M
JOURNAL
OP THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
EDITED BY
JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL
Professor in the University of Chicago, Professor in Yale Universit
Chlca > IU - New Haven, Conn.
THIRTIETH VOLUME
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U.S.A.
MCMIX MCMX.
Ab
tf.30-3)
Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany).
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
/ ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600.
Parti 259
BARRET, L. C. : The Kasbmirian Atharva Veda, Book II 187
BLAKE, F. R.: Expression of the ideaa "to be" and "to have" in
the Philippine Languages 375
CASANOWICZ, J, M. : Note on Some Usages of ]2^ 343
GOTTHEIL, R. J. H. : A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk (with
a Plate) 58
GOTTHEIL, R,. J. H. : The Origin and History of the Minaret . . . 132
GRAY, L. H. : The Parsi-Persian Burj - Namah, or Book of Omens
from the Moon 336
GRIEVE, L. C. G.: The Dasara Festival at Satara, India .... 72
HIRTH, F.; The Mystery of Fu-lin 1
HIRTH, F. : Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu 32
HIRTH, F. : Early Chinese notices of East African territories . . 46
HOPKINS, E. W.: Mythological Aspects of Trees and Mountains in
the Great Epic 347
JASTROW, M. : Another Fragment of the Etana Myth 101
MARGOLIS, M. L. : Complete Induction for the Identification of the
Vocabulary in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with
its Semitic Equivalents; its Necessity, and the Means of
obtaining it 301
MICHELSON, T.: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka. Part I. General Introduction and the dialect
of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions 77
OLIPHANT, S. G. : The Vedic Dual. Part I. The Dual of bodily parts. 155
PRINCE, J. D.: A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the
British Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) 94
Page
PRINCE, J. D. : A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts
from the British Museum, XV, Plate 23) with Translation and
Commentary 325
VANDERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV,
Plates 12 and 13) 61
VAKPERBURGH, F. A.: A Hymn to Mullil (Tablet 29615, CT XV,
Plates 7, 8 and 9) 313
Proceedings of the Meeting in New York, April 1909 ... I
List of Members . . XIII
Constitution and By-Laws XXVIII
List of Publications XXXI
Notices XXXII
The Mystery of Fu-lin. By FBIEDKICH HIKTH, Professor
in Columbia University, New York City.
THE several accounts we possess in Chinese literature of that
mysterious country in the extreme west called Fu-lin declare
it to be identical with the country known in ancient times as
Ta-ts'in. The texts of the T'ang dynasty speak of "Fu-lin,
that is the ancient Ta-ts'in," or of "Tats'in, also called Fu-
lin," and it appears that the two names were interchangeable.
From the Chinese point of view the question would, therefore,
be simple enough. If Ta-ts'in is Syria, Fu-lin must be Syria.
I am nevertheless disinclined to be guided by this kind of
logic and fully admit the difficulty of the Fu-lin problem.
My present view, which in its main features has undergone
little change from the one expressed twenty-five years ago in
my first study of the subject, 1 is briefly this: Ta-ts'in is the
Eoman empire with all its grandeur emanating from Rome, its
capital; but the detail placed on record in the contempor-
aneous Chinese texts is confined to its Asiatic provinces, for
which reason not Rome, but Antioch is described as the ca-
pital city. Its relations to China were of a commercial kind.
Fu-lin is the Eastern empire of Byzantium, but as in the case
of Ta-ts'in, the Chinese accounts are confined to certain Asi-
atic portions of it, and its relations to China were chiefly
ecclesiastical. This at least is the impression I have received
from the study of the Fu-lin chapters in the Chinese standard
histories. I admit that Chinese literature contains a few pas-
sages, to which I hope to revert on some future occasion,
which seem to involve that, besides the countries described
in the standard accounts, a Greater Ta-ts'in and a Greater
Fu-lin were not unknown in China.
1 China and the Roman Orient: Researches into their Ancient and Me-
diaeval Relations as represented in old Chinese records. Shanghai, 1885.
I shall in the course of these notes refer to this book by the letters R. O.
VOL. XXX. Part I.
2 F. Hirth, [1910.
This view has been recently abandoned by my esteemed
friend Professor Ed. Chavannes, who thinks that Fu-lin is after
all Constantinople and not Syria. 1 His arguments are briefly
these.
1. The name Fu-lin represents the Greek accusative iroXiv
in 15 rrjv TroXiv, Istan-polin, according to Mas'udi the origin of
the name Istambul.
2. The name Fu-lin appears in Chinese literature previous
to the arrival of the Nestorians in China.
3. It may have been brought to China during the Sui
period by the Western Turks, who had been visited by By-
zantine ambassadors in 568 and 576 A. D.
4. The king of Fu-lin who sent ambassadors to China in
643 was called Po-to-li (Jjfc ^ #). By substituting gfe for
%, the name would appear as Po-si-li, which may stand for
5. The Arab general Mo-i, who was sent to effect the siege
of Fu-lin, may be identical with Muawia's son "Yezid ben
Muawia," one of three emirs who attacked Constantinople.
6. The king of Fu-lin who sent an embassy to China in
1081 Mie-li-i-Ung-kai-sa may have been identical with the pre-
tender Nicephorus Melissenus, the character ffi i in that name
being a mistake for ^ ss'i.
Professor jChavannes justifies the changes he suggests in
connection with such names as Po-to-li and Mie-li-i by the
frequency of errors in the tradition of Chinese texts. I quite
admit this argument as applying to certain works, such as the
Ttfd-fu-yuan-kui, from which his "Notes additionelles" have
been mainly derived. This work bristles with mistakes; but
I would be much less inclined to assume such errors in the
texts of the standard histories, the tradition of which, as re-
gards names, compares not unfavourably with that of our me-
1 In his paper entitled "Notes additionelles sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs)
occidentaux" in T'oung-pao , 1904, p. 37, note 3, in which he says : " J'ai
identine ce pays [Fou-lin] avec la Syrie, parce que j'acceptais la theorie
soutenue avec beaucoup de talent par HIRTH (China and the Roman Ori-
ent) qui voit dans le terme Fan-tin (anciennement but-lim] le nom de Beth-
lehem, et qui considere Po-to-li, roi du Fou-lin, comme le bathrik, c'est-
a-dire le patriarche des Nestoriens. Un nouvel examen de la question
me conduit^ cependant a reprendre 1'ancienne identification de Fou-lin avec
Byzance."
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 3
diseval Greek and Latin classics. * Conjectures of this kind
may occasionally become necessary, but they ought in all cases
to be supported by strong circumstantial evidence and ought
also to admit of some plausible paleographic explanation.
I have called this paper "The Mystery of Fu-lin," and I
wish to indicate thereby that I do not by any means pretend
to have removed all doubt from what may remain a mystery
for ever. I cannot, however, refrain from placing on record
the arguments which have induced me to maintain my original
view. I welcome Professor Chavannes' criticism as the best
means throwing light on the problem, and I shall be happy
to hear of his further researches in the direction indicated.
There still remain quite a number of important points to be
settled in connection with both Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin, and who
knows whether some unexpected discovery will not some day
either shake, or confirm, our present views, if not furnish clues
which nobody has thought of.
i. The old sound of the name Fu-lin (g|J ^).
The first character jjj}jj , now pronounced fu in the Mandarin,
and fat in the Canton dialect, has a final t, according to all
the mediaeval authorities quoted by K'ang-hi (Rad. 63, 5). In
the Tsi-yun, a work which appeared as late as the Sung Dy-
nasty, its sound is described as JjJ 5jj -tJJ, i. e., _p(ok-m)a,
or pat.
The second character ^, now pronounced lin in the Man-
darin, and lam in the Canton dialect, was according to the
Tsi-yun pronounced ft Jffj -gj, i. e., I (ik-k) am, or lam, and
K'ang-hi quotes the name Fu-lin (Fat-lam or Pat-lam] as an
example of that pronunciation (Rad. 140, 8).
As a further example of the old sound ending in w, and
not in n, I may quote the name of one of the priests which
appears in estrangelo characters as Ephraem (read Abraham
by Kircher) in the Syriac part of the Nestorian inscription
with the Chinese transcription JijjJ ;jy(c, = fu-lin, fat-lam or pat-
lam. I need not say that ffi and jj^ are identical in sound.
Certainly the final of this character was m, and not n. In
i Cf. my remarks on the "Textkritik" of Chinese authors, R. 0.,
p. 8 seq.
1*
4 F. Hirth,
order to express the syllable lin in iroAiv, a Chinese transcriber
of the sixth century would have selected some such character
as $, lin, the old final of which is w, rather than a sound
ending in m. In the T'ang-shu-sM-yin, chap. 24, p. 3, ad vo-
cem Fu-lin, the sound of the character J is described as #
ft,, i- e. Z (ik-n) am = lam.
As may be seen from E. 0., p. 287, note 2, I do not doubt
the correctness of the etymology of the name Istambul = Istan-
polin (efc rrjv v6Xw) as suggested by Mas'udi; 1 but we have to
take into consideration that, as Professor Chavannes says him-
self, it applies to about the year 344 H., i. e., the tenth cen-
tury A. D., whereas the name Fu-lin was first used in the
sixth, or seventh, century. But, even granting the Byzantine
Romans of that early period having called their capital "Istan-
polin," this need not force us to identify the name with Chi-
nese "Fu-lin."
2. First occurrence of the name Fu-lin.
I quite agree with Professor Chavannes about the Sui-shu
being the oldest record in which the name Fu-lin is mentioned.
Indeed I called attention to it on p. 17 and p. 288, note, of
my book. The biographical portion, including the records re-
garding foreign countries, of that historian was completed in
636 A. D., as we are told in the Catalogue of the Imperial
Library, 2 that is just a year after the arrival at Ch 7 ang-an of
the first Nestorian mission under O-lo-pon (probably a tran-
scription for Eabdn or Rabban, id est, monasterii propositus,
Assemani,I?$Z. Or., Ill Pt. ii, pp. 911 and 913 also very common
as a name). It seems to me quite possible that the name Fu-lin
was just then substituted in the final revision of the Sui-shu
text for that of Ta-ts'in, which may have been the original
reading. But even if this had not been the case, why could
not the Chinese have received notices of the country under
its new name Fu-lin from sources not connected with the
arrival of its natives, just as well as Ta-ts'in was known to
them at the time of the general Pan Chau's campaign long
i For a careful compilation of material regarding the origin and history
of this name see E. Oberhummer in Pauly-Wissowa's "Real-Encyclopadie,"
B. v. "Constantinopolis."
- Tsung-mu, chap. 45, p, 53.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 5
before the first Ta-ts'in mission reached China in 166 A. D.?
We know that the emperor Yang-ti tried in vain to have
intercourse with Fu-lin. Could not he, or his representative
Pei K'u, the author of the Sui-si-yu-Vu (pf jg j[$ @), have
heard the name as being identical with that of Ta-ts'in through
the Nestorians in other western countries which had then come
into contact with China, such as Persia, which is described
with considerable detail in the Sui-slm, with its city of Madain,
then the see of Nestorian patriarchs? Certainly the appear-
ance of the name Fu-lin in Chinese literature previous to
that of the Nestorians in China does not argue against the
identity of the country with Syria. Professor Chavannes refers
to the three trade routes quoted from Pe'i K'ii's work in the
Sui-shu (chap. 67, p. 12), the northern one of which leads by
way of I-wu (Hami) past P'u-lei-hai (Lake Barkul), the T'ie-lo
(Tolos) tribes, the court of the Great Khan of the Turks, and,
crossing the rivers that flow north, to the country of Fu-lin
and to the western sea." The route thus described is in my
opinion not the later road to Constantinople, which skirted
the Aral, the Caspian and the Pontus, since the several rivers
to be passed in it flow south] "the rivers that flow north"
must be the Jaxartes and the Oxus, and I take it for granted
that this northern route would have taken travellers to An-
tioch as the capital of Fu-lin. Neither John of Montecorvino
nor Rubruck had to cross the "rivers that flow north," nor
does Pegolotti recommend such a route except to those who
may have merchandize to dispose of at Urgendj (see Yule,
Cathay and the Way Tliither, p. 288).
3. Who were the informants through whom the name Fu-
lin became first known in China?
We know from the Kiu-t' ang-shu (R. 0., pp. 55 and 105,
K 33) that the emperor Yang-ti wished to open intercourse
with Fu-lin, but did not succeed. Professor Chavannes, who
thinks of Constantinople, maintains that the name Fu-lin be-
came known in China through the Western Turks, and he
refers to the relations of those Turks with the Byzantine Court.
"A Chinese envoy at the court of the Turkish Great Khan,"
he says, "may have met some of these Greeks, or heard them
spoken about; and thus the name of Constantinople came to
6 F. ffirth, [1910.
China in its form Polin, given to it by the Greeks themselves
according to Masudi." I wish to offer a somewhat different
explanation. In the introduction to the chapter on the western
countries the Sui-slm (chap. 83, p. 1) confirms the emperor"
Yang-ti's desire to have communication with as many countries
as possible; the emperor, therefore, sent expeditions under
Wei Tsie (^ fjj), author of a lost work, called Si-fan-ki (jg
^| i) and quoted in the T'ung-tien in connection with the
Ephthalites, and Tu Hing-man (^t fr Ji)- The latter visited
the regions of Western Turkestan. Other officials were sent
to Japan, Siam, etc. 1 After that he appointed Pel K'ii to a
special post in north-west Kan-su with a view of inducing foreign
countries to send envoys to China. From the account of Po-
ss'i (jjj? fljf, i. e. Persia, chap. 83, p. 16) we learn that Yang-ti
had deputed an envoy by the name of Li Yii (^ -g.) for the
special purpose of persuading the Persians to send a mission
to China, and Persian ambassadors actually came to China
together with Li Yii, offering tribute to the court. This Per-
sian embassy, according to the Ts'6-fu-yiian-kui (chap. 970,
p. 3), arrived with the envoys of quite a number of other states
in 616 A. D., probably a few years earlier, since the wording
of this record, though entered under that special year, seems
to involve the Ta-ye period (605 to 617 A. D.) generally as
the date of arrival.
When Yang-ti's envoy Li Yii arrived in Persia, the Persian
throne was occupied by Khosru II, the bitterest enemy of all
the Christians, including his political opponent, the emperor
Heraclius. Syria was again held by the Romans, after it had
been devastated by the Persians a generation ago. Antioch,
already reduced to great straits by the earthquake of 525 A. D.,
had been sacked and destroyed by Khosru I in 540 A. D. If
Antioch was the capital of old Ta-ts'in, or as I maintain, of
its equivalent, Fu-lin, the fall of this city would mark an event
in the interpretation of the name inasmuch as a second An-
tioch had been built on Persian ground. Much of the mystery
surrounding the Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin question may be explained
thereby. I quote Rawlinson's The Seventh Great Oriental
Monarchy (London, 1876, p. 395):
"The Persian prince [Khosru I] after the fall of Antioch
1 See Tsfo-furyfian-kui, chap. 662, p. 22 seq.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 1
passed the winter in building and beautifying a Persian An-
tioch in the neighbourhood of Ctesiphon, assigning it as a
residence to his Syrian captives, for whose use he constructed
public baths and a spacious hippodrome, where the entertain-
ments familiar to them from their youth were reproduced by
Syrian artists. The new city was exempt from the jurisdiction
of Persian satraps, and was made directly dependent upon
the king, who supplied it with corn gratuitously, and allowed
it to become an inviolable asylum for all such Greek slaves
as should take shelter in it, and be acknowledged as their
kinsmen by any of the inhabitants. A model of Greek civili-
zation was thus brought into close contact with the Persian
court." Rawlinson adds in a footnote: "Here the Oriental
accounts are in entire accord with the Greek. Mirkhond and
Tabari relate at length the construction of this new Antioch
in the vicinity of Al Modain, adding that the name given to
it was Rumia (Rome), and that it was an exact copy of the
town upon the Orontes."
The captivity of the Antiochian Christians is referred to by
Barhebrseus * and in Mar Amr's biographies of the Nestorian
patriarchs. 2 Tabari describes the new city in two passages 3
with some detail. The great Persian king had endeavoured
to build this new Antioch just like the old city in Syria, and
when the captives entered its gates, everyone of them found a
home so similar to the one he had left in Syria that he might
imagine to be there. Khosru I did not, at least at first, inter-
fere with their Christian idiosyncracies, but the history of the
Nestorian patriarchs in the sequel abounds with examples of
that tenacity with which the heroes among them would rather
1 J. B. Abbeloos and Tho. J. Lamy, Gregorii Barhebrcei Chronicon
Ecclesiasticum, Paris 1877, II 86 : "Hie (Chosroes Anuschervan) post annos
octo Antiochiam invasit incenditque, ejus vero incolas captivos abduxit
atque eis Mahuzam condidit, quam Antiochiam appellavit, eosque illic
habitare jussit." Mahuza is explained by Assemani (BibL Or. Ill Pt. ii,
p. 761) to be a city in Babylonia " apud Ctesiphontem ex altera fluminis
parte, ad provinciam patriarchalem pertinens, eademque Bagdadi subur-
bium, et Carcha, Corch seu Charch, appellatur." Professor Jastrow tells
me that mahuza is Babylonic for city.
2 Henricus Gismondi S. J., Maris Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestoria-
norum Commentaria, Part II, containing the Latin version, Rome 1897, p. 24.
3 Th. Nb'ldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasani-
den, Leiden 1879, pp. 165 and 239.
8 R Hirth, [1910.
undergo martyrdom of any kind than cease to be faithful to
their traditions. Many of them are recorded to have suffered
death and torture under the threats of Persian kings and
Arabic caliphs. It is to this virtue of the Syrian captives
that Tu Huan, the author of the Hing-king-hi (ft 3| ft g fjj),
who had been made a prisoner and retained in Persia for ten
years after the battle of Tharaz in 751 A. D., refers when
he says of the people of Fu-lin, which country he places in
the west of Sham ("JiJ, = Damask): "If they live as captives in
foreign states tliey will rather accept death than change their
national customs." I have adopted Mr. Playfair's improved
translation of this passage, though I do not with him apply
it to the Israelites in exile, but to the Christians in their
second Antioch near Madain. * A prominent case of Christian
martyrdom has been recorded in Mar Amr's work (pp. cit,
p. 37) as having occurred in the third year of Abul- Abbas
(752 A. D.; "per id tempus martyrium fecit Israel medicus,
cui Deus requiem concedat"). Assemani (II, p. 432) refers to it
in connection with the imprisonment of the patriarch Jacob
(754 773 A. D.) by the caliph Abu-Jafar, under whose reign,
just at the time when Tu Huan himself lived as a captive
in Persia, the Syrian Christians suffered more than ever under
the persecutions of Mohammedan potentates. These were the
outposts of the people of Fu-lin, who may have furnished the
Chinese envoy to Khosru II, Li Yii, with the accounts of
their country in Syria, and if the envoy's visit to the Persian
court, placed in the Ta-ye period by the Chinese historians, took
place in the earlier part of it, when Syria was still protected
by the Roman army, this would be a sufficient reason why Yang-
tr s wish to communicate with the mother country Fu-lin could
not be fulfilled. Such certainly was the state of things pre-
vious to the year 611 A. D., when Apameia and Antioch were
sacked by the Persians under Khosru II. The Emperor's
commissioner in Central Asia, Pel K'ii, who shared his master's
ambition to see ambassadors of all the great countries of Asia
at the steps of the dragon throne, succeeded in a wonderful
manner; for he communicated with all, "only T'ien-chu (India)
and Fu-lin (Syria) he did not reach to his regret." 2
1 Cf. Playfair, "The Mystery ofTa-ts'in" in Journal of the China Br.,
R. A. S., Vol. XX, 1885, p. 78, referring to &. 0., pp. 83 and 116, Q 45.
2 ffi 5C ^ tt 3fc 7 3* n J JR, Tang-shu, chap. 221 A, p . 25B.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin.
4. The king of Fu-lin Po-to-li.
I have always been of opinion that Ta-ts'in and Fu-lin have
to be looked upon as the representatives of the Christian world.
Even in the early accounts of Ta-ts'in we may notice an eccle-
siastical colouring. "Their kings are not permanent rulers,
but they appoint men of merit. When a severe calamity vi-
sits the country, or untimely rain-storms, the king is deposed
and replaced by another. The one relieved from his duties
submits to his degradation without a murmur." 1 This is
clearly neither a Roman Emperor, nor a praetor or proconsul,
but a patriarch of the Christian Church, the patriarch of An-
tioch as the head of all the Christians in Asia. With the
settling of so many Syrian Christians in Persia after the fall
of Antioch in 540 A. D., the Nestorian patriarch in Persia
could perhaps lay claim to that dignity. 2 His residence in
exile was merely a makeshift; to his own flock and to the
Chinese behind them he was the patriarch of all the Christians,
whatever the heterodox clergy in the west may have thought
of it. It was the Nestorian patriarch who sent the first
Christian missionaries to China, and whether he did so under
orders from a still higher patriarch in Antioch, or on his own
authority, it seems not easy to decide. We have a direct allu-
sion to this crux by a Byzantine author, the archimandrite
Nilos Doxopatres, a notary in the service of the patriarch of
Constantinople, who in 1143 A. D. wrote, for king Rogers II
of Sicily, a short treatise on the patriarchal thrones. 3 Doxo-
patres may have been a biassed judge owing to his connection
with the orthodox church, for he seems to ignore the schism
when he says that "the patriarch of Antioch was in charge of
all Asia and Anatolia and even India, whither he had sent a
katholikos ordained by himself, styled the one of Romogyris,
and also of Persia and Babylon, called Bagdad in his time,
1 Hou-han-shu, R. O., pp. 41 and 100, E 19 and 20.
2 According to Assemani, Bibl. Or., Ill Pt ii, p. 617, the Nestorian Arch-
bishop at Seleucia and the Metropolitan of Persia had to proceed to Antioch
for their ordination by the Patriarch previous to 498 A. D., after which
time the "Catholicus" of the Nestorians claimed the title of Patriarch,
in order to be relieved of the perilous journey to Antioch.
3 Krumbacher, Gesch. d. lyzantin. Litteratur, 2nd ed., Miinchen 1897,
p. 415 seq.
10 F. Hirth, [1910.
and that he had under him altogether thirteen metropolitans." *
We know that the early Christians in India were Nestorians.
The discovery of crosses resembling in shape the one appear-
ing above the Nestorian tablet of Si-an-fu and, moreover, sur-
rounded by Pehlevi inscriptions 2 points to the Nestorians in
Persia as their originators.
Doxopatres' statement seems to show that the patriarch of
Antioch (i. e. of Syria or Ta-ts'in) was at least the nominal
head of the Christians of Asia and that the several metro-
politans, including those of the Nestorians in Persia and in
India, were nominally appointed under his authority. If the
patriarch of the Nestorians appointed his own men to the
Persian sees and to those of India and China, as we have every
reason to assume, he may either have had this power delegated
on him, or he may have acted on a self-assumed authority, look-
ing upon himself as] the patriarch of Antioch living in exile.
According to my personal view it is the patriarch at the head
of the Christians in Asia who is meant by the term "king of
Fu-lin," or ,,of Ta-ts'in," in the later texts. To support this
theory I wish to refer to an account of Ta-ts'in dating within
scarcely a generation after the time when Nilos Doxopatres
wrote that treatise according to which the "patriarch of An-
tioch" appoints the heads of all the other churches in Asia,
including the one of the Christians in India. This it appears
to me we may infer from Chau Ju-kua's texts regarding
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu (usually translated by India, but here
covering the Christian settlements in that country). Chau Ju-
kua says of his T'ien-chu: "The country is subordinate to the
country of Ta-ts'in and its chiefs are selected ly Ta-ts'in." *
I have endeavoured to explain this, at first sight startling,
assertion by the relations existing, previous to the arrival of
the Portuguese, between the Indian church of St. Thomas and
the Nestorian patriarch as the ecclesiastical "King of Ta-
1 ITaX;v 6 *Avf%9J*f KaTs7%sv a-xasav TT?V 'Aai'av KCU
Ivc/av, &TTO-J K ai ; T&U vwv Ka&oX/K&v x^orovccv OTsM.ee; T&V jfaXofywvov 'Pw,ao-
fjpsuf Ktzt alrqv TT/V Hepyia-j, en KAI avnyv -nyv Ba/2uXwva TT?V vDv Kakovfjihr/v Bayca
K<fKsT yap OTvXXtv o 'Av7/ox*i? fysi olv fir t Tpoiro\e7s ajftapw %sKaTps7;. Varia
Sacra Stephani le Moyne, Leiden 1685, II, p. 211 seq. Cf. Renaudot,
Ancient Accounts of India and China, London 1733, p. 119.
2 J. Richter, Indische Missionsgeschichte, Giitersloh 1906, p. 36.
Vol. xxx.] TJie Mystery of Fu-lin. 11
ts'in." i On entering deeper into the subject I am encouraged
in maintaining this view, 2 though there seems to be some
doubt as to who the real chief of the church has been, whe-
ther the patriarch of Antioch or the one of the Nestorians
in Persia. The Nestorian primate, to whom part of his juris-
diction may have been ceded by the Patriarch of Antioch
(Privilegium a Patriarcha Antiocheno concessum Primati Se-
leuciensi ut Episcopos ordinare possit. Assemani, III Pt i,
p. 145), seems to have been more settled in his authority in later
centuries, when the extension of his dominion had grown too
much for his western colleague, than in ancient times. I do
not venture to say that Nestorian patriarchs called them-
selves "Patriarchs of Antioch." There is, however, a strange
synchronism between the statement, said to be the result
of an error by Assemani (Bibl. Orient., Ill Pt. i, p. 289:
"Golius apud Hottingerum in Bibl. Or., p. 62") to the effect
that Elias III, catholic of the Nestorians 1176 1190, was
1 See "Chao Ju-kua ? s Ethnography" in Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc.,
July 1906, pp. 496499.
2 Ample material will be found in W. Germann, Die Kirche der
Thomaschristen, Giitersloh, 1877, and Hichter's Indische Missionsgeschichte.
The following sentences are selected from Capt. Charles Swanston's paper
"A memoir of the Primitive Church of Malayala, or of the Syrian chris-
tians of the Apostle Thomas from its first rise to the present time" in
Journ. of the E. Asiat. Soc., Vol. i, pp. 172192, and Vol. ii, pp. 5162
and 243-247.
"In 825, a merchant named Job conducted into Malabar, from Baby-
lon, two Syrian ecclesiastics, Mar Saul and Mar Ambrose, sent by the
Nestorian patriarch to rule over the church of St. Thomas." "These pre-
lates governed the church in Trovancor for many years." "They were
followed by a succession of teachers from Syria, who ruled over the
church" (i, p. 178). "The authority of the Syrian bishops extends to all
temporal and spiritual matters" (p. 180181). "The Nestorian patriarch
of Babylon, a vague appellation, which has been successfully applied to
the royal seat of Seleucia, of Ctesiphon, and of Bagdad" (p. 183). "What-
ever credit may be thought due to the current tradition of these Chris-
tians, that the Apostle Thomas planted the seeds of the Gospel among
them, so much may be considered established beyond contradiction, that
they existed in Trovancor as a flourishing people, connected with the
Syrian church, from the first centuries of the Christian era" (ii, p. 234).
"Their liturgy is that which was formerly read in the churches of the
Patriarch of Antioch, and their language is the Syriac" (p. 237). "They
hold in the highest respect their Patriarch of Antioch or Mosul, and
make mention of him in their prayers" (p. 239).
12 F. Hirth, [1910.
called "Patriarch of Antioch," and Chau Ju-kua's source, the
Ling-wai-tai-ta, published in 1178, which says that the king
of Ta-ts'in ("Patriarch of Antioch") appoints the lord of T'ien-
chu (here ruler over the Christians in India). Assemani (1. c.)
admits that the Melchite, Maronite and Jacobite Syrians gave
that title to their patriarchs, but by no means the Nestorians.
For Assemani's views on the patriarchal title among Nesto-
rians see also Bill Or., Ill, p. 57 seq.
Chau Ju-kua's account of Ta-ts'in * is mixed up with a good
deal of ancient lore, of which it has to be freed before being
taken into consideration. Thanks to the discovery of Professor
Tsuboi of Tokio, who drew attention to the Ling-wai-tai-ta
by Chou K'ii-fei, 2 we are able to trace about one-third of the
substance of Chau Ju-kua's work to this earlier writer, who
had collected notices from personal enquiries, but did not
publish them for a number of years, until he became tired
of so many questions addressed to him about them by his
friends. Thus the preface of his work, which may have been
partly written some time before its publication, happens to be
dated 1178 A. D., i. e. thirty-five years after the time in which
Doxopatres wrote his treatise. It contains the account of Ta-
ts'in partly copied by Chau Ju-kua, and in its simplicity makes
the impression of a contemporaneous record. 3
Chou K'u-fei says (chap. 3, p. 1): "The king is styled Ma-
lo-fu" (5 %fc Jft PJI $,, in Cantonese ma-lo-fat, or giving the
last character its probable old sound: ma-lo-pat). Since fu
ijft occurs in a Sanskrit transcription for Ilia (see Julien, Me-
thode, etc., p. 104, No. 309), we may read: ma-lo-pa. This I
look upon as the title by which "the king," or in this case
the patriarch, was known to Chou K'u-fei's informants. It
seems to correspond to Syriac Mar-Ala, which was indeed
one of the titles by which the patriarch could be addressed.
Mar is a title of honour given to learned devotees among the
Nestorians, somewhat like our " Venerable," 4 Ala means "father."
Mar- Aba may thus be translated by "Venerable Father." Its
2 i
R. 0., pp. 9296 and 120122.
"Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen iiber die fremden Lander", etc., in
Actes, Xlle Congres Int. des Orient, Rome 1899, II, pp. 69125.
a Tsuboi, op. cit, p. 107110.
4 "Mar, Syriace, Dominus meus, ut post Assemannum observant docti
Hagiographi", Ducange, Glossarium, etc., ed. L. Favre, s. v. Mar.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 13
Greek and Latin equivalent was Patricius (Trar/owaos, patrik). 1
"Patricius," as a title, may be applied to a number of high
positions in the ancient west. Petros Patrikios, the emperor
Justinian's ambassador to the Eastern Goths in 534 A. D.
and to king Kosru of Persia in 550 and 560, held this dig-
nity. 2 Roman prefects and even church dignitaries could hold
this title after Constantinus the Great, its supposed creator. 3
But I cannot quote any particular instance in which it applies
to an oriental patriarch of either Antioch or Madain. 4 The
root patrik would be an excellent equivalent for Chinese po-
to-lik. But the Aramean form for the word "patriarch" itself,
batrirk, would be fully as good from a linguistic point of view
and would suit even much better on account of its sense.
I do not, therefore, hesitate to adhere to my original iden-
tification of the old sound po-to-lik with batrirk against Cha-
Two years before Chou K'ii-fei published his accounts of
Ta-ts'in and T'ien-chu, in 1176 A. D. the Nestorian church of
Bagdad was under its patriarch Elias III, elected and or-
dained at Madain, where he was endowed with a greenish
cloak, "pallio amictus pistacini coloris" (Mar Amr, ed. Gis-
mondi, II, p. 64). The sacred gown here translated by pallium
is by later authors described as a kind of "pluviale," or rain
cloak. The mistaken description of this gown may have caused
the Chinese author to speak of a "green" (^f) umbrella, by
which the "king of Ta-ts'in" is protected when appearing in
public. Elias III distinguished himself by his architectural
works. He re-built the patriarchal palace together with the
1 "Quern enim Graeci Latinique Patricium vocant, is dicitur Syriace
Aba, et praefixo Mar, seu Domini titulo, Mar-Aba," Assemani, op. cit.
Ill, Part ii, p. 92 (quoting Bar Hebraeus).
2 Krumbacher, op. cit., p. 237.
3 Du Cange, s. v. Patricius.
4 As a title, though it seems certain that Cosmas Indicopleustes
(Migne, p. 125) speaks of a "Catholic of Persia," i. e. the head of the
Nestorian church, under the name of HarpiKio; at a time when, accord-
ing to other sources (Amr, p. 23), Mar Aba occupied the patriarchal see
(536552 A. D.). This may be the basis of Assemani's identification of
the titles Patricius and Mar Aba (cf. also J. "W. M c Crindle's note on the
passage referred to in The Christian Topography of Cosmas, London
1897, p. 24).
14 F. Hirth, [1910.
Church ("cellam in aedibus Komanorum reaedincare coepit
unfi cum ecclesia," says Mar Amr, cf. Barhebraeus 7 Clironi-
con, Abbeloos and Lamy, Vol. iii, p. 370), while according
to the Chinese account of 1178 the king of Ta-ts'in had a
subway built from his palace to the Hall of Worship (E. 6.,
p. 93). Although the Nestorian patriarchs were even at this
time crowned at Madain, their place of residence had since
the eighth century been at Bagdad, for which reason Chou
K'u-fe'i, and with him Chau Ju-kua, speak of Ta-ts'in as k 'the
general meeting ground for the nations of the Western heaven
and the place where the foreign merchants of Ta-sh'i [Arabs
and Persians] assemble." E. 0., R 1.
The king of Fu-lin, who in 643 A. D., more than five hun-
dred years before the time of Elias III, sent an embassy to
China, did so at a time when Nestorians were in full grace
with the Chinese court. The emperor T'ai-tsung favoured
them with a message under his imperial seal and graciously
granted presents of silk. 1 The king's name, as entered in
the two versions of the Tang-shu, was Po-to-li ($ % jj , in
Cantonese Po-to-lik). What I consider to be the Syriac trans-
cription of this title could, of course, apply to the orthodox
patriarch Mar Joannes, the pontifex of Antioch, who died
after eighteen years' government in 649 A. D., 2 and who is
distinctly described as batrirk /^i^a. In his case at that
early time the title batrirk seems certainly unquestionable,
whereas his Nestorian contemporary Jesujab II is styled ha-
tulik r A,okj8. 3 On the other hand I observe that the Nesto-
rian chiefs are styled batrirk in Mar Amr's biographies
throughout, and that the Nestorians who erected the tablet
of Si-an-fu say that this was done at the time when "the father
of fathers" Mar Hananjesus was the catholic patriarch.* This
shows that the title, whether accorded to their primate by
orthodox writers or not, was claimed for him by his own
1 R. 0., K 34 and L 41.
2 Barhebraeus, op. cit, I, p. 279.
3 Barhebr., II. p. 114. Regarding the titles by which the early Nes-
torian chiefs have been referred to see Christ. Harder, Historiae Prime -
tium ecclesiae Nestorianorum ab Amro filio Matthaei Arabice scriptae ver-
sionis specimen. Neumiinster, 1890, p. 4.
