 5 14); and, conversely, Je 19 8 15
Ez4414- 16
How complete in- "Whether the student of the Septuagint aims
duction may be at rest0ring the Greek original as it left the
translators' hands, or, more ultimately, at a
recovery of "the Semitic "Vorlage," he is always face to face
with problems of identification. Whatever is isolated, depending
upon a particular constellation, cannot of course be covered
by a general rule. But all those facts which are general,
conditioned by causes which may occur again and again,
must be formulated as rules, and as such be placed at
the service of students. The complete induction of the
58 / ffvvd^u rell.
2 firia-vva^ei 247 / 'cmawdfa 71. 119. 243.
3 Comp. Is 538 tycei Qmg. 62. 90. 144. 147. 233. Clem- Rom. Just-Mar.
Chrys as a synonymous variant for tfx.drj rell.
* ZAW., XXVI (1906), 88.
s K*AQa. 36. 40. 42. 49. 62. 86. 95. 106. 147. 185. 311.
e Btfc.a c.b. reli = mn(i)|). ? K*. 8 rell = nrx £).
9 t*. 10 247. ii- 198. 12 62. 147.
13 Jl 3(4)2 (311). u Ta&« 36 / wwd&w rell.
15 KaTa& B. rell / rd& AGA = "nat? (I).
16 Karatowny BQ. rell / roW^ A. 26. 42. 49. 90. 91. 106. 198. 238. 239.
306. Aid. = TU^CI), the intermediate Karara^ovaiv is found in 62.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 311
sum total of general, typical facts can be secured only by
two methods of procedure which can be easily combined.
On the one hand, each article in the Concor- Lexical equa-
dance to the Septuagint and the other Greek tions.
Versions of the Old Testament, such as we possess in the
Oxford publication, must be gone through for the purpose of
establishing all lexical equations. It is obvious, following as
it does from the nature of Semitic speech, that derivatives
and compounds must be treated in conjunction with the
primary words and the simplicia. It has been shown in this
paper how the equation of tird-yew nvl or «rt TWO. = n *)3K is
substantiated by the equation eTraywyjj = n*Dy. The Greek
compounds often serve merely to mark the " Aktionsart".1
Whether we say in Greek oVayyeAActi/, cwrayycAAeij', or the sim-
plex dyyeAAav, the Semitic equivalents will in most cases be
indifferently the same. Where, on the other hand, the pre-
verb retains its local force, as in the case of ayeiv, the Semitic
equivalent will naturally differ, and the differences will be-
come evident as the compounds are studied in their totality
and with a view to each other.
On the other hand, the text of the vers- Grammatical
ions must be investigated with a view to gram- equations.
matical equations. I use the two terms, lexical and gram-
matical, in their widest connotations. When I say, cfyeiv =
JH}, I abstract from all grammatical differences, such as
the correspondence of the active to the Kal, of the passive
to the Semitic passive, of the aorist to the perfect, and the
like. Equally, when I treat of the equations : aorist = per-
fect, lav c. conjunct, aor. = DN c. imperf., or of such stylistic
peculiarities as "adjectivum pro nomine in genit.", or "ac-
tivum pro passivo", I abstract from the lexical meaning of
the words or phrases entering into consideration. While
a modicum of grammatical observation is necessary for the
proper grouping of lexical equations within each article, the
material for a grammatical Concordance may be gathered
direct from the texts. Complete induction, at all events, can
be had only by means of the two lines of investigation, the
1 See the lucid exposition by MOULTON, A Grammar of the New Testa-
ment Greek, vol. i: Prolegomena, chapter vi.
312
Max L. Margolis, Complete induction etc.
[1910.
lexical and the grammatical. It is a stupendous work, but
it must be done: it is of utmost importance not only for
purposes of textual criticism, but equally for a study of the
oldest exegesis of Scriptures. And the results will have a
decided bearing upon an understanding of the New Testa-
ment likewise which, in language and range of ideas, is linked
to the Old Testament in the Hellenistic garb.
A Hymn to Mullil Tablet 29615, CT. XV, Plates 7,
8 and 9. — By Kev. FBEDERICK A. VANDERBUHGH, Ph. D.,
Columbia University, New York City.
PLATES 7, 8 and 9 in Volume XV of Cuneiform Texts from
Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum contain texts of
sixteen tablets of Sumerian Hymns which are very important.
The hymns are of sufficient length and variety to afford a
good idea of what Babylonian Psalmody consists. Not one has
less than thirty lines, and, in the collection, seven different
deities are addressed: Bel, Sin, Adad, Nergal, Bau, Kirgilu,
and Tammuz, gods whose functions relate to almost every
phase of Babylonian theology.
This hymn, addressed to Bel, who is called in the colophon,
line 74, Mu-ul-lil, is the first in the collection and one of the
longest umlingual Babylonian hymns on record. The first
sixteen or eighteen lines, however, and the last thirteen are
too badly broken to give a connected discourse. From line 20
to line 63, the text is in fairly good condition.
This hymn dwells upon the majesty of Bel's word. The
.Non-Semitic Bel, older than Nannar or Samas, who were
successively rivals of Bel as local gods, came to be recognized
as "the Lord of the lands." The place of his dwelling was in
the temple, E-kur, located at Nippur, probably the "house"
referred to in this hymn. As "the Lord of the lands", he was
•conceived of as controlling the destinies of men. Thus, we
find him approaching men and speaking to them, as the follow-
ing hymn shows. The fuller development of Bel's position, as
belonging to a triad, where Anu was considered god of heaven,
Bel, god of earth, and Ea, god of the deep, was Assyrian.
We have no trace of this thought in our hymn.
My translation of this very difficult hymn and its commen-
tary have had the cooperation of Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Pro-
fessor of Semitic Languages in Columbia University, and
Author of Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon, whom I have
314 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910.
consulted while preparing this work, and who is himself just
publishing a translation of the interesting Hymn to Kirgilu
from the same collection, Plate 23.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
BKOKEN TEXT.
1. — — - — nun(?)-e-bi ma-te
- his prince (?) approacheth.
2. [-b]i ma-te
- — his - — approacheth,
3. - - O
4. - - [
5. - - a ^in(DU)
6. - mu-un-$i-gar(SA) &f(RI)
— — — — — — it is done; it is established.
7. - — — [-e]-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-la e£(RI)
- the word of Mullil, it is established.
8. — dimmer gu-la-a es(RI)
- of Gula, it is established.
9. - - [-a]m dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld eS(RI)
- of Mullil, it is established.
10. - - ma-ab-gu-la-a e$(RI)
- — which maketh it great ; it is established.
11. - - ma-ab-hul-a e$(Rl)
— which maketh it evil; it is established.
12. - - %(PA) ^e(GAN)-z>2-^(KA)-#a e2(RI)
- [bearing] the sceptre (?), let him speak; it is
established.
13. — — -- nu-mu-da-ma(MA)-ma(M.A)
- on(?) the one who begetteth not
14. - — nu-mu-da-zi-zi
- — the one who giveth no life.
15. - - sar-ra mu-ub-bi-ir
- — • the one who bindeth the forest.
16. — bi sila(TA!R)-a mu-ub-ri
- the one who setteth up the road.
Vol. xxx.] .1 HymntoMullil 315
17. - - [-a]b(?)-tt-e me-ri «
- the one who lifteth up, who lif'teth up the dagger.
18. -- [-n]a-dm-da $am(\J)-sun(SE)-na-ge sag im-da-sty(PA)-gi
- the one who at the fixed period (?) of plant-
growth smiteth the head.
19- - ~ gig-ga-bi-e$ am(A.AN) bi-til(Tl)-U
- (to the sick one) (?) thou givest life.
LOED OF ABUNDANCE.
20. [da]m-a nu-mu-un-til(TI)-li-en ma-al-la nu-mu-un-til(TI)'li-en
To(?) the spouse that liveth not, the husband (?) that liveth not,
21. dam-ma nU'mu-un-til(Tl)-li-en dumu(TUR)-a nu-mu-un-
the wife that liveth not, the child that liveth not (thou
givest life).
22. zal(NI) nigin ne-en ^aZ(NI) Sa(LIB) ne-en
Abundance of everything there is, abundance in the midst
(of the land) there is.
/ /
23. gam(TJ) hi imina-li ki-bi-ta 3aw(U) ku me-en
The food of that land is sevenfold, in that land food to
eat there is.
24. tur amar(ZUR)-bi a nag an-me-en
In the resting place of their young water to drink there is.
25. ga-$a-an me-en mu-lu M-$M(KU) eri-a &wr(BAB>-ra me-en
Lord art thou who for the gate in the city art protector.
26. el hi sug-bi ma su-a me-en
In the shining land on its water-ways shipping thou in-
creasest.
27. pe$ a sug-ra ba-an-nigin-na me-en
Plentifulness of water thou causest the water-ways to enclose.
28. mu gig gin(Dl5) en-yd(MAL) pes me-en kud(TA.U)-mu
lid me-en
When an epidemic sickness is spread over the established
city my (its) judge in the gate thou art.
29. Id U Id ne-en e(BIT) damal mulj ^d(MAL) sag e(BIT) iir-
ra-bi me-en
Over the land, the high land, over the broad house thou
art established; thou art head over the house and its
structure (beams).
316 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910.
30. lid~$d(LIB)-ni-mdl(IG-) d (ID) -nu-mdl(lG) me-en
In the midst of their cattle when they are without power
thou art.
31. nin gin(DU) $dl-mdl(IGc) Ud-Sd(LlE)-nu-mdl(IG) me-en
Faithful lord of compassion in the midst of the cattle that
are unsustained thou art.
LOED OF NEAE APPEOACH.
32. u-mu-un-na e-ne-dm-ma(M.AIj)-ni na-ma-da-te mu(-lu)-da
ni-ma-te
The lord whose word approacheth, to mankind it is near.
33. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
The word of Gula approacheth, to mankind it is near.
34. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
The word of Mullil approacheth, to mankind it is near.
35. e(BIT) zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My true house which in the city of the land endureth, to
mankind it is near.
36. mu-lu zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My faithful folk (priesthood) who in the city of the land
endure, to mankind they are near.
37. g(BlT)-mw zu gal-gal-la ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My house of great wisdom, may it be near; to mankind it
is ne^r.
Reverse.
38. [mu]-lu led si ll-ll ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
He of the gate of the high tower (horn), may he be near;
to mankind he is near.
LOED OF SUPPLICATION.
39. damal(?) gan me-en ud-da gal)-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de
Mighty, productive one thou art, let light extend, to his
people he shall speak.
40. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de
The word of Gula, may it extend, to his people it shall speak.
41. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-
pad-de
The word of Mullil may it extend, to his people it shall
speak.
Vol. xxx.J .1 II urnn In Mitllil. .17
42. ud-da e(BIT) azay-cja ga-ba-da-pes mu-lu-na mu-pud-de
The light of the shining house, may it extend, to his people
it shall speak.
43. e(BlT) azag g(BIT) pisan(&lT)-na r/a-W/f-/** mu-lx-na
mu-pad-de
The shining house, the house of vessels, may it extend, to
his people it shall speak.
44. mulu 1ml Id-ne gdl(lGr)-gdl(lG) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne
Sinners at the altar prostrate themselves, for life they speak.
45. e(BIT) ri-a-ni gal(IG)-gal(IGr) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne
In the house of their protection they prostrate themselves,
for life they speak.
46. di»i-md(MAL)-ni sar mu-un-na-ra i-dib(W) mu-un-na-
ab-bi
Before their king they hold a festival, the word they speak.
47. dim dimmer gu-la dim dimmer bara gin(Gri)-gin(GI)-na
i-dib (LU) mu-un-na-ab-bi
To the queen, to Gula the queen, to the deity of the
shrine, they turn, the word they speak.
LOED OF MAJESTY.
48. za-e ud-da ga-$a-an~mu za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na a-a-
Thou who art the light, my lord, thou who art the light,
who can reach (to thee) ! What can measure itself (with thee) !
49. e-ne-tnn dimmer gu-la-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na <>•"-
The word of Gula, thou who art the light, who can reach
(to thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)!
50. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ (a)-na
Word of Mullil, thou who art the light, who can reach (to
thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)!
51. a f/a-$d-an-mu tur-zu-da du(KAK)-e alam-zu ta-a-an nir/in
Father, my lord, in thy court where thou art creative, who
can encompass thy image!
52. mulu gam-ma-zu Id nu-un-gam alam-zu ta-a-an nigin
Of the men who bow to thee in the lands which submit
not, who may encompass thy image!
VOL. XXX. Part IV. 23
318 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
53. <fomu(TUR) #wr(?)(KU) gam-ma h'l $e-ir nu-un-ma-al
alam-zu ta-a-an nigin
Of the lofty (?) sons who bow down and exercise no power,
who may encompass thy image!
54. dtMiw(TUR) dur(?)(KTJ) dg(?)(RA.M.)-ga(?) li-a gu tuS(?)
(KU) i&(TUM)-£fu zal(NI) $im-e ba-nd.
LORD OF RECOMPENSE.
55. ogfd(MIR) sag mulu-e-da e-ne $u d kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de
With crowned head among the people (and) with uplifted
hand he pronounceth judgment.
56. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e-ne $u al kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de
The word of Gula, it with uplifted hand pronounceth
judgment.
57. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e-ne $u al hud (TAR) -hud
(TAR)-cte
The word of Mullil it with uplifted hand pronounceth
judgment.
58. igi(SI)-ni-da ud-de e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-e$(RI)
The light of his face in the house of decision, may it
establish light.
59. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e(BIT) lar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-eS (RI)
The word of Gula in the house of decision, may it estab-
lish light.
60. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba-
The word of Mullil in the house of decision, may it estab-
lish light.
61. a-ba ba- -a-de a-ba fca-£w#(TUK)-#d(MAL)-e a-ba ba-an-
Who can — — who can grasp it! Who can keep it!
62. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\]K)-gd(M.A.'L)-e. a-ba
ba-an-si-dg (RAM )-e
The word of Gula, who can grasp it! Who can keep it!"
63. e-ne-am dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\3K)-ga(MA.Ij)-e
a-ba ba-an-si-[dg(RAM)-e]
The word of Mullil, who can grasp it! Who can keep iti
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil. 319
BKOKEN TEXT.
64. dumu(T\]R)-mu - - ba lad a#(RAM)-e
My son - - who can measure it!
65. - - ba bad a-ba ba-an-dg(RAM)-e
- who can measure it!
66. - - a-ba ba-an-dg (RAM)-e
who can measure it!
67. - a mu - - a-ba 6a-aw-d#(RAM)-e
who can measure it!
68. - — an-si-dg(RAM.)-e
can keep it!
69. - - e§ ba al bi e$ mal-e a-ba ba-an-
- who can -
70. — - - an-da ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si- -
- — who can keep
71. - - ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si-dg(RA.M.)-e
- who can keep it!
72 - in-dug (K A) -ga $es-ra ba-an-da-$ub(RU)
- speak — - brother — - throw -
73. - in-dug (KA.}-ga - - ba an-da $w&(RTJ)
speak - — throw —
74. — - — him -ma dimmer mu-ul-lil
of penitence to Mullil.
75. — — - - — mu-bi im
- its lines in the tablet.
Commentary.
Lines 1 to 19. Broken Text.
The beginning of each line up to line 20, being erased, a
connected translation for this section is precluded. The
closing words of each line, however, giving some complete
clauses, are intact. Some of the characteristics of Bel or
Mullil who seems to be the subject of the hymn therefore
crop out here.
1. bi is no doubt a pronominal suffix in this line, te, occur-
ring here and many times farther on, has in it the idea of
'approaching,' telu being the Assyrian equivalent.
3. gin is a value of DU that might possibly fit here, equal to
Mnu 'set,' or the value gub might do, equal to nazazu 'stand.'
23*
320 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910.
6. mu-un is a common verbal prefix signifying completed
action, Si an infix of location or direction, and #ar(SA) or
possibly the Erne Sal value mar as a verb, if we take its most
usual meaning, equals the Assyrian $akdnu. <?3, one of the
values of RI, equal to nadu, gives the meaning 'establish'
which is probably the one intended for the close of this and
the following six lines.
7. e-ne-dm is probably the subject of e£(BI). e-ne-dm equals
amdtu and is a dialectic phoneticism for inim(KA), Br. 508.
e-ne-dm occurs 15 or 16 times in this hymn, e-ne-dm is an
'authoritative word.' It sometimes stands for the god himself;
see line 50. mu-ul-lil-la is the Erne Sal form in Sumerian for
Bel's name.
8. gu-la-a equals rcibu 'great,' and was also the name of a
goddess. She appears in this hymn evidently as the consort
of Bel. The gods sometimes had more than one consort. The
chief consort of Bel was Belit. The goddess naturally possessed
the same qualities as the god with whom she was consorted,
but in a diminutive degree. Gula is more generally known as
the consort of Nin-ib.
11. Jml, the common Sumerian word for 'evil.'
12. We cannot state with much certainty the relation of
PA in this sentence. Jje(QA.N)-in-gug(KA)-ga is clearly a verb
in the precative construction, in may be a part of the preca-
tive prefix, lie-in being dialectic for gan.
13. wa(MA) = alddu, Br. 6769, and the infix da may be
locative, the pronominal representative being understood.
14. zi is one of the common words for 'life,' = Assyrian
napi$tu, but here evidently a verb.
15 & 16. sar-ra = Mru, Br. 4315. ul) and U are verbal in-
fixes, MSL. p. XXIV. ir = bamfi, Br. 5386.
17. U = na$u, Br. 6148. me-ri is phonetic for the Erne Sal:
mer (AD), patru. dm (A. AN) seems to occur sometimes as a
verbal prefix, Br. p. 548, but it serves more usually as a
suffix equal to the verb 'to be.' In da-ab} dab, 'unto it,' we
have the pronominal object represented by ab.
18. |(H»(U)-SMw(SE)-na, a word not often found outside of
the collection of hymns in CT. XV, is explained by Professor
Prince in his translation of some of these hymns, as 'plant-
growth.' It is to be regretted that the sign SE in this com-
Vol. xxx.] .1 /-If/mn to Midlil 321
bination in these inscriptions is not very readily identified;
the phonetic complement >*a, however, helps to confirm the
reading of the sign as sun. %(PA) *+ma 'smite,' Br. 5576.
19. eS is sometimes a postposition, Br. 9998. til(TI) — ba>
Lines 20 to 31. Lord of Alum/lance.
The Assyrian Creation Legends assume that Bel, the old
god of Nippur, was the god of the earth par excellence, and
that it was he who prepared the earth for the habitation of
mankind. See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria,
p. 140.
20 & 21. dam — aSSatu and dumu(T^R) = maru, and the
jiarallellism between the two lines would suggest that ma-al-la
must mean 'husband,' being a dialectic form for mdl(IG)
which equals ba$u, also sakanu, signifying 'substance/ 'exist-
ence,' &c.
22 & 23. *aZ(NI) = barii 'be abundant,' Br. 5314. uigin =
•irn, Br. 10335. imina-bi = sibitti-Sunu or sibitti-su. Sam
ku = rttu ahdlu, 'food to eat.'
24. tur = tarhaxu and amar(ZiUR) = burn 'offspring.' a nag
= me $atu 'water to drink.' &wr(BAB)-ra in 25 means 'pro-
tector,5 from nasara.
26 & 27. These two lines go together and illustrate how
Bel's and Ea's provinces overlap each other, as regards the
water-courses, sug =• #usu and su = ruddu. pes = rapasu
'extent,' from which we derive the idea 'plentifulness,' and a
may equal mu 'water.' ba-an-nigin-na is a verb; the prefix,
one of usual occurence, in a pronominal way takes up the
remote object just given, nigin as a verb = palidru; above,
it is a noun.
28. This and the following three lines offer a considerable
difficulty in translation, mu = Sattu from the fuller form mu-
an-na 'name of heaven,' i. e., 'year.' Prom gig 'sick' and gin
'going' we get the translation 'epidemic sickness.' kucl(TAR)
= danu 'judge.'
29. II = elu or na$u, and muJj, although usually a preposition,
seems here to have the place of a postposition, ur-ra =
/e 'beam.'
30 & 31. These two lines have parallel thoughts and con-
sequently should be explained together. Their duplicates in
Plate 24, possessing slight phonetic variations, help to a cor-
322 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
rect reading. Perhaps IGr should be read gal, but line 11 of
Plate 24 gives ma-al. Possibly lid is a loan-word from the
Semitic lidu which is connected with alddu, but there are
lexicographic references which connect it with lu, making it
equal to the feminine littu 'wild cow.' It is interesting to note
also that the sign LID has a value db = arJm 'wild ox: gin
(DU) = kanu and 8al = remu.
32 to 38. Lord of Near Approach.
The Babylonian theologian, as pointed out by Professor
Jastrow, regarded Bel as representing providential forces
which operate among the inhabited portions of the globe.
This idea is apparent here in the lines about Bel's near
approach.
32. Possibly it is well to note the difference between na-
ma-da-te and ni-ma-te. The first, it will be noticed, has the
infix da which the second does not have. This must be
because of the locative relation of da to the noun preceding
the verb. Another difference is that the first verb has the
prefix na where the second has ni. na does not often occur
as a prefix; when it does, it usually belongs to the verb of
the third person, na may probably be a harmonic equivalent
of ni. ni and ne are both used with an aorist tense. If te
means 'is approaching,' ni-te must mean 'is near.' ma as a
prefix would be a harmonic equivalent of mu, but, as an infix,
must have reference to matter going before, mu-da seems to
be a scribal error for mu-lu-da; see the same refrain in line 33.
35. ni-in-u: nin (ni-in) is a reduplication referring to the
indirect object, probably to ma 'land.' it as equivalent to
labdru can mean 'endure.' Possibly a value should be chosen
for U as meaning 'old' that may take the phonetic complement
-ra; instances with U + ra meaning 'old' are on record. On
the other hand, ra may not be a phonetic complement at all.
38. si = karnu 'horn.' Notice the precative form of the
verb, ga-ma-te; the infix da now has dropped out.
39 to 47. Lord of Supplication.
The thought passes here from that of Bel giving command
to his people to that of the people offering prayer to Bel.
39. damal = gabsu and gan = alidu. gab-da-pe§ seems to be
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil 323
for ga-ba-da-pes ; see the next line, where ga is plainly precative.
pe§ = rapaSu 'extend' as above, pad -= tamu 'speak.'
43. _pisan(SIT)-/ia = pisannu 'vessel;' we are guided by the
phonetic complement in determining this value of §IT; the
value Sid would have given alaktu 'going,' hti = menutu
'counting,' and sangu = sangu 'priest.' Sacrificial vessels are
no doubt referred to.
44. ~ki-ne, 'place of fire,' hence 'altar.' gdl(I(jr) = labanu, Br.
2241. ri in line 45 = hatdnu which gives us the word 'pro-
tection.'
46. sar: the right Assyrian equivalent for this word here is
isinnu, Br. 4311. No other meaning for SAR will suit in this
line. From sar as 'forest' we easily pass to the conception
'park' and then to the 'festival' that might be held there, ra
= ramu, Br. 6362. ?'-£?#> (LU)is the same as the Assyrian kubu.
i-dib is said to mean 'seizing speech' and i-nim, referred to
above, 'high speech.' It may not, however, be safe often to
regard the parts of such composite words as having ideographic
value, bi = kibu and nab (na-db) calls up the double object,
direct and indirect, giving such a use as in 'they speak it
to him.'
47. dim = Sarru, Br. 4254, and of course we can say 'queen,'
if dim can mean 'king.' bara = parakku and gin(GrI) = tdru.
48 to 54. Lord of Majesty.
The last two lines of this section are exceedingly difficult,
lines 51 and 52 also give considerable trouble.
The thought that the loftiness of the deity as incomparable,
found here, appears in other hymns, particularly the great
bilingual hymn to Nannar, published in IV R. 9. See Vander-
burgh's Sumerian Hymns.
48. a-ba = mannu 'who?5 a-na = minu 'what?' a-rt-a^(RAM);
reduplication of a for a verbal prefix is unusual; d^(RAM) =
madadu 'measure.' In line 50, wa, by scribal error, stands
for a-nn.
51. ttir, 'court;' see line 24. du(KAK) = banu, epe$u, ritu, &c.
abnn, according to Sb. 378, but salam, according to Br. 7297,
giving the Assyrian lanu and salimi 'image.' ta-a-an = minu
'what?;' Br. 3969. a-an above = 'what?' ta alone also can —
'what?;' Br. 3958. mgin = saharii similar in meaning to pa-
Ijaru; see lines 22 & 27. gam in 52 — kandSu 'bow down.'
324 Frederick A. Vanderlurgh, A Hymn to Mullil. [1910.
53. efwww(TUR) == mdru 'son;' see line 21. ^r(KU); possibly
KU = rubu; if so, the value would be dur, Br. 10498 & 10547.
It would not alter the sense very much, if we should read KU
as equal to ltakl& and say 'son with weapons.' su = emuku
power.' $e-ir is dialectic for nir = beht,, etellu, Sarru and
other synonyms, ma-al is the same as gdl(IG-) = SaMnu
'establish.'
54. It is almost impossible to tell how KU and RAM should
be read in this line. If the fourth sign is ga the value of
RAM is ag. RAM can = uru 'command,' yielding a parallel
with f5(TIJM) 'wrath.' li-a (disu) 'luxuriant growth' + gu 'vege-
tation' form a parallel with zal(NI) 'abundant' + $im-e 'herbage.'
The second KU read as ins (ctMbu) makes a parallel to nd
(rabdsu).
55 to 63. Lord of Recompense.
In passing from the previous section to this, there is a
change in the pronouns used. In that section Bel is referred
to with the pronominal suffix -zu 'thy;' in this section by the
suffix -ni 'his.'
55. aga(M.TR)\ this sign signifies 'crown,' and the value ago,
is apparently from the Semitic agu. al = sjiru 'lofty,' Br. 5749.
TAR we have had above; with the value hud, required by the
phonetic complement de, we are led to some such meaning as
'judge,' danu, Br. 364, line 28.
mulu-e-da; in line 33 and elsewhere, we have mu-lu-da; is
there any difference in these two phrases except phonetically?
Is -e-, in a case like this, equal to the definite article 'the?'
58. igi(SI) = pdnu, Br. 9259. bar =* pirtitu, Br. 1788.
61. %(TUK) = aMzw 'seize.'
A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts from
the British Museum, XV., Plate 23) with translation
and commentary. — By Professor J. DYNELEY PRINCE,
Ph.D., Columbia University, New York City.
THE following Erne-Sal hymn to the goddess Kir-y't-ln
(obv. 4; also Nin-kir-gi-lu, rev. 14) is distinctly a prayer for
fructifying rain, the granting of which in this petition is made
the chief function of the deity. That Kir-gi-lu, occurring
also Reisner, Sum. Bab. Hymnen, NO. III., PI. 137, col. iii, 4,
was none other than Istar seems apparent from obv. 4, where
Kir-gi-lu is mentioned as the tutelary deity of the E-Nana,
the temple of Istar. Istar herself was the personification of
fertility, the great mother of all that manifests life (Jastrow,
Religion, Eng. Ed., p. 459), so that a hymn of this character,
praying for plenty, is perfectly natural.
The exact meaning of the name Kir-gi-lu is not clear, but
it seems undoubtedly to be connected with the idea of plen-
teousness. Note that the sign KIR-PES «= mamlu 'fullness/
6933; also KIR-GAL, 6941; = maru 'be fat,' 6934; = rap&Su
'extend,' 6936; Md$u 'to triple' = 'multiply,' 6937, all which
meanings are in harmony with the general idea of fertility
(MSL. 269). * For further discussion, see also below on obv. 2.
In obv. 20, 21, I have rendered DA-MU as Bau, in spite
of the absence of the god-determinative AN. Here it should
be noted that in some forms of the Babylonian theology,
Bau was the mother of Ea, the deity of the ocean; viz., of
water. Jastrow has suggested (Religion, p. 61) that, since Ea
represents the waters of the abyss or lower realm, Bau, his
mother, probably was the deity of the waters of the upper
realm; i. e., the clouds, which makes an allusion to her in the
present hymn peculiarly appropriate and implies her identi-
fication by the writer with the water-giving Istar.
MSL. --= John Dyneley Prince, Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon,
Leipzig, 1905. Numbers not preceded by a title are references to Briinnow's
Classified List.
326 J. D. Prince, [1910.
An interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of
glosses giving the Erne-Sal pronunciation of certain signs; e. g.,
obv. 5; UN = u\ UBUR = u-bi-ur for u-bu-ur; also rev. 8,
zu-ur zu-ur, written under a sign which otherwise might be
difficult to place.
I am especially indebted to the .Rev. Drs. F. A. Vander-
burgh and Robert Lau for many valuable suggestions in con-
nection with the rendering of this difficult hymn.
CT. XV. PI. 23.
Obverse.
1. du(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta er(A-Sl) £e?(A-AN)-4tt
For growth in the bud; a lamentation for 'rain
2. azag-zu-mu nin ga-ta dimmer Kir-gi-lu
My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with plenty, goddess
Kirgilu,
3. &w--sMn(GUL)-sttn(GUL) MU-GIG-IB ga-ta dimmer
an-na
who irrigatest the earth, goddess endowed with fulness,
deity of heaven,
4. nin-zi-mu ga-ta dimmer e Nana-a-ra
0 my faithful lady, endowed with fulness, goddess of
the house of Istar!
5. dimmer it(UN)-ma i-de ma-al ama ubur zi-da
0 goddess of my people (land), wise one, mother of un-
failing breast!
6. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Sag
Messenger of mercy, endowed with fulness, goddess of grace!
7. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta tu$(K1J)-a-ta
When growth dwelleth in the bud,
8. du(\]Ij)-e pa-pa-al dimmer azag-ga-ta
the growth of the bud (is) from the goddess of glorious
fulness.
9. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al dara(IB)-a-ta
When the growth of the bud becometh full,
10. ~ki-ag(RA.M.) me-e ma-ar ba-an-ag an-na
the beloved one establisheth the decree; heaven ordaineth it.
11. mulu-di ama-mu-ra dug(KA}-ga-na-ab me-na mu-un-gaba-e
For the man of judgment who prayeth to my mother,
his command she setteth forth.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 327
12. fja-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu-ge(KlT) dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na
mu-un-gaba-e
For him who prayeth to the fulness of Grirgilu, his com-
mand she setteth forth.
13. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Say-bi me-na mu-un-gaba-e
(She) the messenger o'f mercy, endowed with fulness, his
lady of grace, his command she setteth forth.
14. dimmer ses-ld-ra mu$(QI.S)-gi-ta dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na
mu-un-gaba-e
For him who prayeth to Nannar (Sin) with devout in-
clination (?), his command she setteth forth.
15. mus(Gl&)-gi ama dimmer azaij-ga-ta a-a-mu-ra dug(KA)~
ga-na-ab
For him who prayeth devoutly inclining (?) before the
divine mother endowed with glorious fulness; (viz.,)
to my father,
16. me-na azag mu-un-tu(K\3) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un-
gaba-e
his glorious command she setteth forth; his command
she setteth forth.
17. me-na za mu-un-tu(KU) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un-
gaba-e
His command as a jewel she fixeth; she setteth it forth;
his command she setteth forth.
18. azag ni-tuk-a azag-mu ba-ti
The glorious one she is; my glorious one she liveth.
19. za-gin(K[JR,) ni-tuk-a za-mu ba-ti
A crystal she is; my jewel she liveth.
20. lil e$(AB) da-mu ide (Sl)-ni-$6(KU) ba-gul
The storm of the house, the goddess Bau before its very
face rendereth nought.
21. (Ul e*[AB]) da-mu ide (8l>»i-$6(KU) ba-xul
The storm of the house, Bau before its very face de-
stroyeth.
22 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-$u(K\J) ba-pi-(el)
(the welfare?) of my father before his very face she
seeketh (?).
23 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-*u(KU) ba
of my father before his very face she
24 ?-dW(LU) nu-a-Se er(A-§I) £?0(A-AN>da
lament for lack of grain ; lamentation for rain
328 J. D. Prince, [1910.
25 ........ (JF/r)-#J-?tt-#e(KIT) i-dib(LU) nu-a-3e er(A-SI)
....... of Kirgilu; a lament for lack of grain; a lamen-
tation for rain .....
Reverse.
1 ........... i-di6(LU)-md we- a .......
.......... ray lament; the voice of ........
2 ..............
3. u-siin-na a-se-ir er(A.-&I)-ra-ta ......
The gift of vegetation (in return for) penitential psalms
and tears (she will grant?).
4. damal-saqqad-mu er(A.-Sl)-xul ag-na me-(na) .......
0 my broad headdress (all sufficient protection), I(?)
making sad lament, the voice .....
5. me-e dimmer En-lil tub(KU)-bi &g(A-AN) ide(ST) ^w(DTJ)
a-ma lu .....
The decree of Bel is established; the rain goeth forward;
my water . . .
6. a eri-gul-a-mu ga se#(A-AN) ufe(§I) gin(D\J) a-mu lu ......
Water for my city laid waste; plenteous rain goeth
forward; my water ....
7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu zi .......
For my house laid waste, for my city laid waste, life
(hath been decreed?)
8. su-ni-el-ta im-ta zur-zur er(A-SI) gig ni-ib-
With her exalted hand in the rain-storm she establishes
it; (in response to) troubled weeping .....
9. gaba-ni su-id) azag ga al gul-e er(A-&I)-gig ni-ib-bad(BJ&)
Her breast is glorious (and) shining; the devastation (in
response to) troubled weeping (she will remove?).
10. iir-ni u-lad-tir-ra-ni sag(?) er(A-SI)-gig ni-ib- ....
Her step (tread) the seed of her vegetation graciously (?)
(in return for) troubled weeping (will cause to be?).
11. utuga-a e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi mw^(GIS) ba-an-tuk-a-ta
When on the day of plenty, with her many streams (?)
she giveth ear,
12. en rftttnw(TUR) dimmer Nin-M-gal-la-ge(KIT) nin-a-i
^i't(KU) mu-un-na-ni-me-en
the lord, the son of the goddess Allatu (Ninkigal), unl
his lady is inclined.
Vol. xxx.j .1 Hi/mn to tlie Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 329
13. azag-zu-mu nint/a-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu kur-ta nam-ta-e
(UD-DU) '
My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with fulness, the
goddess Girgilu over the land cometh forth.
14. er(A>-&I)-lib(m)-ma dimmer Nin-Kir-gi-lu
A penitential psalm to the goddess, the lady Kirgilu.
15. sal-zi-du i-dib(L\J) ya-man-ku-tin mulu nam-mu-un-zi
Faithful lady, may (her) word give life; she is the one
who endoweth with life!
16. du(UIj)-e pa-pa-al-la ga-man-ku-tin
The growth of the bud may she endow with life!
17. du(\JL)-e ki-azag-mu ga-man-kn-tin
The growth of my pure place may she endow with life!
18. kiazag ld-?-na ga-man-ku-tin
The glorious place; the place of ... may she endow with
life.
19. /r/-a//(RAM?) me-e mar(?)-ra-mu ga-man-ku-tin
The beloved one (the plaint which I make?) may she
endow with life-giving effect!
20. azag a-a-mu ba-til-la-ia
The glorious one; when she giveth life to my father;
21. za a-a-mu ba-til-la-ta
The jewel; when she endoweth my father with life!
Commentary.
Obverse.
1. du(UL) = Suklulu 'complete,' 9142. The original meaning
of the sign seems to be 'advance,7 as seen in Sitbti 'advance,
cause to advance,' 9162. It also means naqapu 'gore,' said of
a bull, 9144. For this root-idea 'push,' see MSL. 85, s. v.
pa-pa-al-ta, with sufiix -fa; also 7, 8, 9. See 5631—5632:
gi$(IZi) pa-pa-al geStin = dillatu and papallu ; loanword, papal
may be for pal-pal, a fuller form of PA-PA 'staff, shoot of a
plant.' Of. 5629: U PA-PA-PA = araru 'a sort of plant.' I
render 'vegetation' here.
er(A-SI), also rev. 3: 'weeping' (lit. 'water of the eye');
'lamentation' (see MSL. 104).
'water of heaven' = 'rain.' See especially, MSL. 313.
330 J. D. Prince, [1910.
It is highly probable that this line is the heading of the
inscription. Note the refrain-like recurrence of the words
dn(l]ii)-e pa-pa-al in obv. 7, 8, 9. Obv. 25 is possibly another
heading for the second part of the hymn given in the reverse.
2. Azag-zu-mu. I render 'my (mu) glorious wisdom (azag
= ellu, 9890 + zu = nimequ 'deep wisdom,7 136). The con-
ventional Semitic translation of this combination is emuqtu
'deep wisdom;' cf. Reisner, Hymnen, plate 135, NO. III., col.
iii., 3; a parallel passage.
nin-ga-ta,', lit. 'lady endowed with breast' = 'plenteousness'
(MSL., Ill: ga 'breast, milk, plenty5)-
dimmer Kir-gi-lu, the name of the goddess. See also In-
troduction for discussion. Kir-pe$ = 6933: mamlu 'fulness7
(MSL. 269). gi seems also to mean 'plenteousness' (MSL. 136).
The name then appears to mean 'the lady who embraces
(LU-DIB) copious plenty,' an epithet harmonizing admirably
with her character as set forth in this hymn, where she is the
giver of plenty-bringing showers. It is not certain whether
the signs KIR-GI-LU should not be read Pe$-gi-lu, or even
PeS-gi-dib, pe$ being the usual Sumerian value for KIR
(MSL. 269).
3. kur-sun-sun 'who irrigatest the earth.' sun = gul must
denote irrigation here from the context, which demands a
benevolent function of the goddess. With the value gid,
however, it means 'inundation;' cf. rev. 6: gul = abdtu 'destroy
by water.'
mu-gig-ib = 1319: iUaritu ' goddess;' cf. also Reisner, Hymnen,
pi. 135, III. col. iii, 5: mu-gig-an-na = il iStarit il A-nim 'the
goddess of heaven.' mu-gig seems to mean 'heavy' or 'important
name,' being a grandiloquent equivalent for the goddess Istar,
whose name was all powerful. Note that gig = kibtu 'heaviness,
trouble,' 9232. ib perhaps = baru 'be full,' as in obv. 9, q. v.
4. nin-zi-mu 'my faithful lady;' zi = kenu 'faithful,' 2313,
probably not 'lady of life7 here, as nin-zi suggests nin-zi-da,
the fuller form (see below on obv. 5). Reisner, Hymnen, 135,
III, col. iii, 8: rubdtum kettum 'lady of faithfulness/
e nand 'the house of Nand' was probably e-an-na in Erech.
Note the dative ~ra for the genitive -^e(KIT).
5. dimmer w(UN)-wm. .Un, here with the new value w(ES)
especially glossed in, = mdtu 'land,' 5914, or niSu 'people,' 5915.
The usual EK value is kalama. The suffix ma here is, I think,
1
Vol. xxx.J .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 331
the ES suffix md = EK -mu of the first person. See also
rev. 1. Elsewhere in this hymn, the ordinary EK -mu of the
first person is used, as obv. 2—4; rev. 6, etc., perhaps, however,
applied purely ideographically and to be pronounced md, since-
the hymn is unmistakably ES.
I'de ma-alj lit. 'having eye7 •= 'perception' = mudu 'wise one,7
4011. On the val. awa, see MSL. 30.
The sign UBUR with value ubur (5553) also -= ugan, 5552.
The word u-bur seems to be a combination of the abstract
u- + bur 'vessel,' MSL. 63, and probably means 'the vessel par
excellence? hence 'breast, teat.' Note that the gloss here in-
dicating the pronunciation is written u-bi-ur and not u-bu-ur
as might be expected. This practically gives the consonantal
value b to the syllable &f, an unusual phenomenon.
:-i-da = kenu 'fixed, unfailing,' 2313.
•i. la-bar = suhkallu 'messenger,' 993.
Hl-e must = siUtu 'mercy' here, 5932, although this meaning
is not well established. The context certainly requires a bene-
volent sense, lil seems to occur in an opposite sense in obv. 20;
dimmer-sal-$ag] I render 'goddess of grace,' regarding sal as
the abstract prefix (as in sal-xul = limuttu 'evil,' 10958) before
Sag = dumqu 'grace,' 7292.
7. ta£(KTJ>o-fa 'when it is established;' lit.: 'when it dwells.'
KC = aS&bu 'dwell,' 10523.
9. dara(LB)-a-ta 'when it becometh full.' See MSL. 72. IB
means 'be plenteous'; cf. DAR = tarru, 3471 and dara(IE)
= isxu 'a swarm of fish,' 10483. Hence the rendering here.
10. 7a-o#(RAM) = nardmu 'beloved,' 971.
me-e = qulu 'voice, decree,' 10370 and 10374: parqu 'decree.'
md-ar must be ES for gar = Sakdnu 'establish,' 11978.
ba-an-ag 'makes, ordains;' ag == epe$u 'do, make,' 2778; also
rev. 4. Here ba-an-ag may be construed participially 'maker
of:' kheaven is the maker of it.'
11. malu 'man,' 6398 + di = denu 'judgment,' 9525.
ama-mu-ra 'to (-ra) my (-mu) mother' (ama; see on obv. 5).
dug(KA.)-ga-na-ab] lit.: 'to him who (nab) speaketh (dug-ga
= qilii, 531).
me-e\ here with third personal suffix -na.
t/aba = pafdru 'loosen, solve;' here = 'set forth,' 4488.
14. Ses-Jfi-ra 'to Xannar,' the moon-god. Cf. CT. XV., pi. xvii,
obv. 2 — 5, and see Vanderburgh, Sumer. Hymns, p, 45, for the term.
332 J. D. Prince, [1910.
mu$ (GrIS) -yi-ta 'with (ta) inclination' = mu$(G:lS)-gi. I
assign the ES value mu$ to GrIS which seems to serve here
as an abstract prefix to the root gi, which connotes the idea
'bending.' The sense appears to require the idea 'prostration
in worship.'
15. a-a-mu-ra 'to my father;' a-a = abu, 11690.
16. If the third sign is Sw&(RU), it seems to mean nadu,
1434: 'fix, place' and qualifies me-na 'his command/ but I am
inclined to read it as azag, owing to 2 a in line 17 and a
similar parallelism between lines 18 and 19.
wi*-?w-iw(KU) 'she established' (also obv. 7). KU, 10528
= kanu 'fix, establish' (see MSL. 210, 211). 'In rev. 5, KV-bi
must be read tub(K\3)-bi, with the same meaning.
17. za; also obv. 19 = abnu 'stone' or 'jewel,' MSL. 359—360.
Of. Rev. 20.
18. ba-ti 'she liveth' (MSL. 330).
19. za-gin(KUR) 'jewel, shining object' (MSL. 362), usually
with ideogram tak = abnu 'stone,3 11773. Note that zagin is
repeated in the second member here by the simple za 'jewel7
(see on obv. 17).
20. lil-eS(A.E) da-mu\ a very difficult combination. The first
sign may be 7z7(KIT) = Mru 'wind,' 5933; zaqiqu 'tempest,'
5934. e£(AB) means Mtu 'house,' Sb. 189, while da-mu may
signify the goddess Ba-u, 6662, in spite of the absence of the
god-sign AN. See above Introduction.
z<2e(SI)-W2-M(KU) can only mean then 'before its very face;'
viz., directly, without resort to subterfuge, she destroys the
storm of the hostile house, or perhaps the storm which attacks
^my house.'
ba-gul; gul must = abdtu 'destroy', 8954 (cf. rev. 6, 7), here
used in rhymed assonance with the clear xul of the following line.
21. ba-xul', by paronomastic association xul = qullulu 'slight,
treat lightly,' 9500; lamdnu 'treat evilly,' here associated with
the preceding gul.
22. ba-2)i-(el). Thus Dr. Lau, who cites 7977: ba-pi-el-la(l)
= i§te, 'cares for, seeks.'
Line 23, although very mutilated, seems to imply a bene-
volent sense; viz., that the goddess aids the father after destroy-
ing the foes.
24. i-dib(L1]), also obv. 25, rev. 1, = qubu 'lament,' 4040.
Note also rev. 15.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 333
nu-a-Se must be the privative nu 'lack of 4- a-se 'irrigation of
grain.' On the following words, see on obv. 1. This is perhaps
a heading of the reverse part of the hymn.
Reverse.
1. i-dib(L1J)-md, with apparent ES suffix md of the first
person. See on obv. 5.
3. u-sun-na 'gift of vegetation.' The second sign here is
clearly se, sum, but to bo read sun with the following -na
complement, as Dr. Lau has suggested. The preformative u
must mean 'plant,' 6027. The whole combination then means
•plant-giving.'
a-$e-ir = tamxu 'penitential psalm,' 11574. This combination
was probably identical with a-$i, obv. 1, which has the val. er.
4. darned Saqqad-mu means literally: 'my broad headdress;'
Saqqad = kubSu 'headdress,' 8864, MSL. 310. The meaning of
the line is obscure. Possibly "headdress" means protection of
the head, referring to the goddess as a protecting force. Cf.
also PI. XXIV, line 10 of Ct. XV.
5. The decree of En-lil = Bel, who is the god having
authority over the storm (see Vanderburgh, Sum. Hymns,
pi. 15, line 15).
tiib(KU)-li 'it is established. See on obv. 16—17. On Zeq
(A-AN), see on obv. 1.
ide(o!)-gin(DU) must mean that after the supplication to
the goddess was made, the fructifying rain then went on. The
allusion in the word a-mu at the beginning of the final muti-
lated phrase is of the same character.
6. eri-gul-a-mu seems to mean 'my city laid waste;' gul is
the same sign as in obv. 20 = dbdtu 'destroy,' 8954.
&#(A-AN), I render, 'plenteous rain,' regarding ga as
standing in adjectival relation to £e#(A-AN).
7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu\ here the possessive -ma applies
evidently to both the nouns e and eri. The sign zi must mean
'life' (MSL. 363—364), as the context demands a promise.
8. su-ni-el-ta 'with her glorious hand;' $u 'hand' being the
symbol of the goddess's power.
im-ta 'in the rain-storm;' im = zunnu 'rain,' 8374. The
goddess establishes the coming of plenty by the coming rain.
zur-zur = kunnu 'establish,' 9087 (9071); note the gloss here
r zu-ur.
VOL XXX. Part IV. 24
334 J. D. Prince, [1910.
er(A.-Ql)-gig may commence a phrase meaning 'in reply to
troubled weeping she will bestow rain or plenty.' Note that
gig = margu 'troubled,' 9235.
Then follows a verb with the prefix nib- as in the following
line 9.
9. su-ub = masaSu 'glitter, shine,' 203.
I cannot render ga-al, as the line is very obscure.
10. A difficult line. I regard the first sign as ur = kibsu
'step,' 11891. Perhaps her step or tread calls forth vege-
tation?
u-kul-tir-ra-ni] a difficult combination. I am inclined to
render: u, probably merely the abstract preformative here
+ lml = zeru 'seed/ 1668 +tir = kistu '.plantation,' 7661. The
sign rendered sag 'graciously' is very obscure in this text.
11. utu, ga-a can only mean 'on the day of plenty,' = ga-a,
as in rev. 6. e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi is very doubtful, as the sign I
read gul might just as well be RAM. The sense seems to
be that e = iku 'water-stream,' 5841 (MSL. 92—93). If the
second sign is gul-sun, this is the gul-sun 'inundation' as in
obv. 3, read sun. The reduplication would then indicate the
plenteousness of the fructifying waters.
wu$ == ES for gis; ink must mean 'give ear' = Semu, 5727.
The suffix -ta appended here makes the whole clause de-
pendent, as in rev. 20 — 21. We have a precisely similar
construction in Turkish dediklerinde 'when they said' (-de
= 'when').
12. In connection with Nin-ki-gal = Allatu, the goddess of
the lower world, note that she was regarded as a represen-
tative of production as manifested in the earth.
mu-un-na-ni-me-en\ lit.: 'he is (men) to her' = ni\ i. e., 'he
is inclined towards her to do her will.'
13. waw-ta-e(UD-DU) 'she cometh forth' (e = agu 'go forth').
The ft -prefix nam- is not necessarily negative.
14. er(A-ST)-lib(m)-ma\ see Prince, JAOS. xxviii, 180.
With this colophon the hymn proper ends. Then follow
seven lines of what appears to be additional addresses to the
goddess, possibly the work of another hand.
15. sal-zi-du 'faithful lady;' zi-du for zi-da = kenu 'firm,
faithful' occurs also IV, 28, 29 a.
ga-man-ku-tin must mean 'may she (prec. ga-) endow it
Vol. xxx.] .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lii. 335
(-man-) with life (kn-thi)\ leu = 'establish' + tin = lalatu
'life,' 9853. This is the refrain of the next three lines.
wu-lu as subject here must mean 'she is the one who,' as
mulu = rel. $a = 'who, the one who.'
In nam-mu-un-zii we have again a ^."M-pivfix which is
clearly not negative, as in line 13, rev.
20. ba-til-la-ta, with suffix -ta = 'whea,' as in rev. 11.
21. These lines close with an unfinished clause, indicating
that they were probably jottings from a parallel hymn.
24=
The Parsi-Persian Burj-Ncnnali, or Book of Omens from
the Moon. — By Louis H. GKAY, Ph.D., German Valley,
New Jersey.
THE title of Burj-Namali, "Zodiacal Sign Book," is applied
to a short Parsi-Persian poem "in 26 couplets, stating what
the first appearance of the new moon portends in each sign
of the zodiac" (West, in Grundriss der iranischen Pliilologie,
ii. 128). It is contained on folio 64 of a most interesting
collection of rivayats and other Parsi-Persian material (for a
partial list see West, op, cit., pp. 123-128) preserved in a manu-
script belonging to the University of Bombay (BIT 29). '-All
the 26 couplets are written in double columns, and occupy
three-quarters of folio 64 &" (letter of Darab Dastur Peshotan
Sanjana, Bombay, June 29, 1909). The whole manuscript is
officially entitled "Revayet-i Darab Hormazdyar — Autograph of
the compiler, written A. Y. 1048, A.D. 1679," and is bound in
two volumes, the first containing folios 1-287, and the second
folios 308-556. In view of the exceptionable value of the
collection for students of Zoroastrianism, the following de-
scription of the codex, most kindly sent me by Fardunji
M. Dastur, Registrar of the University of Bombay (Feb. 3,
1910), may well find permanent record here. "This Rivayat
was obtained for the Bombay Government at Bharuch by Pro-
fessor Martin Haug in January 1864, and was shortly after-
wards bound in two volumes. Originally, it must have con-
tained 556 folios, each 10 {/i inches high, 8 3/4 inches wide, and
all written 21 lines to the page; but 47 of these folios were
lost before 1864, namely folios 35-43, 160, 161, 288-307, 428-441,
535, and 540. The contents of folios 160, 161 were recovered,
in 1893, from another MS. (W), formerly belonging to the
Revd Dr. John Wilson of Bombay and now in the library of
the Earl of Crawford at Wigan in Lancashire, which is des-
cended from this MS. and was written in 1761-2 by Noshlrvvan
Babram of Bharuch. W is also an imperfect MS., as 55 of
Vol. xxx.] Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burf- Ndmah. 337
its folios (corresponding with folios 65-107 of this MS.) have
never been written; but all deficiencies of this MS. can be
supplied from W, except the contents of fols. 535 and 540,
which must have been lost before 1762. This MS., itself, is
probably the original compilation of Darab Hormazdyar Framroz
Kiyamu-d-dln (or Ka\v;unu-d-din) Kal-Kubad Harajiyar Pad am
Sanjanah, and contains eleven colophons written in his name
and varying in date from 20 April to 21 November, 1679, at
which latter date the compilation was completed. His names
and dates occur on 13 a 8-10, 30 a 11-15, 34 a (centre), 5n //
(bottom), 78 a (bottom), 106 b (bottom), 108 a 5-6, 198 b 3-4,
484 a 4-7, 518 b 5-8, and 550 a 16-18; the dates of which are
six years earlier than that of Darab's supposed original Rivayat
at Balsar mentioned in the Parsl Pralals, p. 16, n. 3. J Other
copies of Darab's Rivayat exist in the Mulla Firuz Library,
and in that of Dastur Dr. Jamasp Minochiharji, both in Bombay;
and in some cases the arrangement of the contents varies, as
appears from the catalogue of the Mulla Firuz Library (Bom-
bay, 1873), pp. 172-178.2"
In BIT 29 the Burj-Ndmah immediately follows the Mar-
Nam ah, a similar list of omens to be drawn from the appear-
ance of a snake on each of the days of the month. This Mar-
Ndmah I have already considered at some length in a paper
which will appear in the Hoshang Memorial Volume now in
press at Bombay; and the present contribution may, accord-
ingly, be regarded as a continuation and supplement of my
study of the "Snake Book."
The Burj-Ndmah goes back, as we have seen, to 1679, and
it is probably of somewhat earlier date, for it is scarcely
likely that Darab Hormazdyar, the compiler of the manuscript
which has preserved it, was also its author. In my study of
the Mdr-Ndmah I have suggested that the whole basal system
of this sort of augural calendars may have been derived ul-
timately from Babylonia. Perhaps the same suggestion may
be made in the case of the Burj-Ndmah, though whether the
" astrological forecasts for the various months, taken from ob-
1 Two more references to the Parsl Prakas are given by "West (op.
cit., p. 126), but the work is unfortunately inaccessible to me.
2 This catalogue fails, however, to mention anything corresponding to
the Burj-Ndmah.
338 Louis H. Gray, [1910.
servatious of the moon,'' listed by Bezold (Catalogue of the
Kouyunjik Collection, K 5847, K 6468, 82-3-23 33 [pp. 745,
789, 1816]), furnish any parallels is, of course, impossible to
tell until these tablets shall have been edited. It is at least
certain, from the description of Ahlwardt (Verzeiclinis der
arabischen Handschriften der konigliclien Bibliotliek zu Berlin,
v. 301-302), that the Berlin Arabic manuscripts 5904-5905 do
not come under our category, despite their "Deutungen aus
dem Stand des Blondes in den zwolf Tierkreis-Zeichen auf
allerlei Ereignisse."
The tone of the Burj-Ndmah is more specifically Zoroastrian
than is the Mar-Namah. The form of the bismilldh is dis-
tinctly Iranian (the article on the bismilldh by Goldziher in
Basting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. 666-668, en-
tirely ignores the Zoroastrian adaptation of this phrase, though
referring to Arabo-Greek forms, current especially in Egypt,
such as iv 6v6[j.aTL TOV Qtov TOV lAo^ovos (fciXavBpcoTrov • for a particul-
arly elaborate Zoroastrian bismilldh cf. that prefixed to all three
versions of the Sikand-Gumamg Vijdr [ed. Hoshang and West,
pp. 3, 181]), j£>\> ^b^.^0 >^\ ?Lo. A specifically Parsi-Persian
word is^Uu*1 (v. 3), which is a faulty transcription of the Pahlavl
/.u^ "making" (cf. Justi, Bundaliesli, p. 207, Spiegel, Ein-
leitung in die traditionellen Scliriften der Par sen, ii. 385). When
the new moon is seen in Capricornus, the Asdm voliu (Tasna
xxvii. 14) is to be recited (verse 20; on this prayer as a
QriSdmruta, or "prayer to be thrice repeated," cf. Vendlddd
x. 8, Nirangistdn 35); and when the new moon is seen in
Aquarius, the TaOd ahu vairyo (Yasna xxvii. 13) must be re-
peated (verse 23; liturgically this prayer is a cadrusdmruta,
or "prayer to be repeated four times" [Vendiddd x. 11, Ni-
rangistdn 36]; for further literature see Mills, in Hastings, op.
cit, i. 238-239, and JBAS., 1910, pp. 57-68).
There is, however, one non-Zoroastrian trait in the Burj-
Ndmah — its matter-of-fact acceptance of the vice of paederasty
(verses 10, 21, 23), against which both the Avesta and the
Pahlavl texts polemise (cf. Vendiddd viii. 26-32, Ddtistdn-i
Denik Ixxii. 6-7). It is true that this vice occurred among
other Indo-Germanic peoples than the Greeks, from whom
Herodotus (i. 135) states that the Persians learned if (cf.
Schrader, Reallexilton der indogermanisclien Alter tumskunde,
Vol. xxx.] The Parsl-Persian Burj-Nanaili. 339
pp. 438-439); and the impossibility of making any people par-
ticularly guilty for its introduction is shown, were such proof
necessary, by its occurrence among the American Indians
(Waitz, Anlhroimlwjie der Nalurvollter, iii. 113, 383; see also
Post, Grundriss dcr ethnologischen .///>vy/rm/(<^, ii. 391-392 for
legislation against it among American Indians, Semites, and
Aryans). Despite the statement of Herodotus and the pro-
hibitions of the Avesta, however, I am inclined to doubt whe-
ther paederasty was wide-spread among the Persians until a
much later period, which perhaps began with the Mohammedan
invasion of Iran. That it was lamentably common among the
Arabicised Persians is only too plain from' the TJiousand Nights
and Out Sight (cf., for example, Payne's translation, ix. 69 sqq.).
To some extent the practise formed part of the Babylonian cult
(cf. the determined resistance to the DHShp in Deut.xxiii. 17-18,
I Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46, II Kings xxiii. 7), and this may
perhaps have lingered on (possibly furthering, if not even more
powerful than, the maleficent influence of Greece), to be still
more enhanced by the sensuality of the Arab invaders. But
on the other hand, India seems free from this vice, even so
minute a scholar as Schmidt recording nothing regarding it
in his Beitrdge zur indischen ErotiJt.
This absence of paederasty from India, combined with the
repeated mention of it in the Burj-flamah, makes it probable
that the poem was composed in Persia, not in India, and that,
as already intimated, Darab Hormazdyar was merely its com-
piler, not its author. How far previous to 1679 it was written
is, of course, uncertain, but it may well be several centuries
older, especially when it is remembered that the analogous
Mar-Ndmah, contained in the same collection, occurs in prin-
ciple in al-Blruni's Chronology of Ancient Nations (tr. Sachau,
p. 218), written in 1000 A.D.
For the text of the JBurj-Ndmah, here published and trans-
lated for the first time, I am indebted to the courtesy of
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, High Priest of the Parsis
at Bombay, who, at my request, made the transcript for me
from BU 29 in June, 1909. The text and its translation are
as follows:
340 Louis H. Gray, [1910.
y
y
iU
y ^ f
*r^ /^
joj ^>-*^T j* y
oly OJ^ uT^ ^.^^ ^^^ ^.j^ CU^Uw 8^sr? 10
^-^ 3^ O^^; Ob y L5X^ ^ ^oyi. ^ y 3^
y c?-^
^
^=r
sr? 15
b\ ^ a,>
L>
r? \ 20
y ^s^' ^ y» Jo y
y ^;>^ ^f>*£ o-^^*
i sLo y
In the name of God, Compassionate, Omnipotent!
(1) By the grace of the Lord I shall tell, so far as poss-
ible, what the days bring according to each new moon.
1 MS. UA*. 2 Dastur Darab's transcript has
Vol. xxx.] The Parsi-Persian Burf-Namdh. 341
(2) When thou seest the new moon from the sign of Aries,
at that instant gaze on the fire;
(3) If in that moon thy affairs should be better, consider
(that to be) from the making of a grain-jar. 1
(4) Also from Taurus (when the new moon appears), gaze
(and) look on a cow if this month is to be better for thee.
(5) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Gemini,
at that moment gaze on her shining;
(6) Beware of mirage and look not on water if that month
is to be most good for thee.
(7) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Cancer, hark
thou to tidings from the speech of this physician;
(8) Then look to the gate of the soul, though for verdure
(this sign) is good, Auvaran (?).
(9) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Leo,
gaze a while upon the sky;
(10) Ask thy need of a pure king; look not, so far as pos-
sible, on boy or woman, O famous one!
(11) When in the sign of Virgo thou seest (the new moon),
be wise from its meaning, harken to me thus:
(12) Look not on women (and) make thy musician of smoke,2
unless thou wouldst make thyself particularly sorrowful;
13) Recite thou praise of God with perfect sincerity if
fortunate doings are to be in that new moon.
(14) When in the sign of Libra thou seest the moon, gaze
on a mirror and on armour smooth;
(15) Ask thy need of the Creator of the world. Likewise
of the sign of Scorpio I shall tell, so far as possible:
(16) Look on Scorpio with a good gaze; young man, in
tradition it is not blind and not deaf;3
(17) Look not on an abominable object, 0 famous one, if
with goodness that moon is to come to thee.
(18) When the moon enters the sign of Sagittarius, look
straightway on silver and gold;
(19) Look not on the face of the sick then; be on thy guard
that thou mayest be joyful.
1 The meaning of this line, if I have rightly rendered it, is very un-
clear to me.
2 I.e. of nothing; in other words, "have no musician."
3 The meaning of the allusion is unknown to me.
342 Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burj-Namah. [1910.
(20) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Capri-
cornus, straightway recite the A$lm ahu (Asdm vohu) thrice;
(21) Look not on the sick and likewise (not) on boys, else
wilt thou be unhappy in that month.
(22) When in Aquarius thou seest the new moon, recite the
Ayta ahu vair (YaOa ahu vairyo), listen unto them;
(23) Ask thy need of the mighty Creator; look not on boy
or woman, 0 famous one!
(24) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Pisces, look
straightway on gem and jewels;
(25) Look and be happy then; be happy, and it will not
be harm to thee.
(26) Likewise is the snake now, 0 Creator, if the king be
guardian.
Note on Some Usages of p£. — By J. M. CASANOWICZ,
National Museum, Washington, D. C.
IN a former article in this Journal l a number of passages
from the Old Testament were quoted in which • b is not a
preposition but an emphatic particle, meaning 'verily'. Pro-
fessor Haupt pointed out to me that this emphatic b can also
be traced in some cases of pV, which is then not a compound
of the preposition b and the adverb p, meaning 'thus', =
'therefore', but of the emphatic b and the adjective p, meaning
'verily thus', as, for instance, in Micah i, 14, or 'very well',
as in Gen. iv, 15; xxx, 15; Jud. viii, 7; I S. xxviii, 2, while in
some passages it is to be rendered by 'not so', 'but', 'yet'
(= Arabic lalrin).
In the following passages of the 176 in which p^ occurs
the adopting of an emphatic, instead of a causal or argument-
ative, meaning for it would seem to establish a better logical
connection of the context,
p^ 'verily'.
l. Is. xxvi, 14. Diwm mgs p^ ic|;s bz D^KBI VJT bz D*™
fob 131 ^>3 12SH1, 'the dead will not live, the shades will not
rise. Verily thou hast visited to destroy them and cause all
memory of them to perish'. The difficulty of 'b here in its
usual causative or argumentative meaning was perceived by
Delitzsch (in loco) and in Brown-Driver-Briggs in their Hebrew
and English Lexicon, p. 487 a, who explain it (as also in Is.
Ixi, 7; Jer. ii, 33; v. 2; Job xxxiv, 25; xlii, 3) as 'inferring the
cause from the effect, or developing what is logically involved
in a statement'. But we would expect "Q instead of p7. But
taking 'b in the emphatic meaning the second hemistich is an
epexegatical climax of the first: They will not live, they will
not rise: yea, or, to be sure, thou didst visit upon them a
radical punishment.
1 Vol. 16, Proceedings, pp. clxvi-clxxi.
344 J. M. Casanowicz, [1910.
2. Is. xxvii, 9. inKton npn -HB to nn npr py iw1; HSD p^
'151, vv. 7 and 8 read: 'Has he smitten it as he smote the
smiter? Or was it slain as its slayers were slain? By aff-
righting it, by sending it away dost thou contend with it; he
drove it away with his rough blast in the dry of the east wind'.
V. 9 then goes on to say: 'Verily by this — i. e., only in this
way — will the sin of Jacob be expiated and this will be the
fruit of removing his sin', &c. So also Gratz, Monatsschr.
fur Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Jdth. 1886, 21, 'wahrlich'. How-
ever, the connection of v. 9 with the preceding and succeeding
passages is rather loose, and it is possibly out of place here.
3. Is. ixi, 7. an5? rvnn nbiy nn&fe un* njtfp D2n*o p^>. If
the reading of v. 6 in the MT. is correct, viz, 'For your
shame ye will have double, and for confusion they (or, you)
will rejoice over their (your) portion', 'b introduces an em-
phatic parallelism: 'Yea, in their own land will they possess
double and their joy will be everlasting'. See, however, the
emendations of v. 6 by Oort (quoted in the critical notes to
Kautzsch's translation) and Cheyne, SBOT, Isaiah, Hebr. edition,
pp. 66 and 161.
4. Jer. v, 2. Ijntf11 Ipts6 p^> TO^ ni!T ^H DN1, 'and though
they say, As Jhvh lives, surely they swear falsely7. So the
ARVV. This makes unnecessary the adoption of an advers-
ative meaning for 'b here. Duhm (in Marti's Kurz. Hdk.)
would change the 'sinnlose' pb, after viii, 6, into p^ orp fc6
and strike "Ipti6. But for swearing falsely yst?} is always
combined with IptP or K1$. In taking an oath it is not prim-
arily a question of right or wrong, but of true or false.
5. Micah i, 14. ro nBhID by DTJI^ ^nn p5?, 'thus thou
must indeed give a parting gift to Moresheth Gath'. So Haupt.
6. Zach. xi, 7. ]K3n "J}$ ]lb ]&* n« HV1«1, 'so I fed the
flock of slaughter, verily the poor of the flock'. So the RV.
LXX, ets TTJV Xavaavtrtj/ == '2JH ^i^?^-
7. Job xxxiv, 25. 1K3T1 fib*b ^DHI DnnngJS T3! p5?, v. 24
reads: 'He breaks the mighty without an inquiry and sets
others in their place', 'b introduces not the cause, but the
reason of 'without inquiry': 'Verily he knows their works
(sc., without inquiry), and so he overturns them in the night
so that they are crushed'. So Vulg.: novit enim opera eorum;
LXX: o yvw/DtCwy avr&v ra e/>ya, omitting 'b.
8. Job xlii, 3. ps *Ai Tnun p^ njn *b* nsg 0^50 nt v
Vol. xxx.j Note on Some Usages oj }3b. 345
fc6l "OIOO rflN^W, 'who is this that hides counsel without
knowledge; thus indeed I have uttered that which I under-
stood not, things too wonderful for me, which I knew not.7
Kamphausen (in Bunsen's Bibelwerk), 'nay' ("ja"); Budde '(in
Nowack's Hdk.) strikes 3a to avoid the difficulty of the 'b,
while Duhm considers it a marginal gloss. LXX: TI? 8« dv-
ayycAet //06 = "b Tr ^ SD.
p^, 'very well', 'all right'.
9. Gen. xxx, 15. n« DJ nnp^ ••&» ns ^nnp &j>»n r6 ION™
TO wn nnn nWn TJDJ; 33^ p^ ^m i»«m <» 'wn, 'and
she (Leah) said unto her, Is it not enough that thou hast
taken away my husband, that thou also takest away my son's
love apples? And Rachel said, Very well, he shall lie with
thee to night for thy son's love apples. LXX: o\>x
while Vulg. omits b.
10. Jud. xiii, 7. 'TO JttO^SI rQT n« m.T nr>l p^ )1p
n^girn n«i iinpn ^ip n« DDi^n n« ^11, v. 6 reads, 'And
the princes of Succoth said, Are the hands (properly, palms)
of Zebah and Zalmunna in thy hands, that we should give
bread to thy hosts?' And Gideon said, Very well, when Jhvh
will have given Zebah and Zalmunna into my hand I shall
thresh your flesh with thorns of the wilderness and with briars.'
So also Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Nun gut'.
11. IS. xxviii, 2. ?pny nfejp *WK n« jnn nn« p^ "in *ID«^,
v. llj 'and Achish said unto David, know thou assuredly that
thou wilt go with me into the campaign, thou and thy men?'
'And David said unto Achish, Very well, thou wilt learn what
thy servant will do.' Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Gut nun'. LXX:
oirw vvv 71/0077; Vulg.: nunc etiam (nny for nnN). The meaning
of 'verily' or 'surely' (so AV.) for 'b would also be proper here.
pX 'not so', 'but', 'yet'.
12. Gen. iv, 15. Dp; D^njntf pp nn *7D niiT b IfcfcOl, v. 14 \
'and I will be a fugitive and .wanderer on the earth, and it
will come to pass that whosoever finds me will slay me.' 'And
Jhvh said to him, Not so, whosoever slays Cain vengeance will
be taken on him sevenfold.' LXX: ovx ovrws; Vulg.: nequarn-
quam. Tuch, 'dennoch', 'aber doch'.
13. Jud. xi, 24. *p^« viw nny p^ nns^ b* nj;^ ^jpt no«^,
v. 7, 'and Jephthah said unto the elders of Gilead, Did not
you hate me and drive me out of my father's house, and why
have you come now when you are in distress?' 'And the
346 J. M. Casanowicz, Note on Some Usages of pi. [1910.
elders of Gilead said unto Jephthah, But now we have turned
again to thee.' Kautzsch: 'Ja'. Still, the argumentative meaning
of 'i would here also be in place: 'therefore', i. e.t either
because we want to make good the wrong done to you by us
(Nowack), or because we are now in distress (Konig, Histor.-
Compar. Syntax der Hebr. Spr. § 373 p.).
14. Is. x, 24. n^ I&B KTH i« ni«ns nviiK ^T« IDS HD pi
'U1 TIPKB ]VS, v. 23 'for a strict decree of destruction will the
Lord God Sabaoth execute upon all the land'. 'Yet, thus
says the Lord God Sabaoth, Fear not my people who dwell
in Zion because of Asshur, etc.'
15. Is. xxx, 18. TiiK -o DSDrni on; pii DD}}ni mm nan1; pii
'131 mrp DSfc^D, v. 17, 'thousand at the war-cry of one, and the
war cry of five shall ye flee, till you are left like a pole on
the top of a mountain and like a signal on a hill.' 'And yet,
Jhvh waits to be gracious to you, and yet, he rises to show
mercy to you, for a God of right is Jhvh,' etc.
16. Jer. xxx, 16. 13^ ^Bb DiD Ipnx im li^ ^iDK is p5?,
v. 15b, 'thy pain is incurable on account of the multitude of
thy iniquities; because thy sins were multiplied have I done
these things to thee.' 'But all they that devoured thee will
be devoured, and all thy adversaries will everyone of them
go into captivity.'
17. Hos. ii, 16. Turn won rprotoi rpns» ^:« mn pi
TQ^ i^? v- 15b, ian(i she went after her lovers and forgot me.'
'But behold, I will prevail on her, and will lead her into the
wilderness and speak to her heart.'
In Ezekiel, with his tendency to lengthy, discursive argu-
ments, the function of pi seems sometimes to be to sum up
and clinch as it were such an argument1; so perhaps xviii, 30;
xx, 30; xxiv, 6; xxxi, 10; xxxvi, 22; xxxix, 25.
i Similar to h&, cf. vol. 16, p. clxvii f.
ERRATA.
In vol. 30, p. 359, line 14, read "refuge" for "refuse"; p. 365,
foot-note 1, line 4, read "Vasistha" for "Vaslstha"; p. 371,
note 1, line 2, read "dvlpas" for "dvipas"; p. 372, line 29, read
•• In-side" for "besides"; and p. 372, line 33, read "Symplegades"
for "simple edges".
ie Punjab. 8. 44. 31, on which, as on the £ami and Inguda
(nuts), it is said that camels are fattened, 2. 51.4; though the
i^ a holy tree, being the birth-place of Agni, 13. 85. 44,
Mii'l use itself contributes to holiness. Thus the "great tree
at whose foot the king sits" is described as punyadhara,' or
"bestowing good" in a religious sense, 3. 24. 24. l
N ' . says it is a Kadamba-tree. It is described as latdvatanctvanatafy (bent
under its canopy of creepers), a phrase perhaps borrowed from R. 5. 16. 28.
348 E.Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Of tabu-trees there are a number. * Thus only sinners make
a free use of Palasa (bulea frondosa] and Tinduka wood for
seats and tooth-picks, respectively, obviously because they are
sacro-sanct, 7. 73. 38. The last mentioned tree it utilized (as
are others) to point a moral. It is productive of a short
fierce blaze and a sluggish coward is exhorted to imitate this:
"Better to blaze for a moment than smoulder long" (aldtam
tindukasyeva muhurtatn api hi jvala) 5. 133. 14 f. Similarly,
the Salmali-tree is an image of mortals' (inconstant) thoughts,
"tossed by the movement of the wind like the seed of the
Salmali", 5. 75. 19, etc. The Sala is opposed to the creeper
as strength to weakness, 5. 37. 63 (said of the heroes and their
foes), and the same image gives the epic equivalent of noblesse
oblige: "As the Syandana-tree, though slight in size, is able
to endure much, so a noble family sustains a weight not to
be borne by inferior people," 5. 36. 36; with another image
following a few verses later: "Even a great tree cannot with-
stand a great wind, while many by being united together (in
a grove) endure the hurricane," ib. 62 (sigliratamdn vdtdn
saliante 'nyonyasamsraydt}. Compare 12. 154. 4f.
But of ordinary (not supernatural) trees, some are distinctly
"revered." The most general case is the "one tree in a vill-
age", because it is not specified of what sort it is. Standing
alone it affords shade and a resting-place and for this reason
it is a cditya arcanlt/ah and supiijitah, that is, "revered and
honored" (like a divinity; grdmadruma, 1. 151. 33). The cditya-
vrhsa is "thus an image of the grandeur of Garutmat, the
heavenly bird, 2. 24. 23. Yet only one such tree is noticed
in the texts, the famous Aksaya-vata of Gaya.2 Trees suit-
1 The names of a number of trees whose fruit must not be eaten are
given in 13. 104. 92. Their use as food is tabu, pratisiddhdnna. These
are the pippala or ficus religiosa, the vata or ficus indica, the sana-ti'QQ
(cannabis sativa), the sdka or tectona grandis, and the udumbara or ficus
glomerata. A list of unguent-making trees is given just before, priyangu,
sandal, bttva, tagara, kesara, etc., 13. 104. 88. In 13. 98. 39 are mentioned
woods to make dhupa (incense). The Sami, pippala, and pdldsa are especi-
ally spoken of as samidhas, wood for making sacrificial fire, and are
mentioned along with the udumbara, 12. 40. 11. In 13. 14. 58, ascetics
live on the fruit of the Asvattha, though this is a tabu-tree (= Pippala).
It represents the male element in the production of fire, versus the Saml.
2 This is mentioned several times, yet not as a tree in itself undying,
but as conferring deathlessness, dkf&yakarana, or as making endless the
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 349
able for an asylum of Saints arc enumerated in 13. 14.
46 f.1 All cditya trees are homes of spirits. 12. 69. 41f.
It is to be noticed that the tree called Bhandlra, the holy
Nyagrodha of Vrndavana. is mentioned in the early epic only
in the South Indian recension, at 2. 53. 8 f. The famous Kha-
•dira is known as a tree used for staking moats, 3. 284. 3.
The ficus religiosa, Pippala or Asvattha-tree (the sun is called
the axvaUJut, i. e. life-tree) is the chief of all trees, 6. 34. 26,
and typifies, with its roots above and its branches below, the
tree of life, rooted in God (above), 6. 39. 1 f. He who dai'y
honors this tree worships God (Visnu is identified with nyag-
rodha-udumbara-asvattha, 13. 149. 101), 13. 126. 5 (it is as
holy as a cow or rocand, ib.). The four Vedas are "word-
branched Pippal trees", 7. 201. 76.
On the other hand, the Vibhitaka-tree stands in disrepute
-as an unholy tree (see 3. 66. 41, entered by Kali); while, in
general, "from one and the same tree are produced evil and
good" (only SI. 5. 33. 22, ekasmdd vdi jay ate lsac ca sac ca).
This refers to implements etc. made of the tree, for harmful
or for religious purposes. The sin of Indra, divided among
trees, rivers, mountains, earth, and women, 5. 13. 19, etc., seems
to have had no effect upon the holiness of trees in general.
The "tree of good" and "tree of evil" are metaphors. The
hero of the epic is a "great tree of virtue," whose trunk and
branches are his brothers, though as with the Asvattha (above)
the roots are here divine (brahma] but also the Brahmanas).
He is thus opposed to the "tree of evil," the foe, as the 6ala
to the vine, 5. 29. 53 and 56.2 Cf. Mmadruma, 12. 255. 1.
Magical trees are for the most part supernatural, either
offering there given to the Manes. It maiks the place where the Asura
Gaya fell, or his sacrifice; 3. F4. 83: 87. 11; 95. 14; 7. 66. 20; 13. 88. 14
(proverb); R. 2. 107. 13; my Great Epic, 83, n. -2.
1 dhava-/;akubha-kadamba-ndrikeldih kurabakaketaka-jambu-pataldbhih
vafa-varunaka-vatsandbha bilvdih sarala-T\,apittha prii/dla-sdla- tnldih
(47) ladarl-kunda-punnagair asokd-mrd'-tinntktakn l(<
madhiikaih Uovidartis ca campakaih panasdis tathn
(48) vani/air bahuvidhdir vrks<~<ih phalapuspapradair yutam
. . . kadatisandasolhitam (ksetram tapasdm . devagandharvasevitam).
2 In this place occurs also the common figure of the wood and the
tiger, which mutually protect each other, 5. 29. 54 f.; also ib. 37. 46; and
of the lion, ib. 37. 64. The "wood- dwellers", it may be remarked, are, un-
less qualified as saints, hermits, etc., simply "robbers" 7. 55. 5, etc.
VOL. XXX. Part IV. Q5
350 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
belonging to unearthly places or to prehistoric times, though
of course plants that instantly heal wounds are in the hands
of the wiseacres. Compare for example, 6. 81. 10: "Thus
speaking he gave to him a fine wound- curing strength-endow-'
ing plant and he became free of his wounds." The Slesmataka
(fruit) stupifies: slesmdtakl Imnavarcali srnosi (you fail to under-
stand), the commentator says that to eat the leaf or fruit
dulls the intellect, 3. 134. 28. But medicinal plants belong
especially to the mountain of plants (whence aid was brought
to the brother of Rama) Gandhamadana (below), and the epic
gives a special list of trees that grow on this favored mountain
in the Himalayas, 3. 158. 43 f. (saptapatra, etc.). In this realm
of plants and vines, mythology is almost absent and even philo-
sophy scarcely more than affirms that plants are sentient, but
"they know not where their leaves are," 12. 251. 8.
There is an implicit denial of any active belief in the action
of Karma ever resulting in a man being reborn as a vegetable;
the worst he has to fear being re-birth as an insect, a
demon, or a low savage. But vines and insects serve the
poet better than the metaphysician and here the vines are
Love's arrows and ear-rings, and the bees are like Love's arrows
(tilakaits tildkdn iva, trees were the tilaka, forehead marks, etc.)
3. 158. 66 f.
That trees were sentient beings is philosophically proved in
12. 184. ]0f.; but the tales of the earlier period assume
this. Thus in the account of Bhaglratha, the text of the South
Indian recension says: "The trees, turning toward him with
their faces, stood bowed down, wishing to go after their lord",
SI. 7. 16. 14.1 It is true that in 3. 230. 35, the "mother" of
the trees is kind and gives boons and is compassionate, so
that those who wish sons revere her in a Karanja-tree, where
she has her abode, while under a Kadamba-tree is worshipped
Lohitayam, 3. 230. 41, the daughter of the Red Sea, and nurse of
Skanda; and there can be no doubt that these goddesses are
dryads, not so much divine trees as spirits in trees. They are
vegetal divinities, but, like many other divinities of like nature,
they are savage and eat human flesh and are compassionate only
when appeased by offerings. The name given to them (only here!)
i B. has "the trees here going after him, the lord, king (raja, sic)
wish to arrive there where the two space- devourers Makha-Mukhau went."
In 12. 269. 24 f., trees desire and attain heaven.
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc.
is Vrksikas, dryads, and they are described as "goddesses born
in trees who must be worshipped by those desiring children." *
Nevertheless, this Buddhistic attitude is off-set by a few
passages, such as that already cited, in which not spirits in
trees but the trees themselves act, think, speak, etc., un-
doubtedly a more primitive thought than that of a spirit in
the tree. Thus in the age of Prthu Vainya, "when people
lived in caves and trees," not only were all the trees good,
so that clothes pleasant to touch and wear could be made
of their bark, 7. 69. 5 and 7 (vrksah in SI.), but the trees
personified came to Prthu Vainya and begged a boon of him,
wherupon he commanded earth to milk out their wish, and
the trees rose first to milk earth, so that the Sala became the
calf, the Plaksa-tree the milker, and the Udumbara the vessel,
7. 69. 10 f. Or, if this seems too mystic to be primitive, one
could appeal to the tree-marriage. In 3. 115. 35 f. (cf. 13. 4.
27 f.), two wives want children and embrace trees, one a Pippala
and the other a fig (Asvattha and Udumbara), at the proper
time, and also (it must be said) take medicine. The trees,
however, are exchanged, so that the woman who should have
'jail a warrior son from the heroic tree bore a priestly son,
and the priest's daughter, who wanted a saintly son, got a
fighter ; through embracing the Asvattha instead of the Udumbara.
The "trees of gold", which one sees with disastrous results
in a dream, seem to be connected with the idea expressed at
5. 46. 9 in the words "the tree of ignorance has golden leaves".
As it is elsewhere expressed "Him whom the gods wish to
destroy they make mad; (so that) he sees things upside down,"
and "he who is to die sees things inverted; he sees golden
trees," that is, to see trees of gold is to share in the more
general delusion of seeing things inverted or turned about, the
sign of madness precedent to death. -
More particularly, to see golden trees in a cemetery presages
death. In 3. 119. 12, "On committing this crime he saw golden
i 3. 231. 16 (vrksesu jdtdh; hence vrksikafy with SI. better than the
vrddhikc ndma ndmatah of B.). ."Tree-girded Siva," 7. 202. 35, is in SI.
still more emphatically "the tree" (epithet of Siva), SI. 7. 203. 32.
- A parallel maranacihna occurs in R. B. 3. 59. 16: "He that is about
to die smells not the expiring lamp, hears not a friend's word, sees not
Arundhatl" (a star). Cf. AJP. 20. 23, and add R. 2. 106. 13; 3. 30. 15;
Ml.h. 12. 322. 44. -House-grown" trees are forbidden, 13. 127. 15.
25*
352 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
trees in full bloom on the earth of the Pitr- world (cemetery)",
cdmiharabhdn ksitijdn . .pitrlohaWiumdu. But the addition of
the significant cemetery is not necessary. In 6. 98. 17, mu-
mursur hi narah sarvdn vrhscm pasyati Itancanan, "he that is
about to die sees all trees golden" (the moral: so thou wilt
die because thou seest things wrong, viparitani).
The later epic lays a good deal of stress upon tree-worship,
doubtless reviving old practices as well as bringing in new
ideas. Not only is Siva identified with the bdkula, the sandal-
wood tree, and the chada-tree, 13. 17. 110 (the last is the
saptapatra, N,), and with the world-tree (ib. lSr.), and especial
efficacy attributed to the grov*e of Deodars, ib. 25. 27 (from
the wood of this tree the sacrificial posts are made, according
to epic tradition); but the mere planting of trees is extolled
as a meritorious act calculated to insure the planter "fame
on earth and rewards in heaven," ib. 58. 24, since such plant-
ing "saves one's ancestors" and "gods, saints, and demigods
have their resort in trees," ib. 26 and 29. On the other hand,
one who cuts down the lords of the forest on the day of the
new moon is guilty of Brahman-murder, 13. 127. 3. One should
offer a lamp to a karanjaka tree, holding in his hand the
root of the suvarcala, the latter being both the name of a
plant and of the Sun's wife, if he desires offspring, ib. 123. 8.
Besides other wonderful trees there are five trees of Para-
dise which the epic writers regard as capable of being trans-
planted to earth. Thus the heavenly tree called Parijata was
seized by Krsna and carried off by him in defiance of Indra,
whose defence was useless, 5. 130. 49. In Har. 7168f., this
tree is identified with another heavenly tree, the Mandfira;
but in 7. 80. 30 the latter appears to be an independent tree
on Mount Mandara. The Nairrtas in the north country guard
the Saugandhika-vana (cf. pundarlkavandni, 7. 97. 7) in the
same way as the gods guard their sacred trees in heaven, and
the trees there are called santdnakds (nag as) or immortal
trees, distinct from the remarkable Kadali- trees which also
grow on the grassy places of the favored region, 5. 111. 12 f.
Bloody bodies in battle are likened to Parijata- vanani in 7,
187. 34 (red); but the heavenly trees are not described in
detail. Even the earthly banyan is figured only by allusion
and implication, though it is probably the model of the "hundred-
branch tree" to which Drupada is likened because of his
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc.
numerous descendants, 5. 151. 14. But magical trees are not
confined to heaven. In the land of demon-, Daityas. in the
town called Hiranyapnra, there are also "trees that b ear fruit
and flowers at will and go at will," 5. 100. 15. Many even
of the sacred asylums on earth have trees which grant v i
Thus in the Alaniba-tirtha the trees grant wishes, 1. ^9. 40,
and other trees there have branches of gold, silver, and beryl;
one of the banyans being the resort of the little Valakhilya
saints, who hang from the branches head down, 1. 30. 2. (-)n
the Utsava hill there are also Kalpavrksas (wish-granting
>i, 1. 219. 3, though this is an artificial creation. Just as
Indra. has a TtalpalatiM, or magic vine granting every wish,
so the AwTpa-tree grants wishes. This is so well known (though
rarely referred to) as to introduce a simile in 3. 281. 5: "though
adorned with care he seemed less like a (beautiful) fcaZpa-tree
than like a criitf/i.i-lrQQ in a cemetery," na kalpavrksa sadrso..
;"(>lru,nitv(it. Of. 8. 94. 44, and the kapparukkho.
The trees of earthly districts almost merge with those of
heaven, as one climbs the mountains to the upper world ; but
in those divisions of earth known as Dvlpas are to be found
similar trees, and where it is etymologically possible the local
tree is adored by the inhabitants. Thus in Saka-dvipa the
.a, tree is worshipped, 6. 11. 28.
Of the divine trees three or four are specially prominent.
The grove of Kadali-trees seen by Bhima on Mt. G-andhama-
dana is leagues in extent and the grove is "golden" and di-
vine. It lies on the way to heaven, a narrow path, on which
the hero is stopped by Hanumat, to prevent his being cursed.
But he discovers that this golden grove of plantains, pisang
. kadallsanda, conceals the further end of the "road to
the world of the gods", devalolmsya margah, 3. 146. 51, 58,
13. Seven trees are "kings," 14.43.3.
East of Meru, 6. 7. 14 f., in Bhadrasva-dvipa, there is a
great mango-tree which always bears fruit and flowers and is
a league high. It is frequented by Siddhas and Caranas and
its juice gives immortal youth, ib. 18 (the Kalfimra-tree). The
e of the Dvipa Jambu, is derived from the Jambuvrksa,
•ed "south of Xila and north of Nisadha" (mountains),
called Sudarsana. an eternal tree which grants all desires and
is frequented by Siddhas, etc. It is one thousand and one
hundred leagues in height and touches the sky; its fruit being
354 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910.
measured by fifteen and ten hundred cubits (2500 aratni). Its
juice makes a river -which flows around Meru to the Northern
Kurus. The red gold used for gods' ornaments, like indrago-
pas in color, comes from it and is hence called jdmbiinada
(red gold), 6. 7. 20-26.
As the juice of this tree makes a river, so the Ganges itself,
which among the gods is called Alakananda (Alaka is Kubera's
city, and Alaka designates an inhabitant thereof, 3. 162. 13)
has its source at the great jujube-tree which grows on Mount
Kailasa, mahanadl ladarlprabkava, revered by gods and seers
as well as by the aerial Saints called Vaihayasas, and by
Valakhilyas, and Gandharvas, 3. 142. 4 f. The tree grows be-
side the Ganges, according to 3. 145. 51 and is reached only
by a long journey through many districts of northern Mlecchas
and hills inhabited by Vidyadharas, Yanaras, Kinnaras, Kim-
purusas, Gandharvas, and Caranas (so SI. 3. 145. 16), till one
gets to the asylum of Nara-Narayana, which is full of "heavenly
trees," i. e. "always bearing fruit and flowers/' on Mt. Kailasa.
The Badari-tree is huge, with a thick trunk and its boughs
afford constant shade. It is of incomparable beauty and its
fruits are sweet as honey. The rest of the description is the
usual picture of heaven. There are no mosquitoes or gnats;
the grass is blue (ntia) and soft as snow. The "songs of glad
birds" resound. There is an absence of thorns, darkness, sor-
row, hunger, thirst, cold, heat; but the place is full of sacri-
ficial glory and holy beauty, brdhmyd laksml, though it had
no light from the sun. The badarl is the most important of
the many "divine trees" found there, ib. 27 f. As Saka-dvlpa
has its tree of wonders worshipped by the inhabitants, 6. 11.
27; so Salmalika-dvlpa has a Salmali-tree, 6. 12. 6. This
tree also is worshipped, just as Mt. Kraunca in worshipped in
Krauiica-dvlpa, ib. 7.
These last passages already reveal the close connection
between the trees divine and the mountain heights, and more
particularly show that the idea not only of a divine tree but
of a divine grove was as familiar to the Hindu as to the
Assyrian, German, or Roman. Such a grove, called vanant
divyam, or devaranyani (plural, 5. 14. 6; 186. 27), devodydna,
upavana, vandnta, banana, drama, nandana, etc., is not only
sacred to the gods but is where the gods themselves perform
religious rites. In 3. 118. 9f., Yudhisthira journeys from Sur-
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 355
paraka past a place by the sea and arrives at the sacred
grove where the gods practiced austerity. There he sees the
ayatandni (templa) of Kcika's son and of the Vasus, troops
of Maruts, Asvins, Vaivasvata (Yama), Aditya, the lord of
wealth, Indra, Visnu, lord Savitar, Bhava, Candra, the day-
maker, the lord of waters, the troop of Sadhyas, Dhatar, the
Pitrs, Rudra with his troop, SarasvatI, the troop of Siddhas,
"and whatever (other) immortals" (there are).
2. Mountains.
The shrines but not the gods are found in this lowland
place. The gods dwell upon the " ownerless "j (13. 66. 36)
mountains, the high places; and it is significant that it is net
upon the Seven Hills of the more southern district but chiefly
on the thousands of hills of the northern country that one
finds the gods. i Bharata-land comprises the Seven Hills.
It is said in 3. 39. 40 that "the assemby of gods, tridasdndm
mmagamdh, is found on the best of mountains" (Himavat);
and in 7. 54. 25, u The gods of old made sacrifice on the top
of Himavat." When Nahusa, as king of the gods, devendra,
sported in "all the parks and pleasure-groves" familiar to the
divinities, he lived "in Kailasa, on the top of Himavat, on
Mandara, the White Mountain, Sahya, Mahendra, and Malaya,"
as well as by seas and streams, 5. 11. llf. But when the
Panclus go to seek the gods they travel to the northern dis-
tricts to "divine Haimavata, holy, beloved of Gods," 3. 37. 39.
It is in the northern mountains also that one finds the most
famous shrines of the saints. The Agastya-vata (but also Mt.
Kufijara), Vasistha's mountain, parvata, and the still more
ronowned Bhrgu-tunga, are visited by Arjuna in the Hima-
i The Seven Hills of TS. 6. 2. 4. 3 (where, 3. 4. 5. 1, Visnu and not
£iva is "overlord of the hills") remain in epic tradition as the seven Kula-
parvatas, 6. 9. 11 (cf. the seven mountains in £aka-dvipa, 6. 11. 13). They
are perhaps the "seven doors of heaven", TB. 3. 12. 2. 9. They comprise
the Orissa chain, Mahendra; the southern part of the western Ghat?,
Malabar (Malaya); the northen part of the western Ghats, Sahya; Sukti-
mat location in the east but doubtful); the Gondwana range called Bear-
mountain, Rksavat; the (eastern) Vindhya; and the northern and western
Vindhya, Pariyatra. In SI. (only) 4. 3. 36, Arjuna is called "the eighth
mountain", implying the same ordinary number of mountain ranges.
Among the Seven Hills, Mahendra is best known as a holy place, 1. 215.
13; 3. 85. 16 f. (Rama-tlrtha). Twelve mountains are "kings," 14.43.4.
356 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910.
layas, 1. 215. 1 f. (with tunga cf. tanka, mountains-slope, only
in the pseudo-epic).
The mysterious element comes to the fore in the descript- .
ion of one of the holy places in the hills: "Clouds arise with-
out wind to bring them; stones fall; the wind is always blowing
and ever rains the god (nityam devas ca varsati). One hears
a sound as of reading but (the reader) is not seen. A fire
burns there (of itself) both morn and eve. Flies and mos-
quitoes interrupt devotion. Melancholy is born there and a
man longs for his home", 3. 110. 3 f . l
A religious explanation of these phenomena is essayed by
the traveller's guide. The gods do not like to be seen and so
they made this place, which is their resort, inaccessible- It
is on Hemakuta (Esabhakuta). When the gods "gather at
the river" (Nanda is its name), only a great saint may as-
cend the mountain. For here the gods sacrifice. The grass
is sacred (kusa) grass and the trees grow like sacrificial posts
and are used as such by the gods. "Here with the saints
live ever the gods and it is their sacred fire which burns morn
and eve. On bathing here all sins are destroyed," ib. 15 and
18. The weird sounds, however, have an historical explanation.
The great saint Rsabha, who lived in this holy place, was
once disturbed in his meditations by a party of tourists, which
made him very angry and he gave orders to the mountain:
"If any man speaks in this place, throw stones at him and
raise a wind to stop his noise," ib. 9 f. Hence came the uni-
versal rule that one should keep silence in the presence of
holiness. "Sit thou down in silence" (tusmm Cissva), says Lo-
masa, 3. 114. 16, "for this is the grove divine of Brahma" (the
Self- existent). But mountains in general are holy and have
a purifying effect, according to 12. 36. 7 and 264. 40. 2
The myths of the mountains imply for the most part that
they are living beings and of course divine. With other
divinities the rivers, seas, and mountains approach and adore
Siva, 13. 14. 399; or Indra, saying "hail to thee", 5. 17. 22.
1 ib. 6 : nirvedo jayate tatra grlidni smarate janah. In the beginning
of the description another reading is: "With the sound (of speech) clouds
arise". For volcanic mountains, see 8. 81. 15.
2 Among punydni are dharanibhrtas ("earth-holders"; the hills uphold
earth) and bathing and visiting the places of the Gods, devasthanabhiga-
mana, 12. 36. 7. Mountains assist at a sacrifice, ib. 321. 182.
Vol. xxx.] Mytlioloyical Aspects, etc. 357
So, conversely, a human ix-iu-j- is n-pivsj ntrd us revering Mt.
Kaivata and all (other) divinities and as '-walking the dt-asil"
around the mountain, 1. 220. 6. Compare 14. 59. 4f. and
the adoration of mountains and trees, in 13. 166. 31 f. In
another passage it is said that the local mountain i> i •< \x-red
by offerings of flowers and perfumes and cars (? supratitfkita),
2. 21. 20, although here Caityaka, one of the five hills sur-
rounding a town, is revered rather as a memorable place.
There the minotaur, mai'usddn rxtthJm, which destroyed the in-
habitants, was slain by Brhadratha, who (perhaps with the
\\i'\[i of the propitious mountain) killed the monster and made
three drums of its hide, ib. 16 f. Possibly the fact that the
hills are represented as running red with metal, dhdtu, or
chalk washed down in the rainy season may have helped in
personifying the mountains as bleeding beings (with whom
bleeding men and elephants are often compared), but
this was not necessary in a land where everything was alive.-
One hill in particular, said to be five (or) six thousand
leagues in height, is called "garlanded/7 Malyavat, but it is
garlanded with the samvariaha fire, and here reside those
who have fallen from the world of Brahma. They precede
Aruna and then enter the moon after 66000 years, 6. 7. 28.
It runs off to east and west into little hills called (uniquely)
'ikds (purvapurvdnugandikas and aparagamfikds, 6. 7. 28 f.
The title of Himavat as "Guru of mountains," sailayura (rare
and late), 9. 51. 34, of itself imparts personality to the mountain.
So a mountain begets children upon a river, 1. 63. 35 f. Here
the mountain, Kolahala, in expressly said to be "gifted with
intelligence," cetandyuktah. His daughter was called Girika.
Mountains speak, 12. 333. 30; as an echo, 334. 25.
On the assumption that mountains are alive rests one of
the oldest legends in regard to them. RV. 2. 12. 2, yah prthiviih
rt/athamdnam adrnihal yah parvatdn prakupit&n aramndt
("Indra made firm the shaking earth and brought to rest the
ird mountains") is explained by the legend narrated in
^I>. 1. 10. 13: tesCtm indrah paksdu acchinat tdir wid»i adnnliat
cvlndra out off the wings of the mountains and made earth
firm"). In the epic, "like the mountains with wings out off"
1 Compare 7. 93. 36, adrtyanta \lrayah kale gdirikambusiavd iva (gai-
, «. 78. 28, etc.); dhatttn, 3. 158. 94 f.; 6. 93. 37, and often. N. takes
, 13. 17. 118, as Meru (epithet of Siva).
358 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
is a standing simile, e. g. 6. 93. 36. That the old legend is
in mind is shown by the addition of the words "of old," as
in 7. 26. 65, where an elephant is likened to "a winged moun-
tain of old"; and ib. 37, a fight of elephants "resembles that
of two mountains of old, winged and wooded." But at pre-
sent it is "something unknown that hills should move," 7. 103. 6.
Historically interesting is the fact that in times of distress
(Kali, as reflecting history) the upper castes, when over-taxed,
as an alternative to serving a Sudra king take refuge in
mountain- caves, girigahvana, not (apparently) artificial but the
common resort of tigers and other wild animals, 3. 190. 61;
7. 107. 12 (of animals), as well as of Mlecchas, who in 7. 93.
48 are described as habitually living in caves, girigahvana-
vdsinali. They are here savages, like those of the north, Par-
vatlyas, who fight with stones, an art unknown to the Kurus,
7. 121. 33. In the history of Sunda and Upasunda it is said
that "they sent to Yama's home even him who sought refuge
in inaccessible places," samlmam api durgesu, 1. 210. 20. So,
when afraid of the Kaleyas, "some retreated to caves;" kecid
yuhdh pravivigur nirjhardM cd 'pare gritdh, 3. 102. 14. The
kandaras (caves, a rare word in Mbh. but common in R.) are
thus utilized by beasts and saints alike, guhdkandara (sauillnds),
3. 100. 17; ib. 40. 28. In 2. 31. 17 the caves of Orissa are
mentioned (pray ay du daksindpatliam, gulidm dsddaydm dsa
Kiskindlmm lokavisrutdm) as being already famous. Of. darl,
3. 64. 6; Itandara, ib. 110; tatasdnukandaram, 3. 40. 28.
Later legends representing the mountains as very much alive
occur in the accounts of the Vindhya, the Kraunca, and the
Mainaka mountains. The fact that Kraunca is the son of
Mainaka and Mainaka is the son of Himavat, gives even a
genealogical tree; but the descent is not always so given and
Kraunca itself or himself is also called the son of Himavat.
Although the Vindhya legend is more popular, the story of
Mainaka is more directly connected with the tale of the winged
mountains. The epic use of Mainaka is to compare with this
mountain a steadfast hero or elephant. For Mainaka was the
only mountain that escaped or resisted Indra, when the others
had their wings cut off. "Like Mainaka cast on the ground
by great Indra" is the incredible fall of Bhima (as hard to
realize); it is parallel to the "drying of ocean or removal, visar-
pana, of Meru, or the overthrow of Indra at the hands of
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 359
Vrtra, or the fall of the sun, 7. 3. 4f.; 9. 12 f. Stereotyped
is the phrase "stood firm as Mainaka," e. g. 6. 92. 26; 7. 92.
17; 99. 28; 123. 2; 9. 19. 45, etc., referring not to being un-
shaken by the wind, as is Vindhyagiri, 7. 92. 53, but to its
firmness against Indra Nagari ("foe of the mountains").
In 3. 134. 5f., Mainaka is said to be as superior to all other
mountains as Indra to other gods, or as Ganges to other
rivers. It is situated north of Kailasa (q. v.) and is famous
for the mass of gems and jewels deposited there by Maya in
or near the lake Bindusaras, where Danavas sacrifice, 2. 3. 3.
It is spoken of as having a vinasana (see below, Meru) in the
interior of the mountain where Aditi "cooked food of old for
the sake of a son," 3. 135. 3. The legend that Ocean gave
the mountain refuse when it escaped from Indra is preserved
in 1. 21. 35, "Mainaka's asylum-giver is ocean." There is a
watering-place there of some renown, 13. 25. 59. It is to
(hundred-peaked) Mt. Mainaka that a Raksasa with "one
hundred heads" is compared, 7. 175. 63.
Mt. Kriiurica is called the White Mountain, because of
the white silver there (Himavat is famous for gold-mines and
gems), 3. 188. 112. Compare 13. 166. 30-31, "Himavat rich
in herbs divine, Vindhya in metals, Tirthas, and herbs; and
Sveta full of silver" (rajatdvrtah). It is guarded by seven-
headed dragons and in it is the golden lake where the mothers
of Kumfira (Skanda) bore him (by proxy). Skanda shot at
Mt. Kraunca and it fled but afterwards returned: "Skanda
drew his bow and shot his arrows at the White Mountain,
and with his arrows he split the mountain Kraunca (cf.
Kraunca-nisudaka, epithet of Skanda), the son of Himavat . .
Kraunca fell uttering fearful howls and the other mountains
seeing his fall began to shout. But Skanda split the White
Mountain, lopping off one peak and the White Mountain fled
in fear from earth," 3. 225. 10 f.; 9. 46. 84. In 3. 229. 28. this
mountain is called "Rudra's seed;" though it was son of Himavat
(whom Menaka bore to Himavat). Compare 8. 90. 68; 9. 17. 51 ;
and the seed of Rudra (Agni) cast on Meru by Ganges, 9.
44. 9; 13.85. 68.
The legend of Vindhya (renowned for metals and plants,
13. 166. 31) represents that range of hills as angry with the
sun for refusing to go round it as it does around Meru, in a
respectful manner (pradaksinam). Vindhya resolved to hide
360 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910,
the sun's light, and for that purpose began to grow till it
shaded earth from the light of sun and moon. The gods
h egged it to stop growing, but to no purpose. Then the great
saint Agastya got permission from it to pass over it both on
his way south and on his way back. But as Agastya (the
civilizer of the South) never came back, the mountain could
grow no more and is still waiting for the saint's return before
it grows higher, 3. 103. 16 and 104. 12 f. As the mountain
rages here, so it may rejoice, "as a mountain rejoicing in heart
receives the rain," 4. 64. 5, that is, shows its bravery, since
"water is the destruction of mountains," parvatdndm jalcnh
jard (as travel is the destruction of bodies; lack of fortune,,
of women; and word-arrows, of the mind), 5. 39. 78.
Another story illustrates a popular belief. The "G-athas of
the gods" say that there was a saint called Baladhi, who de-
sired to have an immortal son. The gods were kindly dis-
posed toward him because he had been religious; but they
said "No mortal is seen (to be) immortal; but he shall have
a life conditioned by a cause," nimittdyuh. Then he, think-
ing "mountains are indestructible," said: "Let his life last as
long as the mountains" (let the mountain be the cause). Then
Medhavin, his son, was born but, being arrogant, he insulted
the saints. One of the saints, Dhanusaksa, after vainly curs-
ing him, took the form of a buffalo and charging against the
mountains reduced them to ashes. So, the cause (of life)
being destroyed, Medhavin, the son of Baladhi, was also dest-
troyed. A Gatha is sung about it to this day ("no one can
escape what is ordained; Dhanusaksa the great seer split the
mountains"). *
In connection with the mountain-myths may be mentioned
the story of the nymph turned into stone, like similar tales
in Greek mythology. The Apsaras JRambha, wife of Tumburu,
was thus turned into a rock on failing to seduce Visvamitra
as she came under the curse of that saint, 5, 117. 16, etc.
1 This is the version in SI. 3. 135, which, at vs. 52, inserts half a
a dozen verses showing that the seer himself became a buftalo. The
words in B. makisdir bhedayamdsa parvatdn are changed to maharsir
and so in the Gatha: maharsir Wiedayamdsa Dhanusdltso mahidhardn.
B., 135. 52 and 55, represents the saint splitting the mountains "by means
of buffaloes." So, in the story of Kolahala (p. 357, above), Vasu out-
raged by its behavior, kicked a hole in it, through which the river escaped.
Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects, etc.
Other legends abound, connecting some mountain with a
god or saint, as in the landing of the ark on X;nib;indii;iM;i.
3, 187, 50. Often the Puranic story is just alluded to. a<
when ( lovardhana is mentioned as the }>l:i< Yi:nu-I\r?na
{called mahii'h'i'ihrl in 13. 149. 32) upheld the hill for the
of the cows, 5. 130. 46; 13. 159. 17 gam uddadhara (SI.
7. 11. 4, ddvdn mitktvd . . dhrtva Qovardliannm), VP. 5. 11.
In the mountain Mahendra (Orissa chain) lived Rama (after
Dejecting the ocean") at the command of Kasyapa Mfirica to
"leave the earth." { what time he extirpated the warriors. 7. 70.
21 :'. On the ]S armada river is the beryl-mountain (sometimes
located in the north) and in this locality "Kausika drank
soma with the Asvins and Cyavana paralyzed Indra and won
Sukanya as his wife," 3. 121. 19. Both epics have the story
of Gandhamfulana (also a name of Havana, 3. 283. 5) as the
home of medicinal plants, utilized by Hanumat to cure Rama's
brother. It bears the epithet maluiusadhisamayuldah parvatdh,
7. 139. 86. In both epics, Mandara is the instrument used
by the gods to churn ambrosia from the ocean, 1. 18. 13
= RB. 1. 46. 21 (C. 45. 18, less exactly like Mbh.).
This Mandara, "Indra's golden mountain," jdinbunadaparvata,
3. 139. 16, is identical with Indra-Klla, 3. 37. 42, and is
cially invoked as the home of Sadhus and Munis. It is
through the grace of this mountain that priests, warriors, and
i'armer-mcrchant caste attain heaven. Tirthas (3. 26. 121'.),
sweet streams, nymphs, and the sound of Yedic recitation are
found there, 3. 42. 22 f. In 1. 18. 11, it is supported by the
sacred tortoise (Visnu). Vrtra, it is said in 3. 101. 15, "fell
like Mandara hurled of old from the hand of Visnu." Else-
re it associated with Mt. Sveta: "We shall see the White
Mountain and Mt. Mandara, where are the mai/ivum Yaksa
and Kubera the king of Yaksas, 88000 Gandharvas and four
times as many Kimpurusas and Yaksas" (who with Raksasas
guard the mountain), 3. 139. 5. In 3. 163. 4, it lies east of
(Meru and; Gandhamadana and "illuminates all the earth as
far as the sea; and the region is protected by Indra and
Kubera.'' Also here it is said that when Soma and the stars
hav«- gone around Meru they "return to Mt. Mandara," i. e..
i So Yudhisthira on leaving Kubora's mountain "goes to earth" (and
•addresses it as a person, drastd tar/ '<o>ii, auf Wiedersehen !), 3. 176. 20.
362 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
to the east (SI. has \sagaram). It is located in the north,
with Mandakim, in 5. 111. 12, and in the South in 5. 109. 9,
its grottoes (as in the Indraloka ascent, called kimjas] being
especially mentioned. In 5. 110. 9, it is found in the west.
Here the root of Himavat is said to extend (in the western
district) toward Mandara, inapproachable, sunk in the ocean.
The fact that these three statements are virtually one de-
scription weakens the force of each statement and makes
the eastern (Bengal) position of Mandara more probable, as
this accords with tradition (at the present day "Mandar-
giri" is near Bhagalpar, Bengal). The fact that Mandara is
especially Indra's mountain also helps to establish its geo-
graphical position, since "Indra's district" is the east.
But the epic has a vague notion of the northern mountains,,
the approach to which was difficult and the ascent impossible
except to very great saints and heroes.1 The Pandus see, as
they ascend from the south, the peaks of Kailasa, Mainaka,
the foot of Gandhamadana (-pddas), and Sveta; whence they
journey seventeen days to the back of Himavat and "four
days later" come to the White Mountain, "like a huge mass
of clouds and full of gems and gold" (gold is in all the
mountains, 2. 50. 21; 9. 44. 15, etc.) without having yet
reached Gandhamadana, 3. 158. ISf. But, when one stands
on Gandhamadana, the "mountain of Indra and Kubera" (that
is, Mt. Mandara) lies to the east, as opposed to Samyamana,.
the region of the south (of Yama), to the abode of Varuna
and the Asta-mountain (where the sun sets; itself opposed to
Udaya, sunrise-hill), and to the abode of Brahma, "great
Meru, which illuminates the north," while next (to the east)
is the "abode of Visnu."2 Compare the confused account of
the Mahaparsva mountains, and those "beyond Kailasa and
Mandara," 13. 19. 20, 53.
1 Cf. aruruksur yatha mandaJi parvatam Gandhamadanam, (boasting)
"like a fool who (pretends he) is going to climb Mt. Gandhamadana," 5.
160. 94.
2 Asta maMdhra, 5. 181. 16; asto ndma parvata, 5. 110. 6 (astamana
= astam-ayana}. The Udaya hill appears at 3. 224. 11. The Asta is
conceived as a real "mountain-king," and there "and in the sea dwells
Varuna protecting all creatures," 3. 163. 10. The gods find Siva on Mt.
Mandara, 7. 94. 57, though his regular abode is Kailasa, whose lofty peak
serves the hyperbole of the poets as an image, "high as peaked Kailasa
Vol. xxx.] Mi/tholoffical Aspects, etc. 363
Despite the fact that the gods roam about as they will and
an- constantly found in each others' pleasure-groves, they are
ascribed in general not only to certain regions but also to
certain mountains. Thus: "The Raksasas (rateahsi, sc. live) on
Himavat; on Kailasa (Hemakuta) live the Guhyakas; serpents
and Nagas on (Mt.) Nisadha; Gokarnam is a grove of asceticism
(cf. 13. 18. 6, Krsna practiced asceticism there); the White
Mountain is said to belong to all the gods and Asuras; the
Gandharvas (live) ever on Nisadha, likewise the Brahmarsis
on Nlla; but the resort of gods is the Peaked hill" (sritgavdits
tu . . devantim pratisa near air, a special range). 6. 6. 51 f. Then
follows the statement that the fire of destruction (satitvartaka)
and the saints who precede Aruna (above, p. 357) are on top
of Malyavat, ib. 7. 28. Only devl Sandili ("Agni's mother;"
cf. 13. 123. 2f.) is, however, especially ascribed to Mt. Srngavat
at 6. 8. 9. which, like Meru, has three peaks, one of gold, one
of gems, and one of all kinds of jewels, 6. 6. 4 and 6. 8. 8.
The flank of Meru called Karnikara (wood) is a favorite resort
of Pasupati and Urna; and Hiranmaya is especially the moun-
tain oi Garuda, 6. 6. 24 and 6. 8. 6. The Gandharvas too
live on Mandara (q. v.), on Meru (in Saka-dvlpa), 6. 11. 15;
and in Kusa, ib. 12. 14, while "all the districts" (sub Krauria-
dvipa) have gods and Gandharvas, ib. 12, 21. Harigiri, "Visnu's
hill," is in Kusa-dvlpa 6. 12. 11. Skanda gives his special
mountain, near Ellora. the name of devagiri, "hill of the god"
(not "gods' hill"). The devakuta (tlrtha) of 3. 84. 141 (ib. 149,
ilif "lake of Pitamaha" near the &ailaraja) may refer to the
-hill of gods" (in general). The statement in 12. 27. 21, that
Draupadi grieves for her five sons "like earth deprived of five
mountains" does not limit the number of mountains in any way.
Further examination of the data leads into the realm of
cosmology and ethnology, with which mythology on its religious
>idr is less nearly connected. Yet a word must be said in
regard to the conception of the Himalayas in general and the
site of the world-mountain Meru. It is evident that the epic
stood he, with club upraised," 6. 94. 23, etc. "High as Mandara," 1. 207.
3^ (gopuras). Gandhamadana (Kubera's own mountain) is where Pitamaha
receives in audience the gods and seers, 6. 65. 42. The pddas (above) of
this mountain suggest the simile of 1. 136.2, padacdrlva parvatah (Karna
in arena) "like a footed mountain." The pada.. foot (plain), of Himavat
is '-sno\vyr (hairnet), 7. 55. 39.
364 E. Waslibiirn Hopkins, [1910.
poets are acquainted with the world as it appears from the
Gangetic plains, where the Eastern Ocean is known but not
near; where the "western littoral" is also known but distant,
as are the "Punjab kings," the mountaineers, and, more remotely',
the kings of the Sakas, Pahlavas, Daradas, Kambojas, Yavanas,
etc., e. g. 5. 4. 15f. But the flight of Indra to "the end of
the worlds" sets him in a lake on an island in the sea north
of Himavat, 5. 10. 45; 14. 8; and when Arjuna goes north be
finds beyond the White Mountain the land of Kimpurusas,
protected by Drumaputra, and still farther the land (protected
by Guhyakas) called Hataka, near lake Manasa, where there
were "streams of saints," rsikulyas, and near Hataka (which
gives its name to a kind of gold) he comes on the country
protected by the Gandharvas (the Gandharva-nagara is localized
here), whence he seeks to cross the "northern Hari-Varsa" or
unconquerable land of the Northern Kurus, 2. 27. 29 to 28. 11
(and expanded in ST.), just as Bhlma gets to the extreme
south when he comes to Tamralipta, 2. 30. 24. Jambudvipa,
3. 79. 4 and 6. 1. 8 (yavat tapati suryo lii Jambudvlpasija
mandalam) and 14. 85. 39, is India.
Himavat itself is often personified, though too huge to be
always thought of as individual. .For the most part it serves-
as does any hill (1. 188. 7), for a type of stability, endurance,
and size. 'A standing solemn asseveration is, "Himavat shall
fall (or burst) and earth shall burst" (ere such or such happen),
where the common distinction between earth and mountain
again appears. l
A general description in 3. 108. 4f., lauds Himavat's peaks,
rivers, forests, caves, lions, tigers, birds (the kinds being given
1 caled dhi H. sailah, etc., 5. 82. 48; cf. pated Dydur H, siryet, 3. 12.
130, and oft. In 3. 32. 10, it is said that even Hiraavat, if "divided up
and not added to." Widksyamdno liy andvdpah, might he destroyed. Its
hugeness leads to the phrase "hide Himavat with a handful of grass."
3. 35. 23 (like "hiding Meru," ib. 29); "it cannot be moved," 13. 35. 20;
typical of dhdirya, 1. 188. 9. The most striking personification of Himavat
occurs at 13. 25. 62. vikhydto Himavdn punyah Sailkara-svasuro girih,
dkarali sarvaratnandm siddhacdranasevitali, "Mt. Himavat, a mine of
gems of all sorts, is called Siva's father-in-law; it is holy and cultivated
by saints and singers" (Siva's wife is Parvati, " daughter of the moun-
tain"). Hence perhaps Siva is called Haima, but, as he "lives in moun-
tain caves," it may be that Mima means "living on Himavat," as he is
Merudhaman, "living on Meru," 13. 17.61, 64 (Mima), and 91. Himavat
is also "father of Ganges," 6. 119. 97 and of Mt. Abu (below).
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 365
in detail), Kinnaras, Apsarasas, elephants, Vidyadharas, jewels,
and snakes. In particular it is famous for its gold-mines and
gold-bearing waters.1
Kailasa is of all the mountains in Him:ivut the most famous
and serves as a means of comparison when one wishes to
ilt->cribe towers etc., which in Sanskrit as in our parlance are
called "sky-scrapers," divisprt, as in 1. 185. 19; 2. 34. 20; cf.
(not in B) SI. 1. 96. 56, Kdildsasiklidrdir gopnrnih. Even
the house of lac is compared with it, 1. 146. 12, or a man, as
Balanuna is "like the Kailasa peak," 1. 220. 20. It lies, as
described in Vana, beside the upper Ganges but beyond the
Northern Kurus and is near Mt. Mainaka, 3. 145. 17 f., 41
and 51 (also SI. 1. 243. 31). The Sabha of Kubera is "like
the peak of Kailasa'* 2. 10. 2. It is said to be six leagues (!)
high. All the gods assemble upon it, and the Yak?as, Raksasas,
to be seen there are without number, 3. 139. llf. The
monster jujube described as being there and in Gandhamadana
(ib. and above) shows perhaps that no 'great distinction was
felt between them, unless one was a part of the other. Accord-
ing to 3. 12. 43, Krsna once lived there (SI. quite different,
vdirdjabhavane for KdildsabJtavane).* The two mountains else-
where, as at a later date, are differentiated.
1 Compare 5. 111. 24, the "gold-mine of Himavat," hdimavatah kana-
kdkarah, and -gold-giving lake," found at Uslra-blja. In 3. 82. 55, Arbuda
is -son of the Himalayas," himavatsuta, "where there was of old a cleft
in the earth" and asylum of YasTstha. As it is near Prabhasa (on the
Gujarat coast) it must be the modern Mt. Abu, and not Mainaka, as
later in VP. The gold comes from "Rudra's seed," 9. 44. 15. Gold in the
"essence;" sara, of (all) mountains (as honey is of flowers), 13. 17. 14.
2 The commentators here understand badarl and vdisdld to refer to
the jujube tree and not to the stream or asylum of Narayana so called
(5. 111. 4). But anyway Kailasa seems to include, as a range, the further
hill called Muinaka and Gandhamadana. Cf. the later rajatddri "silver
hill," as epithet of Kailasa, with the statement above regarding £veta.
In 3. 158. 17, where the heroes see Gandhamadana and £veta after Kai-
lasa and Mainaka, SI. has Meru for £veta. In the more or less stereo-
1 geographical scheme of 6. 6. 11'., Gandhamadana lies north of
avat, which is north of Nisadha, and Nisadha is the mountain west
of Hemakiita (Kailasa). According to a v. 1. in SI. "black men" live on
Gandhamadana (in B, they are " happy" hrstd}, krsna nardh), 6. 6. 31 (36).
Jn 1. 119. 48, Gandhamadana is this side of Indra-Klla and beyond Hima-
vat (cf. 3. 37. 41); it is protected by Saints, Siddhas, and by mahdbhutas.
Indradyumna-lake and Hansa-kuta lie beyond it (ib. 50). It is accessible
only to ascetic mortals, and the visdld badarl is there, 3. 140. 22; 141. 23.
XXX. Part IV. 26
366 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Mt. Meru, if no cosmological theory stood opposed, would
seem to be a hill "beaten by rain," 7. 166. 14; 174. 20, etc.,
like other hills of the north country, only surpassing all and
reaching higher than the sun, so that the sun goes around it,'
3. 104. 2. It is Meru-giri, trikuta, the best of peaked moun-
tains, 5. 65. 5 (it has three golden peaks, 6. 82. 27), and it is
covered with cloud but not stirred, mathita, by the wind, 7. 156.
81 f. ("Wind shall bear away Meru, and the sky fall," ere this
thing shall happen, is said as above of Himavat, 5. 160. 98).
The "rocks of Meru" ("may be counted," 13. 26. 98) appear
to be as well known as the "sands of the Ganges" (with the
stars in the sky usually as type of countless hosts of cows),
7. 58. 7, yavatyali sikatd gangyo ydvan Meror maliopalali. Like
other mountains it is red with metal, 5. 179. 30 (see above).
Like other peaks it stretches to the heavens and "golden
Meru" is a part of the Svarloka (light-world), holding parks
of the gods, its extent being given in one place as three and
thirty thousand leagues, 3. 261. 8. It is the "Indra of moun-
tains" and is ever resplendent with sunlight, 1. 225. 37; 2. 38.
28; 3. 81. 5. Yet its glory excels that of the sun, and it is the
home of gods, Gandharvas, and beasts, but not of men who
are unrighteous. It is there the gods consulted how to use
Mandara as a churning stick to get ambrosia, 1. 17. 5f.; and
1. 18. The deva-saWid is on Meru, SI. 2. 51, 43. It cannot
be destroyed (or, SI., turned round, vivartanam for vimardanam),
3. 36. 3 (cf. viparyasa, 7. 193. 7) or concealed (above). It is
typical of dignity (Merupratimagaurava, "0 thou as grave as
Meru!"), 3. 41. 40.
Yet the poets do not hesitate to say that the sun lights it,
SI. 4. 19. 13; that vultures visit it, 3. 225. 33; that the saint
Visvamitra can "hurl Meru away from earth," 1. 71. 36; and
that the "house-goddess" can devour it, 2. 18. 8. Hiranyaka-
sipu is known as "the shaker of Meru" (-kampana), 13. 14. 73.
On its wooded top sit saints and gods, 12. 324. 11—21. Asylums
are found there, as, for example, that of Vasistha, albeit "on
the flank" of the mountain, 1. 99. 6, though Yayati sports
upon its very peak, Merusrnge . . uttare (northern), 1. 85. 9,
as does Usanas with the demon Daityas, 6. 6. 22, and the
It -is described in 3. 146. 22, as "dancing with clouds outspread" (as a
ballet-dancer with skirts).
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects etc. 367
"wives of the gods" ascend it, 1. 134. 16. The mountain is
spoken of as if the poets saw it before them. "He shone in
splendor on his golden car as shines the sun on Meru," 7. 84.
17; "looked like Maha-Meru with its clouds," G. 109. 38;
"resplendent as the peak of Meru," 7. 120. 4. A long de-
scription of it is found in 3. 163. 12 f. It lies north of Gandha-
madana, is holy, the gate of the saints, and illuminates the
northern district. There Prajapati, tin- soul of being, abides.
There too, in a blessed and healthful abode, live those who
are called the putrd mdnasdh of Brahma (his mental sons),
of whom Daksa is the seventh (14). The "seven seers of the
irods" (Devarsis) set and rise there. The topmost peak is
occupied by PitSmaha, "with the self-pleased gods" (dtmatrpta >!>)-,
but beyond the seat of Brahma is that of the eternal supreme
Xar:iy?na (God). This even the gods cannot see (or "see with
difficulty/5 SI.), 18. This place of Visnu (God) is to the east
of Meru and is inaccessible even to Brahmarsis and so, of
course, to the "great seers" (Maharsis, by implication in-
ferior to Brahmarsis, ib. 21), though Manu holds a conversation
there, 13. 98. 6. Around Meru revolve continually the sun
and moon, from east to west, pradaksinam updvrtya kurutah
(cf. 3. 168. 36, girim dmantrya Sdi&ram pradaksinam updvrtya),
as do all the heavenly lights, which the sun drags with him
as "he makes the circuit, kurute (Merum) abhipradaksinam; for
the sun, on reaching the Asta mountain and getting "beyond
the twilight," takes the northern district as his course, bhajate . .
Iciixfluim (to the north of Meru) and so returns, facing east,
30 f.: Jferum anuvrttah sa punar gacchati prdnmukhah (SI. has
sumerum for sa Merum}. Thus also the moon, dividing the
months, goes with the stars (naksatras), and "passing on the
other side of Meru .. returns to Mandara" (i.e., the eastj.1
Meru itself is east of Ketumala, 6. 6. 31.
1 The expression atikramya is a technical geographical term, meaning
"passing behind'' or "on the other side of;" cf. Piin. 3. 4. 20. In 30,
above, it is used of the sun getting to the other side of the twilight. In
13. 96. 10, one who kills a refugee is likened to one who should atikramet
the brightness of Meru, i.e., disdain. The account following (above)
that to make winter the sun goes to the southern district, but
nothing more is said of Meru at this point. In 3. 164. 8, the mountain
of the north is luminous with plants, and has no distinction of day and
night; but the inhabitants see the sun rise and set (astamana, 9).
26*
368 E. Washburn Hoplnns, [1910.
It is even possible that Mainaka is at times regarded as
part of Meru. There is a vinasana ascribed to Mainaka above,
and in the Tirtha stories of Vana, 3. 82. Ill, the vinasana
of the Sarasvati, is where this river " goes concealed on Meru's
flank" (and is seen again at Camasa, Sirodbheda, and Nagod-
bheda).
The Meru of the Mahabharata nowhere appears to be
regarded as the axis of the world, the north pole to which
the (later) Sumeru is antithetical. In the "car of the gods,"
it is the perpendicular flagstaff of the car, that is it is a
lofty mountain-range situated in the north, 7. 202. 78. In
view of the theory recently propounded in this Journal that
Babylonian and Hindu cosmology rest on the same basis, it
is necessary to observe that there is in fact no southern pole,
Sumeru, recognized at all in the epic. One passage given
above shows a doubtful reading (SI.) of swneru for sa Meru,
but in that case sumeru is Meru itself ("fair Meru"), as shown
by the context. The only other case where Sumeru occurs is
of a similar nature. Instead of the reading babhuva paramo-
petali svayamWiur iva bhamina, in 6. 2078 (C.), the Bombay
and South Indian recensions have (50. 46) sumerur iva, which,
in the light of the similes just given, is evidently "resplendent
as fair Meru."
Meru as described in the late geographical intrusion at the
beginning of Bhisma J is half way between the earlier and
1 It is only here that the Persians bear the (Puranic) name Parasikas,
6. 9. 66, Hundh Pdrasikdih saha (so too in SI.; in VP. 2. 3. 13, Pdra-
sikadayas tathd, to avoid three iambics). One very important difference
between the epic and Puranic descriptions is that, whereas the Visnu
Parana 2. 4. 1, says that the Plaksadvipa (and others) surrounds the sea,
which in turn surrounds Jambu-dvipa, ksdrodena yathci dvipo jambusanjno
'bhivestitah, samvestya ksdram udadhim plaksadvlpas tathd sthitah, the
epic nowhere says that a continent encircles an ocean, but only that an
ocean surrounds each continent, 6. 5. 13 f. ; cf. ib. (8. 10 and 15) 11. 6;
11. 9; 12. If. Furthermore, in 6. 12. 27, after remarking that "jewels
come into (are exported into) the Dvipa called Puskara from Jambu-
dvipa" (just as "Indra brings the rain from Saka-dvipa," 6. 11. 16), the
poet saya that all these dvlpas excel as they go north, both in virtue
and in length of life, but that nevertheless they must all be regarded as
one nation, « for that is called (one) nation where there is one law" (or
religion), eko janapado rdjan dvipesv etem Bhdrata, uktd janapadd yesu
dharmas cdi'kah pradrsyate, and finally he ascribes to the guardian
elephants of space a "Plain" country still beyond those already mentioned,
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 369
later (Puranic) conception, and one among many indications
that the muddled South Indian text (as published) is tainted
with later passages is to be seen in this, that just where Mem
is sufficiently described in the Bombay texts as being eighty-
four thousand leagues high and eighty-four thousand deep, the
SI. text adds (in the words of the Visnu Purana, 2. 2. 8) that
its apex is twice the size of its base, 6. 6. 10. To get a
proper idea of the epic Meru it must be remembered that in
this work the dvlpas islands or continents, are not spheres but
parts of the earth, which to the observer stretch away to the
north and north-west on a scale resembling in general that
made with Mercator's projection (the farther north the greater
the extent), each continent having all its virtues including size,
double that of the preceding. Meru is one of seven mountains
running across Jambu the Rose-apple continent. It stands
exactly in the middle, having south and east of it the three
great ranges Nisadha, Hemakuta (or Kailasa), and Himavat
(the thousand leagues between each range making a valley,
varxa), and to the north and west of it the ranges called
Nlla, !§veta (White Mountain) and Srngavat, while north of
the last the country "borders on the sea," and so stops the
row; but south of the south-eastern end, occupied by Himavat,
lies the India of the plains, Bharata-land. Other continents
to the north and east of Jambu-dvlpa (Rose-apple continent)
Ivetu-mala, immediately west, and Kasyapa-continent still
further west, which, along with S&ka-continent, or Naga-
(Ceylon? In SI. £aka for Naga, 6. 6. 56) 1, forms the ears of
the "hare"-shape of part of Sudarsana, equivalent to Jambu
continent (also of the discus). This in general is circular, but
part of it looks like a hare and part looks like a tree and
these shapes are reflected in the moon "as in a mirror." It
tatah param samd ntima, having four corners, and thirty (leagues?) in
extent. 6. 12. 33 (or "having thirty circuits"). This land called Sama is
itself (ib.} described as lokasamsthitih, "the form of the world/' as if it
were the tower of Babel in Sumerian land! Kusa is not an uncommon
place prefix. Compare Kusavarta a teacher on Mt. Nila, mentioned with
.idvara, in 13. 25, 13; Kusastamba, ib. 26 (Kusasthal! is Dvaraka).
Kusadvipa was presented to Vidyutprabha by Siva, according to 13.
14. 84.
1 Lanka also has its trikuta, three-peaked mountain (cf. trisrnga, 8. 15.
8). The Vedic trikakud H an epithet of Krsna- Visnu. Bharatavarsa is
middle India, 6. 9. 4f.; 12. 326. 14 f.
370 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
is possible that the land called Kasyapa may be Caspian land,
at any rate that is where it should be according to the de-
scription. Meru rises in the middle of Ilavrta, between Nila
and Nisadha and also between Malyavat and Gandhamadana.-
On its flanks are Ketumala on the west; Bhadrasva, the land
of the Kalamra-tree (above), on the east; the Northern Kurus
and the Karnikara forest, on the north. Ganges falls from its
peak into lake Candramas, appearing first at Bindusaras near
Mainaka, north of Kailasa. On its south is Bharata-land.
The countries and mountains from the last north to Bharata
in the south lie like a bow (curved). The $aka-continent also
has seven mountain-ranges and the first is Meru (6. 11. 15).
Meru is the house of divinities and is golden (even the birds
being indistinguishably golden); so it resembles the sun (not
in being round but in being brilliant), 6. 6. 10. The juice of
the 1100 league high rose-apple tree (divasprs, "touching the
sky") runs around the base of Meru and gives health, ageless-
ness, etc., to the Northern Kurus, as said above, 6. 7. 20.
But it would be a mistake to suppose that there are literally
seven continents. Even in this description the poet says ex-
pressly: "There are many continents; I will describe seven,"
6. 11. 4, using indeed a synonym, since sapta dvipdli meant
originally the subaliavo dvlpd ydir santatam idam jagat ("very
many continents extend the world").1 They are thought of as
comprising not the sphere of the universe but the earth, sap-
tadvipd, so called in 8. 90. 106; 12. 49. 37; cf. "earth with its
seven continents and seas," .R. 7. 38. 56. The poet of the
Jambukhandavinirmana is quite right in saying there are more
continents. In Sabha is mentioned a Sakala-dvipa and the
"seven dvipas" are here clearly equivalent to "the whole earth."
Thus in 2. 12. 12, Hariscandra, a king, "conquered the seven
continents," id est, the whole earth, and in 2. 26. 5f., "He
conquered Sakala-dvlpa and king Prativindhya and whatever
kings there were in all the seven continents," meaning of
course in this conquerable earth. In 2. 32. 14, Sakala is a
city of the Madras (Punjab). Compare 13. 95. 23, sapta dvlpdn
imdn varsend 'bhipravarsati, " rains over this earth." But
"earth has thirteen dvipas in 3. 3. 52 and 134. 20; and eighteen
* Compare the use of " seven kings" of the Kiratas, the "seven tribes"
of Utsava, 2. 27. 16; 30. 12, etc. "Seven" is often several.
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 371
in 7. 70. 15.i The "gate of Manasa lake," according to the
epic itself, 3. 130. 12, is called "the varsam made by Rama
in the midst of the mountain," apparently Mt. Kailasa, where
the famous lake (the brooding-place of swans) is situated, al-
though the passage would appear also to include it within the
"holy circuit of Kashmir/' Kd&riircwuindalam (sarvapunyani)
not far from which is Visnupadam. The "seers of the north,"
duttard rsayali, held a conversation there with Nahusa, Agni,
and Kasyapa, ib. 8 and 10.
The number of oceans is indifferently given as four or seven.
The "four oceans united by Darbhin" are repeatedly alluded
to: 3. 83. 156; 84. 126; 85. 63. On the other hand, the sap-
tasamudrdntd main of 7. 198. 55 (R. 4. 15. 8) and sapta samu-
drdli of R. 3. 78. 4 imply earthly oceans numbered conventionally
as "seven" (still earlier, as in VS. 13. 31, there are three
oceans; or only the eastern and western, as in Manu, 2. 22;.
But even "four oceans" are also recognized, as in Manu 8. 406
and Kath. 69, 181. oatuhtamudrd prthiw.
Thus the very account in the epic which is supposed to
imply the Puranic cosmogony speaks of only four oceans in
6. 3. 38, catvdrah sagarah. In the account of the Dvlpas
also four oceans are expressly mentioned, glirtatoy tli samudro
'tra dadhimandodako 'parah surodah sagaras cdi'va tathd Jnyo
jalasagarah, 6. 12. 2, though in 11. 8f. the ksiroda is said to
surround Saka-dvipa. Apparently the original conception was
that there was around all the earth four seas, one for each
direction, just as there was a four-fold river running from the
mountain in the middle of all the earth, and, to judge by the
disposition of the four regions around Meru, there were at
first but four dvipas. Thus in 6. 6. 12: "On the flanks of
Meru are four (is)lands (tasya pdrsvesv ami dvipas catvdrah
saiiisthitd vibho), Bhadrasvah, Ketumala, Jambudvlpa, and
the Northern Kurus." In VP. 2. 2. 22, the. first two are called
d.ir*e dve. Even there dvlpa is used for varsa. Compare
VP. 2. 2. 3, where the varsa called Bharata has nine dvipas
(Indra-dvipa, Naga-dvipa, Gandharva, Varuna, etc.).
As late as the Santi, 12. 14. 2 If., the four Dvipas around
1 Jambudvlpa is mentioned as "famous" in 3. 79. 4. SI. 2. 96. 29 adds
one passage to those giving "seven dvipas." The dvlpa is a safety-place
of any sort, 2 63. 7f.; 3. 177. 19; 8. 93. 5; 12. 302. 71 f.
372 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Maha-Meru are spoken of as we should speak of the quarters
of the earth. The king is said to have brought under his
sway "Jambudvlpa, and Kraunca-dvlpa which resembles it
lying below, adharena, Maha-Meru, and Saka-dvipa, to the-
east of Maha-Meru, and Bhadrasva of equal extent with
Saka-dvlpa lying north of Maha-Meru;" and further: "Dvlpas
and atitara-Dvipas by plunging into the sea thou hast brought
under thy dominion," vs. 25. Here the Dvrpas and "antara-
Dvlpas" are all part of the conquest of a king of earth, as
earth itself in 12. 14. 38 is described as saparvatavanadvipd,
"(divine earth) with her mountains, woods, and islands."
In this book alone, 12. 336 f., occurs the description of the
White Island, Sveta Dvrpa, otherwise known only from the
Puranas (including the Harivansa), which is a part of the
earth lying in the northwestern direction where men profess
a monotheistic cult. There is no reason to suppose that
Sveta Dvipa was ever heard of for centuries after our era.
It forms no part of the very complete geographical sections in
the early epic or even of the late intrusion which precedes
the Bhagavad Glta at the beginning of Bhlsma.
Despite pretended familiarity with the northern country, it
was really reckoned a death -journey to go thither. Thus
when Sanjaya "says farewell and sets out for the Himalayas,'7
it means he- is going to the bourne whence there is no return,
15. 37. 34. Questionable also is the exact bearing of "Hima-
vat" to the southerner. As Mt. Abu is a son of Himavat
(above) so the "plain of Himavat" (prastha) extends so far
south that it is within two leagues of Kuruksetra. There,
"on the plain of Himavat, besides the red Sarasvati" is the
camp of the Pandus, 9. 5. 50 f.; 6. 4.
Particularly in regard to Meru it is to be noticed that
even in Santi its peak joins that of Himavat and is of the
same height, so that the two united peaks form simple edges
(at least Suka has to burst his way through them as they
join together), which would be indistinguishable were it not
that one peak is golden (Meru is hemagiri, 8. 56. 114) and
the other (snowy or) silvery, 12. 334. 8f. Nor does it accord
with the notion of a polar mountain that its top has groves
upon it and that not only gods and saints sit there but even
"gentle and learned priests" live under the Jambu-tree on its
very summit, 13. 102. 20 f. In SI. 13. 33. 22, Vatsanabha
Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects etc. 373
proposes to expiate his fault by "going to the top of Meru"
and committing suicide. In the epic, in short, Meru is felt
to be a mountain like Himavat, only taller and farther north;
but its peak rises like that of other mountains perpendicularly
and not parallel with the plain of earth as axis of a sphere.
Another distinction between the epic and Puranic idea of
the world must be kept in mind. In the Puranas, e. g. VP.
2. 7. It'., there is fully developed Jhe idea of the planetary
spheres (not Dvipas) which go by the names Maharloka, Jana-
loka, Tapoloka, and Satyaloka, superadded upon the older
Bhurloka and Svarloka or Svargaloka (these are epic) with
the intermediate blntvas as Bhuvarloka. Now the epic knows
nothing of these seven spheres as such. It is only in its
latest parts that it recognizes the seven spheres bhuvandh
(masculine!), 13. 16. 34 and 52: Dliruvali saptarsayas cdi 'va
lihiivandli sapta eva ca, "Dhruva, the seven seers, and seven
spheres," not exactly as in the Purana, even then, since there
(loc. cit.) the pole-star, Dhruva, is above the Seven Seers, and
only four spheres rise above this. What the earlier epic
recognizes is the (old) general conception expressed by "seven
worlds;" compare (in the imitation-Upanisad) the half- verse
tatah para ih Jcsetravido vadantl prakalpayad yo bliuvandni sapta,
3. 213. 22. So in 1. 179. 22, the sapta lokds are mentioned
as in Mund. Up. 2. 1. 8); cf. AB. 2. 16; 4. 7; 4. 9; 5. 10.
That is to say, the epic has the idea of the plurality of worlds,
vaguely grouped as Seven Worlds, as this idea came down
from antiquity together with that of the Seven Hills, Seven
Seas, Seven Rivers, Seven Mountains, Seven Seers, Seven
Flames, etc. But there is no recognition of the systematic
sevenfold planetary sphere, whose names as subdivisions are
not even mentioned till the Puranas (cf. 3. 261. 17f. many
worlds). In this regard the ideas of space run parallel with
those of time. The Puranic system of Manus and manvantaras
(aeons and ages systematically arranged) is unknown to the
early epic. The Anusasana, which is little better than a
Purana-addition to the poem, knows it well; and so do the
later (335 — 350) Parvans of £anti and possibly the Sun-Hymn
(which alludes to Mithra of Persia) in Vana. The "worlds"
of the epic are three or seven or twenty-seven or innumer-
able. Against the assumtion of Indo-Babylonian cosmological
unity stands the fact that the earlier the Indie data are the
374 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, Mythological Aspects etc. [1910.
slighter appears the resemblance to those of Babylon. Even
if it be claimed that the epic represents only a disintegrated
original system, it must remain an historical contradiction
that its data show earlier conceptions than those of the
Puranas and yet represent the system of the Puranas. The
only parallel with Babylonian cosmology in India's very early
literature is, as it seems to me, the "seven worlds;" but as
these are not spheres and as seven is anything but a precise
term, it would be periculous to make very much of that fact.
Buddhistic world-theories are too late to be of importance in
this regard, but they too have affected the later epic.
Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" in the
Philippine Languages. — By FRANK B. BLAKE, Ph. D.,
Johns Hopkins University.
ONE of the most important uses of the study of languages
which lie outside of the more familiar Indo-European and
Semitic groups, is to broaden our knowledge of general gram-
mar, to make us acquainted with unfamiliar turns of speech,
and to disabuse our minds of the notion that the way in which
the better known tongues are accustomed to express a certain
idea, is the logical and only way. In several articles previously
published in the Journal I have illustrated this general prin-
ciple by bringing forward some of the most peculiar linguistic
phenomena of Tagalog and the other Philippine Languages, I
have discussed their peculiar system of counting, in which the
numbers intermediate between the tens are made, somewhat
as in Latin duodeviginti, undeviginti, upon the basis of the
ten toward which the count is proceeding; I have pointed out
that simple adjectives have the same construction as relative
clauses; I have shown that the case relation of a noun or
pronoun may be expressed by the form of the verb.1 In the
following paper I shall discuss the peculiarities involved in
the expression of two ideas of fundamental importance, with-
out a knowledge of which it is impossible to have the mastery
of any language, the ideas "to be" and "to have."
In the languages with which we are most familiar, English,
German, the Romance Languages, Latin, Greek, these ideas
are expressed by verbs, and so to our minds this is the most
natural and simple way of expressing them. We receive our
first shock when we turn to Sanskrit, where we find there is
1 Cf. my articles, Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar
II., JAOS, vol. xxviii, 1907; The Tagalog Ligature and Analogies in other
Languages, JAOS. vol. xxix, 1908; Expression of Case by the Verb in Ta-
galog, JAOS. vol. xxvii, 1906.
376 Frank R. Blake, [1910.
no verb for "to have" at all, but that we must express the idea
by the verb "to be" followed by the genitive, e. g. mama asti
"it is of me, I have," a construction, however, for which we
have been prepared by the Latin mihi est = luibeo.
If we turn from the Indo-European to the Semitic field,
conditions are still more unfavourable to our preconceived
notions. Not only is there no verb "to have" in any of the
languages except Assyrian,1 but the idea "to be" is often not
expressed by the verb "to be," but by particles, or pronouns;
in fact it is sometimes not expressed at all. For example in
Hebrew "I have a horse" is rendered by "to me a horse"
DID ^, "the man is good" by "the man good" 21tD l^KH or "the
man he good" 31t3 Kin t^Kn.
In the Philippine Languages we must break entirely with
our traditions, for here we find generally speaking no verb for
either "to be" or "to have," these ideas being expressed either
by particles, or simply by the construction itself.
These two ideas are, however, not always expressed in the
same way, there is not one particle which can always be used
to translate 'to be5 and another which can always be used to
translate 'to have;' the mode of rendition depends on a number
of things besides the fundamental ideas of 'being' or 'having.'
In the case of 'to be' we must distinguish three types of
construction, viz.:
a) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the class or characteristics of the subject, e. g.,
'the man is good,' 'his father is a farmer;'
b) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the place of the subject, e. g., 'his father is in the
house;'
c) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the existence of an indefinite subject, correspond-
ing to English 'there is,' 'there are,' German es gibt, French
H y a.
The first we will call 'copulative to be? the second 'locative
to be,' and the third 'indefinite to be.'
In the case of 'to have' we must distinguish two types of
construction, viz.:
1 Here the particle which corresponds to Hebrew tf\ Syriac XJ has
become a verb and takes verbal inflection, cf. Delitzsch, Assyrisches Hand-
worterbuch, Leipzig, 1896, p. 310 a.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of Hie ideas "to be" and "to nave" etc. 377
a) constructions in which the thing possessed is definite,
e. g., 'your brother has the money I sent you;'
b) constructions in which the thing possessed is indefinite,
e. g., 'have you any money?'
We will call these two types respectively 'definite' and 'in-
definite to liave?
'Definite to Jiave' is expressed in the same way as 'locative
to be? the original idea here being similar to that in Latin
inilii est, 'is to me,' Sanskrit mama asti, 'is of me.' Modern
Arabic ^xic. (andi 'is with me,' Ethiopic fl-f ' beia 'is in me.'
'Indefinite to have' and 'indefinite to be' are expressed in the
same way, the idea of 'having' being the original one and
passing into that of 'indefinite being' when the possessor is
indefinite; e. g., 'they (in clef.) have visitors in the house' becomes
'there are visitors in the house,' just as in Spanish hay, and
French il y a.
The five types therefore resolve themselves into three, viz.:
a) copulative to be, b) locative to be and definite to have, c) in-
definite to be and indefinite to have.
The negative of these three types is expressed in two
different ways; either the negative is added to the affirmative
construction as e. g., in English 'he is' and 'he is not,' or a
negative particle meaning 'not to be,' 'not to have' is sub-
stituted for the affirmative particle meaning 'to be.' 'to have,'
as e. g., in Hebrew ^ & 'I have' and ^ ]\* 'I have not.' The
first way is the regular one in the first type, the second in
the other two.
The following table gives the particles which are employed
to express 'to be' and 'to have' affirmatively and negatively in
the three types of construction just discussed. A dash in-
dicates that no particle is employed. Generally speaking these
particles are invariable for person, number, mood and tense,
though occasionally they are varied to express person or follow
the tense formation of the verb. The particles will be known
as quasi-verbal particles or quasi-verbs. *
The languages treated are Tagalog; the Bisaya2 dialects
1 It would be well to adopt some such designation in Semitic grammar
for particles like Heb. P", \*», TIP; Arab. ^^, Syr. J^l, Eth. f»:, etc.,
instead of speaking of them as adverbs, nouns, or prepositions.
2 I have adopted in this article the spelling of. the language names
suggested by Prof. C. E. Conant in Anthropos, Vol. IV, 1909, pp. 1069
378
Frank E. Slake,
[1910.
Cebuan, Hiligayna, Samaro-Leytean; Bikol; Pampanga; Pan-
gasinan; Iloko; Ibanag; Bontok and Nabaloi Igorot; Magin-
danau ; and Sulu. l
I
copulative
'to be'
II
locative 'to be'
definite 'to have5
III
indefinite 'to be'
indefinite 'to have'
Tag.
off.
neg.
di, hindi, dili
n a
wala
may
wala
Bis.
(Ceb.)
off.
neg.
dili
( nia, ania, naa,
\ anaa, tua, atua
wala
( may, duna, aduna,
\ duna may
wala
Bis.
(Hil.)
aff.
neg.
dili
f ari, yari, ara,
\yara, adto
( wala, wa
\ walay, way
may
{wala, wa
walay, way
wala may, wa may
Bis.
(Sam.-Ley.)
off*
neg.
diri
ini, ada, adto, ito,
waray
may
waray
Bik.
aff.
neg.
di, bako
fyaon, iyaon,
\ idtong, na
day
may, igua
day
Pamp.
aff.
neg.
ali, ai, e
ni, ani, ti, ati, ta
ala
tin, atin
ala
Pang.
.aff.
neg.
ag, alioa
oa
andi
oala
andi
Ilok.
aff.
neg.
di, saan
ad da
aoan
adda
aoan
Iban.
aff.
neg.
ari, akkan, ji
egga
auan, an
egga
auan, an
Igor.
(Bon.)
aff.
neg.
adi, faken
woda, woday
ma'id
woda, woday
ma'id
to 1074. The general principle of spelling which he there proposes, and
which should certainly be followed by all those who are working in
Philippine Languages, is to use the native name of the language wherever
possible. The changes from the spelling formerly used in my Philippine
publications are, viz., Bisaya for Bisayan, Pampanga for Pampangan,
Iloko for Ilokan, Magindanau for Magindanao.
1 For the principal grammars and dictionaries of these languages cf.
the list given in my Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar
JAOS. vol. xxvii (1906), p. 323, ft. nt. 2; vol. xxviii (1907) p. 1, ft. nt. 2.
To these add C. W. Seidenadel, The language spoken by the Bontok Igorot,
Chicago, 1909.
Vol. xxx.j Expression of the Ideas "to &e" and "to haver etc. 379
Igor.
(Nab.)
copulative
'to he'
II
locative 'to be'
definite 'to have'
III
indefinite 'to be'
indefinite 'to have'
aff.
neg.
ag, aligoa
guara
anchi
guara
anchi
aff.
neg.
di
da
aden
da
aff.
neg.
di, bukiin
aun
wai
aun, tuga
wai
Sulu
In the first type there are no affirmative quasi-verbs. The
ligatures Tagalog ay, y, Bontok ya, which are very close to
being such particle?, are better regarded simply as connective
particles between predicate and preceding subject.
In type I the negatives are based for the most part on a
particle di which appears in the different languages in the
varying forms di, ri, li, (Ibanag also ji),i probably with final
glottal catch (so at least in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot):
dili and diri are apparently reduplicated forms of di (so Conant):
in Tagalog hin-di, Pampanga a-li, Pangasinan a-li-oa, Ibanag
we have prefixed elements, a being perhaps the same
prefix that occurs in Cebuan ania, anaa, Pampangan ani, ati.
The element oa in Pangasinan alioa seems to be the quasi-
verb oa. Pampanga ai is derived from all by elision of the
intervocalic /, and e is simply a contraction of ai (so Conant).
A negative particle ag occurs in Pangasinan and Nabaloi, and
perhaps in Ibanag ak-kan; the negative particle an, which is
found in Ibanag uncombined, in Pangasinan and Ibanag com-
bined with other particles (viz., an-di, au-an) as negative verbal
particle of the t\yo other types, probably occurs in Iloko
sa-an, Ibanag akkan. Bikol Idko, Bontok Igorot faken, and
Sulu bukiin are evidently identical; these negatives mean not
simply 'not/ but indicate 'it is not this but something else' in
correcting a mistake. Nabaloi aligoa and probably Pangasinan
alioa, Ibanag akkati, have the same meaning.
In type II the affirmative particles are in many cases derived
from the demonstratives. Compare Hiligayna adto with dernon-
' i'i'] to; Samaro-Leytean ini, adto, ito, which form the
Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, vol. xxvii, 1906,
pp. 333, 334.
380 Frank E. Blake. [1910.
basis of quasi-verbal particles, with the identical demon-
stratives; Bikol idtong with demonstrative idto\ Pampanga ni,
ti, ta with the demonstratives ini, iti, ita\ Sulu aun with
demonstrative iaun\ Hiligayna ari, yari, ara, yam are to be
compared with the demonstratives. Cebuan k-ari and Ibanag
yari, yara\ Bikol yaon, iyaon with Tagalog demonstrative
yaon\ Tagalog and Bikol na, Cebuan naa, anaa seem to be
connected with the demonstrative particle na\ Cebuan nia,
ania are perhaps to be connected with the demonstrative
particle ia. The n- of nia may have been adopted from na,
and on the other hand the final a of naa may have been
borrowed from nia] what the prefixed a is that occurs before
the Cebuan and Pampanga particles is not certain. Samaro-
Leytean ada and Iloko adda are identical with Malay ada
'to be.'1 In Pangasinan and Igorot, oa, woda, guara are
apparently the same as 'the negatives iva and ivala.2 Cebuan
tua and Ibanag egga are difficult; egga is perhaps the same
as Bikol igua, the u (= w) being assimilated to the g.
The negative particles of the second type are in most cases
based on a particle wa (Nabaloi gua)* or on one written
variously la, ra, da, sometimes on both combined. The y or
i at the end of the particle in Bisaya, Bikol, Igorot, and
Sulu is simply the ligature i which has become an integral
part of the particle. Pampanga ala perhaps contains the
same initial a as the affirmatives ani, ati. Pangasinan andi,
Nabaloi anchi? is apparently a compound of two negative
particles, viz., the an which occurs as quasi-verb in Ibanag,
and the di that forms the basis of most of the negatives of
the first type. Ibanag an, though said to be a syncopated form
of auan,* is probably a simple negative particle; auan seems
to be made up of this an and a particle au-, which occurs
in Tagalog ay-aw 'not to want/ and ai-au the Sulu prohibitive
negative. In Igorot the meanings of affirmative and negative
particles seem to be reversed. If the affirmative woda is the
same as the negative wala, then it is possible to connect the
1 Cf. Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, voL \xvii. 1906,
pp. 349—357.
2 Cf. op. cit., p. 399. ft. nt. 3.
3 Cf. op. cit, pp. 332, 333.
4 Cf. De Cuevas, Arte nuevo de la lengua ybanag, Manila, 1854, p. 241.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to bj" and "to have" etc. 381
negative ma'id with the affirmative may and explain it as
or ma 4- preposition id.