4 batrirkis in estrangelo characters, see Havret, La stele chretienne, etc.,
I, p. LXXIX.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 15
subordinates, and thus circumstances may also favour the
identification of the person called Po-to-lik with the patriarch
Jesujab II, who was at the head of the Nestorian church
from 627 to 646, a man of great political importance, who
had acted as ambassador of the Persian court to the em-
peror Heraclius. To whichever of the two dignitaries we may
give the preference, we have to consider the ecclesiastical
character of certain subsequent missions to China. One of
these was sent in 719 A. D., when "their lord" (3 ) de-
puted a chief of T'"u-huo-lo (Tokharestan) on a mission to the
Chinese court. 1 The Nestorian patriarch was probably in a
position to do so through one of his subordinates, some
bishop of Balkh, a city of T'u-huo-lo or Tokharestan. For
only sixty-two years later the Nestorian chorepiscopus of Kum-
dan, Mar Idbuzid, who had his name engraved on the Nesto-
rian tablet with those of his fellow priests in estrangelo cha-
racters, calls himself "son of Milis, priest of Balkh." This
Milis was evidently, like his son, a Nestorian priest, and since
Idbuzid probably did not attain the dignity of chief of the
church of Kumdan as a young man, which was the exception
among Nestorian prelates, it would appear that the Nesto-
rians actually had a church with priests in the city of Balkh
about the time when the Fu-lin embassy of 719 A. D. came
to China. 2 I am not aware that the Byzantine Romans had
any relations with Tokharestan in 719 A. D., when they had
a narrow escape of seeing their capital sacked by the mos-
lems. A few months later Fu-lin sent "priests of great virtue"
with tribute to China, a further reason for regarding these
relations as more of an ecclesiastical than a political char-
acter. The Ts'o-fu-yiian-kui places a mission of priests in the
year 742 A. D., while in 744, according to the Nestorian In-
scription, "there was (it is not said when he had arrived) the
Ta-ts'in priest Ki-lw, who had an audience with the Emperor."
1 R. 0., K 38.
2 Cf. Assemani, III Part ii, pp. 482, 550 and 727 seq: "In notitia
Metropoleon apud Amrum Halac vigesimum locum occupat, quae eadem
est ac Balcha."
16 F. Hirtli, [1910.
5. Political facts stated in Chinese records excluding iden-
tification with Constantinople.
The Kiu-Vang-slm says: "Since the Ta-shi [Arabs] had
conquered these countries they sent their commander-in-chief
Mo-i [Muawia] to besiege the capital city [of Fu-lin]; by means
of an agreement they obtained friendly relations, and asked
to be allowed to pay every year tribute of gold and silk; in
the sequel tliey became subject to the Ta-sh'i [Arabs]." 1
Professor Chavannes agrees with me in explaining the name
Mo-i (Jgp J^) as a mutilation of the sound Muawia. He does
not. however, refer it to the great Muawia, who, before he be-
came caliph, had been appointed Governor of Syria (Fu-lin)
under Othman, but to his son Yezid, in order to show that
the passage refers to one of the sieges of Constantinople. In
doing so he seems to overlook the fact that Fu-lin was not
only conquered, but u in the sequel became subject to the Arabs f
and that this means much more than a mere temporary con-
quest may be shown from a passage of the Kiu-t'ang-shu (chap.
198 p. 29), which states that the Ta-sh'i, i. e. the Arabs of the
caliph empire, "in the beginning of the Lung-so period (661
664 A. D.), on having defeated Po-ss'i (Persia) and Fu-lin, be-
gan to be in the possession of rice and bread stuff." 2 Fu-lin
can in this case only refer to Syria. Constantinople was never
subject to the Arabs, nor did the imperial dominions outside
of Asia supply them with grain. 3
2
ft- S. O., K 35; cf. L 43.
3 Something similar is remarked in the Sung-sh/i, ch. 90, p. 18, in the
account of a mission from the Ta-sh'i having arrived at the Imperial court
in 995 A. D.; but the country is there referred to under its old name
Ta-ts'in. The emperor asked the Ta-sh'i (Arab, or Persian, of the Caliph
empire, then divided into numerous branches) about his country, upon
which he replied: "It is conterminous with the country of Ta-ts'in, and
considering it a dependency, it is now my native country which has con-
trol over it" (|| * ^ B * @ * ^ B ^ # B J9f )>
Since Syria had been conquered and was being held by the Fatimide
Caliphs residing at Cairo at the end of the tenth Century, the mission
referred to seems to have come from the Fatimide portion of the Ta-sh'i
territories.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 17
6. Fu-lin = Bethlehem.
My identification, which may at first sight seem strange, is
based on the Nestorian inscription, in which it is shown that
the priests, with their "luminous religion," came from Ta-ts'in,
and that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Ta-ts'in Cj
i% H 8 1fc 'ifc It)-" 1 Since Ta-ts'in, according to all Chinese
accounts, is identical with Fu-lin, this is equivalent to saying
that "a virgin gave birth to the holy one in Fu-lin." The old
sound of these two syllables, as shown above, was, or could be,
pat-lam] and it seemed to me that "Bethlehem" is a much more
appropriate etymology than polin. In those days, when an
ecclesiastical current ran through the politics of the world,
east and west, Chinese literature called the great nations by the
birth-place of the founders of their religions. Thus the T'ang-
shu account of India (chap. 221 A , p. 24 B ) is introduced by the
words "The country of T'ien-chu, also called Mo-k'ie-to," 2
because Mo-k'ie-to, i. e. Magadha, was the little country where
Buddha was born. Later on Arabia received its name T'ien-
fang (J^ -ft, "the Heavenly Square," i. e. the Kaaba) from
the sanctuary in Mohammed's birth-place. Similarly we read
in Chinese books: "Ta-ts'in, also called Fu-lin," i. e. Bethlehem,
because it was the birth-place of Christ.
7. The Language of Fu-lin.
We possess about a dozen transcriptions in Chinese char-
acters said to represent words of the language of Fu-lin. They
occur in the eighteenth chapter of the well-known cyclopaedia
Yu-yang-tsa-tsu ( fig ^ ffl) by Tuan Ch'ong-shi (| $ 5^),
who died in 863 A. D. 3
The most reliable edition of this work, the quotations from
which in cyclopaedias, dictionaries and concordances of the
present dynasty contain a number of fatal misprints, is the
one published in the Ming collection Tsin-tai-pi-shu (JJ: J| jjj$
Iff:), a rare work, of which there is a copy among the Chinese
books of Columbia Library in New York. It appears that a
* See Havret, La stele chretienne, I, p. XXIII.
2 3C ^ B & * * K-
3 Giles, Chinese Biogr. Diet, p. 788.
VOL. XXX. Part I.
18 F. Hirth, [1910.
bibliophile by the name of Hu Chon-hiang (gj f| iff) had
planned the publication of a collection of rare prints under
the title Pi-ti'6-liuiJMn (f flf} ft gj), but that before the
work saw the light, the blocks from which it was to have been
printed were partly destroyed in a conflagration, when the
damaged stock of blocks fell into the hands of Mau Tsin (
m^ 1598 1657 A. D.), who published it under the above title
with a number of additions constituting the greater part of
the collection, in all 144 works. The texts added bj Mau
Tsin bear on every page the name of his studio Ki-ku-ko (ffi
"fr !9) an( i tne Yu-yang-isa-tsu is among them. *
The best edition next to this is the one of the collection
Hiau-tsin-Vau-yuan (Jf. p: f J JR), published in 1805 by Chang
Hai-p'ong (5g f$ |||) in Chau-won near Soochow, 2 who copied
his text from Mau Tsin's edition, which he compared with
original sources.
The eighteenth chapter of the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is inscribed
mu-p'ien (T|C ||), i. e., "chapter on trees," and treats chiefly on
exotic trees and shrubs, many of which are said to be indi-
genous of India, Persia, or Fu-lin, giving the names used in
those countries in the shape of transcriptions. I have tried
to identify some of these names with the assistance of my
colleagues Professors R. Gottheil and A. V. W. Jackson, and
have come to the conclusion that they are neither Latin nor
Greek, but Syriac.
As to the question who may have supplied the information
regarding these foreign words, we receive a clue in the de-
scription, on p. 9, 3 of the Asa foetida tree, called a-we'i (fpf
U). Having said that it comes from K 7 ie-sho-na (fjp pg] -j||$)
in Northern India, i. e. Ghazna in the present Afghanistan,
where it is called hmg-yu^ and that it also comes from Persia,
where it is called a-yii (fpf Jf ), and having outlined his de-
scription of the tree, the author continues: "This is identical
with what the priest Wan of the Fu-lin country says; the
priest Ti-p'o [Deva?] of the Mo-kie-t'o [Maghada] country says,
etc. (n^,^^m ^ mmm^mm^^m irw
1 Hui-ko-shu-mu, IV, pp. 54 63.
2 See my "Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen," p. 17.
3 I shall quote numbers of pages from the edition of 1805.
4 ^ JE = Skt - hingu, Hind, hing, Dakh. hinffu, and similarly with
various foreign writers. See Yule, Anglo-Indian Glossary, s. v. Hing.
Vol. xxx.J The Mystery of Fu-lin. 19
We may be allowed to assume from this passage that the in-
formation on plants growing in Fu-lin and their native names
were supplied by a priest coming from Fu-lin called Wan.
Here two priests, the one of Fu-lin (Bethlehem), the other of
India (Magadha), are placed in contrast with each other as
representing Christian and Buddhist sources of information.
The following extracts are from the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu. The
headings ("The Olive," "The Fig," etc.) have been added
by me.
1. The Olive (p. 10 B ).
"The ts'i-tfun tree (^ flfj, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fun) comes
from Po-ssi (Persia). It also comes from Fu-lin. In Fu-lin
it is called ts'i-fi (^ ^, Canton Dial, ts'ai-fai). The tree
measures two or three chang (= IS 1 ^ or 23*/4 feet 1 ) in height.
Its bark is green; it has white blossoms like the pumelo (yu,
JJ), and these are very fragrant. The fruits are like those of
the yang-Vau (^ ffi , Actinidia chinensis, PL, "a climbing shrub
which bears edible fruit about the size of a plum," Henry,
"Chinese names of Plants," in J. of the China Branch, R. As.
Soc.j 1887, p. 281) and ripen in the fifth month (June). The
inhabitants of the west press them into oil used for frying
cakes and fruits, as we in China use ku-shong (Jf )]$, a kind
of hemp seed? Very doubtful, cf. Bretschneider, Botanicum
Sinicum, III, pp. 376378)."
There can scarcely be any doubt about the identity of this
tree with the olive. Ts'ai-t'un is Persian and Turkish zeitun
^yoj, and ts'ai-fai of the language of Fu-lin is Aramean
zaita K'&UJ. See Immanuel Low, Aramtiische Pflanzennamen ,
p. 136, who says that the word applies both to the tree (Olea
europaea, L.) and its fruit. No such name is known in Greek.
1 The foot of the T'ang Dynasty, during whose reign the text of the
Yu~yang-tsa-tsu has originated, was much smaller than the present Chi-
nese foot. Cf. my notes in "Bausteine zu einer Geschichte der chinesi-
schen Literatur," Toung-pao, Vol. vii, pp. 502505. The Chinese foot,
ch"i. J^, of the K'ai-yiian period (713742 A. D.) measured about 23 '/ 2 cm.,
or say 9 1 / 4 inches English measurement. This has to be taken into
account in forming an approximate idea of the several sizes placed on
record in our text. The chang, T, or Chinese rod, which is now usually
taken as ll 3 / 4 , would thus correspond to scarcely 73/ 4 English feet in the
T'ang period.
2*
20 F. Hirth, [1910.
2. The Fig (p. 12 B ).
"A-i (p} |$, Canton Dial, a-yik). In the country of Po-ssi
(Persia) they call it a-i (fnf ,10, C. D. a-?/iA:; the second char-
acter was read jit or yit during the T'ang period, see Tang-
sliu-sM-yin, chap. 13, p. 4). In Fu-lin it is called ti-ni (jg
{jg; the second character appears as J, chon, in all the other
editions and quotations I have seen, a mistake which has
clearly arisen from a variant of the second character ^, K'ang-
hi, Had. 75,5, being confounded with Jft, another form for
chon). The tree grows to a height of 14 or 15 cJi'i (about
11 feet). Twigs and leaves are plentiful and luxuriant. Its
leaves have five lobes (^ ^ 3 ffi) like those of the pei-ma
(||j |j = gf jjj , Ricinus communis). The plant has no flowers, *
but fruits. The fruit is reddish like the pei-tz'i (f^ ^ = ffi
jfjjf ^f, the Chinese Diospyros glutinifera?), and its taste re-
sembles that of the sweet persimmon (-g* jfjj, han-sh'i). Once
a month there is a crop."
The Pon-ttfau-ltang-mu (chap. 31, p. 26) has under the head
of ivu-hua-kuo, the "flowerless fruit," the name ying-j'i-huo, ftfe
S' representing the old sound ang-it and apparently a
transcription of Hindustani anjir. The Persian name, accord-
ing to the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu is a-yit = ayir, which is near
enough, though not as perfect a transcription as ang-it, to
Persian anjlr j*g?\, a fig. The Aramean name, according to
Low, p. 390, is te(n}ta K'^Jr^^, or tena rdire'^, cf. Biblical
teenah njNJJ\. Our Chinese transcription ti-ni is certainly much
nearer the Aramean word than the Greek o-v/dj for fig, or
os for caprificus.
3. The Myrtle (p. 11 B ).
"The mo tree (f, Canton Dial, mut, used up to the present
day as a transcription for mur, the name given to the "myrrh"
in several western Asiatic languages, but here clearly resorted
to as a transcription for Persian, or Pehlevi, murd >>*,*, which
1 A botanical prejudice, which has caused the Chinese to call the Ficus
carica the "flower-less fruit" (wu-hua-kuo,* $& ft ft) and induced Albertus
Magnus to say of the fig-tree: "fructum profert sine fiore" (De vegeta-
bilibus, ed. Meyer and Jessen, Berlin 1867, p.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 21
Professor Jackson informs me occurs in the Bundehesh in the
sense of "myrtle") comes from Po-ss'i (Persia). In Fu-lin it is
called a-t^'i (fnf J|, ^ e ^ as ^ character being also read so, tso
and tsok, K'ang-hi, Rad. 120, 10, and Chalmers' K'ang-hij
p. 219). It grows to a height of one chang (7 3 /4 feet) and
more. Its bark is greenish (or, blueish) white. Its leaves re-
semble those of the huai (^, now Sophora Japonica L., but
possibly differing in ancient times, see Bretschneider, Bot. Sin.,
II, p. 379), though they are longer. The flower resembles that
of the EM (J|j , Citrus of some kind), and it has large seeds
(or, berries), black in colour, resembling in size those of the
shan-chu-yu ((Jj 31 $.> Cornus officinalis, S. & Z., see Bret-
schneider, Bot. .Sin. II, p. 326 and III, p. 507 seq.). Their
taste is sourish sweet and they are eatable."
I do not hesitate to identify the botanical features of
this plant with those of the myrtle, the Aramean name of
which is asa rdjifxf; Low, p. 50: myrtus communis, L.
4. Galbanum (p. 11).
"Pi-ts'i (Jjjj ^, Canton Dial, pit-is* ai) comes from Po-ss'i
(Persia). In Fu-lin it is called han-po-li-t'o (fj| %Jj ^L p^; this
is the reading of the Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition; other editions
have substituted f[ tu, or tub, for the first character, and
the T" l u-shu-tsi-ch > ong gives it this sound, which is clearly an
error easily explained by the similarity of the two characters,
by adding in a scholion: ^, 'having the sound to,' C. D.
tiit; the edition of 1805 prints Jfji, Tzie, or huk. Regarding
lian, -fjj , see K'ang-hi, Rad. 181, 3). It grows to a height of
fully one chang (7 3 /4 feet) and has a circumference of more
than a ch'i (9*/4 inches). Its bark is green, thin and very
glossy. The leaves are like those of the a-we'i (Asa foetida),
each three leaves growing on the twigs. It has neither flowers nor
fruits. The inhabitants of the west usually cut them in the
eighth month (September), and till the twelfth month (Janu-
ary) further trimming takes place. The new twigs are thus
extremely rich and juicy, whereas without the trimming they
would wither and die. When cut in the seventh month (Au-
gust), the twigs yield a yellow juice somewhat like honey
and slightly fragrant, which is used as a medicine for cer-
tain cures."
22 F. Hirth, [1910.
The Cantonese sound pit-ts'ai is an excellent transcription
of Persian birzay j*>>, "Galbanum" (Johnson, p. 267). Its
Aramean equivalent is chelbdnita K'&uinljj, the product of
Ferula galbaniflua, Boiss. & Buhse, according to Low, p. 163.
The defenders of the identity of Fu-lin with Constantinople
might point to Greek x ^/?" 1 "?* which is indeed its botanical
equivalent, but Professor Gottheil informs me that -ita is
a characteristic Aramean ending, which distinguishes it from
other Semitic dialects (bibl. cheWenah mn^H, etc.) as well as
from the Greek and Latin forms of the word, x^P"! an ^
galbanum.
5. The Nard (p. 12).
"Nai-chi (|* jjij. The first character according to K'ang-hi,
Rad. 75, 9, could be read 7J H ty = not; the second, as
equivalent to |g, could be read ~~f jg -gj = ti, Rad. 113, 4; the
Tsin-tai-pi-shu edition confounds it with jig, Rad. 113, 5. The
old sound may thus be reconstructed as not-ti, which may
stand for nar-ti, or nard) comes from the country of Fu-lin.
It is a herbaceous plant (miau, "jg), three or four ctt'i in
height. Its roots are of the size of duck's eggs, its leaves are
like garlic (suan, J, Allium sativum L.). From the centre
of the leafrises a twig of great length, and on the stem there
is a flower, six-lobed, of reddish white, with a brownish calyx,
forming no fruit. The plant grows in the winter and dies in
the summer, and it is related to our greens or wheat cereals.
Its flowers are pressed into oil used as an ointment against
colds. The king of Fu-lin and the nobles in his country all
use it."
The name of this plant may?; be the Persian nard >y, or
Biblical nard TT3, or belong to any other dialect or language,
since it seems to be international. Our author does not say any-
thing about the language of Fu-lin, as he does in other accounts,
and it apparently "comes from Fu-lin," because it is so largely
used there. Low, p. 368, gives shebbalta rtf&vLkz* as its Ara-
mean equivalent.
6. Jasmine (p. 12).
"Ye-si-mi (|f & |g, Canton Dial, ye-sik-maf) comes from
the country of Fu-lin. It also comes from the country of
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 23
Po-ssi (Persia). It is a herbaceous plant, seven or eight ch'z
in height. Its leaves are like those of the plum-tree and grow
ample all the year round; its flowers are five-lobed and white ?
and they form no fruits. When the blossoms open out, the
whole country is filled by their flavour resembling (in this
respect) the chan-t'ang ()} |g, a doubtful tree with fragrant
flowers, Bretschneider, Bot. Sin. Ill, p. 467) of Ling-nan (Can-
ton). The inhabitants of the west are in the habit of gathering
its flowers, which they press into an oil of great fragrance
and lubricity."
Persian^/asww^ys^-^b andAramean^/asmm ^afla* are clearly
the equivalents of this name ye-si-mi, which has been known
in China since about the year 300 A. D., when it was describ-
ed in the Nan-fang-ts'au-mu-chuang (jg ^T ^ Tfc JR* chap. 1,
p. 2) as being introduced by foreigners in Canton under the
name of ye-si-ming (J$ g| >g). In another passage of this
work (chap. 2, p. 3) the Henna plant is said to have been in-
troduced by foreigners together with the ye-si-ming and mo-li
from the country of Ta-ts T in. The Jasmine plant and the
mo-li-hua (^ ^ij $;) are now synonyms, but since mo-li is
described in a separate paragraph, in which it is said that
"its flowers are white like those of the ts'iang-mi (|f }|f , 'wall
rose', Bretschneider, Bot. Sin., Ill, p. 302) and its fragrance
exceeds that of the ye-si-ming", it appears that in 300 A. D.
it denoted some other fragrant garden plant, imported from
Syria together with its name mo-li. The latter might be
connected with molo, O\CO9 (= /xcoAv, Low, p. 317: Peganum
Harmala L.?). The old work referred to contains a number
of other botanical names clearly of western origin, such as
hun-lu (||: H, old sound hun-luk), for "frankincense," which
may be a transcription of Turkish ghyunluk ^^^ (cf. R. 0.,
p. 266 seq.), or ho-li-lo (fpj ^ fjj, Canton Dial, ho-li-lak), the
Terminalia Chebula, Retz, or Myrobalan, called halilag ^bn
and similarly in old Hebrew medicinal works (Low, p. 129). But
since they have no immediate bearing on the Fu-lin problem,
I shall not attempt to trace these names.
I do not wish to commit myself to identifications about
which I do not feel tolerably confident both from the botanical
and the linguistic point of view; but I hope to return to
the subject as soon as I can offer some plausible suggestions
24 F. Hirth, [.1910
as to the five remaining plant names said to belong to the
language of Fu-lin, viz: a-po-ctton (fnf fjj f), a-pu-to ($$ "
ff), kiin-han (J| '^), a-li-ho-Vo (fpj 5^ M Ptfc) and
As to a-pu-to, stated (p. 9 B ) under the name po-na-so (|g
$|> *) to come from Persia, the Pon-ts'au-kang-mu (chap. 31,
p. 25) refers this name to the Jack fruit (po-lo-mi, $ $| $g,
Artocarpus integrifolia), and gives as its Fu-lin equivalent a-
sa-fo (|^f $j ff). But I doubt whether the Jack fruit tree
occurs in Syria, to say nothing of Greece. Mr. W. F. Mayers,
in 1869, took up this subject in Notes and Queries on China
and Japan, Vol. iii, p. 85, where he says: "It may be remark-
ed en passant, that an identification of the above and other
sounds attributed in the Pon-ts'au to the language of Fu-lin
might be of service in determining the precise region that is
indicated by this name in Chinese literature." The few ex-
amples I have endeavoured to trace to their real linguistic
origin seem to contain a broad hint as to the language of
Fu-lin being Aramean, and to the country where it was spoken
not being Constantinople, but Syria. Pure Syriac, or Ara-
mean, was particularly the vernacular in use with the Nesto-
rians not only in Syria, Mesopotamia, Chaldsea and Persia,
but also in India, Tartary and China, whereas other denomi-
nations used a kind of Syriac mixed with Arabic and even
Greek elements. See Assemani, op. cit., p. 377 seq.
8. Pseudo-Fu-lin.
The account of Fu-lin as placed on record during the Sung
dynasty, probably in connection with an embassy of 1081 A. D.,
has puzzled the Chinese as it is liable to puzzle us, if we com-
pare its detail with that of older texts. It occurs in the Sung-
sh'i (chap. 490, cf. E. 0., pp. 6264, 108109) and has been
reproduced by Ma Tuan-lin (Wdn-hien-t'ung-Vau, chap. 330,
cf. R. 0., pp. 8891, 119120). Ma Tuan-lin refers to "the
historians of the Four Reigns" (Q ^ g ^, cf. E. 0., p. 91,
note), who held that "this country had not sent tribute to
court up to the time of Yiian-fong [10781086], when they
sent their first embassy offering local produce", and he draws
attention to certain discrepancies in the accounts of the T'ang
and Sung dynasties.
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Pu-lin. 25
In the interpretation of this mysterious text which I offered
twenty-five years ago (R. 0., pp. 298301) I had pointed out
the possibility of its covering the Seldjuk dominions in Asia
Minor. I am still inclined to maintain this view on geogra-
phical grounds, but venture to suggest a few slight changes
in the text, which would place us in the position to adapt its
contents to the political condition of the country in 1081 A. D.,
when its ruler is said to have sent ambassadors to China. The
king, in the text referred to (R. 0., pp. 62 and 108: N 3) is
styled Mie-li-i-ling-kai-sa, %fc jj ffi jj gfc ffi, in Cantonese mlt-
lik-i-ling-koi-sat. I still think that the two last characters,
the old pronunciation of which must have been Itai-sat, stand
for Greek Kcuo-a/>, and that ling, f|, is a somewhat imperfect
attempt to render the sound Rum. l "Rum kaisar" would have
to be looked upon as the equivalent of the title "Emperor of
Rome, or the Romans" placed before the Chinese court in the
garb of a Turkish combination analogous to such titles as
"Turgash kakhan," i. e. "the Great Khan of the Turgash" and
many others occurring in the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions.
The three first characters mie-li-i would represent the name
of the ruler who calls himself "Emperor of Rome." I have
(R. 0., p. 299) drawn attention to the anachronism committed
by the several learned sinologues who identified the name with
that of Michael VII Parapinaces, who had been deposed and
withdrawn into a convent since 1078 A. D. This was the
reason which had induced me to think of the Seldjuk Soliman as
the ruler adding the title "kaisar" to his own as "king of Rum."
I did not realise then that in 1081, when that embassy arrived
in China, another person lived in Asia Minor who actually
claimed, and was subsequently granted, the title Kawra/>; and I
now agree with Chavannes in referring to Nicephorus Melissenus,
the pretender who claimed to be emperor just about the time
when the embassy referred to arrived in China. Michael VII
Ducas had withdrawn into the convent of Studion early in
1078, when one of this generals, Nicephorus Botaniates, who
had been stationed in Phrygia, came to Constantinople and
was crowned as Michael's successor on the 13. April 1078.
He had to fight a number of claimants who would not
* It may not seem to be a scientific proof, if I refer to a P'idjin-
English conversation with a Chinese cook, who asked for "one bottle that
leng (rum)" to be served with a plum pudding.
26 F. Hirth, [1910.
recognise his authority. Chief among these was Nicephorus
Melissenus, the descendant of a powerful family and husband
of the sister of Alexius Comnenus, the emperor who succeded
Nicephorus Botaniates. Nicephorus Melissenus had made an
agreement with the Seldjuk Turks of Iconium to the effect
that, in consideration of their assisting him in gaining the
throne, he would divide with them the provinces conquered by
their united forces. No sooner was he sure of this support
than he clad his feet in purple shoes, the insignia of Imperial
dignity, and began to march about in Anatolia with the troops
of his allies, the Turks. All the cities he approached opened
their doors and recognised him as emperor, though he on his
turn declared these same cities to belong to the Turks, so
that through his treason the entire former proconsular part
of Asia, Phrygia and Galatia fell into the hands of the Turks.
From Nicaea he prepared an attack on Constantinople. Ale-
xius, then a mere general, was instructed by Botaniates, the
emperor, to meet him, but for reasons of his own he did not
proceed and handed over command to a feeble eunuch, who
had to withdraw from Nicaea at the end of 1080. Melissenos
intended to attack Constantinople early in 1081, when after
a medley of intrigues his brother-in-law Alexius was elected
emperor by the acclamation of his army. Melissenus then
joined arms with him, and after the two armies had taken
the capital, the two relatives divided the empire between them.
Alexius got the European provinces, Melissenus received an
apanage and the title Kalo-ap (Anna Comnena, Alexias, ed.
Schopen, Vol. i, p. 116. For further details see the historical
works of Anna Comnena, Jo. Cinnamus and Nicephorus Bry-
ennius in Niebuhr's Corpus Scriptt. Hist. Byzant., and the ab-
stract in W. H. Waddington's paper "Nicephore Melissene,
pretendant au trone de Byzance" in Revue numismatique, Nouv.
ser., VoL viii, pp. 393400).
Although the title "kaisar" is thus shown to have been offi-
cially conceded to Melissenus in the beginning of April 1081,
the entire political situation seems to suggest that he actually
claimed it, and probably had coins cast in his name as kaisar,
ever since his commencing to pose as a pretender some time
in 1078. If the embassy that arrived at the Chinese court in
1081 started from Asia Minor some time in 1080, there were
at the time practically two rulers in the country dividing
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 27
supreme power between themselves, viz.: 1, Melissenus, the
pretender, who considered himself emperor of Rome and claim-
ed the title "kaisar", and 2, his ally, the Sultan of Iconium,
who supported his claims and whose name was Soliman. Ta-
king all this into consideration, we cannot well assume Soliman
to have represented himself as kaisar in his credentials to the
court of China. The one man who was a kaisar in Asia Minor
by usurpation, if not by right, at that time, was Melissenus.
This has led me to again examine the three characters pre-
ceding the words ling-kai-sat (= Rum kaisar), and which I
think might be a transcription of the kaisar's name, viz. Hie-
li-i, jj^ -ft f^, in Cantonese: mit-lik-i.
The stumbling block in this name, it appears to me, is the
third character ffi, i. In trying to find a solution to help us
out of the difficulty I beg to call attention to a practice,
occasionally noticeable in the prints of the Sung dynasty, by
which some characters may be deprived of their radical or
written with the wrong radical. Thus the character Jjjp, sM,
"lion," in the Hou-han-shu (E. 0., p. 101, E 39) appears as
gjjj in the Sung edition of 1242 (see facsimile, R. 0., p. 9).
Chau Ju-kua (chap. 1, p. 17 B ) has J^, ting, for fj|, tien, "in-
digo". In the ethnical name Sie-yen-fo, which is clearly the
equivalent of the name Sir Tardusch in the Old Turkish stone
inscriptions, the second character Jig, yen, must have been
substituted for some character read tan (= tar), e. g. fj| , the
original radical being suppressed (see my Nachworte zur In-
schrift des Tonjukuk, passim). If we assume, therefore, that
the ^ in the kaisar's name stands for what in its original
transcription may have appeared as |J, the radical No. 140
being suppressed, such a change would not be without preced-
ent. According to the Chong-tzl-t'ung (quoted in K'ang-hi,
Had. 140, 6) || was used by mistake for -pf, and this character
again, according to the Tsi-yim, could have the sound sin, or
sun (H f* -tJJ IT ^f, K'ang-hi, Rad. 140,4; cf. Chalmers'
K'ang-lii, p. 206 B , where among other sounds sun, fo /jf, is
given to the two interchangeable characters ^ and ||). The
kaisar's name may thus in its transcription be reconstructed
into Mie-li-sun, or Cantonese Mit-lik-sun, the finals t and k
of which may disappear by elision so as to leave us as the
equivalent of the probable old sound some such name as Mi-
lissun. This I venture to look upon as the equivalent, trans-
28 F> Hirth, [1910.
mitted probably by an interpreter who spoke some Turkish
dialect, of the Greek name MeAto-o-^vos.
I am encouraged in this view by the mention of a coin the
description of which, after a slight, but plausible change in
the text, seems to be traceable. The passage I refer to, E. 0.,
N 16) speaks of gold and silver coins without holes being
cast in this country, which the people are forbidden to counter-
feit and which are described by the following words:
mmm m f* & BE
The change I wish to suggest in the text is the substitution
of the character ^, pei, "the back," for |f , kit, "all, alike;"
"that is." The two characters are quite similar to each other
and may easily be confounded. Moreover, hie gives a poor
sense, whereas^' is constantly used in opposition to ]g, mien,
"the face," the two terms in numismatic texts meaning the
"obverse" and "reverse" of a coin. I do not, therefore, look
upon the words mi-lo-fo (j ft f$J), the standard transcription
for "Maitreya Buddha," as the king's name, but translate: "on
the obverse [of the coin] is engraved a Maitreya Buddha, on
the reverse there is the king's name." It is quite probable
that the ambassadors of 1081 brought coins with them to
China and on enquiry declared that the legend on the reverse
represented the king's name, and that some of these coins had
been preserved in the Imperial collections at K'ai-fong-fu,
since according to Edkins (Chinese Buddhism, 2nd ed., p. 117,
note) "the Kin-sh'i-tfu-shu-pu contains a rude representation
of a gold coin of Mi-li-i-ling-kai-sa." I regret not to have had
an opportunity of seeing the illustration referred to, because it
might have given us a chance, rude though it probably is, to
compare notes with a silver coin of Melissenus the pretender
actually preserved to our days. The coin, which has been
described by Waddington in the paper quoted from the Revue
ymmismatique, is now in the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris.
Mr. Waddington's illustration and description (Fig. 1) shows on
the obverse the bust of the Virgin, facing, with hands held up
in prayer, nimbus and the usual dress, the figure being described
as pr)Tr)p 0eoG in the customary abbreviation. On the reverse
we find the legend NIK^O/JW SCO-TTOT^ TW MeAto-ryvio in five lines. 1
i Cf. Warwick Wroth, Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in
the British Museum, Vol. ii (London 1908), p. 539, and the illustration
No. 11 on Plate LXIII.
Vol. xxx.j The Mystery of Fu-lin. 29
M-P [0Vj. Buste de face et mmb6 de la Vierge, les
mains elevea ; le tout dans un grenetis.
r} [Ke-BOH0ei] NIKH4>OPCU AGCnOTTMco MCM-
CHNco.-en cinq lignes ; le tout dans un grenetis.
Fig. 1.
Coin of Melissenus the pretender and Mr. Waddington's description.
It looks as if this coin has something to do with the one
described in the Sung-sh'i. The Chinese scribe who first pla-
ced on record the details regarding it was, of course, not able
to read the Greek legend on the reverse, but he must have
been told by the ambassadors that it represented the king's
name Melissenus. The portrait on the obverse may have been
mistaken for that of Maitreya, the Buddha of the future world
so familiar to. Chinese Buddhists, a male deity, it is true, but
generally represented as a beardless youth and very frequently
with the nimbus round his head (cf. Griinwedel, Buddhistische
Kunst in Indien, Berlin, 1893, p. 141 : "in Schmuck und
Tracht eines indischen Gottes oder altindischen Konigs meist
in sehr jugendlichem Alter").
I do not venture to throw out any guesses as to the mo-
tives which may have caused the Byzantine pretender and ally
of a Seldjuk sultan to send a special mission to China. Nor
am I in the position to throw light on the names mentioned
in connection with the embassy of 1081. According to the
Chinese text (R. 0., N 3) the king sent "ta-shdu-ling l Ni-sst-
tu-ling 8si-mong (^ f- J[ fft ^ ^ ft ^), which may stand
for "the governor Nestorius Simeon", or "the governors Nes-
torius and Simeon." The two names, if we are not mistaken
in explaining them thus, are followed by the words ^'ij ^, pan-
lai, which 1 now believe means that they came in company,
1 Clearly a high official, since in the passage N 12 we are told that
"the towns and country districts are each under the government of a
shou-ling." The ta-shou-ling must have been superior to these local governors.
30 F. Birth, [1910.
bringing as tribute saddled horses, swords and pearls. I do
no longer look upon the character p'an as part of the name.
^ij, now pronounced flan, must have been identical in sound
and tone with f pan. K'ang-hi, Rad. 9, 5, quotes several
T'ang authorities to say that the two characters are identical
in sound ({ ^ ^'J). This would entitle us to look upon the
two characters as interchangeable and to assume that ffi $
may be a verb meaning "to come in company" similar to {
jg, pan-yu, which is backed by passages in P'd-won-yun-fu,
chap. 26 A , p. 63 B , e. g. fft { ;g A 5S " who traveled in the
company of the qld man?" I am encouraged in offering this
explanation by a passage of the Sung-sht (chap. 490, p. 16 B ),
where an Arab embassy is stated to have consisted of 1. the
ambassador (sh%, '($?), 2. an assistant ambassador (fu-sh/i, glj
'gi), and 3. a p'an-kuan (fij 'g), or "companion officer," "at-
tache." Possibly the passage involves that "the king sent a
ta~shou-ling, accompanied by the Nestorian Simeon, or Simon,
as attache."
Professor Chavannes in his recent note on Fu-lin (p. 39) has
made an important discovery in connection with the ruler of what
I call Pseudo-Fu-lin, and this may, quite reasonably, have in-
duced him to fall back on the former identification of Fu-lin
with Constantinople. But since the Sung historians maintain
that this Fu-lin had never sent any embassies to China before,
this seems to involve its non-identity with the Fu-lin of the
seventh and eighth century. Although merely a pretender,
Melissenus was closely related to the Imperial court and his
representatives ought to have been aware of the fact, if court
missions had gone forward from Constantinople to China.
The ambassadors, when cross-examined as to former relations
between their government and the Chinese court, might have
referred to the Fu-lin embassies of 643, 667, 701 and 719
A. D. * On the other hand, if these former missions had
been sent by Christian patriarchs, whether of Antioch, Ma-
dain, or Bagdad, the kaisar's messengers could not well refer
to them as having represented the Roman emperors whom
they had to look upon as the predecessors of their chief. Their
silence as to former relations would thus be explained. The
Sung-slii account describes a mission from Fu-lin, it is true;
See B. 0., p. 126 : Index to Translations, s. v. "Embassies".
Vol. xxx.] The Mystery of Fu-lin. 31
but I think this name had in the course of time grown into
a general term applied to the Christian world at large. Ori-
ginally designating the Nestorians as representing the Latin
population of Syria or Ta-ts'in, the cradle of their faith, it
was later on applied to other Christians, those of Byzantium
under the Sung, and even the Pope of Rome under the Ming
dynasty. It had grown into a term which covered a multitude
of nations and of governments, like our "America," which may
mean the United States in one sense and all possible coun-
tries in another.
Mr. Kingsmill and the Riung-nu. By FRIEDBICH HIKTH,
Professor in Columbia University, New York City.
IN his paper "Dr. F. Hirth and the Hiung-nu," published
in the Journal of the China Branch, E. A. S., Vol. xxxiv,
pp. 137141, Mr. T. W. Kingsmill tries to show that the
Hiung-nu and the Huns were different nations. He refers to
my paper, presented to the philological section of the Royal
Academy of Munich, entitled Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung-
nu (Miinchen, 1900). The main object of that paper was
to establish the literary proof, based on a text of the
Wei-shu, for the identity of the Hiung-nu of Chinese history
with the Huns of Europe. Mr. Kingsmill denies this identity,
but, as I propose to show in the following pages, fails to
prove his point.
A subsequent paper, presented by me to the Hungarian
Academy of Sciences in Budapest and published in the Revue
Orientale pour les etudes Ouralo - Altaiques , Vol. ii, 1901,
pp. 81 91, under the title of "Hunnenforschungen," and a
third paper, "Die Ahnentafel Attila's nach Johannes von
Thurocz," published in the Bulletin de VAcademie des Sciences
de St. Peter sbourg. Fifth Series, Vol. xiii, pp. 220261, were
apparently not known to Mr. Kingsmill. A study of the
Chinese sources quoted in them might have prevented several
serious errors in his criticisms. These I consider inter-
esting, because they illustrate better than anything else the
difference in our methods of research. I have on several
occasions discussed the principles by which I am guided in
this respect (cf. my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 152,
170 et passim). In identifying the ancient Chinese accounts
of foreign countries, we should above all endeavour to recognize
facts, and only after these have been established, should the lin-
guistic explanation of names be considered as furnishing ad-
ditional evidence. Mr. KingsmilFs method is the reverse of
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 33
this. He is unfortunately possessed of a regular mania to
discover etymologies, and his mind once being set on what
he considers similarity in sound, all passages in Chinese con-
temporaneous authors which might warn him as being on the
wrong track are ignored.
As an example we may consider the city of Ku-tsang (# Uj$),
mentioned in the short, but important text of the We'i-sliu
reproduced below on p. 42. In this text it is said that the
merchants of this country (Su-to, or Suk-tak, H % , Alans)
often went to the country of Liang (Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su)
for trade 1 and that at the capture of Ku-tsang they were
all made prisoners (& fc)ft /JK Jt X tf M 3 );
and that "in the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung [452 466
A. D.] the king of Su-to (Suk-tak) sent ambassadors to ask for
their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order (]g ^ ^
m a ts n "
Mr. Kingsmill's imagination here forestalls all further research,
so necessary in Chinese historical reading, by jumping im-
mediately to one of his linguistic conclusions. " Ku-tsang r ," he says
"here is the country called by Ma Tuan-lin Kweishwang, and
by the Armenian writers Kushan. It formed the most power-
ful of the five states into which the Ephthalite kingdom was
divided," &c. This is a characteristic example illustrating the
dangers of basing historical inferences on mere similarity of
sound. It is typical of Mr. Kingsmill's method: the sound of
a word takes possession of his mind to such a degree that
all logical reasoning is temporarily forgotten in the pursuance
of a mere phantom. The nation known as Kui-shuang, or
Kushan, is by Armenian writers referred to Bactria, by the
Arabo-Persian reports to Tokharestan, Transoxania, &c.. (Th.
Koldeke, Tabari, p. 115 note 2; cf. Ed. Specht, Etudes sur
VAsie centrale, I, p. 8 seqq.) and has nothing whatever to do
with the Liang country of the Wei-shu. Liang was the seat
of an independent prince of Hiung-nu extraction by the name
of Tsti-k'u Mu-kien ( , who followed his father
1 The Aorsi (Alans) carried on considerable trade, bringing Indian and
Babylonian wares, which they received from the Armenians and Medians
and transported on the backs of camels from the Caspian to the Palus
Maeotis. By this means they had amassed considerable wealth, and wore
ornaments of gold (Strabo, XI, 5, 8 p. 506, Bunbury, A History of An-
cient Geography, London 1883, Vol. ii, p. 278).
VOL. XXX. Part I. 3
34 F. Hirth, [1910.
Tsii-k'ii Mong-sun (jp? jg), as Prince of Ho-si (Jpf ft} 5) in
that little dynasty known as "the Northern Liang," and
whose biography is contained in the We'i-shu (chap. 99, p. 14 B
seqq.). His troubles with his brother-in-law, the Toba emperor
T'ai-wu, which have been described in my "Hunnenforschungen,"
led to the siege and final capture in 439 A. D. of Mu-kien's
city of Ku-tsang. Before attempting guesses of any kind Mr.
Kingsmill ought to have consulted the P'e'i-won-yun-fu
(chap. 22 c , p. 150). There he would have found a number
of passages concerning the city of Ku-tsang, the analysis of
which would have revealed the real historical basis of this simple
passage. But apart from this he might have read the whole
account in plain French in Deguignes' Histoire des Huns,
Vol. i, Part ii, p. 273. It was at this capture of Ku-tsang
that merchants hailing from the distant west were made
prisoners together with 20,000 inhabitants of the city, who
were transferred to the Toba capital in Shan-si (We'i-shu,
chap. 4 A , p. 21). Ku-tsang was the residence of the Tsii-k'u
princes, and according to the Shen-si-t'ung-ch'i (quoted in the
Tu-shu-tsi-cWong, Sect. 6, chap. 578, ku-ch'i, p. 2) its ruins at
some time or other were known to exist in close vicinity to
the present city of Liang-chou-fu in Kan-su.
With such fundamental errors before us we can under-
stand why it "is impossible for Mr. Kingsmill to arrive at
correct results in the most simple question of Chinese
research. To expose his errors would require a volume,
and would entail more valuable time than we can afford.
Moreover, it is difficult to contradict him, because he makes
mere assertions and seldom supports his opinions by reasons
based on literature. The following is another characteristic
example.
Of the country of K'ang-ku (Jjfc jg) he says: "As a general
mess has been made by translators over this country of K'angku,
a few words may be useful. K'angltu first appears in Sz'ma
Ts'ien, and is there, and, in the early Chinese authors, in-
variably Kashgar" No proof follows this startling assertion,
but he goes on to speak about the descendants of Seldjuk in
the eleventh century, winding up with a sly hit at those wicked
Sinologues who venture to differ, in saying: "A little knowledge,
says Pope, is a dangerous thing, and in no instance do we
find a better exemplification of the general truth of the aphorism
Vol. xxx.j Mr. Kingsmill and the Hinny-nu. 35
than in our would-be Chinese authorities." I cannot say that
this kind of logic will convince me that ancient K'ang-kii is
Kashgar. Has Mr. Kingsmill ever come across the following
passage, describing the road from Tun-huang to the west along
the southern slope of the T'ien-shan to Su-lo [J$j fjf, i- e.,
the real Kashgar], "which is the northern road;" "west of
the northern road," the account continues, "you cross the
Ts'ung-ling, whence you come out to Ta-yuan [Ferghana],
K'ang-ku [Sogdiana] and An-ts'ai [the Aorsi; 4fc jg H ffi JS
*-***W W *
This passage occurs in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chapter 118,
p. 6) and is certainly somewhat older than Mr. Kingsmill's
story of the Seldjuks. Or does Mr. Kingsmill maintain that
the Ts'ung-ling is not the Ts'ung-ling? I do not intend to
recapitulate the arguments which have induced Chinese scholars
to identify K'ang-kii with Sogdiana or some territory in this
neighbourhood, but west, not east, of the Ts'ung-ling. These
scholars, I have reason to believe, are perfectly satisfied with
the "little knowledge" so dangerous to them according to
Mr. Kingsmill.
Another fatal mistake committed a generation ago and
repeated usque ad nauseam up to his recent effusion about
the Hiung-nu, is his identification of Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's An-ts'ai,
also transcribed as Yen-ts'ai (^g ^f ), the country of the Aorsi,
subsequently called by western and Chinese authors alike Alan,
or A-lan-na, with Samarkand. To arrive at this idea he has
to do violence to a perfectly plain and simple passage in the
Sh'i-ki (chap. 123, p. 5 B ). It occurs in Ss'i-ma Ts'ien's account
of An-si (4- ,g,, in Cantonese On-sdk), i. e. Parthia, the
linguistic basis of which name was, I am glad to observe,
first correctly recognized by Mr. Kingsmill as Arsak, the
Chinese account substituting the name of its kings for that of
the country (Journal, China Branch, etc., Vol. xv, p. 8, note 11).
Unfortunately later editors have broken this text into two
parts, 1. An-si (Parthia), and 2. T'iau-chi (Chaldsea). But
1 The character 3, k'i, after J yen, found in the present standard
editions, has been clearly interpolated. It does not appear in the Kiiig-yu
edition (1034 1038 A. D.; Han-shu-si-yu-chuan-pu-chu, chap. 1, p. 5).
Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 170) is, therefore, right in not translating
it at all.
3*
36 F. Hirth, [1910.
since T'iau-chi is represented in the text as forming part of
the Parthian empire, I presume that the line being broken
before T'iau-chi is due to a misunderstanding. To me the
passage reads as follows : Ji, &c S W I 1 ) {& tt ^Ifc
W * * ff iitt/ * 1. IS ft ^ M 1$ W ifc&c.
Speaking of An-si (Parthia), the author says in this passage:
"West of it there is T'iau-ch'i (Chaldaea), in the north there
is An-ts'ai (the Aorsi, or Alans); Li-kan (Syria) and T'iau-ch'i
(Chaldsea) are several thousand li west of An-si (Parthia)
near the western sea," &c.
The name Li-kan (^ $f) of the Sh'i-ki occurs in another
transcription in the Ts'ien-han-shu (chap. 96 A , p. 14 B ), accord-
ing to which ambassadors from An-si (Parthia) brought as
tribute to the emperor Wu-ti "big birds' eggs," i. e. ostrich
eggs, and "jugglers 1 from Li-kien (3$L ff p A)-" Since this
passage is clearly copied from a parallel passage in the
Sh'i-ki (p. 13 B ), the two names Li-kan and Li-Men must have
been identical in sound, though written with different characters
in the two parallel passages. K'ang-hi's mediaeval authorities
also describe the two characters as being identical in sound. 2
The name occurs again in the Hou-han-shu (chap. 118, p. 9 B ),
which says: "The country of Ta-ts'in (Syria) is also called
Li-kien (^ Jg g ^g ^ f$|)." Since this third transcription
is linguistically identical with that of the Ts'ien-han-shu, I do
not hesitate to look upon the Li-kan of the Sh'i-ki as a variant
of the name which, in the Hou-lian-shu and later records, is
declared to be another name for Ta-ts'in, or Syria.
1 A specialty of Syrian cities often sent abroad. Cf. Marquardt, Das
Privatleben der Homer, 2. Aufl., p. 338, and Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., V,
p. 461. Jugglers and musicians came from Ta-ts'in (Syria) to China in
120 A. D. (China and the Roman Orient, p. 37).
2 It appears, however, that the character ijrp, kien, had two ancient
sounds, 1. Jean, or Jem, 2. Jcem. I refer to the work of Yang Shon (^J| '|M>
died 1529 A. D.), reprinted in the Han-hai collection, Section 14, under
the title Chuan-chu-Jcu-yin-lio (f| -g- 8), where the character $f
appears under the rhyme yim (-J- (Jt) |g) with the following note: ^jj. jj
^ j II If K S^ SK 1J J& "t- T do not q uite ^derstand
on what authority this statement is made; but if kien ffi- can be shown
to have been read kem during the Han period, this would tend to support
from a linguistic point of view my conjecture, made on commercial
grounds, as to the identity of Chinese Li-kan with Rekem, or Petra (see
China and the Roman Orient, p. 157 seqq. and 171).
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 37
Now Mr. Kingsmill, who is so fond of fanciful and in-
genious combinations, has an entirely different idea. He com-
bines the two names An-ts'ai and Li-kan, each of which may
be shown from ancient texts to have a distinct sense, and
gives the following explanation (Journal, China Branch, &c.,
Vol. xiv, 1879, p. 7, note 9): "Im-ts'ai-li-kan 3g ** ff. It
seems most likely here that the two first characters are in-
verted and that we should read Ts'ai-im-li-kan, in the old
pronunciation Sal-im-ar-kand for Salmarkanda, modern Samar-
kand, the Marakanda of Strabo and Ptolemy." And that in
the face of the Shi-Id itself, on page 4, describing the country
of "An-ts'ai" under this name pure and simple without any
inversion and without the alleged appendix Li-kan. This
description reads as follows: "An-ts'ai, about two thousand li
northwest of K'ang-kii, is a nomad country and has in the
main the same customs as K'ang-ku. Its archers number fully
a hundred thousand. It lies close to a great ts'o, which has
no shores; for they say it is the 'Northern Sea' ( ^ ^ ^ J^
Jg W 4b PT - ={ M ft ft m Jg * m 8 & * +
& * & fe m s 75 ft m s>."
Sii Sung (Han-shu'Si-yti-chuan-pu-chtt, chap. 1, p. 30) makes
the following remarks in connection with the last sentence of
my translation: "The Shuo-tvon defines the word ai (Jg) as
meaning 'a high border;' this means that, since in looking into
the far distance you do not see high shores, the raised parts
must appear as low." A ts'o (}|) thus described cannot be
an ordinary "marsh." This, it is true, is the standard sense
of the word; but broad sheets of deep water have also been
called ts'o, e. g. the T'ai-wu Lake near Soochow, which is
known as "Chon-ts'6" (J| }g), or the Lob-nor, which is called
Yen-ts'6 (If -}f ), i. e. the "Salt Lake," or Lake Balkash, which
is called "the biggest ts'o in the north-western territories ($
4t tji M :fc P 5" Si-yu-shui-tau-ki, chap. 4, p. 42). Moreover,
the text adds distinctly that "they say it is the 'Northern Sea'
(4t }ft)>" which would involve a gross exaggeration, if ta-ts'o
meant a mere marsh. It is for these reasons that I have
translated "a great sea," and not "a great marsh," as Mr.
Kingsmill does.
I do not, of course, object to the more literal translation,
as long as it is understood that, since it is said to be "the
Northern Sea," we must not think of a marsh in the or-
38 F. Hirth, [1910.
dinary sense of the word. I have, in my first paper on the
subject, thought of the Black Sea as being covered by this
ta-ts'o, but since its first mention goes clearly back to the
oldest notice of the An-ts'ai (Aorsi), as placed on record in
the Sh'i-ki, we have to look for their seats in their original
homes between the banks of the Sea of Azof and the Caucasus.
The Sea of Azof is described as a palus, i. e. "a swamp," by
Pliny and other Romans. Early Greek writers speak of a
Maioms \ifivrj (Dionysius in C. Miiller, Geogr. Graeci Minores,
II, p. Ill), and Jordanes (Mommsen, p. 89seqq.), in his account
of the Hunnic irruption, also styles it Palus Mceotis. This
corresponds to what we know about the physical condition of
its shores, which prompts Karl Neumann (Die Hellenen im
Skythenlande, p. 536) to say: "Es verrat Sachkenntnis, wenn
die Griechen die Maitis nie ein Meer, sondern stets eine
Limne nannten." Herodotus (IV, 86) held that the Mseotis
was not much smaller than the Pontus itself, and Ptolemy
exaggerates its northern extension through more than six
degrees of latitude (Bunbury, op. cit., Vol. ii, p. 591 seq.). This
may have been a popular error among the ancients long
before Ptolemy, repeated also at the court of the Indoscythians,
where Greek traditions had been taken over from Bactria,
and where Chang K'ien in 127 B. C. collected his notices of
western countries subsequently reproduced in the Sh'i-ki. The
Mseotis is said to be frozen in its northern part during the
winter (K. Neumann, op. cit., p. 65), and this, too, may have
helped to challenge comparison with the "Northern Sea" (:|fc
$|), if this term refers to the Arctic Ocean as it apparently
does in a passage of Pliny (II, 67), who says: "Ingens argu-
mentum paludis Mceoticae, sive ea illius oceani sinus est, ut
multos adverto credidisse, sive angusto discreti situ restagnatio."
It appears to me that the chief mistake made by Mr. Kings-
mill in his attempts at identification is the ignoring of in-
formation, placed on record in notices quite as valuable as,
though later than, those of Ssi-ma Ts'ien. I am, of course,
fully aware that the Sh'i-ki, in its chapter 123, is the very
oldest source regarding the Chinese knowledge of AYestern
Asia; but we should not forget that between the time when
Chang K'ien laid his first report before Wu-ti (126 B. C.) and
the time of Ssi-ma Ts'ien's death, not much more than forty
years may have elapsed and that much of the geographical
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 39
knowledge of the Chinese during the earlier Han Dynasty was
placed on record soon after the Slii-ld was completed. Pan
Ku's account in the Ts'ien-lian-shu, though compiled towards
the close of the second century A. D., was based on records
dating from the earlier Han Dynasty itself. Pan Ku's own
brother, Pan Chau, must have returned from his famous ex-
pedition to the west with a tolerably complete knowledge of
the facts placed on record in the Hou-han-shu, and during the
period of the Three Kingdoms, at the beginning of the third
century A. D., the knowledge of the west gained three hundred
years before cannot have been forgotten, though added to and
modified. Even the geographers of the Sui and the T'ang
dynasties (the latter with one notable exception, the division
of foreign territories into nominal Chinese administrative
districts), being so much nearer in time than we are to the
Han period, must have been in the possession of traditions
much more valuable as a source for identification than the
linguistic speculations of a modern European. Mr. Kings-
mill's Sal-im-ar-kand is one of these speculations. Why ignore
what later, though still ancient, traditions tell us about An-
ts'ai? That so-called "old tradition which made Selm, the
son of .Feridun, the eponym of Samarkand" is extremely
doubtful. The mention of a number of other supposed foun-
ders such as Alexander the Great and Shamar Abu Karib
of South Arabia (Yakut, Vol. iii, p. 133), shows how little
we know about the origin of the city, so that nobody can
tell whether or not such a name existed at all during the
second century B. C. Of An-ts'ai, however, we read in the
Hou-han-shu, chap. 118, p. 13: "The country of An-ts'ai has
changed its name into A-lan-liau G ^ g gfc IW Iff f fJ
HI)." Professor Chavannes has proved beyond a doubt that
by this name two different countries are covered, the one
being called A-lan, the other Liau (T'oung-pao, 1907, p. 195
note 2, and 1905, p. 559 note 1); and according to the Wei-
lio (1. c., p. 32) An-ts'ai is also called A-lan (g ^ g
1 Chavannes (T'oung-pao, 1905, p. 558, note 5) remarks with regard to
this passage: "Hirth a bien montre (China and the Roman Orient, p. 139
note 1, et Uber Wolga-Hunnen und Hiung-nu, p. 249 251) que le nom
Yen-ts'ai (prononce An-ts'ai) pouvait etre la transcription du nom du
peuple que Strabon appelle les "Aopaoi. Le temoignage du Wei-lio que
40 F. Hirih, [1910.
But we have yet another transcription of the foreign name
represented in Chang K'ien's An-ts'ai. In the biography of
the General Ch'on T'ang (ft ib Ts'ien-han-shu, chap. 70,
p. 7 B ) we are told that Chi-chi, the legitimate Shan-yii of the
Hiung-nu, whom I look upon as the founder of Hunnic power
near the confines of Europe ( fiber Wolga-Hunnen, &c., p. 269
seqq.) and who had been assigned to an unclaimed territory by
his father-in-law, the king of K'ang-kii (Sogdiana), had attacked
the capital of the Wu-sun and terrorized the population by
his violence; that the Wu-sun were afraid to pursue him to
his retreat, because an uninhabited waste on the western
frontier obstructed the road for a thousand li (j| Jg ^ j|
31 W & 74 ^ JS % BL =? M); and that ' aftei ; having com-
mitted all possible atrocities, he built a fortified city and
"sent ambassadors to exact annual tribute from the countries
of Ho-su (the Aorsi) and Ta-yuan (Ferghana), which these
did not dare to refuse (&ft X H & i* ft % ' X Jft ;
j ^ ^). The scholiast Yen Sh'i-ku refers to Hu Kuang
(second century A. D.) as having said that "about a thousand
li north of K'ang-kii there is a country called An-ts'ai, another
name of which is Ho-su ([i] g)," and on this basis he con-
cludes that the names An-ts 7 ai and Ho-su are identical.
The two syllables ts'ai and su can easily be explained, both
representing ki their initials a sibilant in the transcription of
foreign names and both representing a possible sal, sa, so or su.
The ho of Ho-su (fi| g) is read hop in Canton, and hah in
Foochow. This latter sound could easily be proved to stand
for liar or ar. But Chinese sound authorities class the
character with the rhyme " 27. ^," i. e. hop, and this is pre-
cisely what they do with a number of characters having the
same final as an $, e. g. Jg, which is even now read both im
(3fc f) and yap or ap ($ ||; see T'ang-yiin, chap. 20 et
passim; Eitel, Cantonese Dictionary, p. 190). Though quite
different in sound at the present day, the two characters may
have been interchangeable at some time or other, the old final
les An-ts'ai (Aorsi) ont pris plus tard le nom &A-lan (Alani) explique
d'ailleurs fort bien le terme Alanorsi qui, chez Ptolemee, embrasse a la
fois les Alani et les Aorsi; il est vraisemblable que ce royaume comprenait
deux peuples distincts, les Aorsi et les Alani, et qu'il fut connu d'abord
sous le nom du premier d'entre eux (Aorsi), puis sous les noms de tous
deux combines (Alanorsi), enfin sous le nom du second seul (Alani)."
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kings-mill and the Hiung-nu. 41
possibly holding the middle between m and p. 1 Yen Sh'i-ku
is, therefore, probably right in assuming the identity of the
two names. The crux in the identification with the "Aopo-oi
of Strabo is the old final m in the first syllable of An-ts'ai.
Precedents like Tam-mo, H Jg, for Dharma do not help us,
because this transcription may stand for Pali Dhamma. I am
in doubt about Sam-fo-ts'i (^ f$ ^, Palembang in Sumatra),
which as suggested by Groeneveldt (Notes on the Malay
Archipelago, p. 62, note 3) might be identical with Arabic
Sarlaza of doubtful tradition. It is possible, though not cer-
tain, that the hill-name T'am-man, j| fj| |Jj, the Sa'ian range,
stands for Tarban, or Tarmal, of the Old-Turkish inscriptions
(see my Nachworte zur Inschrift des Tonjukuk, pp. 41 seq. and
87 seq., and Parker in Thomson, Inscriptions de I' Orhhon de-
chiffrees, p. 196). But why must we have a linguistic precedent
for m = r at all in the face of so much circumstantial evidence?
We have other Chinese representatives of final r, which in
their way might be called <x7ra Aeyo'/xei/a, e. g. Hiian Ts'ang ? s
ffit ffi P' nang-mot-to, which stands for Skrt. Narmmada, the
River Nerbudda (Eitel, 2nd ed., p. 107). Altogether I lay
more stress on historical, than linguistical identification.
The transcription A- Ian (pj ||}) in the Hou-han-shu and We'i-
lio is clear and as little dependent upon differing ancient and
dialectic sounds as any foreign name in Chinese records; it is
as safe as if it were written in some alphabetic language to
look upon it as representing the sound Alan, which in this
neighbourhood and at the period of its first appearance in
classical and Chinese literature alike can only apply to the
Alans as a nation. According to the Hou-han-shu, we have
seen, the name A-lan had been changed from that of An-ts'ai,
and Pliny (Nat. Hist., IV, 80), speaking of Scythic tribes says:
"alias Getae, Daci, Romanis dicti, alias Sarmatae, Graecis
Sauromatae, eorumque Hamaxobii aut Aorsi, alias Scythae
degeneres et a servis orti aut Trogodytae, mox Alani et Rhoxa-
1 Pliny (VI, 38) refers to the Aorsi in one passage as Abzoae, and it
appears that the codices here offer no variants of this exceptional form
(see Nat. Hist., rec. Detlefsen, I, 1866, p. 238), which may possibly be a
mistake for Arzoae. But if this were not the case, it might help to ex-
plain the finals m and p in the two Chinese transcriptions. Abzoae might
thus be a Latin mutilation of the Greek name heard with the digamma
as "A/o/xrot.
42 F. Hirth, [1910.
lani." In other words, he holds that the Alani were nearly
related to, or formerly called, the Aorsi. This view, supported
by quite a number of other arguments, has been adopted by
modern European scholars (cf.
|} X -ft % ^ Tomaschek in Pauly- Wissowa,
H ;fe B Sk ft Beal-Encydo2)adie,etc.,s.\.A.\8i-
-zz E ni," "Alanorsoi" wahrschein-
ttl 3E /e s , . , ^. ,7 , , A ,
hch em Konglomerat von AAavot
ffi S$ ffi und "Aopo-oi, and "Aorsoi").
IS J8 & 4t E That part of the Alans which
U M 1S "i 'S figures in the history of western
& n Y-p 4* Europe during the fifth century
soon disappeared without leaving
iRf traces of its existence; but the
TH 1ft S "fr eastern Alans continued for gene-
- ^ _L. ^ rations "in their old seats in the
steppes between the Caucasus, the
^ River Don and the lower Volga,
ft HI HL ^ right among the Bulgars, the suc-
j ]&[ ^ cessors of the Huns; in Tauris,
:& r 13 /v too, we find traces of them in the
towns of Sugdsea [Sogdak], and
ffi 5fe fa! ?fi Theodosia (Kafa), about the year
Ira ^ i5t $15 500, had anAlanic nameAbdarda
Hg fti 3/t w (Tomaschek)." Under the Mon-
"H P0 ''C5C ->' T T T 1
. jj. . p gols the Alans were termed A-su
** (fn( 3^), and sometimes A-ssi,
IS i 3E jfe (fpf ,,), the name A-?aw occurring
^ M W ^C onl y once (Bretschneider, "No-
m & & -) ^ ces ^ ^ e Mediaeval Geogra-
phy," &c., in Journal, China
Branch, &c., 1875, p. 261). These two forms may possibly be
connected with the ancient names An-ts'ai and Ho-su.
With this material in hand we are now prepared to analyse
what Mr. Kingsmill thinks an "improved" translation; for,
with regard to my own, he says: "it is difficult to under-
stand how he has been misled in the translation of a suffi-
ciently simple passage, which refers to the Hiung-nu only
incidentally, and to the Hunni not at all."
I here insert Mr. Kingsmill's so-called translation of the
Chinese text reproduced above.
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 43
"Su(k)te(h) is situated west of the Ts'ung-ling; it was the
ancient Im-ts'ai and was also known as Wannasha. It lies
close to a great marsh to the north-west of K'ang-ku, and is
distant from Tai 16000 li. In former days the Hiung-nu
killed its king, and held possession of the country for three
generations up to the time of King (H)wui'rsz."
"Formerly the merchants of this country went in numbers
to dispose of their wares in the land of Liang: [a party] hav-
ing entered Kutsang were made prisoners, and at the beginn-
ing of the reign Kao-ts'ung [of the Wei] the king of Su(k)te(h)
sent a mission requesting their enlargement."
"After this period no further diplomatic intercourse took
place."
Before attempting any rectification I have to make a slight
correction in the text. The character g,, ssi, should read g,,
/, "a sign of the past," the two characters being easily con-
founded (cf. Giles, Synoptical Studies in Chinese Character,
Noa. 966 968). I have adopted this view through the perusal
of a paraphrase furnished in a recent Chinese treatise on the
subject, the Han-si-yu-t'u-ttau (g| |f Jfe g 5jc> chap. 6, by
Li Kuang-t'ing, ^ ^ , of Canton, preface dated 1870), which
says: A # * * ft 3E & IK n H & H ffi it ffi
fSi , fS H i> i- e -? "I n the beginning of the T'ai-an period
of the emperor W6n-ch'6ng [in reality 457 A. D. according to
We'i-shu, chap. 5, p. 5 B j the Hiung-nu prince Hu-ni ? [his an-
cestors] having conquered the country three generations ago
(g,), sent ambassadors to ransom them [the prisoners], which
was granted by imperial edict." It is with this one change
in the text that I now add my own translation as first laid
before the Munich Academy.
"The country of Suk-tak lies in the west of the Ts'uhg-ling.
It is the ancient An-ts'ai and is also^ called Won-na-sha. It
lies on a big sea [ts'6] in the north-west of K'ang-kii [Sog-
diana] and is 16 000 li distant from Tai. Since the time when
the Hiung-nu killed their king and took possession of their
country up to their king Hu-ni three generations have elapsed.
The merchants of this country often went to the country of
Liang for trade, and at the capture of Ku-tsang they were all
made prisoners. In the beginning of the reign of Kau-tsung
[452 466 A. D.] the king of Suk-tak sent ambassadors to ask
for their ransom, which was granted by cabinet order. From
44 F. Hirth, [1910.
this time onward they sent no more tribute missions to our
court."
It will be seen that Mr. Kingsmill's mistakes are those of
interpretation rather than of translation, though he was ap-
parently not satisfied with my rendering ^ J ^ by the Ger-
man "bei der Eroberung von Ku-tsang." ](, k'o, means "to
conquer," whether you conquer a city, a country, or your own
self. Cf. Giles, No. 6115: ft fti ; ->\& " to attack a cit 7 and
not conquer it," or "to make an unsuccessful attack upon a
city." Mr. Kingsmill's "a party having entered Ku-tsang" is
an absolute mistake. The relative clause fg J| J| is left un-
translated. Apart from the different spelling of names, his
mistakes are thus the only points in which Mr. Kingsmill's
rendering differs materially from the one he found in my
German paper. I, therefore, fail to see what induces him to
say: "it is difficult to understand how he has been misled in
the translation of a sufficiently simple passage."
As regards his interpretation,, the one point of his dis-
agreement, the identification of the country called An-ts'ai, is,
of course, the pivot on which the entire question turns. Chang
K'ien, in his report, merely placed on record what his friends
at the Indoscythian court had told him. They were the same
informants who supplied him with that interesting word p'u-Vau
(fljj 4), "the grape,"=Greek fiorpvs according to Mr. Kingsmill's
own happy idea, and who are known to have used coins with
Greek legends as shown in Cunningham's papers on the "Coins
of the Indoscythians" in the Numismatic Chronicle. Chang
K'ien's report on An-ts'ai is in my opinion the oldest example
of the introduction into Chinese literature of a piece of clas-
sical lore, to wit, the story of the Mcuoms Ai/zn? with its vast
extension to the north and its connection with the ^Keavo?,
here "the Northern Sep."
According to my view Hu-ni (4g fg, Hut-ngai) is Hernak, the
youngest son of King Attila, who after the death of his father in
454 A. D. withdrew to the extreme parts of Scythia Minor ("Her-
nac quoque, junior Attilae films, cum suis in extrema minoris
Scythiae sedes delegit." Jordanes, ed. Mommsen, p. 127), which
Strabo identifies with the present Crimea, and here according
to Tomaschek the Alans had their city of Sogdak (Sudak,
Soldaia, &c.) since 212 A. D. All this is, however, immaterial.
The main point I wish to contest against Mr. Kingsmill is the
Vol. xxx.] Mr. Kingsmill and the Hiung-nu. 45
identification of the term An-ts'ai, so sadly misunderstood by
him. If once we are convinced that An-ts'ai, A-lan and Suk-
tak must be the Alans of western sources, we are justified in
drawing the following logical conclusions:
1. Of the Alans we know from European sources that, just
about three generations before the embassy sent to China by
the state of Suk-tak (former Alans) in 457 A. D., they were
conquered by the Huns.
2. Of the Suk-tak nation we learn in the Wei-slm that their
ancestors, the An-ts'ai (Aorsi, Alans), three generations before
their embassy of 457 A. D., were conquered by the Hiung-nu.
3. Since the same nation cannot at the same time be con-
quered by two different nations, the result is that the Huns
and the Hiung-nu are identical. Q. E. D.
Early Chinese notices of East African territories. By
FKIEDRICH HIBTH, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE earliest accounts in Chinese literature of Western terri-
tories contain no allusions of any kind that we might interpret
as referring to any part of the African Continent. The name
Li-kan, or Li-kien, which occurs in Ssi-ma Ts'ien's SM-ld (about
86 B. C.) is there coupled with that of T'iau-chi (Chaldaea),
and since in records that date from a few generations later the
term is persistently declared to be identical with that of Ta-ts'in,
the Eoman empire in its eastern provinces, I do not hesitate
to look upon it as covering the Roman Orient, possibly in-
cluding Egypt. This is also the case with the accounts of
Ta-ts'in contained in the Hou-han-shu, applying mainly to
the first century A. D., in which the direction of the silk trade
via Antiochia Margiana, Ktesiphon, Hira and, by the periplus
of the Arabian peninsula, to the silk-buying factories of the
Phenician coast, such as Tyre, Sidon and Berytos, is clearly
indicated. 1 Yet no mention of African ports can be traced
back earlier than the beginning of the third century A. D.,
when fresh information, though transmitted unfortunately in
sorely disfigured texts, had reached China. I refer to the
account of the We'i-Uo,^ where the city of Alexandria is
manifestly meant by the name Wu-ch'i-san. I admit that the
Wei-lio is not very clear in its details regarding the de-
pendencies of Ta-ts'in; but the one passage I refer to leaves
but little doubt that Wu-ch'i-san is Alexandria. It says:
"At the city of Wu-ch'i-san, you travel by river on board
ship one day, then make a round at sea, and after six days'
1 For texts and translations see my China and the Roman Orient,
Shanghai, 1885, passim.
2 An historical work referring to one of the so-called "Three King-
doms," the state of We'i (535 to 557 A. D.) and compiled between 239
and 265 A. D. See Chavannes, "Les pays d'occident d'apres le "Wei-lio"
in T'oung-pao, Serie ii, Vol. vi, No. 5, pp. 519, seq.