In type III the particle may probahly contains the ligature
// (is in way, waray; the element ma is perhaps to be con-
nected with the prefix ma that is used to form adjectives in
many of the languages, e. g., Tagalog makes from lakas 'strength,'
the adjective ma-laha-s 'strong' originally perhaps 'having strength':
Bikol igua contains perhaps the particle wa used affirmatively
as in Pangasinan : Pampanga (a)tin is simply the (a)ti of type
two with ligature n: Magindanau adcn is perhaps a com-
bination of ada (== Malay ada, Iloko adda) and the demon-
strative particle en : the etymology of Cebuan duna, aduna and
Sulu tuga is uncertain; the initial a of aduna is probably the
same as the initial a of Cebuan ania, anaa, atua, Pampanga
a n^ ati. In Pangasinan and Igorot, oala, woda, guara appear to
correspond to the negative wala. The negative particles are
regularly the same as those of type II: in Hiligayna the liga-
ture y and in Pampanga the ligature n do not form an in-
separable part of the particle; in Cebuan duna may two affirma-
tive particles are used together, and in Hiligayna wala may,
wa may, the negative particle is prefixed to the affirmative.
Sometimes another word or particle is employed so frequently
in connection with the quasi-verb that it has become an
integral part of the word: so, for example, in Tagalog may-
roon = may, and Nabaloi guara-anan = gnara. Here roon is
the adverb doon 'there;' anan is perhaps a similar element.
In some languages the quasi-verbs of types II and III are
varied to express person or tense. In some of the Bisaya
dialects and in Pampanga different particles are apparently
employed according to the person of the subject. In Cebuan
••a is employed with first person, anaa or naa with the
second or third, and (a}tua with the third person. In Pampanga
(«}n> and (a}ti are used with all three persons, (d)ta only with
the third. The reason for this seems to be that the forms
used with the first and second persons are based on the
nearer demonstratives, and mean 'to be here,' those that are
employed only with the third are based on the more remote
demonstratives, and mean 'to be there.'
In Samaro-Leytean the particles are varied like verbs to
express tense, viz..
VOL. XXX. Part IV. 07
382 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
'to be there'
Pres.
Fret.
Fut.
iito
aada
nakada
makada
aadto
nakadto
makadto
'to be here' iini
nakanhi (makanhi) *
Occasionally in Tagalog the combination of the particle
na + an adverb of place is treated as if it were the past
tense of a verb with prefixed ma, e. g., from naroon is formed
a present tense naroroon.
In Magindanau aden makes a preterite naden.
Sentences containing 'copulative to be' are expressed in
most of the languages by simply juxtaposing subject and
predicate. The normal order, affirmative and negative, in all
the languages seems to be — predicate, subject, in negative
sentences the negative standing before the predicate,2 e.g.:
Tag. mataas ito-ng lalaki 'this man is tall.'
matatapang sila 'they are brave.'
hindi mabuti ang tawo 'the man is not good.'
hindi sila3 matatapang 'they are not brave.'
hindi ko ina4 '(she) is not my mother.'
Bis. (Ceb.) salapian ako 'I am rich.'
dili maayo si Pedro 'Pedro is not good.'
Bis. (Hil.) maayo ini 'this is good.'
si Pedro ako 'I am Pedro.'
maloloyon ang Dios 'God is merciful.'
dili ako3 si padre Ramon 'I am not Father Ramon/
Bik. marahay ako 'I am good.'
bako ini-ng papel 'it is not this paper.'
bako-ng5 sako iyan 'this is not mine.'
1 Not given but implied in Figueroa, Arte del idioma visaya de Samar
y Leyte, 2a ed., Binondo, 1872.
2 Negative examples are not always to be found in the material avail-
able for study, but the rule probably holds good in all cases.
3 To judge from these examples, when'_the subject is a personal pro-
noun in Tagalog and Hiligayna (presumably also in the other Bisaya
dialects) it stands between the negative and the rest of the predicate.
* When the predicate of a negative sentence in Tagalog is a noun
modified by a possessive pronoun and the subject is not expressed, the
postpositive form of the possessive seems to be placed between negative
and noun as here.
* A ligature seems to be regularly employed after the negatives saan,
alioa, aligoa, and also sometimes after bako.
Vol. xxx.] Expression oftlie ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 383
Pamp. masanting ya 'he is handsome.'
Pang, kapitan ak 'I am capital*?
baleg so kataoan 'the master is powerful.'
&<$ maronong 1 ...
I 'he is wise.'
ahoa-n° maronong J
Ilok. tao ak 'I am a man.'
maymaysa ak 'I am alone.'
naimbag daytoy 'this is good.'
di nasayaat toy a pusa -this cat is not pretty.'
saan a5 daket toy a silid 'this room is not large.'
Iban. babayak 'I am a woman.'
mapia im masipot 'the gentle one is good.'
Igor. (Bon.) kawis siya 'he is good.'
adi kawis sa 'this is not good.'
Igor. (Nab.) kadubong-ko iai 'this is my hat.'
aligoa-n5 balei-ko 'it is not my house.'
Mag. mapia si Pedro 'Pedro is good.'
Sulu maraiau tau ien 'that man is good.'
buldin amu ien 'that is not exact.'
The subject, however, may also stand first, but this seems
to be the case in many of the languages at least, only when
it is specially emphasized. In the northern group of Philip-
pine Languages, Pangasinan, Iloko, Ibanag, and probably Pam-
panga l this is apparently allowed only when the predicate is
definite, i. e., is preceded by the definite article or a demon-
strative pronoun. When the subject is a personal pronoun
these languages employ a special emphatic form, e.g.:
Pang, si Juan so mabayani 'Juan is the brave one.'
say kapitan so linma dia ;the capitan was the
* one that came here.'
siak so kapitan 'I am the capitan?
Ilok. sika ti napigsa 'you are the brave one.'
toy a tao ti naimbag 'this man is the good one.'
Iban. sakan ig gobernador 'I am the Governor.'
sikau si Pedro 'you are Pedro.'
Cebuan and Hiligayna seem to follow the same rule as the
northern languages, though they have no special series of emphatic
1 No examples are available, but the fact that Pampanga possesses a
special series of emphatic personal pronouns, besides its general resemblance
to the other languages makes this probable.
27*
384 Frank R. Blake, [1910.
pronouns; the definite article may be replaced by the particle
y, e.g.:
Ceb. si Pedro ang ] , . f 'Pedro is the
; V»A™ maloloy<
si Pedro-y J " "WJ j merciful one.'
Hil. siya ang amay ko 'he is my father.'
ako-y amay niya 'I am his father.'
In Tagalog, Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, Bontok Igorot, Magin-
danau, and Sulu, the subject may apparently stand first with-
out special emphasis; in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot the subject
and predicate are joined by the particle ay (after a vowel ay
or '?/), and ya respectively, e.g.:
Tag. ang tawo 'y mabuti 'the man is good.'
ikaw ay hindi matapang 'you are not brave/
Sam.-Ley. si Juan diri maopay 'Juan is not good.'
Bik. si Antonio maraot 'Antonio is bad.'
ini bulauan 'this is gold.'
Igor. (Bon.) nan mamamagkid ya fanig 'the girls are little.
sika ya antjo 'you are tall.'
Mag. su kayo makapal 'the tree is large.'
si Rudolfo mapulu a tau 'Rudolf is a tall man.'
su islam talau 'the moro is a coward.'
Sulu in salapa nia balawan 'his betel-box is (made
of) gold.'
in batabata ini di masipug 'this boy is with-
out shame (not bavin g-shame).'
In constructions of type II, the affirmative is expressed by
particles which, in many cases at least, are derived from the
demonstrative pronouns; the negative particle is regularly the
same as in the third type. When the sentence contains 'loca-
tive to ~be' the particle is regularly followed by the oblique
case of the place in which or a demonstrative adverb of place;
when it contains 'definite to have,' by the oblique case of the
possessor. In the second case the subject of the sentence is
the thing possessed. The rules with regard to the relative
position of subject and predicate seem to be the same as in
type I; in Tagalog, and apparently in Bontok Igorot, ay, y
and ya are used as in type I, e. g.:
Tag. ang bata 'y na sa bahay ] u
, , , ., J I 'the boy is m the house,
na sa bahay ang bata J
ang pari ay wala sa simbahan J 'the priest is not in
wala sa simbahan ang pari the church.'
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 385
ang kabayo ni Pedro 'y na sa akin 'I have
Pedro's horse.'
wala kay Juan ang salapi 'Juan has not the
money.7
Bis. (Ceb.) ania kanako ang sinina 'I have the shirt.'
tua sa ilalom sa lamesa '(it) is under the
table.'
Bis. (Hil.) adto siya sa Ogtong 'he is at Ogtong.'
wala siya sa San Marino 'he is not at San
Marino.'
way diri ang amay ko 'my father is not here.'
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) iini sa akon kamut 'it is here in my hand.'
aadto sa balay 'it is there in the house.'
nakadto ka sa Katbalogan 'have you been in
Katbalogan?'
Bik. ang kupia iyaon sa lamesa 'the hat is on the
table.'
day duman sa lamesa an sogkod 'the stick is
not on the table.'
na saimo dao an panyo ko 'have you my
handkerchief?'
Pamp. ni-ko keni 'I am here.'
ta-yo karin king silid 'he is there in the room.'
ala-yo keti 'he is not here.'
Pang, oa-d abung to si Pedro 'Pedro is in his house.'
oa-d sika-y kaballo 'have you the horse?'
Ilok. adda iti sirnbaan si apo Padi 'the priest is in
the church.'
adda ak ditoy 'I am here.'
aoan ditoy ti aso 'the dog is not here.'
adda kenka ti pagtinteroak 'have you my ink-
stand.'
adda-da iti cocinero 'the cook has them.'
aoan ti malo kaniak 'I have not the hammer.'
Iban. egga ip pirak nikau 'have you the money?'
auas i si Pedro tab balay 'Pedro is not in the
house.'
Igor. (Bon.) woday-ak is nan afong 'I am in the house.'
1 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336.
386 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
ma'id siya isna adwani 'he is not here to-day,
siya ya woday isna 'he is here.'
Igor. (Nab.) guara-ak chi balei 'I am in the house/
Sulu in barong nm aun ha-lum bai 'your barong is '
in the house.'
wai run pa-lum bai 'it is not in the house.'
In Magindanau this type, in the affirmative, seems to be
expressed in the same way as type I, without particle, the
prepositional phrase or adverb simply taking the place of the
nominal or adjectival predicate, e. g.:
su glat sa linauau na tulugan 'the knife is on the bed.'
su asu sa lamalama 'the dog is on the plaza.'
Some of the other languages also occasionally follow this
construction in the affirmative, e. g.:
Bis. (Ceb.) dinhi ako 'I am here.'
Bis. (Hil.) dira si Juan 'Juan is there.'
Ilok. dita ka pay 'are you still there?'
Iban. ajjau ak 'I am here.'
In constructions of type III, in the case of 'indefinite to
have1 the possessor stands sometimes in the nominative, some-
times in the genitive, sometimes, probably after the analogy
of type II, in the oblique. The original idea in the case of
the genitive in such a sentence as 'I have money' is probably
'there is, there exists money of mine.' The possessor stands in
the nominative only, in Tagalog, and apparently in Hiligayna,
Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, and Sulu; in the genitive only, in
Iloko: in either nominative or genitive in Cebuan, Pampanga,
Nabaloi, and Magindanau; in either genitive or oblique in
Ibanag, Pangasinan, and Bontok Igorot.
The thing possessed may be preceded by a ligature or in-
definite particle or it may stand alone. The ligatures are the
following viz., Tag., Bik. -ng, Pamp. -?z, Ceb., Hil., Pang, -y,
Mag. a; the indefinite particles, which in some languages (e. g.,
Iloko) seem to be used only after a negative, are viz., Ceb.
ug, in, ing, Hil. sing, Iban. tu: — Bik. nin, Igor. (Bon.) nan,
Nab. ne, Ilok. ti, which are used in the same way as the in-
definite particles, although forms of the definite article, are
to be classed here. In some cases a ligature has become an
integral part of the quasi-verb, so apparently in Tag., Bis.,
Bik. ma-y, Bis. wa-y, luala-y, wara-y, Bik. da-y, Pamp. ti-n,
Igor. (Bon.) woda-y: Sulu tuga is probably tug (used as nominal
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 387
prefix, e. g., tug-hai 'having a house, owner of a house') -f the
ligature a. The object may stand without preceding ligature
or indefinite particle after some of these quasi-verbs, under
just what conditions is not in all cases clear; in Tagalog or
Bisaya an object that follows may directly has this con-
struction.
In the case of 'indefinite to be,' the element that corresponds
to the possessor, being indefinite 'one, they,' is not expressed;
the thing that is or exists, the logical subject, stands in the
same construction as the thing possessed; the place where is
expressed by an adverb of place or by an oblique case.
Here, as in type II, the relative position of subject and
predicate are governed by the same rules as in type I. In
Tagalog the particles ay, y, in Bontok Igorot the particle
ya are used as in the two other types.
The following examples will illustrate these principles, e. g.:
Tag. may ako-ng salapi } T , ,
, J , , I 'I have money.'
ako y may salapi J
wala ako-ng anak ] T .
, , i*I have no son.'
ako y wala-ng anak J
may tawo sa bahay 'there is a man in the house.'
wala-ng tawo sa lansangan 'there is no one on
the street.'
Bis. (Ceb,) duna-v ako-ng (gen.) tiernpo ) T , . ,
. I 'I have time.'
duna ako-y (nom.) tiempo J
wala ako (nom.} ug humay 'I have no rice.'
aduna ing katigayonan 'he has riches.
Bis. (Hil.) ako may asawa na ) T . .-
, I'l have a wife now.
may asawa na ako J
wa-y kan'on ini-ng tauo 'this man has no food.'
wala-y buut yana 'he has no sense.'
wa ka-y buut 'you have no sense.'
wala ako-y kan'on 'I have no food.'
wala pa siya sing buut 'he has still no sense.'
way ako sing katungdanan sa pagbuhat sina
'I have no obligation to do that.'
wala may pilak ako 'I have no money.'
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) may salapi ka 'have you any money?'
waray ka salapi 'you have no money.7
Bik. igua ako-ng saro-ng ayam na magayom 'I have
a pretty dog.'
388 Frank E. Slake, [1910.
day ako-ng gubing 'I have no clothing.'
ika dai-ng gubing 'you have no clothes.7
clay ako nin saro-ng sadit 'I have not one cuarto.'
igua ka nin tubig 'have you any water?'
dai-ng tawo sa harong 'there is no one in the house.'
Pamp. atin kopia ning kapatad mo 'has your brother a hat?'
atin mo1-!! imalan 'he has indeed clothing.7
atin palse karin 'there is rice there.'
ala-n imalan mo ) , , ,, <->,
I 'have you no clothes r
ala ka-n imalan J
ala-n pal£e karin 'there is no rice there.7
Pang, oala-y kaballo-m Q,
i , i 11 ,-, ., [. 'have you a horse r
oala-y kaballo d sika J
oala-y polvos yo ] ,
, ., I 'have you (pi.) any powders r
oala-y polvos ed sikayo J
oala-y too ed abung 'there are people in the house.7
andi gapo-y polvos 'there are no powders at all.7
Ilok. adda tabako-m 'have you any tobacco?'
adda aso-mi 'we have a dog.'
aoan ti aso-da 'they have no dog.'
aoan ti naimbag a arak-na 'he has no good wine.'
adda tao itoy a balay 'there are people in this house.'
adda arak ditoy 'there is wine here.'
aoan ti pusa iti balay itoy 'there are no cats in
this house.7
Iban. egga ginageram mu ] 'have you slandered anyone
egga tu ginageram mu J(have you any slandered one).'
auan yaya tu utok ] , ,
I 'he has judgment.
auas2 sa tu utok J
auan ak tu pirak 1 T , ,
. . L 'I have no money,
auan makan tu pirak J
auas2 si Pedro tu utok j 'Pedro has no
auat2 tu utok takkuani Pedro j judgment.7
at2 tu tolay tab balay 'there is no one in the house.7
Igor. (Bon.) woday ken sak'en nan afong 1 ,
1 I 'I have a house,
woday nan afong-ko J
woda nan kayo 'there is a tree.7
1 mo is here an adverb.
2 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "io 6e" and " to have" etc. 389
woda nan onash id Falidfid 'there was ;i sugar-
cane-plantation at Falidtid.'
ma'id kayo-k 'I have no wood.'
ma'id noang 'there is no buffalo (here).'
Igor. (Nab.) guara balei-to 'has he a house?'
anchi balei-to 'he has no house.'
guara anan tayo ne kabadyo 'we have horses.'
anchi chanum 'there is no water.'
Mag. aden aku bengala 'I have a shirt.'
aden a tau lu 'there are people there.'
da palay ko 'I have no rice.'
da musala nin 'he has no handkerchief.'
da tau lu 'there is no one there.'
kagay naden aku pilak 'yesterday I had money.'
Sulu in sapit tuga jungal 'the sapit has a bowsprit.'
tau tuga ekog 'men that have tails.'
tuga buling-batu ha Sog 'there is coal in Sulu.'
in hula ini tuga saitan 'this country is possessed
with devils (has devils).'
tuga tau ha bai ini 'there are people in this house.'
aun kah bili-bili ha Sog 'are there any sheep in
Sulu?'
aun ang gatus 'there are a hundred.'
wai run manok kabili ha Sog 'there are no capons
in Sulu.'
wai kasudahan in hinang ini 'this work has no end.'
The object of the quasi- verbal particles of this third type
is in many cases a verbal form, the construction corresponding
usually to the English idiom 'to have to.' This construction
certainly occurs in many of the languages and probably in all
of them, but a few examples from Tagalog will suffice to
illustrate the general principle, e.g.:
Tag. may siya-ng pinatay na tawo 'he has killed a man (he
has a killed man).'
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say (I have not
anything-about-to-be-said).'
may nagnakaw na tawo ] 'there was a robber (a man
may tawo-ng nagnakaw J that robbed).'
Cf. also examples in next paragraph.
These particles in connection with their objects often express
indefinite pronominal ideas, such as 'some,' 'any,' 'something,'
390 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
'anything,' 'no,' 'nothing.' As in the preceding case the examples
will be confined to Tagalog, e. g. :
mayroon ako-ng tinapay 'I have some bread.'
mayroon ka-ng salapi 'have you any money?'
mayroon siya-ng sinabi 'did he say anything?'
mayroon kayo-ng hinahanap 'are you looking, for anyone,
anything.'
wala ako-ng asawa 'I have no wife.'
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say.'
wala ako-ng sinabi 'I said nothing.'
All of the three types may also be expressed interrogatively,
with negative interrogation, and in connection with special
interrogative words such as 'who,' 'what.'
The simple interrogative and negative interrogative of these
types do not differ from the affirmative and negative except
in the addition of interrogative particles, and the changes in
position caused by them. Such particles are, e. g. : Tag. baga,
~kaya, Bis. la, Bik. baga, Pamp. ta, kaya, kasi. Pang, kasi,
Iban. dasi, Sulu kah. In some languages these particles are
more commonly used than in others; they do not appear to
be absolutely essential in any. They usually stand after or
between two elements of the predicate, but may stand after
the subject when it precedes the predicate. When special
interrogative words are used they regularly constitute the
predicate of the sentence, the remainder of the sentence stand-
ing as subject. These special interrogative words may be
followed by the interrogative particles. Some examples from
Tagalog will illustrate the general principles of construction, e. g.:
malaki baga ang iyo-ng aso 'is your dog large?'
mayaman ka baga 'are you rich?'
na sa bahay baga ang ina mo 'is your mother in the house ?'
wala baga sa kaniya ang damit ko 'has-n't he my clothes?'
mayroon baga sila-ng salapi 'have they any 'money?'
sino ka 'who are you?'
sino kaya ito-ng babayi-ng ito 'who is this woman?'
kanino baga ito-ng bahay 'whose is this house?'
ano-ng * ngalan mo 'what is your name ?'
sino ang]
I na sa bahay 'who is m the house r
smo-ng1 I
1 Ligature used for the article ang.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and klto have" etc. 391
ano-ng bulaklak ang na sa kaniya 'what flower has he?'
sino-ang 1
sino-ng | may TQQn9 banl 'who nas a 8un?
ano-ng mayroon ka 'what have you?'
The foregoing discussion does not claim to be by any means
an exhaustive treatment of the two important ideas 'to be' and
'to have' in the Philippine Languages, it simply indicates the
lines along which their further study should be carried. It is
practically impossible, on the basis of the material available
for study to obtain a thoroughgoing knowledge of these three
types of construction, and as such a knowledge is essential for
the mastery of any Philippine language, those who have the
opportunity to investigate these languages at first hand should
attempt to supply this want. They should study these types
from all points of view. Numerous examples should be collected
illustrating the various types expressed affirmatively, negatively,
interrogatively, with negative interrogation, and with special
interrogative words. These examples should present instances
of all the parts of speech, both alone and with all possible
modifiers, employed as subject, predicate, or case form depend-
ing on the quasi-verb. Especial attention should be devoted
to the construction of the pronouns (personal, demonstrative,
the article, interrogative, indefinite particles, ligatures) and to
the construction of postpositive words (i. e., pronominal or ad-
verbial particles like Tagalog fra, mo\ na, pa, baga, etc., which
must always follow some other word); and the rules governing
the position of the various elements should be carefully worked
out and tested. Moreover any special idioms founded on these
constructions should be pointed out and thoroughly discussed.
It is a difficult matter for those who have no special lin-
guistic training to recognize what things are important and
what are trivial in the great mass of material with which they
are brought in contact, when they take up the study of a
Philippine language, especially one of those about which little
is known. For such it is hoped that the sketch here presented
may furnish an introduction and guide to the study of one of
the most fundamental portions of the grammar of the Philip-
pine Languages.
1 Eoon + ng > roong + ng > roong by assimilation of n to ng and
simplification of the doubling. Italics are used to indicate that final ng
results from n + ligature ng.
Printed by W. Drugulin. Leipzig (Germany)
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
MEETING IN NEW YORK, N. Y.
1909.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
and twenty-first occasion of its assembling, was held in New
York City, at Columbia University, on Thursday, Friday, and
Saturday of Easter Week, April 15th, 16th and 17th.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions:
Adler,
Gilmore,
Joseph,
Olmstead,
Arnold', W. it.
Gottheil,
Kohn, Miss
Peters,
Asakawa,
Gray, L. H.
Kyle,
Quackenbos,
Barret,
Gray, Mrs. L. H.
Lanman,
Rosenau,
Barton,
Grieve, Miss
Levonian,
Rudolph, Miss
Black,
Haas,
Lyon,
Scott, C. P. G.
Brown,
Haessler, Miss
Madsen,
Scott, Mrs. S.B.
Carus,
Harper,
Margolis,
Shepard,
Campbell,
Haupt,
Meyer,
Sherman,
Colton, Miss
Haynes,
Micnelson,
Steele,
Davidson,
Hirth,
Moore, J. H.
Thompson,
Demarest,
Hock,
Miiller,
Todd,'
Ember,
Hopkins,
Musa-Arnolt,
Torrey,
Frachtenberg,
Howland,
Nies, J. B.
Vanderburgh,
Frank,
Hussey, Miss
Nies, W. C.
Ward, W. H.
Friedenwald,
Jackson,
Oertel,
Ussher,
Friedlaender,
Jastrovv,
Ogden, C. J.
Yohannan.
Gelbach,
Johnston,
Ogden, Miss E. S.
Total, 71.
The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three
o'clock in the Trustees Room of the University, with the Presi-
11
dent of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, in the
chair.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting held in Cam-
bridge, Mass., April 23d and 24th, 1908, was dispensed with,
because they were presented in printed form as advance sheets
ready to appear in the Journal (vol. xxix, 304 — 314).
The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, in the form of a printed program,
and made some special supplementary announcements.
The succeeding sessions of the Society were appointed for
Friday morning at half-past nine, Friday afternoon at half-
past two, and Saturday morning at half-past nine. It was
announced that a luncheon would be given to the Society at
Columbia University by the local members on Friday at one
o'clock, and that arrangements had been made for a sub-
scription dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel on Thursday evening
at seven o'clock.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows:
The Corresponding Secretary desires at the outset to express his thanks
and appreciation to his predecessor in office, Professor Hopkins, now
President of the Society, for the kindly help lent to him when assuming
the new duties and for the aid so generously given to lighten the burden
of work inevitable in a secretarial position.
The correspondence for the year has been somewhat extensive. There
has been an ever-growing number of communications called forth by the
inclusion of the American Oriental Society's name in the lists of organi-
zations that are regularly published in various bulletins and records in
different parts of the country. This is a good thing, as it draws wider
attention to the scope and aims of the Society, and it might perhaps be
well for us later to consider the question of enlarging somewhat the list
of cities in which our meetings are held, since several Boards of Trade
in other places have made tender of opportunities that might be offered
if their particular city should be chosen for one of the annual
meetings.
A pleasant part of the interchange of letters which has been carried
on since the last meeting has been the correspondence with the newly
elected members and with those who had been chosen as honorary
members and who have expressed in complimentary terms their appre-
ciation of the distinction conferred by the Society's electing them.
A sad but sympathetic part of the year's work has been writing ex-
pressions of thought and remembrance for those who have been bereaved
Ill
by the death of some member of the family who was thus lost as a
member from our own midst. The list is not small considering our
limited membership.
DEATHS.
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Richard Pischel.
Professor Eberhard Schrader.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mrs. Emma J. Arnold.
Mr. Ernest B. Fenollosa.
Mr. Francis Blackmore Forbes.
President Daniel Coit Gilman.
Professor Charles Eliot Norton.
Professor John Henry Wright.
Professor Pischel, one of our more recent honorary members, was a
German Sanskrit scholar of wide learning and whose name was recognized
with honor throughout the learned world. He died at the age of fifty-
nine, in December, 1908, at Madras, India, shortly after reaching the
land to which he had devoted his life's studies and which it had ever
been his heart's desire to visit.
Professor Schrader, of the University of Berlin, was made an honorary
member of the Society in 1890, in recognition of his distinguished ser-
vices to Oriental science especially in the line of Assyriological research.
His long and eminent career, which led him to the position of a Privy
Councilor at the Royal Court of Germany, lent a special dignity to the
list of the Society's membership.
Mrs. Emma J. Arnold, of Providence, R. I., a corporate member of
the Society since 1894, died at the home of her husband, Dr. Oliver H.
Arnold, of Providence, on June 7, 1908.
Ernest F. Fenollosa, of Mobile, Alabama, since 1894 a member of the
Society, died in England in October, 1908, just as he was about to return
to America. His special interest lay in the field of Japan, where he had
lived for some time, and he was a very agreeable lecturer and writer on
the subject of its art, its history and its civilization.
Francis Blackman Forbes, of Boston, a member since 1864, died at his
home in Boston, May 21, 1908, at the age of sixty-eight. Mr. Forbes
had been a merchant in China for twenty-five years, until 1882, when he
removed to Paris for four years and afterwards returned to his home
in Massachusetts. His interest in Chinese flora and the fine collection
of specimens which he made in that field won him a fellowship in the
Linnean Society of London.
Daniel Coit Gilman, who was an active member of the Society for
over half a century, having joined in 1857, and who was our president
for thirteen years, from 1893 to 1906, d.ed at his birthplace in Norwich,
IV
on October 13, 1908, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. After his
graduation from Yale College in 1852, he continued his studies at Cam-
bridge and at Berlin, and then entered upon a distinguished career as
an educator, as is well known to those who are acquainted with the edu-
cational development of this country whose interests he served so faith-
fully. He was President of the Johns Hopkins University from 1875 to
1901, when he retired as emeritus to take the presidency of the newly
founded Carnegie Institution. He had previously enjoyed the honor of
being appointed by the President of the United States to act as one of
the five members of the United States Commission on the subject of the
boundary line between Venezuela and Colombia. The valuable services
which he rendered to the American Oriental Society during the thirteen
years in which he was our presiding officer, and the distinction which
he lent by his association with the Society, will always remain a bright
memory.
Professor Charles Eliot Norton, of Harvard University, art critic and
man of letters, who joined the Society in 1857, the same year as Mr. Oil-
man, passed away in the week after his contemporary's death. He died
at Cambridge, Mass, on October 21, 1908. The public press throughout
the land paid tribute to his memory. Although not an active attendant
at the Oriental meetings, he never lost his interest during the fifty-one
years of his membership. The part which Mr. Norton took as one of
the first scholars to draw attention to Fitzgerald's version of Omar
Khayyam will always associate his name with the interest taken in the
Persian poet.
Professor John Henry Wright, of Harvard University, a member of
the Oriental Society since 1898 , died at Cambridge , Mass, on No-
vember 25, 1908. Professor Wright was born in Urumiah, Persia, the
city which is believed by some to have been the birthplace of Zoroaster.
Although Dr. Wright's specialty was in Greek, he had early taken an
interest in Sanskrit in his student days, and showed his interest in the
Oriental Society by joining it ten years ago.
In conclusion the Secretary is pleased to add that the major part of
his correspondence has been of a special or technical character as asso-
ciated with work now incorporated in the Journal or as carried on with
fellow-searchers for light in the realm of the Land of the Dawn.
The details of the Secretary's report were accepted as pre-
sented and it was directed to place the report on record.
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The report of the Treasurer, Professor Frederick Wells
Williams, was presented by the Corresponding Secretary and
read as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISI-.TMISEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or Tin AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOII THE YEAU KNI.ING DECEMBER 31, 1908.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1907 $ 59.12
Dues (190) for 1908 $ 950.00
., (64) for other years 320.00
„ (14) for Hist. S. R. Sect 28.00
$ 1,298.00
Sales of Journal 193.79
Life Memberships (2) 150.00
Subscriptions collected for Or. Bibl. Subvention . . 9M.OO
State National Bank Dividends 122.21
Annual Interest from Savings Banks 47.22 , ^ 22
$ 1,966.34
Expenditures.
T., M. and T. Co., printing vol. xxviii (remainder) $ 1,364.48
Librarian, postage, etc 7.09
Other postage and express 6.77
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 100.00
Balance to general account .• $ 488.00
$ 1,966.34
STATEMENT.
1907 1908
Bradley Type Fund . $ 2,481.93 $ 2,653.41
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.03 6.39
National Savings Bank 11.67 12.11
Interest Cotheal Fund 149.27 195.69
Cash on hand 102.93 12.54
Interest 55
$ 5,702738 $ 5,830.14
The report of the Treasurer was supplemented verbally by
Professor Jackson with a statement, merely for record, that
the Directors had voted that the Society should continue next
year to contribute as before to the Orientalische Bibliographic,
and that the Treasurer was authorized to pay said contri-
bution directly out of the funds in the treasury.
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by Professor C. C. Torrey, as follows:
We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Acting Treasurer of this Society, and have found the same correct, and
VI
that the foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also
compared the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and
pass-books and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, \ A u
HANNS OERTEL, } A
NEW HAVEN, April 17, 1909.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Harms Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
Miss Margaret D. Whitney has continued her work of cataloguing
the Society's Library. The response to a circular letter to our exchanges
asking that incomplete sets be, as far as possible, completed, has been
very cordial and generous. The next report of the Librarian will contain
a bibliographical list of all periodical literature deposited in our Library.
As in previous reports, the Librarian again calls attention to the abso-
lute necessity of a small sum of money for the binding of our accessions.
It is impossible to allow unbound volumes to go out of the library, and
as almost all of our members live at a distance, unbound books cannot
be used by them.
The thanks of the Society are again due to Miss Margaret D. Whitney
for her continued interest in the Library, to Mr. Schwab, Librarian of
Yale University, for many favours, and to Mr. Gruener of the Yale
Library for valued assistance in mailing.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors of the Journal of the Society,
Professors Oertel and Jewett, was made by Professor Oertel
as follows:
The editors regret that owing to the delay in setting up and correcting
one of the articles, it has not been possible to complete the current number
of the Journal in time to have it in the hands of the members before
this meeting. It will be sent out early in May. As is well known to
the members, the cost of printing of the Society's Journal has for some
years past exceeded the Society's income and made it necessary to draw
on our invested funds. It did not seem wise to the editors to continue
indefinitely such a policy of living beyond our means. They, therefore,
reluctantly decided to publish the Society's Journal for the current year
in one volume of about 100 pages less than has been customary.
By direction of the Board of Directors, the Editors will make arrange-
ments for printing the next volume of the Journal abroad, and they ex-
pect that the saving thus effected will make it possible to print the
Journal as before without exceeding the income of the Society.
The Editors, finally, desire to call the attention of members to the
rule that all papers read at the Society's meeting are presumed to be
available for printing in the Society's Journal and subject to the call of
the Editors for that purpose.
Vll
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected members of the Society:
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Rev. Canon Samuel R. Driver, M. Charles Clermont-Ganneau,
Professor Hermann Jncobi.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. George William Brown, Mr. James H. Hyde,
Mr. Charles Dana Burrage, Mr. Thomas W. Kingsmill,
Senor Felipe G. Calderon, Rev. M. G. Kyle,
Mr. Irving Comes Demarest, Mr. Levon J. K. Levonian,
Dr. Carl Frank, Mr. Albert Howe Lybyer,
Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, Mr. Charles J. Morse,
Miss Marie Gelbach, Mr. Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead,
Dr. George W. Gilmore, Mr. Walter Peterson,
Miss Luise Haessler, Mr. George V. Schick,
Edward H. Hume, M. D., Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera,
Rev. Sydney N. Ussher.
OFFICERS FOR 1909-1910.
The committee appointed at Cambridge to nominate officers
for the ensuing year consisted of Professors Francis Brown,
Torrey, and Oertel, (see Journal, vol. xxix, 311) and their report
recommended the following names, which were duly elected:
President-^. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
Vice- Presidents — Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; Professor
Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry Hyvernat, of Washington.
Corresponding Secretary — Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of New
York.
Eecording Secretary — Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass.
Secretary of the Section for Religions — Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr.,
of Philadelphia.
Treasurer — Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian — Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven.
Directors— The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven ;
Robert F. Harper and James R. Jewett, of Chicago.
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT.
At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session,
the President of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins,
Vlll
of Yale University, delivered his annual address on "Exagge-
rations of Tabu as a Religious Motive."
The Society adjourned at the close of the address to meet
at half past seven o'clock for dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel.
FRIDAY SESSION.
The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communi-
cations were presented:
Doctor K. Asakawa, of Yale University, Notes on village
administration in Japan under the Tokugawa. — *Remarks by
Professor Hopkins.
Professor L. C. Barret, of Princeton University, Concerning
Kashmir Atharva-Veda, Book 2. — Remarks by Professor Lan-
man.
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College, The nota-
tion for 216,000 in the Tablets of Telloh.— Remarks by Pro-
fessors Jastrow and Haupt.
Doctor George F. Black, of Lenox Library, N. Y., Concern-
ing the Gypsy Lore Society, presented by Dr. C. P. G. Scott
Doctor A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University, Hebrew
stems with prefixed $. — Remarks by Professors Haupt and
W. Max Mfiller.
Dr. M. Margolis, of the Jewish Publication Society, Phila.,
The necessity of complete induction for finding the Semitic
equivalents of Septuagint words. — Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Mr. L. J. Frachtenberg, of New York, The superstition of
the evil eye in Zoroastrian literature. — Remarks by Professors
Hopkins, Miiller, Jastrow, Peters.
Professor L. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Semi-
nary of America, The Fountain of Life and the Islands of the
Blessed in the Alexander legends. — Remarks by Professors
Haupt and Jastrow, and Doctor Yohannan.
Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The .Kitab
Dlwan Misr.
Professor A. V. "W. Jackson, of Columbia University, A
legend of aerial navigation in Ancient Persia. — Remarks by
Professors Friedlaender and Jastrow.
Professor M. Jastrow, of the University of Pennsylvania, An-
other fragment of the Etana myth.
At twelve thirty the Society took a recess till half past two
o'clock, and were invited to luncheon as guests of the local
members.
IX
On convening again after luncheon the session was held in
the auditorium of Schermerhorn Hall, Columbia, President
Hopkins presiding, and the following papers were presented:
Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The origin
and history of the minaret. — Remarks by Professor Jastrow.
Miss L. C. G. Grieve, Ph. D., of New York, The Dasara
Festival at Satara, India.— Remarks by Professor Hopkins.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, The
Location of Mount Sinai.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University, Pali book
titles and how to cite them. — Remarks by Professors Hopkins
and Haupt.
Professor "W. Max Muller, of Philadelphia, Scenes of the
religious worship of the Canaanites on Egyptian monuments.
Illustrated by stereopticon photographs. — Remarks by Professor
Haupt.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University, The Harvard
excavations at Samaria. Illustrated by stereopticon photo-
graphs.— Remarks by Professor Lanman.
Dr. T. A. Olmstead, Preparatory School, Princeton, N. J.,
Some results of the Cornell Expedition to Asia Minor and the
Assyro-Babylonian Orient.
Dr. Truman Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn., The general
interrelation of the dialects of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts, with
some remarks on the home of Pali.
Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University, On Chinese
Hieroglyphics.
At five thirty the Society adjourned for the day; and the
evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the members
for supper and general conversation.
SATURDAY SESSION.
On Saturday morning at half-past nine, the fourth and con-
cluding session was held in Room 407 of Schermerhorn Hall,
and was devoted to the reading of papers and the transaction
of important business.
In the business portion of the session, which formed the
first matter of consideration, the Committee on the Nomi-
nation of Officers reported the names as already given above.
The Chair then appointed as committee to nominate officers
at the first session of the next annual meeting, the following
members:
Professor Robert F. Harper, of Chicago;
Dr. George C. O. Haas, of Columbia;
Dr. Albert A. Madsen, of Cleveland, Ohio.
The Directors reported that they had appointed Professor
Hanns Oertel and Professor James R. Jewett as Editors of
the Journal for the ensuing year.
The place and date of the next meeting as appointed by
the Directors was further announced to be Baltimore, during
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st,
April 1st and 2d, 1910.
The Committee to audit the Treasurer's accounts consists of
Professors Torrey and Oertel.
Professor Hirth brought before the Society for consideration
the question of the tariff imposed upon books in foreign
languages imported into the United States. Upon motion of
Professor Haupt, the following petition was unanimously adopted
and the Corresponding Secretary was instructed to forward it
in an appropriate manner to the authorities at Washington:
The American Oriental Society, assembled at its annual meeting
held in New York, April 17, 1909, respectfully petition the Senate
and House of Representatives of the United States of America that
all scientific books dealing with foreign languages imported from
abroad be admitted free of duty.
I
The presentation of papers was resumed in the following
order :
Professor Christopher Johnston, of Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity:—
(a) The fable of the horse and the ox in cuneiform lite-
rature.
(b) Assyrian lexicographical notes.
(c) The Sumerian verb.
Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Dr. Ishya Joseph, of New York, Notes on some matters
relating to Arabic philology. — Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Professor Hanns Oertel, of Yale University:
(a) Some cases of analogy formation.
(b) The Sanskrit, root drp, 'stumble'.
Remarks by Professor Hopkins.
Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh, of New York, A hymn to Bel,
Tablet 29623, British Museum, as published in CT. xv, plates
12 and 13.
XI
Dr. A. Yohaiman, of Columbia University, A Turkish manu-
script treatise on physiognomy.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) Pi-hahiroth and the route of the Exodus.
(b) The disgrace and rehabilitation of Galilee.— (Isaiah ix. 1.)
At eleven thirty Vice-President Haupt was invited to the
Chair by Professor Hopkins on his withdrawal. The session
continued as follows:
Professor P. Hirth, of Columbia University, On early Chinese
notices of African territories. — Remarks by Professors Haupt
and W. Max Miiller.
Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, of Columbia University, Notes
on Zoroastrian chronology.
Professor I. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Seminary
of America, N. Y., 'Abdallah b. Saba, the Jewish founder of
Shiism.
Before the session closed, the following resolution was un-
animously adopted:
The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to
the President and Trustees of Columbia University and to the local
members for the courtesies which they have extended to the
Society during this meeting; and to the Committee of Arrange-
ments for the provisions they have made for its entertainment.
The Society adjourned at half past twelve on Saturday to
meet in Baltimore, Md., March 31st, April 1st, and 2d 1910.
The following communications were read by title:
Dr. Bigelow, of Boston, Nirvana and the Buddhist moral
code.
Dr. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The Tagalog verb.
(b) Brockelmann's Comparative Semitic Grammar.
Professor Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University, Studies
on the text and language of the Rig- Veda.
Professor Gottheil, of Columbia University, A door from the
Madrassah of Barkuk.
Reverend A. Kohut, of New York:
(a) Royal Hebraists.
(b) A tradition concerning Haman in Albiruni, and the
story of Rikayon in the Sefer Ha-Yashar.
Professor Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz.
Xll
Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The uses of lb in Post-Biblical Hebrew.
(b) Abstract formations in the philosophical Hebrew.
Professor Torrey, of Yale University:
(a) The question of the date of the Samaritan schism.
(b) The lacuna in Neh. ix. 5 f.
List of Members. xiii
LIST or MEMBERS.
The number placed after the address indicates the year of election.
I. HONORARY MEMBERS.
M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan-
ciere, 10.) 1898.
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India.
1887.
JAMES BCRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899.
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris.
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Asbton-on-Mersey, England.
1907.
Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUECK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878.
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893.
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England 1909.
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Steglitz, Friedricb Str. 10/11, Berlin, Germany. 1903.
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger
Str. 14.) 1902.
Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905.
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnh am,
Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905.
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.)
1893.
Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger-
many. 1909.
Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands.
1893.
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Kb'nigliche Wein-
berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898.
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de
1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898.
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. Gross-Lichterfelde-
AVest, Mommsen Str. 7) 1908.
Prof. THEODOR NOELDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs-
gasse 16.) 1878.
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gb'ttingen, Germany. 1910.
(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.)
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormser Str. 12, W.)
1887.
xiv List of Members.
EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois Ier, Paris,
France. 1908.
Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893.
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber
Str. 18 a.) 1902.
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (Universitats
Str. 15.) 1890. [Total 26]
II. CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Names marked with * are those of life members.
Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Tardeo, Bombay, India. 1900.
Dr. CYRUS ABLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884.
WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St.. Cambridge, Mass. 1910.
F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904.
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906.
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893.
Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904.
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. J. CULLEN AYER (P. E. Divinity School), 5000 Woodlawn Ave., Phila-
delphia, Pa. 1907.
Miss ALICE M. BACON, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898.
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1803.
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888.
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894.
Prof. HARLAN^P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900.
HAROLD H. BENDER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1906.
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond. S. L, N. Y. 1893.
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), 700 Park Ave.
New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St, Boston, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887.
GEORGE F. BLACK, Ph.D., Lenox Library, Fifth Ave. and 70th St., New
York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE (Johns Hopkins Univ.), Dixon Park, Mt.
Washington, Md. 1900.
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore, Md. 1907.
Rev. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, Chicago Hebrew Institute, 485 West Taylor St.
Chicago, 111. 1891.
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898.
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New
York, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary,
Rock Island, 111. 1900.
List of Members. xv
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1881.
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambesy, Switzerland. 1897.
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran
St., Washington, D. C. 1896.
Prof. C. B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910.
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne,
Switzerland. 1908.
Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891.
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIGGS (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906.
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New York.
N. Y. 1881.
Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909.
Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, Univeisity of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892.
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces,
Philippine Islands. 1908.
ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester. Mass. 1910.
EUGEN WASTON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Philadelphia, Pa.
1910.
CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909.
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908.
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 18£6.
Rev. SIMEON J. CARE, 1527 Church St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1892.
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, care Hon. F. J. Kingsbury, Waterbury, Conn. 1873.
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897.
Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893.
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883.
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891.
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907.
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908.
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882.
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887.
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, 515 Carlisle Place, Chattanooga, Tenn. 1905.
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902.
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904.
Dr. WILLIAM R. P. DAVEY (Harvard Univ.), 21 Mellen St., Cambridge, Mass.
1908.
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908.
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J.
1888.
LIVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex st., Hackensack, N. J. 1909.
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900.
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900.
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867.
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894.
xvi List of Members.
Prof. M. W. EASTOX, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872.
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910.
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901.
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLUCOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md.
1897.
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass.
1883.
Dr. AARON EMBER, Johns Hopkins University. 1902.
Rev. ARTHUR H. EWING, The Jumna Mission House, Allahabad, N. W. P.,
India. 1900.
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., NPW York, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin,
Texas. 1888.
Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876.
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Land, Shanghai, China. 1900.
Prof. RALPH HALL FERRIS (Theological Seminary), 45 Warren Ave., Chi-
cago, 111. 1905.
CLARENCR STANLAY FISHER, 4152 Parkside Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy.
1886.
Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906.
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1900.
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907.
MARQUIS ANTOINE FRABASILIS, 1017 East 187th St., New York, N. Y.,
1907.
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1907.
Rev. Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave.
New York, N. Y. 1892.
Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909.
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 338 West 85th St., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place,
New York, N. Y. 1904.
Dr. WILLIAM H. FURNESS, 3d, 1906 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1897.
Dr. FLETCHER GARDNER, 202 East Kirkwood Ave., Bloomington, Ind. 1905.
ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903.
Miss MARIE GELBACH, 534 West 143d St., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore,
Md. 1858.
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (Harvard»Univ.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge.
Mass. 1857.
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y,
1886.
Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y.
1904.
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, German Valley, N. J. 1897.
List of Members. xvii
Mrs. Louis H. GRAV, Germun Valley X. J. 1907.
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., Xew York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin-
nati, 0. 1890.
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School,
5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
*GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903.
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, Whittier Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1909.
Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902.
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
Prof. ROUERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886.
Prof. SAMUEL HAKT, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 1879.
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore,
Md. 1883.
Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Col. THOS. WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, 25 Buckingham St., Cambridge, Mass.
1869.
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 807 Spruce St.,
Philadelphia, Pa. 1887.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield,
N. J. 1903.
*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893.
Rev. HUGO W. HOFFMAN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899.
Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, 502 Fulton St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906.
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven.
Conn. 1881.
Miss SAKAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New Yoik, N. Y. 1910.
HENIIY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Huan, China. 1909.
Miss ANNiE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873.
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901.
HENRY MINOR HUXLEY, 1550 Monadnock Block, Chicago, 111. 1902.
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909.
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St.,
N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889.
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
(668 Riverside Drive). 1885.
JOHN DAY JACKSON, 86 Crown St., New Haven, Conn. 1905.
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW, (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St.,
Philadelphia, Pa. 1886.
Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874.
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, 5757 Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1887.
CHARLES JOHNSTON, 511 West 122d St., New. Yorx, X. Y. 1910.
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St.,
Baltimore, Md. 1889.
xviii List of Members.
ISHYA JOSEPH, 700 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1908.
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office, London, S. W., England.
1908.
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge,
Mass. 1886.
Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven,
Conn. 1890.
Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
THOMAS W. KINGSMILL, Shanghai, China. 1909.
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Billiard St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
Rev. GEORGE A. KOHUT, 781 West End Ave., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907.
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909.
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1876.
C. S. LEAVENWORTH, care of Brown, Shipley & Co., 123 Pall Mall, London,
England. 1900.
LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Aintal, Turkey. 1909.
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville,
Tenn. 1901.
Prof. ENNO LITTMAN, Schweighauser Str. 24", Strassburg i. Els., Germany.
1902.
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893.
Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Bleeker St., New York, N. Y. 1908.
ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Irving St., Cambridge, Mass. 1909.
*BENJAMIN StaiTH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871.
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge,
Mass. 1882.
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y.
1899.
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn. 1893.
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan
Allen, Vt. 1904.
Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN 22 Courtney Ave. Newburgh, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888.
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th
St., New York, N. Y. 1889.
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto,
Canada. 1906.
C. 0. MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
WILLIAM MERRILL, West Newbury, Mass. 1910.
J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907.
MARTIN A. MEYER, 300 Hamilton St., Albany, N. Y. 1906.
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, R. F. D. 48, Ridgefield, Conn. 1899.
List of Members. xix
Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico. Mo. 1892.
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng-
land. 1881.
Prof. EDWIN KNOX MITCHELL (Hartford Theol. Sem.), 57 Gillette St., Hart-
ford, Conn. 1898.
ROLAND H. MODE, 5836 Drexel Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German-
town, Pa. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge,
Mass. 1887.
Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 8 West 119th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902.
CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909.
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894.
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906.
Prof. W. MAX MUELLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road. Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908.
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS.-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887.
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank. Threadneedle St.,
London, England. 1906.
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908.
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS T. O'CONNELL, D.D. (Catholic Univ.), Washington,
D. C. 1903.
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890.
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New Xork, N. Y. 1906.
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898.
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906.
ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton,
N. J. 1909.
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette,
Geneve, Switzerland. 1904.
*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861.
Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890.
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn.
1900.
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, .Conn.
1894.
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada.
1903.
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. EDWARD DEL A VAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882.
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909.
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beech wood Ave,
Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889.
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897.
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887.
xx List of Members.
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co.,
N. Y. 1888.
GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
Prof. F. P. RAMSAY (S. W. Presbyterian Univ.), Clarksville, Tenn. 1889.
Dr. GEORGE ANDREW REISNEE, The Pyramids, Cairo, Egypt. 1891.
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St.,
Cambridge, Mass. 1908.
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
1900.
J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1S02
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894.
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers
Place, Chicago, 111. 1892.
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, St. Petersburg,
Russia. 1880.
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1893.
Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. Md. 1897.
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894.
Mrs. JANET E. RDDTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897.
Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900.
Prof. ARTHUR W. RYDER (Univ. of California), 2337 Telegraph Ave.,
Berkeley, Cal. 1902.
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906.
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897.
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht,
Amsterdam, Holland. 1906.
GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909.
Dr. Hte ERNEST SCHMID, White Plains, N. Y. 1866.
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894.
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., First Secretary of the American Embassy,
St. Petersburg, Russia. 1899.
GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1906.
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895.
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut
Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903.
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1908.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 78 Higashi Sambancho, Sendai, Japan. 1902.
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870.
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904.
*The Very Rev. JOHN R. SLATTERY, 261 Central Park West, New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Major (P. S.) C. C. SMITH, P. S. Manila: Philippine Islands. 1907.
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877.
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906.
List of Members. xxi
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1884.
Rev. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892.
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900.
MAYER SDLZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn.
1907.
Prof. WILLIAM C. THAYER, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 1907.
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906.
Rev. Dr. J. J. TIERNEY, Mount St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, Md.
1901.
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York,
N. Y. 1885.
OLAP A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1906.
*Prof. CHARLES C. TORREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven,
Conn. 1891.
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass.
1871.
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison.
Ave., N. Y. 1909.
Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH , 53 Washington Sq., New York,
N. Y. 1908.
ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863.
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark,
N. J. 1874.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869.
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894.
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline,
Mass. 1877.
Rev. W. SCOTT WATSON, West New York, Hudson Co., New Jersey. 1893
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to
H.S.M. Govt, Bangkok, Siam. 1903.
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
1885.
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge
Mass. 1877.
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn.
1908.
Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897,
Rev. E. T. WILLIAMS, Division of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of State.
Washington, D. C. 1901.
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New
Haven, Conn. 1895.
Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Pa. 1884.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885.
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
xxii List of Members.
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario.
1885.
Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1228 Mound St., Madison, Wis. 1904.
WILLIAM W. WOOD, 2210 North Fulton Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1900.
JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1900.
Dr. WILLIAM H. WORRELL, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
1910.
Rev. JAMES OWENS WRIGHTSON, 812 20th St., N. W., Washington, D. C.
1903.
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
1894.
[Total, 286.]
III. MEMBEBS OF THE SECTION FOR THE HISTORICAL STUDY
OF RELIGIONS.
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898.
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899.
SAMUEL DICKSON, 901 Clinton St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1899.
Prof. FRANKLIN GIDDINGS, Columbia Univ., New York, N. Y. 1900.
Prof. ARTHUR L. GILLETT, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1898.
Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard University), 59 Fayerweather st., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1899.
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1907.
Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.), Longfellow Park, Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1900.
Rev. W. A. SHEDD. Am. Mission, Urumia, Persia (via Berlin and Tabriz).
1906.
Pres. LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898.
Rev. G. E. WHITE, Anatolia College, Marsovan, Turkey [Papers to German
Consulate (White), Samsoun, Turkey.] 1906.
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905.
[Total, 14.]
Number of Members of all Classes, 326.
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF LIVING MEMBERS.
(The names of HONORARY MEMBERS are printed in large
Capitals and (hon.) is placed after their names ; the names of
Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions are
printed Italics and (S. S. R.) is placed after their names.)
1857 W. W. GOODWIN. 1858 B. L. GILDERSLEEVE.
1861 R. M. OLYPHANT. 1863 A. VAN NAME. 1866 H. E. SCHMID. 1867 D. S.
DODGE. 1869 T. W. HIGGINSON; W. H. WARD.
1870 J. H. SENTER. 1871 B. S. LYMAN; C. H. TOY. 1872 M. W. EASTON.
List of Members. xxi i i
1873 F. CARTER; A. K. HUMPIIBREY. 1874 H. F. JENKS; S. H. WARD.
1876'H. FERGUSON; C. R. LANMAN. 1877 H. P. SMITH; W. F. WARREN;
J. W. WHITE. 1878 B. DELBRUCK (hon.) ; T. NOELDEKE (hon.).
1879 C. A. BRIGGS ; S. HART ; E. D. PEKKV.
1880 W. W. ROCKHILL. 1881 M. BLOOMFIELD; F. BROWN; E. W. HOPKINS;
L. H. MILLS. 1882 G. W. COLLES; D. G. LYON; J. P. PETERS. 1883
E. CHANNING; L. H. ELWELL; P. HAUPT. 1884 C. ADLER; E. H. SPIEKKI: :
T. WILLIAMS. 1885 A. V. W. JACKSON; H. A. TODD; B. I. WHEELER;
W. C. WINSLOW; H. B. WITTON. 1886 C. DEF. FITZ-&ERALD; R. J.
H. GOTTHEIL; R. F. HARPER; M. JASTROW; M. L. KELLNER. 1887
R. G. BHANDARKAR (hon.); J. BINNEY; H. COLLITZ ; H. V.
HILPHRECHT ; J. R. JEWETT ; H. W. MAGOUN; G. F. MOORE ; W. Muss-
ARXOLT ; I. M. PRICE ; E. SACHAU (hon.). 1888 G. A. Barton ;
J. D. DAVIDS; E. W. FAY; A. MARQUAND; J. D. PRINCE; M. SULZBERGER.
1889 H. HYVERNAT ; CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON ; W. E. MARTIN ; D.
PHILIPSON ; E. P. RAMSAY.
1890 L. GROSSMANN ; C. F. KENT ; M. L. MARGOLIS ; H. OERTEL ; J. ORNE ;
E. WIXDISCH (hon.). 1891 D. BLAUSTEIN; J. H. BREASTED; F. D.
CHESTER; G. A. REISNER; C. C. TORREY. 1892 C. D. BUCK; S. J.
CARR; J. R. FRAME; H, H. HAYNES ; H. L. MILLION; C. PEABODY ;
G. L. ROBINSON ; J. D. STEELE. 1893 W. R. ARNOLD ; J. F. BERG ;
I. M. CASANOWICZ; F. DELITZSCH (hon.); I. GUIDI (hon.);
H. KERN (hon.); A. F. R. HOENRNLE; P. LOWELL; D. B. MAC
DONALD; J. H. ROPES; A. H. SAYCE (hon.); W, S. WATSON.
1894 E. E. ATKINSON; L. W. BATTEN; W. S. BIGELOW; H. W.
DUNNING ; L. C. G. GRIEVE ; G. A. KOHUT ; E. S. MORSE ; L. B. PATON ;
I. J. PERITZ; E. ROBINSON; A. RUDOLPH; N. SCHMIDT; C. WARREN;
J. E. WERREN ; S. S. WISE ; A. YOHANNAN. 1895 C. P. G. SCOTT ;
F. W. WILLIAMS. 1896 G. M. BOLLING; J. CAMPBELL; E. S. COLTON;
E. H. KENDRICK. 1897 A. BOISSIER; P. CARUS; W. M. ELLICOTT;
W. H. FURNESS; L. H. GRAY; W. POPPER; W. ROSENAU ; J. E.
RUUTZ-REES; F. K. SANDERS; W. D. WHITNEY. 1898 S. E. BALDWIN;
A. EARTH (hon.); H. P. BEACH; S. H. Bishop (S. S. R.); F. J.
BLISS; A. L. Gillett (S. S. R); G. T. Ladd (S. S.R.); A. LUDWIG
(hon.); G. MASPERO (hon.); E. K. MITCHELL; E. S. OGDEN; R. M.
Wenley (S. S. R.). 1899 J. BURGESS (lion.); J. L. Chandler (S..S. R.);
S. Dickson (S. S. R.); C. B. Gulick (S. S. R.); H. W. HOFFMAN;
G. L. KlTTREDGE ; A. M. LjYTHGOE ; T. MlCHELSON ; M. SCHUYLER JR.
1900 J. E. ABBOTT; W. J. BEECHER; F. R. BLAKE; C. A. BLOMGREN;
A. L. P. DENNIS; A. H. EWING; J. C. FERGUSON; T. C. FOOTE;
F. Giddings (S. S. R.); C. S. LEAVEN WORTH; C. R. PALMER; E. C.
RICHARDSON; F. N. Robinson (S. S R.); C. B. RUNKLE; A. P. STOKES;
W. AY. WOOD; J. H. WOOD. 1901 F. C. EISELEN; C. P. FAGNANI;
M. I. HUSSEY; C. E. LITTLE; L. C. Stewardson (S. S. R.); J. J.
TIERNEY; E. T. WILLIAMS. 1902 W. M. CRANE; A. EMBER; R. GARBE
(hon.); C. C. HANSEN; H. M. HUYLEY; E. LITTMAN; M. H. MOORE;
J. X. ROBERTSON; A. W. RYDER; W. G. SEIPLE; J. WELLHAUSEN
(hon.). 1903 L. C. BARRET; A. ERMAN (hon ); R. GARRET; G. C. 0.
HAAS; F. HIRTH; C. T. HOCK; J. A. MONTGOMERY; D. T. O'CONXELL;
xxiv List of Members.
W. M. PATTON; S. B. SCOTT; J. R. SLATTERY ; J. I. AVESTENGARD;
J. 0. WRIGHTSON. 1904 F. S. ALLEN; K. ASAKAWA; C. W. CURRIER;
I. FRIEDLAENDER; E. W. M. GRANT; W. E. W. MACKIXLAY; J. H.
MOORE; P. OLTRAMARE; G. P. QUACKENBOS; C. C. SHERMAN; L. B.
WOLFENSON. 1905 C. E. CONANT; K. H. FERRIS; C. S. FISHER;
F. GARDNER; K. F. GELDNER (hon.) ; G. A. GRIERSON (hon.)
J. D. JACKSON; AV. MAX MUELLER; I. F. Wood (S. S. R.). 1906 H. H.
BENDER; F. B. BLODGETT; C. A. B. BROCKWELL; AV. E. CLARK; AV. B.
FLEMING; I. GOLDZIHER (hon.); F. A. GRAGG; P. V. HARPER;
F. W. HOOPER; A. A. MADSEN; I. G. MATTHEWS; M. A. MEYER;
R.H. MODE; H. K. MOUSSA; J. B. NIES; C. J. OGDEN; S. G. OLIPHANT;
E. E. SALISBURY; J. F. SCHELTEMA; G. C. SCOGGIN; W. A. Shedd
(S. S. R.); J. M. P. SMITH; E. F. THOMPSON; C. A. TOFFTEEN; G. E.
White (S. S. R.). 1807 J. C. AYER; A. M. BACON; G. R. BERRY;
J. A. BEWER; G. F. BLACK; P. BLANC; A. T. CLAY; H. E. W. Fos-
BROOKE; A. FRABASILIS; L. J. FRACHTENBERG; E. GRANT; L. H. GRAY;
AV. M. GROTON; W. J. HINKE; H. R. HOWLAND; L. KOHN; M. A, Lane
(S. S. R.); J. R, METHENY; T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS (hon.); C. N.
SHEPARD; C. C. SMITH; S. Y. STEVENSON; G. SVERDRUP; AAT. G. THAYER.
1908 R. BRANDSTETTER; H. H. BUCK; H. C. BUTLER; A. S. COCHRAN;
"W. R. P. DAVBY; H. S. DAVIDSON; I. JOSEPH; A. B. KEITH; F. LUG-
SCHEIDER; E. MEYER (hon.) ; A. H. MUNSELL; W. E. NIES; P. M.
RHINELANDER; J. L. SCULLY; E. SENART (hon.); F. A. VANDER-
BURGH; M. D. WHITNEY. 1909 G. W. BROWN; C. D. BURRAGE;
C. CLERMONT-GANNEAU (hon.) ; I. C. DEMAREST ; S. R. DRIVER
(hon.); C. FRADK ; H. FRIEDENWALD ; M. GELBACK ; L. HAESSLER ;
E. H. HUME ; J. H. HYDE ; H. JACOBI (lion.) ; T. AV. KINGSMILL ;
M. G. KYLE ; L. J. K. LEVONIAN ; A. H. LYBYER ; C. J. MORSE ; A. T.
OLMSTEAD; W. PETERSON; G. V. SCHICK ; S. N. USSHER. 1910 E. M.
AITKEN ; C. B. BRADLEY ; A. H. BULLOCK ; E. AV. BURLINGAME ; F. A.
CUNNINGHAM ; F. EDGERTON ; S. F. HOYT ; CHARLES JOHNSTON; R. G.
KENT ; C. 0. MAWSON ; AV. MERRILL ; H. OLDENBERG (hon.) ;
B. REVEL ; W. H. WORRELL.
SOCIETIES AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OP GIFT,
EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE.
I. AMERICA.
BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
CHICAGO, ILL.: Field Museum of Natural History.
NEW YORK: American Geographical Society.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society.
Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna.
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Bureau of American Ethnology.
AVORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society.
List of Member?.
XXV
II. EUROPE.
AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften.
K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek.
(Josephsplatz 1.)
Anthropologische Gesellschaft.
PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK: University Library.
FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.)
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.)
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.)
GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Bibliothek.
Seminar fiir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.)
DARMSTADT: Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek.
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaf't der Wissenschaften.
HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
(Friedrichstrasse 50.)
LEIPZIG: Koniglich Sachsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
Leipziger Semitistische Studien. (J. C. Hinrichs.)
MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek.
TUBINGEN: Library of the University.
GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.)
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, SW.)
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell
St., Bloomsbury, W.C.)
Philological Society. (Care of Dr. F. J. Furnival,
3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, NW.)
ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna.
FLORENCE; Societa Asiatica Italiana.
ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen.
THE HAGUE: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en
Volkerikunde van Nederlandsch Indie.
LEYDEN: Curatorium of the University.
RUSSIA, HELSINGFORS: Societe Finno-Ougrienne.
ST. PETERSRURG: Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk.
Archeologiji Institut.
SWEDEN, UPSALA: Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet.
III. ASIA.
BENARES: Benares Sanskrit Coll. "The Pandit.''
CALCUTTA, GOV'T or INDIA: Home Department.
CEYLON, COLOMBO: Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
xx vi List of Members.
CHINA, SHANGHAI: China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
TONKIN: 1'Ecole Franchise d'extreme Orient (Rue de Coton), Hanoi.
INDIA, BOMBAY: Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The Anthropological Society. (Town Hall.)
CALCUTTA: The Asiatic Society of Bengal. (57 Park St.)
The Buddhist Text Society. (86 Jaim Bazar St.)
LAHORE : Library of the Oriental College.
SIMLA: Office of the Director General of Archaeology. (Benmore,
Simla, Punjab.)
JAPAN, TOKYO: The Asiatic Society of Japan.
JAVA, BATAVIA: Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
KOREA: Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Seoul, Korea.
NEW ZEALAND: The Polynesian Society, New Plymouth.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The Ethnological Survey, Manila.
SYRIA: The American School (care U. S. Consul, Jerusalem).
Revue Biblique, care of M. J. Lagrange, Jerusalem.
Al-Machriq, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, Syria.
IV. AFRICA.
EGYPT, CAIRO: The Khedivial Library.
V. EDITORS OF THE FOLLOWING PERIODICALS.
The Indian Antiquary (Education Society's Press, Bombay, India).
Wiener Zeitschrif't fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (care of Alfred Holder,
Rothenthurmstr. 15, Vienna, Austria).
Zeitschrift fur, vergleichende Sprachforschung (care of Prof. E. Kuhn,
3 Hess Str., Munich, Bavaria).
Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (care of M. Jean Reville, chez M. E.
Leroux, 28 rue Bonaparte, Paris. France).
Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (care of Prof. D. Karl
Marti, Marienstr, 25, Bern, Switzerland).
Beiirage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. (J. C.
Hinrichs'sche Buchhandluug, Leipzig, Germany )
Orientalische Bibliographic (care of Prof. Lucian Scherman, 18 Ungerer
Str., Munich, Bavaria).
The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, 438 East 57th St., Chi-
cago, 111.
American Journal of Archaeology, 65 Sparks St., Cambridge, Mass.
Transactions of the American Philological Association (care of Prof. F. G.
Moore, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn.).
Le Monde Oriental (care of Prof. K. F. Johansson, Upsala, Sweden).
VI. LIBRARIES.
The Editors request the Librarians of any Institution or Libraries,
not mentioned below, to which this Journal may regularly come, to notify
them of the fact. It is the intention of the Editors to print a list, as
List of Members. xxvii
complete as may be, of regular subscribers for the Journal or of recipients
thereof. The following is the beginning of auch a list.
Andover Theological Seminary.
Boston Public Library.
Brown University Library.
Buffalo Society of Natural Science, Library Building, Buffalo, N. Y.
Chicago University Library.
Columbia University Library.
Cornell University Library.
Harvard Sanskrit Class-Room Library.
Harvard Semitic Class-Room Library.
Harvard University Library.
Nebraska University Library.
New York Public Library.
Yale University Library.
Recipients: 326 (Members) + 75 (Gifts and Exchanges) + 13 (Lib-
raries) = 414.
xxviii Constitution and By-Laws.
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY
"With Amendments of April, 1897.
CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE I. This Society shall be called the AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
ARTICLE II. The objects contemplated by this Society shall be: —
1. The cultivation of learning in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian
languages, as well as the encouragement of researches of any sort by
which the knowledge of the East may be promoted.
2. The cultivation of a taste for oriental studies in this country.
3. The publication of memoirs, translations, vocabularies, and other
communications, presented to the Society, which may be valuable with
reference to the before-mentioned objects.
4. The collection of a library and cabinet.
ARTICLE III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as
corporate and honorary.
ARTICLE IV. All candidates for membership must be proposed by the
Directors, at some stated meeting of the Society, and no person shall be
elected a member of either class without receiving the votes of as many as
three-fourths of all the members present at the meeting.
ARTICLE V. The government of the Society shall consist of a President,
three Vice Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary,
a Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions, a
Treasurer, a Librarian, and seven Directors, who shall be annually elected
by ballot, at the annual meeting.
ARTICLE VI. The President and Vice Presidents shall perform the
customary duties of such officers, and shall be cx-officio members of the
Board of Directors.
ARTICLE VII. The Secretaries, Treasurer, and Librarian shall be
€x-officio members of the Board of Directors, and shall perform their
respective duties under the superintendence of said Board.
ARTICLE VIII. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to regu-
late the financial concerns of the Society, to superintend its publications,
to carry into effect the resolutions and orders of the Society, and to
exercise a general supervision over its affairs. Five Directors at any
regular meeting shall be a quorum for doing business.
ARTICLE IX. An Annual meeting of the Society shall be held during
Easter week, the days and place of the meeting to be determined by the
Directors, said meeting to be held in Massachusetts at least once in three
years. One or more other meetings, at the discretion of the Directors,
Constitution and By-Laws. xxix
may also be held each year at such place and time as the Directors shall
determine.
ARTICLE X. There shall be a special Section of the Society, devoted to
the historical study of religions, to which section others than members of
the American Oriental Society may be elected in the same manner as is
prescribed in Article IV.
ARTICLE XI. This Constitution may be amended, on a recommendation
of the Directors, by a vote of three-fourths of the members present at an
annual meeting.
BY-LAWS.
I. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of
the Society, and it shall be his duty to keep, in a book provided for the
purpose, a copy of his letters; and he shall notify the meetings in such
manner as the President or the Board of Directors shall direct.
II. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of
the Society in a book provided for the purpose.
III. a. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the Society;
and his investments, deposits, and payments shall be made under the
superintendence of the Board of Directors. At each annual meeting he
shall report the state of the finances, with a brief summary of the receipts
and payments of the previous year.
III. b. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall
correspond with the calendar year.
III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men — preferably men residing
in or near the town where the Treasurer lives — to examine the Treasurer's
accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the Society's prop-
erty, and to see that the funds called for by his balances are in his hands.
The Committee shall perform this duty as soon as possible after the New
Year's day succeeding their appointment, and shall report their findings
to the Society at the next annual business meeting thereafter. If these
findings are satisfactory, the Treasurer shall receive his acquittance by a
certificate to that effect, which shall be recorded in the Treasurer's book,
and published in the Proceedings.
IV. The Librarian shall keep a catalogue of all books belonging to the
Society, with the names of the donors, if they are presented, and shall at
each annual meeting make a report of the accessions to the library during
the previous year, and shall be farther guided in the discharge of his
duties by such rules as the Directors shall prescribe.
V. All papers read before the Society, and all manuscripts deposited
by authors for publication, or for other purposes, shall be at the disposal
of the Board of Directors, unless notice to the contrary is given to the
Editors at the time of presentation.
VI. Each corporate member shall pay into the treasury of the Society
an annual assessment of five dollars; but a donation at any one time of
seventy-five dollars shall exempt from obligation to make this payment.
VII. Corporate and Honorary members shall be entitled to a copy of
all the publications of the Society issued during their membership, and
xxx Constitution and By-Laws.
shall also have the privilege of taking a copy of those previously pub-
lished, so far as the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling
price.
VIII. Candidates for membership who have been elected by the
Society shall qualify as members by payment of the first annual assess-
ment within one month from the time when notice of such election is
mailed to them. A failure so to qualify shall be construed as a refusal
to become a member. If any corporate member shall for two years fail
to pay his assessments, his name may, at the discretion of the Directors,
be dropped from the list of members of the Society.
IX. Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions
shall pay into the treasury of the Society an annual assessment of two
dollars; and they shall be entitled to a copy of all printed papers which
fall within the scope of the Section.
X. Six members shall form a quorum for doing business, and three
to adjourn.
SUPPLEMENTARY BY-LAWS.
I. FOR THE LIBRARY.
1. The Library shall be accessible for consultation to all members of
the Society, at such times as the Library of Yale College, with which it is
deposited, shall be open for a similar purpose; further, to such persons
as shall receive the permission of the Librarian, or of the Librarian or
Assistant Librarian of Yale College.
2. Any member shall be allowed to draw books from the Library upon
the following conditions: he shall give his receipt for them to the
Librarian, pledging himself to make good any detriment the Library may
suffer from their loss or injury, the amount of said detriment to be
determined by the Librarian, with the assistance of the President, or of
a Vice President ; and he shall return them within a time not exceeding
three months from that of their reception, unless by special agreement
with the Librarian this term shall be extended.
3. Persons not members may also, on special grounds, and at the
discretion of the Librarian, be allowed to take and use the Society's books,
upon depositing with the Librarian a sufficient security that they shall
be duly returned in good condition, or their loss or damage fully com-
pensated.
Until further notice the
Publications of the American Oriental Society
will be sold as follows:
1. Members of the Society receive the current number of the
Society's Journal free of charge.
2. To those who are not members of the Society the price of the
current volume is six dollars, carriage to be paid by the purchaser.
3. The back volumes of the Journal will be sold separately as
follows :
*Vol. [ (1843-1849) $25
Vol. II (1851) 5
Vol. Ill (1852-1853) 5
Vol. XVI (1894-1896).... S 6
Vol. XVII (1896) 4
Vol. XVIII (1897) 6
Vol. IV (1853-1854) 51 Vol. XIX (1898) 6
Vol. V (1855-1856) 5 j Vol. XX (1899) 6
*Vol. VI (1860) 20 Vol. XXI (1900) 6
Vol. VII (1862) 6 Vol. XXII (1901) 6
Vol. VIII (1866) 8 Vol. XXIII (1902) 6
Vol. IX (1871) 8
Vol. X (1872-1880) 8
Vol. XI (1882-1885) 6
Vol. Xtl (1881) 6
Vol. XIII (1889) 8
Vol. XIV (1890) 6
Vol. XV (1893) 6
Vol. XXIV (1903) 6
Vol. XXV (1904) 6
Vol. XXVI (1905) 6
Vol. XXVII (1906) 6
Vol. XXVIII (1907) 6
Vol. XXIX (1908-1909) 5
Vol. XXX (1909-1910) 6
* Only a very limited number of volumes I aud VI can be sold separately.
4. A discount of 20 per cent, will be allowed to public libraries
and to the libraries of educational institutions.
5. A limited number of complete sets (vol. I — vol. XXX) will be
sold at the price off 180, carriage to be paid by the purchaser.
6. The following separate prints are for sale:
H. G. 0. Dwight, Catalogue of works in the Armenian language
prior to the seventeenth century $5.00
N. Khanikoff, Book of the Balance of Wisdom 5.00
Burgess, Surya-Siddhanta 8.00
Paspati, Memoir on the language of the Gypsies in the Turkish
Empire 5.00
L. H. Gulick, Panape Dialect 2.50
"Whitney's Taittirlya-Pratic,akhya 6.00
Avery's Sanskrit- Verb-Inflection 3.00
Whitney's Index Verborum to the Atharva-Veda 6.00
The same on large paper 8.00
Hopkins's Position of the Ruling Caste 5.00
Oertel's Jaimimya-Upanisad-Brahamana 2.50
Arnold's Historical Vedic Grammar . .' 2.50
Bloomfield's Kauc.ika- Sutra of the Atharva-Veda 8.00
The Whitney Memorial volume 3.00
7. Beginning with volume XXX the Journal appears in four
quarterly parts of which the first is issued on December first, the
second on March first, the third on June first, and the fourth on Sep-
tember first. Single parts of the Journal cannot be sold.
All communications concerning the Library should be addressed to
HANNS OERTEL, 2 Phelps Hall, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.,
U. S. A.
xxxii Notices.
TO CONTRIBUTORS.
Fifty copies of each article published in this Journal will be
forwarded to the author. A larger number will be furnished at.
cost.
GENERAL NOTICES.
1. Members are requested to give immediate notice of changes
of address to the Treasurer, Prof. Frederick Wells "Williams,
135 Whitney avenue, New Haven, Conn.
2. It is urgently requested that gifts and exchanges intended
for the Library of the Society be addressed as follows: The
Library of the American Oriental Society, Yale University New
Haven, Connecticut, U. S. America.
3. For information regarding the sale of the Society's pub-
lications see the next foregoing page.
4. Communications for the Journal should be sent to Prof.
James Richard Jewett, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111., or
Prof. Hanns Oertel, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
CONCERNING MEMBERSHIP.
It is not necessary for any one to be a professed Orientalist in
order to become a member of the Society. All persons — men or
women — who are in sympathy with the objects of the Society and
willing to further its work are invited to give it their help. This help
may be rendered by the payment of the annual assessments, by gifts
to its library, or by scientific contributions to its Journal, or in all
of these ways. Persons desiring to become members are requested
to apply to the Treasurer, whose address is given above. Members
receive the Journal free. The annual assessment is f 5. The fee for
Life-Membership is $75.
Persons interested in the Historical Study of Religions may
become members of the Section of the Society organized for this
purpose. The annual assessment is $2; members receive copies of
all publications of the Society which fall within the scope of the
Section.
JOURNAL
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
EDITED BY
JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL
Professor in Harvard University,
Cambridge,, Mass.
Professor in Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.
THIRTY- FIRST VOLUME
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U. 8. A.
MCMXI.
A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be
obtained anywhere within the limits of the
Universal Postal Union, by sending a Postal
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva-
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New
Haven, Connecticut, United States of America.
Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany).
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Baltimore, 1910 1 — IX
Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1911 I — IX
List of Members, 1911 XI
Constitution and By-laws of the Society XXIII
Publications of the American Oriental Society XXVI
Notices XXVII
JACOBI, Hermann: The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the
Brahmans 1
BARTON, George A.: Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian
Deluge Story 30
BLOOMFIELD, Maurice: Some Rig- Veda Repetitions 49
CONANT, Carlos Everett: The RGH Law in Philippine Languages . 70
KYLE, M. G.: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of
Shoshenq 1 86
EDGERTON, Franklin: The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The
K-Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta 93, 296
ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600.
Part II 151
BLAKE, Frank R. : Vocalic r, I, m, n, in Semitic 217
MICHELSON, Truman: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Four-
teen-Edicts of Asoka. 2. The dialect of the Girnar Redaction . 223
BARTON, George A.: The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of
Lugalanda and Urkagina 251
MONTGOMERY, James A.: Some Early Amulets from Palestine . . 272
BRADLEY. Cornelius Beach: Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents
of the Siamese Language (with one plate) 282
BREASTED, James Henry: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographi-
cal List of Shoshenq 1 290
QUACKESBOS, G. P.: The Mayurastaka, an unedited Sanskrit poem
by Mayura 343
BARTON, George A.: On the Etymology of Ishtar 355
KENT, Roland G.: The Etymology of Syriac dastablrd 359
MARGOLIS, Max L. : The Washington MS. of Joshua ...... 365
SVERDRUP, George, jr. : A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad
to General C. G. Gordon 368
CONANT, Carlos Everett: Monosyllabic Boots in Pampanga . . . 389
PRISCE, J. Dyneley: A Divine Lament (CT. XV, plates 24— 25) . 395
FAY, Edwin W.: Indo-Iranian Word-Studies 403
PKOCEEDINGS
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
[MEETING IN BALTIMORE, MD.
igio.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
twenty-second occasion of its assembling, was held in Balti-
more, Md., at the Johns Hopkins University, on Thursday,
Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st and April
1st and 2d.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions :
Barret,
Davidson,
Hyvernat,
Quackenbos,
Blake,
Edgerton,
Jastrow,
Rosenau,
Bloomfield,
Ember,
Kent, R. G.
Rudolph. Miss
Boiling,
Foote,
Kyle,
Schick,
Brown, F.
Gilder sleeve,
Lyon,
Steele,
Brown, G. W.
Grieve, Miss
Margolis,
Torrey,
Burlingame,
Haas,
Meyer, E.
Vanderburgh,
Casanowicz.
Harper, R.F.
Michelson,
Ward, W. H.
Clay,
Haupt,
Montgomery,
Yohannan.
pollitz,
Haynes, '
Miiller,
Conant,
Hopkins,
Muss-Arnolt,
Total: •
Currier,
Hussey, Miss
Oertel,
The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three
o'clock in the Donovan Room, McCoy Hall, with the President,
Dr. Wm. Hayes Ward, in the chair. In the absence of both
the secretaries Dr. George C. O. Haas was appointed to act as
recording secretary for the meeting.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting in New York,
April 15th, 16th, and 17th, 1909, was dispensed with, because
they had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 30, p. i-xii).
The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor Haupt, in the form of a printed program. The suc-
ceeding sessions were appointed for Friday morning at half
past nine, Friday afternoon at half past two, and Saturday
morning at half past nine. It was announced that a luncheon
would be given to the Society by the University at the Johns
Hopkins Club on Friday at one o'clock, and that arrange-
ments had been made for a subscription dinner at the same
place on Friday evening at seven o'clock. The Johns Hopkins
Club and the University Club extended their courtesies to the
members of the Society during the meeting.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows:
The Secretary lias the honor to report that he has endeavoured to
carry on the duties of his office during the current year as before, and
has had pleasant correspondence, not only with the newly elected
members, honorary and corporate, but also with various persons who
take an interest in Oriental matters and have been attracted by the aims
of the Society. A special phase of the correspondence is represented
by letters to and from one engaged in writing a report for a Japanese
publication on the history of learned organizations in America. Several
communications have been received requesting the Society to consider
different cities from those where it has met in the past, as places for
the annual meeting. Most noteworthy among these is an invitation from
the Conventions Bureau of the Business Men's League of St. Louis, ac-
companied by letters from the Governor of Missouri, the Mayor of St.
Louis, and a number of local civic bodies.
The Secretary has to record the loss of several members whose names
have added honor to our list.
DEATHS.
HONORARY MEMBER.
Professor M. J. De Goeje.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. Henry Charles Lea.
Miss Maria Whitney.
Professor M. J. De Goeje, of the University of Leyden, who died *„
May, 1909, was elected to honorary membership in 1898 as a represent-
ative of Dutch scholarship and in recognition of his distinguished con-
Ill
tributions in the field of Semitic philology, especially Arabic, which are
too well known to need record here.
Mr. Henry C. Lea, of Philadelphia, who had been a member of the
Society since 1898, died in October 1909. He was a zealous furtherer
of scholarship, historical and antiquarian, and the author of numerous
works on mediaeval history.
Miss Maria Whitney, sister of the late Professor W. D. Whitney, died
in January last. She joined the Society in 1897.
The Secretary cannot close this report without a word of appreciation
of the help he has received from his Baltimore colleagues on the Com-
mittee of Arrangements (Professors Bloomfield and Haupt) in arranging
the details of the meeting at which this report is presented.
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. "W. Williams,
was then presented, as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1909.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1908 $ 488.00
Dues (190) for 1909 $ 950.00
„ (43) for other years 214.88
„ (15) for His. Stud, of Relig. Section .... 30.00 1,194.88
Life Membership payment 75.00
State National Bank Dividends 124.97
Annual interest from Savings Banks 42.92
Sales of Journal 408.52
$ 2,334.29
Expenditures.
T. M. and T. Co., Printing Vol. xxiv and sundry $ 1,357.80
Editor's Honorarium 100.00
Librarian, Scribe and Postage 64.50
Treasurer, Postage . 1.00
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.95
Balance to general account 715.04
~ $ 2,334.29
STATEMENT.
1908 1909
Bradley Type Fond $ 2,653.41 $ 2,781.29
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.39 6.64
National Savings Bank 12.11 12.89
Interest, Cotheal Fund 195.69 237.88
Cash in hand 12.54 24.69
$ 5,830.14 $ 6,013.09
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows: .
"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books
and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, |
HAWS OERTEL,
NEW HAVEN, March 23. 1910.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
The library was unfortunate in losing the help this year which Miss
Margaret D. Whitney has very generously given the last three years.
As a consequence the accessioning had to be done by paid labor, [and
it was through the kindness of my fellow editor, who allowed his
honorarium to be used to defray this expense, that this work could be
carried on. However, it will be necessary to provide hereafter a regular
appropriation for the librarian to pay for the labor of accessioning and
acknowledging; the work of binding has been entirely discontinued owing
to lack of funds. It will be impossible to continue for any length of
time a policy which is sure] to result in confusion and loss, and the
Librarian again wishes to impress upon the members of the Society the
absolute necessity of a regular allowance for the payment of clerical help.
This report was completed when the Librarian received the sum of
one hundred dollars fronl Professor Jewett as a second most welcome
gift toward the expenses of the library.'
Upon motion it was voted to convey the thanks of the
Society to Professor Jewett for his two gifts.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors of this Journal, Professors Oertel
and Jewett, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows:
Pursuant to a vote of the directors at the last annual meeting, the
editors arranged to have the Journal published hereafter in four quarterly
numbers. The first of these was sent to the members on December 1st,
the second on March 1st. The third will be sent out on June 1st, and
the fourth on September 1st. The second number contained the pro-
ceedings of the New York meeting. It is possible now to form an
estimate of the cost of the printing of the current volume of the Journal.
The first number of volume 30, including addressing and postage, cost
1271 marks and 30 pfennigs. The cost of the second number amounts
to 1006 marks and 50 pfennigs. Figuring on this basis, the Editors
estimate that the whole volume will cost 4556 marks, thus coming well
within the estimated sum of | 1200.
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected members of the Society:
HONORARY MEMBER.
Professor Hermann Oldenberg.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. William E. M. Aitken, Miss Sarah Fenton Hoyt,
Prof. Cornelius B. Bradley, Mr. Charles Johnston,
Mr. Alexander H. Bullock, Prof. Roland G. Kent,
Mr. Eugene Watson Burlingame, Mr. C. 0. Sylvester Mawson,
Mr. Francis A. Cunningham, Mr. William Merrill,
Dr. Franklin Edgerton, Mr. Bernard Revel,
Dr. William H. Worrell.
OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911.
The committee appointed at New York to nominate officers
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professor Harper, Dr. Haas,
and Dr. Madsen, reported through Professor Harper and re-
commended the following, who were duly elected:
President — Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore.
Vice-Presidents — Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry
Hyvernat, of Washington; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven.
Corresponding Secretary — Professor A. Y. Williams Jackson, of New
York.
Recording Secretary — Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass.
Secretary of the Section for Religions — Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr.,
of Philadelphia.
Treasurer — Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian — Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven.
Directors — The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Robert F. Harper and James
R, Jewett, of Chicago ; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session,
the Society adjourned to the large lecture-room in the same
building, where the President, Dr. William Hayes Ward, de-
livered the annual address on "Oriental Sources of Greek
Mythology."
At five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer of the University
of Berlin, Exchange Professor at Harvard University and an
VI
Honorary Member of the Society, delivered in the same hall
an illustrated lecture on "The Egyptians in the Time of the
Pyramid-builders."
The evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the
members for supper and general conversation.
SECOND SESSION.
The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communic-
ations were presented:
Dr. F. E. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: 'To be' and
'to have' in the Philippine languages.
Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: An-
nouncement of a work on Repetitions in the Rig-Yeda.
Mr. G. W. Brown, of Baltimore: Prana and apdna in the
Upanishads. — Remarks by Professor Bloomfield.
Professor C. E. Conant, of the University of Chattanooga:
RGH and RLD in Philippine languages. — Remarks by Dr. Blake.
Rev. Dr. C. W. Currier, of Washington: Gonzales de Men-
doza and his work on China. — Remarks by Professor Jastrow
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University : Semito-Egyptian
sound-changes. — Remarks by Professor W. Max Miiller.
Dr. M. Margolis, of Dropsie College, Philadelphia: Gram-
matical notes on transliterations in the Greek Old Testament. —
Remarks by Professors W. Max Miiller and Haupt.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University : Babylonian
words in the Talmud.
At twelve thirty the Society took a recess until half past
two, and the members were invited to luncheon as guests of
the University at the Johns Hopkins Club.
THIRD SESSION.
The third session was held in the large lecture-room in
McCoy Hall, President Ward presiding. The following papers
were read:
Professor L. C. Barret, of Dartmouth College: Myths about
dragon-fights. — Remarks by Professor Bloomfield.
Dr. Lucia Grieve, of New York: The Mohurrum in Western
India.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: A Mac-
cabean oratorio.
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania :
The Etana myth on the Baby Ionian- Assyrian seal-cylinders. —
Remarks by Dr. Ward and Professor Bloomfield.
Vll
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College: On the latest
addition to the Babylonian Deluge literature; presented by
Professor Torrey. — Eemarks by Professors Haupt and Clay.
Dr. G. A. Reisner, of Harvard University: The Harvard ex-
cavations at Samaria in 1909; presented by Professor Lyon.
The reading of papers was concluded at four forty, and at
five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer delivered in the same hall
a lecture on 'Augustus Caesar.' At half past seven the members
met for dinner at the Johns Hopkins Club.
FOURTH SESSION.
On Saturday morning at half past nine the fourth and con-
cluding session was held in the Donovan Room in McCoy
Hall. President-elect Bloomfield presided in the absence of
President Ward.
The directors reported that they had re-appointed Professors
Oertel and Jewett as Editors of the Journal for the ensuing
year.
They further announced that the next meeting would take
place at Cambridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911.
(This date was afterwards changed by the Directors to
April 20, 21, and 22 in Easter week.)
It was announced that the President had appointed as com-
mittee to nominate officers, Professors Hopkins, Christopher
Johnston, and Barret; as committee to arrange the details of
the next meeting, Professors Lyon, Lanman, and Jackson; as
Auditors, Professors Torrey and Oertel.
On motion of President Francis Brown the following resolu-
tion was unanimously adopted:
The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to the
Johns Hopkins University and to the Johns Hopkins and University
Clubs for the courtesies they have extended to the Society during this
meeting; and to the Committee of Arrangements for the provision they
have made for its entertainment.
The presentation of papers was then resumed in the follow-
ing order:
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Another word
on the structure of the Hammurabi code. — Remarks by Pro-
fessor Jastrow.
Rev. Mr. M. G. Kyle, of Philadelphia: The 'Field of Abraham'
in the geographical list of Shishak I.
Dr. T. Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn.: The dialect of the
Vlll
Grirnar redaction of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts. — Eemarks by
Professor Bloomfield.
Dr. Mary I. Hussey, of Cambridge, Mass.: Notes on some
cuneiform tablets in the Semitic Museum of Harvard University.
Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: Some Judaeo-
Aramaic mortuary inscriptions from the Hauran. — Remarks by
Professor Jastrow, Dr. Yohannan, and Professor Bloomfield.
Professor H.Hyvernat, of the Catholic University of America:
On some so-called prehistoric tablets lately discovered in
Michigan. — Remarks by Professors Jastrow and Haupt.
Mr. Gr. Y. Schick, of Baltimore : On the stems DV1 and DIM. —
Remarks of Professor Haupt.
Rev. Dr. F. A. Vander burgh, of New York : A hymn to Mullil
(Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plates 7, 8, and 9). — Remarks by
Professor Jastrow.
Rev. Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Inscriptions
on some Persian tiles from Rhages.
Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: Vocalic n,
m, r, I in Semitic. — Remarks by Dr. Michelson.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Some Hebrew
etymologies.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: The
priestly blessing.
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania:
The Babylonian astrological series Anu-Enlil] presented in
abstract.
Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: A novel form
of early Syriac script.
The Society adjourned at half past twelve to meet in Cam-
bridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911. (This date was
afterwards changed by the Directors to April 20, 21, and 22
in Easter week.)
The following communications were read by title:
Mr. W. E. M. Aitken, of Courtright, Canada: 'Collation of
two unpublished copies of the Standard inscription of Ashur-
nasirpal.
Professor Gr. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College :
(a) The significance of Babylonian label tablets;
(b) The Babylonian calendar in the oldest temple archives;
(c) The location of the Land of Uz.
Dr. I. M. Casanowicz, of the National Museum at Washington:
Note on some usages of ]!&.
IX
Professor M. W. Easton, of the University of Pennsylvania:
The physics and psychology of the Vai&sika system.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: On the trans-
literation of Egyptian.
Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Two Indo-
Tranian notes.
Dr. L. H. Gray, of Newark, N. J.: The Parsi-Persian Burj
Ndmah, or Book of Omens from the Moon.
Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University: On methods of
studying Chinese.
Professor E. W. Hopkins, of Yale University: Mythological
aspects of woods and mountains in the Sanskrit Epic.
Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of Columbia University : On the
precise location of the Pass of the Caspian Gates.
Professor Hermann Jacobi, of the University of Bonn : When
were the philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans composed?
Mr. Charles Johnston, of New York: On a Buddhist catechism.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddhaghosa
and the Way of Purity.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Some recent
accessions to the Harvard Semitic Museum.
Professor W. Max Miiller, of Philadelphia :
(a) The swords of the ancient Orient.
(b) An American scarab.
Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A hymn to
the goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plate 23).
Rev. Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) A word about Abraham Geiger;
(b) Some educational theories held by the Rabbis prior
to the last century.
Professor C. C. Torrey, of Yale University:
(a) A bilingual inscription from Baal-Peor;
(b) The American School in Jerusalem.
PROCEEDINGS
OP THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
MEETING IN CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS.
ign.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
twenty-third meeting, was held in Cambridge, Massachusetts,
on Wednesday and Thursday of Easter week, April 19th
and 20th.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions :
Aitken,
Gellot,
Lanman,
Reisner,
Arnold,
Haas,
Lyon,
Rudolph, Miss
Atkinson,
Haupt,
Moore, G. F.,
Steele,
Barret,
Hoyt, Miss,
Moore, Mrs. G.
F. Toy,
Bloomfield,
Hussey, Miss
Muss-Arnolt,
Vanderburgh,
Cams,
Jastrow,
Oertel,
Ward, W. H.
Channing, Miss,
Kellner,
Ogden, C. J.,
Warren, W. F.,
Clay,
Miss Kendrick,
Ogden, Miss
Winslow,
Edgerton,
Kent, R. G.
Oliphant,
Wood,
Ember,
Kyle,
Orne,
Total: 39.
The first session was held in the Phillips Brooks House,
on "Wednesday morning, beginning at eleven o'clock; the
President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, being in the chair.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting in Baltimore,
March 31 st- April 2nd, 1910, which had been already printed
in the Journal (vol. 31, pp. i-ix), was dispensed with.
The Committee on Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor Lyon, in the form of a printed programme. The
succeeding sessions were appointed for Wednesday afternoon
11
at half past two, Thursday morning at half past nine, and
Thursday afternoon at half past two. It was announced that
a luncheon (would he given to the Society by its resident
members at the Colonial Club on Wednesday at one o'clock,
and that arrangements had been made for a subscription
dinner at the same place on Thursday evening at seven o'clock.
The Colonial Club extended its courtesies to the members of
the Society during their meeting.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. Y.
Williams Jackson, was presented by Dr. Haas as follows:
During the course of the year the Secretary has had pleasant corre-
spondence not only with persons interested in Oriental matters who have
inquired as to the aims and activities of the Society, but also with some
fellow-members in more distant parts, such as Major C. C. Smith, in the
Philippines, Dr. Edward P. Hume, of China, Dr. Justin E. Abbott, of
Bombay, (who is now in this country), and with a number of colleagues
in Europe. Letters of acceptance have been received from all those
elected to membership at the last meeting.
Among the formal communications received may be mentioned invi-
tations to participate in the International Congress of Orientalists, to be
held at Athens in 1912, and in the Universal Races Congress, which will
take place in London this July; a request for co-operation from the
George Washington Memorial Association of America; and a letter from
Professor Snouck Hurgronje, of Leiden, calling upon the members of the
Society to aid in the publication of the Encyclopaedia of Islam.
All of these communications have been duly acknowledged and laid before
the Directors for consideration.
The Secretary has to record the loss of three members by death during
the past year.
The Rev. Dr. Henry N. COBB, of New York, who was a member of the
Society since 1875, died in April 1910, at an advanced age.
Mr. Thomas W. KINGSMILL, who died at Shanghai in the autumn of
1910, was a recent accession to our number, having joined the Society
in 1909. Although an architect by profession, he was an indefatigable
student and had considerable knowledge of the classical Chinese literature.
He was the author of many articles on Chinese subjects and made several
happy poetical translations from the Odes of the Shih Ching.
Professor William G. SDMNER, of Yale University, who died in April
1910, became a member of the Section for the Historical Study of Reli-
gions in the year 1898.
In closing this report, which will be presented during the absence of'
the Secretary on another journey to India and the East, he desires to
express his appreciation of the willing co-operation of all concerned in,
the work and to add a hearty wish for the continued welfare of the;
Society.
Ill
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. W. Williams,
was presented by the Recording Secretary, as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER OP THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1910.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec., 1909 $ 715.04
Dues (183) for 1910 $ 914.41
„ (33) for other years 165.00
„ (12) H. S. R. Section 24.00 1,103.41
Sales of Journal 295.69
State National Bank Dividends 127.93
'$ 2,242.07
Expenditures.
Printing Journal, Volume XXX $ 1,102.38
Sundry printing and addressing 65.87
Typewriter 4.00
Editor's Honorarium 100.00
Treasurer, Postage 13.55
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.33
Balance to new account 860.94
~ $ 2,242.07
STATEMENT.
1909 1910
Bradley Type Fond $ 2,781.29 $ 2,914.35
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.64 6.90
National Savings Bank 12.59 13.07
Interest, Cotheal Fund 237.88 284.71
Cash in hand 24.69
$ 6,013.09 $ 6,169.03
The Treasurer in presenting his report for the year 1910
calls the attention of the members of the Society to a falling
off in receipts from dues owing chiefly to an unusual number
of delinquencies in paying the annual assessment. He takes
occasion to remind them again that on failing to pay two
years in succession they are dropped from the list of members
unless good reason is given for a longer delay. The total
receipts during the past year show a falling off (J 1527.03
against $ 1813.37), leaving out the small sum of interest from
the Savings Bank interest, which being left in the banks is
removed from the Treasurer's debit and credit account and
reported in the annual Statement. The cost of printing and
mailing the Journal has been reduced from about $ 1800 to $1102.
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by the Recording Secretary, as
follows:
"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books
and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, \ ,..
HANNS OERTEL, ) A
NEW HAVEN, Conn., April 10, 1911.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
By arrangement with the Librarian of Yale University the work of
accessioning of new books was carried on during the past year by the
regular staff of the University Library. In the same way the University
Library took charge of the sales of the Journal, covering all necessary
correspondence and the collecting of bills. For this service the Society
paid a nominal charge.
The Library has received from Professor Jewett one hundred dollars,
this being the amount of his honorarium as editor of the Journal and
a further sum of one hundred dollars for defraying the expenses of the
Library.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors, Professors Oertel and Jewett, was
presented by Professor Oertel, as follows:
From the financial point of view the printing of the Journal abroad
has resulted in a decided saving (see the Treasurer's Report). It has
also been possible to use a greater variety of Oriental type without any
appreciable increase of cost, and, in spite of the distance, the four parts
of the Journal have appeared fairly punctually at the beginning of each
quarter. But as it is manifestly impossible to allow authors more than
two proofs, the editors would urge contributors to prepare their MS.
carefully for the press, to make corrections as plainly as possible, and
to avoid extensive alterations and additions. If additions are unavoidable;
they should be added at the end of the article.
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected corporate members of the Society:
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Rev. Mr. D. F. Bradley, Cleveland, 0.
Professor R. E. Briinnow, Princeton, N. J.
Mrs. Francis W. Dickins, Washington, D. C.
Mr. E. A. Gellot, Ozone Park, L. L, N. Y.
Mr. W. S. Howell, New York, N. Y.
Mr. R. L. Kortkamp, Hillsboro, 111.
Rev. Dr. E. S. Rousmaniere, Boston, Mass.
Mr. R. H. Rucker, New York, N. Y.
Mr. E. B. Soane, Muhammerah, Persian Gulf.
Rev. Mr. H. B. Vanderbogart, Middletown, Conn.
Professor J. E. Wishart, Xenia, O.
Mr. R. Zimmermann, Berlin, Germany.
OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911.
The committee appointed in Baltimore to nominate officers
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professors E. Washburn
Hopkins, Christopher Johnston, and Barrett, reported through
Professor Barrett.
The election of a Secretary for the Section for Religions
was postponed to Friday morning.
The officers nominated by the committee were duly elected,
as follows:
President — Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge.
Vice-Presidents — Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Robert
F. Harper, of Chicago; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven.
Corresponding Secretary — Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of New York.
Recording Secretary — Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York.
Treasurer — Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian — Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven.
Directors — The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge ; E. Washburn Hopkins and Hanns
Oertel, of New Haven; Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; George A.
Barton, of Bryn Mawr; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
The President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Johns
Hopkins University, delivered the annual address on "The
Religion of the Sikhs".
After the Presidential address the Society proceeded to the
hearing of communications.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, present-
ed a communication on Some Difficult Passages in the Cu-
neiform Account of the Deluge.
At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two.
SECOND SESSION.
At half past two o'clock the Society reassembled in the Phillips
VI
Brooks House, and the presentation of communications was
resumed, as follows:
Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Name of the Red Sea.
Professor R. G. Kent, of the University of Pennsylvania:
The Etymology of Syriac dastabird.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddha-
ghosa's Way of Purity.
Dr. C. J. Ogden, of Columbia University: References to the
Caspian Gates in Ammianus Marcellinus.
Miss E. S. Ogden, of Albany : A Conjectural Interpretation
of Cuneiform Texts (v 81. 7 — 27). -- Remarks were made by
Professors Jastrow and Bloomfield.
The Rev. Dr. F. A. Yanderburgh, of Columbia University:
The Babylonian Legends published in Cuneiform Texts (xv. 1-6.)
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr.: The Chronology of Babylonia
and Assyria. - - Remarks were made by Mr. Kyle and by
Professor Wiener.
At five o'clock the Society adjourned to Thursday morning,
at half past nine.
THIRD SESSION.
The Society met at quarter before ten o'clock in the Phillips
Brooks House, President Bloomfield presiding. The reading
of communications was resumed as follows:
Dr. Edgerton, of Johns Hopkins University: Later history
of the Sanskrit suffix ka. - - Remarks by Professors Lanman
and Bloomfield, and Dr. C. J. Ogden.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Semite-Egyp-
tian words. - - Remarks by Professor Haupt, Mr. Kyle, and
Professor Bloomfield.
Professor S. G. Oliphant, of Olivet College: The elliptic
dual and the dual dvandva. - - Remarks by Dr. Edgerton,
Dr. C. J. Ogden, and Professor Bloomfield.
The President announced that a telephone message had just
been received from Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson,
one of the oldest members of the Society, sending his greetings
to the Society and regretting that he was prevented by the
inclemency of the weather from attending the sessions today.
It was voted that the Society send its greetings to Colonel \
Higginson and express its regret that he was unable to be
present. Professor Lanman was asked to communicate this<|
vote to Colonel Higginson, and also to send a salutation from
the Society to Professor W. W. Goodwin. Professor Lyon
was requested to do the same to Professor C. H. Toy, who
has been for forty years a member of the Society.
Vll
Mr. E. A. Gellot: Monosyllabism of the Semitic Languages.
Remarks by Professors Lyon, Haupt, Kent, and Bloomfield.
Professor Paul Haupt, a Vice-President of the Society, took
the chair.
Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: Final
account of the work on Rig-Veda Repetitions.
Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Holy One in Psalm 16 : 10.
- Remarks by Dr. Ember.
Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of
Ibn SmS; presented by title by Professor Jastrow.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: The etymologies
of Aramaic leJjena and Hebrew gahar, Selem, etc.
At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two
o'clock.
FOURTH SESSION.
The Society met at a quarter before three o'clock in the
lecture-room of the Semitic Museum, with Vice-President Haupt
in the chair. A communication was presented by Miss S. F.
Hoyt, of Baltimore: The etymology of religion.
At three o'clock President Bloomfield took the chair. Pro-
fessor Oertel reported for the Directors that they had appointed
the next annual meeting of the Society to be held in New York,
on Tuesday, "Wednesday, and Thursday of Easter week, April
9th, 10th, and llth, 1912.
They had reappointed as Editors of the Journal, Professors
Oertel and Jewett.
The Directors further recommended the adoption of the
following resolutions concerning the Section for the Historical
Study of Religions:
1. That the American Oriental Society emphasize more forcibly in the
future the inclusion of the historical study of religions in its scope.
2. To discontinue the separate Section for the Historical Study of
Religions.
3. To invite the members of the present Section for the Historical Study
of Religions to become corporate members of the Society.
4. That one special session of the meeting be devoted to papers dealing
with the historical study of religion in its widest scope (including
primitive religions, European religions, etc.)
5. That the Constitution be ammended by the omission of the words
"Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions" in
Article V, by the omission] of Article X entire, and by the renumber-
ing of Article XI as Article X; that the By-Laws be amended by
the omission of Article IX and the renumbering of Article X as
Article IX.
Vlll
It was moved that the report be adopted, and that the
proposed changes in the Constitution and By-Laws be made.
This motion was carried, nemine contradicente.
Professor Oertel moved a vote of thanks to the authorities
of Harvard University, to the Governors of the Colonial Club,
andx to the Committee of Arrangements, Professors Lyon and
Lanman.
On motion of Dr. Haas, the thanks of the Society were
tendered to Professor Oertel for his services as Librarian.
The President, Professor Bloomfield, announced that he had
appointed as a Committee on Arrangements for the next
annual meeting Professors Gottheil and Jackson, and Dr. Haas,
of Columbia University; as a Committee to nominate officers
to be elected at the next annual meeting, Professors Lanman
and Lyon, of Harvard University, and Dr. C. J. Ogden, of
Columbia ; as Auditors to audit the accounts of the Treasurer,
Professors Torrey and Oertel, of Yale University.
Communications were presented as follows:
Dr. W. H. Ward, of New York: The Zadokite document.
Professor George Moore, of Harvard University : A hitherto
unknown Jewish sect; Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectaries I.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Notes on a
Canaanite cemetery.
Miss A. Eudolph, of Cleveland: The outlook for Oriental
studies in Cleveland.
Professor W. F. Warren, of Boston University: Why does
Plutarch describe the moon as bi-perforate ?
At quarter after five o'clock the Society adjourned to meet
in New York, on Tuesday, of Easter week, April 9 th, 1912.
The following communications were read by title:
Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott: The Fire Temple at Baku and its
inscriptions.
Professor K. Asakawa, of Yale University : The parallels of
the Frankish precaria and ~benefidum in the mediaeval history
of Japan.
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College:
(a) On the etymology of Ishtar;
(b) Notes on Babylonian and Assyrian systems of measures ;
(c) Improvements in the renderings of the Blau monuments,
the Scheil tablet, and the Hoffman tablet (J. A. 0. S. 22,
118—128; 23, 21—28).
Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The original meaning of the Semitic intransitive verbal
forms ;
IX
(b) The Hebrew metheg.
(c) Relative clauses in Tagalog.
Eev. Mr. J. L. Chandler, of Madura, Southern India
Hinduism as taught in Hindu Schools.
Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of
Ibn Sma.
Mr. C. E. Conant, of the University of Chicago : Monosyllabic
roots in Pampanga.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University:
(b) Scriptio plena of the Hebrew imperfect iqtol.
Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Indo-
Iranian word-studies.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University:
(b) The four Assyrian stems IcCu;
(d) Biblical and Oriental articles in the new edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, and the Islamic Encyclo-
paedia.
Professor Margolis, of the Dropsie College: The "Washington
manuscript of Joshua.
Professor W. Max Miiller, of the University of Pennsylvania
General account of a papyrus collection recently acquired by
the University of Pennsylvania Museum.
Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A divine
lament (Cuneiform Texts, xv. 24, 25).
Mr. G. P. Quackenbos, of New York: An unedited Sanskrit
poem of Mayura.
Rev. Dr. "W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The term min in the Talmud.
(b) The Talmudic proclitic Kp.
(c) Some Talmudic compounds.
Professor G. Sverdrup, Jr., of Augsburg Seminary, Minnea-
polis: A letter from the Mahdi to General Gordon.
Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Some references
in Arab writers to the ancient city of Merv.
List of Members. xi
LIST or MEMBERS.
The number placed after the address indicates the year of election.
I. HONORARY MEMBERS.
M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan-
ciere, 10.) 1898.
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India.
1887.
JAMES BDRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899.
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909.
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on-Mersey, England.
1907.
Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878.
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893.
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England. 1909.
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, PeterLennestr.72.
1903.
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger
Str. 14.) 1902.
Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905.
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4; Budapest, Hungary. 1906.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham,
Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905.
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.)
1893.
Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger-
many. 1909.
Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893.
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Konigliche Wein-
berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898.
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de
1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898.
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde-
West, Mommsenstr. 7) 1908.
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs-
gasse 16.) 1878.
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gottingen, Germany. 1910.
(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.)
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr. 12, W.)
1887.
xii List of Members.
EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois Ier, Paris,
France. 1908.
Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893.
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber-
str. 18 a.) 1902.
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (UniversitatB-
str. 15.) 1890. [Total, 26]
II. CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Names marked with * are those of life members.
Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Irvington, N. Y. 1900.
Dr. CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884.
WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1910.
F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904.
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906.
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893.
Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904.
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898.
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888.
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894.
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900.
Dr. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton New Jersey.
1906.
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond, S. I., N. Y. 1893.
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway and
120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887.
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898.
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, N. Y. Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42 d St.,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md.
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Md. 1907.
Rev. Dr. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, The New York School of Philanthropy, 105
East 22 d St., New York, N. Y. 1891.
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898.
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New
York, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary,
Rock Island, 111. 1900.
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1881.
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres ChambBsy, Switzerland. 1897.
List of Members. xiii
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran
St., Washington, D. C. 1896.
Prof. CORNELIUS B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910.
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14 th St., Cleveland, Ohio.
1911.
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne,
Switzerland. 1908.
Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891.
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIQGS (Union Theological Sera.), Broadway and 120th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1879.
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906.
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1881.
Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909.
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRUNNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton,
N. J. 1911.
Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892.
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces,
Philippine Islands. 1908.
ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910.
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Phila-
delphia, Pa. 1910.
CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909.
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908.
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896.
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL.D. Williamstown Mass.
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897.
Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum , Washington, D. C. 1893.
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899.
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883.
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891.
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907.
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908.
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882.
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887.
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 1905.
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902.
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904.
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908.
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J.
1888.
IRVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex St., Hackensack, N. J. 1909.
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900.
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900.
Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911.
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867.
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894.
Prof. M. W. EASTON, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872.
xiv List of Members.
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910.
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901.
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLICOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md. 1897.
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass.
1883.
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. EDWIN WHITPIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin,
Texas. 1888.
Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876.
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Lane, Shanghai, China. 1900.
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy.
1886.
Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906.
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900.
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907.
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and
120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1892.
Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909.
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356, 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place,
New York, N. Y. 1904.
ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903.
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909.
EUGENE A. GTELLOT, 1420 Chester Ave., Ozone Park, L. I., N. Y., 1911.
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore,
Md. 1858.
Gev. WM. GILMORE, 11 Waverly Place, New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (Harvard Univ.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge.
Mass. 1857.
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
1886.
Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y.
1904.
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1897.
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1907.
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin-
nati, 0. 1890.
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School,
5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard Univ.), 59 Fayerweather St. Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903.
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 1230 Amsterdam Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902.
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
List of Members. xv
Prof. ROBERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886.
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley D i vinity School, Middleto wn , Conn. 1879.
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore,
Md. 1883.
Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, 807 Spruce St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1887.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield,
N. J. 1903.
*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893.
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899.
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven,
Conn. 1881.
WILSON S. HOWELL, 416 West 118th St., New York, N. Y. 1911.
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907.
Miss SARAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909.
Miss ANNIE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873.
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901.
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909.
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St.,
N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889.
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York , N. Y.
1885.
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St.
Philadelphia, Pa. 1886.
Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874.
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, (Harvard Univ.) Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St.,
Baltimore, Md. 1889.
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office , London , S. W., England.
1908.
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge,
Mass. 1886.
Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven,
Conn. 1890.
Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Hilliard St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907.
RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111.
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909.
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven,
Conn. 1898.
M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1907.
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1876.
xvi List of Members.
Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111.
1900.
LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Syrian Protest. College, Beirut, Syria. 1909.
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville,
Tenn. 1901.
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893.
Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Blecker St., New York, N. Y. 1908.
Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, 153 South Cedar Ave., Oberlin, Ohio. 1909.
*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871.
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge,
Mass. 1882.
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y.
1899.
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn. 1893.
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan
Allen, Vt. 1904.
Rev. Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN, 22 Courtney Ave., Newburgh, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888.
Prof, WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156 th
St., New York, N. Y. 1889.
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto,
Canada. 1906.
C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907.
MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906.
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington,
D. C. 1899.
Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892.
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng-
land. 1881.
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German-
town, Pa. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge,
Mass. 1887.
Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 549 Springdale Ave, East Orange, N. J. 1904.
*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902.
CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909.
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894.
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906.
Prof. W. MAX MULLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908.
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887.
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank, Threadneedle St.,
London, England. 1906.
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908.
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, DD. St. Mary's Cathedral, San Fran-
cisco, Cal. 1903.
List of Members. xvii
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890.
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New York, N. Y. 1906.
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898.
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906.
ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton,
N. J. 1909.
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette,
Geneve, Switzerland. 1904.
*ROBERT M. OLYPHAKT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861.
Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890.
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Are., New Haven, Conn.
1900.
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1894.
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada.
1903.
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882.
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909.
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave.,
Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889.
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897.
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887.
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co.,
N. Y. 1888.
•GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1891.
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St.,
Cambridge, Mass. 1908.
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
1900.
J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1902
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.) Longfellow Park, Cambridge,
Mass. 1900.
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers
Place, Chicago, 111. 1892.
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, Constantinople,
Turkey. 1880.
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1893.
Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897.
Rev. Dr. EDMUND S. ROUSMANIERE, 56 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1911.
ROBERT HAMILTON RUCKER, 27 Pine Street, New York, N. Y. 1911.
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894.
Mrs. JANET E. RUOTZ-REES, Rouemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897.
xviii List of Members.
Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900.
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906.
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897.
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht,
Amsterdam, Holland. 1906.
GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909.
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894.
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., American Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. 1899.
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
1906.
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895.
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut
Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903.
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1908.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 125 Tschihidai, Sendai, Japan. 1902.
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870.
Rev. W. A. SHEDD, American Mission, Urumia, Persia, (via Berlin and
Tabriz). 1906.
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904.
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14, rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903.
Major C. C. SMITH, P. S., Manila, Philippine Islands. 1907.
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877.
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906.
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall,
London, £W., England. 1911.
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1884.
Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892.
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
President LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901.
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900.
MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907.
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906.
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York,
N. Y. 1885.
OLAF A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1906.
*Prof. CHARLES C. TOEREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven,
Conn. 1891.
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass.
1871.
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison
Ave., N. Y. 1909.
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School,
Middletown, Conn. 1911.
Rev. Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH, 53 Washington Sq., New
York, N. Y. 1908.
List of Members. xix
ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863.
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark,
N. J. 1874.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869.
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894.
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davia Ave., Brookline,
Mass. 1877.
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898.
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to
H.S.M. Govt., Bangkok, Siam. 1903.
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
1885.
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge
Mass. 1877.
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn.
1908.
Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897,
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901.
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New
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Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa.
1884.
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Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, Xenia, Ohio. 1911.
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xx List of Members.
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XX111
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xxiv Constitution and By-Laivs.
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Constitution and By-Laws. xxv
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Priutad by W. Drugulia, Leipzig (Germany).
The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans.—
By HERMANN JACOBI, Professor in the University of
Bonn, Germany.
Subject of the investigation. — Some of the Sutras of the six
orthodox philosophical Systems of the Brahmans1 refer to
Buddhist doctrines and refute them. As we are now sufficiently
acquainted with Buddhist philosophy and its history, we can
attempt to make out the peculiar school of Buddhist philosophy
which is referred to in a passage of a Sutra, and thus to
determine the date, or rather terminus a quo, of the Sutra in
question. Our inquiry will he chiefly concerned with the
Sunyavada or philosophical nihilism, and with the Vijnanavada
or pure idealism. The former is the philosophy of the Mndhya-
mikas; the latter is that of the Yogacaras. It may be premised
that hoth these systems admit the Ksanikavada or the theory of
the momentariness of everything, so far at least as is consistent
with their peculiar principles'; to these I will now briefly advert.
The Sunyavada maintains that all our ideas, if analysed, contain
logical impossibilities or self-contradictions, and that therefore
nothing real can underlie them; and that that upon which
they are based is a nonentity or the void (Sunya, nirupakhyd).
This system2 was established by Nagarjuna, who flourished
1 Abbreviations: M.S. = ALlmamsa Sutra; B.S. = Brahma Sutra (Ve-
danta); V.D. = Vaisesika Darsana; N.D. = Nyaya Darsana; Y.S. = Yoga
Sutra; S.S. = Sankhya Sutra.
2 The Sunyavada may be compared with the philosophy of Zeno, who
by a similar method tried to refute the common opinion that there exist
many things of a changing nature. Aristotle called Zeno cvpcr^v TT/J Sia-
Xf/cn/cTjs; the same may be said of Xagarjuna whose Madhyamikasutras
sot the example for the dialectical literature of the Hindus which reached
its height in Srfharfa's Khandnna-Khanda-KhSdya. It deserves to be
remarked that in this regard also the VedSntiu of Sankara's school
follows in the track of the £anyavadin,
VOL. XXXF. Tart I.
2 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
about the end of the second century A.D.1 The Vijnanavada
contends that only consciousness or vijnana is real. There
are two kinds of vijnana: 1. alaya-vijnana or consciousness
proper, which lasts till the individual reaches Nirvana (a-laya) ;
and 2. pravrtti-vijndna or the thoughts of the same individual
concerning objects. The latter is produced from alaya-vijnana.
The Vijnanavada was established by Asanga and his younger
brother Yasubandhu, who seem to have flourished during the
latter part of the fifth century A.D.2 To this school belong
Dignaga and Dharmaklrti, the greatest Buddhist philosophers
and writers on Logic (pramdna). DignSga attacked Vatsya-
yana's Nyayabhasya, and was answered by the Uddyotakara
(6th century A.D.) in the Nyayavarttika. Dharmaklrti, who
further developed Dignaga's philosophy, appears to have flourish-
ed about the middle of the seventh century A.D.
It will be our task to examine closely the Buddhist doctrines
controverted in the philosophical Sutras in order to decide
whether they belong to the Sunyavada or to the Vijnanavada,
On the result of our inquiry will depend the presumable date
of the Sutras in question. If they refer to the Vijnanavada,
they must be later than the fifth century A.D.; if however
this is not the case, and we can assign to them an acquain-
tance with the Sunyavada only, they must date somewhere
between 200 "and 500 A.D.
Doubts about the collusiveness of this argumentation. — Even
if we should succeed in recognising the true origin of the
controverted doctrines, still it might be doubted whether the
few passages on which we must rely for proof, form a genuine
part of the work in which they occur, or are a later addition.
For the aphoristical style of the Sutras, the somewhat desultory
way of treating subjects, and the loose connexion of the several
parts (adhikaranas) in most of these works make the insertion
of a few Sutras as easy as the detection of them is difficult.
The text of the Sutras as we have them is at best that which
the oldest Scholiast chose to comment upon, and it cannot be
1 A contemporary of Nagarjuna was Aryadeva. A poem ascribed to
him has been edited in JASB. 1898. As in that poem the zodiacal signs
(ras'i) and the weekdays (vdraJca) are mentioned, it can not be earlier
than the third century A.D.
2 See Takakusu in Bulletin de VEcole Fran^aise d' Extreme- Or lent,
1904, vol. iv, p. 53 f.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates oj the Philosophical Sutras <&c. 3
safely traced further hack. The uncertainty occasioned by the
nature of our texts is, however, iu the present case ptirtK
remedied by the repeated allusions in one text to the same
doctrines, or by the occurrence in two Sutra works of the same
discussion with the same arguments. These facts make it
probable that the topic in question was one which at that
time a Sutrakara considered himself bound to discuss.
Another objection may be raised against our chronological
argument. It may be said, and not without a considerable
amount of plausibility, that even before Nagarjuna had brought
the Sunyavada into a system, similar opinions may already
been held by earlier Buddhist thinkers; and the same
remark applies to the Vijrifmavada. Therefore, it may be
argued, a reference to doctrines of the Sunyavada or Vijnana-
need not be posterior to the definite establishment of
a systems. On the other hand, however, it is almost certain
that a Sutrakara would not have thought it necessary to refute
all opinions opposed to his own, but only such as had success-
fully passed the ordeal of public disputation. For only in that
case would the doctrines themselves and the arguments pro
and contra have been defined with that degree of precision
which rendered their discussion in aphorisms possible to the
author and intelligible to the student. Now when a philo-
sopher succeeds in upholding his individual opinions against
all opponents in public disputations, he is henceforth considered
the founder of a new school or sect, and the author of its
tenets.1 Therefore we may be sure that a discussion of Sunya-
vada or Vijnanavada opinions in a Sutra must be referred to
the period after the definite establishment of those schools.
Origin and development of the views here presented.— I con-
ceived the general ideas set forth above and began to work
them out in the summer of 1909. My first impression, sup-
ported by the comments of Safikara and Vacaspatimisra and
others, was that the Sutras, especially B.S. and N.D., refer to
the Vijnanavada. On a closer examination, however, of the
evidence, I became convinced that they really refer to the
Sunyavada, and that the later commentators had brought in
the Vijnanavada because that system had in their time risen
to paramount importance. I had nearly finished my article
1 Compniv my remarks on the Dhvanikara in ZDMG. 56. 409 f.
1*
4 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
when Professor von Stcherbatskoi told me that he had treated
the question about the age of the philosophical Sutras in his
work Teopin nosnauifi u Jiozma no yuenito nosduibiiwuxz Eyd-
ducmo65, HaciL II, St. Petersburg, 1909, and had arrived at the
conclusion that the Sutras refer to the Vijnanavada. He kindly
sent me an abstract in English of his arguments, which I sub-
join for the benefit of those readers who, like the author of this
paper, cannot read the Russian original.
In his work " Epistemology and Logic as taught by the later Buddhists"
Mr. Stcherbatskoi maintains (p. 29) that the Sutras of the chief philo-
sophical systems in their present form do not belong to that high anti-
quity to which they commonly are assigned, nor to those half-mythical
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. The philosophical systems
themselves have been evolved at a much earlier period than that in
which the Sutras were written. The Sutras in their present form must
have been elaborated during the period subsequent to the formation of
the Yogacara school (Vijnanavada), and their authorship has been attri-
buted to writers of a high antiquity in order to invest them with greater
authority. In a previous paper (Notes de litterature buddhique, Museon
nouv. serie, vol. vi, p. 144), Mr. Stcherbatskoi had already established,
on the authority of the Tibetan historian Bouston, that the Vijnanavada
system (Buddhist idealism), professed by a part of the Yogacara school,
was clearly formulated for the first time by Vasubandhu in his celebrated
Five Prakaranas. As Vasubandhu could not have lived much earlier
than the fifth century A.D., it follows that those philosophical Sutras
which refer to his doctrine, in order to refute it, cannot have been
written at an earlier time.
It is well known that Buddhist idealism is mentioned, and that its
tenets are refuted, in the Sutras of Badarayana and of Gotama. Thus
B.S. ii. 2. 28 refutes the doctrine of the non-existence of external things.
Again, ii. 2. 30 refutes the erroneous opinion of those who admit solely
the existence of a series of mental impressions unsupported by external
objects, and, arguing from the Buddhist's point of view, demonstrates
that a series of mental impressions (internal cognitions) could not exist,
unless there were external objects to produce the impression. Once
more, B.S. ii. 2. 31 maintains, according to Sankara's interpretation,
that, inasmuch as, according to Buddhist doctrine, the stream of internal
cognition consists of a series of separate moments, it cannot have actual
existence on account of its momentariness.
It appears upon consideration of these Sutras that their author is
bent upon refuting the doctrine which proclaims 1. the unreality of the
external world, and 2. the actuality of an internal consciousness which
consists of a series of cognitional acts. Both these tenets are charac-
teristic of Buddhist idealism which developed subsequently to the nihi-
listic doctrine of the Madhyamikas. The latter denied the reality of the
internal consciousness as well as that of the external world.
In his commentary, Sankara corroborates our opinion, inasmuch as
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c.
he avers that the above mentioned SQtras refute the diH-trine of those
who maintain that the stream of our consciousness is an altogether
internal process, existing only so far as it is connected with the mind.
Now it is well known that the Vijnanavadins alone professed the doctrine
that prameya and pramana and pramdnnphala have existence only in 10
far as they are connected with the mind (cf. p. 418 of vol. i of Thibaut's
translation of B.S.; £lokav. iv. 74 ff.; \\fiynbiiidu, i. 18, ii, 4). Safi-
ktira mentions likewise the scholastic argument against realism of which
])i.unaga made use at the opening of his work Alambauapariksa (cf. Tan-
jour, mdc v. 95). This work, in which the main tenet of idealism
(Yi jfianavada, otherwise termed Nirilambanavida) is proved, is one of
the fundamental works of the school. The argument starts from the
antinomic character of the ideas of the whole and of the parts, and
states that the external object can be neither the whole, nor can it con-
sist of atoms (indivisible partless things: cf. p. 419 in Thibaut's transl.
of B.S.).
Further we find in the Nyayasutras a refutation of Buddhist idealism,
nani. A in iv. 2. 26 — 35. It is worthy of note that the Buddhist doctrine
is referred to in the course of an argument upon the nature of atoms —
thus as it were answering the considerations which we likewise find in
the work of Dignaga in favor of the Niralambanavada. The Xyayasutras
maintain the indivisibility of atoms, and, while refuting the opposed
opinions touching this point, they refer to the Buddhists, to the Madhya-
mikas (who denied the existence of atoms), and to the idealists (who ad-
mitted atoms to be a percept of the mind or an idea). In the Tatparya-
tika, p. 458, Vacaspatimisra avers that the Sutra, X.D. iv. 2. 24 implies
a refutation of the Madhyamika doctrine, while the Sutras iv. 2. 26 — 35
are directed against those who proclaim that all ideas of external things
are false (ibid. p. 461). It is thus established by the testimony of Vacas-
patimisra and of Vatsyayana (Nyaya-bhasya, p. 233. 6) that Sutra iv.
2. 26 is directed chiefly against the school of the Vijnanavadius.
Though the philosophical Sutras of the remaining systems do not
contain any clear reference to the Vijnanavadins, yet it has been noted
that some of the Sntras display a remarkable knowledge of each other.
To judge by the whole tone and drift of the philosophical Sutras, they
must be the production of one and the same literary epoch.
On the basis of what has been here said, it can be averred with a
considerable degree of probability that the philosophical Sutras of the
chief systems belong approximative^ to one and to same period, a com-
paratively late one, and can in no wise be attributed to those venerable
authors to whom tradition ascribes them.
Improbability of this view. — As stated before, I too enter-
tained at first the opinion expressed by Professor von Stcher-
batskoi, but I was induced to give it up by reason of the
following chronological considerations. As the Nyayabhasya
was criticised by Dignaga, its [author Vatsyayana (Paksila-
svamin) must be earlier than the latter, by at least ten or
6 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
twenty years, since it is not Vatsyayana, but the Uddyotakara
(Bharadvaja) who answered Dignaga. He may therefore have
flourished in the early part of the sixth century or still earlier.
Now Vatsyayana is not the immediate successor of Aksapada
Gautama, the author of the Sutra; for, as Professor "Windisch
pointed out long ago, Vatsyayana incorporated in his work,
and commented upon them, sentences of the character of Vart-
tikas which apparently give in a condensed form the result
of discussions carried on in the school of Gautama. Hence
Gautama must have been separated by at least one generation
from the Bhasyakara, and can therefore not be placed after
the last quarter of the fifth century.1 Thus if we accept the
latest possible date for the composition of the N.D., it would
fall in a period when the Vijnanavada could scarcely have
been firmly established. The V.D. is probably as old as the
N.D.; for V.D. iv. 1. 6 is twice quoted by Vatsyayana, namely
in his comment on N.D. iii. 1. 33 and 67, and V.D. iii. 1.
16 is quoted by him2 in his comment on N.D. ii. 2. 34, and
the Uddyotakara quotes the V.D. several times simply as the
Sutra or Sastra, and once calls its author Paramarsi, a title
accorded only to ancient writers of the highest authority.3
We are therefore almost certain that two Sutras at least, N.D.
and V.D., preceded the origin of the Vijnanavada, or rather
its definite establishment; and the same assumption becomes
probable with regard to some of the remaining Sutras, because
the composition of the Sutras seems to be the work of one period
1 This result is supported by collateral proofs. 1. When commenting
on N.D. i. 1, 5, Yatsyayana gives two different explanations of the terms
purvavat, sesavat, samdnyato drstam, the names of the three subdivisions
of inference, showing thereby that the meaning of these important terms
had become doubtful at his time. 2. In his concluding verse, which
however, is wanting in some MSS., Yatsyayana calls Aksapada a Rsi,
which he would not have done, if he had not considered the Sutrakara
as an author of the remote past.
2 See Bodas's Introduction (p. 23) in Tarkasamgraha BSS., 1897.
3 At this point I may mention that Professor von Stcherbatskoi, when
passing through Bonn on his way to India in December 1909, told me
that he had meanwhile studied the first pariccheda of Dignaga's Prama-
nasamuccaya in the Tanjour. Dignaga giving there his definition of
pratyaksa (perception) and refuting the opinions of the Mlmamsa, Nyaya,
Yaisesika, and Sankhya, quotes N.D. i. 1. 4 and several Sutras of AT.D.
which treat of pratyaksa.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c. 1
nit her. than of many. In order to prove this assumption to
he true, we must show, as stated above, that the Buddhist
doctrines refuted in several Sutras need not be interpreted as
belonging to the Vijiianavada, but that the discussion in the
Sutra becomes fully intelligible if understood as directed against
the Sunyav&da.
Difficulty of distinguishing loth systems in our case. — The
point at issue is whether perception (pratyaksa) is a means of
true knowledge (pramdna) or not. The realistic view, strictly
maintained by the Nyaya and Vaisesika philosophies, is that
by perception we become truly cognizant of real objects. The
Sunyavada, Nihilism or Illusionism, contends that no real
objects underlie our perceptions, but that those imagined objects
as well as our ideas themselves are intrinsically illusory, in
other words, they are nonentities or a mere void. On the
other hand, the Vijiianavada declares that our ideas or mental
acts (perception included) are the only reality, and that ex-
ternal objects (since they have no existence) are not really
perceived and do not cause our ideas about them, but are
produced, so far as our consciousness is concerned, by ideas
existing independently of objects. It will thus be seen that
both Vijnanavada and Sunyavada are at one as far as regards
the unreality of external objects; and therefore a refutation of
this theory may be directed against the one of these doctrines
as well as the other. Commentators chose between them as
suited their purpose. Thus Rumania, commenting on a passage
which will be dealt with later, makes the following remarks:1
"(Among the Bauddhas) the Yogacaras hold that 'Ideas' are
without corresponding realities (in the external world), and
those that hold the Madhyamika doctrine deny the reality of
the Idea also. To both of these theories, however, the denial
of the external object is common.2 Because it is only after
setting aside the reality of the object that they lay down the
Samvrti (falsity) of the 'Idea.' Therefore on account of this
(denial of the reality of external objects) being common (to
both), and on account of (the denial of the reality of the
•Idea') being based upon the aforesaid denial of the external
i £loka\ arttika, translated by Ganganatha Jha, p. 120, 14—16 (Biblio-
theca Indica).
* Similarly Sridhara ad Prasastapadabhasya p. 229 speaks of nirdlam-
banam vijtianam icchatdm Mahay dnikdndm.
8 Hermann Jacobi, - [1911.
object, — the author of the Bhasya has undertaken to examine
the reality and unreality of the external object." And accord-
ingly Kumarila interprets his text in such a way as to make
it serve as a basis for the refutation first of the Vijnanavada
and then of the Sunyavada. He, as well as Sankara and
Vacaspatimisra and later authors who wrote when the Vijnana-
vada had become the most famous Buddhist philosophy, felt
of course bound to refute it; and if the text they commented
upon still ignored the Vijnanavada and combated the Sunya-
vada only, they could introduce their refutation of the Vijnana-
vada by doing just a little violence to their text. That such
was actually the case, is the thesis I want to prove.1
Mentioning of the Vijnanavada in the Safikliya Sutra. — Be-
fore examining those texts which give rise to doubts regarding
the particular school combated, I briefly advert to one which
beyond doubt discusses the Vijnanavada doctrine. I refer to
the Sankhya Sutra. In that work the principal doctrines of
the four philosophical schools of the Buddhists are discussed:
those of the Vaibhasikas i, 27 — 33, of the Sautrantikas i,
34 — 41, of the Vijnanavadins i, 42, and of the Sunyavadins
1 Remarks on the development of the Sunyavada. — Like Kumarila, other
brahmanical philosophers treat the Sunyavada as the logical sequence of
the Vijnanavada or as a generalization thereof; but the true or historical
relation is just the reverse: the belief in the unreality of external things
is a restriction of the previously obtaining and more general belief in
the unreality or illusory nature of everything whatever, consciousness
included. Buddhist Nihilism or Illusionism, introduced and supported
by a splendid display of the novel dialectic art, seems to have deeply
impressed and invaded the Hindu mind of that period. But realistic-
convictions or habits of thought could not be wholly eradicated; they
entered into various kinds of compromise with Illusionism. The belief
in the transcendent reality and oneness of Brahma as taught in the
Upanisads admitted a combination with Illusionism in the Mayavada of
the Vedantins of Sankara's school, nicknamed Pracchannabauddhas. who
maintained that Brahma alone is real and that the phenomenal world is
an illusion (see Sukhtankar, The teachings of Veddnta according to Ed-
mdnuja in WZKM. vol. xii). On the other hand the 'cogito ergo sum'
proved irresistibly self-evident to many MahBySnists also, and led them
to acknowledge the reality of consciousness. These were the Vijnana-
vadins or pure Idealists. But the great Logicians of this school seem
to have further encroached on its principles; for Dharmakirti, in this
particular point also probably following Dignaga, declared the object of
perception to be svalaksana, i. e. the catena or series (santdna) of hsanas
to be parmdrthasat, i. e. really existing.
Vol. xxx i.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras
i, 43—47. The Sutra referring to the Vijnanavadins reads
thus: na vijndnamdtram bahyapratlteh; 'Not Thought alone
because of the conception of the external.' * The next Sutra
(43): tadabhdve tadabhdvdc chunyam tarhi, 'Since as the one
docs not exist, the other too does not, there is the void then'
is ;tccording to Vijiianabhiksu a refutation of the Vijnanavada,
but according to Aniruddha the statement of the £>unyavada
AY hi di is discussed in the following Sutras. However this may
be, there can be no doubt that here both the Vijnanavada
and the Sunyavada are discussed, in that sequence which (as
stated in the last note) has become customary for later
theoretical writers. Now it is admitted on all sides that the
Sankhya Sutra is a very late, or rather a modern, production,
and that it does not rank with the genuine philosophical
Sutras. Therefore the fact that the Sankhya Sutra mentions
the Vijnanavada does in no way prejudice any one in deciding
the question whether the Sutras of the other systems also were
acquainted with it. Perhaps it might be said that the direct-
ness of reference to the Vijnanavada in the Sankhya Sutra
shows what we should expect to find in the other Sutras if
they did really know and refute that doctrine.
i. Nyaya.
I begin our inquiry with the examination of the passage
N.D. iv. 2, 25 ff., which, according to Vacaspatimisra, is
directed against the Vijnanavadins; for, as explained above,
chronological considerations make it almost certain that our
Sutra was composed before the establishment of the Vijnana-
vada, and therefore entitle us to doubt, in this matter, the
authority of the author of the Tatparya Tlka. The subject
treated in those Sutras, namely, whether perception is a means
of true knowledge, is connected with and comes at the end of
a discussion of, other subjects which for the information of the
reader must briefly be sketched. First comes the problem of
the -whole and its parts,' iv, 2, 4if. The adherents of Nyaya
(and Vaisesika) maintain that the whole is something different
(artJidntara) from the parts in which it 'inheres,' an opinion
which is strongly combated by other philosophers. Connected
1 Anirmldha's Commentary, Garlto's translation, in BL, page 23.
10 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
with this problem is the atomic theory, which is discussed in
14ff. After Sutra 17, Vatsyayana introduces an opponent, 'a
denier of perception, who thinks that everything is non-existent'
(dnupalambhikali sarvam ndstiti manyamandti). There can be
no doubt that an adherent of the Sunyavada is meant. He
attacks the atomic theory, 18 — 24, and is refuted in 25 thus:
"as your arguments would lead us to admit a regressus in in-
finitum (by acknowledging unlimited divisibility) and as a
regressus in infinitum is inconsistent with sound reason, your
objection is not valid (anavasthdhdritvdd anavasthdmipapatte$
cd 'pratisedhah). Vatsyayana, after explaining this Sutra, con-
tinues: '(An opponent objects:) what you say with regard to
notions (buddlii), that their objects are really existing things,
(that cannot be proved). These notions are intrinsically er-
roneous (mitliydltuddliayas); for if they were true notions,
(tattvabuddliayas) they would, on being analysed by the under-
standing, teach us the true nature of their objects." The
argument of this opponent is stated in Sutra 26 which the
above passage serves to introduce, and runs thus: "If we ana-
lyse things, we do not (arrive at) perceiving their true nature
(or essentia) ; this not-perceiving is just as, when we take away
the single threads (of a cloth), we do not perceive an existing
thing (that is called) the cloth." Vatsyayana explains': "(This is)
just as on distinguishing the single threads (of a cloth) : this is a
thread, this is a thread, &c. &c., no different thing is perceived
that should be the object of the notion cloth. Since we do
not perceive the essentia, in the absence of its object, the
notion of a cloth, that it exists, is an erroneous notion. And
so everywhere." Sutras 27 and 28 contain the counter-argu-
ments, and Sutra 29 adds to them the following : "And because
by right perception (pramdnatas, viz. upalahdhya) we come
to know things (whether and how they are)." Sutra 30 gives
a proof for this view: pramdndmipapattyiipapattibliydm. Vat-
syayana explains: 'Now then the proposition that nothing
exists is against reason; why? (answer): pramdndnupapattyu-
papattibhydm. If there is proof pramdna (in favour of the
proposition) that nothing exists, (this proposition that) nothing
exists, sublates the (existence of) proof as well. And if there is
no proof for it, how can it be established that nothing exists?
If it is regarded to be established without proof, why should
(the contrary) that all things do exist, not be regarded as
Vol. mi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 11
established?" Here it is quite clear that the opponent whom
Vatsyayana refutes, is a Sunyavadin just as in Sutra 17. For
there is no indication that Vatsyayana in the mean time has
changed front, and that the opponent in Sutra 26 is not a
Sunyavadin, hut a Vijnanavadin. The latter contends that
external things do not exist (Imliydrthd na santi), while Vatsya-
yana (on 27) makes his opponent uphold sarvabhdvdndm ydtlid-
tmydnupalabdliili. Moreover, this opponent maintains that
"notions about things are erroneous notions (mithydbuddhayOs),"
and this is primarily the view of the Sunyavada. The fun-
damental principle of the Vijfianavada is that ideas only
(vijndna) are really existent, and not that they are erroneous
ideas. That Vatsyayana really has in view the opinions of
the ^unyavadins, may be seen from his concluding words in
36, u therefore erroneous notions too are really existing," and
in 37, where he speaks of his opponent as one for whom
"everything is without essence and unreal" (niratmdkam niru-
pakhya.m sarvam). Nevertheless Vacaspatimisra,1 commenting
on Vatsyayana's words in Sutra 25 translated above ("An
opponent objects: what you say," &c.), remarks that the op-
ponent is a Vijnanavadin. That he is mistaken, we have seen,
and a general cause of such a mistake on the part of later
commentators has been given above, p. 7. In the present case
we can watch the gradual development of this mispresentation.
For in his comment on 26 the Uddyotakara again introduces
the opponent's argument that every part of a thing may be
regarded as a (minor) whole consisting of minor parts, and
that this analysis may be continued not only down to atoms
but in wfinitum till everything is dissolved into nothing.
Now as Professor von Stcherbatskoi informs us (see above
p. 5), Dignaga in his work Alambanaparlksa makes the dis-
cussion of the problem of 'the whole and its parts' the basis
of his exposition of the Vijnanavada. Therefore the Uddyota-
kara, who answers Dignaga's attacks on Vatsyayana, avails
himself of an opportunity to undermine the antagonist's basis
of argumentation. And Vacaspatimisra, knowing what was
the starting-point of Dignaga's speculations, and seeing that
it was exhaustively treated by the authors of the Sutra and
the Bhasya, was easily misled to believe that they were defend-
i XyfiyavarttikatStparyatlkS (viz. S. S.>, p. 4«0, 3d line from below.
12 H&inann Jacobi, [1911.
ing it against the Yijnanavada. Being separated from them
by 400 years or more, he was ignorant of their historical
interrelation, and consequently interpreted the philosophical
discussion in the text before him from a merely theoretical
point of view. For, as indicated above, a rational refutation
of the ^unyavada was naturally divided into two parts, the
first proving the reality of objects and the second the reality
of ideas; and a theoretical construction could well treat the
Sunyavada as the logical outcome of the Yijnanavada, and
take the first part of the refutation of the Sunyavada as
directed against the Yijnanavada.
We proceed in our analysis of the Sutra. After the last
passage translated above, we have another objection of the
Illusionist in Sutras 31 and 32. "Like the erroneous belief in
the objects seen in a dream is this belief in the means of true
knowledge and the things known through them erroneous."
Yatsyayana explains: "Just as in a dream the objects seen in
it are not real, while there is belief in them, so the means
of knowledge and the things known through them are also not
real (na santi), though there is belief in either." Sutra 32
completes this argument: "Or like magic, fata morgana, and
mirage." As this argument serves to demonstrate that pra-
mdna and prameya are an illusion, it is evident that the
opponent is a Sunyavadin. The next Sutra 33 answers his
objection, in pointing out that 'he has established nothing, as
he has given no reason' for declaring (1) that the belief in
pramdna and prameya is like that in objects seen in a dream
and not like the perception of objects in the waking state,
(2) that in a dream non-existing things are perceived. This
argument of the Sutra is supplemented in the Bhasya by
another formulated in what looks like a Yarttika; it comes to
this. If you say that things seen in a dream do not exist
because they are no more seen in the waking state, you must
admit that those seen in the waking state do exist; for the
force of an argument is seen in the contrary case, viz. that
things exist because they are seen. The Uddyotakara enlarg-
ing upon this argument unmistakably introduces Yijnanavada
views ; for he speaks of things independent of the mind (citta-
vyatirekiri) and uses the term vijnana', but there is no trace
of all this in the Bhasya. The Sutra then goes on to explain
the belief in things seen in a dream and other topics con-
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. !•'>
nectcd with the subject in hand which, however, do not con-
cern us here.
To sum up: our investigation has proved that neither the
Sutra nor the Bhasya refer to the Vijnanavada, and that the
whole discussion is perfectly intelligible if we consider it as
meant to refute the Sunyavada.1
2. Vedanta and Mimamsa.
Brahma Sutra, 2nd Adhyaya; ^nd Pada, contains a dis-
cussion and refutation of other philosophical systems. The
Sutras 18—32 deal with Buddhist philosophy. Sutras 18—27
deal with the doctrines of the Sarvastivadins; and 28 — 32,
according to Sankara, with those of the Vijnanavada. Rama-
nuja agrees with Sankara in so far as he also refers Sutras
28 — 30 to the Vijnanavada, but he differs from him in that
he interprets the last Sutra2 as containing a refutation of the
&unyavada. For convenience of reference I subjoin the text
of the Sutras 28 — 32 and the translation of them by Thibaut
according to ^ankara's and Ramanuja's interpretation:
ndbhdva upalabdheh 28
vaidharmydc ca na svapnddivat 29
na Widvo 'nupdlabdheh 30
ksanikatvdc ca 31
sarvathdnupapattes ca 32.
I. Sankara's interpretation, SBE. vol. xxxiv, p. 418 ff.:
The non-existence (of external things) cannot be maintained,
on account of (our) consciousness (of them), 28.
And on account of their difference of nature (the ideas of
the waking state) are not like those of a dream, 29.
The existence (of mental impressions) is not possible (on
the Buddhist view) on account of the absence of perception
(of external things), 30.
And on account of the momentariness (of the dlayavijndna
it cannot be the abode of mental impressions), 31.
And on account of its general deficiency in probability, 32.
* If the Sutrakara knew the Vijnanavada, we should expect him to
combat it in ii, 1, 8 ff., where pratyahsadinam apramanyam is discussed.
But in that place even Vacaspatimisra (p. 249) assigns this opinion to the
Madhyamikas.
2 He omits Sutra 31 of Sankara's text.
14 Hermann Jaiobi, [1911.
II. Ramanuja's interpretation, SEE. xlviii, p. 51 Iff.:
Not non-existence on account of consciousness, 27. l
And on account of difference of nature (they are) not like
dreams, 28.
The existence [of mere cognitions] is not on account of the
absence of perception, 29.
[Here ends the adhikarana of perception.]
And on account of its being unproved in every way (viz.
that the Nothing is the only Reality), 30.
Now it would be rather surprising if the Sunyavada had
been ignored by the Brahma Sutra as Sankara in his treat-
ment of the above Sutras would make us believe; he says that
Sunyavada is thoroughly irrational and may therefore be left
out of account. But the SunyavS-dins were once formidable op-
ponents, and it would have delighted an orthodox dialectician to
expound their unreasonableness. Ramanuja apparently was con-
scious of this deficiency and therefore introduced the refutation
of the Sunyavada in the very last Sutra. But this Sutra con-
tains only an argument, and if Ramanuja be right, we search
in vain in the preceding Sutras for the statement, or even a
hint, of the doctrine he wishes to refute. However this Sutra
reads like a finishing blow dealt to a vanquished opponent
whose arguments the author had just been refuting. That
this opponent was a Sunyavadin becomes probable if we
compare the Sutras in question with those in N.D. which we
have examined above and, which, as we have seen, refer to
the Sunyavada only. For Sutra 29: vaidharmydc ca na svap-
nddivat, deals with the same argument which is stated in
N.D. 31 f.: svapnabliimdnavad ayam pramdnaprameyabliimdiidh;
mdydgandliarvanagaramrgatrsnikdvad vd. The ddi in svapna-
divat means according to Sankara may ddi, in other words the
things fully enumerated in the second of the quoted Sutras
of N.D. As the argument in N.D. and B.S. is the same, it
is almost certain that the same doctrine is discussed in both
works, and as the doctrine refuted in N.D. is the Sunyavada,
it is highly probable that it is meant in B.S. also. Though
we have thus very weighty reasons for not trusting Sankara,
Ramanuja, and all the later commentators in their inter-
» Ramanuja's numbering here differs from that of Sankara. In order
to avoid confusion I shall refer to the latter only.
Vol. xxx i.] The Dates oftlie Philosophical Xtltras, &c. 15
prctation of the passage under cnii^iilcnition, still the almost
deliberately enigmatical character of the Sutras would make it
a hazardous task to explain them without the aid of tradition.
Fortunately, however, the same philosophical problem aphoristi-
oally discussed in those Sutras has been dealt with at con-
siderable length by an other ancient author.
For Sabarasvamin, the Bhasyakara of the Mimamsa Sutra,
after having commented on M.S. i, 1, 5 transcribes a long
passage from the unknown Vrtti, which begins in the edition
of the Bibliotheca Indica on p. 7, line 7 from below, and ends
on p. 18, line 6, as the editor remarks in a footnote p. 18. l
The whole passage is without doubt by the Vrttikara; it gives
an explanation of Sutras 3 — 5, and is introduced by Sabara-
sxamin at the end of his own comment on Sutra 5. It is
therefore a matter of no little surprise to find that Kumarila-
bhatta in the Slokavarttika (on Sutra 5) assigns only the first
part of this passage, viz. from p. 7, 1. 7 from below, down to
p. 8, 1. 8 from below, to the Vrttikara; and accordingly his
comment on this part only bears the title Vrttikaragrantha in
the edition of the Slokavarttika in the Chowkhamba Sanskrit
Series, p. 212, 216. Kumarila himself refers to the author of
this part of the passage as the Vrttikara, ib., p. 136; but he
refers to the author of the following part (which is actually
the work of the same author) as Bhasyakrt, p. 221 (v. 16) and
Bhasyakara, p. 224 (v. 29), i. e., Sabarasvamin. That part which
Kumarila ascribes to the Vrttikara, contains the explanation
of Sutra 3 and part of Sutra 4 only. If Kumarila were right,
tli is passage should have been quoted by Sabarasvamin at the
end of his comment on Sutra 4, and not, where he actually
introduces it, at the end of his comment on Sutra 5. Ruma-
nia does not notice nor attempt to account for the fact that
Sabarasvamin, on his assumption, twice interprets part of
Sutra 4 and the Sutra 5, once at the proper place, and then
1 Sabarasvamin introduces this passage by the following words: Vrtti-
kdras tr anyathe 'mam grantham vamaydmcakdra : tasya nimittaparistir
ity evamddim. We first have a comment on Sutra 3; the comment on
Sutra 4 commences p. 8, 1. 2, that on the second part of Sutra 4 (ani~
mittam, &c.) on p. 12, 1. 2 from below; on p. 11. 1. 2 from below, begins
the comment on Sutra 5, and that on the last part of the same Sutra
on p. 17, 1. 10 (avyatireltas ca); arthe 'nupalabdhe, p. 17, last line; tat pra-
(Bddardyanasya) anapcksatvdt, p. 18,1. 3.
16 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
again after what lie contends to be the end of the quotation
from the Vrttikara. And any lingering douht that also the
second part of the passage ending on p. 18, 1. 6, is not by
Sabarasvamin, is removed by the passage that comes after it.
For there (p. 18, 1. 7, 14, 16; p. 24, 1. 9) he controverts and
sets right some assertions in the preceding part which accord-
ing to Kum&rila is not by the Vrttikara. Whether Kumarila
himself or some predecessor of his was the author of this
error, we do not know; but we can well understand how it
crept in. For Sabarasvamin, whose habit is not to make long
quotations, apparently inserted this passage from the Vrttikara
because it contains a discussion of peculiar Mimamsaka doc-
trines, e. g., on the six pramanas, for which his succinct commen-
tary on the Sutras of Jaimini would not otherwise have offered
an opportunity. In quoting, and not criticising, those doctrines,
he intimated his acceptance of them : and Kumarila therefore,
misled by Sabarasvamin's words Vrttikdras tv anyathe 'mam
granfham varnayamcakara, ascribed to the Vrttikara only that
part of his exposition where it obviously differs from Sabara-
svamin's comment, not the remaining part wThich chiefly con-
tains the additional matter. This second part was so important
for the Mimamsaka philosophy, that Kumarila devoted to the
discussion of its contents little less than half the volume of
his Slokavarttika. He had therefore a strong motive to ascribe
this part of the quotation to Sabarasvamin on whose Bhasya
he wrote his Varttika. But from the fact that he did so, we
may perhaps conclude that at his time, or earlier, the original
work of the Vrttikara had been lost or at least had ceased
to be studied at all; for otherwise he could not have committed
or repeated this gross error.
Now the question arises as to who is the author of the
Vrtti from which the passage under consideration has been
taken. Ganganatha Jha in his admirable translation of the
Slokavarttika, p. 116, note (17) says with regard to this passage:
"Karikas 17 — 26 expound the view of the author of the Vrtti
(Bhavadasa)." However, the name of Bhavadasa is not given
by Parthasarathi commenting on the passage in question
(printed text, p. 212 — 216); but on p. 11, commenting on v. 33,
in which Kumarila adverts to a controverted opinion brought
forward 'in other commentaries' vrttyantaresu, he mentions
as the authors 'Bhavadasa and others,' in accordance with
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, <£c. 17
Kumarila's statement in v. 63, p. 21. On these passages, it would
seem, Ganganatha based his conjecture, which in my opinion
is unacceptable. For if an author is referred to simply by
the title Yrttikara, an authority of high rank must be intended,
3 seen in many other cases; and it is not at all likely that
Kumarila would have ranked such an authority together with
other commentators, as he did with regard to Bhavadasa in
the phrase vrttyantaresu. If there had been more than one
Yrtti, then it would have been inaccurate to speak of the
Yrttikara. And besides, the Bhasya contains no reference to
adasa; Kumarila must therefore have learned Bhavadasa's
opinion from his work. But as shown above, he most probably
did not know the original work of the Yrttikara. Hence it
would follow that the Yrttikara is not to be identified with
Bhavadasa.
The same scholar ascribes, on p. Ill of the introduction of
his work named above, the Yrtti to the revered Upavarea.