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 47
passage on the great sea, arrive in this country [Tats'in, or
its capital Antioch]." This, I hold, describes the journey from
Alexandria to Antioch. The first character of the Chinese
transcription, wu (black), may stand for o and u in the render-
ing of Indian sounds; 1 and it also represents the vocalic ele-
ment of the first syllable (a, o or e) in the several west-Asiatic
forms for "ebony," such as Persian abnus, in their Chinese
equivalent ivu-man-tzi.' 2 The second character cWi (slow)
stands for di, 3 and the three characters may be said to stand
for adisan or odisan, thus furnishing a still recognizable dis-
tortion of the name Alexandria. Unfortunately Chinese texts
have preserved nothing beyond that name, assuming our inter-
pretation of its transcription is at all correct.
In point of age the next mention in Chinese literature of
an African territory is an account applying probably to the
beginning of the T'ang dynasty. It occurs in a text devoted
to the Ta-sh'i, i. e., the Arabs of the Khalif empire, in the
T any-sliu (chap. 221 B , p. 19), in a passage describing the
extent of the Ta-sh'i dominions, "in the east of which there
are the T'u-k'i-shi," i. e. the Tiirgash of the Old-Turkish stone
inscriptions, the "south-west being connected with the sea."
The Tiirgash being mentioned as the Eastern neighbors of
the Ta-sh'i seems to indicate that the account belongs to the
early part of the eighth century. It reads as follows:
"In the south-west [of the Ta-shi, or Arabs] is the sea and
in the sea there are the tribes of Po-pa-li [in Cantonese and
old Chinese Put-pat-lik, which I look upon as a transcription
of Barbarik*}. These do not belong to any country, grow no
grain, but live on meat and drink a mixture of milk and cow's
blood; they wear no clothes, but cover their body with sheep-
i St. Julien, Methode pour dechiffrer et transcrire les noms Sanserifs, etc.,
Nos. 1313 and 1314.
- See my "Aus der Ethnographic des Tschau Ju-kua" in Stzb. der
philos. Klasse der K. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., 1898, III p. 491, note 3.
3 Julien, op. cit., p. 204 No. 1876; cf. Schlegel, "The Secret of the
Chinese Method of Transcribing Foreign Sounds" in Toung-pao, II,
Vol. i, p. 249, who says it is pronounced ti at Amoy.
* See my paper "Chinese equivalents of the letter E, in foreign names"
in Journ. of the China Branch, E. A. S., Yol. xxi (1886), p. 219. As there
shown, final t in old Chinese stands for final r\ I stands for r; and before
I (or r) becomes I (or r) by assimilation (see Schlegel in Toung-pao,
1900, p. 109).
48 F. Hirth, [1910.
skins. Their women are intelligent and graceful. The country
produces great quantities of ivory and of the incense o-mo
[in Cantonese o-mut = omur, standing for Persian ambar, i. e.
ambergris]."
"When the traveling merchants of Po-ssi (Persia) wish to
go there for trade, they must go in parties of several thousand
men, and having offered cloth cuttings and sworn a solemn
oath (lit. "a blood oath") will proceed to trade."
Another account written generations before the T'ang-shu,
the work of 6u-yang Siu completed in 1060 A. D., occurs in
the Yu-yang-tsa-tsu by Tuan Ch'ong-slii, who died in 863 A. D.
The transcription here used is identical with that of the T'ang-
shu, viz: Po-pa-li (Put-pat-lik = Barbarik). Tuan Ch'ong-shi
says (chap. 4, p. 3 B seq.):
"The country of Po-pa-li is in the south-western sea. The
people do not know how to grow grain and live on meat only.
They are in the habit of sticking needles into the veins of
cattle, thus drawing blood, which they drink raw, on having
it mixed with milk. They wear no clothes, but cover their
loins with sheep-skins. Their women are clean, white and
upright. The inhabitants make their own countrymen prisoners,
whom they sell to the foreign merchants at prices several
times [more than what they would fetch at home]. The country
produces only elephants' teeth and a-mo [ambergris]. If the
Persian merchants wish to go to this county they form parties
of several thousand men and make gifts of strips of cloth,
and then everyone of them, including the very oldest men and
tender youths, have to draw their blood wherewith to swear
an oath, before they can dispose of their goods. From olden
times they were not subject to any foreign country. In fighting
they use elephants' teeth and ribs and the horns of wild oxen
made into halberds, and they wear armour and have bows
and arrows. They have 200,000 foot soldiers. The Ta-shi
(Arabs) make constant raids upon them."
My identification of these two short accounts, which appear
to be derived from a common source earlier than the year
863, is based chiefly on the great similarity which the Chinese
transcription bears to the name of Berbera, the city and
country on the east coast south of Abyssinia, and on the
mention of ivory and ambergris as the chief products. Am-
bergris was as a matter of fact exported from the coast
k
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 49
of Berbera. 1 The identification is, however, further supported
by a later account of the same country in the Chu-jan-ch'i of
Chau Ju-kua, who describes it under the name Pi-pa-lo, in
Cantonese: Pat-pa-lo, which is another intelligible transcription
of the foreign sound Barbara.
Chau ju-kua 2 describes the country as follows:
"The country of Pi-pa-lo contains four chou (cities), the
remaining places being villages rivalling each other in influence
and might. The people worship heaven, they do not worship
Buddha. The country produces many camels and sheep, and
the ordinary food of the people consists of camels' flesh, milk
and baked cakes. The country has ambergris \lung-hien,
lit. "Dragon's Spittle," the standard word for ambergris, see
Giles, No. 4508], big elephants' tusks and big rhinoceros horns.
There are elephants' tusks which weigh over a hundred catties
and rhinoceros horns of ten catties and more. There is also
much putchuck, liquid storax, myrrh, and tortoise-shell of great
thickness, for which there is great demand in other countries.
Among the products there is further the "camel crane" [lo-
fo-hau, i. e., the ostrich]. It measures from the ground to
the top of its head six or seven feet. It has wings and can
fly, but not to any great height. There is an animal called
1 See Heyd, Histoire du commerce du levant au moyen-age, ed. Furcy
Raynaud, Leipzig, 1886, Vol. ii, pp. 571574. The best quality is found
on the coast of Berbera and Zinj (Renaudot, Ancient accounts of India
and China, London, 1733, p. 64).
2 Regarding this author see my papers "Die Lander des Islam nach
chinesischen Quellen", T'oung-pao, Supplement, Vol. v, Leiden 1894, p. 12
seqq., and "Chao Ju-kua, a new source of mediaeval geography" in Journal,
E. A. , 1896, p. 57 seqq. Chau Ju-kua probably wrote at the time of
the last Abbaside caliph Mustasim (1242 to 1258 A. D.), since in his
description of Bagdad ("Die Lander des Islam," etc., p. 41) he describes its
king as a linear descendant of Mohammed the Prophet, and adds that the
throne was handed down to his own times through twenty-two generations.
If we look upon Cossai as the genealogical head of the several generations
the sixth of which saw the prophet himself, the twenty-second was that
of the caliph Mustasim. The latest date mentioned in Chau Ju-kua's
work is 1210 A. D. In the Ling-icai-tai-ta by Chou K'u-fe'i, published
in 1178, which goes over the same field as the Chu-fan-ch'i and from
which about one-third of the matter placed on record by Chau Ju-kua
has been copied (see K. Tsuboi, "Cheu Ch'iife's Aufzeichnungen," etc.,
in Actes, XII e Congres Intern, des Orientalistes, Rome, 1899, Vol. ii,
pp. 69-125). no mention is made of Pi-pa-lo.
VOL. XXX. Part I. 4
50 M Hirth, [1910.
tsu-la [in Cantonese: tso-lap, a transcription of Arabic zarafa,
the giraffe]. It resembles a camel in shape, an oxen in size,
and it is of a yellow colour. Its front legs are five feet long,
its hind legs only three feet. Its head is high up and turns
upwards. Its skin is an inch thick. There is also a mule
with brown, white and black stripes around its body. These
animals wander about the mountain wilds; they are a variety
of the camel. The people of the country are great huntsmen
and hunt these animals with poisoned arrows."
Mr. W. W. Rockhill, who has collaborated with me in the
publication of my translation of Chau Ju-kua's ethnographical
sketches, holds that the "four cities" referred to are Berbera,
the Malao of the Periplus. and Zeyla, the mart of the Aualites
of the Periplus to the west of it; and to the east of Berbera,
Mehet or Mait. the Moundon of the Greeks, and Lasgori or
Guesele. the Mosullon of the Greeks. He refers to Ibn Batuta
(II, 180), who says of Zeyla that it was an important city,
but extremely dirty and bad-smelling on account of the custom
of the people of killing camels in the streets. He also notes
that the sheep of this country are famous for their fat. At
Mukdashau, our Magadoxo or Mugdishu, he says, they killed
several hundred camels a day for food. In the first century
A. D. the Pejriplus mentions myrrh, a little frankincense, tin,
ivory, tortoise-shell, odoriferous gums and cinnamon among
the exports of the Berbera coast.
The Chinese name "camel-crane" is a translation of the
Persian name of the ostrich, shutur-murgh, meaning "camel-
bird" (Bretschneider, Mediaeval Researches, London 1888, Vol. i,
p. 144, note 392). Chou K'ii-fei refers to the "camel-crane"
in similar terms in his account of the Zinj tribes, but he adds
that it eats all possible things, even blazing fire or red-hot
copper or iron. In other words he justifies its wellknown charac-
teristic, which is conveyed in the popular adage the "stomach of
an ostrich." The Chinese author speaking of the camel as the
animal from which the "striped mule" is descended would seem
strange, if we did not assume that his remark on that point
refers to the three animals, the ostrich, the giraffe and the mule.
It certainly holds good for the giraffe, which, as Mr. Rockhill
points out, was held by some to be a variety of camel, e. g. by
Mas'udi (Prairies d'or, III 3). Mr. Rockhill has the following
note regarding the striped mule of Pi-pa-lo: "This, I suppose,
Vol. xxx.] Early Cliinese notices of East African territories. 51
is the same animal as the hua-fu-lu, or "spotted fu-lu" of the
Ming-slii, 326. Bretschneider (Ancient Chinese and Arabs, 21
note 7) says that "the nua fu-lu is probably the Hippotigris
Burchelii, or Douw, the Tiger-horse of the ancients, which was
brought several times to Rome from Africa. It inhabits the
deserts of Eastern Africa, between the equator and the tenth
degree of northern latitude, whilst the two other species of
this genus of the horse family, the Zebra and the Quag y a,
are to be met with only in Southern Africa." Mr. Rockhill
refers to Barbosa, who says that the people of Magadoxo "use
herbs with their arrows."
There can be but little doubt that the Chinese account of
Pi-pa-lo refers to Berbera, and this involves a broad hint as
to the identification of another sketch of Chau Ju-kua's which is
found in the Chu-fan-chi under the designation Chuny-li. It
reads as follows:
"The people of the country of Chung-li go bareheaded and
barefooted; they wrap themselves about with cotton stuffs,
for they dare not wear jackets, since wearing jackets and
turbans is a privilege reserved for the ministers and courtiers
of the king. The king lives in a brick house covered with
glazed tiles, the people live in huts of palm-leaves thatched
with grass. Their daily food consists in baked flour-cakes,
sheep's and camel's milk. There are great numbers of cattle,
sheep and camels."
"Among the countries of the Ta-sh'i (Arabs) this is the only
one which produces frankincense."
"There are many sorcerers among them, who are able to
change themselves into birds, beasts or fish and by these
means keep the ignorant people in a state of terror. If some
one of them while trading with a foreign ship has a quarrel, the
sorcerers cast a charm over the ship, so that it can neither
go forward or backward, and they only release the ship when
the dispute has been settled. The government has formally for-
bidden this practice."
-Every year countless numbers of birds of passage alight
on the desert parts of the country. When the sun rises they
suddenly vanish so that one cannot find a trace of them. The
people catch them with nets and eat them; they are remarkably
savoury. They are in season till the end of spring, but as
4*
52 F. Hirth, [1910.
soon as summer comes they disappear to return the following
year."
"When one of the people dies and they are about to put
him in his coffin, his kinsfolks from near and far come to
condole. Each person flourishing a sword in his hand, goes
in and asks the mourners the cause of the person's death.
'If he was killed by someone 7 , each one says, 'we will revenge
him on the murderer with these swords.' Should the mourners
reply that he was not murdered, but came to his end by the
will of heaven, they throw away their swords and break into
violent wailing."
"Every year there are driven on the coast a great many
dead fish measuring as much as twenty ch'ang in length, and
two cttang through the body. The people do not eat the flesh
of these fish, but cut out their brains, marrow and eyes, from
which they get oil, often as much as three hundred tong. They
mix this oil with lime to caulk their ships, and use it also in
lamps. The poor people use the ribs of these fish as rafters,
the back-bones as door-leaves and they cut off the vertebrae
to make mortars with."
"There is a shan [hill, range of hills, island, promontory, or
high coast] in this country which forms the boundary of Pi-
pa-lo [Berbera]. It is 4,000 li in circumference; for the most
part it is uninhabited. Dragon's blood is obtained from this
shan [hill, island, etc.], also aloes, and from the waters, tortoise-
shell and ambergris [lung-hien, lit. Dragon's Spittle]."
"It is not known whence ambergris comes; it suddenly
appears in lumps of from three to five catties, driven on
the shore by the wind. The people of the country make
haste to divide it up, lest ships run across it at sea and fish
it up."
The essential point in the identification of this country of
Chung-li is the mention of a shan, which may mean "a range
of hills," at the boundary of Pi-pa-lo (Berbera). This port,
well-known to the Arabs of the thirteenth century, was indeed
separated from the adjoining high plateau by a range of hills,
the natural boundary between the territory of Berbera and
Somaliland. The extent of the shan, in this case "a plateau,"
being stated to be 4,000 li, would point to a large tract of
land. I would not lay too much stress on the name Chung-li;
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 53
but final ng has been used to transcribe final m (see Julien,
Methode, etc., Nos. 485 and 486: kang for Sanscrit ham and
c/ham)] chung, middle, is pronounced tsung at Shanghai, and
ts is quite commonly interchanged with initial s. e. g. in the
title sengun, "a general," of the Old-Turkish stone inscriptions,
which stands for Chinese tsiang-lmn. Chung-li may thus poss-
ibly be a transcription of the sound Somali or Somal. Another
important characteristic is the remark that this country is the
only one among the Ta-shi, or Arab, territories which produces
frankincense. This, even if we admit the coast of Hadramaut
to have participated in this industry, is a broad hint as to
its identification with Somaliland 1 .
Mr. Rockhill is of the opinion that the island of Socotra cor-
responds to Chau Ju-kua's Chung-li, and in support of this view
he quotes a number of interesting parallels from mediaeval
authors. Thus the aloe, mentioned as one of the products of
Chung-li, is referred to by Mas'udi (III, 37), who calls it
socotri from the name of the island; Marco Polo (II, 398-399,
Yule, 2nd ed.) says of its people, "they have a great deal of
ambergris," and he relates the almost identical story told by
Chau Ju-kua more than a century before him in connection
with his Chung-li. He says (p. 399): "And you must know
that in this Island there are the best enchanters in the world.
It is true that their Archbishop forbids the practise to the
best of his ability, but 'tis all to no purpose, for they insist
that their forefathers followed it, and so must they also. I
will give you a sample of their enchantments. Thus, if a ship
be sailing past with a fair wind and a strong, they will raise
a contrary wind and compel her to turn back. In fact they
make the wind blow as they list and produce great tempests
and disasters; and other such sorceries they perform, which
1 F. A. Fluckiger, Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreiches, 3rd. ed., Berlin
1891, p. 45 seqq.: "Die Bauine, welche den Weihrauch liefern, wachsen
im Lande der Somalistamme, im auloersten Osten Afrikas, sowie auch auf
den jenseits liegenden siidostarabischen Kiistenstrichen Hadramaut, Schehr
und Mahrah." "Der meiste und geschatzteste Weihrauch wird im nord-
ostliehen Somalilande gesammelt." "In Arabien eingefiihrter oder dort
gesammelter Weihrauch nimmt auch die Namen arabischer Landschaften
an, z. B. Schehr, Morbat, Dhofar." In a special chapter on frank-
incense Chau Ju-kua mentions just these three places as producers of
the drug.
54 F. Hirth, [1910-
it will be better to say nothing about in our Book." Chau
Ju-kua is less discreet, when he informs us that the sorcerers
of Chung-li changed themselves into birds or fish, in order to
terrorize the population. According to him "the Government
has forbidden such practices." This applies in Socotra to the
"Archbishop," in reality as late as 1281 a bishop ordained by
the Nestorian patriarch of Bagdad (Assemani, Bibl. Orient. IV,
p. 780). Kockhill quotes two other stories of sorcerers, one from
Purchas' Pilgrims (IX, 254), who quotes Friar Joanno dos
Santos (A. D. 1597) as describing quite a similar trick practised
by a great sorcerer on the isle of Zanzibar, and another,
mentioned by Ibn Batuta (IV, 227), of sorcerers on an island
in the eastern part of the Indian Ocean, who "raised storms
by enchantment when vessels did not pay the customary
tribute."
Taking into account the parallels to which Mr. Rockhill has
drawn attention, I feel tempted to accept his suggestion as
regards Socotra. The translation of shan by "a rocky island"
is certainly unobjectionable, and since nearly all that can be
shown to apply to Socotra from western sources occurs in the
text after the words "there is a shan in this country," etc., the
concluding part of the chapter may be regarded as an appendix
to the account of Chung-li describing this outlying island of
Socotra. The" shan being stated to measure "four thousand
li in circumference" fairly corresponds to the ideas current
among western geographers of the period, if we look upon
the li not as the Chinese li, but as the thirtieth part of a
parasang, or a stadium, in which sense I have shown it is to
be taken in the identifications of several western Asiatic
itineraries (see my China and the Roman Orient, pp. 222-225).
Four thousand li would thus be equal to 133 parasangs. This
may be an exaggerated estimate of the size of the island, but
scarcely more so than the statements of Yakut (Wiistenfeld III
p. 102, quoting al Hamadani) and Abulfeda (Geogr. d'A., ed.
Reinaud and de Slane, Paris 1840, p. 371, kindly furnished
to me by Prof. Gottheil), who state that the length of Socotra
alone was "eighty parasangs."
This part of the coast of Africa was certainly well-known
and much frequented by Arab and Persian traders during
the thirteenth century. Chau Ju-kua is well acquainted
with its products such as frankincense, aloe, dragon's blood
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 55
and ambergris, and since all these were staple articles of
the Chinese market, we may infer that direct commerce was
carried on through the mediation of Arab skippers plying
between Ts'iian-chou-fu (Zaitun) and Canton in the Far East
and the several ports en route, including those of Africa, and
their Arabian homes. We need not be astonished, therefore,
to find that remnants of the mediaeval intercourse between the
coasts of China and Eastern Africa have actually been dis-
covered. In April 1898 two small collections of Chinese coins
were sent to me for identification, one by Dr. F. L. Stuhlmann,
now at the head of the biological and agricultural Institute
at Amani (East Africa), the other by Mr. Justus Strandes,
both well-known African travellers. Dr. Stuhlmann wrote
me that his collection of eight coins had been excavated in
the neighbourhood of Mugdishu on the Somali coast together
with a great many broken pieces of Chinese celadon porcelain,
vitreous paste and Arabic coins ; Mr. Strandes, who had
purchased his collection of seven coins at the same place,
wrote in similar terms. Both collections are now in the
"Museum fur Volkerkunde" of Berlin. The several coins
were unfortunately in a bad state of preservation, but they
were without exception of the Chinese type, i. e. round with
a square hole and of bronze.
Those coins the legends of which I was able to identify
are all dated from before the beginning of the thirteenth
century, the eleventh and twelfth centuries being chiefly re-
presented. I am, therefore, inclined to ascribe them to the
very period covered by Chau Ju-kua's account of Chung-li,
which, owing to the fact that the Ling~ivai-tai-ta of 1178 con-
tains no mention of these territories, must be placed between
this date and Chau Ju-kua's time, i. e. about 1242 A. D.
Chinese junks have visited Mugdishu in 1430 (see my Ancient
Porcelain, Shanghai, 1888, p. 62 and note 155), but since no
coins of the Ming Dynasty could be traced in the two small
collections, unless they were among the few hopelessly dis-
figured unidentified specimens, I conclude that these unique
traces of Chinese intercourse so far discovered had nothing
to do with that later period.
Of the east coast south of Somaliland we possess short
accounts of an island called TJong-pa and of a country E?un-
lun-tsb'ng-Jd, both by Chau Ju-kua.
56 F. Hirth, [1910.
Ts'ong-pa, in Cantonese Ts'ang-pat, may be a transcription
of Zanguebar, or Zanzibar.
Chau Ju-kua's text runs as follows:
"The Ts'6'ng-pa country is an island of the sea south of
Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat]. On the west it borders on a great
mountain."
"The inhabitants are of Ta-sh'i stock and follow the religion
of the Ta-sh'i. They wrap themselves in blue foreign cotton
stuffs and wear red leather shoes. Their daily food consists
of meal, baked cakes and mutton."
"There are many villages and wooded hills, and lines of hills
rising one above the other.'''
"The climate is warm, and there is no cold season. The
products of the land include elephants' tusks, native gold, or
gold bullion, ambergris and yellow sandalwood."
"Every year Hu-ch'a-la [Guzerat] and the Ta-sh'i settlements
along the sea-coast send ships to trade white cotton cloth,
porcelain, copper and red Id-pei [cotton] in this country."
The chief difficulty in the explanation of this account is the
mention of sandalwood among the products of the country,
since it is not likely that Indian, Timorese, or far-eastern
varieties were brought to this out-of-the-way part of the
Indian Ocean as a market. I do not know whether the dye
made of the rock-moss, or orchil, of Zanzibar may possibly
be confounded with some dye made of sandalwood. The
mistake might perhaps be accounted for in this way.
On the other hand we have unmistakeable evidence of the
importation of Chinese porcelain. The late Dr. W. S. Bushell,
in a review of my book on "Ancient Porcelain" (North-China
Daily News, May 9th, 1888) has the following remarks on this
point:
"Arabian writers tell us of fleets of large Chinese junks
in the Persian Gulf in the eighth century, and the return
voyage of Marco Polo in the suite of a Mongol Princess from
Zayton to Hormuz is well-known. The "Chu Fan-chi," a
book on foreign countries by Chao Ju-kua, an author of the
Sung Dynasty, was published a century before the time of
Marco Polo. Dr. Hirth quotes this to trace the export of
porcelain even as far as the coast of Zanzibar, the great
African mart of ivory and ambergris, which is described
Vol. xxx.] Early Chinese notices of East African territories. 57
under the name of Ts'eng-p'o. I may add that Sir John
Kirk during his residence as Consul -General at Zanzibar,
made a collection of ancient Chinese celadon porcelain, which
he took to the British Museum last year. Some of it was
dug up, I believe from ruins, mixed with Chinese cash of the
Sung Dynasty, a striking confirmation of the Chinese writer,
who was Inspector of Foreign Trade and Shipping in Fuhkien
Province."
A Door from the Madrasah of Barkuk. By RICHAED
J. H. GOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE doors, of which a separate photograph for each wing
is here given, are to-day placed in the entrance to the Hispanic
Museum in New York City. They were bought in Cairo some
years ago by Mr. Archer Huntington and belong to the finest
period of Egypto-Muhammedan metal work. The doors are in
a perfect condition; and though it looks as if in one or two
places they had been restored, the restoration has been so
cleverly done that it is hardly apparent. Each wing is made
of wood completely covered with bronze. Along the sides the
metal is very thin and artistically kept in place by nails
forming diminutive rosettes. The rest of the wood is covered
with thick pieces of metal so cut as to form polygonal rosettes
the angles of which are filled up or embossed so that the
rosettes stand out in relief. All of the embossed work, again,
is damaskeened with silver and part of the unembossed surface
is damaskeened with gold. Each leaf has a finely chiseled
knocker placed about two-thirds of the way up. The in-
scription commences at the lower end of the right-hand leaf
and is of silver damaskeened in placques of bronze. It is in
the late Naskhi form of the Mameluke period, and reads as
follows: \ jJl LJjJl L-*>O blkJl ^JJLl lk) _ II
"Glory to our master the Sultan al-Malik al-Zahir Saif al-
dunya wal-dm Abu Sa'id Barkuk, Sultan of Islam and the
Muhammedans, the one who is munificent to orphans and to
the poor, the help of warriors and of those who fight for the
faith. It was finished in the month Rabi c al-Awwal in the
year seven hundred and eighty eight of the Hijra."
On the bosses of the four central rosettes is the name
I n t ne centre of the rosettes in the middle which are
A door from
the Madrasah of Barkuk.
Vol. xxx.] A Door from tJie Madrasah of Barkuk. 59
divided into halves there are also inscriptions which I have
not been able to decipher satisfactorily.
It is quite evident that we have here a door from a building
put up by the Burjl Mamluke Zahir Saif al-Dm Barkuk who
came to the throne in 784 A. H. (= 1382 A. D.). The doors
were finished in April of the year 1386. It is also evident
that the doors come from the Barkukiyyah l or, as it is called,
the Zahiriyyah al-Jadldah the Madrasah built by Barkuk in
the Suk al-Nahhasm, which served also as a convent for the
Sufis. Van Berchem has given in his Corpus a number of
other inscriptions similar to the one on these doors. The
Madrasah has been often restored; within recent years by
Herz Bey.
The inscription, however, contains one or two difficulties
which it is to hard surmount. I do not refer to the form y\ for
^t; that is not at all uncommon; but to the manner in which
the date is expressed. The hundreds placed first is not an
impossible construction, as compound numbers in Arabic can
be expressed either in an ascending or a descending scaie.
But here the units are placed between the hundred and the
decade, which will not do at all. Indeed, the whole order of
the numerals is unusual in inscriptions. In many hundreds
of inscriptions coming from Egypt, Syria and Mesopotamia
I have not found one case in which the order of the numerals
is other than that of the ascending scale.
In addition to this, the last word of the inscription
is uncommon. The expressions used are: *t^*^ an d
The only other case in which I have
found it used is in the inscription of Ahmad ibn Muzaffar
al-dln TJthman ibn Mankurus on the fortress of Muhelbah in
Northern Syria. 2 The want of space may have occasioned the
use of the shortened form in our inscription.
It would be hazardous to pronounce a judgment upon the
genuineness of this door. But, it is surprising that Van Berchem
in his Corpus of the Arabic inscriptions at Cairo 3 mentions
1 See Van Berchem, Corpus Inscriptionum Ardbicarum, pp. 297 et seq.;
Baedeker, Egypte, (1903), p. 64; Manuel d'art Musulman, I (par H. Saladin)
pp. 140 et seq.; II (par G. Migeon), pp. 196, 209, 232.
2 Van Berchem, Inscriptions Arabes de Syrie (Le Caire 1897), p. 86.
3 loc. cit. p. 304.
60 R. J. H. Grottheil, A Doorjrom the Madrasah ofBarkuk. [1910.
the fact that in the year 1893 a dealer, Hatoun, in the
Mouski of that city, had for sale a door very similar (to judge
from the description given by Van Berchem) to the one at
present under discussion. The inscription is exactly similar
to the one I have given, only with the word ^f^ omitted.
Yan Berchem could not find any reason for the slightest
suspicion and pronounced the door to be genuine; but Herz
Bey pronounced it to be a piece of modern work manufactured
in the selfsame year 1893, and his judgment was supported
by others on the spot. 1
To add to the difficulty, Migeon, in his Manuel d'art Musid-
man, II, p. 196, gives a reproduction of a mosque door which
in every artistic particular is an exact copy of the one under
discussion, with the exception of the outer border which has
less rows of nails than has the door in the Hispanic Museum.
The inscription, however, is different and is similar both in
the upper and lower bands:
"Glory to our master the Sultan, the fighter for the faith,
Muhammad al-N&zir Sultan of Islam and the Muhammedans,"
i. e. Nasir al-Dm Muhammad ibn Kala'un, who ruled several
times in Egypt towards the end of the 13th century. Migeon
states that these doors are in the Arabic Museum in Cairo;
but I can not find them mentioned in the latest edition of the
Catalogue of that Museum. 2
1 loc. cit. p. 770.
2 Catalogue raisonne des monuments exposes dans le Musee Nationale
de Vart Arabe . . . par Herz Bey (2nd Ed.). Le Caire 1906. pp. 173,
177, 212.
Postscript (August 18. 1908). In a letter, dated July 15.
1909, Herz Bey confirms my suspicions in regard to the
genuineness of the doors. He writes that they were made in
the year 1892 by an Arab workman named 'All al - Shiyashl
(J^i^Jl j*) for the Cairo Street of the Midway Plaisance
in the Chicago World's Fair. c Ali, however, could not come
to an understanding with the managers of the "Street" in
regard to the price, and the doors remained in Cairo, where
they passed into the possession of the dealer Hatoun.
A Hymn to Bel (Tablet 29623, CT. XV, Plates 12
and 13). By FREDEEICK A. VANDERBUKGH, Ph. D.,
Columbia University, New York City.
THE following is one of the collection of twelve unilingual
non-Semitic Babylonian hymns copied from tablets in the
British Museum by Mr. L. W. King, M. A., Assistant in the
Department of Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities, and pub-
lished in "Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the
British Museum by Order of the Trustees," Volume XV.
Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Professor of Semitic Languages in
Columbia University, and myself have now translated the whole
collection. Professor Prince has published three: viz., "To the
Goddess Bau;" "To the God Nergal," and "To the Goddess
Girgilu." "I have published in my "Sumerian Hymns" four:
"To Bel;" "To Sin;" "To Adad;" and "To Tammuz." I have
another "To Bel" that is expected to appear in the Journal
of the American Oriental Society, and still another "To
Bel" is in preparation. The one of which a transliteration,
translation and commentary are given in this Article is the
fourth and last one "To Bel" in the collection.
I am not aware that the hyrnn treated in this Article has
ever been translated before or published.
This hymn in which Bel is addressed in both the Eme-Ku
and the Erne- Sal dialects of the non-Semitic literature of
Babylonia must be recognized as very ancient. It is evident
that Bel is invoked here as the ruler of the nations in the
same spirit in which he is honored in the inscriptions of the
kings of the predynastic and early dynastic periods from the
time of En-sag-kusanna until the time of Hammurabi. When
the hymn was composed, Nippur, Ur and Larsa, the three
cities therein mentioned, were flourishing towns.
Our copy of the hymn, however, is not Old-Babylonian, but
New-Babylonian. While the composition is very old, the copy
is not. For example, GIR or ELIM, MA, LUK TA, KAN,
BIT are Old-Babylonian, but the following signs are New-
62 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
Babylonian: BIT, ZI, UN, AN, KIT, GA, DA, MI, TUB,,
IM, EN, NE, DAMAL, AZAG, KA, MAH, SIS, BL
This hymn is apparently the most beautiful and interesting
one of the four addressed to Bel in CT. XV, 7-30. The con-
ception of the subject is very picturesque and the lyrical
quality characteristic of the religious literature of the Semitic
race is fully as apparent here as in other Babylonian hymns.
The thought is wrought into rhythmic stichs for recitation in
divine service with some traces of strophic division. The
essential attributes of the god and the power he exercises
over the lands are dwelt upon, but, above all, attention seems
to be focused on the heroic administration of Bel in the con-
quest of an insubordinate city.
As to thought and form of statement, the hymn is clearly
divided into three parts. Lines one to nine contain descriptive
epithets of Bel's divine attributes. (1) Bel is known as the
'mighty one,' expressed by the Assyrian kabtu, synonymous
with either gur or dim, and suggestive of the Scriptural idea
'almighty.' (2) Bel was 'lord of the lands;' this umun corre-
sponds to the Semitic belu, 'proprietor' of the lands: a 'lord 7
was an 'owner.' As Anu was the heaven god, Sin the moon
god, Sam as the sun god, Istar the star deity, so Bel was the
earth god. (3) Bel was a 'righteous' god, being called 'lord
of righteous command.' (4) Bel was a god of 'providence,'
being 'father of the word of destiny.' (5) Bel's particular care
reached over the Babylonians; he was 'shepherd of the black-
headed.' (6) Bel was a god of vengence, a 'wild bull executing
judgment on the enemy.' (7) Bel was omniscient, 'the all-
seeing one.'
Lines ten to twenty particularize the location of Bel's do-
minion. The seat of his cult was Nippur, but he was honored
also in Ur and Larsa. His temple, E-kur, was located in
Nippur, whither kings and princes from distant lands came
to do him homage.
In lines one to twenty it may be noticed that with a single
exception a characteristic praise-refrain is observed in every
stich.
At the end of line twenty there is a decided change in style.
Lines twenty-one to thirty-four delineate the experiences of a
city in siege under the surveillance of Bel. Water and corn
supplies are cut off. Scenes of famine are sketched and also
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 63
of conflagration and pillage. As the result the fear of Bel
extends over the lands.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
1. ni-tuk gur(KIL) M(tl) eri-zu ^'(SF)-e(BIT) -
Thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable city --
2. elim-ma ni-tuk g&r(KIL) M(U) eri-zu ^(Sl)-e(BIT)
O king, thou art the mighty one of old; thy desirable
city -- ----- --- ---
3. u-mu-un kur-kur-ra-ge(KIT) gur(KTL) !$(U) eri- --
lord of the lands, the mighty one of old; city --
4. u-mu-un sag-ga si-da gur(KIL) M(U) eri- --
lord, head of life, the mighty one of old; city ---
5. dimmer mu-ul-lil(KlT) a-a i(KA) wa-dw-wa(MAL) ne
Bel, fathei of the word of destiny; --
6. siba sag glg(MI)-ga gur(KIL) M(U) eri- -
shepherd of the black-headed, the mighty one of old;
city
7. i-de gdba 2(IM)-te-a gur(KIL) $&(TT) eri- ----
thou who art by thyself the all-seeing one, the mighty
one of old; city -
8. ama erw(AB)-na di-'M gur(KIL) M(U) eri- ----
thou wild bull executing judgment on the enemy, the
mighty one of old; city
9. ii-lul-la ma-ma gur(KYL) 3(U) eri- -- --
thou powerful one of the countries, the mighty one of
old; city -- --
10. eri-zu en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu gur(KIL) 6 x a(LJ) -
In thy city thy Nippur, the mighty one of old; -
11. se-ib e(BIT)-kur-ra-ta gur(KIL) 6 x a(U) -
In the foundation of E-kur, the mighty one of old; --
12. ki damal ki gal-ta gur(KIL} sa(U) -
In the broad land the great land, the mighty one of old;
13. c^(TUL) agaz ki azag-ta gur(KTL) M(U) -
In the glorious dwelling of the glorious land, the mighty
one of old; ' ---- ---
64 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910
14. &HLIB)-e(BIT) dim-ma-ta gur (KIL) M(U) -
In the midst of the house of the king, the mighty one
of old; -
15. e(BIT) ka mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) -
In the house of the high gate, the mighty one of old; -
16. e(BIT) #&(MAL) nun mah-ta gur (KIL) 2a(tl) - -lea
In the firm house of the exalted prince, the mighty one
of old; -
17. ma-mu u-a-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ha
In the entrance of my land, the mighty one of old ; -
18. ma e(BIT)-gal mah-ta gur (KIL) M(U) - - ka
In the land of the exalted temple, the mighty one of
nlrl
\JJ-\J. *
19. $e-ib uru-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) &*(U) eri- - ne ka
In the foundation of Ur, the mighty one of old; -
20. $e-ib utu-unu-ki-ma-ta gur (KIL) a(U) eri-zu - ne ka
In the foundation of Larsa, the mighty one of old; -
21. eri a-dug (KA.)-ga a-gi-a-zu
A city striveth; it is turned away by thee.
22. a-dug(KA)-ga a-ta gar(SA)-ra-zu
It striveth; it is shut off from water by thee.
23. eri $e-kud(TAR)-da ki-lal-a-zu
It is a city with corn cut off; it is blocked by thee.
Reverse.
24. [nu]-nag nu-nag-a ud-zal(NI)~zal(NI)-la dl(RI)
They drink not, they drink not; the morning dawneth.
25. dam tur-ra-ge(KIT) dam-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
To the young spouse, one crieth "My spouse."
26. <ta(TUR) tur-ra-ge(KIT) cta(TUR)-ww mu-ni-ib-bi
To the little child, one crieth "My child."
27. ki-el-e $es-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
The maid crieth "My brother."
28. eri-ta damal gan-e du(TISR)-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
In the city the bountiful mother crieth "My child."
29. cZft(TUR) bdn(TUR)-da a-a-mu mu-ni-ib-bi
To the strong man one crieth "My father."
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel. 65
30. tur-e d-e(UD. DU) maJi-e aZ-d(UD. DU)
The small (flames) break out, the great (flames) break out.
31. e-sir(BU) e-gub (Dty-ba mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN)
On the street they stand, they cry.
32. sal-la-l)i ur-e dm (A. AN)-da-ab-ld
Their booty men bear away.
33. slg(PA) gan-bi mu bar-ri dm(A. AN)-da~ab-ld
The staff of their youth the king of judgment beareth
away.
34. Id e-ne ki-zu-ge(KlT) ba-e-ni(IM)
Those lands are in fear of thy land.
t*$w(ES) za er(A. SI) ttm(b)(~Ll!L)-ma dingir en-lil(KIT)-
a-kam
34 (lines) Penitential hymn to Bel.
Commentary.
1. ni-tuk: ni, a common pronominal verbal prefix of the
second person; tuk means primarily 'seize,' 'have,' and then
in an intransitive relation, 'be present,' 'be.'
gur(KILi): the question might arise whether the sign is
not IZ; it occurs nineteen times in the tablet; the wedges
seem to make an enclosure of an equilateral rectangle, as is
always intended in KIL, but usually in the sign IZ, the
horizontal dimension is greater than the vertical. For examples
of IZ in this collection of hymns in CT. XV, see Plates 10 : 24;
11:13, 14, 15 and 16; 14:35; 16:6; and 19:25. For
examples of KIL, see Plates 7 : 27; 9 : 2 and 3; and 19 : 24,
27 and 28. Also cf. sign-lists of Delitzsch in Assyrische Lese-
stiicke, vierte Auflage, and Amiaud in Tableau Compare des
Ecritures Babylonienne et Assyrienne Archaiques et Modernes,
'gur equals kabtu. If the sign is JZ, the value is ges, equal
to idln-j 'hero.'
M(U) equals labwu, 'old;' see Prince's Hymn to Nergal in
JAOS, XXVIII, pp. 168-182. Brummer, in Die Sumerischen
Verbal- Afformative nach den altesten Keilinschriften, explains
U as a compound sign, equal to SI, 'eye,' plus LU, 'take
away;' giving the meaning 'take away the eye,' 'become old,'
'elderly.'
VOL. XXX. Part I. 5
66 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910.
eri or the Eme-Ku uru equals alu, 'city,' and zu is the
common pronominal suffix 'thy,' phonetically cognate with the
personal pronoun za-e\ the value eri for ER occurs in the
ideogram for eridu\ see Creation Legend, Tablet 82-5-22, 1048,
CT. XIII, 35-38, Obverse, line 8, endw(ERI. HI) ul ba-ni.
t0 (&!)-! (BIT): the erasure of the last end of this line
precludes satisfactory explanation of this word, although SI.
BIT is sometimes equal to amaru, 'see,' igi commonly having
the meaning 'eye' and e the meaning 'house;' i. e. 'eye-
structure.'
2. elim-ma: by the process of gunation, several signs have
developed from GIR; for example, KIS by the addition of
MIN, ANSU by the addition of PA, HUS by the addition
of HI, AZ by the addition of UD, UK by the addition of
ZA, and ELIM, or more exactly ALIM, by the addition of
ER(A. SI). The sign in the text is somewhat indistinct; it
appears to be GIR, but MA as a phonetic complement \vould
indicate that the sign was ELIM. GIR equals 'power'. ELIM
means 'lord,' 'king.'
3. u-mu-un, phonetic representation, is sometimes ideo-
graphically represented by the corner wedge U; the value
umun may be shortened to u or mun or MM, or it can be
lengthened to ii-mu-un-e, having the defining vowel e, as in
Plate 10 : 3 where Bel is spoken of, and Plate 17:2 and 3
where Sin is spoken of. umun equals 'lord' (u) plus 'being'
(mun).
Mr, 'mountain,' 'land,' is probably etymologically connected
with /CM, aSdbu, hibtu, 'dwell,' 'dwelling': hu being possibly a
shortened form of kur. ge (KIT) is a common sign of genitive
relation: 'lord of lands.'
4. sag-ga: the sign is quite clearly SAG, but perhaps the
clause is the same as the last clause in Plate 10 : 4, if so,
the reading should be, 'lord of righteous command,' with
dug(KA)-ya instead of sag-ga, dug-ga being equal to kibitu,
'command,' and zi(d)-da being equal to kenu, 'righteous;' see
Vanderburgh, Sumerian Hymns, p. 27.
5. mu-ul-lil(KIT) is Erne-Sal for en-lil(eUil), mul(wul) being
dialectically equal to en (el). The meaning of Ul is somewhat
confused by the word's having been wrongly connected with
Zdkiku, 'wind;' it more properly means 'structure,' 'fulness.'
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 67
a-a is the common word for 'father/ how it comes to mean
'father' is somewhat obscure; it may be shortened from ad-da,
where ad equals abu. a primarily means 'water,' but also means
'father,' perhaps as 'seed-producer/ a~a is probably a phonetic-
ally lengthened a equal to abu.
i(KA): the meaning of KA here is not distinctly indicated.
KA is a sign which has many meanings, but the one some-
times represented by I gives tolerably good sense here, na-
dw-wa(MAL) is phonetic and is a lengthened form for nam
which equals Zimtu.
6. siba means k he who grasps the staff,' and is the common
word for 'shepherd,' though LAH. BA sometimes stands for
'shepherd.' sag-gig (M.l)-ga, equal to salmdt kakkadi, is an
often repeated designation for Babylonians, as subjects of
Bel or some other ruler.
7. i-de is Erne-Sal for igi(ST), equal to mu, 'eye.' gala
equals pitu, 'open.' m(LM)-te equals ramdnu, 'self/ although
the original meaning is 'fear,' yet when applied to the one
who causes fear it comes to mean 'self.' ni-te literally means
'fear a fear.' i-de gaba nl-te-na then means 'open eyed by
thyself,' na being a pronominal suffix equal to -ka.
8. ama: AMMU originally represented the 'bull of the
mountain,' while the same form ungunated by the addition of
the sign KUR, 'mountain,' being a picture of the bull's head,
represented the domestic bull. eriw(SAB)-a equals 'warrior,'
'soldier,' 'enemy,' and di, 'to judge.' The whole expression
ama erim-na di-di occurs in Plate 10 : 7.
9. u-lul-la: u is sometimes a nominal prefix, having a deter-
minative force, like a in a-lig\ see Plate 19 : 2 and 3, also
Plate 20 : 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9; see MSL. p. XVII, and u-tu,
Br. 1070. LUL sometimes equals dannu, see Br. 7268 and
7276. Its original form was that of a gunated GIR; in the
copy of Tablet 13963, Plate 10 : 8, it has been mistaken for
GIR, as this line clearly shows.
ma-ma: MA is not so common an ideogram as KUR; MA
means 'earth,' KUR means 'mountain. 7 MA. DA, 'strong land,'
seems to be original and the Assyrian matu a loan-word.
Besides MA and KUR there seem to be two other Sumerian
ideograms for mdtu, namely KALAM and sometimes KI.
5*
68 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
10. en-lil (KITyki, 'land of Bel,' common ideogram for
'Nippur.'
11. $e-ib equals M, the Erne-Sal value for GAR which is
equal to the Eme-Ku Seg no doubt; the Assyrian equivalent
is libittu, 'layers of brick,' from Idbdnu. ta equals 'in,' mean-
ing 'source,' as is shown by the expression kur babbar e-ta
kur babbar $u-$&, 'from the land of the rising sun to the land
of the setting sun.'
12. damal, Erne-Sal for dagal, equals [rap$u, 'broad,' and
gal equals rabu.
13. du: TUL meaning 'to cover,' readily yields the meaning
$uUu, 'dwelling,' with the value, however, of du\ du-azag
sometimes has the meaning of Sadu, 'mountain.'
14. 3d (LIB) is a proposition or rather noun in the con-
struct state followed by the genitive e(BIT). dim-ma equals
Urru, 'king.' Br. 4254.
15. kd equals Mlu, 'gate,' while ka equals pu, 'mouth.' kd
must be pronounced differently from ka. KA represented
'entrance to a house/ but KAGU first represented 'head, r
then 'mouth.' The meaning 'high' for mali is derived from
that of being 'important' or 'great.'
16. #d(MAL) equals SaMnu, 'establish,' and nun equals
rubu, 'prince.' Br. 2629.
17. Su-a-ta means 'in the entrance,' or 'when he enters,' su
being equal to erebu.
18. e(BIT)-gal, 'great house,' the Sumerian form from which
the Assyrian ekallu, 'temple,' is derived.
19. uru(&I&)-unu-ki-ma, Ur, apparently signifies the 'pro-
tected dwelling place,' uru being equivalent to nasdru. But
it is to be noticed that the ideogram for Ur sometimes takes
the form uru-ab-ki] see Code of Hammurabi, 2 : 17. It also
takes the form uru-um-ki-ma> in which ma becomes a true
phonetic complement; see Hilprecht's Old Babylonian In-
scriptions chiefly from Nippur, Nos. 14, 15, 18, 19 and others.
Ur was chiefly famous as being the seat of the cult of Nannar
whose temple was called E-gissirgal.
20. utu-unu-ki-ma, the ideogram for Larsa which was one
of the old seats of the .cult of Sanaas", means the 'dwelling
place of light.'
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Bel 69
21. dug(KA) is a verb with the meaning here of mahasu',
the primary significance of the sign suggests that the meaning
might originate from a contention of words, zu as a suffix
here is subjective, considered as a relative pronoun the ante-
cedent does not appear in the line.
22. a-ta means 'from water. 7 gar(SA) equals eseru.
23. $e-kud(TAR,)-da means 'with corn cut off,' kud being
equal to pardsu, and ki-lal equals sandku, 'blockade,' literally
'raise up the ground.'
24. -nag: no doubt the text should be nu-nag. nu-nag-a:
a is a vowel of prolongation; 'to drink no water' would be a
mi-nag. ud-zal(NT)-la means seru, 'morning,' ud is equal to
'light,' and zal to 'shine,' while la is a phonetic complement.
dl(RI) equals nabdtu.
25. dam equals hdiru, 'spouse.' tur-ra equals sihru, 'young.'
ge(KlT) is sometimes represented by ana although always
secondarily. It is more commonly the sign of the genitive.
mu-ni-ib-bi equals 'one speaketh to him,' ni-ib being an infix
that represents a dative, the ni representing the 'him' and
the ib the 'to', bi equals kibu, 'speak.'
26. The sign DUMU as equal to maru or mdrtu has the
value du.
27. ki-el-e equals ardatu, 'maid,' ki being a prefix of deter-
mination, while el means 'shining one.' $es equals alm\ there
is doubt whether the archaic form meant 'protection' or
'other one.'
28. damal equals nmmu, 'mother.' gan-e equals alidu or
alidtu.
29. dw(TUR) may equal amelu and TUB with DA equals
ban-da, 'strong.'
30. al-e(UD. DU) equals nabdtu, 'light up,' 'break out,' the
prefix al being the same as an. Probably the city is set on
fire, so it is the flame that breaks out.
31. e-sir(BU) equals stiku, gub(DM) equals nazazu, and
sar-ri equals sarahu] the m(NIN) at the end may be a
phonetic prolongation although the full force of the syllable
is not very clear.
32. sal-la-bi: sal-la equals 'booty,' and bi is a pronominal
suffix, ur-e equals amelu. In dm (A. A.N)-da-ab-la da-ab is an
70
Frederick A. Vanderburgli,
[1910,
infix referring to the object sal-la and Id is the verb equal
to na$u.
33. slg(PA.) may equal 'staff,' gan 'youth,' mu 'king,' and
bar-ri 'judgment.'
34. e-ne equals Sunu.
35. llm(b): the sign is probably LUL which sometimes
means 'woe;' see Briinnow's Classified List, 7271. er(K. SI
or A. IGI, 'water of the eye') commonly equals biMtu.
Glossary.
a-a, 5
a-a-mu, 29
a-dug(KA)-ga, 21
a-gi-a-zu, 21
al-e(UD. DU), 30
azag, 13
ama, 8
am (A. AN)-da-ab-ia, 32
a-ta, 22
i-de, 7
i(KA), 5
e-gub(DU)-ba^ 31
e-sir(BU), 31
elim-ma, 2
e-ne, 34
en-lil(K!T)-a-kam, 35
en-lil(KIT)-ki-zu, 10
eri-zu, 1
eri-ta, 28
erim(SAB)-na, 8
e(BIT), 15
e(BIT)-gal, 18
er(A. SI), 35
ud-zal(NI)-zal(NI)-la, 24
ur-e, 32
uru ( SIS)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 19
utu(UD)-unu-ki-ma-ta, 20
usu(ES), 35
u-lul-la, 9
ii-mu-un, 3
ba-e-ni(IM), 34
ban(TUR)-da, 29
bar-ri, 33
gaba, 7
gal-ta, 12
gan-bi, 33
gan-e, 28
ga(MAL), 16
gar(SA)-ra-zu, 22
gig(MI)-ga, 6
gur(KIL), 1
dam, 25
dam-mu, 25
damal, 12
di-di, 8
dimmer, 5
dingir, 35
di(RI), 24
dim-ma-ta, 14
du(TUL), 13
du(TUR), 26
du(TUE)-mu, 28
ka, 15
ki, 12
ki-el-e, 27
ki-lal-a-zu, 23
ki-zu-ge(KIT), 34
lim(b)(LUL)-ma, 35
ma, 18
Vol. xxx.]
A Hymn to Bel
71
ma-ma, 5
ma-mu, 17
mah-e, 30
mah-ta, 15
mu, 33
mu-ul-lil(KIT), 5
mu-un-sar-ri-ni(NIN), 31
mu-ni-ib-bi, 25
na-am-ma(MAL), 5
ni-tuk, 1
ni(IM)-te-na, 7
nun, 16
nu-nag, 24
sag, 6
sag-ga, 4
sal-la-bi, 32
siba, 6
sig(PA), 33
sa(LIB)-e(BIT), 14
sa(U), 1
se-ib, 19
se-kud(TAR)-da, 23
ses-mu, 27
su-a-ta, 17
tur-e, 30
tur-ra-ge(KlT), 25.
The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. By LUCIA C. Gr.
GKIEVE, New York City.
It is difficult for a mere European, brought up on a dic-
tionary and accustomed to define everything accurately, to
grasp the Proteanism, the fluidity, if I may so speak, of the
Hindu divinity called for the most part simply Devi, the
goddess, or Mai, the mother, or more simply still, Bai, the
woman. Her names are legion: Mahalakshmi, Mahasaraswati,
Jogeshwara, Kali, Bhawani, and many another, often strange
and uncouth. But in the ultimate analysis, each female di-
vinitiy, however ^different her attributes and forms of worship,
is a manifestation of the same "eternal feminine," the goddess,
the mother, the woman.
In every Hindu household in the Maratha country, Devi
is one of the panchaitana, or set of five gods the others
being G-anapati, Vishnu, Sambh and Surya represented
by five small stones of appropriate colors and set on a tiny
table in a particular order, according to the chief object of
the householder's devotion. These are worshiped every morning
directly after the Sandhya; but they may each and all be
worshiped separately besides; and each has his particular day
of the week and a high annual festival. Devi's days are
Tuesday and Friday, when she is worshiped with red and yellow
powder, marigolds, sweetened milk and a Sanskrit prayer.
Her great festival occurs in Ashwin (Sept.-Oct.) during
the first ten days of the new moon, and is called Navaratra.
Among the Maratha Brahmans are three classes: Deshasthas
or hill Brahmans, Konkonasthas or Brahmans of the western
slope, and Karhadas, so called from their chief town. These
last, being devotees of Kali, observe this festival with great
solemnity. During the whole nine days they do not shave;
and they arrange a little vessel, called abhishakpatra, so that
water or oil may run continually on the head of the image
of Devi. On the tenth day they kindle the horn fire (with a
Swedish safety match) in the presence of many Brahmans,
and end the day with a great feast.
In every Hindu house this festival is observed. The image
of Devi is set up on its little throne. Every day the worshiper
Vol. xxx.] The Dasara Festival at Satara, India. 73
makes a wreath of flowers, usually marigolds, and placing
one wreath on the neck of the image the first day, adds an-
other each day. In front of the image a square is made of
corn, gram or barley, mixed with dry earth. In the midst of
this is set an earthen water-pot (gager or ghat), and on this
they hang a wreath of flowers, adding another each day.
Every day cakes of wheat are prepared for 'offering; and if
the family be sufficiently rich, a married woman, a Brahman
and an unmarried girl are brought in to be fed and worshiped.
Every day in Brahman households, a Sanskrit prayer, Sapta-
c^atti, is read after bathing, and the worshiper must not yawn
nor leave his place on any pretence, nor make a mistake in a
single letter. On the tenth day the worship is concluded by a
great feast, in which the different castes follow different customs.
This tenth day, the Dasara, is the great day of the festival,
and in Satara the greatest feast-day of the year. Shivaji,
the liberator of the Marathas from the Mohamedan yoke, was
a devotee of Kali, or Bhavani, and of course made much of
her high festival. There was sound reason in this; for it
occurred at the end of the rainy season when the crops were
all in, and settled dry weather might be expected. Further-
more, this tenth day, the Dasara, commemorated the setting
out of Rama on his march against Havana; and what more
appropriate and auspicious day for summoning his army to march
against foes, who were not only their enemies in religion, but,
like Ravana, had frequently carried off their women? Assem-
bling his soldiery, who were mostly farmers cultivating little
patches of ungenerous soil on the rough hillsides, he personally
inspected every man and horse and had an inventory made
of all their possessions. Then their horses and arms were
worshiped, and a day set for their departure to the predatory
warfare which was their joy and strength.
During the latter days of Satara's independence, when wealth
had increased and valor departed, the Dasara procession was
a grand sight. Starting from the Rang Mahal, or chief palace
of the Maharaja, on the upper road, the procession, numbering
as many as 75 elephants in their gay housings, with instruments
of music, chanting priests, prancing horses and gorgeously
apparaled courtiers and servitors, marched to the Poyiche
Naka, or city limit, two miles away; and frequently the head
of the procession had reached that point long before the rear
74 Lucia C. G. Grieve, [1910
had started. Now a solitary unhappy elephant and a few
ponies represent the kingly state.
But to the people, recalling as it does the great days of
old, the festival is as dear as ever. On this day every house
is whitewashed or painted; wreaths of marigolds are strung
across the tops of the doors; and every man puts on a new
white dress. Those who have horses wash them in warm water
and give them an offering of food; wine, or eggs, or something
supposed to be specially acceptable. A corner of the house
is swept clean and washed with cowdung; and instead of
swords and guns and other weapons whose use the Govern-
ment has prohibited, axes, hoes and other farm-implements
are carefully washed and placed on this spot, and are given
offerings of flowers and sandalwood oil and red and yellow
powder. Brahmans bring a drink offering, and other castes
an offering of flesh; and after showing it to the tools they
divide it up among the members of the family.
In the afternoon the horses have cloths, generally the house-
wife's best sari, strapped on their backs; wreaths of flowers
are placed around their necks; and the ladies of the family
lend their anklets and even strings of gold and pearls to adorn
the horses' hoofs; and if there be alight-colored creature, patterns
are traced on his flanks.
In these degenerate days, if the horse belongs to a white
man, the owner is supposed to worship the animal by giving
a coin to the horse-boy; and this particular form of worship
is not confined to Hindus but shared by Mohamedans and
outcastes. Even the Sahib's cats and dogs have their wreaths
of marigolds on this great day.
Early in the afternoon, the gaily dressed horses, and litters
containing images of the gods, in small irregular processions,
are brought to the Raj-wada, or chief market-square. Here
booths are erected for the sale of cakes and sweets, and
especially of great bundles of branches of kanchan, mountain
ebony. Athletic sports of all sorts are carried on, interspersed
with songs and recitations called kirtans. A large male buffalo,
reda, has been fed up for ten days, or even as many months.
At the appointed time he is led out in front of a temple of
Bhavanl, and after the proper ceremonies some descendant of
Shivaji's family, always a man with the surname of Bhonsle,
strikes off the beast's head with a sword. Two strokes may
Vol. xxx.] The Lasara Festival at Satara, India. 75
be given, but the act is more meritorious if only one suffices.
The meat is then cut up and distributed to any who will
take it. Goats and hens are sacrificed by the farmer caste.
The sacrifice of these animals on this day is common
throughout the Maratha country and in many other parts of
India. Indeed, the Dasara festival is a national one, and on
it soldiers of every faith worship their arms; but beyond that,
its significance and mode of observance are different in the
different parts of the country.
As soon as twilight begins to fall, the great procession is
formed in front of the Rang Mahal. BhavanT, Shivaji's sword,
which he considered an incarnation of the goddess, and which
is now kept in a small temple in the Rani's Palace, is placed
on a palanquin and leads off, followed by the Rajah's elephant
and ponies, the Rajah or his representative in an open carriage,
the bloody sword with which the reda was slain, and the
usual oriental rabble. Crowds of people of all sorts line the
route, and congregate especially at the Naka, or sentry-box
marking the city limit. For Satara is an un walled town,
Shivaji believing, like the King of Sparta, that soldiers are
better than bricks for defence.
In former days the procession went farther, for the purpose
of worshiping an apta or kanchan tree, the mountain ebony,
which was then cut down and the leaves distributed to the
crowd. This object has now been lost sight of; the procession
merely passes a little beyond the city limit and then turns and
goes back. Throughout the Maratha country, everyone, to keep
the festival properly, must walk at least beyond the limits of
his town or village, to commemorate the starting out of the
army on that day. When the procession has passed the Naka,
a man comes running through the crowd with his arms full of
kanchan branches, which he distributes to the hundreds of
eager hands reached out to him. The recipients pull off the
leaves and bestow the mon their friends and acquaintance, saying,
"This is gold!" This little ceremony is eminently Hindu;
kanchan, besides being a name for the ebony and champak
trees, also means "gold," and the leaves of the kanchan, which
in size and shape resemble gold coins, are called "soni," the
ordinary word for gold. This giving of "gold" leaves is said
to represent the distribution of money among the crowd "in
the brave days of old."
76 Lucia C. G. Grieve, The Dasara Festival at Satara. [1910.
The deepening darkness is put to flight by colored lights,
sky-rockets and other fire- works ; and the crowds return home
to feast and make merry.
This festival has in some places a darker side. The Kar-
hada Brahmans are strict worshipers of Devi; and her most
acceptable sacrifice is a human being. This caste is perhaps
one of the last vestiges of the dreaded Thugs who used to
infest India; but in some respects their organization is quite
different, though on that I need not dwell. The Government has
attempted to suppress this sect, but has not fully succeeded.
A favorite sacrifice is a son-in-law, who is invited to the house
of his wife's parents and there poisoned. The best sacrifice
is a wedded wife, and in return Kali promises her devotees
great wealth. The proper method of conductingHhis sacrifice
is to invite the lady to visit her mother-in-law for the whole
ten days' festival. There she is made much of, given presents,
bathed in perfumes, clad in fine new garments, and wreathed
with flowers. Meanwhile, in the god-room, a hole has been
dug in the floor in front of Devi's image, the sacred horn, fire
is kindled, prayers are said into the hole, and a lighted lamp
set in each corner. At the right moment the unsuspecting
victim is brought in and suddenly thrown into the hole, and
the earth piled in on top. While I was in Satara an attempt
was made to perform this sacrifice in a nearby village; but
at the last minute the girl discovered the plot, and, escaping,
fled to her fathers house, where she was protected against her
too religious friends.
Since the British Government is so inconsiderate and op-
pressive as to interferre with these little family matters, the
usual method now is by poison; and such masters in the
poisoning art are the Hindus that the dose may be administered
many days previous to the intended death of the victim. It
is even said that as long as six months before the festival,
poison may be given which will cause the victim to die on
the proper day. Though currently believed, this is not easy to
credit; and by its nature is a matter not susceptible of in-
vestigation.
Next after their kindred-in-law, the best sacrifice is a
Konkon Brahman; and in such dread do the Konkonasths
hold their Karhada fellow-castemen, that they would rather
die of starvation than risk taking food at their hands.
The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of
AsoJca. 1: General introduction and the dialect of the
Shdhbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. By TRUMAN
MICHELSON, Pb. D., Bidgefield, Conn.
IN investigating the dialects of the Fourteen-Edicts of Asoka,
it is necessary to remember that the ShahbSzgarhi, Mansehra,
and Girnar redactions are translations of an original composed
in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of the Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i ix) recensions of the Fourteen-
Edicts and the dialects of the six versions of the Pillar-Edicts;
and that the dialect of this 'Magadhan' original has left traces
in them. The dialect of the Kals! redaction presents a rather
curious problem: in edicts i ix the dialect is practically pure
'Magadhan,' with but few traces of the local dialect, but in
edicts x xiv the local peculiarities are prominent; yet at the
same time the dialect is intimately related with the dialect of
the Dhauli and Jaugada texts for these two redactions are
practically the same in both content and language. And as
a matter of fact we can find a few faint traces of the local
dialect in even the Dhauli and Jaugada texts. Examples are
Dhauli vudhi for 'Magadhan' vadhim; Dhauli and Jaugada
bdbhana- for bambhana-. (That bambhana- was the 'Maga-
dhan' correspondent to Sanskrit brahmana is shown by the
invariable bambhana- of the Kalsl text as well as by the oc-
currence of bambliana- in Dh., J. also.) If savatu at J. ii, 9
is not a mere blunder for savata (Sanskrit sarvatra) which
is found several times in J. as well as Dh., and the 'Maga-
dhan' portion of K. it is a local peculiarity. The 'Maga-
dhan 7 dialect was undoubtedly the official imperial language,
and hence as Pischel has very justly remarked understood
even where it was not spoken as a vernacular. How far the
'Magadhan' dialect as a koine had influenced the other local ver-
naculars, is impossible to say with certainty: but the 'Magadhisms'
in the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, and Mansehra recensions give the
impression that they were taken over bodily from the original
manuscript, and were really foreign to the spoken vernaculars.
78 T. Midielson, [1910.
The dialect of the fragment of the eighth edict of the
Sopara version (ed. by Bhagvanlal Inaraji, JBOAS. xv, 282288)
must be passed over in the present paper for two reasons, to
wit, that the fragment is extremely small, and that it fairly
bristles with easily recognizable 'Magadhisms.' Examples of
these are: nikhamitha, line 5; lieta, l>aml)ha[na]-, iyam, hoti,
line 6 (lioti also line 9); dasane, line 7; vudhanam, patividhane,
line 7; ye (read Ihuye), line 9; ane (i. e. amne), line 10. It
may be mentioned, however, that the dialect agreed with that
of the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra and Girnar recensions in main-
taining r as opposed to the I of the Dhauli, Jaugacla, and
Kalsi versions as is shown by rail in line 9. This fact enables
us to interpret hiramna- in line 7; it is a cross between native
hiramna- (so the Girnar text) and 'Magadhan' liilamna- (so
the Jaugacla and Kalsl redactions). Shahbazgarhi and Man-
sehra dhramma- has long been recognized as a cross of the
same type (cf. Shb. and Mans, dhrama-', and Dh., J. and K.
dhamma-y, and I have tried to show in IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241
that Shahbazgarhi prati is to be judged the same way; moreover
I hope to show in my forthcoming paper mentioned below,
that crosses of this type are far commoner than supposed. It
is perhaps worth while noting that -jina in line 10 is to be
read rdjine, and so is identical with Mansehra rajine which
has been recognized as standing for native ratio (i. e. rdno)
through the influence of 'Magadhan' Idjiue.
Another point that must be born in mind is the fact that
the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra recensions is
practically identical. In my opinion if we had texts absolutely
free from 'Magadhisms,' it would be absolutely identical. It
may be remarked that the evidence of both texts makes
it comparatively easy to detect 'Magadhisms' in either in-
dividual text. Thus Shahbazgarhi prati shows that Mansehra
pati is a 'Magadhism;' 1 similarly Mansehra spagram, i. e,
spargam (Sanskrit svargam) shows that Shahbazgarhi spagam
is a partial 'Magadhism' (cf. J. and K. svagam): the evidence
of Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra vagrena (i. e. vargena) con-
firms this.
There are certain points of interest to the general Indo-
European comparative philologist in the dialects of the Four-
1 See Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 240.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 79
teen-Edicts of Asoka. For example long syllabic m appears
as a and this only in the dialect of the Girnar version, e. g.
atikrdtam (Sanskrit atikrdntam). This shows that this dialect
is not a linear descendant of Sanskrit. Again the short u of
Girnar susrusd, susrusatdm is noteworthy in view of Avestan
susrusdmno. Moreover Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Kalsi Idti
come from Md + iti, not kim + iti as Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 52)
has shown, 1 Likewise it is worth while noting that Girnar
srundru, Shahbazgarhi sruneyu, Mansehra rumy[u] agree with
Avestan surunaoiti in structure as opposed to Sanskrit srnoti
as I shall shortly demonstrate in Zverg Sp. Furthermore the
fact that the dialects of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra
redactions have st corresponding to Sanskrit st(h) would seem to
indicate that the lingualization of t and th respectively in Aryan
St and Zth (Avestan st) was Pan-Indie and not Proto-Indic.
(We may say Pan-Indie, even if this is not strictly accurate,
for nearly all the Indie languages point to this: cf. Sanskrit
st(li), Girnar and Magadhl Prakrit st, Pali and ordinary Pra-
krit, Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalsi, etc. tth (written th on the Asokan
inscriptions).
But in fairness I should remark that Girnar ustdna- and
other Middle-Indie words cited by Johansson to demonstrate
his thesis that I. E. tst(h) became st(li} in the I. E. period, in
reality are not valid evidence, quite irrespective of the cor-
rectness or falsity of his contention, as I hope soon to show
in the Indogermanische Forscliungen.
It is proper for me to state that with Johansson and Franke,
I reject Senart's theory of historical and learned orthography
in the inscriptions of Asoka.
Certain linguistic facts mentioned by me in the present
paper will be proved at length in my 'Linguistic Notes on
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra Redactions of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka' which is to appear in the American Journal
of Philology, presumably in numbers 119 and 120. The same
applies to the value of certain symbols used in these texts;
certain linguistic statements concerning the dialect of the
Girnar redaction will also be fully discussed in the same paper.
1 According to Dr. Block the reading Idti on the Rampurva Pillar is
really him ti. If kiti were correct we should connect it with Shb., etc.
kiti: see IF. xxiii, p. 253.
80 T. Michelson, [1910.
Where there is dispute regarding the precise values of
certain characters in the Girnar recension, I have in most
cases briefly indicated the value I think should be assigned
to said characters, and the reason thereof. But I expect to
take these up systematically later.
In certain cases it is not easy to determine whether a given
form in the Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra, and Girnar redactions
is a 'Magadhism' or is really native to the dialects of these
texts. For example in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra ver-
sions two different formations in the gerund are to be found,
namely, one in ti (i. e. ttl, Yedic tvl) and one in tu. Now
there is but one form of the gerund in Dhauli, Jaugada, and
Kalsl recensions, to wit, that in tu. It therefore seems plau-
sible to consider the gerunds in tu in Shb. and Mans, to be
'Magadhisms,' especially as but one form of the gerund, that
in tpd (Sanskrit tva), is native to the Girnar redaction. Yet
as the dialects of the Shb., Mans., DL, J., and K. texts are
in concord as opposed to the dialect of G. in some particulars
few, to be sure, when contrasted with the linguistic agreement
of the dialects of Shb., Mans, and G. as opposed to the dialects
of Dh., J., and K. this conclusion does not necessarily follow.
It will be understood that in giving the characteristics of
the dialects, the 'Magadhisms' are for the most part passed
over in silence. Where there is room for doubt, 1 have tried
to demonstrate briefly whether the form is a 'Magadhism' or
not. Where a long elaborate proof is necessary to decide the
point involved, I have given reference to my paper which is
to appear in the AJP.
The orthography of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions,
as well as that of the Kalsl recension, limit our investigations
to a certain degree. Thus it is impossible to say whether
Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra puna is the equivalent of Girnar
puna or Kalsl puna, or both; for vowel quantities are not
distinguished in the Kharosthi alphabet; nor is I distinguished
from I, ft from u in the Kalsl redaction.
Buhler's editions of the Girnar, Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra,
and Kalsi recensions in Epigraphia Indica ii, 447 if.; and his
ed's of the Dhauli and Jaugada redactions in ZDMG. 39, 489 ff.
and 37, 87 ff. respectively have been made the bases of our
investigations; though his ed's of Shb. and Mans, in ZDMG.
43 and 44 have been consulted; as well as his ed's of Dh.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 81
and J. in the 1st vol. of the Archaeological Survey of Southern
India.
Franke, Pali und Sanskrit, p. 108ff. should also be consulted
for dialectic peculiarities. Johansson's essay on the dialect
of the Shahbazgarhi (and incidently the Mansehra) redaction
is a systematic exposition by a comparative philologist. I have
consulted it constantly, but the material in this paper is drawn
from the inscriptions themselves. It should be noted that
Johansson does not state what the characteristics of the dialect
are, and treats the general relations of this dialect with the
dialects of the other redactions only in a general way (see ii,
pp. 24, 25). The present paper and my "Linguistic Notes on
the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions of the Fourteen-
Edicts of Asoka" which is to appear in AJP. (presumably in
no's 119 and 120), are designed to supplement Johansson's
work. Konow's treatise on the dialect of the Girnar recension
is descriptive only, and nearly neglects the phonology. Senart's
treatment of the various Asokan dialects is now nearly an-
tiquated, though valuable at the time.
With this general introduction ended, we will now proceed
to investigate the separate dialects.
Dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions. 1
The most important characteristics of this dialect are: three
sibilants which correspond as a whole to the same sounds in
Sanskrit, though subject to certain phonetic laws which have
a slightly modifying effect 2 (pa&u-\ sramana-\ asilasa; loc. pi.