But as the lhayavan Upavarsa is mentioned in the very passage
from the Yrttikara, he must be not only different from, but
also considerably older than, the latter; for the title Ihagavan
is given only to authors of high authority and some antiquity.1
As thus both conjectures of Ganganatha Jha about the
author of the Yrtti can be shown to be wrong, I venture to
advance one of my own. RamSnuja quotes a Yrtti on the
Brahma Sutra by Bodhayana and refers to him as the Yrtti-
kara,2 Now I think it probable that Bodhayana wrote the
Yrtti not only on the Uttara Mimamsa (i. e. B.S.), but also
on the Purva Mimamsa, just as Upavarsa, the predecessor of
the Yrttikara, commented on both Mimamsas. For, according
ankara ad B.S. iii, 3, 53, Upavarsa in his commentary on
M.S. referred to his remarks in the Sarlraka, i. e. his commen-
tary on B.S. And Sabarasvamin also was equally versed in
the Uttara and the Purva Mimamsas; for a lengthy dissertation
on the existence of the soul, called Atmavada, (p. 19, 1. 3—
p. '24, 1. 9 of the printed text) in his Bhasya reads like part
1 Hall, Index, p. 167, says with reference to the £abara Bhasya
" Krsna Deva states, in the Tantra CudSmani, that a Yrtti was composed
on this work, by Upavarsa." If Krsna Deva is right, his Upavarsa must
be a different person from our Upavarsa.
2 Thibaut in SEE. vol. xxxiv, p. xxi. Sukhtankar, The teachings of
Veddnta according to Rdmdnuja, p. 7, 9 (WZKM. vol. xii, p. 127, 129).
VOL. XXXI. Part I.
18 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
of a Yedanta treatise. Sankara ad B.S. iii, 3, 53 says * with
regard to that passage that the Acarya Sabarasvamin took
(his subject) from B.S. iii, 3, 53, and treated it in the pra-
mdnalaksana (i.e. ad M.S. 1, 5). The meaning of this state-
ment is that Sabarasvamin by anticipation discussed the existence
of the soul in the Bhasya on M.S. i, 1, 5, while the proper
place for this subject is in a commentary on B.S. iii, 3, 53;
we can not safely conclude from Sankara's words, that Sabara-
svamin actually wrote a commentary on B. S., and even less, that
he transcribed the passage in question from it (for it is clearly
worded with reference to the context in which it now stands).
But at any rate it is evident that at Sabarasvamin's time the
Purva and Uttara Mimamsas still formed one philosophical
system, while after Kumarila and Sankara they were practically
two mutually exclusive philosophies.
After this necessarily long digression we return to the
examination of that part of the passage from the Yrttikara
which relates to the Bauddha doctrines. It consists of two
sections called Niralambanavada and Sunyavada in the Sloka-
varttika where the discussion of it is introduced by the remarks
translated above, p. 7. The author, i. e., the Vrttikara, has
explained in the preceding part that perception is a means of
right knowledge provided that no defect (dosa) vitiates any of
the parts or elements which combined constitute perception;
he then goes on as follows:
"(An opponent objects:) 'All cognitions (pratyaya) are with-
out foundation (in reality) just like a dream; for we recognise
in a dream that it is the nature of cognition to be without
foundation. A waking person also has cognitions, e. g. of a
post or a wall; and therefore this cognition also is without
foundation.' We answer: a waking man's notion (e. g.) »this is
a post« is a positively ascertained one; how is it possible that
it should turn out wrong? 'The notion in a dream also was,
just in the same way, a well ascertained one; previous to the
awakening there was no difference between the two.' You are
wrong; for we find that (what we saw) in a dream, turns out
wrong; but we find that (what we see) in the other case (i.e.
in the waking state), does not turn out wrong. If you say
that on account of the class-characteristic (cognition as a
1 ita evd "krsya "cdi-yena Sabarasvdmind pramanalakxane varnitnm.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 19
genus) (the same predication) will hold good in the other case,
(we reply as follows). If you mean that the cognition in a
dream is wrong because it is a cognition, then of course the
cognition of a waking man must be wrong too. But if cognition
is (taken to be) the reason that something is so as it is cognised
(and not different), then it is impossible to say that this
cognition (viz. one in a dream) is different (i. e. wrong) because
it is a cognition. (Not from the nature of cognition by itself),
but from something else we come to know that cognition in a
dream is wrong on account of its being opposed to truth.
'How do you ascertain this?' In the following way because
a sleepy mind is weak, sleep is the reason for the wrongness
(of cognition) in a dream; in dreamless sleep it (the mind) is
absent altogether; for one without any consciousness whatever,
is said to be in dreamless sleep. Therefore the cognition of a
waking man is not wrong. 'But the sensorium of a wraking
man also may be vitiated by some defect.' If so, the defect
may be found out! 'While one dreams, a defect is not found
out.' It is; for on awaking we find out that the mind had
been vitiated by sleep."
The problem discussed in the preceding passage is the same
as that in N.D. iv, 2, 31—33, see above, p. 12. The point
at issue is this. Perception in a dream cannot be said to be
wrong, unless some other perception is admitted to be true, in
contradistinction to which that in a dream could be recognised
to be wrong. As the opponent maintains that all cognitions
are wrong, his argumentation from dreams is without meaning.
I now continue the translation of the passage from the Vrtti-
kara:
"(The opponent says: 'The cognition itself) is a void. For
we do not perceive a difference of form in the object and the
idea of it; our idea is directly perceived, and therefore the
so-called object which should be different from the idea, is a
non-entity.' (Answer:) Well, this would be the case, if the
idea had the form (or shape) of its object. But our idea is
without form, and it is the external object which has the form;
for the object is directly perceived as being in connexion with
a locality outside of ourselves. An idea caused by perception
is concerned with an object, and not with another idea; for
every idea lasts but one moment, and does not continue to
exist while another idea comes up. (The opponent says:)
20 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
'"While this second idea is originating, it becomes known (to
the first idea) and, at the same time, it makes known to it
the object, just as a lamp (illumines and makes thus known
things).' We reply: This is not so. For before the object has
become known, nobody is conscious of haying the idea, but
after the object has become known (to us), we become aware
by inference that we have an idea concerning it; it is im-
possible that both these processes should be simultaneous. (The
opponent says:) 'We do not contend that we know the object
before the idea has originated, but after it has originated;
therefore the idea originates first, and afterwards the object
becomes known.' (We reply:) Quite right! The idea originates
first, but it is not the idea that first becomes known. For as
will occur occasionally, we say of an object which we do know,
that we do not know it.1 — Moreover it is the very nature of
every idea to be always and necessarily bound up with the
name of (or a word denoting) its object. Therefore an idea
is 'intimately connected with a name,' but that which is 'not
intimately connected with a name' is termed 'directly per-
ceived.'2— And furthermore, if (the object and the idea) had
the same form, this would sublate the idea and not the object
which is directly perceived. But there is no such uniformity
(between the object and its idea, as you assume); for by in-
ference we become cognizant of the intrinsically formless idea,
but we directly perceive the object together with its form.
Therefore cognition is based on the object. — And furthermore,
the notion of (e. g.) a piece of cloth has an individual cause
(in this sense, that we have the idea of the cloth) only when
threads form the material cause (of the object, viz. the cloth).
For if this were not the case, a man of sound senses might
1 We are not conscious of having an idea concerning it.
2 The printed text is wrong. Instead of itasmdn na vyapadcsyd
buddhih, avyapadesyam ca ndpratyaksam' we must read 'tasmdn ndvya-
padesyd buddhih, avyapadesyam ca ndma pratyaksam.1
"What is meant is this. An abstract idea is always coupled with a
word expressing its object; but this is not the case when we directly
perceive a thing. Therefore perception is thus defined in N.D. i, 1, 4:
indriydrthasannikarsotpannam jndnam avyapadesyam avyabhicdri vyava-
sdydtmakam pratyaksam. Instead of avyapadesyam the Buddhists say more
accurately kalpandpodham. The definition of pratyaksa, Nyayabindu I,
is pratyaksam kalpandpodham abhrdntam; and kalpandpodha is defined
(ibidem) abhildpasamsargayogyapratibhdsapratltih kalpand, tayd raJiitam.
Vol. xxxi.) The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 21
have the notion of a jnr though threads had hcon used (in
the production of the object in question); but that is not the
case.1 Therefore cognition is not without foundation (in ex-
ternal objects), and consequently direct perception does not
convey erroneous knowledge."
In this part of the passage from the Vrttikara, the opponent
whose iii-^uments are refuted is without doubt a Sunyavadin.
This is not only the opinion of Kumarila (see original, p. 268
to '154. translation, p. 148 — 182), but it is unmistakably in-
dicated by the word, with which this part opens, viz. sunyas
tu. But if we consider the arguments brought forward, by
themselves, we might be led to believe that their object is to
] trove that only the idea has real existence. And on the other
hand in the first part the illusory character of all ideas or
cognitions is discussed; and this is properly the view of the
Sunyavadins. Nevertheless Kumarila would make us think
that the Yijnanavadins are combated in this first part to
which he gives the title Xiralambanavada (see original, p. 217
to 268; translation, p. 119—148). At first sight the text itself
seems to speak in favour of his view; for it opens with the
opponent's statement that the pratyayas are niralambana. But
very weighty reasons prove, in my opinion, that Kumarila's
view is wrong. (1) As said above, the problem discussed in
the first part of our text is the same as in N.D. iv, 2, 31 — 33,
and we have demonstrated above that not only these Sutras,
but also Vatsyayana's comment on them have in view the
Sunyavada only. (2) The technical terms peculiar to the
Yijnanavada, e. g. vijnana. alayavijnana, pravrttivijnana, vasana,
are absent from our passage, and instead of them only such
words as pratyaya, and faiddhi, and jndna (which are common
to all Indian philosophers) are used. (3) The only argument
discussed is that waking-cognitions being like dream-cognitions
are likewise illusory, and as has already been said, this is not
an opinion which is peculiar to the Vijnanavadins. (4) The
division of the whole passage into two parts, of which the first
combats the Niralambanavada, and the second the Sunyavada,
is quite arbitrary. There is in truth but one subject of dis-
1 The meaning of this argument is that the object is not caused by the
idea, but it has a cause which is independent of the idea, viz. the material
from which the object or the thing is produced.
22 Hermann JacoU, [1911.
cussion in the whole passage, viz. that which is stated at the
beginning of the first part, and which is repeated at the end
of the second: niralambanah pratyayali. And therefore the
whole text must he directed against the Sunyavada because
this is avowedly the case in the second.1
In the introductory remarks it has already been explained
how later commentators came to interpret a refutation of the
Sunyavada as one of the Vijnanavada. If radical Scepticism,
represented by the former, attacked the validity of perception
as a means of true knowledge, it is natural that it brought
forward arguments which might be used also by pure Idealism,
represented afterwards by the Vijnanavada. But it is worthy
of note that all those arguments on which the Vijnanavadiris
based their idealistic system, had already been advanced by
the Sunyavadins. Thus it is evident that the Vijnanavada
was potentially contained in the Sunyavada, and that Asanga
and Vasubandhu, who founded the idealistic school of Buddhist
philosophy, were largely indebted to their predecessors.
The result of the preceding inquiry, viz. that the contro-
versy in the passage from the old Vrttikara is about Sunya-
vada opinions only, a fortiori holds good with the Vedanta
Sutras also. But that passage may also serve us as a com-
mentary on B.S. ii, 2, 28 — 32. I have above identified con-
jecturally our Vrttikara with Bodhayana who wrote a Vrtti
on B.S.; if this be true, it is most likely that in our passage
he should have given the essence of his comment on the quoted
Sutras in B.S., which are concerned with the same problem.
But if my conjecture is not accepted, then the case is similar
to that of Sabarasvamin, who, when expounding the Atmavada
in his Bhasya on M.S., anticipates the Sutras of B.S. in which
this topic is discussed. In the same way our author who wrote
i I draw attention to another passage, p. 14 f., though it is not con-
clusive for the question in hand. There the Vrttikara discusses the
problem about the meaning of words, and touches the problem of the
whole and its parts. The opponent denies that there is such a thing as
a wood, a herd, &c., and goes on to object to perception as a means of
true knowledge ' the trees also are non-existent.' The answer is : "If you
say this (wTe need not enter into a renewed discussion), for this view of
the Mahayanikas has already been refuted" (pratyuktah sa mdhdydnikah
paksah). This is apparently a reference to the passage translated in the
text, and the followers of the Mahay ana are spoken of without the
distinction of Madhyamikas and Yogacaras.
Vol. xxxi ] Tlie Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 23
the Vrtti on M.S. must have regarded Purva and Uttara
Mlmamsa as the two interconnected parts of one uniform
m; and when he treated a subject which properly belongs
to the "Uttara Mimamsa, he must have treated it in conformity
with the latter. AVe actually find in the passage from the
Vrttikara the substance of a commentary on B.S. ii, 2, 28 — 32,
disposed in nearly the same order as that of those Sutras,
as will now be proved. The substance of the first part of the
passage is epitomised in Sutras 28 and 29: no, 'bhava upa-
labdheh; vaidharmydc ca na svapnddivat ~\Ve may paraphrase
these two Sutras in accordance with the explanation of the
Vrttikara as follows: "The objects of cognition are. not non-
entities (i. e. cognition is not without foundation in the external
world: na nirdlambanali pratyayali), because we actually per-
ceive external objects. 28. Xor is our cognition similar to
dreams, &c., because there is a real difference of cognition in
the state of waking and that of dreaming 29" The next two
Sutras contain in a condensed form the substance of the second
part of our passage, na Ihdvo 'nupalabdheh 30. "(An idea)
cannot be the real object (underlying cognition, as proved in
Sutras 28 and 29), because (the idea) is not the object of
direct perception." In the passage from the Vrttikara the
opponent maintains: 'our idea is directly perceived (pratyahsa,
ca no buddhih), and the author refutes him by showing that
an idea is not perceived, but that we become aware of having
an idea by inference. This is the substance of Sutra 30. The
next Sutra: 1i§amkatvac ca (31): "And because cognition has
but momentary existence" is explained by the Vrttikara in
the passage beginning: 'for every idea lasts but one moment"
•nika hi so). The meaning is of course that one idea cannot
perceive another ; for while the first exists, the second has not
yet come into existence; and when the second has come into
existence, the first has ceased to exist. The last Sutra: sar-
vfdltd 'nupapattes ca (32) "And because it is unreasonable in
every way" gives occasion to the Vrttikara's remarks beginning
with 'But there is no such uniformity' (api ca hdmam, &c.).
Thus it will be seen that with the help of the passage from
the Vittikara we can fully and consistently explain the original
Sutras. And I venture to presume that this interpretation
comes nearer the meaning of the original, than that given
either by S jinkara or Ramanuja: for these commentators living
24 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
several centuries after the Yrttikara did violence to the text
because they felt obliged to introduce into their comments the
substance of controversies which happened long after the time
of the Sutrakara.
The preceding inquiry has proved that the Sunyavada only
has "been confuted in the Brahma Sutras and in the Yrtti
quoted by Sabarasvamin. These two works must therefore
have been composed in the period between 200 and 500 A.D.
according to what has been said in the beginning of this paper.
I am inclined to think that Sabarasvamin also must be assigned
to the same period, since he also appears to ignore the Yijnana-
vada and to refer to the Sunyavada when controverting the
Buddhist denial of the soul (p. 20 f.). There a Buddhist com-
bats the argument that knowledge (vijndna) presupposes a
knower (vijnatr), and explains that knowledge and memory
can be accounted for by the assumption of skandhas or rather
a santdna of momentary skandlias. He concludes: tasmdc
chunydh skandliaglianali, "therefore nothing real is behind the
skandhas" This doctrine is of course common to all Buddhists,
but the expression used here, sunya. seems to betray the
Sunyavadin. And besides, in this controversy, especially where
the real meaning of aliam, is discussed, a Yijnanavadin would
have introduced his term alayavijnana; but no special terms
of the Yijnanay'ada are used by Sabarasvamin. It is there-
fore probable that he wrote before the establishment of the
Yijiianavada. His archaic style also speaks in favour of an
early date.1
3. Yoga.
In Yoya Sutra, iv, 15f., the Buddhist denial of the external
world is briefly discussed. Sutra 15: vastusdmye cittaWieddt
tayor vivihtali panthah. "Since the same object (is perceived
by many persons and) causes various impressions on their
mind, they (i. e., the objects and the ideas caused by them)
must be two different things." This is apparently a refu-
tation of the Niralambanavada, but it does not appear
whether it is intended against the Sunyavada or the Yijnana-
i Cf. Biihler in SEE., vol. xxv, p. CXIL After the preceding dis-
cussion it is perhaps superfluous to state that I cannot subscribe to the
exaggerated chronological estimate of that scholar.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. :.'">
vfuln.1 Sutra 10: na cai 'kacittatantram vaslu; tad aprama-
nakam, tadd kirn sydt? "Nor can the existence of an object
be dependent on the mind of one observer; for when (his mind
being absent) it is not observed at all, (pray) what would be-
come of the object?" (cf. S.S. i, 43) Here, I think, the meaning of
the Sutra will be best understood, if we assume the opponent to
1)0 an adherent of the Vijnanavada. For in that philosophy
the alayavijnana which represents the self-consciousness of the
individual person, contains the vasanas (= samskaras) which
becoming mature (paripdka) produce the pravrttivijndna or
the thoughts concerned with objects.2 According to this theory
the object is dependent on pravrttivijndna or, in common
language, on the mind of the observer.3 If this interpretation
La right. Patanjali must be later than the middle of the
5th i ontury A.D. At any rate he cannot be earlier than
the 3rd century A.D.
Even the earlier of these two dates is at variance with the
prevailing opinion that Patanjali the author of the Yogasutra
is the same Patanjali who composed the Mahabhasya. For
Patanjali is said to have written the Yogasutra, the Maha-
bhasyn, and a work on medicine. This tradition, however,
cannot be traced to an ancient source.4 Nevertheless European
1 In the Bhasya on the preceding Sutra we find the same argument
about things seen in a dream with which we are already familiar.
Yacaspatimisra in the Tlka ascribes this argument to the Yijnanavadin
(cf. above, p. 11), but he says expressly that it has been introduced by
the Bhasyakara without its being warranted by the Sutra (utsiitra).
2 Sarvadarsanasamgraha. Anandasram edition, p. 15 f.
3 Y.S. iv, 21 might be taken for a reference to the Yijnanavada; but
• ommentators are apparently right in referring to the nidnasa-
2))-«tyahsa or manovijftana, which seems to have been acknowledged by
the older schools also. The definition in the Tlka, however, agrees
nearly verbatim with that in the NyayabindutTka (Bibl. Ind., p. 13, 1. 11).
4 It occurs in a traditional verse which is quoted, as Professor J. H.
Woods informs me, in the commentary on the Yasavadatta by Sivarama
(p. 239 of the edition in the Bibl. Indica; Sivarama wrote in the beginning
of the 18th century, Aufrecht Cat, Cat., p. 652). According to Soda's
(Tni-kasamgraha, B.S.S., p. 24) this (?) verse is said to be from Yogablja.
It must be stated that the passage in the Yasavadatta which refers to
Patafijali alludes to his oratorical gifts only. Similarly, a verse in the
fi.jalicarita, V, 25 (Kavyamala, Nro. 51), by RSmabhatta Dlksita of
18th century (cf. Aufrecht, 1. c., p. 517), ascribes to him siltrdni
Yogasdstre Vaidydkaidstre ca vdrttikdni. Here he is identified apparently
26 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
scholars are inclined to give it credit, e. g. Lassen, Ind. Alt.,
I2, p. 999, Garbe, Sdnkhyapliilosopliie, p. 26, note, and Sankliya
und Yoga, p. 36, and others; and accordingly they place Patan-
jali in the 2nd century B.C. But it can he shown on internal
evidence that the author of the Mahabhasya cannot he identical
with the author of the Yogasutra. It is worth while definitely
to establish this point.
Professor Garbe admits that there are no special coincidences
between the language of the Yogasutra and the Mahahhasya,
and accounts for this want of agreement by the difference of
the subject of both works. But on the other hand we certainly
might expect that the greatest grammarian of his age should
have observed the rules of his grammatical work when he
wrote another on Yoga. Yet in Y.S. i, 34 he writes pracclutr-
danavidhdrariabliydm instead of vidlidranapraccliliardanabliydm
as it ought to be according to the rule laghvaksaram (i. e.,
purvam) in vdrttika 5 of ii, 2, 34; and here the meaning of
the two parts of the compound furnishes no reason for alter-
ing their grammatical order, as might perhaps be pleaded for
the order in sarvdrtliataikagratayoli iii. 11 instead of ekdgra-
tdsarvdihatayoli as postulated by Panini's rule ajddyadantam
ii, 2, 33. A similar case is graliitrgrahanagrdhyesu in i, 41.
Vacaspatimisra says when commenting on that Sutra:1 "the
order of the members of the -compound as given in the Sutra
is irrelevant, because it is opposed to the order required by
the subject (viz. grahyagrahanagrdhttr)" Now grammar is in
favour of that very order which is also required by the subject;
for this order is in accordance with Panini's rule: alpdctaram
ii, 2, 34: "In a Dvandva the member of fewer syllables
should come first," And though a deviation from this rule
might be defended, still the grammarians seems to have regarded
it as an irregularity better to be avoided.2 At any rate our
with Caraka. This is expressly done according to Bodas (1. c.) by the
grammarian Nagesa, who lived in the 18th century, in his Vaiyakarana-
siddhantamanjusa (cf. Aufrecht, Cat, Cat,, s. v.).
1 tatra grahitrgrahanagrdliyesv iti sautrah fdthakramo lrthakrama~
virodhdn nd "daraniyah.
2 Patanjali discusses the question whether the rule alpdctaram applies
to compounds of more than two members, to which alone the compara-
tive alpdctaram would seem to apply. He adduces two verses which
contain three-membered dvandvas: mrdangasankhatunavdh and dhana-
patirdmakesavdndm. Katyayana in vdrttika 1 accounts for these ex-
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the tfiilosopliiccil Sutras, &c. 27
case would have given cause to a grammarian to consider the
order in which he should place the members of the compound,
and he certainly would not have chosen that order which
could he impugned for reasons derived from grammar and from
the nature of the subject. The reason why the author of the
Sutra placed grahitr first in the dvandva, was perhaps a linguistic
instinct that words not ending in a or a should come first, a
rule which grammarians restrict to words ending in i and u
(dvandve glii ii. 2. 33).
On the other hand it can be shown that the author of the
M.ihabhasya held philosophical ideas which differed consider-
nl.lv from those of Yoga and Sankhya. Commenting upon
Vdrttika 53 ad i, 2, 64 he discusses a kdrikd on the meaning
of gender: the feminine denotes the congelation (samstyd> a)9
the masculine the productivity (prasava) of the qualities (gunas) :
sound, touch, colour, taste, and smell. "All individual things
(murtayas) are thus constituted, they are qualified by con-
gelation and productivity, possessing sound, ^ touch, colour, taste,
and smell. Where there are but few qualities, there are
at least (avaratas) three: sound, touch, and colour; taste
and smell are not everywhere." This is a very crude theory
about the qualities and one that is very far removed from
the refined speculations of the Sankhyas and Yogas about
the tanmdtras and mahdbhutas. — Therefore, since the author
of the Yogasutra does not conform 'to the grammatical
rules taught by the author of the Mahabhasya, and because
the latter is ignorant of the philosophical views of the
former, they cannot be identical, but must be two different
persons.
. Having shown that the only argument for the great anti-
quity of the Yogasutra is fallacious, I shall now bring forward
internal evidence for a rather late date of that work. The
Yogasastra of Patanjali is described as being part of the
Sankhyasystem (yogasdstre sdnkhyapravacane), and it is well
known that it generally conforms to the Sankhya. But there
are some Yoga doctrines which differ from the Sankhya. Yoga
admits the ISvara, while Sankhya is essentially atheistic; and
ceptions by assuming that the two last members are a dvandva (sankJia-
tfoiava) and form the second member of the whole dvandva (atantre
taranirdcse iankhatunawiyor mrdangena samdsali).
28 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
this peculiarity of the Yoga seems to be very old, since it is
mentioned in so ancient a work as the MahabhSrata (xii.
300. 3ff.). But there are other Yoga doctrines not coun-
tenanced by Sankhya * which are clearly adoptions from other
systems. They are the following:
(1) The doctrine of Sphota has been adopted from the
Yaiyakaranas; it is expounded in the Bhasya ad iii. 17.
This theory is however not directly mentioned in the Sutra?
and its introduction rests entirely on the authority of the
Bhasya. (2) The doctrine of the infinite size of the antah-
karana seems to have been adopted from the Yaisesika philo-
sophy (dtman). It is given in the Bhasya on iv. 10 and
there ascribed to the cAcarya.' (3) The atomic theory which
originally belonged to the Yaisesika,2 is clearly referred to by
Patanjali in i. 40 (cf. Bhasya on iii, 44). (4) The doctrine
that time consists of ksanas, which was first put forth by the
Sautrantikas, is clearly assumed in iii. 52, though the details
are explained in the Bhasya only. — The Sphotavada and the
Manovaibhavavada (1. and 2.) may be later additions to the
system, but the Paramanuvada and the Ksanikavada must be
ascribed to Patanjali and cannot be later than him. That he
did adopt them, directly or indirectly, from the Yaisesikas and
Buddhists, though of course not in their original form, pre-
supposes that these doctrines had somehow ceased to be shib-
boleths of hostile schools, and that the general idea underlying
them had been acknowledged by other philosophers too. We
know that this has been the case with regard to the atomic
theory which has also been admitted by Buddhists, Jainas,
Ajivakas, and some Mimamsakas.3 The Ksanikavada, in an
altered and restricted form, has been adopted by the Yaisesikas.
For according to them some qualities (gunas) exist for three
ksanas only, e. g., sound originates in one hsana, persists in the
second, and vanishes in the third. This is a kind of Ksanika-
vada so changed as to avoid the objections to which the
original doctrine was exposed. Still it must be remarked that
even this altered form of the Ksanikavada is not yet found in the
1 See Garbe, Sankhya und Yoga, p. 49 ff.
2 Cf. Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. i, p. 199 ff.
3 See my article quoted in the last footnote.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dales of the Ptiilosopliical Sutras, &c. 29
Sutra,1 but is first taught in the Pras"astapadabhasya, p. 287.—
This adoption of originally heterodox doctrines by Patanjali
therefore unmistakably points to a relatively modern time, and
thus it serves to confirm the result at which we arrived by
ox: i mining the allusions to Buddhist doctrines contained in
Y.S.; namely, that the Yogasutra must be later than the
5 th century A.D. It is probably not far removed in time from
IsVara Krsna, the remodeler of Sankliy.-i.
Nor can an objection be raised against this date from the
remaining literature of the Yoga. For the Bhasya by Vyasa,
which is next in time to the Sutra, contains nothing that
would make the assumption of an earlier date necessary. Garbe
places Vyasa in the seventh century (1. c., p. 41); and though
his estimate is supported only by a legendary account of Vyasa's
pupils, still it is not improbable in itself.
The results of our researches into the age of the philo-
sophical Sutras may be summarized as follows. N.D. and B.S.
were composed between 200 and 450 A.D. During that period
lived the old commentators: Vatsyayana, Upavarsa, the Vrtti-
kara (Bodhayana?), and probably Sabarasvamin. V.D. and
M.S. are about as old as, or rather somewhat older than, N.D.
and B.S. Y.S. is later than 450 A.D., and S.S. is a modern
composition.
i V.D. ii. 2. 31 teaches that sound is produced by conjunction and
disjunction and sound. This is the germ of an undulatory theory of the
transmission of sound in India; but the details of this theory, containing
the above mentioned doctrine of the three ksanas, are not yet worked
out in the Sutra.
HilpreMs Fragment of the Babylonian Deluge Story
(Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsyl-
vania, Series D, volume F5 fasc. I). — By GEORGE A.
BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
ON Saturday morniDg, March 19th, the daily press of Phila-
delphia and other cities contained announcements of the dis-
covery, by Professor Hilprecht, of a new version of the story
of the deluge, which antedated all the accounts previously
found and which vindicated the correctness of the statements
of" the Priestly Document of the Pentateuch. Interest was
increased when in the Old Penn Weeldy Review of the Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania of March 19th Dr. Hugo Radau, commen-
ting on the discovery, wrote: "It in safe to say that this
publication, based upon one of the most remarkable finds in the
Temple Library of Nippur, is destined to usher in a new
period in the history of religion."
The speedy publication of the tablet itself together with Prof.
Hilprecht's interpretation enabled us to examine both in detail.
The Nippur version of the Deluge Story
<From The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania,
Series D, vol. V, fasciculus 1, Philadelphia, 1910).
Vol. xxxi.] Hilprechfs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 31
The text of the tablet is given below followed by Professor
Hilprecht's transliteration and translation as they appear on
pp. 48 and 49 of The Babylonian Expedition of the University
of Pennsylvania, Series D, Volume V, fasciculus 1 (Phila-
delphia 1910).
(p. 48) Transliteration.
2 ...................... a-pa-a$- $ar
3 .................... ka-la ni-$i i$-te-ni$ i-za-lat
4 ............ -ti la-am a-bu-U wa-si- e
5. . . (?)-a-ni ma-la i-ba-a$-$u-u lu-kin lib-bu-ku lu-pu-ut-tu lm-ru-$u
6. ..is.uelippu ra-be-tu bi- ni- ma
7. ..ga-be- e gab-bi lu bi-nu-uz- za
8. .M-i In is.umagurgurrwn ba-bil- lu na-at- rat na-piS-tim
9. -ri(?)zu- lu-la dan-na zu- ul- HI
10 ...... te-ip- pu- $u
11 ..... -lam(?)u-ma-am si-rim is-sur Sd-me-e
12 ......... leu-urn mi- ni
13 ..... -00 u Jd[n\- ta ru(?}- .......
14 .................. u] ...........................
(p. 49) Translation.
1 ............. "thee,
2. ... "[the confines of heaven and earth] I will loosen,
3. ... "[a deluge I will make, and] it shall sweep away all
men together;
4. ... '-[but thou seek l]ife before the deluge cometh forth;
5. ... "[For over all living beings], as many as there are,
I will bring overthrow, destruction, annihilation.
6 ......... "Build a great ship and
7 ......... "total height shall be its structure.
8 ......... "it shall be a house-boat carrying what has been
saved of life.
9 ....... "with a strong deck cover (it).
10. ... "[The ship] which thou shalt make,
11. ... "[into it br]ing the beasts of the field, the birds of
heaven,
12. ... "[and the creeping things, two of everything] instead
of a number,
13 ...... "and the family .....
14. . ."and".,
32 George A, Barton, |1911.
In the present paper it is proposed: 1. To examine the
interpretation of the text. 2. To discuss the evidence for the
age of the document, and 3. To discuss its bearings on the-
Bible.
1. As to the interpretation:
In line 1 Hilprecht interprets only the last sign ha, render-
ring it "thee." In the absence of what preceded we do not
know whether this is right or not. Even if a pronominal
suffix, it was, perhaps, dependent on a noun, and to be ren-
dered "thy."
In line 2 the only legible syllables are ap-pa-a$-$ar, "I will
loosen" or "let loose." Hilprecht supplies before it, usura-
(or kippat)$ame u irsitim, and renders: "the confines of heaven
and earth I will loosen." He refers for authority to Jensen
in KB., VI, 520, where Jensen quotes a conjectural emendation
made by Haupt in Schrader's KAT* to line 2 of DT, 42,
published in Haupt's NE, p. 131. What really stands in that
text is Jcima Mp-pa-ti. No mention of heaven and earth
appears on that tablet, nor the verb ap-pa-a$-$ar. To base
a conjectural emendation on another conjectural emendation
to another passage which stood in another context, is insecure
ground.1
In line 3 the words that stand are very clear: lea-la ni-si
i§-te-ni$ i-za-~bat, "all the people together it shall seize." i-za-lat
being clearly for i-sa-bat, the future of sabatu, "to seize," "take."2
"While Hilprecht recognizes the "possibility" of this reading,
he "prefers" to regard it as from the stem sabatu, "to beat,"
"to strike." Why this common form, written as it often is in
the time of the Cassites and of Hammurabi, should be dis-
carded for one that presupposes the difficult phonetic change
of 3 to z and the unnecessary change of t to t, is because
Jensen had noted (KB., VI, 531), that sabatu was the tech-
nical term used of the deluge!
1 Hommel, who Las defended Hilprecht's main positions in articles
published in the Frankfurter Zeitung of April, 19, 1910 and the Expository
Times for May, 1910, improves upon Hilprecht's rendering by boldly
inserting from Gen. ?n the words "the springs of the deep", making the
line read, "the springs of the deep will I loose". Bezold, Frankfurter
Zeitung, May, 21, 1910, renders "I will loose a bann". Prince and Vander-
burgh AJSL, XXVI (July, 1910), p. 305, note that it is ordinarily used
of loosening a curse. It is clearly uncertain how the line began.
2 So also Prince and Vanderburgh.
Vol. xxxi.J HilprechVs Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 33
In line 4 we can make out the tigns: ti la-am a-bu-bi
wa-se-e. Disregarding the lirst sign the three remaining words
clearly mean, as Hilprecht has translated them, "before the
delude comes forth." The ti belongs to a lost word. Hilprecht
tills it out u at-ta-ma *e--i (<>r lml-lif)iwjt-*a-ti on the ground
that in the "first Nineveh version" 11, 25 ft', these phrases
appear. A part of them do appear there, it is true, but in a
different order. In reality no one knows what stood at the
beginning of this line. Ti might belong to any feminine or
abstract noun.
Of line 5 Hilprecht has correctly transliterated the visible
signs, and disregarding the <i-ni at the beginning, which belong
t" a lost word, his rendering of the remainder ("as many as
there are, I will bring overthrow, destruction, annihilation")
may pass. What is to be supplied at the beginning is uncer-
tain. Hilprecht's guess may in this case be right.
In lines 6 and 7 Hilprecht wisely refrains from filling out
the broken lines,1 and as his rendering of the Semitic is possible
no comment is necessary.
In line 8, however, we come upon more difficulties. The
sign which he renders bil certainly does not have that value.
It is in reality two signs £um-$a.2 The preceding sign, which
Hilprecht reads ba may be ma. The sign which he reads at
is probably a carelessly written si. We should, therefore,
probably read . . . U-i-lu ^"MA-GUR-GUR-wa sum-so, lu-na-
si-rat na-pis-timt "a GUR-GUR3 boat indeed is its name,
verily it is a savior of life". Perhaps we should render . .
i:a GUR-GUR boat, and its name is 'Lu-nasirat napistim'".
Evidence that the Babylonians gave such names to their
boats is, however, wanting. The three signs after GUR-GUR
1 Not so, however, Hommel. Taking a hint from Gen. 6 ** he supplies
in line 6 "Take wood and pitch", so as to make the whole "Take wood
and pitch and build a great ship" ! In line 7 he also supplies from Gen. 6 15
the word "cubits" and reads "and . . . cubits be its complete height".
- In all the writer's researches for his forthcoming volumes on the
Oriyin and Development of Babylonian Writing he has met with no
instance of bil made in this way in any period of the writing. Professor
Clay, who has edited as many documents from the Cassite period as any
other living scholar agrees with the writer that the reading is sum-sa.
Bezold questions Hilprecht's reading, but suggests no other.
3 Prince and Vanderburgh, op. cit. show that we should not read "house-
boat", but a "navigable vessel", i.e. one that can be steered without difficulty.
VOL. XXXI. Part I. 3
34 George A. Barton, [1911.
might also be read ba-taq-$a = "its crack". Were we sure
that the line referred to stopping the cracks with pitch, this
would be attractive. The line is too broken for certain inter-
pretation, but Hilprecht's interpretation is clearly wrong.
Hilprecht renders line 9 ( zu-lu-la dan-na zu-ul-lil),
"with a strong deck cover it", and claims that this conclusively
proves the ordinary rendering line 31 of the well known
version, "upon the deep launch it," wrong. In this he is,
perhaps, right, but his statement (p. 56) that ins (Gen. 6 i«)
means "roof" and not "window" is not new. It is found in
Brown, Driver and Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon, 844 a.
In line 10 Hilprecht's conjecture of "The ship" before
te-ip-pu-su is as probable as any other.
In line 11, we clearly have "the beasts of the field and the
birds of heaven" referred to (u-ma-am si-rim is-sur Sa-a-mi),
and no fault need be found with Hilprecht's guess that we
should supply at the beginning "Into it bring."
Upon line 12 Hilprecht stakes a great deal, and his treat-
ment of it is really astounding. The only signs visible in the
line are kii-um-mi-ni. Hilprecht divides this ku-um mi-ni,
and translates, "instead of a number". He then supplies from
the P Document of the Old Testament, without even telling
us what the Babylonian form of the words would be, "and
the creeping things, two of everything," making the whole read:
"[and the creeping things two of everything1] instead of a
number."
If now we compare the passage with what Hilprecht calls
the Nineveh version 11, 84ff., it becomes certain that this
rendering rests on a most uncertain basis. LI. 84 — 86
of the copy in the British Museum tell of three classes of
living things that went into the ship: lu-ul siri, u-ma-am siri
("cattle of the field, beasts of the field") formed one class.
That class is represented in Hilprecht's tablet by "beasts of
the field and birds of heaven," which forms a more beautiful
line and avoids tautology. Another class was the "family"
(kim-ti) of Par-napishtin which appears in the last fragmentary
1 Hilprecht's friend Kittel has pointed out, Theoloffisfhes Literaturblatt,
XXXI, col. 243 (May, 27, 1910), that one could as well supply "seven of
everything" and obtain agreement with the J document. It would cer-
tainly be quite as justifiable as that which Hilprecht has done.
Vol. xxxi.] Httprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 35
line of Hilprecht's tablet as kin-ta.'1 The third class, the arti-
<;ms or people, was expressed by um-ma-a-ni This class
probably occurs in Hilprecht's text in the line under discussion
(line 12), but he has not recognized it. We should read ...ku
inn-tni-ni, taking IHL as the final syllable of some lost word.
Probably that word is supplied for us in the fragment published
by Pere Scheil (cf. Eec. de Travaux, XX, p. 58, 1. 20), in
which we have the word ii-il-U-kii. If now we supply the
remainder of the missing word thus [li-il-li]-ku um-mi-ni,2 we
obtain: "let the artisans (or people) come." This rendering
supposes that ummmi* is the plural of a variant form of
annnani, just as we have xur-nnni for jsiirmtini and kurummUi
for i;urn,,nn<'ili. M«rl ummani, of the Nineveh version shows
that the Deluge writers did not regard the collective ummani
alone as a sufficient plural.
More extraordinary and inexplicable still, however, is Hil-
prechtrs note on line 12. He equates mi-nu, which we have
shown to be a part of um-mi-nu, with the Heb. pB, "species,"
which occurs so often in the P document in the phrase Pirfcb
or Jnyo^, meaning "according to its kind," and claims that
the occurrence of minu in his tablet in this connection proves
that I^D means "number." He further states that if we insert
this meaning wherever p2 occurs in the P document, the sense
is improved; and on p. 65 of his pamphlet he actually trans-
lates Gen. 6 20, rendering ftP&S "instead of a number." b in
Hebrew never means "instead of;" even Hilprecht can find no
Biblical parallel, all the corroborative passages which he cites
! Prince and Vanderburgh, (op. cit.) declare that Hilprecht has no right
to read Kin-ta here. It is true that the tablet is crumbling at this point,
but I see no reason for seriously questioning Hilprecht's reading.
2 Bezold questions whether instead of ku-um we should not render
S EGIN mi-ni, "the total number". Prince and Vanderburgh read hum
'i»i-n!., "the dwelling of ;i number", understanding it to mean that the
GUR-GUR boat shall be the dwelling of a number. Some may prefer
one of these explanations to that offered above. The text is so frag-
mentary that we are all groping in the dark. These explanations, how-
ever, show how insecure Hilprecht's interpretation is.
3 The kindred word ummani, "people", makes one of its plurals by
the form ummani, (HWB, 87a). A plural umnnui from a singular um-
w?/w would be analogous to this; it also finds analogy in the change of
the plural ending -an to -en; cf. Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik,
3).
3*
36 George A. Barton, [1911.
use *?, as he himself confesses, in the sense of "to" or "for."1
The word ]*&, moreover, cannot possibly mean "number." One
has but to substitute "number" for ]V3 and "instead of' for b
in any random passage in Gen. 1 to see how absurd Hilprecht's
contention is. Take, e.g., Gen. I12: "Let the earth bring forth
grass, herb seeding seed instead of a number and trees bearing
fruit, the seed of which is in it instead of a number". What
nonsense! Hilprecht endeavors (p. 57 ff.) to gain help for this
impossible meaning by making it seem that Wellhausen and
Delitzsch favor it. He says that Wellhausen had pronounced
the word a riddle, but he gives no reference to a work of
Wellhausen. The fact is he quotes the remark from Delitzsch,
Hebrew Language in the Light of Assyrian Research, 1883,
p. 70 f. and Prolegomena eines neuen Hebrdisch - Aramaischen
Worterbuches p. 143. Delitzsch gives no reference for the
remark, and Hilprecht evidently does not know where to find
it in the voluminous works of Wellhausen. The statement looks
very much like a free quotation on the part of Delitzsch of
a remark of Wellhausen Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels,
6 th ed., p. 396 (cf. his English History of Israel p. 389).
Wellhausen says: "pfc (kind), a very peculiar word, especially
in the form leminthu, is found outside this chapter [Gen. 1]
and Lev. 14, Gen. 6*0 yu Only in Deut. 14 and Ezek. 47 10."
That is all he says about it, and he clearly translates it
"kind," never hinting that there is any doubt as to the signi-
fication, but only remarking that the word itself is peculiar.
As to Delitzsch, in his Hebrew Language (1883) he expressed
the conjecture that it might be "ultimately derived from the
Assyrian word "number." He would render e. g. Gen. 1 12:
"Let the earth bring forth grass, herb seeding seed according
to its number," understanding the last phrase to be equivalent
to the Assyrian "as many as there are." This conjecture,
however, he withdrew in 1886 (Prolegomena p. 143), where he
says: "I have expressed in Hebrew Language p. 70 f. the guess
that originally it [pD] was borrowed from the Bab.-Assyr. minu
'number' ... I am quite prepared to give this conjecture up."
It was a rash theory of Delitzsch's youth, which he abandoned
twenty-four years ago.
As is well known, pfc is the regular word in Jewish
1 Compare the remarks of Kittel on this point, op. cit. note to col. 243.
Vol. xxxi.] Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian, (Sec. 37
Aramaic and Syriac for "species," "kind," and Professor Haupt
ha> shown that it occurs in Assyrian also (see JAOS XXV 71).
We have now examined Professor Hilprecht's interpretation
of the text, with the result, that, while in many of the less
important parts of the little tablet his interpretation is sound,
he has drawn too freely throughout upon his imagination in
tilling out the broken lines, and in the one passage upon which
he lays most stress, as having a bearing upon Biblical criti-
cism, he has not only hazardously rendered the cuneiform text,
but filled out a broken line from the Bible itself in a most
improbable way, and grossly mistranslated his Hebrew.
2. We now turn to the evidence for the age of the tablet.
Professor Hilprecht claims that the tablet was composed
between 2137 B. C. and 2005 B. C. He bases this claim on
three kinds of evidence, A. The stratum in which the tablet
was found, B. Palaeographical evidence, C. Linguistic peculi-
arities. Let us examine each of these in turn.
A. Hilprecht says on p. 1 of this Deluge publication, (i. e.
Bab. Exp. of the University of Pennsylvania, Series D, Vol. V,
Faciculus 1), that the tablet was found "while unpacking and
examining two boxes of cuneiform tablets from our fourth
expedition to Nippur." On p. 36 of the same publication he
says: "it was found intermingled with the dated and undated
tablets of the lowest of the three strata of "Tablet Hill".
Now the tablet was clearly found before Hilprecht himself
reached Nippur, for he had not seen it until October 1909.
Indeed, in a foot note on p. 1 he excuses himself for having
overlooked it in Constantinople in 1901. * An important point
1 The writer is reluctantly compelled to believe that Hilprecht's foot
note is deliberately misleading and that the following statements of Hil-
precht in the So-called Peters- Hilprecht Controversy are untrue. Hilprecht
says on p. 191 : "My examination at Constantinople of at least 40,000
tablets from the Third and Fourth Expeditions merely strengthened my
conviction. And indeed in setting this number at 40,000 I do not mention
enough, for I practically examined to some extent every tablet taken to
Constantinople from both these expeditions". Again he says on p. 339:
-I had personally examined all the tablets excavated by the fourth expedi-
tion in 1902". [Italics, mine.]
My reasons for doubting the truth of these statements are as follows: —
Dr. G. B. Gordon, who was appointed Director of the Museum of the
University of Pennsylvania in February 1910, sent me an invitation on
June )4th, 1910 to come and see what Babylonian material the Museum
38 Oeorfje A. Barton, [1911.
is, that in BE., Series D, Vol. I, p. 509 Professor Hilprecht
has himself said some interesting things about the methods
of work followed by the fourth expedition before his arrival.
He says: "Our knowledge as to how and precisely where the
tablets were found is extremely limited. As I must depend
exclusively on Haynes' official entries and records for this
important question, I deem it necessary to submit a spe-
cimen of my only written source of information for the time
prior to my arrival when most of the tablets were taken out
of the ground. I quote literally from his diary. 'Jan. 16,
1900 : 30 sound tablets from a low level in Tablet Hill" (To
contained. His letter stated that "these tablets are now accessible to all
Babylonian scholars". I accepted his invitation and visited the Museum
on June 17th. Dr. Gordon informed me -then that a similar invitation
had been sent to all American Assyriologists. In the basement room of
the museum, where many boxes of tablets have reposed unpacked, some of
them for twenty years, 1 saw a box of tablets from the fourth Expedition,
which was just opened and the contents of which a workman was beginning
to clean. Some of these tablets were wrapped in paper which had clearly
been put about them while they were stiil damp, for it had dried on, and
came off with the greatest difficulty.
I then recalled that Mr. Clarence S. Fisher, who was the architect of
the fourth Expedition and who helped pack these tablets was once,
while Fellow in Architecture at the University, asked to assist in un-
packing some of these very boxes and had declared in an article in the
Philadelphis Public Ledger of Feb. 4, 1907 that this paper was the same
which they had wrapped about the tablets at Nuffar while they were yet
wet. An examination of the boxes and the tablets convinced me that
Mr. Fisher's statements are true, and that Hilprecht's explanation given
in BE, XX, p. viiiff. and the So- Called Peters- Hilprecht Controversy,
p. 307 ff., viz:— that the boxes were wet by rain in Constantinople will
not hold.
Further, of tablets in the box which were not so wrapped, a large
number were covered with mud and gypsum, sometimes to the thickness
of !/4 inch. It is clear that no scientific examination of such tablets could
have been made in Constantinople. In view of these facts no comment
is necessary on the quotations from Hilprecht made above.
It is to be hoped that many Assyriologists will accept Dr. Gordon's
invitation and obtain first hand evidence on this point as well as upon
some of those mentioned below.
Since Professor Clay convinced the Museum authorities some years
ago that Professor Hilprecht's carelessness had let a large number of
tablets crumble to dust, H. has rigidly shut every one from this tablet
room. The action of the new Director accordingly means much to
science.
Vol. xxxi.] Hilpreclifs Fragment of tlie Labijlonian, &c. 39
this statement Hilprecht adds a foot note which reads: "I
cannot even find out in which section of the large mound he
unearthed these particular tablets. Nor is the slightest indi-
cation given by him as to whether hu worked in a room, or
found the tablets loose in the earth, or in both.") To continue
his (quotation of Hayries' diary. "Many large fine fragments
of tablets, 1 pentagonal prism, 73/4 inches" long; its five sides
from 1 to 2'/e inches wide." Three or four other quotations
from Dr. Haynes' diary follow, all of the same import. The
only definite statement is that the tablets were found at a
''low level" in -Tablet Hill."
Again, in the So-Called Peters HUprecht Controversy, p. 196,
after saying in substance that Dr. Haynes simply numbered
his boxes of tablets 1, 2, 3, 4, etc., and that he (Hilprecht)
could only determine their locality by the dates at which
Dr. Haynes was digging in certain localities, as e. g. on the
west side of the Shatt-en-Nil, Hilprecht continues: "It would
have been useful for me if the marking had been such as
would indicate also the height of the stratum1 and the exact
position; but Dr. Haynes could not attempt to do it, since
he was alone in the field, and Mrs. Haynes never attempted
to do it; consequently I must now infer ... by other means,
to which stratum the tablets belong".
If we turn now to p. 132 of the same work, we find that
Hilprecht has there published the testimony of Mrs. Haynes,
1 In connection with this declaration that no record was kept of the
"stratum" the reader should compare a statement by Professor Hilprecht
published in all the daily papers of Philadelphia on April 23rd, 1910.
Hilprecht there declares that he only meant that Dr. Haynes did not keep
a record of the exact position in which every single tablet had been found,
and says that "the stratum of the temple library, the place of its discovery,
and the precise number of boxes coming from a certain locality are abso-
lutely known". The reader should note how this statement in part flatly
contradicts that quoted in the text above, and should also note the adroit
wording of the last part of the sentence. The word "stratum" is intro-
duced here, so that a casual reader gains the impression that Hilprecht
asserts that Haynes kept a record of the strata from which tablets came.
While the sentence does give that impression, he could, if pressed later,
say that he only declared that the stratum of the library was known.
This is an excellent example of Hilprecht's habit of endeavoring by adroit
wording to convey one impression, while he retains the power of declaring
later that he did not say what he has seemed to say. It is this kind of
writing that has destroyed the confidence of American scholars in him.
40 George A. Barton, [1911.
who was present when the so-called library was discovered.
Her testimony shows that the general level at which tablets
were found was known, but that the tablets were not found in -
strata at all. They were found, Mrs. Haynes says, in different
rooms, dumped in such great heaps in the middle that the
men could separate them only with the greatest difficulty, and
that these heaps appeared as though the tablets had been
thrown from shelves at the sides of the room. Imagine a
library of account books thrown into the middle of the room
from the shelves, would there be strata in it? If the books
had been arranged chronologically on the walls, would they
be chronological in the heap on the floor?1
From these statements of Hilprecht himself it is clear that
he has not in his possession any definite data about strata.
B. Hilprecht remarks (p. 3) that the "writing employed" (in
the documents from the supposed stratum in question) "is the
script of the early Babylonian period in its various varieties."
This is a very vague statement. I venture to think that if
the stratum referred to really existed, there are several
varieties of early Babylonian writing that were not found in
it -- such, for example as those of Ur-Nina, Lugalanda etc.
Every Assyriologist knows, however, that in the period of
Hammurabi a variety of scripts were used. The laws of
Hammurabi, for example, and many of his inscriptions, are
written in a fairly archaic script — a script readily distinguish-
able from that of the time of Gudea, as Gudea's is from the earlier
periods, but still fairly archaic. There are also scripts which
approximate in archaic coloring to that of the laws, but side
by side with these there came into use at this time a cursive
script, which is indistinguishable from the script of the
Cassite period, and many of the features of which persisted
into the Neo-Babylonian period.
The writer has taken pains to compile a table, which is
here reproduced, by means of which an intelligent idea of the
bearing of palaeography upon the date of the tablet may be
i Since the above paragraph was written my visit to the Museum of
the University of Pennsylvania mentioned in the previous note has afforded
proof that the supposition as to the mingling of tablets from different
periods in the boxes is true. Dr. Gordon allowed me to see four or five
boxes the contents of which had just been cleaned, and this was true of
each box.
Vol. xxxi.] Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian. &c. 41
scientifically estimated. In five successive columns 37 signs
are arranged. The signs of col. i represent the time of the
Second dynasty of Ur, with the exception of two which are
taken from Gudea (Stat. B, vi, 34 and Cyl. B, xiv, 12). In
col. ii are signs from a tablet in the Harvard Semitic Museum
dated in the reign of Ellil-bani !, one of the later kings of the
dynasty of Isin, who ruled about 2100 B. C.— the very time
from which Hilprecht claims that his tablet came. It is a
business document. It is well known that business tablets
were written in a less archaic script than that employed by
the scribes of the same period for literary work, and yet the
script of col. ii is much more archaic than that of col. iv in
which are placed signs from Hilprecht's deluge fragment. In
col. iii are collected signs from the Temple Archives of Nippur
of the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, published by
Poebel in BE, VI, 2. In col. iv, signs from Hilprecht's deluge
fragment, and in col. v, signs from the Cassite sign list com-
piled by Clay in BE, XIV.
The tablets published by Poebel in BE, VI, 2 were selected
for comparison because they were written at Nippur. A com-
parison of Poebel's volume with Ranke's (BE, VI, 1) and
Scheil's publications of texts from Abu Habba2 reveals the fact
that at the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon the scribes
of Nippur were using a considerably more archaic script than
the scribes of Sippar.
A comparison of the signs in this list produces the following
results. Of the 37 signs compared, 9 (SAR, A, PA, NI, SI,
PU, PI, LU, SU) undergo no marked development. They are
the same in all the five columns. Twenty-one signs on Hilprecht's
tablet agree closely with Cassite forms but show decided
development over all the other columns, even over that con-
taining signs from Nippur tablets of the first dynasty of
Babylon. These signs are IS, AM, SI, E, UB, RU, RA, MA,
SIM. SA, KAL (DAN), IL, TE, IB, UM, TA, KA, PI§,
KIN, ZU, UL. Four signs (LA, TIM, NA, NU), have the
same form as those of the first dynasty tablets and as the
Cassite tablets also, but differ from the earlier periods. There
1 A photograph of the tablet was kindly furnished me by Professor
D. G. Lyon.
'•>e saison de fouilles a Sippar, Paris, 1902.
* y.
&&
Tf
3/S"
(.1
T?
HJ
a A.
/K
4fc
/fc
5*
v*
/3
/^
W
1*4
IF
*£.
^.C
^•C
€-7
^7
I?
£8
£7
is-
3/
31
?'/
/5J
Vol. xxxi.] Hil^recJit's Fragment <>f Uic liulujlnnutn. &c. 43
are but two signs (NE and BI) \vhicli difi'er from Cassite
forms in favor of an earlier period, while one (KAB) is inter-
mediate in form between forms of the First Dynasty and those
of Clay's Cassite list.
Of the twenty eight signs which can be counted as evidence,
therefore 26 favor the Cassite date as against two which are
opposed to it. The evidence is 21 to 7 against a date earlier
than the time of the First Dynasty. This is the verdict of
palaeography concerning the date of the tablet. Had Hilprecht
bought the tablet in the market so that one could plausibly
connect it with Sippar, an earlier date would be more thinkable.
C. On p. 39 Hilprecht urges that the use of PI = tva and
of binuzza = binussa point to the period of the first dynasty
of Babylon. It is true that these phenomena appear in first
dynasty documents, but they are also occur of the Cassite
period, and in part of later periods.
With reference to PI = wa three remarks should be made.
1. PI is used in inscriptions of the First Dynasty both for
wa, and we. Thus in the laws of Hammurabi we have a-PI-tum
for a-wii-tuin and a-PI-Zw-fwtw for a-we-lu-tum. The two usages
go together; we find both in the Cassite period. Thus Ka-
dashman-Ellil in the El-Amarna letters writes the name of
Arnenophis III of Egypt Ni-mu-PH-ri-ya for Ni-mu- -wa-ri-ya l
i In this connection it may not be out of place to remark, since Hil-
precht has asserted in a newspaper article that in the El-Amarna letters
PI = a never wa, that in the name Ni-mu-wa-ri-ya the consonant w
occurs after the vowel u and before a, and would certainly be pro-
nounced wa. The fact that the name is Egyptian and not Babylonian is
no proof that in the form of it written in Babylonia the ordinary phonetic
laws did not apply. The hieroglyphic Egyptian did not write the vowels.
Xi-im-mu- '-wa-ri-ya and Ni-im-mu-wa-ri-ya are attempts to represent
the Egyptian Nb-m't-re, the Egyptian vowels being unknown. In the
Babylonian form b is assimilated to the following m, t is elided, and the
vowel a follows u. It would be inevitable among a Semitic people that
between the u and a a 10 should slip in to help the pronunciation. There
is no more ground for doubting that PI was pronounced wa in this word
because there was no w in the Egyptian form of the word than there is
for supposing that ya at the end of the word was not pronounced ya
because the Egyptian does not contain either letter of that syllable. The
fact that in the Tell d-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum, No. 1, 1. 2,
the name is spelled Ni-ib-bu-a-ri-a in no way aft'ects the above argument,
as that letter was written in Egypt and does not represent the Babylo-
nian pronunciation.
44 George A. Barton, [1911.
and Ni-mu-PI-ri-ya for Ni-mu-wa-ri-ya (see Abel and Winckler,
Thontafelfund von Tell-El-Amarna, No. 1 : 1; 2 : 1). In BE,
XIV, No. 58, 1 we also find a-PI-lu-tum for a-we-lu-tum. The
same usages are also found in copies of the Greek period.
In Reisner's Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen, No. 55, 69 we
have a-PI-tim for a-wa-tim, and in No. 2 rev. 27 a-PL-lu-tu
for a-we-lu-tu. It is clear, then, that where we find one usage
we find the other.
2. The evidence just adduced shows that PI = wa is not a
mark even of a First Dynasty date, to say nothing of a date
in the time of the Isin dynasty, for it is found in the Cassite
period and even in the Greek period.
3. PI is defined in II R, 39, No. 2, 14 as a where it is used
in writing the word a-su-u— the very word under discussion
in Hilprecht's tablet,' In I R, 52, No. 4, 3 PI-a$-ru stands
for a-a$-ru (Of. Ball, PSBA, X, 290). Here PI must equal a,
for the root is a V'B (1t^). In the word ti-PI-mat (K, 5298,
cf. AL3, p. 26, n.) PI might stand either for wa or a. In the
Neo-Babylonian period it was used at Nippur, from which
Hilprecht says his deluge tablet came, at the beginning of
several words. Thus Nebuchadrezzar, BE, I, No. 85, i, 10
uses PI-a$-rat for a-a$-rat. Nabu-na'id, BE, No. 84, i, 6 has
PI-$i-ib for a-si-ib\ in i, 15, PI-a$-ru-um for a-as-ru-itm; in
ii, 33, Pl-ar-ka-at for iva-ar-ka~at or a-ar-ha-at; in ii, 45,
PL-a$-ri-im for a-as-ri-im\ and in ii, 52, hi-u-PI-as-si-im for
lu-n-wa-as-sl-im or lu-u-a-as-si-im. It is not certain that any
of these were pronounced wa, but when the sign was part of
a T'B word it may still have had the value wa\ that, however,
we cannot confidently affirm, for already in the time of the
i In connection with this passage it may be well to note an illustration
of Professor Hilprecht's methods of answering his critics. Professor Clay,
in an article published in the Piladelphia Evening Bulletin of April 16,
1910, had cited PI (a)-su-u, II, H, 39, No. 2, 14, but in printing it the
typesetter had accidentally made the reference read No. 2, 4. Professor
Hilprecht in the newspaper article of April 23, 1910. referred to above,
showed that he recognized the real reference by remarking that PI here
has the rare Neo-Babylonian value a, but in order to make Piofessor Clay
appear ridiculous, he chose to translate II R, 39, No. 1, 4, which happens
to be pi-tu-u, remarking this passage will doubtless be read by every be-
ginner in Assyrian pi-tu-u, "to open" (namely, "the mouth"). It must be
said that such an act is disingenuous, especially as he intimates that Clay
may have intentionally misrepresented the case!
Vol. xxxi.j Hilprecht's Frai/ment of the Babylonian, d-c. 45
first dynasty of Babylon we find tva-ar-hu-um, "month" (King's
Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, No. 14, 5) by the side
of arlm (No. 27, 10; cf. also Laws of Hammurabi, xxxix, 11, 15
and xliii 52 and Brockelmann's Vergleichende Grammatik der
semitisclien Sprachcn, § 49, h, a). Apparently the initial w
had begun to disappear very early.1 As a result of observing
these facts we may affirm that the one occurrence of PI = wa
in Hilprecht's tablet (occurring in wa-si-e) does not prove
that the tablet is earlier than the Cassite period, and that it
may be that we should read a-si-e in which case we have a
purely Neo-Babylonian form, which is not a mark even for a
Cassite date.
In the Cassite period we have the following parallels to
:2u : Belit-xH-Hii (which would regularly become Belit-su-nu}
is in BE, XV, 149, 38 written Belit-zu-nu', the same name
with the loss of the t, according to another well known pho-
netic law, is spelled in BE, XV, No. 188, Iv, 20 [Be\li-zu-mi
(cf. No. 195, rev. 26, where it is spelled Beli-su-mi), and Enlil-
uballit-su is in BE, XIV, 33, 9 EnUl-uballit-zu. Outside of
proper names the following examples may also be cited, viz:
qa-aZ'ZU for qa-at-Xu, "his hand" occurs in BE, XV, No. 158, 5
and in the Kudurru of Melishikhu, i, 26, Delegation en Perse, II,
opposite p. 98; also yni-uz-zu for pu-ut-$u, "in front of him" or
"instead of him", BB, XIV, No. 11, 6.
Hilprecht also claims as a mark of the early date of his
tablet the occurrence of the mimmation in two words, sirim
and napixtim. It happens, however, that no more can be in-
ferred from the mimmation of these words than from the use
of PI for wa, since in both cases the mimmation continued
to be used down to the time of Assurbanipal. Sirim has the
mimmation as late as the time of Nabu-na'id (see V. R. 63,
41 a), and napi8tim occurs in the annals of Assurbanipal, e. g.
1 R, 9, 33.
The philology of the tablet, then, no more than its paleo-
graphy carries us back of the Cassite period. The fragment
* There is some uncertainty about the matter, as the word which
scholars transliterate arlm is written ideographically; but that it should
be transliterated without the initial w is the opinion of Scheil (Delegation
en Perse, Vol. IV, pp. 114, 127), of R, F. Harper (Code of Hammurabi,
pp. 92, 106 and 155), L. W. King (op. cit. Ill, 267), and Brockelmann
( Vergleichende Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, § 49, h, e).
46 George A. Barton, [1911.
of the deluge story dated in the reign of Ammi-?adugga, dis-
covered some years ago by Pere Scheil and now preserved in
The Morgan Library in New York City, still antedates by
some centuries all other accounts of the deluge which are known.
3. We now come to the claim that this fragment contains
a text so strikingly like that of the Priestly Document of the
Pentateuch that the antiquity of the tradition of that Document
is vindicated from the aspersions of critics. What little need
be said upon this point has already been anticipated. Any
resemblance, which the text of this document has been suppo-
sed to present to the P text over and above other Babylonian
accounts of the deluge is based, as has been shown above, on
an unscientific handling of the Babylonian text, a mistranslation
of the Hebrew text, and upon pure imagination.
Post Script.
Since the above article was sent to press a German edition
of the deluge fragment has reached me. It bears the title
Der neue Fund zur Sintflutgeschichte aus der TempeMUiothek
von Nippur von H. Y. Hilprecht, Leipzig, 1910. In this edition
there are a number of new features which call for a few
comments.
1. Bezold in the article quoted above had said that he had every
reason to doubt that Hilprecht first saw this tablet in October
1909. Having no authoritative information as to the grounds
of Bezold's doubt, and wishing to be fair to Hilprecht, this
sentence was not referred to above. Authoritative information
is now at hand, that Hilprecht wrote Bezold two years ago
informing him that he was absolutely sure that he had found
a fragment of the deluge story. Hilprecht would now have us
believe (see p. 19 ff.) that this letter referred to "a new fragment
of the Deluge tablet" mentioned as absolutely certain in the
So-called Peter s-Hilpr edit Controversy, p. 289, which he had re-
ferred to in his English edition of The Earliest Version of the
Babylonian Deluge Story (i. e. BE, Series D, Yol. Y), p. 33 n.
in these words: "Possibly we have another exceedingly small
fragment of the Deluge Story from the second expedition, too
small to be determined accurately."
One cannot but be grateful to Hilprecht for telling us that
these two passages refer to the same thing. He has thereby
revealed a standard by which to judge other confident state-
Vol. xxxi.i Hilprecht' 8 Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. 47
ments of his in the So-called Peters -Hilprecht Controversy.
Scholars cannot be expected to attach a higher value to those
statements than Hilproclit himself does.
A comparison of these passages tends strongly to confirm
the conviction that Bezold's doubts were well founded.
2. Hilprecht endeavors on p. 19 of the new German edition
to break the force of his former declarations concerning the
fact that Dr. Haynes kept no adequate records of where the
tablets were found. His remarks on this point are the same
in substance as those printed in the newspaper articles of
April 23rd, 1910, which have been disposed of above on p. 38.
3. We learn on p. 25 that Professor Lyon of Harvard sent
Professor Hilprecht a copy of the tablet of Ellil-bani, which
is quoted above, at the same time that he sent one to me.
Hilprecht admits that the writing on this tablet is more archaic
than on his fragment, but claims to know some unpublished
material from Zambiia and Damiq-ilisu of the same dynasty
which is not in such archaic writing.
In view of the evidence presented above, one must decline
to give this much weight to this statement until the material
is published.
Indeed there is no reason to believe that religious or my-
thological texts were written in Semitic as early as the dynasty
of Isin.
4. On p. 50 Hilprecht says that my suggestion that the ku
of ku um-mi-ni may belong to a form of the verb alaku is
impossible in the context because it is not the technical term
for entering a ship. The reader should note that it is shown
above, p. 35 to occur in a deluge fragment in an analogous
context. That it was the technical term for entering the ship
I never implied.
5. In a foot note on p. 50 Hilprecht declares that when I
wrote the first draft of the above article part of which was
published in the Philadelphia Ledger of Apr. 3, 1910, I did
not consult the cuneiform text of the Nineveh version of the
Deluge but used Jensen's translation in KB, VI. His evidence
is (forsooth!) that I rendered ummuni, "artisans or children"
and Jensen renders it Handwerker(sohne).
The evidence presented has no connection whatever with
the conclusion drawn. Every tyro in Semitic would know that
Jensen's sohne is the translation of marl in the phrase mdri
48 Barton, Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian, &c. [1911,
ummdni and that he bracketed it because it has no more
significance than "On in the phrase htt^W ^S, literally "children
of Israel," but really "Israelites." To suppose that Jensen
meant it as an alternative for "children" and to be misled by'
it, is a piece of reasoning worthy of Hilprecht himself! I cannot
truthfully plead guilty to it. Hilprecht seems to be ignorant
of the fact that in Muss-Arnolt's Assyrian-Dictionary, p. 58 a,
ummdni = "young man'' and that a number of new passages
have come to light which bear out this meaning (See Jastrow's
Die Religion Babylonians und Assyrians, II, p. 657. n.4). It
was in reality from pondering these passages that I was led
to waver as to whether ummdni in the deluge fragment might
not mean "children", but afterward abandoned the idea, because
the "children" must be included in the "family" (kintu).
Naturally in working up the article I consulted Jensen's
work along with that of other Assyriologists. Not to have
done so would have been unscholarly, but this is no evidence
for Hilprecht's false statement that I did not consult the ori-
ginal. If this reasoning were sound one could prove by it that
Hilprecht cannot read cuneiform at all, for on p. 27 of his
German edition, where his argument demands citations from
the cuneiform texts, he cites only the transliterations of
Knudtzon a,nd Jensen!
6. Hilprecht declares on p. 51 that my suggestion that
um-mi-ni may be a variant of um-ma-a-ni is impossible. His
words are: "eine solche Schreibweise ist fiir das Altbabylonische
direkt ausgeschlossen".
With reference to this statement two remarks should be
made:
1. The tablet is not Old Babylonian as has been convin-
cingly proven above.
2. Whatever the tablet is Hilprecht himself (see p. 47) pre-
supposes an analogous scribal change of i or e to a in ndtrat,
on which he still insists instead of the more probable nasirat.
Vowel changes seem to be perfectly legitimate when it suits
his purpose, but otherwise they are impossible!
Some Rig- Veda Repetitions. — By MAURICE BLOOMFIELD,
Professor in Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore.
THE Rig- Veda contains repeated stanzas, hemistichs, and
single verse lines (pdda) which amount to a total of between
1500 and 1600 padas — more precisely about 1560. They are
repeated an average of nearly 2!/2 times, making a total of
about [3560 padas. This count does not include such as are
repeated, for [one reason or another, in the same hymn. Of
such there are about 60, making a total of about 120, exclusive
of rhetorical concatenations between successive stanzas; the
latter also result in pairs that are so much alike as to be
almost identical. Again, a fortiore, this count does not include
refrain padas which abound in the Rig- Veda. Of these there
are fjust about 150, repeated a total of about 1000 times.
Thus [the total of repeated padas in the RV., aside from
sameness due to catenation is about 1770, repeated about
4680 times; it involves quite a little more than one tenth of
the entire Rig- Veda collection.
I have been engaged for some time with a statistical and
critical study of this material,1 and I wish now to show by a
number of selected examples how these repetitions can be made
helpful for the interpretation of the text, the proper estimate
of its metrical habits, and, above all, the relative chronology
of the hymns or stanzas which contain the repeated materials.
i. The meaning and etymology of ismin.
5. 87. 5 (Evayamarut Atreya; to the Maruts).
svano na vo 'mavan rejayad vrsa tveso yayis tavisa evayamarut,
A ('-nil sakanta rnjata svarocisa stharagmano hiranyaylh svayu-
dhdsa isminah.
7. 56. 11 (Vasistha; to the Maruts)
svayudhasa isminah suniskti uta svayam tanvah gumbhamanah.
i f'f. JAOS. xxix, pp. 287 ff.
VOL. XXXI. Part I. j.
50 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911.
The hieratic word ismin occurs, as far as I know, only four
times, all in the RY. YSska deals with the word in Nirukta
4. 16, to no purpose. All Western authorities derive the word
from the root is 'impel,' or the noun is 'strength;' they trans-
late by something like 'hasting,' 'driving,' or 'strengthy.' Under
such construction ismmali in 7. 56. 11 is badly coordinated
with its surroundings, because it is preceded and followed by
words designating the warlike, or personal equipment of the
Maruts. It can be made plain that ismin also is such a
word, being = *isu-min 'armed with arrows.' In sense the
word is a perfect equivalent of isu-mant. For the omission of
u before m I may simply refer to Wackernagel, Altindische
Grammatik, 1. 59, with [the additional remark that the loss of
u before m seems, by the terms of ismin, no less organic than
the loss of ic before v.
In RY. 5. 22. 16 the crested Maruts are said to call upon
their father Rudra, ddhd pitdram isminam vocanta gikvasali.
The translation 'stormy' for isminam suits Rudra, of course.
Still more to the point is 'armed with arrows;' see rudrdya
hsipresave, 'for Rudra whose arrows are swift,' RY. 7. 46. 1;
rudrdh svisiih, 'Rudra whose arrows are strong,' RV. 5. 42. 11.
In the Qatarudriya sections of the Yajur-Vedas we have
namas tigmtfsave, and namas tihsnesave, both, of course, refer-
ing to Rudra; see my Vedic Concordance under these items.
In AY. 1. 19. 3 we have rudrdh Qaravydyditdn mdmdmitrdn vi
vidhyatu, 'may Rudra hit these my enemies writh a volley of
arrows;' cf. also RY. 10. 125. 6; AY. 15. 5. 5. Rudra's missile
(rudrdsya hetih) is dreaded in every book of Yedic literature.
A typical expression is (see Cone.):
pari no (no) rudrasya hetir vrnaldu
pari no hetl rudrasya vrjydh (vrjydf)
pari tvd (vo) rudrasya hetir vrnaldu
pari vo lieti rudrasya vrjydh (vrnjydt).
Rudra is really the typical archer (dstar) of the Yeda: RY.
10. 64. 8; AY. 6. 93. 1. The archer is described as isumant,
of course: RY. 2. 42. 2; cf. AY. 20. 127. 6. The equation
ismin = isumant follows automatically.
Otherwise ismin is an attribute of the Maruts. They are
described as svdyudhdsa isminah, 'having strong weapons and
arrows,' RY. 5. 87. 5; 7. 56. 11; as vdfimanta isminah, 'armed
with axes and arrows,' RY. 1. 87. 6. But in RY. 5. 57. 2
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig-Veda Repetitions. •">!
they are vdclmanta rstimdnto sudhdnvdna isumantali, 'armed
with axes, spears, hmvs. and arrows,' and so, again, ismin
= i«iimant. Cf. also RV. 5. 53. 4; 8. 20. 4, 12, and the Qata-
rudriya formula, nama isumadbhyo dhanvdyibliyaQ (or, dhanvd-
vibhyac.) ca: see Concordance. It is scarcely necessary to state
that iMH'lnali and immantah are metrical doublets, and that,
of the two, isminah is the secondary formation, as, e. g. ojasvin :
ojasvant', blirdjasvin: bhrdjasvant; see Cone., under indraujasvinn,
and siirya bhrdjistha. Stems in -vin and -min are primarily,
and in the main, -vant and -mant stems modulated over into
-w-stems.
2. On the meaning of klri.
6. 23. 3 (Bharadvfija; to Indra)
pdtd sutdm indro astu somam pranenir ugro jaritaram uti,
karta viraya susvaya u lokam data vasu stuvate klrdye cit.
6. 44. 15 (Qamyu Barhaspatya; to Indra)
pdtd sutdm indro astu somam hanta vrtraiii vajrena mandasanah,
i yajfiMiii paravatag cid achs vasur dhmam &\\i&'kdrudhayd~h.
By italicizing the two words lardye in 6. 23. 3, and Mru-
dhdydh 'nourishing poets,' in 6. 44. 15, I have indicated my
belief that klri means 'poet.' Pischel, Ved. Stud., I, 216 ff..
following Ludwig, Der Rig-Veda, vol. vi, p. 105, takes Jciri in
the sense of 'miserable, poor,' contending that the word nowhere
means 'poet.' Why not here in 6. 23. 3, where the antithesis
between virdya susvays and stuvate kirdye cit is positively
fundamental? The rich gentleman who presses the soma for
the gods, and 'aye the poet who has only his song of praise
to offer the gods' — that is what stuvate liirdye cit means — are
contrasted most effectively (cf. 7. 97. 10). So also in 1. 31. 13
rdtdhavyali, 'he who gives the offering,' and hlrig tin mdntram,
'the poet with his mantra only.' In 2. 12. 6 we have coditd
yo brahmduo nddhamdnasya kireh, '(Indra) who promotes the
needy Brahman poet.' The word klri has the side meaning
'poor' only^in so far as the poets of the Veda are constitu-
tionally and congenially poor. The normal state of the
Brahman poet and priest is expressed explicitly in AY. 7. 103:
'What gentleman (ksatriya), desiring to improve his condition,
will get us (the priests) out of this wretched plight? Who
desireth to sacrifice, who to give baksheesh? Who shall gain
52 Maurice Bloomfield> [1911.
long life with the gods?'1 I am sure that in this way the
word klri in the sense of 'poet,' with the implication that poets,
in contrast with their employers, are, as a rule, poor men, will
be finally placed upon solid ground. And so klri and kdru
and ktsta, all from the set- root kari (cf. hirti, 'act of praising:'
I. E. type kfti), need not be separated etymologically. In RV.
5. 4. 10, yds tvd hrdd kirind mdnyamdno . . . jdhavimi, means
'I, who remember thee with a heart full of praise, fervently
call upon thee.' Geldner, in his EV. Glossary, under klri,
remarks that Sayana takes klri in the sense of 'poet.' G-eldner
believes in Sayana more than I do: it would have been well
to have listened to him in this instance, not because Sayana
knows anything special about the word, but because it is
antecedently unlikely that a Hindu could err in the case of
word which must suggest to him the root /can, 'praise.'
3. On the ethnical or geographical term ambara.
1. 47. 7 (Praskanva Kanva; to the Agvins)
yan ndsatyd pardvdti ydd vd stho ddhi turvdge,
ato rathena suvfta na a gatam sakam suryasya ragmibhih.
8. 8. 14 (Sadhvansa Kanva; to the Agvins)
yan ndsatyd pardvdti ydd vd stho ddliy dmlare,
atah sahasranirnija rathena yatam agvina.
The confrontation of the two stanzas throws some light on
the word ambare in 8. 8. 14. The Pet. Lex. started by giving
it the meaning 'umkreis,' 'umgebung,' (with an fanciful deri-
vation from anu-var). Ludwig, 66, renders the two words
adhy ambare by 'oben im luftkreise.' I think that if this
scholar had remembered his own rendering (25) of ddhi tur-
vdce, in 1. 47. 7, by, 'iiber den Turvaga,' he would have
rendered ddhy dtribare by, 'iiber den Ambara' (whatever that
is). Grassmann, ii, 51, renders 1. 47. 7b, 'ob ihr bei Turvaga
verweilt;' but, in i, 406, he renders 8. 8. 14b, 'wenn in der
nahe ihr verweilt.' Again the parallelism between ddhi tur-
vdge, and ddhy dmbare is obliterated.
The Nighantavas have played mischief with ambara. There
are two treatments of* the word. In 1. 3 it figures among
» See Bloomfield, The Atharva-Veda (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen
Philologie), p. 77. For Brahmans in need see further RV. 6. 44. 10;
8. 80. 3; and 10. 24. 3.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig - Veda Repetitions. 53
the sixteen words for 'midair' (antarihsa). That, I presume,
is at the root of the Pet. Lex.'s rendering. In 2. 16 it appears
in a list of eleven words for 'near' (antika). Thence, perhaps,
Grassmann's 'in der nahe.' Unfortunately 2. 16 contains also
turvaqe, in the very same locative case of 8. 8. 14. The ab-
surdity of such glossography is really appalling. The only
excuse for the appearance of the two words in this list is that
they are hoth contrasted in the RY. stanzas above with pard-
vdti, 'at a distance.' The enticement lies in the frequent con-
trast between pardvdti and arvdvati, e. g., RY. 8. 97. 4, yac
chakrdsi pardvdti ydd arvdvdti vrtralian. I should not wish
to go so far as to say that the school of interpretation which
bred these glosses actually meant that both ambaram (sic) and
turva^e were adverbs = antike, 'near.' They probably conceived
them to be things or places near at hand (in contrast with
pardvdti). Yet their statement was misleading enough to lead
astray so very distinguished a scholar as Grassmann. It \vould
pay well to work through the JSTigliantavas and Yaska to dis-
cover in what way they arrived at their many equally stunning
results.
One gain accrues from this discussion. If turvdge is beyond
doubt an ethnical or geographical designation, then dmbare
also is the name of a people, or a land. As such it occurs in
the Brhatsamhita, and elsewhere; see Bohtlingk's Lexicon, s. v.
In his Prolegomena, p. 263, note, Oldenberg thinks that possibly
8. 8. 14 is less original than 1. 47. 7, but this opinion may be
due to the current lop-sided interpretation of dmbare. "With
dmbare in an ethnical sense, I see no reason for discriminat-
ing against 8. 8. 14.
4. An exceedingly wonderful horse.
1. 152. 5 (Dlrghatamas Aucathya; to Mitra and Yaruna)
anagvo jdto anabhigiir drvd kanikradat patayad urdhvasanuh,
acittam brahma jujusur yuvanah pra mitre dhaina varune
grnantah.
4. 36. 1 (Yamadeva; to the Ebhus)
anagvo jdto andbhiQur uMhyb rathas tricakrah pari vartate
rajah,
mahad tad vo devyasya pravacanam dyam pbliavah prthivim
yac ca pusyatha.
54 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911
In 4. 36. 1 the Rbhus are said to have fashioned a chariot,
fit to be praised in hymns, because without horse or bridle it
courses with three wheels through the air. Since it is three-
wheeled it seems to be the chariot of the Ac,vins (cf. 1. 120.
10). That sort of a vehicle is, the lord knows, marvelous
enough, but it will pass in the light of mythic fancies and
ethnological parallels elsewhere. Similarly, in 6. 66. 7 the
Maruts are described, along the same line of fancy even more
energetically, as crossing the air without span of deer or horses,
without charioteer, and without bridle. Now in 1. 152. 5
(above) the mystery is heightened to the second power, as it
were. Ludwig, 97: 'ohne ross geboren, ohne ziigel der renner,
wiehernd fliegt er mit aufgerichtetem riicken.' Grassmann, ii,
153: 'Geboren ohne Ross und Ziigel, wiehernd fliegt auf der
Renner mit erhobenem Rltcken.' Geldner and Kaegi, Siebenzig
Lieder, p. 13, more diplomatically, but less close to the text,
and its parallel in 4. 36. 1: 'Sich baumend schiesst nach oben
mit Gewieher der Renner ohne Ztigel, der kein Ross ist.'
j^Any attempt to extract a picture with clear outline out of
1. 152. 5a will prove quite futile; the pada is built by a secon-
dary poetaster upon the previously existing pada 4. 36. la; he
'goes' his model 'one better,' and loses himself in mock-mythic
fatuity — one of the standard failings of his class. What he
had in mind may perhaps, after all, be expressed by 'the steed
which is yet no horse and goes without bridle.' Or, 'the steed
which is born from no horse/ &c. In any case the present
parallel offers a clear case of relative chronology: 1. 152. 5 is
later than 4. 36. 1.
5. The Bull- Cow.
4. 3. 10 (Yamadeva; to Agni)
rtena hi sma vrsabhaQ cid aktah puman agnih payasa prsthyena*
aspandamano acarad vayodha vfsa gukram duduhe pf$nir udhah.
'In accord with the divine law, indeed, Agni, the bull, the
man, has been annointed with the heavenly fluid. Unwavering
he moved, strength-bestowing; he the bull, the Prgni-cow, has
milked his bright udder.' The paradox in pada d between
vfsa, 'bull,' and^ffw, 'heavenly cow' (especially, 'mother of the
Maruts') has led the interpreters in various directions. Ludwig,
330, changes pfgnir to pfQner, 'es melkte der stier der Prcni
helles euter;' in his commentary he retains pfQnir but takes
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig -Veda Repetitions. -V>
with tin1 preceding pada. so as to avoid the paradox:
•niclit zuckend ohue anstreu^uiiL: irii-ni^ der lebenskraft schaffende
stier, ihr helles cuter liess Prcui fliessen.' (ii-asMiuinn's render-
ing, i, 112, 'dor Same stn'mit drin Stier, der Kuli <la> Kut'T.'
is ineligible, in the liu'ht of the parallel p5da, 6, 66, ld. Olden-
berg, SBE. xlvi, 326, does not quite do justice to pfgnir in
his rendering, 'the speckled hull has poured out bis brigbt
udder.' 1 think tbat Bergaigne, ii, 397, 398, is unquestionably
riirht in assuming a paradoxical laureau-vache,' bere, and in
other passages mentioned by him. The daring metaphor is,
that Agni shoots out his flames from his bright udder; he, a
bull, is thereby also |a pfrni, the heavenly, yielding cow, par
excellence. Although the conception is very effective, it is,
nevertheless, modelled after a simpler one of which we have
the exact record:
6. 66. 1 (Bharadvaja; to the Maruts)
vapur nii tac cikituse cid astu samanam nama dhenii patya-
manam,
martesv anyad dohase plpaya sakfc clmkram dudulie pfpiir
tidhah.
Ludwig, 696, translates the stanza very cleverly, as follows:
*Ein wunder muss sein selbst dem weisen, was den gemein-
simcn namen Kuh hat; das eine schwoll dass die menschen es
melkten, einmal nur hat Prc,ni ihr helles euter gemolken.' In
6. 48. 22 we have a similar statement, pfgnyd dugdham sakft
pay alt. Max Muller, in. a note to his similar translation, SBE.
xxxii. 370, explains that dhenii, a cloud, yields rain but once,
or that Pr^ni gave birth but once to the Maruts. The first
alternative seems likely to me, as it does to Bergaigne, i. 3215
ii. 399. The pertinence and originality of the repeated pada
in 6. 66. 1 is established beyond peradventure by the parallel
in 6. 48. 22; equally certain is, thatm the metaphor which turns
Agni in 4. 3. 10 into a 'bull Pr^ni who milked his bright
udder7 is the work of a later poet who is unquestionably bend-
ing to his purpose the very wording of a familiar mythological
conceit, current in his time as kind of mystery (brdhmodya)
about Prgni. Of. v. Bradke, Festgruss an Rotli, p. 123; Olden-
berg, Rig -Veda Noten, p. 268.
56 Maurice Bloomfidd, [191 1.
6. 'In the maw of the biter' (upa srakvesu bapsatah).
7. 55. 2 (Vasistha; Prasvapinyah [sc. rcah])
yad arjuna sarameya datah piganga yachase,
viva bhrajanta rstaya hpa srakvesu lapsato ni su svapa.
'When, o white-brown Sarameya (dog), tliou doest show thy
teeth, then, as it were, spears shines in the maw of thee bit-
ing— sleep thou deeply.' Of. Pischel, Ved. Stud. ii. 55 ff.; Foy,
KZ. xxxiv. 257; Oldenberg, ZDHG. Ixi. 823. Pischel, p. 58,
renders lapsatah here, erroneously and unnecessarily, by 'knur-
rend,' though admitting 'verzehrend,' 'fressend,' as the meaning
of the word on p. 63. In this way he places out of accord the
repeated pada, upa srakvesu Idpsatah, in another stanza:
8. 72. 15 (Haryata Pragatha; to Agni, or Havisam Stutih)
upa srakvesu Idpsatah krnvate dharunaih divi,
indre agna namah svali.
Pischel, 1. c., p. 58, thinks this repetition an instructive example,
calculated to show that the same words do not have the same
sense everywhere. The same words, taken singly, of course
not, tho even in this matter we may remember Bergaigne's
warning against splitting up too much. But the same pada,
that is a more ticklish matter. My own, more extensive in-
vestigations of repeated padas show that they have as a rule
the same value*J wherever they occur. He translates, p. 59:
*Wenn ihn (die Presssteine) im Maule zermalmt haben, machen
sie ihn (that is, Soma) zum Tragepfeiler am Himinel. Ver-
ehrung sei Indra, Agni, Svar.' In the line of Pischel's own
thought we could but translate: 'They that eat him in their
maws make (or build) support in heaven.7 But I see no reason
to take it for granted that lapsatah are the ddrayah, or press-
stones, because the verb in question is used of things other
than the press-stones as well; see Pischel, ibid., p. 63; Aufrecht,
KZ. xxxiv. 459. The subject of krnvate seems to be the same
as that of the preceding stanza, 8. 72. 14, namely the sub-
stances added to soma (milk, &c.), of which it is there said
that they know their own belongings as a calf its mother;
that is, they know that they belong to soma: te Janata svdm
otyam sam vatsdso na mdtfbhih. The hymn 8. 72, as a whole,
is obscure and mystically ritualistic, but it will be safe to
translate 8. 72. 15 verbally: 'in the maw of consuming (soma)
they (the ingredients of the soma mixture) create support in
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig -Veda Repetitions. 57
Leaven. To Indra, Agni obeisance, light.' Now in 9. 73. 1,
it seems to me, we have the true parallel to the pada, upa
srdJcvesu bdpsatali in 8. 72. 15. The first hemistich of the
former stanzas reads: srdkve drapsdsya dhdmatah sdm asvarann
rtasya yond sdm aranta nabliayali. Grassmann, ii, 242, renders
aptly, though not literally: 'Im Schlund des Tropfens, welcher
gahrt, in Opfers Schoos vereinten stromend jetzt verwandte
Ti a nke sich.' One thing is certain, it is a question in this
stan/a, as well as in 8. 72. 14, 15, of soma and his admixtures
(cf. G-rassmann's introductions to the two hymns); Idpsatah as
well as dhdmatah is genitive singular, applied to soma as
consuming, or amalgamating with himself his admixtures. In
this way upa srdkvesu bdpsatah means 'in the maw of him
that bites,' in both of its occur ences (cf. e. g., Widsmana data,
10. 115. 2). I can discover no criterion which points out the
relative chronology of the two stanzas, but the metaphoric
character of the repeated pada in 8. 72. 15 rather points to
iN secondary origin.
7. An assumed parenthesis verified by a repeated pada.
1. 10. 7 (Madhuchandas Vaic,vamitra; to Indra)
suvivrtam sunirajam indra tvdddtam id ya$ali,
gavS-m apa vrajaiii vrdhi krnusva radho adrivah.
3. 40. 6 (Yigvamitra; to Indra)
girvanah pahi nah sutam madhor dharabhir ajyase,
indra tvddatam id ydgdh.
Ludwig, 449, renders 1. 10. 7: 'ganz offen da liegend, leicht
zu gewinnen, Indra, ist der ruhm, der von dir verliehen wird.
OtVue den stall der rinder, schaife gewahrung, steinbewerter.'
Grassmann, ii, 9: 'Leicht zu eroffnen, zu empfahn ist der
Scliatz, den, Indra, du verleihst; so offne uns die der Einder
Stall, und schenk uns Gut, o Schleuderer.' Neither rendering
of the first hemistich is good; Grassmann's ya$dh as 'Schatz'
is especially indefensible. As a matter of fact the second
pada is a parenthesis; it feels like a foreign body. The stanza
makes perfect sense without it: 'Open the stable of the cows
thai is easy (for thee) to open, easy to drive out from; show
thy kindness, 0 god of the press-stone.1 The parenthetic
1 For adrivah see the author, ZDMG. xlviii. 572.
58 Maurice Bloomfidd, [1911.
pada &, indra tvdddtam id yd$ah, appears in proper connection
at 3. 40. 6C.
It is well to compare the translations of 3. 40. 6 with those
of 1. 10. 7b; they reveal extreme inconsistency in the render-
ings of the repeated pada. Ludwig, 505: 'lieder liebencler,
trink unsern saft, in madhustromen hadest du; Indra, von dir
wird diese herrlichkeit geerntet.' Grassmann, i. 86: 'Den
Liedern hold geniess den Trank, du wirst mit siissem Strom
gesalht. Yon dir ist, Indra, Gliick geschenkt.' The repeated
pada fits here perfectly: Indra bestows prosperity or glory in
return for abundant soma. It requires no too great boldness
to assume that the traditional Madhuchandas Vaigvamitra of
1. 10. 7 borrowed the pada in question from the hymn of the
traditional Vigvamitra of 3. 40. 6. Note that 1. 10. 7 shares
another of its padas, namely, krnusvd rddho adrivah with
8. 64. 1. In this way, that is by regarding 1. 10. 7b as an
awkward interpolation, we are saved the necessity of regard-
ing 1. 10. 7a as a separate sentence, and supplying a verb
from the preceding stanza, as suggests Oldenberg, Rig -Veda,
Noten, p. 13. It is interesting to add that the extraneous
character of 1. 10. 7b was clear to Aufrecht's mind in the year
1888 (see Festgruss an Otto von Bohtlingli, p. 2), tho he did
not know that the pada was borrowed, or, at least, repeated
elsewhere.
8. A new case of parenthesis.
1. 124. 3 (Kaksivat Dairghatamasa; to Usas)
esa divo duhita praty adargi jyotir vasana samana purastat,
rtasya pdnthdm dnv eti sddhu prajanatlva na digo mindti.
5. 80. 4 (Satyagravas Atreya; to Usas)
esa vyenl bhavati dvibarha aviskrnvana tanvam purastat,
rtasya pdnthdm dnv eti sddhu prajanatlva nd digo minati.
We have not the means of deciding which of these two
stanzas is entitled to priority. But one point is certain: the
two padas of the repeated hemistich are so well knit together
as to preclude their having been composed in the first place
separately: 'straight does she (the daughter of Heaven. Usas)
go along the path of rtd (divine law); as one who knows
(the way) she does not miss the directions.' Now we find
the pada, rtasya pantham dnv emi sadhnyd (sadhuya, neat
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig - Veda Repetitions. 59
jagati variant for the tristubh cadence in sadhu), in another
place:
10. 66. 13 (Vasukarna Vasukra; to the Vigve Devah)
daivya hotara prathama purohita rtasya pdnthtim dnv emi
sddhuyd,
ksetrasya patim prativegam Imahe vigvan devan amrtan apra-
yuchatah.
Ludwig, 228, tries the tour de force of translating the first
two padas in one construction: 'den beiden gottlichen hotar
als den ersten purohita geh ich gliicklich nach den weg der
ordnung.' Grassmann, ii. 353, not unsimilarly, 'Den gotter-
priestern, als dem ersten Priesterpaar folg graden Wegs ich
auf dem. Pfad des rechten Werkes.' And again Bergaigne,
iii. 241: 'Je suis exactement les deux sacrificateurs divins, les
premiers purohita sur le chemin du rta? I do not regard
these translations as correct, first, because they impose a different
meaning upon duv tmi in 10. 66. 13 from that of dhv eti in
1. 124. 3; 5. 80. 4; secondly, because dnv + i does not govern
two accusatives; cf. in addition 3. 12. 7 (where there are two
verbs, upa pro, yanti, and ami yanti), 7. 44. 5; and 8. 12. 3.
The facts are these: in 10. 66. 13 rtasya pdnihdm dnv emi
sddhuyd is a parenthesis suggested by the ritualistic ddivyd
hotdrd prathamd purohita, who are stock figures in the seventh
or eighth stanzas of the opn-hymns: see 2. 3. 7; 3. 4. 7 = 3.
7. 8; 10. 110. 7, and cf. of the more recent literature on the
dpn-suhtas, Bergaigne, Rechtrches sur VHistoire de la Liturgie
Vedique, Journal Asiatique, 1889, pp. 13 ff.; Oldenberg, SEE.
xlvi. p. 9. The stanza 10. 66. 13, therefore, is to be rendered:
.'We implore the two divine Hotar, the first Purohitas — straight
do I go along by the path of the divine law (here the ritual-
istic rtd, or sacrificial law) — we implore the Lord of the Field,
our neighbour, and all the immortal gods, the unfailing.' There
can be no doubt that the repeated pada means about the
same thing in all three places, and that the author of 10. 66.
13 has borrowed it with loose and slightly secondary adaptation
to the theme which he had in hand.
g. Antithesis as a text-critical aid.
1. 92. 11, and 1. 92. 12 (Gotama Eahugana; to Usas)
vyurnvati divo antan abodhy apa svasaram sanutar yuyoti,
praminati manusyd yugdni yosa jarasya caksasa vi bhati.
60 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911.
pagun na citra subhaga prathana sindhur na ksoda urviya vy
agvait,
dminati ddivydni vratdni suryasya ceti ragmibhir drgana.
The two repeated padas occur together in one stanza:
1. 124. 2 (Kaksivat D air ghat amasa; to Usas)
dminati ddivydni vratdni praminati manusyd yugani,
lyuslndm upamd gagvatlndm dyatindm prathamosd vy ddydnt.
There can be no question but what 1. 124. 2 is the source of
the repeated padas in 1. 92. 11 and 12. The antithesis between
dminati and praminati, and lyuslndm and dyatindm cannot
but be intentional and primary. Note also the parallelism
between dminati and dyatindm', and praminati and lyuslndm.
On the other hand, we ought to allow full weight to the really
senseless non sequitur of the second hemistich in 1. 92. 11:
'reducing the ages of men, the woman shines by the light of
her paramour (the sun).' For the meaning of yugd 'age,' i. e.
'period of time,' see Bal G-angadhar Tilak, The Arctic Home
in the Vedas, p. 176. The second hemistich of 1. 124. 2 recurs,
with ^the variants vibJidtlndm for dyatindm, and agvdit for
adydut (cf. a$vdit in 1. 92. 11), in 1. 113. 15. The probability
is that this stanza also is secondary, because vibhdtlndm
disturbs the antithesis between lyuslndm and dyailndm, and
because the connection between its two hemistichs is sufficiently
loose:
avahantl posya varyani citram ketum kvnute cekitana,
lyuslndm upamd Qd^vatlndm vibhdtlndm prathamosd vy dgvdit.
Stanza 1. 124. 2 is the high-water mark of Yedic composition.
The two antitheses dminati . . . praminati and lyuslndm . . . dya-
tlndm mark as later imitations all repetitions that disturb this
balance. The relation of the two pairs of antithetical words
may be expressed in the proportion: dminati : dyatindm = pra-
minati : lyuslndm. Or by the diagram:
dmin atl ...... :::^^
lyuslndm-""" '...'. '.'.'.::'. ::::::.-: dyatindm
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig- Veda Repetitions. 61
10. A solecism.
1. 8. 5 (Madhuchandas Vaigvamitra; to Indra)
maLaii indrah parag ca mi mahitvam astu vajrine,
dydur na prathind gdvah.
'Great is Indra, aye more than great: may greatness be to
him that wields the club, strength extensive as the sky.' Pada c
is repeated in the following Valakhilya stanza:
8. 56 (Val. 8). 1 (Prsadhra Kanva; Danastuti of Praskanva)
prati te dasyave vrka radho adargy ahrayam,
dydur na prathind Qavah.
Ludwig, 1018: 'O Dasyave vrka! deine unerschopfliche gabe
zeigte sich, als fiille wie der himel an breite.' Grassmann,
ii, 503: 'Es hat sich gezeigt, 0 Dasyavevrka, dein reichliches
geschenk, wie der Himmel breitet sich dein Ruhm aus.' Since
QavaJi means neither 'fiille,' nor 'ruhm,' the secondary application
of the Valakhilya pada is clear. The use of the pada is a
mere solecism in this connection. The words radho ahrayam
are best rendered by 'gift that is not shabby.'
ii. From real to mystic.
L 22. 21 (Medhatithi Kanva; to Visnu)
tad viyraso vlpanyavo jdgrvdnmli sam indliate,
visnor vat paramam padam.
3. 10. 9 (ViQvamitra Gathina; to Agni)
tarn tvd viprd vipanydvo jagrvahsah sam inclhate,
havyavaham amartyarh sahovrdham.
The repeated first hemistich appears in primary application
in 3. 10. 9: 'The bards, skilled in song, on waking, have kind-
led thee (Agni, fire).' The application of the same idea in
1. 22. 21 is mystic: the bards kindle the highest stepping place
of A'isnu, the sun-fire at its zenith, the abode of the blessed.
Of. 1. 22. 20; 1. 154. 5; 10. 1. 3 &c., and Hillebrandt, Vedische
Mythologie, i. 354. We may admire the ingenuity which enables
the epigonal poet to express the thought that the inspired
song of the poets kindles the light of the heavens, but the
fact remains that he has adapted an ordinary sense motif
effectively, yet mechanically, to his high idea. Without the
former (3. 10. 9) we should have hardly had the latter. Of. also
Oldenberg, Rig -Veda Noten, p. 17.
62 Maurice Bloomfidd, [1911.
12. How an Indra line is turned into a Rudra line.
3. 22. 7 (Vigvamitra; to Indra)
yajama in namasa vrddham indram Miantam rsvdm ajar am
yuvanam,
yasya priye mamatur yajniyasya na rodasl mahimanam mamate.
6. 19. 2 (Bharadvaja; to Indra)
indram eva dhisana sataye dhad Miantam rsvdm ajaram
yiwdnam,
asalhena gavasa QUQuvansam sadyag cid yo vavrdhe asami,
6. 49. 10 (Rji^van Bharadvaja; to Rudra)
bhuvanasya pitaram glrbliir ablii rudram diva vardhaya rudram
aktau,
Miantam rsvdm ajaram susumnam rdhag gliuvema kavinesi-
tasah.
In the two Indra stanzas the pada, brhantam rsvdm ajaram
yuvdnam, agreeing with indram, is altogether fit. Certainly
ajaram yuvanam, 'youth that does not age,' with its obviously
intentional implied antithesis, is a better sequence of words
than ajaram susumnam, 'ageless and kind,' in the Hudra
stanza. In adapting the pada to Rudra (Qiva) the need of
mentioning his precarious kindness was sufficiently urgent to
procure the change. Of. his epithets mldlivds and $iva\ his
lidsto mrlaydkuh in 2. 33. 7 ; and more directly such a passage
as 2. 33. 1, a te pitar marutdm sumndm etu. See also 1. 43. 4
and 2. 33. 6.— For 3. 32. 7cd see Oldenberg, Eig-Veda Noten,
p. 244; for dhisdnd in 6. 19. 2, G-eldner, Ved. Stud, ii, 83.
13. How a Rbhu line is addressed to the Press-stones.
3. 60. 3 (Yigvamitra; to the Ebhus)
indrasya sakhyam rbhavah sam ana^ur manor napata apaso i
dadhanvire,
saudhanvanaso amrtatvam erire vistvi gdmibliih sukftah su-
Itrtyaya.
'The Ebhus have obtained the friendship of Indra; they, the
children of Manu, the workers, have bestirred themselves. The;
Saudhanvanas, laboring on (pious) tasks, have obtained im-j
mortality, they the pious workers, through their pious work.'j
Of. Ludwig, 164; Grassmann, i. 103; Bergaigne, i. 69, note;;
ii. 403, 409, 412, 418; Ryder, Die Ebhus im Rgveda, pp. 21.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Riy • Veda Repetitions. 63
22, 25. The fourth pada is of the very essence of the llbhu
myth (see especially 4. 33. 4; 4. 35. 2, 7, 8); there can be no
question as to its primary character. This pada, with a single,
obviously ritualistic variant, appears again, to wit:
10. 94. 2 (Arbuda Kadraveya Sarpa; to the Press-Stones)
ett'- vadanti gatavat sahasravad abhi krandanti haritebhir
asabhih,
vistvi grdvanah sukftah sukrtydyd hotuQ cit purve haviradyam
agata.
'They speak a hundredfold, a thousandfold, shout to us with
their yellow mouth; the press-stones, laboring, they the pious
workers, through their pious work, have come to the eating of
the liavis before even the Hotar.' Exact technical proof that
the repeated pada is here modulated secondarily cannot be
rendered, but I am, nevertheless, certain that of the two
phrases vistvi gdmlbhih in 3. 60. 3, and vistvi grdvanah in
10. 94. 2, the former is the mother; cf. vivesa . . . $dmlbhih in
5. 77. 4, and the interesting epithets of the Rbhus in their
nivil, QQ. 8. 20, vistvi svapasah, and gamyd Qamisthah. The
expression sukftah sultrtydya, also belongs primarily to divine
beings; secondarily to a ritualistic instrument like the press-
stones.
14. Principal and relative clause as a criterion of relative
chronology.
1. 39. 6 (Kanva Grhaura; to the Maruts)
upo rathesu prsatir ayugdhvam prdstir vahati rohitah,
a vo yamaya prthivi cid ac.rod ablbhayanta manusah.
'And ye have hitched the spotted mares to your chariot; a
red stallion acts as leader. Even the earth hath listened at
your approach, and men were frightened.' Cf. Ludwig, 675;
(Jrassmann, ii. 43: Max Miiller, SJ3E. xxxii. 97. The word
pwitir which the translators render by 'antelopes' means in
tart 'spotted mares,' because the Maruts have the epithet
pftadagva. See Bergaigne ii. 378, and. very explicitly, Xaighan-
tuka 1. 15; Brhaddevata 4. 144 (catalog of the spans of the
ii;ods) where we have the expre>s statement, prsatyo 'QV&S tu
>n«rutdm. The word prdsti (pra + sti, like abhisti, upasti, and
pfiristi) means literally 'heiut'' in front,' 'leading horse.' It is
the analog of purogavd and 7rp€o-/2us, 'leading steer.' Both refer
64 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911.
to what is known as a 'spike-team,' or, 'unicorn.' To a team
of two animals a third is hitched in front for better guidance.
See the author in American Journal of Philology, xxix, 78 iff.
The pada, pr astir valiati rohitah, is repeated in a closely
related stanza to the Maruts:
8. 7. 28 (Punarvatsa Kanva; to the Maruts)
yad esam prsati rathe prastir valiati roliitali,
yanti gubhra rinann apah.
'When the red stallion guides as a leading horse their speck-
led mares at the chariot, then the bright Maruts approach
and let the waters flow.' Subtly, and yet in a peculiarly
certain way, this stanza is secondary, directly patterned after
1. 39. 6. The entire characteristic and imaginative description
of the span of the Maruts in 8. 7. 28 is crowded incidentally,
as it were, into a subordinate clause (note orthotone valiati in
8. 7. 28; enclitic valiati. in 1. 39. 6), whereas in 1. 39. 6 the
description is the set theme of the first hemistich. I cannot
doubt that this important bit of mythography was first stated
in the explicit terms of 1. 39. 6, before it could be referred
to incidentally, yet in the very same words, in 8. 7. 28.
15. Attraction to the Vocative.
1. 30. 21 (Qunahgepa Ajigarti, alias Devarata; to Usas)
vayam hi te amanmahy antad a parakat,
a$ve na citre arusi.
4. 52. 2 (Yamadeva; to Usas)
agveva citr arusi mata gavam rtavarl,
sakhabhud a^vinor usah.
Bergaigne, La Syntaxe des Comparaisons Vediques (Melanges
JRenier, p. 75 if.; especially, p. 77, note 1), and Pischel, Ved.
Stud. i. 91 ff. have treated the phenomenon of case attraction
in comparisons; they show that the primary word in a com-
parison attracts to its own case-form the secondary, or simile
word. On page 92 Pischel remarks that he has found scarcely
more than one case of attraction to the vocative, namely, agve
na citre arusi. But he has failed to note the parallel, which
puts the stamp of imitativeness upon 1. 30. 21. I do not
wish to say that the vocative attraction in 1. 30. 21 violates
any habit, notwithstanding its rareness, especially as Delbriick,
Altindische Syntax cites, correctly, one more case from the
Vol. xxxi.J Some Riy -Veda Repetitions. 65
first book, 1. 57. 3. But of the two repeated padas, above,
one must be the model, and that is 4. 52. 2, making it likely,
after all, that the construction in 1. 30. 21 is for the nonce.
\\Y. must not forget the cases in -which the secondary or simile
word is in the nominative, while the primary word is in the
vocative, e.g., 1. 16. 5; 1. 36. 13; 7. 13. 3 &c. More precisely,
therefore, OQVB no, in 1. 30. 21, imitates a^veva in 4. 52. 2. It
is significant that all previous discussions of this vocative con-
struction were without reference to the parallel nominative
construction, tho the interdependence of the two is not to
doubted, especially as the final cadence of both lines is irregular
(w w ^ ^), and it is not to be supposed that two poets would
happen upon the same metrical irregularity.
16. How a repeated pada may teach construction.
6. 5. 1 (Bharadvaja Barhaspatya; to Agni)
huve vah sunuih sahaso yiivanam adroghavdcam matibhir
yavistham,
ya invati dravinani praceta vigvavarani puruvaro adhruk.
'I call for you the son of might, the youth; him whose
word is not false, the youngest (I call) with prayers, &c.'
6. 22. 2 (Bharadvaja; to Indra) '
tarn u nah purve pitaro navagvah sapta vipraso abhi vajayantah,
naksaddabham jtaturiiii parvatestham ddroghavacam matibhih
yavistham.
The modulation of the repeated pada is interesting: yavistham
for Agni (see Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 91); yavistham
for Indra. Qavasl is Indra's mother; see the author in ZDMG.
xlviii. 548, and cf. gavistlia in G-rassmann's Lexicon. The word
adroghavdcam does not determine the prior place of the repeated
pada. Though Indra is depicted in the Brahmanas as a good deal
of a liar, still*in the Rig-Veda this euphemistic epithet is assigned
not only to him but also to Agni; see Bergaigne, iii. 181, 187.
The value of the repeated pada lies in its definite settlement
of the meaning and government of matibhik. Ludwig, 546,
takes matibhih yavistham in 6. 22. 2d together in the sense of
iikeiistarksten.' This is disproved by the [parallel words
nidtibhir yavistham in 6. 5. lb. This cannot mean 'gedanken-
jiingster.' Translate 6. *2'2. -2: 'Him our Fathers of yore . . . (have
called) with their prayers, him whose word is not false, the
strongest.' Cf. Grassmann, i. 253.
VOL XXXI. Part I. 5
66 Maurice Bloonifield, [1911.
17. How a repeated pada may teach a point or two in
morphology.
4. 17. 3 (Vamadeva Gautama; to Indra)
bhinad girim gavasa vajram isnann aviskrnvanah sahasana ojah,
vddhid vrtrdm vdjrena mandasdndh sarann apo javasa hatavrsmh.
'He cleft the mountain, hurling his club with might, mani-
festing, exerting his strength. He hath slain Yrtra with his
club, rejoicing; the waters flowed in haste as soon as their
bull (master) had been slain.' The third pada is repeated
with a change from the third person verb vadhid, to the first
person verb vadhim in an imitative stanza:
10. 28. 7 (Vasukrapatnl; to Indra)
eva hi mam tavasam jajnur ugram karman-karman vrsanam
indra devah,
vadhim vrtrdm vdjrena mandasano 'pa vrajam mahina dacuse vam.
This stanza is, of course, put into the mouth of Indra.
Ludwig, 970, in his note, suggests convincingly indradevdh for
indra devah, Grassmann, ii. 515, also scents the difficulty at
that spot. Translate: 'Thus they whose god is Indra (that
is, the pious) knew me (Indra) to be a mighty and strong
bull in every task: I have slain Vrtra with my club, rejoicing,
with might I have opened the stable for the pious.' There
can be no doubt that pada c with its precarious analogical
vadhim (also 1. 165. 8) is a direct copy of 4. 17. 3C. This is
shown further by the nonce-formation vam in pada d which
is again analogical. Grassmann naively explains it in his
Lexicon, column 1321, as 'aus varamS but it is a product of
proportional analogy which helps to fill in a smooth paradigm:
vam, vah, vah. Both vadhim and vam reflect the difficulty of
stating secondarily the deeds of Indra in the first person,
because they were originally conceived in the third person. Wo
must note that vah, like vam, always stands at the end of a pada.
The grammatical forms mentioned are peculiarly sound criteria
for determining the relative chronology of the two stanzas.
18. A truncated line, unchanged in meaning.
1. 80. 10 (Gotama Eahugana; to Indra)
indro vrtrasya tavislm nir ahan sahasa sahah,
mahat tad asya paunsyam vrtrdm jaghanvdn asrjad arcann anu
svarajyam.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig -Veda Repetitions. 67
This case is remarkable, because it is both definite and
simple. The fourth pada fails «to end in an iambic dipody,
and its verb has no object. Ludwig, 460, translates diplomati-
cally 'als er den Vrtra getotet liess er fliessen;' Grassmann,
ii. 80, more freely, 'schlug Vrtra und ergoss die Fluth.' But
the Rig- Veda tells in unmistakable language that the pada is
the truncated torso of another pada, regular in its final cadence
and the preceding anapaest, and duly furnished with that
object which every reader of this Veda would supply anyhow,
namely sindhun:
4. 18. 7 (Samvada Indraditivamadevanam)
kirn u svid asmai nivido bhanantendrasyavadyam didhisanta
apah,
inaniaitan putro mahata vadhena vrtrdm jaghanvdh asrjad vi
sindhun.
4. 19. 8 (Vamadeva; to Indra)
purvir usasah Qaradag ca gurta vrtratit jaglianvdn asrjad vi
sindhun,
pnristhita atrnad badbadhanah slra indrah sravitave pythivya.
From these padas a later poet over-familiarly has extracted
the short form to suit his metre. Cf. also Oldenberg, Rig-
Veda Noten, p. 83, to RV. 1. 82. 2.
19. A line soldered together from two, and vastly changed
in meaning.
1. 142. 3 (Dirghatamas Aucathya; Apri-stanza to Naragansa)
QU :ih pdval'6 ddbhuto madhva yajiiam mimiksati,
naragaiisah trir a divo devo devesu yajhiyah.
H. 13. 19 (Narada Kanva; to Indra)
stota yat te anuvrata ukthany rtudha dadhe,
$ucih pdvaha ucyate so ddbhutah.
9. 24. 6 (Vic,vamanas Vaiyagva; to Pavamana Soma)
])Avjisva vrtrahantamokthebhii- anumadyab,
$iwh pavalw adbhutah.
9. 24. 7 (The same)
£udh pavaka ucyate somah sutasya madhvah,
devavir aghagansaha.
Stanza 8. 13. 19 offers a remarkably convincing instance of
Mvi.udary workmanship, both from the point of view of form
and contents. As regards the form, 8. 13. 19C is evidentlv
68 Maurice Bloomfield, [1911.
pieced together; it consists in fact of two padas. so ddbhutah
is the usual and secondary *tetrasyllabic refrain pada which
marks the artificial workmanship of 8. 13 throughout. The
two parts of 8. 13. 19 c are derived respectively from 9. 24. 7
and 9. 24. 6. As regards the meaning, the entire group of
repeated padas shows that the expression, gucih pdvaM ucyate
so adbhutah, can he applied to a devoted poet (stotd anuvratah,
in pada 8. 13. 19 a) only in a secondary, hyperbolic sense.
The poet is said to he (ucyate) the possessor of the divine
attributes, gucili pavako adbhutaly, in reality he is no such a
thing. If we press the point the poet who devotedly sings
songs of praise that accompany the oblations of Soma assumes
the attributes of Soma himself (9. 24. 6, 7). Aufrecht, in the
Preface to his second edition of the Rig- Veda, p. xxxv, writes
anent 8. 13. 19 c: *Wer? der stotr oder Indra? In dem Kopfe
der Uebersetzer steigt keine Ahnung von einer Schwierigkeit
auf. Die Attribute passen nur auf Agni oder Soma.' Sayana,
indeed, whom some scholars still would fain regard as an
authority, imposes the pada upon Indra. But the text is
clearly otherwise, and its oddity is explained by its obvious
secondary origin.
20. A scooped out pada.
1. 144. 7 (Dirghatamas Aucathya; to Agni)
agne jusasva prati harya tad vaco mandra svadhdva ftajdta
sukrato,
yo vigvatah . pratyann asi dargato ranvah samdrstau pituman
iva ksayah.
'0 Agni, enjoy and delight in this song, 0 lovely, blissful,
rta-begotten, highly intelligent (god), who art turned toward
us on all sides, conspicuous, lovely to behold like a dwelling
rich in food.' The second pada has a curious parallel:
8. 74. 7 (Gopavana Atreya; to Agni)
iyam te navyasi matir agne adhayy asmad a,
mandra sujata sukrato 'mura dasmatithe.
'This quite new song was furnished thee by us, O
lovely, well-born, highly intelligent, wise, wonderful guest.'
The pada mandra sujata sukrato = mandra sv[adhava fta]jdta
sukrato, and it seems to me likely that the longer pada is the
original; note the anapaest after its caesura. The shorter
Vol. xxxi.] Some Rig -Veda Repetitions. 69
pada is the result of a sort of scooping <>ut of the longer in
the middle. Of. the relation of dristah sdrva edhate, 1. 41. 2;
8. 27. 16, to dristah sd mdrto vfyva edhate, in 10. 63. 13.
Their relation may he almost expressed in the formula dristah
sd [mdrto vig]va edhate. Here, however, the shorter pada is
the original, from which the metrically imperfect longer pada
is derived by additions which do not add to the sense.
21. How one line begets two others.
1. 1. 8 (Madhuchandas Vaicramitra ; to Agni)
rdjantam adhvardndm gopam rtiisya didivim,
vardhamanaih sve dame.
1. 45. 4 (Praskanva Kanva; to Agni)
mahikerava utaye priyamedha ahusata,
rdjantam adhvardndm agnim cukrena c,ocisa.
8. 8. 18 (Sadhvansa Kanva; to the Acrins)
a vam vi^vabhir utibhih priyamedha ahusata,
rdjantdv adhvardndm acrina yamahutisu.
1. 27. 1 (Qunah^epa Ajigarti; to Agni)
agvam na tva varavantam vandadhya agnim namohhih,
samrdjantam adhvardndm.
The original form of the repeated pada is doubtless rdjantam
adhvardndm , an Agni motif; cf. such expressions as, pdtir hy
adhvardndm ague, in 1. 44. 9; or, (agnim) netdram adhvardndm,
in 10. 46. 4. Oldenberg, Prolegomena, p. 262, rightly regards
the group of hymns ascribed to Praskanva (1. 44 — 50) as
related to and prior to the Vatsa group (8. 6 — 11). The pada,
rdjantdv adhvardndm, as applied to the A^vins in 8. 8. 18, is
obviously secondary in sense; it is equally clear that the trickily
trochaic pada, samrdjantam adhvardndm in 1. 27. 1 is secondary
both in form and sense. The chronological relation of the
padas may be expressed as follows:
rdjantam adhvardndm
samrdjantam adhvardnam rdjantdv adhvardmm.
The RGH Law in Philippine Languages^ — By CABLOS
EVERETT CONANT, Professor in the University of
Chattanooga.
THE attention of investigators in the field of Indonesian
phonology was early attracted to the remarkable correspondence
of r, g, 7i, and y seen in Toba and Malay urat: Tagalog ugdt:
Dayak uhat: Lampong oya 'vein, nerve, sinew'.
The first formal statement of this varied representation of
an originally single phonic element was made by the Dutch
scholar H. N. van der Tuuk in what is known as the first
van der Tuuk law, the phenomena of which have been further
examined and classified by others, notably Brandes, Kern,
Adriani, and Brandstetter.
According to this law the IN l parent speech possessed a
certain consonantal sound which, being lost in some languages,
1 Abbreviations used in this paper:
Ach.
Achinese
Inb.
Inibaloi
NJav.
New Javanese
Bgb.
Bagobo
Iran.
Iranun
OFavor.
Old Favor-
Bis.*
Bisaya
Jav.
Javanese
[lang
Bkl.
Bikol
Kim.
Kalamian
OJav.
Old Javanese
Bon.
Bontok
Knk.
Kankanai
Pamp.
Pampanga
Btn.
Batan
Kuy.
Kuyunon
Pang.
Pangasinan
Bug.
Bugis
Lamp.
Lampong
Phil.
Philippine
Chro.
Chamorro
Mad.
Madurese
Sang.
Sangir
Day.
Dayak
Mak.
Makassar
S.-Bis.*
Samar-Leyte
Duz.
Duzon
Mai.
Malay
[Bisaya
Favor.
Favorlang
Mentw.
Mentawai
Sbl.
Sambal
Form.
Formosan
Mgd.
Magindanau
SForm.
SingkanFor-
Ibg.
Ibanag
Mkb.
Minankabau
[mosan
Ilk.
Iloko
Mlg.
Malagasi
Sumb.
Sumbanese
IX
Indonesian
Mongd.
Mongondou
Sund.
Sundanese
Tag.
Tagalog
Tir.
Tirurai
* Bis. includes the three great Bisaya dialects, Cebuan, Panayan, and
that of Samar and Leyte, except on pp. 83, 84, and 85, where it includes
only the first two named, the last being indicated by S.-Bis.
Vol. xxxi.] The EGH Law in Philippine Languages.
71
like Old Javanese, became in others variously r, as in Tol>a,
Karo, Cam, and Malay; #, as in Tagalog, Bisaya, Formosa n,
Ponosakan, and Chamorro; h, as in Dayak, Sangir, and Bulu;
and //, as in Lampong, Gayo, and Pampanga.
The following comparative table will illustrate the most
natural operation of the law, that is, where the RGH consonant
is intervocalic and hence least liable to the influence of second-
ary phonetic laws.
R
G
H
Y
Zero
Toba urat
Ma] . urat
Ach. urat
Mkb. urat
Mak. ura
Bug. urc'
OFnriu. ugat
Favor. op-garh
Tag. ugat
Bis. ugat
Mongcl. ugat
Cliro. gugat
Day. uhat
Bulu ohad
Sang, iha
Lamp, oya
Gayo uyot
Pamp. uyat
Batan uyat
OJav. uwad
NJav. uwat
Nias uwo
Sumb. uwa
The languages of the OJav. type have developed a parasitic
labial glide w between the two vowels thrown together by the
loss of the K-GrH consonant. Chro. gugat has an initial parasitic
g, as in gunwn 'six'.1 The phonetic changes seen in the other
non-Philippine examples are due to the regular operation of
secondary laws, and need not be detailed here. The Malagasi
cognate uzatra shows z for RGH, as in Mlg. zahitra 'raft',
beside Mai. rakit, Bis. gakit. This z is shown by F errand2
to have evolved from a spirant y in OMlg. In Mlg. vay, vey
•burning coals', beside Mai. bara, Tag. Mga, this spirant seems
to have coalesced with the Mlg. i, the frequent representative
of IN a in final position. The RGH consonant in final
position is lost in Mlg., as in several other IN speech groups,
e. g. Mlg. ulii, uliu 'tail', beside Mai. ikor, Toba ihur, Bis. ilcog.
Further it also becomes r medially, e. g. Mlg. avaratra 'North',
beside Mai. larat, Tag. liabagat, Bulu awaliat. Cam has r
initially and medially, but drops the EGH consonant finally,
with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel ; e. g.
(\-ini ratuJi 'hundred', beside Mai. ratus, Bis.gatus; Cam bard
•shoulder', beside Day. laha, Toba dbara, Bis. abaga; Cam uia
1 Compare my paper. Consonant changes and vowel harmony in
Chamorro, pub. in Anthropos vol. v.
2 Essal de phonetique comparee du malais et des dialectes uialgaches,
Hiris 1909, p. 106.
72 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
'snake', beside Mai. ular, Ibg. itlag, and Jav. uld, the Jav.
showing the same loss and compensatory lengthening. Certain
Phil, languages represent RGrH by I (see below p. 73).
The Philippine Islands1 form the center of the speech ter-
ritory in which the consonant of the RGrH series appears
as g. Hence it is customary to classify as belonging to the
Philippine group, not only languages of that archipelago, but
such other speech groups as show the g of that series. Among
the non-Philippine languages of this category are the Duzon
and Iranun of N. W. Borneo, the tSingkan Formosan and the
Favorlang of Formosa, the Ponosakan and Mongondou of
North Celebes, and the Chamorro of the Marianas. The
following examples will further illustrate the g languages in
non-Philippine territory.
Duz. wagas 'unhulled rice', Iran, bugas, Chro. pugas, beside
Bis. ~bugas, Mai. her as, Day. Delias.
Duz. waig 'water', Iran, aig, beside Mgd. ig, OJav. er, Mai.
ayer.
Duz. gamut 'root', beside Tag. gamut, Ilk. ramut, Tonsea
amut.
Duz. niog 'cocoanut', Chro. niyo(g}, beside. Tag. Bis. niug,
Mai. niyur.
SForm. pagig 'ray fish', beside Tag. Bis. pagi, Mai. pari,
Day. pahi, where SForm. pagig shows final parasitic g, as in
wagiog 'storm', beside Phil. l)agyu.
OFavor. tagga 'blood', Chro. liaga, beside Ibg. daga, Mai.
and Cam darah, Bulu ralia. The OFavor. tagga shows second-
ary gemination of g, as in oggach (Tag. ugat), and t for d, as
in OFavor. tarran (Phil, dalan) 'way'. Chro. liaga has h
regularly for initial d*
Ponosakan and Mongondou dugi 'thorn', beside Ibg. dugi,
Toba duri, Day. dulii.
Ponos. goivii 'night', beside Tag. Bis. gaVi and gaWi, Ilk.
rdbi'i, Sang. Jiebbi, Nias owi.
1 For the geography of the Philippine languages and dialects see
Scheerer's sketch map in his work, The Batdn dialect as a member of
the Philippine group of languages, Div. of Eth. Pub. vol. v, part i, Manila
1908, p. 17.
2 See Conant, op. cit.
Vol. xxxi.] The ROH Law in Philippine Languages.
73
Mongd. doftof/ -hoar', beside His. duitiig, Mai. denar, Sang.
dinihe.
In the three great languages, Tagalog, Bisaya (with its
many dialect variations), and Bikol, together constituting the
speech of seventy per cent of the entire population of the
Philippine Islands, the RGH consonant invariably appears as
g in all positions, initial, medial, and final. The same is true
of Ibanag (North Luzon), Magindanau (South Mindanao),
Sulu, and several other speech groups of minor importance.
There are, however, a number of Philippine languages in
which the RGH consonant develops other sounds, particularly
r, I, and y, as exemplified by the following table, showing the
consonant in question in initial, medial, and final position.
G languages
Initial
Medial
Final
Tag.
gamot 'root'
ugat 'vein'
ikog 'tail'
Bis.
gamut
ugat
ikog
Bkl.
gamot
ugat
ikog
Ibg.
gamii*
ugat
(niug 'cocoa-
Mgd.
gamut
ugat
ikug [nut')
Sulu
gamut
ugat
ikog
Bgb.
ramot
ugat
ikog
R languages
Ilk.
ramiit
urat
(bibir 'lip')
Tir.
(rohok 'rib')
urat
igor
L languages
Pang.
lamot
ulat
ikol
Knk.
lamot
uwat
Inb.
damot
ulat
ikol
Bon.
lamot
oad, wad, uad
Kim.
lamot
(darala 'girl')
(bibil 'lip')
Y languages
Pamp.
yamiit
uyat
iki
Batan
yamot
uyat
(itioi 'egg')
Sambal
(yabi 'night')
(biiyas 'rice')
(toloi 'sleep')
Remarks on the above table. — In the Ibanag examples
;m<l uga* the final t has lost its original pronunciation, and,
like the other surd stops k and jp, has become a mere glottal
stop (hamza) in Ibg. when final. I write the original surd
74 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
stop above the line, since it has its original value when sup-
ported by a suffix, e. g. gamutan.
The intervocalic rr written by Bennasar1 in his spelling of
Tirurai words, e. g. urrat 'vein', urrar 'snake', is simplified to
r in this paper, since it is not a case of gemination, but is a
trilled r which would regularly be represented in the Spanish
orthography by rr when intervocalic.
Tir. roliok, beside Mai. rusuk, Bis. Bgb. giisok, has li for
IN s, as in Tir. liha 'nit', beside Tag. lisa.
Tir. igor 'tail' shows g for IN fr, as in Tir. sigeu 'elbow',
beside Phil. siku.
The Kankanai uwat and Bontok odd, wad, udd2 show
secondary loss of intervocalic Z, the former with compensatory
labial glide tv, while the latter shows a tendency to reduce
the initial o(u) to a labial semivowel, as appears from the
variant wad.
The d of Inibaloi damot is also secondary for Inb. I, with
which it interchanges. Cf. Inb. ulat and ikol, and see Scheerer,
The Nabaloi Dialect, p. 102.
Bagobo properly belongs to the g languages, as will appear
below, ramot being one of the few anomalous examples of r
representation of RGH to be found in that language.
Ibg. niug*is cognate with Mai. niyur, Tag. niug\ and Ilk.
bibir, Kalamian Itibil 'lip', with Mai. bibir, Ibg. bibig.
Kim. darala 'girl' is identical with Bis. dalaga, a reduplicated
form of Mai. dara, Mgd. laga, raya.
For Btn. itioi, beside Tag. itlug, Mai. telur, see below (p. 81).
With Sambal yabi compare Tag. gdtfi and Ilk. rabi'i, and
with Sbl. ~buyas and toloi compare Bis. bugas, Mai. beras, and
Bis. tulog, Mai. tidor, Jav. turn.
The r, I, and y languages in detail Unlike the Tagalog,
or pure g type, the r, I, and y languages show some irregular-
1 Diccionario Tiruray-Espanol, Manila 1892, and Diccionario Espanol-
Tiruray, Manila 1893. This rule of orthography is, however, not con-
sistently adhered to by Bennasar, e. g. he writes biarung 'a kind of tree'
in his Observations Gramaticales sobre la lengua Tiruray, Manila li
p. 3, while the same word appears as bidrrwng in the Diccionario Tiruray-
Espanol.
a The Bontok examples throughout the paper are taken from Seiden-
adel, The language spoken by the Bontoc Igorot, Chicago 1909, Open
Court Pub. Co.
Vol. xxxi.] Tl\e RGH Law in Philippine Languages.
75
ities, their characteristic consonant often interchanging with g.
They therefore require individual examination.
The r languages. These are the Iloko, spoken on the N.W.
coa^t of Lu/.nn, and the Tirurai, spoken hy a mountain tribe
of South Mindanao. Bagobo, also spoken in South Mindanao,
is very similar to Bisaya in many respects, and generally has
g like that language. It is possible that the sporadic cases
of the r representation in Bagobo may be due to the influence
of some neighboring mountain dialects, or to Malay. The
inconsistencies of its vocalism, doubtless due to the same in-
fluence, have been pointed out in my paper on the pepet law.1
It will appear from the following comparative table that the
interchange of r and g follows different norms in the two r
languages, and that r is more persistent in Tir. than in Ilk.
It will also appear that Bgb. is properly a g language, as
above stated.
Mai. rebah 'to fall'
Mai. rusuk 'side'
Mai. rakit 'raft'
Pamp. ayan 'light, quick'
Toba abara 'shoulder'
Mai. duri 'thorn'
Toba uras 'to wash'
Mai. bara 'hot coals'
Mai. barat 'west wind'
Day. besoh 'satiated'
The vocalism of the first syllable of Ilk. rebba, Tir. reld,
geld, Bgb. gobba, Tag. gihd, and that of Ilk. lussug, Tir. besor,
]•>»•!). lossoy, Bkl. ~basog, is according to the pepet law, and the
consonantal doubling in the Ilk. and Bgb. examples, according
to the law of gemination of a consonant following original
pepet.2 Tir. has both rebd and gelid with slightly different
meanings, while Ilk. has only reltbd, and Tir. has g in gdkit
beside the Ilk. r of rakit. But in three of the examples Tir.
Iloko
Tirurai
Bagobo
rebba
reba and geba
gobba
Tag. giba
rosok
rohok
gosok
Bis. gusuk
rakit
gakit
Ibg. gakit
raan
gaan
Tag. ga'an
abaga
wara
Ibg. abaga
duri
durai
dugi
Bkl. dugi
ugas
urah(en)
horas
Sulu hugas
bara
bara
baga
Bis. baga
aba gat
barat
habagat
Tag. habagat
bussug
besor
bossog
Bkl. basog
1 The Pepet Law in Philippine languages, to appear in an early
number of Anthropos, to which journal it was sent for publication several
months ago.
2 Of. Conant, Pepet L<ar. and Brandstetter, Wurzel und Wort in den
Indonesischen Sprachen, Luzern 1910, p. 41, who has independently dis-
<-d the same law for Ilk.
76 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
has r where Ilk. has only g, namely ward, urah(eri), and besor.
The h of Tir. roJwk and urah(en) has been treated above
(p. 75).
An examination of the Iloko vocabulary reveals a large
number of r : g variants. The following are selected from a
long list:
Ilk. ribak ' fragment of pottery', beside the later, but less com-
mon gibak (Ibg. giba*) ; Ilk. bard 'new', beside bdgo, in the sense
of 'newcomer' (Mai. baru, Tag. bdgu); Ilk. dards 'quick, prompt',
beside dagds (Toba doras, Day dahes, Tag. dag1 as) ; Ilk. bekkor
'convex', beside bekkog 'concave'; Ilk. bibir (obsolete) 'lip', beside
the modern bibig (Mai. bibir, Ibg. bibig). Ilk. girdi 'notch'
shows this interchange by metathesis in the reduplicated rig-
rigdyan 'thing notched, leaf with notched edge'.
It appears from a study of all the material for Ilk. that
the original representation of the RGH series in that language
was r unless disturbed by secondary laws. This r has been
preserved in a large number of the most common words, e. g.
rosok, ramut, urdt, bdra, duri, busor, tiker. In other cases the
r and g forms exist side by side, sometimes with different
shades of meaning, as seen in the above examples, while in
some cases the new g has entirely replaced the older r. Further-
more some g words have crept in ufrom pure g languages,
chiefly Ibg. and Tag.
The most striking difference between Ilk. and Tir. in the
EGH representation is perhaps the treatment of the RGH
consonant in final position. It is more commonly r in Tir.,
while g prevails in Ilk., e. g. Tir. besor : Ilk. bussiig of the
above table; Tir. bewer 'lip', beside Modern Ilk. bibig; Tir.
igor, beside Bis. ikug', Tir. sawer 'scatter', beside Bis. sdbwag;
Tir. reer 'neck', beside Bis. IV og, Tag. li'ig, Mai. leiher\ Tir.
urar 'snake', Ilk. uleg.
But for the g of this last Ilk. example, see below p. 77.
As a general rule both languages have g when preceded by
original pepet and followed by a non-pepet vowel; e. g. Tir.
legos 'rice', Ilk. bagds, Tag. bigds, Bis. bugds, Mai. beras, Toba
boras, Day. behas ; Tir. tegds 'hard', Ilk. sagdt (metathesis), Tag.
tigds, Bkl. tag as, Bis. tug as, Bgb. tug gas, Mgd. tegds, Mai. teras,
Toba turas\ Tir. begat 'weight', Tag. big' at, Bis. bug' at, Toba
burat, Day. behat. Both languages have r between the two
Vol. xxxi.] The RGH Law in Philippine Languages.
77
\<>\vels in Tir. feres 'to prcs^ nut'. Ilk. perres, Sund. peres,
\);\\.pehes, Sang. pehase.
An examination of the vocabularies of these two languages
during the preparation of the present paper has revealed the
following special law for the liquids I and r: Ilolto and Tirurai,
like Toba and Dayak, do not admit both I and r in the same
Grundwort.1
In Ilk. this is avoided by the g representation of EGH in
words having an I ; e. g. uleg ' snake', beside Mai. ular. In
Tir. it is avoided either in the same way, e. g. Tir. and Ilk.
layag 'sail', beside Mai. laya/r, or, and this is by far the more
common, by an assimilation of liquids in which the r of the
RGrH series generally assimilates the neighboring Z, e, g- Tir.
urar (Mai. ular), as is regularly the case in Toba and Day.y
e. g. Toba, Day. rayar, beside Mai. Sund. layar, Tag. Bis. Ibg.
layag. But exceptionally the RGH r is assimilated to the
neighboring I, e. g. Tir. lilei 'post' (Tag. lialigi, Mai. diri),
where the Tir. I of the RLD series prevails. The following
tabulation will show at a glance how the law affects the two
languages.
Iloko
Tirurai
Other languages
layag 'sail'
bulig 'bunch of
bananas'
ribuk 'roil, disturb,
confuse'
uleg 'snake'
arigi or
adigi 'post'
layag
bulik(?)
rebur,
ribur
rarei 'run'
re'e'r 'neck'
lilei
Mai. Sund. Ach. layar, Toba, Day. rayar,
Tag. Bis. Bkl. Ibg. Bgb. Sulu layag
Mai. bulir, Toba burir, Bis. Bkl. bulig
Mai. lebur, OJav. labu, Mak. laboro',
Mgd. lebug, lebuk, Bis. lubug,
Bgb. lobbog, Pamp. labug
Ma!, ular, OJav. Cam ula, Mak, ulara',
Toba uluk, Pang, uleg
Mai. Mak. Bug. lari, Mgd. Bgb. laguir
Bis. Bkl. lagiu
Mai. leiher, Sang, lehe, Kuyunun
Keg, Bis. Bkl. Sulu li'ug,
Ibg. Mgd. lig, Bgb. alig
Mai. (ber)diri, Day. jihi, Sang, dihi,
Bulu arihi, Tag. Bis. haligi, S.-Bis.
Bkl. liari^i. Mli:'. aiulri
i As the question wlu-tlu-r IN roots are to be regarded as dissyllabic
or monosyllabic has not yet been settled, I employ the convenient term
Gntndwort following the terminology of Brandstetter, Wurzel und Wort,
p. •'* ft passim.
78
Carlos Everett Conant,
[1911.
For further I assimilation in Tir., compare Tir. lual 'except',
Mai. Sund. luar 'outside'. The r prevails in the Ilk. cognate
ruar, in which it agrees with Toba, Day. ruar. Compare also
Tir. lalan(en) 'prohibit', beside Mai. Sund. Mak. larah, Toba,
Day. raran, Sulu Ian (for *lalait).
The g of Ilk. Tir. layag may also be explained as a case
of stereotyped Phil, g to be treated below (p. 82). The surd
k replaces the sonant g in final position in Ilk. ribuk. This
wavering between final surds and sonants is not uncommon,
not only in this language, but elsewhere in the Philippines
and in Chamorro.1 It is possible that Tir. bvlik 'a kind of
wild banana' is to be connected with Ilk. Iridig, in which case
we should have, instead of the regular Tir. assimilation, an
example of final RG-H g becoming k just as in Tir. ribuk;
cf. also Tir. taniik 'sound', beside Mgd. tanuk, Tag. tunog, Pang.
tanol.
The I languages. In Kalamian (North Palawan), Pangasinan,
and the related Igorot dialects Inibaloi, Kankanai, and Bontok,
the RGrH consonant appears regularly as ?, exceptionally as g,
which sometimes becomes the surd k. The I of these languages
is considerably more constant than the r of the r languages,
as will appear from the following table and the additional
examples given below.
Kalamian
Panga-
sinan
Inibaloi
Kankanai
Bontok
G- languages
lamot 'root'
lamot
damot
lamot
lamot
Bis. gamut
Iabii2 'night'
labi
kalbian
lafi
lafi
Tag. gab'i
kabala 'shoulder'
abala
awada
abala
Ibg. abaga
ulat 'vein'
ulat
uwat
oad
Bgb. ugat
bibil 'lip'
bibil
Bis. bibig
tenal 'voice'
tanol
Bkl. tanog
The Inb. secondary d for I in damot and awada, and the
loss of intervocalic I in Bon. odd are explained above (p. 5).
Kim. kabala has an initial parasitic k as in Itolo 'head',
beside IN ulu. This k may also appear medially, as in talcon
1 Cf. Conant, Consonant changes and vowel harmony in Chamorro.
2 Corrected spelling for the Span, orthography lavii of Father Jero-
nimo de la Virgen de Monserrate in his Vocabulario Castellano-Calamiano,
pub. by Retana in the Archive del Bibliofilo Filipino, vol. ii, Madrid 1896.
On this spelling and the whole subject of Span, confusion of b, v, and u,
.see my F and V in Philippine languages, p. 2, note.
Vol. xxxi.] The ROH Law in Philippine Languages. 7<t
•year7, beside Tag. ttfun. and finally, as in polok 'ten', beside
Bis. pulo, and genera lly. perhaps always, stands in the place
of tlio glottal stop (liani/a ).
As the r languages avoid the concurrence oil and r in the
same word, so the I languages do not allow two Ts in the
same word when such would be the result of the I represen-
tation of RGH. In sucli cases RG-H generally appears as g,
e. u. Pang, uleg 'snake'. 1 1m. iiley, Knk. eweg, Bon. uwiig, beside
Mai. ular, Tir. urar, the Knk. and Bon. examples showing
regular loss of intervocalic I (see above, p. 74); Kim. and Pang.
Hoy 'river', beside Tag. Hog, Mai. alur.
The correspondence of Kim. kilog 'egg' with its Pang.
ovunate iknol (Tag. Bis. Ilk. itlug, Mai. telor) is interesting as
showing the different evolution in the two languages of the
RGH consonant in the same word with an original I. In
Kim. Idlog RGH appears as g and the original I remains un-
changed, while the slightly pronounced t of P\ii\.itlug degenerates
to ham/a, which shifts, as often in Kim., to the other side of
the vowel i and there appears regularly as k (see above). In
Pang, iknol, the RGH consonant persists as Z, and by a dis-
similation of liquids the original I becomes n, to which the t
is then partially assimilated, becoming k. Precisely the same
evolution as to liquids is seen in Pang, monil 'bunch of bananas'
(Bis. Mlig, etc. See table p. 77). In this example, furthermore,
the n produced by dissimilation acts in turn on the initial
labial sonant stop b, changing it by partial assimilation to the
labial nasal m. In Kim. the persistence of final I of the RGH
series in a word beginning with an original I is shown by
dikel 'neck', beside Tag. li'iq, Bis. IVug. Mai. kiher. Tir. reer.
Here the repetition of I is avoided by changing the original
initial I to its corresponding sonant stop d. The vocalism of
the last syllable follows the pepet law, and the parasitic k
takes the place of the hamza seen in the Tag. and Bis.
cognates.
While the r languages generally have g for RGH when
this is preceded by a pepet vowel and followed by any other
vowel, pjing. shows I under i he same circumstances, e. (j. Pang.
belds 'hulled rice*, beside Tir. legas, Ilk. bagas; Pang, belat
'weight; beside Tir. begat
The material at hand for the other ^languages is not suffi-
cient to permit of classification in this particular.
80 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
Pang, also shows I as the first element of a consonantal
group following any vowel, e.g. Pang, ulsa 'deer', beside Ilk.
ugsd, Toba ursa, Mai. rusa\ Pang, beltvds 'alzar 6 coger lo que
esta dentro del agua', Tag. bigwds 'tirar el anzuelo'; Pang.
pelsd 'boil, carbuncle', Tag. pigsa, Bis. Bgb. pugsd. The last
two examples have pepet vocalism of the penult. The exceptional
g of Pang, begsdi ' paddle', beside Pamp. bagsdi, Bis. Sulu
bugsai, Bgb. bugse, Chro. pogsai, is probably to be explained
as a case of stereotyped g (see below, p. 82).
The y languages. As in Gayo and Lampong, the RGH
consonant appears as y in the Phil, languages, Pampanga,
Batan, and Sambal, where it also appears exceptionally as g,
though most of the exceptions may here be referred to the
stereotyped class. The regular representation for Pamp. and
Btn. is shown by the following examples:
Pamp. uydt 'vein', Btn. fay at, Gayo uyot, Lamp, oya. Tag.
ugat, Day. uhah]
Pamp. ddya 'blood', Btn. rayd, Ibg. ddga, Chro. haga, Day.
dalia, Pang, dald, Ilk. Tir. ddra, Cam, Mai. darah.
Pamp. paydu (modern pay 6) ' hoarse', Gayo payo, Mai. Ilk.
par ait, Tag. pagan, Day. pehau.]
Pamp. yamut 'root', Btn. yamot, Tag. gamut, Pang. Kim.
lamot, Ilk. ramut, Tonsea amtit.
Btn. itioi 'egg', Lamp, telui, Mai. telor, Bgb. tollog, Tag.
itlug.
Pamp. ild 'tail', Lamp, ikui, Gayo uki, Mai. ikor, Toba ihur,
Tir. igor, Pang, ikdl, Tag. Bis. ikog, Day. ikoh, OJav. Cam iku,
Mlg. uhi, uhu. (
When final, the y becomes i and coalesces with a preced-
ing i in both Pamp. and Btn., as in Btn. bibi 'lip', Ibg. bibig,
Mai. bibir; Pamp. buli 'cluster of bananas', Bis. bulig, Mai. bulir,
Jav. wuli, Mlg. vuli, bull. With a preceding a it forms the
diphthong ai in both languages, as it does in Lampong, e. g.
Pamp. tikdi 'reed-mace, cattail', Bis. Bkl. tikog, Ilk. tiker, Mai.
tikar, Mlg. tsihi, tihi, Sihi (the examples showing regular pepet
vocalism of the ultima) ; Btn. vuddi, buddi 1 'snake', Lamp, ulai,
1 The Batan word may now be included under Brandstetter's Variation 3
under Schlange, (Mata-Hari, p. 34), since the only difficulty it presents
is the prefixed v or b, which can easily be explained as an initial parasitic
labial glide before the labial vowel u. In fact it is pronounced much
like the Span, b in bullir.
Vol.xxxi.] The RGH Law in Philippine Languages. 81
Ibg. ulag, Pang, uleg, Mai. ular (pepet in ultima). With a
preceding o (u) the i (<y) forms the diphthong oi (ui) in Btn.
as in Lamp., e. g. Btn. itioi 'egg', Lamp. telui; Btn. busoi 'enemy'.
Ilk. busor, Pang, busol. In Pamp. the final diphthong oi (ui)
thus formed contracts to i, e.g. Pamp. iki 'tail' (but Lamp.
ikui). Other examples for Pamp. are dpi 'lime', Tag. dpog;
Pamp. atni 'sound', Tag. Bis. tunog, Bkl. tanog, Ibg. tannug,
Pang, tanol (pepet in penult); Parnp. absi 'sated', Tag. Bis.
busog, Bkl. lasog, Ilk. bussug, Bgb. bossog, Ibg. battug, Tir.
besor, Day. besoh (pepet in penult). The Pamp. examples
atni and absi show a very common characteristic of Pamp.
pointed out in a previous paper,1 namely, the metathesis of
initial consonant + vowel.
In Pamp. RGH regularly appears as y when preceded by
a pepet vowel, whatever be the character of the following
vowel, e. g. Pamp. bayat 'weight', Pang, belat, Tir. begat] Pamp.
abyas 'rice', Tang, bclas, Ilk. bagas, Tir. begas] Pamp. asydd
'sting (of insect)', Tir. seged, Tag. sigid, Bkl. Bis. sugud (pepet
in both syllables).
The material for Sambal is meager, but sufficient to enable
us to classify that language here:. Sbl. yabi 'night', Tag. gaUi,
Pang, labi, etc.; Sbl. buy as, bug a 'rice', Tag. bigds, etc.] Sbl.
rdyo, layo 'run', Bis. Bkl. lagiu, etc.; Sbl. toloi 'sleep', Tag.
tulog, Mai. tidor, Day. tiroh, Mlg. turi, turn. It appears from
the last example that final y is treated in Sbl. as in Btn. and
Lamp.
In Pamp. RGH frequently appears as #, but more often in
final position thanj initially or] medially, e. g. Pamp. gatus
'hundred thousand', but Btn. yatus 'hundred', Mai. ratus; Pamp.
abdgat 'west wind', Pang, abalaten, Bulu awahat] Pamp. sagdp
'to skim', Tag. sagip, Toba sarop, Mai. sarap, Day. sahep
(pepet in ultima); Pamp. Hug 'river', Tag. Hog, Mai. alur;
Pamp. amog or amig 'dew of morning', Tag. hamog, Ilk. amor,
Pang. amol. The g of these examples is anomalous, and an
explanation of its irregular appearance in place of the natural
y is impossible at this stage of our investigation, as is the
case with many #'s of the RGH series in the r and I languages.
Pamp. gatus is probably to be explained as a borrowed word
originally taken into the language with the meaning of an
1 Pepet Law.
VOL. XXXI. Part I.
82 Carlos Everett Con ant, [1911.
indefinitely large number, just as in Tag., where the same
word means million according to the dictionary of Noceda
and Sanlucar. 'Hundred' is dalan in Pamp. (limaii dalan
'five hundred'), and the same word in Tag. daan, with secondary
Tag. loss of intervocalic 1. It is quite possible that Pamp.
Hug and sagap are cases of stereotyped Phil, g, but abdgat
and amoy, together with a considerable number of other g
examples of unmistakable RGrH origin, remain to be explained.
On the other hand, the RGH g is doubtless rare in Btn.
The available material for that language is not copious, and
I have noted but one certain example in point, namely, Btn.
agsa 'deer', beside Ilk. ugsa, Pang, ulsa, Toba ursa, Mai. rusa.
The g frequently seen in Rodriguez's Catecismo corresponding
to IN Z, e. g. Btn. ogo 'head', beside IN ulu, is replaced by
the modern h (Span, orthography/), and is the regular treat-
ment of IN I in that language. Sambal has Hug 'river' (Mai.
alur), but shows the regular y in toloi 'sleep,' where Pamp.
(tidug) and the r and I languages show persistently g, which
in the last two types may be due to the laws of liquids (see
above, pp. 77, 79).
The three-fold origin of the Philippine g. The #'s of the
Phil, languages may be divided into three classes according to
their origin, namely original #, the g of the RGH series, and
that of the RLD series.
In a considerable number of words g persists uniformly in
the languages of the archipelago unless affected by some second-
ary law. In order to determine whether the g in such cases
is original or belongs to the RGH series, comparison must be
made with material from other IN languages. Thus the word
for 'rayfish' is pagi in Tag. Bis. Bkl. Mgd. Ibg. Pamp. Pang.
Ilk., and fagi in Tir., where / is regular for IN p >, and it is
only by comparison with the non-Philippine cognates Mai.
Sund. pari, Day. pahi, that the g of the Phil, words is shown
to be of RGrH origin. We have here what may be termed a
stereotyped Phil, g of the RGH series.
On the other hand, the g of Tag. Mgd. Sulu, Pamp. Pang.
* Conant, F and V in Philippine languages, Division of Ethnology
Publications, vol.. v, part ii, Manila 1908, trans, into Japanese by Mr.
R. Torii, Journal Anthrop. Soc. of Tokyo, vol. xxiv, No. 283, Tokyo,
Oct. 1909.
Vol. xxxi.] The RGH Law in Philippine Languages.
83
liu/i 'loss' is original, as evidenced by Mai. Jav. Sund. Toba,
Mak. Bug. Day. rugi. Other examples of original g are Tag.
Pani]). Tir. Bgb. Mai. Jav. Sund. Toba, Day. dagah 'trade,
merchant', and Mgd. Mai. Jav. Sund. Day. getas 'cut (as
string)', Toba gotas, Bis. gutas, Ilk. gessat (metathesis and
gemination), Pamp. agtas (metathesis), Ibg. gatta', these last
cognates showing regular pepet vocalism of the penult.
Some words show one stereotyped form running through
one group of Phil, languages while a stereotyped variant
appears in another. An example in point is the IN word
for 'indigo', which shows a medial RGH consonant in Mai.
Sund. Cam tarum (cf. Bahnar trum, Khmer trom), Mak. taruti,
Day. tahun, Jav. torn, while Toba has tayum where we should
expect *tarum according to the RG-H law. Now the Luzon
languages Tag. Pamp. Pang. Ilk. have tayum following the Toba
variant, while the languages of the southern Philippines, Bis.
Bid. Bgb. Mgd., have tagum following the RGH type. Further
investigation of such variants would doubtless throw additional
light upon the history of Malayan migrations to the Philip-
pines.
Pang. Ilk. and Ibg., like the non-Philippine languages Toba,
Karo, and Mentawai, have also a g representing the consonant
of the RLD series.1 This correspondence is shown by the
following comparative table.
Q
R L
D
fi
'rice (unhulled)'
Jav.
pan
Mai.
padi
Karo page
Sund.
pare
Cam
padai
Toba page
Miik.
pare
Mkl)
. padi
Day.
parai
Tir.
farei
Tag. palai
Pang, pagei
Bkl.
paroi
Pamp. palai
Ilk. pagai
S.-Bis.
parai
Sulu pai (<*palai)
Btn.
parai
» This g has been pointed out for Ibg. and the non-Phil, languages
by Kern, Taalvergelijkende verhandeling over het Aneityumsch, met een
Aanhangsel over het klankstelsel van het Eromanga, Amsterdam, 1906,
p. 11, et passim, and by Brandstetter, Prodromus zu einem vergteichenden
Worterbuch der malaio-polynesischen Sprachen, Luzeni 1906, p. 61 ; Mata-
Hari, Luzern, 1908; pp. 22, 26.
6*
Carlos Everett Gonant,
* i [ L4
D
a
'how much?'
.lav.
pira
Bali
pida
Mentw. piga
Day.
pir'a
Mlg.
firi
Tir.
firoi
Tag. ila
Bgb.
pira
Pamp. pila
Pang, piga'
Bkl.
pira
Bis. pila
S.-Bis.
pira
Mgd. pila
Ibg. piga
Kuy.
pira
Sulu pila
'no$e'
Jav.
mm :
Mad. plon
Mai.
hidun Karo igun
Sund.
irun
Cam
idun | Toba igun
Day.
uron
Ach.
hidun
Mlg. urun, uruna
Mkb.
(h)iduan
Tumb.
nirun
Duz.
idon
Sumb.
urun
Tir.
iruh
Tag. ilon i Bgb.
idon
Ilk. agon.
Mgd. hirim, nirun
Mgd.
hidun
Ibg. igun
Kim.
aron
Bis. ilon
Kuy.
iron Sulu ilon
S.-Bis.
iron
Further examples of this conspicuous g in Pang. Ilk. and
Ibg. are the following:
Pang. Ilk. Ibg. magd 'dry', beside Tag. Pamp. Bis. mala,
Bkl. S.-Bis. mard.
Pang. Ibg. laga, Ilk. Idga 'weave matting', beside Tag. Pamp.
Bis. Idla, S.-Bis. Idra, Bkl. rdra, where Bkl. assimilates the
original initial I to the r of the RLD series.
Pang. Ilk. Ibg. sigi i throw grain into sieve', beside Tag.
Pamp. sili, Mgd. siri.
Pang. Ilk. suga 'thorn', Ibg. tugd, Toba suga, beside Tag.
Bis. sula, Mai. suda.
Pang, sogod 'comb', Ilk. siigud, Ibg. tufjiid; beside Bis. sulod,
Tir. Bkl. S.-Bis. surud, Mgd. surut.
Ilk. agek 'sniff', Ibg. agok, beside Tag. halik, Mgd. alek, Bis
hdldk, S.-Bis. liarok, Tir. drek, Bkl. Bgb. liadok. This
example shows regular pepet vocalism of the ultima throughout.
In Pang, an interesting exception to this g representation
of an intervocalic E-LD consonant is to be noted. By a special
law of Pang, and its related Igorot dialects, an intervocalic
Vol. xxxi.] The ROH Law in Philippine Languages. 85
consonant of the RLD series does not become g in a Grund-
wort whose initial or final consonant is the velar nasal n. In
Pang, the RLD consonant becomes a liquid, I or r, in such
words, while Ilk. and Ibg. show the regular g. This is illustrated
by the following examples.
Pang, elefi 'nose', Knk. eleii, Bon. ileh, Inb. idon, but Ilk.
agon, Ibg. iguii, Karo and Toba iguii, beside Jav. irun, Tag.
ildh, Cam idun, etc. (see table p. 84).
Pang, or in 'charcoal', Inb. Bon. ulin, but Ilk. ogih, Ibg,
ugin, beside Tag. Bis. Pamp. Mgd. ulih, Bgb. urin.
Pang, naran 'name', Inb. Knk. haran, Bon. nacan, nadan,
but Ilk. nagan, Ibg. hagan, beside Tag. Bis. Mgd. nalan, Bkl.
S.-Bis. naran, Kuyunon aran, Isinai naron, Bgb. hadan, Cha-
morro naan, Jav. naran, Mlg. anaran, anaran, anarand.
The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of
• Shoshenq I. — By M. G. KYLE, Professor Biblical
Archaeology, Xenia Theological Seminary.
THE Palestinian list of Shoshenq I on the South wall of
the Temple of Karnak is one of the best known of Egyptian
inscriptions, having been published by Rosellini (Monumenti
Storki, 148), Champollion (Notices Manuscrites, ii. 113), Lepsius
(Derikmaler, iii. 252), and Brugsch (Geographische Inschriften,
ii^though never completely by any of them. Prof. Maspero
has given (Becueil de Travaux, vii. 100) selections from the
list 'designed to assist and correct an' understanding of Cham-
pollion's text, and Prof. "W. Max Miiller has rendered the same
service to all the previous 'publications and also added a few
names never before published in his Egyptological Researches
for the Carnegie Institute, pp. 51 — 54, plates 75 — 87.
f^Many names in the inscription are destroyed and V so lost
absolutely, unless a duplicate list be somewhere preserved for
future discovery. All the [names Jfully 'remaining are easily
legible, but owing to the facts that some hieroglyphic signs
have more than one phonetic value, that, of others, the phonetic
value is uncertain, and that the exact [equivalency between
Semitic and Egyptian characters'* has never been completely
made out, the transliteration of these names is difficult and
in a large number of them yet uncertain, and even if trans-
literated correctly, the identification of the names either with
classical or with biblical names and still more with modern
names is very problematical; and the task is rendered complex,
not only by reason of the phonetic problems, but by reason
of the additional fact that the ancient scribe was considerably
puzzled over some phonetic and linguistic problems of his
own. Some of these problems arose from his ignorance of the
Palestinian tongues, some from the list which he copied not
being always in exact Geographical order and probably, as
Vol. xxxi.j The "Field ofAbram" in the Geographical List, &c. 87
Mliller thinks, written in Phoenician script. There will be
room for a long time to come for additional identifications
and for the correcting of mistakes.
A recent identification of names 71 and 72 as "The Field
of Abram" drawing 71 to 72 and making one name there-of,
it is proposed in this paper briefly to examine, as probably
one of the mistakes to be corrected. "VVe will proceed by the
simple method of bringing before us by the aid of the black-
board as clearly as possible, all the epigraphical evidence for
the various renderings which have been given to the signs on
these two shields, that we may be able to estimate correctly
the value of this new identification, which is put out in recent
times by Prof. Spiegelberg (Aegyptologisclie Randglossen, 1904,
p. 14) and in popular form by Prof. James Henry Breasted.
Whether either of these scholars be indebted to the other or
whether each worked independently, I do not know.
The text placed on the board is that of Prof. Muller. With
this text in hand, I made a careful examination of the in-
scription at Karnak in 1908 and found it copied with that
scholar's accustomed accuracy. The list here as published is
absolutely correct, not even minute typographical errors, as so
often in published texts, have crept in here.
Prof. Breasted, who now brings forward the identification
"The Field of Abram," (A History of Egypt, 1905, p. 530,
Ancient Records, 1906, pp. 352 — 353) does not give there-with
his copy of the text, but only the transliteration and identifi-
cation. It is thus impossible to say whether or not his text
agreed with any of the other published copies of the text. If
his text differed from Midler's, then he used an incorrect text,
which in most cases would set aside the identification altogether.
If his text agreed with Midler's, then this transliteration and
identification is to be discussed.
The identification, "The Field of Abram," is a very interest-
ing one and, if correct, will be welcomed by every one, but
before critics and theologians shall build too many theories
there-upon, it is well to understand the exceeding, not to say
insuperable, difficulties which lie in the way of the identification.
(1) The inscription on shield number 71 needs but little
1 discussion. Egyptologists differ somewhat about the correct
transliteration. Muller prefers "Pa Hekla" which follows
exactly the text, always a good way, while Breasted changes
88 M. O. Kyle, [1911.
the final vowel to "u," Semitic "1." But it is generally agreed
that the whole expression is a Canaanite word with the definite
article, the article being translated into Egyptian, and means
"The field" here in a relation to what follows similar to the
construct state.
(2) The relation between the inscription on shield 71 and
that on shield 72 is of the utmost importance. In the identifi-
cation, "The Field of Abram," 71 is carried over to 72 and
made a part of the name. This is impossible; a proper name
would not have the article, which the scribe here does not
transliterate as though he supposed it could be a part of the
name, but translates into the Egyptian definite article; besides,
this same combination of "Field," or "Fields," with a following
name occurs in the inscription of Shoshenq I, as it still remains,
eight times (Nos. 68, 71, 77, 87, 94, 96, 101, 107), an examination
of which makes very evident that this is the Egyptian way of
representing the Palestinian expression found so often in the
Bible, "The villages of," and that "Hekla" means "vicinity,"
"neighbourhood" or "community" and [in the [plural, as 107,
"Environs" or "villages." Thus the name following "Pa Hekla,"
in this case identified as "Abram," stands alone. No such
complex name as "the Field of Abram" was intended.
(3) But is the name on shield 72 Abram? This is the
question of greatest moment. No special importance attaches
to .this shield at all except for this question. A detailed
analysis of the name gives the following:
(a) The first sign "nzr, the canal," as a syllabic stands for
"|mer." This syllable "mer" occurs with great frequency in
proper names, especially of Egyptian kings, where it is represented
sometimes by "i — c, the canal" and sometimes by["J7, the hoe."
That these two signs were always, in these names, interchange-
able is not quite certain, but that in the New Empire, from
which this inscription rcomes, they were interchangeable, is
certain. "Mer" is used in at least twenty seven of the royal
names, *as Mer-pa-ba, Mer-em-ptah, and various names com-
pounded with the phrase "meri-amon, loved of amon." In
some sixteen of these twenty seven "•» — r? the canal" is used,
beginning with Ramses II and including Shoshenq I, for whom
this inscription under discussion was made. So, if this sign
on shield 72 be intended for "mer," it would be the perfectly
Vol. xxxi.] The "Field ofAbram " in the Geographical List, &c. 89
natural and proper and to-be-expected use of it, and the
probability that it should be so transliterated is very great
Moreover, a Semitic name from Palestine beginning with the
syllable "mer" is quite to be expected also, as there are twelve
Bible names (aside from some Persian and other foreign names),
beginning with "mer." Brugsch (Geographische Inschriften,
p. 68) reads this sign "mer," so, also, Rosellini quoting Lepsius.
But the "r=u, canal" is ^thought by some to be also an
alphabetic character used in transliteration as an equivalent
for the Semitic "«." It is so used by Brugsch ,in this same
list (Egypt under the Pharaohs, Broderick edition, p. 376),
wherever the sign occurs at the beginning of a name, not-
withstanding that he had [read the sign "mer" in his Geo-
graphische Inschriften. Erman, also, according to Breasted
(Ancient Records, p. 353), so reads the sign in this instance,
though Erman in his Egyptian Grammar, translated by Breasted,
makes it only probably equivalent not to "K," but to "N\"
Muller also finds the "zz=r, canal" used sometimes as the
equivalent of "N." ^
But it can not be shown that Shoshenq's scribe always used
this sign for an initial "N" in the list which he was copying,
for even if it could be shown that wherever the "HHE, canal"
occurs at the beginning of a word he used it for " N," it remains
that in three, and probably four, instances (Names, 32, 66,
108 and 12(?)) he used another hieroglyph for initial "a,"
which may have been an "N" in the Canaanite list which he
was copying.
(b) The second sign, " ^^, the crane," is usually a syllabic
for "ba" or "bi" and is certainly so used here, and the Egyptian
scribe with this list of names before him, probably in Phoenician
script, must have chosen this sign intentionally, as he has
placed after it the character " I " a determinative of rather
indefinite signification which sometimes in transliteration in-
dicates for us the end of a 'syllable (Muller's Researches for
Carnegie Institute: list of Shoshenq 7, names 13 and 38; list
Thothmes III, name 84; list of Barneses 333, name 73), besides,
had he wished an alphabetic character for "b," he had it at
hand in the much more usual " Jj, the boot." Brugsch, in the
Geographische Inschrijten. p. 68, strangely mistook this sign
90 M. G. Kyle, [1911.
for " vl^j the goose" and transliterated it "s," but corrects
this in his Egypt under the Pharaohs.
(c) The third sign "<=>, the mouth," either "ro" or "ra,"
is here also most probably a syllable, for though it is very
often used as an alphabetic character, it, also, is here followed
by the termination of a syllable. But the Egyptians did not
clearly distinguished between "r" and "1." This sign was used
for both these letters, as in the well-known instance in the
name "Israel" in Mer-em-ptah's hymn of victory. Maspero in
the Transactions of the Victorian Institute, 27, 83, so trans-
literates it here.
(d) The fourth sign " >>, the half part" is a New Empire
sign for "m." It admits of no discussion, and, indeed, none,
I believe, has arisen concerning it. But as the preceding
syllable is closed, it begins a syllable here and can not, with-
out straining, be suffixed to the preceding syllable "r" to make
"ram" in the name "Abram." It should be followed by a
vowel and in this case the scribe has written the vowel.^
(5) The fifth sign, " o, the arm," according to Erman in
his Egyptian Grammar, translated by Breasted, is equivalent
to Semitic "y" and, in any case, whether one accepts the
equating of Egyptian and Semitic vowel letters or not, is the
strongest of the Egyptian vowel letters, but is entirely ignored
in the transliteration "Abram."
The examination of the reading "The Field of Abram" may
be summarized thus:
(1) The inscription on Shield 71, "Pa hekla," is not a part
of the name, but a Canaanite descriptive phrase like "The
villages of," or "The environs of."
(2) The first sign of shield 72, "the canal," may be an "a"
but it may also be the syllable "mer," as it usually is.
(3) The second sign, "the crane," is clearly intended by the
scribe to be a syllable, a "b" followed by a vowel and not
joined immediately to the "r" following.
(4) The third sign, "the mouth," is probably an "r" but
quite possibly an "1" and in either case, is also followed by a
vowel making a complete syllable.
(5) The fourth sign, "the half part," "m," can not naturally
be joined to the "r" preceding, but should begin a syllable.
(6) The last sign, "the arm," is a strong vowel letter which
Vol. xxxi.] The ^ Field of Abrani" in the Geographical List, &c. 91
ought not without special reasons to be ignored in the trans-
literation, and in fact is needed after the "m."
The most probable transliteration yielded by this analysis
is --Merbiroma" or "Abiroma" or perhaps better still "Abirama."
The identification "Field of Abram," scarcely comes within
the bounds of possibility, certainly has little probability, and
any theological or critical discussion made to depend upon it
is exceedingly precarious, not to say hopeless.
1-2
List of Palestinian Cities by Shoshenq I
From W. Max Miiller's Egyptological Researches.
Printed by "W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany).
The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The K- Suf-
fixes in the Veda and Avesta. — By FRANKLIN EDGEETON.
Chapter I.
Description of the Suffixes.
1. The ultimate aim of this paper is to give a complete and
detailed account of the suffix -ka and related suffixes in San-
skrit and Avestan, covering all their occurrences throughout
the entire history of the languages, so far as these are access-
ible. For both theoretical and practical reasons, however, it
has seemed best to divide the Sanskrit field, and the first part
of the work will deal exclusively with the Yedic period. In
that term I mean to include Mantras, Brahmanas, Aranyakas,
Sutras and Upanisads, so far as their linguistic matter is avail-
able. I have gathered the materials for the investigation in
the first place from Monier-Williams's Lexicon, 2n<i edition,
supplemented and verified by constant reference to the larger
and smaller Petersburg lexicons and to the original texts.
The number of cases in which I discovered mistakes in
the redaction of M.-W.'s lexicon was so small as to be en-
tirely negligible; the* small sprinkling of wrong references
iVc. which have come to my notice originated in nearly every
instance in the Pet. Lex. itself. I feel therefore especially
appreciative towards the work of the redactors of the Ox-
ford lexicon, Profs. Leumann and Cappeller, whose careful
scholarship has given us such a valuable aid to this sort of
research.
2. There is, however, no Sanskrit lexicon in existence which
even approaches the completeness which would be attained by
good word-indices of the various works included. In the Veda,
with which alone we are now concerned, this deficiency is
especially felt in the Sutra and TTpanisad periods. These
VOL XXXI. Part II. 7
94 -F- Edgerton, [1911.
seem to have been only scantily covered by the Petersburg
lexicon; and the successors of Boehtlingk and Roth have done
little to fill the gap. Fortunately we now have, in Col. Jacob's
excellent Concordance, a word-list of the principal Upanisads;
and from this have been extracted scores of words in -ha which
would otherwise have been unnoticed. As for the older Vedic
works, the indices to the RV. and AY. by Grassmann and
Whitney have been used with profit, and from "Whitney at
least several AV. words have been discovered w^hich are not
in any lexicon. These facts are mentioned as showing the
crying need which exists for indices of the principal Vedic
works. Until they are produced any such undertaking as the
present one must rest for the most part on the more or less
unstable ground of the dictionaries.
3. It is hardly necessary to defend the division of the sub-
ject into the Yedic and Post- Vedic periods. In the Veda we
find the small beginnings of several of the commonest uses of
the Classical suffix -Tea. There is no Classical use of the suffix
which is not foreshadowed in the Veda ; but there are one or
two Vedic uses which practically die out before Classical times.
That is to say, we find here, as in most other linguistic points,
that in general there is a line of cleavage between the Veda
and the Sanskrit of later times, although as a matter of course
the two periods shade into each other, and there is in reality
no such sharp break as we are compelled to make for practical
purposes. In fact, as far as the suffix -ka is concerned, the
Upanisads show uses which agree much more closely with the
language of the Mahabharata than with that of the Brahmanas,
to say nothing of the Vedic mantras. Nevertheless, I have
not ventured to disturb the traditional classification, which of
course is on the whole justifiable, and have included the
Upanisads in the Veda.
4. The suffix -ka in all its ramifications is one of the com-
monest suffixes of the Classical Sanskrit language; and although
it is much less common in the Veda, it is by no means rai
from the earliest times.
5. I shall not at present attempt to go extensively into the
question of the prehistoric (I.E.) suffix or suffixes from which
the Sanskrit ka is derived. According to the theory of gut-
turals now usually accepted, Skt. k may go back to I.E. k or
q. And accordingly two independent suffixes, I.E. -kos and
Vol. xxxi.J The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. '.•:>
-qos, are actually assumed by Brugmaim as antecedents of
Skt. fea,— certainly not without much show of probability (cf.
Lai. -quus and -cus). Whether right or wrong, this division
of the suffix is not only unnecessary but quite impossible within
the Sanskrit language itself. It must be said that the suffix
-ka on the whole presents itself to the feeling of the investigator
as a single unified and coherent suffix, which in the early
language at least is quite clearly and narrowly circumscribed
in its use. The widely divergent meanings which forms of the
suffix show in some later developments are all demonstrable
secondary in point of time, and in most cases it is furthermore
easy to trace their semantic evolution from one or another of
the more primitive uses. — In Chapter VI we shall take up
the use of the suffix in Avestan, and shall also add a few
words on its appearance in Lithuanian (based on Leskien's
work). From these may then be deduced, in a very tentative
and experimental way, an outline of the apparent uses of the
suffix in the Ursprache in so far as they are indicated by
these languages.
(i. Forms of the ka- suffixes.— The Veda has a few adverbial
forms (fdhak &c.) where the suffix is simple -k. There is a
small group of words of doubtful relationship in -ku. usually
preceded by a; they are very few in number, and show no
agreement as to signification, so that I have not thought it
worth while to make an independent chapter of the suffix -ku
or -akUj but have treated these words along with the ka suffix.
The Classical Skt. has a few words which seem to show a
suffix -A'i, generally forming patronymics; cf. sdurdki (M.S. 3.
1. 3) which may be a Vedic instance. Otherwise all the suf-
fixes which we treat here end in -ka masc. or neut. and -ka or
-kl fern.
7. The feminine -ikd. — In all cases of masc. and neut. words
in the suffix ka preceded by a, whether the a is part of the base
or of the suffix, it is possible (and in most cases usual) to form
corresponding feminines in -ikd, rather than in a-kd or a-ki.
This rule applies to all periods of the Skt. language from RV.
onwurd (cf. iyattakd -iyattikti, a RV. instance). The fern, forms
aki and akd are. however, not rare: and even tin appears to
he found from an oka masculine in one or two cases (see s. v.
dtiki, General Index), though this is not certain. — Because of
the regularity of the fern, in ikd it becomes unnecessary — and
<M> F. Edgerton, [I9il.
in fact impossible — to set up a separate category for these
words. Where a masculine word in -aha requires a feminine,
the ending ika is to be expected; and all statements in this .
thesis are to be understood with that in view. It should at
the same time be borne in mind that aki and aha also occur,
sometimes from the same words which also form the more
regular fern, in -ika. There seems to be no rule by which it
can be determined antecedently what form of the feminine is
to be expected.
This formation appears to 1)6 an inheritance from something
of the same sort in the Ursprache (cf. the Lithuanian pheno-
mena mentioned in § 117). It is doubtless connected with
the fern, suffix 1. associated so commonly with masculines in a.
The regular fern, of any adjective stem in a was formed with
1\ and it was an easy step, therefore, to form a fern, in i-ka
(with I instead of i, § 32 b) to |a masc. in a-ka, by taking the
fern, of the original adjective as a base. This was then general-
ized into a "suffix ika." applied as a fern, to any masc. in -aka.
even when no fern, base in 1 could have existed. Other for-
mations from feminine adjectival bases are lohinikd (Ap. Qr. &c.)
from the fern, of the adj. Idhita; and even hariknikd (AY.)
from a fern. *hdriknl (not preserved) to liarita, like dsiknl to
dsita.
8. The Secondary Siiffix ka. — The suffix ka is essentially a
secondary suffix ; i. e. it . is affixed to nominal or pronominal
stems. There are a few words in which it has the appearance,
at least, of being added directly to roots or verbal bases; we
shall deal with them later. Secondary ka may be divided into
four subdivisions. For practical reasons, because I have been
unable to invent any concise and appropriate names, I have
had recourse to numbers in designating them. I realize that
this arbitrary method of nomenclature is open to grave ob-
jections. But any truly descriptive names for these categories
would be so cumbrous as to be quite incapable of practical
use: and it has therefore seemed better to me to have recourse
frankly to numerals as arbitrary symbols instead of applying
incomplete or misleading^epithets.
A. The Suffix i ka. (Nouns or Adjectives of Similarity
or Characteristic.)
9. The suffix ka is added to nominal stems to form other
nouns or adjectives, with the meaning "partaking of the natu
•
Vol. xxxi.J The K-Suffixes of Indo- Iranian. <>7
of," "having the characteristics of," -'similar to," "like;" — or,
it is added to adjectives or adverbs to form nouns or other
adjectives or adverbs with the meaning "characterized by."
-having the quality of."
This is the most primitive use of the suffix, at least as a
secondary suffix. All other secondary uses are developt out
of it,
Ex.: ndbnikd, navel-like cavity, <ndbhi, navel. — manika, hump,
water-jar, <mani, pearl, lump &c. — nadikti, ^throat, <nadi, tube.
^-madhyamikd, middle finger, < madhyama, middle. — piitlka, n.
of a plant, <ptiti, foul-smelling.
10. (The Diminutive &a.)— From the meaning "similar to,"
ulike," — the suffix ka often comes to mean "only similar to."
i.e., "not equal to," and thus arise the well-known diminutive,
deprecatory and contemptuous uses of the suffix, which prob-
ably existed once in all Indo-European languages, but which
are more striking and prominent in Sanskrit than anywhere
else. In Sanskrit the suffix may be added with some such
force to nouns, adjectives, pronouns, adverbs, participles, and
even (once) to a finite verb-form. A detailed classification
will be undertaken in Chapter IV; for the present it will be
enough to distinguish the following main heads.
I. True Diminutives (of size, importance, &c.): as kaninakd,
little boy, <kanlna, boy. — muhukd, moment, <muhu (or muhu).
—arbhakd, tiny, <arbha, small. — babhrukd, brownish. <babhrit,
brown. — abhimddyatkd, a little tipsy, <abhimddyat, drunk. —
hotrka, secondary priest, <~hbtr, priest.
11. Endearing Diminutives: as ambikd, dear little mother,
<amtri, mother.— putrakd, sonny, <putrd, son.
III. Pitying Diminutives: as ksullakd, poor (helpless) little,
<ksudrd (*ksulld, prakritized form).
IV. Diminutives of Inferiority Avith evil connotation, often
• ailed Pejoratives: including—
(1) Contemptuous Diminutives, where the idea of smallness
carries Avith it that of weakness or Avretchedness and contempt:
as usrikd, worthless bullock, <usrd, bull. — rdjakd, Avretched
kinglet, <r6/jan, king. — bhinnaka, crushed and worthless, <bhin-
nd. broken.
(2) Pejoratives in the narrower sense, or Imprecatory Dimi-
nutives as I have ventured to call them, because the suffix is
often equivalent to a curse or imprecation accompanying the
98 F. Edgirton, [1911.
word to which it is applied: as — agvaha, accursed horse, < a$va,
horse, — anantdka. accursed Ananta (a serpent-demon).— rtipalca.
evil phantom, < rupd, shade. — krtaka, artificial, false, < krta,
made. — anyaha, other scoundrels, <anya, other.
(3) Diminutives of Obscene Humor, in a certain range of
popular composition which is offensive to modern sensibilities,
and presumably for that reason little noticed as yet. For in-
stance, in the lascivious ribaldry of some of the Kuntapa hymns,
and in parts of the Acvamedha ceremony, various slang terms
of extreme vulgarity appear with this suffix: as — dhdniM,
dhdrakd, the vagina, < dhdna, dhara, receptacle. — claksmkd adj.
slippery, of the sexual organs in coition. <$lahsna, slippery.—
muska, testicle, <m?1s, mouse.
Modern parallels will doubtless occur to everyone.1
V. Generic Diminutives, with nouns of masculinity and femi-
ninity— like Ger. Mannchen, Weilchen: as — mrdkd and maryahd,
male (Mannchen), <vird, mdrya, man; so dh&nuka, mahiluJca,
female. See § 87 ff.
VI. Diminutive as attribute of the female sex, and gram-
matical concomitant of feminine gender. See § 90 below. Kot
to be confused with the foregoing, which is of totally different
nature and origin. Ex.: pradldrika, a female giver, <praddtf,
giver. — candriha, the moon (as fern.) < candrd, moon (masc.).
B. The Suffix 2 ka. (Adjectives of Appurtenance or Re-
lationship.)
11. Kext, the suffix lea forms secondary epitheta, mostly
adjectives, from nouns or pronouns, with the meanings "con-
nected with," "having to do with," "belonging to," "of;"' and
these secondary words, in many if not most cases, take Vricldhi
in the first syllable. Here are to be included the patronymics
1 These three categories, and especially the imprecatory and con-
temptuous ones, are closely connected. It is often hard, and sometimes
next to impossible, to decide which idea predominates in a given wnrd.
For instance in the refrain ndbhantdm anyakesam jydka ddhi dhdnvasu
— KV. 10. 133. Iff. — there seems to be no doubt that an imprecation is
hurled at certain enemies: "Let the damned bowstrings of the others,
devil take them! be torn off from their bows!" But while this idea
predominates, it would be rash to deny the presence also of a con-
temptuous note ; for it is quite like a Vedic charm -maker to dwell with
great insistence on the scorn he pretends to feel for enemies, however
much he may really tremble before them. Indeed, this is a common
trick of magic in every age and land.
Vol. xxxi.j The K-Sufjixes of Indo-Iranian. <)<>
which are occasionally formed with this suffix. This heading-
is of course developt out of 1 ka. — Ex.: paguka. animal (adj.),
of an animal, <pdgu or pagti, animal (n.). — dtmaka, of the
dtmdn. — cdturhotrkd, of the cdturhotr (}itc).—devaka, divine.
< devd. god. — asmdka, ours, of us < asmd (pron. stem), we. —
napdtka, pertaining to a grandson, < ndpdt. grandson.
Whitney, whose entire treatment of the suffix suffers from
over-reliance on the native grammarians, does not recognize
the use of the simple ka with Vriddhi, and calls Ihdvatka
(classical) < lhavat "anomalous." Instead he follows the Hindus
in setting up (1222 j, k, 1) two Vriddhi-taking secondary suf-
fixes, aka and ika, of which he says that no instances of oka
{unless mdmaka) and few of ika have been noted in the Veda,
—meaning, doubtless, the Vedic Mantras.1 The facts are these:
In the second category of the suffix ka, the non-possessive
secondary adjectives,2 the derived suffix ika (see § 14) makes
a strong bid to drive out of the field its competitor ka. In
the Yeda, if we count i-stems like agnika &c. as having the
suffix ika, there have been recorded 118 words in -ika, 50 in
-ka (besides 3 in which ka follows an i-stem with no Vriddhi).
Among the -ika words, Vriddhi overwhelmingly predominates ;
in the -ka words, it appears in more than half the cases.
Exact figures cannot be given with safety, because in some cases
the primary word had itself a Vriddhied vowel, and in others
its stem ended in -i. There are only 13 cases where ika in
this sense certainly occurs without Vriddhi, out of 118. Out
of the 50 clear cases of the suffix -ka (i. e. where the suffix
cannot be confused with ika) 21 clearly have Vriddhi, 19
clearly do not have it, and 10 are doubtful. Of the 21 which
have Vriddhi. 14 are formed from a-stems (or att-stems, weak
irrade in -a), but seven from stems in other finals, showing con-
clusively that the suffix must have been ka, not aka. The Class-
ical language adds many other instances: this suffix is much
commoner there than in the Veda. The supposed secondary
Vriddhi-causing suffix aka is largely or wholly a grammatical
fiction; in the Veda at least, it never existed at all. Instead
1 But even so restricted the statement is inaccurate; e. g. cdturhotrkd
(M.S.) and karerakd, patronymic from kuvera (AV.); also
(RY.) analogous to mumaka, and others.
2 Which alone are concerned here, since Vriddhi occurs nowhere else.
100 F. Edgerton, ~ [191L
we must recognize this secondary Vriddhi-causing use of the
suffix -ka added both to a-stems and to others. Tho never
excessively common, it occurs earlier and more frequently than
the grammars have so far given it credit for.
C. The Suffix 3 ka. (Adjectives or Substantives of Possession.)
12. The third category of the secondary suffix ka is made
up principally of secondary adjectives (as in the case of 2 Jed)
with the meaning "having," "possessing;" also "consisting of,"
with numerals, — a frequent use. Ex.: parutka, having joints,
< par us, joint. — dvdrdka, n. of a city, "City of Gates," < dvdra.
—dndJka, having bulbs, < dndl, egg, bulb. — catuska, having or
containing or consisting of four, < catus', so dagaka &c.
This force of the suffix is not very common with uncom-
pounded words. But because of the accidental appropriateness
in semantics, it was added frequently to Baliuvrihi compounds,
and gradually came to be felt as peculiarly appropiate to them.
There are a few instances of this in the Vedic mantras. In
the Brahmanas it becomes not uncommon; its frequency con-
stantly increases in the Sutras and especially in the Upanisads,
where it nourishes with as much luxuriance as in the later
language. — -In the early parts of the Veda it is interesting to
note that it is much commoner wrhen the last part of the
compound is not an a-stem, and is especially frequent with
consonantal stems, showing a vigorous (even if unconscious)
striving after uniformity of declension at that early time. By
means of the harmless suffix ka any Bahuvrlhi (as in later
Skt. any noun whatever) not of the a-declension could be
easily brought into line with the a-stems, which formed the
great bulk of the noun declension. — See § 53 ff., especially 54.
Examples are: acaksitska, having no eyes, < a -f caksus, eye. —
trikadruka, having three kddrus, < tri + kadru, a sort of vessel.
— saptadhdtuka, having (consisting of) seven elements, < saptd
+ dhdtu, element.
D. The Suffix 4 ka. (Active or Verbal words.)
13. In a few secondary formations,— to wit: dntaka ("Ender,"
Death, < dnta, end) gitaka, hlddaka, ydcanaka and vimanyuka
—the suffix ka has distinctly an active verbal force. These
words may be more conveniently treated in connection with
the derivative fca-suffixes which show the same value; see
§ 19. The origin of this usage lies perhaps partly in some
of these derivative suffixes themselves, and certainly in part
Vo). xxxi.] The K-Sitfjixes of Indo- Iranian. 101
in the -primary*' ka words of corresponding meaning
S *8)-
14 The Suffix ika.— This is a secondary adjective-forming
suftix whose range of meaning exactly coincides with 2 ka and
X A'fl, but chiefly with 2 A:a; in the possessive-adjective sense
it is very rare. It must of course have originated, by clipping,
from i-stems + suftix ka. The adjectives formed with it show
meanings like "connected with," "belonging to," "of." It almost
always (iii these meanings, = 2 ka) causes Yriddhi of the first
syllable; and if the primary word is a compound, it occasionally
takes Yriddhi in the first syllable of both its parts. I have
found only 13 cases in the Veda where Yriddhi does not
occur. See § 11. — The Yriddhi-causing suffix ika is a markt
i -liar act eristic of the language of the Sutras, where it is very
common. In the Brahmanas it is rare; in the Mantras almost
unknown; in the Upanisads, while not uncommon, it is much
less frequent than in the Sutras. Ex. (= 3 ka)\ tundika, hav-
ing tumla's (tusks or teeth). — (== 2 ka): jyotistomika of the
jyotistoma (rite).—dgnistomika, of the agnistomd (rite), anuyajika,
of the after-sacrifice (anuyaja). — cdturthika, of the 4th (day),
< caturtha, fourth.
15. The Suffix aka. — This appears (certainly in the Yeda)
only as a -primary" suffix, added to verbal rather than to
nominal liases, — if we rule out the two words madhvaka and
prsdtaka, apparently formed from mddhu and pf sat respectively.1
Perhaps a *wadhva and a *prsata are to be hypothetized. —
Three uses of -'primary" aka occur. Of course they cannot be
primitive; they must have arisen through suffixal adaptation
from secondary noun formations in a-ka\ but one of them at
least heroines so widespread that it cannot be denied its in-
dependence. The other two stand on more uncertain foun-
dations; but on the whole some limited range may best be
allowed to them too.
16. (1) Most dubious, and showing least claim to independent
rank, is this branch of the suffix aka. The KY. contains two
\\ords in which -aka seems to convey the force of a gerundive-
adjective. They are sdyaka "to be cast," and as a noun "arrow;"
1 Note that neither has Yriddhi; cf. § 11, where the supposed "second-
ary suffix rtA-a'' is delt with. Cf. also patantaka (Word U>t. s. v.)
102 F. Edgerlon, [1911.
and su-labhikd (fern, to '-*aka) l "easily to be won," from the
roots si and laWi. It has heen usual among grammarians to
class sdyaka with 3 oka as a participial adjective, which does
violence to its meaning (not "throwing," but "to be thrown"!)
No noun sdya exists with any meaning from which it could
possibly be derived. As for sulabhika, though by some mental
contortions it might be derived from the noun lablia, it is
certainly much more simple and natural to regard it in the other
light. The only objection is that there seems to be in suld-
lliikd as used in RV. 10. 86. 7 (the only occurrence) a sug-
gestion of the obscene (erotic) Diminutive. It is an epithet
addrest by Vrsakapi to Indrani; the whole passage where it
is found reeks with that licentious vulgarity which naturally
suggests such a value in the suffix -ka. (See §§ 85, 86.) This,
however, does not seem to me necessarily inconsistent with the
derivation of the word put forward. Appearing in such a
context any word in fra, however reputable in origin, was
bound to take on the vulgar coloring which was a prominent
characteristic both of the suffix in general, and of the verses
in which the word appeared. Probably the original force
of the word was gerundival, and the obscene suggestion is
secondary.
17. (2) Secondly, in a small group of words the suffix aha
seems to give the value of a noun of action, when added to
a verbal root. As the primary suffix -a often has this mean-
ing, it is easy to see how this force of oka originated, through
the medium of -a + secondary -lea. There are not many of
these words which occur without the occurrence of a parallel
noun in -a; they number not more than seven or eight in the
entire Yeda. But a careful consideration of the words and
the passages where they occur has convinced me of the genuine-
ness of this use of the suffix. No certain instance appears
before Brahmana times. — The root has the same form which
is found in the next category of -aka. — The nouns are mostly
neuter (e. g. dgaka in an-dgaka, not-eating, a fast. < ag- eat);
i It lias been suggested to me that suldbhikd might be considered to
have an active value; in other words, that the usual interpretation is
wrong, and that the word means "well embracing, giving a good embrace."
This is possible; but against it must be reckoned the fact that this active
force of the suffix aka is practically not found in the earliest period of
the language. In fact, the RV. has not a single instance.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Sufjixes of Lido-Iranian In:;
but one certain fern, in -ikd occurs — abhimethika (QBr.) < ab'hi—
Yrnifh. See § 95.
18. (3) The only commonly recognized use of primary -aha
is its use in forming nouns of agent or adjectives of participial
value from verb-roots. It is a late development, by analogy
from certain words in simple -lea. There is not one instance
in the BY.; foTpavaka* (so explained by Sayana — "gobhaka"-
"purifying") and sayaka (see § 16) do not fit semantically.
The earliest instances are all nouns of agent (1 or 2 in AV.,
2 in VS., 2 in the Brahmanas). Of six instances in the Sutras,
five are nouns. Only in the Upanisads does the suffix acquire
any frequency, and only here does it develop into a regular
verbal adjective, equivalent to a present participle, and some-
times taking participial constructions. The Upanisads have
over 30 examples. They represent, in this respect as in others,
approximately the condition of the later language. See §§ 96,
97. Ex.: abhikrogaka, reviler, <abhi-krus, revile. — samjwaka,
animating. <sam-jiv, animate.- — yacaka, begging, a beggar.
< yac, beg.
1 9. The origin of the suffix is not quite so simple as might
appear at first sight. It is, indeed, not uncommon to find the
primary suffix -a giving the force of a noun of agent, or even
of a verbal adjective. But it so happens that there are very
few demonstrable cases in the Veda vwhere to such a noun or
adjective was formed a secondary noun or adj. in -ka. The
nouns vddJiaka (AV.), cdraka (QB.), ghdtaka, varaka, prasar-
paka (Sutras) are among the few clear instances (from vadlid.
earn ,v< .); and three out of these five do not comply with the
custom of -aka words in regard to the form of the root (see
S ^(>). Because of this fact, and because the words vadhct cvc.
"(vur. while the suffix aka was at that time scarcely felt to be
in existence, it is better to regard these words as derived
from the nouns vadlid tv.c. and containing secondary ka. But
they represent a transition stage. — There are furthermore
< rtain other -ka formations which assisted in the process.
Primary k« seems to show this meaning; so pivali-sphaka (AV.)
1 pavdka, not pdvdka, is demanded by the meter throughout the RV.
The word contains no active force, but is simply an adj. meaning "clear,
l'ii-ht." Jts exact formation is not certain, though its connexion with 1 p>~>
i obvious ; it is probably a primary derivative, but cannot be c-last with
3 aka.
104 F. Edgerion, [1911.
•'dripping with fat" from spha(i). See § 28.— And secondary
-Ita forms four or five words with a similar force. The noun
dntaka (AY. &c.) has from its first appearance a quasi-active
value; it is translated "ender," and is a frequent epithet of
death. Closely parallel to dntaka are the two words, gltaka
and hlddaka (in the fern, ika) RY. 10. 16. 14 = AY. 18. 3. 60.—
Though they cannot be anything but secondary derivatives
from the adjective gltd and the noun hldda, they have markedly
active meanings: "cooling" and "refreshing," or, as it were,
"refreshmenting." Most translators recognize this; that it was
so felt by the Hindus from the earliest times is shown by the
extremely interesting parallel TAr. 6. 4. 1, where in the same
verse hlddukd appears for hlddikd. The suffix uka, as we shall
see (§ 22), is the regular Brahmana formation for verbal ad-
jectives, like -aka of later times. It thus appears that the
TAr. compiler felt the words distinctly as verbal, and, perhaps
unconsciously, changed hlddikd to look like an -uka formation
from VJilad. That gitikd did not in like manner become
*gitukd is due simply to the fact that no root *fit existed,
from which such a form could be derived.1 The word v'tman-
•yuka "freeing from anger, allaying wrath" is in like manner
an active derivative from vimanyu "free from anger;" cf. suffix
uka, § 22.
20. The root-syllable must be metrically long before oka,
and unless it ends in two consonants or in one consonant
preceded by a long vowel, it is strengthened, — by Yriddhi of
a, by Guna of other short vowels. A final vowel, long or
short, always takes Yriddhi. These rules hold for the Yedu
without exception, — except that if kfttikd (see General Index)
is really a noun of instrument or agent from Vkrt with aka
(ika), the root in this case doubles its final consonant by way
of strengthening, instead of gunating its vowel. There are
further exceptions and complications in the Classical language
which I shall not go into here. If dhuvaka (see § 96) is really
a Yedic occurrence, it also is exceptional.
21. The Suffix uka. — (1) Secondary. There are four words
in the Yeda which have the appearance of containing a second-
1 Ydcanaka, beggar, <ydcana, request, is another instance of second-
ary -lea with active meaning, forming a sort of noun of agent, But as
this word does not occur until Upanisad times, it may be due to analogy
with the suffix -aka (cf. udbhrdntaka, § 44 end, Note).
Vol. xxxi.j The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 105
ary suffix -uka. But two of these are a.ira£ Aeyo/zeva and ought
perhaps to be emended: one is analogical, and the fourth is
very doubtful. The adjectives dhdrmuka and sdmndhuka appear,
each once, from dharma and samndha] they correspond in
meaning and in the Vriddhi vowel to the ?A;a-adjectives. and
perhaps -ika should be the reading instead of -uka; compare,
however, the Classical Skt. words kdrmuka <karman, and ndn-
duka ii. pr. apparently < nanda. — On mahilukd "female," < mahild
•'woman" see § 89; it has its -u-ka by analogy from dhenu-kd.
The only other possible case of secondary -uka in the Veda
is kdnukd RV. 8. 77. 4, an epithet of soma-vessels which has
never been satisfactorily explained. I suggest tentatively a
derivation from kdnd- "one-eyed." Such a figure might easily
be suggested by a jug with a small opening and a large bulging
body. The vowel u is the most serious obstacle to the etymology.
22. (2) Primary. The chief use of uka is in the formation
of the well-known verbal adjectives with participial meaning
(and construction, in many cases). The chief sphere of these
words is, as has been often observed, the Brahmana literature.
There are very few occurrences in the Samhitas; and they are
not numerous in the post-Brahmanical literature. Even in the
epic, however, the formation continues to show a few feeble
signs of life. These may be artificial or learned reminiscences.
Ex.: — vyayuka, running away, < vi-i, run away. — ardhuka.
prospering, <rdh. prosper. — upaddsuka, failing, <upa-das, fail.
In separating Samhita from Brahmana occurrences, the
Black YY. texts present difficulties, in that by intermingling
the two they make it impossible to tell from lexical references
whether a given passage is Samhita or Brahmana; while some
of the texts are unpublisht and hence inaccessible to the or-
dinary student. However, all the recorded instances of the
suffix -uka in the publish! texts of the YY., both White and
i-Jlack. have been examined, and they have turned out to be
all. without exception, in Brahmana passages. The Samhitas.
apparently, do not have the suffix. This must be largely
acridental, however, since there are several clear cases in the
AY. — The few cases in the Sutras that are known to me are
all but one repeated from the Brahmanas. The Cha. Up. has
one new instance, and as has been said there are a few in
the later language. But the formation practically is born and
dies with the Brahmana period. Of the 71 words, represent-
106 F. Edgerton, [1911.
ing 57 different verbal roots, found in the Veda, 67 are found
in the Brahmanas (incl. Aranyakas), and most of them no-
where else..
23. That the t^a-formation is somehow connected with the
•'present tense formatives" in u (i. e. with dissyllabic bases in
u) is probable antecedently, and is borne out by the fact that
some of the earliest instances are formed from such verbs.
The only RV. example is sanuka < Vsan, present sanoti. Here
the suffix was probably in reality primary ka (q. v.) added to
the present stem sanu-, and not uka at all; cf. pwah -sphd
-ka &c. Another, tho somewhat later appearing, case of the
same thing is rdhnuka (Acr. Grh.) beside drdhuka (Br.) < Vrdh\
rdhnuka is from the present stem rdhnu, and has in reality
the primary suffix ka, though for convenience it is classed with
-uka. Compare further the secondary formations in which -ka
adds an active (verbal) force. (§§ 13 — 19.) Of especial interest
here is vimanyuka "allaying anger" from vimanyu "free from
anger." — In some words in the early language it is hard to
say whether the suffix is secondary -ka or primary -uka: e.g.
pramdyuka (AY. &c.) "perishing," <pra- Vml, beside pramdyu
of identical meaning. — From a blend of these various formations
arose the suffix uka.
24. The root has the same form here as with the suffix aka.
A final vowel has Yriddhi; a non-final long vowel is unchanged;
a non-final short vowel is unchanged except before a single
consonant, in which case it takes guna (but a takes vriddhi).
Irregular is the vriddhi in nirmarguka (TS.) < nir- Vmrj; also
the short vowel in -kasuka (vi-, sdm-kasuka- AY.). It should
be further remarked that the present stem may replace the root :
cf. sanuka and rdhnuka above; also nanguka besides ndguka
< Vna$, pres. stem nahg; vibhinduka <vi- VWdd. — The root
Jian forms ghdtuka as is to be expected (see Pan 7. 3. 22).
In one instance uka seems to show the gerundival use which
we have noted in one or two aka words, and which also crops
out in the suffix -ika. This is an-dlamWiukd (KS; TBr.) <
V^lambh, "not to be touched," of a woman in menstruatioi
This case seems to be the only one with uka.— This turn
meaning, appearing sporadically in different forms of A'a-suf-
fixes, may have appurtained to the primary suffix ka. tho sigi
of it are scanty (see § 28).
25. The Suffix uka.— This is added to intensive verb-st<
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo- Iranian. 107
forming verbal adjectives, like the uka words from sim])le roots.
Tlit* u has the accent. The suftix seems to have arisen by a
sort of proportional analogy to uka, hut makes its appearance
curiously early, one instance heing found in RV., and that
too from a root which is not addicted to it-formations: jayarftka
-wakeful," RV. 3. 54. 7. The only other Vedic examples are
dandagftka (VS.) and yayajtika (QBr.). The Classical Skt. has
one or two more. — salaltika RV. 3. 30. 17 was explained by
the Hindus as belonging here, as if from Vsr ("sararuka") ;
but it is most uncertain and probably of different character;
see General Index s. v. It seems to be clearly a noun,
probably a nomen adionis, and so quite different from this
suffix.
2(5. The Suffix ika. — This is the most problematic of the
derivative 7/a-suffixes. It may never have been felt very
definitely as a productive suffix. Many cases included under
it are doubtful or entirely uncertain in etymology, and some
of them may contain not ika, but secondary ka added to a
lost stem in i. Cf. dgarlka, vi-gar-, from V$f, in dissyllabic
form fan.
In so far as wre can analyze the suffix ika, it appears to be
primary as a rule, and most often imparts the value of a
verbal adjective or noun of agent, like aka and uka. So -rjlka,
duxlka &c. Of like meaning is drglku "beholder," V dr£, — the
only instance of the "suffix ikti," (see § 29 d). — In two words,
/.sv/.vf and dfgika "splendid (i. e. to be seen)," the suffix seems
to have gerundival force (see § 24). — There are two abstract
nouns, mrdlkd "mercy, favor" < Vmrd and dfgika, -lid, appear-
ance, < Vdrg. — Three or four ika words have the aspect of
secondary noun formations from a-stems; the a is dropt before
&e suffix. The most plausible example is kagikd "weasel"
<k(ira. Whether these are really from lost feminines in I
c.iimot he determined. — In some Ika words the i represents a
stem-final i or in before suffix -ka', see §§ 31, 32, 36.
^7. The Adverbial Suffix -k. — In half-a-dozen very ancient
; id verbs there appears a suffix -A;, added to vocalic stems of
nouns or adjectives, apparently merely as an adverb-forming
affix. It is probably a petrified form of the adjectival suffix
-/,v/. in its first and original sense (1 ka).1 I find no proof of
1 It is, however, possible that this group of words really contains a
fonn^of the suffix ancjac. The main objection to regarding them in this
108 F.. Edgerton, .[1911
the existence here of any developed meaning of ka, such as the
diminutive. The words are: fdhak or rdhdk "separately" <base
*rdha, cf. ardhd', ninik "secretly" < ninya, cf. § 29 a; pfthak
"in a scattered manner," cf. prthu, prtlid "palm of the hand;"
prabdhuk "on an even line" <prabdhu\ visundk "in various
directions" (with possibly a suggestion of imprecatory-diminutive
value, see s. v. sanaka, Chap. IV, § .80); <vmina; vftliak
"lightly" &c. < base vrtha. whence the (instrum.) adv. vfthd
(= vfthak). — manak probably does not contain this suffix, but
a form of the root-suffix owe, like prdilka &c. Mandndk, sup-
posed by some to be from mandk, cannot possibly be so ex-
plained either formally or semantically (see Ludwig on EY.
10. 61. 6). Ludwig would derive it from manu in some way.
but neither this nor any other explanation so far offered is
satisfactory. The word looks as if it contained some form of
the root CMCLQ : nag (fyeyKov). But it is still too dubious in
etymology and meaning to [permit any safe conjecture as to
the suffix. Could mandnd be connected?
28. The Primary Suffix ka. — The words which are thrown
together under this head are so varied in meaning, and in
many cases so problematic in etymology, that I despair of
giving any intelligible or intelligent classification of them.
There seems to be a group of them containing more or less
suggestion of that verbal adjective idea which we have found
in the suffixes oka, uka, and ika, as well as in secondary ka
(4 ka, § 13). This is clearly present in pwah-sphdkd < Vsplidi
and a few others; perhaps in stokd < Vstu in ghrta-stdvas
(AV.); mtika </ii>w, mu-tus] pdka < Vpd ("suckling?"), jdhakd
"hedgehog," apparently < Vhd and others. — Whether in su-
meka < Vmi "well-established" we have a gerundival use (see
§ 24) is not certain. Words like gloka and guska (Av. lm$ka)
are perfectly clear in their etymological belongings, but do not
lit in very well as to semantics with other words of this class.
Some of the words are hopelessly obscure and may not contain
a suffixal ka.— I shall give the list (§ 103) in alphabetical order,
not attempting to classify the words semantically.
light is the short quantity of the vowel before -k'} the suffix -ac in com-
bination with a vocalic stem regularly produces a long vowel + k.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 109
Chapter II.
Samdhi.
The Samdhi of stem-finals before the &a-suffixes.
A. The Samdhi of Secondary -ka. §§ 29—37.
29. a. Before secondary ka the stem-final a regularly remains
unchanged. But :
a) Final ~ya of a stem appears to he reduced to -i before ka
in a few cases, pdrsthika (Kdty. Qr.. Ldty) < prsthyd. — bhasiha
(Kdty. Qr., Qankh. Gr.) prob. <bhasya. — mangalikd (AV.), best
derived <mangalya. — ninik (adv.) (BY.) <ninya.
Note. — In usrikd (RV.) < usra the i is due to analogy from usriya.
It would be impossible to regard the suffix as -ika, since the word is
obviously a contemptuous dim., and ika is never used in that sense, at least
in the Veda. — Similarly the Bahuvrlhis -varsika, -$ilika, -cdrika, -samnyasika.
all from stems in a, are influenced in their vocalism by the parallel and
equivalent words in -varsin &c.
b) In one instance final a seems to be dropt entirely: gdlka
< gala. It is possible that galka may be really a primary
derivative from the (hypothetical) root of Qal-a. In this con-
nection it should, however, be mentioned that the lexicographers
quote a word kinjala — not yet found in the literature — with
the same meaning as kinjalka— "plant-stalk"; and cf. further
Av. ndmadka, from and = ndmata.
c) In some cases a seems to be substituted for a before ka.
The words are all more or less problematical, and some of
them are entirely obscure. Those which seem most plain are:
ekakin (eka, ekakd}\ chattrdka (chattrd)\ tataka (tata); nabliaka
n. pr. (nabha?); patdka cf. Vpat (primary?); galdka (gala)',
pracaldkd (pracala). — Very dubious are rksaka (fksa?)\ pin-
ydka (?); pinaka (n-iva£, OSlav. pini): sauraki (patron.; from
*surdka?).
These words, or some of them, may be derived from lost
stems in d. Yet the appearance of ekdkin is not encouraging
to this theory; for although the fern, eka exists, there is nothing
about ckak'tn to suggest a derivation from it. Furthermore
we should expect the derivatives to be fern, on such a supposition,
whereas these words are nearly all rnasc. or neut. Metrical
considerations may have affected some of them. See also § 30 a.
Note. — gydmaka has a justifiable «; see § 30 .a, Note" 1.
d) Here belong also one or two words in -dku: pfddku
<*prda- cf. TrdpSos (loanword); mrdayakit <mrdaya (metrical?). —
VOL. XXXI. Part II. ' 8
110 F. Edgerton, [1911.
kydku "mushroom" is of unknown etymology. (The pronominal
word yuvdku is from the base yuvd, and the n. pr. iksvdlm
[or -M] seems to be derived from ikm, though this cannot be
regarded as certain. The only other Yedic word in ku is
drgtkti, see Chap. I, § 26.)
30. a. The stem-final d before ka either a) remains un-
changed, b) is reduced to d, or c) is changed to i in fern,
words in accordance with the powerful tendency of i to usurp
the place of all other vowels before fern, forms of the suffix
ka (cf. § 7). — Naturally, most of these a-stems are fern.; and
the ka- derivative generally follows the primitive word in
gender.
a) d remains d before ka. — vmdkd (ifc.) = vind] kanydkd
<kanyd', jydkd <jyd, rasndkd <rasnd\ *vaydka (in vayakiri)
< vayd(?), mdindkd metronymic < mend; in Bahuvrlhi cpds.,
-vapdka, -samkhyaka. — More problematic, but still probably
belonging here, are baldkd, roddkd, ropandkd, Qdrigakd, -prndkd,
from lost primitives.
Note 1. — gydmaka (VS.) "millet" may be derived directly from the
noun gydrnd (only Class. Skt.) "a kind of grain," or from Qydmd used in
a vaguer way as the fern, base of the adj. gyama-a, this fern, base is
frequently found in composition.
Note 2. — Pronominal words in oka (dku) are to be regarded as formed
from bases in a; only the ka (ku} is suffixal. See Wh. Gr. 494; Thumb
357; Brugmann Gr. II' p. 830. The existence of these pronominal bases
in long vowels is unquestionable; they appear frequently in derivatives
and in composition as the "steins" of the pronouns. The exact meaning
of the long vowel is problematic and need not concern us here. In the
Veda we find mdkt, mdkina. asmaka, yusmaka, yuvaku from the bases
md, asnid, yusmd, yuvd. On mdki see General Index s. v.
b) d > d before ka. Especially in Bahuvrlhis; -ambaka <artiba\
-dkhyaka <dkhyd; -samkhyaka <samkhyd (cf. samkhyaka above);
-samjnaka < samjnd. — Also: tdrakd < tdrd, cikitsakd < cikitsd;
mcwasthaka (? perhaps from a cpd. of Ystha); menakd — metron.
< mend (cf. mdindkd above) ; gilaka n. pr., perhaps < $ild.
c) a + ka > ikd. I know of only three clear examples ii
the Yeda: aksamdlikd (Up.) <aksamdld; ndsikd (RV.) < ndsd;
mdksikd (RV.) < mdksd. These RY. words show how earl
began the encroachment of ikd on all other fern, forms of tl
suffix ka. — Most ikd feminine words are formed directly froi
aka masculines.
Note- — mahtlukd < mahild has its u-kd by analogy from dhenukd;
Chap. IV, § 89.
Vol. xxxi.j The K- Suffixes of In do- Iranian. Ill
31. I. Regularly remains urn-hanged before ka. In a few
doubtful cases it seems to be lengthened to 7, but this is pro-
hably only apparent. So the crucial word kalmallkin (RY.),
<kalmali?-, punddrlka cf. pundari-srajd, but cf. also pundarin
(only Lex.). — putika (once also -ika) apparently <puti (adj.).
-vallka probably <vall, not vail.
32. i. a) In Bahuvrlhis 1 remains before lid invariably.
-tantrlka, -patnlka, -samidhenika, -savitrika.
b) In other derivatives it either remains, or (more often) is
reduced to I. Especially when the ka derivative is fern, the 1
is usually reduced, so that the word ends in -ika\ cf. § 7.
I remains: andika <dndi; tusmka <tusni] nddikd; lohmtka*,
vallka (see § 31); hlika <*hli-=hri] dusika (also -ika) <diisi',
ralmika cf. vamri, Lat. formlcdj sm'ika.
l>l\ kugikd prob. <lmgi\ gavlnikd < gavmi; gopika; mahd-
ndmnika\ avaghatarikd', avacarantikd ; karkarika < karkarr,
dhayantika ; dusika (cf. dusika) ; prailcika ; mnkharikd < mu-
khari(?)', vajrasudkd\ Mriknikd.
NB. — dyumnika and varsika are from -in steins, q. v.
33. it. Remains unchanged before ka regularly.
a) Here as with a and I there are a few cases in which u
seems to be lengthened. "Word or sentence cadence may be
the cause of this. Xambiika (AY.) "rice husk" < kambu "shell."
madhuka n. pr., apparently < madhu.—galuka (AY.) a plant, cf.
(;dlu (Class.) a fruit. — abh uka -powerless" < dbhu "empty." -
uluka "owl," onomatopoetic, cf. ulucus, ulula (see § 79, s. v.
idiikci). — karkandhukd (AY.) should be read kark&ndktikd, as
the parallel RY. Kh. stanza reads.
b) The word madhvaka (Adbh. Br.) "bee" is probably an
instance of some sort of adaptation, whose nature cannot be
decided. At first sight it looks like a sufh'xal -aka added to
madhu] but this is most unlikely.
c) iksvdku n. pi1, may be derived from iksu + aku\ see under
S -9 d.
34. u. This would doubtless remain unc hanged before ka,
but I know of no clear instance in the Yeda, The following
words are doubtful as to etymology: anusukci, Ifluka, manduka,
valnka, salaluka.
•')•"). r. Remains unchanged before ka. mdtrka, hotrka', in
-Bahuviihi-. -pitrka, -yantrka.
a) praddtrikd "giver" (fern.) <praddti- shows the fern, suffix
8
112 F. Edgerton, [1911.
ika (see §§ 7, 38), not to be confounded with the suffix -iha\
before it r appears in its consonantal form.
36. Consonants. Consonantal stems before -ka appear in
their weakest stem-form. The ordinary rules of internal com-
bination are generally observed. But the sibilants g and s
appear in the form found in composition, and some s-stems
are irregular.
an-stems: tdmaka. udakd. -carmaka, -namaka &c.
in-stems: -sdksika (in Bahuvrihi cpd.) <sdksin and -Jiastika
< hastin are the only Yedic instances found which shows the I we
should expect, dyumnika < dyumnin and varslka < varsin have
taken over I from the nom. sg. masc. of the in - declension. —
On -varsika, -Qilika, -cdrika, -samnydsika see § 29 a, Note; they
probably come from stems in -a, but are influenced by ^w-stems.
nt-stems: -brhatka, ejatkd, -datka &c.
t-stems: napatka, pratigrutka (noun) and prdtigrutkd (adj.)
<prati$rut; -parigritka (Bah.).
iyattakd (-ika) < iyat and mfttikd = mfd are peculiar. The
insertion of the glidal vowel a ({) seems to have been merely
euphonic. No significance is to be attached to it, and probably
not to the doubling of the t either (this latter is only a matter
of word cadence); iyattakd is a dim. from iyat, and it is
scarcely conceivable that the suffix is anything else than plain
ka, tho in a disguised form; cf. Av. daitika <dat (§ 108). Why
the t of the nom. sg. should appear in mfttikd instead of the
d of the stem mfd, I cannot say; but to set up a suffix
-takaf-tikd goes too much against probabilities. It is hard to
imagine an analogical process by which such a suffix could
have arisen in these words, and the instances are too few to
make such an assumption safe. Cf. kfttikd < Vkrt under pri-
mary -aka.
d-stems: (Bahuvrlhis) -upanisatka, -nivitka, -parisatka, -sam-
vitka. For mfttikd < mfd see under ^-sterns.
dh-stems: -samitka < samidh. updnatka < updnali (orig. -nadh).
c-stems: -tvakka, -vakka, purorukka.
s-stems: (see above) satka < sets (only known Yedic ii
stance).
g-stems: -dikka <dig (only known Yedic instance).
s-stems: appear regularly with s after a, s after i, u\ amyaskt
-tapaska, -tejaska, medaska, -rajaska, -retaska] mastiska (? N
*mastis occurs); catuska, dhanuska, caksuska, -yajuska.
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 113
a) -a<a (Balmviihis) < d$is. is due to analogy with cpds.
in which s was followed by a sonant, as afirdd &c.
b) parutka < pdrus is due to analogy with stems in s, which
take t before ha. The proportion is s : s = t : t— Cf. also
pdrucchepa.
37. Stereotyped Endings. — When fra is added to a word
having a stereotyped ending, or an ending which does not
vary according to a nominal declension, the word is always
treated as if it were formed from a noun stem in -a, whether
it is so or not: the ka is added to this (often imaginary)
a-stem, and then the ending of the original word is attached
to the ka -derivative, the -a of the suffix of course disappearing.
This gives the word the appearance of being formed with an
infix -ah-.
So in the case of adverbs like drakdt < drdt, dldkam < dlam.
(anakdis < gandis, in which the original base actually was dra-.
<;ana-, ala-.
But also: asaMu l < asdu, as if the stem were asa- and the
ending -<m; and the extraordinary verb.-form ydmald < ydmi,
as if ydmi were a nominal form from a stem ydma-.
B. Samdhi of the Secondary Suffixes ika, uka, ika, and
the fern. ika.
38. In the Veda these do not appear after $ -stems. A final
stem vowel disappears before them without trace, except r,
which becomes consonantal r. Consonantal stems before them
appear in their weakest pre-vocalic stem form; e. g. qagvatika
< gdgvant; paramavyomnika <-vyomanm, dparahnika < -dhan,
and so other compounds of ahan. Apparent exceptions like
fern, tdddtmikd come as a rule from masculines in a-ha (suffix
fro), or are derived from parallel bases in -a (as sddahika
<sadahd, not -ahan). — In the classical language, however, this
rule no longer holds; particulary aw-stems take the form in -a
before -ika (the a dropping). In the Veda sdman and its
compounds follow this habit: sdmika (Ldty,), jydisthasdmika
< jyesthasdman &c.
39. The primary suffixes require no remarks under this
heading; the treatment of verbal bases before them, in so far
as it is capable of discussion, has been taken up under the
respective suffixes.
1 The grammarians allow asuka as well asakdu < asdii, but it has not
reported as occurring in the literature.
114 F. Edgerton, [1911.
Chapter 11L
The Secondary Suffix ka (excl. diminutives).
The Suffix i ka (excl. diminutives) §§ 40 — 48. Meanings
see Chap. I, § 9. (About 110 words.)
40. a) Forms nouns from nouns; meaning -like:'
antakd, border (QB.), < anta, end.
kambUka (AY.), husk of rice, < kambu, shell (see § 33).
Jalaka (IT.), the middle part of a mantra, <kila, post.
kumbhaka (TL), the holding of the breath after filling the
passages with air- — a religious exercise; the appearance of
the performer suggested a pot, hence the name. < kumbhd
pot. See § 95.
kitsthikd (AY.), dew-claw, <kustha (cf. also § 90, 91).
culaka (U.), the top of a column, < cilia, crest,
chattraka (B.), mushroom, < chattra, shade, umbrella (see § 30)
(Class, chattraka = mushroom).
nadaka (S,), hollow of a bone, < nada, reed.
nadtkd (AY.), throat, < nddi, tube.
nabhikd (B.), navel-like cavity, <ndbhi. navel.
bhdsika (S.), general rule, < bhdsya, speech, commentary (see
§29 a).
manika (B), -hump, water-jar, <mani, pearl, lump IY.C.
valika (S.), thatch; reed, sedge, <vali, fold, or vali, edge of
a roof.
41. b) The signification of the fra-derivative is often so like-
that of its primitive that it is hard or impossible to distinguish
any difference between them, so that the ka seems to be
meaningless. The Hindu grammarians recognize as a distinct
category this "meaningless ka" (anartha). Sometimes, however,
the exigencies of meter explain the addition of ka. So:
dstaka (AY), home, = dsta.
gavinika (AY.), groins, = gavlni.
(The same pada repeated in TS. has gavlni.)
isukd (AY.), arrow, = isu.
plyusaka (RYKh.), biestings, = plyftsa.
(The same pada in AY. has piydsa, but is deficient in meter.)
42. c) Sometimes, again, the suffix is used as a convenient
means of bringing into the ordinary a-declension words of less
usual stem-formations (mostly consonantal stems). This may
explain the following (and cf. I, 12);
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 115
dmlvatkd (YV.), pressing, = dmlvat (pros. part.). See Gen.
Index; cf. viksinatkd, vicinvatkd.
ndaJcd (RV.), water, = uddn. The stein udakd was at first
.used, apparently, only in the nom. ace. sg. udakdm to replace
the form *uda < uddn, which never occurs. The form udakdm
is found 8 times in RV. and 17 times in AV., while the oblique
cases occur only once in RV. and 6 times in AV. The
oblique cases of uddn on the other hand occur 19 times in
RV. and 4 times in AY.; its nom.-acc. is not found. As
the oblique cases of udakd increase in frequency the stem
uddn becomes correspondingly rare.
pratigrutkd (VS.), Echo, = prati$rut.
brhatka (B.), n. p., < tyhat, adj. (But cf. also § 46).
viksinatkd and (inferior) viksinakd (YY.), destroying, epithet
of gods, = vflcsinant'i see General Index.
vicinvaikd (YY.), sifting, discriminating, epithet of gods; see
General Index, and cf. preceding and dmwatkd.
Mka? (RY.), tuft of hair; prob. not "primary ka" (Whitney),
but rather from the noun stu in prthu-stu.
43. d) But in many cases there seems to be no evident
reason for the appearance of ka. — It may be that one or
another of the words which are grouped under this heading
will seem to sharper senses than mine to show some differen-
tiation between the primary word and the &a-derivative. It
is morally certain that some of them would have presented
differences to an ancient Hindu, It is possible that some of
them are diminutives of some sort, tho I have sought in vain
for some sign of this in the various passages. However that
may be, of the general fact there can be no doubt; from very
oaiiy times the suffix ka became in some cases so colorless
that it might be added without change of meaning to nouns,
and even to adjectives. This usage increases greatly in fre-
quency in the later language. Even if, then, a few of the
examples quoted prove to be wrong, the principle is undoubt-
edly right. — Note that the usage is rarest in the Mantras and
commonest in the Upanisads.
44. Nouns:
avadhutaka (U.) n. of an Upanisad = avadhuta
dtmabodhaka (U.) n. of an Upanisad = dtmabodha
urvdrukd (RY.) in a late and interpolated verse, a sort of gourd,
= urvdru
116 F. Edgerton, [1911.
kdntaka (AY.), thorn = kanta (only in cpds.)
karkataka (U.), crab = karkata
karnavestaka (fit), earring = karnavesta
kinjalka (S.), plant-stalk = kinjala (only Lexx.) see § 29 b.
kramuka (B.), betel -nut tree = kramu (only Lexx.) (also
krmuka)
gavidhnka or gave- (TS.), coix barbata = gavldhu (gavedhu)
(not Yedic)
gopikd (U.), protectress
cakraka (U.), wheel =
jarayuka (B.), after-birth = jardyu
jwikd (S.U.), manner of life, cf. jiva, life (Possibly primary -
cf. _§ 95)
tdrakd (AY.), star = tdrA
nikharvaka (B.), billion = nikharva
parusaka (S.), n. of a tree, and its fruit = partisa
pracitaka (S.), n. of a meter = pracita
Widradvdjakl (B.), skylark = lharadvdji (f. of -ja)
lihiksuka (S.) mendicant = Wriksu
manipuraka (U.), n. of a mystic circle on the navel. = mani-
pura
mfttika (VS.), clay = mfd (see § 36)
yastikd (IT.), club = yasti
rilpaka (B., U.), image; species = rupd
lokapdlaka (U.), earth-protector = lokapdld
vardhaka (U.), n. of an Upanisad = vardhd
vahyaka (S.), draft-animal = vahyd]
vdrddhusika (S.), usurer = vdrddhusi
vikalpaka (U.), hesitation = vikalpa
-vmdkd (S.), flute = virid
vyddhaka (S.), hunter = vyddha
Qydmdka (YY.), millet, = gyama (? cf. § 29 c, Note)
samtanika (B.), n. of a Saman, = samtani.
Note. — ajdvikd, neut. sg., "goats and sheep," is the equivalent of tl
(masc. plur.) dvandva ajdvi. The -ka seems to have a sort of collectn
force, not exactly paralleld elsewhere.,
45. Adjectives:
dgantuka .(S.), accidental, = dgantu
dvapantikd (AY.), pres. part., scattering, = avapanfi. (Not
in Whitney's edition seems to imply dim. — i. e. pejorative-
force, like avacarantikd &c. But as it is applied to th(
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 117
bride scattering grains in the marriage ceremony, this is
hardly conceivable. In the AV. passage the -kd might be
metrical, but not in the GrS., where it is also used [unless
they depend directly on the AV. passage; note that some
parallel passages, as MantrBr., read dvapanti]. Might this
be a case of the "feminine" Diminutive — § 90?)
urdlwaka (U.), raised. = iirdhvd
krtsnaka (S.), all, = krtsnd
caturthaka (U.), fourth = caturthd*!
ttlmlka(m) (S.), silent(ly), =tusnl(m). Doubtful and prob. corrupt.
mrdaydku (RV.), or mrl- merciful, = mrdaya, cf. § 29 d.
svaka (U.), own, = svd
Note. — The word plafuka (B., S.), rapidly growing up, <*pla=pra
-{- afu, takes ka because of its quasiparticipial meaning, being influenced
by the suffix -uJca. Similarly udbhrdntaka (U.), roaming, = udbhrdnta,
from the analogy of words in primary oka, several of which are found
in close proximity to the word udhbrdntdka in Xrsut. Up. 7.
46. e) Often the suffix forms substantives, from adjectives
or other words, with the meaning "characterized by" (such a
quality or thing). When the primitive word is an adjective
the derivative is frequently^, no more than a substantivized ad-
jective. As such it is particularly adapted to the formation
of proper names.
Substantive from adjective:
abhinivistaka (S.), ? (ace, to Knauer) stale (of food) ; < p. pp.
of abhi-ni-vig.
ini'dka (SV., B.), n. pr. of a Saman, < inva, pervading.
istaka ( YV.), brick, < *istd, burnt, IE. Vaidh burn. Cf. Av.
kunika (S.), n. of a^man, '</cwm, adj., having a withered arm.
ghataka (S.), n. of a kind of wood, < ghata, smitten.
cdraka (B.), wanderer, <cara, wandering.
jayantaka (U.), n. of a man, <jayanta, victorious.
tatdka (B.), pool, < tata, declivity, bank.
dyumnika, n. of a man, dyumnin, glorious.
nyastikd (AY.), epithet of a plant, < riyasta, thrown down. (§91.)
putika (TS.) or -ika, n. of a plant, <pftti, foul (see § 31).
pfthuka (B.), flattened grain, < prthu, flat,
perukd (RV.), n. of a man, < peril, delivering.
pracaldka (S.), chameleon ^.
pracaldkd (TS.), cloudburst } < pr(tcala'
&C'
118 F. Edgerton, [1911.
prasarpaka (S.), assistant or spectator at sacrifice, <prasarpa, adj.
madliyamika (U.), middle finger, <madhyama (cf. § 90).
mundaka (U.), n. of an Upanisad, < munda, shorn.
rohUdka (MS.), n. of a tree, <roJiita, red (in Class. Skt. also
applied to the tree rolntaka).
vddhaka (AY.), n. of a wood, < vadha, smiting &c.
varaJca (S.), suitor, < vara, desiring (also n., suitor).
varsika (S.), n. of a meter, < varsin, raining.
vigvaka (RY.), n- of a man, <vigva.
gamakd (S.), n. of a plant, perhaps < gama?
sndtaka (B.), one who has ceremonially bathed, a grhastha,
< sndtd.
Substantive from noun (which must have been felt adjecti-
vally):
celaka (B.), n. of a man, perhaps < cela.
dandaka (S., U.), n. of certain meters, <dandd.
vamraM (RV.), n. p., "Antman", < vamrd, ant. Called dim. by
Naigh.. followed by BE., but this seems very unlikely. It
is rather a noun of characteristic.
vrsaka (SY., B.), n. of certain samans, < vfsan.
sampdtika (S.), n. of certain demons, <sarupdti.
Miscellaneous:
tiragcika (S.), a horizontal region, <tiragci, loc. sg. of tiryanc.
47. f) The suffix furthermore forms adjectives of characte-
ristic, mainly from adjectives, adverbs and numerals.
ddhika (S., U.), additional < adhi.
dnuka (B.), subordinate < ami.
antihd (RY.), near <anti.
avakd (AY.) (subst.) n. of a plant < dva.
ekdkin (AY.), solitary, <eka.
vigvaka (U.), all-pervading, < vigva.
sdm-samaka (AY.), united, <samd.
From numerals, forming adjectives with a sort of distribu-
tive force: ekakd, singly; dvaka, by twos; trikd, by threes-
all RY.
One adjective of material (others in Classical Skt.): sidhrakc
(S.). made of sidhra-wood.
48. g) Presumably growing out of the usage described ii
§ 46, we find a few rare and abortive appearances of the
suffix in formation of abstract nouns, with the force of tlu
English suffixes -ness or -hood. The few Yedic cases are:
Vol. xxxi.] The K-8ujfixes of Indo-Iranian. 119
madhiilaka (AV.), sweetness (or, honey) <madlmla, sweet.
mdtrka (U.), "das Mutterwesen" <mdtf.
lohimka (B.), red glow < lohim, fern, of lohita.
stltaka (S.), birth, childbirth <suta.
Note. — Logically the treatment of the Diminutive ka should follow
In iv, it being a phase of the suffix 1 ka. But for practical reasons, be-
cause of its importance and the space it requires, it has seemed best to
devote a separate chapter to it.
The Suffix 2 ka. §§ 49 — 52 incl. Meanings see § 11.
(5:i words.)
41). Here no additional remarks or semantic distinctions are
necessary, and we need only give the words, practically all of
Avhich are adjectives, as they occur. The words which have
Vriddhi are: (21 words)
upartuka (S.) <apartu pdguka (S.) <pdgu or pagii
dmalaka (IT.) <amala pd^bandhaka(S.)<pa^ubatidhd
dr any alia (IT.) < dranya prdtigruikd (U.) <praticrut
prunakduka (TAr.) < aruua + bhdumaka (B.) < bh&man
ketu mdnusyaka (IT.) < manusyd
didakd (B.) <eda mdmakd (RV.) < mama, cf.
kdvsrakd (AV.) <kitvera (pa- tdvakd
tronymic) mdindkd (TAr.) < mend (metro-
gaturhotrkd (MS.) <cdturhotr nymic)
tdddtmaha, ikd (IT.) <tad-dtman rdivataka (U.) < revata (patro-
tdvakd (RY.) < tdva, gen. sg. nymic)
of tvam vdiblritaka (TS.) < vibhita(ka?)
*ipdrsthika (S.) <prsthya, cf. gdrlraka (IT.) <$drlra
$ '2^ a. scuiispargaka (S.) < samspartfi.
•")<>. Those which may or may not be considered as having
Vriddhi: (10 words)
dtmaka (IT.) <dtmdn Iddhaka (B.) <bddha?
aitareyalm (B.) <ditareya (mdld,mCihlna)<md — see §30 a,
tdluka (U.) <tdlu Note.
taittiriyaka (U.) < tdiUirlya vajasaneyaka (S., U.) < vdjasa-
trdividyaka (S.) <trdividya neyd
-dhdvanaka (S.) <dhdvana gdtydyanaka (S.) <£dtydyana
1 Note. — This must be admitted to be not a certain case of the suffix
hi. as against ika. Nevertheless it is hardly likely that the entire
syllable -ya would disappear before -ika without any trace; — at least I
kii..\v of no parallel for such a phonetic change, whereas § 29 shows
parallels for the reduction of -ya to i before ka.
120
F. Edgerton,
[1911.
51. The words which fail to show Yriddhi (19 words):
agnihotraka (IT.) < agnihotra. mdmaka (RV.) < mama, cf. wa-
metro-
§ 49.
markataka (S.) <markdta.
menakd (B.) <mend,
nymic; cf. mdindkd.
yantraka (B.) <yantrd.
yuvdku (R Y.) < ?/Mva- see § 30 a
Note.
yusmaka (KY.) <yusma- see
§ 30 a Note.
sAtikd (AY.) <sit^ (cf. ^>ra-
sutikd, Cl., and -prasuta, AY.).
svastika (U.) <svasti.
hotraka (B.) <liotrd.
asmdka (RV.) < asma- see § 30 a
Note.
gdnaka (VS.) <gand.
cikitsakd (B.) <cikitsd.
tftlyaka (AV.) <trtiya (as
noun).
devaka (U.) <devd.
ndpdtka (RY.) <napdt.
madhuka (S.) <mddhu.
madhvaka (B.) < *madhva ? see
§ 33 b.
mantraka, ika (U.) < mantra.
52. A few un-vriddhied words from bases in £, where it is
impossible to say whether the suffix is ka or ika. The over-
whelming preponderance of Yriddhi with ika has led me to
classify them here, while vriddhied words from i-stems are for
the same reason put under -ika. (3 words):
kuglkd (RV.) prob. < kugL
MIMka (AV.) <balhi.
malidndmnika (S.) < maliCmainnl.
The Suffix 3 ka. §§ 53— 55.— Meaning see § 12.
53. This category consists mainly of adjectives (which, how-
ever, are frequently substantivized), like the foregoing. It
on the whole not frequent in the Veda, except in the develo]
use with Bahuvrihis. — Especially to be noted is the use of tl
suffix with numerals, in the sense "consisting of," "containing.
Parenthetically it may be noted that the suffix -ika has tl
value of 3 ka in two AV. words: tundika, having a snout
trunk, < tunda\ and. parydyikd, having (i. e. composed in) strophe
<parydya. This seems to be the extent of the usage.
The following words show ka in its third use (21 words):
(From numerals:) (8 words.)
dstaka (B.)
ekatringaka (U.)
catuska (S.,U.)
dagaka (S.)
pancaka (S.)
pancaviiigaka (U.)
satka (S.)
sadvingaha (U.)
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffix of Info-Iranian. 121
(From other words:) (13 words.)
aristaka (S.), having the disease arista
dnd'tka (AY.), having egg ( — like bulbs) <andi
janakd (B.), n. of a king <jana?
day oka (S.), heir, <daya, inheritance
dvdrakd (IT.), n. of a city, "City of Gates" < dvdra
nimnstika (Ait.Ar.), of the size of the fist, <nimusti, a measure
of that size
parutka (S.), having joints <parus (see § 37 fin.)
mddhuka (B.). n. of a man ("rich in honey") <madhu
muktikd (!'.), n. of an Upan., "String of Pearls" <muktd
mustikd (IT.), n. of a prizefighter <musti, fist
vasnikd (B.), prize ("having value") <vasna, value
gdlyaka (YS.) porcupine ("having darts") <galya, dart
hltka (KS.) possest of modesty < *hli = hri
54. BaJiuvriliis. — Yery scarce in the Mantras (2 in RY.; 5
in HY. — AY. together); they become not infrequent in the
Brahmanas, but can hardly be called common until the Sutra-
rpanisad time. There are 42 words found in the Mantras-
Brahmanas together, and 54 which occur for the first time
in the Sutras and ITpanisads, making 96 for the entire Yeda.
In the later language the cases are numerous. — That non -a
stems predominate as primitives (cf. § 12) is shown by the
statistics; of 96 words, 37 are from consonantal stems, 37 from
stems in other vowels than «, and only 22 from a-stems.
For Samdhi of stem-finals see Chap. II. — The most striking
facts are that I always remains unchanged, while a may do
so. but more often is shortened before ka. — Four stems in a
change a to i before ka, through the influence of parallel -in
stems of like meaning. They are -cdrika <cdra, cf. caring
•varsika <varsd. cf. varsin; -Qililta <gila, cf. $lin\ -samnyasika
<sathnyasa, cf. samnydsin.
a) The heteroclite stems aksi (akpari) and asthi (asthan) use
either form of the stem before -ka, as also (in the Yeda)
before the pada case-endings (Wh. 431). The same verse in
different parts of the Yedic literature may vary in this regard.
Tims anaksikdya svdhd TS. 7. 5. 12. 1, but anaksakdya svdhd
KSA. 5. 3.—anasthikaya (-akdya) svdhd TS. (KSA.). Cf.
asthabliyah svdhd YS. 39. 10, TS.; but asthiWiyali sv. KSA. 3. 6.
Cf. also the Bahuvrihis anastha, anasthan, anasthi, anasthimat
- all of which are found.
F. Edgerton,
[1911,
The corpus of variants revealed by the Vedic Concordance,
which I have been able to examine through the kindness of
Prof. Bloomfield, further reveals the fact that in a number of
cases the same pada in different texts varies by adding ka to,
or dropping it from, a Bahuvrlhi stem. Examples are anangd :.
anangaka, aprdnd : aprdnaka, amands : amanaskd; and avajihva
nijihvika HGr. 1. 15. 5a cf. avajihvaka nijihvaka ApM. 2. 21. 32a,
The second word in both places should probably be emended
to nir-jihvaka. A form -jihvika as a Bahuvrihi-final is quite
inexplicable.
The list gives the final parts of the compounds only, in
alphabetical order; the stem-form of the original word is added
where it is not obtainable by simply striking off the -ka.
55. List of Bahuvrlhi ka-words.
word occurs
stem
final
-afiQaka U.
a
-aksaka <aksdn KSA.
(an)a
•aJcsiM (<dksi) TS.
^
-agnika B.
^
•angaka KSA.
a
-anuka TL
u
•ambaka (try a-)
, <ambd RY.
d>a
-aQitika IT.
i
-astakd (<dsta) AY.
a
-asthaka< asthdn KSA.
(an)a
-asthika (<dsthi) TS.
i
-dkhyaka < dkhyd IT.
d>a
-ddika U.
i
-d$irka <dgis TS.
s>r
-dsandika S.
1
-ukthaka (sok-)
(< ukthd) B.
a
-upanisaika <upa-
nisad U.
d>t
-upasatka < upa-
sdd S.
d>t
-updnatka < upd-
nah S.
(d)h>t
-mA;a (in sarsika) S.
i
occurs
word
-kaMaka (sahd-
k.) (< kantha) AY.
-kadruka (tri-k.)
(<kddru) RY.
-karudka (< kdr-
na) TS.
-kalpaka U.
-kegakd. (< kegd) AY.
-caksiiska <cdksus U.
-carrndka < car-
man TS.
-car Hi a < car a cf.
carin
-citika (in sd^-c.)
(< citi)
-jihvaka < jihvd
-tantrika
-tapaska
-tamaska
-tiilaka, -ikd
-tejdska (<tejas)
-tvdkka <tvdc
-tsaruka
-datka <ddnt
U.
B.
S.
B.
U.
U.
U.
U.
U.
B.
U.
stem
final
(an)a
-dantdka (<ddnta) TS.
a>«
i
s
s
s
ok
u
(n)t
a
Vol. xxxi.J The K-SujJixes of Indo-Iranian.
word occurs
•dikka <dig B.
-dhdtuka <dhdtu U.
-dhumaka II.
-navaka U.
-ndmaka < ndman S.U.
-nivitka < nivid Ait Ar.
stem
final
Ok
U
a
a
(an)a
d>t
I
t
word
occurs
TS.
B.
U.
S.
U.
B.
B.
S.
U.
TS.
B.
S.
U.
nyasin
-samitka < samidh
-sdksika <sdksin
-sdmidhemka
•sdvitrlka
-sndvdka <sndvan
(or -van)
-lietuka
U.
S.
u.
B.
S.
TS.
U.
u
ok
(n)t
i
•patmka B.
-parigritka S.
-parisatka <pari-
sdd S. d>£
-pagiika S. i*
-pitrka S. r
-puro' mtvdkydka
<-yd B. a>a
-purorukka <pu-
roriic B. c>&
-purvaka II. a
-prajapatika B. i
-prdnaka KSA. a
-bahuka S. w -satka <sds S. 5>^
-binduka U. tt
-brliatlka S. $ t'id U. (?>^
-brahmaka <brah- -samkhyaka}<sam-(T3. d>a
man S. (aw)a -samkhydka] khyd | U. a
-bhasmaka < bhds- -samjnaka<samjnd U. a>a
wa« B. (<w)a
-majjdka <majjdn TS. (aw)a
-manaska KSA.,U. s
•mdftsdka (< man- -samitka < samidh S. c?/z>^
sa) TS. a
-mdnaka (see In-
dex s. v.) B. a
-meddska (<medas) TS. s
-yajuska <ydjus B. s (or -van) TS. (aw)a
-yantrka S. r -hetuka U. w
-yd ska < yds S. s
The Suffix 4 ka. Meaning — see § 13.
*(>. The live words belonging here have been already quoted;
they are (5 words):
•yonika S.
-rajaska U.
-ragmika S.
-retdska (<retas) B.
-lepaka U.
-lomaka (or -oka)
< loman
-vapdka
-varnaka
-varsika < varsd
cf. varsin
-vastuka
-vdhkd <vdc
-vibhaktika
-visuvatka
-vrttika
-Qirsdka < glrsdn
-filika < Qila cf.
gilin
-satka <sds
-samvitka < sam-
vid
-samkhyaka}<sam-f U.
-samkhydka] khyd | U.
-samjnaka < samjnd U.
-samnydsika <sam-
nydsa cf. sam-
stem .
final
I
S
i
s
a
(an)a
d
a
124
F. Edgtrton,
[1911.
dntaka (AY.), ender, death <dnta, end.
ydcanaka (U.), beggar <ydcana, request
vimanyuka (AV.), freeing from wrath, <vimanyu, free from wrath.
gitaha (RV.), cooling <$ttd, cool.
lilddaka (RY.)> refreshing <Udda, refreshment,
Unclassified (Secondary) ka.
57. All, or nearly all, the following words in suffixal ka have
evidently a secondary suffix. But it is impracticable to separate
them into the various categories, either on account of the un-
certainty of their origin, or in a few cases because, though
they are clear as to general derivation, it cannot be determined
which branch of the suffix they belong to. For instance, so-
maka, a proper name, might mean "Soma-like" (1 ka), "of or
belonging to Soma" (2 ka), "having soma11 (3 ka, cf. mcWmka
n. pr.), or it might be a diminutive.- — In most of the following
cases, however, the etymologies are unknown; and often even
the meaning of the word is not clear. Whatever can be said
about them will be said in the" General Index (q. v.), under
the individual words. They are recorded here merely for the
sake of completeness.
58. List of Unclassifiables. (87 words.)
anjalikd (or nyanj-)
dmanika (or dmanaka)
ardtaki
avacatnuka
ddhaka
dnusuka
drcatkd
iksvdku (or -kii)
utpdtika
udddlaka
updnasyaka
ulmuka
rksdka
orimikd
kakdtikd
kanaka
kaplaka (or kdlpaka)
kalanka
kalmalikin
kdmikd
kirika (or gir-)
kiigavartaka (?)
kusitaka
kustitka
ko$dtaka
kydku ?
klltaka
ksitikd
khdndika
golattikd
ciccikd
chubuka (cl. cibuka)
-jaldyukd in trna-j.
jdnukd (or ni-j.)
jumbakd
derikd
dhdrikd and a-dli.
dutaka
nabMka
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian.
naraka ;ui<l nCiraka
pakvakd
patantaka (suffix aha? ( 'f.
§ 15, footnote.)
patdkd (primary ?)
parisdraka (-aka suffix?)
(partika, patikd- corrupt.)
pdjaka
pdvakd
pittydka
pindka
pippakd
pundanka
prsdtaka
praliastaka
prdgdtika
bataraka
baldkd
bfbuka
madusikd
mcutduka
mdnasthaka?
(masiaka
\jnastiska
mdddnaka
roddkd
rop mdkd
vdrtikd
valuka
vasukd (2 ka or 3 ha?)
vdlukd
vihkrndliikd
visrdnsikd
vrnddraka
qayandaka
g&y&ndaka
gdrigtikd
Qdl&ka
gipivistakd (Ika? cf. General
Index s. v. and § 45)
Qilaka
QrnkTidnikd (v. 1. singli- &c.)
gdiinaka
salaltika
slUka-
somaka
sdurdki
(spliatika- primary ?)
hdtaka
Chapter IV.
The Secondary Suffix Ka. Diminutives.
(About 180 words.)
59. It is not always easy or possible to draw the line sharply
in any given case between the various diminutive values of the
suffix ka, as laid down in § 10 — which see. The diminutive
<»f pity is almost always associated with contempt; without
that idea it is doubtful whether it is found at all in the Yeda.
There are very few words in the Veda which show a marked
endearing force of the suffix; in so far as it occurs it is usually
found along with simple diminutive force (smallness). Again,
tbo imprecatory and contemptuous uses are often hard to
distinguish; nevertheless they are essentially distinct. They may,
and very often do, exist quite independently of each other.
VOL. XXXI. Part II. 9
126 F. Edgerton, [1911.
60. In treating of adjectives and pronouns having this suffix,
it is to be noted that the diminutive idea (of whatever variety)
usually belongs not so much to the adjective or pronoun itself
as to the noun with which they are connected, — or rather to
the whole complex idea; the diminutive notion pervades, as it
were, the atmosphere of the whole sentence. So e. g. AY. 20.
136. 14 kumdrikd pingalikd — "wretched little yellow girl;" it is
an open question whether pingalikd (from pingala, tawny) has
the suffix ha in the sense of our suffix -ish, so frequent with
color words (pingalakd- "yellowish"), or whether the suffix has
simply the contemptuous diminutive force, which is then, so to
speak, transferred from the noun kumdrikd to its modifying
adjective. I incline to the latter view in this case; the occur-
rence is by no means rare in the Veda, and is so simple
and natural that it is hardly necessary to dwell on it.
We shall now proceed to classify the ha diminutives by lists,
according to the divisions laid down in § 10.
I. True Diminutives. (72 words.)
61. The suffix is applied —
a) to nouns — indicating an object of the same kind as the
primitive, but smaller.
b) to adjectives of smallness — emphasizing and exaggerat-
ing that quality.
c) to adjectives of color, — indicating a color approaching
or suggesting the original color (Eng. -ish, Ger. -licti).
d) rarely to other adjectives and adverbs — indicating
qualities approaching but falling short of the original
quality.
e) principally to nouns — indicating not physical small-
ness, but relatively secondary importance of the object
denoted. Related to, but distinct from, the diminutives
of pity and contempt; such notions are absent here.
62. a) Diminutives of Size — nouns. (51 words.)
aksamalika, "little rosary," n. of an Tip. — Mukt. Up. 1. 36
< aksamald
aldbuka, the fruit of the bottle-gourd (aldbu) <aldbu
AV. 20. 132. 1,2== EYKh. 5. 15. 15 dd aldbukam ekakam
aldbukam nikhdtakam. "Just one little aldbu, a little aldbu
cut into just a little."
avaghatarikd, kind of lute, QankhQr. 17. 3. 12.— Prob. Dim.,
cf. ghatari, lute.
Vol. xxxi.J The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 127
avatakd, little spring, AV. 2. 3. ]. So Ppp., adopted by Bl.
nnd Ludwig;] Wh. keeps the Qaun. MSS. avatkd, which is
scarcely interpret able. < avatd.
avikd, little sheep, ewe-lamb. RY. 1. 126. 7; AY. 20. 129. 17.
Prob. Dim. <dvi.
(In an obscene passage; is the suffix perhaps due to
that fact? See § 85.)
indragopaka, little firefly. Amrt. Up. 36 ("Marienkaferchen"
Deuss.) < indragopa.
(1) upajihvikd RY. 8. 102. 21 &c. ) names of sorts of ants.
(2) upajikd AY. 2. 3. 4; 6. 100. 2 &c. I Whatever the true inter-
(3) upadikd QBr. 14. 1. 1. 8 j relation of these words
may be, it is safe to say they are diminutives. Bl. (AJP.
7. 482 ff.) derives (2) from (3), and then (1) from (2) by
popular etymology. Is upadehikd (Class.) in like manner a
popular etymology < upadikd, and is dehikd (Class.) further
etymologized from that? Or are two quite different stems
confused in this group, the bases deha &u.d.jihvd?
-kanikd, a minute particle of ^anything, in vata-k. Sarvop. 2.
< Mna.
kandnakd for kani-, pupil of the eye, only TS. 5. 7. 12. 1.
Corrupt for kani-, as shown by fact that the same pada in
other places (YS. 25. 1. 2; MS. 3. 15. 1; KSA. 13. 2) reads
kani-.
kamnakd (RY. 10. 40. 9, YS. 4. 3 &c.). -akd (RY. 4. 32. 23),
kaninakd (QB. 14. 5. 2. 3), -ikd (AY. 4. 20. 3 &c.), pupil of the
eye, from kanina, -d. Bloomfield (AJP. 17. 400, Note 2) has
shown conclusively that in all the known occurrences these
words mean "pupil of the eye," and never "boy" or "girl."
kanydkd, pupil of the eye, Ait.Ar. 3. 53. 5. <kanyd.
karkandhukd, tiny jujube-berry, AY. 20. 136. 3 (where MSS.
and Edd. kdrkandhiika) = RYKh. 3. 22. 3 (has correctly
ukd). See alpikd under § 86. The obscene meaning pervades
the passage so thoroughly that this word might also be classed
there. < karkdndhu
karkarikd, little lute, AY. 20. 132. 3.
< karkari, lute, RY. and QanhkQr.
karnaka, tendril or handle ("earlet"), QBr. 9. 2. 3. 40; KatyQr.
18.4. 6, 7. <kdrna. Cf. § 86.
kundikd, little pot. SamnyUp. 4. 1. Of the pot of the Samnyasin,
in a description of his modest belongings. Dim. <kunda.
9*
128 F. Edgerton, [1911.
kumdraka, ikd, boy, girl, RV. 8. 69. 15 &c. &c. kumdra, a.
ksurikd. "little dagger or razor," n. of an TJp.Ksur.Up. 1 <ksurd.
khandtaka, prob. "little shovel," Ap.Qr. 17. 26. <*khandta,
NBD. makes it an adj. "dug up;" but it is clearly a noun,
being connected with samuhaka (q. v.) by vd. Neither it nor
its primitive *khanata occurs elsewhere, but prob. Dim.
golaka, little ball, Qankh.Gr. 4. 19; Gobh.Gr. 4. 4. 20. <gola.
canddtaka. a short petticoat, QBr. 5. 2. 1. 8 &c. Derivation
unknown; Prob. Dim.
jdtaka, a new-born child, Kauc,. 11. <jdtd.
jdlaka, little net, web, BrhArUp. 4. 2. 3. Prob. Dim. <jdla, web.
tardnaka, a young sprout, AY. 10. 4. 2. The verse is hopelessly
obscure in its application, but some sort of dim. use may be
assumed. < t&runa,
nCisikd, nostril, RV. 10. 163. ] ; AY. 10. 2. 6 &c. < ndsd, nose.
pddukd. slipper, AgramTJp. 4. Dim.? <pddu, foot.
pipilaka, (ika?) and (most often) ika, ant; AY. 7. 56. 7 &c. &c.
<pipild. vSee Word-List s. v.
putrakd, little son, EY. 8. 58. 8. Of. § 67. <putrd.
-prndkd in liarina-p., the (fern.) young of any animal. No
*prna occurs, but it is clearly a dim. Of. Class. Skt. pr-thu-ka,
Lt. pario. TTO/JTIS &c.
prapdthaka. little section, subdivision of cert, works
<prapdtha "lecture."
priyanguka, little panic-seed, Samavidh.Br. 2. 6. 10. <priydngu.
mdksikd. fly. RY. 1. 119. 9 &r. Dim. <maksa, fly.
magaka, gnat. AY. 4. 36. 9 &c. — The cognate Lith. maszalai
with suftix IE. -?o,9 points to a Dim. -A;a.
mukharikd, the bit of a bridle. KatyQr. 16. 2. 5 (BR. wrongly 4)
according to Sell. < mukharl (not otherwise found). The word
is in any case ultimately <mukha and is prob. Dim. <mukhari.
muliuka, moment. RY. 4. 16. 17; 4. 17. 12.
< mithu (or muhu) adv. ace.
mfitaka, little basket, QBr. 2. 6. 2. 17. <muta.
miisaka. rat or mouse, G-arud.Up. 2]
-ikd, rat or mouse, VS. 24. 36. } < m^a (^ass.).
rasndka, little girdle, Kath. 25. 9. <rdsnd.
vajrasucikd, "little sharp needle," n. of an Up., also called
uajrasim. Mukt.Up. 1. 33. <vajrasmi.
vaydka (in vaydkin), prob. "little tendrils," RY. 5. 44. 5.
< vayti.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Lido- Iranian. \ 2(J
So Say ana arid Ludw.; somewhat dub.; epithet of the
soma-plant.
valmika, ant-hill, VS. 25. 8 &c. cf. vamra, -1, anti
Doubtful. The -ka is prehistoric, but certainly suffixal,
and probably dim.; cf. formica, fj-vpprjg. If valmika meant
originally "little ant," its semantics have wandered peculiarly.
vamanaka, dwarf, Garbh.Up. 3. Dim. <vdmana, dwarf.
vibhldaka, the vibJnda(ka) nut used as a die. RV. 7. 86. 6;
10. 34. 1. <vibhida.
Although the form vibHlda(-ta) does not occur until later.
the -ka was clearly felt as dim.— Cf. vibhitaka Imprec. in § 79.
visanakd, n. of a plant, AV. 6. 44. 3. — Prob. "little horn,"
referring to horn-shaped leaves or flowers. Kauc,. even takes
it as a real "little horn," not as a plant at all, and this may
be right. — The other alternative is to regard the suffix as
possessive (3 ka)\ visanakti, "horned." This is on the whole
less likely, though possible. Cf. gaphaka. <visdna.
gaphaka, n. of a plant, AV. 4. 34. 5 &c. Comm. says "a hoof-
si i aped plant;" prob. therefore "little hoof" rather than
"hoofed;" cf. visanaka, to which the same questions apply.
< gaphd.
galdkd (once oka, Kath. 26. 1), little stake or twig, TS. 6. 3. 1.
2 &c. <gala', cf. 29 c.)
$dlka, splinter, TBr. 1. 1. 9. 9 &c. Cf. § 29 b. prob. <gald.
gagaka, (little) hare?, Adbh.B. in I. St. 1. 40.
<gaga\ no very clear dim. force.
samiihaka, little sweeper, Ap.Qr. 17. 26. (NBD., "heap"). See
klianataka. — The word samiiha only occurs as a n. of action,
not as a noun of instrument ; doubtless it must have . been
used in the other sense too, as this word shows, — for samu-
haka clearly has that meaning. The whole sense of the
passage suggests also diminutive value. Otherwise it would
be possible to call samiihaka a noun from sam + Vuli with
primary aka. < samulia (?).
sucika, "little needle," epithet of a stinging insect, RV. 1. 191. 7.
< suci.
I do not think any imprecatory or other pejorative force
is present here.
63. b) Diminutives of Size — adjectives. (8 words.)
amyaskd, more tiny, AY. 10. 8. 25. bdlad ekam amyaskam,
"one is more tiny than a child." <amya,8, comparative*
130 F. Edgerton, [1911.
arbhakd, tiny, BY. 1. 114. 7 &c. (see also § 72) <drbha.
alpakd, tiny, AY. 20. 136. 3 (see Obsc., Dim., § 86); QBr. 1.
7. 3. 25 &c. <dlpa.
kanisthakd, smallest, AY. 1. 17. 2 - 1 <kanisthd (or
(kanisthikd, little finger, QBr. 3. 1. 2. 4 &c.). J ban-) superlative.
ksullakd, tiny, TS. 2. 3. 8. 3. But see § 68.
<*ksulla <ksudrd, prakritized form.
daharaka, short, KausBr. 19. 3. <dahara.
bdlaka, young; a child, KrsIIp. 19; MuktITp. 2. 7. <bdla.
giqukd, young (animal), AY. 6. 14. 3. <&$u.
64. c) Diminutives of Degree — adjectives of color. (6 words.)
kdlakd, ,,blackish," n. of an unidentified bird. YS. 24. 35. < kola,
krsnaka, prob. "blackish," n. of a plant, Kaug. 80. <krsnd.
pingalakd, ikd, tawny(ish?), AY. 20. 136. 14.— But see § 60.
<pingald.
babhrukd, brownish, QBr. 1. 6. 3. 3; (bd-) an ichneumon YS.
24. 26. <babhru.
loliitcika, reddish, red. Ap. (NBD.; no reference quoted.) < loliita.
Qytivaka, "brownish," n. of a man, BY. 8. 3. 12; 8. 4. 2.J < gyava.
Examples are more plentiful in Classical Skt.
65. d) Diminutives of Degree — other adjectives (and adverbs).
(3 words.)
abliimddyatM, somewhat drunk, QBr. 1. 6. 3. 4; 5. 5. 4. 5.
< abhimddyant, pres. p. abhi- V mad.
nikhataka, cut into a little, AY. 20. 132. 2— see aldbuka § 62.
< nikhdta.
Qanakais, adv., quite gently, softly, BY. 8. 80. 3 &c.
<ganais (fan-).
The German word sachtclien exactly renders ganakdis.
66. e) Diminutives of Importance (without contempt). (4 words.)
upapdtaka, a minor sin, Nar.Up. 5; Kalag.Up. 2. <pdta, sii
pdtaka is also found, but dim. force is hard to find in it;
it has rather the aspect of a nomen agentis. The prefi:
upa- adds dim. force, and there is no doubt that in upa-
pdtaka at least the suffix -ka suggested diminution to th(
consciousness of the hearer.
tkaka, "just one (little, valueless)," AY. 20. 132. 1— see aldbuka,
§ 62. <eka,
devika, an inferior class of goddesses. AitBr. 3. 47, 48; QBr.
9. 5. 1. 34. <devl.
hotrka, assistant-priest, secondary Hotr,QBr. 13. 5.4. 24 &c. <Jiotr.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 131
II. Diminutives of Endearment. (7 — 8 words.)
67. The paucity of Vedic material under this head is partly
due to the character of the literature, whose atmosphere is t<>
a large extent unfavorahle to "Kosenamen" But after taking
this into consideration, it is surprising that the number should
'he so small. Following are the only cases which seem to me
clear enough to warrant classifying them here.
ambikd, dear little mother, Miitterchen. VS. 23. 18 &c.
<ambd or ambi.
ambdlikd, dear little mother, Mutterchen. VS. 23. 18, QBr. 12.
2. 8. 3 &c. <ambdld or -ll.
ambe (MS. amly) ambike ambdlike VS., QB., MS. ambe
ambaly ambike TS. &c.; see Yed. Cone.
(The suffix -Id is also diminutive.)
ulukhalaka, dear little mortar (Morserchen, Gr.), KV. 1. 28. 5.
< ulukhala.
ydc cid dhi tvdm grhegrha ulukhalaka yujydse ihd dyumdt-
tamam vada jdyatdm iva dundubhih
"However thou mayst be used in every house. O dear
mortar, yet sound most clearly here!"
jivika, in jivikd ndma stha tCi imam jwayata, MS. 4. 8. 7,
115. 5; Ac,vQr. 6. 9. 1; ApQr. 14. 20. 8. Addressed to the
waters, in a magic formula or charm; uye are jivikds, — do
ye then make this man live (jw)\n The same formula with
jiv& in place of jivikd occurs in the same places quoted and
in others (see Ved. Cone.). Cf. also AY. 19. 69. 1 if., especially 4.
Verse 1 reads jwd stha jwyasam — , "ye are alive (jwd)]
may I live!" Vs. 4 reads jwald stha jwydsam — °. Whitney
renders jwald "lively." But note the diminutive suffix -?a,
and cf. jivikd. The occurrence of both these words with
diminutive suffixes in practically the same connection shows
that neither of them is accidental. They were both evidently
felt as carrying the same quasi-endearing, coaxing idea which
is found in ulukhalaka and mangalikct. Although this mean-
ing seems clear enough here, to render it in English is a
different proposition, and one which I do not feel equal to
attempting at present.
padakti, little foot (Fiifchen, Gr.), EV. 8. 33. 19, <pdda.
sam tardm pddakdu hara— "keep your little footies together,"
spoken in a playfully affectionate way.
132 F. Edgerton, [191L
putrakd, little sonny, EY. 8. 69. 8. <putrd.
Dim. of size, with addition of some endearing force.
mangalika, (adj.) of good omen, AV. 19. 23. 28.
<mangalya (see § 29 a).
The word clearly refers to the hymns of AY. 18, which
are funeral hymns. Lanman is right in remarking (note to
Whitney's translation) that it is a euphemism for this par-
ticularly ill-omened class of hymns. The suffix ka perhaps
adds something to this euphemistic touch hy giving it a turn
akin to the endearing diminutive (cf. ulukhalaka and jivikd).
It would be futile to try to bring this out in translation.
' (sitbhadrika), courtezan, YS. 23. 18.
< siiWiadra] cf. "Freudenmadchen."
This word may have been, and probably was, originally a
playfully endearing dim., but in this passage, where alone it
seems to be found, the suffix is rather imprecatory; see § 79.
III. Diminutive of Pity. (3 words.)
68. In the Yeda this almost always carries with it the ad-
ditional idea of contempt. It is almost doubtful whether the
Yeda knows the suffix -ka with the connotation of simple pity
in a good sense at all. All the following instances are capable
of being treated as terms of contempt.
unmantaka, insane, only Ac,ram.Up. 3. The exact formation
of this word is uncertain, though its general etymology
(ud + Vman) is clear enough. No *manta or *unmanta oc-
curs. If the ka is diminutive, as seems likely, it belongs
under this head.
ksullakd, tiny, cf. § 63, 72. This word, <*ksulla = ksudrd,
regularly carries with it (at least in the Yeda) the idea of
weakness, as well as smallness. So QBr. 1. 8. 1. 3 — ydvad
vdi ksullakd Hhdvdmo bahvi vdi nas tdvan ndstrd bhavati, —
"As long as we are poor (helpless) little shavers, we are in
great danger." In this case we seem to have a true Dim.
of Pity. — More often the word takes on contemptuous force ;
see § 72.
pradrdnaka, very poor, Cba.ITp. 1. 10. 1.
<pra, intens, + drdna, poor.
Probably pitying dim. No idea of contempt seems to be
prominent.
IY. Diminutives of Inferiority with evil connotation, often
called Pejoratives. (94 words.)
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Sujfixcs of Indo- Iranian. 133
69. They ;inso from 1 he ahou'-mentionod diminutives of pity
and inferiority (§§ 66, 68) and may he conveniently divided
into three classes (§ 10); 1. Contemptuous — § 70 — 76; 2. Im-
precatory—§ 77—84; 3. Obscene— § 85—86.
1. Contemptuous Diminutives. (29 words.)
70. In these the idea of smallness carries with it that of
weakness or wretchedness and contempt. Applied to nouns,
adjectives, participles, pronouns, and adverbs. Common from
the earliest times. As has been said, this category is often
difficult, of not impossible, to separate from the imprecatory
diminutive, with which it is closely connected. In many of
the words quoted under each head something of the other
idea is also present.
Following are the words which show more or less clearly a
contemptuous use of &a, arranged according to the parts of
speech.
71. a) Nouns.
ahdllika. -prattler"? BrhArUp. 3. 9. 25. A term of reproach
whose mg. and etymology are not certain, but prob. con-
taining some pejorative notion.
usrika, miserable bullock, RY. 1. 190. 5 (see § 29 a, N.). <usra.
ye tvd devosrikaih mdnyamdndh pdpd bhadrdm &c. "The
evil ones" who reckon thee, O God! (Brhaspati) as a
wretched bullock," &c.
kumdrakdj RV. 8. 30. 1 — see § 72 s. v. arbhdka.
kumdrikds (despised) little girl. AV. 10. 4. 14; 20. 136. 14.
< kumdrd.
AV. 10. 4. 14—MiratiM kumdrikd sakd khanati Wiesajdm
—"Even the wretched little fttrafo-girf, even she — a worth-
less creature (sakd) — digs up a remedy (which is sufficient
to destroy the serpents)." In a charm against snakes. The
idea is that a worthless person of very little power or in-
fluence can destroy the hostile serpents. The kirdtas were
a despised mountain tribe. See § 72 s. v. kdirdtikd.
This verbal minimizing of the power of adversaries is a
common characteristic of all magic, and we shall have oc-
casion to note it more than once in dealing with our suffix,
which is peculiarly adapted to this purpose. Cf. RV. 1. 191.
11 — 16, and see s. v. kusumbhaka, rakuntikd.
1 Either accent.
134 F. Edgerton, [1911.
For AV. 20. 136. 14, where kumdrikd also occurs, see
§ 72 s. v. pingalakd.
kusumbhakd, venom-bag of an insect, BY. 1. 191. 15, 16.
< kimtmbha, id.
vs. 15 — iyattakali Jmsumbhakds takdm bhinadmi demand tdto
visdm prd vdvrte pdrdclr ami samvdtah
16 — kusumbhakds tad abravid gireh pravartamdnakdh
vfgcihasyarasdm visdm arasdm vrgcika te visdm.
15. "A wretched, feeble thing is that miserable little poison-
bag! I smite it with a stone; then the poison has departed
into remote places."
16. "Thus spake the accursed little poison-bag, slinking
down from the mountain: 'The poison of the accursed stinger
is powerless.' Thy poison, accursed little stinger, is power-
less."
The power of the poison is belittled; the speaker declares
with all possible vehemence that he despises it. and that it
cannot do him any harm. See s. v. kumdrikd and gakuntikd
Of course imprecatory, as well as contemptuous, force per-
vades the ka suffixes which bristle in this passage; I have
tried to bring out both ideas in the translation.
The word kusumbhakd is often translated "venomous in-
sect," as if it contained the suffix 3 ka and meant "possess-
ing a kusumbha" It seems clear, however, that it has just
the same meaning as kusiimbha (e. g. AY, 2. 32. 6), plus a
pejorative value. Our modern preconceived ideas, based on
modern prejudices, of what such stanzas ought to say in
order to give "good sense," are of practically no weight
whatever with verses of this kind, which may even be in-
tentional nonsense. The meaning "poison-bag," incidentally,
fits in vs. 15, at least, quite as well as the other meaning.
And as for vs. 16, we can only say that the poet speaks of
the poison-bag as crawling down from the mountain, and
there is an end of it. If anyone demands that logical sense
be extracted from this abracadabra, I respectfully request
that he identify the mountain (giri) alluded to, and explain
why the kusumbhakd (whatever its meaning) should be crawl-
ing down from it. — A parallel stanza to vs. 16 is AY. ">.
13. 9; see § 73 s. v. avacarantikd.
vfgcika, "stinger," scorpion, from Vvracc. The ka may bo
in origin primary and not diminutive; but that it is felt as
Vol. xxxi.] The K-SufJixes of Indo-Iranian. 135
diminutive in this passage is c\ idcnt. The imprecatory force
of the suffix is strong in this word, — stronger than the con-
temptuous, perhaps.
devaka, (wretched, worthless) god, RY. 7. 18. 20. < devd.
devakaih tin mdnyamdndm jayhanta.
"The wretched fellow who thought himself a godling,
forsooth! (cid) him didst thou (Indra) slay."
dhanuska, small, poor how, Laty 8. 6. 8. <dhdnus.
p&ndaka, eunuch, weakling, Kath. 28. 8; 13. 7. < panda, id.
napunsaka, eunuch, hermaphrodite, QBr. 5. 5. 4. 35 &c.
<na-puiisa.
piilkaka or pukldka, n. of a despised tribe. MS. 1. 6. 11. <?
In Classical Skt. they are called pulkasa; the dim. suffix
-ka is prob. present in the word.
rajakd, worthless kinglet, RY. 8. 21. 18. <rdjan.
dtra id raja rdjakd id anyake yake sdrasvatwi dnu &c.
"Citra is a real king ; worthless kinglets truly are the other
wretches (anyake) who (yake) live about the Sarasvati" &c.
visadhdnaka — see under § 79.
vispulingakd, (miserable) little spark?, RY. 1. 191. 12.
< visp(h)ulinya.
trih saptd vispulingakd visasya piisyam aksan. The exact
meaning of the word is not entirely clear, but it must be a
contemptuous formation <visphulinga, like gakuntikd (q. v.)
in the preceding verse, and with a similar application, viz.
used in minimizing verbally the power of the poison. See
also kusumbhakd, and cf. kumarikd. The vispulingakdh must
be some weak and worthless creatures, at all events.
vi'rcika. scorpion, RY. 1. 191. 16 &c. &c. See on kusun&hakd,
and, also § 79.
'•akuntakd, ikd, (wretched, accursed) little bird. <gakunta.
RY. 1. 191. 11 iyattikd gakuntika sakd jaghdsa te visdm
so tin nil nd mardti no vaydm mardmdre asya yojanam
haristhd mddhu tvd madhuld cakdra.
"A miserable little creature is that little bird! — she has
swallowed thy poison; yet she shall not die; we too shall
not die! Far off is thy course; the sun-god has turned
thee into honeyed honey."
Another case where the power of a hostile object (poison)
is belittled in words, the idea being that the very words by
their magical power accomplish the things stated to be al-
136 F. Edgerton, [1911.
ready accomplished. "Even a wretched little bird has eaten
the poison without injury; what harm can it do us?"
AY. Ppp. folio 115 b, line 1 — cakuntikd dhayantikd, see § 73.
VS. 23. 22, 23 and parallel passages, contain this word.
They occur in the obscene parts of the Agvamedha cere-
mony ; the use of the suffix belongs to the Dim. of Obscenity,
and will be mentioned there — see § 85.
(jaldkakd, wretched little splinter, AV. 20. 130. 20. <caldkd.
See s. v. yakd, § 75.
72. b) Adjectives.
arbhakd. small, weak, wretched, BY. 7. 33. 6 (see also § 63).
< drblia.
dandd ived godjandsa dsan pdrichinnd bharatd arblidkdsali.
"Like ox-driving staves, the miserable Bharatas were
crushed to pieces."
EY. 8. 30. 1 — nahi vo dsty arbliako devdso nd kumdrakdJi
"Not one of you is a little wretch, o gods! nor a weak
boy!"
AY. 1. 27. 3, in a charm against serpents, ndrbhakd abhi
dadhrsuh (cf. kusumbhakd, § 71, and comment.). — Similarly
AY. 7. 56. 6,
dbhfika, powerless, weak, AY. 6. 29. 3.
<abhii, which means simply "empty.''
kdirdtaka, ikd, of the kirdtas (contemptuous), AY. 10. 4. 14.
<kdirdta, id.
See Jfumdrikd, § 71. — They were a despised tribe. This
word is a contemptuous formation from the adjective kdirdta.
ksullakd, tiny and wretched. See § 68, 63. < ksudrd (*ksulla).
AY. 2. 32. 5 shows the word in a clearly contemptuous
sense (with some imprecatory force added):
atlw ye ksullakd iva sdrve te krimayo hatdh = "The tiny
little wretches — all the worms are slain." In a vermin-charm.
pingalikd, tawny, AY. 20. 136. 14. <pingdld.
kumdrikd pingalikd, "the wretched little yellow-girl."
This color-adjective may or may not partake of the force
of the Dim. of degree otherwise common with such adjectives.
See §§ 60, 64.
bhinnaka, broken and worthless, MantraBr. 2. 7. 3. <bhinna.
athdi 'sdm bhinnakah kumbho ya esdm visadhdnakah.
"So their bag is crushed and powerless, — their cursed poison-
receptacle." In a 'charm against poisonous insects.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixcs of Indo- Iranian. 13*
In the word visadhdnaka the idea of imprecation seems
to outweigh that of contempt.
73. c) Participles.
avaf arantikd, slinking down, AV. 5. 13. 9. <avacarantl.
karnd Qvdvit tad dbravld girer avacarantikd
yah kd$cemdh khanitrimds tdsdm arasdtamam visdm.
'•The eared hedge-hog said, as she slunk down from the
mountain," &c. — The whole stanza is suggestive of RY. 1.
191. 16, and pada b is pada b of the RY. verse with the
substitution of avacarantikd for pravartamdnakdh, q. v. The
sense of the ha is doubtless contemptuous. This stanza has
less appearance of freshness and originality than the RY.
stanza; it looks like a secondary and epigonal reminiscence
of the latter. See § 71 s. v. kusumbhakd.
pravartamdnakd, slinking down, RY. 1. 191. 16. <pravartamdna.
See ku?umbhakd, § 71, and cf. avacarantikd above.
dJiayantikd, sucking, AY. Ppp. folio 115 b, line 1. <dhayantl.
gakuntilid (MS. -ka) me :bravid visapuspam dhayantikd.
(For MS. visapuspam probably -pusyam is to be read;
cf. RY. 1. 191. 12, and see § 71 s. v. vispulingakd.)
"A miserable little bird said to me, as she sucked up the
essence of the poison; — "(The following words in the MS.
are not entirely clear to me; they are probably corrupt, and
are in any case unimportant for the present purpose.) That
the suffix ka here has contemptuous force is made clear by
a comparison of RY. 1. 191. 11 — 16, of which this verse is
a reminiscence. See Qokuntiha in § 71, also kusumbhakd.
74. d) Pi'onominal adjectives.
anyahd. other (contemptuous), RY. 6. 21. 18. — See rdjakd, § 71.
< dnya.
See also § 82, Imprecatory Diminutives.
iyattakd, ikd. so tiny and wretched, RY. 1. 191. 11, 15.
<iyat- "of such a size:'
See gakuntikd, kusumbhakd, § 71.— In AY. 20. 130. 20
the MSS. have uyam yakdm calokaka, for which R.-Wh.
read iyattikd gald-\ but the correct reading is probably
iydiii yahd galdkaha, ;\* shown by RY.Kh. 5. 15. 10.
75. e) Pronouns.
sakd, sakd, takdd cVc., that (wretched or miserable little).
<s«, sd, tad.
RY. 1. 191. 11, see ^akuntikd § 71.
138 F. Edgerton, [1911.
AY. 10. 4. 14— see kumdrikd § 71.
RY. 1. 191. 15— see kusumbhaka § 71.
Katy. Or. 13. 3. 21 taka vayam plavdmalie. Parallel texts
read ime or eta for taka. There is no apparent reason for
the dim. or pejorative suffix. The verse is difficult and
uncertain; see Garbe on Yait. S. 34. 9.
RY. 1. 133. 4 ydsdm tisrdh pancdgdto 'bhivlangdir apdvapdh
tat su te mandyati takdt su te mandyati
(Addressed to Indra.) uOf them (witches) thrice fifty didst
thou lay low with blows (? aWiivlangdir), that deed of thine
(te gen.) is highly praised, — yea, even that slight task of
thine!" He means that this great performance (which is
itself worthy of laudation) was nothing to what the power
of Indra could do, — not that the performance was in itself
slight. Grassmann's translation misses the point.
yaka, which (miserable person). < ya*
RY. 6. 21. 8— see rdjaka, § 71.
AY. 20. 130. 20 = RYKh. 3. 15. 10 iydm yakti caldkakd
(see on iyattakd § 74) "that wretched little splinter."
Whether an obscene meaning is hidden in the phrase (which
is quite likely) or not, the contemptuous idea is plain. See
further § 85, Dim. of Obscenity.
76. f) Adverb.
dlakam, in vain (contemptuous and imprecatory) < dlam.
RY. 10. 71. 6; 10. 108. 7.— Applied to actions which fail,
and which are not desired to succeed. In 10. 108. 7 the
Panis tell Sarama contemptuously that her long journey has
been useless (dlakam), since she has no power to get the
desired cows away from them.
(IY. Pejoratives:) 2. Imprecatory Diminutives. (59 words.)
77. These are sometimes called simply Pejoratives, in
narrower sense. But this expression, if used at all, is better
applied to this entire category, including the contemptuous
and obscene words. I have applied the term imprecatory to
this subdivision, because these words in ka often have just the
value of the primitive words accompanied by a curse. This cannot
be brought out in translation oftentimes, without over-translating
the idea. And of course it cannot be prest too closely in the
case of every individual word. Sometimes the idea is more
deprecatory than imprecatory. But it always conveys the
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo- Iranian. 139
impression of something bad, — something that is more or less
emphatically disapproved of. And it differs from the foregoing
subdivision in that the idea of contempt, if present at all, is
at least not prominent, or not as prominent as the idea of
hostility or vigorous disapprobation. As we have said, it is
sometimes hard to say in given cases whether imprecation or
contempt is more strongly felt. Proper names are peculiarly
susceptible to the imprecatory ka, which casts a slur of some
sort or other on the personage so denominated. It is especially
common with names of hostile demons. — Besides the other
parts of speech represented in the contemptuous ka words,
we find here one remarkable verb-form containing the suffix.
Following are the words which occur.
78. a) Proper names,
anantaka, n. of Qesa, a snake-god, Garud. Up. 2; see eldpatraka.
He was regularly called ananta.
eldpatraka, n. of a Naga or serpent-demon, Garud. Up. 2.
< eldpatra, id.
(mahdildpatraka [mahd-el-] is another Nag a in the same
section.) elapatra is the name of a Naga, found in the
Classical Skt. — This chapter is a charm against serpents,
personified as demons. A number of them are listed and
exorcized by name. Names in -ka predominate (only one
out of the 12 names lacks the suffix), and in many cases
(as in this one) the same names appear elsewhere without
ka. It is plain that an imprecatory force is felt in the
suffix with all of them.
karkotaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka.
<karkota, id.
kdlika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka. No *kdli
occurs.
kulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraka. No *kuli
occurs.
chdyaka, n. of a demon, AY. 8. 6. 21; prob. imprec.
<chdya (only occurs as common n.)
jambhaka, "crusher", n. of a demon, YS. 30. 16.
<jambha n. of a demon, AY.
taksaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2, AY. 8. 10. 29, &c.
<taksa, id. (Kaug.)
tduvilikd, n. of a female demon, AY/6. 16. 3. Derivation un-
known; prob. imprec. -ka.
140 F. Edgerton, [1911.
padmaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatralca.
(and mdhdpadmaka — same section.) <padma. id.
palijaka, n. of a demon attacking women, AY. 8. 6. 2. The
proposed etymologies are all merest guesswork; but the Ita
is probably imprecatory.
vasuki, 11. of a serpent -king, Garud. Up. 2; brother of Qesa,
who is referred to in the section as anantaka. Vdsuki, by
its ending i and Yriddhi, suggests a patronymic formation
<vasnha; but still the -ki may have been felt as imprecatory,
in the connection where this passage occurs.
gankhapulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up. 2. See eldpatraha.
No *$ankhapuli occurs.
gerabhaka (voc.), n. of a kimldin or hostile demon, AY. 2. 24. 1 .
< reralJia,
which is joined with it in the same stanza. The opening
of the exorcism is gerdbhaka cerabhal (vocatives). Some sort
of a serpent or dragon is doubtless referred to. The suffix
-Wia indicates that it is some animal; and the radical part
of the word is probably connected with clra — serpent (Pane.).
In any case the suffix, in this word as in gevrdliaka. is
plainly imprecatory.
$evrdhaka, n. of a Mmidin, AY. 2. 24. 2. < cevrdha.
Occurs in the stanza following the one which contains
gerabhaka; this stanza opens in the same way with a corre-
sponding address — gevrdhaka gevrdlia\ — The words are puzz-
ling in this connection, because cevrdha is otherwise an
adjective of good signification, meaning "favoring, kindly.'
It seems likely that the vague assonance of the words with
geraHha(ka) suggested their use in this place; although it would
be rather bold to suppose that the charm-maker forgot, or
did not know, the regular meaning of gevrdha (which was.
nevertheless, a rare word). In any case the ka is impreca-
tory.
79. b) Nouns (not Proper Names).
armaka, heap of ruins, EY. 1. 133. 3. <arma, id.
dvdsdm maghavan jahi gdrdho yatumatmam vdilaslhdnake
armake mahdvdilasthe armake. On account of the fact that
drma is only found as a noun, and that the Jca is plainly
pejorative, I prefer to regard armakd (as well as vailastha-
ndkd q. v.) as a noun (drma + imprecatory idea), rather than
as an adjective, which some commentators prefer. Translate:
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 141
"Smite down, 0 Maghavan, the crowd of these witches into
the fearful pit, the heap of ruins; — even into the great pit,
the heap of ruins." It is indeed somewhat awkward to
construe these four successive words as nouns in apposition
to one another. But the pejorative notion seems so marked
in the verse that I am unable to believe that ha is the mere
adjective-forming suffix.
agvaM, accursed horse, VS. 23. 18 (repeated TS. 7. 4. 19. 1, 2 &c.).
< &£ va.
In part of the Agvamedha-ceremony. The Mahisi speaks:
sdsasty agvakah suWiadrikdm kampilavdsinlm. — -'(If I do not
perform the revolting ceremony required of me) this damned
horse will sleep with (impregnate) the accursed whore
(subhadrika) who lives in Kampila." She does not want to
do what she is compelled to do, but knows that if she does
not, the benefits she desires from the horse will go to other
women. The imprecatory idea is beautifully clear. Not
"little" or -'contemptible" horse (which would certainly not
be said of the sacrificial beast at this solemn occasion), but
"this horse, confound it!" — The subhadrika (q. v.) is supposed
to personate vaguely any hostile or rival woman.
uluka (once uruka, Ait Br. 2. 7. 10), owl, BY. 10. 165. 4 &c.
Onomatopoetic base + fra; the owl was a bird of evil omen
from the earliest times. Lat. ulucus as well as ulula point
to a prehistoric pejorative.
aidaka, QBr. 12. 4. 1. 4. Eggeling "a vicious ram," <ed(i.
on the ground of the suffix, the associations in the passage,
and a similar meaning which the word has in Marathl.
Otherwise didaka only occurs as an adj. < eda, with 2 ka,
meaning "of the sheep eda" I think E. is right in his
interpretation; ill-omened animals are dealt Avith in the
passage. But as dida does not occur as a noun, and as the
vriddhi-vowel is therefore inexplicable, I should emend to
edaka.
kanaknaka, a sort of poison, AV. 10. 4. 22. Etymology un-
known. Very possibly contains imprecatory ka.
kasika, cough (as a disease), AY. 5. 22. 12; 11. 2. 22.
< kds or kdsd.
In 5. 22. 12 kdsikd follows directly upon kds and kdsd in
preceding verses, and the suffix is undoubtedly felt as im-
precatory (or pejorative).
VOL. XXXI. Part II. 10
142 F. Edgerton, [1911.
kuhaka, rogue, cheat, Maitr. Up. 7. 8. <kuha, id.
kusumbhakd, poison-bag, KV. 1. 191. 15, 16. See § 71.
< kusumbha.
The word may contain imprecatory as well as contempt-
uous force.
jydkd, accursed bowstring, RV. 10. 133. Iff. (repeated as re-
frain). <jyd.
nabliantdm anyakesdrii jyakd ddhi dhdnvasu. "Let the
damned bowstrings of the others, the scoundrels (our enemies),
be smashed upon their bows!" Strongly imprecatory, tho a
contemptuously belittling idea is also present to some extent.
In AY. 1. 2. 2 jyakd may be used for jyd for metrical
reasons. Certainly no reason for a dim. use of any sort is
discernible.
tilvaka, a certain plant, Q. Br. 13. 8. 1. 16; AQV. &c. <tilva, id.
only Lexx.; but cf. tilvtia (KV.), "fertile."— In the Q. Br.
passage it is found in a list of ill-omened trees, and the ka
was probably felt as pejorative, whether it was so originally
or not. *
dusika, impurity from the eyes, VS. 25. 9 &c. < dtisi, id.
(dusikd, Maitr. Up. 1. 3.)
Perhaps originally pejorative, though this force is not pro-
minent in any of the passages where it occurs.
Mddhaka. captive, AV. 6. 121. 3. 4. <baddha, id.
Used of one bound by sin or by hostile magic. Contains
some sort of pejorative notion.
makaka, a kind of evil demon, AV. 8. 6. 12. Perhaps cf. makara,
a sea-monster. The suffix is doubtless imprecatory.
manaska, accursed mind, AV. 6. 18. 3. <manas.
ado ydt te hrdi grit dm manaskdm patayisnukdm tdtas te
irsyCtm mimcdmi nir usmCmaih nfter iva. In a charm
against jealousy.— "That accursed restless mind that is loca-
ted in thy heart, — from it do I let loose thy jealousy, as
vapor from a skin." A brilliant example of the strongly
imprecatory ka. A translation as a simple dim., "little mind"
or the like, misses the point entirely; nor is the word con-
temptuous. It connotes strong disapproval, tdtas = mdnasas
(manaskdt te.)
rdpakd, AV. 11. 9. 15, evil phantom. <rupd, shade, shape.
Appears in a group of hostile spirits invoked to torment
enemies. Although none of the commentators appear to have
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 143
struck this note, it siu-ins to mo clear tliat we have a pejo-
rativc- (imprecatory) formation to rupa, which has the
meaning "specter" in VS. 2. 30, and -'visionary appearance"
in Q. Br. 14. 7. 1. 14. The fern, gender is due to the in-
tiuence of the other names of demons in the gloka, all of
which chance to be fern. The translation "female jackal"
lias no basis except the fanciful identification with Av. urupi.
which is Lt. vulpes and should not be connected with
rftpakd.
vibhitaka, a certain tree, Q. Br. 13. 8. 1. 16, among a list of
trees declared to have evil names. The same word is also
used of the nuts of this tree used as dice, and is in that
case a simple dim. (see § 62). <vibhtta, id.
visadhdndka, cursed poison-receptacle, Mantra Br. 2. 7. 3.
< visadhdna.
The same pada in AY. 2. 32. 6 reads visadhdna. — See
bhinnaka § 72, where the passage is given and translated. —
I have hesitated long before separating the words bhinnaka
and visadhdnaka, which occur in the same line, — classifying
one as contemp. and the other as imprec.; but the predomi-
nance of ideas in either case seems to demand it. Both
notions are present in both words, to a certain extent.
visdtaki, n. or epithet of a poisonous plant, AY. 7. 113. 2.
trstdsi trstikd (-asi Ppp.) visd visdtakydsi pdrivrkta ydthd-
sasy rsabhdsya vageva. "Rough one, thou art an accursed
rough one; visd, thou art visdtaki; that thou mayst be
avoided (be a pdrivrkta wife), as a barren cow (?vacd) of a
bull." Pdrivrkta is a terminus technicus for a disliked and
neglected wife; TS. 1. 8. 9. 1 &c.
The imprecatory character of the word visdtaki is fairly
clear, but otherwise it is problematic. — visd occurs as the
name of a plant in Sucr., and is probably here used as
such, with intention to pun on visa, poison. — visdtaki is
either ] ) the name of a poisonous plant, containing or punned
upon as if containing the stem visa, or 2) an epithet of
such a plant, or an epithet applied to the woman against
whom the charm is directed, or loosely to both, and con-
taining the base visa or visd extended by an element of
uncertain value plus the imprecatory suffix kl (fern, of ka).
Can the meter have anything to do with the extra syllable
-ta-? The Ppp. reading gives perfect meter to the whole
10*
144 F. Edgerton, [1911.
line; but it must be admitted that the additional -asi insert-
ed in Ppp. has the appearance of a later attempt to improve
the meter, which as a matter of fact far from improves the
sense.
A striking parallel to visd: visataki is the Classical Skt.
equation bhandUaki = bhandi, also n. of a plant, ^o *b~handua
occurs, any more than *visata. As to the nature of the
suffixal element or elements, I cannot pretend to have any
opinion further than that the -ki is imprecatory.
visucika, a disease, a form of cholera, VS. 19, 10; TBr. 2. 6. 1. 5.
< and = visucl.
visdlpaka (Wh.) or visdlyaka (MSS.), a certain disease, AV.
< and = visalpd(-lyd).
E. g. AV. 9. 8. 5 (visalpd or -yd occurring in the same
hymn.) The suffix is doubtless imprecatory. — Wh., emending
to visdlpa(ka), derives from vi — Vsrp. In support of this it
may be noted that Sucr. uses visarpaka of "a spreading
eruption," like erysipelas ; and that the root vi — srp is found
in VS. with the meaning "to be spread or diffused over."
vfgcika, scorpion, RV. 1. 191. 16 &c. See § 71 s. v. kusumbhakd.
The word may be a primary derivative; if its suffix is dim. at
all, it is probably rather imprecatory than contemptuous.
vattasthanakd, a horrible pit, RY. 1. 133. 3. See armakd.
< vdilasthdnd.
Some commentators consider this word an adj., for which
there seems to me still less ground than for holding armakd,
q. v., to be one.
$ipavitnukd, a kind of vermin, AY. 5. 23. 7. Probably impre-
catory; cf. ejatkd (§ 81) in same verse. Derivation unknown.
sarabhaka, a kind of grain-devouring insect, Adbh. Br. (in I. St.)
1. 40. 5, 6. Probably imprec. < sarabha (with the animal
suffix -bha). The word sarabha is only found as the name
of a monkey (Ramatup. Up.).
subhadrikd, courtesan, YS. 23. 18. Cf. "Freudenmadchen."
< subhadra.
See s. v. a$vakd; see also § 67. The suffix in this passage
is plainly imprecatory (perhaps also contemptuous), tho it
may have been originally endearing. The Mahisl uses this
epithet as an invective against a (not necessarily definite)
hostile or rival woman, whom she fears the horse will favor
if she does not perform her disgusting share in the rite.
Vol. xxxi] The K-Suffixes of Info-Iranian, 145
sphdrjaka, n. of a plant, said to be ill-omened, 0. Br. 13. 8. 1.
16. sphurja, id., only Lexx. Prob. an imprecatory formation.
so. c) Adjectives.
unaka, defective, lacking. Qankh <>. 7. 27. 27. < una, id.
/./(./ttfca, sharp, bad, RV. 10. 85. 34 = AV. 14. 1. 29.
< katu, id.
krtaka, artificial, unreal, false. G-audap. 3. 22. <krta, made.
kharvikd, mutilated, AY. 11. 9. 16. Imprec. < kharva, id.
khdrvikdm kharvavdsimm, of a female demon.
trstika. rough (imprec.) AV. 7. 113. 1, 2 — see s. v. visdtaki
$ 79. <trstd.
duraka, far off RV. passim; AY. 10. 4. 9. <durd, id.
Seems to be generally used in imprecatory sense; either
1) applied to dangers and enemies, which are desired to be
-at a distance," implying an imprecation (as RY. 9. 67. 21;
9. 78. 5; AY. 10. 4. 9 of hostile serpents); or 2) if used of
other things, usually with a deprecatory idea, as RY. 10.
58. 1 — "Thy spirit which hath departed to a distance (as
it should not have done), to Yama son of Yivasvant, that
we make to return hither" — ydt te . . . mdno jdgdme diirakdm
(of the soul of a dying man).
ndgnaka, ikd, naked, AY. 8. 6. 21 — applied to demons.
< nagna.
Also used of wanton women. Imprecatory.
nirmitaka, conjured up, illusory, Gaudap 4. 7<». <nirmita.
"Fixed, arranged." ppp. of nis — Vmi. — Of the illusions and
tricks performed by magicians.
patayisnuka, fluttering, unstable (imprec.) AY. 6. 18. 3.
See m anaskd § 7 n . < patayisn u .
pdpaka, bad, evil. Q. Br. 13. 5. 4. 3 &c. <ptipa (either ace.).
praticikd, AY. 19. 20. 4 — of uncertain mg.; probably imprec.
<pratici, fern, of pratyanc. Perhaps a noun — "offense"?
sanakd. old (imprec.) RY. 1. 33. 4 &c.; in this passage at least
strongly imprecatory. <sdna. cf. senex.
dhdnor ddhi visumik te vydyann dyajvdnah sanaMh pretim
lyuh
"From the dhanu they fled away pellmell (yisundk — in all
directions), the old rascals who give no offering." *
' \\Tiether the k of visunak is also felt as having some sort of pejo-
rati\c tui-ce is doubtful. Tht? adverbs in -k (see § 27) do not otherwise
slio\\ any signs of such value.
146 F. Edgerton, [1911.
81. d) Participles.
ejatka, (subst.) kind of hostile insect, AV. 5. 23. 7.
<ejant, trembling.
Prob. imprec.; cf. gipavitnuka (§ 79) in same verse.
jyotayamanaka, AY. 4. 37. 10 (edd.; MSB. -maka).
< jyotdya-mdna pr. p. med.
epithet of demons; imprecatory dim.; "damned little
twinklers."
82. e) Pronominal adjectives.
anyaka, other (imprec.). < anya.
RY. 10. 133. 1— see jyakd, § 79.
RY. 8. 39. 1 fin. — nabhantam anyake same (of enemies):
"Let the others, curse them! be crushed, all together!" See
also § 74, contemptuous dim.
sarvaka, all (imprec.), AY. 1. 3. 6 — 9. <sdrva.
evd te miitram mucyatdm bahir bdl iti sarvakdm
"So let thy urine be released, out of thee, splash! the whole
horrid mess." — In a charm against strangury and retention
of feces.
83. f) Adverb.
arakdt, from a distance, Q. Br. 3. 2. 1. 19 &c. < ardt.
In the passage named there seems to be at least a de-
precatory force discernible; it is said of a woman: "she hath
disdained me from a distance (drakdt)" i. e. rejected my
advances with haughty scorn.
84. g) Verb jorm.
yamaki, Qankh Br. 27. 1, "I go basely, disgracefully".
< ydmi "I go".
no tv evdnyatra yamaki puhgcalya ayanam me astlti.
"Nor will I basely go over to another (meter than the
anustubh; otherwise one would say) I am like a common
prostitute."
Brilliantly explained by Aufrecht — Z. d. d. mgl. Ges. 34 p.
175 — 6, and since then almost universally accepted.1 — Some
Hindu grammarians prescribe the use of the suffix with any
finite verb form, and especially with the imperative. — I cann<
here go into the very interesting, but more than problematic,
questions raised by Aufrecht as to further parallels for this
use of the suffix with verbs.
i Boehtlingk accepted it at first, but later in the Abh. d. kgl. sachs. Ges.
d. "Wiss. (23 apr. 1897) attacked it — without sufficient reason, in my opinion.
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Lido-Iranian. 147
(IV. Pejoratives:) 3. Obscene Diminutives. 13 words.
*•">. These belong to a certain style of popular humorous
composition which crops out in one or two places in the Veda.
They are related by their erotic character to the affectionate
diminutives on the one hand, and by their debased vulgarity
t<> the pejoratives on the other. Some of the examples also
show a sort of playfully contemptuous force. Many of the
passages are so filthy that they are scarcely translatable; and
indeed most commentators either omit their translation or
delicately veil them under decent Latin disguises. The use
"1 .• diminutive sufh'x with such words and in such passages
is common to all languages, and easily comprehensible. Adjec-
tives and pronouns take the same suffix by attraction, being
colored by the nouns they are connected with (cf. § 60).
The passages of this nature found in the Veda are few but
striking. Following are the words which occur.
86. Word list of Diminutives of Obscenity.
alpakd, ikd, tiny. RVKh. 5. 22. 3 = (except pada d) AV. 20.
136. 3. <dlpa.
ydd alpikd svalpikd karkandhukeva pdcyate
vdsantikam iva tejanam yabhyamdnd vi namyate.
An obscene verse; the adjectives alpikd and svalpikd go
not with karkandhukd (q. v. § 62), but with the understood
subject of the verbs (viz. the female organ).
asakau, that (obs.), VS. 23. 22, 23 (the verses also repeated
with minor variants in other texts, see Vedic Concordance).
< asdu.
VS. 23. 22 — yakdsakdu cMkuntikdhdlag iti vdncati dhanti
gabhe pdso nigalgallti dhdrakd.
23 — yciko* sakdu gakuntakd dhdlag iti vdncati vivaksata
iva te mukham ddhvaryo md nas tvdm abhibhdsathdh.
Translation of 22 — "That little birdie (obs.) which bustles
about with the sound dhcdag — thrusts the phallus into
the cleft: the female organ (see dhdrakd) oozes (or, trem-
bles)."
The verses are both filthy and not entirely clear in syntax.
The Adhvaryu addresses the verse just translated to the
women, at a certain stage of the A^vamedha ceremony.
The women reply with vs. 23. which is equally ribald and
still more confused as to sense; it evidently includes a scoff
at the Adhvaryu.
148 F. Edgerton, [1911.
These verses are repeated, in whole or in part, and with
minor variants, TS. 7. 4. 19. 3 (dhdnika for dhdrakd); MS.
3. 13. 1; Q. Br. 13. 2. 9. 6; 13. 5. 2. 4 &c. (see Yedic Con-
cordance).
karnaka, AY. 20. 133. 3, an obscene slangy expression applied
to the position of the two legs spread apart. < Mr-no,.
dhdnika — the female pudendum — TS. 7. 4. 19. 3 (see asakdii,
end), AY. 20. 136. 10, for dhdnika— EVKh. 5. 22. 8; cf.
further dhdna. < dhdna "receptacle."
mandura-dhdnikl (voc.). EV. 10. 155. 4, supposed to be a
Bahuvrihi cpd. meaning "having an impure pudendum."
dhdrakdj the female pudendum (slangy-humorous).
< dhdra "holder."
VS. 23. 22 (see asakdu)- Q. Br. 11. 6. 2. 10.
mandurikd (voc.). AY. 20. 131. 13, emendation of E-Wh. for
manduriti, "vile woman"(?), cf. mandura-dhdnikl s. v. dhdnika.
musMj testicle, EV. 10. 38. 5 &c; du. female organ — AY. 6.
138. 4 &c. Obscene-slangy expression. <mtis, mouse.
yaka, which (obs.), YS. 23. 22, 23 &c.— see asoikau < ya.
See also § 75.
gakuntcika, ikd, birdie (obs.), YS. 23. 22, 23 — see asakdu.
vSee also § 71. <gakunta.
glaksnikd, slippery. AY. 20. 133. 5. <qldksn(i.
Of the sexual organs in coition ; obscene slangy expression.
sulabhikd (voc.), easily won, EY. 10. 86. 7.
< su-Vldbh cf. Idbha.
Addressed by Yrsakapi to Indrani in a very obscene pas-
sage. See § 16. Whatever the original force of the suftix
in this word, it seems probable that it was felt in this pas-
sage as having dim. (obscene) value.
(sv)alpikd, very tiny (of the female organ). AY. 20. 136. 3—
see cdpaka.
hariknikd. bay mare (dim., of obscenity?), AY. 20. 129. 3 — 4.
<*harikm, f. of harit«.
(= EY.Kh. 5. 15. 1.) — The whole passage is riddlesome; it is
very likely of obscene application.
AY. 20. 130. 11.— EWh. read em hariknikd liarih for the
unintelligible MSS. reading. The same verse in EYKh. 3.
15. 8 has an equally senseless MS. reading. Even the
emendation is obscure enough as to its real application,—
which may indeed be said of the entire hymn.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-SufJixes of Indo-lraninn. 149
V. The Generic Diminutive. (4
HT. By this I mean the suffix I- a applied to words denoting
masculinity and femininity to form derivatives with meanings
"male" and "female" respectively. The striking German parallels
"Miinnchen" and "Weihchen" suggest that the suftix was probably
diminutive in origin. It may have begun to he used with pet
domestic animals, or in a similar way; at any rate the fact is. that
"little man" came in Skt. as in modern Germ, to mean "male."
ss. Prof, von Schroeder, in his article on the Apala-hymn
(R.Y. 8. 80). points out that vlralm (vs. 2) must be used in
this sense, since it is applied to Indra. Indra was the very
emblem of virile power. It was natural enough, therefore, to
call him virakd, "male" par excellence, while it would be absurd
to suppose that he was addressed directly (the word is voc.) as
"O little man!" or "Thou wretched manikin!"
maryaJca. RY. 5. 2. 5, likewise means "male," being obviously
contrasted with female animals (see the passage); it could not
mean "Stierlein," as Grassmann renders it.
89. The feminine counterpart, which neither v. Schroeder
nor anyone else seems to have noted, is dhenukd, "Weibchen,"
"female" of any animal or of the human species, — not "milch-
cow." This becomes clear upon an examination of the passages
where the word occurs.
So Pancav Br. 25. 10. 23 agvdrii ca puru.ftiit en dhenuke
dattva — "giving two females, to wit, a mare and a woman."
Katy Or. 24. 6. 8 tasyam ar,vapurusydu dhemike dadyiili —
"in it they offer a female horse-and-human-being" (note a$va-
is not the fern, stem, but common gender. As in German,
when "Weibchen" limits a noun, the noun stem keeps its mas-
culine (i. e. common) form: Froschweibchen iv,r.)
Similarly ACT. (Jr. 12. (i. :-JO.
AY. '}. 2o. 4 — in a charm for fecundity in a woman:
sd prasiir dhenuM Wtara — "Be tliou a fruitful female!" (not
"milch-cow").
The word mahihiM. AY. 10. ].o. (5. used as an epithet of
the cow, probably means nothing more than -female." "Weib-
chen," being derived from mahild "woman.".
The vowel -u- in mahtlukd, instead of -ihd which we should
expect, is apparently due to the analogy of dhemtJfd. — The
lengthening of the i in the second syllable is an instance of
that widespread tendency to iambic cadence which is especially
150 F. Edgerton, The K-Sujfixes of Indo-Iranian. [1911.
marked in the language of the Veda. There are a number
of parallels which might have been pointed out within this
very treatise; but they are mostly self-evident.
VI. Diminutive of Femininity.
90. From the diminutive and endearing uses of the suffix
was developed a tendency of the derivative kd (ika) to be used
merely as a mark of the feminine gender, when the primary
word either had common gender, or its feminine character was
not marked by its ending; or, when the primary word was
grammatically masc. or neut, and the writer desired to treat
it as a fern. Sometimes there is to our minds no very clear
reason for putting the word in the fern, gender; but that does
not alter the facts, nor greatly weaken our position. It is
sufficient that we frequently find a fern, noun in kd (ika) from
a masc., neut. or common noun without ka, and without any
other noticeable difference between the two. — The association
of the diminutive idea with femininity is not rare in all
languages and periods, and is easily comprehensible. — There
are few examples in the Veda, — as is true also of the endear-
ing dim., to which this is closely related. In the later language
it is commoner, though never very common.
91. The examples here given are not exhaustive, even for
the Veda, but they are some of those which show most reason
for the use of the fern, diminutive. — Whether dhenukd and
maliiluka (see § 89) have any right to be counted here is very
questionable. Certainly this force of the suffix ka is quite
distinct from the Generic Dim., to which those two words
belong. (8 words.)
praddtrikd. giver (fern.), MS. 2. 5. 7.
candrikd, moon (as fern.), Ramap.Up. 24.
<praddtf-, giver.
<candra (masc.).
kusthikd, dew-claw, spur? AV. 10. 9. 23 &c. <kusth a, entrails.
madkyamikd, middle finger, Pran.Up. 1. <madhyama.
pravalhikd, an enigma, — challenge; AitBr. 6. 33 &c. <pravalha.
nyadika, n. or epithet of a plant, AV. 6. 139. 1. <nyasta.
The plants (rushes) were "thrown down" (nyasta < ni- Yas)
as a seat for the bride in the marriage ceremony. Cf. AV.
14. 2. 22 where ni-Yas is used in connection with the sai
performance; and see my paper on the subject, — I. F. 24. 2J
kuthdrikd (in pdda-k., a position of the feet, QGr. 4. 8),
<kuthdra; "ax," or "little ax." No particular sign of dim.
bhumipd$akd, a plant, = -$a (masc.). — Samav.B. 2. 6. 10.
(Continued in the next number.)
Notes on Village Government in Japan After 1600, II.—
By K. ASAKAWA, Ph. D., Yale University, New Haven,
Conn.
Additional Bibliography.
103. KAGA SHO-UN KO, #0 J? fe f| &, [life of Lord Maeda
Tsunatoshi, A. D. 1643—1724], compiled by Kondo Iwawo, & j|f ^ £f|.
Tokyo, 1909. 3 vols., Ixxiv -f 697, xvi + 804, xi + 630 + cxxii pages.
104. Sho-un Jed sho-den, fe H 5V >h fij, l>rief life °f the same], by
Fujioka Sakutaro , H fSij ffe ^ j$. Tokyo, 1909. 1 vol., xxiv + 334
+ 7 pages.
105. Ishida Mitsimari, (f§ ^) ^ ffl H J^C? [life of Ishida Mitsu-
nari or Katsushige, A. D. 1560—1600], by Watanabe Sei-yu; JS ^ "ffi 16-
Tokyo. 1907. 1 vol., xxiv, 336 pages.
106. Reki-shi chi-ri, ^ ^. iife i@l? [monthly journal devoted to history
and historical geography]. Tokyo, 1899 — .
2. [To the note of this work add:] Part XII, vol. xiii, 1010 pages.
Abbreviations.
Ish 105. Ishida Mitsunari.
KSK 103. KAGA SHO-UN KG.
Rch 106. Reki-shi chi-ri.
Sho 104. Sho-un ko sho-den-.
Notes.
(1) Dependence of power on peace. It is generally held that, shortly
before his death, Tokugawa leyasu solemnly enjoined the great barons
who had lately become his vassals, that the best among them should
supersede his successor, should the latter fail in maintaining justice
and peace in his government of Japan. For, said he, [quoting an old
saying], the world was the world's world, and not one man's. To, IX. 826.
It matters little if this story is historically untrue, so long as the
whole life of leyasu as a ruler and the whole structure of his system
of administration substantiate, as they must be said to do, the sentiment
implied in the alleged remark.
The same sentiment also animated many an able baron in the govern-
ment of his fief. Uesugi Harunori (1751 — 1822), lord of Yonezawa, on
yielding his position to his son Haruhiro, in 1785, instructed the latter
152 K. Asakawa, [1911.
in the following terms: "The State [i. e. , fief] has been transmitted by
our forefathers, and should not be exploited for selfish purposes. The
people belong to the State, and should not be exploited for selfish pur-
poses. The lord exists for the State and the people, and not the
State and the people for the lord." YZS. 355. Matsudaira Tsunatoshi
(1644 — 1724), lord of Kanazawa, continually reminded his vassals that,
his fief had been entrusted to his house by the suzerain (the Tokugawa)
and hence was not its private property, and that therefore the suzerain's
laws should be observed, and the fief should be governed with great
care and with justice. To, XIV. 300. Both these lords were regarded
models of good administrators.
It would perhaps be truer to observe that leyasu and the two lords
above mentioned, as well as other successful suzerains and barons, were
all deeply influenced by the well-known political philosophy of China
that Heaven appointed the prince for the good of the people, than to
say that leyasu was the sole example that the others followed. (Of. the
author's Early institutional life of Japan, 1903, pp. 153—184.) To the
latter, however, the Chinese ideal must have seemed the more com-
manding for the former's practical demonstration of its value. Rein-
forced by these worthy examples, it was seldom forgotten during the
two and a half centuries of the Tokugawa regime that the lord's power
should depend upon peace of his people. As for the deeper significance
in this regime of the persistent idea of peace , we shall seek to find it
in some of the following notes.
(2) Political wisdom of Japan and China. It is beyond the scope of
this paper to note with what zeal leyasu collected classical and historical
works of China and Japan, encouraged their publication and study, and
himself derived from some of them a vast deal of practical wisdom.
(E. g., DSR, XII, xiii, 877, 935—939.) After him, encouragement of
learning became a traditional policy of his house, as is amply illustrated
in Kondo Morishige's Yu-bun ko-zhi, 1817, (Kon-do Sei-sai zen-shu, ed.
Tokyo, 1906, II. pp. 99 — 348). The example of the suzerain was eagerly
followed by the barons- throughout the country. See the Ni-hon kyo-iku
shi-ryo. edited by the Department of Education, Tokyo, 2d ed., 1903 —
1904, 9vols. and supp.; Sato Sei-zhitsu, Ni-hon kyo-iku shi, Tokyo, 1903,
pp. 267 — 480; articles by Nakamura Katsumaro, in SJiz., XVIII, Nos. 6,
8, 11; XIX, Nos. 3, 5, 6; (1907—1908).
Ambitious barons vied with one another in the encouragement and
stimulus they gave to the study of the political-ethical teachings of China
among their vassals. Schools were established, scholars famous throughout
Japan for their learning were appointed as teachers, and the barons often
personally supervised the work or even took part in the intellectual con-
test. It would be a mistake to suppose that these were merely literary
pastimes with little relation to actual government. What was now studied
was hardly the purely literary part of Chinese learning, such as was
once in vogue among court nobles of Japan before the tenth century,
but rather that remarkable combination of philosophical, ethical, social,
and economical wisdom in the most condensed form which characterizes
the purer teaching <>*' Confucianism. Some of the simpler lessons of
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 153
the tenet were so intensely practical and so salutary in their effects on
rural administration, that their learning sometimes exerted the most
direct and profound influence on the welfare of the people. It was pre-
cisely for this reason that scholars of the right kind became powerful
forces in the feudal society, and their teaching was sought by great
barons with humble eagerness and had a large formative influence upon
their careers as rulers. It is safe to assert that there were some scholar
councillors of this description behind every lord noted for wise govern-
ment during this period. The cases of Kumazawa Ban-zan, Arai Haku-seki,
Muro Kyu-so, Hosoi Toku-min, and others, will readily be remembered.
It is highly significant that political and social ideas and practices of
China, especially under the Chou dynasty, as were embodied in classical lite-
rature, exercised such a profound influence upon the feudal rulers of Japan
after 1600. Their conception of good administration and of the rights
and duties of the prince and subjects, and of the moral and economic
principles of society, was, in its important features, thoroughly Chinese.