-esu; etc.); r is not assimilated to any adjacent consonants
whatsoever 3 (gravakam, Sramana-, susrusa, sahasra-, mitra-,
1 In the following citations, the forms are found in both versions, un-
less expressly stated to the contrary.
2 These laws are: 1. s- is dissimilated to s if the next syllable begins
with s, 2. intervocalic s is assimilated to s if the preceding syllable con-
tains s, 3. siy and sy become ss (written s), 4. Aryan t and sth become
st. Exceptions are 'Magadhisms'. The whole matter is taken up in
detail in my paper which is to appear in the AJP. Examples are: sus-
rusa, anusasisamti, manusa-, Shb. tistiti, Mans. [ti]stitu.
3 Such is the view of Johansson. In AJP. I hope to show that we
can hardly avoid assuming that r was in fact assimilated in the com-
binations drs and arsy (in this case ss not ss is the result). In the same
periodical I take up the entire question as to whether dhrawa- is merely
VOL. XXX. Part I. 6
82 T. MicMson, [1910.
parahramena, agrena, vagrena, i. e. vargena, athrasa, i. e. ar-
thasa, dhrama-, i. e. dharma-, pruva-, i. e. purva-, savram, i. e.
sarvam, etc.); vocalic r becomes ir ordinarily, ur after labials
(Shb. kitram, i. e. Idrtam, Mans, vudlirana, vudhresu, i. e. vurdh-,
Shb. mrugo, i. e. murgo)] 1 h in the combination 7iw is assimi-
graphic for dharma- (as Senart, Biihler and Johansson hold) or really
represents dhrama- (as Pischel holds), and similar combinations. I come
to the conclusion that those who hold that dhrama- is merely graphical
for dharma- are right. The matter is an exceedingly complicated one,
and not to be disposed of in a few words. I therefore ask the reader
to consult my article in A J P. Johansson holds that r is assimilated to
dental stops (which then become linguals) in the dialect of Shb. (He does
not discuss the dialect of Mans, in this connection.) I have exhaustively
taken up this problem in the previously mentioned paper. My conclusions
are that r in fact is retained before dental stops in both Shb. and Mans,
but that 'Magadhisms' have largely supplanted the true vernacular forms
in both texts. Briefly my arguments are as follows: it being agreed
that the language of Shb. and Mans, is practically identical, it would be
strange if Mans, and Shb. should differ in such a point. Now in Mans.,
athra- (merely graphic for artha-) occurs a dozen and a half times; so
there can be no question but that in the dialect of Mans, r is not
assimilated to an immediately following th, for no other correspondent
to Skt. artha- is found ins Mans. This makes it certain that the single
athra- of Shb. is the true native form, and that atha- (i. e. attha-), found
more than a dozen times, is a 'Magadhism' as atha- and this only is the
correspondent to Skt. artha- in the Dhauli and Jaugada versions of the
Fourteen-Edicts as well as in the six recensions of the Pillar-Edicts. As
a parallel where a 'Magadhism' has nearly driven out the native form in
Shb. but never occurs in Mans., we have sava- (the true native form is
savra- which is found several times in Mans, and a few times in Shb.).
The word athra- in Shb. is a blend of native athra- and 'Magadhan'
atha- exactly as Shb. and Mans, dhramma- is a cross between dhrama-
and dhamma- (this last has long been recognized). Mans, vadhrite (i. e.
vardh-} and vadhrayisati (i. e. vardh-} show that r was not assimilated to
an immediately following dh; but 'Magadhisms' have largely usurped the
place of the true native forms in Mans., and exclusively obtain in Shb.
(On Shb. diyadha- see AJP.) 'Magadhisms' or crosses between 'Magadhisms'
and the true native correspondent to Indie rt have ousted the vernacular
correspondent in both Mans, and Shb.
i The history of Indie r in both Shb. and Mans, is treated in detail
in the paper mentioned above. Scholars are divided as to whether mrugo
represents murgo or mrugo. Biihler holds the latter, Johansson the former.
Likewise there is dispute as to whether vudhra- represents the actual
pronunciation or is merely graphical for vurdha-. I have tried to show
that the view of those who hold that mrugo and vudhra- are respectively
merely graphical for murgo and vurdha- alone is tenable. I have also
tried to demonstrate that all other apparent products of Indie r than ir
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 83
lated (Iramana-)', tm is retained 1 (Mans, atma-}', sm before i
becomes sp- (loc. sing, of a-stems, taken from the pronominal
declension, *aspi, *-asmi, cf. Avestan -alimi as opposed to San-
skrit -asmin)', suv- and sv- become sp- 2 (spamikena, cf. Dh. J.
K. suvdmikena, Shb. spasunam, Mans, spasuna,* Skt. svasar-.
Mans, spagram, K. etc. svagam, Skt. svargam): viy and vy
become vv 4 (Shb. gerundive -tava-, i. e. tavva-, e. g. vatavo, Skt.
valdavyas [see Whitney, Skt, Gr. 3 964 c end], divani, Skt.
divydni); dv- becomes &- 5 (Shb. ladaya-, a mistake for 1)adaa-)',
tv becomes it, written t and tt (gerund in ti, .Vedic tm\ tada-
ttaye, Skt. taddtva-)]iny becomes mm (Shb. saw wa-, Skt. samyak-)\
Aryan st (Skt. st, Av. st) and 8th (Skt. sth, Av. $) alike become
st (Shb. asto-, so probably in the 13th edict, Shb. dipista, Skt.
(a)dipista\ Shb.tistiti, Skt. *tisthitvi, Mans, tistitu, Skt. *tisthitu} ;
w; becomes ww, written w (Shb. vananato, Skt. vyanjanatas); d
is retained in the Iranian loan-word d^pi; intervocalic j becomes
/ 6 (Shb. ra^a, samaye, Kamboya-, Kmiboyesu, prayuhotave;
and ur in both Shb. and Maus. are either 'Magadhisms' or blends of
'Magadhisms' and native forms; and that r does not lingualize following
dental stops in the true native forms of both Shb. and Mans. The whole
problem is exceedingly complex and can only be summarized here.
1 Native tm in Shb. is completely ousted by 'Magadhan' tt (written t)
exactly as native prati by 'Magadhan' pati in Mans. (See Michelson,
IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241.)
2 The exact value of the symbol which Biihler transcribes by sp is in
dispute. Provisionally I follow Biihler. The 'Magadhan' loc. sing, -asi
has largely taken the place native -aspi in both Shb. and Mans.
3 Graphically m is often omitted.
4 In Mans, the 'Magadhan' gerundive -taviya- has completely usurped
the place of native -tava- as Franke already has said; it is found a few
times in Shb.
5 In my judgment (contrary to the opinion of Johansson),. Mans.
duvadasa- is a Magadhism as well as Shb. duvi and Mans, duve (cf. Kalsi
duve, etc.)
s Johansson, Shb. i, p. 177, 63 of the reprint, judges Shb. and Mans.
uyanaspi (so for his -asi) wrongly. According to him it is 'eigentl. wohl
ujana- st. ujjana." Shb. and Mans, uyanaspi is merely graphical for
uyyana-. That is to say that -d y- in word-composition have a different
history than -dy- when not in word-composition (per contra, note a/a,
i. e. ajja). The same holds true for the dialects of the Girnar, Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl recensions of the Fourteen-Edicts; cf. G. uydnesu,
Dh. (u}yan[asi\, J. and K. uydnasi as contrasted with G., Dh., J. a/a,
K. ajd (Skt. adya, Vedic adya). That the y is purely graphic for yy
and the j for jj is shown by Pali uyyana-, uyydma-, ajja. See Henry,
Precis, section 87, 3 and E. Miiller, Pali Gr. p. 49; and for the principle
6*
84 T. Michelson, [1910.
Mans. pra[yuho]taviye); intervocalic ~h is either lost, or weakly
pronounced (ia, Mans, maa as contrasted with Shb. wiaf/ia]);
Indie mil appears as m in compounds (Shb. nik[r]amatu. Mans.
nikramamtu, nikramisu; Shb. nikramanam)-^ h as the corre-
spondent to Indie dh in Shb. iha\ Indie *utthdnam 2 is retained
Jacobi, Erz. section 36. "Windisch in his essay on Pali (in the trans-
actions of the International Congress of Orientalists held at Algiers) over-
looks this fact when he takes Pali uyyana- as a Magadhan relic. In
Prakrit -d y- in word-composition necessarily has the same history as
-dy- when not in word - composition, i. e. jj, Magadhi yy. Against
Johansson's supposition that where we have y for j in Shb. (and Mans.),
it can be safely considered a 'Magadhism' is the following important
fact, viz., that y for j is never found in the Dhauli, Jaugada, or Kalsi
redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts, and yet it is agreed that the dialect
of the 'Magadhan' original of which Shb. and Mans, are translations
was composed in a dialect essentially the same as the dialects of these
redactions. That j becomes y in Magadhi Prakrit according to the native
grammarians proves nothing, for Magadhi Prakrit has only two note-
worthy agreements with the Magadhan dialects of the Asokan inscriptions,
namely that I takes the place of r and -e of original -as (-0 in the other
dialects): but Magadhi Prakrit has one special agreement with the dialect
of the Girnar redaction, namely that Aryan st (Skt. st) and 8th (Skt. sth)
fall together in st. I take Shb. and Mans, majura- to be a 'Magadhism':
cf. the correspondent in the versions of Dh., J., K.
1 Johansson (Shb. ii, p. 17) is in error when he places nikramisu in
the same category as dukaram, Shb. [dukatam, Mans, dukata (final m
graphically ommitted). In the first place [du]katam and dukata are 'Maga-
dhi BIDS' as 1 shall show in AJP. (cf. Kalsi dukatam), and so must be left
out of consideration. In the second place, note the difference in Kalsi
dukatam, dukale and ntkhamatntv, nikhamisu, nikhamithd (possibly -thd),
vinikhamane; cf. also Dhauli and Jaugada nikhamdvu (for the formation
see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 89, footnote 2). Shb. joti-kamdhani is certainly
a 'Magadhism' as is shown by Mans, agi-kamdhani, K. and Dh. agi-kam-
dhdni', Girnar agi-khawtdhdni points in the same direction, cf. the contrast
with dukaram, dukatam. Johansson read Girnar agilcamdhani, and so
offered an explanation which he thought preferable to the one given, but
the kh is absolutely certain: see the plate in Epigraphia Indica ii.
2 I see no reason why Shb. uthanam, i. e. utthdnam, should not be
considered the true native word, and hence the exact equivalent of Skt.
utthdnam. The fact that the termination in any case is the vernacular
one, supports this view. Per contra note the 'Magadhan' endings -e and
-asi in Mans, uthane, Shb. uthanasi, Mans. u[thanasi]. That these last
cited forms are 'Magadhisms' is absolutely certain as Johansson previously
saw. Johansson regards Shb. uthanam also as a 'Magadhism'. This is
highly improbable because *uthdna- never is found in any of the so-called
Magadhan versions of the Fourteen-Edicts. That the th of Shb. dhrama-
dhithanaye and dhramadhithan[e] is not a careless writing for th is shown
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 85
(written uthanam); 4c appears as c 1 (graphical for cc? paca) 1 .
the r of Kerala- ; the nom. sing. masc. of a-stems a few times
apparently ends in -a (Shb. jana, etc.) ; original r-stems become
u- stems (pituna, Slab.bhratunam, Shb. spasunam, 'M.&ns.spasuna,
Shb. and Mans, matapitusu)', nom. pi. of the cardinal number 4
caturo (Shb. cature with 'Magadhan' -e for -o); the locative
plurals pamcasu (Shb. pa[mca]su, Mans. pam[casu]) and sasu
by the analogy of a-stems; the genitive sing, of the first per-
sonal pronoun maha (Shb. ma[ha], Mans, maa:* see above);
ayo * as a nom. sing, (only in Shb.); the peculiar optatives
by Mans, dhramadhithanaye, dhramadhithane, Kalsl dhammddhithdndye.
[For the views of Johansson, see his treatise on the dialect of the Shb.
recension, i, pp. 165, 166 (51, 52 of the reprint), 168, 169 (54, 55), 170
(56); ii, pp. 17, 18.] These forms are 'Magadhisms.' On 'Magadhan'
uthdna- and Girnar ustdna-, see my coming paper in IF.
1 So Biihler reads in the two occurrences of the word in Shb. as well
as Mans, in his ed's of these recensions in ZDMG. 43, 44; but in his ed's
in Epigraphia Indica ii he reads pacha for the occurrence in the 13th edict
for both Shb. and Mans. (Biihler in El. chh for cli); so that I am not
sure but his readings in El. are really a mistake. The devanagarl
transcript in ZDMG. settles the reading in the 1st edict. If not a
blunder, then Mans, and Shb. pacha (his pachha] in the 13th edict are
'Magadhisms;' cf. Kalsl [pa]chd (B's [pa]chhd). [His reading pacd (pachd
in his transcription) in the 13th ed. of G. in ZDMG. 43 is an error.]
2 Johansson, Shb. ii, section 118 (end) explains this as 'wohl eine Kon-
fusionsbildung von mama und aham.' This does not strike me as con-
vincing. The same form is found in Prakrit. Pischel's explanation (Gr.
section 418) that it corresponds to Skt. mahyam is phonetically impossible.
The simplest solution seems to me is that maha is for *mama by influence
of *mahyawi. If we cared to go outside the Indie sphere, other solutions
all more or less bold readily would suggest themselves.
3 According to Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 46, under different accentual
conditions -am becomes -am and -o in our dialect. I am not convinced
of this. To begin with, a considerable portion of the material brought
forward in reality is not decisive as Johansson himself admits (see p. 45,
footnote 1). If the law be correct, extensive levelling must have taken
place. It should particularly be observed that ay[am] is found as well
as ayo. In my opinion ayo is for ayam by the analogy of the nom. sing,
masc. of other pronouns such as so, yo, etc. The form ayi, I hold to be
a hyper-Magadhism : see IF. xxiv, p. 55. lyo is a blend of native ayo
and 'Magadhan' iyam^ and is directly comparable to dhramma- a cross
between native dhrama- and 'Magadhan' dhamma-. The sole support for
Johansson's theory according to the text of Biihler in El. seems to be
dhramo, ace. sing, at Shb. xii, 6 ; and it is not venturesome to pronounce
this a simple error (cf. Mans, dhramam in the corresponding passage as
well as the quite numerous other accusative singulars of masculine
86 T. Michelson, [1910.
siyasu and hamneyasu (Mans, has lacunas where the forms
would otherwise occur); gerund in tti (written ti) corresponding
to Vedic -tvl (Shb. tistiti, Mans, darseti *darayitvi}\ certain
lexical features such as atra, apagratho l (Mans, has a lacuna
in the corresponding passage), Shb. menati (if not a blunder
for ma- it corresponds to Gothic mainjan. Old Bulgarian
meniti), Shb. joti- (Skt. jyotis-), Shb. vuta (i. e. vittta, Skt.
vptani), Shb. vidlienam (if not a mere blunder; see Johansson,
Shb. i, p. 134, 20 of the reprint), Shb. vracamti, Shb. and
Mans, tatham, 2 Mans, vain, Shb. vo,* Mans, asatasa, Shb.
a&amanasa, Mans, spasuna, Shb. spasunam, Shb. yo, 4 Shb.
From the above it will be seen how much nearer to San-
skrit the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra redactions
is than the dialects of the other versions of the Fourteen-
Edicts. Geographically this is just what we should expect.
a-stems in both Shb. and Mans.). On the gender of ayo, see Johansson,
1. c., ii, pp. 34 (footnote 2), 79. lyam in both Mans, and Shb. is a
'Magadhism'. I may add that J's [imo] vanishes in the ed. in El. and
is replaced by imam; his im[*o*] by im. which can be for imam; and ayi
is read at Shb. vi, 1, ayo at Shb. xiii, 11.
1 On the etymology of this word, see Buhler, ZDMGr. xliii, p. 174.
2 On tatham, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 39.
3 On vo, see Johansson, ii, pp. 44, 45; Franke, Pu Skt., pp. 105, 151.
Mans, ram corresponds to Skt. evam; cf. Johansson, Shb. i, p. 154, 40 of
the reprint.
* The etymology of this particle has not yet been solved. Johansson,
Shb. i. pp. 154, 155 (40 and 41 respectively of the reprint) rightly saw
that Biihler's explanation was untenable. The suggestion of Johansson
that yo stands for *yava, a doublet of eva, is too far-fetched. His alter-
native will not be taken seriously. Yo is a fossilized nom. sing. masc.
of ya- as is shown by the correspondents to Shb. yo (not the particle)
at x, 21 in the Mansehra and Kalsi redactions, namely, yam. Similarly
Shb. so and 'Magadhan' se as adverbs are fossilized nom. sing, of sa- as
is shown by the Girnar correspondent ta(*tad). (Shb. so and 'Magadhan'
se are treated by Johansson, Shb. ii, pp. 4244 without coming to any
definite decisions. However brilliant his suggestions are, his combinations
are strained and complicated as compared with the solution offered above.)
Shb. cayo (also hitherto unsolved) is simply ca+yo.
5 On the etymology of this word, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 98. Here
again, I think Johansson goes too far afield in turning to extra-Indie
Indo-European languages to explain this difficult word, admitting that
occasionally we must do so to properly explain certain Middle-lndic
words. I see no reason why yamatro may not be analized as ya+makro,
a possessive adj. compound meaning 'as many as.'
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 87
Indeed the dialect of Shb. and Mans, hardly belongs to the
Middle-Indie stage of developement.
We have next to take up the general relations with the
dialects of the other recensions.
Special points of contact with the dialect of the Girnar
version.
These are very numerous. It is instructive to notice how
much more striking the points of contact are between the
dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the dialect of G. than between
the dialect of Shb. and Mans, and the 'Magadhan' dialects.
Examples are: final -as appears as -o; 1 st is retained (Shb.
Mans, nasti, Girnar ndsti; Shb. dJiramasamstave, G. dhamma-
samstavo] Shb. \)ia]stino, Mans, hastine, G. hasti-; Shb. vistri-
tena. G. vistatana, etc.); the sound r; the sound n* (Mans.
dkramacarana, Shb. dhramacaranam, G. dhammacaranam; Shb,
Mans. Iramana-, G. brdmfiana-, etc); fm (written mn and n)
from Indie ny* (Shb. G. amna-, ana-, Mans, ana-)] jn becomes
n initially, and either Tin or n medially (Shb. natinam, Mans.
natina, G. ndtlnam; Shb. rana, rano, G. rdna, rano)]* II (written
1 In Mans. 'Magadhan' -e has entirely wiped out native -o.
2 In cases endings n is replaced by n through the analogy of other
words where dental n is obtained phonetically. This is true for Mans., Shb.,
and G. There are a couple of cases where the same phenomenon takes
place in suffixes in the dialect of Shb. See Johansson, Shb. i, p. 168
(52 of the reprint), and Michelson, AJP. xxx, I.e. J's ka[lanaw] vanishes
in Buhler's ed. in EL ii; I take garana to be a blunder for *garalia,
following Biihler. On Tambapamni, see Michelson, IF. xxiv, p. 55;
also on Pitinika-. On Biihler's reading kdranam in G. see Michelson,
1. c. p. 53.
3 In Mans, we have doublets with ?m*[(written n); e. g. ana-, ana-,
manati, manati. Similarly Mans, punam, punam but always Shb. punam
(Or. pumnam, Ski. pwnyam). I know no thoroughly satisfactory explanation
of the doublets. The best I can offer at present is that as n and n alike
were foreign to the dialect of the Magadhan scribe, he was careless in
distinguishing the two or was ignorant of their proper usage. The
forms with n then are purely fictitious. For the possibility of the prin-
ciple, see Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 43.
^ The alphabets of Shb., Mans., and G. hinder us from being positive
in the matter. For Shb. rana, rano can be either ranTid, ranno or rand,
rano (and conceivably rannd, ranno); while G. rand, rano can be either
rand, rano or rdnnd, ranno (it will be recalled that long vowels are not
shortened before two consonants in the dialect of G.). Pali and the
various Prakrit languages point to mi in the forms. Shb., Mans, anapemi,
88 T. Michelson, [1910.
1) from Indie ly (Shb. Mans, kalana-, G. kaldna-; cf. Pali
kalldna-); Wi is retained in the correspondents to Skt. Wiavati,
bhuta-i [as a participle] (Shb. Mans. Wwti, G. Wiavati] Shb.
Mans, bhuta-, G. Uiuta-}\ partial agreement is not assimilating
r to adjacent consonants 2 (Shb. Mans, savratra, i. e. sarvatra,
G. sarvatra; Shb. Mans, parakramena, G. parakramena; Shb.
G. priyo, Mans, priye; Shb. Mans, sramana-, G. sramana-\
Shb. satasahasra-, G. satasahasra-; Shb. Mans, bramana-, G.
lrdmhana-j etc.); Indie &s becomes ccft, initially c/z 3 (written
c/i in both cases), e. g. Shb. acliati, G. achatim, Shb. [cham]ti,'
G. c/za&[m]; ?/ becomes cc (written c), e. g. Shb. opaca, G.
apacam\ initial ?/ is retained in relative pronouns and adverbs
(frequently omitted in the 'Magadhan' versions; so it would
appear that it was either wholly lost in actual pronunciation
or very weakly pronounced); evam not hevam is the correspon-
dent to Sanskrit evam] the inflection Shb. rana, rano, G.
Shb. anapayavni, Shb. anapitam, Mans, anapita, Shb. anapesamti, Mans.
anapayisati offer some difficulty when contrasted with G. afiapat/dmi,
anapitam, dnapayisati. Johansson (Shb. i, p. 165, 51 of the reprint) con-
siders the initial a as long and that n phonetically became n. Note that
we have the same phenomenon in Pali, e. g. rannd, ranno, yanTio, dndpeti,
dnatti. In ordinary Prakrit jn becomes nn (initially n), in Magadhi and
PaisacI nn. For the agreement of Pali with Shb. Mans, in this point as
opposed to G., Mote Pali hirannam, Shb. [h]i[ra]na-, Mans. Jdna- (read
hirafia-}, G. hiramna-.
1 'Magadhan' hoti has nearly everywhere usurped the place of native
bhoti in Mans.; similarly Jrnta- (written huta-) the place of bhuta- (written
bhuta-)] hotu has everywhere taken the place of bhotu. In Shb. hoti is
found a couple of times. In G. hoti is found a few times but bhavati is
greatly predominant. That hoti is a 'Magadhism' is shown by the fact
that the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi redactions have hoti and this only
as the correspondent to Sanskrit bhavati. Similarly regarding huta- and
hotu.
2 The law for the retention or assimilation of r in conjoint consonants
in the dialect of G. is : r is retained after stops and sibilants ; and before
v; is assimilated to following stops, sibilants, and nasals. Exceptions are
'Magadhisms.'
3 Where we have Mi in G., Shb., Mans., these are 'Magadhisms' as is
shown by the fact that in the dialects of the Dhauli, Jaugada, and Kalsi
recensions, kkh (written kh, kh and not kkh of course initially) is the
regular correspondent to Indie ks. Cf. Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 23. [Accord-
ing to Johansson, Buhler reads sam[chi]tena in ZDMG.; in EL he reads
samkhitena.] I may add that I reject Pischel's 'law' as Johansson and,
I think, Bartholomae before me. As to whether Aryan zzli is reflected
by jjh in Middle-Indie languages, at present I am not able to judge.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 89
rand, rdno (and not -jin-)\ mayd (written maya in Mans, and
Slib.) as the inst. sing, of the 1st personal pronoun (and not
mamayd)\ aham (and not haham) as the nom. sing, of the
1st personal pronoun; y (and not h) in the ending of the
1 st person sing, of the optative (Shb. vracheyam, G. gacheyam) ;
o-conjugation of karoti, prati (not in Mans.), and not pati,
corresponding to Skt. prati (see Michelson, IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241).
In the American Journal of Philology I shall show that it
is possible that the law in the dialect of the Shahbazgarhi
and Mansehra versions that s converts a following intervocalic
s to A' is to be connected with the law that in the dialect of
the Girnar redaction original s (historical s) converts a following
st to st] it is also probable that Shb. Mans, st and G. st
from Aryan 8th are to be brought into correlation: observe
the retention of the sibilant and the deaspiration in both cases,
even if the final result is different. It is certain that in the
dialects of all three recensions that Indie sth becomes st, but
'Magadhisms' by chance take the place of the native sounds
in the case of both the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions.
It is more problematic if the law that in the dialect of the
Girnar recension that original drs and drsy become as (Michel-
son, IF. xxiv, pp. 53, 54) should !in any way be united with
the apparent law that in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, that
r is assimilated to an immediately s after d (Michelson, AJP.
xxx), as vowel quantities are not distinguished in the Kharosthi
alphabet nor are gemmations. If the two are to be brought
into rapport with one another, the law would be as follows: r is
assimilated to an immediately following s in the combinations
drs and drsy in the dialects of Shb. Mans, and G. becoming as(s)
in the dialect of Shb. Mans., as in the dialect of G. ; original drs
remains in Shb. Mans. 1 but becomes as in the dialect of G.
1 Cases where the r is omraited are probably 'Magadhisms.' Yet it is
possible that the process which was completed in the case of ars, was
beginning to take place in the case of drs, and hence the graphic
fluctuation. The fact that r is assimilated before s but not before other
consonants in the dialect of Shb. and Mans., may be accounted for by
the fact that .9 as well as r is a lingual consonant: r would naturally be
more readily assimilated to a consonant of its own class than other con-
sonants. I call attention to the fact that in the American Journal of
Philology I have shown that, contrary to the opinion of Johansson, r is not
assimilated to immediately following dental stops in our dialect, nor are the
dental stops converted to lingual stops by the influence of the preceding r.
90 T. Miclielson, [1910.
Special points of contact with the dialects of both the
Kalsi and Girnar redactions.
These are but few in number. Examples are: the contraction
of ayi to e l (Shb. Mans, pujetaviya, K. pujetaviya, G. pujetaya, a
blunder for *pujetavya\ Shb. leklmpesami, K. lekhapesami; Mans.
liape&ati, Shb. [hapesati], G. hapesati] Shb. [vadhe]amti, anape-
samti] Slib.aloceti, G.alocetpa, Mans. draseti; Shb. vijetavi[ya]m,
G. vijetavyam; Shb. prativedetavo, patrivedetavo,* G. prativede-
tavyam); the phonetic correspondent to Sanskrit manusya-,
Shb. Mans, manusa-, i. e. manuka-, G. manusa- i. e. manussa-,
K. manusa-,* i. e. manussa-', -eyu (and not etnt) as the ending
of the 3d person pi. of the optative active (Shb. avatrapeyu,
sruneyUy Shb. Mans, vaseyu, susruseyu, Mans. sruney[u], Mans.
liaveyu, G. vaseyu, K. suneyu, sususeyu, huveyu, -neyu i. e.
*haneyu).
It is an acknowledged fact that in edicts i ix, the dialect
of the Kalsi recension is practically pure 'M&gadhan,' with
but few traces of the native dialect. In edicts x xiv the
local dialect is prominent, but ' Magadhisrns ' are not in-
frequent. It is probably due to this that we are unable to
point out more special points of contact of the dialects of
Shb., Mans., G., and K.
Special points of contact with the dialect of the Kalsi
recension.
For the reason stated above, few special points of contact
can be shown, even if they existed. Examples are: the con-
1 In Dh. and J. ayi is uncontracted ; as also in the 'Magadhan' portion
of K. 'Magadhan' ayi for e has forced itself into several words in Shb. r
Mans., and G. I consider that Johansson's attempt to formulate a law
determining under what circumstances ayi is retained and when con-
tracted in the dialect of Shb. and Mans, (the dialect of Gr. is not treated)
is a failure. In my judgement ayi phonetically contracts to e in the
dialects of Gr., Shb., and Mans, under all circumstances. The fact that
Shb. and Mans, are not always in agreement in the use of ayi and e
distinctly points in this direction. For the principle involved, see Franke,
Pali and Sanskrit, p. 109.
2 On Shb. prati and patri, see Michelson. IF. xxiii, pp. 240, 241.
3 This is the true native word. Manusa-, in the 'Magadhan' portion
is due to the influence of 'Magadhan' munisa- which is also found in the
'Magadhan' portion of K. This does not affect the fact that 'Magadhan'
munisa- itself is a contamination of *manusa- and *pulisa- (Michelson,
IF. xxiii, p. 254 ff.).
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 91
traction of aya to e in the 3d sing, indicative and 3d pi. of
the imperative of the causative 1 (Shb., Mans., K. pujeti, Shb.
pat[r]ivedetu^ Mans, pativedetu,* 1 K. [pati]vedemtu, Shb. rocetu,-
K. locetu,* Shb. Mans, aradlietu, 2 Shb. aradheti, Mans, ara-
dheti, Shb. vadheti, Shb. anuneti)\ Shb. Mans. K. kiti from
*kid *iti (Johansson, Shb. ii, p. 52); imam (written also ima in
Shb. and Mans.) as nom. ace. sing, neutre; i in the gen. sing,
of Shb. Mans, etisa, K. etisa (as shown by Shb. imisa we
should expect this in Mans, and the corresponding form in
K., but 'Magadhisms' have usurped the place of the native
words).
Special points of contact with the dialects of the Dhauli,
Jaugada, and Kalsl (edicts i ix) recensions.
It will probably always be a matter of dispute as to what are
special points of contact between the dialect of the Shahbaz-
garhi and Mansehra redactions on the one hand and the
dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions on the other. For it is
sometimes difficult to determine whether the seeming points
of contact are not after all nothing more than 'Magadhisms'
in the Shahbazgarhi and Mansehra versions. In some cases
absolute tests are wanting, and the matter becomes more or
less subjective. For example, I am persuaded that gerunds in
tu, the iy passive, the word cu 'but' in Shb. and Mans, are
really 'Magadhisms', and not special points of contact with
the dialects of the 'Magadhan' versions. 3 I am confident that
1 The contraction of aya in these forms is foreign to the dialects of the
Girnar, Dhauli, and Jaugada redactions of the Fourteen-Edicts. Hence
where aya remains uncontracted in these forms in Shb. Mans. K., we
can safely conclude that these cases are 'Magadhisms.' (Exactly as where
ayi remains uncontracted to e in the dialects of Shb., Mans., G., and K.)
Johansson, Shb. i, p. 141, 142 (27 and 28 of the reprint) attempts to for-
mulate a law determining under what circumstances aya phonetically
remains or is contracted to e- successfully in my judgment, only he does
not make use of the principle of 'Magadhisms' in explaining the apparent
exceptions. Anuneti included for convenience.
2 3d pi.; m graphically omitted.
3 For an argument in favor of holding such gerunds in -tit as occur
in Shb. and Mans, to be 'Magadhisms', see above p. 82. An argument to
show that the iy passive in Shb. and Mans, is a 'Magadhism' is that we
should otherwise have to assume that iyi remained or was contracted to
1 in both Shb. and Mans, under unknown conditions ; whereas iyi remains
in Dh., J., and K. Moreover the present passive in iy is the only present
92 T. Michelson, [1910.
the following are real points of contact and not 'Magadhisms':
the contraction of ava to o in the correspondents to Skt.
Wiavati, Wiavatu (Mans., Shb. Wioti, Shb. Hhotu\ Dh. J. K.
hoti, hotu); original vocalic m appears as a + a nasal (Shb.
Mans, atikramtam, Dh. J. K. atikamtam}\ the initial i of iti
is lost after immediately preceeding vowels; the dat. sing, of
a-stems ends in -aye (written -aye in Shb. and Mans.); the
oblique cases in the sing, of a-stems ends in -dye 1 (written
-aye in Shb. and Mans.) ; samtam as a nom. sing, of the present
passive found in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts. The fact that Mans.
ara. isu (i. e. arabhisu) corresponds to Shb. a[rabh]i[yisu] points in the
same direction. 'Magadhan' s for native s should be observed in the ter-
mination of both words. Note too the Shb. passive hamnamti (*hani/-)
with active ending. It should be noticed that cu (and not tu) alone is
found in the Kalsi redaction of the Fourteen-Edicts as well as the various
recensions of the Pillar- Edicts. The tu of the Dhauli redaction of the
Fourteen-Edicts then would be a trace of t the true local vernacular (cf.
above). This does not make it possible to declare cu the phonetic
equivalent of Skt. tu, as t before u remains in the dialect of the Delhi-
Sivalik version of the Pillar-Edicts (cf. tuthdyatandni, Skt. tustydyatandni]
On the etymology of cu see Michelson, IF. xxiii, p. 256 ff. I may add
that I hold Shb. and Mans, hida to be a 'Magaihism' also. Similarly
Mans, hidam, if not a pure blunder.
1 Johansson's explanation of this form is wholly erroneous. As Pischel
(see his Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) rightly saw, aye corresponds phonetically
to Sanskrit dydi. For the use of dye (*dydi) as a gen. sing, no question
will be raised. The use of aye as an inst. sing, is thus to be explained
*iyds and *iyd, the gen. and inst. sing, of ^-sterns respective phonetically
fell together in *iyd\ likewise *uvds and *uvd of the ^7-stems; after the
syncretism of the gen. and dative, iye did duty as a gen. also: now as
iyd had the function of both gen. and inst., iye was made to serve as an
inst. Hence dye of <z-stems also was used as an inst. It would be
possible to assume that dye simply levelled ayd. Another hypothesis that
is also plausible is: the inst. a^a was levelled to dyd by influence of the
gen. sing, dyd (*dyds)\ so when dye came to be used as a gen., it also
was used as an inst. As a matter of fact all the above forces may have
played a part in bringing about the result. The original loc. sing., what-
ever it may have been, was simply wiped out in favor of dye. For dya
in the oblique cases of a-stems in Pali, and in the Girnar redaction of
Fourteen-Edicts; as well as in the dialects of the Pillar-Edicts see my
forth-coming essay on the dialect of the Girnar redaction. The dat. sing,
of a-stems in dye is simply borrowed from the a-stems. Pischel (see his
Gr. d. Pkt.-Sprachen) already saw the possibility of this explanation, but
rejected it on what appears to me insufficient grounds. Johansson's ex-
planation is untenable as Pischel presumably saw. See also Michelson,
IF. xxiii, p. 243.
Vol. xxx.] The Interrelation of the Dialects etc. 93
participle (written samta once in Mans.); similarly Shb. Mans.
karamtam (written also karatam in both Shb. and Mans.,
karata in Shb.), Kalsl kalamtam (written also kalamta, kalata)]
the optative siya (written siya in Shb. and Mans.). It should
also be noted that in these dialects the nom. sing, neutre of
a-stems is frequently replaced by the nom. sing. masc. (Shb.
-o, Dh., J., K. -e\ in Mans. 'Magadhan' -e replaces native -o).
And the vocalism of ucavuca- (written ucavuca- in Shb. and
Mans.) in the dialects of J., Dh., and K. is deserving of
mention in contrast with Girnar ucdvaca-. (Such is the reading
of J. in ASSI.)
A Hymn to Tammuz (Cuneiform Texts from the British
Museum, Tablet 15821, Plate 18) with translation
and commentary by Professor J. DYNELEY PEINCE,
Ph. D., Columbia University, New York.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
1. ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
(Lament) for my mighty one who liveth no more.
2. nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
who liveth no more, for my mighty one who
liveth no more.
3. mu-lu nu-un-ti ama-mu-ra nu-un-ti
who liveth no more; for my mighty
one who liveth no more.
4. du mu-ud-na-mu nu-un-ti
- my spouse who liveth no more.
5. mu mu nu-un-ti
my - who liveth no more.
6. - - dimmer gal mu-an-na nu-un-ti
- great god of the heavenly year who liveth
no more.
7. u-mu-un-e a-ra-li nu-un-ti
Lord of the lower world who liveth no more.
8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra lamga ki nu-un-ti
Lord of vegetation, artificer of the earth, who liveth no more.
9. lax(?)-ba en dimmer dumu-zi nu-un-ti
The shepherd, the lord, the god Tammuz who liveth no more.
10. u-mu-un-e ba-ta(?)-ba nu-un-ti
The lord who giveth gifts who liveth no more.
11. mu-ud-na-bi-ta (an-na}-lta nu-un-ti
With his heavenly spouse he liveth no more.
13. mu-tin-na nu-un-ti
(The producer of) wine who liveth no more.
14. - lum-lum-lta na-am-mal nu-un-ti
Lord of fructification; the established one who liveth no more.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 95
15. u-mu-un (gir}-ka na-dm-mal nu-un-ti
The lord of power; the established one who liveth no more.
16. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en dib (LUydib (LU)-fo u-Za (ty-a-dim
ne-tuS (KU)
Like a mighty bull is his appearance; the forceful one,
like an ancient bull he coucheth.
17. gud kala-a-dim alam-ne-en ma bir-bi ii-8a (ty-a-dim ne-tu$
(KD).
Like a mighty bull is his appearance; in his ship of plenty
like an ancient bull he coucheth.
18. me-e-zu(?)-da(?) LI ga-a-an-ma-kud
In accordance with thy word(?) the earth shall be judged.
19. su-gir-ma LI ga-a-an-ma-kud
(Thus) the high parts of the earth verily shall be judged.
20. mu-lu - - me-a ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
who verily they shall cry out
for it.
21. [suku (PAD) nu]-ku-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
For food which they have not to eat they shall verily cry out.
22. (a) nu-nag-a-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
For water which they have not to drink they shall verily
cry out.
23. (ki}-el sag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
Verily the maiden who is pleasing shall cry out for it. -
24. (kala) $ag-ga-mu ga-a-an-ma-ab-gu (KA)
Verily the warrior who is acceptable shall cry out for it.
25. a(?)-zu gir-e kur d$ ba-Sub (RU)
- thy - the mighty one, the land with
a curse is destroyed.
26. - gir-e Jmr a$ ba-sub (RU)
- the mighty one, the land with a curse is
destroyed.
Reverse.
27. (gir) Itur-ra i-de ugun (DAR) nu ugun (DAR) hur-e
Power of the land (is he). With (his) gift no gift can vie.
S. (gir) kur-rd gu (KA) xu-tu-ul-xu-tu-ul-e
Power of the land (is he). The Word which overcometh
disease.
!9. gir u-mu-un-da u-mu-un-da
Power he exalteth, exalteth.
96 D- Prince, [1910.
30. [hiku (PAD)] nu-lm-a-mu u-mu-un-da
Food which they have not to eat he raiseth up.
31. a nu-nag-a-mu u-mu-un-da
Water which they have not to drink he raiseth up.
32. ki-el Mg-ga-mu u-mu-un-da
The maiden who is pleasing he raiseth up.
33. kala sag-ga-mu u-mu-un-da,
The warrior who is acceptable he raiseth up.
34. kola mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma
The mighty one who destroyeth your people.
35. dimmer db-u tur mu-lu-zu-ne mu-da-ab-xa-lam-ma
The god Ninib destroyeth even the least among your people.
36. i-de-bar sag-ga-ni Nina nam-ba-e-bi-bi
With her gracious aspect Nina speaketh.
37. sar-bar sag-ga-ni xu-ub-na-an-ni-bar-ri
In her gracious rising verily she shineth forth.
38. (hi) am-dirig-ga-na ur-ba kala(?) alam
Where she waxeth full, her procreative power is mighty
of aspect.
39. mu-lu-mal PA gubu (KAB)-gub(D13)-bi-na $am-elteq-ga
xu-ba-e-ku
The creative one (with) the staff of her left hand, verily
she establisheth the cleansing im4i-herb.
40. <ji-sa (DI)-da~ni im-e-a-an-me
With her sceptre of judgment she commandeth.
41. mu-lu-mal li-du-ni im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-me
The creative one with her firm voice she speaketh to him.
XLI. er-lim-ma dimmer dumu-zi-da
XLI lines. A hymn for the god Tammuz.
Commentary.
The present hymn to Tammuz in Erne-sal is one of a series
found in Gun. Texts from the British Museum, Vol. xv, plates 10 if
Of these Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh has published in his thesis
"Sumerian Hymns" (Columbia University Press, 1908) Plates 10,
1516, 17, 19 and also Plates 1112 in the JAOS, 1908.
I have published Plates 14, 22, and 23 in the AJSL, while
Dr. Vanderburgh, who is at present preparing for publication
Plates 7, 8, 9, and 1312, has aided me with the present
text by many valuable suggestions.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 97
Obverse.
Line 1. ama = AM 'bull' I render 'mighty one.' Note that
the gocl Ea is also called a bull in ii, 58, 52.
Line 3. mu-ud-na = xcCiru 'spouse;' cf. Br. 1304. Here the
bereaved Istar is probably speaking.
Line 6. dimmer gal mu-an-na 'great god of the year (lit.
'name') of heaven,' in contradistinction to the present condition
of Tammuz as lord of the lower world arali, line 7, whither
he had been transported, leaving the heavenly (or upper) year
destitute of vegetation.
Line 8. u-mu-un-e sar-ra 'lord of (spring) vegetation.' Note
that sar = SAR = kiru 'plantation,' Br. 4315 and see Prince,
Materials, p. 283.
The mourning ceremonial for Tammuz took place just before
the summer solstice which was followed by a season of rejoicing
at his re-appearance. For this mourning-ceremonial which
was evidently practised -at Jerusalem in the time of Ezekiel,
cf. Ezek. viii, 14:
own DP mm miesn b& IPN mrr rvn nyp nns b TIN Km
m&n n JYOID map* 1
Probably also in Zech. xii, 10, the words TITH hy 1SDD refer
to the ritual lamentation for Tammuz.
lamga /a; he was the artificer of the earth, because he was
the cause of plant life especially. For lamga, cf. Prince op.
cit. 221.
Line 9. lax(?)-la. Although the first sign is obscure, it
is most probably lax of the combination lax-la ^re'u 'shepherd,'
IV, 27, la.
The Sumerian form dumu-zi 'son of life,' i.e., 'life itself
= the god of life par excellence, is clearly the original of the
Semitic corrupted name of this god Tammuz, which appears
also as the name of the fourth month. Note the fuller form
dumu-zi-da in line 42, showing that the full form of the word
for 'life' in Sumerian was zid.
Line 10. ba-ta(?)-ba. This seems clearly la verbal prefix
+ the locative infix -ta- + the root la = B A = qd$u * give,
bestow,' Br. 107.
Line 13. I assume that some word meaning 'producer,' i. e.
<of wine' has been erased here.
Note the ES. form mu-tin-na for ge$-tin. See Prince, op.
cit., p. 247 = kardnu 'wine.'
VOL. XXX. Part I. 7
98 > Prince, [1910.
Line 14. On lum = LUM, see Prince, op. cit,, p. 227.
na-am-mal seems to consist of the abstract prefix nam- + mal
= GA = Sdkanu, Prince, p. 231.
Line 15. This line evidently contains gir-emuqu 'power/
Br. 9184 + the genitive suffix -ka.
Line 16. The second sign here must clearly be read Mia
owing to the following vowel of prolongation -a, and not lig,
as is frequently the case. The suffix I read dim and not gim,
as the hymn is in ES.
On alam, see Prince, 29. This is not a certain reading for
the sign QALAM. Note that Hrozny reads this sign with
value alana, probably associating it with Sem. Idnu 'appearance/
Br. 7299, which seems to be its meaning here.
The suffix ne-en seems to consist of the demonstrative ele-
ment ne- + the verbal -en, seen in men 'to be.'
Note that the combination dib (LiU)-dib (LU)-&i has the
meanings sitpuru, Br. 10740; $itbu$u> Br. 10741; and sitmarru,
Br. 10742. Hence my translation.
u-sa(U)-a-dim consists of sa='\3 =labiru 'ancient,' Br. 9465,
+ the prolonging vowel -a + the suffix dim (G-IM) = 'like unto.'
tus (KU) = asdbu 'sit, dwell', Br. 10523. The god is con-
ceived of as sitting, i. e., couching like a powerful bull resting.
The couchant attitude is no doubt suggested by the fact that
the god's power is temporarily at rest in the lower world.
Line 17. ma = elippu 'ship,' Br. 3683. This is his ritual
ship of state or wealth; bir = gibtu 'wealth,' Br. 2029, probably
referring to the ceremonial of carrying the image of a god in
a small symbolical ship.
Line 18. me-e-zu(?)-da 'in accordance with thy word;' me
= qulu 'utterance', Br. 10370. LI means ergitu 'earth,' Br. 1104;
perhaps this is correct here in connection with the verb-root
tar-kud = ddnu 'judge,' Br. 364. The prefix ga although pre-
cative properly, I render here as 'shall,' expressive of the singer's
hope and thus also in the following lines.
Line 19. su-gir I render as 'highlands'; see Br. 233 =Elam-
tu = ma = mdtu 'land', Prince, 228. This combination seems
to be in genitive apposition to the following LI = err-itu (see
just above on line 18).
Line 20. me-a here is perhaps the cognate accusative of
gu (KA) and means 'they cry a crying' = * they cry lustily
for it 1
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Tammuz. 99
Line 21. sufai (PAD) = Jmrmatu 'food, 7 Br. 9929. In nu-
ku-a-mu, ku = akalu 'eat,' Br. 882, passim. I supply this muti-
lated line from kindred passages. Note also below line 30.
Line 22. Note the parallelism here with line 21. nag = $atu
'drink,' Prince 251.
Line 23. Jd-el = ardatu 'maid-servant.' For full discussion,
see Prince 204. In ag-ga-mu, sag = damqu, Br. 7291 + the
relative suffix -mu t in this case probably not the -mu of the
first person, but the indeterminative relative possessive -mu
discussed Prince, p. XXI.
Line 25. as = arratu 'curse,' see Prince, 41. xub (RU) = ma-
qdtu 'overwhelm,' Br. 1432. Literally: 'the land he over-
whelmeth (with) a curse.' I render it passively "is destroyed"
here, because the curse is negative on the part of Taramuz,
consisting in his absence.
Reverse.
Line 27. The first sign here must be gir = emuqu 'power'
fully discussed, Prince, 149. (gir) kur-ra seems to me to be
an epithet of the god. i-de I take as prepositional; cf. Br. 4005:
maxar; here = 'before' or 'in comparison with.' ugun (DAR)
= the abstract prefix u-+gun = biltu 'gift, tribute/ See Prince,
341. In the last part of the line pap must be = nakdru] here
='vie with,' Br. 1143.
Line 28. xu-tu-ul xu-tu-id-e by repetition means 'to over-
come disease thoroughly.' Note xutul = xatu $a murci, Br. 2056:
'overcome disease.' Here Tammuz is the life giving Word, a
conception which has many parallels in early Semitic literature
and which culminated in the Word of the Gospel of St. John.
Line 29. I must regard -da here as a verb = nasu 'lift up;'
see Br. 6654 = Saqft 'be lofty.'
Lines 30 33 inch are parallel with lines 21 24 incl. above.
Line 34. The suffix -zu-ne ought to mean "your people"
(mulu = niSti, Br. 1339). See Prince, p. XXIII 10 on -zu-ne
which can sometimes but incorrectly mean 'their.' xa-lam-ma
must signify 'destroy'; see Br. 11850: xa-lam = xulluqii 'destroy.'
Line 35. The god ab-u = Ninib, Br. 3836.
Line 36. i-de==naplu8u 'look, aspect/ Br. 4010. lar=namdru
'shine forth,' Br. 1775. i-de-bar is a combination which means
'aspect' in this connection. Sag = damqu 'gracious,' Br. 7291.
nam-ba-e-'bi-'bi] the prefix nam is not necessarily negative; cf.
100 D. Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz.
Prince, p. XXIX 34: it merely serves here to strengthen
the ordinary fca-prefix. bi-bi = qibu 'speak', Prince, 57.
Line 37. sar = nipxu 'rising,' as of the sun or a planet,
DW 474. sar-bar is a synonym or a parallel of i-de-bar of
the preceding line. I render the precative force of xu- in
xu-ub-nani-bar-ri as 'verily she shineth forth;' note that bar
= namdru 'shine forth/ Br. 1775. pitu 'open out,' Br. 179L
Line 38. (lei) really = 'place;' here probably = 'where, wher-
ever.' dm-dirig = 'fullness,' with abstract prefix dm + dirig 'be
full/ Prince, 81. I render ur- here as bultu 'procreative
power,' Br. 11258 + the 3 p. suffix -ba. The sign after BA
is probably lig or kala, as it seems to be pronounced in this
hymn (note above line 16 LIG -a = kala-a). hala(?) + alam
must mean 'mighty of aspect.'
Line 39. mu-lu-mal 'she who' (relative mulii) + nial = saJcdnu
'establish, make,' Br. 5421. This must be an epithet applied
to Nina. PA can only indicate the goddess's sceptre of power;
Br. 5573: xattu 'sceptre, staff.' liab = gubu = Sumelu 'left
hand,' Br. 2684. I believe that DU = gub is a gloss giving
the reading of KAB = giib(u). sam-nag-ga; this nag = elteq
= uxulu 'a cleansing plant like a soap/ DW. 43; the prefix
gam = II is the determinative for 'plant. 7 ~ku here must
= nadu 'put in a specified place,' Br. 10 542.
Line 40. In gi-sa (DI)-dan-ni, 0t = 'reed/ Prince, 138; sa
(DI) = milku 'counsel, judgment, 7 Br. 9531 ; da is probably the
infixed postposition before the suffix -ni 'her.' me = qdlu
'speak,' Br. 10361.
Line 41. li-du appears in li-du an-na = elitum Sa zamdri
'high voice in singing.' It is probable that LI was pronounced
ngu(b), a cognate of me = qdlu 'speak.' du in li-du = M / nu
'firm,' Br. 4884. In im-mi-ir-ri-a-an-mc, 'unto him' is contained
in the -r- element.
It should be noted that in lines 3641 the goddess Nina,
the consort of Tammuz, is represented as being the revivifying
power acting against the destructive force of Ninib. Nina is
thus associated with Tammuz in this hymn as a life-giver after
the winter solstice. While she and Tammuz are away, all
vegetation ceases.
Line 41. er-lim-ma,', the second syllable is really lib, probably
pronounced Urn in conjunction with the following -ma.
Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. By MORRIS
JASTROW jr.
I.
BY a fortunate chance the Berkshire Athenaeum of Pitts-
field Mass, has come into possession of one of the tablets of
Ashurbanapal's library. ! Like the other specimens known to
exist in this country, 2 this one also was brought to this country
by the Rev. Dr. W. F. Williams, who, being at Mosul while
Layard was conducting his excavations in the region, obtained
some tablets from native Arabs. Three fragments are now
in the possession of Dr. Talcott Williams of Philadelphia (son
of Rev. Dr. Williams), a fourth after passing through several
hands came into the hands of Mr. George Harding, a Trustee
of the Berkshire Athenaeum who about two years ago presented
it to the institution. My attention was called to it during a
visit to Pittsfield, and I wish to express my obligations to
Mr. H. H. Ballard, the curator of the Athenaeum who kindly
placed the very interesting specimen at my disposal for study
and copying. It measures 8'/2 x 10 cm. and contains parts
of 31 lines on the obverse and parts of 24 lines on the reverse
together with a colophon showing parts of 6 lines. By com-
parison with similar colophons, the one on our text can be
completed, adding about 3 more lines. Completing the tablet
in this way, we are enabled to estimate the number of lines
missing at the top of the obverse at about 9 lines. How
many lines are missing at the bottom of the obverse and at
the top of the reverse, it would, of course, be difficult to say,
1 Discovered at Kouyunjik by Layard (1849). See Jastrow, Did the
Babylonian Temples have Libraries (PAOS. XXVII, 147 seq.) and Bezold's
Introduction to his Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik
Collection etc. (Vol. 5).
2 Two have been published by me (1) "A Fragment of the Babylonian
Dibbara Epic" (Phil. 1891) and (2) "A New Fragment of the Etana
Legend" (Beitrdge zur Assyriologie, Bd. III. pp. 363-383).
VOL. XXX. Part II. 8
102 M. Jastrow, [1910.
but from the comparison of this fragment with the twelve
others known to us and a study of the various editions
of the text that they represent, the conclusion may be
reached that the obverse of our fragment covered about
70 lines and the reverse about 54. l The tablet when received
contained considerable incrustation. Thanks to careful
treatment at the Chemical Department of the University
of Pennsylvania (for which I am under obligations to my
colleague Prof. E. F. Smith and to his assistant Mr. \Yallace)
and to a thorough soaking of the tablet in water, many lines or
individual characters that were at first obscured became entirely
legible, or sufficiently so as to enable me to practically make
out all of the tablet that has been preserved. Conjectural
restorations are indicated in the transliteration and translation
by being placed within brackets. The clay of the tablet is
of the reddish color that is characteristic of so many of the
tablets of Ashurbanapal's collection. The characters are care-
fully written but often difficult to read especially in the
crowded portions. An interesting feature is the small double
wedge frequently appearing in some of the lines, 2 indicating that
in the copy from which our tablet was copied a line ended at
the mark in question. The bearing of this feature on the inter-
pretation will be shown further on. As to the holes evidently in-
serted into the clay before the characters were inscribed, scholars
still waver between the supposition that they were made to
protect the tablet from cracking in the course of baking, or
as receptacles for wooden pegs on which the tablet rested
while the one side was being inscribed. Probably neither
supposition is correct. Tablets can be burned without air
holes witness the large historical clay cylinders and the
business documents and the attempt to steady the tablet by
means of pegs at the places indicated by the holes would hardly
prove very effective. The holes are both too close together
and too irregularly distributed to make this supposition a
plausible one. I have sometimes thought that they were in-
serted as a kind of guide to the scribe in copying his tablet,
but this thesis also encounters objections.
* The colophon takes up 9 lines and these being more widely spaced,
the reverse contains fewer lines than the obverse. See below pp. 113123.
2 On the reverse 11. 3. 12. 16. 17. 19. 20. 21. 22.
.Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 103
That the tablet belongs to the Etana myth follows from the
colophon and is confirmed by the context. It is therefore a
curious chance that two of the four fragments of the royal
library that found their way to this country should form parts
of one and the same series.
II.
The fragment reads as follows: 1
Transliteration.
Obverse
[about 9 lines wanting].
it-ba-ru a-[-nd-ku]
[eru] pa-yu i-pu-sam-ma [a-na siri izakkar]
- so, ru-a-u-iu -
5. [lim-ni-ta]*-ma kab-[ta-ti nu-u-ri-is]*
il [GAL-la] 5 $a Hani [a-Sak-fat, ni-kul-ma]*
al-ka(?) 1 ni-zak-pa-am-ma --
ni-it-ma-a irsitim --
ina viabar (il) SamaS ku-ra-di ma-mit it-[mu-u]
10. [*a] i-ta-a sa (il) Samas [it-ti-ku]
(il) Samas Um-ni ina ka-at ma-ld-si [limabJiis(?) s
' Restored portions and conjectural readings in brackets.
2 A variant writing to ru-'-u-tu. Of. Muss - Arnolt, Assyr. Dictionary,
p. 941 a where it is used of the friendship between ox and horse.
3 Restored according to rev. 1. 8. Traces of lim and ta are discernible.
4 Restoration likewise based on rev. line 8 only that since it is
Shamash who is bringing the charge against the eagle, rev. 1. 8 reads
tu-u-ri, whereas here where the eagle and serpent are forming a plan,
we must read nu-u-ri, corresponding to the verbs in 11. 7 8 which are
in the first person plural.
& Traces discernible. Cf. rev. 1. 9.
6 Restored according to rev. 1. 9 but nikul again instead of takul.
i The first sign can hardly be anything else than al, though Gestin
(Briinnow Nr. 5004) is possible. The second sign is very puzzling. I
have settled upon ka as the most likely, though it looks as though the
scribe had started to write a different sign perhaps Sun (Briinnow Nr. 250).
s Compare for lines 1011, the parallel in the other fragment of the
Etana myth published by me obv. 1. 13 (Beitrage zur Assyr. Ill, p. 364),
where we can now restore after ka-at the word ma-li-?i and which on
the other hand enables us to restore the end of 11. 10 and 12 of our
text. Note also that in the other fragment 11. 1011 appear as one line,
8*
104 M. Jastrow, [1910.
$a i-ta-a $a (il) SamaS [it-ti-ku]
li-is-su-Su-ma ni-ri ---
kdk-ku mur-tap-pi-du eli-Su -
15. gi3-par-ru ma-mit (il) Samas lib-bal-ki-tu-$u-ma [li-bar-ru-su] l
iS-tu ma-mit [(il) Sama$] it-mu-u irsitim --
iz-zak-pu-nim-ma sa-da-a e-lu-[u ur-Jja e-te-ku-n]
umu I (kam) ta-a Hi i-na-sa-ru[-u] 2
alpu rimu pu-ri-mu eru 3 i-bar-ram-[ma]
20. siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)]
ar-mi sabite siru i-bar-ram-[ma]
eru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [en(?)]
sa-ap-pa-ri di-da-ni eru i-bar-ram-[ma]
siru ik-kal i-ni-i-u ik-ka-lu mare [siri(?)]
25. ---- kak-ka-ri siru i-bar-ram-ma
[eru ik-kal i-ni]-'i-u ik-ka-lu mare [eri(?]}
[eru ir-bi ak-]-kul-li mare eri ir-bu-u i-si-ti
[istu mare eri] ir-bu-u i-bi-ti
[i$tu mare eri]* li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma
30. [eru lib-ba-] b hi li-mut-tu
[ik-pu-ud-ma a-na a-ka-li ad-mi sa ru j a] 5 -^u is-kun
[number of lines lacking about 30].
Reverse.
[number of lines lacking about 30J.
though with the indication that in the text from which it was copied there
were two lines as in our text. The word limut is of course conjectural
but some such word must have stood there.
1 Parallel line in the other fragment obv. 12 which suggests the
restoration at the close.
2 Of. the phrase la na-sir mamit Hani rabuti ( VR. 8, 67).
3 So the compound ideograph Id-Hu is to be read and not nasru, as
is shown by the phonetic writing e-ru-u in the fragment published by
Scheil (Rec. des Travaux, xxiii, p. 21 ; rev. 11. 2 and 4). This is confirmed
by [e]-ru-u in the fragment K. 1547 rev. 20 (Beitrage zur Assyr. ii, p. 445)
which in turn corresponds to rev. 21 a of our fragment where the ideo-
graphic writing Id-Hu occurs.
4 Restoration suggested by the other fragment obv. 2 which itself may
now be restored as follows: istu mare eri [li-mut-tu ik-pu-du-ma].
5 The restoration [lib-ba-]su is quite certain. Traces of ba discernible.
Cf. the other fragment obv. 3 where no doubt limuttu is to be added.
6 Restored according to the other fragment obv. 5.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 105
- [u-mi-]sam-ma im-ta-na-Jja-[ra (il) SamaS]
[i-na] su-ut-ta-ti a-ma-ta-ma man-nu i-di-ki i-sak-na tuS-Se
arad-ka
5. [ia-]a-8i eru bid-lit- an-ni-ma
[a-na] u-mi da-ru-u-tl zi-kir-kalu-us-te eS-me
(il) SamaS pa-su epuS-ma a-na eri i-zak-kar-[$u]
lim-ni-ta-ma kctb-ta-ti tu-u-ri-is
(il) GAL-la so, ildni a-sak-ku ta-kul
10. ta-ma-ta-a-ma la a-sa-an-ni ka-ak-ka-friy
a-lik a-me-la sa a-sap-pa-rak-ka kat-ka li-is-[bat]
(il) E-ta-na u-mi-sam-ma im-ta-alj-Jja-ra (il) feamas
ta-kul (il) Samas ku-bur su-'-e-a irsitim 2 mithar-ti 3 i-da-am
ae-li-[ia]
ildni u-kab-bit e-dim-ma ap-kid
15. ig-dam-ra ma8-$ak-ki-ia (&AL}EN-ME-LI (mes)
Jaz-li-ia ina tu-ub-bu-ln 4 ildni iy-dam-[ru-]
be-lum ina pi-i-ka li-sa-am-ma id-nam-ma Sam-ma Za a-[la-di]
kul-li-man-ni-ma sam-ma Za a-la-di bil-ti u-sulj-ma su[-ma
$uk-na-an-ni] b
(il) SamaS pa-su i-pu-uS-ma a-na (il) E-ta-na i-zak-[kar-$u]
20. a-lik ur-lia e-ti-ik sad-a a-mur su-ut-ta-tum ki-[rib-3a bi-ri] 6
ina lib-bi-Sa na-di eru u-kal-lim-ka $am-[ma sa a-la-di]
a-na zi-kir (il) Samas ku-ra-di (il) E-ta-na ii-lik [ur-ha e-ti-ik
Sad- a]
i-mur-ma su-ut-ta-tum ki-rib-sa ib-ri ina lib-[bi-Sa na-di eru] 7
ul-la-nu-um-ma ul-tak-ka-as-[su] s
1 From this line on to the middle of 1. 21 we have a duplicate in
Harper's 2d fragment, Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, p. 394 (K. 1547 Rev.).
Lines 5 to 10 of this fragment may now be restored according to our text.
2 The reading confirmed by ir-si-[ti\ in Harper's fragment 1. 9. Note
that line 13 of our text covers two lines in Harper's fragment (11. 89).
3 Briinnow Nr. 11261 or perhaps rapasti as Harper restores (ib. p. 392,
line 10).
4 Correct Harper's reading accordingly. Of. IV R 2 20 Nr. 1, 27 az-lu
tu-ub-bu-hu.
5 Restored according to the duplicate 1. 16.
6 Restoration based on 1. 23.
7 According to 1. 21.
s See the line before the colophon to K 2606 rev. parallel to our
text [ul-]la-nu-um-ma us-ta-ka-as-su. Correct Harper's reading of the
line accordingly. For ullanum in the sense of "recently just now," see e. g.
Virolleaud, I? Astrologie Chaldeenne, Sin Nr. Ill, 4; xviii, 29 etc.
106 M. Jastroiv, [1910.
Colophon.
25. eru pa-su i-pu-sam-ma ana (il) Samas leli-hi [i-zak-kar]
duppu II (kam) ala i-si tum(?)
ekal ASur-lan-apal ar [kiSSati sar mat A$ur(kiy\. 1
$a (il) Nabu (il) Ta$~me-tum uz-nu ra-[pa-as-tum isruku-Zu]
i-lm-uz-zu end na-mir-tum [ni-sik dup-sar-ru-ti}
30. $a ina sarrdni a-lik mah-ri-ia [mimmu $ip-ru su-a-tii la
i-lm-uz-zu\
[ni-me-ki (il) Nabu ti-kip sa-an-tak-ki ma-la ba-as-mu
ina duppdni a$-tur as-nik ab-ri-e-ma,
a-na ta-mar-ti si-ta-as-si-ia Id-rib ekal-ia u-kin].
Translation.
[Obverse.]
1. [Let us form(?)] friendship [you and I(?)] 2
Verily, a friend I [to thee will be (?)]
[The eagle (?)] 3 opened his mouth and [to the serpent (?)
spoke],
[An agreement (?)] of friendship [let us naake(?)],
5. The wicked and mighty (?) let us crush (?) 4 ,
[The gallu] 5 of the gods, [the a&akku let us destroy],
1 Restored according to II E, 21, 26-34; 33; 38; IV R2 55 e tc. etc.
2 "While the restorations in this and in the 4th line are of course
purely conjectural, it is evident that the serpent and eagle are proposing
to form an alliance.
3 Room for two signs hence the suggestion to read ID-HU, though
of course it is possible that the serpent is addressing the eagle.
4 nu-u-ri-is (like tu-u-ri-is rev. 8) from amst(?), perhaps related to resu
(Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet, p. 104 b ) like arasu to resu. One is naturally
inclined at first to take limnita and kabtati as permansives "evil and
wicked art thou" but there are various obstacles in the way. One should
expect kabtata as in the 4th tablet of the Creation Story 1. 3. To denounce
one as " evil and mighty " would be a strange combination. I prefer to
take both words as descriptive epithets. The force of the ma which as
the combining element outside of verbs is not infrequent in divination
texts (see e. g. IV R2 34 Nr. 1, obv. 4) seems to be that of conveying a
compound term "powerfully wicked" or "wickedly powerful."
5 The addition of la to Nun points to the reading gallu and I have
no hesitation in identifying this with the well-known designation of
a particular demon, for which, to be sure, the ordinary ideographic
designation is Te-Lal (Briinnow Nr. 7732) but which is also written
phonetically gal-lu-u and gal-lu. See Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 217 a .
The juxtaposition with the demon aSalcku leaves no doubt as to the
identification.
Vol. xxx.] Another fragment of the Etana Myth. 107
let us set up
Let us lay a ban on the earth
In the presence of Shamash, the warrior, the ban they laid.
10. Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash,
May Shamash grievously through the destroyer 1 [cut off]!
Whoever [transgresses] the bounds of Shamash,
May he remove him and -
May the overpowering weapon [fall] on him -
15. May the sling, the ban of Shamash hit him [and catch him]!
When they had laid the ban [of Shamash] on the earth
They set up, they ascended the mountain [they took the
road(?)].
For one day they kept the charm 2 of the god.
An ox, a wild ox, a wild ass, the eagle caught,
20. The serpent ate, 3 drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)] ate.
A mountain goat, gazelles, the serpent caught,
The eagle ate, drew back, the young [of the eagle (?)] ate.
A wild mountain gazelle, 4 a didanu, b the eagle caught,
The serpent ate, drew back, the young [of the serpent (?)]
ate.
25. - - of the ground 6 the serpent caught,
[The eagle ate, drew back], the young [of the eagle (?)] ate.
1 -For mahisu in the sense here taken it is sufficient to refer to the
passage in the hymn to Shamash ZA. IV, p. 31, col. Ill, 29 where the word
appears in juxtaposition with mu-tir-ru buli "destroyer of cattle."
2 Instead of ta-a one is tempted in view of the preceding lines to
read i-ta-a, the accidental omission of the i being due to its resemblance
to the preceding kam. However, tu as a synonym of mamitu is no
doubt correct.
3 The reading ik-rib "drew near" is of course possible here and in the
succeeding lines, but in view of ik-ka-lu, the preference is to be given to
ik-kal, just as in the Deluge myth (Gilgames XI, ]55) ik-kal i-sa-ah-hi
"ate and went away" which is a partial parallel to our passage. Of. Muss-
Aruolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 34 b . Whether at the end of the line we are to
restore eru or siru is also open to question, though the general sense is
not affected whichever reading we adopt.
4 Of. II B, 6, 6d. Our passage fixes the correct reading of the term
with an s and not sap-pa-ru as has been hitherto assumed. Delitzsch in his
Assyrische Tiernamen, p. 48 read correctly sapparu, but his comparison
of a very doubtful Arabic term .-ft-Co "young gazelle" is not acceptable.
* Or di-ta-nu as II B, 6, 7 d .
6 It is tempting to restore sah kakkari in view of II E, 24 Nr. 1 rev.
19, but the traces do not favor this.
108 M. Jastrow, [1910.
[When the eagle stirred up] tribulation (?y the young of the
eagle raised an uproar. 2
[When the young of the eagle] raised an uproar,
[When the young of the eagle] planned evil,
30. [The eagle directed his heart] in evil design.
[To eat the young of his friend] he determined. 3
[Reverse.]
[the eagle] daily faced Shamash.
[In] the hole I will die and he who stirred up, should settle
the strife 4 of thy servant.
5. Me the eagle let me live and
Eternally, I will glorify thy name.
Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to the eagle.
The wicked and mighty one didst thou carry off.
The powerful one of the gods, the asakku didst thou con-
sume.
10. Therefore thou shouldst die 5 and to the unseen (?) 6 land
Go! The man whom I shall send to thee may he seize
hold of thee. 7
Etana daily faced Shamash, 8
The reading ak-kul-li is suggested by the following isitu.
2 Cf. e-si-ti mdti (I K, 40 col. IV, 36) by the side of esitu and i-sit-tu
(see Jastrow, Religion Babyl. u. Assyr., I, p. 480 note 12 and II, p. 54
note 7). The general sense is "uproar." "Geschrei" as I rendered it
11, p. 54, is perhaps better than "Vernichtung" (I, p. 480), though destruction
is also involved.
3 While the restorations in these lines are again purely conjectural,
the general context has, I think, been correctly caught with the help of
the fragment above (p. 103, note 8) referred to.
4 For tu-se in connection with diku see the Hammurabi Code col. VIII,
2 tu-u$-sa-am-ma id-ki. The contrast to diku would naturally be sakanu.
s The emphatic form ta-ma-ta-a-ma conveys the force of deserving
death; it is a threat rather than a mere assertion.
6 asannu is a new word and evidently a description of the dwelling-
place of the dead. One is reminded of the a-ar la a-ri "unseen place"
in the incantation IV R 2 16, 47 a which, as 1. 51 a-ar la a-si-e shows,
refers to the nether world.
7 Evidently in the sense of furnishing assistance, as in the passages
quoted by Muss-Arnolt, Assyr. Diet., p. 861 a .
8 The phrase implies an appeal to the god (as above 1. 3) making
the direct statement that Etana opened his mouth etc. superfluous.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 109
Thou hast consumed, o Shamash, the strength (?) of my sheep,
in the whole earth the young (?) of my lambs. 1
The gods I have honored, the shades, I have regarded,
15. The priestesses 2 have put an end 3 to my offerings. 4
My lambs through slaughter 5 the gods have put an
end to.
lord! By thy command may some one go out and give
me the plant of birth!
Show me the plant of birth, tear out the fruit G and [grant
me] an offspring!
Shamash opened his mouth and spoke to Etana.
20. Take the road, pass to the mountain, seek out the hole,
[look] within it.
Wherein the eagle has been thrown, I will show thee the
plant [of birth].