The older and purer Confucian ideas, introduced into Japan from ten
centuries before, now seemed not only to have become the subject of an ab-
sorbing study, but also to have given a model of social order and govern-
ment. It is only after these ideas are mastered, and not before, that one may
understand the sources and the force of most of the policies which guided
such good suzerains as leyasu (1543 — 1616), lemitsu (1604 — 1651), and
Yashimune (1684 — 1751). and such exemplary barons as Tsugaru Nobu-
masa (1646—1710). Hosokawa Shigekata (1718—1785), Mito Harumori
(1751 — 1805), Uesugi Harunori (1751 — 1822), and Matsudaira Sadanobu
(1758—1829). Cf., e. g., To, XIV, 191—387; Tnk, 25 if., 43 ff., 64; Gi, I,
10—11, 13—15, 30; II, 5; III, 1; Zo, I, 1030; YZS, 13—14, 261, 867—898;
Shr; articles by Prof. Mikami Sanzlii in Shz, XVII, 1085—1125 (1906);
XIX, 1 — 30 (1908). For this condition, neither the example set by the
suzerain nor the intellectual zeal and receptivity of the baron would
afford a satisfactory explanation. The reason was probably much deeper.
It may be possible to demonstrate that many conditions in ancient China
and modern Japan being singularly similar to each other, ideas and in-
stitutions born in the former appealed to the latter with peculiar force.
It is an astounding fact in history that an old society should, after the
lapse of thousands of years, find in another land or a miniature of its federal
government sustained by agriculture and ruled by military forces, and
teach it lessons of its own experience by means of the most concise
and lucid of human speech.
(3) Adaptation. A careful examination of the Tokugawa regime is
apt to reveal very little originality in its details. They were based either
on conditions then in existence, on models found in Chinese literature
or in the earlier history of Japan, or on modifications or combinations
of these conditions and examples. The merit of the general system
must be sought rather in its mastery of details, solidarity, and delicate
balance, than in its originality.
(4) Riders and ruled. Mencius quotes an old saying: "Some exercise
the mind, others exercise physical strength, [some scholars say that this
is the extent of the old saying and the following is Mencius's comment,
154 K. Asakawa, [1911.
but the general opinion is otherwise]. Those who exercise the mind rule over
others, and those who exercise physical strength are ruled over by others.
Those who are ruled support others, and those who rule are support-
ed by others." He then adds: "This is the common principle of the
world." (ft 0. ^ & >& * * *•**'* ft A- * #• * 'ft
j» A^>> A * * A- ft- * * * * A* 3£ T ± ft * *)
S ^F, chapter )]$ # 5V, I, No. 4.
(5) Warriors. This English term is applied in this essay to the
bu-shi (]3J i) class in the broadest sense of the word, that is. includ-
ing the lords and vassals of all degrees, from the suzerain down to the
lowest foot-soldier.
Samurai is expansive, and though it may be conceived as identical
with bu-shi, it is even more susceptible than the latter of a narrower
construction. The term bu-ke (^ If;) is used rather in contrast to ku-
ge (5V !fc), civil nobility, and may perhaps be rendered as military
nobility.
(6) Distinction between warriors and peasants. The wearing of two
swords, one longer than the other, and the bearing of a family name in
addition to his personal name, were privileges denied to the commoner,
but granted to the warrior as badges of his noble birth. There were,
however, other and more significant marks of distinction. The peasant
owed taxes both regular and irregular in nature; the warrior as such,
namely, when circumstances had not reduced him to the position of a
half-peasant, paid, if any, fewer and lower taxes, and, when his position
was high, owed nothing but feudal aids and charges which never entirely
lost the appearance of being voluntary contributions. The warrior's
proper service was in government and warfare, and was considered noble,
while that of the peasant was menial, and was rendered in terms of
rice, money, and labor. That the laws governing the conduct of the two
classes were largely apart from one another is well-known, the difference
not being the least conspicuous in the forms of punishment inflicted on
culprits of the classes. The peasant criminal was, for example, seldom
allowed to disembowel himself for a capital offence, as was the warrior,
but his death penalty consisted in decapitation with or without exposure
of the head, in burning, or in crucifixion, according to the gravity of
his offence. Cf. Tk, IX, 16; Ksd, 947; KR, II. No. 23. The education of
the warrior emphasized the importance of martial arts, of honor, courage
and endurance, and of learning in Confucian literature; that of the
peasant inculcated passive obedience. He was not encouraged to study
Chinese classics, as they contained political discussions and threw light
on history. Even his practice in fencing was often discountenanced in
later years of the Tokugawa period. The very views of life, and even
the esthetic taste, were often radically different in the two classes.
The division was sharp, but the barrier was not insurmountable.
Many a. peasant, as well as merchant, was, either for his distinguished
birth or service or for his exceptional virtues, honored with the special
priviledge to carry one or two swords for life, or to assume a family
name for all time. To, XIII, 661; Zo, I, 620; KRE, 205—6; Jh, VII,
50 — 67. This distinction, however, hardly extended beyond the mere
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 1 55
external sign, which symbolized a quasi-warrior, but not a real warrior.
Was it impossible to become the latter? Although it was often decreed
that the warrior should not adopt a peasant's son as his heir (e. g. DSR,
XII, ix, 223), cases of such adoption were not absent. The social mingling
of the two classes took place in many a fief, notably in Satsuma, Tosa. and
Yonezawa, where warriors continued or were encouraged to have their
landed estates, despite the fact that the mutual contact was sometimes
lamented as detrimental to both classes. E. g., YZS, 533, 571—572, 583
— 584, 748 — 750, 821. Peasants, however, never entered into the warrior
class to the extent that the merchants did at Edo.
(7) Population. The official figures of the population of Japan, ex-
clusive of the warrior classes, between 1726 and 1847, range between 25
:ind 27 millions. SCR, V, 7—8; Nfz, III, 15. Of these numbers, a pre-
ponderant majority consisted of peasants, as may be inferred from the
following instances. In the fief of Mito, of the population of 229.239,
in 1797, 221.900 were peasants, and 7,200 merchants. Kw, I, 1, 3—4.
In Yonezawa, in 1776: 24,061 warriors, 80,488 peasants, 16,099 merchants,
and 1,354 priests and others; total, 122.102. YZS&28. Here the pro-
portion of the warrior and merchant classes is unusually large. About
1830, in a fief in Kyushu: 88,036 peasants, 18,321 merchants, 738 priests
and others; total 107,095, exclusive of warriors. Km, VIII, 29. The
warriors in the whole of Japan could not at any time have much ex-
ceeded 350,000, or, about 2,000,000 with their families and servants. (Cf.
SCR, V, I.) Also see Notes 135—137, below.
(8) Suzerain. This term is used throughout this study to indicate the
Sho-gun, which is an abbreviation of Sei-i tai sho-gun (fjE J| ^C $? ^¥>
Great general for subduing alien races on the frontiers). English writers
about the time of the fall of the Japanese feudal government were wont
to employ the word Taicoon (Tai-kun. ^ ^, great lord) for the same
personnage, Tai-kun being one of the several honorific titles by which
the Sho-gun was popularly designated. A fuller discussion of this and
other high offices of the Tokugawa government must be reserved for a
later study of the feudal classes.
(9) Intendants of the Suzerain. Those were generally called Dai-kwan
{ft 1JJ, deputy-officials), only a few of the more important incumbents
being especially termed Gun-dai (j$ ft, district-deputies). In early
years of Japanese feudalism, the dai-kivan was not a regularly consti-
tuted official, but was exactly what his provisional title indicated,
namely, a deputy or agent of any official whatsoever, not excepting the
suzerain's Regents (Shikken, ^ "|j!h. The Suzerain himself was some-
times popularly called Kwan-to no Dai-kwan, Deputy in Kwan-to (i. e.,
provinces about Edo), he being considered the deputy-general of the
Kmperor. In the sixteenth century, agents of the provincial
governor-general (shu-go) and of the local comptroller (ji-to) were
often called, respectively, shu-go-dai (^ Hjf ft) and ji-to-dai (Jjjf, fj{ ft\
The former of these two classes of agents were, in distinction for their
greater importance than the latter, sometimes designated Great dai-kwan
(-J; ft ft), Kori dai-kwan (?$ ft §), or Kori bu-gyo (gft f. ff )• kori
(gun} ht-re meaning, not the definite territorial unit of that name, but
156 E. Asdkawa, [1911.
district in a loose sense. The term dai-kwan remained as the general
name for all local agents, but also assumed a specific meaning as ji-
to-dai. The Tokugawa rulers, as was customary with them, accepted the
current terms dai-kwan and gun-dai (abbreviated from kori dai-kwan)f
but clearly denned their office, so far as the sphere of the Suzerain's
direct rule was concerned, as his Intendants appointed from among his
hereditary vassals to take charge of financial and judicial affairs of most
of his Domain-lands. Bu-ke myo-moku sho, jE^ ^fc %l @ •fcJ', [cyclopaedia
of feudalism], compiled by Hanawa Hoki-ichi, j:j| f$ cl — (1746—1821),
and others, (in 441 chapters), ed. Tokyo, 1903—1905. chap, liii— liv, 613—
630; Dch, Introduction, 75,82,83—84; Ksd, 840,1612; Ish, 105,106—107, etc.
The gun-dai were merely the most important dai-kwan. Their num-
ber was originally four (in Kwanto, Hida, Mino, and Kyushu), but in
1792 the first was split into five dai-kwan, and later reorganized into
three gun-dai. The official duties of the gun-dai were identical with
those of the dai-kwan. Tk, I, 6—9 ; Rch, XIII, 419.
These duties were most multifarious. The dai-kwan received from the
villages and transmitted to the Suzerain's government report on the
census and the religion of the inhabitants, saw to the detail of assessing,
collecting, and forwarding taxes, and supervised public works, the care
of the forests, the tilling of new land, and the restoration of damaged
land. His judicial powers were limited: he could on his own respons-
ibility inflict only the penalty of beating, but should report on all
graver oifences to the central feudal government of Edo. It was morally
binding on him to oversee the behavior of the peasants, and admonish
them against extravagance and misdemeanor. He had extraordinary
duties to perform on special occasions which concerned the person of
the Suzerain, and in case of a riot or warfare. Tk, II, 27 — 31; IX. 17;
Smw, 52 — 58.
His military powers as well as duties were, however, practically nil,
for he was primarily a local administrator in control of peasants' affairs,
and not a baron. He, as an Intendant, owed no knights' service, nor
was the district to which he was appointed his fief. Not even heredi-
tary was his post in a given district, only five out of the more than
forty Intendants remaining in the same localities for generations. All
Intendants received salaries which were paid out of the central treasury
of Edo, and which were graded according to the relative importance of
their districts. They were, with half a dozen exceptions, responsible to
the financial department of the Suzerain's government, for, indeed, their
functions, as well as their previous training, were first and foremost
fiscal: they collected taxes from the people and delivered them to Edo,
and observed other details of local government largely in order to secure
the successful transaction of this essential business. Tk, I, 6. 9 — 11, 20,
II, 3; To, XIII, 890; SZ, XV.
This is a point of the greatest importance in the whole range of the
Tokugawa system. It may be seen that Japan's regime after 1600, when
her feudal institutions were brought to their highest perfection, was
really in part un-feudal; that is to say, in so far as the Suzerain's own
domains were concerned, their administration was put in the hands of
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 1 5 7
his paid servants removable at will. It will IK- seen Inter that in many
a baron's fief, also, similar conditions prevailed.
To return to the Intendants. In assuming the capacity already de-
si-ribed, he took an oath that he would faithfuly fulfil his official duuV>.
and at the annual meeting in Edo of all his colleagues he listened to
tin- reading of special instructions to the dai-kwan. To, X III, 315 — 319,
,sUi SIT. 959, 1082, 1099; XV, 780; JG, III, No. 1; I, No. 1; Jt, I, i,
'.' 12; TKR, I, iv, 193— 248. The following are instructions dated 1680:
-The people are the foundation of the country: the Intendant shall
always study their hardships, and see that they do not suffer from
hunger and cold. When the country is prosperous, the people are apt
to be extravagant, and when extravagant, they are apt to neglect their
calling; see, therefore, that they are not extravagant in food, clothing,
and dwelling. The people are suspicious of officials distant from them,
and then the officials suspect the people : see that neither of them enter-
tain suspicion of the other. The Intendant should always be frugal,
know details of agriculture, and carefully observe that the taxes are
justly levied. It is essential that the Intendant should not leave his
affairs to his subordinates, but undertake all things in person, and then
all his subordinates will be dutiful. The Intendant and his subordinates
should under no circumstances employ people of their district for private
ends, or borrow from them or lend them money or rice. Always note
the condition of rivers, roads and bridges, and repair them while the
damage is still small; if there is a quarrel among the people, investi-
gate it before it becomes serious, and, if it may be adjusted privately
among the disputants, see that it is settled without partiality or trouble
to any party. Always observe that all affairs are diligently settled, and
especially that there are no arrears in the public accounts, so as to be
ready for the possible transfer of the Intendant to another district or
giving over of his district to a baron." T&, II, 26 — 27.
It was customary with the Intendant of a distant post to stay in Edo
and only periodically visit his district. In that case, one or more of
his subordinates presided at the local office. These and other subordi-
nate officials (te-tsuke ^f* fff , te-dai -^f^, sho-yaku iffU' etc')> many ot
them hereditary, were remarkably few in number, and served long years
of hard work. They perforce led the most frugal and monotonous life,
and in fact, whatever their illicit incomes, their regular salaries were
mere pittance, the lowest clerks receiving nothing. Tk, 1, 14 — 41; II, 3 — 4,
11 — 13, 25. The Intendant received a special small allowance, besides his
regular salary, for the maintenance of his assistants and local offices. To,
XIII, 846—847, 1082; XIV, 751; XV, 789; Tk, II, 13—25; Jf, II, i, 25— 32 ;
Jo, VI, 4—8; J7i, V, 6—11; TKR, I, iv, 249—271. From the financial
stringency of the Suzerain's government, it was urgent that his Domain-
lands should yield the maximum revenue with the minimum expenditures.
The following is a table of all the Intendants in 1867, with the rela-
tive importance of their districts in 1838 as shown in their assessed pro-
» ductivity in terms of rice. The gun-dai have 6r, and, hereditary dai-kwan,
h, after their family names. 1 koku is nearly eaqual to 5 bushels. From
Tk, I, 11—13, 20—24; II, 7—9.
VOL. XXXI. Part II.
158
K. Asakawa,
[1911.
Family names
Main office at
Number of paid
assistants
Assessed product-
ivity of the district
in 1838
koku
Kobori, h
Kyoto. Yamashiro
46 96,470
Sumikura
n
10 246
Kimura
n
7 30,807
Sumikura
n
20
? 20,531
Nakamura
Gojo, Yamato
18
61,732
Saito
Osaka, Settsu
24
79,417
Uchimi
,5
20
72,607
Ishihara, h
Otsu, Omi 24 .
101,883
Tadara, h
Shigaraki, Omi 39 55,354
Iwata, G
Kasamatsu, Mino
28 100,154
Tanaka
Xakaidzumi, TotSmi
25
63,958
Nakayama
Shidzuoka, Suruga
21
80,104
Ogasawara
Kofu, Kai
25
84,540
Ando
Ichikawa, Kai
21
79,682
Masuda
Isawa, Kai 26
57,829
Egawa. h
Nirayama, Idzu 38
84,117
Imagawa
Edo. Musashi 24
134,923
Sasai
23
112,447
Otake
21
Matsumura
71
Kimura, G
Iwahana, Kodzuke 26
Kawadzu, G
Fusa, Shimoosa 18
Oguri, G.; h
? 681,642
Fukuda
Edo 22
Hojo
17
Yamauchi
Maoka, Shimodzuke 28
Ogawa
Edo 13'
Tada
Hanawa, Mutsu 14 57,296
Kuroda
Kori, Mutsu 16 86,249
Mori
Onahama, Mutsu 14 83,783
Yamada
Shibahashi, Dewa 18J ' + 147,676
j oy,yo^
Matsumoto
Nakano, Shinano 21 >
54,298
69,574
Niimi, G
Takayama, Hida 28
114,052
Okusa
Idzumozaki, Echigo 16
71,388
Shinomoto
Midzuwara, Echigo 17
106,148
Miyazaki
Kumihama, Tango 15
67,744
Sakurai
Kurashiki, Bitchu 19
63,703
Yokoda
Ikuno, Tajima 14
74,183
Nabeta
Omori, Iwami
14
78,695
Kubota, G
Hida, Bungo 28
117,534
Takagi, h
Nagasaki, Hizen 17
36,677
41
894
3,281,578
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. l~>'.»
(10) The Suzerain's domain -lands and the barons1 fiefs. During- the
Tokugawa period, the importance of any territory was measured, not by
its total extent, but sometimes by its area under cultivation, and much
oftener by tin; officially determined productive capacity of this area stated
in terms <>f koku (4.JMJ3 bushels) of rice. The total cultivated area of
Japan, which had gradually increased, was officially stated at the end
(»f the feudal rule, as 3,260.000 cho, or nearly 8,000,000 acres, although
the actual area seems to have been nearer 12 than 8 million acres.
f'hk, 100 — 101. The total productive capacity of Japan, as officially
:ic(.v|iieii. increased from 18.5 million koku about 1600 to 25.8 about 1700,
to 30.4 about 1835. and to 32.0 about 1868. Koku-daka ko, in Dse; SCR,
V. i^. 3S. t<>: Drh. I nt rod.. SO. 1M-. When the total was about 26.4 mil-
lion koku. it was apportioned, or. to be a little more precise, the lands
which were estimated to produce the various amounts or their equivalents
were distributed, approximately as follows: —
1. The Su/« -rain's Domain-lands under the Intendants 3.28 million koku
2. The Suzerain's Domain-lands in the larger cities and
other special places, which were under his special
agents or temporarily entrusted to neighboring
Barons 93 .,
3. The three Tokugawa branches ot'Tayasu. Hitotsu-
bashi. and Shimidzu 30 .,
4. The Suzerain's smaller immediate vassals, all below
10,000 koku 2.60
r>. The Barons' fiefs 18.86 „
6. The Imperial House 10 „
7. The civil nobles 04
8. Religious houses and persons 31 „
Tk, II, 7—11. Of. SCR, V, 51, 55—56.
Of these, the Suzerain's Domain-lands (Nos. 1 and 2 in the table) were
known as ko-ryo (£V ^ or iV M"» public domains or possessions, — the
word 'public' applying, in the usage of the period, to all things pertain-
ing to the government of the Suzerain, as distinguished from the barons'),
and the barons' fiefs (No. 5) were called shi-ryo (^ ^, private domains).
The former were sometimes designated go-ryo (f^J ^ff, go being honori-
fic), and were popularly styled even as ten-ryo (J^ <jj(, literally, heavenly
domains), so exalted was the Suzerain in the eyes of the common people.
The individual baron's Fief was popularly designated, if it covered an
entire province (or kuni. B), by the name of the province, but more
frequently, even in that case, and of course when the fief was a part of
a province or extended over several provinces, by the name of the
central castle-town. Occasionally, the family name of the baron was
used in denoting the fief. In all these instances, the name was followed
by the word han (ff|. original meaning: frontier defense, march); as
Nihonmatsu han. The same word was used also as an adjective; as, e. g.,
han-shi (ffjf j^, warriors of the fief) and han-shu (fH rfc, lord of the
fief). To all intents and purposes, han may be translated as 'fief. A
• us usage has grown up among native and foreign writers in English
to render the word with the most inappropirate and misleading term,
II
160 K. Asakaiva, [1911.
clan, a practice which every lover of truth should strongly combat. The
han was a territorial division, which retained its name independently of any
change in its population, so long as it existed as an undivided fief. If
such word as ka-chu (;fc 41' ^n ^e family) was used to designate the-
immediate vassals of the baron of the han, its meaning was figurative,
denoting that the vassals, who formed a minority of the population of the
han, and who were never all of one clan, had sworn fealty to the successive
lords of the baron's house, which itself was seldom permanent. There
is not one leading feature of the han justifying the use of the word 'clan'.
(11) Barons- These include all the immediate vassals of the Tokugawa
house owing military service and receiving in fief pieces of land valued
above 10,000 koku for each man. There were 194 Barons in 1614, 240 in 1700,
and 266 in 1865. At the last named date, the largest fief (Kanazawa) was
officially registered as productive of 1,022,700 Jcoku, and the average of the
fiefs, about 70,000 Jcoku. The class titles of the Barons in official documents were
sho-ko (fj( •$! princes) and man-goku i-zho (]j£ %$ J£[ _t, those above
ten thousand koku). The familiar title dai-myo (^ ^§, originally, holder
of a great myo-den, land bearing the name — myo— of the owner, original
cultivator, or some other person or thing) was only half official as
general name for the barons. Sometimes, however, a distinction was made
in public documents between dai-myo and sho-myo barons (holders of
greater and lesser fiefs), but the line of demarcation is obscure and was
probably never officially defined. Ksd, 1637 ff., 2244.
(12) Baron's Bailiffs and land-holding vassals. Despite the groat
diversity of detail in the village administration of the various Fiefs, the
general outlines were drawn after the model of the Suzerain's Domain-
lands. In the ordinary Fief, there were districts given in fief to Arassals.
besides those* reserved for the Baron. These were often called, respect-
ively, kyu-nin mae ($£ J^ "jjif) and o-kura-iri (fj||] jjjfc A)- (Ish, 108;
SDS, I, 16.)
The management of the vassals' fiefs rested sometimes with the vassaK
themselves, (as was the case with the ho-ko-nin mae, Jpi JV A Ufa? at
Sendai; ibid., 18), but oftener with village-heads with or without special
agents placed above them. The ancient term ji-to (j-jfj HJf) was applied
very loosely to indicate either the holding vassals or their agents. The
vassals, so far as their rural affairs were concerned, or, at least, their
agents and village-heads, were usually under the supervision of the
Baron's Bailiffs, who in these instances had general control over all local
affairs. SDS, I, 9, 10; II, 86, 104; DSR. XII. xi, 361, 363; vi, 586; Gi,
I, 3; BK, I, 4-5.
These Bailiffs' business, however, concerned primarily the districts
reserved for the Baron himself. They were nearly always of the warrior
class, but, like the Suzerain's Intendants, did not hold their respective
districts in fief, for they were paid servants usually removable at will.
YZS, 107— 108; NTK, 404. In many Fiefs, there were some Bailiffs who
held their spheres, or at least regarded them, as in fief (cf., e. g., YZS,
565), but the tendency was toward making these cases exceptional.
The Baron's Bailiff's were generally of two grades, the names of which
varied considerably in the different Fiefs. Perhaps the commonest grades
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. Hll
were kori bu-gyo, $|> J|^ ft, (other names being gun-dai, Jj) f^; gun-to,
815 S5> gun-zhi, $$ 10) and dai-kican, fi; ^, (also gun-dai. kori moku-
(!«/• jtft @ f^)? the first higher than the second. Some of the larger
Fid's, however, had three or more grades, while the smaller had only one.
A>, II. :-{; Zo, I, 1030; Gi, II, 24—25; JV/Ar, throughout.
Instructions to the Bailiffs were necessarily of the same nature as
those given to the Suzerain's Intendants.
In the same manner that the Suzerain's government occasionally de-
* I >atched special inspectors to observe conditions of rural administration
(To, X, 610, 622, 661—662; XI, 495, 509. 596—599, 826; XII, 47—48, 645
XIII. 60, 67—68, 174, 237—238, 439, 444, 481—483; XIV, 410-414; XV,
11—14; ZO, I, 43; III, 1374; IV, 103), so also many a Baron sent about
..Hi rials with similar missions (e. g., YZS, 98, 104—107/285—286, 525—526).
The practical value of these inspectors, as likewise of the general in-
structions to the Bailiffs, was often problematical. Mi, I, vi, No. 41.
See Xote 111, below.
(13) Village. The villages, or mura (^»f), were the smallest territoria
units, and as such had a long and important evolution in Japanese
history. Under the Tokugawa, they differed greatly in size and impor-
tance. The average mura was a historic entity composed almost ex-
clusively of peasant families. The number and fiscal values of these
families seldom underwent abrupt changes, and, as we shall see later,
the productive capacity of each village was officially estimated and
registered at an early date of this period, and was not revised except
under an urgent necessity. Its agricultural character, its historic origin,
and its comparative unity as a fiscal corporation, are the three dominant
characteristics of the normal mura of the Tokugawa epoch.
The total number of mura in Japan was, in 1834, 63,493. Arai Aki-
inichi, Ni-hon koku-gun en-kaku go, 1860 (SOB, III, 9).
It is interesting to note that, all through the Tokugawa period, the
• xti-ut of many mura in sparsely inhabited parts or on provincial borders
remained more or less indefinite. Dch, introd., 93. These villages were
in the historic process of finding themselves, which others had already
gone through. They also emphasize the truth that a mura was often an
aggregate of peasant families, or, more exactly, of peasant holdings and
their fiscal values, rather than a mere area of territory. When the popu-
lation grew dense in proportion to the land of the village, the latter's
limits would be determined. There also appears to have existed some
twisting power of the mura against arbitrary division or combination,
M • strong was its historic character. Where mura were altered, their
old names persisted as the names of hamlets or homesteads (aza-na ^
fa, sage-na ~f fa), for historic names were too dear to be forgotten.
(Cf. Tnk, 206.) When extensive areas were tilled and inhabited, they
formed either distinct and seldom totally assimilated parts of the mother
villages, or independant villages. Dch, Introd., 92.
Many villages preferred to mura other unit-titles which they had
borne, or titles expressive of their geographical positions or genetic re-
lations. Ri(i[), go ($IP), sho (j£), and makiri (f$ |0-in Ryu-Kyu), are
illustrations of the former, and tsu or minato ({=)£. fj|. harbor) , hama
162 K- Asakawa, [1911.
llSC beach), shima (J|(|, island), san ([Jj— Buddhistic), uke ( §£— from the
Chinese unit show §?), de ({IS, offshoot), and sabaki (ffllj , rule) and
(g ft; H ^, #0 # ^, separated), of the latter. Ibid. 90—93;
w-s/ie, II, 479, 484, &c.
It would be extremely interesting- to study, from old maps and from
all the actual examples, the various types of settlement and of the arrange-
ment of houses in the historic villages of Japan, to note the geographical
distribution of these types, and to infer from these data the probable
historic and economic reasons of the variation. It is, of course, to be
expected that, even aside from the changes that have taken place since
the end of the feudal regime, some villages are too old and too much
altered from their original forms to be reduced to types or to lead one
to safe conclusions as to their evolution. However, it is easy to see
that there must be a great number of other villages in which may be
traced with more or less clearness their original types or their subsequent
alterations. Scarcely any extended study has yet been made in this
fruitful field of research. One geoprapher has barely enumerated eight
different types in existence, as follows: — 1. a single row of houses on
one or either side of a road or a river or on the sea-shore; 2. parallel
rows of houses in similar positions ; sometimes on ascending or descend-
ing terraces; 3. two such single or parallel rows intersecting each other
at an angle; 4. a more or less circular or arcuated distribution of houses
around a fortress, a temple, a great estate, or a small harbor; 5. a linear
distribution with its one end closed against further extension, for in-
stance, by an important temple, which is usually situated before a thickly
wooded spot; 6. villages in which single houses are scattered with 110
system of arrangement; 7. those in which houses are found in small
groups on advantageous spots; and 8. those in which houses are arranged
and roads built in accordance with some preconceived regular geometrical
glans. (Makiguchi Tsunesaburo, Zhin-sei chi-ri galcu, 3rd ed., 1Jio:>.
pp. 904—907.)
Also see Notes 15 and 22, below. The striking case of the lya-yama
villages of lyo deserves a special mention.
(14) The lya-yama villages in the province, of lyo (ffi jfc jjiJl /fr lij )•
About 180 square miles in extent, and situated on the sinuous course of
the river Matsuo, the lya-yama villages were completely protected from
the outside world by high mountains and deep ravines. The latter were
crossed over only by means of ropes made of twisted vines, for it was
impossible to span the wide gorges with bridges. In the fourteenth
century, this place was found to be occupied by a few hardy warrior>
with their retainers, who resisted encroachments, and stood against n
powerful baron when all the rest of Shikoku had succumbed to him.
In 1585, lyo was given in fief to Hachisuka, but it was not till 1590
that he extended his authority to this part of the province. The chiefs
either fled or were killed rather than surrender, and the region was well-
nigh deserted. Afterwards old inhabitants were slowly induced to return.
and surviving chiefs were permitted to re-instate themselves in their
former positions. In 1612, the productive capacity of the land under
cultivation was estimated as about 1200 koku. The chiefs, at that time
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 163
lian twenty, were granted hereditary rights as village-heads, as well as
whatever land they might open beyond the cultivated area then registered.
Throughout the Tokugawa period, these privileges of the chi<-t^ iv-
mained undisturbed. They owed a nominal military service in case of
an emergency, which seldom occurred. The population gradually in-
creased, as also the area tilled after 1612, which all belonged to the
hereditary chief's. At the fall of the feudal government in 1868, lya-yama
was found to contain nearly ten thousand souls, living in 36 villages
styled as myo. (the reader will remember the word myo-den mentioned
in Xote 11, above), under the control of 21 chiefs (myo-shu, %j J, heads
of the myo) belonging to seven old warrior-families. Peasants who culti-
vated the land that was examined and registered in 1612 were free, but
those who lived on other land, which was in the chiefs' possession, were
the latter* tenants . and stood in a servile tenure. DSR, XII. v. 321 ;
x, 494-^96; Mkr, 198, 216—217; Dc\ 1230—1231.
These facts about lya-yama are extraordinary and instructive, at least in
the following respects : 1. they retained the old name myo for the village, —
a point of interest at this stage of our discussion, — and myo-shu for the
village-head; 2. the chiefs were warriors, and owed a knight's service;
3. they held their post by heredity; and 4. they held their tenants as
serfs. For these reasons, we shall often recur to these isolated villages
in the course of this essay.
It would be interesting to visit this region to-day and study its present
conditions. A citizen of lyo who has recently traveled across lya-yama
observes that it was still largely inaccessible, that the families of the
chiefs were still greatly respected by the peasants, and that many of the
latter were still notably intractable and defiant.
(15) Classes of peasants. The ordinary peasants, technically called
hyaku-sJid ("j§" ^), constituted the bulk of the peasant population. Their
status may be explained in connection with their landed holdings. Tin-
latter had each an officially fixed and registered productive value, and
by this value the importance of the holding peasant was measured.
(E. g., YZS, 506.) From the fiscal point of view, the holding was as
important as the holder. A piece of land might be divided or trans-
ferred within certain limits, but its name (aza, ^) would probably
remain the same (cf. Mkr, 332), and the new holder or holders would
be responsible for the same amount of dues as had always been levied
<>n the piece. Individual holdings were thus regarded as a sort of per-
manent entities, and in fact often proved more enduring than the peasant
families who held them, for the latter might and did change.
Where these families remained unchanged, their heirs frequently
transmitted through generations the same personal names, the peasant
being forbidden to bear a family name; if the same families held the
same pieces of land during successive generations, the names of the
families and of the holdings became intimately associated with one an-
other. Thus, a piece of land called Mikubo might for a century be held
by Zenkichi succeeding from father to son. The latter would very re-
luctantly part with the former.
Such conditions were, however, far from being universal. Division
164 K- Asakawa, [1911.
and transfer of land frequently took place, as we shall see later, both in
accordance with and in violation of law. Peasant families came and
went, and rose and fell, and the dull land also changed names or even
aspects through natural calamities or human fortune, (of. GGI, III, 1,
15, 16.) Often families altered more rapidly than land.
In a village where there were families much older than others , the
former, especially if they were proportionately rich, were often called
sen byaku-sho (fa "jg" $J, advance peasants), and enjoyed a degree of pre-
stige. If they were original settlers of the village, they would be distin-
guished as kusa-wake (Jfl ^r)S grass-dividers). In some places, older
families were hon lyaku-sho (7J£ U $J, main peasants), and later ones
waU byaku-sho (j& 1J %£, side peasants). DSR, XII, v, 535—536 ; GGI,
II, 17; III, 20. Often the land-holding peasants in a village were collect-
ively called so hyak-usho (tf|£ "g" jj, all peasants).
Few villages were regularly laid off like the townships in the newer
American States. Japanese peasants were by nature gregarious and
mutually dependent. Groups of houses would first spring up freely over
widely separated spots, and as each spot became filled, virgin soil between
the first spots would be settled upon and tilled, until an increased popu-
lation should have turned with plough and spade all the available sur-
face of the village. Peasants holding many pieces of land would find
them scattered over too wide an extent for him alone to manage them.
Also, as the village was well filled with small peasants, probably some
of them would, impoverished by their mismanagement and by excessive
taxes, mortgage and lose their patches of land, or perhaps abscond.
Thereby the greater peasants would have their holdings added to, some-
times to their delight, but oftener against their will, when the taxes
were heavy and the margin of profit small. From these and many other
circumstances, all large peasants employed hired men as farm hands.
This practice was common from the beginning of the Tokugawa period
(cf., e. g., DSR, XII, iv, 196). About 1720, a well-informed writer affirm-
ed that few landholders of 20 to 100 koku of recorded productivity could
cultivate with their own hands more than a tenth of their holdings.
(Mi, II, No. 15.)
^The hired men were not all of a uniform status. Some were younger
sons of other peasants, but these became fewer, for economic reasons
that we shall examine later. Some others were hereditary servants (fu-
dai, 1§ |j|); these also decreased in number toward the end of the
period, though they increased temperorarily in hard years (To, XII, 621)
and never disappeared throughout this period. There were many men
all over Japan who had few or no holdings of their own, and would be
willing to be hired for short periods as farm hands. These usually had
no voice in the councils of the villages where they had their temporary
domicile. If they became settled, or, perhaps, if they continued to live
in their own villages, and worked as tenants, they were called na-ko
(%l -f, sons of the myo-den^ cf. Notes 11 and 14, above), midzu-nomi (?]C §>
water-drinkers), mae-chi ("jif Jtfj, front-land), and the like. In the Kana-
zawa fief, a kashira-buri (|fjf ^?) owned his own dwelling-house; he had
greater freedom of movement than the ordinary peasants. In
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
gome truants lived rent-free in houses built l>y the landlord. In most
places, the tenants were incorporated into five-man groups, which will be
described below, but seldom had any voice in village administration.
(GGI, II, 17; Ggs, 136; Jh, VII, 67—68; Tk, VII, 17—20; Mkr, 232,
235. 251, 305, 532; YZS, X], 62s; ,s,,w, K2— 84.) See Note 37, below.
It would be difficult to determine the average proportion of the
various classes o!' peasants. In a village in Murayama Gori, Dewa, there
were, in 1772, out of the total number of 96 houses. 41 hyaku-sho, 23 na-
go, 28 midzu-nomi, and 1 Buddhist priest. Tk, VII, 16. It was one of
the most important characteristics of tin' Japanese peasants of this
period that a large majority of them were small landholders. This paper
aims t<> show some of the reasons for this remarkable condition. Of.
Notes 36, 37, 45, 64, 126, 141—143, below.
None of these peasant classes were serfs. The nearest to the latter
were the hereditary servants of large peasants, but these were a de-
creasing minority of servants, and their relation to the masters was
more personal than real, for they were attached to the latter's families
rather than to the soil. The others were either temporarily employed
laborers or tenant-farmers. The former married, and frequently establish-
ed themselves as petty peasants, with the assistance of their benevolent
masters , with whom they thus "divided kitchen:', as the act was locally
called (Mkr, 372 — 373). In fact, no law impeded the servants or tenants
from acquiring land holdings and setting themselves up as full hyaku-
sho. The kashira-buri had. as has been seen, even a larger freedom of
movement than proprietors. This important point will be more fully
discussed later.
A singular exception is seen in the case of the ge-nin of lya-yama,
(see Note 14, above), who were peasants living on lands belonging to
the hereditary chiefs, or myo-ahu. Peasants cultivating land registered
in 1612 were, on the other hand, called na-go, and were ordinary hyaku-
sho, owing thirty men's annual convee per family. The ge-nin's corre-
sponding convee was five men. It is briefly stated that the latter were
much like serfs, held down to the soil of the myo. Mkr, 216—217. If
so, it must have been owing to the fact that the hereditary chiefs were
warriors personally overseeing the tilling of their landed estates.. The
ge-nin, therefore, must have stood in a much different position in rela-
tion to their lords from that of the tenants or servants in peasant fa-
milies in other villages.
(16) Village-officials. Village-officials in tjie Suzerain's Domain-lands,
and also in most of the Baron's Fiefs, consisted of three classes of person-
ages of divers titles, whom we may call, respectively, Village-heads,
Chiefs, and Elders. Tk, II, 33—34; etc.
The Village-head was variously designated as na-nushi, sho-ya, kimo-
iri, and ken-dan, the first two titles being most common throughout
Japan, while the last two were practically limited to the northern pro-
vinces of Mutsu and Dewa. The various titles were used with little
system, the same village, or even the same document, sometimes using
two or three titles to denote the village-head. (Tnk; GGI, I, 15, 16, III,
20; DSR, XII, v, 536—537; Mkr.) It is only in a general way that it
166 -ST. Asakawa, [1911.
can be said that villages east of the Hakone Pass used the title na-nushl,
and those west, the title sho-ya.
Kimo-iri (Jff $£, roasting the liver, or jj-]: \, putting in the liver),
is a title appearing from the end of the sixteenth century, and merely
meaning utmost diligence [in the care of village affairs] , as witness
the familiar Chinese expression 'to break one's liver and bile' (Jj| jj:p Jff),
and such English phrases as 'putting one's heart into his work' and
'racking one's brains'. (Of. Nz, I, 15; DSR, XII, v, 316. Smw, 101 note,
is improbable). The term was not limited to the village-headship, but
was applied to many other kinds of chiefs. As for ken-dan (}$[ Ifjf,
examining and deciding), its use seems to have dated earlier than kimo-
iri. During the later years of the Tokugawa period, it was usually con-
fined to town officials in the north, especially in the Sendai and Yone-
zawa fiefs. (Nz, I, 15—16; Mkr; YZS; SDS.)
The title Na-nushi (^j jfc) was derived from myo-shu. written in the
same characters, and meaning: head of the myo (^, name), — myo being
an abbreviation of myd-den (%\ [B, name-land), land bearing the name
of the owner or original cultivator. The myo-shu of the Kamakura and
Muromach periods (from the late twelfth to the late sixteenth century)
was, however, radically different from the na-nushi of the Tokugawa
epoch, for the former was a little seigneur or at least a man of the
warrior class, while the latter was essentially non-feudal, though some-
times vested with, the right to wear swords and bear family-names.
(Dch, Introd., 74, 84; Nz, I, 14; DSH, VII, 23; Ksd, 2243.) The tran-
sition of the title from the one to the other is not yet clearly traced,
and falls beyond the scope of. this paper.
Sho-ya (Eh JH) was originally cognate with na-nushi. Literally, it
meant a house (house-master) in the sho-en, large private estate which
paved the way toward feudalism in Japan, and which in many instances
remained for a long time as a territorial unit. (Of. Smiv, 100 — 101, note.)
The owner of a distant sho would leave its management in the hands of
his agents, who, being private men, were called by different ill-defined
titles. Of these, sho-ya was one. In its exact form, it is not found in
documents as early as is myo-shu, arid it is difficult to say whether all
the sho-ya were also originally warriors, as they generally were not
under the Tokugawa. (Nz, I, 15; DSR, XII, i, 793 ff.)
It is interesting to note that, in the early years of the Tokugawa
regime, there lingered exceptional cases of warrior village-heads at places
where warriors did not live in castle-towns, but were settled in villages as
petty seigneurs. These being influential among peasants, some of them
became village-heads. There occurred, in 1603, a serious insurrection of
one of these sho-ya in Tosa, where, at the coming of the baron Yama-
nouchi, some two thousand vassals of the old lord Chosokabe had settled
as farmer-warriors in different parts of the province. (D8R, XLI. i.
734 — 749.) Many of their descendants retained their role of go-shi ($$
H^, country warriors) throughout the Tokugawa period. There were
go-shi in a few other fiefs, and many of them must have served a-
village-heads. A conspicuous example is that of lya-yama. where, a-
will be remembered, several old seigneurs remained as hereditary village-
Vol. xxxi.j Notes on Village Government in Japan. K><
heads for in. , iv than 1\v.» hundred ;m<l fifty years. Tli.-y even n
to the old title myo-shu in 1616. after having for a brief period been
called nn-moto (%j 7|£). See Note 14. abore.
As for the appointment of the village-head, it has been said that
generally in western Japan, the headship was handed down from father
to son in old, but not always the wealthiest, families; that in eastern
provinces either a general election or an informal selection for life or
rotation for an annual term prevailed; and that, a^ a con-eqiience, the
office possessed more dignity and worked with greater ease in tin- w>t
than in the east. (Jh, VII, 28 — 31.) If this was true in a very general
way. there were numerous exceptions to this contrast. Even in Fiefs
•nd Domain-lands near Edo. an official appointment of the head without
popular election or choice was not infrequent. ( E. g. Xz, I, 15; Mi, I,
iv. H2.) Even in cases of election, the authorities sometimes exercised
a veto power or ordered reconsideration. (Jh, VII, 31.) It would seem,
on the whole, that election or rotation was much less common than
appointment, and tended to lapse into the latter. (Sniw, 103 — 107.)
The duties of the village-head were, like those of the Intendant or
Bailiff, varied and extensive. He acted as the medium between higher
authorities and the village, both the former's orders and the latter's
reports always passing through his hands. Deeds of sale and mortgage,
as well as petitions and appeals from villager^, required his seal affixed
to the documents. He assisted in the examination of the productive
power of cultivated land. He divided among the people taxes due from
the village, and collected and delivered them. He was responsible for
the accuracy of the accounts of the village finances, and also for the
correctness of all the regular records and reports. Public works and
repairs, distribution of official loans and alms, examination of the census
and the religion of the village, and the like, also devolved on him. Not
the least important and delicate point of his duties was to guide the
morals of the peasants, and prevent their extravagance and misconduct,
by persuasion and personal example. Everywhere the importance of
his moral qualities was strongly emphasized. (GGI; YZS, 506; Smw,
102—103.)
The village-head had, of course, no military or judicial power. He
exercised police functions with the aid of villagers, and, in disputes
among people, he offered his good offices to advise private reconciliation
of the parties , in accordance with the policy of the feudal authorities
to discourage judicial contest as far as was compatible with justice.
(GGI, II, 7, 12, 36—37; III, 1.)
In return for these varied services, the village-head received a re-
muneration, which, in Domain-lands, seldom exceeded a half of one per
cent, of the recorded annual productivity of the village. He was. also,
remitted a part or the whole of the village dues, and in some instances
given free labor on his farm of two or three days of all the peasants.
He also received presents from villagers, and those must have been con-
siderable when the head was virtuous and beloved by the people. (Jk,
II, 46; Jh, VII, 32—33; Tk, VII, 15; Hrs, 1296; Smw, 107.) Between
his heavy duties and small emolument, many village-heads in Domain-
168 K. Asdkawa, [1911.
lands became impoverished (Mi, I, iv, 32). In the Barons' Fiefs, great
diversity of practice seems to have prevailed respecting the question of
remuneration. In some places, the reward was much more liberal than
in the Domain-lands, (e. g., SDS, II, 43, 46; DSR, XII, vii, 1158). The
degree of the heads' usefulness and moral influence widely differed in
different Fiefs, according to the general condition prevailing in their rural
administration.
One head for each village was a rule usually followed, but sometimes
two small villages were under one head, and one large village had two
heads. In every village, the head was assisted by some half a dozen
Chiefs ordinarily called Kumi-gashira (;j$j[ Bit group-heads), but also
known as toshi-yori (^ iff, elders), osa byaku-sho (J| ~§ jj, leading
peasants), otona byaku-sho (%£ ~$ $J, P^, older peasants; in a docu-
ment of Ugo dated 1607 occurs the title otonashiki mono-domo, 'obedient
fellows'), osa-bito ( j| A> leading men), and the like. In Yonezawa, the title
Kan-dai (fc f£) was used after 1801. Suwo had kuro-gashira (0$ 5JJ).
The first name, kumi-gashira, suggests that, in some cases, the office
originated with the heads of five-man groups, which are considered in
Note 53, below. (Tk, II, 33—34; Jh, VII, 33; DSR, XII, v, 530—537;
Mkr; Hrs, 1296; Wig, i, 47.) This title was, however, evidently not uni-
versal. The other titles would seem to indicate that the Chiefs had
merely been leading peasants of the village. Osa byaku-sho, for example,
was the title applied in some parts till a late period to peasants who
held no official position, but whose forefathers were large landholders.
(Of., e. g., DSR, XII, v, 316, 530; with Nz, I, 16; Jh, VII, 34.)
The Chiefs were usually chosen by the village from among the chief
families, for a term of one or more years, and the choice was reported
to the authorities. (Tk, II, 33—34.) This, however, did not prevent the
office from becoming confined to a limited number of persons in a given
village. (YZS, 553; NTK, IV, 419—420.) The duties of the Chiefs were
much the same as those of the head, whom they assisted. They some-
times received a slight remuneration, and, in addition to it, or instead
it, a remittance of village dues. (Jh, VII, 32; Tk, VII, 15.)
Besides the Head and the Chiefs, the average village had one or more
Elders, whose function was to keep an eye on the conduct of the vill-
age-officials, to give counsel and admonition, and generally guard am
promote the best interest of the village. They were chosen from amon<
the most highly respected of the peasants, and usually served with lit
or no remuneration. They often enjoyed greater moral influence
the Head, but in public documents his signature and seal followed thos
of the Head and the Chiefs. (Jh, VII, 33; NTK, IV, 419; etc.) Tht
title was hi/aku-sho dai ("fj $J f^, representatives of peasants),
dai $£?, f^, representatives), so byaku-shd $.§"§" ^J, representative peas-
ants), or mura-bito gashira (J$ .A BJf, heads of villagers). Where the
Chiefs were called kumi-gashira, the Elders might be known as
byaku-sho, a title which was applied to the Chiefs in other places. (Tnk;
SDS', Mi.) This confusing identity of titles for the two different posts
would seem to point to their common origin and later differentiation.
(17) District-heads and groups of villages. In larger Fi"fs and Domain-
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 169
lands, as, for example, Yonezawa, Sendai, Kanazawa, Okayama, Hiro-
shima, Yamaguchi, Kurume, Kumamoto, and others, neighboring villages
\vciv grouped together for administrative purposes. The commonest
name for the groups was the plain Kumi-ai mura (|i[ 'p* ^J, associated
villages), but the old names go ($$), ho (f^), ryo (^), and others per-
sisted in some place-, as also the peculiar tori (jjjl), suji ($5), te-naga
(^ 77C), and the like. (Dch, Introd., 93; YZS; Mkr.)
The to-mura (-f* j$, ten villages) groups were probably found only in
the Kanazawa fief comprising for the most part the provinses of Kaga,
Noto, and Etchu. These groups are said to have dated as early as 1604,
and were originally composed of ten or twelve villages situated near to-
gether, but they grew larger and fewer, as time went on. At the end
of the feudal regime, many a to-mura was found to comprise 30 or
40 mura. (Mkr, 475.) According to the normal scheme, however, which
probably continued to be in practice in several districts of this fief, vill-
air''< were to be organized as follows: five neighboring villages were
under the supervision of an o kimo-iri (great village -head), who was one
of the kimo-iri, or heads, of the villages, and took the post of the general
head annually by rotation; two such groups of villages, that is, ten vill-
ages, formed a larger division, and its head, called to-mura kimo-iri (ten-
village head), was one of the two o kimo-iri of the five-village groups,
and served for life, but not by heredity; and five of the five-village
divisions were likewise banded together under the control of an 5 to-
mura (great ten-village [head]) selected from among the five o kimo-iri.
(Sho, 142.) "To-mura" seemed later to have become the popular general
name for this elaborate organization.
The heads of the to-murawere called to-mura kimo-iri, or simply, to-mura;
sometimes, osa byaku-sho. The great majority of them were of the peasant
class, though, like some village-heads, many of them were favored with
the privilege of wearing swords and bearing family-names. A few were
real warriors. Xone of them, however, seem to have held their districts
in fief. They were directly responsible to the Baron's government,
and not to his Bailiffs and land-holding vassals. (DSR, XII, ii, 854
— 859; Mkr.) The importance of such an institution in extending the
Baron's authority throughout the Fief and in securing uniformity of
rural government may well be inferred. The to-mura arrangement is
said to have excited the Suzerain Yoshimune's admiration for its effi-
ciency. (To, XIV, 300—301.)
More common for district-heads than to-mura were the titles o sho-
ya (^C j£ Ji> £reat sho-ya), o kimo-iri (;fc Jjf A)> so sho-ya $£? ]£ Mi
sha-ya— general), wari-moto (frll ~Jd Hll ^$> dispenser), oyoko-me (^ ffa @ ,
great superviser), 5 so-dai (^ !ffj f^, great representative), ken-dan (Jjjit
Iff, examiner and judge), 6 doshi-yori and chu doshi-yori (;fc and PJ»
4£ ?f, great and middle elders), and the like. (See Mkr; YZS; Gsr.}
They were generally great peasants, and, as heads of extensive regions,
some of them wielded as large an influence as petty barons and bailiffs.
Their service, which was similar to that of the village-head but magni-
fied, was remunerated with a special slight levy imposed upon the
districts. For the maintenance of the to-mura, for example, all the male
170 K. Asakawa, [1911.
peasants between 15 and 60 years of age gave about 2/5 peck of rice
(Mkr, 259). This circumstance and the great power of the district-head
had led to so many corrupt practices, that, in 1713, the Suzerain's govern-
ment decreed that this office should henceforth be discontinued but in
exceptional regions throughout the Domain-lands. (To, XIII, 318, 320-
Note 59, [XXVII, 6]. beldw.) This law did not affect the Fiefs.
(18) Delegation and responsibility in China. See the author's Early
institutional life of Japan, chap. 3.
(19) Inviolability of the official. Each official represented in his proper
sphere the power delegated to him in successive steps from the very
highest authorities. He was a dignitary of the Suzerain or the Baron
(£V HI or ^ £V 0 & iSi AX the honoric go (KB) commanding respect
from all persons below him (^jj dfc, j^, *")» "f). He, on his part, for
the same reason, showed extreme deference in addressing himself to his
superiors. The latter were approached with reverence (^ j^Jt), and were
listened to with abject fear (j||; ^ $|). It was a capital offence to use
privately the Suzerain's family emblem or to pretend that a private
undertaking was official ($|J #j). (KR, I, Xo. 33; GGI, II, 19, 20.)
(20) Sacredness of the laws. We cannot tarry to go into the fruitful
discussion as to the source and meaning of 'law' during the Tokugawa
period. It may be stated, in short, that, whatever the origin of the
ideas contained in the law, the latter became such only as it emanated
from the higher authorities. Each law took the form of an official
command, and was regarded as embodying the will of the ruler. It
might gradually and naturally fall into disuse or be modified by custom,
or even might at once be found to be unworkable, but it should not be
wilfully altered or abrogated by the people without official sanction.
The law was sacred, for it was the voice of the powers that ruled. Even
a sign-board bearing' an official proclamation was treated with reverence :
it was surrounded with a fence, was guarded from fire, and was re-made
when it wore out by exposure. (GGI, I, 12; II, 25.)
It is interesting to note that frequently the authorities sought to add
to the majesty of a law by stating that its infraction would incur punish-
ment from heaven (^ jf|).
(21) Punishment of feudal nobles. This subject should be discussed in
a seperate paper on the feudal classes of this period.
(22) Joint responsibility of corporate bodies. Of the various kinds of
corporate bodies mentioned, the cities and gilds form the subject for an
independant discussion. As for the village communities, their joint re-
sponsibility will be more fully treated when we discuss the five-man group.
In short, the whole or a part of the village, or its officials, were held re-
sponsible for the reciept and transfer of the official circulars, for the pay-
ment and delivery of the taxes, for the good behavior of all the iix-mlnTS.
for the arrest and surrender of robbers and incendiaries, for the main-
tenance of taxable estates, despite the running away of their prosrut
holders, and for a hundred other affairs. (E. g., see GGI, I, 6, 7. 14,
34; IV, 3, 8, 11, 12, 13, 15; Ggs, 5, 7— 8r 134-135; KR, II, Xo. 44.)
Cf., also, Note 144 b. below.
(23) Framing laws with discretion. An examination of a large body
Vol. xxxi.j Notes 0)1 Village Government in Japan. 171
ul' Tcikugawa laws will strike one by the persistent recurrence, after
important provisions, of the clause that cases requiring arrangements
contrary thereto should be reported to the central government,
What might be termed discretionary laws, also, were abundant. Some-
Times special laws supplied or modified gnu -nil orders previously issued
in the form of public moral exhortations or as informal measures, or
vice versa] for example: an increase of population was generally eri-
rourageii. but an excessive increase in an old village was checked by
prohibiting indefinite divisions of land-holdings; the peasants were
continually taught to settle disputes by private adjustment, and yet the
evil of supressing litigation was provided against by law. (To, XIII,
315—316.) Of. Notes 36, 45, 49, below.
(24) Operating laivs with discretion. Judgments passed by the courts
afforded numerous examples of the use of equity. This and the speed
of rendering justice struck Kaempfer, who thought them exceptional
(Engelbert Kaempfer, History of Japan, Engl. transl., new edition,
Glasgow, 1906, III, 319 — 320), but who, it is to be feared, was acquainted
only with favourable instances. (Kaempfer was in Japan in 1690 — 1692.)
Good rulers emphasized the importance of equity and discretion. leyasu
remarked: "Rules of conduct are generally fixed according to men's rank,
but beware that time and place alter the modes (fj| •J'.yo-su). (Iwa-
buchi ya-wa, in DSR, XII, v, 115 — 116.) lemitsu criticized his chief
justices, as they, prompted by a desire for an exhaustive inquiry, put
to the witnesses questions beyond their intelligence, which bewildered
them without enlightening the issues. He also taught the distinction
between what he termed the commissioner's decision (Jpl ^-j" 0 ^ ^F'J)
and the suzerain's decision (5c T 0 M ?!!)• IR a dispute over a
boundary, for example, the former would determine the truth, but the
latter would add that a part of the land of the winning side be ceded
to the other, if the correct division was certain to deprive many men of
the losing party of their very means of sustenance. He did not praise
a man who made a useful compilation of court decisions, for, thought
lie. no two cases would be exactly alike, and precedents were not always
safe guides. (To, X, 1090 — 1092.) Tsunayoshi ordered that decisions
should not be based on the consideration of immediate justice alone, but
also on their probable effects on popular morals and customs. (Ibid.
XII, 107.) Uesugi Harunori was a living example of discretionary
justice, and so were Hosokawa Shigekata and other barons noted for
political wisdom. (E. g., YZS, 81—88, 262, 807 ; Gi, I, 2 ; etc.) Equity
and judical acumen combined in the highest state of efficiency in the
person of 0-oka Tadasuke (1676—1752). (To, XIV, 263—264.) Cf. Wig,
i, 71—73; Prof. Mikami Sanzhi's articles in Hrs, 1088—1115.
(25) Bending laws for equity. Kuroda Yoshitaka (M 03 ^ tfB»
1546 — 1604), like many other Barons, had made gambling in his fief a
capital offence. His vassal Katsura won a large stake one evening, and
on his way home, with all the booty on his shoulders, unexpectedly
met his lord. and. in bewilderment, improvidently exclaimed: "I have
not been out gambling." His comrades gave him up as lost. The next
morning he was summoned to Yoshitaka's presence. The latter asked
172 K. Asakatua, [1911.
him how much he won the preceding evening, to which Katsura replied
in exaggerated terms. "Bravo!" said the lord, "but it was a risky
business to evade my law. Your foolish exclamation shows your fear
of the law. If you fear it to that extent, rather observe all laws. Beware,-
too, that after too good a fortune usually comes ill luck. If I hear you
have squandered your money, I shall punish you. Do not gamble. Do
not buy luxuries, and be careful not to become bankrupt." During his
rule, few of his vassals were punished capitally or banished. Kuroda
ko-kyo mono-gatari in DSR, XII, ii, 72 ff.
The evading of a barrier was punishable with death, but a peasant
committing this offence on his way to Edo to lay before the central
authorities an appeal over the head of an unjust local official, from
whom he could of course secure no passport, was not punished therefor.
He was allowed to testify that, as he came to a town just this side of
the barrier, he lost his way and strayed into a forest, where he met a
man who gave him a wrong direction; this brought him to a town just
beyond the barrier. Slight falsehoods regarding the ages of the culprits
who have just outgrown their minority, or time, distance, the length of
weapons, and other circumstances, were frequently imposed upon the
offenders by the magistrate himself, in order to extenuate their penalties
when their cases called for equity. (The popular story of Yao-ya
0-shichi, a maiden who set a building on fire with a hope to see her
lover, and who honestly and innocently refused to testify that she was
still in her minority, as the magistrate would have her do, is a pathetic
illustration. She was a year too old to be a minor, and was, much
against the wishes of the authorities and the people, punished capitally
for incendiarism.) Perhaps for this need of considerate justice, it was
customary not to allow the affidavit of the defendant to be shown him
in writing, though he might listen to its reading. Tk, IX, 5 — 6, 15.
(26) The peasant as the foundation of the State. The constantly quoted
maxim (derived from the Shu-king, hia-shu, iii. 2) is, J£ ^ H &~fc 7jf fy >
meaning precisely the caption of this Xote. According to the economic
conception of most rulers of this period, the peasantry wras the only
productive class of people, and furnished the wherewithal of maintaining
government and all phases of national life. "Agriculture is the basis of
all things and the treasure of the world. It is the peasants' honor to
be engaged in it." Even if a peasant should be enabled to pay more
taxes by becoming a merchant, ,,nothing was precious that had not been
yielded by the soil." YZS, 99, 105. "Of the four classes of people, [i. e..
gentlemen, peasants, artisans, and merchants], the peasants are the foun-
dation of the State. . . . From the Emperor down to the common people,
men's lives depend upon food and clothing. That food and clothes are
fruits of the peasant's labor is self-evident." Om, ii, 44.
It will be remembered that the peasants formed nearly ninety per
cent, of the entire population of Japan under the Tokugawa.
Note 7, above.
(27) Peasants and ivarriors as against burghers. The warriors and
peasants, to a large extent, prospered and suffered together under vary-
ing conditions of the rice crop and its market value, whereas merchants
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 173
often profited when the others lost. The warrior's income was fixed,
and the toiling peasant's was little more elastic, but the burgher seemed
frequently to make fabulous fortunes with little labour. It will be well
understood that, according to the current economic theories of the period,
the merchant did not produce or increase the wealth of the nation, and
gained where others lost. His apparently easy profits, therefore, made
him an object of suspicion and hatred. Moreover, under the prevailing
arrangement of the period, the warrior's income in rice was converted
into money through the medium of merchants, who not seldom speculated
on the rice at the warrior's expense. If the latter was improvident enough
to spend more than his income, the merchants would willingly finance
him with his future years' incomes as security, and thereby hold him in
perpetual obligation. (Ems, 39 — 41.) Spiritually, too, there was much
in common between the peasant and the warrior, beside much in anta-
gonism between them both and the burgher. The former too prized
physical vigor, simplicity and loyalty ; the latter's venturesome and
ostentatious habits, accompanied by a utilitarian and impersonal point of
view, were disliked and feared as tending to debase and undermine the
moral life of the feudal society. (Ngh, 228.)
The feudal legislation was largely influenced by these ideas and sen-
timents. To take a few illustrations, the suzerain's government once
forbade merchants to undertake the opening of new land, (To, XII, 269),
and always looked askance at, and often interdicted, their acquiring
titles over cultivated land, (Mkr, 334, 335; Mi, II, vii, No. 27). Peasants
noted for filial and other great virtues were rewarded with the privilages
of bearing family-names and of wearing swords, but the latter privilege
was sometimes denied to merchants equally virtuous (To, XIII, 661).
On the face of law, at least, farmers and merchants might not adopt
each other's occupation (G GI, III, 12; KKK, 545—546; YZS, 105—106;
TMK, f . I, 33 ; Mkr, 246, 252—254) or enter into marriage relation, and
the younger sons of the peasants might not serve in merchants' families
(Mkr, 51—52; YZS, 527, 631). "As the minor occupation [7^ |ji, i. e.,
commerce, as distinguished from the major or chief occupation, /|£ Jjjji,
namely, agriculture] seems to return much profit for little labor and
therefore excites the peasant's envy and interferes with agriculture, it
has been a custom in all ages both in Japan and in China to forbid him
to marry a merchant's daughter." (Ibid., 747.)
The rising influence of the burgher class was, however, so irresistible,
and had so insidiously stolen over a large section of the warrior class,
that, especially at Edo after the end of the seventeenth century, the
mercantile mode of life and thought began deeply to affect the warriors
(Sb, I, 59—66; V. 27—31; Bms, 25—26, 50—51). The same mode in its
worse aspects, it was continually deplored, was corrupting the innocent
peasants also (Mi, I, iv, No. 29). This important tendency falls beyond
the limits of our essay.
(28) Seperation of arms from land. Further, see this Journal, vol. XXX,
pt. Ill, pp. 270—271, (the litk to 13th page of the Introduction to these
Notes), and Note 60, below.
(29) Tenants and farm laborers. See Notes 15, above, and 37, below.
VOL. XXXI. Part II. 12
174 K. Asakawa, [1911.
(30) Ownership virtual and theoretical. It is hazardous to make a
general statement on the question of ownership of land. Law and
customs varied in different places and at different times.
Just prior to 1600, when a general cadastral survey of Japan was
made under Hideyoshi's command, each piece of land whose name and
average productive capacity were registered was entered under the name
of the actual possessor, regardless of the history of his possession. He
was allowed to hold the piece even against the lord of the fief in which
he lived. "It is strictly forbidden." says an order of a chief commissioner,
"to give to the lord any of the cultivated lands recorded in the register."
Was it ownership that was here recognized? It was. as is evident from
an order of another commissioner, the right of cultivation (f£ Jjjjfc. saku-
shiki), rather than ownership. "The right of cultivation over a wet or
upland piece." says the order, "belongs to him under whose name it was
registered during the recent survey. It is forbidden to allow the land
to be taken by another person, or to take another person's land under
the pretext that one has once had the right of its cultivation." (Dch,
introd.. 94 — 95.) These are illuminating orders, as coming from the
commissioners of Hideyoshi, the autocratic suzerain bent upon enforcing
a uniform land law throughout Japan. They may perhaps be said to
reflect his policy of curbing the powers of the barons by directly pro-
tecting the rights of the peasants under them. Nevertheless, it is pro-
bable, too, that the right of prescription and the right of cultivation
which he recognized in the actual holder were based upon a prevalent
practice of the period.
Whatever the effects of these orders before 1600. it is hard to assume
that the same principles ruled under the Tokugawa. During the early
years of their suzerainty, one occasionally meets with deeds of sale in
which it is apparent that wrhat was transferred thereby was the right of
cultivation rather than ownership. (Cf., e. g.. DSR, XII, iv, 575 — 577.)
It makes little difference if the right had been enjoyed through generations
and was now transferred permanently. (Cf., e. g.. ibid., XII, x, 504 ff.)
The same idea lingered in some Fiefs till long afterward. In Akita, for
example, the peasants tilled the land which the Baron owned, the former
owning not even sites for their houses, which were erected on cultivated
land. (Ibid., XII, xi, 169—170, from ift ffl *?&?$, ;/C )&\ In Kana-
zawa, the same theory was held: land was the Baron's (on haka, ^ffl ^?j),
and if a peasant was too poor to meet his obligations, he was allowed
only to sell the use, not the ownership, of his land. The process was
called kiri taka (ty] j§J, dividing the assessed productivity, that is. not
the acreage), and the price was euphemized as return-favor (ret, |f)-
(Mkr, 335, 473—475.)
In several other places wrhere, as in the greater part of Japan, people
no longer remembered the distinction between the right of ownership
and of cultivation, or, perhaps, the latter had long been assimilated with
the former, the idea of transferring the mere use of land still adhered
to tenant-fanning. Tenant-farmers sold their right of tenancy to others.
and pieces of land under long terms of lease changed hands with more
or less freedom. The practice was especially prevalent in parts of Echigo,
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. !/•">
Bitchu, and Tosa, (IbM., 476. 527, 530—531, 539—544.) This last usage
»eeins highly significant.
Kven where the holding peasant was to aJl intents and purposes
reuurded the owner of his land, the persistent fiction that he merely had
the right of use lingered almost universally, and." in many places, un-
consciously. Thi- will be clearly seen in the following Notes 31 — 40.
The legal ] i roof of a holding consisted of either an entry in the official
register, a title deed, a deed of sale, or a receipt of the land dues. (Mkr,
331—332. :r,i;— 340; Wig, v. 1—20.)
1 31) Cultivated and uncultivated land. As might be expected, the
peasant's virtual ownership extended over cultivated land, but seldom
over uncultivated or non-arable land adjacent thereto. The tenure of
the latter was neither uniform nor always definite within the same Fief
or Domain-land. Fiefs often presenting a great variety of tenures in juxt-
aposition. In Sendai, Tosa, and Higo, for instance, different kinds of
tief land, village land, religious land, and private land, existed side by
-•ide. many of them in ill-defined tenures (3/Ar, 441 — 143. 445. 451).
Generally speaking, some of the following belonged to the Domain or
the Kief, (it would be truer to the popular conception of the question to
say -the Domain or the Fief than to say 'the Suzerain or the Baron,' for,
thanks to the presence of intendants and bailiffs, the peasant's point
of view in regard to landed property was rather impersonal): 1. grass-
land next to rivers, lakes, and the larger ponds ; 2. grass-land and wood-
land on the borders of villages and districts; and 3. forests specially
reserved for public purposes. The privilege of cutting grass and smaller
trees on these lands for fodder and fuel was often granted to villages
or individual peasants, on payment of small dues or under other con-
ditions, and the felling of larger trees for more permanent ends was
allowed under varying terms. The border-land often played an important
part in the economy of villages which had insufficient areas of cultivated
land, and gave rise to many a serious dispute between them. (TMK,
f. II, 1—106, pts. J^ ^ li| and $fc J^ ; III, 149 — 181, 204—308, pts.
ft J|f and lij ${t Jig; Mkr, 346, 431—434. 44(>. 442. 445—446.)
Some other land along rivers and ponds, and grass and wood land,
were considered as common property of a village in which or the villages
'•n which they were situated. In these cases, dues, if any, in return
for the use of grass and tree- were paid to the village, which made the
becessary regulations. Larger lots were guarded by wardens. These
men originally were, in many places, said to have been owners of these
tract*, which they, under the pressure of the taxes levied on them, volun-
tairly turned them over to the village, and became their keepers. (MTcr.,
3M. 120—424. 430—432, 435—440, 449.)
Some uncultivated and non-arable land was already in private owner-
ship. Customs, of course, 'varied greatly in this matter. The narrow
marginal patches about rice-fields, for example, were considered in some
place* as belonging to the owner of the fields, but, in some others, he
owned the soil of these margins, but not the grass growing thereon,
which wa common ('property of the village. In Yonezawa, the holder
piece of tilled land had a free title over the uncultivated land
12*
176 K. Asakawa, [1911.
bordering- upon it. Most of the wood-land originally granted by the
Fief to the village gradually passed, in Sendai, into the hands of large
land-holders. The owner of uncultivated and waste land either did or
did not pay taxes for its free use, according to the localities and to the
origin of the lots. In most places, land of this description could be
alienated with greater freedom than cultivated land. The authorities,
however, actively interfered with an indiscrjmate cutting of large trees,
it being a traditional policy of all Japan in this period to preserve and
increase forests so far as it did not interfere with the life of the peasants.
(TMK, f. II, 91, pt. Jjjc :J|J, No. 1; Mkr, 333, 438. 441, 455.) See also
Notes 36 and 66, below.
(32) Right of seizure. In Sendai, the government of the Fief might
demand a piece of private land for official purposes, and recompense
the holder with another piece of equal value. If such a piece could not
conveniently be found, he might claim no pecuniary consideration for
the land he surrendered. This latter outcome was called to-moku (f£lj @ ,
overthrowing the title). Mkr. 334. This is a solitary instance of the
lord's lingering right of seizure. Even in Sendai. this practice was
evidently rare, and it is difficult to find similar rights exercised elsewhere.
Of. Note 144 b, below.
In some parts of Tosa, the system of making allotment and periodical
redistribution of land, which was copied in Japan from China in the
seventh century, (cf. the author's Early inst. life of Japan), had been
resuscitated and in force for a considerable period, when the feudal
administration was abolished. This subject is still obscure, but it seems
unlikely that the system was extensively applied to peasants' holdings
even in Tosa. Nor does it seem to have been in practice in any other
part of Japan, save portions of the distant Ryu-kyu (Loochoo)
islands.
(33) Eight of escheat or mortmain. In the Suzerain's Domain-lands,
landed property was confiscated (1) for grave offences, (2) for illegal
mortgages and other fraudulent or unlawful transactions in land, (3) for
an intestate succession in which the deceased's relatives were engaged
in hopeless disputes. Technically, the first class of forfeiture seems
to have been called kessho (Hj| JjJf ), and the others tori-age (jjfc _tl)-
Throughout the period, a gradual trend toward leniency in all these
cases is discernible, the moveable property of the culprits, the belongings
of members of their families, and the claims and interests of their
creditors and debtors, receiving greater and greater consideration. The
most remarkable is the matter of the holdings of runaways who were
only impecunious, not criminal. Once these holdings were probably con-
fiscated, but the universal tendency was to forfeit them only when no
relatives and no friends of the runaways were forthcoming to succeed
to their estates. Even then, the forfeiture was reluctantly accepted by
the authorities, and the estates were gladly restored to the original
holders, if they returned, or to their kin.
As will be seen in the next Note, escheat in default of heirs w;<
infrequent as that for desertion.
Theoretically, land was to be forfeited for a repeated failure to yield
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 1 < 7
its taxes, lint in this instance, also, the authorities were far IVmii being
eager tn seize the land. When friendship or neighborly spirit did not
cninc to the rescue, a village-official would offer his good offices, and
tin- Intendant or Bailiff was not to show his h;nid until all resources
were exhausted to save the land from confiscation.
It is apparent that all this leniency was not entiivly due to official
benevolence, Imt was largely influenced liy the consideration that, owing
;«• peculiar economic conditions, it was growing more and more difficult
to find men willing to undertake the cultivation of confiscated or deserted
land. (Set- Note 1W, below.)
Land confiscated for whatever reason was either entrusted to the
charge of relatives, village officials, or the village as a whole, or let out
to tenants, the actual holders being held responsible for the regular dues
from the land. It is also probable that pieces of land sometimes granted
permanently to persons of exemplary virtues (cf. in Okayama in 1654;
••aca-gn8a,H ffi ^ j£ . by Shibui' Xoriakira. ffi # fl *• IV< xii> 24>
Din-celled out ot confiscated cultivated land.
If the original holders had arrears either of taxes or of debts, all or
part of the land they forfeited was sold in order to satisfy the claims,
or else the present holders were obliged to meet them in instalments
out of the income from the land, in addition, of course, to the payment
of the regular taxes.
(DSS, XII. ii. 857; To. XII. 268; BK, I, 8; TMK, z. I, 126, pt.
^ * ft H- *<>• *; z- II, 11, pt, £ |g, No. 8; f. I, 216-240, g| J>Jf;
Mkr, 170—219, 337—339; JK, II, 37, 40, 41, 53.) Cf. Xote 144 b, below.
(34) Succession testate and intestate. Customs concerning succession
showed great diversity. In some places, primogeniture, even representative
primogeniture, was the rule; in others, simply agnatic succession. In
these respective districts, the principles prevailed over other considerations,
and when they conflicted with testaments, a compromise was effected by
dividing the property and giving its major part to the oldest male son. When
the heir was still a minor, — the minority ending between 14 and 20 years of
age. according to localities. — a guardian or two were chosen from among
the relatives and village officials, or else the boy was adopted as heir
to his uncle or aunt or the second husband of his mother. The. rigor
of primogeniture or agnatic succession was further softened by a free
law of adoption, which prevailed in all Japan.
In other places, the will was a common requisite for succession, and
was binding even \\hen tin testator ran away, provided it was drawn up
in due form. It either was accompanied with the seals of village officials
and relatives, or was made alone by the testator and was kept strictly
till it was opened after his death in the presence of relatives.
The testator could nominate as heir one of his nearest kin other than
his eldest son. if the latter was incapable or physically invalid, or even
a woman. If a man died intestate or if the will \va* not in correct form,
it was incumbent upon his relatives and village officials to deliberate
and decide upon a proper heir from among the former.
In some districts, none of the three agents, that is. primogeniture, the
testani' lit. and the council of relatives, were alone strong enough to decide
178 K. Asakawa, [1911.
a succession, but the first two were weighed carefully in the last. In such
instances, the relatives naturally were an important factor in the problem.
In all these various cases, however, the universal and predominant
principle was that the name of a family should be preserved against all'
obstacles that could possibly be overcome. This idea prevailed through-
out Japan, and exerted a tremendous influence on social order. It is a
subject worthv of a full discussion. It is enough here to allude to it
and say that the feudal authorities were obliged to respect this strong
popular demand. Indeed, the principle was as strong among the warrior
class as among the peasants, for neither probably had any other point
of view regarding matters of the family. Escheat in default of a male
heir in a peasant family would be unlikely to be in practice in such a
society, for the independent peasant family was usually closely identified
with hereditary holdings of land which had acquired names (aza-na
•^r ^§)j and always subsisted on some landed estate, however small.
The family should not die, and, if it would live, it needed land. An
estate left heirless, therefore, was not confiscated until it was evident
that there existed no worthy relative of any degree whatever of the
deceased to succeed it or no person to be adopted.
Formal official sanctions were necessary in some places for adoption,
guardianship, and succession. In others, the authorities were not even
notified of these events, and the census was revised only once in the
year. Even in the former cases, too, there was little official interference.
(G-GI, I, 8; II, 16, 18, 27—28; III, 8, 15, 16; TMK, z. I, 126—127,
pt. 5K |f 48 f|, No. 4; Mkr, 175—176, 267—300, 305, 347—374; Wig,
v, 88—95; Smw, 90—91.)
(35) Land, capitation, and house taxes. The subject of taxation will
receive special attention later in this essay. (See pp. 277 — 283 of this
Journal, vol. XXX, pt. Ill, namely, the 19th— 25th pages of the Intro-
duction to these Xotes, and Notes 95 — 113. below.) There it will be seen
that the principle tax, that is, the land-tax, was assessed according to
the officially determined annual productivity of each piece of cultivated
land, which was considered an entity; that several other taxes were
assessed likewise; and that each household or each male peasant as basis
for assessment occurred only in some instances of village dues, as distin-
guished from the taxation of the Fief or Domain-land. Even the village
taxes were levied in few places exclusively on houses or men. (Mkr, 257
—260, 263, 413-415, 418—419, 423, 434.)
(36) Alienation and division of land, also, will be discussed more fully
later. At the beginning of the feudal ages, when the warrior was an
actual holder of land, it was he who was forbidden to alienate his land
at will. Since the separation of arms from land, the burden of the pro-
hibition naturally shifted from the warrior to the peasant. (Prof. Miura
ShGko, Samakura zhi-dai-shi, H M ffl ft, §t j£ J& f£ &, Tokyo,
1907, pp. 530—531; Nns, 95.) In the Suzerain's Domain-lands, at least.
a permanent sale of land was illegal since the second quarter of the
seventeenth century, and the principle soon prevailed over most Fiet's.
It was, however, not only impossible, but also often injurious to peasants,
to suppress transactions in land. Consequently, penalties for sales became
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 179
less severe in tin- Domain-lands from the eighteenth century, and every-
where sprang up interesting- practices, both legal and illegal, whereby
either the title or the use of land changed hands, though with varying
degrees of freedom in different parts of Japan. Newly opened lands
could be more freely transferred than old lands, house-land than tilled
hind, and uncultivated land than either, while in several Fiefs any land
whatsoever could in one way or another be disposed of. The fictitious
devices employed to preserve the semblance of observing the law for-
bidding the sale of land included practices analogous to usufruct and
superficies, as well as sales for terms of years and mortgages with the
original intention to foreclose. In spite of all this, however, the law
against permanent sale persisted, and its principle was a legal tradition
inspected throughout the Tokugawa period. On the subject of alienation,
see Note 127, below.
As for the division of land among children or other persons, which
will again be taken up in Note 45, below, a similar tendency was marked.
While the peasant might not divide his holdings indefinitely, he was at
liberty to do so up to a prescribed limit. This limit, also, was in no
place absolutely insurmountable, for the law was always accompanied
with a proviso for cases of urgent need, and the latter was taken full
advantage of in many a locality. The prohibition of indefinite division,
however, and that of permanent transfer, formed two legal maxims that
were never completely forgotten.
That the maxims were at the same time respected and evaded is
highly significant, for it would seem to indicate the transitional state of
the peasant's proprietary right over cultivated land. It was impossible
positively to forbid him from disposing as he wished of his land, which
he had long been accustomed to regard at least as much his own as
the lord's; nevertheless, the feudal authorities shrank from admitting
that the title over the land had passed to its cultivator. Nor could they
even entertain such a thought, so long as their point of view was at
all feudal, that is, so long as the means of maintaining their military
functions were supplied by the agricultural land over which they could
not imagine they had lost a right of superiority. Hence they avowed
that they would be failing in their duties as benevolent rulers if they
tolerated unlimited freedom in dividing and alienating land, which would
result in making rich peasants richer and the poor poorer. It would,
however, appear that it was not their paternalism alone, but also the
controlling motive that transactions in landed properties should not be
allowed to affect the revenue of the feudal State, that impelled the
authorities to continue to interfere with them. This motive more than
any other would seem to have determined the degree of latitude granted
for the division and alienation of peasants' holdings. One would almost
say that the Japanese peasant wrould have been the full owner of his
land, but for the nature of his taxes.
(37) Tenant farming. The reflections of the last Note receive
further confirmation from the conditions of tenant-farming. The
limited right of alienation did not prevent the rise of comparatively
large land-holders who employed tenants and laborers on their farms.
180 K. AsaJiaiva, [1911.
In some instances, single holders held entire villages, (e. g., see
TMK, f. Ill, pt. g|5 Jg, No. 4). The tenures of the tenant-farmers
showed a great diversity, and their conditions duplicated certain features
of the general destiny of landed property described in the preceding
Notes. Land — if we confine ourselves to rice-land — was let for a term
ranging between one and twenty or more years, often accompanied by
no written statement, and the owner himself paying the taxes. The land
might be revoked on due notice, if its cultivation was neglected and rent
unpaid, but leases over twenty years were usually considered permanent,
and could not be revoked but for exceptional reasons. Even an annual
lease tended, notably in Echigo, to become permanent, and there were,
as in Sendai, leases that were from the outset considered permanent,
and could not be terminated even if the tenants would. The longer
and permanent leases were sublet or transferred with ease in Echigo
and Tosa, the tenants paying all the taxes due from the land, and con-
sidering themselves as good as proprietors. In Tosa and other western
provinces, the real proprietor was called the 'holder of under soil' (soko-
chi mochi, $£ ]fa ^f, or shita-tsuchi mochi, *~|* j^ ^p), and the tenant
the 'holder of upper land' (nwa-chi mochi or uwa-tsuchi mochi, Jl Jtfe -j^p, _t
i ^f), or, as one would say, of superficies. (Ish, 72 ; To, XII, 621 ; TMK, f . I,
Pt- fg Jfe» No. 1; Mkr, 517—545.)
It is impossible to estimate the relative extent of tenant-farming in the
whole of Japan in this period, but it may be inferred to have been small,
though probably increasing. Cf. Mi, I, ii, No. 15. During the present reign,
when the old restraints of division and alienation have largely been removed,
and the tenants have relatively increased, about a third of the culti-
vated land in Japan Proper is estimated to be under tenant-farming, and
probably as much as a fifth of the peasantry consists of tenants, part
owners and part lessees constituting more than a half. (Cf. Japan in
the beginning of the twentieth century, compiled by the Department of
Agriculture and Commerce, Tokyo, 1903, p. 90; Ngh, 131.) Also see
Note 15, above. Under the Tokugawa, the proportion of landholders to
tenants must have been higher. This remarkably large percentage of
landholders in the entire peasant population, together with as remarkably
a small percentage of large landlords, constitutes a great fact that lies
at the bottom of our whole subject. It is hoped that, before the paper
is gone over, both the importance of this condition and the reasons
therefor may be patent to the reader.
(38) Change of residence. The passing of a land-holding peasant from
one Fief to another was not allowed, except under the not always
practicable subterfuge that he was to become a member of a religious
house in the latter. There was, however, less difficulty for a landless
peasant to move, for his absence would not affect the Fief's revenue.
A man might, without relinquishing his present holding, succeed to
a holding in another village within the same Fief, provided that the
first holding was taken care of by his relatives and they paid the usual
taxes. The census of the first village generally remained unchanged,
despite the moving of one of its members, if his family stayed and if
the title over his holding continued the same. It was on the holdings
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. INI
that tlic taxes were levied, and it muttm-d little whether the holders
lived in the village. In the second village, the new resident either was
registered as a full citizen, or merely had his domicile, and paid the
village dues, not the public taxes, except for the new holding to which
he had succeeded. Sometimes a removal was authorized of a peasant
without any holding in the village in which he wished to live, and then
his financial obligation in the original village was of course uncancelled.
No change of abode could in any event occur without an explicit sanc-
tion by village officials or Bailiffs.
[11 some localities, old residents of a village exercised a strong moral
control over the new comers, whose continued presence they would
refuse to tolerate, if they proved unworthy during a term of probation.
Likewise, the villagers whom a man left behind sometimes demanded
what was called farewell-money.
(TMK. z. II, pt. A If- ^ros. 3 and 4; Mkr, 231—267.) Also see
Notes 74 and 144b. below.
(39) Marriage. The passing from one village into another of a woman
in marriage affected little the fiscal issue of either, and hence met no
official interference. A marriage between persons of different Fiefs was,
however, difficult, though not impossible if the woman was first adopted
as daughter of a peasant in the man's village. Marriages between vill-
ages of the same Fief were contracted with merely formal sanctions of
officials, while within the same village marriage or divorce involved
little official formality, the act often preceding its registry by months
or years. (Mkr, 45—65. 70, 105—116.)
It should be noted that, while official interference was absent, there
was not wanting a vigorous moral sanction of the kin and of the vill-
age over all matters of marriage and divorce.
Nor should it be forgotten that when an increased population was
desirable for the Fief or the village, marriages were encouraged by the
authorities with paternal care, (e. g.. in Youezawa under Uesugi Haru-
nori; YZS, 530—531, 746). See Note 140, below.
(40) Right of pursuit. It has been seen (in Note 33, above) that the
land deserted by the runaway was not always confiscated. Nor was it
necessary for the authorities to pursue him. if he owed no debts and
no taxes in arrear, for the village was responsible for the taxes to be
levied on all the taxable holdings within its limits, no matter if some
of its members were absent. Either the runaway's relative or friend, or
any other willing person, or the entire village, would be compelled to
keep the deserted land under cultivation. Sometimes, when such adjust-
ment was readily made, the disappearance of the person was not even
reported to the Intendant or Bailiff, or, if properly reported, his name
was not cancelled from the village census, until it was certain or pro-
bable that he was no longer living. A search was often ordered to re-
latives and villagers, but the degree of eagerness with which the search
was conducted depended on the interest these men personally had in the
matter.
If the runaway was in heavy debts or had repeatedly failed to return
taxes, those persons who were liable to be held responsibe for satisfying
182 K. Asdkawa, [1911.
the claims were ordered, very often on their own request, to institute a
search lasting for a definate period, usually six months. Passports were
supplied to pursuers for travelling in other Fiefs. During this time,
periodical reports were made of the progress of the search, which there-
after was definitely prolonged (TJ< U)- Lack of zeal in pursuit, if it
was brought to official notice, and if it was accompanied with a possible
failure to meet the claims, was punished with a reprimand, sometimes
accompanied by a fine. The property of the deserter would be forfeited,
in default of a relative or friend to maintain it and pay the arrears.
Thus, one never meets an instance of a rigorous pursuit conducted
by the authorities themselves. From their fiscal point of view, land was
more valuable than personal service, and the dues from the land, than
the land itself. These dues and the village responsible for their payment
were two things which had made the lord's right of pursuit lose much
of its reality.
At Saga, a relative of a criminal runaway was imprisoned for fifty
days, and, if the latter returned, he was either banished or killed, but
it is evident that this severity was intended as exemplary punishment
for suck-like misdemeanors. It did not accompany a real right of pur-
suit. Elsewhere returning runaway does not seem to have been so harshly
treated; in some fiefs which were particularly lenient, he was welcome,
and was restored to his original estate, even when the latter had been
taken up by a relative.
(TM K, z. II, pts. ^ g£, Nos. 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 26, and |*£ f| , Nos. 3, 9,
12; Mkr, 169—230; Tk, VIII, 20— 21; Jh, VII, 70—86.) See, also, Notes 133
and 144b, below.
In the first years of the regime, however, when the warrior's direct
power over thfe peasant was presumably greater than in later years, and
when the idea of village-responsibility had not been elaborated, the
pursuit of the non-criminal runaway was somewhat more strict, though
generally not rigorous. At lya-yama (cf. Note 14, above), it was an
offence to retain a person in any part of the whole district who had run
away from any other part, (A. D. 1607— DSR, XII, v, 321). At Iga and
Ise, Bailiffs were responsible for the restoration of deserters, which pro-
bably meant, in practice, the collection of the taxes the latter owed for
their estates, (A. D. 1609— -M., XII. vi, 586); at Okazaki, the wives and
children of the remaining peasants in the village were imprisoned until
the runaway was found, (A. D. 1611— ibid, XII, vii, 1164—1165). The
latter case was exceptional, for the Fief then needed labor for unusual
public works. In some places the runaway was not molested if he remain-
ed within the same Fief, (A. D. 1611— ibid., XII, vii, 1163). One fails to
discover any instance of a concert of Fiefs for the pursuit or search of
one another's deserters, (cf. A. D. 1611— ibid., XII, ix. 230). The nearest
approach to this was the law, by no means universal, that a runaway
should be delivered if claimed from his original Fief or district, (A. D. 1609
— ibid., XII, vi, 772). Even if so claimed, however, he needed not always
be restored, according to an order of the Suzerain's government, it his
desertion was due to the bad government of an Intendant or a Bailiff
(A. D. 1603— ibid., XII, i, 206). In all these instances, two things will be
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 183
found to be common: tirst. the duty of .search, wherever it existed, de-
volved primarily upon peasants; second, the reason for the search was
fiscal, and not personal. Already the cumbersome and ineffective method
of pursuit was giving place to the later system of the joint financial re-
sponsibility of the village as described above (A. D. 1608— ibid., XII, v, 832).
(41) A good lord. Uesugi Harunori, pseudonym Yozan, (1751 — 1822). is
always cited as an exemplary lord, and his lift- hugely influenced contem-
porary and subsequent administrators. From hi- I my hood he never ceased
to study Chinese classics, as was customary with every well-bred feudal
noble, and deeply imbibed the words of wisdom they contained on the care
of the people. When he succeeded to the barony of Yonezawa at the age
of sixteen, he took a secret oath to a deity that he would strive to be
the true "father of the peopled All his subsequent years were spent
in an ever-increasing solicitude for the wellfare of the peasants. AVith
his continual struggle against obstacles, and his constant practical sense.
benevolence, and unremitting industry, he achieved an incrediable degree
of success in building up new industries, improving agricultural con-
ditions, reforming rural customs and morals, and making contented and
loyal subjects of the once impoverished, dissatisfied peasants of the fief.
His unbounded love of them found response in their beautiful affection
and veneration for him. His death, which occured in 1822. was lament-
ed by all the Fief and all lovers of good government throughout the
country. (YZS; NTK; Uyz; Om, vi, sup. 151 ff.)
Almost as illustrious for good rural administration are the examples
of Tsugaru Nobumasa (1646—1710), lord of Hirosaki; Maeda Tsunatoshi
(1644—1724), lord of Kanazawa; Hosokawa Shigekata (1718—1785). lord
of Kumamoto; and Matsudaira Sadanobu (1759 — 1829), once lord of Shira-
kawa. (Tnk; KSK; Sho; Gi: 8hz, XVII, 1085—1125; XIX, 1—30, 525
-542. 880—893.)
(42) Study of rural conditions. An earnest study of the life of the
silent peasant was another tradition in the political lore of China and
Japan. A lord who was brought up amid court ladies in ignorance of
the use of the sickle or of "the tree on which rice grew", was unfortun-
ately not an altogether fabulous figure during the later years of this
period, and his appearance was a curse to his fief. If his councillors
had as low a sense of duty as he. his rule was certain to bring a disaster
upon his house and his people.
All good lords had recourse to several well-known measures of obtain-
ing intimate information of popular conditions. One of them was to
raise efficient men of good birth of the peasant class to responsible
posts in the rural administration. Land-survey, irrigation, and other
important work were entrusted to their care, often with great success.
(Of., e.g., Gi I, 22. 30 — 31; the case of Horie Arashiro employed by
the suzerain. Tbf. "93 — 794.) Another measure \\as to establish a close
connection between village-officials and bailiffs, (e. g., see YZS, 98, 104,
106—108; 804—806, Zo, I, 1030). Still another and always commended
mode of approach was the Baron's frequent tours of the Fief under pre-
texts, (DSR, XII, v, 156; Tnk, 119; Gsr, 158; etc.). These often took the
form of hawking, which, save a brief space of time at the end of the
]84 K. Asakaiva, [1911.
seventeenth century, was a universal pastime of Suzerains and Barons
throughout the period. Besides affording- the much needed diversion
and free exercise, the sport had the great value of bringing the lord
out from the enervating influences of the inner chamber and into the
heart of rustic life. It may be readily imagined that a sympathetic and
observant lord could learn peasant conditions in a day of the game more
than he could in years of study from treatises on rural administration,
leyasu (e. g. DSR, XII. xiii, 73) and Yoshimune, and many good lords,
made capital uses of this sport, visiting the poor, rewarding the virtuous,
hearing complaints, discovering hidden talents, and, not seldom, testing
the character of vassals and peasants.
Like many other well-conceived measures of the period, however,
falconry was prone to abuses in the hands of an inconsiderate lord or
his ignorant retainers. Places reserved for the fowling and for the
brooding of falcons were often too extensive, and were protected against
trespassing with too great severity. Hawks were sent up to Edo or
distant castles, and then brought out into the field, with too much pomp,
by officials who would disport themselves luxuriously at the expense of
the villagers. When the lord himself came a-hunting, the nuisance was
sometimes extreme, all the village being forced to run and wyait upon
the fowlers, who would perhaps heed neither the time nor the field of
the peasant. Even under the most scrupulous lord, and with the strict-
est laws, some of these evils were unavoidable. (For falconry, DSR,
XII, ii, 86—87, 521 ff.. 547, 584, 789—790, iii. 604—605, 631, iv, 464, 558,
v, 116, 158. 530, 965, viii, 83, 952—953, xiii, 1, 26, 36, 73, 213, 383, 669,
etc.; To, IX, 614—615, X, 145, XIlX 530 ff., 555—556, 704, XIV, 320—
336, 360—361; Zo, II, 931—933; Gi, I, 35—36, IV, 2—3; Tnk, 134—135,
190; KB, ii; Jg, II. i. 22; Jo, X. 10—11; Jh, X, 35—36; Mi, II. iv,
No. 26; TKR, I, iv, 45—55; Sg, ii, 52—54; Nns, 17, 79—80; etc.) (The
art of falconry began early in Japanese history. It was so universally
practised and so highly developed, that Yashiro Hirokata devotes to it
twenty-seven chapters, Bks. 179 — 188. 473 — 490, of his encyclopedic work
Ko-kon yo-ran ko, ]fr ^ 4g HJ Jf^, 584 chapters. 1821—1840).
(43) Ideas of paternalism. "The lowly peasants in ease today forget
to think of the troubles of tomorrow. They would not appreciate the
best law of the government if it causes them immediate inconvenience."
The Bailiffs should frequently travel in the villages and study their con-
ditions. "They should sometimes explain to leading peasants how bene-
ficent the laws and orders are If there be disorderly villagers,
they should be speedily punished. Then the people would respect and
love the authorities. When their respect and love are assured, there
would be no just order that could not be executed." (From an order
to Bailiffs at Yonezawa in A.D. 1804. YZS, 804—806.) "Good government
of the peasants consists in guiding them in such a manner that they
would be industrious even unconsciously They are innocent and
thoughtless: they should be led with both mercy and severity." "By
mercy is meant winning through humanity; by severity, strict and swift
punishment of wrongs. Mercy alone would tend to laxity; severity
alone, to harshness. Both should be used according to circumstances.''
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. is.")
(Fn.m similar orders, A. I). 1770. Ibid., 80— 88,) -'it was said of old that
peasants were easy to employ but difficult to govern. If they wen- \v»-Jl
cared for by the officials, they would likewise care for the latter." (Ibid.)
"If you go to them with your minds filled with the desire to improve
their welfare, your countenance and tone of speech will unmistakably
reflect it. They will never turn angry faces at you, if you yourselves do
not show them false dignity.'' (From another order in A. D. 1777. Ibid.,
262.) "Nothing can be enforced against the peasant nature. The peasant
nature is the genuine human nature .... If you ran counter to it, the
peasants would not submit, and all the forces in the world would be
unable to bend them. Having little sense of duty [such as inspires the
warrior], the peasants are unable to control their feelings, but think
only of their convenience. Hence it is said that no order contrary to
this simple nature could be executed. Although they have a fear of
punishment, they are nevertheless apt to violate a law which causes them
present inconvenience. No government has ever endured against the
peasant nature. It is, therefore, essential that the officials should learn
to like what the people like, dislike what they dislike, and care for them
with the same tenderness and wisdom as the parents bestow on their
children." (A. D. 1770. Ibid., 88—89.)
The following remark is attributed to leyasu himself: — "The amount
of the taxes to be levied on the peasant is like the quantity of bait for
the hawk; too much and too little are equally bad." Tsk, II, 48.
"It is a great mistake to suppose that the common people would do
as the officials please," said a memorialist: "They would be patient in
small things, .... but never obey and flatter the authorities, us
does the warrior of to-day, when they are unjust It is the be-
ginning of a trouble to suppress the peasants with mere official dignity."
Ibid. 88.
(44) Following and knowing. j£ P! $! if & % Rf ffi &I £•
Lun-yu, VIII. 9. There is a different construction of this famous say-
ing, according to which a free translation might be given as follows:
"The people may be guided by injunctions, but may not possibly be
enlightened as to their reasons." It is implied that the people are at
liberty to learn the reasons in accordance with their individual intelligence,
but it is physically impossible to make every one understand them.
(See Chu-hi's commentary arid K'ang-hi's Imperial edition. Xemoto Tsu-
mei, also, gives a similar interpretation in his Ron-go ko-gi, ^ /$£ Jjfi 0J}.
ffr S§ !t Jt> Tokyo, 1906, pp. 297—298). Whether correct or not, it is
unlikely that this was the sense in which the saying was commonly under-
stood in feudal Japan. The difference of interpretation depends largely
on which phase of the complex meaning of the auxiliary "pf is emphasized.
(45) Size of peasant's estates. The author of this remark was a man
of the Sendai fief (SDS, V, 9), where the maximum limit of the peasant's
estate was fixed in 1728 at 5 kwan of productive value, equivalent at
least to 50 koku. This limit applied, however, only to the old laud
registered in the official record, and not to land newly opened or
acquired. Later, it seems, land acquired since 1787, also, was submitted
to this limitation. It was roughly calculated that an estate of one kwan
186 K. Asakawa, [1911.
in productive value could be managed by three men with a horse and
support a family of five persons. (SDS, I, 9; V, 9; Mkr, 332.)
It is rather rare to see. as in Sendai, the maximum limit of an estate
denned by law. although it was very common to prevent aggrandisemet
by a small number of peasants by limiting the freedom of alienating
land by sale.
As for the minimum limit for the peasant's estate, which became
almost universal under the Tokugawa, it appears that it did not begin
to be defined with much rigor till the division of land, which was com-
paratively free during the first years of the period, was found to be
going too far (cf. Bms, 11 — 15). In the first half of the seventeenth
century, there were near Edo many peasants each holding as little as 6
or 7 koku and unable to keep a horse (To, XII, 90). Probably an
earnest effort to restrict the division of land dated from the middle of
the century (e. g.. in 1656 at Okayama, BK. III. 7 — 8). Very soon it
is found that the maximum extent was fixed, in the Suzerain's Domain-
land, as 10 koku (49.6 bushels) of hulled rice in productivity or 1 cho
(2.45 acres) in extent. (To, XIII, 315, 319; GGI, I, 2, 18; 11^5; III; 1,
2. 7. 16; TMK, z. I, 260—261. pt. ^ Jfe> So. 1.) Similar provisions
prevailed in most Fiefs ; sometimes ten koku was the limit for the ordinary
peasant and 20 for the village-head (as in Shinano). In Kanazawa,
50 koku seems to have been the legal limit for all. In practice, however,
divisions beyond these points were tolerated under certain conditions,
and servants were set up as peasants with much smaller estates. (Mkr,
241, 334, 369—374; SDS, I. 27—29; Wig, v, 95—112.) See also Note 64
below.
That the laws limiting the size of an estate by restricting the alienation
and division of land were never literally enforceable has already been
suggested (cf. Note 36. above). That they, however, despite many trans-
gressions, achieved their aim to a remarkable degree, maybe established
from the fact that, at the general land survey made in the early years
of the present reign, a large majority of the peasants were found to be
holders of small estates the average extent of which approximated the
minimum limit established by the Tokugawa government. There were a
little more than 6 million landholders, and more than 85 million entries
of cultivated land. Each entry averaged 12.7 o/0 of an acre, and each
landholders estate. 14.2 entries, or. about 2 acres. (Chk, 171.) To this
day. Japan remains a country of extremely small lots and small farming
(Japan in the beginning 20th century, 98 — 99, 115), and the fact constitutes
for the nation a most important economic condition. While this pheno-
menon has been largerly due to the hilly nature of the country, it is
apparent that the persistant policy of Tokugawa authorities to limit the
size of the peasant estate has contributed to this result. It will be seen
later that there were two other important reasons : namely, first, that
the principal form of agricultural labour being manual, the working
capacity of a peasant family was very limited; and, second, that the
relatively high level of 'the taxes in comparison with rents, together with
the difficulty of buying land, prevented the appearance of many large
landlords.
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 187
(46) Financial publicity. There is a little confusion in the general
understanding of this subject, Some think that every detail of public
finance was open to the people, while others say that strict secrecy was
observed. The truth is that some things were open and others con-
cealed. "What was not always withheld, and was in the Domain-lands
ordered to be carefully inspected by the peasants, was the registered
productivity of each piece of cultivated land, and the annual apportion-
ment of the public taxes to each landholder, as well as the receipts and
expenditures of the village finances. (Note 59, [IX, 5], [XI, 11, 12],
[XXVII. 3].) Even this limited publicity was not granted in all the
Fiefs. As for the manner of determining the productive capacity of a
piece of land, which was in some localities bewilderingly intricate, and
also the annual accounts of the Fief or the Domain-land as a whole,
these were, even if the peasants were capable of comprehending them.
never published among them, though some of them might learn a little
by hearsay. Cf. DSR, XII, xi, 168; SDS, II, 20—21, 28; V. 9 if.; Uyzt
137—138; To, X, 734; XI, 568—569; XII, 269; XIY, 54. See also Note 110,
below.
(47) Publicity of the penal law. For more than a hundred years after
its foundation, the Tokugawa government made no attempt at an athori-
tative compilation of penal laws. The third Suzerain, lemitsu (in office.
1623 — 1651). was not overjoyed when a private compilation of court
decisions was made, for he thought that, no two cases of human disputes
being precisely alike, precedents might hinder true justice (To, X, 1090
— 1092), so strong was the principle of equity and discretion. (Cf. Notes
23 — 25, above.) The need of authoritative compilations, however, must have
long been felt, when the eighth Suzerain, Yoshimune (in office, 1716 — 1745),
authorized a collection of edicts and orders of his predecessors, and
himself assisted in compiling notes and orders concerning mainly judicial
procedure and penal law. The latter (known as Ku-zhi-kata o sadame-
gaki, Q 1|£ "jfj filp /i? ^jlj-), was completed in 1742, and was augmented
twenty-five years later with later laws as well as old pertinent materials,
(which new edition is substantially our TKB, II). To, XIV, 214; XVr
249. About 1790 was made a briefer edition (0-sadame-gaki hyakka jo,
lT£ IF 7 flf 1i> or> Kwanrsei ko-cho sei-ten, |[ ft H *}fi & *)•
The substance of these works has been done into German by Otto
Rudorif in the Mitteilungen der deutschen G-esellschnft fur Natur- und
Volkerkunde Ostasiens, Band V, Supplement - Heft, Yokohama, 1889,.
S. 32—133.
These works were intended as a guide to the judiciary, and it was
explicitly stated that they could not be expected to anticipate all future
cases, to some of which it might be incongruous to apply principles
contained in the compilations. (See Preface to the last work mentioned,
the Kyu-baku-fu o sadame-gaki fj ^ J$f fjj$ /£ ^fj. in the Hyaku-man
to series, Jj |£ f§.)
These penal works were followed by very many private memoranda,
more or less of the same nature, and some worthy compilations of general
laws. (Cf. KK, IV, iv— vi.)
They nearly all related to laws for the peasant and merchant classes.
188 K. Asahawa, [1911.
Any sly attempt at publishing laws and customs of the warrior class
was met with severe repression. Nor should it be forgotten that most
of the compilations contained laws which were intended primarily for
the Suzerain's Domain-lands. Similar works in Fiefs (such as our BK
and BE) were fewer and less extensive.
No penal compilation was allowed publicity. Some of the works of
the seventeenth century that have been mentioned bear the post-scripts
that they should be shown to none but the three councillors of the
Suzerain, who had the right to sit at the high court of justice (Hyd-jo
sho, Jffi x£ Jj/f). It was but true to human nature, however, to wish
to see a hidden treasure because it was hidden. The authoritative penal
compilations, therefore, found their way, in more or less imperfect copies
in manuscript, into the libraries of many officials and commoners, where
they were carefully concealed from the authorities. These copies have,
since the fall of feudalism, been coming to light through second-hand
book-dealers, some of them bearing titles indicating anything but the
nature of the work. A copy on hand contains a curious preface, dated
1812, as follows : — "There is an old chest in my warehouse. One day, as
I examined its contents, which were all worm-eaten manuscripts, I dis-
covered these five volumes. They bore no title, but I found that they
contained what might be called laws of the government. How my house
came in possession of these books I had no means of telling, as they
were very old. Since they should belong to the authorities, and should
not be here, I had a mind to put them in fire or sink them under water.
However, I did not like to destroy them. I have repaired the worm-
eaten parts, rebound the work in four volumes, and now write this
preface, and conceal the work in my warehouse. No one should see it.
My descendants should keep it in secrecy, as if they did not know whether
it existed or not, and as if they did not remember whether they had
read it or not. Learn from it laws of the authorities only for your own
enlightenment, and be careful not to tell others about them. In order
that my intention may be evident, I give this work the title Fuse-ya no
ki, p a tree by an humble hut], and conceal it in the warehouse. Tate
Anshu, at Yushima, [Edo]."
The statement that the penal law was never officially published
requires some qualification. Although the peasant was usually told what
to do and what not to do, but not how he would be punished for doing
what he should not do, it was of course impossible to conceal the
penalty for a very common offence, as, for instance, excessive charges
for the post-house service. It was also desirable to let the people know
the extreme severity of punishment for an act held to be particularly
odious, such as gambling. (See KR, I, Nos. 13, 16, etc.)
(48) Law and morals. How largely these coincided with each other,
not only in form, but also in matter, will be seen in Notes 55 and 59,
below. From remarks given in Note 43, above, it will not be difficult
to see that the very point of view of the rural administrator could not
help being largely moral. Law and morals were undifferentiated rather
than combined. When toward the end of the eighteenth century un-
usually large numbers of peasants were punished for unlawfully banding
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. !*'•>
together and rioting, the suzerain's government ascribed the increa^- <>f
the cases, not to the evil-mindedness of the criminals, but to their igno-
rance and to the want of zeal on the part of village-officials to admonish
them. (To, XV, 539, 657).
(49) Right of appeal. That a chain of delegation and responsibility,
however carefully forged and tightly drawn, would be unable to hold a
State in perpetual peace, and that the best conceivable equilibrium
between law and equity would fail to prevent all injustice, was frankly
admitted by practical administrators of ancient China and feudal
Japan. They provided for certain rights of the people to appeal and
petition even to the highest authority. "To stop the mouths of the
people is more injurious than stopping the course of a river," Confucius
is said to have remarked; "The river would overflow and destroy many
men. The people would act likewise. Therefore, engineers dredge rivers
and direct their courses, and rulers permit the people to express them-
selves." "If the people were not allowed to give vent to their thoughts,"
says an official instruction in Yonezawa, dated 1778, "their resentment
would be pent up, and burst forth at a misfortune. When the people
are silent under bad government, they are none the less lamenting it;
if they were allowed to express themselves, the authorities might discover
good points in their words, and at once correct the wrongs." (YZS, 261.)
In Japan the possible sources of wrongs for the peasants were: 1. a
bad Suzerain or Baron or his councillors; 2. a bad Intendant or Bailiff
and his subordinates; 3. bad village - of ficials ; and 4. bad commissioners
especially appointed by the authorities to take charge of particular
affairs of rural government. Of these, the last three, being in immediate
contact with the people, were the most frequent origin of grievances.
Every effort was made by the higher authorities to pretect the people
from the possible arrogance or greed of these officials, who received
minute instructions regarding their conduct toward the villagers. The
latter, also, were continually reminded that the officials had been for-
bidden to receive presents, to be entertained, to enter into pecuniary
transactions with the people, or to do aught to involve them in needless
expense or hardship. The annals of the period abound with instructions
and orders of this nature. (Cf. e. g., DSR, XII, v, 761 ; vi, 349 ; vii, 725 ;
ix, 225; To, X, 666, 734; XI, 692; XII, 16—17, 269; XIII, 315— 320; etc.,
etc.) Such was, however, the force of the theory of delegation that no
law could completely prevent the meek peasants from being imposed
upon by irresponsible officials. It was largely against abuses from these
quarters that the right of appeal had to be granted and grandually
though imperceptibly increased. (For the earlier form of this right, see-
Note 59, [II] and [III], below. Compare this with the later form as
described below in this Note.)
There was another feature of this subject which should not be for-
gotten. If we turn to the first of the sources of wrongs enumerated
above, we shall observe therein two forces one of which operated against
the other. It was the traditional policy of the Suzerain's government
at once to give to the Barons a large degree of autonomy, and to weaken
them under every justifiable pretext. The first half of the policy served
VOL» XXXI. Part II. \\\
190 K. Asakawa, [191 1.
to multiply opportunities for the second, and this result was not the least
frequent in judicial affairs. A Baron, or, to be more exact, his council,
having the power of life and death over the peasants of his Fief, and, in
judicial and fiscal matters, being curbed by nothing but customs and
conscience, might be betrayed into repeated acts of oppression, until
the patient peasantry would at length rise in furious mobs or resort to
a direct appeal to the government of the Suzerain. The riots would be
severely repressed, and the appellants, as we shall see below, delivered
up to the Baron as disloyal subjects. For, nominally, there was no
appeal from the Baron, especially from the eighteen principal Barons, to
the Suzerain. However, in case such a riot or appeal took place, the
Suzerain might, provided the grievances were real, degrade or replace
the Baron and have the wrongs rectified as far as possible. An appeal,
therefore, over a Baron to the Suzerain, was explicitly forbidden but
tacitly permitted to those brave peasants who staked their lives there-
for. Of. Wig, i, 84—85.
Let us now describe the normal process of appeal and petition. The
peasant could address the authorities only through village-officials, whose
certificate or presence was necessary if he would bring the matter to
the Intendant or Bailiff. Without this formality, no ordinary petition or
complaint would be entertained. (See GrGrI, II, 21, 23—24, 37; Note 59,
[XX], below.) A complaint, however, against the village-head or sub-
ordinate of the Intendant or Bailiff, might be lodged directly at the
latter's office, but this had to be done without disorder and with due
notice to the village-officials, (ibid., II, 24, 31, 37; DSR, XII, v, 531;
NTK, 344—346).
An appeal could still be made from the Bailiff to the Baron's council
or the Baron kimself, again after notifying the Bailiff of the appellant's
intention. This right was exercised from the beginning of the period
(see DSR, XII, ii, 584, 586; iv, 196; v, 319), and probably dated earlier.
This was the law. but its practical merit must have varied much in
different Fiefs and at different times, according to the character of the
Baron and his advisers.
A corresponding appeal over the intendant was carried to the Suze-
rain's high court of justice at Edo. The Hyo-jo sho (jf g? $f, place of
determination), as the court was called, was begun in 1631, and, as it
was finally constituted, heard, besides appeals, disputes involving- the
jurisdictions of two or all of the three high commissioners of the Suze-
rain (i. e., Zhi-sha bu-gyd, ^f jjf£ Jpl fj, commissioner of religious in-
stitutions, Machi bu-gyo, fflj' ^ ft, of the municipality of Edo, and
Kan- jo bu-gyo, ||j ^ Jpl fft of finance) or unusually important cases in
each commissioner's jurisdiction, and complaints and petitions from
Barons and the Suzerain's lower vassals. (See KR, I, Nos. 1—12, II,
Xos. 1—8; TK, II, i. 23—143, 403—502.) Although it was forbidden to
local officials to suppress peasants' appeals (To, XIII, 316, 1082), it
nevertheless became desirable, when the business of this court multiplied,
to relegate it as far as it was practicable to the commissioners (bu-gyd,
f. ft) at Kyoto and Osaka, and to order the peasants to settle their
affairs whm-ver possible at local courts (KR, I, No. 15, IT, No. 1; TK,
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 191
JI, i, 11)2. io:iff.; To, XIII, 1178). Besides, when they appealed to Edo,
they wen- to notify the local officials, and bear tin- expenses. (KR, I,
Nos. 3, 6, II, No. 24; TK, II, i, 71 ft'., 92f., ii, 98ff.; To, X, 298, 301;
GGI, I, 30.) Cf. Wig, i, 87—94.
From 1721, the Suzerain Yoshimune ordered a box (me-yasu bako,
@ % H) to he hunir before the court at Edo. and. from 1720, in Kyoto
and Osaka also, for tin- purpose ,.(' receiving appeals and petitions from
« mion people and outlaws (To, XIII, 1178, XIV, 214—216). He him-
self examined their contents. That this would encourage appeals and
bring about good results, as it did, in the hands of a good Suzerain
might be imagined, but later it happened not seldom that corrupt com-
missioners intercepted appeals (e. g., En, 19). Sporadic efforts were made
to restore this institution to real service (e. g.. Zo, I, 112), but there is
little reason to believe that they were followed by continued successes.
Like so many other discretionary measures of this bureaucratic govern-
ment, the use of this device, as has been the fate of similar practices
in China, depended entirely upon the frail human nature of the officials.
When the wrongs of an Intendant were real, and when they were
brought to the commissioners' notice in such a way as it was impossible
to deny thfiu. a summary justice could be expected by the appealing
arts (e. g., DSR, XII, i, 356). If the court failed to satisfy them,
tin re was yet another way open to them, namely a direct appeal to the
Suzerain in person while on a visit or in hunting. This was done in
an appeal, not only from an Intendant, but also from a Baron. This
irregularity was punished with imprisonment or death, and if the appeal
was against a Baron, the appellant was guilty of the double offence of
transgressing on the dignity of the Suzerain and of violating the rule
that there was no appeal from a Baron. However, if the Suzerain hap-
pened to be eager for justice or for extending his power at the expense
of the Barons, the complaint would be examined and satisfied, and the
unjust Intendant or Baron degraded (e. g., To, IX, 614 — 615, XI, 929,
XIV. 2*5). The following are two well-known instances of appeals
to Edo.
In 1651 the young Hotta Masanobu succeeded to the lordship^ of
Sakura. Shimo-osa, and was appointed a councillor to the Suzerain.
Taking advantage of his youth and his absence in Edo, his councillors
suddenly increased the land-tax to an « -normous extent, and, rejected
petitions from all the village heads of the Fief to reduce it to its former
level. Large numbers of peasants sold their holdings, and, dividing their
families, wandered out. In 1654. more than three hundred representatives
repaired to Kdo and complained at the residerence of Masanobu, but
were not listened to. Then a petition was made to one of his fellow-
councillors. which also was returned. Kinehi (better known as Sakura)
ae of the six representatives who had remained in Edo, boldly
,ted a petition to the Suzerain letsuna, as he was on his way to
the temple ;»; Ileno. The latter delivered the petition and the six men
t.i Masanobu. He still believed his councillors, and allowed Sogoro and
his wife to be crucified, his four children to be beheaded, and the other
five leaders to lie banished. Later, however, the tax was restored to
13*
192 %• Asakawa, [1911.
the original rate, and the councillors punished. In 1660, Masanobu for-
feited his Fief for another offence. Sogoro has been deified by the
peasants, and his story has been dramatized into a thrilling play. (See
the Tei-koku zhin-mei zhi-ten, ed. 1904, 1428 — 1429; the Han-kan-pu, VI,
pt. Hotta.)
The district Yashiro, in Uzen, was severed from the Yonezawa fief
and restored to the Suzerain, in 1664, but its government was still put
under charge of the same Fief. In 1863, the peasants of the thirty-five
villages of this district complained unsuccessfully, even in Edo, against
an unjust treatment from the authorities of Yonezawa. Finally, the
petition was put in a beautiful lacquered box bearing the emblem of the
Suzerain's house, and was purposely left in a restaurant, whence it was
at once taken to the Suzerain. The district was definitively confiscated
from the Fief, but the chief appellant was delivered to the lord of the
Fief, who crucified him. (Dch, 4373; Dai Ni-hon zhin-mei zhi-sho, 2nd.
edition, 1891, III, 36—37.)
(50) The Chinese house-groups. This institution is considered as old
as the Chou dynasty, and has, as will be seen in the following sketch,
persisted throughout the long history of China. According to the Chou
li (jq| jjff) and its commentaries, each of the six hiang ($j|i) and six
sui (jf|), into which the Inner Country of China was divided, was or-
ganized as follows : in the hiang, five houses formed a pi (J-'t) and were
mutually (?) responsible (f^, pao), five pi made a lit (|s]), four lu a tsu
(3I)> nve tsu a tang CJJL), five tang a chou (j'H), and five chou the hiang;
in the sui, five houses formed a lin (HI), five lin a li (JP.), four li a
ts:uan (98), five tsu'an a p'i (0|5), five_p'i a Men (jfM), and five Men the
sui. The five-house group was responsibe for the mutual help and ad-
monition of it% members. This is the generally accepted view of the
organization under the Chou dynasty, although it would not be easy to
prove either that the system in this advanced form was so old as the
dynasty, or that, if so, it was put into universal practice. The general
idea of the system, namely, that neighboring houses should with respon-
sibility watch and help one another, and that the larger administrative
divisions of territory should as far as possible be based upon this group
as a unit and held together by a chain of responsibility, date apparently
several centuries before the Christian era. They are found in practice
in several different forms among the contending States into which the
kingdom of Chou became divided, and in Ts'in. The latter made five
houses a group and 'two adjoining groups, consisting of ten houses, a
unit with joint responsibility for the crimes of its members.
After the Christian era, the general idea, having come through the
hands of various dynasties, was made under the great T'ang dynasty
into a system which became the model for Japan to copy since 645. In
this system, four houses made a lin and five houses a pao— this distinc-
tion is not clear, (some say, five houses made a lin and five lin a pao) ;
a hundred houses formed a li, and five li a hiang. Under the Sung
dynasty, the idea was elaborated by several administrators for use in their
particular spheres, the general conception, however, being always the same.
It is not until one reaches the Ming dynasty that he finds the system
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 193
really extensively applied, as well as fully described. Barring local
variations, generally ten houses formed a kia (^f, which was an old
term), with an additional house of the group-chief (^p ~fi*, kia-shou); ten
kia formed a li (jj[> otherwise called pao, f?^), with ten additional houses
of heads (li-ch'ang, jf[ J^), who each held the office in turn for a year.
This personage, like the Japanese village-head, was assisted by several
chiefs. Besides these, there was an elder (li-lao, J[ ^) in each li, who
at first exercised a considerable moral influence, but who in later years
of the dynasty wras treated by officials as a mere publican, and in many
a li declined to serve any longer.
An important part of the business of the kia was periodically to take
the census of its members, in order to ascertain that none were sus-
picious characters and none adhered to evil religious sects.
Once in every month, the people in every li assembled at the public
hall of the village ($![5 $•/ «^»), where amid solemn music the li-ch'anff read
and explained the Imperial instructions to the people. These instructions,
which were always posted at the hall for exhibition, were intended to
inculcate the spirit of concord and mutual service among peasant
members. The instructions were arranged under six heads : 1. obedience
to the parents; 2. respect of authority and age; 3. concord in the vill-
Sge, including mutual cordiality, and assistance for the sick, the poor,
and orphans, and at funerals; 4. education of children, including rever-
ence for the teachers, and rites of majority and marriage; 5. industry;
and 6. abstention from evil deeds, the latter including the harboring of
thieves and robbers, disseminating false stories, arrogance, extravagance,
heresy, theft, quarrel, murder, disputes about water and forests, needless
killing of cattle, and other offences.
The village-elder exercised certain judicial power over minor cases,
though this feature of the village administration disappeared later with
the elder's loss of influence.
The li had also a temple for the deity of the earth (J! jjf£ J[jj[) where,
besides other minor rites, sacrifices were offered in spring and in
autumn, followed by a feast for the peasants. On this occasion, a spokes-
man solemnly swore: "The people of our li should observe rules of
proper conduct, and the strong shall not oppress the weak. Those who
act contrariwise would be examined and reported to the authorities. The
family of poor and forlorn persons shall be supported by the village
for three years; the people shall assist each other in marriage and at
funeral. Those who defy others or commit theft, fraud, or any other offence
whatsoever, shall not be admitted into our company." Then the villagers
sat down in the order of seniority, and passed the day in a happy feast.
There was, in accordance with a time-honored custom, another period-
ical occasion for conviviality of the village, (^fl ffc Jg Iff), at which
venerated seniors, ex-officials, and scholars, were given places of dist-
inction, and the other villagers sat in the strict order of their ages,
regardless of wealth.
The li also had its special granary (Jfc jj£\ to which all the families
contributed according to their means, and which was opened in case of
a famine. This, too, was an old institution.
194 K< Asahawa, [1911,
The village supported a primary school (jjf£ ^), where the Imperial
instructions already referred to and elementary laws were taught to such
pupils as wished to enroll. It was the policy of the government to en-
courage the establishment of village-schools, but not to interfere with
their affairs.
The laws of the present dynasty recognize the existence of kia-shvu
and li-cli'ang organized in the same manner as that of Ming. They hold
their office by rotation, and take charge of the affairs, including the
financial, of the village. In. some places, it seems, ten houses make a
p'ai (Ji$), ten p'ai a kia, and ten kia a pao, each with its elected head.
The Japanese authorities of the leased land at Kwantung in southern
Manchuria are making use of the system of the joint responsibility of
groups with considerable success in maintaining the peace of the vill-
ages against bandits and in arresting the latter.
See Prof. Tomidzu Hiroto. Shu-dai go-ka no kumi-ai (f5 ?JC j|[ J^, Jjft
ftlttt $ fl & No- 5 of the Ho-ri ron-so & JJ fft ^ series); Nzr
I, 14; Tang lu-tien (JlfT^JL, ed. 1895), III, 9; Ggk,9— 10; Asakawa, iJar///
inst. life, 214—215; Asai Torao, Shi-na- ho-sei shi (?3t # )& ^, jc JR ?£
flj ^, Tokyo, 1904), pp. 28—29, 43, 80, 185, 276, 332—336); the same
author's article in the Kokka Gakkwai zasshi (g % $ Of j| f£) for
April, 1906, pp. 63-84; Ta-Ts'ing lu (^ }f f£), pt. J5 f£, art, i||
? ± ft M jb; the To-A. Do-bun Kwai ho-koku ()K 35 |?I ]Jt "If H
•gf), No. 115, p. 30; current numbers of the Man-shii nichi-nichi shim-bun
<mm»nm H).
(51) The group idea copied in Japan. Beginning with the year
645, Japan entered upon the great work of reorganizing her state-
system largely on the basis of the Chinese institutions of the early
T'ang period. £Jf. Asakawa, Early inst. life; J. Murdoch, History of
Japan, vol. 1, Tokyo, 1910, chap. 5.) The Decree of the Reform of
646 contains the following: "For the first time, make a census of the
families (^ |f ), a record of financial accounts, and an equal allot-
ment of land. Fifty families (J5) shall form a sato (Hi, Chinese pro-
nunciation, li), and every sato shall have a chief (J|, Chin, ch'ang),
whose duty shall be to examine the families (J3) and their members
( P ), to promote agriculture and sericulture, to forbid and examine mis-
deeds, and to collect the taxes and enforce forced labor." (Xi-hon sho-kL
0 ^ H $£> XXV. Tai-kwa year 2 month 1). In 652, the order was
repeated: ,,Make a census of the families. Fifty families shall form a
sato, and every sato shall have a chief. The head of the family (^ jj?)
shall be the chief member of a house (^ J|). As regards the families
(J3), five houses (^) shall be mutually responsible [? shall mutually
protect; flj, Chin. pao], shall make one man the chief (g), and shall
mutually examine [the conduct of the members]." (Ibid., Haku-chi y. 3
m. 4. The older translations of these passages that occur in Asakawa,
op. cit., p. 275, and Aston, Nihongi, II, 208 & 242, cannot be accepted.)
In the %o no gi-ge (^ H fl?, commentary, officially compiled in
826—833, on the Code of law which was edited in 700—701 and revised
slightly in 718, 791 and 797) occur the following passages, (large letters
probably indicating portions in the text of 700—701, and words of the
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. h>">
commentary being here put in parentheses) --AS BJEGA3RDS FAMILIES,
FIFTY FAMILIES SHALL FORM A SATO. (If there be sixty
families [in the same neighborhood], ten of 1 IK-ID sh;ill l>e separated a-
a mi to and have a chief. It' there l»e less than ten families [in the saint
aeighborhood], they shall be included in a larger village, and not be
•eparated.) KACH SATO SHALL HAVE A CHIEF, whose duty shall
be to examine the families and their members, to promote agriculture
and sericulture, to forbid and examine misdeeds, ;md to collect, dues and
enforce forced labor. WHERE MOUNTA IXOUS OR REMOTE AND
si'AKSELY POPULATED ( ), [SATO] SHALL BE MARKED
OFF ACCORDING TO CONVFXI FXCF, ( If [the neighborhood]
does not contain ten families, it shall be made into mutually protecting
groups of live houses, and included in a large village.) .... THE HEAD
OF THE FAMILY SHALL BE THE CHIEF M BMBEB OF A HOUSE.
(The eldest son of the main line ) .... AS REGARDS THE
FAMILIES, FIVE HOUSES SHALL BE MUTUALLY RESPONS-
IBLE [?], SHALL MAKE ONE MAN THE CHIEF, AND SHALL
M 1 X K A XI ) 1 ' K 1 : VENT MISDEEDS. IF A TRAVELLER PA SS-
ING THROUGH THE VILLAGE STOPS OVER NIGHT, OR IF A
MEMBER OF A GROUP [f$, Chin, pao, Jap. ho] GOES AWAY, THE
GROUP SHALL BE NOTIFIED THEREOF. IF A FAMILY MEM-
BER RUNS AWAY, LET THE FIVE-HOUSE GROUP PURSUE
HIM " (VIII, arts. 1, 5, 9, 10.) (For bibliographical comments of
the two sources from which the above passages have been cited, see
Asakawa, op. cit., 7 — 17.)
In these passages, it is evident that the Japanese five-house group
was a copy of the Chinese prototype, the idea and language of both
being largely identical. One point, however, of great importance in the
copy is not found in the model, namely, the £i (Chin, hit; Jap. pron.
ko; corresponding native word, he), which I have purposely translated
with the loose term 'family'. It did not exclude the idea of a 'house',
but oftener it consisted of persons living in near-by houses and mostly
related to one another by blood-tie. Thus, sometimes scores of men
and women formed one ko and had one &o-head. The fragments of
census of the eighth century which still exist (DKM, I.) confirm the
supposition to which some of the clauses quoted above point, that often
neighboring houses were related to one another in blood. Indeed, an old
record quoted in the Ryo no shu-ge, fy ^ fp?> commentary on. the Ryo
compiled in the latter half of the ninth century, says: [In organizing
five-house groups], uF\en if one family (ko) contained ten houses (Ii«).
the family shall form its own limit [i. e., form a group by itself], regard-
less of the number of the houses [composing it]". (Ggk, 12.) Add to these
considerations the fact that in the language of China in this general
period, J7 and ^ did not differ much from each other in the average
number of persons they contained, if indeed the two were not often
identical, as they later came to be in Japan also. They could be con-
fused, but not so in the Japan of the Reform period. (Cf. the excellent
articles by Mr. Y. Shinmi on the Japanese family in the eighth century,
in Shzj XX, Nos. 2—4, March-May, 1909.) Here the village (*ato) was
196 K. Asakawa, [1911.
built upon families, and the group was composed of neighbouring houses
not infrequently related to one another. The inference is then irresist-
ible that, as a whole, the Japanese copy of the house-group system
must have been less purely administrative and more consanguinous in
nature than the Chinese model.
This comparatively natural character of the Japanese institution is
also notable in the group and village of the Tokugawa period. Here,
however, the qualifying principle was oftener historic associations than
ties of blood.
(52) The group system resuscitated after 1600. That the general idea
of responsible groups of houses was not entirely forgotten during the
loner and eventful asres which intervened between the Heform and the
o o
battle of Sekigahara, is a point which falls beyond the limits .of this
paper. (See Ggk, 31—76; Ggs, 4—5; Nz, I, 6; Dch, introd., 74.)
As one reaches the years just before and after 1600, he finds that
warriors, of the lower grades at least, were not seldom organized in
groups of five or ten men responsible for their good behavior. (Under
Hideyoshi, GgJc, 68—76; Ish, 78—79; DRS, XII, i, 773; in Yonezawa,
ibid., i, 638, 773, x, 43; in Saga, ibid., i, 733; in Kochi, ibid., i, 736; at
Uwazhima, ibid., v, 402 — 403; in Iga, ibid., v, 762; under the Mori, ibid.,
v, 551 — 554; in Edo, ibid., ix, 559; &c.) Among peasants and burghers,
it is probable that, though less frequently than among warriors, similar
customs existed here and there. It, also, appears to have been Hide-
yoshi's intention to extend the system among the non-feudal, as well as
feudal, classes all over the country. (Ggk, 72 ff.) The occasional mentions
of groups found in documents of this age relating to different parts of
Japan may, in some cases, refer to results of Hideyoshi's probable policy
just outlined. Some other cases may be survivals of older institutions.
In Mimasaka, for example, we find in deeds of sale dated 1603
and 1607 men styled flj among witnesses, (ibid., i, 855; v, 335). The ten-
man groups (f£ A ^ £ ) in Iga and five-man groups (JJ A ffi) in
Yonezawa in 1608, and the groups (-jjj[, $j[ ^) in Omi in 1611, do not
seem to have been new creations, (ibid., v, 762, 831; ix, 224). Even if
they had been recently organized, it is more probable that they were
patterned after sporadic local survivals than that they were all created anew
in accordance with an order of the Suzerain. The occasional kumi-gashira
(ibid., ix, 219, 224, &c.) may be heads of groups from whom evolved the
later village-chiefs of the same title, (see Note 16, above). However that
may be, it is certain that the groups, whether old or recent, were built
upon the fundamental idea of the joint responsibility of their members,
(see the above references to DSR).
That some places had entirely forgotten the system and had now to
adjust themselves to it with difficulty may be inferred from the follow-
ing example of Kyoto. "This year [1603]", says the To-dai ki ($ f£ fGr
annals 1565 — 1615), "it happened that the burghers of Kyoto were organ-
ized in groups of ten men. This was by the Suzerain's order. All men
of the city, high and low, were embarrassed, for if one man out of ten
committed an offence, all the other nine would be punished therefor. This
arrangement had been ordered because there prevailed robbery in KySto,
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 1 1» /
Fushimi, and their neighborhood. But the rich folks, being reluctant to
be grouped with the poor, carried their treasures out of the city. This
measure was said to have been unprecedented in the history of Ky6to."
(DSR, XII, i, 773.) The writer is, of course, incorrect in his statement
that the measure was unprecedented in Kyoto.
It is clear that from the first quarter of the seventeenth century, the
Suxi -rain's government zealously extended the system to those places in
his Domain-lands where it had died out. However, such an exhaustive
institution could not be resuscitated in one day. It is found in operation
about Edo already in 1626, (To, X, 64—65, 301), and, eleven years later,
a comprehensive body of instructions was, through five-man groups,
disseminated in the eighth Kwanto provinces and Kai, Shinano, and
Idzu. (ibid., 463—464; Note 59, [VII], below). Henceforth the system
was continually used as the medium of securing peace and concord, and
enforcing orders against Catholicism, the harboring of outlaws, the use
of arms by the common people, and the like, at least in the provinces just
named or in Domain-lands, (ibid., X, 665, 672, 734, 965, 1052; XI, 204, 390;
XII, 99, 499; XIII. 162, 770). It may be presumed that the system was
fairly well installed in all the Domain-lands in the course of the seven-
teenth century. The search for Catholic converts and dangerous outlaws,
the latter of whom, owing to peculiar conditions of the feudal organi-
zation, were gradually increasing, (cf. Tbf, 221 — 223), appears to have
formed a special motive for the eager extension of the group system.
A constant need for it must also have been felt in affording order and
contentment to the people and in securing their sure support. The
system made it possible to serve their ends at once with comparatively
small cost and care to the Suzerain and with the satisfaction on the
part of the people of exercising a large degree of self-government.
In the meantime, the merit of the system had commended itself to
the Barons as well, who were prompted to adopt it by the surviving
examples with which some of them must have been acquainted, as well
as by the example and encouragement shown by the Suzerain's govern-
ment. The latter advised the Barons, in 1661. to facilitate the search
for Catholicr, by organizing groups of five men, (To, XI, 390, — Xote 59,
i X VI], below). As was usual with the Fiefs, however, there was a wide
difference among them, both of the times in which the system was
established, and of the forms it took. Some Fiefs had it, if indeed they
had not inherited it from earlier times, in the first quarter (DSR. X 1 1 .
v, 762, 831; ix, 219, 224) and even in the first decade after 1600 (ibid.t
i. 855; v, 335). The system was in good order in Okayama in 1642
(BK, I, 4—12). and in Sendai in 1718 (SDS, I, 19), to take only cases
of positive certainty. It is possible, however, that in some instances
groups were not adequately organized till after 1800, (e. g., Shonai in
1819, Ggs, 136).
(53) The normal group. All the known groups in villages were based
on the same general principles and designed for the same general pur-
poses with which the reader is now familiar. There was, however, a
considerable difference in their names and forms, particularly in the
Fiefs. The groups in the Domain-lands were probably all called, as in
198 K. Asakawa, [1911.
many Fiefs, go-nin-gumi (jFf. A 8L five-man group), consisting usually
Of five — more or less — land-holding house-fathers, one of whom served as
group-chief, by either election or rotation. The latter, called fude-gashira or
hitto (sjt: Bjjj first writer), han-gashira ffi\ Bjf, nrst seal)5 or the like,
was seldom a very important personage in the government of the entire
village. Neighbors would normally be in the same groups, (GGI, I, 13,
21; II, 8), but historic or social conditions largely interfered with this
arrangement even in Domain-lands, (Ggs, 14 — 19). Cases were not want-
ing in which a group and neighboring houses were held responsible for
offences, (GGI, II, 8—9; KB, I, No. 16; Ggk, 66; YZS, 44). Of. Smir,
9o—97.
To take a few variants found in Fiefs. Yonezawa changed its system
several times during the period: it had five-man groups (go-nin-gumi)
already in 1608 (DSR, XII, v, 831); in 1769, some of them seemed to be
composed of relatives, and others of neighbors (• — • ^ j(£ A ffl. an(i ^ 3fe
3£ A $1< YZS> M' 366)5 in 1801' there had been groups for religious
examination and for the collection of taxes (^ f^ $1 and j»Jf $| $J.),
which were now all incorporated into five-man and ten-man groups
(ibid., 743 ff.) ; and at the end of the feudal period, about fifteen men
formed a larger group, which was divided into three smaller groups
(kumi-ai), (Mkr, 143). At lya-yama (cf. Note 14, above), every fifteen to
twenty-five houses composed a group (fu-shin-yumi, ^ fj| ^J., building
group), which furnished thatch and rope when one of its members built
or repaired his house, and supplied free labor till the work was com-
pleted. The houses, therefore, could not be disposed of without the
consent of the group. (Ibid., 217, 439.) In Suwo, the head of the five-
man group was called kuro-boshi (=& Jjr, literally, black star, ibid., 187),
the village-chiefs being designated kuro-gashira 0$ §ff? (the characters
meaning, respectively, 'marginal land between rice-fields' and 'head').
These and other variations from the normal type were no doubt in
some instances owing to peculiar social conditions of different regions.
and in others, to the persistence of older institutions of similar nature.
Among these cases of historic survivals, Professor S. Miura mentions
some instances of ten-men groups and of irregular small groups of adjoining
and opposite houses (Ggk, 66, 76). It is evident that, in many examples,
abnormal types were only slowly, if at all, assimilated to the normal.
(54) No person without group. It was the fixed rule that every
inhabitant in the village should belong to some group (GGI, I, 12, 13;
II, 1, 17; III, 1, 15, 16, etc.). In many examples, however, only land-
holders were full members of the groups, and their tenants and servants,
priests attached to no temples, and the like, were included under tin-
names of the owners of the land which they tilled or of the houses in
which they lived (ibid., Mkr., 27—29; SDS, I, 19).
(55) Edicts, sigh-boards, and oral commands. Occasional written orders
were on kaki-tsuke (§0 f| f»f) and on fure-gaki (§0 $$j U). (E. g., KR,
I, Nos. 3—6, 10-12, 19—40, etc.; GGI, I, 1, II, 33, etc.) Some orders
came to the Intendants or Bailiffs, who transmitted them orally to the
village officials or the villagers themselves. (E. g., To, X, 463, 665, 734,
1052, XI, 390, XIII, 318, etc.)
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
Public sign-boards (known as ko-satsu or taka-fuda, fllj ft, «nd sei-
satsu, ^jlj ft< t''1(' latter term being sometimes technically applied to
written prohibitory orders of the more special or less extensive appli-
cations) posted up in conspicuous places on streets, roads, or the coast,
had for a long time been a common device of official proclamation, and
were kept up throughout the period. (DSK, XII. iv, 196—197; v, 97:5
—974; vi, 182; ix, 220; To, X, 298, 537, 663, 669, etc.; Ksd, 1513—1516.)
They were revised throughout the Domain-lands in the first half of the
eighteenth century and were thenceforth rein-wed at ihe change of the year-
period (7C) or the succession of the Suzerain, and when worn out by
exposure. The nature of their contents may be gathered from the
following specimens, which were seen most frequently in Domain-lands
till the end of the period. (Tk, VIII, 10—20; Jg, II, i, 13—15; cf. KR,
I. Xos. 13—18.)
[1] (About 2 feet high ami 7 feet long.)
"Parent and child, brothers, husband and wife, and all relatives, shall
be harmonious; mercy shall be shown even unto the lowest servants.
•rvitors shall be faithful to their masters.
"[Every one] shall be diligent in his pursuit, shall not be idle, and
every thing shall not exceed the bounds of his position and means.
"Fraudulent deeds, unreasonable speech, and whatever else that might
harm unto others, are forbidden.
"All kinds of gambling are strictly forbidden.
'•One shall refrain from making a quarrel or dispute, and should one
:-cur, shall not unnecessarily meddle with it. Nor shall he conceal a
rounded person.
"Needless use of fire-arms is forbidden. Any one found violating this
rule shall be reported. If one connives at the offence, and if it is dis-
; «'d from another source, he will be adjudged guilty of a heavy offence.
"If there be thieves, robbers, or evil persons, their presence shall be
reported. The person reporting will receive a sure reward.
"Do not congregate at an execution.
••The sale and purchase of persons is strictly forbidden. A man or
woman servant may, however, serve for life or by heredity, if that is
the voluntary agreement of the parties. If a hereditary servant or an
old resident has gone elsewhere and settled down there with his family,
he shall not be recalled, unless he is an offender.
'•The above articles shall be observed. Any person violating them
will be punished accordingly.
"Sho-toku 1st year 5th month— day, [1771].
"Commissioner."
[2] (About 1.3 by 2.1 ft.)
"Any one using fire-arms in a village shall be reported. If a person
catching birds on forbidden grounds is arrested or discovered, he shall
at once be reported. The person reporting will receive a sure reward.
"Kyo-ho 6th year 2nd month— day, [1717].
"Commissioner."
[3] (About 1.5 by 3.6 ft.)
"Christianity [Catholicism] has for years been under prohibition. Any
person shall be reported. Rewards will be given as follows:
200 K. Ascikawa, [1911.
"500 pieces of silver to a person reporting a Padre,
"300 pieces of silver to a person reporting a Friar,
"The same amount to a person reporting a re-convert, and
"100 pieces of silver to a person reporting individuals living in the
same house with Christians or reporting converts.
"The reporter, even if he be a follower of the sect, [i. e., if he has re-
canted and reported against other Catholics], may be given 500 pieces
of silver, according to the importance of the case he reports. If any one
harbors a Christian, and if the latter is discovered from other sources,
the village-head and the five-man group of the place will be punished
together with the offenders.
"Sho-toku 1st year 5th month— day, [1711].
"Commissioner."
[4] (About 1.4 by 1.3 ft.)
"The assembling of many peasants for any kind of evil purpose is
called to-to ($£ jjSi), and the forcing of a petition by a to-to is go-so
(?H Iff) an<l the desertion of the village by them in concert is cho-ten
(ill $lf» tai-teri). All these offences have a long time since been for-
bidden. If any such case is discovered in one's own or neighbouring
village, it shall at once be reported. Reward will 'be given as follows : —
"100 pieces of silver to a person reporting a to-to,
"The same amount to a person reporting a go-so, and
"The same amount to a person reporting a cho-ten.
"According to the case, the privilege of wearing a sword and bearing
a family-name may be granted to the person reporting. Even if he
was one of the offending party, he would receive pardon and reward if
he reported the name of the leader.
"When, owhig to the absence of any one reporting, villages becam^
restless, if in that case there be any village that arrested offenders and
allowed none of its inhabitants to take part in the concert, the principal
men so doing, whether village-officials or peasants, would be rewarded
with pieces of silver and the privilege of wearing swords and using-
family-names. If there were any other persons who assisted in pacify-
ing the village, they also would be rewarded accordingly.
"Mei-wa 7th year 4th month, [1770].
"Commissioner."
Oral instructions. Besides the regular oral commands delivered through
official channels, some Barons followed the historic customs of China of
giving the people of the village moral exhortations through teachers.
These were usually Confucian scholars. Sometimes they were sent in
circuit through the fief, villagers assembling to receive them and listm
to their lectures. In the following quotation will be seen the character
of the instruction. In 1835, some dozen representative peasants of the
Nagoya fief, regretting that the custom once in vogue had been dis-
continued, petitioned that it be revived, and said:—". ... If in plain
language and with persistence it were taught year after year how high
was the virtue of the founder of the regime [i. e., leyasu], how great
was the benefit of the State and its merciful government, and, as regards
our daily conduct, how important it was to be frugal, to practise filial
Vol. xxxi.] Rotes on Village Government in Japan. 201
piety towards parents and fraternal respect for elder brothers, and to be
diligent in agriculture and not to fall into other occupations, it is certain
that, by the grace of benevolent rule, evil customs would be changed,
and all the peasants would adopt simple and sincere manners. The
government, also, would be much relieved of trouble . . . ." (Quoted by
Mr. K. Nakamura, 8hz, XIX, v, 12—13.)
(56) Repetition of orders. Cf., e. g., Uesugi Kagekatsu's orders in
1603, 1607, and 1608, repeating substantially the same ideas, in DSR,
XII, i, 637; v, 110, 831. Group-records often refer to instructions that
had frequently been reiterated, (GGI, I, 1, 6). The Suzerain's govern-
ment was extremely persistent, dwelling continually on identical points
in language slightly altered from time to time, (To, X, 463 — 464, 665— 666?
B72, 734—735; XI, 41, 204, 585, 706; XII, 99 ff.; XIII, 162ff., 319—320,'
485, 697, 701, etc.; KRE, 3| fit p|5 , I, 195 ff., etc.) See Note 59,
below.
(57) Group-records. I venture the suggestion that the custom which
was rather common among the warrior class for men charged with a
mission to repeat almost verbatim the instructions given them, with
an oath that they would be followed, (e. g., see DSR, XII, v, 319 ff.,
xi, 360ff., xiii. (5*7-688; To, IX, 971 ff., etc.; also see Notes 9 and 16?
above), was extruded to the peasant groups, and became the origin of
their records. These in substance re-stated all the important instructions
that had been repeatedly given to the village and enforced through the
instrumentality of the group, and was accompanied by the pledge of
the peasants to observe them.
The group-records came into existence only by degrees. Professor
Hodzumi quotes Mr. Oda as saying that they were first made in 1664,
and adds that thereby the group system was almost perfected (Ggs,
8, 43), but I fail to trace the first part of this statement to its source,
and entertain doubts about the second. The group system itself must have
been far from being either universal or perfect in 1664, (see Note 52,
above). As for the group-record, in Buzen it seems to have existed in
a fairly complete form in 1657, and thirty years later was probably
already so complete that between that date and 1836 there was little
change in the substance of the articles the record contained. (GGI, IV,
22, and inferences from citations throughout the work.) As we note
that the model articles for the group-record compiled by the Suzerain's
.^•m eminent in 1725 (Ggs, sup. 1 — 19) are much the same as those of
Buzen in 1657 and 1687, we infer that their substance must have actually
appeared in the group-records in several places about the latter dates.
At least, the practice of keeping the records appears to have pretty
generally prevailed in the Domain-lands in 1722. (Cf. edict To, XIII,
749 — 750.) In the Fiefs, however, the group-record was still unknown in
1737 in some places even in provinces nearest Edo, (ibid., 1203 — 1204;
KR, F, No. 57). It was in the making in Yonezawa so late as 1769 or
1770, (YZS, 89, 91). In 1786, there were some regions which had not
yet returned the religious census of their villages (To, XV, 783); if the
performance of this duty, which was one of the first raisons d'etre of the
group system, was still so remiss, one is forced to suppose that the very
202 K. Asakaiva, [1911.
system, still less the group -record, may have been but insecurely
established in those places at that late date.
(58) The reading and revising of the group-record. Seals. For difference
in the frequency of reading, see GGI, III, 6, IV, 20—21, 22; Ggs, 44—48,
and for the frequency of revision, which was either annual, septennial,
or indefinite, see GGI, IV, 22; Ggs, 136. The suzerain's government
ordered, in 1722, that the articles of the group-records should be given
to pupils in village-schools for their lessons in hand-writing. (To,
XIII, 749.)
Seals. Each person had an officially registered seal of his own, which
alone had to be used by him on all occasions. Every change of a seal
was to be immediately reported to the village-head. A person's name
on a document was not always signed by him, but under it he affixed
his seal with his own hand. Though repeatedly warned, however,
peasants were often inclined to leave their seals with village-officials
and authorize them to use them when necessary. Counterfeiting another
person's seal and drawing with it a false document was punishable with
decapitation with exposure of the person before execution and of the
head afterward. (GGI, I, 11, 22; II, 13—14, 28; KR, II, No. 62; TK,
II, iii, 485—500.)
(59) Laws for the peasants. An attempt is made in the following
summary to state, not topically, but chronologically, such orders and
instructions as were given by the Suzerain's government to the peasants
of the Domain-lands. It is hoped that this summary given in this form
may be found useful to the student whose interest is more than merely
institutional. (For specimens of group -records, the reader is referred to
Smw, 177—210. For modern survivals, G-8, MK, MO, 00.)
(I) 1603. An edict to the villages. (TKR, I, v, 226.)
(I) Peasants who have run away dissatisfied with the government of
an official shall not be restored.
[2] Peasants with taxes in arrear shall pay them in the presence of
the Intendant.
[3] Peasants shall not be killed. If one has committed an offence, he
shall be arrested and examined at the Intendant's office.
(II) 1603. An edict to the villages. (Ibid., 227.)
[1] Peasants running away dissatisfied with the government of an
official may pay dues and live in any place in a neighboring district.
[2] If an unjust official holds a personal hostage from a peasant, the
atter may appeal directly to Edo. Otherwise direct appeals are for-
bidden.
[3] How could the Edo government know details of local taxation?
Appeals about taxation are forbidden.
[4] An appeal against an official may be made only with full pre-
paration to leave his district.
[5] An appeal shall not be presented to Edo before the Intendant
has been petitioned two or three times. A direct appeal may be made,
however, if it contains complaint against the Intendant.
(III) 1608. An edict to the villages. (Ibid., 228.)
[1] (The same as [I, 1].)
Vol. xxxi.j Notes on Village Government in Japan.
[2] (The same as [I, 2].)
[3] (The same as [II, 4].)
[4] (Similar to [II, 3].)
[5] (The same as [II, 2] and the first half of [5].)
[6] (The same as the last half of [II, 5].)
[7] (The same as [I, 3].)
(IV) 1616. (Ibid., 229.)
[1] Henceforth, when commuting the land-tax in money, the rate
sliail be on the basis of 3 to 7 slid (about 1.8 bushels) to a straw-bag
of rice.
1 21 The kuchi-mai (P ?R) shall be 1 sho for a straw-bag.
[3] If commuted, the kuchi-sen ( P §31) shall be 3 per cent.
<Y) 1<>2<>. An edict. (To, X, 64—65.)
[1] A person finding hawks in nest [in a place reserved for hawks]
will lie rewarded, and his five-man group will be excused from keeping
watch over the place. A person finding a new nest will receive a double
reward.
[2] Any one stealing young hawks from a nest [in a reserved place]
will, with his relatives, be beheaded, and his five-man group will be
imprisoned. A person arresting and reporting him will, even if he was
in collusion with him, be pardoned and rewarded with fifty pieces of gold.
(VI) 1628. An edict. (Ibid, 126; TKR, I, v, 230.)
The peasant shall use only grass cloths and cotton cloths for their
clothes, but their wives and daughters and village-heads may use pongee,
but nothing of better qualities.
(VII) 1637. An edict to the Intendants and Bailiffs in the eight
Kwanto provinces. Kai, Shinano, and Idzu. (To, X, 463—464; TKR, I,
v, 231.)
[1] Examine the five-man groups with ever increasing zeal.
[2] Examine each district separately, so that there may be no bad man.
If a wicked man is discovered, not only his five-man group, but all the
district, may be punished, according to the nature of the case.
[3] Do not lodge a suspicious stranger. If after lodging a stranger
he is found suspicious, the case shall be reported to the five-man group
and village-officials.
[4] If there be persons wishing to settle in the district or in a newly
opened place, their character and origin shall be investigated, and per-
mission be given only to trustworthy persons.
1 5] If a peasant wishes to go elsewhere as servant or for a commer-
cial transaction, lie shall report his destination to the five-man group
and village-officials.
[6] If there be a robber or any other wicked man, his presence shall
at once be reported. Even an accomplice will be pardoned if he so
reports. If the offender is concealed and is discovered through other
sources of information, the five-man group and even village-officials may
be punMii-d after examination. If a revenge from an accomplice or
relative is {'eared, the report shall be made secretly; the authorities will
reward the person reporting, and strictly command the offender not to
avenge himself on him.
204 K. Asakawa, [1911.
[7] If a suspicious character is found in hiding in a temple or wood,
the village-officials and peasants shall arrest and deliver him to the In-
tendant or Bailiff, or, if that is impossible, pursue and arrest him where
he stops. It is an offence to allow him to make his escape.
[8] "When a wicked man is found in a village, an alarm shall be struck,
and peasants from neighboring villages shall come together and arrest
him. A peasant not coming to take part in the arrest will be punished
after examination. If the Intendant or Bailiff is absent, the arrested
offender shall be taken to Edo. The expenses therefor will be paid by
the government.
(VIII) 1642. An edict to villages. (To, X, 665; TKR, I, v, 233.)
[1] (The same as [VI].) Materials of better qualities shall not be
used even for collars and sashes.
[2] Festivals and Buddhist rituals shall be simple.
[3] Palanquins shall not be used in wedding.
[4] Blanket shall not be put over a saddle.
[5] A house unsuitable to one's position shall not be built.
[6] Tobacco shall not be planted on registered land, whether in a
Domain-land or in a Fief.
[7] Every village shall plant trees and build up forests.
(IX) 1642. An edict to the Intendants. (Ibid.)
[1] All the previous laws issued for the peasants shall be strictly
enforced.
[2] From this year, the villages shall not brew sake- Those who are
licensed to sell sake on the high roads may sell it to travellers, but not
to peasants.
[3] Instruct the peasants to mix other cereals with rice for their
meals, and to save as much rice as possible.
[4] Rice for the taxes shall not be broken or poor rice.
[5] Accounts of the expenditures of the villages shall be made by
them, with the seals of the village-heads and chiefs affixed thereto.
They shall be examined and returned to the villages with the seals of
the Intendants' assistants affixed.
[6] Fish-mongers and collectors of contributions to temples shall not
be allowed to enter the villages.
(X) 1642. An edict to villages. (To, X, 672.)
[1] Let no weed grow in the fields.
[2] If there is a sick orphan or solitary person, or a family with too
few members to cultivate its land, the whole village shall offer help.
[3] Irrigation shall be constantly taken care of.
(XI) 1644. An edict to the Intendants. (Ibid., 734.)
[1] (The same as [IX, 1].)
[2] (The same as [VIII, 7].) Plant bamboos also.
[3] Help peasants, and encourage diligence, honesty, and frugality.
See that they are not remiss in their public obligations and do not
incur debts.
[4] Take a good care of water-courses, repairing embankments and
dredging rivers every year in due season.
[5] Secret debts and sales are forbidden.
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
[6] Secret cultivation is forbidden. A place intended for new culti-
vation shall be reported.
[7] Tax-rice shall not be sold in the districts without an official order.
[8] In the KwantO provinces, each straw-bag of tax-rice shall contain
3 to 7 sho (about 1.8 bushels), including 1 sho of kuchi-mai', when the tax
is commuted in money, the kuchi-sen shall be 3 per cent. In the Kwansei
provinces, a koku (4.963 bushels) of tax-rice shall include 3 sho (i. e., 3 o/0)
of the kuchi-mai. There shall be no further dues.
[9] In order that the laws will be observed, an annual instruction
shall be given regarding the five-man group. A special care shall be
taken, as heretofore, of the exclusion of Catholics. Examine every sus-
picious inhabitant, not excepting ascetics and beggars.
[10] When taxes are transported in boats, the captains shall be care-
fully instructed not to be dishonest.
[11] The assessment of the rice-tax shall be shown annually to the
peasants, and receive their seals. The record of the returns of the tax
shall be certified by village-officials, and the latter shall give receipts
to the tax-paying peasants. The record shall be certified by the In-
tendant's clerk.
[12] (The same as [IX, 5].)
(XII) 1644. An oral order to the Intendants. (Ibid., 735.)
That the luxury of peasants in dwelling and clothing should be
stopped; that cultivated land should not be laid waste; etc.
(XIII) 1649. An edict to villages. (To, X, 965 ff.; TKR, I, v, 242 ff.)
[1] Peasants shall obey the laws, respect the Bailiff or Intendant, and
be toward the village-officials as toward the parents.
[2] The village-officials shall respect the Bailiff or Intendant, shall
not delay the collection of the taxes, shall not break laws, and shall
instruct small peasants to be good. As the peasants would not do
service to the government, if the order were given them by bad village-
officials, the officials shall always be upright, impartial, and considerate.
[3] Weed and hoe the fields. Plant beans and pease between wet or
upland fields. Rise early, work in the field during the day, and make
rope and straw-bags in the evening. Do not be slack in whatever one
does. Do not buy and drink sake and tea. Plant bamboos and trees
near the house, and use lower branches as fuel. Select good seeds in
early autumn. Mend or change sickles and spade every year before the
llth day of the first month. Make manure of horses' and human refuse,
ashes, and hay.
[4] Peasants are too imprudent to think of the future, and recklessly
eat up rice and other grains in autumn. Always spare food as in the
first three months of the year; raise barley, millet, lettuce, daikon, and
other crops, and save rice. If one remembers a famine, he shall not
waste an edible leaf or stem. Every one in the house^ shall eat as
simply as possible at usual times, but shall have plenty to eat at the
seasons of hard work.
[5] Make every effort to get good oxen and horses, for the better
these animals, the more hay they tread for manure.
[6] The wife shall weave diligently, and assist the husband till night.
TOL. XXXI. Part II. 14
206 K. Asakawa, [1911.
A wife shall be divorced who, though beautiful, neglects her husband
and spends time in eating, drinking, and seeking pleasures; but if she
has many children, or has done special service to the husband, she may
not be divorced. An ugly wife who is economical shall not be divorced.
[7] An outlawed warrior of uncertain origin shall not be allowed to
live in the village. Do not harbor robbers' accomplices or other lawless
men. for their discovery would involve the village in trouble and expense.
[8] In order to be thought well of by village-officials, rich peasants,
and all other people in the village, one shall be honest in every thing,
and shall not entertain evil thoughts.
[9] (The same as [VI].)
[10] In household economy one shall have a little idea of the merchant,
so that he would not be imposed upon when buying or selling grains
for taxes.
[11] If a poor peasant has many children, some of them shall be given
or be hired out.
[12] The courtyard before the peasant house shall be open toward the
south and be well swept over, in order that sand would not be mixed
into the grains when they are thrashed and dressed here.
[13] Consult experienced men, and raise only what is suitable to
the soil.
[14] It would greatly benefit the people if barley was planted wherever
possible. If one district planted barley, neighboring districts would
follow the example.
[15] Apply cauterization with moxa in Spring and Autumn, so as to
prevent diseases.
[16] Do not use tobacco, for it is injurious to health, wasteful of time
and money, and liable to cause fires.
[17] As soon as a notice of the tax for the year is received, the
peasant shall devote his energy to cultivation, so that the crop might
exceed the tax. If it is evident that the crop would be insufficient, he
should borrow the balance before the rate of interest rises at the end
of the tax-paying season. It would be wasteful to wait borrowing a
little rice till the village has used much of the harvest in taxes, and to
be obliged to sell clothes and implements at unreasonably low prices or
to borrow at a high rate of interest. It is wise to deliver tax-rice
promptly, for it might be diminished by mice, robbery or fire, while in
hoarding.
[18] Rice shall be well dried before it is hulled, or it would crack
and decrease in quantity.
[19] Consider the great importance of industrious and saving habits.
For example, if an idle man borrowed only two straw-bags of rice for
his tax, the principal and interest would in five years be fifteen straw-
bags, when he would be obliged to sell his land, his family and himself,
and involve his children in misery; whereas, if he saved two rice bags
each year, the principle and interest would in ten years be 117 bags.
[20] (The same as [X, 2].)
[21] Though a poor peasant may be looked down upon by his neigh-
bors, village-officials and every one else would alter their treatment of him,
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
if he improved his condition by industry, and he would be raised to a
higher seat. On the contrary, one would be despised if he became poor,
however rich he may have been. Therefore, be industrious and well-
beh&ving.
[22] If there is one nuui who has become rich through honest industry,
the village, and even the whole district and neighboring districts, would
be influenced by his example. Bailiffs change, but peasants find a
greater advantage in not changing their homes. How great a benefit it
would then be to improve one's own estate !
If there were only one lawless man in a village, the whole village
might become restless and quarrelsome. It would cause annoyance and
expense to the village to arrest offenders and take them to the author-
Therefore, care should be taken to prevent such misfortune. That
de] lends on tin; Village-Head, who shall always instruct the small peasants
in the right path.
[23] Be in harmony with neighboring villages, and do not quarrel
or dispute with other fiefs.
[24] Have a deep filial regard for the parents. If, as the first prin-
ciple of filial piety, one kept himself in good health, abstained from
drinking or quarreling, behaved himself properly, and respected elder
brothers, pitied the younger, and all brothers lived in concord, the parents
would be especially glad. Such a person would be protected by Shinto
and Buddhist deities, and his harvest would be plentiful. However
anxious to show filial regard to the parents, one would find it difficult,
if he were poor. If poor and consequently ill, he might become ill-
natured, steal, break law, and be imprisoned, and then how the parents
would grieve! His family and relatives would also be thrown into grief
and shame. Hence, it is wise to be thoroughly honest and industrious.
[25] AVhen money and rice and other cereals are saved, dwelling, food,
and clothes would be procured as one wishes. In this peaceful age,
there is no danger that savings might be taken away by an avaricious
Intendant or Bailiff, but, on the contrary, they would insure the family
of their owner against famines and other emergencies, and secure the
wealth of his descendants.
[2H] Xo class of people is so secure and peaceful as the peasants, so
l«»nir as they render their taxes. They shall thoroughly understand this
truth, and instruct it to their children, and zealously pursue their calling.
(XIV) 1650. An edict to Intendants and Bailiffs of the eight Kwanto
provinces. (To, X, 1052.)
N<> peasant shall own a fire-arm. No fire-arms shall be used, except
by licensed hunters, even in the woods where firing has been permitted.
A person reporting an offender against this law will be rewarded, even
if he was an accomplice. Concealment will involve the five-man group
and village-officials in punishment, according to the nature of the case.
(XV) 1657. An edict to the Kwanto provinces. (There had been many
robbers roaming about Katsu.a. Jo, XI, 204—206; TKR, I, v, 249.)
[1] (The same as [VII, 1].)
[2] (Similar to [VII, 6].)
[3] (The same as [VII, 5]). when staying out even over one night.
14
208 K. Asakawa, [1911.
[4] (The same as [VII, 3] and [XIII, 7].) As priests, ascetics, men-
dicant priests, beggars, and outcasts, may lodge robbers or be their
accomplices, they shall not be allowed to Remain, if they are not of
certain origin or if they have no acquaintances in the village.
[5] There shall be watch-houses at suitable places in villages, to keep
night watch for robbers. On the appearance of one, an alarm shall be
struck. (The rest the same as [VII, 8].)
[6] (The same as [VII, 7].)
[7] (The same as [XIV].)
[8] The stealing of horses is said to be frequent. An unknown
character passing through the village with a horse shall be requested to
tell his destination. If he appears suspicious, his passing shall be
notified by the village to the next, and so on. Do not buy a horse
without certain recommendations.
(XVI) 1661. An edict to all the Barons. (To, XI, 390.)
On this occasion of the change of the year-period, public sign-boards
prohibiting Christianity shall be renewed. Judging from the occasional
arrests of Christians still taking place in many places, it is surmised
that any region might yet contain Christians. * Continue a diligent
search throughout the Fiefs. For this purpose, peasants and merchants
shall be organized into five-man groups. If a Christian is discovered in
a village or town from another source of information, its officials may
be punished after examination.
(XVII) 1666. Instructions to all the villages [in the Domain-lands?].
(To, XI, 585 if.; TKR, I, v. 251 ff.)
[1] (The same as [IX, 1].)
[2] All sale* of persons are forbidden. Personal service may be hired
for periods less than ten years.
[3] Places reserved for hawking shall be strictly guarded, and roads
and bridges in them repaired.
[4] Keturns of taxes should be forwarded from point to point with
promptness.
[5] (The same as [XVI].);
[6] (The same as [VII, 3, 5, 7, 8].)
[7] If a villager is accidentally wounded, it shall at once be reported.
If a traveller quarrelled with another, or ran away after killing him,
his passing into a next village shall be reported to the latter's officials,
and their certificate of the report be asked for. It is an offence to kill
the murderer privately.
[8] A permanent sale of cultivated land is forbidden. The village-
officials and five-man groups shall put their seals on every deed of
mortgage. Any of them refusing to affix his seal will be punished. A
mortgage effected without these seals is illegal, and even the village-
head and five-man group will be punished therefor.
[9] It is forbidden to evict peasants and seize their lands. If there
is no son to succeed to a deceased peasant's estate, the case shall be
reported, and a relative, whether man or woman, shall be, with official
sanction, set up as successor. It is an offence to destroy the house,
absorb the land, and obliterate the estate.
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 209
[10] (The same as [X, 2].)
[11] (The same as [VIII, 1, 5].) The purple and scarlet colors on
clothes are forbidden, but other colors may be used at will.
[12] (The same as [VIII, 3].)
[13] (The same as [IX, 3].)
[14] (The same as [VIII, 2].)
[15] Not a horse and not a man shall be furnished to a man provided
with no ticket issued by due authorities.
[16] Disputes about water and bounderies shall be referred to the
authorities, and shall not be agitated privately.
[17] Do not secretly make new coins, or use illegal coins.
[18] All kinds of gambling are forbidden.
[19] Persons who are inharmonious with their families and cause
dissention in the villages shall be reported.
[20] No money, rice, or other article shall be handed to any official
or person whatsoever who is unable to show a proper certificate.
[21] Any Bailiff, Intendant, or village-official doing the slightest in-
justice to peasants shall at once be reported.
[22] Do not conceal land, old or new, [from assessment for taxation].
[23] Land that has long lain waste or virgin soil shall, with official
sanction, be cultivated
[24] (The same as [VIII, 6].)
[25] Do not cut down trees and bamboos even for urgent need with-
out official pei-mission.
[26] It is forbidden to sell a house recently built and build another.
[27] When an official visits a village, he shall not be entertained
with anything specially bought, shall pay for everything he needs
and get a receipt therefor, and shall receive no presents from the
village-head or a peasant. If he annoys peasants, the case shall be
reported.
[28] Fires shall be carefully prevented, and, if one takes place, it
shall be speedily extinguished. Any man tardy in coming out will be
examined and punished.
[29] Storehouses in charge of villages shall be protected from fires
and robbery.
[30] Dikes and water-gates shall not be opened without order. If
they break from neglect and cause damages, the entire village will be
punished.
[31] If a peasant owing taxes runs away, his five-man group or the
entire village shall pay the taxes and search for him.
[32] An article offered at a price lower than the current price shall
not be bought without a guarantee. No suspicious goods shall be
bought.
[33] (Similar to [IX, 2].)
(XVIII) 1668. An edict. (To, XI, 639.)
[1] (The same as [VIII, 5].) Hotels on high roads are exceptions to
this rule.
[2] (The same as [VIII, 1].) Use plain colors other than purple and
scarlet, without patterns.
210 K. Asahawa, [1911.
[3] (The same as [IX, 3].)
[4] Neither the village-head nor the peasant shall ride in a palanquin.
[5] Wrestling, no dance, puppet show, and other public amusements,
are strictly forbidden.
[6] (The same as [VIII, 2].) Extravagance shall be avoided at wedd-
ing or other joyous occasions.
(XIX) 1670. An order. (To, XI, 706.)
[I] (The same as [VIII, 5].)
[2] (The same as [XVIII, 2].)
[3] Do not sell in the village vermicelli, buckwheat cakes, manju. to fit,
and other things the making of which wastes cereals.
[4] (The same as [IX, 2].)
[5] Cultivate, weed, and manure the fields with care.
[6] (The same as [X, 2].)
[7] There shall be no delay in paying taxes.
[8] (The same as [XVIII/4].)
[9] No strangers who do not cultivate shall be allowed to stay in the
village. If any one conceals such a person, he will be examined and
punished.
[10] Nor shall a peasant who has run away from a judicial contest
be concealed. The person harboring him shall be examined and punished.
[II] (The same as [XVIII, 6].)
(XX) 1670. An order. (To, XVI, 706—707.)
A peasant's petition shall be presented to the Interidant or Bailiff; if
the Intendant fails to give justice, the peasant may bring his petition to
Edo, after notifying the Intendant of his intention. If the petitioner failed
to give this notice, his case, however just, would not be entertained. In
the [eighteen] principal fiefs, the Baron's decisions shall be final.
(XXI) 1682. Public sign-boards. (To, XII, 99—100.)
(The same as Note 55, [1], above, except the part of the last article
which deals with the period of personal service.) Men-servants and
maid-servants shall not be hired for longer periods than ten years.
(XXII) 1682. Public sign-boards. (Ibid., 100.)
(The same as Note 55, [3], above.)
(XXIII) 1682. Public sign-boards. (Ibid., 100.)
[1] The sale and purchase of poisons and counterfeit drugs are for-
bidden under penalty. A person reporting an offence against this law,
even if he was an accomplice, will be rewarded.
[2] Transactions in false coins are forbidden.
[3] Do not deal in recently published books containing uncertain
matters.
[4] It is forbidden to comer a commodity, to force up its prize by
concert, and to raise wages likewise.
[5] All kinds of the assembling of peasants under oath will be severely
punished.
(XXIV) 1711. Public sign-boards. (To, XIII, 162.)
(Identical with Note 55, [1], above.)
(XXV) 1711. Public sign-boards. (Ibid., 162—163.)
(The same as [XXIII].)
Vol. xxxi.j Notes on Village Government in Japan. 211
(XXVI) 1711. Public sign-boards. (Ibid., 163.)
(The same as Note 55, [3], above.)
(XXVII) 1713. Instructions to the peasants in the Domain-lands.
(Ibid., 319— Sal; TKR, I, v, 258 ff.; GK, No. 1:J.)
[1] Despite tho minute instructions already given, villages have
recently become more or less lawless and disorderly, peasants neglecting
their work and indulging in luxuries. They are extravagant in dwelling,
clothing and food, raise useless plants in places where grain should be
raised, and, contrary to law, divide estates smaller than ten koku of
productive power. Henceforth, the Village-Head and all the peasants
shall observe all the laws previously issued, avoid all luxury, and devote
all energy to agriculture.
[J] Recently, at the examination of land by the Intendant, villagers
bribe his assistants, in order to secure low values attached to the land,
and consequently tax-returns have decreased year by year, until in some
places they are less than a half of their former amount. Nevertheless,
tlii>M places do not seem to become richer, for the result is said to be
due to continual corrupt practices of the lower officials. For the people
in the Suzerain(5^)'s Domains who till the Suzerain(£V)'s land and thereby
support their families and dependents in security, not to render taxes
according to their means, but to squander wealth for private affairs, is
very foolish conduct. The Intendants will henceforth supervise all finan-
cial matters, and their assistants have been instructed not to receive
bribes, under a severe penalty. The peasants shall, therefore, devote
their energies to cultivation, shall not be remiss in returning taxes, and
shall report an unjust assistant to the Intendant. Village-Heads are also
reforted to be partial and corrupt. Henceforth, both the giver and the
receiver of a bribe will be punished alike.
[3] (The same as [IX, 5], [XI, 11], with a reminder of recent laxity.)
[4] (The same as [XVII, 25], with a reminder of recent abuses.)
[5] (The same as [XI, 4], with a reminder of recent instances of farm-
ing out the work to unscrupulous contractors.)
[6] Some District-Heads have become avaricious and arrogant. Their
office shall henceforth be abolished, and all village affairs shall be in
charge of the Head and five-man groups of each village. Places that
cannot dispense with District-Heads shall consult the Intendant.
[7] Village-officials are expected to advise peasants to adjust their
differences as far as possible by mutual conciliation, but shall not sup-
press petitions which must be heard by the authorities.
[8] It is reported that lower officials of the storehouses of Edo detain
peasants unnecessarily long when the latter come to deliver tax-rice,
and that, when peasants come to Edo for presenting petitions, an In-
tendant's assistant compells them to stay at the house of his acquain-
tance at an unreasonable cost. All these cases, of whatever nature,
shall be reported to the Intendant.
[9] Peasants frequently bribe officials for various purposes, as, for in-
stance, when they fear that their village might be incorporated into a
neighboring Fief, but as the affairs of the government cannot be ex-
212 K Asakaiva, [1911.
pected to be changed by bribery, peasants should not listen to the
argument of any person whatsoever seeking bribes.
[10] If the peasants concealed wrongs committed by an unjust Vil-
lage-Head or assistant of the Intendant, and thereby caused their own
difficulties to multiply, the persons concealing would be punished to-
gether with the offender.
(XXVIII) 1716. An edict. (To, XIII, 485.)
[1] (The same as [XIII, 2]. Cf. [XXI].)
[2] (The same as [VII, 3], [XIII, 7], [XV, 4].)
[3] (The same as [XVII. 3].) It has been forbidden for the mort-
gager, instead of the mortgagee, to pay the dues levied on the land on
mortgage.
(XXIX) 1721. An edict to the Intendants. (Ibid., XIII, 701.)
[1] The land that has been laid waste shall be again cultivated by
the owner. If he is unable to do so, the entire village shall assist him;
if the work is too difficult for the village, the Intendant shall supply
the balance of the expense; and if that is still inadequate, the case shall
be reported to Edo. Newly opened land shall be exempt from taxation
from two to five years, after which its productive power shall be examined
and the rate of the tax determined. A careful investigation shall be
made as to whether there is not still some waste land capable of re-
cultivation.
[2] Peasants who have served under warriors in Edo are often reported
to wear swords after returning to the village. This shall be stopped, on
the Village-Head's responsibility.
[3] It is forbidden to start a new trade, excepting that of the fisher-
men and hunters who sell their fish and game for livelihood. «
[4] The building of a new Shinto temple and the making of a new
Buddhist image, as well as gambling, habitual indulgence in amusement,
unsuitable customs, and idleness in agriculture, are forbidden, as be-
fore.
(XXX) 1721. (GE, No. 15; TKR, I, v, 266.)
No estate shall be divided which is smaller than 10 Jcoku in assessed
productivity or 1 cho (2.45 acres) in extent. As the remainder after a
division also shall not be smaller than this limit, it follows that a peasant
holding an estate smaller than 20 koku or 2 cho may not divide it among
children or relatives. Dependents shall be hired out in the village or
take a suitable service elsewhere.
(XXXI) 1722. An edict to Intendants. (To, XIII, 750.)
Peasants cannot remember all the instructions which they have heard
but once, and innocently commit wrongs. As there must be teachers of
writing even in remote villages, these, whether priests or laymen, shall
carefully instruct the people, and shall at leisure write down, for the
pupils to copy or recite, the more important laws, articles of the five-
man group record, and any other instructive matter.
(XXXII) 1725. Articles for the five-man group record selected by
the suzerain's government. (Ggs, sup. 1—20; DNR, iv, 103 ff.) (In this
document, the articles are put in the form of a pledge from the people,
not of a command from the officials.)
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 213
[I] The group, its examination, and its complaints. (The same as
[VII, 1, 2, 6], [XVII, 20].) If one single inhabitant is left out of the
group system, the village-officials will be punished.
[2] Unjust officials. (The same as [XVII, 21], [XXVII, 10].)
[3] Accounts. (The same as [IX, 5], [XI, 11, 12], [XXVII, 3].)
[4] Each one to have his seal registered.
[5] Wages for labor in public works to be properly receipted.
[6] Tax-rice. (The same as [XI, 7], [IX, 4].)
[7] The village shall be responsible for a safe delivery of the tax-rice
done in full straw-bags of 3 to and 7 sho each. (Cf. [IV, 1], [XI, 8].)
[8] Annual taxes to be assessed by the Village-Head in the presence
of representative peasants.
[9] Annual taxes to be demanded and receipted by the Village-Head
exactly as they were assessed.
[10] Village store-houses to be guarded by the village against all
accidents, and to be opened by all the village together even under an
urgent order from the authorities.
[II] No bribes to officials. Peasants to enter a complaint against an
unjust official at once to the Intendant.
[12] Officials visiting the village. (The same as [XVII, 27].)
[13] Wicked men. (The same as [VII, 6, 7, 8], [XV, 2, 6].)
[14] To report on loss by robbery, on robbers, and on discovery of
articles once stolen.
[15] Strangers. (The same as [VII, 3], [XV, 4], [XIX, 10].)
[16] To report on a wounded traveller and the death of a traveller.
A sick traveller to be taken care of, and reported to his home.
[17] Murderers. (The same as [XVII, 7].)
[18] Not to neglect cultivation, on pain of punishment, in addition to
the ordinary taxes. A really helpless peasant shall be helped in culti-
vation by the village.
[19] No permanent sale of land.
[20] Deeds of mortgage to bear the seals of the Village-Head and
the five-man group, and the term not to exceed ten years.
[21] Succession to heirless estates. (The same as [XVII, 9].)
[22] Planting of tobacco. (The same as [VIII, 6], [XVII, 24].)
[23] The post-horse service to be prompt and honest, (and same as
[XVII, 15).
[24] Official circulars to be promptly delivered to the next village.
[25] Trees of the forests not to be cut.
[26] Trees. (The same as [XVII, 25].)
[27] The roads and bridges charged to the village to be repaired and
cared for, on penalty, without waiting for an order.
[28] [29] Reservoirs. (The same as [XVII, 30].)
[30] Cultivated land not to be extended over roads and other public
works, or penalty to be inflicted on the Village-Head and the five-man
group.
[31] Gambling forbidden, on penalty on all parties and the Village-
Head and five-man group.
[32] Fires. (The same as [XVII, 28].)
214 K. Asakawa, [1911.
[33] Tenants to have guarantors, and the land-lord and his five-man
group to be responsible for their good behavior.
[34] Not to be guarantors to servants without sub-guarantees of their
own relatives.
[35] Outlaws. (The same as [XIII, 7].)
[36] Secret hawking. (The same as [XVII, 3].)
[37] Not to allow a courtesan to be in the village, on penalty on the
woman, the land-lord, and his five -man group.
[38] In weaving silk and pongee, to conform to the standard width
and length for each piece.
[39] Christians. (The same as [XVI].)
[40] Disorderly men. (The same as [VII, 3, 6].)
[41] Guard-houses. (The same as [XV, 5].)
[42] Fire-arms. (The same as [XIV].)
[43] Horse-stealing. (The same as [XV, 8].)
[44] Not to divide an estate smaller than 20 koku, if of the Village-
Head, or 10 JcoJcu, if of the ordinary peasant.
[45] Not to mortgage land or building belonging to a temple and
guaranteed by the Suzerain's vermilion seal.
[46] All men and women to be industrious in farming and to engage
in suitable subsidiary occupations, on penalty of the village-officials and
the five -man group.
[47] Shinto and Buddhist services to be simple.
[48] Even salaried burghers not to wear swords at a dancing show.
[49] Peasants and burghers to wear plain silk, pongee, cotton or
hempen clothes, according to their means, and not to use better materials.
The servants to use cotton and hempen cloths for clothes and sashes.
[50] and [51] (do not concern peasants.)
[52] Mortgage. (The same as [XXVIII, 3].)
[53] Wearing swords. (The same as [XXIX, 2].)
[54] Shinto temples and Buddhist images. (The same as [XXIX, 4].)
[55] To instruct children not to be lazy and extravagant.
[56] Ferry-boats in Kwanto to bear the official brand.
[57] Sales of persons are forbidden.
[58] To report on men falsely calling themselves officials.
[59] Not to buy or take in mortgage stolen or uncertain goods, on
penalty on the five-man group and the village-officials.
[60] Gambling strictly forbidden.
[61] Cultivation of wasted land. (The same as [XXV, 1].)
[62] No new Shinto or Buddhist service to be introduced. No public
show without permission, on pain of penalty.
[63] Good care of water-works and equitable distribution of water.
[64] Not to present complaints too old or with insufficient proofs.
[65] Not to force persons in wedding to give drink or to throw stones
at them.
[66] To report on a foundling, and not to give it to an uncertain
person and without official permission.
[67] As before, the peasant shall not mortgage land without the seal
of the Village-Head, nor the latter without the seal of another village-
Vol. xxxi.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. ^1~>
official. As before, u nn»i-iM-;,._r(. js illegal in which the mortgager, and
not the mortgagee, pays the taxes on the land in question.
[68] No mortgage whose term expired before 1716 shall be considered
at cniirt after ten years after the expiration of the term. Nor shall a
mort^a ne after ten years after the date of the contract which states that
the land would lie restored at any time the debt is repaid.
< X X X 1 1 1 ) 1 737. AiTedict. (To, XIII, ltfJ:J. >
[1] A deed of mortgage which does not bear the seal of the Village-
Head, a deed of mortgage by a Village-Head wliieh does not bear the
seal of another village-official, a deed of mortgage which exempts the
mortgagee from the payment of taxes on the mortgaged land and charges
the mortgager to pay them, these three have been declared illegal long
sinee. and must be so stated in the five-man group record. However,
there still are people who present petitions on the strength of illegal
deeds. Henceforth, village-officials shall frequently read the group
record to the people. Mortgages whose terms have expired since 1716
would not be considered, were disputes concerning them brought to the
court. Nor would a deed of mortgage stating that the land would be
restored to the owner at any time the debt was paid be entertained, if
the term of the mortgage has expired. This order shall be promulgated
through the Kwanto provinces, the Fiefs receiving notice thereof from
the nearest Intendant.
[2] It is reported that there are still some places in the Fiefs that
have not made their five-man group records. These shall be made. The
order therefor shall also be transmitted to the lords from their nearest
Intendant s.
(XXXIV) Articles of five-man group records (of Domain-lands) not
included in the summaries already given. (G-GI.) (It should not be
presumed that each article appeared for the first time in the year here
given. Many articles were based on old laws still in force. Few
articles in the later group-records were not repetitions.)
[1] Shimotsuke, 1743. The estate of an orphan shall be taken care
of by the relatives and the village, who shall make a written agreement
in order to prevent misunderstanding, and shall render the taxes on
the land. The orphan on reaching the majority, shall take back the
estate, and be set up as a peasant (hi/aku-sho).
[2] Shimotsuke, 1743. An especial care to be taken of rivers and
embankments when there is a long rain and danger of overflow.
[3] Shimotsuke, 1743. Villagers shall not feast at the expense of the
village when they congregate on common business.
[4] Mino. 1759. Peasants shall not be discourteous to warriors.
[5] Mino, 1759. If any unusual and improtant thing takes place in
the village, or in a neighboring village, or even in a Fief near by, it
shall be reported.
[6] Mikawa, 1816. No new houses shall be erected without permission.
[7] Mino, 1831. Any person especially noted for filial piety to his
parents, faithfulness to his master, benevolence to the destitute, or other
virtues, shall be reported.
[8] Buzen, 1836. A village-official especially faithful in doing his
216 K. Asakawa, Notes on Village Government in Japan. [1911.
duties, considerate of the interests of small peasants, and consequently
regarded by them with great respect, shall be reported by peasants.
[9J Buzen, 1836. Large bells, torii, and stone lanterns for temples-
shall not be made. No Shinto or Buddhist images, whether of bronze,
stone or wood, larger than three shaku (3 feet) in height shall be made.
A permission is necessary for making more than ten images at a time,
even though they are of wood and do not exceed three shaku.
[10] Buzen, 1836. No Buddhist temple building larger than three ken
(6 yards) in front and no shrine or pedestal larger than one and a half
ken (3 yards) in front, shall be erected. Elaborate beam constructions
with hiji-ki brackets shall be avoided.
[11] Yamashiro, 1848. Any matter that would be good for the govern-
ment, and any measure, however old, which troubles people, shall be
reported.
[12] KStsuke. 1863. The peasant shall not be disrespectful to officials
even in another district, and shall not be discourteous to travellers.
(Note: The Notes 60 — 146 will appear in a subsequent number of the Journal.)
Vocalic r, I, m, n in Semitic. — By FRANK R. BLAKE,
Ph. D., Johns Hopkins University.
IN Indo-European philology vocalic r. I. m, n are equally
as important as those sounds which are usually designated as
the vowels par excellence. They seem to have been among
the sounds possessed by the original common Indo-European
speech, and many phenomena can be explained only by
referring to them. For example the varying forms of the word
for "wolf," Sanskrit vrltas, Greek AVKOS, Gothic wulfs, Lithua-
nian vilkas, Old Bulgarian vluku, or again of the word for
"hundred." Sanskrit $atam, Greek (l)KaToi/, Latin centum, Gothic
Imnd, Lithuanian szimtas, are best explained by assuming that
the original vowel of the first syllable was in the first case
vocalic I. in the second, vocalic n.{
In the Semitic languages apparently no such important role
is played by these sounds. It is usually supposed that they
did not form a part of the sound material of the parent
Semitic speech,2 but there seems to be one form at least in
which the positing of a vocalic liquid is possible.
In Hebrew, Biblical Aramaic, and Assyrian we find two
negative adverbs whose chief component is the consonant I, viz..
Hebrew *6, *?«; Biblical Aramaic fc6, ^«; Assyrian Id, id. In
the first two languages the form fc6, tfb is employed as the
usual negative of declarative statements, and is regularly
authotonic, while hti is the negative of optative and subjunctive
statements and is proclitic, as is indicated by the Maqqeph
which joins it to the following word. In Assyrian Id is certainly
the usual accented negative, while ul seems to be used, at
least in many cases, in sentences in which some other element
bears the chief stress, e. g.. edu ul ezib, 'not one escaped', nuru
ul immaru 'light they see not,' ul z'ikaru Sunu, ul sinniZdti
1 Of. Brugmann, Grundriss d. Vergl. Gram, der Indogerm. Sprachen,
2te Bearb. Strassburg, 1897, §§ 30, 77, 429—460, 497—532.
2 ( 'f. Haupt, Tiber die beiden Halbvocale u und i. BA. L. p. 294.
218 F. E. Blake, [1911.
$unu 'they are neither male nor female.' In Ethiopic, the
only other language in which 3al occurs, we find it only in
the quasi-verb fi&fl J 'albo 'there is not, has not,' and in the
negative AJi J 'cikko. in both cases without accent. It seems
therefore that these two series of forms may be ultimately of
the same origin, ?a, Id being the representatives of the negative
when accented, *al, ul being the representatives, when proclitic.
The latter forms may have been developed from the authotonic
Id as follows. With loss of accent the vowel a was shortened
and finally disappeared, leaving only Z, probably pronounced
as Z; this vocalic I developed a prothetic vowel which was
pronounced with initial glottal catch; the a vowel of Hebrew,
Aramaic, and Ethiopic 'al is due to the influence of this catch;
in Assyrian the Aleph was probably lost, and then the form
was written with u, the vowel that seemed to render the
sound best.1
Altho liquid and nasal vowels play so unimportant a part
in the parent Semitic speech, there are a number of cases in
which they appear to have been developed in the individual
languages. In many cases, however, in the forms in question
the liquid and nasal vowels themselves do not appear, but
must be assumed in the transition forms from which they are
derived, e. g.. Xestorian Syriac l^W deljelthd is developed
from the original dihlatd through the intermediate stages
dihWh&, dihlthd.
In classical Arabic. Ethiopic. and Assyrian examples of these
vowels are rare. The perfect of the VII form in Arabic
seems to be a case in point, JJUo\ inqatala being derived from
nqatala^ a form developed on the basis of the imperfect by
dropping the performative ia, but the treatment of n + con-
sonant does not differ from that of any combination of two
consonants at the beginning of a word, as for example in
VIII form JJC^l iqtatala. The varying forms of the word for
'man' jyc, s.^\ mar'un, mifun, mur'tin, imra'un may point to
the presence of an r, the form being originally mfun.
In Ethiopic the prepositional forms \7°\\. h?° — emna, em
are to be derived from the original mina (cf. Arab. ^* before
the article) through an intermediate stage mna; em is derived
1 Cf. ultu below p. 219.
2 Cf. Haupt, Nachtrage und Berichtigungen, BA. I p. 328.
Vol. xxxi.] Vocalic r, I, m, n in Semitic.
from fanna by dropping of the final syllable after the accent
had shifted to the first.
In Assyrian the writing er in forms like unammer 'make
shine,' umcCer 'send,' instead of the regular ir may represent
the r vowel in the unaccented syllable.1 It is not impossible
also that the preposition uliu 'from' is derived from an originally
unaccented or proclitic form of iUu or iltu, through the inter-
mediate stage Itu. Notice that the vowel developed out of I
is u in this case as in the negative ul above.
In Syriac the forms of this character are more numerous.2
In the Eastern dialect words in which r. I, m, n followed by
Shewa immediately precede the final syllable e. g.. dehletha 'fear',
syncopate the Shewa and develope a vowel before the consonant,
e. g., deheltha. Between forms like dehl€tha and deheltha there
must have been a series of intermediate forms like dehltha
with liquid or nasal vowel.
Words which begin with r followed by Shewa, e. g., J^UD*
reqVd -firmament.' often lose the Shewa and take a prothetic
vowel instead written with aleph, e. g., JL^«;f yarg$a; an inter-
mediate stage rqtd must also be assumed here.
After a word ending in a consonant the initial syllables le,
be. de are often changed in poetry to el, ev, ed, e. g., \oo^ KJ
'ith elhon. In the case of I an intermediate stage I is to be
a^umed e. g., 'tth Ikon: in the other cases the change is pro-
bably analogical.
In Hebrew, liquid and nasal vowels appear to occur in
unaccented final syllables. These are found chiefly in the
following classes of forms; viz..
a) Segholate nouns, e. g., -IBD 'book,' byi 'foot,' Dr6
'bread,' JBtf 'fat:'
b) in Segholate verbal forms, e. g., by., b£, jussive Qal
and Hiphil respectively of rfo* 'reveal;'
c) in forms of the imperfect with 1 conversive which
have recessive accent, e. g., DH1?^ 'and he fought.'
In the first two classes of forms the fact that the last
syllable contains a liquid or nasal vowels and not short e
followed by a consonant is indicated in the first place by the
fact that such vowels are found in similar forms in other
1 Of. Delitzsch, Assyr. Gram., Berlin, 1889. p. 89.
2 Cf. Brockelmann, Syrische Gram., Berlin, 1899, §§ 70—73.
220 F. R. Blake, [1911.
languages, e. g., Eng. taper, eagle, bosom, leaven, the last syllables
of which all contain liquid or nasal vowels in spite of the
spelling: secondly by the fact that similar Hebrew forms ending
in u or i, change these consonants to the vowels u or i e. g.,
ini 'chaos' from buhu or ^h 'sickness' (pausal form) from huli,
so ]rfr (i. e. lohn) 'thumb' from buhn. The fact that all other
Segholate forms with the exception of those containing second
or third guttural radicals are likewise spelt with Seghol in
the last syllable does not militate against the assumption of
liquid and nasal vowels in words ending in liquids or nasals.
The Massorites, of course, knew nothing of such vowels and
so spelt them, with the sign for an unaccented short vowel in
a closed syllable -f- consonant, just as we do for example in
English.
In the forms of the imperfect with 1 conversive like
'and he fought,' we find of course plenty of forms that do not
end in liquids or nasals also written with Seghol + consonant,
e. g., "spy,!, and the Seghol might in most of these cases be
regarded simply as a modification of accented Qere in forms
like DnVl, "spy. The correspondence, however, of IfiN*! with
unaccented Seghol + r to 10^ with accented Pathah + r,
where Seghol + r evidently indicate the r vowel, since Seghol
is not the representative of unaccented Pathah, seems to
indicate that we have liquid or nasal vowels also in the forms
with original i in the final syllable.
In all these forms, then, the spelling Seghol + liquid or
nasal seems to be used to indicate vocalic r, I, m, n. When-
ever, therefore we find these combinations in an unaccented
position, we are confronted with the possibility of liquid or
nasal vowels. There are several series of forms besides those
just discussed in which these vowels seem to be present.
In a number of nouns with prefixed D made from stems with
initial r, I, m we find the vowel of the prefix written Seghol, e. g.,
'chariot'
D 'wide space'
'distance'
'aromatic plants'
'salve'
TijD 'pinchers'
'wardrobe'
'ruling.'
Vol. xxxi.] Vocalic r, I, w, n in Semitic. 221
Here the Seghol befor 1 ini^ht be explained MS a partial
assimilation of / to r. r U'inu; sometimes a guttural. But "1
when it acts as a guttural regularly causes complete assimilation
of the preceding vowel to <i and not partial assimilation to
Seghol: besides the forms with I and m remain unexplained.
It is not improbable that in all these forms we have
a vocalic liquid or nasal after the prefix 0 indicated as we
should expect by Seghol 4- consonant; thus, mrkebdh, mlqdhaim,
WlipSdlah, &c. The form ^"10 'thy re])elliousness,' from 'HD is
probably to be explained in the same way.
The possessive suffixes of the second and third person plural
DD, )D, DH, )H as well as the independent pronouns of the
second person plural DflN, ]ru$, all have Seghol in the last
syllable followed by m or n. This Seghol is said to be derived
from an i which belonged originally only in the feminine, e. g.,
Assyr. Sina 'they,' but which has been extended by analogy
to the masculine forms which originally had u, e. g., Assyr.
Sunu Arab, hum 'they,' Assyr. attunu, Arab, antum 'ye.'1 The
presence of Seghol in these syllables instead of the regular
Qere is explained by Brockelmann as due to the fact that
they were originally unaccented, and that the original vocali-
zation is preserved even after the shift of the accent to the
last syllable.2 Such a levelling of the i vowel of the feminine
has certainly taken place in the independent pronoun of the
third person masculine DH, nsn 'they,' and it may have taken
place in all the masculine forms above mentioned, but it is
unnecessary to assume such a process. If, as we have supposed,
the rinal syllable was originally unaccented, we may have here
simply nasal vowels, in the masculine representing a reduced
form of um, in the feminine, of in.
This conception of these endings also offers a better ex-
planation of the third person plural suffixes am, an as in
DD^D, ]D1D 'their horses.' It is difficult to see how they could
be contracted from *ahim or *ahum and *ahin. These would
naturally yield the diphthongal forms :[:(iint,*iuiin.*a,in or con-
tracted *em, *om, *en. If, however, we suppose ahim or ahum
and aliin to have been first reduced to ohm and ahn, which
1 Cf. Brockelmaim, Grundriss d. VergL Gram. d. semitischen Sprachen,
Berlin, 1907, §§ 104 d 5, 105 e 7. 106 ge.
2 Cf. Brockelmann, 0j>. cif., loc. cit.
VOL. XXXI. Part II. 15
F. E. Blake, Vocalic r, I, m, n in Semitic. [1911.
with loss of intervocalic h become am, an or am, an, and under
the influence of the accent am, an, the difficulty vanishes,
In the active participle of stems tertia? "1 + suffix of the
second person masculine singular, such as for example *pt2f'
'thy creator,' the Seghol before the 1 is explained as partial
assimilation of i, which we find in such forms as ?jy.h 'thy
enemy,' to the guttural \ We find the same phenomenon,
however, in sjinh 'thy father-in-law' (Ex. 18, 6) and in 5|JJrt
'giving thee' (Jer. 20, 4). Both the forms with 1 and those
with i are best explained as containing liquid and nasal vowels,
viz., iogr%a, liothn%a, noihn%a.1
In Exodus 33, 3 occurs the unusual form sfpDN 'I will con-
sume thee' which stands for *J;p5«, first person imperfect Piel
of rfo 'be completed,' with suffix of second person singular
masculine. In the form in the text we evidently have an I
vowel. The development from the normal form is to be
conceived of as follows; 'akattexa > 'akale%a > 'akalxa > 3aklxa-
From what has been said it will appear that the part played
by the liquid and nasal vowels in the Semitic languages is
not entirely without significance. In the parent speech, it is
true, they are apparently all but non-existent, but in some of
its descendants, especially in Aramaic and Hebrew we find
them developed in a number of cases. These cases serve to
show that while these vowels in Semitic cannot compare in
importance to the corresponding sounds in the Indo-European
family, the possibility of their occurrence should be borne in
mind in any study of exceptional forms.
* This form of the active participle is rare, the cases given being all
those that occur with stems tertise "I or 3; no forms occur from stems
tertise »: from stems tertiae b we have only s\h&l "thy redeemer," where
I has become al under the influence of the guttural « ; in the forms ^rta'l
"thy trader" (Ez. 27,20; 23) and DD^tfM "it shall devour you" (Is. 33, 11)
in which the conditions are similar to the above, the a may be explained
as due to the influence of the 5 which acts as a guttural; in Mtexn it
may be simply analogy with the other forms of the imperfect.
Tht -Intmdativn of
t
of
is a universally acknowledged fact ! " " MC8MUm- This
the nuence of sec
, 72, 115 117 A"
to
It: S6e pa«es 50' H 55, 56,
°f ^e 72 »
in the inscriptions of Asoka
's theoi-y °f
°f * is to be
224 T. Miclielson, [1911.
There is no fluctuation in the non-writing of r in the Gir-
nar text before immediately following nasals, sibilants, or stops.
Why then do we find fluctuation in the case of stops and.
sibilants immediately followed by r, and r when immediately
followed by v? If the r in these cases is only a learned and
historical spelling, why is it that we never find a learned and
historical spelling with r in the first cases? It should be noticed
that in the 'Magadhan' dialects r is assimilated to all adjacent
consonants. "We are therefore justified in making the deduction
that pr, sr, rv, &c. represent the actual pronunciation in the
Girnar dialect; and that where we have^) (pp medially, written
jp), s (medially ss, written s), vv (written v) etc. for these
respective combinations, they are 'Magadhisms'; and that the
assimilation of r to immediately following stops, sibilants and
nasals was native to the Girnar dialect. Senart himself ad-
mitted the principle of 'Magadhisms' (see Indian Antiquary
21, p. 174); why he never thought of applying it to these
cases is unclear to me. Against his theory of learned and
historical orthography may be urged the fact on the 'Maga-
dhan' inscriptions we never have r (which would become I)
written in conjoint consonants; but why do never find a
learned or historical spelling with r (I) in them? Surely we
should look for historical or learned spelling in a document
written in the imperial official language, if anywhere. Again
corresponding to Indie pr in the Girnar text we have pr
60 times, p 32 times. That is by actual figures pr is a trifle
less than twice as common as p. But it should be noticed
that pati (pati once) is found eleven times: and pati is a most
undoubted 'Magadhism'; see Michelson, IF. 23, p. 240. And
piye is found once: this too may be classed as an obvious
'Magadhism'; cf. piye in the 'Magadhan' versions of the Four-
teen-E diets as well as in the various redactions of the Pillar-
Edicts. Even Senart admits that the final e of the Girnar
word is a 'Magadhism'; why then should he not admit that
the initial p for pr is also one? Subtracting these 12 cases
of obvious 'Magadhisms' we have 20 cases of p for Indie pr
and 60 cases where pr is retained. That is to say that pr is
found three times as often as p for Indie pr. Moreover it is
only after the 4th edict that p for pr is frequent: in edicts
1 — 4 pr is retained 35 times, p for pr occurring but 3 times.
The very obvious 'Magadhism' pati occurs twice; the sole
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, <&c. 225
remaining form with p for pr is Piyadasi, and the most scep-
tical would scarce consider this as true to the native dialect.
Now if there is anything in the whole theory of 'Magadhisms'
— and this theory has been held as far as I know by all who
have investigated the dialects of the Asokan inscriptions — it
is clear that all cases in which p for Indie pr is apparently
found in the Girnar redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts are
'Magadhisms'. Now if p for pr is a 'Magadhism' so are k
for kr, t for tr, &c. In these, however, the 'Magadhisms' are
as frequent as are the true native sounds; and in some cases
more frequent. Girnar ithljhakhamahdmdtd is an exceptionally
good example to show that t for tr is a 'Magadhism'; the th
for sir is one as is also the kh for ch (really kkh and cc/i);
see Johansson, Shb. 2, p. 23, and Michelson, JAOS. 30, p. 88.
In short the true native word should be *istrvjhachamahdmdtrd,
cf. Mansehra istrij[h]achamahamatra as contrasted with Kals!
ithidhiyakhamahdmdtd. The fact that Shabhazgarhi i[stridhi]ya-
chamdhamatra also shows 'Magadhan' influence points distinctly
in the same direction; for the principle involved see Franke,
Pali and Sanskrit, p. 109, footnote 2, and compare Michelson,
AJP. 30, p. 427; 31, p. 57. (Note the true native Girnar
mahdmdtresu; the 'Magadhism' dhammamahdmdtd occurs
3 times: cf. Dhauli, Kalsl, Delhi-Sivalik dhammamahdmdtd,
Jaugada mahdmdtehi.) The fact that Mansehra Amdha- is a
'Magadhism' (see IF. 24, p. 55) is good evidence that Girnar
.mdha-, i.e. Amdha-, is also one. This at once lays G. dhuvo
open to the same suspicion, cf. Kalsl dhuve, Jaugada dhuvam.
In the remaining cases of stops -f r 'Magadhisms' are in full
possession except in the combination br, and here the 'Maga-
dhism' b is twice as frequent as native br. But the forms are
too few and too isolated to be any criterion. Observe that
'Magadhan' pati (pati) outnumbers native Girnar prati (prati)
more than two to one; while it has completely wiped out
native prati in the Mansehra redaction, occurring over a dozen
times; similarly 'Magadhan' atha- has nearly everywhere usurped
the place of native athra- in the Shahbazgarhi recension (see
IF. 23, pp. 240, 241; AJP. 30, p. 294if.). So that mere numbers
are not necessarily a deciding factor in every given case.
As an explanation of the fact that in the Girnar redaction
'Magadhisms' for pr, &c. are so prevalent, it may be said that
the dialect of Girnar agreed with the 'Magadhan' dialect in
16*
226 T. Michelson, [1911.
assimilating r to immediately following stops, thus causing
certain forms to be identical in both dialects; for this reason
it was difficult for the scribe to abstain from substituting p
for pr, etc. Now in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Man-
sehra recensions ' Magadhisms ' are comparatively rare (outside
of pati for prati) in the case of stops + r\ the reason for this
is that in this dialect r was not assimilated to any adjacent
consonants except in the combination ars(y) and perhaps in
the combination rn (see AJP. 30, p. 289; JAOS. 30, p. 89;
and my essay on the etymology of Sanskrit punya- which is
in TAP A. 40). As long as r was not asimilated to im-
mediately following stops as in the case of the 'Magadhan'
dialect, there was comparatively little danger of a 'Magadhism'
occurring for a stop -f r. Such 'Magadhisms' as are found are
readily to be recognized by the non-agreement of Shb. and
Mans. Of course there are other means of detection; e.g.
Mans, tini has a 'Magadhan' -ni\ cf. Kalsi tini] hence the
initial ti- of Mansehra tini is open to the same suspicion, and
as a matter of fact there is other evidence to show conclusively
that it is a 'Magadhism'; compare the Shahbazgarhi corre-
spondent.
Let us now turn to the treatment of the Indie sibilants +
an immediately following r. For Indie sr we have sr 5 times
and no other correspondent. It is therefore certain that sr
is the true native Grirnar combination of sounds. It is as
absurd to consider the sr as a purely historical and learned
.spelling as it is to regard the spelling asti (found repeatedly)
for atthi (which would be written athi: it never is found in
the G-irnSr redaction). If sr was a purely historical and
learned spelling, we certainly would find s written at least
once which is not the case.
The history of Indie sr goes a long way in assuring us
regarding the history of Indie sr. Corresponding to Indie sr
we have sr II times, s (really ss medially) 10 times. But s
(medially really ss) is the sole 'Magadhan' correspondent to
Indie sr. What is simpler than to explain the s of the Gir-
nar text as a 'Magadhism'? And it should be noticed of
samana- (which occurs 6 times, either in the nom. or gen. pi.,
and always in compounds) there is no reason why we should
not regard the lingual n as the sole trace of the native word
precisely as in the case of Mansehra bay ana- (for kalana-; the
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c.
credit of discovering this belongs to Franke), and panatika (on
which see Michelson, AJP. 31, pp. 58, 59). Per contra note
brdmhanasramandnam at G. iv. 2 with true native br and sr.
And Girnar guru-sususd betrays 'Magadhan' influence in the
vocalism: see Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 287; in fact the form
coincides exactly with the 'Magadhan' word susiisa, and for
this reason it is not reliable evidence for the history of sr in
the Girnar dialect. It is then not at all venturesome to in-
clude the 3 other cases of 8 for sr (Indie sr) among 'Maga-
dhisms'. And it should be particularly noticed that seste at
G. iv. 10 has a 'Magadhan' final e for native am as even
Senart would admit: cf. Kalsl sethe, Dhauli se[the]', for this
reason we may doubly suspect the initial s of being a 'Maga-
dhism'; see also AJP. 30, p. 293.
We have now to consider the correspondents to Indie rv.
In the case of the correspondents to Sanskrit sarva- and its
adverbial derivatives we have rv 15 times, v 18 times. But
sava- (i. e. savva-) and savata (i. e. savvatta) are the sole
correspondents to Sanskrit sarva- and sarvatra respectively in
the 'Magadhan' redactions. It is therefore highly probable
that the forms with v in the Girnar version are 'Magadhisms'.
A decisive proof that this is the case is the following: Corre-
sponding to Sanskrit sarva-, sarvatra in the Shahbazgarhi
recension we have forms with vr (i. e. rv) as well as v (i. e. vv ),
but these latter are in a distinct minority; but in the Man-
sehra redaction we find forms with vr (i. e. rv) only. It there-
fore follows that the forms with v (i. e. vv) in the Shahbaz-
garhi are 'Magadhisms': see Johansson, Shb.ii, § 65; Michelson.
AJP. 30, p. 285; the statement in JAOS. 30, p. 82 is an error.
Now if Shb. sava-, &c. be a 'Magadhism' it is impossible to
escape the conviction that Girnar sava-, &c. is also a 'Maga-
dhism'. It will be recalled that the Girnar dialect is most
intimately related with the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and
Mansehra redactions: see Senart, Indian Antiquary, 21, p. 172;
Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 291, JAOS. 30, pp. 87—89, TAP A. 40,
p. 28. Below I have tried to show that the falling together
of Indie s, 4, s into s is a relatively late development in the
Girnar dialect; and in my judgement the assimilation of r to
following stops, sibilants, and nasals is likewise of recent origin,
say shortly before the historical transmission. (This last does
not apply to the assimilation of r in the combinations drs[y]>
228 T. Michelson, [1911.
rn: these I consider old.) Then the dialects of the Shahbaz-
garhi, Mansehra, and Girnar recensions of Asoka's Fourteen-
Edicts would be very much more intimately related than"
hitherto suspected.
The Girnar correspondents to Sanskrit purva- offer con-
siderable difficulty. At v. 4 we have bhutaprurvam] obviously
the first r should be eliminated. At iv. 5 we have bhutapuve.
This is wholly nonsensical. The final 'Magadhan' e should be
noticed. In this we have the key to the situation: 'Magadhan'
puluve has completely distorted the native word. At vi. 2 the
text has bhutapurva (m is graphically omitted). But the
true reading is -pruva. Here too we have u preceding the v
in imitation of the 'Magadhan' form; but the scribe was dimly
conscious that in the Girnar word there ought to be an r
somewhere, and so inserted one, albeit in the wrong place.
(Some may seize upon G-irnar -pruva as a proof that Shb.,
Mans, pruva- is not merely graphical for purva- but represents
the true pronunciation. But see Michelson, AJP. 30, pp. 289,
290, 426; 31, pp. 55—57.)
It is barely possible that Girnar bhdtrd is for *bhrdtrd by
dissimilation, but it is far more likely that the initial bh is
simply a 'Magadhism' for bhr as is shown by Mansehra bhatuna
for bhratuna (so the Shb. redaction) altered by 'Magadhan'
bhdtind.
I think pitrd (not pita) should be read at xi. 3. The words
pita and bhdtd (at ix. 5 and xi. 3 respectively) are hyper-
Magadhisms exactly as Shb. ayi, on which see Michelson, IF.
24, p. 55; and JAGS. 30, p. 85.
The statistics given above are made on the basis of the
Girnar text in EL 2, and the fragments in WZKM. 8 and
JBAS. 1900 1. They are wholly independent from the figures
published long ago by Senart.
Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra pravrajitani makes it highly
probable that the v of Girnar pavajitdni is a 'Magadhism' as
is the initial p for pr, if indeed this latter is not the true
reading. Similarly with respect to two. Now if the mb of
Tambapamm be a 'Magadhism' — the Shahbazgarhi and Man-
1 I have not included savesu of Senart's smaller fragment, because I
suspect that this fragment is identical with the fragment published by
Biihler. The grounds for this belief I hope to publish at any early
date.
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 229
sehra redactions support this view: see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 1,
Michelson, IF. 24, p. 55 — as is the am for am (see below),
then the rule should be given: R is not assimilated in the
Girnar dialect to preceding adjacent consonants but is assimi-
lated to adjacent following consonants except v.
The lengths to which Senart is carried by his theory
of learned and historical orthography, is well illustrated by
his discussion of Girnar n and n (Indian Antiquary, 21, p. 171
= Les Inscriptions, 2, p. 430). He acutely observes that though
Girnar possess n and n in the interior of words where ety-
mologically required, yet in case-endings we have n where
Sanskrit shows us that n was to be expected. He further
notes that the 'Magadhan' dialect possesses only n as the
correspondent to Sanskrit n and n alike. He therefore argues
that G-irnar n does not represent the actual pronunciation
and is only a learned and historical spelling. Now Senart
can be excused from not noting the same apparent substitution
of n for n in case-endings in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi
and Mansehra redactions (Johansson, Shb. i, p. 166, 52 of the
reprint; Michelson, JAOS. 30, p. 87, AJP. 30, p. 422) for two
excellent reasons, to wit, Buhler had not published his edition
of the Shb. text nor the Mansehra version when Senart first
wrote his arguments. But since the charge of a promiscuous
use of n and n in the Girnar dialect as correspondents to
Indie n, cannot be maintained (see Michelson, IF. 24, pp. 53,
54), he certainly should have ascribed the use of n for n in
the case-endings of G. to the influence of analogy. Consider-
ing the fact that in Pali this same analogical use of n for n
obtains almost exclusively, and is frequent in suffixes (see AJP.
31, p. 64 and my article on the etymology of Sanskrit punya-
which is in TAP A. 40) — there existed ample material in the
texts published at the time for him to have made this ob-
>ervation — his failure to do this is regret able. In justice,
however, it should be said that Senart admitted that he could
not prove his case in this particular instance.
Special features of the dialect of the Girnar redaction of
the Fourte en-Edicts.
Special features of the dialect of the Girnar redaction of the
Fourteen-E diets as compared with the dialects of the other
redactions are:
230 T. Michelson, [1911.
1. A is retained before m in majliamena.
Strictly speaking, we can only contrast this retention with the
change to i in the 'Magadhan' dialect as the Shb. version differs
in the wording where we otherwise would find a correspondent,
and in the Mans, text there is a lacuna in the corresponding
passage.
2. A is retained after v in ucdvaea- (see the reading of J.
in ASSI).
3. A for o of the other versions in the foreign name Amtiyako.
4. The combination ary becomes er (samacerdiri).
, 5. The combination ava is retained in Hhavati.
See Michelson, ATP. 30, p. 287; JAOS. 30, pp. 78, 88.
6. The i of vacigutl (Shb., Mans., K. vacaguti).
Shb., Mans., K. vaca- is a transfer from *vacas to the a-de-
clension. The point of departure for the transfer of as-stems
to a-stems in Middle Indie languages was (as has been long
known) the nom. sing, which coincided with the nom. sing,
masc. of a-stems. The vaci of vacigutl is identical with vaci
in Sanskrit vacibheddt. In vaci I see a fossilized locative
singular. Though in Sanskrit we have the inflection vdk, vacant,
vdcd, vdcas, vaci, &c., it is clear that originally there was
gradation exactly as in the case of pat. This is shown by
Avestan vdxs, vacim, vaca, vaco, vacas-ca, vacqm. The levelling
of the gradation Skt. vdk, Latin vox, Greek 8\f/ is secondary;
see Brugmann, Grundriss"1, 2. 1, p. 131.
7. The first i in P[i]rimdesu.
"We cannot be absolutely positive that this is a peculiarity of
G. as Shahbazgarhi Puli[de\su, i. e. Pulimdesu is a 'Magadhism',
as is shown by the I. It is unfortunate that the Kalsi corre-
spondent is so damaged that it is impossible to tell what the
vowels of the first two syllables were with certainty. The
first may have contained u, but the second apparently has no
vowel-indicator, so that we must read a, a palpable blunder
for i. To sum up, Pul[a]desu should be read Pulidesu, i. e
Pulimdesu. I have previously pointed out the fact that 'Maga-
dhisms' are especially frequent in the names of peoples, coun-
tries, &c. See AJP. 30, p. 426; IF. 24, p. 54, 55. On Girngr
Tambapawini, see my observations above in my discussion of
learned and historical orthography, and below in my discussion
of the history of d when followed by m + a consonant. To
these may be added Satiyaputo, G. ii. 2, Satiyaputra, Shb.
ii. 4, Satiya[putr .], Mans. ii. 6; cf. Jaugada Satiyapu, Kslsl
Satiyaputo. For this reason Girnar Satiyaputo has no bearing
on the origin of the word. Biihler overlooked this fact. (Note
also the Magadhan t for tr in -puto.}
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 231
8. The second u of susrusa (in compounds only) and sus-
rusatdm.
See AJP. 30, p. 287. Delhi Sivalik sususdyd must be kept
apart from Girnar susrusa because DS. bhutdnam corresponds
to Girnar bhutdnam. Thus it is patent that DS. sususdyd is a
secondary shortening from sususd-. Formerly I explained the
Girnar u as being more primitive than the Skt. u of susrusa,
comparing Avestan susrusjmno (JAOS. 30, p. 79). If I could
formulate any phonetic law that would account satisfactorily
for the u of G. susrusa as being of late origin, I should great-
ly prefer it. It is undeniable that in a few cases the Middle
Indie languages are more, or equally as, primitive as Sanskrit.
But as a whole I feel that this has been rather overdone. See
below in my discussion of d when followed by m -{- a con-
sonant.
9. Vocalic r becomes a for the most part, but dental stops
are not thereby converted to linguals, e. g., kata-.
See AJP. 30, p. 421. There is not the slightest evidence that
r ever becomes i in our dialect. See Classical Philology, 5.
pp. 219, 220.
10. Vocalic r becomes a in mago (Shb. mrugo, K., J., Dh.
mige).
On Mans, mruige and mrige, see AJP. 30, p. 424.
11. Long vocalic r becomes a in dadha-.
The 'Magadhan' correspondent is didha-. On Mans, dridhra-,
see AJP. 31, pp. 55, 56. Shb. didha- is a 'Magadhism.'
12. The e of lekhapitd.
13. Long d is not shortened before medial in, e. g., apabhdmdatd.
The m is graphically omitted in niydtu\ this is a third person
plural as is shown by KalsT nikhamamtu, Dhauli and Jaugada
nikhamdvu. The correspondents of the Shahbazgarhi and Man-
sehra redactions are not decisive. The m is likewise omitted
in Pddd (Shb. Pamda at xiii. 9) and apardtd (Shb. aparamta,
K. apalamtd) exactly as in dhammasambadho (Shb. [dhra]ma-
sambamdho), ki at ix. 9 and xii. 2 for him elsewhere in this
version; karoto (for karomto); and possibly in karote at ix. 3
if not purely an error induced by karote at ix. 1 and 2 where
a singular is in place. At v. 5 Biihler reads Kambo., i. e.
Kamboja-. As a matter of fact the correct reading is Kdmbo..
[Kambo in Biihler 's fragment of the thirteenth edict (on
Senart's smaller fragment, see above) is a 'Magadhism', if the
correct reading.] At v. 5 Biihler reads Gamdhdrdnam. Yet it
is not impossible that the correct reading is Gam- as there is
a large crack in the stone at this point which prevents us
232 T. Mchdson, [1911.
from being positive as to which reading is correct. If the
true reading be Gam-, then it is a 'Magadhism' as is the case
with Tambapamnl (Kalsl Tambapamni; see my discussion of
learned and historic orthography above). As I pointed out
above in my discussion of P[i]rimdesu, 'Magadhisms' are com-
mon in names of countries, peoples, &c. That ni-ydtu is San-
skrit yantu and not Sanskrit yantu is clear from Sarnath ydvu.
According to the St. Petersburg lexicons Sanskrit Panda- is
merely an error for Pandya-. If so it must be a very old one
as evinced by the Asokan inscriptions. It is not possible that
in some dialects postconsonantal dy became d phonetically?
Then Mansehra Pa[m\diya, Shb., Mans. Pamdiya would be
'Magadhisms', and Skt. Panda- a borrowing from some Middle
Indie vernacular. Formerly (JAOS. 30, p. 79) I held that as
o, and this only, corresponds to Skt. an = original m (atikdtam,
iv. 1, v. 3, viii. 1, atikrdtam, vi. 1 = Skt. atikrantam] chdti[m],
xiii. 11 = Skt. ksdnti-}, the Girnar d was more primitive in this
respect than Sanskrit as it is admitted that the n of Skt.
krdnta-, ddnta-, &c. is analogical in origin. I thought that as
in Girnar -dm- never occurs in these cases, it was impossible
to regard the omission of m as merely graphical. Prof. Bloom-
field at the meeting of the AOS. adversely criticised this point,
and after a subsequent discussion with Dr. Sturtevant, I am
ready to admit that the forms cited are too few to form a
sound basis for the proposed theory inasmuch as m is often
graphically ommitted in other cases. At the same time it is
well to mention the theory in the hopes that new evidence will
turn up to either establish or completely disprove it. A single
form with a medial m would do the latter. Shb. and Mans.
atikratam are merely graphical for atikramtam (which occurs
in both).— I likewise stated in JAOS., 1. c., that this theory
proved that G. was not a linear descendant from Sanskrit. If
this theory is wrong, that would not invalidate that claim. For
the fact all the Asokan dialects point to a loc. sing. *-smi (G.
tamhi; &c.) [not *-smin (Skt. tasmiri)] shows that not a single
Asokan dialect is such a descendant. A further proof of this
as applied to the Girnar dialect is idha (Skt. iha).
14. Long vowels are not shortened before two consonants
(ndstij brdmhana-, mahdmdtresu, Eastika-, pardkramdmi,
pardkramena [not pardkramena as Biihler reads] dtpa-,
[Skt. atma-\, bhdtrd.
It is clear that bamhana- at ix. 5 is merely a blunder for
bdmhana- which is found in this version: note the blunders
danam, etarisam, ndtikena in the same edict. Similarly bramhana-
[not brahmana- as Biihler transcribes] in the fourth edict is
merely a blunder. See IF. 24, pp. 53, 54; AJP. 30, p. 295.
It should be noted that rdnd, rdno can be in themselves
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c.
either rand, rdno or rdnna, rdnno respectively. Pali and Pra-
krit show that they are to be read rdftnd, rdnno. It will be
remembered that on inscriptions n can stand for nn, m for mm
exactly as s for ss. Compare Biihler, Epigraphia Indica, ii,
p. 91. Supdthdya at i. 9 is graphical for siipdtthdya. This is
shown by Dhauli supathdy(e), Kalsl supathdy[e\, Jaugada
(su)pathdye. As a long vowel is regularly shortened in these
redactions before two consonants these forms are merely
graphical for supatthdye. Hence Girnar supdthdya is for su-
pdtthdya (Skt. supdrthdya). Just so with mahdthdvahd at x. 1
cf. Kalsl mahathdvd (read mahathdvaha). Pali is likewise con-
firmatory for these two cases. Similarly asamdtam (Skt. asa-
mdptam; Kalsl and Dhauli asamati). Pardkamate is a 'Mada-
dhism' for *pardkramate. Similarly pardkamena at x. 4 if this is
the correct reading which at least is not certain. If taddtpano
stands for *taddtvana- we have another example. If it is a
blunder for *taddtpat/a, we still have a case. It should be
mentioned that dnapaydmi, dnapitam do not belong here : they
come from the simplex n-, compounded with d-. This is shown
by Pali and 'Magadhan' versions of the Fourteen-Edicts. There
remain some unexplained apparent exception. Note that we
have fdti at x. 1 but at x. 2 kiti. It is quite likely that the
vocalism of the 'Magadhan' original of which the Girnar
version is a translation, is responsible for this: cf. Jaugada
ki(t)l, Dhauli (k)itl and (ki)ti, i. e. kitti (local peculiarity for
*kittim, Skt. kirtim). For 'Magadhan' influence in the vocalism
of words in the Girnar redaction, see Michelson, AJP. 30
p. 287, JAOS. 30, p. 90. A case in point is dasayitpd for
*daseptd; cf. Shb. drasayitu for native (and Mans.) draseti
'Magadhan' dasayitu has been the disturbing factor in both
cases : see AJP. 31, p. 60. At ix. 9 we have svagdradhi. This
certainly corresponds to Skt. svargdrdddhi-, cf. the preceding
svagam drddhetu (Skt. svargam drddhayitum), svagam drddha-
yamtu, vi. 12, and the correspondents of the other versions.
But it should be noted that the nineth edict has many blunders
of a for a (see above). So svagdradhi might be one for
^svagdradhi (i. e. svagdrdddhi). But we have dradho hoti at
xi. 4. Here we can ascribe the a with confidence to 4 Maga-
dhan' influence (Kalsl dladhe), for the following hoti is a 'Ma-
gadhism': see AJP. 30, p. 287; JAOS. 30, p. 78; and above.
Hence it would be plausible to attribute svagdradhi to such
influence. But the reading of the Dhauli text (which alone has
a correspondent) is uncertain. In either case, it is not against
the law proposed. The correspondents to Skt. purva- cannot
be taken into consideration, for bhutapuve and bhutapruva have
both 'Magadhan' w: see my discussion of learned and historical
orthography. Bhutaprurvam has at least one blunder as it is;
so u for u might be another. See Biihler, EL 2, p. 453;
Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 184. Dighdya at x. 1 is very difficult.
234 T. Michelson, [1911.
The Sanskrit correspondent is dlrghdya. The 'Magadhan' ver-
sions have a different word in the corresponding passage, and
both the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions have 'Maga--
dhisms' in the corresponding passages. Of course the fact that
the 'Magadhan' versions have a different word does not preclude
the possibility of the particular 'Magadhan' text of which G.
is a translation from having had a form precisely the same or
very similar to the Girnar form. It will be remembered that
frequently the versions do not agree in the wording. In this
way dighdya might be due to 'Magadhan' influence. It may
be mentioned that once dighdya was read dighdya, but I am
convinced from the plate in El. that this is not the true read-
ing.— The most obstinate of all to explain is anusasti (this or
other cases of the same word occurs 4 times, including the
occurrence in a fragment of the thirteenth edict, and always in
the compound dhammdnusasti). Ndsti (Skt. ndsti} occurs half
a dozen times, there being no other correspondent to Skt. ndsti.
It would therefore seem impossible that anusasti can phonetic-
ally stand for Skt. anusasti-. At the same time I hardly dare
ascribe the a to 'Magadhan' influence because of the frequency
of the word. Perhaps this timidity is wrong as pati is frequent
in G. and outnumbers native prati two to one. Also thaira-
(or other forms of this) occurs three times, and the initial th
looks like a 'Magadhism', though another explanation (see
below) is possible. Finally it should perhaps be queried if G.
anusasti is not Skt. anusasti-, not anusasti-.
15. The diphthong* ai in tliaira- and traidasa-.
The origin of this diphthong is not wholly clear. Without
question the e of Dhauli ted(a)sa, Kalsi t[e\dasa, Prakrit terasa,
teraha is to be associated with the ai of traidasa. According
to Pischel, Grammatik, § 119, the prototype was *trayadasa,
the e then being a result of contraction. The trouble with this
explanation is that -ay a- in G., Dh., and J. otherwise is un-
contracted (cf. JAOS. 30, p. 91). Franke, PuSkt., p. 104 rejects
Pischel's explanation, and says the e is for i. This leaves
Girnar traidasa hanging in the air. Johansson, Shb. i, p. 136
(22 of the reprint) suggests that the Middle Indie dialects in
this case are very archaic and that Skt. trayodasa is analogical.
This last no doubt is the case, but I hardly like to start from
this point of view. Phonetically there is nothing for or against
his proposition as -aye- is unique at present as far as the
phonetics are concerned. (J's prototype is *trayazdasa which
would become *trayedasa.) Similarly regarding tliaira-. Pali
and Prakrit thera- postulate some such intermediary form as
the Girnar word (Pischel, 1. c., § 166). But here again, the
loss of v between a and *, and the subsequent contraction of
these vowels is unique. — A further note on thaira-. The word
apparently contradicts the law that sth becomes st in our
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 235
dialect (gharastdni). The 'Magadhan' versions have an entirely
different word as correspondents. Still that does not preclude
the possibility of a 'Magadhan' *thela- having distorted an
original *staira-. Cf. my remarks on dighdya above. It is
very bold to assume descent from a prototype that bore the
same relation to Skt. sthavira- as Gr. T^W to orAw, though I
still believe in spite of Pischel that Pkt. chepa- is similar a
case as compared with Skt. sepa- (IE. sk- and £-). It might
be a late product. Cases like -as sth- phonetically became
-asth-, and this was wrongly divided -as th-. Hence a form
*thavira- beside sthavira-. But this is purely speculative.
16. The combinations viy and vy fall together in vy (kept
apart as such in the Kalsi dialect): vyasanam, vyamja-
nato, gerundives in -tavya-, divydni.
Biihler wholly inconsistently transcribes the same symbol
initially by vy but medially by yv. Why he made any distinction
is not clear to me. If we transcribe diyvdni, we must transcribe
*yvasanam, yvdpatd, &c. But such a combination would be
unpronounceable. His appeal to Pali yha from hya is wholly
irrelevant as we do not have yv from vy in Pali. As I am
ignorant of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars, I cannot
criticise his argument from this source.
17. The combination duv becomes dv (dvo, Vedic duvau).
18. The combination dv becomes db (dbddasd).
19. The combinations siw, sv (kept apart as such in the
'Magadhan' dialects) fall together in sv (svamikena, svagam).
20. The combinations tv and tm become tp\ catpdro, gerunds
in -tpd, dtpa- (Skt. dtma-).
There is considerable dispute as to the exact value of the
ligature which Biihler transcribes by tp. There is no question
but that the true order of the letters is pt, and some (Pischel
and Franke) maintain that this represents the actual pro-
nunciation. But it is universally admitted that the actual
spelling is no criterion; and some (Burnouf, Ascoli, Biihler
[EL 2, p. 210], Johansson) have tried to show that the real
pronunciation was tp. The linguistic arguments that have thus
far been adduced, in my opinion, have a negative value, some
tending to show that the pronunciation was pt, some tp. And
it should be especially noted that no arguments from the
dialect itself have been brought forward but only from allied
languages. The following linguistic argument, especially when
taken in conjunction with Biihler's palseographical one, seems
to me conclusive proof tnat tp was the pronunciation : Dbddasa
corresponds to Sanskrit dvddasa\ and there is no question but
236 T. Miclielson, [1911.
that db represents the correct order of the letters. Now if
Indie dv becomes db, then Indie tv surely should become tp.
Hence gerunds in -tpd (Skt. -tvd) are to be read as such. This
settles the reading dtpa- (Skt. dtma-} without further arguments.
The fact the Singhalese gerunds in -pata point to -ptd (Skt.
-tva), does not show that the Girnar gerunds in -tpd are really
-ptd, for a stage -tpd is presupposed between -ptd and -tvd;
and the metathesis of tp to pt can be specifically Singhalese.
Oertel recently (Lectures, pp. 221, 222) has tried to defend the
view that we really have pt and not tp, admitting a stage tp
between pt and tv, but saying that pt was substituted for the
unusual combination tp because pt was a frequent combination.
Inasmuch as the p -in the combination of original pt was
assimilated in this (e. g. asamdtam, Skt. asamdptani) as well
as other Asokan dialects and in Pali and Prakrit, I confess
that I am not convinced by this line of [reasoning. Senart,
admitting that the ligature should be transcribed tp, in accord-
ance with his theory of learned and historical spelling on the
inscriptions of Asoka — which seems to me to be quite unten-
able— contends that the actual pronunciation was pp.
21. The combination sm becomes mh: tamhi, *tasmi, cf. Skt.
tasmin.
22. The combination hm becomes mh : brdmhana- (for the other
variants of this word see above).
23. R is assimilated to all adjacent following consonants ex-
cept v; it is retained after preceding adjacent consonants,
and before v when that follows immediately: athdya,
dhamma-, Priyadasi, priyo, sramana-, sarvatra.
The apparent exceptions are 'Magadhisms'. See my discussion
of learned and historical orthography above.
24. The combination -ars- and -arsy- become -as-: vdsa-, Skt.
varsa-, kdsamti, *karsyanti, cf. Skt. Itarisyanti.
See Michelson, IF. 24, pp. 53, 54; AJP. 30, p. 289; JAOS. 30,
p. 89. I give this as a characteristic of G. because the final
product is such, whether or not the phenomenon is to be
associated with a similar one in Shb. and Mans, (as I think
likely). The chronology I formerly assumed is a trifle inexact;
we need only assume that in Girnar the r was assimilated
and the gemination simplified with compensatory lengthening
before rs reached a stage rs$ we cannot know whether in G.
the sibilant in the first case had already become a dental. Note
'MSgadhan' vasa-, i. e. vassa- = Girnar vdsa-, Skt. varsa-.
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c.
25. Original rs converts a following Intervocalic dental n to a
lingual n: vimdna-dasand.
See Michelson, IF. 24, p. f>;;.
26. Aryan $t (Skt. st, Av. St) and Aryan Stfi (Skt. *?ft, Av. &)
fall together in st: tisteya, seste (a 'Magadhism' for srestam).
See Michelson, AJP. 30, p. 291; J^IOS. 30, p. 89. It is likely
that this is to be brought into rapport with the change of
Aryan St and §th to st in the dialect of Shahbazgarhi and
Mansehra. I list the phenomenon here because the final result
is different in the two dialects.
27. An original palatal sibilant converts st beginning the next
syllable to st (dhammdnusastl).
See the references cited under 26. I have much less hesitation
than formerly in connecting this process with the law in Shb.
and Mans, that original s converts a following intervocalic s
to s. For convenience I repeat the law I gave in AJP. : A
palatal sibilant converts a following dental sibilant to a palatal
one in the dialects of G., Shb., Mans., the combination st sub-
sequently becoming St exactly as pre-Aryan st became Aryan
st. Then this secondary St had the same history in the separate
dialects as Aryan st(ti), i. e., G. st, Shb., Mans. st. Secondary
intervocalic s had the same history as original intervocalic s,
namely, G. s, Shb., Mans. s. In support of this combination I
would urge that the special points of contact between these
dialects are extremely numerous. See below, and JAOS. 30,
pp. 87—89.
29. The combination hv becomes h and the preceding vowel
is lengthened: prajuhitavyam.
The gerundive is based on the present stem as is common in
Middle Indie languages. The stem juhv- was abstracted from
juhvati, whence juh. If the long vowel u could be otherwise
accounted for, I should prefer to take juh- as being the ab-
straction from the present stem. [For the phonology, see
Pischel, §§ 65, 332; Konow in Ak. Afh. til S. Bugge.]
30. The combination -my-, -ny- become -nn- (written -mil-):
dnamnam (Skt. dnrnyam), hiramna- (Skt. hiranya-).
31. The retention of dh in idha (Skt. iha).
32. The t of Ketala- in Ketdaputo.
33. The g of Magd (Kalsi Makd, Shb. Maka, Mans. [Maka]).
34. The sandhi of iti, namely, the first i is not lost after im-
mediately preceding vowels or nasals except in the com-
238 T. Michelson, [1911.
bination kirn ti : pativedetha iti, vi, 5; tisteya iti, vi. 13;
sddh a (blunder for sddhu) iti, ix. 8; drddhetu (-m graphically
omitted) iti, vi. 9; dlpayema iti, xii. 6; danam (blunder
for danam) iti, ix. 7 but always Mm ti (except once where
the m of kirn is graphically omitted).
35. Etayam for eta ayam.
According to Biihler this is for eta iyam. As iyam in this
text is a 'Magadhism', I prefer the above.
36. The double treatment of final am becoming am and am.
The law governing this double correspondence is not clear. I
give two explanations for what they are worth without defini-
tely committing myself to either. To judge from the accusative
singulars vihdraydtdm, and samacerdm as compared with the
genitive plurals devdnam (found repeatedly), mitasamstutand-
tinam, bdmhanasamandnam, (three times), prdndnam (twice),
brdmhanasramandnam, bramhanasamandnam, dhammayutdnam,
gurunam, thairdnam, mitdsastutanatikdnam, manusdnam, pasu-
manusdnam, bhutdnam, the law would seem to be: final dm
with acute syllabic accent becomes dm] final dm with circum-
flex syllabic accent becomes am. The final m is graphically
omitted in pujd, xii. 8, xii. 2; dhammasusrusd, x. 2 as in
vadhi, iv. 11, phala, xii. 9, drddhetu, ix. 9, klti, x. 1, kiti, x. 2,
bhutapruva (so!) vi. 2, sava, vi. 2, ki ti (= 1dm ti), xii. 2,
susera, xii. 7. It is also probable that mahdthdvahd at x. 1 is
for -vahdm as is shown by Mansehra mahathravaham, Dhauli
-(ham) : yet this is not certain as it might be a nom. pi. neutre
like vimdnadasand, hastidasand. — We then should infer that
the middle ending -tdm had the acute syllabic accent (susratdm,
x. 2; anuvidhiyatdm, x. 2) and that the locative sing, of d-
stems, -dydm, had the circumflex syllabic accent on the ultima
(ganandyam, iii. 6; parisdyam, vi. 7). The objection to this
explanation is that it is highly speculative, even if we have
Vedic genitives in -aam to back it up. On another occasion
I had a chance to point how groundless a 'law' was in the
Middle Indie dialects which was based on a differentiation by
acute and circumflex syllabic accent (AJP. 30, 296). And I
have shown in my Notes on the Pillar-Edicts of Asoka (IF/23)
that corresponding to Skt. -vya- and -vya- alike we have Pali
-bb-, Prakrit -vv-. In AJP. 30, p. 292 I have disproved
Johansson's explanation of Shb. etisa by accentual conditions.
And I have shown in JAOS. 30, p. 85 how very improbable is
his theory that the position of the accent determines the treat-
ment of final -am in Shb. So that on general principles I am
averse to any explanation involving the accent. Yet I may add
that the law that in the dialects of the Radhia, Mathia, Ram-
purva redactions of the Pillar-Edicts final d (whether original
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c.
or secondary) is shortened to a, except in the case of accented
monosyllables, and before postpositives and enclitics, is due to
accentual conditions : ilaya necessarily presupposes the accen-
tuation daya as opposed to Skt, <lut/d, similarly kata the accen-
tuation kata as opposed to Skt. krtds. So there might be
something in this theory; but, I repeat, I am very dubious on
the point. The alternative explanation I give, and the one in
which I have greater confidence is this: final dm when pre-
ceded by a syllable that contains a long vowel, becomes
am ; otherwise it becomes dm. This would account nicely for
the difference between devdnam, &c. and dhammasusrusd (i. e.,
-am). But this would not answer at all for vihdraydtdin, sama-
cerdm, and pujd (i. e. pujdm\ AVe would have to assume ex-
tensive levelling, and rather more than our evidence warrants.
Moreover with this explanation we presuppose the accentuation
devdnatn. So we are again involved in an accentual condition.
Still I should very much prefer to assume that the accent was
that of Classical Sanskrit rather than a relic of Vedic accen-
tuation, if for no other reason than that in certain Asokan
dialects (see above) the accentual system was identical with or
similar to the former. To sum up, the evidence at hand will
not permit us to formulate a law governing the correspondence.
-^Senart at first held that -am and -d were interchangeable;
later, without giving up the possibility of this, considered that
final m had been lost after -d. Konow in his treatise on the
dialect of the Girnar redaction clung tenaciously to the theory
that -d and -am were interchangeable. He said that pujd was
for pujam, but accepted v ilidraydtdm ; but nowhere is any ex-
planation given to account for the double form of the accusa-
tive in the same dialect. His appeal to the Pkt. grammarian
Canda is no explanation. I hope now to definitely disprove
the mistaken notion that -am and -d are interchangeable hi the
Girnar dialect. I have shown AJP. 30, p. 183 ff. that sdmipam,
a supposed nom. pi. masc. of an a-stem is in reality a nom.
sing, neutre of an «-stem. In the same paper I have made it
clear that if the reading bhutaprurrum be retained, or rather
emended to bhutapurvam, so far from being a nom. pi. at all,
it is the equivalent of Pali bhutcpubbam, an adverb. Senart
once held that atikatam was for *atikamtam, later gave this
up. The fact that *atikamtam is never written is a guarantee
that this was not intended by the spelling atikatam (see my
discussion on the history of long d before medial m). Similarly
chdti[m] is not for *chamtim. Long ago Biihler made it clear
that nicd does not correspond to Skt. nityam. The long I and
the c of Dhauli and Jaugada nice and the c of Kalsi nice (i. e.
nice) show this. Yiiicent Smith's reversion to the older view
is regretable. Phonetically we would have K.,..Dh., J. *nitiyam
corresponding to Skt. nityam. i admit that the short i of G.
nicd is hard to explain. Probably the last word has not yet
VOL XXXI. Part IH. 17
240 T. Michelson, [1911.
been said on the group of words. But if the Girnar word were
the equivalent of Skt. nityam, it would be the sole case in
which -a and -am apparently interchange. For some positive
arguments against this interchange we have the following : the
ace. sing. masc. of a-stems is always -am, never -a; the nom.
ace. neutre of a-stems is always -am (barring 'Magadhisms'),
never -a"; the nom.pl. of a-stems is -a, never -am; the genitive
pi. always ends in -am, never -a. Now if -a and -am were
interchangeable we surely would have some confusion in these
categories. And such is not the case.
37. The final vowels of prefixes are occasionally lengthened in
compounds: asamproMpati, abhiramaMni.
38. The dat. sing, of a-stems ends in -aya : athaya, paribhogdya,
kammdya, tdya, etaya, imlya.
39. The dative sing. athd.
According to Senart, Konow, and Pischel this is merely a
blunder for athdya. I see no reason why it may not be a case
of haplology as the word occurs in the expression etaya athd.
Biihler, Johansson, and Franke have defended the word on
other grounds. See Biihler, ZDMG. 46, p. 62; 48, p. 56;
Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 53, footnote 1, BB. 20, p. 85 ff. (especially
p. 92); Franke, Pali and Sanskrit, pp. 122, 152; Pischel, VS. i,
44, 61; Bartholomae, BB. 15, p. 221 ff., GrlrPhil. 1, p. 122; Auf-
recht, Festgruss an Bohtlingk, p. Iff.; Brugmann, Grundriss*,
2. 2. 1 § 159 Anm., and the literature cited in these references.
40. The 'oblique' cases of the a-stems ends in -aya: vividhdya
piljdya, xii. 1; mddhuratdya, xiv. 4 (inst.); ctfhasawtlrandyci,
vi. 7 (loc.).
This -aya is identical with PaJi -aya. The explanation of the
form is as follows : -aya as a dative sing, was taken over
analogically from the a-stems just as in certain other Middle
Indie dialects the a-stems have analogically taken over -aye
from a-stems (see JAOS. 30, p. 92). After the syncretism of
the dative and genitive sing., -aya was used in place of older
*-aya from *-ayas. Then -aya levelled the inst. sing., and
eventually came to be used as a locative exactly as in certain
Middle Indie dialects -dye, properly a dat., came to be used
as an inst. and loc. sing. The inst. sing, and gen. sing, of 1-
stems, *-iya and *-iyds respectively, phonetically fell together
in -iyd; and this no doubt accounts for the levelling in the
case of the inst. sing. Moreover -iyd was used as a loc. sing. ;
so the spread of -a^a to the locative is also readily accounted
for. — It would be possible to account for the loc. sing, other-
wise, and consider it an archaism as opposed to Skt. -dydm
which is obscure in termination. For -aya could phonetically
Vol- xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 241
be combined with GathS-Avesta -aya, Young-Avesta -aya, Old
Persian -aya from Aryan *-aya. It will be remembered that
neither the Avestan nor Old Persian are to be considered in
determining the vowel-quantity of the final syllable. For original
-a and -a graphically appear the same, namely, GAv. -a, YAv.
-a, OP. -a. It may be added that it is universally admitted
that the vocalism of the first syllable in Avestan has been
affected by the vocalism of the inst. sing. The fact that Gir-
nar, Pali tamhi', &c. point distinctly to a prototype *tasmi, not
*tasmin (see Johansson, Shb. ii, § 88) can be used as an argu-
ment in favor of this explanation. For the ending *-smi is to
be found in Avestan aetahmi, ahmi, kahmi (per contra Skt.
etasmin, asmin, kasmiri). See Brugmann, Grundriss*, 2. 2. 1.
§ 360. Attractive as this is, I think it can scarcely be main-
tained in view of the comparatively simple explanation offered
above. — There is no necessity of assuming with Johansson and
Torp a law that final a is shortened if the preceding syllable
contains a long vowel to account for -aya as a gen. sing.
Moreover as the preceding syllable in the case of tamhd (Skt.
tasmdt), pacchd (Skt. pascdt) contains a vowel long by position,
we would expect the final a to be shortened. Only assuming
the most complicated chronology can the law be maintained,
and allowance made for tremendous levelling. And there is no
trouble in the explanation I have given to explain -aya as a
genitive. Pali asset, Girnar asa i. e. assa is no support for the
proposed law of shortening. It does not correspond to Vedic
asat (subj.) as Kern suggested. But it would be possible to
consider it as coming from *asyat, a cross between asat and
sydt. A good parallel is Dhauli and Jaugada nikhamdvu (see
Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 89, footnote 3). Or it might be due to
such forms as G. tisteya (*tisthei/at, created by analogy; tisthe-
yam is to *tistheydt as atistham is to atisthat). Henry's ex-
planation of -aya (see his Precis) is improbable. — Formerly I
thought that -aya on the Pillar-Edicts of Asoka was to be
connected with Pali and Girnar -aya. This is wrong as is
shown by the fact that in those dialects the dat. sing, of a-
stems ends in -dye, while Pali and Girnar have -aya. The end-
ing -aya in Radhia, Mathia, and Rampurva is from *-dyd in
accordance with the law that I have established for these
dialects, IF. 23, p. 228 ff. Delhi Sivalik -aya beside -dyd is
due to analogy: as in the o-stems there existed the doublets
-ena, -end in the inst. sing., so -aya was made to match -dy<i
in the inst. sing, of a-stems. Allahabad -aya is due to the
same cause. It obtains exclusively exactly as does -ena. —
Finally it should be mentioned that the genitive sing, -dya on
the dedicatory inscriptions of Barhut, &c. have to be kept ab-
solutely apart in deciding the origin of -dya on other in-
scriptions and in Pali. For it is notorious that the dedicatory
inscriptions are inaccurate in orthography; and -dyd and -ayd
17*
242 T. Michelson, [1911.
are found as well as -aya. So that it would appear that the
true orthography should be -dyd, not -aya, -ayd. If -aya was
admitted as genuine, -ayd would also have to be admitted, and
I fancy few would venture to parallel the a with the Avestan.
41. The locative sing, of a-stems ends in -dyam: parisdyam,
yanandyam.
42. The nominative plural of a-stems ends in -dyo: mahiddyo.
The ending is taken analogically from the a-stems. For the
literature, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 55.
43. The nominative singular of feminine i-stems nearly always
ends in -l\ dhammalipl, asampratipati, aliim, sampatipati,
samyapratipati, dli ammdnusastl.
It should be mentioned that in the Dhauli redaction, this ter-
mination is also frequent, though not to the same extent as in
the Girnar version. Hence I list it as characteristic of G. The
dialects of the various recensions of the Pillar-Edicts show
that the 'Magadhan' dialect did not possess this ending. It is
therefore likely that the termination -i in the Dhauli redaction
is a trace of the local dialect (cf. JAOS. 30, p. 77). The Kalsi,
Shahlazgarhi, and Mansehra redactions can give no testimony
owing to their deficient alphabets.
44. The nom. pi. of i-stems ends in -iyo: ataviyo (Shb. and
Mans, atavi).
0
45. Original r-stems kept as such: pitari, mdtari, Widtrd.
46. The nom. sing, of ^w-stems ends in -i: Priyadasi (Dh., J.
Piyadasl).
The Shb., Mans., and K. redactions again can shed no light
on this point. The Allahabad redaction of the Pillar-Edicts
agrees with Dh. and J.; the Delhi Sivalik, Delhi Mirat, Radhia,
Mathia, and Rampurva redactions agree with G.
47. The dual dvo (Vedic duvdu).
48. The phonetic equivalent of Indie *catvdras (Skt. catvaras)
is retained: catpdro.
49. The nom. pi. of tri- is tri.
Tri is a nom. pi. masc. as is shown by the phrase ete pi tri
prdnd, i. 12. Johansson, Shb. ii, pp. 30, 65 wrong. T for tr
in ti at i. 10 is due the influence of 'Magadhan' timni.
50. The phonetic equivalent of Indie *tad, ta, is maintained.
51. The new-formation ya (*yad).
52. Ayam as a nom. sing, neutre: ay am phala, xii. 9.
Vol. xxxi.J The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 243
53. The nom. sing, neutre idam.
It is true that [id]am is found once in Shb., but it is so com-
mon in G. that it must be classed as characteristic of that
dialect.
54. The pronouns tdrisa-, ydrisa-, etdrisa- (see Michelson,
Classical Philology, 5, pp. 219, 220).
55. The pronoun ney nani.
56. The instrumental singular imina.
In IF. 23, p. 237 I wrongly assumed that Pali amind was a
contamination of imina and amund. I now hold that amind is
an inst. sing, to such forms as ami, amlbhis, and that imind is
a compromise between amind and imena. The fact that amind
became reduced to a mere particle in Pali points to its origi-
nality in formation.
57. Middle termination in verbs: parakamate, karote (twice:
once possibly a third pi., unless a mere error), mamnate,
susrusatdm, anuvidhiyatdm.
In Shb. there are two cases, namely, Jcarotne, i. e., Tcaronte;
dipista] in Dh. also one, mam[n]at(e) ; note too Kalsi nikha-
mi[th]d.
57. The termination -tha in the optative patipajetha.
59. Personal endings in r: drdbhare, drabhisare, sususera, anu-
vatardm, anuvatisare, srundru.
According to Biihler anuvatardm should be emended to anu-
vateram, but this is not necessary as the form is explainable
as it stands: see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 90. The form srundru
is difficult. The reading is certain. Various conjectural emen-
dations have been made. "With the emendation sruneru, things
are just as bad as ever as -am does not become -u in the
Girnar dialect. Personally I think we should try to explain
the form as it stands. I would not be surprised if srundru
were a fusion of a subjunctive * srundre and an optative
*sruneyu (cf. Shb. sruneyu) somewhat as Dhauli and Jaugada
nikhamdvu ; or a fusion between a subjunctive *srundre and an
imperative *srunamtu somewhat as the Sutra imperatives in
-dtu (a fusion of the subjunctive -dti and the imperative -atu).
It will be noticed that we have such an imperative in KalsT
sususdtu as Biihler has pointed out. See also Johansson, Shb.
ii, p. 89. However for the want of further material the whole
matter must be left undecided.
60. The optative asa.
61. Tho optative bJiave.
244 T. Michelson, [1911.
62. The participle karoto (i. e. karomtd) as a nom. sing.
63. The participle karum, xii. 4, karu, xi. 4 (with m graphic-
ally omitted).
What Franke says on karu at GGn. 1895, p. 535 is unconvincing.
The form is certainly a participle. The stem karu- seems to
be a compromise between karo- and Imru-.
64. Gerunds in -tpa, Skt. -tvd: alocetpa, dasayitpd, paricajitpd.
65. The future liklidpayisam.
66. The _p-causative in siikhdpdyami.
67. Certain lexical features as svayam, samipam (AJP. 30,
pp. 183 — 187), mahiddyo, pasati, ganandyam, niratham,
nistanaya, gliara (AJP. 31, p. 63), pamthesu, dighdya>
dnamtaram, Hhdvasudliitd (unless an error induced "by
katamnatd and dadhabhatitd in the same line), taddtpano
(*tadatvana-'S), srdvdpakam, ilokikd (from i •+• lokikd as
Franke first pointed out; formerly wrongly taken to be a
contraction of iha + l-\ per contra note idlia = Skt. ilm\
pracamtesu, ekada, mddhuratdya, gacheyam, aparigodhdya
(see below), vrachd (see below), niydtu, naydsu, aydya
(see belaw).
I do not venture to decide if ilokacasa is a mere corruption
or stands for *-lokafya- as Biihler has suggested.
Lassen long ago (I. A. II2, p. 251 = ID, p. 238) saw a
root gudh 'enclose' (on which consult the St. Petersburg lexicons)
must be assumed to account for aparigodhaya: see Johansson,
Shb. ii, p. 97; Pischel, GGA. 1881, p. 1330, following Pott,
I1, p. 27, considers this gudh an older form of Skt. giih; and
he endeavors to support this view by the modern Indo-Aryan
vernaculars. As I am ignorant of these, I cannot criticise his
opinion from that point of view. But the Skt. participle gudha-
and the Avestan Ygaoz show that the Skt. ]/ guh comes from
Aryan *ffhu£h, Indo-European *ghiiffh; see Wackernagel, Ai. Gr.
i, pp. 247, 251; Brugmann, Grundriss*, I, p. 558. Gudh is for
*ghudh by Grassmann's law, and is simply a parallel form to
*ghuffh as vedh (Old Bulgarian vedq, Lithuanian vedii, Avestan
Yvad 'fiihren', Old Irish fedim} to *ve§h (Old Bulgarian vezq,
Lithuanian vezu, Avestan \f~vaz, Sanskrit \^vah^ Latin veho).
The word vrachd is ordinarily taken as being the equivalent
of Skt. vrksa- with ra as the development of Indie r. As this
would be the sole case in which such a development is found
in this dialect (per contra note kata, vyapata, mago, vadhi, &c.)
Vol. xxxi.J TJie Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 245
ono would properly regard the form with suspicion. But
another factor should be taken into consideration, namely, that
strictly tho word should be transcribed as rvachd, for we
transcribe the same symbol ;is >-r in sarwitra. I. regard rvachd
as a clerical error, being a mixture of • ra<-lm (Ski,, rrksa-} and
:ruchd (Vedic ruksa-). It may he added that the other versions,
save the Shahha/garhi one which differs in the wording, have
correspondents to ruksa-. Ju 'Prakrit we have the equivalents
of both 'W'kaa- and niksa-.
Franke's explanation of naydsu being due to sandhi is un-
tenable as other examples of such sandhi are not found in the
(lirnar redaction. If uiydtii is phonetic for *nirydntu, then
Johansson's explanation (Shb. ii, p. 87, footnote 1) is correct.
Hut it is possible that we have an analogical extension of ni
from *nih. Then naydsu would be for ny-ci-, from ni-a-. The
form aydya is an imperfect of the ]/ yd conjugated according
to the ?/a-class.
These are all the special characteristics of the Girnar dialect
that I venture to point out at present. Opinions will probably
differ regarding some minor points as to what should have
been left out and what should have been included. For
examples vowel-quantities are riot distinguished in the Kharo-
sthl alphabet, nor I from *, ii from u in the alphabet of the
Kalsl jecension. Hence I have ignored for the most part the
dialects the alphabets of which are deficient in the way indi-
cated, when treating vowel-quanties. Again I have not listed
the contraction seen in Girnar mom (Skt. may lira-) as character-
istic of the dialect, because I suspect -Magadhan' influence in
the Shb., Mans, correspondents (JAOS. 30, p. 84). But I
have not ventured to list this contraction as a special point
of contact between the ShahbSzgarhi, Mansehra and Girnar
dialect, for the reason that at present there is no positive
evidence for such contraction in the dialects of Shb. and Mans.
Similarly regarding Girnar manusaciklcha (Skt. cikitsci-), and
a few other cases. In all such cases I have tried to use my
Ix'st judgement; and I am confident that it-will be found that
1 have listed all leading features of this dialect.
Special points of contact with the
dialect of the Shabhazgarhi and Mansehra redactions.
I have previously treated these in JAOS. 30, pp. 87 — 89.
To them may be added ayani as a nom. sing, feminine. If
the reading of Shb. [osudh\ani be correct, the u and dh are
246 T. Miclielson, [1911.
to be added also; cf. Girnar osudhani, • Magadhan' osadhdni.
Mans. osa[dhi]ni is a corruption of some sort, the a may be
due to 'Magadhan' influence; but -ini is surely unintelligible.
The dh of Girnar osudhtini is, of course, due to the influence
of the preceding (original) lingual s. This tends to place the
change of s to s is a late period of the Girnar dialect. The
dh of 'Magadhan' osadhani points to an early change of s to
s in this dialect. Moreover Girnar sdkam (i. e. sakkam),
Shahbazgarhi £ako (i. e. sakko) should be associated: cf. Jau-
gada sakiye (Skt. sahya-). The -y- passive (Magadhan -iy-
\JAOS. 30, p. 91]), and the participle samto (written sato in
Shb.; Fleet wrong) belong also under this rubric. It is quite
clear that the final merging together of Indie s, rf, s into s is
a late development in the Girnar dialect. I have shown above
that drs and drs are treated differently: this shows that s and
s must have been kept apart for some time. The fact that
original rs converts a following intervocalic n to n presupposes
an intermediate stage *rs before the final stage ss. Similarly
the change of s — st to s — st presupposes that the change of
s to s was late: see JAOS. 30, p. 89, AJP. 30, p. 291. So
that it is highly probable that this retention of Indie s, s, s
as distinct sounds is to be connected with the maintainance
of these in the historic period of the dialect of the Shahbaz-
garhi and Mansehra redactions. Furthermore it appears that
the assimilation of r to certain adjacent consonants in the
Girnar dialect is also of recent origin. For ars and drs are
kept apart though they are treated precisely alike in the dialect
of the 'Magadhan' versions. Again r, though assimilated to
following dental stops, does not convert these to linguals as
is the case in the 'Magadhan' dialect. Hence the assimilation
though a parallel development was an entirely separate one.
In so far as r is not assimilated to certain adjacent consonants,
this tends to show that the assimilation to certain consonants
is late. (I should' add however that to-day I think it quite
certain that the assimilation of r in the combination ars[y} is
early, and common to Shb., Mans., and G. Formerly I was
doubtful regarding this point.) If then these two suggested
rapprochements are true, then the Girnar dialect was very
much more intimately related to the dialect of the Shahbaz-
garhi and Mansehra redactions than hitherto supposed.
In my essay on the etymology of Sanskrit punya-, which is
Vol. xxxi.J Ilie Interrelation of the Dialects, <£c.
in TAPA. 40, I have collected some evidence that tends to
show that r was assimilated to an immediately following n in
the dialect of Shb. and Mans. The evidence, as I stated there,
is not wholly satisfactory. Yet it may be urged that at any
rate r never is found before n in the transmitted texts. The
assimilation is found in the Girnar dialect; and if it took
place in the dialect of Shb. and Mans., this would be another
special point of contact. In the 'Magadhan' dialects n is
lacking; its place is taken by n. X<>\\ I do not think it all
probable that this n is an archaism as compared with Sanskrit
Girnar, &c. n, but that it is rather a secondary change from
Indie n. If this is so, then mn from rn would presuppose an
intermediate stage mn (i. e. ww); and thus it is possible that
the assimilation of r to an immediately following n is rather
a Pan-Middle-Indic trait as is the assimilation of stops of one
order to stops of another order. But the fact that the assi-
milation of r to rs in the 'Magadhan' dialect must be kept
apart from the corresponding assimilation in Girnar (see above)
is against this belief. It will be recalled that both n and *
are linguals.
Special points of contact with the dialects of the
Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Kalsl redactions.
I have treated these in JAOS. 30, p. 90. To the traits
mentioned may be added asu as a third pi. optative (G., Shb.
«9w, K., Mans. a[sw]); and o for uo in Girnar pasopagani, &c.
Special points with the dialect of the Kalsl redaction.
Owing to the fact that in edicts i — ix the dialect of the
Kalsl redaction is practically pure 'Magadhan', and that in
the remaining edicts 'Magadhisms' are not infrequent, it is
difficult to point special points of contact with the Girnar
dialect, even if they existed. As I mentioned before (AJP. 30,
pp. 297, 417, 421) there is some evidence to show that in the
Kalsi dialect r though assimilated to following dental stops,
does not convert them to linguals; and there is some evidence,
though very meagre, to show that in the true native words
original r does not lingualize adjacent following dental stops.
It is possible that these constitute real special points of con-
tact with the Girnar dialect. But if the assimilation of r in
248 T. Miclielson, [1911.
the case of rth, &c. is a late development in the Girnaf dialect,
as I have assumed above, then the assimilation of r in such
cases may he merely a parallel development, not a special
point of contact. And in so far as the Girnar and Kals!
dialect do not always agree in having the same vowel developed
from Indie r (G. kata-, K. kita-) it is possible that the non-
lingualization of dental stops after original r in hoth dialects
is a chance-coincidence (the t of kita- is likely enough due to
'Magadhan' kata-). At present these are the only possible or
probable special points of contact between the two dialects
that I can point out. If they are not real points of contact,
we face the proposition that they are no special points of
contact between the Girnar and Kalsl dialects. This would
lead to an important conclusion, namely, that there are no
true special points of contact between the dialects of the
Girnar, Kalsl, Shahbazgarhi, and Mansehra dialects; where
apparently such exist we must assume that the special points
of contact are between the Girnar and Shahbazgarhi, Man-
sehra dialects on the one hand; and between the Kalsl and
Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra dialects on the other. [Note J.
kam(mane), Dh. (k)am(mct)ne as opposed to Gr. kammdya, Shb.
kramaye, K. kammdye. Mans, kramane is a 'Magadhism'.]
Special points of contact with the * Magadhan' dialects
of the Fourteen-Edicts.
It is not always easy to tell what are true points of contact
between these dialects. For example my is retained in G. as
well as the 'Magadhan' dialects. But Mansehra my is without
question a 'Magadhism' as is shown by the Shahbazgarhi
correspondent mm. Now as y otherwise is invariably assimi-
lated to a preceding adjacent consonant in the Girnar dialect,
it would seem likely that my in this text was a 'Magadhism'.
As a parallel where a 'Magadhism' has completely usurped
the place of a native product we have Mansehra hnal e for
0, and pati for prati. Unfortunately we have no means of
checking the Girnar redaction by another text written in the
same dialect as we have in the case of the Mansehra redaction.
We must admit our inability to determine the point at issue
with absolute certainty. The most we can say is that as
there are so many special points of contact between the dialects
Vol. xxxi.] The Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. 249
of G., Shb., and Mans, that it is highly probable that mm for
•my was also such a point of contact.
We encountered the same difficulty in treating the special
points of contact between the Mansehra and Shahbazgarhi
dialect and the • Magadhan' dialect (JAOS. 30, pp. 91—93).
I may perhaps add that to-day I have what I consider con-
clusive evidence that gerunds in tu in Shb. and Mans. are
'Magadhisms'; see AJP. 3.1, p. fin.
A few apparent special points of contact can easily be
shown to be entirely separate though parallel developments.
Koi- example there is but one sibilant in both. But I have
shown that tins is a relatively late development in the Girnar
dialect. Again though there is partial agreement in the assi-
milation of r to adjacent consonants in these dialects, the
fact that they differ in the treatment of -&rs(y)-, G. -as-,
•Magadhan' -ass-, shows that the assimilation of r in these
combinations is a wholly separate development. Moreover
though r is assimilated to dental stops in both when they
follow immediately, yet in the 'Magadhan' dialect the dental
stops are thereby converted to linguals, whereas in the Girnar
dialect the dental stops remain as such (see AJP. 30, pp. 296,
297. 416, 417, 419). Consequently the entire process of assi-
milating r to any adjacent consonants whatsoever must be
kept absolutely apart in the dialects concerned. They are
parallel developments but not special points of contact. Just
so in regard to the treatment of original r. It becomes a
for the most part in both dialects. But adjacent following
dental stops are not thereby converted into linguals in the
Girnar dialect as they are in the 'Magadhan' dialect. Hence
the process though similar in both case is an entirely in-
dependent parallel development. The fact that the same
vowel is not always developed from r (e. g. Girnar mago,
•Magadhan' mige, Skt. mrgas) confirms this belief.
What then are true special points of contact between the
Girnar and 'Magadhan' dialects? Indie sv- remains, e. g.
svaga- (i. e. svagga-), Skt. svarga-] I for d in the Iranian
loan-word -lipl; Indie & becomes cch (written ch), e. g. pacha,
Skt. pascd (see JAOS. 30, p. 85); -aya- remains (JAOS. 1. c.
p. 91); kirn tl (Shb., Mans., K. kiti (see Johansson, Shb. ii,
p. o2); intervocalic ~j- is retained (JAOS. 30, p. 83); -j- is
retained in the correspondents to Skt. vyanjanatas (JAOS. 30,
250 T. Michelson, tlie Interrelation of the Dialects, &c. [1911.
p. 83); the gen. sing, of zn-stems retains the old form. e. g.
Gr. Priyadasino, J., Dh. Piyadasine (Shh., Mans. Priyadrasisa,
Kalsi Piyadasisdj Mans. Priyadrasine, K. Piyadasine are
'Magadhisms'); the infinitive in -tave. These are all the
special points of contact that I venture to enumerate at
present. Note how few they are as compared with the special
points of contact with the Shahhazgarhi and Mansehra dialect.
The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of Lugalanda
and Urkagina. — By GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr
College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
WITHIN the past three years a large number of documents1
from the temple archives of Telloh, dated in the reigns of
Lugalanda and Urkagina have been published, and these
documents show that the calendar of the period which they
represent was in some respects different from the calendar of
the time of Sargon, or of the dynasty of Ur, or of Ham-
murabi, or of the later periods.
For the most part, the names of the months in the time of
Lugalanda and Urkagina were taken from agricultural processes
and the agricultural festivals connected with them. There is
but one exception to this; one month is named from a star.
The names of these months had not yet crystallized into one
conventional form. The names of several of them are expressed
in a great variety of ways. Two or three of these names have
survived into later times, as have fragments of several others
of them. One who would reconstruct the calendar of this early
time must be guided by the following clues. 1. He must adjust
the month to the season described in its name. A harvest
festival month must come at the time of harvest; a sheep-
shearing festival at the time of sheep-shearing, &c. 2. He should
1 These are the Russian publication of the collection of Xicolas
Likhatscheff, St. Petersburgh, 1908, (cited below as Ru), Allotte de la
Fuye's Documents presargoniques, Fasciculus I, 1908, Fasciculus II, Paris,
1909, (cited below as DP), a few of the texts in T. G. Pinches, Amherst
Tablets, London, 1098, (cited below as A), De Genouillac's Tablettes
sumeriennes archaiques, Paris, 1909, (cited below as TSA). These works
contain more than five hundred documents from this period. To these
should be added the seventy six tablets comprising series one and two
in Thureau Dangin's Recueil de tablettes chaldeennes, Paris, 1903, (cited
below as RTC). Professor A. T. Clay has kindly permitted me to examine
his unpublished copies of the texts of this period which belong to the
Library of J. Pierpont Morgan. (They are cited below as Mo.)
252 George A. Barton, [1911.
study the survival of the month names of this period and their
fragments in the later times, and may often gain help in
determining the place of a month in the earliest time by the
place its name held in later month lists. The use of these
lists requires caution, however. They represent not only other
times, but other localities, and often the survival of other
primitive names. Then several things may have affected
them. If these month names originated before 3000 B.C.,
the precession of the equinoxes has carried the zodiac forward
since that time, so that whereas then the vernal equinox
occurred in the sign of Gemini, from about 3000 to about 750
it occurred in the sign of Taurus, and then in the sign of
Aries. While in this earliest period astronomical] considerations
played almost no part, it is conceivable that at a later time
the months may have been attached to the zodiac sufficiently
to be slightly drawn out of position by the precession of the
equinoxes. Again, special displacements occurred. King Dungi,
of the dynasty of Ur, was deified and was assigned a
festival. It can, I think, be shown that when that occurred
the feast of the goddess Bau was pushed forward, and held a
month later. Possibly in one or two instances the name of a
month was through a new interpretation transferred to a
different part of the year; but this should not be assumed
without proof. The month lists which are of assistance
in this study are published as follows: ETC, No. 180; EBH,
p. 299; VR, 43; VR 29, 1— 13a. This last list is repeated in
ASKT, 64, Iff., AIA 92 ff., and AL<, 114ff. To these should
be added for the time of the dynasty of Ur the comprehensive
grain account in CT. Ill (No. 18343) and TCI No. 77, in which
the months are all mentioned, in such various combinations that
their position in the year can usually be determined.
3. The nature of the transactions in the reigns of Lugal-
anda and Urkagina dated in these various months should lu>
taken into account to see what light they throw upon the
season of the year. 4. The nature of the transactions in
dated documents of the dynasty of Ur, (these published in
CT, I, III, V, VII, IX & X, in Reisner's Tempel-Urkunden,*
in RTC, in A, in Barton's HLC,2 in Lau's Temple Records,
1 Cited as RU.
2 Haverford Library Collection of Cuneiform Tablets. Philadelphia
1905—1909.
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reiyns, &c. 253
and Radau's Early Babylonian History, cited as EBH), should
be studied for light as to the season at which certain things
were done. The assumption seems just that similar agricul-
tural work had to he done at the same time of year.
In the following discussion all these sources of information
are drawn upon.
There are two reasons why this discussion is undertaken.
1. Genouillac in TSA, p. xviiff. has made an arrangement of
the calendar which starts. T believe, with a, wrong premise.
and is accordingly wrong in many of its conclusions.1 2. The
Russian publication referred to above, which contains more
than three hundred tablets and much rich material on the
calendar, was apparently unknown to Genouillac, and the
addition of this material warrants a new discussion.
Genouillac rightly begins his discussion with the month of
the Feast of Bau. This month name continued in common
use through the time of the dynasty of Ur, and Gudea twice
states that the ZAG-MU, or New Year's festival occurred
on the feast of Bau (stat, E. v. 1—2, stat. G 111. 5). Gen-
ouillac assumes accordingly that the month of the Feast of
Bau was identical with the month March 15th to April 15th.
In tins he is, I believe, mistaken. In VR 43, 36 a the month
of the Feast of Bau2 is said to be one of the names for the
month DUL-AZAG. In VR, 29, 7a and ASKT, 64, 7 a
DUL-AZAG is said to be a name for Tashrit, the seventh
month of the year. The occurrence of this name in this
position in this list can, I think, be explained only as a
survival of the position of the month in a list earlier than
the dynasty of Ur. It follows accordingly that down to
the time of Gudea the year at Telloh began at or near the
autumnal equinox, as the Jewish year did in pre-exilic times,
and as the religious year does among the Jews to the present
day.3 This fundamental error has made much of Genouillac's
outline of the calendar wrong. It is hardly conceivable that an
important feast should have been transferred from the spring
to the autumn in this way. In a country where the winter
is mild and is a season of agricultural work which culminates
1 Kug-lor. Sternkunde und Sterndienst in Babel II. Buch. Miinster
in Wcstfalon. 1909, p. 176ft'. accepts Genouillac's results.
2 The phrase reads ITU [EZIN-]* BA-U.
3 This had been recognized by Radau, EBH, 295.
254 George A. Barton, [1911.
in a spring harvest, and where the summer is a time of drought,
it is more natural to begin the year in the autumn when
vegetation is reviving after the summer heat. In Babylonia,
too, this corresponds to the beginning of the date harvest1—
a harvest of great importance to the country — when the goddess
of plenty begins anew to bestow her gifts. Such a time wras
most fitting both for a festival to the goddess and the be-
ginning of a new year. The month of the Feast of Bau was.
then, Sept ember -Oct. Eighteen documents from the reigns
of Lugalanda and Urkagina are dated in this month. They
are: Ru, Nos. 64, 167, 209, 217, 219, 235, 239, 253, and 261,
DP, Nos. 51, 96, and 112, TSA, ]STo. 20, A, No. 14, ETC,
Nos. 27 and 39 and Mo. Nos. 1476 and 1494. These docum-
ents, however, throw7 little light on the month itself, as they
consist almost altogether of pay rolls and lists of sacrifices —
both of which might be written in any month of the year.
The predominance of lists of sacrifices is, however, fitting to
the new year season.
Later at the time of the dynasty of Ur the month
of the Feast of Bau was pushed forward two months. It
happened probably in part at the time king Dungi was deified.
In honor of the king, perhaps, the feast of the New Year was
given to hi£ month, and made the Feast of Dungi, while the
Feast of Bau wras transferred to the next month. By that
time other causes had already pushed the month of Bau
forward one month. It still came, however, approximately at
the season of dates. So it came about that a pay roll of dates
(CT, VII, No. 17765) is dated in the month of the Feast of
Bau.2
Thus all the indications that wre have point to the autumn,
not the spring, for the month of the Feast of Bau, and to a
year in ancient Lagash which began in the autumn.
Our next step should be guided by RTC, No. 39 and
Mo. 1476 — two tablets which, though dated in the month
* See Doughty, Arabia Deserta, 1«* ed. I. 557. 561, Zwemer, Arabia
the Cradle of Islam, 125, and Barton, Semitic Origins, 111.
2 It is no disproof of this that an account of quantities of dates sold
for money (CT, V, 17765) should run from the month Amarasi (Jan.—
Feb.) to Shukul (July— Aug.), but rather a confirmation of it, for these
would be the months when dates were sufficiently scarce to be bought
for money.
Vol. xxxi.J TJie Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 255
of the Feast of Ban, contain lists of provisions for the
month of the DIM-eating feast of Nina. DIM was a kind
of grain, the ripening of which was apparently celebrated by
a feast. DIM-eating is expressed by the signs DIM-KTJ.
Here we are confronted by a difficulty. DIM-KIT is almost
certainly the same as the combination found in the dynasty
of ITr texts, usually read by scholars ZIB-KIT. The four
wedges of DIM, when carelessly written, as they were in the
period of Ur, have not until recently been recognized as the
equivalent of the earlier sign. On the tablet, RTC, 180 (of the
Vv period) DIM-KIT is the third month before the month
of the Feast of Ban, and not the month after it. There were,
however, in the Lugalanda period two months which bore the
name of this grain — one was the month of the DIM-eating
feast of Ningirsu, the other the DIM-eating feast of Xina.
In countries like Egypt and Babylonia, in which agriculture
is fostered partly by the overflow of the rivers and partly by
irrigation, three different harvests may occur. In Egypt
today there is the winter crop sown after the subsidence of
the inundation, which is raised with almost no irrigation.1 In
Babylonia, where there are winter rains, such crops grew with
no irrigation at all. In Epypt the summer crops are sown in
April, and are harvested, according to the rapidity with Avhich
they ripen, from August to November. Babylonia, too, as will
be shown below, had also its summer crops raised by irrigation.2
DIM probably included the two grains, sesame, and the grain
known today in Babylonia and Palestine as dhurah (*>>). Ses-
ame is harvested I am informed by Dr. John P. Peters and
D. Z. Noorian (who was formerly a resident of Babylonia), in
July and Aug., while dhurah is harvested late in the summer.
If the sign designated two grains which ripened at different
periods, or if two crops of the same thing were raised in the
same summer, ,the feast of the first harvest would naturally be
dedicated to Mngirsu, and the second, to Nina. At all events,
the indications of the tablets are that there were two separate
feasts, which celebrated the harvesting of this grain.
1 See Baedeker's Egypt., p. Ivi.
J See Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies L 12. .Justrow's Religion of Bab.
& Assyr., p. 29, Roger's History of Bab. & Assyr. I, 273 ff., Barton,
Semitic Origins, 156.
VOL. XXXI. Part III. 18
256 George A. Barton, [1911.
We conclude then from ETC, No. 39 and Mo. 1476 that
the month of the DIM-eating Feast of Nina (EZEN-DIM-
KIMNINA) followed the month of the feast of Ban (EZEN-
dBA-U), and corresponded to October-November.
The following tablets of the time of Lugalanda and Urka-
gina are dated in this month: Ru, Nos. 6, 230, 254, 272, 288,
DP, Nos. 106, and 109. Their contents present quite a variety,
Ru, 6 is a pay roll; Ru, 230, a list of skins of sheep; Ru, 254,
quantities of wool, 269 and 272, quantities of fishes which formed
an important part of the festival; Ru, 288, quantities of drinks
and wood; DP, 106 and 109, both record quantities of dates
and some other fruit. All the transactions are appropriate to
an autumn month.
Ru, 269 states that fishermen brought quantities of fish for
"the grain-eating, the DIM-eating festival of Nina (EZIN
SE-KU EZIN DIM-Ktl-dNINA). This shows that the DIM-
eating festival of Nina was also called sometimes by the more
general name of "grain-eating festival of Nina" — a fact which
proves that the month name ITU EZIN-SE-KU-dNINA,
which is found in Ru, 57, 225 and 260 is a variant name for
the "Month of the DIM-eating festival of Nina". These
tablets are respectively a pay roll, a list of skins, and a list
of supplies.
RTC, 30, a tablet of the time of Lugalanda, records the
bringing of a quantity of fish for the DIM-eating feast of
Nina of the month of the Feast -of -the -going -out -of -the -sea
(EZEN-AB-UD-DU). If the DIM-eating feast of Nina was
in this month, the name must have been another name for
the month Oct.-Nov.1 Genouillac makes it follow the month
of the Feast of Bau, so making it April-May, but is unable
to explain the appropriateness of the name. That it belongs
in the part of the year in which we have placed it is shown
by Y, R, 43, 52— 57 a, where the name spelled AB-BA-UD-DU
occurs as the name of the 10th month, Tebet (cf.,V, R, 29, lOa),
i. e. Dec.- Jan. It has there been pushed along one month
further — a thing which probably happened when the month
of the Feast of Bau was pushed forward.
1 The Sumerian is ambiguous. It may be interpreted to mean that
EZIN-AB-UD-DU is simply the date of the tablet in which case
EZIN-AB-UD-DTJ would be another name for the month of the Feast
of Bau.
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. / 257
This name — month of the Feast of the-going-out-of-t He-sea —
probably designated the month of low water. The/ overflow
of the Tigris and Euphrates, which begins with th^ Tigris in
March, has ceased on the Euphrates by the end of September.
The rains do not begin until December, so that the month
Oct.-Nov., after the overflow and before the rains, would be
the month of lowest water. This again confirms our placing
of the month. What is probably a variant of this name oc-
curs in an unpublished tablet in the Harvard Semitic Museum,
a copy of which has been loaned me by Dr. Mary I. Hussey.
It reads: ITU GAR-KA-ID-KA, "Month of the food of the
river",1 and is most probably interpreted as a variant name
of this feast.
As the next month — November -December — Genouillac
places the month SIG-BA, the month of wool, on the ground
that as the cool weather approached the people would be
employed in making their winter garments. The one document
dated in this month known to him (TSA, 27) is a receipt for
flails and some wooden pegs from a carpenter. One would
expect such objects to be sold nearer the threshing season,
which is shown below to have coincided in Babylonia with
the time of sheep shearing. There was a month named
from the shearing of the sheep, as Genouillac noted and
as we shall show below, and the "month of the wool" would
be a fitting alternate name for that. It is shown below
that these names were applied to the month March-April.
Moreover in the time of the dynasty of Ur the wool was dis-
tributed to the weavers either in the month of the Feast of
Tammuz (HLC, PL 51) or the Feast of Bau (HLC Pis. 23,
24), that the garments might be made before cold weather.
Nevertheless I suspect Genouillac is partly right in thinking
that Nov.-Dec. had something to do with garments. A new
month-name, which may be thus explained, has come to light
in the Russian publication. In Ru 241, a list of skins for
garments is dated, ITU SI-GAR-MA, which may be rendered,
"the Month they 'put on' garments" (cf. Br. No. 11978 and
No. 6778). As one sees men in the East today clothed in the
cold rainy time in sheepskin coats, so this month-name appears
to refer to time of putting these on.
1 It seems reasonable to regard GAK-KA as a variant writing of B.
11997, ukultu, rather than to interpret by M. 9232, egirru*
18*
258 George A. Barton, [1911.
As to the name of the month Dec.-Jan. in this early time,
I am in doubt. I am, however, tempted to believe that it
may have been the month ITU UZ-NE-GU-EA-A-A (Eu, 226),.
the "Month they call the goats." After the rains begin, grass
begins to grow, and it would be a natural time to lead the
goats away to pasture again. Possibly a reference to some
such process has survived in the month name ITU APIN-
G-AB-A (Y, E, 43, 40— 45 a), which might be read the "Month
the shepherds separate." If that name perpetuates the name
of the one before us, and our supposition as to the time of
year intended is correct, we must suppose that it was displaced
at a later time and put back, for in V, E, 43 APIN-GAB-A
stands for Oct.-Nov. The text Eu, 226, is a list of skins, and
such lists are dated at all seasons of the year.
This month (Dec.-Jan.) corresponds to the month MU-SU-UL
the period of the dynasty of Ur. The large transactions of
that dynasty dated in that month are payments in wheat (CT,
VII, 18395) and flour (CT, X, 12246)— transactions which
do not help us in determining the correctness of our guess.
Next, we believe, should come the month called in Eu, 1,
ITU AMAE-A-A-SIG-GA and in Eu, 222, ITU AMAE-A-
A-SI-DA. AMAE was either young grain, or a variety of
grain (cf. HLC, Pt. II, p. 23, i, 9 and p. 24, iii, 10). As AMAE
stands for the young of animals also (cf. Eeisner, U, No. 2,
iii, 6 and passim), probably here it stands for young grain.
The month-name probably means, the "Month of the filling-
out-of-the-young-grain." According to DP, 60 and 69, there
was a "Feast of Amaraasi."1 DP. 60 is a list of sheep and
quantities of oil furnished to the wife of Urkagina for that
festival, and DP, 69 of food and garlands (in Semitic Minnu\
cf. M.3853 and BA, V, 638, 13) furnished to the same lady.
There was, then, a kind of a festival of first fruits from which
the month was named. We place the month in Jan.-Feb.
because in CT, I, No. 77 it is placed just before SE-KIN-
KUD, and throughout the dynasty of Ur held this position.
Genouillac, who apparently gains his conceptions of the Baby-
lonian agricultural seasons from the climate of southern France,
makes this month May- June and calls it "the month when the
crops begin to whiten." Many grain account tablets from the
. * This would be a fresh of first fruits similar to the Hebrew feast of
unleavened bread*
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 259
time of the dynasty of Ur, as will be pointed out below,
show that the harvest was over, the grain threshed and ready
for distribution by the month April-May, so that it must have
been possible for them to have the feast of first fruits in
February.1 Of the two documents from our period dated in
this month, one (Eu, 1) is a long pay roll (and pay rolls are
dated in all months of the year), and the other (Ru, 222) is a
list of skins received. Skins were likewise received in all
months. In later times the month Amaraasi seems to have
been the time for leasing asses, which were much used in
the harvesting operations of the months which followed. Thus
RU, 29 is an ass account from Amaraasi of one year to Sukul
(July- Aug.) of the next. Flour accounts are dated in Amaraasi
(CT, VII, 12932), payment of wages to IM-E-KID-A workmen
(CT, X, 14313), payments of wheat (CT, VII, 12940 and 18409),
i It is possible that AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA was Feb.-March and that
SE-KIX-KUD was one of the names for March-April. One would be
forced to think this the case, if he reasoned from modern conditions
only. Mr. D. Z. Noorian writes me: "In southern Babylonia barley is
harvested in the latter part of March, immediately after barley, wheat
is harvested, and so is rice rather early in April. Round about and
south of Nippur all tender vegetation dies or dries up by the end of
March except such as grows along the canals or swamps." Hilprecht,
Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series D, Vol. I,
p. 446, states that the workmen left Nuffar at the middle of April to
harvest their barley and attend to agricultural affairs. This would imply
that, if the climate remains unchanged, AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA and SE-
XIX-KUD should come a month later than we have placed them. It
is, of course, possible that by the period of Ur these months may have
been pushed forward one place. It should be remembered, however
that the names of both months remained unchanged during the Urf
period, that both were names the meaning of which was well understood,
and that, if their season had not really corresponded to the actual time
of the harvest at that period, it is highly probable that other names
would have supplanted them. As noted above, too, there is abundant
evidence in the Ur texts that at the time the grain was threshed and
ready for storage by April-May, so that it is probable that in ancient
times the harvest came slightly earlier than now. Possible confirmation
of some climatic change in the Mesopotamian valley may be found in
the fact that as late as 1470 B.C. elephants were still roving in upper
Mesopotamia in the general region of Carchemish. Thothmes III. of
Egypt hunted 120 of them there in the vicinity of Niy. (See Breaste d
Ancient Records, Egypt, Vol. II, § 588, and History of Egypt, p. 304.)
This would seem to be evidence that in ancient times the climate was
warmer than now.
260 George A. Barton, [1911.
and an account of the sale of dates for money, brought to a
close (CT, V, 17752).
The next month was called ITU SE-KIN-KUD-DU, the.
"Month of cutting-the grain," a name which the month Feb.-
March bore at the time of the dynasty of Ur (cf. TCI,
No. 77). One document from our period is dated in it, RTC, 55.
It is a list of quantities of AS-plant foods. From V, R, 43,
1 — 6b it would appear that the month Amaraasi later was
named from AS, perhaps because the AS-plant was cut in it.
At all events in the times of Urkagina AS-plant products
were to be had in the month SE-KIN-KUD.
Probably a variant name of this month at this early time
was ITU-AMA-UDU-TUK, or "Month the sheep become
mothers." A tablet of the reign of Lugalanda, (Ru, 184),
bears this date. It is the record of articles brought by a
shepherd for the wife of Lugalanda. The month of the yeaning
time in the East is most naturally Feb.-March.
The next month, called in later times SE-IL-LA (cf. CT,
III, 18343, iii, 31 and passim), was agriculturally a busy one
in Babylonia, and was, if I rightly understand the agricultural
references, designated by several names in the period of
Lugalanda and Urkagina.
To begin., with a name in which the name elements which
have survived to later times appear, it is called in Ru, 234,
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-IL-dNINA, the "Month when the goddess
Nina carries grain to the sheep." In three documents, (Ru,
211, Mo. 1474, and TSA, 18), it is written, ITU UDU-SE-A-
IL-LA, the "Month sheep-grain-carried," which is evidently
an abbreviation for the longer form previously quoted. Other
forms of the name are as follows: ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-GU,
''Month to the sheep grain they feed," (DP, 47), ITU UDU-
SU-SE-A-dNINA, "Month to the sheep the grain of Nina,"
(Ru, 153, 176, 265), ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-dNIN-GIR-SU,
"Month to the sheep the grain of Ningirsu," (Ru, 196, 208,
274, TSA, 6, Mo. 1503); ITU UDU-SU-SE-A, "Month to
the sheep the grain," (Mo. 1469); ITU SE-GAR-UDU, 'Month,
they feed the sheep," (Ru, 231); and ITU AN-TA-GAR-RA-A,
"Month of feeding," (RTC. 20).
Genouillac puts this month in July- Aug. on the ground that
forage was short and they then had to feed the sheep. I
doubt the correctness of this for two reasons. 1. The part of
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 261
the name that has survived (SE-IL-LA) was, as every one
knows, the name for March- April. 2. There is no one month
in the summer when sheep had to be fed more than during
some other months. In CT, III fourteen texts published on
plates 11 — 15 record certain amounts of grain which were for
certain sheep and cattle, but the texts are dated all the way
from Gudranemumu (May -June, No. 13892), to the Feast
of Dungi (Sept. -Oct., No. 13882). On the other hand it is
probable that the sheep were used in threshing the grain
(goats were used in the time of Hammurabi, see Code, xxxviii,
96 — 98), and that while the threshing was going on they were
fed on straw, tibn, and perhaps some grain. This would con-
centrate a feeding on an especial time, and would agree with the
survival of the name to later times. I therefore believe we
should place this month at March- April where we find it later.
There was another phase of activity, to which the energies
of a large portion of the community were directed. The time
at which sheep are shorn in Babylonia today, Mr. D. Z. Noorian
informs me, is the end of March. So the sheep which had
been collected to assist in the threshing were in ancient times
probably shorn of their wool before being sent back to pasture
again. Accordingly, when wre find a month named ITU
MAL-UDU-UR, "Month of sheep-shearing" (ETC, 36), we are
justified in supposing that it also refers to the month March-
April. A shorter form of this name is found in Ru, 228, where it
is called ITU MAL-UR, "Month of shearing." Sheep-shearing
was an important function and was attended with feasting, as is
shown in 1 Sam. 25 and 2 Sam. 13 : 23, and it is not strange that
an agricultural population should have named a month from it.1
A more popular name at Lagash seems to have been ITU SIG-
BA, "Month of wool." This name occurs five times in the docu-
ments of our period (Ru, 9, 224, 229, Mo 1456, and TSA, 27).
There can, it seems to me, be no doubt that it refers to the
same month as the sheep-shearing. Still another variant of the
name appears in Ru, 63, where it is written ITU SIG-dBA-U-E-
TA-GAR-RA-A, •' Month the goddess Bau bestows the wool."
That these four names which have to do with wool refer
to the same month, seems to me most probable. At the time
of the dynasty of Ur. wool for clothing wras distributed
i See Additional Note on p. 271.
262 George A. Barton, [1911.
from EZIX-dDUMU-ZI to EZIX-dBA-U (July to Oct.), see
HLC, Xos. 1 and 29. Between the sheep-shearing and these
dates there was time for cleansing it.
The texts which we thus place together treat of the follow-
ing topics all of which are appropriate to the time of year,
viz.: DP, 47. is a list of provisions of all sorts presented by
Barnamtarra, wife of Lugalanda, to various temples; TSA, 18
is a pay roll; TSA, 6, a list of perfumes; Ru, 208, a list of
oxen for sacrifice; Ru, 153 and 176, sheep and goats for sacri-
fice; four tablets contain lists of sheep-skins ; two, lists of fishes;
two supplies of grain; and one (Ru, 211) is a receipt for a cow.
The next month was named from the storing and accounting
for grain, i Four tablets (Ru, 16, Mo. 1505 and TSA, 14),
bear the dat6 ITU KARU-DUB-BA-A, or "Month of store-
house accounts." Ru, 249 expresses it ITU KARU-DUB-DA.
On one text (DP, 119), the month is written ITU KARU-IMI-
A-TA. IMI is here a variant of DUB in the sense of Duppu,
"account" (cf. Br. 8360), so that the name still means "Month
of storehouse accounts." On still another document (RTC, 56)
it is expressed ITU SI-XAM-DIIB-XI-BA-DUR-BA-A
"Month when accounts are opened" (literally "established," cf.
Br. 10528). This refers to the fact, which the great grain
account tablet of the dynasty of Ur (CT, III, 18343)
establishes, that grain accounts which ran for a year were
opened in G AX -MAS (April -May, the month was called
GAX-MAS from the time of Sargon, a name not yet found
in the Lugalanda documents) and ran to SE-IL-LA. See
CT, III, 18343, vii 34, 35, viii 46, 47, x 23, 24 and xvi 42, 43.
CT, Y, 18358 is also wheat account for five years which ran
from GAX-MAS to SE-IL-LA. It was also a favorite time
for the beginning of shorter accounts. All the following texts
are wheat accounts beginning in GAX-MAS: CT, VII, 17761,
CT, IX, 13134, 19050, 21348, CT, X, 14308. While wheat
accounts exist which were opened in other months, (e. g.
SE-IL-LA, CT, VII, 18427, GUD-RA-XE-MU-MU, HLC,
61, EZIX-dXE-SU, CT, X, 14316, SU-KUL, CT, III, 19740,
1 That the storage of grain is of very great antiquity at Lagash, is
shown by the elaborate storehouse constructed by Ur-Mna, something-
like a century and a half before the time of our period. Cf. Heuzey,
Une mile royale chaldeenne, p. 9ff., and L. "W. King, History of Sumer
and Akkod, p. 92 ff.
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, <£c. 263
IX, 13657, and CT, X, 14315, DIM-KU, CT, X, 21355, EZIN-
q)TJMTJ-ZI, CT, VII, 18422, MU-&U-UL, CT, VII, 18395,
AMAR-A-A-SI, CT, VII, 18409, &E-KIN-KUD, CT, VII,
13166, DIR-SE-KIN-KUD, CT, X, 12235), the Documents
from the dynasty of Ur show that GAN-MAS saw the
opening of more accounts than any other month. This fact
had. no doubt, a natural cause in the fact that the grain was
then threshed and ready for market, and confirms us in the
belief th atthe month April-May^was the "Month of storehouse
accounts," ITU KARU-DUB-BA-A.
I therefore regard it as the early name for that month,
which by the time of Sargon was displaced by the name
GAX-MAS, "Month of the division of the fields,"— a name
which probably refers to the repair of the canals for the
irrigation which began in the next month.
As the next month we are, I think, compelled by the docu-
ments of the period of the dynasty of Ur to place ITU GrUD-
RA-XE-MA-A', "Month the faithful oxen go out"— a month
found in DP, 143 and RTC. 322. The documents of the period
1 Genouillac (p. xix, n. 8) reads the name ITU-HAR-RA-NE-SAR-A
on the basis of a remark of Thureau-Dangin in ZA, XVI, 345, n. 1 — a
remark based on the writing of the month name in RU, 222, a tablet of
the period of Ur. This writing also occurs in the Ur tablet published
in HLC, II, pi. 75 although it is not certain in either case that the first
sign is to be read HAH instead of GUD. A copy of the month name
quoted from an unpublished tablet by Thureau-Dangin, Inventaire des
tablettes de Telloh, p. 9, where the name is spelled GUD-RA-NE-MU-MU,
shows that in the Ur period the name was pronounced Gudranemumu.
Thureau-Dangin himself has abandoned the reading HAR for the first
syllable. SAR has the value MU when it means "to sing" (B. .4347)
and "to shine" (B. 4346), but the value MA when it means "to go out"
(B. 4302). That it had the value MA in our period the phonetic com-
plement A shows. The MU of the Ur period arose, I believe, from
phonetic deflection.
The value RA attaches to the sign DU when the latter means ugo",
"walk" (B. 4871) or "be firm", "faithful" (B. 4884). We might accord-
ingly read "the walking oxen" instead of "the faithful oxen".
The value HAR for GUD is attested only in III R, 68, 64 a— a late
syllabary. It may have arisen from the assimilation of d to the follow-
ing r in this month name and from the softening of the initial palatal.
It is quite uncertain whether GUD was pronounced HAR as early as
the Ur ^period.
2 In RTC, 32, the name is ITU GUD-RA-XE-MA-A-dNINA-KA,
"Month the faithful (or walking) oxen go out for Nina". It seems
264 George A. Barton, [1911.
of Ur show conclusively that the month followed GAN-MAS.
For example HLC, 53 (Pt. II, pi. 72) reads ITU GUD-EA-
NE-MU-MU ITU EZIN-*NE SU-EA (Month Gudrane^
mumu to month of the Feast of Neshu), which shows that
Gudranemumu preceded Neshu. HLC, 81 (Pt, I, PL 33)
reads ITU GAN-MAS-TA [ITU] EZEN-dNE-SU-KU [ITU]
IIIkam-, (from the month Ganmash to the month of the feast
of Neshu, three months). Putting the two statements together
it follows that for that period Gudranemumu followed Gan-
mash. HLC, Xo. 72 (Pt, II, PL 81) shows it in another
way. We read ITU SE-IL-LA-TA ITU GUD-EA-NE-
MU-MU-KU . . . upam. (from tke month geilla to the month
Gudranemumu . . . three Months) from which it follows that
Gudranemumu was the third month. So far as I can see there
is no good reason for supposing that the months were not in
the same order in the period of Lugalanda.
The oxen went to the fields to work at the irrigating
machines, as is shown for example in the Neo-Babylonian text
published in BE, X, 44 and translated by Clay, Light on t he-
Old Testament from Babel, 421. The month May- June occurred
at the time when the combined flow of the Tigris and
Euphrates rivers was at its height, and it strikes one as strange
that oxen for irrigating purposes should have been so ex-
tensively employed then as to cause a month to be named
from the fact. It is this which leads Genouillac to place
this month in autumn, Sept. -Oct., when the rivers were
subsiding. It seems, however, a violent preceding to suppose
that the month was transferred a third of a year between the
two periods. It is quite possible that the name is equally
appropriate where it stands.1 It is quite probable that sum-
mer crops and orchards stood beyond the range of the over-
flow of the rivers and needed the aid of irrigation. It was
customary, apparently, to begin such irrigation at this time.
In a later list of months (V E, 43), a transformation of this
name occurs as the name of the second month (April-May,
see 11. 3—8 where the name ITU GUD-SI-DA occurs). Prob-
riatural to infer from this that the oxen were laboring on the
which was harvested for the DIM-eating festival of Nina. This would
place the month where we have placed it above.
1 It is not certain that they went to work at the irrigating machines.
They may have gone to plough for the autumn crop.
Vol. xxxi.j The Babylonian Calendar in the Reiyns, &c.
ably this use of the ox in a month-name, however, had in this
list an astronomical import and was connected with the
second month to correspond with the Bull sign of the zodiac.
It does not indicate that the ox-laboring month of the time
of Lugalanda was the second instead of the third.
The one document dated in this month is a list of quan-
tities of grain and fishes.
The next month was called by the same name that it bore
at the time of the dynasty of ITr, ITU EZIN"-dNE-SU,
-Month of the Feast of Neshu." Genouillac makes this the month
( )c-t.-"Nov., apparently because many tablets dated in the month
designate quantities of seed for various fields. It is clear, how-
ever, from the evidence presented above, that the month was the
fourth month or June-July in the time of the dynasty of Ur,
and it seems gratuitous to suppose that earlier it came at a
different time of year. The distribution of seed grains in
tablets of the Ur period dated in this month may well have
been for the crop which was to be gathered in October, or it
may have been customary to have the distribution well out
of the way before autumn. Two documents in the Lugalanda
period are dated in this month, Ru, 29 — a list of supplies — and
ETC, 53— a pay roll.
The next month was, we believe, ITU EZIJST-DIM-KU-dNIN"-
GIR-SU, "Month of the DIM-eating Feast of ]STingirsu," so
called in Eu, 60, 218, DP, 117, TSA, 32, 48, and ETC, 34, but
also called in A, 8, and Mo. 1457 and 1480, simply ITU
EZIN-DIM-KU, "Month of the DIM-eating feast." Cm-
reasons for distinguishing this feast from the DIM-eating feast
of Nina have already been given. Our reason for placing it
here is that A, 83 has a passage which reads ITU DIM-
Kl -ZI-TA ITU EZIN BA-U-KU ITU 4k>- (from the
month DIM-KU to the month Ezin-Bau, four months) which
si lows that at the time of the dynasty of Ur two months
intervened between DIM-KU1 and EZIN-dBA-U. Now the
month list in TCI, 77 begins with ITU-dDUMU-ZI, then
comes ITU EZIN-dDUN-GI, then, ITU EZIN-dBA-U.
Combining these two passages it follows that at the time of
the dominance of Ur the feast of DIM-Ktl came next before
the month of the feast of Tarnmuz. As we shall show below
that the Babylonian year at the time of Urkagnia closed with
266 George A. Barton, [1911.
a month which was in reality the month of the feast of Tammuz,
we place the month DIM-KIT, or the DIM-eating festival of
Ningursu, here in July- Aug. It seems fair to assume that,
although the two months had been pushed forward a month
by the time of Dungi, that they would retain the same order.
From the analogy of the names of the month of the DIM-
eating feast of Nina already treated, we are led to regard the
name ITU EZrNT-SE-KU-<WLNT-GIR-SU, "Month of the
grain-eating feast of Ningirsu", as a variant name of this
month. Ru, 197, 257, and RTC, 67, are dated in it.
The tablets which bear this date treat the following topics:—
Ru, 60 is a list of provisions for asses and men, Ru, 218, a
list of provisions, DP, 117, a summary pay roll, while TSA,
48 and RTC, 34 are records of quantities of fishes, A, 8 is a
receipt for salt. TSA, 32, a list of oxen and cows, Ru, 197,
and RTC, 67, lists of supplies, and Ru, 257. quantities of
oil. The business which appears here is business which
was carried on throughout the year. While not character-
istic of any one month, it is not inappropiate to July-Aug.
One text, Ru, 2, presents what is, I believe, a variant
name for this month, and the only astronomical name which
appears in these texts. The tablet — a list of provisions
for temple servants — bears the date ITU MUL-BABBAR-
SAG-E-TA-SUB-A-A, the "Month the star Babbar lays down
its head," or "abandons its leadership." BABBAR means
"bright," "white," and is the well known ideogram for the sun,
but in the later Babylonian astronomy was a name for the
planet Jupiter.1 Babylonian astronomy as such was, however,
the accumulation of many centuries of observation, developing,
as Kugler 2 has shown, at a relatively late date. At the early
time of which we are speaking BABBAR, "the white star,"
might have been equally well applied to any other star equally
bright. The following considerations lead me to believe that
in the month-name before us Sirius, not Jupiter, is intended.
1. Sirius, the brightest of the fixed stars, is about equally
bright with Jupiter, and it comes about each year with a
regularity with which Jupiter does not. BABBAR would be a
very natural name for a primitive folk to apply to it, and in
1 See Jensen, Kosmologie, 125 ff.
2 Sterrikunde und Sterndienst in Babel, Miinster in Westfalen, 1907.
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 267
naming a month they would be far more likely to name it
for a star which they had observed came regularly in that
month than for a planet which wanders about from month to
month.
^. At the time of the dynasty of Ur there is evidence that a
month was sometimes named after Sirius. In ETC, 180, the name
ITU LIG, "Month of the dog" occurs, and the tablets, HLC,
Pt, II, No. 2 (PI. 52) ETC, 283 and 286 are dated in it. In
II E, 43, 63 a we find a star name MUL LIG dBABBAE, (or
if read Semitic, Kakkabu Kalbu dSama§, i. e. the star "dog of
the sun"). This star is recognized by Kugler and others as
a name for Sirius.1 Now in a text of the period of Ur (ETC,
276), this month is expressed thus: ITU LIG-BA-BAD, the
"Month the dog dies" (cf. Br. 1517). This is, I take it, a
reference to what astronomers call the "heliac rising" of the
dog star. The sun approaches more and more closely to a star
until finally it rises so nearly simultaneously with the sun that
it cannot be seen. The last time it can be seen is called its
"heliac rising." When the star disappeared in the rays of the
rising sun it might naturally be described as the "month the
dog dies," and an earlier age might as naturally describe it
as the "month the bright star abandons its leadership." The
two descriptions appear to refer to the same phenomenon.
Kugler, (op. cit. p. 234), reckons that the heliac rising of
Sirius about 700 B. C. was, for the latitude of Nineveh, July 25th.
Of course for Lagash it would be slightly earlier. If these
names, then, refer to Sirius they would refer to an event about
coincident with the beginning of the month July- Aug.
3. Another reason for thinking that Sirius would first attract
the attention of the Babylonians is that it attracted the at-
tention of the early Egyptians, and gave them the foundation of
their calendar. This calendar was adopted, Meyer2 and Breasted3
hold, about 4240 B. C. If the brightest of the fixed stars
could thus attract the attention of one early people, it could
easily that of another.
If the months DIM-KU and LIG (or BABBAE-SAG-E-
1 See Kugler, op. cit, 230 and 273 also, Brown, Primitive Constellations,
I, 277 ff.
2 Cf. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 2te Aufl. p. 101.
3 Ancient Records, I, 30, and History of Egypt, 14.
268 George A. Barton, [1911.
TA-SUB-A-A) were, as we have supposed, originally the
same, they had ceased to be so by the time of the dynasty
of Ur, for RTC, 180 has the names on two successive lines as
two different months. It must be borne in mind, however,
that by that time considerable displacement in month names
had taken place. A month SU-KUL had been introduced
before DIM-KIT, Dungi had appropriated a month, and various
slight changes had occurred.
The next month in the year was in the Ur period sacred
to Tammuz and was called ITU EZIN-dDUMU-ZI (cf. TCI,
77). Tammuz was closely associated with the goddess Ishtar,
and in the list in V R, 43 this month is called ITU KIN-
dININM, "Month of the mission of Ishtar" — referring, no
doubt, to the myth of the descent of the goddess to the lower
world. According to the myth she went to the lower world
because Tammuz was dead, and the feast of Tammuz was
accompanied with wailing for the death of the god. While
the name Tammuz (DUMU-ZI) has not yet been found in a
month name of the Lugalanda period, it is probable that the
month is alluded to under three different names. One of these
is ITU EZIN-dLUGAL-ERIM, "Month of the feast of the
god King-of-Erim." Two documents are thus dated: Ru, 202
and RTC, 59. I contended some years ago * that Lugal-Erim
was a masculinized Ishtar. That he was either that or Tammuz
himself is altogether probable, for NA-NA or Ishtar was the
goddess of Erim. This month is not, then, to be placed in
the winter as G-enouillac does, but is to be recognized as the
month of the Tammuz festival, Aug.-Sept.
What I regard as a variant name of the same month occurs
in Ru, 313, where we read ITU GAL-SAG-GA, "Month of
the man of favor" (possibly to be rendered "Month of the man
of the palm tree"). The primitive Tammuz was associated
with the palm tree,2 and the closing lines of "Ishtar's Descent"
(Rev. 47 — 49) show that the epithet "man of favor" would not
be inappropriate to Tammuz. Probably, therefore, we have
here a reference under another epithet to the same god, and
through him to the same month. As the tablet records a
1 Semitic Origins, pp. 183, 187.
2 See Semitic Origins, 86 ff.
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c.
payment of money by a man of Elarn, the subject matter does
not help us in determining tbe time of year.
Still another variant I would connect, though with less
confidence, with the same month. This occurs in Ru, 227 and
mills ITU GAL-UNUGki-GA, "Month of the man of Eridu."
The tablet is a list of skins presented by a NU-BANDA,
officer of E-NAM-DUMU, or the "Temple of Sonship." Is
it fanciful to see in DTJMU here the same element as the
DTJMTJ in fDITMU-ZI? If it is not, this tablet is connected
with a temple of Tammuz.
The writer showed some years ago that the religion of at
least one of the cities of which Lagash was composed was
connected with Eridu,1 and that there was a sacred palm tree
at Eridu.2 Combining these facts with the previous epithet,
we gain some probability that we have here another reference
to the month of Tammuz.
We have now completed the circuit of twelve months, but
we have in the tablets of our period one intercalary month.
It is the month in which DP, 99 is dated, and is expressed
ITU GAL-LA-A, "Appointed month" (cf. Br. 2253). GAL
is the ideogram by which the appointment of an intercalary
month was expressed in the period of the kings of Ur, see
CT, III, 18343, iii, 45, vii, 40, ix, 12, 49, and xvi, 45. There
can be no doubt, therefore, of its meaning here. The tablet
records a list of cows and oxen under a NU-BANDA officer.
While the above arrangement of the months is necessarily
in part tentative, we have endeavored to utilize all available
information, cuneiform, agricultural, geographical, religious and
astronomical, in making it. It does not, as does that of
Genouillac, presuppose the transfer of month names half way
around the year before the time of the dynasty of Ur. Such
changes of the position of month names by a month or two
before that period as we have pre-supposed are made credible
in part by the introduction of new month names, in part by
the imperfection of the year, which had to be adjusted by
intercalary months, and in part by the loss of the original
significance of certain names as they became abbreviated.
We may tabulate our results as follows:
Semitic Origins, 196.
Ibid, 197.
270
George A. Barton,
[191L
First month, Sept.-Oct.
Second month, Oct.-Nov.
ITU
ITU
ITU
ITU
ITU
Third month, Nov.-Dec. (?) ITU
Fourth month, Dec.- Jan. (?) ITU
/ITU
ITU
EZIX-dBA-U
Fifth month, Jan.-Feb.
[ITU
Sixth month, Feb.-March, \
Seventh month, March- April,
Eighth month, April-May,
Ninth month, May-June,
Tenth month, June-July,
Eleventh month, July- Aug.
EZIN-AB-UD-DU
GAR-KA-ID-KA
SI-GAR-MA
UZ-NE-GU-RA-A
AMAR-A-A-SIG-GA
AMAR-A-A-SI-DA
SE-KIN-KUD
AMA-UDU-TUK
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-IL-dOTNA
ITU UDU-SE-A-IL-LA
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-Ktl
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-dNINA
ITU UDU-SU-SE-A-dNIN-
GIR-SU
ITU SE-GAR-UDU
ITU AK-TA-GAR-RA-A
ITU MAL-UDU-UR
ITU MAL-UR
ITU SIG-BA
ITU SIG-dBA-U-E-TA-GAR-
RA-A
ITU KARU-DUB-BA-A
ITU KARU-IMI-A-TA
ITU SI-NAM-DUB-NI-BA-
DUR-BA-A
ITU GUD-RA-NE-MA-A
ITU GUD-RA-NE-MA-A-
ITU EZIN-dNE-SU
ITU EZIN-DIM-Ktl-dNIN-
GIR-SU
ITU EZIN-SE-KtMNIN-GIR-
SU
ITU EZIN-DIM-KtF
ITU MUL-BABBAR-SAG-E-
TA-SUB-A-A
Vol. xxxi.] The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns, &c. 271
f ITU EZIN-dLUGAL-ERIM
Twelfth month, Aug.-Sept.,(?){ ITU GAL-SAG-GA
[iTU GAL-UNUGki-GA
Intercalary month. ITU GAL-LA-A >
i A study of tin- month names in this, the earliest list of Babylonian
months known to us, impresses one as a strong argument against the
astral theory, which the pan-Babylonians make the basis of their work.
Of thirty six month-names, but one is astral. One is the name of the
intercalary month ; one has to do with the sea or the rivers ; while all
the rest have to do with agricultural occupations or agricultural festivals.
The predominant influence of the heavens, which the pan-Babylonians
postulate, is entirely lacking.
Additional Note.
In connection with the remarks about the importance of sheep-shearing
in ancient Lagash made above on p. 261, it should be noted that "Tr-
kagina in Cone B (Sarzec, Decouvertes, p. LI) bears witness to the im-
portance of this operation. In col. ii, 4—6 he says MAL-URU-UR
URU-AZAG-GA-KA-NI MU-NA^RU, "The sheep - shearing house of
Uruazagga he built." This implies that sheep-shearing was a kind of
public event, and would account for the naming of a month from it.
VOL XXXI. P&rt III. 19
Some Early Amulets from Palestine. — By JAMES A.
MONTGOMEKY, Assistant Professor in the University
of Pennsylvania.
THE following inscriptions are in the possession of Mrs.
Henry Draper of New York and the New York Public
Library. Dr. Billings, Librarian of the latter institution, placed
some of the photographs in the hands of Prof. W. Max Miiller,
who generously handed them over to me; and subsequently
Dr. Billings and Mrs. Draper allowed me most liberally full
access to the originals, along with permission to publish them.
But the original inscriptions are so minute that any study of
them has been made on the photographic reproductions, which
fortunately magnified and rendered more distinct the fine and
worn characters of the originals.
The originals were once all in the possession of Mrs. Draper,
who gave most of them to the New York Public Library.
The following account of them is given in the Bulletin of that
Library, vol. XII (1908), p. 5, as follows: "Three Hebrew
amulets of silver and two of gold, in silver and glass frames,
one of the gold amulets having attached the gold cylinder
case in which it was worn, all having been found at Irbid
[in the Hauran in 1853] and belonging in date to about the
second to the fifth Centuries, A. D."
The discoverer of the inscriptions is a dealer in oriental
antiquities in New York City, and from him I obtained the
following information :
"The amulets Dr. Billings sent you to translate were found
in tombs excavated under my personal supervision at Irbid in
the Hauran, Syria. Some of them were found last summer
[1909] and some two and three years ago.1 They were worn
i This is discrepant with the date given in the Bulletin. The writer
then alludes to a long inscription of similar character, (but evidently
late) now in possession of Messrs. Tiffany & Co., New York, which has
been partly translated by Dr. William Hayes Ward.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 273
in cases of gold (Mrs. Draper has three or four of the gold
cases), sometimes in bone cases."
Irbid lies east of the southern end of the Lake of Galilee,
just west of the Haj route, and is now an important town. *
As indicated above, the inscriptions are written on small pieces
of metal foil, the largest of them being less than 4 x I1/*
inches in size, and were folded in gold or bone capsules. The
minuteness of the script appears upon observing that one of
the inscriptions (A) contains 32 lines, and another which is
still smaller, 42 lines.
A.
Inscription of 32 lines on silver foil, in possession of the
New York Public Library; 3 3/4 x !3/8 inches. After line 9
follow several rows of conventional round figures, with some
characters which recall the Greek alphabet; then a line of
larger figures mostly rectilinear. One figure is a cross with a
small circle at each end. The circles probably indicate the
magician's seal; compare the use of the circle in the in-
cantation bowls.
Text.
pn*n nrsm HEW rntami i
nxbvn nnptyni nni mro 2
nnsipsi TITJ ni 3
mn&i nirr -OK nhpb 4
ism? raton Dinn » , 5
rum pan nni ns&t? ][D] 6
[Dty ']DV p iTyom n^l 7
IBM D^I ny^ 8
««, » B * * * 9
^« 10
12
* . ty in ma n« psnT n 13
ni n^nyn^s n^^na n^i] 14
rw 15
16
1 See Baedeker, Paldstina u. Syrien 5 p. 185; Merrill, East of the
Jordan, p. 293. Extensive ruins exist here and the place has been identi-
fied with Arbela.
19*
274 J. A. Montgomery, [1911.
ni«ns in11 rfai p 17
rri tsn nrra p» pi p« is
rnn nnt? "o «m r6iy pi 19
[«] «nn «r6*n rrwn 20
[rr^D p« ^ iTiWn p 21
rri an nrm p^ bte 22
p rry» i^i r6iy*?i 23
ii nn^p rvW 24
25
n 26
HIS pOI )H IDHty 27
m w n 28
...... 29
nrvm n^om [n^^i] so
nnn jnts pi nn . * 31
pN p] 32
Translation.
1. And now with the wand of Moses and the shining-plate
of Aaron
2. the high priest, and with the seal of Solomon, and with
[the shield]
3. of David, and with the mitre of the chief priest, have I
pronounced (?)
4. [the wo]rd: I am YHWH, and repeatedly [have I exer-
5. cis]ed them on behalf of Sahpur, his name,
6. of (?) SMNT, and for Marian his daughter
7. and the unborn-child in her bowels, from the days [of ever]
8. and aye and forever. Amen, Amen, Selah.
9. ? ? ?
10. Oh, intercede in behalf of him, Abraham our father.
11. With a seal (?) stamp him. And hear my prayer
12. on account of the dead: "Rise ye forever and ever," (? that
his so-
13. ul thou bring forth. Do thou drive out that . . . ?)
14. and his devourer I have exorcised. And n-
15. ow, my father, scold them away from Marian and from
16. the unborn-child in her bowels, by Yahweh (?),
17. who has been (so) revealed — Yahu Sebaoth is his name,
18. Amen; and from this Marian daughter of S.,
19. and from the unborn-child which shall be this year.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 275
20. In the name of the great God, A-
21. men, Halleluia, Forever, Amen, Selah.
22. Peace to this Marian daughter of S.
23. and to the unborn-child which is in her bowels, from
24. the lilith of her canopy. . . . She-
25. mariah[(?)| angel of Yahu protect (?)
2(>. her for ages. Hallelu le-Yah, on behalf of
27. this Sahpur and for this Marian daughter
28. of S. and for the unborn-child in her bowels
29. ? ? ?
:><). [and for the unborn-childj in her bowels in her body
31. . . . and from ^Marian daughter of Sahp-
32. ur. Amen, [Halleluia], Selah.
Notes.
Line 1. The sorcerer claims to be armed with the full
magical equipment of the magicians of yore.1 Itsn is the
Targumic translation of the biblical HtDJD of Moses (e. g. Targ.
Onk. to Ex. 42). The nrs is the biblical fS, the plate of
gold on the high priest's mitre, e. g. Lev. 89.
Line, 2. David's magical perquisite was his shield, and so
I restore at the end of this and the beginning of the following
line, rtiJD. This is probably the earliest literary reference to
that magical element; see JQR. XIV, p. Ill, for an early (3d
century?) representation of it.
Line 3. The term indicating the priest's property I con-
jectured to be the mitre, and following a suggestion of Professor
Jastrow, comparing the Biblical JD13, V51p2, "helmet," I suppose
that nnsip refers to a high head-dress. The theme . KB,
KP, &c. appears in various forms, in the sense, "heap up, be
gibbous," &c. Compare also the root JOJ, with its derivative
my?}!?, "turban" of the ordinary priest, and the Syriac KBp,
"heap up." The latter root illustrates the B in our word.
The TO10 is the high priest of the second temple (nsn»),
when no anointing was practised, so called because of his
1 Cf. the Greek magical papyri, e. g. Wessely, Griechische Zauber-
papyrus, Wiener Denkschriften XXXVI, 2, p. 129, 1. 109 ff: "I am Moses
thy prophet to whom thou gavest thy mysteries."
2 The Oxford Lexicon lists these words alphabetically; but they should
appear under 233 and X?3p.
276 J* A. Montgomery, [1911.
many garments.1 The last word in the line I conjecturally
restore to nBHBK, Afel; in the sense "pronounce" the word is
generally used in the Pael, but the Afel appears as variant
in the ancient Bamberger Codex of Targum Onkelos to Lev. 272,
Num. 62.2
Line 4. "ON is fairly certain. NmnD I take to be the
fern, of the Pael ppl. used adverbially. Yerbs may be supposed
at the end of the line and the beginning of the next (the
latter with the pronominal suffix Din), which would express
the operation of the magical apparatus.
Line 5. -TQfcOn (with pleonastic K) is parallel to the Jewish
Aramaic 23 ^, ^i ^g, satf, "on account of," with feminine pi.
ending instead of the masculine.3 It is resumed with 1 in
the next line, and is probably to be read in 1. 26, being resumed
there with b. "isrw is a unique and early spelling of the
famous Persian name Sahpuhre, appearing in the Semitic
dialects as Sabor. The first great king of this name flourished
in the third century, but the name was an old one in Persia.4
Line 6. niDt? ) .: the missing latter may be 1 or ID. We
should expect the parent's, especially the mother's name to be
mentioned ; but the Aramaic would require "Q, unless we may
suppose that the Hebrew p has persisted. rODt? would be a
good feminine name, i. e. "fat," or possibly nibttf, "Octavia." If
)tD be read, 'fc? is the name of a place. p*lfc is the Hebrew
the 2 is unique. It may be a local dialectic form; cf.
and pfcJJ. A similar prayer for the unborn child, tfhtyb
appears in one of the (unpublished) Mandaic incan-
tation bowls in the University, of Pennsylvania Museum.
Line 10. l^N = if the first character is correctly read, the
biblical 6 and Targumic s«^«. The following verb is the
biblical and Rabbinic ^fcO; the accompanying preposition 2 is
peculiar, but is not out of place with a verb of touch. This
prayer to Father Abraham is unique, although the atoning
and intercessory power of the Fathers is a prevailing Jewish
doctrine.6 The form of the prayer recalls the supplication of
the rich man in hell to Father Abraham in the parable in
1 See Yoma 73 a, and Levy, Neuhebr. u. chald. Worterbuch, IV, p. 413.
2 See Berliner, Targ. Onk. ad loc.
3 For the feminine form cf. the Syriac ntrttp = Dip, r6lBD =
* See Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 284.
5 Weber, Judische Theologie, pp. 292 ff, 326 ff.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 277
Lu. 16. pN is the probable reading at end of the line, but
*3N appears in 1. 15.
Line 11. ViyifiD is sure, and I restore the preceding word
to Dnn at a venture. In magical language Abraham is asked
to stamp the dead man as his own. Compare the sealing of
the redeemed in Rev. 74, and the comments, upon Ezek. 9 4
in Shablath 55 a: "The Holy One said to Gabriel: Go and
mark with ink a Taw upon the forehead of the righteous that
the angels of destruction, n^n "Ofc^D, may have no power over
them," &c.; and further on: "Taw is the last latter of the
Holy One, for R. Hanina said. The seal of the Holy One is
nDK (truth)." The suffixal form TI * . . is characteristic of
Onkelos in the imperative. &nb is a common biblical and
Rabbinic word for a spell. There is room for a missing
character at the end of this line and at the beginning of the
next.
Line 12. The particle T introduces the following imperative
quotation, as in Syriac. TJM D^iy is without b as in Ps. 21s.
Some incantation of magical import is here quoted; cf. the
fragment of an early Christian hymn in Eph. 5 14: "Awake
thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and the Christ
shall give thee light."
Line 13. My restoration pBm iTOBJ is possible so far as
the remains of the characters are concerned, but the inter-
pretation of the whole passage is not satisfactory. nK may
be the pronoun, while JVti may be the Hebrew and Rabbinic
BHJ, supposing an original stem grt. The final word would
then represent some evil spirit; but it may possibly be
which would alter the interpretation of mi
Line 14. JTJ^nfc: cf. the legend in Si/re of the D^JTI
who await the death of the wicked to tear out his soul,1 and
n. b. Satan's part in disputing over the body of Moses, Jude 9.
Line 15. JViy^fi: n. b. the jussive without the parengogic 1
This verb often appears in the bowl incantations in the
quotation of Zech. 82.
Lines 16f. At the end JT1JT is most likely to be read; this
would be then the expression of the pronunciation of the
Tetragrammaton, as preserved in Samaritan tradition,2 and
1 AVeber, op. cit. p. 339.
2 See Montgomery, JBL XXV (1906), p. 49.
278 J> A. Montgomery, [1911.
corresponding to the modern pronunciation Yahwe. This is
a unique spelling in Hebrew.1 In the next line r6^ is evident,
and doubtless refers to the revelation contained in iTIJT; it is.
probably the passive particle (cf. Biblical Aramaic), and prac-
tically equivalent to tmSDH,2 ,T1,T being actually the tsniBDH DP.
The letters preceding rf?J are uncertain. There follows nifcOS 1JT,
cf. 1JT in 1. 25. This is exceptional in the magical forms of
the Tetragrammaton, and archaic; cf. Assouan Papyri.
Line 18. rii BH: the restoration is made from 1. 28.
Line 19. NJT and ^2 both Targumic; for the latter cf. Targ.
Yerush. Num. 22 28. Here the pronoun fcnn and in 11. 18, 28
in, and the masc. p, 1. 27.
Line 24. HnVp or nrfej? = canopied-couch, see Jastrow,
Did. of the Talmud. Evil spirits lurked especially in roofs,
trees, and all kinds of coverings, and were most noxious in
proximity of a bed. The latter part of the line is obscure.
The last letter in the line may be P, to make rn&t? = ^HTDP,
a favorite angel of charms.3 JIN may be the pronoun of address
to the angel.
Line 26. JT^ iWifc various perversion of this magical word
are found, e. g. in the Greek magical papyri.
Line 28. We expect the particle 1 before P, but there is
no room for it (H is almost certain). I have found cases in
the Mandaic bowls from Nippur where after the pronominal
suffix 1 is omitted, the suffix appearing sufficient to establish
the genitive relation. So also in the Assouan papyri; we
find the relative particle omitted in the construction "year x
of such a king," e. g. Sachau's Papyrus A, 1. 19, BWTl XIII JW.
For the abbreviation P for l&nP, cf. Sayce and Cowley, Assouan
Papyri, E 17, m = TOT *Q; also the Talmudic abbreviations.
Line 30. PtJVtt, the Targumic fcWU, Jastrow, op. cit. p. 221 a;
also found in Ben Sira 41 1 1 .
The charm is made out for the repose of soul of a certain
"Ifint? and for the health of his daughter pD, who is pregnant.
In the latter part, the scribe has not very much to add and
monotonously repeats the subjects of his charm. But the first
1 Perhaps the same pronunciation is also intended in the magical term
*T:iT, found in the text published by Stiibe, Judisch-balylonische Zauber-
texte, 1. 15.— P.S. The same form I also find in texts at Pennsylvania.
2 See Arnold's discussion in JBL XXIV (1905), p. 157 ff.
3 See Schwab, Vocabulaire de I'angelologie. s. v.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 279
part of the charm is fresh and original in comparison with
the usual stereotyped forms of incantation.
The orthography is marked by absence of vowel letters, e. g.
such words as nnpty, HO^, IBPIP, Dty; yet TH, D^iy, r6lj>.
Final n appears instead of N, as in early Aramaic, and as in
the Samaritan usage; the one exception is fcrtK, where N is
used after n. The masculine suffix is written PP, to distinguish
it from the feminine.
The forms of pronoun, verb, &c., can all be exemplified from
the early Palestinian Targums, and the vocabulary is of like
character. The noun nfiSlp and the prepositional rOfcOH are
new. "iBHt? is an early and unique spelling.
The script is of the fully formed square type, but certainly
early, as reference to Euting's tables in Chwolson, Corpus
inscriptionum hebraicarum will show. I may specify the long
left leg of n, the single form for S — a long perpendicular stroke,
the lack of distinction between T and 1, and the archaic B.
Taking into consideration the language and the spelling, I
would assign the inscription to the second or third century
after Christ. There may be also noticed the archaic use of
continuing words over the line. The inscription would then
be the oldest amulet of any length which we possess.
The charm largely consists in conventional Jewish phrases and
repetitions. It contains however some novel features. The
elaborate introduction, with the self-assertion of the conjurer,
is of interest, and so is the union in the one charm of prayers
for the dead and the living, and also for the unborn. Unique
is the prayer to Abraham. The divine Name is spelled not
only mrp, but also, archaically, 1JT, and rPVP, doubtless the
phonetic representation of the pronunciation of the Ineffable
Name.
B.
Inscription of 40 lines on silver foil, in possession of Mrs.
Henry Draper of New York; 31/* X 1 3/§ inches. The charm
is so obliterated that despite the use of a bromide enlargement
I have been able to obtain but little consecutive sense from
the inscription, and hence have not thought it worth while
to give a reproduction. It appears to be of the same age as
A, though the vocalization is very fully carried out, but differs
from that in consisting largely of magical formulas. I give
the little that is legible.
280 J> A. Montgomery, [1911.
1. n )»] .....
2. . . . n nsu rfo pi rrri , DT
4. » * * pjtts
5. ]BK ]»«
7. t?np amp pnp pnp t?np
9. * . « mr ty pn
10
11
15.
16. * * * » nr^
17.
is.
19. * » » » mn
20. ».*»»• pn t^nn« rrrr
21. » « « in^ nty » . » »
24. » » , rprr TV
25.
26.
33.
Line 9: "Protect this . . ."; n. b. Hit for nil.
Line 16. ffinK = »1H«, "quickly," and n^SH "avaunt," terms
found in the incantation bowls.
Line 20. NB. EOfiN used as a magical formula.
Line 24. ^Sll, a form of ^«S"1, found in Pognon's, Coupes
de Khouabir, and in a Syriac bowl in the University of Penn-
sylvania, as also in Enoch. It stands for Rafael, with the
Hebrew ppl. for the first component.
C.
A talisman on bronze foil (size unknown to me as I have
not seen the original), in the New York Free Library. The
remains of nine lines are visible. The first two lines are
almost illegible. To the left are some magical signs, the only
discernible one being a cross, whose arms terminate in a circle —
the same figure is found in A. The charm is addressed against
the evil eye and certain named calamities and demons, and was
probably intended to be worn on the person. In my inter-
pretation I have had the assistance in part of a translation made
by Mr. S. A. Binion of New York. The charm is of a character
that still survives in Palestine among the Jews; for examples see
Hanauer, Folk-Lore of the Holy Land (London, n. d.) p. 318ff.
Vol. xxxi.] Some Early Amulets from Palestine. 281
Text.
3. [\TQN-I] py pi wz hi p DTiKJEn rra D^ivri nsui
4. [«n«]^inm )7 pi pnn ^y pi )wi )7 pi riaw py )[»i]
5. pK r6o p« pK r6o nipr TI^K u5? n^D 1:07 mtos [mrr]
6. Bin"1 my K&ib n . . . b mm ^« • . ]»N
7. jo« )»« p« n^o p« jo« wi mm ip
8. » , . tD^T n . . . mn»fiy nins . » , mm
9. »
Translation.
[Protect the . . .]
3. and the body of Georgios son of Pagatios from all evil,
from the eye of [his father]
4. and from the eye of his mother and from the eye of women
and from the eye of men and from the eye of virgins
5. [Ynwn] Sebaoth is with us, the god of Jacob is our refuge.
Selah, Amen, Amen, Selah, Amen.
6. [Ynwn] Sebaoth, Amen . . .
7. ... ailment and shame and spirit and demon. Amen, Amen,
Selah, Amen, Amen, Amen, . . .
8. ? . . . ?
9. ... Amen, Amen, Selah, Amen.
Notes.
Lines 6 and 8 have evidently some identical words, but both
are almost entirely obscure. The last word in each may be
yt$nj"P, i. e. a name of salvation. Line 5 is a quotation of
PS. 468,12.
In line 7 t?in» is for ffinD (t?lTO), with equivalence of H
and H as in the Babylonian incantation bowls. The vocalization
is very fully expressed, e. g. in the scriptural quotation, which
is written by ear and not from knowledge of the text. Both
script and spelling refer this charm to a much later date than
A. Georgios is a common name in late Greek and Syriac;
Pagatios, or Pagatis, I have not found elsewhere.1
i Professor Gottheil has given a brief account of these amulets in the
Journal asiatique, X. ix (1907), p. 150.
Graphic Analysis of the Tone- accents of the Siamese
Language. — By CORNELIUS BEACH BRADLEY, Professor
in the University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
THE so-called "tones" of certain oriental languages of the
Chinese type have been not merely stumbling-blocks in the way
of the practical learner, but puzzles to the scientific student
as well, because of a lingering uncertainty as to the precise
quality and definition of each separate tone, and because of
the irrational or even misleading nomenclature often applied
to them. As to their general nature, indeed, there is substan-
tial agreement: They are pitch-variations corresponding to
such inflections of voice as in most languages regularly accom-
pany sentence-stress, and serve to distinguish different kinds
of sentences; as, for example, "He has come" (with falling tone
indicating simple statement), "He has come?" (with rising tone
indicating question), "He has come" (with compound tone
indicating incredulity), and so on. * In tonal (pitch-accenting)
languages, however, these pitch -variations are not used to
distinguish between sentences of similar form, but between
individual words in other respects similar. In such languages
"tones" are elements as inseparable from the enunciation of
words as are the vowels and consonants which make up their
articulation. Each word in the language, therefore, has its
own fixed and inherent "tone," subject only to such variation
as may be brought about by varying conditions of emphasis
or speed or nervous excitement. The "tones," in short, are
pitch - distinctions inherent in words, and necessary to the
right apprehension of their content or meaning, rather than
applied to words adventitiously and occasionally, as tokens of
the modal aspect of sentences in which they occur.2 So far
1 Sweet, A New English Grammar, Oxford, 1898, Part II, §§ 1925 ff.,
pp. 37 ff.
2 Wershoven: pp. 8—9; Frankfurter: p. 18; Bastian: p. 360.
Vol. xxxi.] Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents, &c. 283
all1 are agreed; and beyond this there is, of course, substantial
agreement in the actual practice of all who have really mastered
the native speech and accent. But in the various accounts
which such persons give of the several "tones," we have all
the uncertainty and discrepancy which inevitably attend the
attempt to determine phonological matters by reference to the
ear and the subjective consciousness alone. The native scholar
is here even more helpless than the foreign; — his processes of
utterance are wholly instinctive, and therefore more difficult
of analysis. As for nomenclature, when the native tells us
that a certain tone is "high" or "level," we doubtless have
some inkling — though a very inadequate one — of what he
means. But when he tells us that this an "entering" and
that a "retiring" tone, we are hopelessly at sea. These are
terms of pure subjective fancy, and have no directive force
whatever for one who does not already know what they are
intended to mean. As for the foreign scholar, his "expectant"
and "anxious" tones are quite as impossible as any invented
by the native.2
In thinking this matter over with reference to the Siamese
language, which is one of the tonal group, it occurred to me
1 The following are some of the more important references on the
subject of Siamese tone-accents : John Taylor Jones, Brief Grammatical
Notices of the Siamese Language, loith appendices, Bangkok, 1842; Caswell,
Treatise on the Tones of the Siamese Language (the manuscript was com-
posed about 1847, finally printed in the Siam Repository, vol. II, Bangkok,
1870); D. J. B. Pallegoix, Grammatica Linguae Thai, Bangkok, 1850 (this
work has been frequently quoted and followed by later writers ; a special
feature is Pallegoix' attempt to represent the "tones" by musical notation) ;
D. B. Bradley, Elementary Tables and Lessons in the Siamese Language,
Bangkok. 1875 (this is the date of my copy which is the eighth edition;
the book is printed in Siamese throughout); A. Bastian, Uber die
siamesischen Laut- und Tonaccente, in Monatsberichte der Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1867, pp. 357 — 386 (in his account of the "tones",
the writer, for the most part, follows Caswell); F. J. Wershoven, Lehr-
buch der siamesischen Sprache etc., Leipzig, 1891 ; Samuel J. Smith, The
Principles of Siamese Grammar. Comprising the Substance of Previous
Grammars of the Language, Bangkok, 1889; 0. Frankfurter, Elements of
Siamese Grammar, with appendices, Bangkok, 1900; for an interesting
discussion of the origin and nature of pitch- accents see A. Conrady,
Eine Indochinesische Causativ-Denominativ Bildung und ihr ZusammenJiang
mit den Tonaccenten etc., Leip/ig, 1896.
2 Of course, not all the designations here cited have found their way
into authoritative print ; nor are all from the Siamese field. For illustration
284
C. B. Bradley,
[1911.
that since the essential element in all these "tones" is undoubt-
edly pitch, and since the permanent records of speech made
possible by modern mechanism register pitch as wave-length,
in the tracing, it should be possible to make sure of the facts by
actual measurement, and so to end the controversy. Some
years ago, therefore, while busy with other points of Siamese
phonetics, and making records with Abbe Rousselot's apparatus,
for other purposes, I made a series of records of the "tones"
as well. I never found time, however, for their proper study
and analysis until this last year, when I took them in hand
and worked them out, with results which I have plotted on
the accompanying chart. The actual operation, however, was
by no means as simple as it might seem; and calls, perhaps,
for some little explanation, that there may be no misappre-
hension as to the nature or value of the results. In the first
place, since the instrument records all sorts of air-pulses caught
in its receiver: — the shocks of contact and release, the physical
impact of breath, the intricate pattern of resonance-waves
peculiar to each different vowel, the varying intensity of
utterance shown in the amplitude or swing of the waves, and
the harmonic overtones of the particular voice — all these as
well as the fundamental pitch of the vibrating chords; and
moreover since these are not analyzed out and separately
recorded, but are superimposed the one upon the other in a
single intricate pattern, precisely as they are in our hearing
of them ; it becomes important to the success of our investigation
that everything else save fundamental pitch should be either
eliminated or minimized. It was comparatively easy to exclude
some of the disturbing elements by choosing for the experiment
of the wide divergence between standard authorities both in their
apprehension and in their designation of the Siamese "tones," the reader
may be interested to consult the following list:
Named
in the Chart
Rising
Fatting
Circumflex
Middle
Depressed
Pallegoix (
Frankfurter!
Wershoven
Bastian
Altus
Steigend
Ansteigend
Demissus
Fallend
Fallend
Gravis (sic)
Eingehend(sze)
Riickkehrend
Rectus
Gleich
Eben
\ Circum-
fflexus(sic)
Tief
Niederge-
driickt
Siamese
Writers
High
Low
Second Accent
Middle
First
Accent
Vol. xxxi.] Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents, &c. 285
syllables in which they do not appear. But pure vowels alone
would not do either, since the conditions of bona fide speech
must be observed; — that is, genuine words must be used. After
various experiments it appeared that the combination of nasal
consonant plus long open vowel gave the most stable and least
confused record; since the nasal, being itself vocalic, passes
over without shock into the vowel. I was fortunate also to
bethink me of one such combination — the syllable nd — actually
in use in the five different "tones" of long syllables, making
five distinct words of identical articulation — perfect homonyms
save for the tonal distinctions in question. The conditions
were thus almost ideal for the success of the experiment.
Furthermore, for purposes of comparison and control, records
were taken of two separate utterances of the series of five words.
In the Rousselot apparatus, a cylinder covered with smoked
paper revolves at uniform speed under a needle which vibrates
from side to side in response to the air-pulses of the voice.
The trace appears as an intricate, crinkly curve, the result of
the interference or coincidence of the various elements already
described. The first step was to distinguish the waves of
fundamental pitch from those extraneous elements, and then
to measure them. Thanks to the precautions taken, the longer
waves of pitch in most cases emerged unmistakably, as the
long ocean swell emerges from the complex of minor waves
and ripples which it carries. At some points, however, the
wave-crests were more or less confused by interference. In
such cases the well-known principle of continuity in movement
of pitch was applied to discover the true crest, and the result
was checked by comparison with the duplicate record.
The length of the waves as shown in the trace ranged from
.035 in. at the upper limit of pitch to .125 in. at the lower.
In the middle portion of the register .01 in. makes the differ-
ence of a whole tone between F and G. To ensure greater
accuracy, as well as to economize effort, the wave-lengths were
not measured singly, but in groups of five. Using the quantities
so obtained as vertical ordinates of pitch, and arbitrarily
assuming equal horizontal spaces of convenient length as ordi-
nates of time,1 the curve of each of the tones was separately
1 It was not possible, of course, to give ail the syllables precisely
equal time in utterance. As shown in the measurements, the time actually
varied from about i/2 to 2/3 of a second. In order that difference of
Chart of the Five Tones of Long Syllables in Siamese.
p
F
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Vol. xxxi,] Graphic Analysis of the Tone- accents, &c. 287
plotted on the chart. I feel sure that the curves as plotted
are accurate translations to the oyo of lliose pitch-sequences
which the ear recognizes as the five tones of Siamese speech.1
One striking feature of the result, and one which concerns
not Siamese speech alone, is the almost entire ahsence of
straight lines in these figures. This feature seems constant in
all speech so far examined. It means, of course, that the
speaking voice does not hold the same pitch true even for a
very short interval of time. That which the ear recognizes
as a monotone, is in fact a sinuous curve oscillating about an
average level. The glides also vary in steepness of slope in
different portions of their course. All of them show a double
or triple curvature. Uniform pitch is by no means practically
impossible, as the case of the singer shows; but incessant
variation of pitch is doubtless one chief difference between the
speaking and the singing voice.
The five "tones" whose pitch -curves have thus been analyzed,
are the only ones hitherto recognized in Siamese speech by
writers who have dealt with the subject. The list of five,
however, is not quite the complete list, as I hope presently to
show. But, taking it as it stands, the five "tones" fall obviously
into two groups: — a) three sweeps or glides, of large movement
and definite figure, designated on the chart as rising, falling,
and circumflex; and b) two tones of small variation and inde-
terminate figure, the middle and the depressed. I think it
has never been pointed out that these two groups stand in
entirely different relation to vowel-quantity. The long sweeps
and glides require appreciable time not only for their proper
dimension might not stand in the way of proper visual comparison of
the figures, the horizontal ordinates in two cases were slightly increased,
i In order to give a clearer idea of the scope and relations of these
"tones," I have plotted our musical scale on the margins of the chart.
It will be observed that the figures group themselves about the line of
medium pitch, which in the experiment was approximately F. But this
medium pitch, it must be remembered, is no fixed datum. It varies not
merely as between individual voices; but in the same voice it rises and
falls with every shifting flood or ebb of psychical excitement ; and in its
movement it carries along with it the whole scheme of tones related to
it as their center. Under excitement moreover, and under sentence-stress^
the sweep of these curves is far greater than it is in quiet talk or in
the unemphatic parts of the sentence. No two records of the same tone
are precisely alike in pitch, though the pattern of the curves and their
general relation to each other are remarkably constant.
VOL. XXXT. Part III. 20
288 C. B. Bradley, [1911.
execution by the voice, but also for their proper recognition
by the ear. For this, the time of a long vowel or of a diph-
thong seems absolutely necessary; — a short vowel is ordinarily
quite insufficient. But there is one very interesting exception.
The nasal sounds m, n, and ng are sonorous, and are capable
of rendering pitch as truly as are the vowels. For tonal
purposes, therefore, a nasal consonant operates as an extension
of the time of a preceding short vowel in the same syllable,
precisely as does the final element of a diphthong. The three
tonal sweeps, therefore, are heard only in syllables with a long
vowel or a diphthong, or else with a short vowel plus a nasal
consonant.
To all ordinary apprehension the two remaining "tones" on
the chart are monotones. Very few students have noticed, or
are ready to admit even when it is pointed out, the pronoun-
ced final drop in that middle tone. The other is not only
lower in pitch but has besides a peculiar element or color, which
I believe to be nasal resonance, though I have not yet had
opportunity to verify the matter by instrumental test. Since
these two are effectively monotones, there is apparently no
reason why they should not be found indifferently in syllables
either short or long. As a matter of fact they are found
in both, though in short-syllables native scholarship recognizes
only the depressed "tone." The other, at the medium pitch
of voice, and reached with least effort, we should expect to
find most common. But no short Siamese monosyllable, if
spoken by itself with conscious attention, ever takes this tone.
It is heard only in continuous speech, that is, in the atonic
elements of quasi-compounds and phrases, and is doubtless the
result of weakening before stress. Thus it is that it has
escaped notice altogether.
There is yet one other "tone," found only in short syllables,
which has similarly escaped notice, apparently because it has
been carelessly identified either with the rising glide or with
the circumflex. The oversight here has escaped detection
largely because of the fact that the Siamese scribes have not
thought necessary to provide any device to mark this "tone."
This third "tone" found with short vowels is a short high note
pitched at about the level of the crest of the circumflex, but
lacking both the introductory rise of the circumflex and the
long deep drop of its vanish. It does not appear on the chart
Vol. xxxi.j Grapltic Analysis of the Tone-accents, &c. 289
for the same reason that the other "tones" of short vowels do
not appear: — these facts had not yet been reached when the
records were made. When subjected to instrumental analysis—
which I hope ere long to be able to give them — the three
"tones" of short vowels should appear as short horizontal lines
nearly straight, occupying rather less than half the space of
the long "tones," and in general position coincident respectively
with the crest of the circumflex, with the middle monotone,
and with the low monotone. Between the long and short
varieties of the last mentioned "tones" there is no need to
distinguish, since there is practically no difference in pitch or
in quality. But the short high "tone" is so manifestly distinct
from any other long or short, that it should be added to the
traditional list of five to make the series complete. There would
be then six "tones"; — three with long vowels only, or with
their equivalents; two with vowels either long or short; and
one with short vowels only.
It is my expectation soon to apply this same method of
instrumental analysis to the "tones" of Chinese speech also.
If the method should turn out to be really conclusive as to
the nature and the figure of the "tones" — and I see no reason
why it should not be so, — it ought to lead to a more rational
nomenclature of them in both languages. The names affixed
to the curves on the chart, and used in the course of this
discussion, are, in the main, those suggested long ago by Rev.
Mr. Caswell, and adopted in German form by Dr. Bastian.
For the newly discovered sixth "tone," I offer with hesitation
the name "elevated," chosen principally because it balances its
mate the "depressed." It could not well be called "high"
because there are already two other tones which might claim
the same designation. But Mr. Caswell's names receive sur-
prising justification from the results of this analysis; — they are
really descriptive, as all such names should be. If, as the
confusion and the uncertainty which have gathered about this
matter are cleared up, Mr. Caswell's nomenclature should once
more take its deserved place in general use, it would be only
one more testimony to the keenness and accuracy of the now
almost forgotten scholar who contributed so much toward the
training and equipment of the Prince who afterwards became
King Maha Mongkut, and whose reign ushered in the modern
era for Siam.
20*
The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of
Sheshonk I. — By JAMES HENB.Y BREASTED, The Uni-
versity of Chicago.
IN a recent fascicle of this journal Professor M. G. Kyle has
discussed the ahove geographical name in the great list ac-
companying the large historical relief of Sheshonk I at Karnak.
Professor Kyle concludes that the identification of the second
portion of the name as Abram "scarcely comes within the
hounds of possibility." It is important for Old Testament
scholars to know whether this conclusion is well grounded or
not.
In the first place Professor Kyle is in doubt as to the ac-
curacy of the text which I used in making the identification.
He refers to my discussion of the matter in my Ancient Records
of Egypt (IV, pp. 352—353), where I have clearly indicated
that I had photographs of the text (ibid., p. 348, note a). It
seems not to be known to Professor Kyle that I first published
this identification in 1904 in the American Journal of Semitic
Languages in an article entitled "The Earliest Occurrence of
the Name of Abram" (AJSL, Vol. xxi, pp. 22— 36). 4 I there
(p. 35) included a perfectly clear photograph of the name, in
which not a doubtful sign occurs. Moreover the same photo-
graph was later inserted in my History of Egypt (p. 530) in
connection with a mention of the identification, and this pas-
sage, mentioning the identification and referring to the photo-
graph, is particularly referred to by Professor Kyle with page
1 Even if I attached any consequence to questions of priority in such
matters, I would not raise the question with my good friend Spiegel-
berg who published the same identification the same year. We did so
in entire independence. Moreover as I stated (in AJSL. xxi, p. 36, n. 24).
Erman's papers show that he had noticed it in 1888, but did not publish
it, and my friend Schaefer had also noticed it independently. It is of
importance to remember in this discussion, that four scholars have made
this identification independently.
Vol. mi.] The "Field of Abram" <&c. 291
reference. I do not understand how it could have been read
without noticing the reference to the photograph in the text,
and also to the earlier article in the American Journal of
Semitic Languages appended in a footnote. In any case there
is no reason for uncertainty as to the text which I used, nor
the slightest basis for calling it in question.
This term "The Field of Abram" contains three words and
although the second and third are Asiatic words foreign to
the Egyptian scribe, he has prefixed the Egyptian article "P'".
To this Professor Kyle objects that it is impossible that the
Egyptian scribe should have translated the foreign article into
Egyptian, even granting that it was prefixed to a geographical
name. I quite agree with him. This unsatisfactory assumption
is however not necessary.1 The first noun in this compound
is, as is now commonly recognized the Semitic word ^pn "field",
which occurs eight times in this geographical list, showing that
it was a current element in the geographical names of Palestine
at this time. Nothing is commoner throughout the foreign
world at the present day than for some such native geographical
term to be used without translation. In the East we con-
stantly say ".the tell of A," "the wadi of B," "the ghor of
C," and when we were in the cataracts of Nubia we fre-
quently spoke of "the bab of so and so," meaning one of the
natural gates in the rock barriers of the cataracts which the
natives call a "bab," In the same way hpn "field" was a
current geographical designation in Palestine, but not itself a
proper name. The Egyptian took it up and spoke of "the
hekel of this" and "the hekel of that," using the Egyptian
article before it. This continued into New Testament times
in Palestine. Compare £A/«ASa/mx "Field of Blood" or "Field
of Sleep." That this is the case is shown conclusively by the
parallel use of the well-known Semitic word pDJJ "valley,"
which also occurs in this list with the Egyptian article "P"'
before it. Just as we say "the Wadi Tumilat," prefixing the
English article to the Arabic word "wadi," so the Egyptian
said "Pe'-hekel of — ," and "Pe'-'emek of — ," meaning "the
field of — " and "the valley of — ".
1 I accepted it formerly (AJSL. xxi, p. 32, n. 11), but I have had
more experience in the East since then, and the above explanation seems
to me conclusive.
292 J. H. Breasted. [1911.
Professor Kyle also objects to the interpretation of bpn as
forming a compound with the following word. The existence
of such compounds in the list is proven hy the example in which
p»JJ is the first member, or compounds with r6la# "stream"
and ^5 J "south country," examples so conclusive that it is
fruitless to discuss the question. Moreover Professor Kyle's
own proposed explanation (for which, by the way, no demon-
stration is offered), viz. that this first member means "vicinity,"
"neighborhood" or "community" demands connection with a
second identifying word as much as does the word "field"; or
are we to suppose that the Egyptian scribe eight times recorded
the name "community" in this list, as the name of eight
different towns in Palestine!
As to the transliteration of the word Kyle is mistaken in
stating that I "change the final vowel to u," with the impli-
cation that this is done in violation of the text. In writing
foreign words, and later also in writing words for which he
had inherited no current or generally prevalent 'orthography,
the Egyptian scribe usually employed for each consonant a
syllabic sign containing two consonants, of which however he
read only the first, the second being a very weak consonant,
corresponding to Semitic \ 1 or K. Many if not all of the
letters of his alphabet had grown up in this way. Thus o
the old writing for £', "a loaf of bread," became the letter "£";
A the slope leading to the high desert plateau, as its archaic
forms show, the writing for If "high," is the letter "fe"; <^>
= r* "mouth" is the letter "r".1 There was nothing new to
the scribe therefore in this acrophonetic system which he
employed for writing foreign names. We call it " syllabic writ-
ing," but it has been widely misunderstood and various futile
efforts have been made to interpret the weak second consonant
of each sign as a vowel. In view of what Sethe has brought
out in his " Verbum" and Burchardt's recent study of the foreign
words (see below), it is safe to say that such modern efforts
have been conclusively shown to be unsuccessful. The Egyptian
scribe wrote our word hkl thus:
» See Sethe, Das dgyptische Verbum, I, §§ 73—76, 138—141, 195-201
for a full treatment of such phenomena.
101
v
Vol. xxxi.J The "Field of Abram" &c. 293
We may slavishly transliterate this: Py-hw-k-rw-\ but (dis-
regarding p, the Egyptian article), the reading intended by
the Egyptian scribe war h-k-r(*=* I). The weak w in rw, which
is the correct reading of the lion is the occasion of Kyle's
remark that I have "changed the vowel," though of course
there are no vowels in the text.1
Turning now to the more important final word of the group,
which three others beside myself have independently identified
as "Abram," we find it written as follows:
l<=^>/
This is to be transliterated thus '-&'-r'-w and read 'brm = CHDK.
Kyle first objects to the reading of the first sign r=z, as ' or 8,
because in the writing of ordinary, that is non-foreign words
this sign has the value mr. Against the reading K he quotes
Brugsch who once read it mr, though noting that Brugsch also
read it tf. For these two different readings by Brugsch there
is of course a reason, for it was Brugsch himself who dis-
covered and demonstrated the reading « for T — r in the "syllabic
writing." The reading mr which Kyle finds in Brugsch's Geo-
graphische Inschriften belongs to 1857 — 1880, when this work
of Brugsch appeared. Years later he discovered the proper
reading of the sign and published it in the Zeitschrift fur
Aegyptische Sprache in 1874 (pp. 142 — 143). He clearly proves
the new reading tfs and refers to the old reading mr as an
"Irrtum den sammtliche Aegyptologen mich selbst nicht
ausgeschlossen, begangen haben in Bezug auf die Lesung des
Zeichens T — r in bestimmten Worterverbindungen." Egyptology
is among the sciences which are making rapid progress and
Brugsch's old reading of over fifty years ago was one which
he himself consigned to the populous limbo of incorrect and
obsolete readings. Kyle also quotes the English edition of
Erman's Aegyptische Grammatik as throwing doubt on the
reading of •» — c as W. That edition represents a state of know-
ledge nearly twenty years old; it is entirely out of date and
although I translated it myself, I have reason to hope that it
will ere long be superseded by an English edition based on
the third German edition, now in press. But even in the
1 On the weak *' by which the scribe writes ' at the end, see my
note, Records, vol. iv, pp. 352 — 353, note f.
294 J. H. Breasted, [1911.
second German edition of 1903 the reading of T — r as Iw (== «)
in "syllabic writing," is inserted without question (p. 217).
Moreover, as I know from my notes of Erman's lectures twenty
years ago he never questioned Brugsch's reading K for T — T in
"syllabic writing." His interrogation point in the first edition
of his grammar has nothing to do with its use as N, but refers
to something quite different. The value N which the sign T — r
has in a large number of foreign words, is due to the fact that
there arose a confusion in the usage of the Egyptian scribe
between the sign c — ) (Iw) and T — r (mr), which in the lapidary
style are very much alike. CZD and T — r in "syllabic writing"
strictly equal Iw, or disregarding the weak second consonant
it is used for /, and this constantly corresponds both in genuine
Egyptian words and in the writing of Palestinian words to
the Semitic N. All the numerous examples will now be found
collected in Burchardt's recent and careful compilation of foreign
words transliterated in Egyptian hieroglyphics1 and it would
be superfluous to repeat any of them here.
Not only was the reading N demonstrated by Brugsch thirty
six years ago, but we may go further and show that the read-
ing mr in our word is impossible. In the "syllabic writing"
the consonants m -f r cannot be indicated by one sign! If the
scribe finds the consonants m + r in a foreign word which he
is transliterating, he renders them invariably by a syllabic
sign or signs for each consonant, thus: for m: J? \\ w',
^ J3C&
* mv> ™y (or
_ 0
a fl my, for r: <=>| r\ <~> I yr' (?), or -^ rw (rare-
ly <==>\ Anyone at all incredulous on this point can satisfy
himself of the fact in Burchardt's convenient list, 2 though the
fact has been common property among Egyptologists for twenty
years. The reading mr for T— rr in our word is absolutely im-
possible.
Finally Professor Kyle objects to the reading of C as m
and affirms that the second sign, the arm, is entirely ignored
in the transliteration "Abram," and further that "the arm is
1 Die altkanaandischen Fremdwortc und Eigennamen im Aegyptischen
von Max Burchardt, Leipzig 1909—1910.
2 See especially §§ 56—60 and 77—83.
Vol. x«i.] The "Field of Abram", &c. 295
a strong vowel letter which ought not without special reasons
to be ignored in the transliteration." As a matter of fact
or f with the Q is the usual writing for m in the
"syllabic writing"; and even in Erman's grammar of twenty
years ago, in the treatment of the alphabet (§ 35), the mean-
ingless a with initial m in Egyptian words is duly noted.
Its frequent use throughout the "syllabic writing" in the
initial, medial or final position is a commonplace of modern
knowledge.
It will be seen that none of the objections offered by Prof.
Kyle cause any difficulty. I may refer to another interpretation
of the name which has occurred to me since first publishing
it in 1904. The consonants D*ON might be the plural of T2N,
and "The Field of Stallions" or "Bulls" would give excellent
sense. It lacks however the preciseness which we expect in
such a defining genitive, a preciseness which is only obtained
by the use of a proper name after such a common word as
"field." This is one of the objections also to the interpretation
suggested by Maspero years ago, viz. that "'6rm" is
"meadows." To this we may also object that in Hebrew
occurs only in compounds with a following noun in the genitive,
and that the plural is never found. I am therefore still in-
clined to see in the word the earliest occurrence of the name
Abram.
The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The K- Suf-
fixes in the Veda and Avesta. — By FEANKLIN EDGEBTON.
Chapter V.
Other Ka Suffixes.
The Suffix ika. § 92—94.
92. a) Without Vriddhi.
1) With meaning "having, possessing" (== 3 kd) — (2 words).
tundika (AY.), having a tusk or tooth, <tunda.
parydyikd (AY.), having (i. e. composed in) strophes, < par y ay a.
2) With meaning "of," "belonging to" &c. (= 2 Jca). Ad-
jectival, primarily. (13 words.)
khdndika (B.S.) <khanda. -yuthika (S.) <yiithd.
goddnika (S.) <godana (cf. laldtika (S.) <laldta.
gaud-, § 94). -vyomnika (IT.) < vybman.
gondmika <gondmd. gdndika (BY.) <ganda, patro-
jyotistomika (S.) <jyotistoma. nymic.
degiJca (U.J <de$d. sodagika (B.) <soda$a', soda-
pitrmedhika (U.) <pitrmedha. gika = "connected with the
mahavratika (S.) <mahdvratd. 16-partite Stotra."
yamika (SY.B.) <yama.\
Three other words, which may have either the suffix ika or
its equivalent 2 ka; see § 52.
93. b) With Vriddhi. Meaning always = 2 lea, "of," "con-
nected with" &c. Especially common in the Sutras; infrequent
before them. Not one case in BY. — Only two in AY. (vdrsika,
vdsantika). — In all the Samhitas and Brahmanas only 16 cases
(nearly all in Br.), against 64 found for the first time in Sutras.
The Upanisads add 11 which are not found in the other early
literature; occurrences are much less common than in the Sutras.
Double Yriddhi, — i. e. vriddhi of the principal vowels of both
parts of a compound primitive — appears in the Yeda only
three times, to my knowledge: ddrgapaurnamdsika (Qankh.Qr.
5. 18. 7) < dar$apurnamdsd; sdrvavdidika (Kauc,. 67) <sarva-
veda: and sdikduQika (Kaug.) sas~ko$a. Other instances in
later language.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-lranian.
297
94. Word-list. Suffix ika with Yriddhi (agnika «= of or per-
taining to Agni, and so forth). (105 words.)
agnika (S.) < agni.
dgnistomika (B.) < agnistoma.
dgnyddheyika(S.) < agnyddheya.
djdvika (S.) < ajdvi.
ddhikdrika (S.) < adhikdra.
ddhydtmika (U.) < adhydtmd.
ddhydyika (U.) < adhydya.
ddhvarika (B.S.) < adhvard.
dnumdnika (S.) <anumdna.
dnuydjika (S.) < anuydja.
dpardhnika (S.) <apardhnd.
dbhicaranika (S.) < abhicarana.
dbhicdrika (S.) <abhicdrd.
abhiplavika (S.) < abhiplavd.
dWiyudayika (S.) < abhyudaya.
dvaddnika (S.) < avaddna.
dvika (S.U.) <dvi.
d£vamedhika (B.S.) < agva-
medhd.
dikdhika (B.S.) <ekdhd.
distika (S.U.) < isti.
duttaravedika (B.) < uttaravedi.
dupavasathika (S.) < upava-
sathd.
ksdumika (S.) <ksumd.
gduddnika (S.) <goddna.
cdturthdhnika (S.) <caturtha-
han.
cdturthika (S.) <caturtlia.
cdturdhdkdranika (S.) <catur-
dhdkdrana.
cdturvihgika (S.) <caturvihgd.
chdndomika (S.) <chandomd.
jyaisfhasdmiJca (S.) <jyestha-
sdman.
tddarthika (S.) <tadarlha.
trdivarsika (S.) < tri-varsa.
ddksindgnika (S.) < daksindgni.
ddrgapdurnamdsika (S.)
Qapurnamasd (Double Vrid-
dhi). '
ddgardtrika (B.S.) < dagardtrd.
dhdrmika (U.) <dhdrma.
ndstika (S.U) <na-asti (cf. 05-
«»*«, 01.).
naimittika (S.) < nimitta.
ndiyamika (S.) <niyama.
ndi$cdrika (S.) <ni$cdra.
ndisthika (U.) <nisthd.
pdncamdhnika (S.) <pancamd-
han.
pdramdrthika (U.) <paramdr-
tha.
[pdrsthika (S.) <prsthya- Suf-
fix 2 ka—see § 29 a.]
paunarddheyika (S.) <puna-
rddheya.
pdurusamedhika (B.) <puru-
samedhd.
paurvdhnika (S.) <purvdhnd.
prdkaranika (S.) <prakarana.
prdgdthika (S.) <pragdtha.
prdtinidhika (S.) <pratinidhi.
prddegika (S.) <prade$a.
prdyaQcittika (S.) <prdya$citta.
brdhmduddnika (S.) brahman-
ddnd.
bhdktika (S.) ^aAii
mddhuparkika (S.) < madhu-
parkd.
ydjnikd (S.U.) < yajnd.
yddrcchika (U.) <yadrcchd.
rdjasuyika (S.) < rdjastiya.
Idghavika (S.) < Idghava.
Idukika (S.) <lokd.
vdyovidyikd (B.) <vayovidya.
vdrunapraghdsika (S.) < rarw-
napraghdsd.
298
F. Edgerton,
[1911,
varsagatika (S.) <varsagata.
vdrsika (AY. +) <varsd.
vdsantika (AY. +) <vasanta.
vdikalpika (S.) < vikalpa.
vditdnika (S.) < vitdna.
vdidika (U.) <veda.
vdigesika (S.) < vigesa.
vdigvadevika (S.) < vdirvadevd.
vrdtika (S.) <vratd.
gdkunika (S.) < gakund.
gdgvatika (S.) < f ag vant.
sdtkdugika (S.) < sas-koga.
(Double Yriddhi.)
sdddliika (S.) <sadahd.
sdmvatsarika (B.) < samvatsard.
sdmgansika (B.) < samgansd.
samgayika (S.) <samgaya.
sdmsiddhika (IT.) < sariisiddhi.
sdmgramika (S.) <samgrdma.
sdmghdtika (S.) <samghdtd.
sdttrika (B.S.) <sattrd.
sdttvika (U.) <sattvd.
sdmnipatika (S.) <samnipdta.
sdptamika (S.) <saptami.
sdptardtrika (B.) <saptardtrd.
sdmaydcarika (S.) <samayacara.
sdmavdyika (S.) <samavdya.
sdmika (S.) <sdman. (See § 38.)
sdmpdtika (S.) <sampdti
sdmpraddyika (U.) < sampra-
ddya.
sdrvakdmika (S.) <sarvaJidma
(as n.).
sarvakalika (S.) < sarvakdla.
sdrvayajnika (S.) < sarvayajna.
sdrvavarnika (S.) < sarvavarna.
sdrvavdidika (S.) < sarvaveda
(Double Yriddhi.)
sdvika (S.) < sawi
sdugandhika (B.) <sugandha.
sdutrdmanika (B.) <sdutrd-
mani.
sdurnika (S.) <soma.
stdubhika (S.) <stobha.
svdbhdvika (S.U.) < svabhdva.
svdrasdmika (S.) svdrasdman.
hdviryajnika (S.) < haviryajnd.
Mimantika (YS.TS. +)
hdutrika (S.) < Tio^rd (or
95—97.
16, where the examples are quoted.
The Suffix aka.
95. For 1 afca, see
(2 words.)
2 a&a. — Nouns of action from verb stems. Usually neuter;
one or two fern. See § 17. (8 words.)
abhimethikd (QBr.), ribald talking, <abhi-Ymith.
-dgaka in dndgaka (QBr.), not eating, fasting (as noun), <Vr#£.
codaka (KatyQr,), invitation, direction, <Vcud.
jwikd (U.), manner of life, <Yjw? But cf. jivd, life. Perhaps
secondary.
pdtaka (S.U.), sin, fall, < Vpat? But cf.j)ato; very likely secondary.
puraka (U.), "filling" of the lungs, inspiration, <Vpr.
praksepaka (XL), throwing (noun), <pra-Yksip.
recaka (U.), expiration, < Vric (cf. puraka).
Cf. also pravalhikd <pravalha, n., or from pra-Vvalh; § 91
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian.
The noun kumbhaka, "inflation" (of the breath-passages, i. e.
keeping them full of air, a religious exercise) Amrt.Up. 9 et
alibi, gets its -Jca by levelling from the nouns puraka and
recaka (see above), which are found in close juxtaposition to
it (they being also religious exercises). Kumbhaka is of course
formed from the noun Jcumbhd (because the appearance of a
person performing the exercise suggested a pot), while the
other two are formed by the suffix oka from roots.
96. 3 oka. — Participial adjectives and nouns of agent. At
first only the latter use is found. All the Vedic cases outside
the Upanisads, except two in the Sutras, are exclusively used
as nouns (of agent), not as adjectives. In the Upanisads the
two uses are found mingled about as in later Skt. — The only
words which appear before the Upanisads are:
. \plyaka, n. of a class of demons ; "abuser" ? Vply.
[kfttika, pi. the Pleiades (as a sword) ; Vlqrt. See § 20.
y g .__ labhikrogaka, reviler, abhi- Vkru$.
[vildyaka, soother, vi-Vll.
gr . liksaka (QBr.), spectator, Viks.
\pariprcchaka (G-opBr.), inquirer, pari-Vprcch.
and four words quoted in Whitney's Verb-forms as primary
derivatives from the Brahmanas, which may belong here; I
have not been able to find where they occur. They are:
dhuvdka- Vdliu.
pdtaka- Vpat.
lambhaka- Vlambh.
sdraka- V sr.
( avabhedaka, "splitter," epithet of headache, ava-Vbhid..
updsaka, servant, upa- Vcis.
Sutras: —
khddaka, eater, Vklidd.
preksaka, spectator; as adj. deliberating on, pra- Viks.
vinayaka, n. of demons, vi-Vnl.
samjwaka, animating, sam-Vjw.
The remaining words are all Upanisadic, and a majority of
them are adjectival (participial) in meaning. There are signs
of a tendency for these words to take the meaning of the
causative of the verb-root from which they are derived; so,
e. g., tdraka ,,one who takes across or saves;" pravartaka "one
who sets in motion." In the Classical language this tendency
became very prominent, and the number of such causative
words in -aka is large, as will be shown in Part II of this book.
300
F. Edgerton,
[1911.
97. In this list, which includes all Yedic words in 3 oka,
the roots are listed alphabetically; roots compounded with
prepositions are placed under the simple roots. The accent
was on the root-syllable regularly. (45 words: 40 different
roots.)
anj + vi vyanjaka.
at dtikl (? n. pr.).
asuy asuyaka.
dp + vi vydpaka.
as + upa updsaka.
Iks iksaka.
+ pra preksaka.
kr kdraka.
krt kfttikd (see above,
and also § 20).
kip + sam samkalpaka.
kruQ + abhi abhikrogaka.
khdd khddaka.
gras + ud udgrdsaka.
tint cintaka.
jap jdpaka.
jlv + sam samjwaka.
tr tdraka.
dd ddyaka.
+ pra praddyaka.
dip + pari paridlpaka.
dhu dhuvaka (?).
nl nay oka.
The Suffix uka. §§ 98—99.
98. (For Secondary uka, see § 21, where supposed examples
are quoted.) Primary. Words of present-participle meaning
(besides d-lambhukd, see § 24, with gerundival meaning) from
verbal roots. Piactically limited to the Brahmana language
(see §§ 22—24). Of 71 Yedic words all but four are found
in the Brahmanas. These four are:
sdnukd (RY.), Vwm. vikasuka (AY.), vi- Vkas.
rdhnuka (S.), Vrdh. lambhuka (IT.), VlamSh.
The AY. has furthermore three words which are also found in
the Brahmanas, viz: ghdtuka (Vhari), a-pramdyuka (pra-Vmi),
sdmkasuka (sam-Vkas). This makes five pre-Brahmanic in-
m + vi
vindyaka.
pat
pdtaka (?).
pad + ud
utpddaka.
ply
plyaka.
prcch + pari
pariprcchaka.
Wids + ud
udbhdsaka.
Wild + ava
avabhedaka.
muc
mocaka.
yac
ydcaka.
yaj
ydjaka.
rudh + ni
nirodhaka.
lambh
lambhaka (?).
ll + vi
vildyaka.
vac
vdcaka.
vr
vdraka.
vrt + ni
nivartaka.
+ pra
pravartaka.
+ sam
samvartaka.
vraj + pari
parivrdjaka.
sadh
sddhaka.
sr
sdraka (?).
sev
sevaka.
hins
liinsaka.
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian.
301
stances; for the YV. Samhitas proper do not contain a single
instance, so far as recorded. Following are the 71 Yedic
words I have noted, arranged alphabetically under the 57 roots.
On the forms of the roots, see § 24. The accent is on the
root-syllable, whether the root is simple or compound, — unless
a-privativ is prefixed, in which case it has the accent. The
only exceptions are sdnuka (RY.), vi- and sdm-kasuka (AY.),
which date from the formative period of the suffix; sdnuka
was not felt as Vsan 4- suffix -uka, but as an w-base from
Vsan (sanoti) 4- suffix -ka.
99. aganaya
agandyuka.
nag
nanguka.
i 4- abhi
abhydyuka.
pat 4- para
pardpdtuka.
4- vi
vydyuka.
pad 4- pra
prapdduka.
r
druka.
pis
pesuka.
rt
drtuka.
pus
posuka.
rdh
drdhuka
bandh + ud
udbdndhuka.
rdhnuka.
bhid 4- vi
vibhinduka.
4- sam
samdrdhuka.
bhu
bhdvuka.
4- a
drdhuka.
4- para
pardbhdvuka.
4- vi
vydrdhuka.
bhrang + pra-
prabhrdnguka.
kam
kdmuka.
mad 4- ud
unmdduka.
kas 4- vi
vikasuka.
man 4- abhi
abhimdnuka.
4- sam
sdmkasuka.
ml 4- pra
pramdyuka.
kr
kdruka.
muh
mohuka.
kr 4- prd
prdkdruka.
mr
m druka.
kram 4- apa
apakrdmuka.
mrj 4- nis
nirmdrguka.
4- upa
upakrdmuka.
mrit 4- nis
nirmretuka.
ksudh
ksodhuka.
yaj
ydjuka.
gam 4- a
dgdmuka.
rue
rocuka.
grah
grdhuka.
rudh 4- apa
aparodhuka.
car 4- a&%
-ava -abhyavacar-
ruh 4- abhy-d
abhydrohtika.
w&a in an-a.
lambh
lambhuka.
cyu 4- ^ra
pracydvuka.
vad 4- abhi
(ari)abhivdduka.
jan
jdnukd.
vid (1)
veduka.
ji
jdyuka.
vid (2)
veduka.
dang
ddnguka.
vr
vdruka.
das 4- upa
upaddsuka.
vrs
vdrsuka.
dah
ddhuka.
vest
vestuka.
4- wis
-nirddhuka in d-n.
gus 4- ud
ucchosuka.
warn 4- upa
upandmuka.
gf 4- 5am
samgdruka.
nag
ndguk'v
sao* 4- apa-ni
apanisdduka.
302 F. Edgerton, [1911.
san sdnukd. lian ghdtuka.
sthd sthdyuka. hr hdruka.
+ upa upasthdyuka. + pra prahdruka
+ prati pratisthdyuka lildd hldduka
in d-p. hvr 4- vi vihvdruka.
-f praty-ud pratyutthd-
yuka in a-j?.
The Suffix uka — see § 25, where all quotable examples are
given. (3 words.)
The Suffix Ika. See § 26. (20 words.)
100. a) Verbal adjectives or nouns of agent from Verbal bases.
(d$arlka, AV., tearing pains; <dVgf in dissyllabic form garl',
primary ka.)
-rjika, EV., AY., gleaming; Vrj (in drjuna, rjrd, fjlti).
In dvir-j bhd-, go-rjika. That the word ever means "ming-
led with," except in a purely secondary way, I do not believe.
go-rjlka is commonly rendered "mixed with milk," but more
accurately it means "milk-shining," ,,gleaming with milk" (of
the soma-mixture).
dusika, AY. n. of demons, "spoilers;" Vdus (dus).
drgiku, TS., beholder, VdrQ.
dfbhika, B.V., n. of a demon, Vdrbh- weave, tie.
[parpharlka ?— EV. 10. 106. 6.— BE. merely quote Say.—
"Zerreisser oder Erfuller;" other comm. have various guesses;
nothing certain. The whole hymn is late, and purposely
mystical and obscure. With reference to turphdri, which is
closely connected with it, I should suppose that parpharika
is a secondary formation to *parpJiari] but it might be
primary, from the root of parpharati (next verse). Ludwig
"zerstreuend," Grassmann "Gaben ausstreuend."]
(yigarika, AY., a disease; primary ka — see agarika. But cf.
vigard.)
vrdhlkd, EV., n. of Indra, "increaser;" Vvrdh.
101. Other Uses.
b) Gerundive Adjectives from Verbal bases:
isikd (AV. +), "to be shot," an arrow, 'Vis.
dfQlka (EY.) "to be seen," splendid, Vdr$.
c) Abstract Nouns from Verbal bases:
dfQlka, and (once) -d (EV.), appearance, Vdrg,
mrdlkd, and (deriv.) mdrdikd (EV.), favor, mercy, Vmrd.
Vol. xxxi.] The E- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 303
d) Secondary nouns from nouns, with mg. of 1 ka.
rkxfka (AY.), n. of an evil spirit; "bear-like?" <fksa?
kagikd (RY.), weasel; <kdga, the same or a like animal.
kumbhika (AY.), a sort of demon; perhaps of. kumbhd.
e) Wholly uncertain are the following words (see General
Index for what little can be said about them):
utlka i/irsikd
kitUkd (pulika) sdtika
cupuniba sdrmka
pardrikd susilika (for
The Adverbial Suffix k — see § 27, where all quotable examples
are given.
The Primary Suffix ka. See § 28.
102. Nothing remains after what has been said (§ 28) but
to give an alphabetical list of those words which have most
the appearance of primary derivatives. • Any attempt to assign
definite meanings to the suffix, except in a general way as
has been done in § 28, would be fruitless. How many of the
words here listed are really formed from true "roots" or bases
with the suffix ka, not from lost adjectives or nouns, is a
question that is very difficult to answer. — It will be noted that
the words are nearly all ancient, most of them appearing in
the BY. — In the case of some it is very doubtful whether the
suffix ka is really contained in them. When this is the case
it will be indicated.
103. Word list.— Primary ka. (About 30 words.)
dtka (RY.), a garment, Av. adka.
dgarika (AY.), a disease, "tearing pains," < a- Ygr, in dissyllabic
form gari. Of. vigarika.
dsuka (ArsBr.), n. of a saman, <a-Vsu? Comm. < asuka, an
alleged n. pr.
eka (RY. +), one. IE. base oi-.
karkd (AY.), white. ?
ksvinkd (RY.) a cert. bird. Prob. onomatopoetic.
jdhakd (TS.,YS.), hedgehog. VM._
ntika (RY.), heaven. Suggested Vnam; IE. nm + ka. Quite
uncertain.
nika (ArsBr.), n. of a saman.— Of. wiV
niskd (RY.), a neck ornament. ? Cf. OHG. nusca, Olr. nasc.
nihdkd (RY.), storm. ?
VOL. XXXI. Part III. 21
304 F. Edgerton, [1911.
pdka (RV.), very young; simple &c. Prob. Vpd + ka, "suckling."
pikd (VS.), a bird. Uhlenbeck compares picus\ very doubtful.
baka (KS.), n. pr. (in Class. Skt., a crane). Prob. non-suffixal k>
beska, bdiska, bleska, meska, veskd, vleska (YY. + ), a snare.
Perhaps from Vve, vay-weave. But Brugin. has a different
etymology, assuming vleska as the orig. form.
bheka (Maitr.Up.), frog. Prob. onomatopoetic.
muka or mukd (YS.), dumb. Cf. mura, /*u-u>, Lt. mutus.
-meka in sumeka (RV.), well-established. Vnti.
yaska (S.), n. pr. ? (yaska, patron.).
rak& (RY.), full-moon. Cf. ra(i)?
leka (TS.), n. of an Aditya. VU, stick,_lie,— ?
valkd (TS.), tree-bark. Perhaps cf. Vvr, cover.
vika (Ars.Br.), n. of a saman. Cf. vi? — Compare nika.
vigarika (AY.), a disease, cf. dgarika; <vi-Vgr, in dissyllabic
form garl-. But cf. vi$ard\
vrkkd (RY.), kidney, for vrtka, as Av. vdrddko shows. Further
etym.?
gulkd (RY.), price. Uncertain.
guska (RY.), dried up. VQUS. Av. huska.
gloka (RY.), sound &c. V $ru
Qva-kiskin (AY.), of uncertain meaning and etymology.
sampuska -(S.), unground. Mistake for sam-guska?
(srkd (RY.), arrow = Av. hardko, Vhardc; non-suffixal k).
(stuka), child (TAr.), text probably corrupt.
(stukd, haur-tuft, called by Wh. primary, but see § 42.)
stokd (RY.), drop, Vstu, as in ghrta-stdvas (better than the
derivation from Vqcui by metathesis).
sphatika (U.), crystal. Vsphat, burst, only Dhatup; Uhlenbeck
compares spalten.
-sphdkd (AY.) in pwah-sphdkd, swelling with fat. Vsphd(i).
Chapter VI.
The Suffix in Av., compared with RV. ; the Prehistoric
Suffix.
Based on list of Av. words in Bartholomae's Wbch.
104. In striking contrast to the fullness and richness shown
in the development of the ka suffixes in Skt. stands the meager
use of them in the most closely related language, Avestan. Not
only are the Av. instances very few in number (barely over
Vol. xxxi.j The K-Sufjixes of Indo-franian. 305
50 in Bartholomae), but semantically the conditions are primitive
compared with those existing even at quite an early date in
the sister language of India. However, if we examine separa-
tely the ha suffixes found in the RV. alone, we shall find a
striking resemblance between them and those of the Av. And
from a combination of the two it will be possible with a fair-
degree of confidence to deduce the values which the suffix had
in the common Ind.-Iran. period. We shall find, it may be
added, that these values were surprisingly restricted, in com-
parison with the extent to which the suffix developed in later
Skt. It will be seen at once that this fact may have an
important bearing on the question of the origin of the suffix
in the still more remote IE. period. — Probably it will appear
that too much weight has been placed on the great frequency
of the suffix in some historic languages, notably Skt. and G-k.
Jr>ut there is no evidence that it was at all common in the
parent language; rather, there is evidence to the contrary.
105. Let us first take up briefly the state of the suffix in
the B,V. The only common use of it is our first category,
1 ka (§ 9), to which (with its subdivision, the diminutive ka)
belong over half the ka words whose derivation is determinate.
Inside this division the dim. and pej. words again largely
predominate, with about 40 words as against 11 cases of 1 ka
in its non-dim, use as a suffix of characteristic. Over half of
the 40 diminutives are pejoratives of one sort or another. —
The adjectival suffix 2 ka (§ 11) is unknown except for 7 pro-
nominal adjectives (mdmaka &c.) and the n. pr. kugikd (§ 52)
which is more or less uncertain, though it has been clast here.
Only the faint beginnings of the Possessiv and Bahuvrihi suffix
3 ka appear, with three cases of a transitional character,
which might be considered cases of 1 ka (characterizing ad-
jectives). Interesting are the two EV. cases of 4 ka, giving
activ value (§§ 13, 19). — None of the derived suffixes ika, aka,
uka, uka, are found, if we except gandika (said to be a
patronymic < g anda on no other authority than Sayana), sdyaka
and sulabhikd (uncertain and in any case not belonging in
meaning to the later suffix oka), sdnuka (really a case of
primary ka from the verb-stem sanu-, like vigarlka (§ 103)
from Q arl~ V~£r) ; and the curiously anachronistic word jagaruka
(§ 25). The little group of ika words (§§ 100, 101) is not
very clear and may be neglected. The five RV.-adverbs in -/,•
21*
306 F. Edgerton, [1911.
are also not clear, but are most likely developed from forms of
1 ka. There remain only the dozen or more primary ka
derivativs.
106. Practically, then, in the RV. the suffix is used (1) as
a primary suffix, most often giving active verbal force (which
also appears in two secondary adjectives); (2) as a secondary
suffix, forming nouns and adjectives of likeness and character-
istic; (3) as a dim. and pej. suffix (developed out of the preced-
ing); (4) as a secondary suffix forming adjectives of appurtenance
and relationship (almost restricted to pronominal bases).
107. These same conditions are approximately reproduced
in the Av., though not in the same numerical ratio; the pro-
portion of diminutives is very much smaller, and the pejorativ
category is much less clear-cut and certain than in the RV.,
so that its existence might even be doubted from the stand-
point of the Av. language alone. The investigation of such
fine shades of meaning is extremely difficult in the Av. because
of the limited material. A number of words which evidently
contain suffixal ka cannot be [classified with certainty as to
semantics because the primitivs from which they were derived
do not chance to occur, so that we cannot be certain as to
just the touch which the suffix added. Following is an at-
tempt to classify the ka words of Av. along the same general
lines already applied to the Yedic words.
108. Suffix 1 ka (§ 9). 12 words, a) noun < noun; mg.
"like, similar to" (§ 40).
maSydka, man (homo; perhaps orig. adj., humanus?) <masya.
The a is probably a textual mistake,
b) adj. or subst. < noun, mg. "characterized by (a quality
or thing)."
apakhraosaka, reviling (i. e. having a nature giving to revil-
ing, characterized by reviling, not the same as a verbal
adj.); as Earth, rightly says, from *apakhraosa (apa-khrus)
= Skt. apakroga, n. — The accidental resemblance of this
and one or two other words to the late Skt. development
of primary aka (see § 96) should mislead no one. Cf. nipa-
snaka, with analogous meaning, but proving by its suffixal
-no, that it is a nominal derivativ.
apaskaraka, scornful, < *apaskara (hypothetical), "scorn." Cf.
apakhraosaka. Barth. cannot explain the etymology. Could it
not be from apa-(s)kar? In Skt. apa-kr means "injure, insult."
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. :J07
daitika, wild beast, presumably from dat', "characterized by,
remarkable for teeth." The i is probably euphonic; cf. Vedic
iyab-t-ikd, mft~t-ikd, § 36. — Cf. AV. 4. 3. 4 vyaghrdm dat-
vdtam prathamdm.
paitika, quarrelsome, <paiti = Skt. prdti. Earth, derives <pait-
yanCj which seems inferior. Cf. Ved. ddhika, dnuka, antikd
• (§ 47).
nipaSnaka, envious (i. e. characterized by envy). <*nipa$na
(hypothetical), envy, < ni-pa$na ( YpaS = Skt. pag).
puitika, "having the character of *puiti = Skt. puti, cleansing";
i. e. cleansing (adj.). — This partakes of the character of 4 ka,
by its active force.
bandaka, subject, vassal, < banda, fetter. Contrast Skt. bandhaka,
captor (-aka).
nivayaka, terrifying, <*nivaya, terror (ni + vay, bay, = Skt.
blii). Cf. apakhraosaka.
vazarka, great; cf. vazardt, mighty. Perh. cf. Skt. ojas &c.
If so, it would mean "characterized by, having, strength."
In this word and in daitika we have formations leaning in
the direction of the possessiv suffix (3 ka), which however
remain abortiv in Av.
spaka, dog -like, dog- (adj., applied to serpents). Cf. Hdt. 1.
110 crn-a/ca TYJV KVVO. KaAeovcn ot M^Soi.
c) subst. < adj. (§ 46), syamaka, n. of a Mt., < *syama = Skt.
gyatna, dark, black. Cf. Av. syava- (in comp.), id.
109. Simple Diminutives. (11 words.)
apdrdnayuka, minor, child (usually adj.), < a-pdrdndyu, id. ("not
having full age").
araeka, a sort of ant. Etym. unknown. Dim.? Cf. Skt. pipilaka,
Lat. formica, &c.
kainikd, girl; Dim. of kaim, kainyd = Skt. kanya.
kanuka, n. of a pious damsel. Cf. kainyd? Dim.? Perh. a
misreading.
kasvikdj very tiny <kasu, tiny, (cpv. kasyah, sup. kasistha', the
i-(kd) seems to have been carried over from these forms).
kutaka, small, cf. NP. koda, child. Presumably Dim.
carditikd, young woman, <carditl, id. Dim.; of Endearment?
jahikd, wife (of demon, beings); common, wicked woman, jahl
has the same meanings. Dim. (orig. of endearment ? or Pej.?)
pasuka, domestic animal, from and = pasu. Dim.? cf. Skt.
pacukd.
308 F. Edgerton, [1911.
nairika, woman, wife, chief wife (ahuric; opp. to jahika).
<nairi, woman, wife = Skt, ndrl,. Dim., prob. of endear-
ment.
ndmadka, brushwood, small kindlings, = ndtnata. Perhaps dim.
For the dropping of -a cf. Ved. cMka < gala, § 29 b.
110. Pejorativ Diminutivs.
The extensiv development of the contemptuous and impreca-
tory meanings of the suffix ka which characterize the Veda
is markedly lacking in the Av. In fact, on the basis of the
Av. language alone it would scarcely occur to any one to set
up this department of the suffix. — Nevertheless, there is a group
of evil words in fca, mostly names and epithets of demoniacal
personages, which seems to me too numerous to be quite acci-
dental. Cf. the Ved. use of the suffix with names of demons,
§ 78. — It cannot be claimed to be absolutely certain that the
suffix in these Av. words was felt in this way, but it is at
least quite probable. Besides jahika above (which may have
been originally endearing) the following are the words in
question. Their etymologies are largely uncertain. (10 words.)
dahaka, n. of demons (also epithet of Vayu.). — Cf. Skt. dasa>
dasyu, Av. dcihyu.
dahdka, n. of a fabulous demon-king. Cf. dahaka.
(duzaka)', opprobrious epithet of the hedgehog. — Barth. takes
it [as a Bah. < duz + aka; otherwise it might be a pej.
formation.
(druka), n. of a disease, sin, or the like. Etym.? If suffixal
at all, the ka is probably imprecatory.
pairikd, enchantress. Barth. in BB. 15. 8 < Skt. para-] very
improbable, phonetically as he admits in his Lex., and also
semantically. No etym. of value has been suggested. Prob.
imprec.
muraka, n. of devilish beings. Etym. and Mg. unc.; prob.
< mura = Skt. mura, dull, stupid. Pejorativ.
vawzaka, n. of a demoniacal animal; ace. to Barth. < *vawza
= bal. gvabz, bee, wasp, cf. Skt, urna-vdbhi, spider. — Imprec.?
d-vdrdzika, not working, lazy (demonic word). < vdrdzi, working
(comp.). Pej.
rapaka, supporting, siding with (only with daevanam). < *rapa
Vrap; Imprec.?
zairimyaka, n. of the tortoise, a demonic beast; ace. to Barth.
"abbreviation" of zairimyamwa, with dim. (i. e. imprec.) suffix
Vol. x«i.J The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 309
111. TJie Suffix 2 ka (§ 11). (5 words.) As in the RV., the
clearest examples are pronominal adjectives: ahmdka = asmaka,
yuSmdka = yusmaka. Furthermore: andmaka, n. of a month,
lit. "of, belonging to, the Nameless (the Supreme Deity)," ace.
to Earth., < *andman. If this is correct, the suffix is 2 Jca. —
arika, hostile, is hetter derived from *ari = Skt. ari, enemy.
Barth.'s labored derivation seems inferior. — Here seems also to
helong: pacika <*paea (Vpac) in the adj. ydmd-pacika, with
khumba, "a vessal intended for burning glass." In this sole
instance we have what looks like the Skt. suffix ika (§ 92).
The lack of parallels in RV. and Av. is against this, however.
Probably the i was really the result of some analogy, now
indiscernible, — if it is not a corruption of the text. — That
vdkhddrikd, n. of a Mt., is a Vriddhi formation from an imag-
inary *vakhddra is a quite arbitrary assumption on the part
of Earth. There is no Av. instance of vriddhi with a ka
suffix. Neither does the RV. know this phenomenon, which
only comes in with the development of the suffixes 2 ka and
ika.
112. Primary ka (§ 103). (7 words.)
zinaka, destroying, a true verbal adj. <zind-, present base of
Vzi. — adka, garment, = Skt. atka. — vdrddka, kidney, = Skt.
vrkka. — hu$ka, dry, = Skt. $uska. — marzdika or mdrdzdika,
mercy, = Skt. mrdlkd. The appearance of i (Skt. i) in deriva-
tivs from this root is as perplexing as it is persistent. — araska,
(supposed to mean) envy, cf. ardsyant, Skt. Irsyati. Abstract
noun from root; cf. Yed. $loka <Qru, and the following. — saokd
n. or f. advantage (?); < Vsu — to be of advantage to. Abstract
noun < root, cf. araska. (Or, possibly, < Vsuc = Skt. $uc?)
113. Unclassified. (10 words.)
The following Av. words mostly must have suffixal ka, but
are not clear etymologically.
kuganaka, n. of a city. — tudadka, n. of a Mt.; has the
appearance of being derived from a pres. part, stem, cf. Skt.
ejatka, brhatka. — druvika, howling, groaning (imprecatory ka?). —
pdrdskd, price; see Earth. Wbch. and references there quoted.
If from the base IE. pret- (as generally assumed), the suffix
must be -ska, for *prtka could not give Av. pdr9ska.—fra$umakay
buttocks. — nydka, grand-father, -mother. — yaska, disease, perhaps
for *yaks-ka, cf. Skt. yaksma. — vdkhddrikd, n. of a Mt, — vdidi-
midka, in urunyb-v., n. of a Mt. Uncertain; Earth, conjectures
310 F. Edgerton, [1911.
-mictka < *mit = Skt. mit, pillar. — sanaka, moutli (of the Tigris).
Etym. unknown.
114. The Prehistoric Suffix ka.
What, then, on the basis of these results, appears to have
been the state of the suffix in primitive Aryan ? Although argu-
ment from negation has its dangers, it is hardly likely that
uses of any frequently occurring suffix which are found in later
Skt., but not in the BY., nor in the Av., could have belonged
to the prehistoric Ind.-Iran. On that hypothesis, we must
rule out the derived suffixes ika, aka (Verbal), uka and uka,
all of which are practically lacking in BY. and Av.1 We
therefore cannot accept Brugmann's statement (Gr. II2: 1 p. 488)
that the adjectival suffix -iqo- (= Skt. ika) is found "throughout
the entire IE. territory:' In the oldest strata of Aryan it
cannot be proved to have existed, unless by one or two sporadic
and doubtful examples ; and its extensiv growth in Skt. is cer-
tainly a late development. — The use of ka as a possessiv suffix
(3 ka) shows only the barest beginnings in BY., and as a
conscious suffixal category is also post- Aryan. — The suffix 2 ~ka
evidently existed in Aryan, but its use was principally restricted
to pronominal stems. The adverbial -k is not demonstrably
Aryan, no instance occurring in Av. — We have left, then, as the
demonstrable uses of the fra-suffix in Ind.-Iran. : 1) the formation
of nouns of likeness or adjectivs of characteristic; 2) the diminu-
tiv and (perhaps) pejorativ formations, 3) occasional formations
with 2 ka, mainly pronominal adjectivs,1 and 4) the primary
formations from verbal bases, apparently inclining towards
the meaning of verbal adjectives or nouns of agent (with which
meaning also a few secondary formations are created). This
primary use of the suffix was proportionately much more
frequent, it seems, in the prehistoric language than in the
literature we have, where it has died out as an active formant,
overwhelmed by the flood of secondary ka formations. In its
* Neglecting jdgaruka, the alleged patronymic gcmdika, and the isolated
Av. -pacika. As has been said (§ 108) the i of Av. daitika is probably
merely euphonic, cf. Ved. mfttikd] and in any case its meaning does not
fit with the ordinary meaning of the suffix ika (= 2 ka). -kasvika, which
Brugm. quotes as an example of Av. ika, is still less apt, for it is
obviously a diminutive formation, and in Aryan they always take simple
ka. As has been indicated (§ 109) its i is probably analogical, from
kasyah, kasistha,
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo- Iranian. 311
place sprang up the various derivativ fca-suffixes of Skt. which
have this active value exclusivly.
115. If these conclusions be accepted, it will be seen at once
that the suffix ka was much more restricted in early times
than is often assumed. It may be that in the same way the
extensiv use of -bos suffixes in G-k. and other languages will
prove to be secondary. At any rate, from the Aryan point
of view the range of the IE. kos or qos appears to have been
quite limited.
116. We cannot conclude this brief allusion to the IE. suffix
ka (which will probably at some future time receive more
fitting consideration) without mentioning Leskien's interesting
chapter on the related fc-suffixes of Lithuanian1, especially as
it seems to bear out in general our position as to the com-
parativly restricted use of ka in IE. In Lith., according to
Leskien, ka appears principally in the derivativ suffixes ika, oka,
uka, — all evidently of secondary origin and not dating back
to the Ursprache. They preserve (in a confused and rather
hit-or-miss way) practically the same meanings which we
arrived at as the values of the suffix in Aryan, to wit: 1) pri-
mary formations, verbal adjectivs and nouns of agent; 2) secon-
dary formations of characteristic (1 ka), especially making sub-
stantivs out of adjectivs (cf. § 46); 3) diminutivs; 4) secondary
adjectivs and patronymics (our 2 ka); the secondary adjectivs
are principally words m'-ofca (= Skt. Av. -oka) from prono-
minal stems, — so that the correspondence is almost marvellously
close. I should be very loath to believe that this is entirely
accidental; I think that we have here the kernel of the
suffix -kos (qos) in IE.
117. To show that the derived suffix -ika in Lith. does not
really support the hypothesis that such a suffix existed in IE.
we need only mention that its principal values are 1) formation
of nouns of agent from roots, 2) formation of diminutivs from
nouns. Neither of these meanings for -ika is found at all in
Skt, literature,— least of all in the Veda. — An interesting
parallel to Skt. formations in -aka (masc. neut.j, -ika (fern.) is
the Lith. combination of masc. -uka with fern. -ike. Whether
this is enough to establish an IE. fern, suffix -ika. corresponding
to masculins in -o-ko, is doubtful; but such a phenomenon would
i Bildung der Nomina im Littauischen. p. 504 ff.
312 F. Edgerton, [1911.
be quite conceivable, and is contradicted by nothing of which
the writer is aware. To be sure the masculine -alia (IE. -oko-)
is replaced in Lithuanian by a different form of the suffix.
Statistics of Vedic k- Words.
118. Detailed statistics are hard to give. Some of the words
are used in different senses and hence counted twice; others
are classified under more than one head because they might
belong to any one of them. The following figures are approxim-
ately correct:
1 ka (circ. 110 + Dim., circ. 180) circ. 290
2 Tea 53
3 ha (21 + Bah., 96) 117
4 ha . , 5
Unclassified Secondary ha . . , . . 87
Total Secondary ka circ. 550
Suffix ika (with Vriddhi 105; without 15). . 120
oka (1 oka 2; 2 oka 8; 3 oka 45) . . 55
uka (Participial 71; others 5) .... 76
iika, 3
ika circ. 20
k 6
Primary ka circ. 30
Total . circ. 860
General Index and List of Vedic k -Words.
See §
-aiigaka = diiga, ifc. Bah. — Maitr. Up 55
-aksaka = aksan, ifc. Bah. — KSA. 5. 3. Cf. -aksika and
54 a, 55
aksamalikd, "little rosary," n. of an Up.. Mukt Up. ... 62
-aksika, ifc. Bah. = dksi, TS. 7. 5. 12. 1, cf. -aksaka and
54 a, 55
agnika, ifc. Bah., = agni. Gop. Br 55
agnihotraka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up ,51
-angaka, ifc. Bah., = dnga, KSA. 5. 3 54 a, 55
ajavika, see s. v. avikd 44
anjalikd (or nyanjalika?), PComm. hastagravarttinam anja-
lim. — The passage (TAr. 1. 6. 1) reads: tvam [sc. gi$irah]
karosi ny anjalikdm \ tvam karosi ni jdnukdm \ nijdnukd
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 313
8ee§
me ny anjalikd ami vacam updsatam iti |. — The accents
are hopelessly confused. — The whole passage is very
dark and uncertain. The comm. takes ni with karosi
in the first clause, and in the third supplies bhavatu.
His laborious explanation is about as follows: "The
winter causes people to make an anjalika (see above)
downwards > (towards the fire, for warmth). — It causes
them to bend the knees (see si v. januka) downward (to
warm the body at the fire). — 'Let there be of me a
bending of the knees, an anjalikdV — These (wise people)
cherish this saying (during the winter)" 58
amyaskd, more tiny, AY.1 <amyas, smaller 63
-anuka = dnu, ifc. Bah. Maitr. Up 55
atka, armor, garment, RY. &c 103
, n. of an Asura, KY
ddhika, additional, <adhi\ Katy. Qr 47
anantaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78
(ariika, face.) -ka not suffixal, but an a -extension of a
formation in -(y)anc, -w; cf. prdttka, abhika &c. The
base is compared with Gk. lv. For the i cf. w, — or
otherwise it may be merely analogical to prdtlka &c., as
is undoubtedly the case with samlka (q. v.), from samydnc
anuka, subordinate, < dnu. QB . 47
dntaka <dnta, ending, ender, AY. &c.; as npr. Death, 56, 19
AY., YS. &c.; (antaka) border, QB 40
antika < dnti in adv. forms -am, -at, -e; near. RY., AY. . 47
anyaka, other (contempt. — imprec.), < dnya. Only RY. 74, 82
apakrdmuka, retiring, TS. &c. . 99
apanisdduka, lying down apart, MS 99
aparodhuka, detaining, MS 99
abhikrogaka, reviler, YS. (so Say. — "nindaka"; so also BR.;
Griffith— "watchman") 96, 97
abhinivistaka, stale (food) — ? Man. Gr. 2. 13. 5. See
Knauer's note 46
abhimadyatkd, somewhat drunk, QB 65
abhimdmtka, insidious, QB. Ait.B., &c 99
abhimethikd, insulting speech, QB 95
-abhivaduka in an-a., not greeting, Gop.B. Yait 99
-abhyavacaruka in dn-a., not attacking, MS 99
abhydyuka, coming to, Kap. S 99
abhyarohu'ka, ascending, MS 99
314 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
amanikd, — ? AV. 20. 130. 9 (Mss. dmanako manachakah;
EWh. dmanikd manichadah; EVKh. 5. 15. 7 dmanako
manasthakah, q. v 58
(amotaka, corrupt Ms. reading AY. 20. 127. 5. EWh.
amota gd.)
-ambaka, ifc. Bali., as try -a., having 3 mothers? n. of
Eudra EV 55
ambdlikd, dear little mother, YS. (voc., dmbdlike) ... 67
ambikd (voc.), dear little mother, YS. &c. (Also n. of sister
of Eudra) VS. &c 67
arataki, n. of a plant, AY. The Comm. do not attempt
to explain the word. Of. mrga-rdtikd (Lexx. only), a
medicinal plant and pot-herb; rdti, war (Lexx.), Vrat
shriek 58
aristaka, having the disease arista, Kauc,. (ace. to MW.
Addendum) 53
artuka, quarrelsome, QB 99
(ardhaka-ghdtiri) — ? AY.1 Prob. the Ppp. adhvaga-ghdtin
is the true reading. "Slayer of travellers" means Eudra,
who is besought to spare the speaker. The verse is in
a charm for safe travel. See notes of Bloomfield and
Henry for discussion
fardhuka, prospering, QB 99
arbhaka, small (dim. and contempt.) EY. &c 63, 72
armaka, heap of ruins, EY 79
(in KauQ 26 appears to be an adj. "ruined").
alakam, in vain (contempt.) EY • . 76, 37
alabuka, the fruit of the gourd, AY., EYKh. ..... 62
(aUka) <*ali-anc, cf. anlka; *ali- cf. aAAos, alius &c. . . .
alpaka, ikd, small (dim. obs.) AY., QB 63, 86
avakd (once, MS. 3. 15. 1, -ka), a plant; AY., YS. &c. . 47
avaghatarikd,_n. of a musical instrument, Qankh. Qr. . . 62
avacatnuka. Ait. Br. — Say — "n. of a country." Obscure . 58
avacarantikd, AY. contempt. < avacarantl 73
avataka (Mss. and EWh. avatka), little spring, AY. . . 62
avadhutaka = avadhuta, n. of Upanisad, Mukt. Up. . . 44
avabhedaka, "piercer," headache, Par. Gr 96, 97
(avakka, QBr. 9. 1. 2. 22, artificial word, as if avdk [avanc] + ka,
invented to explain avakd, q. v.) .
avikd (or avikd), ewe-sheep, lamb, EY., AY 62
ajdvika, goats and sheep, == (dvandva)a;aw, QBr. . 44
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 316
See §
agandyuka, hungry, QB 99
-agltika, ifc. Bali., ;is sdntika, with (i. e. plus) eighty,
G-arbh. Up :,:,
d(;vaka, horse (imprec.), VS., TS. &c 79
astaka, consisting of 8, QBr.; n. pr. Ait. Br. < asta; -kd, the
day of the moon's quarter, AV 53
asakdu, = asdu (ohs.), VS. &c 86, 37
asiiyaka, envious, Maitr. Up 97
dstaha, home, AV. < dsta. — ifc. Bah. in svastakd — AV. 41, 55
(astamikd, adv. -ike, at home, < dstam, id., by analogy with
-ika formations like prdtlka &c., cf. amka, dlika, samikd)
-asthaka (KSA. 5. 3) and -astMka (TS. 7. 5. 12. 2) ifc.
Bah. = asthdn (dsthi) 54 a, 55
asmdka, our, RV. &c 51, 30 a Note
dhallika, prattler?, QB. (BrArUp.) 71
-akhyaka, ifc. Bah. in ddhdrdkhyaka. Ramap. Up. (=dkhyd) 55
dyantuka, accidental, adventitious, Agv. Qr 45
dgdmuka, coming to, MS 99
dgnika, of Agni, or the sacrificial fire, Katy Qr. &c. . . 94
dgnistomika, of the agnistomd, QBr 94
dgnyddheyika, of the agnyddheya, Katy Qr 94
djdvika, made of goat's and sheep's hair, KauQ .... 94
atikl, n. pr. of the wife of a Eishi, Cha.Up. — Yaf; cf. dtaka
(only Lexx.), atika, n. of a YV. school; dta, n. of Naga 97
ddhaka, a measure of grain, G-arbh. Up. Obscure ... 58
(ddhdrikd, see dhdrika).
dndika, "egg (i. e. bulb-) bearing," the lotus, AV. Kaug . 53
dtmaka, of the nature (self, dtmdri), Cha. Up., Qvet. Up. . 50
dtmabodhaka = -dim, n. of an Upanisad, Mukt. Up. . « 44
-ddika, ifc. Bah. = -ddi, Eamap. Up 55
adhikdrika, of the adhikdras (individual sections), Qankh G-r. 94
ddhydtmika, of the adhydtmd, Gaudap 94
ddhydyika, occupied in reading (adhydya), Tait. Up. . . 94
ddhvarika, of the adhvard, QBr., Katy Qr 94
dnumdnika, inferential, Ap., Katy Qr 94
dnuydjika, of the after-sacrifice, Man. Qr 94
dnusuka, shot after? TS. 2. 3. 4. 2. Uncertain word. . . 58
dpardhnika, of the afternoon, AQV. Qr., Katy Qr. ... 94
dpartuka, unseasonable, Kaug 49
tibhicaranika, maledictory, Katy Qr 94
dhhicdrika, incantation, Kauc, 94
316 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
abhiplavika, of the Abhiplava, Agv. Qr 94
abhyudayika (concerning the rise of anything; as n.), a
kind of graddha. Agv. Qr 94
abhiika, powerless, AY 72, 33
(dmanaka, see dmanika.)
dmalaka, a tree and its fruit, Cha. Up. and Class. < amala
spotless? 49
dmwatJcdj pressing, pushing? TS. 4. 5. 9. 2. — See viksinatkd
and vicinvatkd. These three are among a list of honorific
epithets of certain gods, found in the Qatarudriya. No
dim. force of any kind is discernible 42
drakdt, far, from a distance (Imprec.), QBr. ... 83, 37
aranydka, a class of Yedic works, Arun. Up 49
druka, hurting TAr 99
drunaketuka, of the aruna-ketus (spirits), TAr 49
(drksdka, see rks-.)
drcatkd, n. of Qara, EY. A Patronymic, ultimately (and
perhaps directly, cf. §11, 49) < *rai£, Varc> cf. infin.
rcase (EY.) 58
(drjika) RY., a n. pr., deriv. of rjlka, q. v
drdhuka, beneficial, Qankh B 99
-dlambhukd in an-d., not to be touched, TBr., Kath. . . 24
dvaddnika, offered after being. cut up in pieces, Yait. . . 94
dvapantikd, scattering (grains, of the bride in the wedding-
rite) AY.; Par. Gr. &c. Suffix obviously cannot be pejo-
rative; some related texts have dvdpanti', may be merely
metrical, and the Sutra passages then due to reminiscence
of the older (metrical) version 45
dvika, of sheep; woolen, QB.; Katy Qr 94
-dgaka in dn-d.— not eating, a fast, QB 95
dgarika, rheumatism, AY 103
-dgirka, ifc. Bah. = a$is, TS 55, 36 (s.) a.
d^vamedhika, of the agvamedlid, QBr.; Katy Qr. &c. . . 94
-dsandika in sds-, ifc. Bah., Katy Qr 55
dsuka, n. of a Saman Ars Br „ 103
(dsmdkd, our, EY. — see asmdkd) , . . .
iksvdku (or iksvaJcu), n. pr. EY., AY. — < iksu sugar-cane? 33 c
indragopaka, little firefly Amrt. Up 62
invakd, n. of a Saman SY.; of a constellation TBr. <-inva 46
iyattdkd, -ikd, so tiny, EY 74, 36
isikd (once -a, KauQ 11), arrow, reed, AY., QB. &c. . . 101
Vol. xxxi.] The K~ Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 317
See §
isukd, arrow = isu, AY.1 41
istakd, brick, cf. Av. ffiya, YS.; TS. &c 46
iksaka, spectator, QBr.; Agv. Gr 96, 97
islka, arrow, MS. The variant from isikd is doubtless
meaningless, probably a mistake
-ukthaka in sdkthaka, having an ukthd, QB 55
ucchosuka, drying up, Gop. Br.; QBr 99
utpdtikd, outer bark of a tree, Brh. Ar. Up. Cf. utpata . 58
utpddaka, producing, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97
udaka, water, RY. &c 42
udgrasaka, devouring, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97
udddlaka, n. of a teacher, QBr. &c.; cf. udddla, a plant. 58
udbandhuka, one who hangs up, TS 99
udbhdsaka, shining, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) ... 97
udbhrdntaka, roaming, Nrsut. Up. (in -ka-tva, noun)
44 ad fin. — Note
unmantaka, insane, Acram. Up 68
unmtiduka, fond of drink, MS.; TS. . 99
upakrdmuka, approaching; ace. to "Wh. Gram., in Brahmanas 99
upajihvikd, upajikd, upadikd, ant; RV. &c 62
upaddsuka, failing, TS 99
upandmuka, bending towards, QBr 99
-upanisatka, in uktopan. — having heard the Upanisads, QB.
(Brh. Ar. Up.) 55
upapdtaka, minor sin, Nar. Up. &c 66
-upasatka in try -u., ifc. Bah., Ap. Qr 55
upasthdyuka, approaching, Kath 99
-updnatka in an-up., without sandals (upantih), Katy Qr. 55, 36
updnasyaka, n. of Indra, Ap. Qr. Cf. updnasd, adj., being
in a carriage, RY.; n. — the space in a carriage, AY. . 58
updsaka, servant, K&UQ &c 96, 97
(uruka, owl, = iduka, Ait. Br.)
urvdrukd, gourd, RY., AY. A late and interpolated verse 44
uluka, owl, RY. &c 79
ulukhalaka, mortar (Dim. End.) RY.1 (as voc.) .... 67
(ulkdj firebrand; ka prob. not suffixal, cf. varcas, Yolcanus)
ulmuka, firebrand, Ait. Br.; QB. &c. Unc. etym. ... 58
usrika, bullock (contempt.) RY.1 71, 29 a, Note
utika, n. of a plant, subst. for Soma, Kath. &c. Probably
mistake for putika, q. v.; or else the two words have in-
fluenced each other 101
318 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
unaka, defective, lacking, Qankh Qr 80
urdhvaka, raised, Samny. Up 45
rksdka (or, as AYh. conj., ark-) AY.1 Say "inhabited by
bears," which is mere etymological guesswork. The whole
passage is obscure, and this word is prob. corrupt. . . 58
rks&ca, n. of an evil spirit, AY.; VS.; QBr. Cf. flcsa? . 101
-rjika, beaming, gleaming (in cpds.); BY. &c. (as dvir-rj.) 100
fdhak (or rdhak), separately, RV. &c 27
rdhnuka, causing increase, AQV. Gr 99
-rsika in sarsika-, ifc. Bah., AQ. Gr 55
eka, one, RV. + 103
ekaka*, singly, RV.; just one, AY.1 47, 66
ekakin, alone, AY., YS. &c. Formation problematic. Pan.
5. 3. 52 notes it as a solitary form, without explanation
or parallel. BR. suggest an am formation . . . 47, 29 c
ekatrin$aka, consisting of 31, Gaudap. . 53
ejatkd, kind of insect, AY.1 81
elapatraka. n. of a Naga, Garud Up 78
dikahika, of the one-day offering, Ait Br.; QBr. &c. . . 94
tiidaka, of the eda (sheep), QBr. &c 49, 79
— n. a vicious ram (should be edaka?), QBr.
aitareyaka, the Ait. Br.; see I. St. 1—106, 7 50
(dinvaka, n. of two Samans, <invaka\ Ars. Br.) ....
distika, of the isti — sacrifice, Ac,v. Qr.; Kaus Up. ... 94
orimika, n. of a section of the Kath. S.; see I. St. 1. 69, 70. —
Uncertain 58
duttaravedika, of the northern altar, QBr 94
dupavasathika, of the upavasathd — rite, Agv. Qr 94
kakdtikd — ? part of the head (Wh. hindhead), AY. Obscure 58
(Prob. for krkdtikd, neck-joint, = kfkdta id., AY.)
katuka, sharp, bad, BV., AY 80
-kcwwkd, a minute part of any thing, in vata-k., Sarvop. . 62
kdntaka, thorn, AY. 14. 2. 68 (?); QBr. &c.—kanta only
in cpds. — Uhlenbeck holds it to be prakr. for *krntaka,
VWL— Unc. . 44
-kanthaka, ikd, in saha-k., with the throat, AY 55
-kadruka in tri-k., having three vessels, EY., AY. ... 55
kanaka, golden, Adbh. Br.; Samh. Up. — No *kana occurs.
Uhlenbeck cf. KV^KOS and Honig 58
1 Either accent.
Vol. mi,] The K-Sufjixes of Indo-Iranian. 319
See S
kandknaka, sort of poison, AY.1 (?) 79
kandnakd, mistake for kamnakd, pupil of the eye, only TS.1 62
kanisthakd, ikd, smallest, only AY.1; kanisthikd little finger
QBr. &c. 63
kanmakd, -d, kaninakd, -ikd, pupil of the eye, RY. &c. . 62
The words never, in the passages which occur, have
the primitive meaning of "boy" or "girl" (kanina, -a).
kanydkd, pupil of the eye, Ait. Ar 62
kdplaka? v. 1. kdlpaka. TBr. — Mg. unknown 58
kamltika, husk of rice, AY 40, 33
karkd, white, AY. The ka is perhaps not suffixal. Unc. . 103
karkataka, crab, Brahm. Up 44
karkandhukd, RY. Kh. 5. 22. 3 = (kdrkandhukd) AV. 20.
136. 3— jujube-berry. (< karkdndhu) (Dim.) 62
karkarikd, kind of lute, AY. 62
karkotaka, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78
kdrnaka, "earlet," tendril, QBr.; handle (also -ka), TS., MS.;
of the two legs extended, AY.1; (-karnaka) ifc. Bah.
= kdrna, TS. . . 62, 86, 55
karnavestaka, earring, = -ta, Par. Gr 44
kalanka, spot, in nis-k., Nar. Up. — Uncertain 58
-kalpaka in a-k., irregular, Gaudap. (see also kdplaka) . . 55
kalmalikin, RY. — glorious? Epithet of Rudra. Say. says
from *kalmaUka (not found) = tejas. Of. kalmali — (AY.)
"glory"? Grassmann "funkelnd." — Ludwig "pfeiltrager,"
which according to his note is "offenbar" the meaning;
I confess I am unable to follow him. — The word kalmali
(see above) is itself very doubtful and might mean any-
thing, so that Sayana's interpretation, which Roth,
Grassmann and Delbriick follow, is dubious . . 58, 31
katfcd, weasel?, RY 101
kacdka, n. of hostile demons, RY.; AY. Of. kaga? ... 58
kdnukd, ? RY. See § 21 21
(kdntaka, thorny, <kdntaka)
kdmikd, n. of certain letters in a mystic alfabet; Ramap.
Up. Presumably <kdma 58
kdmuka, desiring; a lover. TS 99
kdraka, maker &c. Garbh. Up 97
kdruka, artisan, artificer (?) ace. to Wh. Ybl. roots, in
Brahmanas. I find no instance before Epic times . . 99
kdtakd, unidentified bird, VS.; "Blackish" 64
VOL. XXXI. Part III. 22
320 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
kdlika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78
kdverakd, n. pr., patronymic <kuvera, AV 49
kdsikd, cough, AV 79
-kimgukd (in su-k.*), a plant or flower; BY. AV 58
kinjalka, plant-stalk, Acv. Qr 44, 29 b
kirikd or girika, epithet of gods in Qatarudriya, meaning
unknown, various guesses (sparkling, Eggeling; sprinkling,
Griffith) VS. &c. 58
(-kiska see gvakiskin.)
kllaka, the middle syllables of a mantra — Hams. Up. (as
being the stake or post, Mia, to which the extremes are
attached) 40
-kuthdrikd in pdda-k., QGr.; a position of the feet ... 91
kunika, n. of a teacher, Ap 46
kundikd, little pot, Samny. Up.; also title of an Up. . . 62
kumdrakd (or kumdr-), ikd, boy, girl, (< kumdrd) RV.;
AY. &c 62, 79
kumbhaka, retention of the breath, as relig. exercise; Amrt.
Up. &c 40, 95
kumbhika, kind of demon, AY. Cf. kumbha 101
kulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78
kulika, a bird, YS. (MS. has^w^a). — Uncertain; cf. kulipaya,
an animal (YS.); Uhlenbeck cf. russ. kulik, snipe &c. . 101
kugavartaka, AY. — corrupt and uncertain. EY. Kh. reads
dhalakug gavartakah, which Scheft. thinks is the true
reading 58
kugika, n. pr., BY.; pi. his descendants, BY. &c. Prob.
<ku$i, pin used as mark in recitation from texts . . 52
kusitaka, n. of a bird, TS. ; of a man— TandyaBr.— Uncertain 58
kusuwbhaka, BY., venom-bag of an insect (< kusumbha) 71, 79
kusthikd, dew-claw, spur, AY., Ait. Br 40, 90
kustuka, n. of a teacher, YamQa Br. — Entirely obscure . 58
kuhaka, rogue, cheat; Maitr. Up.; Ap 79
(krka — said to mean "throat" or "navel"; Brob. onomato-
poetic, cf. krkara, krkana — partridge. — In krka-ddgii, a
demon; -vdku, cock; -Idsa, lizard)
krtaka, false, artificial, Gaudap 80
kfttika, the Bleiades (as a sword), AY. &c.; cf. karttikd,
dagger (Cl.). The noun kftti seems to mean only "hide,
skin." Brob. Primary -oka 20, 96, 97
krtsnaka, all, Qankh. Qr. 16. 29. 8 (Lexx. wrongly 9) = krtsnd 45
Vol. xxxi.] The K'Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 321
See §
Jcrmuka, kind of tree, = kramuka, q. v.; QBr., Kauc.. . . 44
krsnaka, "blackish," n. of a plant, Kaug 64
-kegakd in sarva-k., having all the hair, AV. (Bah.) . . 55
kdirdtikd, of the kirdtas (contempt.), AV. < kdirdta ... 72
kogdtaka, a plant and its fruit, Qankh. Gr; presumably <ltog a 58
(kdutikd, a hird, < and = kulikd, q. v.; VS.; MS.) . . .
(kdugikd, <ku$ikd, son ofku$ika, or friend ofkugika [Indra])
(kdusitaka, -ki, patron. < kusitaka, and n. of a Brahmana)
kydku, fungus, Ap. Dh.; Gaut. — Obscure . . . . 58, 29 d
kramukd, the betelnut tree, 'Sadv. Br. = kramu (only
Lexx.), krmuka 44
(krumukd, piece of kindling-wood, TS. &c., < kramuka by
assimilation) —
kUtaka, dough, paste, Acv. Gr. &c. Obscure 58
ksitikd, a part of a lute, Kauc.. ? Cf. ksiti ? 58
ksullakd, small (dim.); AV., TS. &c. < ksudra . . 63, 68, 72
ksurikd, "little razor," n. of an Up., Ksur. Up 62
ksodhuka, hungry, TS., QB 99
ksdumika, made of linen, Kaug 94
ksvinkd, an evil bird, RV., AV. &c. Prob. onomatopoetic 103
khdndika, pupil, Kalpas.; n. of a man, QB. (cf. sdndika) . 92
khandtaka, little shovel, Ap. Qr. 17, 26 (NBD. "dug up.") 62
khdrvaka, mutilated (imprec.) AV. <Jcharvd 80
khdndika- PGobh. 3. 3. 8. — Comm. gisyasamuha; but see
Oldenberg's note 58
khddaka, eater, Gobh. Gr. ap. Prayagc. in Q. K. Dr. . . 96, 97
gdnaka, astrologer, <gana\ VS. &c 51
yavidhuka or gave-, coix barbata, TS. = gavUhu (not Vedic) 44
gavinikd, groins (?), AV. — metr. for gavlni 41
(gdvWmkd, gave-, deriv. <gavidhuka)
(girikd, MS., for kirikd, q. v.)
goddnika, of the goddna-rite, Gobh. 3. 1. 28 (cf. gaud-) . 92
gondmika, n. of MS. 4. 2, called after gondma formulas . 92
gopikd, protectress, Gop. Up 44
golaka, ball (dim.), Gobh. Gr. &c 62
golattikd, kind of animal, VS., TS.; cf. lattikd (Un.) lizard 58
gduddnika, of the godana-iite, Agv. Gr. &c. (cf. god-) . . 94
grdhuka, seizing, TS. (cf. grhu- RV.) 99
ghdtaka, kind of wood, Agv.Qr.; = ghdta and vddhaka . 46
glidtuka, slaying, AV., TB., QB. &c 99
cakraka, wheel, Maitr. Up 44
322 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
-caksuska in a-c., without eyes, Brh. Ar. Up. . ... 55
candatdka, short petticoat, QBr., Katy Qr. Obscure derivation 62
caturthaka, fourth, Nad. Up 45
catuska, consisting of 4; Laty, YasuUp 53
candrika, moon, Ramap. Up 91
cdraka, wanderer, mendicant, QBr. (also n. of a YY. school). 46
-carmdka in a-c., without skin, TS 55
caturthahnika, of the 4th Day, Qankh. Qr 94
caturthika, of the 4th Day, Laty 94
cdturdhakdranika, of a division into 4 parts, Ap.Qr. . . 94
cdturvingika, of the 24th day, Qankh. Qr. 94
cdturhotrkd, of the cdturhotr service, MS 49
-cdrika in utpatha-c., having hyways for a course, Nrsut.
Up. (in -ka-tva, noun) 54, 55
cikitsakd, physician, QBr. &c 51
ciccikd, kind of hird, RY., TBr. Obscure 58
-citika in sdt-c., ifc. Bah., QB 55
-cintaka in kala-cintaka, considering; G-audap 97
cupunikd, one of the Pleiades, TS. Obscure 101
culaka, top of a column, Cul. Up 40
celaka, n. of a man, QB 46
codaka, direction, invitation, Katy Qr 95
chattrdka, mushroom, Adbh. Br. (= chattraka, Class., < chattra,
parasol.) 40, 29 c.
chdndomika, of the chandomds, Qankh. Qr., Katy Qr. . . 94
chdyaka, n. of a demon, AY 78
chubuka, chin (Class. Skt, cibukd), RY., QBr. &c. Obscure. 58
janakd, n. of a king, QBr. (Brh. Ar. Up.), cf. jdna ... 53
jdmbhaka, "crusher," n. of a demon, YS 78
jayantdka, n. pr., Ramap.Up. <jayanta, victorious ... 46
jardyuka, after-birth, Samav.Br. =jardyu. No reason is
apparent for the use of the form in -ka in this passage. 44
jdldyukd, leech, in trna-j., caterpillar, Brh. Ar. Up. Thought
to contain jala-dyu = dyus (Bah.), but cf. jalduka and
other forms. Popular etymology has operated here.
Origin uncertain 58
jdhakd, hedge-hog, YS., TS. Supposed to be from Yhd. 103
jdgartika, wakeful, RY 25
jdtaka, newborn child, Kaug 62
(jdnaka, -ki, patron, from janakd)
jdnukd, bearing, MS., Ap. Qr. Cf. janA, AY 99
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes oj Indo-Iranian. 383
See |
jdnukd-? TAr. 1. 6. 1; Comm. jdnupradera. See s. v.
anjalika 58
jdpaka, muttering, Nrp. Up 97
jdyuka, conquering, MS. Of. jdyu, RY 99
jdlakd, little net, web, Brh. Ar. Up 62
(-jihviJcd see upd-j.) -jihvaka ifc. Bali. = jihvd . . 54 a, 55
jivika, epithet of water (end. dim.), MS. &c., AQV. Qr.;
life, Kathop 44, 95, 67 q. v.
jumbaka, n. of a Yaruna, VS., QBr. Obscure .... 58
jydkd, bowstring (pej.), RY., AY . . 79
jydisthasdmika, adj. <jyesthasdman, Gobh. 3. 1. 28 . . 94
jyotdyamdnakd (MSS. -maka), n. of demons, AY. ... 81
jyotistomika, of the jydtistoma, sacrifice, Katy Qr. ... 92
derikd, muskrat, Ap. 1. 25. 13. Obscure 58
dhdrika and ddhdrikd, centipede, Ap. Gr. Obscure . . 58
taka, that (contempt.), RY., AY., Katy Qr. . . . . . 75
taksaka, n. of a Naga, AY., Kaug. (= -so) 78
tatdka, pool, = tata. Saclv. Br., Adbh. Br. ... 46, 29 c.
-tantrika, ifc. Bah. = t&ntri, thread, Pancav Br 55
-tapaska, ifc. Bah. = tapas, Maitr. Up .55
-tamaska, ifc. Bah. == tamas, Cha. Up 55
tartinaka, sprout, AY 62
tddarthika, intended for that, Kaug 94
tdddtmaka, ikd, denoting the unity of nature, Bamat. Up. 49
tdraka, carrying across, saving, Maitr. Up 97
(tdrakd, adj. of stars; < tdraka)
ttiraka (< tdra), star, AY., TJBr., QBr. &c 44
taluka, du. n. the two arteries supplying the palate, Tait. Up. 50
tdvakd, thine, EY. (only 1 Yedic occurrence reported) (<tdvd) 49
tiragcikd, a horizontal region? So BR. — Agv. Qr. ... 46
tilvaka, a plant of evil name, Q.Br., Agv. Gr. &c. ... 79
tundika, having a snout or trunk (tunda), AY 92
-tulaka, ika, ifc. Bah. = tftla, mattrass, Ramat. Up. . . 55
tusmka, silent, in Yeda only adv. -kam, silently, Man. Qr. 45
tusnim, id. RY. — The text is dubious, and Knauer
calls this word suspicious.
tftlyaka (< trtiya), recurring the 3 d day, AY 51
(trstaka) ~ikd, rough (creature), AY. ........ 80
-tejdska, ifc. Bah. = tejas, Byh. Ar. Up 55
tdittiriyaka, of the Tait. school, Mukt. Up 50
tduvilikd, (voc.) n. of a female demon, AY.1 Obscure . 78
324 F. Edg&rton, [1911.
See§
trika, in threes, RY., Laty &c 47
trdivarsika, a triennial performance, AQV. Qr 94
trdividyaka, practised by trdividyas, Ap 50
— n., their doctrine, Man. Gr.
-tvakka, ifc. Bah. = tvac, skin, TS. in a-t 55
-tsaruka, ifc. Bah., Tand. B. (in M. W. Addendum) . . 55
dancuka, biting, TBr., TS., Kath 99
dandaka, a class of meters, Chandahs., Han. Ram. Up. . 46
-faflca, ifc. Bah. = dant, Cha. Up. 55
-dantaka, ifc. Bah. = d&nta, TS., QBr 55
danda$tika, biting, malignant, VS., TS., QBr 25
dagaka, consisting of 10, Chandahs 53
daharaka, short, Kaus. Br 63
ddksindgnika, performed in the southern fire, Man. Qr. . 94
ddyaka, giving (in Yeda only ifc.), Mukt. Up 97
ddyaka, heir, <daya, Gr. S 53
ddrgapdurnamasika, of the New- and Full-moon sacrifice,
Qankh. Qr 94
ddgardtrika, celebrated like the dagardtra, QBr. &c. . . 94
ddhuka, burning, TBr., Ap. Qr 99
-dikka in a-d., having no part of the heaven, QBr. ... 55
dutaka, n. of Agni, Gr. S. Of. Vdu, du 58
diiraka, far (pej.), RY., AY 80
dusikd (dusikd Maitr. Up. 1. 3), rheum of the eyes, YS.,
Kath., QBr . .... 32, 79
dusika, n. of demons, AY., Primary, Vdus, and not to be
confused with the foregoing, which is secondary, from
the n. dAsl 100
dfbhika, n. of a demon, RY 100
dfQika, worthy to be seen, splendid, RY. .... 101 b, c.
— n. appearance, RY. &c. — kd, id, RY.
drQikii, beholder, TS., Ap. Qr 100
devaka, god (contempt.), RY., adj. divine, Krs.Up. (< deva). 71, 51
-ikd, an inferior class of goddesses, Ait. Br., QBr. . 66
degika, teacher, Ramap. Up., Mukt. Up 92
dyumriika, n. pr., supposed author of RY. 8. 76. <dyumnin,
glorious 46, 36.
dvaka, by twos, RY 47
dvdrakd, "City of Gates," Yasu Up 53
dhanuska, small, poor bow. Laty 71
dhayantika, sucking (contempt.), AY. Ppp. folio 115b, line 1 73
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian.
See §
dhdnika (prakr. form of dhdn-), vagina, AV., TS. &c. . . 86
-dhdtuka, ifc. Bah. = dhdtu, Garbh. Up 55
dhdnika, vagina, RV. Kh. 5. 22. 8 86
dhdrakd, vagina, VS., QBr 86
dhdrmika, righteous, Cha. Up 94
dhdrmuka, righteous, Man. Qr 21
-dhdvanaka in danta-dh., n. of a tree, Kauc,., prob. < dliavana,
cleaning (a tree "for teeth-cleaning") 50
dhuvaka, ace. to Wh. Yb. forms from Vdhu, in Jaim. Br. 96, 97
-dhumaka in a-dli., without smoke, Kath. Up., Maitr. Up. 55
dhenuka, female, Weibchen; AY., Pancav. Br. &c. ... 89
nanguka, perishing, Kath. . : 99
(ndgnaka) -ika, naked, wanton (imprec.), AY. (<nagna). . 80
nadaka, hollow of a bone, Katy Qr 40
napatka, concerning a grandson, n. of a cert, sacrificial
fire, Kath 51
napunsaka, eunuch (contempt.), QBr., Katy Qr. &c. ... 71
nabhaka, n. pr., Ait. Br. — Of. nabha, nabhas? . . . 58, 29 c
naraka, hell, TAr. Uhlenbeck cf. Ivtp-Qw &c. Not clear. 58
-navaka, ifc. Bah. = nava, Garbh. Up 55
ndka, heaven, BY., AY., YS. &c. . . 103
nadika, throat, AY. (<nddi) 40
(ndbhdkd, adj. or patron <nabhdka, BY.)
nabhikd, navel-like cavity, QBr 40
-ndmaka, ikd ifc. = ndmar, Bah., Qiras. Up 55
in dndmika, ring-finger (for semantics see BR.), QBr. &c.
nayaka, leader, chief, G-audap. . 97
(ndraka, hellish, <naraka, AY. &c.; YS. ndraka). . . .
ndguka, perishing, TS .99
ndsika, nostril, du. nose, BY., AY. &c 62
nastika, atheist; Ap.; Mukt. Up. (cf. dstika, Cl., <asti). . 94
nika, n. of a Saman, Ars. Br 103
nikharvaka, one billion, Pancav Br 44
nikhdtaka, cut into a little, AY 65
(nijdnukd? see jdnukd, TAr. 1. 6. 1.)
ninik, secretly, RY 27, 29 a
nimustika, of the size of a fist, Ait. Ar. 5. 1. 3. 6 (p. 405. 6). 53
nimusti, a measure of that size.
nirodaka, read nirodhaka (Deussen), hindering, Brahm. Up. 97
-nirddhuka in a-n., not burning down, MS 99
nirmdrguka, withdrawing from, TS 99, 24
326 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
nirmitaka, conjured up, illusory, Gaudap 80
nirmretuka, withering, Pancav Br 99
-nivartaka in a-n., not flying or ^flinching, Maitr. Up. . . 97'
-niviika ifc. Bah. = nivid, Ait. Ar 55
niskti,, a neck-ornament, KY., AV. &c 103
Uncertain. Uhlenbeck comparesOHG.wwscfl,Ir.wase,ring.
nihakA, storm, whirlwind, RY., TS. Obscure 103
ndimittika, occasional, accidental, Katy Qr. &c 94
naiyamika, settled, prescribed, Ap 94
-naigcarika, in a-n., not distracting, Ap. . 94
ndisthika, final, perfect, Ac,ram. Up. _ . . . , . . . . 94
(nyanjalikd ? See s. v. anjalikd. TAr. 1. 6. 1.)
nyastikA, n. of a plant, AY.1 46. 91
nyunkhamdndka, see -mdnaka.
pakvaM? AY., EYKh. Prob. corrupt. The Lexx. do
not render the word. Grif. "that knoweth." May be
either "ripe, mature," or "gray, hoary," <pakvd. Uncertain. 58
-pancaka, consisting of 5; a group of 5, Gopl. Up. ... 53
pancaviiigaka, consisting of 25, Gaudap, Maha. Up. . . . 53
pdndaka, eunuch, weakling, Kath. &c. (contempt.). ... 71
patantaka, kind of rite, Laty. Cf. patat ? 58
ptitayi§nukd, flying on7, unsteady (imprec.), AY 80
patdkd, flag, Adbh. Br. 10, 3. Primary ka? No noun
paid exists. Vpat\ formation dubious 58, 29 c
-patmka, ifc. Bah. = patm, wife, Ait. Br., Katy Qr. . . 55
padmaka, n. of a serpent -prince or demon, Garud. Up. . 78
pardpdtuka, abortive, TS 90
pardbhdvuka, perishing, transient, Kath 99
pardrikd, leek, Ap. — Obscure; v.l. paldrlka 58
paridipaka, lighting up, Gaudap 91
pariprcchaka, inquirer, Gop. Br 91
parivrdjaka, wandering (mendicant), Arun. Up.; Agram Up. 91
-parigritka, ifc. Bs:h., = parigrit, Katy Qr 5J
-parisatka, ifc. Bah., = parisdd, Gobh 51
parisdraka, n. of a place, Ait. Br., pari-Vsr; formation
uncertain .... .
parisdrasiS n.reported by Wils. only — "wandering about."
paruika, having knots or joints, Ap. Qr. ... 53, 36 (s) — 1
parusaka, a tree (= parusa) and its fruit, Qankh Qr..
partikd, KY. Kh. 5. 15. 8, v. 1. patikd, corrupt and uninter-
pretable
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Sujfixes of Indo-Iranian. 327
See§
parphartka, ? BY.1 ino
paryayika, strophic, AV 92
palijaka, n. of a demon, AY.1. Obscure 78
-paguka, ifc. Bah., = pdcu (or pa$u), Agv. Qr 55
pdka, very young, Qankh Gr. 3. 2.— simple, BY., AY. &c. 103
pajcika, a kitchen implement, Ap. Qr. Etym.? 58
pancamahnika, of the 5th Day, Qankh Qr 94
pdtaka, ace. to Wh. Yb. roots in the Brahmanas. Vpat 96, 97
pdtaka, fall, downpour, Samny. Up. 2; sin, Cankh Qr. &c. 95
padaka, little foot (End. Dim.), BY.1 (< pdda) .... 67
pdduka, slipper, Ac^ram. ITp 62
pdpaka, evil, QBr. &c. (< pdpa or papa) 80
pdramdrthika, real, actual, Mukt. Up 94
(jtdrivrdjaka — adj. < parivrdjaka, Kaug.)
pdrsthika, after the manner of the Prsthya, Laty &c. 49, 29 a
pdvaka, clear, bright, BY. &c.; n. of Agni, TS. &c.; fire, in
general, Mund Up. 2. 1. 1 . |_ 18 Notei; 53
An ancient word; from Vpu, but exact formation
uncertain. Early appearance and accent forbid taking
it as primary -aka, which Say. does ("cobftafca").
paguka, concerning cattle, Katy Qr.; Qankh Qr. .... 49
pdgubandhaka, of the pagubandha, AQV. Qr,; Qankh Qr. . 49
pika, Indian cuckoo, YS. (Uhlenbeck cf. plcus; very doubt-
ful) 103
pingalaka, ikd, yellow, tawny, AY. (< -Id) .... 64, 72
pinydka, oil-cake, Ap. (no reference given). Obscure . . 58
-pitrka, ifc. Bah. = pitf, Katy Qr.; Agv. G-r 55
pitrmedhika, of the pitrmedlia, Samny. Up 92
(piddku — for pfddku q. v. MS.)
pindka, staff, bow, AY.; YS.; TS 58
Uhlenbeck cf. iriva.% and OSlav. pini, tree-trunk.
pipilaka (<-la), ant, Cha. Up. — ika, ant, only Adbh. Br.
(Prob. to be emended to -oka or ikd) 62
-iM, small ant, AY.; QBr.; Pane. Br. &c.
pippakd, a sort of bird, YS. (cf. pippika, Class., a bird or
beast) 58
piyaka, n. of a class of demons, "abuser," AY. . . 96, 97
piyusaka, biestings, RY. Kh. 5. 15. 14.— The parallel AY.
text has piyftsa, but the meter needs an extra syllable, —
which the later compiler evidently added 41
pitklaka or pulkaka, n. of a despised tribe, MS. Not certain 71
328 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
punddrika, lotus blossom, RV.; AY 58
Prob. connected with pundari-srajd (TBr.), — but the
meaning of this pundari is uncertain; cf.pundarin, another
flower (Lexx.).
putrdka, little son, EY.; AY. (<-tra) ....... 62, 67
-ptiro'nuvdkydka, ifc. Bah. = puro'nuvdkyd, QBr. in a-p. . 55
-purorukka, ifc. Bah. = purortic, QBr. in a-p 55
(pulikd — MS. — variant for kulikd, q. v.) 101
(pulkaka, see puklaka.)
putika (once -ika, AQV. Qr. 6. 8), a plant, (<pdti), substitute
for soma, TS.; Kath.; QBr. &c 46, 31
puraka, filling (noun), Amrt Up.; Dliyan. Up 95
-purvaka in nydya-p. — having reason as precedent — Gaudap. 55
-prn&kd in harina-p., female young of an animal, Ap. Qr. 62
pfthak, isolated, scattered (adv.), RV., AY. &c 27
pfthuka, rice or grain flattened and ground, TBr. < prtlm 46
pfdaku, serpent, RY.; AY.; TS. Cf. TrdpSos, ace. to Uhlen-
beck loanword from Ind.-Iran. *parda- . . . . 58, 29 c
prsdtaka, a mixture of ghee, milk &c. (cf. pfsat), AY.;
Par. Gr 58, 15
-klj a disease, or the she-demon causing it, AY.
perukdj n. pr. RY 46
pesuka, spreading out, QBr 99
posuka, thriving, Sadv. Br 99
pdunarddheyika, of the punarddheya-rite, AQV. Qr. &c. . . 94
pdurusamedhika, of a human-sacrifice, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 94
pdurvdhnika, of the forenoon, Katy Qr 94
praksepaka, throwing (n. act.), Maitr. Up. 95
pracaldka, chameleon, Ap. pracaldkd — cloudburst (?) TS. —
Cf. pracdlaka, Class., reptile; pracala, creeping &c. 46, 29 c
pracitaka, n. of a meter, Chandahs 44
pracydvuka, transitory, fragile, Qankh Br 99
-prajdpatika in sa-p., ifc. Bah. — Ait. B 55
pratigrutka, echo, VS.; Kaus. Up 42
-pratigthayuka in d-p., not standing firm, MS
praticikd, AY., <pratici, f. of pratyanc; mg. uncertain;
"offense"?
-pratyutthdyuka in a-p., not rising respectfully, Gop. Br. . 91
praddtrikd, (female) giver, MS 91, 35
praddyaka, bestowing, Garbh. Up 9<
pradrdnaka, very poor, Cha. Up. (pra — intens; -ka — Pity.)
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 32$
See §
prapdthaka, section, n. of divisions of cert, works, as TS.,
QBr., Cha.Up 62
prapdduka, falling prematurely (fetus), TS.; Kath. ... 99
prabdhuk, on an even line, Ait. Br.; TBr.; TS. &c. . . . 27
prabhrdnguka, falling off, vanishing, QBr.; TBr 99
pramdyuka, perishing, AY.; TS.; TBr. &c 99, 23
pravartaka, one who sets in motion, Qvet. Up 97
pravartamdnakd, slinking down, RY.1 73
pravalhikd, riddle, challenge, Ait. Br.; Qankh Qr. . 91, 95
prasarpaka, assistant or spectator at sacrifice, AQV. Qr; Laty 46
prahastaka, n. of RY. 8. 86. 13— 15.— Kaus Ar.; Qankh Qr.;
< prahasta, extended hand. Application not clear to me.
— Lex. gives Qankh Br., wrongly 58
prahdruka, carrying off, Kap. S 99
prdkaranika, of the prakarana, Man. Gr 94
prdkdruka, ? perhaps scattering about? Kap. S., Kath. . 99
prdgdthika, of or derived from the Pragatha (i. e. RY. 8),
Laty &c 94
-prdnaka ifc. Bah. = prdnd, KSA. 5. 3 aprdnakdya svdhd,
cf. TS. 7. 5. 12. 1 aprdndya svdhd 54 a, 55
prdtinidhika, substitute, Katy Qr. . . . • 94
prdtigrutkd, existing in the echo, Brh.Ar.Up 49
prddegika, chief of a district (pradega), KauQ 94
prdyagcittika, expiatory, AQV. Qr 94
prdcdtika, a leguminous plant, Ap. Qr. Cf. pragdtika, -sdtika,
various grains (Class.) 58
priyangukd, panic seed (dim.), Samavidh Br 62
preksaka, deliberating on, Man. G-r.; as n. spectator 96, 97
pldguka, rapidly growing up, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 45, Note
baka (a crane, only Class.), n. of a demon, Man. Gr.; of a
seer, Kath. &c 103
bataraka, m. pi., lines of light appearing befor enclosed eyes,
Ait.Ar. ? 58
bdddhaka, captive, AY. < baddlid . 79
labhrukd, brownish (clearly dim.), CB.; (bd-) ichneumon,
YS. &c. (<babhru) 64
baldkd, crane, YS., &c. Obscure 58
bdlhika, n. of a man, QB.; of a people, AY 52
bddhaka, a cert, tree, Gobh.; also as adj., of the bddhaka-
tree. Uncertain; cf. bddhd (?), obstacle, trouble, &c. . . 50
bdlaka, young; child, Krs.Up. &c 63
330 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
(bdldki, metronymic from baldkd as n. p.)
-bdhuka, ifc. Bah. = bdhu, Ag, Gr. (in ud-b.) 55
-binduka, ifc. Bah. = bindu. Nrp. Up 55"
bfbiika, — ? EY.1 — Entirely uncertain. Grassmann, "dick,
dicht."— Ludwig "murmelndes "Wasser."— BE. ? ... 58
-brhatika, ifc. Bah., Qankh Qr. (in tato-b.) 55
brhatka, n. of a Saman, Pancav. B 42
(-bodhaka in atma-b., q. v.)
-brahmaka, ifc. Bah. = brahman, Agv.Qr 55
brdhmdudanika, (fire) on which the brahmdudand (the
priest's rice) is boiled; Kauc,. (with or sc. ogrni) ... 94
bleska, noose, snare, Kath 103
-bhasmdka, ifc. Bah., Gop. B. (in sa-bh.) 55
-bhdhtika, retainer, Ap. (in nitya-bh.) 94
bhdradvdjakl, skylark, = -jl. Samav. B 44
bhdvuka, being, becoming, TS., Kath &c 99
bhdsika, general rule, Qankh Gr. &c 40,- 29 a
bhikstika, mendicant, Par. Gr 44
Wiinnaka, broken (contempt.), Mantra B 72
bhumip&$aka, a plant, = -ga (m.), Samav. B. 2. 6. 10 . . 91
bJieka, frog, Maitr. Up. Prob. onomat 103
bhdumaka, terrestrial animal or being, Adbh. Br. ... 49
makaka, kind of demon, AV 79
mdksikd, fly KV.; AY. &c 62
mangalika, of good omen, AY 67, 29 a
-majjaka, ifc. Bah. = majjdn, TS 55
madusikd (v. 1. -mat-, mand-, madh-, mandh-) a dwarfish
girl, unfit for marriage, Ap. Gr 58
manika, water-jar, AQV. Gr«; Gobh. &c. — Ait. Br. 7. 1 — ace.
to Say., a fleshy excrescence on an animal's shoulder . 40
manipuraka, a mystic circle on the navel, Hams. Up. 1 . 44
mandtika, frog, EY. &c. Uncertain origin ...... 58
mandurikd (edd.; MSS. — riti), vile, filthy woman, AY.1
(voc.) 86
mddhuka, n. pr., QBr. (mddhu) 53
madhuka, a bee, Qankh.Gr.-; a tree and its fruit, ib. . . 51
madliula'ka, sweetness, honey, AY 48
madhyamikd, the middle finger, Pran. Up 46, 91
madhvaka, bee, Adbh. Br 51, 33 b
manaskd, mind (impr.), AY.; ifc. Bah. = mdnas, Kath Up.
&c.. . . 79, 55, 54a
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 331
See §
manasthaka, RVKh. 5. 15. 7,— "freundlich gesinnt" (Scheft.),
see s. v. dmanikd 58
mandndk, BY. Obscure word, see 27
mantrikd, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 51
mdmaka, my, only BY 51
markataka, kind of grain, Ap. Qr 51
maryakd, male, Mannchen. RV1 88
magdka, gnat, AY., VS., QBr. &c. (w. r. masdka) ... 62
mastaka, head, Mahanar. Up., and mastiska, brain, BV.,
AY. &c. Cf. mastu-lunga, brain. The base seems to
have been mast-a, i or u. Uncertain 58
mahdndmnika, of the Mahanamm, Gobh 52
mahdvratika, of the Mahavrata Saman, Qankh Qr. ... 92
mahiluM, female, AY.1 89
-mdiisdka ifc. Bah., = mansa, TS 55
mdki, du., BY.1 This word has been variously rendered.
Ludwig makes it an adj. to naptyd, either "brullend"
(Vmak\ application?), or (and this I believe to be right)
from base md- of the 1st. pers. pronoun; see § 30 a, Note.
The phrase then means "my daughters he has helped . . .
to marriage (janitvandya)." This interpretation seems
to me secured by comparing mdkma, which L. apparently
did not notice, but which is obviously a derivative from
the stem mdki 50, 30 a Note
mdkma, mine, BY. < mdki, q. v 50, 30 a Note
(maksika, spider, Brahm. Up., prob. deriv. < mdksikd.)
matrka, "das Mutterwesen," (Deussen) n. abstr. < mdtf,
Maitr. Up 48
mdddnaka, kind of wood, Kaug. — Uncertain; cf. mddana
(adj.) ••-••••. 58
madhuparkika, of the madhuparkd rite, Qankh Gr. ... 94
-mdnaka in nyufikha-mdnaka, having a desire to insert the
nywtfcha, Qankh Br. 25, 13; 30. 8 (Bah. from mdna).—
BB. regard it as a participle; but there is no verb nyunkhati,
only nyunkhayati. The sentence is: tasmdn nyunkhayati
nyimkhamdnaka iva vdi prathamam cicarisug carati.
From this the following semantic proportion is evident —
nyunkhamdnaka : nyunHhayati = cicarisu : carati. Ergo,
ny. = "desiring to perform the act nyunkhaya, i. e. to
insert the nyunkha" — The noun mdna = "desire" . . 55
mCmusydka, human, QBr. (< manusya) 49
332 f. Edgertov, [1911.
See §
mdmakd, mine, RY. &c. (< mama) 49
mdruka, dying, TS.; Man. Gr. Cf. mam- 99
(mdrdikd, deriv. of mrdlkd, RY. &c.) 101
muktikd, "string of pearls," n. of an Up., Mukt. Up., < muktd 53
mukharikd, bit of a bridle, Katy Qr. 16. 2. 5 (Lexx.
wrongly 4) 62
mundaka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 46
muskd, testicle, RY. &c.; female organ (in du.), AY. &c. 86
mustika, n. of a fighter, Krs.Up 53
muhukd, moment, RY 62
muka or muled, dumb, YS., QBr *103
mutakd, little basket, QBr 62
mtisaka, rat or mouse (Dim.), G&rud. Up.; -iled, id, YS. . 62
mrdaydku, merciful, RY 45, 29 d
mrdikd, favor, only RY., AY 101
mfttikd, earth, clay, YS.; Ait. Br. &c 44, 36
-meka in sumeka, well-established, RY. Most often of heaven
and earth 103
-meddska, ifc. Bah. = medas, TS., in a-m 55
menakd, n. of a daughter of Mena, Sadv. Br. (metron.) . 51
(meska for bleska &c., only m.-hata, Ap. Qr.)
mdindkd, n. of a Mt., TAr. — Metronymic < mend ... 49
-mocaka, releasing, Mukt. Up 91
mohuka, falling into confusion, TS
yakd, which (contemp.-obs.), RY. &c 75,
-yajuska ifc. Bah. = ydjus, QBr., in a-y .
-yantrka ifc. Bah. = yantf, Katy Qr
yantraka, ikd, tamer, subduer, Pancav Br. < yantrd, fetter
yamika, du, n. of 2 Samans ("Twins"), Ars. Br.; SY. . .
yastikd, club, Krs.Up 44
yaska, n. pr., AQV. Qr. &c.; pi. his pupils or descendants . 103
-ydcaka, beggar, in pura-y., Maitr. Up 97
-ydcanaka, beggar, in nitya-y., Maitr. Up. < ydcana, request 56
ydjaka, sacrificing, Maitr. Up 97
ydjuka, sacrificing, QB 99
ydjnikd, sacrificial, Qankh Qr.; Kaug 94
— , a sacrificer, QBr.; Par. Gr. 2. 6.
yddrcchika, relating to or depending on chance (yadrcchd),
Param. Up 94
ydmaki, I go basely, Qankh Br. < ydmi .... 84, 37
ydyajuka, constantly sacrificing, QBr
Vol. xxxi.] TJie K- Suffixes of Indo-lranian.
Hee I
(ydska) patron < yaska.
yavdku, adj. of you two, RY. < yuva- ... 51, 30 a Note
yusmdka, your, RY. < yusma- 51, 30 a Note
-yutliika, in a-y., not in the herd, < yutha. Kath Gr. 44 a
= Man. Gr. 2. 17 92
-yiiska, in vi-y., ifc. Bah., Hir. P 55
-yonika, in a-y., Bah., not containing the phrase esd te yonih,
Katy Qr 55
-rajaska, ifc. Bah. = rajas, Nrsut. Up 55
-ragmika, ifc. Bah. = ragmi, AC.V. Gr 55
ro&S, full moon, RY. &c. Cf. rd(i)? 103
rdjakd, king (contempt.), RV.1 < -rfi/aw 71
rdjasuyika, of the ro/o^ya-sacrifice, Qr. S 94
rdsndkd, little girdle, Kath 62
r&pakd, evil shape, AV.; (-A:a) species, Maitr "Up.; image,
Ait. Br. (= rupd) 79, 44
recaka, expiration, Amrt. Up., Dhyan. Up 95
-retdsha, ifc. Bah. = retas, QBr 55
rdivataka, n. of an ascetic, prob. patron. < revata, Jabal Up. 49
rocuka, causing pleasure, MS .99
rodaMf—? Yait . 58, 30 a
ropandM, a certain yellow bird, thrush? RY., AY., TBr.
Origin obscure 58, 30 a
rohitaka, n. of a tree, MS.; Katy Qr. Prob. <adj. rohita 46
(rduhitaka, made from the rohitaka tree, Katy Qr.)
lambhaka, ace. to Wh. Yb. roots, found in Brahmanas 96, 97
lambhuka, accustomed to receive. Cha. Up. (cf. dlambhukd) 99
laldtika, being on the forehead, Ap. Qr 92
Idghavika, adj. < laghava, n. — Katy Qr 94
-labhika, in su-L, easily won, RY.1 (voc.) 16
Uka, n. of an Aditya, TS. Obscure 103
-lepaka, ifc. Bah. = lepa, Mukt. Up 55
lokapalaka, earth-protector, MahSnar. Up 44
-lomaka or lomdka, ifc. Bah. = loman, TS.; QBr. &c. . . 55
lohitdka, red, reddish, Ap 64
lohinikd, red glow, Ap. Qr. < lohirii, f. of lohita .... 48
laukika, worldly, usual, Katy Qr.; Kaug &c 94
vajrasucikd, n. of an Up. (also called vajrasuci), "little
sharp needle," Mukt. Up 62
vadhcika, sort of reed or rush, = ghdtaka', AY.; QBr. &c. 46
vadhd- deadly weapon, destroyer &c.; cf. ghdta-ka.
334 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
-vapdka, ifc. Bah. = vapd, QBr.; Katy Qr 55
(vdbhruka, v. 1. for bdbhruka, MS. 3. 14. 7.)
vamrakd, "Antman," n. pr., EY., < vamrd 46
vayakin, RY.1 (of the soma plant): prob. "having little
tendrils," (vaydka, dim. of vaya; so Say. and Ludwig) . 62
varaka, suitor, Qankh Gr. . . 46
vardhaka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 44
-varnaka, ifc. Bah. = varna, Gopl. Up 55
vdrtika, quail (o/orvf), EY. &c. (only EY. and Classical)
(suffixal formation uncertain) 58
-varsika, ifc. Bah. = varsd (cf. varsiri), Agv. Qr. . . 54, 55
varsika, kind of meter, Nidanas 46, 36
vdrsuka, raining, rainy, TS.; TBr.; QBr. &c 99
.vdKka, projecting thatch, Gaut.; reed, Kauc,. &c. < vali or vdll 40
valuka, red or hlack, Pane. Br.; Laty &c. Obscure ... 58
vdXka, tree-bark, TS.; TBr. Vvr? 103
vdmika, ant-hiU, YS.; TS.; QBr. &c 62
vasukd, having or bestowing weal (vdsu), TS. &c.; in formula
vasuko'si vesagrir asi &c. — Comm. vasayitr, as if Yvas
and uka, which is highly improbable 58
-vastuka, ifc. Bah. = vastu, Gaudap 55
vasnikd, prize, reward, Pane Br. (vasnikdm jay ay a). Comm.
vasnisamjndm vasusambandham dhanasamuham ... 53
vahydka, draft-animal, Katy Qr. 14. 231 (not 331 as BE.)
AQV. Qr. has in same passage valiya 44
-vakkd, ifc. Bah. = vac, QBr 55
vdcaka, expressing, declaring, Eamap. Up 97
vajasaneyaka, of or by Yajasaneya, Katy Qr. &c. . . . 50
vdmandka, dwarf, Garbh. Up 62
vdyovidyikd, fowler, QBr 94
-vdraka, keeping, guarding, Nrsut. Up 97
vdruka, choosing, MS. . . 99
vdrunapraghdsika, adj., of varunapragMsd, Ap. Qr. . . . 94
vdrddhusika, usurer, Ap 44
varsagatika, bestowing life for 100 years, Kaug 94
vdrsika, of the rainy season, or year, AY.; YS.; QBr. &c. 94
valuka, sand, Qvet Up. Obscure ^
vdsantika, vernal, AY,; YS.; Ait. Br. &c 94
vdsuki, (prob. patron.), n. of a Naga, Garud. Up.; Gobh.;
Kaug &c 78
vihkrndhikd, croaking, ace. to Sch., Maitr. Up. Obscure 58
Vol. xxxi.] The K- Suffixes of Indo-lranian. 335
See §
vika, n. of a Saman, Ars. Br 103
vijcdlpdka, hesitation, Tej. Up 44
vikasnka, "bursting", n. of Agni, AV 99, 24
(vikusuka, corruption of vikasuka, n. of Agni, Ap. (Jr.)
(vikswatkd, VS., QBr. j (cf. dmwatka-) destroying,
j(inferior) viksitiakd, TS., Kath J epithet of gods in Qata-
rudriya; cf. following word, and see Weber, I St. II — 43 42
vicinvatkd (in same passages as foregoing), discriminating
see viksinatkd 42
vinaycika, n. of evil demons, Man. Gr. <vi-Vni. Cf.
vainaydka, 96, 97
-vibhaktika, ifc. Bah. = vibhakti, declension, Tand. Br. . . 55
viWiinduka, "tearing," n. of an Asura, Pancav Br. ... 99
vibhitaka, a tree, QBr.; Katy Qr.; its nut, used for dice,
RV. : 62, 79
vimanyuka, allaying wrath, AV 56, 23
vildyaka, soother, VS. — "mdnaso1 si vilayakah" . . 96, 97
vigarika, a certain disease, AV 103
vigvaka, all-pervading, Ramat. Up.; n. pr. (VIQ-) RV. &c. 47
visadhanaka, poison-receptacle (imprec.), Mantra Br. . . 79
visantikd, "little horn," n. of a plant, AV. (< visdna) . . 62
visataki, a plant, AV 79
visutiak, RV., in various directions 27
-visuvatka in a-v., ifc. Bah., Laty 55
visucika, a certain disease, VS.; TBr, < fern, of visvanc . 79
visphulingdka, little spark ?, RV 71
visalycika, "Wh. visalpaka, a disease (== visalyti), AV. . . 79
visransikd, — (of unknown mg.), visrdhsikdyah kdnddbhyah,
Kath; MS.; Ap. Qr. — In later times, n. of a plant . .58
vihvdruka, tumbling, MS 99
-vmdka, flute, in godha-vm-, Katy Qr 44
vlrcikd, male, Mannchen, RV. (< vlrd) 88
vrkkd, kidney, RV.; AV.; VS.; QB. &c 103
-vrttika, ifc. Bah. = vrtti, disposition, Mukt. Up 55
vfthak, easily, lightly, RV., cf. vfthd 27
vrdhlkd, increaser, RV. (epithet of Indra. The context,
and the correlation of this word with susd and sudds,
uphold Say.'s interpretation) 100
vfnddraka, best of its kind, Brh. Ar. Up. Prob. conn. w.
vrndd- mass, crowd. Formation obscure 58
vfccika, • scorpion, RV.; AV 71, 79
VOL. XXXI. Part III. ^3
336 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See |
vrsaka, n. of several Samans, SV.; Ars. Br 46
v6duka, knowing, TS.; Kath 99
veduka, obtaining, TBr 99
veskd, noose, QBr.; Katy Qr. See bleska &c 103
vestuka. adhering, MS 99
vdikalpika, optional, AQV. Qr. 94
vditdnika, of the 3 sacred fires, Ac,v. Gr.; AQV. Qr. ... 94
vaidika, vedic, Maitr. Up. &c 94
vdindyaka, of Vindyaka (a n. of Ganec,a, as such first
found Yajn.), Samav Br
vdibhitaka, made from the vibhita-tree, Kath &c. (also-rfa&a) 49
vdilasthdnaka, abyss, pit (imprec.), BY.1 79
vaiqesika, special, peculiar, Ap 94
vaiQvadevika, of the Yaigvadeva Parvan, Man.Qr; Qankh.Qr. 94
vyanjaka, indicating, Nrsut. Up 97
vyardhuka, being deprived of, Kath; MS. &c 99
vyddhaka, hunter, KauQ 97
vydpaka, Kath. Up. &c., pervading, permeating . . . . 97
vydyuka, running away, MS.; Kap. S.; Kath 99
-vyomnika in parama-vy., an inhabitant of highest heaven,
Nrp. Up 92
vrdtika, adj. < vratd, Gobh 94
vleska, see veskd &c. Brugm. thinks this is the original
form 103
gakuntakd, ikd, birdlet (dim.-contemp.-obs.), (< gakunta),
EY. &c. 71, 86
Qankhapulika, n. of a Naga, Garud. Up 78
Q&ndika, n. of a family or tribe, BY. — Say. says "descen-
dant of Qanda" (an Asura priest, YS,, MS.). — ganda as
common n. "curds," only Lexx 92
Qanakais, very gently (dim.), BY.; Kath; Maitr. Up. 65, 37
gdphaka, "little hoof," n. of a plant, AY.; Ap. Qr. (<gapha) 62
Qamakd, a plant, Kaug 46
$ayandaka, lizard, TS. — ? gayanda ace. to Lexx. — "sleepy" 58
$aytindaka, kind of bird, YS. Cf. foregoing. Perh. cpd.;
-anda(ka)? 58
$arsikd, kind of meter, Nidanas. Cf. sarsikd, a kind of
meter, R. Prat; etymologies of both words unknown . 101
galdka (~ka only Kath 26. 1), small stake, twig, TS., QB. &c.
62, 29 c
Qalakakd, twig (contempt.), AY.1 71
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 337
Bee 9
gdlka, splinter, TBr.; Ait. Br.; TS., cf. gala .... 62, 29 b
Qalyaka, porcupine, VS.; Ait. Br.; Ap 53
(gavartakd, see ku^arvataka.)
tagaka, hare (dim.?), Adbh. B 62
gdkunika, bird-catcher, Maitr. Up. . .' 94
Qdtyayanaha, the Br. of Qatyayana, Agv. Qr.; Laty . . . 50
(gdmdka — wrong reading for gya-, Kaug.)
gdrigdkd, AV.i, unexplained word. It may be a cpd., in
which case the -kd would presumably be not suffix al . 58
f&riraka, n. of an Up., Mukt. Up 49
QdlUka. a plant, said to be "an esculent lotus root," AV.;
Kaug. — Doubtless conn. w. gdlu (class.), a fruit (unidenti-
fied) 58
gdQvatika, eteinal, Ap 94
(*$chanddka— mistake in NBD. for gilchand&—TS. 5.7. 15. 1)
gipavitnukd, kind of worm, AY. Etymology unknown . 79
fipimstakh, smooth? TBr. < gipivista, bald-headed ... 58
Qilaka, n. pr., Cha. Up 58
$i$ukd, young (animal), AY 63
gitikd, cooling, BY., AY. (voc.) 56, 19
-girsdka, ifc. Bah. = firsdn, TS 55
-$llika, ifc. Bah. = fila, cf. Qllin, Gop. Br 54, 55
gulka, price, BY. Obscure. Primary? 103
(cugultikdi a bird, BY.); Say. "owlet"; prob. for gigu-uluka
guska, dried up, RY., AY., QBr. &c. . . _ 103
^rnkhdnikd (grngh-, singh-), mucus of nose, Ap. Uncertain.
A word ginghana or singhana, of like meaning, is quoted
in Lexx 58
gerabhaka, n. of demons, AY.1 (voc.) 78
$evrdhaka, n. of demons, AY.1 (voc.) 78
Qdunaka, n. of a Rishi, QBr. &c. — Supposed to be patron.
< gunaka, and this < gvdn 58
gydmdka, millet, TS.; VS.; QBr. &c 44, 30 a Note
gyavaka, n. pr., RY 64
($laksnaka), -ikd, slippery (obscene), AY 86
Qldka, sound &c., RY. &c 103
$vakiskin, applied to demons, AY.1 Text and meaning
uncertain; "having dogs' tails"?— The word *kiska is
hopeless 103
satka, consisting of 6, Laty; ifc. Bah. = sas, as navasatka,
having nine sixes or hexads, Agv. Qr 53, 55
23*
338 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
sadvingaka, consisting of 26, Cul. Up 53
(sdndikd) n. pr., for khdndika q. v., MS
sdtkdugika, six-sheathed, Kauc, (reference not given; MW.
Add.) 94
sddahika, of the soda/id-festival, Laty 94
sodagika, of the 16-partite Stotra, Pane Br. &c. ... 92
samvartaka, "destroyer," the great world-ending fire, Nrp.
Up 97
samvitka, ifc. Bah. == samvid, Nrsut. Up 55
-samgaruka in a-s., not breaking down, Kap. S 99
sdmsamaka, united together, AY 47
(saka, see taka) 75
samkalpaka, determining, purposing, Amrt. Up 97
sdmkasuka, n. of an Agni, AY.; Kauc, 99, 24
— adj. — splitting off, QBr.
i-samkhycika, ifc. Bah. = samkliya, Mukt. Up. . . . 55, 30 b
[-samkhydka, ifc. Bah. = samkhyd, Mukt. Up.; Cul. Up. 55, 30 a
samjlvaka, animating, Agv. Qr.; Ap. Qr 97
-samjndka, ikd, ifc. Bah. «= samjnd, Ramap. Up.; Maitr. Up. 55
sdtika, TS. 4. 4. 6. 2. — Unknown mg. P. p. sa-tika. Comm.
"water." Of. sdrmka, with which this is closely connected
in the text. Both words are obscure and perhaps arti-
ficial in formation 101
sandkd, old (imprec.), EY. . . . • 80
samtanika, n. of a Saman, Ars. Br. (v. 1. samtdnika) . . 44
-samnydsika, ifc. Bah. = samnydsa, cf. samnydsin, Agram.Up.
54, 55
(samanikd, battle, EY. < sdmana, with -ika by analogy
with samikd, q. v. Not real suffixal *ka. Cf. also astatmkd.)
samdrdhuka, prospering, TS 99
-samitka, ifc. Bah. = samidh, Kauc, 55
(samikd, battle, EY.; from wk. stem of samydnc, cf. prd-
tika &c.)
samuhaka, little broom, Ap. Qr. (NBD. "heap") .... 62
sampdtika, n. of certain demons, Grobh. (MW.; no reference
quoted) 46
sampuska, unground, Ap. G-r. — Comm. aksata. Uncertain 103
sarabhaka, kind of grain-devouring insect, Adbh. Br. . . 79
(sararuka, see salaltika.)
sdrmka, TS. 4. 4. 6. 2—? Comm. "water;" see sdtika. Perhaps
Vsr — ? (BE. quote the reference as QBr. by mistake.) 101
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian.
SeeJ
sarvaka, all (imprec.), AV. (< sdrva) 82
salalfika, RV.1 — ? Sch. "aimless wandering," as if from Vsr,
intens. 4- -uka (§ 25). So Grassmann. Nir. even makes
up the word sararuka to explain it; but the true intens.
stem of Vsr is sarsr-. G-rif. "wavering;" Ludw. "club."
The word is at present quite uninterpretable .... 58
saihvatsarika, yearly, Ait. Br.; Qankh Br. &c .94
sdmcausika, recited together, G-op. Br.; Vait 94
samgayika, doubtful, Ap 94
sdmsiddhika, natural, Gaudap 94
sdmspargaka, contact, Man. Gr., Kath Gr 49
(sakam, together, RV.; Vsac, cf. sacd, sdci.)
'Saks-ika, ifc. Bah. = saksin, Maitr. Up 55
samgramika, warlike, Kaug 94
sdmghdtika, of a group, Qankh Qr 94
sdttrika, sacrificial, Kaug; Qankh Br 94
sdttvika, true, good, Maitr. Up 94
sddhaka, accomplisher, Gaudap 97
sdnuka, eager for prey, RY.1, cf. sano-ti 99
sdmndhuka, able to bear arms, Ait. Br.; mistake for -ika
(Class.)? 21
samnaha, n., armor; the girding on of armor.
sdmnipdtika, complicated, coalescing, Laty; Gobh. &c. . . 94
sdptamika, of the seventh day, Laty 94
sdptardtrika, lasting 7 nights or days, Samavidh. Br. . . 94
sdmavayika, inherent, concomitant, Katy Qr 94
sdmaydcdrika, of usage or custom, Gaut.; Ap 94
sdmika, adj., < sdman, Laty 94
-samidhenika, ifc. Bah. = sdmidheni, Qankh Br.; Katy Qr. 55
sdmpdtika, of contiguous hymns, AC.V. Qr 94
sdmpraddyika, traditional, Ramat. Up 94
sdyaka, to be sent, RV.; n. arrow, RV 16
sdraka, ace. to Wh. Vbl. roots found in Brahmanas 96, 97
sdrvakdmika, fulfilling every wish, AC.V. Qr.; Qankh Qr. . 94
sdrvakdlika, of all time, Ap 94
sarvayajnika, of all sorts of sacrifice, Qankh Qr 94
sdrvavarnika, of every kind, Ap. Qr 94
sdrvavdidika, of all the Vedas, Kauc, 94
sdvika, adj. < sava, Vait 94
-sdvitrika, ifc. Bah. •= sdvitri, Acj. Gr.; Par. Gr 55
(singhdnikd, v. 1. for $rnkh- q. v., Ap.)
340 F. Edgerton, [1911.
See §
sidhraka, made of the wood of the sidhra-tree, Katy Qr. 47
silika- in tttikamadhyamfy BY.1 Obscure word, commonly
rendered "united, tied together" (Ysl?) 58
(suka, parrot, AY.; should he guka. Non-suffixal k.)
(sutuka, BY., running swiftly? Ludw. strong. Proh. non-
suffixal ka. Uhlenbeck derives from Vtuk in toka.)
subhadrikd, courtesan, YS., < subhadra, pleasant &c. 79, 67
sumeka, see -meka.
(susilika) kind of bird, YS., cf. MS. 3. 14. 17, same verse,
which reads guQid&ka. Is this a later lectio facilior for
susilika, or is it the true reading, corrupted in YS.?
Other parallel texts have not the word 101
sudka, epithet of a stinging insect, BY 62
sutaka, birth, childbirth, Par. G-r; Ait. Br.; Kaug &c. . . 48
stitika, a lying-in woman, AY.; Qankh Gr. (cf. prasutika,
= prasuta) 51
(srka, arrow, BY.) Non-suffixal k. Cf. Av. hawko, < harec 103
sevaka, worshipper, Bamap. Up 97
somaka, n. pr. BY., Ait. Br. < soma, cf. § 57 . . . 57, 58
sdugandhika, kind of unguent; Tand Br 94
sdutrdmanika, of the sa^rawmm-sacrifice, QBr 94
saumika, of the soma, AQV. Qr.; Qankh Qr. &c 94
sdurdki, a patronymic, MS.; Kath. — From *sura or *suraka,
presumably. Exact formation not certain 58
(stuka, child = tokA, TAr. 3. 11. 12. The text is difficult
and corrupt, and -ka probably not suffixal.)
stukd, tuft of hair, BY. &c. . . 42, cf. 103
stoka, drop, BY. &c. (prastoka, n. pr. BY.) 103
stdubhika, forming or containing a Stobha, Laty ... 94
sthayuka, staying, Pane. Br 99
sndiaka, a grhastha, QBr.; Gobh. &c 46
-sndvaka, ifc. Bah. = sndvan (-van), TS. in a-s 55
sphatika (sphat-), crystal, quartz, Qvet. Up. Uncertain . 103
-sphaka in pivah-sphdka, swelling with fat, AY 103
sphtirjaka, n. of an ill-omened plant, QBr.; Katy Qr. . . 79
svaka, own, Maitr. Up.; Mukt. Up 45
(svapdka ? epithet of Agni, BY. * — BB,., following Say., say
< su-apas, "G-utes bewirkend," "Kunstreich." Improbable.
Others — <su-dpdnc. The word is very doubtful; on the
whole perhaps Ludwig's suggestion is best, sva-pdka (V^pac)
= "self-ready". Non-suffixal ka in any case, probably.)
Vol. xxxi.] The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. 341
See §
svalpikd, very tiny (obs.), AV. Cf. alpakd 86
svastika, a mode of sitting (in tho shape of a svastika, which
is by origin adjectival, = "lucky, bringing luck"), Aiiirt.Cp. 51
svdbhdvika, natural, inherent, Ap.; Maitr. Up. &c. ... 94
svdrasdmika, adj. < svdrasdman, Laty 94
(sveka, artificial word, to explain sumeka, QB.)
hdriknikd, bay-mare (dim; obs.?), AV.; < fern, of hdrita . 86
-hastaka, ifc. Bab. = hdsta, Qankb. GT. (in apa-h.) ... 55
-hastika, ifc. Bab. = hastin, TB. (in bdhu-h.) 55
hdtaka, gold, Param. Up. — Uhlenbeck: < IE. yhol- (hari &c.)
+ to- (cf. OS1. zlato, G-th. gulp, gold) + ka.—*hata is
not found 58
hdruka, seizing, consuming, TS 99
haviryajmka, adj. < haviryajna, Laty 94
hinsaka, injuring, Maitr. Up 97
-hetuka, ifc. Bab. = hetu, Gaudap 55
haimantika, wintry, VS. &c., <hemantd 94
hoMa, assistant Utr, QB., Laty 66
hotraka, a priest at tbe sacrifice, Ait. B 51
(Orig. adjective, "connected with the hotrd")
hdutrika, sacerdotal, Katy Qr 94
hlddikd, refreshing, EV 56, 19
hlddukd, refreshing, TAr.; see § 19 99, cf.19
hlika, modest, TBr. ("possessing *Ul = hrl") 53
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
The K-Suf fixes of Indo-Iranian.
First Part: The K- Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta.
Chapter I. Description of the Suffixes. §§ 1—28.
Introductory, §§ 1—7.
The secondary suffix ka, §§ 8—13.
(Suffix 1 ka, § 9; Diminutive ka, § 10; 2 ka, § 11; 3 ka, § 12;
4 &a, § 13.)
Other /osuffixes, §§ 14—28.
(Suffix ika, § 14; aka, §§ 15—20; uka, §§ 21—24; uka, § 25
Ika, § 26; Adverbial A:, § 27; Primary ka, § 28.)
Chapter II. Samdhi of the Suffixes. §§ 29—39.
Of Secondary ka, §§ 29—37.
Of other fc-Suffixes, §§ 38. 39.
342 F. Edgerton, The K- Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. [1911.
Chapter III. The Secondary Suffix ka (excl. Diminutives), §§ 40—58.
Suffix 1 ka, §§ 40 — 48 (Nouns or Adjectives of Similarity or
Characteristic).
Suffix 2 ka, §§ 49 — 52 (Adjectives of Appurtenance or Relationship.)
Suffix 3 ka, §§ 53 — 55 (Possessive Adjectives or Substantives).
Suffix 4 ka, § 56 (Words of Active Verbal force).
Unclassified, §§ 57. 58.
Chapter IV. The Diminutive Suffix ka. §§ 59—91.
Introductory, §§ 59. 60.
I. True Diminutives, §§ 61—66.
II. Diminutives of Endearment, § 67.
III. Diminutives of Pity, § 68.
IV. Pejorative Diminutives, §§ 69—86, including-
1. Diminutives of Contempt, §§ 70—76.
2. Diminutives of Imprecation, §§ 77 — 84.
3. Diminutives of Obscene Humor, §§ 85. 86.
V. Generic Diminutives, §§ 87—89.
VI. Diminutives of Femininity, §§ 90. 91.
Chapter V. Other fc-Suffixes. §§ 92—103.
Suffix ika, §§ 92-94.
Suffix aka, §§ 95—97.
Suffix uka, §§ 98. 99.
Suffix Ika, §§ 100. 101.
Primary suffix ka, §§ 102. 103.
Chapter VI. The Prehistoric Suffix. §§ 104-117.
The suffix in B,V., §§ 104—106.
The suffix in Avestan, 88 107—113.
* OO
The suffix in Aryan (Indo-Iranian), § 114.
The suffix in Lith. and in I.-E., §§ 115—117.
Statistics. § 118.
Index and Word-list (Vedic Words).
The Mayurastaka, an unedited Sanskrit poem by Mayura.
—By Gr. P. QUACKENBOS, A. M., Tutor in Latin,
College of City of New York.
WHAT little knowledge we have of the poet Mayura rests
largely on legend and tradition, but it is now generally accepted
that he flourished in the seventh century of our era, was one
of the habitues at the court of the emperor Harsavardhana,
and was the rival, in the field of literature, of Bana, author
of the Kddambarl and of the Harsacarita.
In an old legend, preserved principally in Jaina tradition,
and existing in several versions, 1 we are told that Mayura, on
one occasion, wrote a licentious description of the charms of
his own daughter, Bana's wife. That lady, enraged, cursed
her father, who, in consequence of the curse, became a leper,
and was banished from court. Nothing daunted, however,
he set to work to regain his health and his lost position, and
composed the Suryasataka-, consisting of a hundred stanzas
in praise of Surya, the sun-god. At the recitation of the sixth
stanza, the sun appeared in bodily form, and cured the poet
of his leprosy. Bana, jealous of Mayura's triumph, and seeking
1 The principal versions of this legend are found in two anonymous
commentaries on the Jaina poet Manatunga's Bhaktdmarastotra, in
Madhusudana's commentary on Mayura's Suryasataka, and in the Pra-
bandhacintdmani of Merutunga, who was a Jaina. For the anonymous
commentaries on the Bhaktdmarastotra, see F. E. Hall, Subandhu's Vd-
savadattd, Calcutta, 1859, intro. pp. 7, 8, 49, and Rajendralala Mitra,
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Library of His Highness, the
Maharaja of Bikdner, Calcutta, 1880, p. 671, no. 1463, and Biihler, On the
Candikdsataka of Bdnabhatta, Indian Antiquary, vol. 1 (1872), pp. Ill
—115; for the commentary of Madhusudana, see Biihler, On the Author-
ship of the Ratndvali, Indian Antiquary, vol. 2 (1873), pp. 127—123;
and for the Prabandhacintdmani, see the translation of that work by
C. H. Tawney, Calcutta, 1901, pp. 64—66.
2 This is Mayura's best-known work. The most accessible edition is
that in Kavyamala Series, no. 19, Bombay (2nd ed.), 1900.
VOL. XXX r. Part IV. 24
344 G. P. Quachenbos, [1911.
to emulate his example, had his own hands and feet cut offr
and then composed the Candtfataka1, in honor of Candl, the
wife of &iva. But in the recitation of his poem, he did not-
have to proceed any further than the sixth syllable of the
first stanza before the goddess appeared and restored his limbs
to their former condition. Now it happened that a Jaina,
Manatunga, was present, and wishing to show that the Jaina&
were not lacking in miracle-working powers, he ordered him-
self to he loaded with forty-two chains 2, and to be locked up
in a room. He then began to compose the Bhaktdmarastotra 3,
which consists of forty-four stanzas. At the conclusion of
each stanza, one of the forty-two chains dropped off, and
when the whole forty-four stanzas had been recited, the locked
doors flew open of their own accord, and he was free. The
king, Harsa (or Bhoja, as some accounts call him), had wit-
nessed all three miracles, but deciding that Manatunga's was
the greatest, he became a convert to Jainism.
In one version of the legend, that, namely, given by the
first anonymous commentator on the Bhaktamarastotra, the
name of the obnoxious poem that so displeased Mayura's
daughter, and that brought upon Mayura the curse of
leprosy, is said to be the Mayurdstaka. While recently
working up the life and writings of Mayura for a forth-
coming volume of the Columbia University Indo-Iranian
Series, I noted that a poem of this name was recorded in
Professor Garbe's catalogue4 of the Sanskrit manuscripts at
Tubingen University. Through the kindness of Professor Garbe
and of Dr. Geiger, the librarian at Tubingen, the manuscript
containing the Mayurdstaka was forwarded to Professor Jack-
son for my use. The material is birch-bark, folded in book
form, each leaf being 75/s by 63/s inches, with 16 lines
of writing to a full page. The writing is in the sdradd script,
1 Ed. with commentary, in Kavyamala Series, Part 4, Bombay (2nd ed.)r
1899.
2 Other accounts say 34 or 48 chains; cf. Hall, op. cit. pp. 8, 49.
3 Edited (transliteration and translation) by Jacobi, Indische Studien,
vol. 14, Leipzig, 1876, pp. 359—376, with forty-four stanzas. Etting-
hausen, Harsa Vardhana, Empereur et Poete, Louvain, 1906, p. 127, n. i>.
mentions several editions, one containing 48 stanzas.
4 Richard Garbe, Verzeichniss der indischen Handschriften der konig-
lichen Universitats-Bibliothek, Tubingen, 1899, no. 182, F.
Vol. xxxi.J The Mayurastaka &c. 345
«
and the date should probably IK- placed in UK* seventeenth
century. l
The Mayiirastaka, which covers one full leaf, and parts of
two other leaves, consists, as its name implies, of eight st an/as.
( )f these, the first and the sixth are incomplete, owing to a
tear in the manuscript. Stanzas 1, 2, and 4 are in the
sragdhard meter, the others in sardidavikridita. The dedi-
cation is to Hari and Hara (Visrm and &va), and at the
end is the colophon iti srwiayurdstakam samdptam. After
the colophon comes a kind of diagram, which may he some-
thing astrological, though I have been unable to decipher
anything from it except the words samvat 2.
The theme of the poem is the description of a girl or young
woman, and at times, especially through the double entendres
and puns, the sentiment is decidedly erotic, and might very
well have given offence to the person portrayed. In a general
way the style is not unlike the style of other compositions
ascribed to Mayura, For example, the puns and double
entendres, already referred to, besides other Kavya elements,
1 The ms. in Garbe's Verzeichniss (see note preceding) 182 F was one
of those purchased in 1894 by Marc Aurel Stein at Srmagar in Kasmir
( Verzeichniss, p. 3), and the date is according to the Saptarsi era (ibid.,
p. 5. n. 1; personal letter from Prof. Garbe, April 4th, 1911). '-At the end
of the Durgdstaka [one of the pieces in the collection contained in the
manuscript in question] the copyist gives the date (laukika) samvat 87,
frdvati 5, gandu" (Stein in Garbe, Verzeichniss, p. 78), and, as Prof.
Garbe writes me, "die Ahnlichkeit der aufieren Beschaffenheit aber zeigt,
daf.) die beiden darauf folgeiiden Stiicke [Vetdlastot)-a, 3fayurdstaka] in
anmihernd derselben Zeit geschrieben sein miissen".
The Saptarsi era began B. C. 3076 (Biihler, in Weber. Indische Stndien,
vol. 14, Leipzig-, 1876, pp.1 407—408). During the centuries which, in
consideration of the average age of birch-bark manuscripts (see Biihler,
Indische Palaeographie, Strafoburg, 1896, p. 88), can alone be here taken
into account, the fifth of Sravana fell on Saturday in the year 87 of
any century of this Saptarsi era only in 4687 and 4487 — Saturday,
Sravana 5, 4687 corresponding to Aug. 13, 1611 (Gregorian calendar),
and Saturday, Sravana 5, 4487 to July 25, 1411, of the Julian calendar
(as reckoned according to Robert Schram, Kalendariographische und
r/trnnologiscJie Tafcln, Leipzig, 1908). Since of these two dates the former
is the more likely, we may ascribe the completion of our manuscript to
Aug. 13, 1611. (On the Saptarsi era, see Sewell and Dlkshit, The Indian
<1<iJ<'iidar, London, 1896, p. 41; Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischcn und
ter/tnischen Chronologic, Leipzig, 1906. vol. 1, pp. 382—384; A. Cunningham,
Book of Indian Eras, Calcutta, 1883, pp. 6—17.)
24*
346 G. P. Quackenbos, [1911.
•
are common to it and to the Suryasataka, and that Mayura
did not disdain the erotic sentiment elsewhere is shown by a
perusal of the descriptive verse on two asses, which is found
under his name in the Subhdsitavali of Vallabhadeva, and
also in the Sariigadharapaddhati.i It may count for something,
too, that the meter of three of the stanzas is the sragdhara,
the same as that in which the Suryasataka is composed, as
well as most of the anthology stanzas attributed to Mayura.
In view of all the facts and circumstances as set forth, it
seems not unreasonable to believe that the poem Mayurdstaka,
contained in the Tubingen manuscript, is a creation of the
poet Mayura, although it must be acknowledged that the
evidence is not especially strong. It may be argued, for
example, that the name Mayurdstaka may mean "the astaka
on the peacock", or that the commentator on the Blidlddnia-
rastotra ascribed it to Mayura merely because of its name,
or that it is the composition of another Mayura, not the
seventh-century poet of that name.
But on the other hand stand the facts that the name srl-
mayurdstakam is found in the colophon of the manuscript,
that the subject-matter of the manuscript poem harmonizes
with the content of the Mayurdstaka described by the com-
mentator, that there is not the faintest allusion to a peacock
in any of the stanzas, and that there is a general similarity
in point of style between the manuscript poem and the known
writings of Mayura. The pros are, on the whole, stronger
than the cons, and it can at least be said that there is no
direct evidence to show that Mayura did not write the Mayu-
rdstaka contained in the Tubingen manuscript. Until such
evidence is adduced, I am inclined to accept it as his work.
It gives me pleasure to express my thanks to Professor
Jackson and to Dr. Gray for many valuable suggestions, and
also to Professor Barret, who was good enough to verify my
transliteration of the sdradd script.
1 Peter Peterson, The Subhdsitdvali of Vallabhadeva, Bombay, 1886,
no. 2422; Peterson, The Paddhaii of Sdrngadhara, Bombay, 1888, no. 585.
See also the modern anthology, Subhdsitaratnabhdnddgdram, compiled
by K.P. Parab, Bombay (3rd ed.), 1891,' p. 327, v. 17.'
Vol xxxi.]. The Mayurastaha &c. 347
MAYURASTAKA.
Verse 1.
om namah srihariharabhyam
esa l ks prastutam2gi pracalitanayana liamsalila-vrajantl
dvau hastau kunkumardrau kanakaviracita4 . . u
. . 5um[gam]gegata sa balmkusumayuta baddhavma hasanti
tambulam6 vamahaste7 madanavasagata guhya8 £alara pravista9
1 The meter is sragdhara.
2 In the matter of transliterating the nasals, I have faithfully followed
the manuscript, which is inconsistent, sometimes writing anusvdra in-
stead of the appropriate nasal consonant. Compare, for example, lag-
ndmga (2 a), priyamya (3d), and gagandmgand (8d), with bhrubhangam
and ananga (7b). Note also amtah for antah (3c), canpaka with lingual
nasal, instead of campdka (8b), and samx>akiJa for sampakva (5b). In
the use of the nasal before k, there appear to be no irregularities except
sanikayantl for sankayanti (2b); cf. kunknma (lb), and panka (7c).
3 The word Hid is one of the stock terms used to define the natural
graces of the heroine; cf. Dasarupa, a Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy,
tr. Haas, New York, 1911, 2.60, "Sportiveness (Hid') is the imitation of a
lover in the actions of a fair-limbed maiden."
4 One, possibly two consonants must come between the a and the u\
the syllable containing the a must be heavy, and six syllables must be
supplied after the u.
5 One syllable is missing.
6 Betel was as much an adjunct of love-making among the ancient
Hindus as candy and confections are to-day. Usually it was brought by
the man to the girl, but here the girl appears to be carrying it as a
gift to her lover; cf. Schmidt, Beitrcige zur indischen Erotik, Leipzig,
1902, p. 728.
7 Was the left hand the erotic one, as implied, for example, in the
epithet "left-handed", when used to denote the obscene form in the
Tantra cult?
8 I take guhya to be a gerund (cf. Whitney, Skt. Grammar, 992 c),
but the author doubtless intended that it should be read also, though
with short u, as first member of a compound with sdldm — guhyasdldm,
"private chamber" ; cf. guhyadesdn (4 d).
9 In sdradd, the same ligature represents both sta and stha. Prof,
Barret, who has transliterated part of the Paippalada Manuscript of the
Atharvaveda, which is in sdradd (cf. JAOS. vol. 26, 2nd part, pp. 197
—295), writes me: "about sta and stha; as far as I have seen, there is
no difference made, the same sign serving for both."
348 G. P. Quaekeriboe, [1911.
Translation.
Om. Reverence to the illustrious Hari and Hara.
Who is this (maiden), with beautiful limbs and wandering
glance, approaching with the gait of a liamsa?
Her two hands are moist with saffron, her ...... composed of gold,
She has ........ on her [body]; she is decked with many flowers,
girt with a lute, and is smiling.
Concealing betel in her left hand, and having yielded to the
power of love, she enters the [private] chamber.
Verse 2.
esa1 ka bhuktamukta pracalitanayana sveda'4agnamgavastra
pratyuse yati bala3 mrga iva cakita sarvatas samkayantl
kenedam vaktrapadmam sphuradadhararasam satpad jenaiva
pitam
svargah5 kenadya bhukto haranayanahato manmathah5 kasya
install
Translation.
Who is this maiden that, not partaking of food and with
wandering glance, and with garments clinging to her
limbs with perspiration,
1 The meter is sragdhara.
2 For perspiration as a mark of love, see Sappho, frag. 2, v. 4, d
3 In erotics, bald means a young girl under sixteen, who wishes
be loved in darkness, and delights in betel (Schmidt, pp. 243— 2
especially the citation (p. 244) from Anaiigaranga, fol. 5b). She i-
a mrgl, "gazelle" (cf. mrga 2b, and harim in 3b and 8c), so eats litt
(cf. bhuktamukta in 2a), and has high-set (unnatd) breasts, cf. Schmi«lt
pp. 212—213.
4 Satpada suggests bhramura, which means both "bee" and "lover".
5 In the ligature here transliterated by hk. I have taken the fi
element to be the sign for jihvawiullya, the surd guttural spirant,
Whitney, Skt. Grammar, 69, 170 d, 171 c. Prof. Barret, however, in
transliteration of the Paippalada Manuscript of the Atharvaveda, adop
sk as the transcription of the character; compare, for example, JA<
•vol. 26, 2nd part, New Haven, 1906, p. 218 foot, v. 18, vas kama,
p. 224 foot, v. 25, jdtas kasyapo, with the Paippalada facsimiles, foli
6 a, line 3, and 7b, line 12, respectively. But he has since written m
"The signs which I transliterated ska and spa are not exactly represe
tatives of lingual s, but that seemed the best rendering."
Vol. xxxi.] The Mayurastalta, &c. 349
At dawn goes here and there, timid fandj distrustful, like a
gazelle?
How is this? Has this lotus face with its lower lip's welling
nectar, been sipped hy a bee?
By whom has heaven been enjoyed to-day? With whom
Kama, [once] slain by Siva's eye, been pleased?
Verse 3.
esa1 ka stanapmabharakathina2 madhye daridravati3
vibhranta harini* vilolanayana samtrasta5yuthodgata
amtahsv(e6)dagajendragandagalita7 samlilaya8 gacchati9
* The meter is sardulavikridita.
2 Perhaps, "stiff with the burden of her swelling breasts"; i. e. she
must walk very upright, or the weight of her breasts would make her
stoop-shouldered.
3 There may be an obscene pun in madhye daridravati ; for the pass-
ionateness of the mrgi, see Schmidt as cited p. 348, note 3. For daridra-
vati, not found in the lexicons, cf. Whitney, Skt. Grammar, 1233 d.
4 For harini, "gazelle", see mrgi, p. 348. note 3.
5 The reading of the manuscript is samtrastha.
6 The manuscript is broken above the sv ligature, but the restoration
of the e is unquestionably correct.
7 According to folk-belief, even in modern India (cf. W. Crooke, The
Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, 2nd ed., Westminster.
1896, vol. 2. p. 240), there is, in the forehead of an elephant, a magic
jewel, the gajamukta, which grants to him who possesses it his every
wish. The author seems here to be comparing his heroine to this
magic jewel.
8 I have rendered samlilaya as "like"; cf. St. Petersburg Worterbuch,
unabridged ed., s. v. Ilia, 3. The compound of Ilia and sam is not found
in the lexicons, but occurs twice in this poem; cf. 8c.
9 The whole of line 3 may be read with a second rendering, con-
taining an obscene pun: "She goes, possessed, through her wanton
sport with [her lover], of that which falls from the temple of the
rutting lord of elephants," i. e., possessed of the mada, which also
means semen virile and afaoSirLa wris; this latter, in the case of thi»
mrgi, has the odor of flowers (Schmidt, p. 213), and would therefore
attract bees (or lovers; cf. p. 348, n. 4), just as the mada of a must-
elephant does. [Prof. Jackson takes this second rendering to be the
correct interpretation, as opposed to that presented in the text and iu
notes 7 and 8.]
350 G. P. Quackeribos, [1911.
drstva rupam idam priyamgagahanam1 vrddho2 (')pi kama-
yate3
Translation.
Who is this timid gazelle, with a burden of firm, swelling
breasts,
With roving glance, and slender of waist, gone forth from the
frightened herd?
She goes like as she were fallen from the temple of a rutting
lord of elephants.
Seeing this form, with its adornment of beautiful limbs, even
an old man becomes a Kama.
Verse 4.
vamen&vestayanti 4 praviralakusumam kesabharam karena
prabhrastam cottariyam ratipatitaguuam mekhalam daksinena
tambulam codvahanti vikasitavadana5 muktakesa naraga6
niskranta guhyadesan madanavasagata marutam prarthayanti
Translation.
With her left hand doing up her heavy hair, on which few
flowers [now remain],
And with her right holding up her upper garment, her girdle,
whose cord had slipped down
1 The compound priyamgagahanam may be read in two ways. In
the first way, take gahanam as from gahana, "adornment", and the
second reading, which is obscene, may be found by taking gahanam as
"place of concealment", and priydmga as a tatpurusa compound, priya
denoting the lover.
2 Is vrddho a reference to Eana, the husband of Mayura's daughter?
Bana may have been of the same age as Mayura, and so considerably
older than his wife.
3 The regular causative of the root Jcam is kdmayate. I therefore
take hdmdyate to be a denominative from Kama; cf. AVhitney,
Grammar, 1059 c, and Brugmann, VgL Gram, der idg. Sprachen, Strafi-
burg, 1892. 2. 769 (p. 1107). The meter requires that the second syllable
of ltdmdyate should be long.
4 The meter is sragdhard.
5 "With blooming face", or, punningly, "with open mouth", "yawning".
6 The word nardgd is not found in the lexicons, but on the anal<
of naroga, "not ill", I have taken it to mean "not passionate", i. e.
"with passion sated".
Vol. xxxi.] The MayTtrastcika, &c. :'>."> 1
During love, and her betel; with blooming face, with dishe-
veled hair, with passion sated,
Coming forth from the private chamber, having yielded to the
power of love, she longs for the breeze.
Verse 5.
esa1 ka navayauvana sasimukhi kantapathl2 gacchati
nidravyakulita vighurnanayana sampakvabimbadhara
kesair vyakulita nakhair vidalita3 dantais ca khandikrta4
kenedam ratiraksasena ramita sardulavikridita
Translation.
Who is this lovely one advancing along the path, moon-faced,
in the bloom of youth,
Bewildered with sleep, her eye rolling, her lower lip like a
ripe bimba fruit,
Bewildered by her [disordered] locks, scratched by finger-nails,
and torn to pieces by teeth?
How is this? By a demon in love has she, imitating tiger-
sport, been beloved!
1 The meter is sardulavikridita. Note the pun possibly implied in
sardulavikridita, line 4.
2 I resolve as kdntd dpathl. Compare the Vedic dpathl (RV. 1. 64. 11),
which evidently means, as Geldner (Der Rig- Veda in Ausivahl, Stuttgart,
1909, vol. 2, p. 11) says, "auf der Strafte fahrend" (cf. also Bezzenberger,
in IVpay, Abhandlungen zur idg. Sprachgeschichte Aug. Fick ge-
widmet, Gottingen, 1903, pp. 175 — 176), a connotation which is also sup-
ported by Sayana's commentary ad loc. Or, perhaps we should read
kdntd pathl, with pathl as fern. nom. sing, of *patha (*pathi), with which
compare the epithets of the Maruts— dpathi, vipathi, antaspatha, anu-
patha, RV. 5. 52. 10; yet note tripathd.
3 The manuscript reads vimdalitd.
4 References to scratching and biting, as concomitants of indulgence
in rati, are found throughout Sanskrit erotic literature. For nakha-
cchedya (scratching with the nails), see Schmidt, pp. 478—496, and for
dasanacchedya (biting with the teeth), ibid. pp. 496 — 508. Is there not
also in khandikrta a possible punning allusion to the khanddbhraka
("broken-cloud") bite on the breast, in form of a circle, with uneven
indentures from the varying size of the teeth (Schmidt, p. 504)? The
reference to his daughter's disheveled appearance, as being due to the
scratches and lacerations, may have been responsible for that lady's
anger and her consequent curse of Mayura (see intro.). And in this
connection it may be added that the obscene puns in verse 3 would
probably not tend to lessen her displeasure.
352 O. P, Quackcnlos, [1911.
Verse 6.
esa1 ka paripurnacandravadana gaurimrga2 ksobhim3
lilamattagajendrahamsagamana4 e . ."
n(i6)hs\Tasadharagandhasitalamukhi vaca mrdullasini
sa slaghyah purusas sa jlvati7 varo yasya priya hidrsi
Translation.
Who is this frantic tigress, with a face like the full moon,
With the gait of the liamsa, or of the lordly rutting elephant
in wantonness ,
With her face cooled by the perfume of her sighing lower lip,
and gently mirthful in her speech?
That man is to be envied, that lucky one lives, who has truly
such a one as his beloved.
Verse 7.
esa8 ka jaghanasthall sulalita9 pronmattakamadhika
1 The meter is sardulamkrulita.
2 I take gdurlmrgd to mean "beast of Gaurl" (with a pun on mrgii
[cf. note on mrgl, p. 348, n. 3] as the sort of girl the heroine is), and the
beast of Gaurl (in her incarnation as Durga) is the tiger. As ParvatI
also, Gaurl' s vehicle is the tiger; cf. Moor, Hindu Pantheon, London,
1810, plates 20, 21, 24. My interpretation as "tigress" seems also to be
strengthened by the allusion to "tiger-sport" in the last line of the
preceding stanza.
3 The word Jcsobhini is not recorded in the lexicons except with
lingual nasal as the name ksobhim, of a certain sruti in Samgitasara-
samgraha, 23 (cf. St. Petersburg Worterbuch, abridged ed., s.v.Jcsobhiin)',
it is here probably best regarded as the feminine of ftsobhana or of
*ksobhin.
4 In Manu, 3. 10 (hamsavdranagdminwi) , the gaits of the hamsa and
of the elephant are mentioned as among the desirable graces of women.
5 Seven syllables are needed to fill out the line.
6 The manuscript is broken here, but part of a vertical stroke can l>c
seen, and the restoration of an i seems certain.
' The manuscript reads jivatih. For the sentiment expressed in jlvai
compare the well-known line of Catullus (5.1), Vivdmus, mea Lesbic
atjue amemus.
s The meter is sdrdulavikrldita.
9 Lalita is one of the stock terms used to define the graces of
heroine; cf. Dasarupa, tr. Haas, 2.68, "Lolling (lalita) is a gracefi
pose of one of fair form."
Vol. xxxi.J The Mayftrastaka, &c. 353
bhrubhaiigain kutilam tv auangadhanusahtprakhyam prabha-
candravat2
rakacandrakapolaparikajaniukli! ksamodari sundar!
vinidandam3 idam vibhati tulitam4 veladbhujam5 gacchati
Translation.
Who is this lovely one that goes, with rounded hips, with
an excess of ecstatic love —
Her curving frown like the bow of the Bodiless (Kama), and
like the moon in splendor —
\Yith lotus face like the cheek of the full moon, and she
[herself] slender-waisted and beautiful?
This neck of her lute seems like a raised quivering arm.
1 In the ligature here transliterated by hp, I have taken the first
element to be the sign for the iipadhmdriiya, or surd labial spirant; cf.
Whitney, Skt. Grammar, 69, 170 d, 171 c. In Prof. Barret's transliteration
of the Paippalada Manuscript, this same ligature is transcribed by sp
(cf. JAOS. vol.26, 2nd part, New Haven, 1906, p. 213 foot, devds pitaro,
and ras pari-, with the Paippalada facsimiles, folio 4b, lines 11 and 12),
though Prof. Barret says (see above, p. 348, n. 5) that it does not exactly
represent sp. If the word dhanusahprakhyam be regarded as a compound,
we should naturally expect the dental sibilant before initial p, as is the
case, for example, in such a word as vdcaspati (cf. Whitney, Skt. Gram.
loc. cit.), yet, in favor perhaps, of its being so regarded, it may be noted
that above (stanza 6d) we have sldghyah purusas, which cannot be a
compound, with msarga before initial p. However, it should be remarked
that the Paippalada Manuscript, before initial p, seems to use, indiffer-
ently, either msarga or the ligature under discussion; cf. the instances
given above with folio 6 a, line 7, devah pradisa, and folio 7 a, line 5,
nirrtyah pasebhyo.
2 The accusatives in line 2 are hard to explain, unless they may pos-
sibly comprise an extension of the simple adverbial accusative, on which
see Carl Gaedicke, Der Accusativ im Veda, Breslau, 1880, pp. 171 — 175,
215—233. Or perhaps bhrubhangam is to be regarded as neuter (cf.
note on bhuja below), though it is not found as neuter elsewhere. If
it is neuter, it probably becomes the subject of an asti understood.
3 The form vimdanda is not given in the lexicons; the regular spel-
ling is vinddanda, though the word is given only by the lexicographers,
and is not found in the literature.
4 In tulitam, the manuscript shows only the upper part of the i, the
vertical stroke being missing.
5 Bhuja is not found as neuter elsewhere, but for neuters of this
class of compounds (including vlnlddndani), see Wackernagel, Altindische
Graimnatik, Gottingen, 1905, II. 1. lob (p. 39); and on the interchange
of masculine and neuter (cf. dandah and dandani), see Delbriick, Vgl.
Synt. der idg. Sprachen, Strafibur'g, 1893, 1. 37 (p. 130).
354 (r. P. Quackeribos, The Mayiirastdka, <&c. [1911.
Verse 8.
esa1 ka ratihavabhaYa2vilasaccandrananam bibhratl
gatram canpakadamagaurasadrsam 3 ptnastanalambita
padbhyam samcarati pragalbha4harim samlllaya svecchaya
kim caisa gaganSmgana bliuvitale sampadita brahmana
iti srimayurastakam samaptam
Translation.
Who is this with a face like the shining moon through her
< incitement to> and her < state of> amorousness,
Drooping from [the weight of] her full-rounded breasts, with
a body like the yellowness of a garland of cham-
paka flowers,
A wanton "gazelle", going on two feet, in dalliance as she
feels?
Surely this is a celestial nymph, produced on earth by Brahma.
Here ends the illustrious Mayiirdstcika.
1 The meter is sdrdulavikrldita.
2 I have rendered bhdva in two ways, "incitement to" and "state of".
3 The manuscript reads mdurasadrsam, which is unintelligible. I have
emended to gdurasadrsam, at the suggestion of my friend, Dr. C. J. Ogden,
who referred me to the compounds kanakacampakadamagdurlm (Bilhana's
Cdurapancdsikd, v. 1), and campakaddmagdurl (MahabhSrata 15.25,13).
4 Pragalbhd is another of the stock terms (cf. Hid, la, and lalita. 7:0
denned in Hindu rhetorical treatises; it is translated "experienced" by
Haas, in his translation of the Dasarupa, 2. 29. For pragalbhd, as a
type of heroine, cf. Schmidt, pp. 264—266.
On the Etymology of IsJitar. — By GEOKGE A. BARTON,
Professor in Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa.
IN the Journal of this Society, XXVIII, 112—119, Pro-
fessor Haupt published a theory of the etymology of Ishtar.
The article is packed with the wealth of philological material
that we have learned to expect from the pen of this distin-
guished Semitist. There was one crucial point', vital to the
whole case, in which the argument rested on one single example
— an example, too, which did not prove the conclusion drawn
from it. The present writer was, accordingly, never convinced
that the etymology offered was correct. As the subject is a dif-
ficult one, no dissent was immediately expressed. Since it now
appears that Dhorme has been mislead by it, * it is not out
of place to discuss the point a little further.
Haupt derives the name Ishtar, mntSty, &c. from the stem
Itytf, from which mtste comes, by the infixing of a H after the
second radical. This n Haupt regards as perhaps the feminine
ending n moved backward, although he recognizes that it may
be the reflexive n. Now it so happens that IBto begins with
N, and mn$y with y. The name is found in Hebrew, Phoe-
nician, Moabitish, Aramaic, South Arabic, and Ethiopic, in
all of which languages the y appears. That the same con-
sonant stood at the beginning of the word in Semitic Baby-
lonian, is shown by the fact that the name begins with I. This 7,
as is well known, is often found in Babylonian and Assyrian
where an y was originally the accompanying consonant. To
derive the name of this deity, once universally worshipped by
the Semites, from "ti?N. one must prove that in primitive Se-
mitic N could be changed to y. In proof of this Haupt
offers but one example. The Hebrew TlBty, Assyrian istin, he
derives from the Sumerian aMan.
This derivation from AS = = 1 and TA-A-AN = "amount"
is, however, hardly tenable. Haupt refers for proof only to
1 La, Religion Assyrio-Babylonienne, Paris 1910, pp. 85 and 116.
356 George A. Barton, [1911.
the work of Schorr, Altbabylonisclie Reclitsurlmnden, p. 163
n. a and p. 208. All that these references prove is that
TA-A-AN can mean "amount". They have no bearing on"
the compound AS-TAN. Moreover Prince has pointed outy
(Sumerian Lexicon, p. 195), that i$tin cannot well he derived
from ASTAN, because as early as the time of Hammurabi
(Laws, xi, 6), it made a feminine istiat. The Sumerian origin
of the one example on which the whole case rests is, accord-
ingly, very questionable. If istin were really derived from
ASTAX, the initial JJ would be paralleled in modern Syriac
in which Ireland appears as ^P^-, and oxygen as ^roJxv
(cf. Noldeke, Grammatik der neusyrisclien Sprache, p. 60). As
noted below,, this phenomenon is accompanied in modern
Syriac by an interchange of I and **; this is paralleled in
Babylonian and Assyrian by the confusion of all the gutturals
except £. That outlying dialects of Semitic in which distinc-
tions between the gutturals were passing away could exhibit
such phenomena, is not strange, but it is quite another thing
to ask us to believe that such interchange occurred in un-
contaminated primitive Semitic. Istin appears in Hebrew in
the Babylonian period of Hebrew history as Tl$JJ. It occurs
in Jeremiah, but not in the text of the Book; only in the
editorial title (1 : 3) and an exilic supplement (52 : 5). Its
earliest occurrence is really in Ezekiel (40 : 49). Whether
of Semitic or foreign origin, it does not appear in the Semitic
dialects generally.
mntJty, on the other hand, is a primitive Semitic word. It
is found in all the great divisions of the Semitic speech. To
prove that it is derived from the stem 1#K, it is necessary to
show that in primitive Semitic N and JJ were interchangeable.
Proof for this is altogether lacking.
It is perfectly true that in widely scattered Semitic dialects
K sometimes stood for y, but, as Haupt admits, this was all
comparatively late time. It came about when in many pj
of the Semitic world y was losing its original quality.
Thus in Hebrew, 1DDN (Esther) is probably a spelling oi
Ishtar taken over from the Babylonian after the quality oi
the y had disappeared. Similarly, in the Targum Yerusi
and the Palestinian Talmud 7\yh occurs for HK1?, "to weary
ones self" and Etynn for tSton "it is unfavorable". In the
Talmud Kmiy is sometimes spelled &OTTK (cf.Dalman, Aramdi
Vol. xxxi.| On the Etymology of Ishtar. :>.">/
Grammatik, 97, 39). Such examples prove the same confusion
of these sounds in Jewish Aramaic. In late Punic, too,
distinction between « and y was lost. In CIS, I, 373 4
-hear" occurs instead of the ordinary y&tf (cf. 371 6), while in
387 2 t£ty is written for the relative pronoun ordinarily spelled
tfK (cf. 385 2). In Palmyrene Aramaic we have 2pyny for
spy™ (cf. Lidzharski, Ephemeris, I, 198).
In Mandaean, though there are numerous cases in which N
has replaced y (cf. Noldeke, Manddische Grammatik, 69 ff.),
there seem to be few if any cases in which y stands for K,
though it sometimes stands for \ thus 2JV becomes 3«ny (cf.
ibid. 60 ff.). In modern Syriac I is not distinguished from *.,
thus Jj^l stands for and beside JL*^ in the sense of "narrow",
^ beside W, "between" (cf. Noldeke, Grammatik der neu-
syrisclien Sprache, 60).
This confusion is also found in late dialects of South Semitic.
Thus in Tigre, Tigrina, and Amharic, 'and' are hopelessly con-
fused (cf. Brockelmann, Vergleichende Grammatik der semi-
tisclien Sprachen, pp. 124, 125). In the Mehri dialect of South
Arabia the £ has entirely disappeared and is replaced some-
times by i, sometimes by A and sometimes by (see Jahn,
Grammatik der Meliri-Sprache pp. 2 and 9).
Apart from such confusion, which arose from a weakening
of the pronunciation of y as the language decayed, the only
change of which there seems to be any trace is the change
of y to K in certain cases. Thus in Syriac and Palmyrene y
before another y was dissimilated to «. In Syr. JL*^, "rib",
became JL^Sv: In West Syriac, y before ri became K; 'uhdana,
"contract", became 'ulidana (cf. Brockelmann, op. cit. 241 ff.,
and Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, p. 25). In Syriac, y before p
is sometimes dissimilated to «, 'qland, "bracelet" becoming
'qland (Brockelmann, p. 242). Of the opposite change of X
to y the older dialects afford no example.
Xot only is this true, but the stem 1#K appears in South
Semitic as well as North Semitic, where, as in North Semitic,
it is spelled with «. In a South Arabic inscription X)S?i
is a goddess, parallel in name as in functions to mttftf (cf.
Hommel, Aufsatze und Abhandlungen, II, 206). The occur-
rence of this name in the south as well as in the north,
proves that these two names, mKto and mn$y, were from
primitive times philologically and orthographically distinct.
358 George A. Barton, [1911.
The etymology of Ishtar must accordingly be sought in a
stem beginning with y. The present writer has twice sug-
gested such an etymology (Hebraica X, 69 — 71, and Semitic
Origins 102ff.), deriving the name from the stem jZ*. In the
work last referred to it was suggested that, as )£* means an
•'irrigating ditch" and .-i* "that which is watered by rain
alone", the name meant "she who waters", or "is watered". I
should have added as an alternative meaning "the self-waterer".
A writer in the Nation (vol. LXXV, p. 15), who withheld his
name, but whose identity it is not difficult to divine, criticised
this view because the Arabic lexicographers assert that the
term ^& was applied to the palm tree because it "stumbled
upon the water necessary to it and did not need to be irri-
gated". Such a statement is, however, not decisive. It is
doubtful whether an Arabian lexicographer's guess as to the
origin of a custom or an etymology is superior to that of a
modern scholar, especially as the lexicographer bears witness
in the same context (Lisan, VI, 215), that the term was
applied to "whatever seed is watered by the water of stream
or rain" (jkjlj J-^-^ *U> ^^ U ^Jl ^ yt» J^).
This is a statement of general usage, concerning which the
lexicographer's testimony is valuable. It is of much more
weight than his guess as to the reason of the usage. If the
root £& was applied to whatever seed was watered by natural
processes, it certainly had something to do with water, or
watering. Paton (Hastings Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics,
II, 116 ff.) has accepted this etymology, suggesting that it was
applied to the numen of a spring and meant the self-waterer.
He points out that all over the Semitic world springs were sup-
posed to be the dwellings of numina. This is a very probable
suggestion, superior, I believe, to the application of the ety-
mology made by me.
In whatever way the meaning is to be explained, the evi-
dence, philological and religious, points to an etymology from
the root jZ* as a term connected with irrigation. The O
is most plausibly explained with Paton as the infixed O of
a reflexive, infixed as in the viiith stem of Arabic, afterward
undergoing metathesis with the following radical after the
analogy of n before a sibilant in North Semitic. Parallel forms
from both North and South Semitic were cited by me in
Hebraica, loc. cit.
The Etymology of Syriac dastablrd.— 'By ROLAND G.
KENT, Assistant Professor in the University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.
ON two Aramaic, or rather Syriac, incantation bowls, listed
as GEM* 16086 and CBM 16019, in the Archaeological Mu-
seum of the University of Pennsylvania, there occurs the word
Kl^non, which is here found for the first time. On CBM
16086 the word occurs four times, in the following phrases:
"This NT^riDT against all the demons and satans and devils
and Liliths", etc.
"He wrote against them a KYSriDT, which is for all time
by the virtue of" certain magical syllables.
"I have dismissed you" (the devils) "by the KTOnDY '.
"Charmed and sealed and countersealed is this NTOnDT by
the virtue of" certain cabalistic syllables.
On CBM 16019 the word occurs for times likewise, in
phrases that are practical duplications of those on CBM 16086.
Prof. J. A. Montgomery, who is preparing these bowls for
publication, asked the writer to investigate the etymology of
the word, which is manifestly non-Semitic.
KYanDI may be read dastaMrd or dastaberd. Certain fea-
tures are plain: 1. The final -a is the "emphatic Aleph", and
is therefore to be disregarded from the etymological standpoint,
as a Semitic addition to the original word. 2. The word,
from its context, must denote either the bowl, or the writing
on the bowl, or the charm that the bowl effects, or some
similar idea. 3. The first part is evidently the Pahlavi dast
'hand', = old Persian dasta-, Avestan zasta-, Skt. hasta-. This
as an element of a compound lends itself well to the idea
necessary: "handwriting" occurs at once as a natural meaning.
4. Since HD1 is from the Persian, the word is a borrowing
i ('HM = Catalogue of the Babylonian Museum.
VOL. XXXI. Part. IV. 25
360 Eoland O. Kent, [1911.
from the Persian — more narrowly speaking, from the Pahlavi
or middle Persian, as the howls are of ahout the sixth century
A.D.
What now is the element -Mr- or -her-? Unfortunately
neither this word nor any word resembling it is to he found
in the Pahlavi glossaries '; and recourse must he had to the
consideration of the possibilities from the phonetic standpoint:
In Pahlavi initial b represents older Iranian 6; thus Pahlavi
brdS 'brother' = old Persian and Avestan brdtar-, Sanskrit
bhrdtar-*. This Iranian b represents Indo-European b and bh*,
appearing in Sanskrit as b and bh respectively. Perhaps older
dv initial appears as b in Pahlavi, though this is uncertain4.
Iranian p after vowels becomes Pahlavi &5; but as this "TO is
the second element of a compound, such an origin for b is
here unlikely.
Pahlavi I represents older ^6; or I with compensatory leng-
thening as in tlr = Avestan tiyri- 'arrow'7; or ya iyas. If
on the other hand Tl be read -ber-, Pahlavi e may represent
the earlier diphthong ai, appearing in old Persian as ai and
in Avestan as ae and oi9, or a changed to e*by the influence
of a y in the next syllable, as in erdn = Avestan a'n/awa-10;
or a contracting with immediately following y that developed
from (Avestan) y, as in anerdn = Avestan anayrawaw11; it
develops also from ay a dhya afy/12.
Pahlavi r may represent earlier r13; less often yr14, 6r15,
ftr16, rn 17, possibly rd (old Persian rflf, Avestan r/)18.
The modern Persian ^ bzr may be first disposed of. This
1 Hoshanji and Haug, An old Zand- Pahlavi Glossary, ed. 2, 1870;
West, Mainyo-i-Khardj with glossary, 1871; "West and Haug, Glossary
and Index of the Pahlavi-Texts Arda Viraf, &c., 1874; de Harlez, Manuel
du Pehlevi, 1880.
2 Salemann, Mittelpersisch, §20 a, in Geiger and Kuhn's Grundriss
der iranischen Philologie, vol. I, part 3.
3 Bartholomae, Vorgeschichte der^ iranischen Sprachen, § 3. 2, 3, in
Geiger and Kuhn, op. cit., vol. I, part 1.
* Salemann, op. cit. § 33 N. 2. 5 ib., § 15, § 18.
6 ib., § 36. 7 ib., § 39 1, § 21 d. 8 ib. § 39.
a ib., §36. 10 ib., §41. 11 ib., § 21 d. '2 ib., §41
13 ib., §30. 1Mb., §21 d. is ib., §22b. is ib., §
n ib., § 30. is ib., § 30. As rd may become Pahluvi I with los
of the d, it would appear likely that as r ordinarily remains r, this
group might develop also into Pahlavi r.
Vol. xxxi.] The Etymology of Syriac dastablra. 361
has the meanings 'lightning; a well; a couch, bedcover; flood;
to memorize; brother, hero, brave'; none of these would in the
compound yield a suitable meaning. Apart from that con-
sideration, ^o is in some meanings derived from Hebrew and
in the others from Arabic, so that it is out of the question
here.
To turn now to the Avestan words1, several fit fairly well
the phonetic requirements2:
ba^rya-^ neut. subst., 'carrying, receipt'.
baoirya- (graphic for barvya-), adj. 'to be chewed, solid', in
reference to food.
6arata-, ptc., 'carried'.
dvar-, masc. subst., 'door, gate'3.
Of these none seems semantically possible.
Sanskrit yields a few words suitable for consideration:
bhadra-, adj., 'bright, happy'; as neut. subst., 'fortune'.
bhdryd-, adj., 'to be supported or maintained'; as masc. subst.,
'soldier, servant'; as fern, subst., 'wife'.
blrira-, adj., 'frightening, terrifying'.
bhiru-, adj., 'timid'.
dvdrya-, adj., 'belonging to or being at a door'3.
Here, at last, we find in bhira- a likely source for T3:
KTanm may well be the Syriac representation of a hypothet-
ical old Persian *dasta-bira-, Avestan *zasta-bira-, Sanskrit
*hasta-bhira-, 'a thing terrifying by the hand(writing)', that
is, a 'written deterrent' as opposed to a 'spoken deterrent'
against the demons.
This implies, of course, that dasta- depends upon -bir- in
an instrumental relation; but in such compounds the. first
element may stand in any case relation to the second: cf.
Sanskrit hasta-kamala-m 'a lotus held in or by the hand', hasta-
dipa-s 'a lantern carried in or by the hand', hasta-sqjnd 'a
1 Bartliolomae, Altiranisches Worterbuch.
2) Should initial p be considered a possibility for the b of T3, then
we must take the following words also into account; par»na-, neut. subst..
'feather, wing'; paurva-, adj., 'former'; paoirya- (graphic for parw/a-),
adj., 'first'; patar- paffr-, masc. subst., 'protector'. Of these, the last,
in a -ya- derivative, would yield a good meaning, but the phonetic deve-
lopment seems to the writer highly improbable.
3 The bowls were placed at the corners of the house, not at the door,
so that derivation from this word is precluded.
362 - Roland G. Kent, [1911.
sign made with the hand', hastdbharana-m 'an ornament for
the hand', hastdlambha-s 'support for the hand, refuge, hope';
Greek xfLP-a7(^7r)lJLa 'a leading by the hand', x€LP°~yPa(i>0s 'written
by the hand', x€LP°-tJiaVTL<s 'diviner by palmistry'; Latin man-
suetus 'accustomed to the hand, tame'; Gothic handu-waurhts
'made with the hand'; English handbill 'a printed sheet to
be distributed by hand', handbook 'book of reference suitable
for carrying in the hand or for keeping at hand', handcuff,
handpress, handshake, handiwork, manufacture.
As for the meaning of dasta- = 'handwriting', this is a
meaning found in English hand, German Hand, French main,
Italian mano, as well as in Greek xc^> and in Latin manus:
Hyperides ap. Poll. II. 153 rty avrov x€Wa apveia-Oai 'to deny
his own hand'.
I Epistle to the Corinthians xvi 21 6 ao-n-aoyzos rfj fay xaP*
IlavAov 'the salutation of me Paul with mine own hand'.
Cicero in Catil. 3. 5. 12 manum suam cognovit 'he admitted
his own hand'.
Cicero ad Att. 8. 13. 1 lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit
librarii manus 'let the scribe's handwriting be evidence to you
of my eye-trouble'.
Cicero ad Att. 7. 2. 3 Alexidis manum amabamf quod tarn
prope accedebat ad similitudinem tuae litterae 'I liked Alexis'
hand, because it was so like your writing'.
NTlfiDI seems now to mean a 'handwritten deterrent' in
distinction from a 'spoken deterrent'. 'Hand' is indeed not
infrequently used in opposition to 'word', but in the sense of
'force'; so Iliad I. 77 eVeo-tv KO.I x6/00"^ a/>7i£€6V 'that you will
defend me by word and by deed' * ; but in the case ol a charm
the meaning 'force' is impossible. The alternatives are a
'written charm' and a 'spoken charm'; and the word 'hand' is
readily available to distinguish the former from the latter,
An interesting parallel to 'spoken deterrent' is found in Sanskrit:
vdc-, fern., 'voice' and ksatd- 'hurt, wounded, destroyed, violated',
when compounded, form a neut. subst. vak-k$ata- 'offense by
words', as opposed to physical assault: and vdc- with danda-,
masc., 'stick', makes vdg-danda- 'speech assault, reproof, repri-
mand, verbal injury'.
!) Cf. Iliad I. 395 7} ^m . . . fy KO.I fyyy, and the common idiom
Vol. xxxi.] The Etymology of Syriac dastablra. 363
Phonetically and semantically, therefore, there is no ob-
jection to this etymology for KTnriDl; but there are two other
possibilities in the Avestan, that should not be overlooked:
1. boiwra-, neut. subst., 'fight, strife', for earlier *baibra-1,
would become Pehlevi *bewr, and if borrowed with omission
of the weak sound w would give Syriac -ber-, with an excellent
sense: 'strife or fight by means of handwriting'. The omission
of the w is however a serious objection.
2. Avestan var*zya- 'activity, work', a substantivized neuter
adjective, = 'faciendum'. In old Persian this would appear
as *v(a)rdya- (written *v(a)rdiya-). Now in the change from
old Persian or Avestan to Pahlavi the group r + consonant + ?/,
or consonant + r + y, loses the consonant and the y palata-
lizes an a in the preceding syllable to e: Pehlevi der = Avestan
*daryya-; modern Persian terah = Avestan tqOrya-, Ser 'lion'
= Avestan xSaOrya- 'royal'2. Hence old Persian *vardya-,
Avestan var*zya- would become Pehlevi *ver. Were this bor-
rowed with a hardening of v to &, KTOHDI with Yl from this
source would mean 'handiwork, handwriting'. This etymology
is however rendered questionable by the uncertainty of the
treatment of Pahlavi v and by the question whether the
change of a to e in the manner described would be complete
and definite enough to cause the resultant e to be represented
by Semitic \
To return then to Sanskrit *hasta-bhira-, Avestan *zasta-
blra-j old Persian *dasta-bira-: that we should find on a
Syriac bowl a word which was borrowed from Pahlavi, al-
though we have no trace of it in Persian of any date, is not
so remarkable as it might at first sight seem. The sacred
literature of the Parsis, as now extant, is but a small portion
of the original writings. Even a casual glance at Bartholomae's
Altiranisches Worterbuch reveals that many words occur but
once in the extant texts; whence it is evident that many
*) Sanskrit bhdra-, masc., 'fight' shows the root in 'simpler guise;
Avestan boiwra- has intensive reduplication, *bhai-bhra- ; cf. Bartholomae,
Indogermanische Forschungen X. 100. This intensive reduplication is seen
in Greek 8ai8a\os 'cunningly wrought', iranrd\Tj 'fine flour', irai^cWw 'I dart
quickly'; cf. Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik* § 299. 1.
2) Salemann, op. cit. § 41.
364 Roland O. Kent, The Etymology of Syriac dastdbira. [1911.
words used in the lost portions perished with them1. There
is therefore no inherent improbability in assuming the former
presence of Avestan and old Persian *l1ra-, Pahlavi *blr, sur-
viving in Syriac dasta-bir-d.
i Yet it is possible that the aorist of the denominative verb to the
stem Avestan *blra- is concealed within the corrupt form biraoSat, occur-
ring Pursisniha 18 : tanu . mazo asayaiti yd tanu . mazo blraosat, trans-
lated by Bartholomae "ein Asavserk im Pfandwert des Leibes mufi ver-
richten, wer ein Drugwerk in Pfandwert des Leibes verbrochen hat".
Of. Bartholomae, op. cit., p. IX. 3; col. 965 s. v. llraosat; col. 637 s. v.
tanu . mazah-. If we have here a denominative to *Mra-, it must have
progressed from the meaning 'terrify' to 'commit a terrifying, frightful
act', a quite natural semantic change.
The Washington MS. of Joshua. — By MAX L. MARGOLIS,
Professor in the Dropsie College, Philadelphia, Pa.
Prof. Sanders, the editor of the Washington MS. of Deutero-
nomy and Joshua helonging to the Freer Collection, discusses
the textual problem presented by the new uncial at length.
Its aspects are shown to differ in the two books. In Joshua
"0 (= Washington MS.) and A (= codex Alexandrinus) stand
closer together than in Deuteronomy, but still represent fairly
independent traditions, as is shown by the 253 agreements
between 0 and B (= codex Yaticanus)"- In the forms of
names "6 agrees with A nine times as often as it does
with B".
In view of this close relationship it is to be regretted that
the editor chose to base his collation on B rather than on A.
I have therefore made a fresh collation. I found that Prof.
Sander's work, if some three or four inaccuracies are excepted,
is most perfect. The same cannot, however, be said of Swete's
work. In round 50 places Swete's collation is inaccurate so
far as the readings of A are concerned.
On the basis of my fresh collation, the relationship of 6
and A as members of one and the same group is unmistakable.
Certain omissions in 6 are intelligible, i. e. explainable as
having arisen through homoioteleuton, only when the text of
A is compared. Comp. 7, 17; 11, 5; 17, 8; and for the con-
verse process, 19, 31. In some of these cases, it is true, another
manuscript steps in in the place of A as the basis of the mu-
tilated text underlying 6, so N. Which goes to show that we
are dealing here with a group consisting of 0, A, N, possibly
M, and a number of cursives.
The disagreements between 0 and A in the proper names
are, generally speaking, of a nature to substantiate rather
than to invalidate the affinity of the two uncials, the diver-
gence between them being trifling, when their common devia-
366 Max Margolis, [1911.
tion from B is compared. Comp. e. g. aaAa* 6 aXa* A /
[read ax€/\K, /cat follows, == p^nn] B. There are, of course, in-
stances in which it would seem that either 6 or A has moved-
nearer to B. But their proportionate number is in the first
place too small to be taken into account; and secondly, in
nearly all of them we have to do with readings on which the
two forms of the text as represented by B and A have never
divided to an appreciable extent. This holds good even where
the Hebrew is at variance. For, if A be but a text adjusted
to the Caesarean standard codex, it can be shown that Origen
was conservative in his treatment of the /com}, introducing tacit
emendations only where the common reading seemed at least
to him to be hopelessly corrupt. Then the different hands of
the two codices must be taken into account. When further-
more the remaining group-members are consulted, the reading
of 6 or A reveals itself as singular or sub-singular.
As for the remainder of the text not covered by proper
names, my own count yields 208 cases in which 6 goes with B
against A. In 23 of them the various hands of the three
uncials have come into play. Of the large remainder of 185
instances in which 6 coincides with B against A, more than
one half (95) show A in isolation which is absolute in by far
the greater number (55). Of these absolutely singular readings,
29 are clear errors; 4 are decidedly inferior; of the remaining
22, two may perhaps represent corrections to minimize the
dissonance with the Hebrew, while the bulk are of a trifling
character. As for the 40 relatively singular readings, 10 may
be pronounced to be errors and 6 inferior; in 4 there is a
more or less certain adjustment to the Hebrew, : while in one
instance the omission of a redundant pronoun eases the Greek;
the remaining 19 instances concern trifles.
So far I am able to furnish accurate statistics. But my
tabulation still remains to be finished. In a summary way I
can see now that codex 121 is a close relation of A, sharing
together errors and singular readings; also that some readings
of A go back to the KOU/?J in some other form than the one
which is revealed in B.
Where A has moved nearer to B, it is frequently a case of
omitting asterisked passages. Both 0 and A are excerpts from
the Septuagint column in Origen's work which have been
adjusted to a KOIVTJ text. Following the well-known prescriptioi
Vol. xxxi.] The Washington MS. oj Joshua. •'>''> 7
of Jerome, obelized passages were on the whole retained,
asterisked passages were omitted. Yet the redactors of the
two texts in question did not always coincide in the amount
excised.
As to the relative merit of 9 and A, 0 is the more accurate
text. But inferior readings are found even in 6. The two
check each other's errors admirably.
An accurate estimate of the place of 0 and A in the nar-
rower group to which they belong is impossible without a
fresh collation of its constituent codices, both uncial and cur-
sive. In view of the inaccuracies in Swete's apparatus, as pointed
out above, an edition of the complete text of 0 with the
variants from A is deemed desirable by the present writer, to
serve as a basis for a collation of the other group-members,
like M and N and the rest. On our steep road to the earliest
form of the Septuagint, we need resting places, points of
vantage; such are the groups, narrower and wider, into which
the extant texts may be divided. The proper names in the
Book of Joshua are the milestones which guide the investigator
in finding his way to texts held together by group affinity.
Thus, in the Book of Joshua, there are all told six groups,
of which three show traces of Origen's Palestinian text. Among
these is the group to which both 0 and A belong.
A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad to General
C. G. Gordon. — By GEORGE SVERDRUP JR., Professor
in Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn.
This letter from the Mahdi to General Gordon is found in a manu-
script belonging to the collection of Arabic manuscripts made by
Count Landberg, and presented to the Yale University Library
in the year 1900 by Mr. Morris K. Jesup. The manuscript in
question is a collection of letters, or rather copies of letters,
written by the Mahdi on various occasions. It is a companion
volume to one which is in the possession of the Egyptian In-
telligence Office in Cairo. Some of the letters found in the
Yale manuscript are also found in the Cairo manuscript. It
differs from the Cairo manuscript in this, that it contains no
letters of other dignitaries as the Cairo one does. The Cairo
manuscript was captured in the battle of Toski, August 3, 1889.
Just where or how Count Landberg obtained possession of
this manuscript the writer has been unable to discover.
The Yale manuscript is paged continuously up to page 503,
of which the last nine lines are blank. Pages 251 — 352 are
missing, i. e. five quinion gatherings. There are in all 21 gather-
ings; four quaternions, and the rest quinions. The pages have
20 lines. The dimensions of the manuscript are nine and one
eighth by six and three eighths inches; the written surface seven
and one eighth by four and five-eighths inches. At the bottom
of every odd-numbered page there is a catch-Avord. Count
Landberg has added a table of contents.
In the manuscript there are 148 letters and proclamations
each beginning with the phrase: "In the name of God the
Merciful" &c. The *JU j^a^ and the beginning word of quo-
tations from the Koran are written with red ink. No chrono-
logical order is followed in the arrangement of the documents.
The dates are missing from many of the letters, among which
is also the Gordon letter. In his appended "Registre" Count
Vol. xxxi.j A Letter Jrom the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 369
Landberg says: "fort a regretter est cette omission surtout dans
la lettre interessante, adressee k Gordon pacha". This omission
can be supplied, at least for the date on which Gordon re-
ceived the letter, as will be shown. The Gordon letter is found
on pages 470 — 475 of the manuscript.
The bibliography for the history of the Sudan for the period
1880 - 1900 is lare,e, especially in periodical literature. Attention
here is called only to the very important sources. First of all
are the British Government "Blue Books". The most important
then are: The Journals of General C. G. Gordon, C. B., at
Kliartoum, printed from the original manuscript with an Intro-
duction and Notes by A. Egmont Hake, Boston 1885; Letters
of General C. G. Gordon to his sister M. A. Gordon, London,
1888; Fire and Stvord in the Sudan, 1879-1895, by Eudolf
C. Slatin, C. B., translated by F. E. Wingate, London 1896;
A Prisoner of the Khaleefa (Twelve Years Captivity at Om-
durman), by Charles Neufeld, London, 1899; Ten Years Cap-
tivity in the Mahdi's Camp, by Father Joseph Ohrwalder; The
Life of Gordon, by Demetrius C. Bulger, two vol. s, London,
1896; Mahdiism and the Egyptian Sudan, by Major F. R. Win-
gate, D. S. 0., E. A., 1891; and Modern Egypt, by the Earl
of Cromer, two vol. s, New York, 1908. Lord Cromer's ap-
preciation of General Gordon is far from impartial; but his
book throws much light upon the many misunderstandings be-
tween these two men. In Arabic there is the important
ob^J! gj\3 by Na'oum Bey Shoucair, Chef de Bureau in the
Agent-General's Office in Cairo, printed in Cairo, 1904. Na'oum
Bey Shoucair undoubtedly had much to do with gathering the
material for Wingate's book. At any rate the two are very
similar in plan and contents.
370
George Sverdrup,
[1911.
The Text of the Letter (Arab. ms. Yale 543).
47°17
N 0 ,-T^ ..x ."'^ *s
li]\)\ »\5 to12 -J
a Supply (J,\3?
5710-21. e ms>
b Sura 2258-259.
f
gura
Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mdhdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. '> / 1
.^
M
J-? f-ct**
(3 *J
liii Jl$ dJ\ dUo^ ,UJ\ X^Lo" d^JLft^ UlJ
Koran 7937-39. b ms.
ms-
i ms.
ms.
f ms- *^-jj-
k Koran 10 ws.
a ms.
% ms.
372
George Sverdrup,
£JU\ , JXi
[1911.
JL. ^ 473^
^ a l
'
ifta
^ (3
«A * r ^ X x^ tf£ ^ r^ ^ ^ -! Sx'...-''-"'
^ 2iy.xo ^.sxs^l ^.j iy«.Aa JS^JSA* <x>oliJ-u;
<te\
JIS4J'
"Z 9< * 7-X ,<,
?. »iL±w 1M
a ms. ^). b III stem of ^j> not in lexicons.
d Koran 4441. e Koran 6919"33. f ms.
ms.
ff ms.
Vol.xxxi.j A Letter from the Maluli Muhammad Ahmad, &c.
J>' . s' 10 \Z- -? •»< S^iSf i -* » f *'\ 9s' , ')" 9 / ' 9f J ' ' ' ' '
<^J Us12 \^ AJ <*JU\ .-as:-3. j x abbl> wjJo J a Jo
o M l
Jjbl
LJ\
«
X
.-xi.
<j
jj*
y ^U^c
M dU
4*
ON \
u?r s
LoJ
474 1
? *X . x- X , X
i^u
m8.
3188. ms>
3193-197
b Koran 2439'40.
f Koran 3188'192.
c ms
« ms
d Koran
h Koran
374
George Sverdrup,
[1911.
a(J> ^"^•rJ
* u
a,.*
\M
U
^Xxlo ^ J^?4751
\J\ XJ1
jJJl ^jj» li tXJ
ms. sc
ras.
843, 46_
h ms.
96288
d Koran
ms.
k Koran 618> 73: 341.
Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 37$
Translation
47018 In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate!
Praise belongs to God, the Generous Patron, and prayer with
peace upon our Lord Muhammad and his family.
19 From the Servant, humble in the eyes of his Lord, Mu-
hammad al Mahdi ibn as Sayyid Abdullah to the representative
of Britain and of the Khedive 20 Gordon Pasha.
We hereby inform you that God (Praise belongs to him the Most
High) in his patience and generosity is long suffering, but he does
not neglect and he does not turn aside 21 his wrath from the
guilty people, and he is the patron of the believers. The Most
High said: God is the patron of those who believe; he leads them
out 4711 of darkness into light; but they who do not believe, their
patrons are demons who lead them from light into darkness;
me. <£^*>. ms. xj-^. ms. ^. ms.
ms. LXsk.1. f ms. lyo.
VOL. XXXI. Part IV. 26
376 George Sverdrup, [191L
2 they are fellows of the fire, in which they shall remain for
ever."a
He has pointed out [the true way of life] in the glorious
Koran and others of his ancient books and 3by the tongue of
every apostle, prophet, and faithful devotee, censuring this world
and making the wise wary of it. He has called them 4to
the hereafter and incited them to it, for it is the house of
continuance, strength, glory, great honor, the exalted place,
5 the sublime abode, and the pleasant life. Just as the word
of the Most High points out in regard to all this: "Know
that this present life is only 6a toy, a plaything, a vain amuse-
ment, a source of rivalry among you, and a striving for in-
crease of property and children. It is like a rain-growth
whose vegetation pleases the unbelievers, 7then it withers away
and you may see it turn yellow and finally it becomes dry
stubble. But in the hereafter [there will be] a severe punish-
ment [for those who seek the glory of this world] ; and pardon
from 8God, and favor [for those who renounce it]. The life
of this world is only a deceitful provision. Hasten with emu-
lation after pardon from your Lord, and Paradise, the extent
of which 9 equals the extent of heaven and earth, prepared for
those who believe in God and his apostles. This is the bounty
of God which he will give 10to whom he pleases and God is
endowed with great bounty ."b
One who is guided aright as to the signs knowns that he
who acknowledges the truth of the n belief in God and his
Apostle is very near to God, he must attain his desire, he will
get his reward and be given 12what souls like and eyes de-
light in. Yerily no one can escape his punishment and penalty
and every evil 13of this world and the next except through
him [God] together with great fear of his [God's] wrath and
renunciation of this world and its life uand of any reliance
upon it. It is transitory, base, deceitful, treacherous. There
is no peace in it, and no pleasure 15in comparison with the
great good which is with God in the abode of joy. But
whoever loves this world and cherishes it above the 16next,
God will cast him headlong into everlasting hell, as the word
of the Most High says: "And he who has transgressed and
* Koran 2^8-259.
b Koran 5719-21.
Vol. zxxi.] A Letter from the MaMi Muhammad Altmttd, <£c, :)77
lias chosen this present life; 17 verily lid! slmll he i i is abode." a
So it is plain that there is no profit in the honor of \\\'T
world and in its life, wealth and "property, hut only prolong-
ed regret in the hereafter. To this effect there has come
down from Jesus, son of Mary (upon our prophet and upon
Him 19be the blessing of God and his peace) the saying: "Oh
company of disciples! Pass through this world, but make not
your abode in it. Verily I have not found for you 20in it an
abiding place. Take the temples of God as [your] house and
take your houses as temples, every one of you also the tra-
veler." 47 11 And from Him (upon whom be peace) [is the
following]: "Oh company of disciples! Eat barley-bread with
coarse salt, but do not eat except when hungry. Put on gar-
ments made of woven hair-cloth and go out from this world
saved. Verily I tell you 3the sweets of this world are bitter
in the next and the servants of God are not those who live
in worldly pleasure."
And from the Apostle of God 4(God bless him and give
him peace): "Two hungry wolves let into a sheep-cote would
not do more damage to it than 5the desire of man for condition
and high station does to his religion."
It is told that he (God bless him and give him peace) was
walking along with a number of his companions 6-in one of the
streets of Medina when they came upon a dead goat cast aside
in it. So he said (God bless him and give him peace) "By
Allah, 7 Surely this world is more despised by God than this
goat by its owners to cast it aside." And because it is more
8 despised than a carcass, the Apostle of God (God bless him
and give him peace) enjoined upon his companions and the
rest of his people his word: 9 "Let that of this world which
satisfies any one of you be like the provisions of a traveller."
And he said (God bless him and give him peace) in giving
warning against it: "It may be likened to two things. [The
second is that] 10 this world is like the condition of a traveller
under the shade of a tree, then he goes away and leaves it."
There is no guide except God, as also the Most High said:
11 "He therefore who is directed, will be directed to the ad-
vantage of his own soul, but he who errs, he will err."b
a Koran 7937-39.
b Koran
378 George SverdrUp, [1911.
Since this is so, then it is 12 plain that I am the one who
invites to God, and the Khalifa of the Apostle of God (God
bless him and give him peace) and that I am the Mahdi, the.
expected one, 13and this is no boast.
God has authorized me to proclaim mercy upon whosoever
obeys him and follows the direction of his prophet Muhammad
(God bless him and give him peace), and vengeance 14upon
whosoever rebels against him and disobeys him and follows his
devil, his own inclination and desire, and cleaves to this world.
I have ad15dressed you before this explaining my condition
in detail and have invited you to Islam and the faith. You
should 16have answered with submission and obedience before
you had seen what you have seen. And, what is more, that
which I told you 17 before was only to guide you aright, and
for the sake of your peace and happiness in your condition
and your property, if you had known and understood 18the
truth of what I said. How good my intention towards you
was! And I have not ceased trying to promote your welfare
and wishing you good in the hope 19 that God might open your
breast to Islam and that you might turn to the command of
God, the king, the all knowing, and that you might be one of
those who submit themselves 20and yield to the Lord of ser-
vants and who fear the day of judgement, "a day whereon
the master and the servant will be of no avail to one another,"*
nor rank, 47 31 nor property, nor household, nor family, nor
condition of wealth. But the promise is true and the threat
reliable as 2he who is great in rank and strong in power said:
"And he into whose right hand his book shall be given, will
say: 'Take, read my book; verily I thought 3that I should be
brought to my account.' His shall be a pleasant life in a
lofty garden whose fruits shall be near at hand. 4Eat and
drink with enjoyment, because of what you have sent before
you in the days which are passed. But he into whose left hand
his book shall be given, will say 5 Would that I had not re-
ceived this book and that I had not known what my account
is! Would that I had died! My riches do not profit me and
my power is gone 6from me.' Take him and bind him and
cast him into the fire to be burned, then put him into a chain
Koran 44**.
Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mdhdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. .'i < i>
of the length of seventy cubits 7 because ho believed not in the
Great God."a
And it has been reported to me that your deeds are good
externally 8with the people of Islam. But God the Most High
said: "But the unbelievers, their works are like the mirage in
a plain, which the thirsty (traveller | thinks 9is water, until,
when he comes to it, he finds it nothing; but he finds God
with him and he will fully pay him his account, 10and God
is swift in taking account; or, as the darkness in a deep sea,
covered by waves on waves, above which are clouds, n being
darkness one above the other, when one stretches forth his
hand, he can scarcely see it. And unto whomsoever God does
not grant light, 12 he enjoys no light at all." b
So adorn your work with faith and cleanse it from the pol-
lution of unbelief, since you will then become high in position
13 and your works will become good externally and internally,
and the fruits thereof will be yours.
You have gone to the pains of making inquiry in regard
to us 14 formerly in that you addressed us and sent us a messenger
and asked return of the embassy;0 and this is to me ^evi-
dence that you are the wisest of the people of your government
since they have not addressed me as you have with their pro-
fession of Islam. 16 You alone are excepted. But their wickedness
has been revealed to me, that they are the worst of men in
unbelief; and they shall perish at my hand company after
17 company. But my desire for you is escape from this so that
you may be safe with those who are safe and that you may
be of the perfect who 18 ponder "upon the creation of heaven
•and earth "d and who understand in their sagacity the power
of God and they say: "Oh Lord, By no means 19have you
created this in vain, Praise be to thee, deliver us from the
torment of hell, Oh Lord! Verily, whom you cast into hell,
him you cover with shame, 20and assuredly the evil-doers have
no helpers. Lord, we have heard a crier summoning. to the
faith, saying, Believe in your Lord! 4741We believe, Oh
Lord, so pardon us our faults and wipe away from us our evils
and receive us among the pious, Oh Lord, and give us what
you have promised us 2by your apostles and do not cover us
a Koran 6919-33. b Koran 2439-40,
c See Remark 2. d Koran 3188.
380 George Sverdrup, [1911.
with shame on the day of resurrection. Yerily, you do not
abandon the promises." a
See how gracious is the answer of God to them in his
word: 3"I will not permit the work of him among you who
works to be lost, whether it be male or female; the one of you
is from the other. They therefore who have left their country
and have been turned out 4of their houses and have suffered
for my sake and have been slain in battle; verily I will wipe
out their evil deeds from them, and I will surely bring them
into gardens 5 through which rivers flow, a reward from God
and with God is the most excellent reward. Let not the
success 6of the unbelievers in the land deceive you, it is but
a slender provision and then their receptacle shall be hell, an
unpleasant couch. But they who fear the Lord shall have
7 gardens through which rivers flow, they shall dwell therein
forever. This is the gift of God, for what is with God will
be better for the righteous." b
The reply which you have written to the dervishes who are
shut up has come to me and he whom you mention giving
information that 9you desire submission, but the interference
of the counsellors who are with you hinders you.c On this
account my- pity increases for you 10 and for them and for the
weakd who -are shut up from me, and I wish for them all
right guidance.
I have thought about your condition, standing nby the
obligation God has imposed upon me, and I have written to
you this [letter] and it is sent to you by four dervishes of our
helpers who have freely given themselves to God in seeking
for the joy which is with him, and great is the reward and
God will reward them well. They are 13 Muhammad Ahmad
and Basil-, those whom we sent to you in the first place with
the reply to your letter, and with them are two Muslims,
14 Muhammad Yusuf, your lieutenant, and Jabir (these are
their names).6 So if you choose prosperity and desire your
salvation in the two abodes, [then] on 15the arrival of our
answer to you and to the [others] named, hasten to reply to
us and submit yourself before our arrival and be with themf
a Koran 3188-192. b Koran 3193-197.
c See Remark 2. d See Remark 3.
e See Remark 4. f See Remark 5.
Vol. xxxi.] A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. 381
16 in one state until we arrive in two days in luisto, if God
the Most High wishes, and behold he is 17my protector.
My intention is personally to hasten after them. So if, on
our arrival, we find you Muslim then all will be well; but if
not 18"then God will accomplish what is decreed".4 "And
they who do wrong shall know with what treatment they shall
be treated in the hereafter."6
19 So know that if you submit yourself, as we have advised
you, before our arrival, then our pledge of safety will be for
you, your property, 20your household, and everything which
your hands control, both little and great, excepting the special
perquisite of the Ameer as that is a booty. 475JAnd who-
ever of the Christians who are with you that submits himself
likewise is safe upon this condition which we have just written.
2 We pledge you safety upon this condition, all of you, with
the pledge of God and his Apostle, and the pledge of the
servant of God. So put an end to the shedding of your blood,
3 and look to your lives and property, and let not the greatness
of your number, the assistance and the army upon which you
rely, deceive you. 4Our reliance is God, than whom there is
no other. His might cannot be measured and his army cannot
be defeated. How could it be, seeing that he is "the Wise
and 5the Knowing"?0 The fulfillment of the covenant is
surely binding upon us as soon as you agree to the conditions
in our reply, otherwise not.
A letter has heen sent by us to our agent Muhammad
Othman Abu Kerjah with orders in regard to you and we
have authorized him to deal with you in accordance with our
'pledge.
So if God has put into your heart the light of faith and
you continue in grace, then go out to the said man and have
a 8 conference with him through the mediation of the dervishes
who are sent and do not delay, as formerly, in following the
erring ones, espicially 9the evil counsellors.
[The saying] has come down: "When you see a wise man
loving this world, be suspicious of him as to his position in
regard to your religion, and do not ever listen to him 10 in any
advice of his." Verily they love this world and are nothing
a Koran 843, 46. b Koran 26228. « Koran 618, 73 ; .341.
382 George Sverdrup, [1911.
but dogs. His word is (God bless him and give him peace):
"This world nis a carcass and those who desire it are dogs."
Whether they like or not, the command of God, the Most.
High, is executed inspite of them. So the first demand 12upon
them is obedience and a reasonable reply. If they believe in
God, surely it is well for them.
And were it not for the fact that I have the light of God
13 and the authorization of his Apostle (God bless him and
give him peace) I would not have invited any one; nor would
it be fitting that I say anything nor 14busy myself with the
matter, for a moment even.
This is a warning to you, so hearken and turn 15to your
Lord and submit yourself to him before punishment comes
upon you. Then you will not be helped.
Verily God does not injure man in anything, I6but man
injures himself. So beware lest you injure yourself and repent
when 17 repentance avails not.
Happy is the man who is warned by another and hastens
to his own good. So come to salvation before your wings are
clipped.
Peace be upon him who follows the right guidance.
Remarks.
Op
Remark 1. The letter is not dated in the manuscript. From
the sources available it appears that Gordon received only
three formal letters from the Mahdi. At least no reference
to any others has been found. Of these three the first one,
which was received by Gordon March 22, 1884, is translated
in full in Major (now Sirdar) AVingate's book: Mahdiism and
the Egyptian Sudan (1891) pp. Ill — 115, and is dated March
10, 1884.a The second letter was received by Gen. Gordon
Sept. 9, 1884, the day before the steamer "Abbas" was sent
down the Nile.b It together with the other documents was
lost in the wreck of the "Abbas". The third letter was received
a In Boulger's Life of Gordon, London 1896, vol. ii. p. 136 : "Even the
Mahdi himself made his contribution to the general tribute, by sending
Gen. Gordon on his arrival a formal 'salaam' or message of respect."
Gordon arrived at Khartoum Feb. 18, 1884.
b Gordon's Journals, Sept. 11. The references to Gordon's Journals
are iriade to "The Journals of Major Gen. C. G. Gordon, C. B. at Khar-
toum" edited by a Egmont Hake, Boston, 1885.
Vol. xxxi.J A letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c.
by Gordon Oct. 22, 1884,a and is translated in full in Appendix
IT pp. 453—459 of the "Journals". This last letter tells of the
wreck of the "Abbas" on Sept. 18, 1884.
This points at once to our letter as the one Gordon received
Sept. 9, and which was lost in the wreck of the "Abbas"; but
as there is a possibility of other letters of which no mention
has been found, further proof is necessary.
The letter which Gordon received on Sept. 9 was sent by
means of two Muslims and some dervishes.b The names of the
two Muslims as given in Ibrahim's letter are Mohammed Yusuf
and George Calamantino; and as given in the manuscript letter
are Muhammad Yusuf and Jabir. In a letter from Abd-er-
Rahman en-Nejumi,c el-Jabir is identified with George Cala-
mantino. The letter referred to in Gordon's Journals as being
received on Sept. 9 and the manuscript letter were sent by
the same messengers.
Muhammad Yusuf was the Italian Giuseppe Cuzzi.'1 Cuzzi
was taken captive at the fall of Berber, May 26, 1884, and
sent to Abu Kerjah, who was in command of the besiegers of
Khartoum. Abu Kerjah tried through the mediation of Cuzzi
to induce Gordon to surrender, and failing in this he sent him
to the Mahdi at Eahad.6 The Mahdi sent him back to Khar-
toum together with George Calamantino with letters for Gordon.
In his Journal for Sept. 11 Gordon says: "Soon after Cuzzi
had left for the Arab camp two dervishes came in with the
Mahdi's letter." The facts seem to be that, when the messengers
from the Mahdi arrived at the Arab camp besieging Khartoum,
Cuzzi for some reason or other wanted to get into Khartoum
before the letter was delivered, and as soon as he returned to
the camp the letter was sent in. As stated in Gordon's Jour-
nal, Sept. 11, there is some discrepancy in the account, for he
says Cuzzi came into the city "yesterday" i. e. Sept. 10, while
a See Gordon's Journals, Oct. 22.
b See the letter of Ibrahim Abd el-Kader in App. A to Gordon's
Journals, p. 371, which is dated Sept. 9, 1884; and cp. the manuscript
letter p. 474 1. 11, 13, and 14.
c App. A 2 to Gordon's Journals, p. 374.
d Gordon's Journals, Sept. 13.
e R. C. Slatin : Fire and Sword in the Sudan, 1879—1895. p. 305. Father
Joseph Ohrwalder: Ten Years Captivity in the Mahdi s Camp, p. li;">t'.
Rahad is about 200 miles south of Khartoum.
384 George Sverdmp, [1911.
he says the letter was received Sept. 9. Slatin saysa that
Calamantino was admitted into the city but Cuzzi refused
admittance. It may be that Cuzzi incurred Gordon's suspicion,,
and was refused permission to come into Khartoum a second time.
The Mahdi says in the manuscript letter that he has autho-
rized Abu Kerjah to treat with Gordon.b Gordon says in his
Journals for Sept. 13: "Mahdi proposes that I should put
myself on my surrender (!) under Abou Gugliz, who is a
notorious breaker of the dervish rules." And in a letter from
Gordon to Abd-er-Rahman is the following : " Mahomed Aclnned
informs us that he ordered Abou Kerjah to convert us to his
faith.c The letter is dated 2nd Zu'l Hejjeh 1301; Aug. 24,
1884.d In Gordon's Journals Abu Kerjah is consistently called
Abou Gugliz.
The following, which undoubtedly refers to our letter and is a
good summary of it, is taken from a letter from Abd-er-Rahman
en-Nejumi to Gordon.6 This letter has no date, but it was re-
ceived by Gordon Sept. 21. It says: "The Imam has written
to thee the truth in leading thee to God ; and also that which
concerns thy salvation and that of those with thee and how
thou mayest attain salvation in this world and in the next."
The above evidence points clearly to our letter as the one
that Gordon received Sept. 9, 1884.
It is impossible to determine the date on which the letter
was written. It must have been after June, 1884, and pro-
bably before the Mahdi left Rahad, which according to Ohr-
walder was Aug. 8, and according to Slatin Aug. 22. Both
Ohrwalder and Slatin are very sparing in giving exact dates.
Remark 2. Just what the reference in ms. letter p. 473 1,
14 is, is not evident. It may be that Cuzzi when he came
to the Mahdi represented himself as a messenger from Gordon,
and told the Mahdi that he was authorized to tell him that
Gordon would surrender if he dared, but that the Ulema of
Khartoum prevented him.f The Mahdi calls Cuzzi in the
a Slatin, F. and 8. in Sudan, p. 304—305.
b Vide ms. letter 474 1. 6.
c App. M to Gordon's Journals p. 397.
d Aug. 24 is wrong; it should be Sept. 23.
e App. L to Gordon's Journals, p. 392.
f Ms. letter 475 1. 9.
Vol. xxxi.] A letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad, &c.
letter "your wakil" (lieutenant).* It is impossible! that Gor-
don should ever have offered to surrender and turn Mus-
lim. Cuzzi may have presented things thus to the Malidi to
gain his favor. Ohnvaldrr s,-iys that the Mahdi received him
well, loaded him with presents and then sent him back to
Gordon with a letter.
Giuseppe Cuzzi had been English Consular Agent at Berber.
Shortly before the fall of Berber (May 26, 1884) Cuzzi had
been dismissed by Sir Evelyn Baring (now Lord Cromer) for
criticizing Baring's plan of opening the road from Suakin to
Berber. Gordon therefore thought that Cu//i had betrayed
Berber to the Arabs for revenge. Neither Slatin nor Ohr-
walder say anything about Cuzzi as being a traitor, but circum-
stantial evidence is against him. For after the fall of Berber
Cuzzi was sent to Abu Kerjah who was besieging Khartoum.
Abu Kerjah sent him to Gordon to induce him to surrender
but failed. He was then sent to the Mahdi who received him
so well. After the letter had been delivered to Gordon Cuzzi
went again to Berber. He evidently had more freedom than
Slatin or Ohrwalder. The probability too that he entered
Khartoum alone before the letter was delivered points to some
double dealing on his part - - whether he was plotting against
Khartoum or simply working to save himself is hard to tell.
If Cuzzi w^as such a man, it is easy to believe that he posed
before the Mahdi as an agent of Gordon. This would also
give a good reason why the Mahdi should write this letter.
The other two letters were written, each of them, because of
some special reason - - the first one in answer to Gordon's
letter appointing the Mahdi Sultan of Kordofan, and the other
to tell Gordon about the capture of the steamer "Abbas".
It may also be that the reference is to the first messages
which Gen. Gordon sent to the Mahdi making overtures to
him and appointing him governor of Kordofan, the first step
in carrying out the British-Egyptian policy of evacuating the
Sudan and withdrawing the Egyptian troops. That was what
Gordon had been sent to the Sudan to do.
Remark 3. By the "weak"b were probably meant the wives
and children left behind in Khartoum by Muhammadans who
a Ms. letter 474 1. 14.
b Ms. letter 474 1.10.
386 George Sverdrup, [1911.
had gone out to the Mahdi and submitted themselves to him.
This was a cool piece of calculation on the part of these men ;
for, if GTordon held out till the English came, their families,
and property were safe, should the Mahdi succeed in taking
Khartoum they could rely upon their fidelity in the Mahdi's
cause to protect their families and property. Because Gordon
permitted this he is criticized severely by Father Ohrwaldera
who maintains that the ethics of war are not those of peace
and had Gordon driven these "weak ones" out he would have
saved on his food supplies and have been able to hold out
longer. It was at no time Gordon's policy to hinder those
who wished to go out to the Mahdi. He would not, however,
permit those who went out to come back again. The men who
went may have told the Mahdi that the reason they did not
take their families with them was that Gordon would not
permit them to do so.
During the siege there were several attempts at conspiracy
which Gordon nipped, putting the leaders in prison. The
reference may be to such men.
Remark 4. In the letter there are five persons mentioned
by name:b Muhammad Ahmad, Basir, Muhammad Yusuf,
Jabir, and Abu Kerjah. Muhammad Ahmad and Basir are
spoken of as having been the messengers who brought the
letter of March 10, 1884. Muhammad Ahmad is too common
a name to be easily identified. There is a Muhammad Ahmad
wad el Bedri .who is called by Ohrwalderc one of the Mahdi's
early and favorite adherents. Wad el Besir is mentioned by
Ohrwalderd as being sent by the Mahdi to head the revolt
of the tribes of Gezireh which is between the Blue and White
Niles. Slatin0 also mentions this man and calls him a brother-
in-law of the Mahdi. Ohrwalder calls him a son-in-law of the
Mahdi. These two men are probably the ones referred to in
the letter.
Muhammad Yusuf is Giuseppe Cuzzi, and Jabir is the Greek
George Calamantino.f Abu Kerjah's name is spelled variously
Abou Gurgy, Abu Girgeh, and Abu Girgah. He is also called
a Ohrwalder op. ci. p. 152.
b Ms. letter p. 474 1. 13. 14 and p. 475 1. 6.
c Op. cit.. p. 10. d Op. cit., p. 94.
e Slatin, op cit., p. 280. f Cp. Remark 1.
Vol. xxxi.] A letter from the MaMi Muhammad Ahmad, &c. :>s <
Abou Gugliz. His full name is Hajji Muhammad ( )sman (or
Othman) Abu Kerjali. Abu Kcrjah is written <^y» y\. In
Egypt both 3 and ^ are pronounced as hard g. Gordon's
name is spelled in two ways: ^$>f and ^>j^ .
Remark 5. Ms. letter, p. 474 1. 16. At first glance this
seems to give a clue to the date of the writing of the letter;
but, if the letter was writen before the Mahdi left Rahad, it
would mean that the Mahdi expected to reach Khartoum two
days after the messengers with the letter did. There is no
means at hand for determining how long it would take the
messengers to cover the distance of about two hundred miles
between Rahad and Khartoum. It would seem from this that
the letter must have been written some time in August -
probably after the middle - - which would point to Slatin's
date of Aug. 22 for the Mahdi's departure from Rahad as the
correct one.
Remark 6. In the Appendix to Book III. of Major "VVin-
gate's book: Mahdiism and the Sudan, pp. 535 — 549, there is
a tabulated list of the letters and proclamations of the Mahdi
and his successor Khalifa Abdullah Taashi which are contained
in a manuscript captured at the battle of Toski, Aug. 3, 1889.
In this battle the English completely routed the Arabs, and
their general en-Nejumi, the man who was chief in command
of the Arabs besieging Khartoum from September on, was
slain. In this list of letters there are two given from the
Mahdi to Gordon, pp. 24—26 and 26—28 of the letter-book.
The date given is Jumada el-Awal 1301, Christian date 1885
(sic). It should of course be March 1884. These letters (the
two are one letter with a short postscript of six or seven lines,
as can readily be seen by comparing the resume of the con-
tents with the letter itself) are translated in full in the body
ofWingate's book, pp. Ill — 115. There are in this letter-book
one hundred thirty three letters, ninety-nine of which are from
the Mahdi. The book contains one hundred forty or more
pages, of which pages 33 — 38 are missing. There is no chro-
nological arrangement of the letters, which run from 1881
to 1888.
Remark 7. In regard to ?^L*J1 ^*^X*.
In his "Registre", Count Landberg says: "Que le manuscrit
date d'une epoque posterieure a la mort du Mahdi, est prouve
parce qu'on trouve parfoits apres son nom les mots
388 George Sverdrup, A letter from the Mahdi &c. [1911.
This is hardly sufficient proof, for the use of the phrase after
the Mahdi's name is found in letters clearly written before his
death. There is a document, given as Appendix D to Gordon's
Journals, which is an answer written by the Ulema of Khar-
toum to the Sheikh Abdel Kader Ibrahim and to Wad en-
Nejoomi, dated 23rd Zu'l Kada, 1301, Sept. 14, 1884. In this
document (op. cit., p. 379) the TJlema complain that the followers
of the Mahdi use this phrase in connection with his name.
That the fact is so, can be seen from Appendix L. to the
Journals, a letter from Abderr airman en Najoomi and Abdallah
en Noor to Gordon Pasha, where the phrase is used after the
word "Mahdi". The examples of its use in this way could be
multiplied. The Ulema say that Abd el-Grhani en-Xablusi
said in his book, the Hadik en-Nadih: "No one ought to be
distinguished by the Salaam excepting the prophets, for one
cannot say, 'Ali, on whom be peace'; and this rule applies
both to living and dead alike, excepting that a person present
may be addressed thereby, for people say, 'Peace be uponthee'.a
In a footnote to the same page: "Peace be on him", the usual
formula of salutation to a true believer if alive, and used of
•prophets when their names are mentioned.
a Op. cit.,-*p 379.
Monosyllabic Roots in Pampanga.—Ey CARLOS EVERETT
CONANT, University of Chicago.
One of the most interesting of the Philippine languages to
the student of Indonesian phonology is the Pampanga, spoken
by about 280,000 people in the province of the same name
which forms the northern boundary of Manila Bay.
Altho its territory is contiguous to that of the Tagalogr
spoken in Manila and the surrounding provinces, Pampanga
presents a variety of striking phonological peculiarities not
shared by its neighbor. Among these may be mentioned the
folloAving:
1. The lack of h, a very frequent sound in Tagalog, Bisaya
and Bikol, e. g. Pamp. iikiim 'judge': Tag. Bis. Bikol hukum;
Pamp. dpun 'afternoon'; Tag. Bis. Bkl. liapun; Pamp. budk
'hair': Tag. Bis. Bkl. luliuL
2. Vocalic change in the first syllable of a root !, e. g. Pamp.
katdm 'a brush' but hetaman 'object brushed'; kulubiu'i 'coverr
but Mlubunan 'object covered'.
3. The treatment of the Indonesian RGH consonant 2, which
in Tagalog, as in most Philippine languages, becomes g, but
appears as y in Pampanga, e. g. Pamp. yamut 'root': Tag. Bis.
Bkl. gamut; Pamp. uydt 'vein': Tag. Bis. Bkl. ugat.
1 The term 'root' is employed in this paper in its traditional senser
namely, to indicate the dissyllabic type of base (Brandstetter's Grund-
ivort, cf. Wurzel und Wort in den Indonesischen Sprachen, Lucerne 1910)
characteristic of Indonesian languages. Whatever may have been the
prehistoric type of the Indonesian root, which is regarded by some
scholars, notably Pater W. Schmidt, Brandtstetter and K. Wulff, as
monosyllabic, the fact remains that the existing languages of the Indo-
nesian branch par excellence regularly build their derivatives on dissyl-
labic bases, which, be their ultimate origin what it may, are felt and
treated as roots subject to no further analysis, and hence may with
entire propriety be spoken of as such in any discussion not concerning
itself with the very problematic word structure of the parent speech.
2 Cf. Conant, The RGH Law in Philippine Languages, JAOS vol. xxxi,
p. 80 ff.
390 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
4. The representation of the indifferent vowel (pepet) l by a,
while it appears regularly as i in Tagalog, e. g. Pamp. ipas
'roach': Tag. ipis] Pamp. bay at 'weight': Tag. big' at.
5. Metathesis of initial consonant and following vowel, which
is generally an a, e. g. Pamp. altau <*latau 'to float': Tag. litau',
Pamp. abyas <*bayas 'rice': Tag. big as, this last example
showing also the treatment of the RGrH consonant and of the
pepet vowel in Pampanga.
6. The contraction of two concurrent like vowels, e. g. Pamp.
tan 'to stop, cease': Tag. Pangasinan taan\ Pamp. dun 'to
reach shore, land (of boats)': Tag. Bis. Bkl. duun. Such con-
traction is also regular in Ibanag (spoken in the Kagayan
Valley, North Luzon), e. g. Ibg. bag 'breech-clout': Tag. Bis.
Bkl. bdhag; Ibg. big 'all, nothing but, der. lauter': Iloko, Pang.
Hiy. Sulu (spoken by the Mohammedan Malays of the Sulu
Archipelago) contracts not only originally concurrent like
vowels, e. g. Sulu to 'right (hand)': Bis. Bkl. £o'o, but also
dissimilar concurrent vowels, e. g. Sulu nog 'descend': Bis. naoy,
Tag. (pa)naog, and those brought together by secondary Sulu
loss of intervocalic Z, e. g. Sulu 6 'head': Tag. Bis. Ilk. ulo;
Sulu sah 'fault, blame': Tag. Bis. Bkl. sola. Syncopation of
intervocalic I also occurs in Tagalog, but less regularly than
in Sulu (compare the examples last given), and without re-
sultant contraction, e. g. Tag. ddan 'way, road': Sulu dan: Bis.
Bkl. dalan.
7. Apheresis and apocopation of accentless syllables, com-
posed mostly of a single vowel, e. g. Pamp. te, the interjec-
tional short form of pate 'dead'; sak, beside 'asdk 'to pack';
tun 'cook rice': Ilk. Ibg. Mai. Kawi, Makass. Bug. Mlg. Samoan,
Tahiti, Chamorro tunu, Haw. kunu.
As a result of the regular vocalic contraction pointed out
above (6) and the sporadic loss of an accentless syllable, a con-
siderable number of Indonesian dissyllabic roots have been
reduced to monosyllables in Pampanga. Leaving out of account
some twenty monosyllabic words consisting of enclitic pronominal
forms, accentless adverbial and connective particles, the articles,
and interjections (many of these being unquestionably of ono-
matopoetic origin), there remain about thirty-five monosyllabic
1 Of. Conant, The Pepet Law in Philippine Languages, Anthropos
vol. vi.
Vol. xxxi.J Monosyllabic Soots in Pampanga. 391
roots in the language. The majority of these may readily be
identified with roots of the ordinary dissyllabic form in other
Philippine languages.
I. Roots showing contraction of Pamp. aa to a:
1. das <*daas <*daesi 'arrive': Tag. dais.
2. lean < *kaan <*kaen 'eat': Ilk. kadn, Tag. kain, Bis. ka'on.
3. mdl <*woa£'dear, expensive': Tag. Bis. Mgd. Sulu, Mai.
Sund. Dayak mahal. For loss of h in Pamp. see above (p. 1).
4. pat <*paat <*paet 'chisel': Ilk. Pang, paet, Tag. pdit.
Bis. pahut, Mai. Dayak pahat.
5. sap <*saap <*saep 'farm hand': Bis. saup, Bkl. saup
'apprentice, artisan's assistant'.
6. tan <*taan 'stop, cease': Tag. tdan, tahdn, Pang, tdan,
Bis. taan, Mai. Jav. Sund. Day. tahan, Haw. kaa.
7. lat <*laat 'all': Tag. lahdt.
II. Roots showing contraction of uu to u:
8. dun 'to reach shore, land (of boats)': Tag. Bis. Bkl. Pang.
duun (with varying accent), Tir. dunu, Ibg. dun.
9. lub 'within': Tag. Bis. Pang. Ilk. luub or luiib, Tir. dob.
10. lud 'proseguir para acabar': Ilk. luud 'ruin, destruction,
completely destroy'.
11. luk 'bay, inlet': Tag. Bis. Ilk. Pang. Bagobo look or luuk.
Ibg. lut (for luk where the original surd stop has become in
pronunciation the glottal stop and hence has lost its identity;
cf. Ibg. but in use beside the correct historical form buk 'hair*:
Ilk. buuk, Pang, bueh, Pamp. budk), Sulu lok.
12. lun 'cure (meats), preserve or dry (fruits)': Tag. Bis. Bkl.
Won or Won.
13. pun 'base, stem, trunk, origin, beginning, capital': Ilk.
Bkl. puun, Pang, poo n (an), Tag. Bis. puhon(an) Sulu, Mai.
Sund. puhtin, Tir. fuun, Mgd. puun or pun, Ibg. fun.
14. sub 'steam': Ilk. suub, Pang, suub, which are connected
by metathesis with Tag. Bis. Mgd. Tirurai subu of nearly
identical meaning.
15. sun 'rise (of tide), be borne on the tide': Bis. suwi
'wander aimlessly, go with the current'.
16. tud 'hit the mark, aim straight, be true': Bis. Pang.
tuud 'true, consider true, believe'.
1 Wherever e appears in this paper it indicates the indifferent vowel
(pepet), which regularly becomes a in Pamp.
VOL. XXXI. Part IV. 27
392 Carlos Everett Conant, [1911.
17. tug 'basket of woven palm leaves': Tag. Bis.tuhug, Ibg. tug.
18. tits 'make good, remedy, repair': Tag. tuus.
III. Roots showing contraction of i or u with the pepet-
vowel:
19. sld 'a kind of fish corral': Tag. siid, Bis, sihod, Bkl. siod.
20. tied 'knee': Tag. Bkl. Bis. Sulu tuhud, Ibg. tuad, Tir. e^r.
Sund. tuur, Toba £M£, Kawi fair. Kawi and (apparently) Toba
have the same contraction. Compare also Toba buk 'hair'
with Sund. buuk and the Phil, cognates in No. 11 above. In
this connection it is interesting to note that^Pamp. and Ibg.
exactly reverse each other in their treatment of the words for
'hair' and 'knee', tho the vocalism of the two words is precisely
the same:
Philippine Tagalog Pampanga Ibanag
*buek 'hair' buhuk1 budk buk
*tued 'knee' tuhud tud tudd
IY. Roots showing apocope:
21. tun 'cook rice' Ilk. Ibg. Mai. Kawi, Makass. Bug. Mlg.
Samoan, Chamorro, Tahiti tunu, Haw. kunu.
22. sut 'humiliate oneself to another': Bis. suta 'confess
publicly'.
"V. Roots showing apheresis:
23. dam 'borrow': Bkl. haddm, haram, Tag. hiram, Bis. hulam.
The penultimate vowel, lost in Pamp., is an original pepet.
The medial consonant is a good example of the RLD law.
24. pan 'perhaps, perchance': Tag. apdn, upon 'perhaps', Ilk.
pan, apdn, papdn, or agpapdn 'altho', Cebuan Bis. apdn 'but,
however', Panayan Bis. apdn 'but, however'.
25. dot beside indat 'quotiescumque'.
26. pu beside apu 'sir, Mr.'
27. sak beside asdk 'to pack'.
28. te (as interj.) beside pat& 'dead'.
29. tan beside atdn 'stop, cease'.
30. tas beside atds 'high, height'.
31. tin beside aim 'to have'.
i Tag. buhuk, tuhud have u (instead of the regular i) for the pepet
vowel by assimilation to the original u of the penult. Of. Conant,
Pepet Law. Brandstetter, Prodromus, p. 41 ff., considers the monosyl-
labic forms buk, tud as original, from which the dissyllabic forms are
developed by expansion (Zerdehnung). Against this explanation, see my
op. cit., Table V, Note 2.
Vol. xxxi.] Monosyllabic Roots in Pampanga. .'»!»:>
The syllable most frequently lost by apli-- i>i>t> <»f
the unprotected vowel a, either original, as in the case of
Pamp. pan: Tag. Ilk. Bis. apan; Parap. pu: Pamp. T:i^. I'an^.
Bkl. Bis. apu; or from pepet, as in dam (above No. 23).
VI. Words showing contraction following syncopation of
32. e (long open e = OEng. a7') beside ai and ali 'no, not',
from a + di, cf. Ilk. di and adi, Bontok adi, Pang, an-di and
ali-wa, Ibg. ^ (^ for d initially before i as in Ibg. zila\ Tag.
Bis. etc. <Ma 'tongue') and ari.
33. we, from older mai from *w?a^ 'come, go': Bkl. Sulu,
Mai. Toba, mart, Bis. um-ari generally shortened to mari in
mart Jca 'come here!' But Pamp. (u)mai may have been original
(see below).
The history of this very common word is as interesting as it
is complicated. Made up originally of demonstrative particles
denoting place or direction, it has been an easy prey to con-
tamination with other words and particles of similar meaning.
To be connected with the foregoing cognates are Bontok
wnali in umdli-ak 'I come', and, without urn-, alika 'come',
where ~lca is the enclitic 2 pers. pron., Pang, dia 'here' (cf.
gala dia 'come here'), Tag. hali 'come here'. In these examples
we have evidently the demonstrative particle di (cf. Blake,
JAOS xxvii, 350 ff.) with the deictic particle a either prefixed:
Bis. ari, Bout, all, Tag. hali (with initial breathing as often
in Tag.), or suffixed: Pang. dia. Tag. and Bont. employ
the adverb alone as an imperative, while Bis. may either use
ari alone or with the imperative prefix urn- in the same sense.
Here the base is distinctly felt as ari, ali, and also in Sulu
mari, ~kari. But in Bkl. Mai. Toba marl we have a stereo-
typed form with initial m, which, after loss of the original u
of um-, was no longer recognized as a prefixed element, cf.
Mai. Toba minum 'drink' for IN um-inum.
On the other hand Ilk. umdi (generally pron. mai), Ibg.
umai, Tirurai mai, in mai dini 'come here7, point to a root
ai, which is actually found in the sense of 'walk, go, come' in
both Ibg. and Tir. Magindanau ai 'foot' is doubtless the
same word.
That there has been a confusion between these two proto-
types there can be little doubt, and to either of them could
27*
394 C. E. Conant, Monosyllabic Roots in Pampanga. [1911.
be referred Pamp. mai, Chamorro mage*, and the Polynesian
mai 'hither, thence' found in Samoan, Haw. Tahiti and Mar-
quesas
The present study has yielded no cognates for the following
monosyllabic roots: bal 'to order brought', dan 'lower leg', din
'to give', kid 'to remove from the fire (frying pan, etc.)'.
Puk 'to assign' and tul 'a measure for cotton' are Chinese
loan words used in mercantile language, puk being Chin. g|
pu? to allot, assign', and tul being 5|- 3£ teh r ka basket used
as a measure for raw cotton'.
It is evident from the foregoing examination of monosyllabic
roots that Pampanga, like Ibanag and Sulu, represents a stage
of linguistic development much more advanced than the other
Philippine languages, which show the unreduced dissyllabic
root so characteristic of both Indonesian and Polynesian.
But while the process of abbreviation was going on in Pam-
panga, there seems to have been even here an instinctive
tendency to restore the dissyllabic character of the affected
words which, as monosyllables, were felt to be incomplete, by
prefixing a weak, colorless vowel, generally a. The movement
doubtless took its origin from the large number of words
having an initial a resulting from metathesis (see above p. 390).
Thus, under the influence of atlu <*talu (Phil, telu) 'three'
and apat (Phil, epat) 'four', *dwa (IN dua, rua, lua) 'two'
became adwd. Similarly Pamp. atydn (Phil, tiari) 'abdomen',
apyd (Phil, pia) 'noble, good'. In the case of roots used al-
ways with formative elements the monosyllabic character of
the root was not felt and hence most of the monosyllabic
roots denoting action remained in their reduced form.
1 Of. Conant, Consonant Changes and Vowel Harmony in Chamorro,
Anthropos, vi, p. 143.
Chicago, April 10, 1911.
A Divine Lament (CT. XV. Plates 24—25).—^ J.
DYNELEY PRINCE, Ph. I)., Professor in Columbia Uni-
versity, New York City, N. Y.
Obverse.
11. Ukir (LID SA) zal (NT)-ma-al a (ID) nu-ma-al-
Heart which is full (and) strength I have no
men (DU)
longer.
12. nin-men (DU) Idsal-ma (MAL) Ukir (LID SA) nu-ma-
Though I am lady, in my sanctuary heart I have
al-la-men (DU)
no longer.
13. e-ne-am (RAM)-wa (MAL) -ni ba-da-ul-e en-no, sa (DI) in-
His word drove me; when it
ga-mu-ub-dug (KA) i-de-ma (MAL) Sa i-ni-ib-gaba (GAB).
reached me, my face verily it cast down.
14. ud-ba nunuz-li ag (RAM) -gin (DU) -na-mu ud-la me
When to my progeny I wished to go; then where
li-e-a
were they?
15. dim-di ud-ba nunuz-li ag (RAM) -gin (DU) -na-mu
Weakling, when to my progeny I wished to go;
ud-ba me-e li-e-a
then where were they?
16. ud e-we-aw (B. AM) An-na ma(ra) i-ir-a-bi
When the word of Ami to me they brought;
17. e-ne-am (RAM) dimmer Mu-ul-lil-la (LAL) ma-ra i-ir-
the word of Bel to me when
a-li
they hr ought it;
18. e (BIT) -mu-a mu-U-in-gin (DU) -na-ba
into my house when they came;
19. xar-ra-an hur-ra mu-si-in-tur (TU) -ra-ba
upon the way of the land when they entered;
396 J. Dyneley Prince, [1911.
20. ma mU'Si-in-gin (DtT) -na-ba
on the ship when they went;
21. ma mu-Si-in-us-sa-ba
on the ship when they stood;
22. mu a mu-si-in-tur (TTJ)ra-fca
when to they entered.
23. mu-(lu) su-e-sir (BIT) -mal i-ni-in-tur (TU) -ra-ba
the men with shoes on, when they entered;
24. Sit nu-lax-xa-ni (mu-si-iri)ir-ra-ba
their unwashed hands (on me) . . when they laid them;
Reverse.
1. ma-an-ga ma sag-ga (MAL)
when, although ruler, on the prow of the ship (I stepped)
2. ga-sa-an-ga ma egir-ra ba-e-sub (RTJ) -a-ba
when, although lady, on the stern of the ship I trod;
3. w'(IM)-fe amar (ZUE) -a-bi ba-e-te-a-ba
when of its own accord that brood drew nigh;
4. ur-ri me-ri su-e-sir (BIT) ma-al-la-ni kisal-ma (MAlj) wi-
the foe, having shoes on their feet, into my sanctuary
ni-in-tu
entered;
nakri su ina sepisu senu saknu ana maUdkia irubam
5. ur-ri-l)i su nu-lax-xa-ni via-su (KIT) mu-Si-in-ni-ir
that foe his unwashed hands on me he laid.
nakri $u qatdsu Id mesiati idsi libla
6. $u mu-si-in-ir ni (IM) mu-un-te ma (MAL) -e ni (IM) -hi
His hand he laid on me ; fear he caused ; I fear of him
ma-te
felt.
qati8u uUamma uparridanni
7. ur-ri-bi su-ni mu-si-in-ir me-da mu-un-gam-
That foe his hand he laid on me ; in me he made a bowing
men (DU)
down.
nakri 3ft qatsu ublamma ina puluxti iismitanni
S. ur-ri-bi ma (MAL) -e ni (IM) ba-da-an-te e-ne nu-inu-
That foe I fear felt for him; he feared
da-an-te
me not.
anaku adluxma Su id iplaxanni
Vol.xxxi.] A Divine Lament. :}'.»7
9. ur-ri-U tub (KU) -mu mu-un-kar dam-a-ni la-ni-in-tug ( K I i
That foe my garments he seized; his wife lie clothed with
them.
Qubati isxutannima a&atsu ulabbisu
10. ur-ribi za.-mu mu-un-tar dwww(TUR) -m'fca-N/-
That foe my jewels he snatched; his daughter ho adorned
in-la (LAL)
with them.
nakri $u ukni iprama maratsu i&kun
11. ki-gub (DU) -ba-bi am (A-AN) -gug me
His courts I must tread; even I.
nianzassu akabbas
12. dim(GrIM.)-ma wi(IM)ma(MAL)-^(KU)fei am(A-AN)-^t-
When of my own desire for myself the sanctuaries I
qin-qin
seek;
ina ramdnia asrdti extern' e
13. ud-ba m'(IM) ba-te ba-e (UD-DU) -ta ^a-e(UD-DU)
then fear I feel to go forth, (and) I go not forth.
14. e (BIT) -ma (MAL) ba-an-ul-li-en ingar-ma (M AL) ba-ab-
Out of my house they drove me; out of my enclosure
xu-lax-e
they frightened me.
ina bitia urrixanni ina igaria lujallitanni
15. tu [xu] ni (TM) -tea-dim (G-IM) gis-ur-ra ud-ba e-ir
Like a terrified dove on a beam then I went up;
klma summatum paritti ina gusuri obit
16. su-din xu tal (El) -la-dim (GIM) du(Xl)-de al-gi-ri
like a sudin fluttering to a cleft I betook me;
kwia sudinnu parisi ina nigi£$i exteri
17. me-e e (BIT)-mu-da xu-dim(GTM) im-ma-ra-tal (RI) -en
me out of my house like a bird they caused me to tiy:
ina bitia kima igguri uSapriSanni
18. ga-sa-an men (DU) eri-mu-da xu-dim (GIM) im-ma-ra-
though I am lady, out of my city like a bird they caused
tal (Kl)-ew
me to fly.
19. egir-mu-a e (BIT) -MM egir-mu-a gu (KA) )nu-nn-de-de-e
"Behind me is my house, behind me", I say;
liti arkia iltannss'm
398 J. Dyneley Prince, [1911.
20. nin-men (DU) eri-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-de-de-e
"though. I am lady, my city is behind me", I say;
beliku all arkia
21. $e-ib Ni-si-in-ki-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-de-de-e
"the brick walls of my Nisin are behind me", I say;
22. e§ (AB) e (BIT) -gal-max-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-
"the abode of my glorious temple is behind me", I
de-de-e
say;
23. Se-ib La-ra-ak-ki-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-de-de-e
"the brick walls of my Larak are behind me", I say;
24. gig (MI) tus (KU) -imina-mu egir-mu-a gu (KA) mu-un-
"dark are my seven dwellings behind me", I
de-de-e
say;
25. me-e e (BIT) -win e(BYF)-mu nu-me-en a-dim (GIM) in-
I to my house "thou art no more my house", thus
na-gu (KA)
I speak.
andku ana bttia ul btti attam Id aqbu
26. me-e eri-mu eri-mu nu-me-en a-dim(GrIM.) m-na-gu(KA)
I to my city "thou art no more my city", thus I speak.
27. na-an-ni-tu-tu ne um-mi-ha-a la-bi mu-ka-e
"I cannot enter it" ; thus I speak (and) its beauty biteth me.
la errubsu aqbima lalusu ikkalanni
28. wa-am(RAM) -da-ma (MAL) ne um-mi-ka (i)-si-is-bi
"I shall be there no more" ; thus I speak (and) weeping for it
mu-ta-Qi-(gi)
overwhelmeth me.
la uttak- .... kl aqbima gixitaZu
usana$anni
Commentary.
This text, which is the last of the Prince- Vanderburgh
series, CT. XV, 7 — 30, has been published with translation by
Dr. Stephen Henry Langdon in his "Babylonian Psalms", 1909,
pp. 1 — 6, but without commentary. The Assyrian paraphrase,
which is not a translation of this text, I have taken from
T. G. Pinches "Lament of the Daughter of Sin", PSBA., 1895,
pp. 66 ff., which is a parallel, but not an identical text with
CT. XV, 24—25. I am indebted to Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh
Vol. xxxi.] A Divine Lament.
for his helpful collaboration and assistance in the publication
of the entire series.
There can he little douht that this lament was written ami
sung hy the. priests of Nanfi, whoso imago was taken hy the
Elamites in 2270 B. C., according to the Prism Inscription
of Assurbanipal, Col. VI, 107—124. AS8url>:mipal in 635 I',. -
retook and restored the image to its original habitat in Uruk
(Erech) amid great rejoicings at his pious act. The god<l< n
had been absent from her shrine for sixteen hundred and
thirty five years. The fact that in the present hymn the
lamenting deity does not mention Uruk, but Isin, does not
militate against this idea, because we know that the dynasty
of Isin prided themselves on their cult of Nana and that they
were especially assiduous in building and restoring the shrines
of this goddess. Nana's chief sanctuary was E-an-na ('house
of heaven') in Uruk (Erech), but she also had temples in
Agade (E-ul-mas) and at Ur. This hymn is of particular im-
portance from an historical point of view, as it confirms the
Assurbanipal record. It was, no doubt, sung and composed
shortly after the rape of the godess in 2270 B. C.
Obverse.
11. LID-SA can only = likir (8897) 'heart'. NI = gal
= barft 'be full', 5314.
13. ba-da-ul-e: in Rev. 14 = = ardxu (urruxu} 'drive, cause
to hasten'. That UL can mean this is clear from MSL. p. 85,
primarily = 'bull'; note ul = naqapu 'gore, push', said of a bull,
9144. en-na here probably = 'when, as soon as' = adi 'until'.
2809. sa-dug = kaSddu 'reach, arrive at', 9542. 8a — lu 'verily',
7047. gala (GAB); val. du = patdru 'loosen', 4473; GAB also
= labanu 'cast down', said of the face, Sb. 342 (4481).
14. nunuz = lipu, 8177; pir'u, 8179 'progeny', and li
can = ana 'unto', V. 27, 44. RAM = ag = - madddu 'love,
measure, intend'; note it == muuru 'intend', 4744 (see MSL.
21). me = ia'nit, 10366; idtm, 10365 'where'? The combin-
ation li-e-a is difficult, but li =* Suasu, 1118; Suatu, 1119 'that
one', so that li-e-a here may be regarded as a prolongation
of li with the demonstrative sense; i. e., 'where are they'.
Another possibility is to consider LI here to mean 'stand'T
since LI = gub and gub (DU) also = na^d^u 'stand'. This
does not seem to me so probable as the first suggestion. The
400 J. Dyneley Prince, [1911.
context certainly demands the question 'where are they', or
'where were they'?
15. I regard di after dim here as an ES. gloss to denote
the correct pronunciation of dim = dunnamu, 4253; ulalu, 4255
•'weakling'.
Lines 11 — 15 indicate the goddess's state of mind on "being
informed of what is to follow; viz., that she is to become an
exile from her children.
16. To ma here we must add the postpositive -ra as in Obv.
17. Note ma-Su (KIT), rev. 5.
21. In the above lines, the goddess is made to describe
the approach of her captors, and the route they took in re-
moving her from her shrine. First (obv. 19), she is carried by
way of the land; then she is placed apparently on a ship
(obv. 20 — 21) to be carried away to Elam. That the captors
were regarded as thoroughly alien desecrators is seen from
line 23 following, and Rev. 4 — 5.
23. su-e-sir-mal: literally 'skin or leather (SU) of the
street' (E-SIR = suqu), the whole combination meaning senu
'shoe' + mal = Sakanu, 5421, i. e., mu(hi) su-e-sir mal 'the
men who have shoes on' = the profane invaders of her shrine,
which must be entered unshod by her worshippers.
24. On $u nu-lax-xa-ni 'unwashed hands'; another sign of
their desecration; see Rev. 5.
Reverse.
In lines 1 and 2, ma-an must = the double corner wedge
sign = dannu 'mighty', 9955; sarru 'king', here probably 'queen',
9961. The suffix -ga probably has the force of M = Mma
which here we may render "though". The idea is that al-
though the goddess was queen and lady, she was compelled to
step on the hostile ship, which was to bear her away from
her shrine and people. Of. the parallel from Pinches cited
by Radau, Misc. Sumer. Texts, 1910, p. 386 and n. 1. The
verb RU = hib in our text = nadu 'set, place', scil here
'foot', corresponds to the Pinches version Icar = kdbasu.
3. I render ni (IM) -te 'of their own accord, as IM clearly
means ramdnu here (Fossey, 4192) and not 'fear'. The 'brood'
awar(ZTJB) = Uiru,. 9068, 'approaches' (te) her shrine to
molest her of their own volition.
Vol. xxxi.] A Divine Lament. l"l
4. Now begins the Assyrian parallel from PSBA., xviL
p. 66, Hue 6, in this line an exact translation. Note the
relative Sumerian suffix -ani in ma-al-la-ni 'those \vh<> have', &c.
For kisal=mab-taku, see obv. 12, and cf. TV. 27, 8 — 9b.
5. lax = = misu 'wash', Sb. 76. Note also ma-8u(K\
ma-ra iu obv. 17.
6. The Assyr. uparridanni 'he hastens me away'; '"hustles"
me out7 (!) is a translation of a parallel text. In our Sumerian
line m'(IM) is the direct object of the verb fe; IM-TE =
puluxtu 'fear', 8465. Note below on line 8.
7. gam =* qadadu 'bow down', used of the neck ktiadsu,
Fossey, 3664. It is rendered by the Assyr. parallel ina pu-
luxti Ksmitanni 'in fear he lowers me'; from matu 'lower,
decrease'.
8. Cf. line 6 rev. with this, and note the ommissiou of nakri
su = urri-bi from this line. The Assyrian translator
adlux 'I am disturbed' for m(IM) ba-da-an-te 'I feel fear
for him'.
9. kar really means ekemu 'seize, snatch', 7740, in contract
with the more vivid Assyrian isxutannima 'he tears it off me'.
10. #a here for Pinches za-gin = uknt tar (kud) means 'cuts
off violently'. The Pinches version reads maratsu 'his daugh-
ter', which is not indicated here by the sexless word duntii
(TUR) 'child'.
11. gug = kabdsu 'tread', 1372. Note the overhanging me,
clearly the first personal pronoun.
12. dim(GrIM.) = summa 'if, when', 9125; == M 'as, when',
9120.
13. I render ba-e (UD-DU) -ta as dependent on the pre-
ceding verb. That the prefix na- can mean 'not', as a variant
of nu, is seen from Fossey, 796 — 797.
14. On ul, see obv. 13. xu-lax-e = galatu; gulhttu; suglutu
Herhfy', Fossey, 1061—1063.
15. Pinches's form paritti (thus corrected by Langdon) is
of uncertain meaning. Cf. IV. 22, 5 a: Idbartum parittum(?).
The form obit Langdon translates as if from nabdtu 'repose',
but it is from rpl 'dwell'. This is not indicated in the present
Sumerian text, which plainly signifies 'go' «- e-ir.
16. ~RI = tal = paraSu 'fly'. 2571. du (XI) = nigitfu here is
undoubtedly cognate with di-da-al = nigi($u, PSBA. xvii. 65;
du = di. The usual ideogram is ki-in-dar, ki-in-dir, 9683.
402 J. Dyneley Prince, A Divine Lament. [1911.
gi-ri = gir-ri = sepu 'foot'; tallaJdu 'going'; simply = 'go'. I
regard eSteri as an iStafal from dm 'go, proceed'.
18. I render gasan 'lady' here, just as nin may mean both
'lord' and 'lady'.
21. $e-ib = libittu, 7492. Ni-si-in-ki-mu 'my Isin'. NI has
the value i as well as ni.
23. la-ra-ak-ki-mu 'my Larak' = Larsa (?). Jastrow suggests
(by letter) that lardk may mean 'a grainery'. My interpre-
tation of the combination agrees with this; viz., la=lalu 'full-
ness, plenty' (Fossey, 530) + postpos. -ra + ok = epesu 'make'.
The combination la-ra + ak-ki would then mean 'the place (ki)
which is made (ok) for plenty' = 'storage' (la-ra).
24. 'Seven dwellings' probably refers to her shrines.
27. ne 'this' = annu, 4580. See also next line below.
28. ma (MAL) -ma (MAL) = basu 'be', 5430. In 11604:
isi$ = nissatu ; $xtu lamentation'. A-SI is the bahu- Aveep-sign.
I render Pinches's parallel gixita as equivalent to gixtu
'weeping'. UsandSanni 'it overwhelms me', from Ufa; cf. IV.
7, 14 — 15 a: 'he shakes him' = itana§a$su.
Lido-Iranian Word- Studies. — By EDWIN W. FAY, Pro-
fessor in the University of Texas.
1. A good deal of attention has been paid in late years to
Foy's proposal (KZ. 35, 31) to separate Iranian haca 'ab, ex'
from Skr. sacd 'cum, una cum'. To solve this problem seems,
however, a task of no great difficulty. Authorities so out of
date as the Latin lexicon of Lewis and Short seem to me in
their note on secus 'secundum, aliter' to present the ri^ht
point of view for the solution of the semantic problem, and if
modern observers differently conceive the problem, almost no-
body seems to doubt the cognation of secus1 with sequitur,
nor of Skr. sacd with sacate.
2. In Etymology, as well as touching the Homeric question,
there will always be chorizonts, owing to the difference in
human temperaments and the inherently greater ease of ana-
lysis as contrasted with synthesis. But temperament or no,
preponderance of evidence now throws a searcher into one
camp, now into another. Temperamentally, I sympathize with
the antichorizonts, and certainly in regard to Iranian haca,
the usage of which I now propose to examine, on the basis
of the examples collected by Bartholomae in his magnificent
lexicon. Now Bartholomae compares haca with Skr. saca, but
not without acknowledging that he feels the force of Foy's
objections. I suppose, however, that it is on the legal prin-
ciple of asserting definition from usage that be rubricates his
examples as though the primary sense of haca were 'from'.
But if haca is cognate with sacd it were well to attempt a
rubrication based on 'cum' as the approximately original sense,
that is for Indo-Iranian.
3. Sporadically in Avestan, and still less in Persian, haca,
though we more conveniently render it by 'from', is combined
with the instrumental, which is not, on the face of things, a
1 The notion of inferiority clearly arises in our colloquial description
of cigars and other goods of poorer quality as "seconds".
404 Edwin W. Fay, [1911.
case to indicate the separative relation. But we can often
here restore the sense of 'cum', e. g. in Y. 10. 17 (ap. Bthl.,
1751, II. 1. 2),
orozataena haca tasta zaranaenem aoi taxse
where, though as regards the context argenteo ex poculo
aureum in <poculum> affundo is the letter rendering, yet arg.
cum p. may he defended as the original conception, cf. in
Latin the following, alheit far less concrete, examples from
Ennius: Ann. 175, turn cum corde suo divum pater atque
hominum rex | effatur and, much more specifically, ib. 540,
effudit voces proprio cum pectore sancto.
In the latter example cum is attached to a "sociative" with
which it does the work of an ablv. of means, hut in both con-
texts the combination with ef- is noteworthy, and from a usage
like 540 the separative relation might have developed. In such
contexts as this (see Yahlen in Rh. Mus. 14. 566 for other
examples) cum might also have developed — or shall we say
have sunk to — use as a mere case exponent. This is what
has happened, in a sense, with OPers. haca which, though
used with the instrumental, is an invariable case exponent of
the ablative.
4. In Old Persian, the adjective lid-midriya- 'rebellious' is
construed with* haca -f ablv. Etymologically miGnya- belongs
with Skr. methete (dual) 'inter se pugnant, altercantur'. I see
here a compromise construction, as though in Latin (1) alie-
natus [a] + ablv. had been so associated with (2) altercans cum +
instr. as to yield *(3) alien atus cum + ablv.; or as though in
Greek the interplay of (1) aAAor/Hwcrts TWOS and (2) aXXorpLovo-Bai
[o-w] TLVL had yielded *(3) o.\\orptova-6a.i <o-w> TWOS. For the
general psychological problem involved cf. Latin divortium
facere cum aliqua, and the English conflict between differ
from and differ ivitli. In Irish, fri 'adversus, in' reached the
sense of 'cum' in comparisons ("gleich gegen = gleich mit"),
which developed into a sociative and instrumental 'cum', and
at last, with verbs of separation, into 'ab, ex' (cf. Windisch,
Irische Texte, Wrtbch., pp. 577—578). The following examples
are in point: Bh. 2. 2 (= 1750, II. 1. 1. C), dahydva11 tyd
hacdmah hamiOriyd abavan = regiones quae cumme altercantes
factae sunt; Bh. 1. 11 (= 1778, top, s. v. ham0) pasdua71 Mrah
haruvah hami6riyah abavah liacd kanl>ujiydh = inde populus
universus stomachatus fuit cum Cambyse.
Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word-Studies. 4<»:>
5. In the Gathic passage Y. 37. 2 (= 1749, II. 1. 1. l;».
yoi gm$ haca Syeinti = qui a bove habitant, we might rath- r
interpret by qui cum bove stant (for habitant), and Mills
renders by "who abide beside1 the kine".
6. Common in Gathic as in later Avestan is the locution
a$dt haca which verbally = ritu* cum, but idiomatically e ritu,
e veritate. For the origin of this locution we might assume
a contamination of an Indo-Iranian *rtdd* 'rected', combined
with *saca rtena 'cum rectitudine' (cf. the actual form an-rtnd
"um der Slinde willen", Delbrueck, ai. Synt., § 74), but we will
do better now to enquire what saca, instrumental of a noun
sac- 'a following, pursuit', might mean, and I would indicate
my answer to the question by rendering asai haca by 'e-ritu
consequential or, sacrificing the case relation, by 'ritum secun-
dum\ cf. secus consuetudinem in OIL. 5, 4017; and secus merita
eius, Inscr. Orelli 7, 70.
7. But asat haca 'ritum secus' is a phrase so trite in its ad-
verbial sense that we shall do well to examine its less phrase-
ological uses, e. g., Y. 51. 5 (= 1749, II, 1. 1. B), yaOd aSdt
haca gam vldat vdstryo = num per ritum bovem acquirat
agricola (ind. quest.). Here the ablative alone expressing cause
or rather consequence, would suffice, but haca reinforces the
consequential idea. Similar are Y. 43. 14, a$dt haca frastd
= <haec petitio> ritum secus recipiatur; Y. 53. 1, yezi hoi ddt
ayaptci asat haca = ut ei det maiestates ritum secus; Y. 45. 4
a. h. vaedd . . yd wi dat = ritum secus (per r.) cognovi . . quis
earn <vitam> faciat; Y. 44. 17, perhaps especially perspicuous
because of rddemo, yd rdOemo a. h. = qui socius ritu<m> secus.
With other nouns note Y. 32. 2, xSaQrdt liaca . . paiti-mraot
= per regnum . . respondit, Y. 9. 2, yaoMdOrydt //. = - purifi-
catione<m> secus.
8. Semantically, general lines of reasoning strongly recom-
mend the definition of liaca by 'in consequence of (see § 6),
and the combination of haca in this sense with the ablative1
is just what we should expect, cf. Delbrueck, ai. Synt. § 74,
"nicht selten libersetzen wir den Abl. durch in Folge von". This
1 "We might restore the sense of 'in-the-train' to haca, see §§ 6, 9.
2 Interpret ritu according to the gloss ritus- ^p^Kda, i. e. 'religio,
pietas'.
3 I am transcribing these forms as though they were Sanskrit.
406 Edwin W. Fay, [1911.
definition adequately absolves the examples under Bartliolomae's
rubric II. 1. 3 (= 1750), to-wit: V. 18. 1, diwzat liaca dOrava
sanliaite = fraudis causa (better fraude<m> secus) sacerdoa
nominatur. Further note Y. 35. 10 (= 1751), where aSdat liaca
(= ritu<m> secus) is rendered by Bartholomae (col. 88, top)
as "um des Asa willen" but by Mills as "by reason of thy
Righteous Order": here the prior rendering may be etymolo-
gically justified by "in pursuit of, and the latter by "in con-
sequence of".
9. With persons, the combination liaca + ablv. designates
the agent, the person in consequence of whom the act is per-
formed. Examples are: V. 19, 6 (= 1750), barsOrydt haca
zdviSi = matre ab vocatus sum; D. 6. 3 (== 1751) hacd-mah =
a-me <mandatum>, where we might think of 'in attendance
upon7 as the primitiv sense of liacd.
10. The next examples are of liaca with the ablative after
verbs of fearing. The act of shrinking which is the physiolo-
gical expression of fear lies, I take it, behind the Yedic con-
struction of the ablative with verbs of fearing, and the same
note accounts for separatives as represented in the Latin lo-
cution ab aliquo metuere, timer e. In the Persian and Avestan
usage of liacd with the ablative I suppose that the simple ab-
lative, expressing the idea of (shrinks) 'from', has yielded to a
somewhat phraseological (shrinks) 'in consequence of. The
examples I have selected are P. 21 (= 927, mid.) niwyeiti
zi..dtar$ .. liaca.. aiwyo = metuit ille . . ignis ab aquis; Yt. 10, 99
(= 1748, II. 1. 1. /?), yalimat Jiacd fratdwsdnta = quo ab
metuebant; D. 5. 2, ddhydvah . . tyd hacd-mah atarsan = regiones
..quae ab-me(d) metuebant; Bh. 1. 13, liacd darsman(?) atar-
sah = <populus> ab <eius> saevitate metuebat; Bh. 4. 5, hacd
draugdh darsam patipayahuvd = a fraudulentia valide cave;
D. 4. 3, imam daliydum ahurahmazdd pdtuv liacd liaindyd =
hanc regionem, A. M., servato ab exercitu.
11. In the locution with verbs of fearing hacd 'in conse-
quence of had sunk nearly to the level of being a mere case
exponent (cf. Brugmann, Kvg., § 593, and note the Spanish
use of exponential d before names of personal direct objects),
and there was the same possibility with verbs of obtaining
and demanding (= seeking to obtain), which took a separative
case, e. g. Homeric TratSos ISefaro = (a) filio accepit, Skr. grlinlydt
sddlmtah = 'accipiat (a) bono'. Latin Hinndd cepit (GIL.,
Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word- Studies. J<»7
I. 530); aTraireti/ TII/OS (e«-, rapa-) = postulare (ab) aliquo, Skr.
kena ambho yacitam bhuydt = per-quem aqua petita <est>
a-rege. Iranian examples are: Y. 44. 17 (1749, II, 1. 1. B,
cf. col. 1670), kaOa zarsm cardni haca xsmat = num voluntatem.
impetrem a vobis1 (= per vos, in Folge von); Bh. 1. 14 (1750,
II. 1. 1. c) haca amaxam taumayd pardbartam <= a nostri (sic)
gente ablatum; Y. 62. 7 (1748, II, 1. 1. /?) wspaetiyo haca
izyeiti hubdrdtlm = omnibus ab postulat bene-sacrificatum; Y.
31. 14 (1749, II, 1. 1. B), yd imdo dad9nte ddOrancim haca
aZdunb = quae postulata fiunt debitorum (neuter) ab A§a-
discipulo.2 —-In this category we may, witb some reinforcement
of the etymological sense of haca (see §§ 6, 9), render by 'with
compliance from' (i. e. on the part of).
12. With the verbs of obtaining (cf. Lat. parare) we may
associate verbs of begetting (cf. Lat. parere), satisfying oursehcs
by citing the one example of Yt. 13. 87 (1748, II. 1. 1. /?),
yahmat haca frddwdYdsat ndfo = quo ex [cum] procreavit gentem.
13. Much the larger number of examples of haca + ablv.
follow after verbs of motion, and it hardly seems likely that
here we have a mere casual exponent brought over from the
separative connotation with verbs of fearing (§ 10). For this
usage it is tempting to seek for haca direct derivation from a
rootnoun *sekw-, quasi 'iter, cursus, trail, track', a definition
certainly justified a priori by the usage of verb forms of the
root sekw. This leads us to the simple definition of haca by
'away, weg (von) &c.5 (cf. Fick-Stokes, Wtbch., p. 296).3 Still,
in matters of definition the argument a posteriori furnishes
the line of procedure I prefer to follow, and it is worth our
while to ask whether, in the construction of verbs of motion
with haca + ablv., haca did not originally go with the verb,
somewhat in the sense of 'secundum' (= along), e. g. in Bh.
1 Mills renders by -'shall I proceed to that conference with you"?
2 This is what I understand Bartholomae to mean by his rendering
(col. 733, mid.): die Schuldf order ungen die auf Grund der Buchungen
an den ^.sa-anhanger gestellt wurden. Mills renders by "What prayers
with debt-confessions are offered with the offering of the holy".
3 The assumption of a root noun sekw 'trail, track' leads to a pretty
result for a somewhat isolated usage of 6ri viz: as in a 278, p 197,
&5va, | TroXXa /ta\', <Wa lotxe ^1X175 tirl TraiSos frre^at. If we read *tirl here,
we have a reference to the route of the homegoing bride. In form, we
may compare skr. me sad (QBr. 4. 1. 3. 7) -in my support, mihi auxilio',
but literally something like 'mei (gen.) <in> comitatu'.
VOL. XXXI. Part IV. 28
408 Edwin W. Fay, [1911.
2. 12 (= 1750, II. 1. 1. b), pasdvah adam nijdyam hacd Itabi-
raiig •= postea ego abii secundum Babylone [unless in a mili-
tary context like this hacd meant in expeditione(m)], i. e. 'along.'
or 'on' from Babylon. In such contexts, if hacd were sub-
sequently drawn to the noun, 'secundum' would pass through
'porro' * to 'ex'. - - Again, in sentences containing verbs with
plural or joined subjects or objects, hacd in the sense of una,
really to be taken with the verb, might have been drawn as
a mere exponent to the separative ablative following. Examples:
Y. 5. 19 (1746), yaozdya tacinti dpo zrayanhat haca piiitikdt
avi zrayo vouru-kasdtn = purificatae ruunt aquae una <a> niari
P. ad mare Y.; Yt. 10. 39 (1746), zar&tvacit vazdmna haca l)d-
ziibhyo = tela quidem . . missa una <a> lacertis; Y. 3. 7 (1747),
daeva han-dvardnti..haca #araSaSa=diaboli con-currunt ..una'2<a>
fossa; Yt. 9. 10 (1747), apa-bardni uva Sufomca barSrwmca haca
tnazda ddmabyo = au-feram ambas famemque sitimque una <a>
creatoris locis; Y. 9. 53 (1747), ahmat haca asanhatca Soiftraatca
axstat . . izdca dzuitisca = eo una <a> locoque domoque ab-
sistet . . fortunaque opulentiaque; Yt. 8. 32 (409, s. v. us-hdn-
dava-), dunman ham-histdnti us-hdndavat haca garoit = vapores
constant (= colliguntur) us-hindu- una <ex>-<man.
14. Far be it from me to assert that these restorations of a
vanished sense to examples of a developed hacd --a resto-
ration that may be diagrammed in part by saying that una <a>
yielded [una] a - - prove an original meaning of 'una, simul',
but it is well to show from extant examples that the devel-
oped sense may be but an accident, a mere consequence of
the word's having become otiose in certain contexts; and if
haca = una with verbs of motion came to be felt as otiose,
its other ablative connections - - I particularly think of verbs
of fearing with their note of physical recoil3, see § 10 -
1 i. e. Eng. 'forth'. — I find in the rather full English-French lexicon
of Fleming and Tibbins that forth is defined by "en avant, ensuite; dehors,
au dehors &c." This ought to mean that aller ensuite may be used to
replace aller en avant, but this usage is unknown to several high au-
thorities on French diction whom I have consulted.
2 The tautology of con- and una may be compared with the doubled
ana with &ro/*cu in Homer (t 371).
3 Of. <f>etyeii> = 'to flee or escape from' (with gen., Odys.), but <pvfa =
SeiXfa' (so Hesychius ; cf. Lith. bugti 'terreri).
Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word- Studies.
rendered it liable to be taken up as a mere casual exponent.
With verbs of fearing, 'in consequence of readily yielded
'from', and we bridge over to the purely local sense by assuming
the start to have begun from the nouns of place-persons like
Skr. Dyaus, Greek "AtS^?, Latin Orcus.
15. The local sense may also be glimpsed in a context lik<-
the following where, after describing the origin of two moun-
tains, the text, continues, Yt. 19. 2 (1747), ahmat haca garayo
fraoxsyan <= inde successim (== ensuite) <hi> montes procre-
scunt. Also note Yt. 19. 34, where vaendmmm ahmat haca
xvardno . .fraSusat (= evidenter ea ex gloria . . abscessit) may
be etymologically realized by thinking of English 'to part witli\
contaminated with 'to (de-)part from\
16. In the old Persian we find a rather neat testimony to
the role I have assigned, in the development of the idiom of
haca + ablv., to the construction after verbs of fearing, viz:
D. 4. 2 (1752), where we have iyam daliyauS . . haca aniyana
naiy tarsatiy = ea regio . . cum (sic) <a> hoste non metuit.
Here we have the instrumental (cf. Bartholomae in Gr. Ir.
Phil. I § 378. 6) retained with haca (= 'in consequence of).
17. A quite isolated accusative regimen (cf. Lat. secus,
secundum) is found in V. 12. 1 (1752), where haca is taken
in the general sense of 'ad' (= as regards), cvat ae$qm upa-
manaym puOro haca pitardm &c. = quamdiu eorum <funera
celebrantes> manent, filius propter patrem &c., where I take
propter for 'in consequence of. In V. 5. 1, 2, haca 'from' is
combined with the accusative in the locution 'from the tops
of the mountains (= haca bardsnavo gairanqm) to the depths
of the valleys' (= avi jafnavo raonqm), and conversely; cf. also
Yt. 10. 67 (1752) 'from region to region' (haca kar$vard
avi k). In both these locutions 'secundum' (= down along, cf.
sec. flumen) would serve, i. e. (1) 'down along the mountains
<in>to the valleys' and 'along the valleys <up> to the moun-
tains, and (2) secundum <alteram> regionem ad <alteram> r.
We have besides (3) Y. 61. 5 (1752), yaca him jandma . .
vispaiS haca Jcarsvan yai8 hapta = ut earn expellamus . . uni-
versis [cum] <ex> regiones (sic) illis septem, where haca takes
an instrumental of the adj. and an accusative of its noun.
Here perhaps haca karZvan (= secundum regiones) represents
a use originally distributive (cf. Lat. in dies), i. e., 'along region
28*
410 Edwin W. Fay, [19il.
after region; which tended to develop to the sene of ultra
(praeter) regiones.
18. I think I have now shown how, starting with an ety-
mological sense of 'in consequence, ensuite, in Folge', with
instrumental regimen, we account, in not all too complicated
a manner, for the development of a sense approximating 'from',
which made haca a fit exponent --or shall I say coefficient?
— for the ablative. With the accusative, the sense of 'secun-
dum' may have developed into 'ultra' (= 'beyond, past').
19. This brings us to the support chiefly relied upon by the
chorizonts who would separate Iranian haca from Skr. saca,
viz: Olr. seek, defined by Zeuss as 'praeter, ultra, supra, extra'.
The cognation of sech with the root of sechim 'sequor' seems
to me properly upheld by Fick-Stokes (1. s. c), and by Brug-
mann (Kvg., § 618), as against Foy and Thumb (see "WaldeT
s. v.).1 Thurneysen in his grammar defines sech by vorbei an
(Eng. 'along past', often simply 'by'), and compares Lat. secus,
but it does not appear whether he derives secus from sequitur
or not. As I see it, if we start with the sense of 'following',
i. e. 'in attendance upon', we come easily to 'alongside of (a
person) and then to 'by', and finally 'past, beyond', cf. e. g.
in Windisch's Texte, p. 207, 26 luid seocu, which means <saxum>
iit praeter eas. In other contexts sech may be rendered by
our English use of via = 'by way of, Germ, liber' in the address
of a letter. See the description of a travel route in the Seel
mucci Mic Datho § 20 (Windisch, 1. c. p. 106, 5 sq.) where
sech is followed by various names of places 'past' which the
traveller went. The adverbial use of sech (== "aufierdem") is
etymologically given by 'folglich; besides'. Welsh hep 'sine'
has developed on the lines of Osc. perom 'sine' (: Lat. per)
"eigentlich 'dariiber hinaus'" (Walde, p. 574).
Sanskrit sakd.
20. As a corollary to the discussion of Iranian haca a word
may be said of Skr. sakd which occurs one each in the Rig
and Atharva Vedas, and both times in a hymn which is a
charm against snakes (or, for the Rik hymn, against poison
1 I am entirely skeptical as to "Walde's explanation of seel, which I
am beginning to define by 'away, weg, via' and to connect with 656s,.
see Class. Phil., 4. 301, fn.
Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word-Studies. \ \ \
in general). I am prepared to admit that each of the hymns
(EV. 1. 191 and AY. X. 4) is popular rather than hieratic in
point of diction and that linguistically considered they are late.
But religiously considered, a snake charm is likely to be early
and when in such a charm a word is found that is virtually
absent from the other literature1 that word is no less likely
to be a technical archaism than a popular neologism. Accord-
ing to the lexica (supported by native authority) sakd- is a
diminutive of the article sa-, being defined as dieser geringere,
- winzige (PW2), and compared with esaka- yako,- (PW1).
These comparisons are not illuminating, for esaka- is not genu-
inely extant, and yoke in RV. 8. 21. 18 (anyake yake = alii-
cunque quicunque) seems to me clearly equivalent to a Greek
*6-Tives (sic) — that is to say that ya-ka- compounded here does
the usual work of yah kah ( + -co). But if sakd- really is a
derivative of the article, I think rather of the -c(e) of Tzic,
iUic, istic, though this raises the question whether we restore
*ke (so Brugmann) or *ke as the startform of Lat. -ce. For
the full adjectivization of sa-ka-s, as compared with illi-c(e),
cf. Lat. ipsus | ipse.
21. The passages for sakd are, in translation, as follows,
"The little girl of the Kiratas, she the little one, digs a remedy"
(Whitney's translation of AV. X. 4. 14) and "This little bird,
so very small, hath swallowed all thy poison up" (Griffith's
Big Veda, 1. 191. 11), and I can but think it curious that the
two most genuine uses of one word are found in descriptions
of antidote procurers. In either case sakd may be a partici-
pial and mean 'sequens' (= quaerens, cf. quaerit of the anti-
dote-seeker in Aeneid 4, 513 — 515), or even 'secans'; or it
may be an instrumental of a noun sa*kw 'bill' (= gladium;
rostrum), allied to Lat. sacena, and saxum. If we were quite
sure that sakd meant 'small', we might still derive it from the
root of secat, in the sense of 'segment' ('fragment'), cf. Eng.
snip and bit.*
1 Of course I have at my command no other guide to usage than the
Petersburg lexica.
2 This semantic correlation perhaps obtains in the following words,
Lat. minor (Fay, AJP.. 26, 176), <rfuK-p6s (ib. 177), Lat. paulum (ib. 188),
parvus (194), tvilis (202), Skr. dabhrds (385); further cf. Skr. ksudrds:
ksod-ati (so Uhlenbeck).
412 Edwin W. Fay, [1911.
Sanskrit sdcis (advb.) 'sidewise. aside'.
22. The relation of meaning between sdcis and sdcate 'se-
quitur' is, as Uhlenbeck recognizes in his lexicon, not obvious.
I define sdci-, spoken of a dependant, a pedisequus, one of
the suite, by 'alongside of, beside' (cf. Ir. sech§ 19) whence by
subsequent restriction — or enlargement? — 'on (the) side; aside';
cf. Eng. aside from (with a sense near to the sense of Welsh
hep 'sine' (§ 19, fin.), and beside in "beside the question, the
mark" &c.
Sanskrit sak-than- 'thigh'.
23. With the root of secat I would join Skr. sak-tlian- 'thigh'
One cannot read his Homer and find ^povs l^ra^ov (= "the
thighs they cut off") without realizing that *sekto- 'cut' would
constitute a very proper designation for the thigh1, cf. Eng.
'cuts', of the different portions of a slaughtered animal. Flex-
ionally, saJcthan- has been modelled on asthdn- 'bone'2.
Two Sanskrit Words for the Hand.
24. I have, in another place (AJP. 31, 416) explained Skr.
an-gu-stha-s 'thumb' as a compound of three members = 'in-
manu-stans'. In the same essay (pp. 416. 419) I interpreted
the startform *tri-st(h)os 'third' (but *tri-st(h)is in Latin testis)
as 'tip-standing' (of the left mid-finger), and the startform
*ksw-ek(s)-stho-s 'sixth' as 'co-ex-stans' (of the second thumb
in the digital enumeration).
25. In view of these three finger-names in -stho-s (-sthi-s)
— with which we may do well to compare Gr. 7ra\a(i)-a-T^ 'palm' -
1 Possibly fjiypbs originally simply meant 'cut',, and belongs with
'part', to a root mer, found in Lat. mor-d-et 'bites'.
2 The phonetic difficulty with the relation of Lat. ossi-s (gen.) to Skr.
dsthi- was not solved by Johansson in IF. 14, 322, for the startform
od-thi- would, to the best of our knowledge, yield Skr. *atthi- and not
dsthi-. But I know no phonetic obstacle to assuming for the startform
*od-sthi-, whence -tsth- with the treatment of tsth in Latin, but a different
treatment in Sanskrit. This *od-sthi- was a compound, and if (o)dsth-
tended in the primitive speech to (o)sth, recomposition may have rein-
troduced the vanishing (or vanished) d. I define od- by 'stone': Skr.
dd-ri-s 'stone, cliff' (!ddyu-s, if = stump), and -sthi- either means 'state,
condition' (the whole = "possessing the stone-condition"): the root
stlid(y}-\ or it meant 'hard' in this compound (= stone-hard), and is
cognate with the root to which Eng. stone, Lettic stine 'Eisenstange'
belong (see Prellwitz, s. v. aria).
Vol. xxxi.] Indo-Iranian Word-Studies. 11;
we may ask if in Skr. galiha-sti-s 'hand, forearm' -st(h)i-s 'stans'
is not to be recognized as the posterius, reduced in value to
a mere suffix. The sense of gdbha-stis will be 'Greifer' (cf.
Viennese Greiferl), and it will belong with Lat. halet 'holds'
(see Uhlenbeck, s. v.).
26. By the same token we may divide Skr. hdsta-s into hd +
st(h)a-s. What is hd-? It is either for hdb(h)- or for had(h)~
with the final sonant dropped before st(h). I suppose the
start form to have been rather *ghod-st(li)o-s than *ghabh-stho-s
but without being able to give a perfectly convincing reason
for my preference, even though Greek a-yoo-ros shows o in the
root syllable. The root ghed- (guttural, not palatal) in the
sense of 'grasp' is well attested (see e. g. Walde, s. v. pre-
liendo), though some of the forms cited, e. g. Lith. pasi-gendu
'desidero, cupio' belong more naturally with the root gwhed(h)-
in Ota-o-aa-Vai 'precari': Av. jaidyq/m 'orare'. A palatal variety
(ghed-) of a root with pure guttural is not to be incontinently
rejected. Thus Skr. hasta~s, from ghod-stho-s , also means
'seizer', and 'seizer' is the apparent (and I believe the real)
definition of Gothic handus (: hinpan 'seize') as well as of
Greek ytip. Why suspect this definition? Is not the scientific
language of today, when set to point out the differences
between man and his ape-progenitor, driven to the .designation
of the hand as the 'Greif-hand', as the ape's foot is a 'Greif-fui-j'?
27. It is valuable for the definition to compare Lith. pa-zastls
'armhole, armpit'. The way in which the sense derived is
made clear by quoting Horace, epist., 1. 13. 12, ne forte sub
ala fasciculum portes librorum, ut rusticus agnum. In short,
the arm-hole is an arm-hold as, conversely, a ship's hold is a
ship's hole. I have elsewhere given to pa-zastis, but with less
semantic support, I think, the definition of 'res impressa', and
to Skr. hds-ta-s the definition of 'quod ferit', deriving it from
the root glies- 'ferire' (see Mod. Lang. Notes, 22. 38).
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