1 A difficult line. The parallelism with az-li-ia leaves no doubt as to
the force of su-'e-a. In the Gilgames epic, ku-bur (VI, 123, 147, 188)
written as in our passage, occurs in connection with the "horns" and
"tail" of the divine bull, and the general sense of "strength" fits the con-
text. The "strength of my sheep" would be equivalent to "my strong
sheep." As a parallel to this, I am inclined to take i-da-am az-li-ia,
connecting the former with admu "offspring". Naturally, this is merely
offered as a suggestion. To take idam as a verbal form from da'amu
"dark" gives no good sense. Shamash being addressed could not be the
subject, as little as irsitum which is feminine. If my interpretation is
correct, idam as a parallel to kubur would have more specifically the force
of "vigorous." Is this perhaps the underlying sense of the stem addmu
from which we get admu in Assyrian "young, vigorous" and DIN in Hebrew,
parallel to vir "the strong one" as the designation of "man" by the
side of the other word for man among the Semites Bh3X ^^1 e ^ c *
= Assyrian ensu, nise, teniseti etc. as the "weak" one?
2 Our text shows that "priestesses" are introduced not priests as
Harper assumed hence the feminine plural igdamra. The syllabary V R
13 rev. 49 is, accordingly, to be restored [Sal En-]-Me-Li = &a-il-tu. In
the text IV R 60* B obv. 7 we have the masculine equivalent with ma&saku
as in our case. See Jastrow, A Babylonian Parallel to the Story of Job
(Journal of Bibl. Literature, XXV, p. 159 notes 8485).
3 igdamra I take in the sense of "destroy" as implying the rejection
of the offerings. IV R 60* C rev. 99 sahatu " destroy " is employed in
the same way.
4 mas-sak-ki-ia. Cf. Jastrow ib. note 85.
5 Not as a sacrifice but as an actual destruction.
6 biltu I take as a reference to the tearing out of the plant not to
the birth of a child as Harper assumed.
110 M. Jastrow, [1910.
On the order of Shamash the warrior Etana took [the road
passed to the mountain],
Sought out the hole, looked within it, [wherein the eagle
was cast],
(Where) recently he had been left to perish. 1
Colophon.
25. The eagle opened his mouth and to Shamash his lord [spoke].
2nd tablet of the series ala i-si tum(?)
Palace of Asurbanapal, king [of the universe, king of
Assyria],
Whom Nebo and Tasmit [have granted wide] understanding,
Endowed with clear vision [for the glorious art of writing] 2 ,
30. Whereas among the kings before me [none had acquired
that art].
[The wisdom of Nebo, the grouping (?) 3 of all extant col-
lections (?) 4 5
On tablets I wrote, compiled and revised, to be seen and
to be read in my palace I placed. 5 ]
1 II, 1 from sakasu.
2 nisik dupsarruti is to be taken as a compound term "writing-art"
and to be connected directly with the preceding ena namirtum. The
latter phrase might be rendered " clear insight." To separate nisik dup-
sarruti from what precedes as Myhrman does (ZA, XVI, p. 167), following
Delitzsch, Assyr. Worterbuch, p. 293, is to lose the force of the whole line.
3 ti-kiptor which Delitzsch's explanation (Assyr. Thiernamen, p. 8),
connecting it with talmudic *pn "join" still seems to be the most satis-
factory. Of. also II R 49, Nr. 1 obv. 13 and III R 57, Nr. 6, 52 seven
ti-ik-pi stars = seven "joined" stars.
4 santakku is certainly to be derived from sataku with inserted n, as
the variant sa-tak-ki (V R 51, col IV, 55) shows. My suggestion for
santakku is based on the circumstance that the ideograph for the word
is the sign Tis (Meissner, Nr. 7563) in S. A. Smith, Keilschrifttexte Asur-
banipals, I, p. 112, 15 = V R 13 and elsewhere (see Muss-Arnolt, Assyr.
Diet., p. 787 b ) in the phrase sabe santakkika = "thy collected troops."
5 It is of course possible that the colophon contained several additional
lines like IV R 2 56 and V R 51. A collection of all the various colophons
and a careful renewed study of them is much to be desired, as a supple-
ment to Delitzsch's discussion in his Assyrische Thiernamen, pp. 611 and
in the Assyr. Worterbuch, pp. 293294. Such a study would show that
the various classes of texts had distinctive colophons. See Jastrow,
Reliffion Babyloniens und Assyriens, II, p. 226 note 1 for the form
characteristic of divination texts.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. Ill
III.
The general character of the contents of the fragment is
clear. The obverse evidently opens with a scene between the
serpent and the eagle, in the course of which the two agree
to form a friendship in order to carry out some plan of attack
together. That plan involves the capture and destruction of
demons and, apparently also, of placing the entire earth under
a ban. The serpent and eagle swear a powerful and binding
oath in the name of Shamash who is here viewed in his
usual role of judge and punisher of those who do wrong.
The next scene leads us to the mountain whither the
serpent and eagle have gone. During the one day that they
kept the agreement, they succeeded in capturing a number of
animals and sharing them together. Then the catastrophe
occurs. Prompted apparently by a suspicion of the serpent's
fidelity, the eagle plans an attack upon the young of the
serpent. At this point, unfortunately, the obverse of the frag-
ment breaks off, and when the thread of the narrative is again
taken up on the reverse, we find the eagle thrown into a hole
and in a state of utter despair appealing to Shamash to help
him out of his predicament. The sun-god reproaches him for
what he has done, but acceding to the eagle's prayer to let
lii m live, declares that he will send a man to his assistance.
The third scene introduces us to the man who is none other
than Etana. He is a shepherd 1 whose flocks have evidently
suffered through the ban that has been laid upon the earth.
They have failed to bring forth young and Etana, accordingly,
appeals to Shamash to show him the plant of birth. Shamash in
reply tells Etana to go to the mountain to the hole wherein
the eagle has been thrown and there he will see the plant of
birth. The fourth scene takes us back to the mountain but
with the meeting of Etana and the eagle, our tablet the
second of the series closes,
1 See K 2606 obv. 6 ri-e-um-Si-na (Harper, Beitrage zur Assyr., II,
p. 399). It is interesting to note that on cylinders representing Etana's
flight, a shepherd with his flocks is pictured as looking at the eagle
bearing Etana aloft. According to Dr. "W. H. Ward's plausible explanation,
the accompaniments to a scene on a cylinder stand in a direct connection
with the main representation, symbolizing other episodes that belong to
it. In this case, therefore, the shepherd would be Etana feeding his flocks.
112 M. Jastrow, [191 o.
In order now to understand the purport of these four
scenes it is necessary to pass to a consideration of the other
fragments of this myth that are known to us. It is the merit
of Dr. E. J. Harper l to have added to the three fragments
dealing with a story of the eagle, serpent and Etana found
by George Smith 2 among the tablets of Ashurbanapal's library,
seven others in one way or the other connected with the two.
An eleventh fragment also from this library was published by
me as indicated above 3 and a twelfth in the older Babylonian
script by Scheil. 4
Harper divided his ten fragments into three groups as
follows: (1) containing a story of the serpent and the eagle
together with what he calls erroneously however a prayer of
Etana for his son, 5 (2) the story of Etana's ride on the back of
the eagle, (3) an assembly of the gods. In my publication of the
llth fragment, I suggested 6 a somewhat different order but
Jensen's discussion of the fragments 7 together with the study
of the 13th fragment, herewith published, has led me to a
modification of my views. The new fragment shows that
Jensen was right in his^ suggestion that the llth fragment
though ending with the consignment of the eagle to a hole in
which he is to die does not necessarily involve the death of
the eagle. My contention, therefore, that the episode of the
eagle with Etana must be placed before the discomfiture of
the eagle was erroneous. I now accept Harper's view which
is adopted by Jensen that the story of the serpent and the
eagle comes before that of the eagle and Etana. There is
now also no reason for questioning 8 the connection of K 8578
with Rm 79, 78, 43 as proposed by Harper, but on the other
hand the new fragment while confirming my suggestion that
the first line of K 8578 obv. is to be completed in accord-
ance with the colophon to K 2606 rev., raises the question
whether K 8578 represents the 4th tablet of the series?
1 Die Babylonischen Legenden von Etana, Zu, Adapa und Dibbarra
(Beitrdge zur Assyr., II, pp. 391408).
2 Chaldaean Genesis (5th ed.), pp. 138144. 3 See above p. 101, note 2.
4 Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, pp. 1823.
5 It is an appeal of Etana to the sun-god.
6 Beitrdge zur Assyr., Ill, p. 371.
7 Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, VI, 1, p. 100 note 2.
8 As was done by me in Beitrdge zur Assyr , II, p. 370. See Jensen's
strictures KB, VI, 1, p. 102.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 113
Attention has already been called to the fact * that the colo-
phon of our fragment contains as the opening line of the
following tablet the same words as in the colophon to K 2606
rev. Moreover, the last line of K 2606 rev. would appear to
be identical with the last line of our fragment. In the case
of our fragment, however, the colophon states that this
tablet is the 2nd of the series, whereas K 2606 is entered
as the 3rd tablet of the series. 2 It follows that we have
here two different editions of the text and that what covered
only two tablets in the one copy covered three tablets in
the other. The marks on the reverse of our tablet indicating
the ends of lines in the copy from which our fragment was
copied shows, as a matter of fact, that the 12 fragments from
Ashurbanapal's library represent different copies. Since K 2606
represents on the obverse the account of the assembly of the
gods Harper's third episode we would have to assume in
order that K 2606 rev. and our fragment should represent
duplicates of one another, that the broken off portion of the
obv. and the rev. of K 2606 contained considerably more than the
episodes which in our fragment cover the obverse and reverse.
A consideration of this thesis will show that it is improbable.
The new fragment, as will presently be shown belongs to a tablet
much longer than any of the others and to assume that K 2606
should represent part of a tablet again twice as long (at least)
as the new one is certainly highly improbable. Moreover, if K
2606 belongs to a tablet so much larger than the one of
which the new fragment forms a part, we would certainly not
expect since the tablets of any edition of a series are of the
same size that what covered two tablets in the edition of
which the new fragment is a part should require three tablets
in the other edition but rather the reverse. A simpler solution
will be suggested in the course of this discussion.
IV.
The analysis given of the new fragment shows that it
belongs to Harper's first group. The next point to be made
clear is its relationship to the other fragments of this group.
1 See above p. 105, note 8.
2 A renewed examination of the fragment kindly made by Mr. L, W.
King confirms Harper's reading (3 wedges).
114 If. Jastrow, [1910.
Taking up K 1547 first, we note that the reverse is a
duplicate of the reverse of the new fragment which we will
designate hereafter as the 13th, 11. 5 20 of the former
= 11. 10 20 a of the latter, i.e. 16 lines against 11 1/2 lines,
indicating that we have two different copies before us. The
indications in 11. 16, 17, 18 and 19 of the ends of lines in
the text from which the 13th fragment was copied show
that the scribe had an original before him in which the lines
agreed with the length of those in K 1547. The obverse of
the latter shows no points of agreement with the obverse of
the new fragment but corresponds with the rev. of K 2527,
11. 2342 of K 2527 = 11. 124 of obv. of K 1547. Now,
the obverse of K 1547 begins with the appeal of the serpent
to Shamash for revenge upon the eagle who has eaten the
young of the serpent. The lower edge of the obverse of K
2527 is preserved so that we have on the reverse, as on the
obverse of K 1547, the continuation of the story the advice
of the sun-god to the serpent to enter the carcass of a wild
mountain bull and to pounce upon the eagle as he swoops down
to eat the flesh of the carcass. The immediate continuation
of this episode is furnished by the reverse of the llth frag-
ment. Evidently the first seven lines l correspond to K 2527
rev. 3542 and to K 1547 obv. 1724. The practical agree-
ment in regard to lines (7 as against b>) shows that these
three fragments belong to tablets of about the same size.
The strategy succeeds, the eagle is caught, stripped of his
feathers and altogether badly battered is thrown into a hole and
there left to die. This hole is evidently in the mountain, for it is
to this hole to which Etana is sent by Shamash. The two tablets
therefore, K 2527 and the llth fragment closed with this
episode, while the reverse of K 1547 represents the continuation.
The obverse of the llth fragment contains the incident of the
treachery of the eagle and joins on to the end of the obverse of
the 13th fragment 11. 2-5 of the 1 1 th fragment = 11. 2931
of the 13th fragment, though the lengths of the lines do not
correspond. The new fragment thus furnishes a piece of the
narrative that takes precedence to what is contained on the
other three namely, the alliance between the eagle and the
i Some of my readings must be corrected as Jensen (K. B. VI, 1,
p. 106 seq.) very properly pointed out.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myili. 115
serpent, and their adventures until the point of treachery.
Again, the obverse of K 2527 represents the episode after the
destruction of the young of the serpent by the eagle, namely
the appeal of the serpent to Shamash, but we have no means
of accurately determining the size of the gap between where the
obverse of the llth fragment breaks off and where the obverse
of K 2527 takes up the thread, but it was probably not large.
At the top of the obverse of the llth fragment only a few
lines are missing, for the end of the reverse represents in all
probalities the last line of the tablet, followed by the colophon.
Assuming that K2527 and the llth fragment represent parallel
texts, both must have begun at the point represented by 1. 27 of
the obverse of the 13th fragment, which marks a new phase in
the narrative the beginning of the treachery. We thus obtain
for these two tablets (a) obverse = 20 lines of the llth frag-
ment plus 20 lines of K 2527 = 40, to which we may add as
a maximum a gap of say 10 lines = 50 lines and (b) reverse
= 21 lines of K 2527 plus 17 additional lines of the llth
fragment = 38 lines which with 3 or 4 lines of the colophon
would bring the total to about 42 lines. The break of circa
30 lines at the end of the obverse of the llth fragment and
the beginning of the reverse (20 of which are filled up by the
obverse of K 2527) must of course be distributed between
the two sides. We thus obtain for the total length of each
of the two fragments between 90 and 100 lines, both covering
the following episodes: (1) treachery of the eagle and destruction
of the young of the serpent, (2) appeal of the serpent to
Shainash, (3) advice of Shamash, and (4) success of the strategy
and the discomfiture of the eagle. The new fragment covers
this entire field and, in addition, starts at a point further
back the story of the alliance and of the adventures of the
eagle and serpent in the mountain. It also continues the
story after the discomfiture of the eagle, furnishing three new
episodes: (1) the appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue,
(2) the appeal of Etana for the plant of birth, (3) the coming
of Etana to the place of the eagle in the mountain. The
length of this tablet must therefore have been considerably
greater, namely, 27 lines till the obverse of the llth fragment
plus 90 to 100 lines, and since at the top of the obverse only
a few lines are missing, inasmuch as we have the close of
the reverse preserved we may estimate the length of the
116 M. Jastrow, [1910.
tablet to which the 13th fragment belongs at about 130 lines
perhaps only 124 lines divided between the two sides.
The episode of the alliance and of the adventures of the eagle
and serpent with which the obverse of the 13th fragment begins
say from 33 to a maximum of 36 lines not being sufficient
to cover an entire tablet, we are justified in assuming that
in the editions to which K 2527 and the llth fragment be-
longed, the tablet that preceded began at a point further back
than the account of the alliance and the adventures, which
could have been narrated on the reverse. In other words
the relation of the edition of K 2527 and the llth fragment,
which we may call edition A, to the edition of the 13th frag-
ment, which we may call B, is about the same as the edition
of K 1547 the obverse of which = reverse of K 2527, and
which we may call C, is to A; i. e.
(a) obverse of A in tablet no x of the series = rev. of
B, and
(b) obverse of C in tablet no x of the series = rev. of the
preceding tablet in A,
which means that the tablets of edition B contain much
more than edition A, and the tablets of edition C much
less than A. "What therefore would be the 2nd tablet in
B would be the 3rd tablet in A, while a part of it in C
would even run over into the 4th tablet. The point is of
importance for the relationship of the two remaining joined
fragments of Harper's first group K 8578 and Rm 79, 7 8, 43.
Before taking these up, attention must be called to the
relationship of K 1547 to the 13th fragment. Just as K 2527 and
the llth fragment end with the same episode the discomfiture of
the eagle, so K 1547 and the 13th fragment end with the coming
of Etana to the eagle, but while the first pair represent parallel
texts, this is not the case with the latter pair, for the obverse of
the 13th fragment begins at a point considerably further back
than the obverse of K 1547 which (so far as preserved) starts
with the advice of Shamash to the serpent. Since at the most
six lines on the bottom of the reverse are missing to bring it
to the point where the 13th fragment closes, there are (making
allowance for a colophon on the reverse) at the most 10 lines
missing at the top of the reverse. As a matter of fact, counting
8 lines back on K 2527, line 22 (= top of obverse of K 1547)
would bring us to the beginning of Shamash's answer to the
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 117
appeal of the serpent and with which K 1547 in all probabilities
began. The total length of K 1547 would thus be 8 + 24+17
(additional lines on the llth fragment) up to the discomfiture
of the eagle = 49 lines. Then the 24 lines of the reverse of
the 13th fragment plus a few lines missing at the top would
make the total length of this table about 80 lines. The three
editions would thus be made up of tablets as follows:
Edition A == Tablets of 90 to 100 lines
Edition B = Tablets of 124 to 130 lines
Edition C = Tablets of about 80 lines.
The calculation is naturally only approximate for the length
of the lines differs somewhat also in the three editions but it
is close enough for our purposes. The result reached above
is thus confirmed that what corresponds to the 2nd tablet of
the series in B would reach into the 3rd tablet in A and
perhaps into the 4th tablet in 0.
Coming now to the two joined fragments, they evidently con-
tained the second address of the eagle to the sun-god pro-
mising to do all that was asked of him, 1 and the dialogue
that ensued between the eagle and Etana upon the coming of
Etana to the hole wherein the eagle lay. Etana asks the eagle
to show him the plant of birth 2 but here, unfortunately, the
fragment breaks off. The colophon to the 13th fragment,
however, shows that the 3rd tablet of edition B began with
an address of the eagle to Shamash and since K 8578 etc.
begins with eru pi-i-8u, Jensen accepts my suggestion, made
at the time of the publication of the llth fragment, that this
line is to be restored according to the colophon of K 2606
which tallies with that of the '13th fragment. Through the
contents of this fragment the conjecture is strengthened, if not
indeed definitely confirmed, since, as we have seen it contains an
episode to which K 8578 etc. naturally joins on. We may there-
fore with perfect safety assume that K 8578 represents either
1 11. 56 "whatever he will say to me [I will do], whatever I will
say to him [let him do]. See Jensen KB VI, 1, p. 110. The reference
is to Etana. L. 7 "according to the command of the warrior Shamash,
[Etana took the road]" begins the episode of Etana's coming to the
eagle, accompanied, apparently, by a young eagle to show him the way.
2 Line 12seq. evidently repeats in substance rev. 17seq. of the 13th frag-
mentthe same appeal being made by Etana for the plant of birth, but
this time addressed to the eagle.
VOL XXX. Part II. 9
118 M- Jastrow, [1910.
the beginning of the 3rd tablet of edition B or the 4th (or more
probably the 5th) of edition C. To which of these two editions
it actually belongs, it is of course impossible to say. Dividing
the contents of all the fragments of the first group now
known to us (KK 1547, 2527, 8578 etc.) and the llth and
13th fragments into episodes we obtain the following survey:
(1) The alliance between the eagle and serpent and the ad-
ventures of the two recounted on the obv. of the 13th frag-
ment 11. 126.
(2) The treachery of the eagle proposed and carried out
despite the warning of a "very wise" young eagle recounted
(a) on the remaining portion of the 13th fragment, 11. 27seq.
and (b) on the llth fragment obverse.
(3) The appeal of the serpent to Shamash for revenge on
the eagle, recounted on K 2527, 11. 114.
(4) Advice of Shamash to the eagle recounted (a) K 2527
obv. 15 28 (including 6 missing lines), (b) K 1547 obv. 19
(circa 8 lines missing).
(5) The carrying out of the strategy proposed by Shamash
and ending with the discomfiture of the eagle recounted (a) on
the reverse of the llth fragment (end of tablet) (b) rev.
3042 of K 2527 (circa 17 lines missing to end of tablet)
(c) K 1547 obv. 11. 10 24 (circa 17 lines missing of episode).
(6) The appeal of the eagle to Shamash for rescue and the
latter's decision to send Etana to help the eagle out of his plight,
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 1 11
and (b) on the rev. of K 1547 11. 1 6 (circa 6 lines missing).
(7) Etana's lament and request for the plant of birth
recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th fragment 11. 1218
and (b) on the reverse of K 1547 11. 716.
(8) Address of Shamash to Etana and the order to the
latter to go to the hole in the mountain into which the eagle
has been cast, recounted (a) on the reverse of the 13th frag-
ment 11. 1924 (end of 2nd tablet of edition B.) and (b)
K 1547 rev. 17 20 (circa 6 lines missing to end of tablet).
(9) Second address of the eagle to Shamash, the coming of
Etana and the dialogue between the eagle and Etana recounted
on K 8578 + Em 79, 78, 43 (3rd tablet of edition B or
5th(?) tablet of edition C).
Let us now take up the fragment K 2606 which contains
in the colophon the indication that it is the third tablet of
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 119
the series ala i-si "he left the city". Scheil does not appear
to have noticed that the fragment published by him, which I
designate as the 12th, runs parallel to a considerable extent
with K 2606, J so that in part the latter can be restored
through comparison with the former, 2 and vice versa some read-
ings of Scheil can be corrected. But on the other hand the
two fragments are not duplicates. Not only do they diverge
from a certain point, 3 but Scheil's fragment is a large tablet
dating from the Hammurabi period with two columns to each
side. 4 The two accounts appear to stand in the relation to
each other of the beginning and end of an episode. In both
a state of anarchy is described, due apparently to the hostility
of the Igigi. 3 The land is without a ruler. Authority is
lacking, habitations and sanctuaries are not built, and the city 6
is besieged by the Igigi, but while the description of the terror
1 11. 10-16 of K 2606 correspond to 11. 19 of the 1st col. obv. of
the 12th fragment.
2 In K 2606 1. 9, we must evidently read [ra-]-bu-tum ; 11. 911 can
now be restored according to 11. 13 of the llth fragment. In 1. 4 of the
12th fragment we must read according to K 2606, 12 kali-si-na i-lu i-gi-gu.
For the latter we have in K 2606 the ideographic form. In 1. 2 of the
llth fragment read im-ta-li-ku. The traces of an additional line seem to
have been omitted by Harper between lines 12 and 13. Scheil's reading for
the beginning of 1. 7 can hardly be correct, while if we substitute ina u-mi-
su-ma (like K 2606 1. 14) we get a perfect sense. In 1. 9 of the fragment
we must read la ba-nu-u kib-ra-ti ni-is pa-ra-ak-ki like 1. 16 of K 2606. L. 8
of the fragment evidently contains the phonetic writing uk-ni-a-am for the
ideograph Za-Gin (=uknu, Briinnow, Nr. 11776) in 1. 15 of K 2606. Of. Scheil,
Recueil des Travaux, xxiii, 22 who wrongly, as it now turns out, rejected
the proposed reading. At the close of 1. 10 of the 12th fragment we must
evidently read e-lu da-ad-nim = elu da-ad-mi (1. 18 of K 2606). At this point
the two texts divide. It should be noted that this 12th fragment now in the
J. Pierpont Morgan Collection in New York (see Johns, Catalogue of the
Collection p. 22) is not only badly preserved but very difficult to read, so
that without a parallel text one easily misreads certain signs.
3 See close of preceding note.
* Apart from palaeographic evidence, the tablet has also the ear marks
of the Hammurabi period in the expanded phonetic writings like uk-ni-a am,
ma-a-tam si-im-tim etc. The determinative for deity is omitted before
Etana also characteristic of the Hammurabi period. The tablet is a
valuable indication of the age of the Etana story.
5 Seven in number. Of. 1. 17 of K 2606 (U) si-bit-tum with 1. 19
(and 12) the ideographic form 5 -f 2.
6 1. 19 ala Igigi su-tas-Jtu-ru[-u]. The city is evidently the one'referred to
in the opening line of the series ala i-c,i, and where the subject is some god
9*
120 M. Jastrow, [1910.
in regard to which the Annunaki hold counsel is continued
in the 12th fragment, in K 2606 the goddess Ishtar 1 is
represented as intervening. She looks about for a king and
places him in control, while En-lil looks out for the sanctuaries
of the gods(?). 2 It would be in accord with the character
of the Babylonian style of poetic composition to repeat at
the close of an episode the description of the conditions exist-
ing at the beginning, witness the frequent descriptions of
primaeval chaos in the Babylonian creation myth. Unfortunately,
the reverse, of K 2606 is not preserved with the exception
of the closing line and a part of the last line. The colophon
furnishes as the opening of the 4th tablet, a line that agrees
with the one given in the 13th fragment for the 3rd tablet, and
since the preserved portion of the closing line in K 2606 agrees
with the closing line of the 13th fragment, 3 it would be too
strange a coincidence if the two tablets did not close with
the same incident the coming of Etana to the place where
the eagle lies.
On the other hand, if what covered three tablets in one copy
corresponds to two tablets in another, the tablets of the former
must have been of a smaller size and we cannot therefore
assume that from the point where the obverse of K 2606
breaks off to the end of the reverse there should have been
included all the eight episodes covering about 125 lines em-
braced in the 13th fragment. We are thus confronted with
a problem for which no definitive solution can be offerred
until more fragments of the narrative come to light, but the
most reasonable conjecture is to assume that various versions
of the tale existed, differring considerably from one another
and in which episodes were included in one version that
were omitted in another. So much is clear that the anarchy
described in the 12th fragment and in K 2606 must have
preceded the rescue of the eagle by Etana, and since the
narrative can now be carried back continuously to the alliance
who is represented as deserting the city. If, as is possible from the
reference in 1. 24, the god is Enlil, the city in question might be Nippur.
1 Also designated as In-nin-na in 1. 22.
2 The reading 1. 24 pa-rak-ke Hani, seems to me preferable to paral&e
schame which Harper proposes. The photograph (p. 505) favors either reading.
3 In the 13th fragment we have as the closing line ul-la-nu-um-ma
ul-tdk-ka-as-[su} and in K 2606 . . . la-nu-um us-ta-ka-as-su.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 121
between the eagle and the serpent, the state of anarchy must
have preceded this incident also. There is every reason,
therefore, to believe that Scheil J is right in his supposition
that the state of anarchy represents the beginning of the entire
narrative, 2 just as the Gilgamesh epic opens with a description
of terror and confusion existing in Uruk.
Accepting this as a working hypothesis, we would have to
assume that the first tablet of the copy of which the 13th frag-
ment represents the 2nd, contained the episode of the state
of anarchy and the restoration of order. Then followed the
eight episodes covered by the 2nd tablet, after which came
another address of the eagle to Shamash perhaps a second
appeal then presumably an answer of the sun-god and, finally,
the coming of Etana to the eagle. The joined fragments
K 8578 + Rm 79, 7 8, 43 represent the beginning of this im-
mediate continuation of either the 13th fragment or of K 1547.
The episode in the 12th fragment and with which K. 2606
begins must therefore be removed from the position assigned
to the latter by Harper as a third group and placed before
the nine episodes into which we have divided the first group.
Harper's second group consisting of the joined fragment and
supplemented by three further fragments and recounting Etana' s
flight on the back of the eagle remains where it is and would
thus form the conclusion of the tale. The flight naturally
follows the rescue of the eagle by Etana. Taking the joined
fragment Rm 2, 454 + 79, 78, 280 as one, it is clear that
this and K 8563 are duplicates or parallels and that both
began with the story of the flight. 3 K 3651 of which only
a part of the obverse is legible, joins on at 1. 18 to the re-
verse of Rm 2, 454 etc. while Rm 522 (only one side preserved)
duplicates K 3651, beginning with 1. 12 of K 3651 and extending
1 1. c. p. 18.
2 If this be so, it must be borne in mind, as above pointed out, that
K 2606 being the 3rd tablet of the series represents the repetition of the
description as an introduction to an account of the restoration of order
by Ishtar and Enlil.
3 Harper has confused the obverse and reverse of K 8563. In
K 8563, the beginning of the obverse is preserved. Lines 617 of K 8563
= 11. 116 of obverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. The reverse of K. 8563 refers
to the "death" of the king(?) Etana (1. 4) and to his shade (e-dim-
mu-su 1. 7) and therefore furnishes some incident that followed upon
the flight.
122 M. Jastrow, [1910
5 lines beyond the latter, 11. 2630 of Rin 522 corresponding to
11. 24 to 27 of the reverse of Em 2, 454 etc. 1 If we are to assume
that these two fragments (K 3651 and Rm 522) also began with
the account of the flight, we would have to suppose for the
former at least 40 additional lines at the top, which would
give us a tablet of at least 130 lines and for the latter an
addition of 50 lines at the top which would give us a tablet
of 160 lines. This is most unlikely and it is much more
probable that both fragments began with the second and
fatal flight to the place of Ishtar, the first ending successfully
with the arrival at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea. 2 This second
flight forming a new episode would be an appropiate place at
which to begin a new tablet. The joined fragment and K 8563
would thus contain both episodes, while the other fragments
would begin with the second flight the same relationship
therefore as between K 2527 and K 1547. If we assume
(as above suggested), that the story of Etana's coming to the
eagle extended into the 5th tablet of edition C, we may sup-
pose that the episode of the first flight was still told in this
tablet and that the two fragments therefore represent the
beginning of the 6th tablet of this edition and in all pro-
babilities the last tablet of the series.
The larger size of the tablets of edition B (to which the 13th
fragment belongs) warrants us in assuming that both flights
were included in one tablet. Rm 2, 454 might, therefore,
represent the 4th tablet of edition B though this would assume
a long narrative in the 3rd tablet before the actual flight
began. Perhaps here too it may be more reasonable to sup-
pose that the other two fragments represent the 4th tablet
of edition B and the 5th of edition A, while Rm 2, 454 which
is a much broader tablet than the others (see the photographs
in Harper, BA, II, p. 509 compared with p. 503) would then
represent a fourth edition of the narrative complete perhaps
in three or at the most in four tablets. Certainly, the fatal issue
of the second flight must bring us to the end of the narrative.
The result of our examination thus shows that the fragments
so far recovered represent five and probably six different
copies of the text:
1 Note also that 11. 18-23 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. = 11. 17-25
of reverse of Rm 522 = 11. 1824 of K 3651 obverse.
2 11. 3436 of reverse of Rm 2, 454 etc. See also below p. 125.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 123
(1) Edition A in 5 tablets
(2) Edition B in 4 tablets
(3) Edition C in 6 tablets
(4) Edition D in 3 or 4 tablets
(5) A fragment of an edition (K 2606)
which may not have contained all the episodes. All these are in
the Kouyunjik collection, to which is to be added the (6) frag-
ment of the Hammurabi period a large tablet with two columns
to each side representing the beginning of the story and
which probably told the whole story in one tablet.
V.
Combining now to the various fragments of the story and
leaving aside the possibility that in some version or versions
certain episodes were not included, we may reconstruct the
story so far as known to us up to the present as follows.
The scene is laid in a city which has been deserted by
its patron deity or possibly by the gods in general. A
state of confusion and anarchy exists, due apparently to the
hostility of the Igigi. The Anunnaki hold a counsel in order
to put an end to this state of affairs. The goddess Ishtar and
the god Enlil appear to be the ones designated to come to the
rescue. A king is put in control on earth by the goddess,
while on high Enlil aids in re-establishing order. As in so
many of the Babylonian myths, we thus have a correspondence
between occurrences on earth and phenomena in the heavens.
Confusion and anarchy below is paralleled by disturbances
on high. During this state of anarchy, productivity ceases
on earth. The sheep do not bear young, the gods are deaf
to appeals or powerless to intervene against the ravages com-
mitted by hostile powers.
Eagle and serpent are next introduced as forming an alliance
to carry on a work of destruction. They defy the authority of
Shamash who represents order and justice. From the fact that
the king whom Ishtar places in control is also designated as
re'u "shepherd" and that Etana appears in the story as a
shepherd, 1 we may perhaps be permitted to conclude that the
king who is installed or possibly re-installed by Ishtar is none
other than Etana. However this may be, there is certainly a
* See above p. 111.
124 M. Jastrow, [1910.
direct connection between the ravages committed by the eagle
and serpent and the distress of Etana, both being due to the
general confusion that exists through the lack of control on
the part of those higher powers that represent order and the
harmonic working of the laws of nature. The state of affairs
reminds one somewhat of the conditions that prevail during
the period that Ishtar is retained as a prisoner in the lower
world, during which time likewise the animals do not bring
forth their young. 1 In this case we have, as is generally
recognized, a nature myth portraying the change of seasons;
and in view of the frequency with which this motif reoccurs
in Babylonian myths, it is not improbable that the conditions
portrayed at the beginning of the Etana story rest on the
same general basis a portrayal of the rainy and stormy
season in the heavens and on earth, which could be sym-
bolically represented as a time of confusion and disorder.
All this, however, must be viewed as merely conjectural until
a fortunate chance shall bring to light more fragments of this
part of the narrative.
The alliance between the eagle and the serpent comes to
an untimely end. They go into the mountains to hunt for
food. Each is accompanied by a young brood. First the eagle
kills an animal and shares it with his young (or with the young
of the serpent), then the serpent kills an animal and shares it
with his young (or with the young of the eagle), but the eagle
seizes the opportunity while the young of the serpent are
engaged in eating to pounce down upon them. He does this
despite the warning of one of the young eagles, described as
"very clever" or "very wise", who urges him not to break the
laws of Shamash i. e. not to run counter to the laws of righte-
ousness and justice. The eagle consumes the young of the
serpent and the latter appeals to Shamash for revenge for the
injury inflicted. Shamash listens to the serpent and proposes
a strategy. He advises the serpent to conceal himself within
the carcass of a wild bull one of the animals slain during
the alliance between the eagle and the serpent and then when
the eagle swoops down upon it, to seize him and tear him to
pieces. The strategy succeeds. Again the young eagle warns
the father eagle and again the latter pays no heed to the
Gun. Texts XV, PI. 46 rev. 67.
Yol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 125
warning. He lands upon the bull, the serpent jumps out,
tears the wings and feathers of the eagle and the latter is
left to die in a hole in the mountains. He does not die
however. It is now the eagle's turn to appeal to Shamash
to whom he promises eternal obedience, if only the sun-god
will help him out of his plight. At the same time Etana
"the shepherd" daily appeals to Shamash to again bring about
fertility among his sheep. He asks the sun-god to show him
the plant of birth that he may give it to his flock. Through
the new fragment the meeting of the eagle and Etana is for
the first time made dear. The plant of birth grows in the
mountains in the very hollow into which the eagle has been
cast. Shamash reveals this to Etana who takes the road to the
mountain and, guided by one of the young eagles (if Jensen's
restoration KB VI, 1 p. 110, 8 is correct), comes across the
eagle. The eagle appeals to Etana to release him from the hole
and as a reward promises to fly with Etana to the dwelling of
the gods. We are unfortunately left in doubt whether Etana
secures the desired plant and the gap in the narrative at this
point also prevents us from ascertaining the purpose of the flight.
In a general way we may conjecture that the eagle holds out
the hope to Etana of being placed among the gods, in other
words of securing immortality like e. g. Ut-napishtim, the
' ero of the deluge. This is a favorite theme in Babylonian
vths which, it will be recalled is introduced into the Gil-
mash epic. 1 Etana mounts on the back of the eagle and
Aether they fly upwards. They reach the heaven of Anu
and at the gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea i. e. the ecliptic, 2
they make a halt. So far so good. Again a gap occurs in
1 See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria (English ed.) pp.494seq.
2 The ecliptic, known as the larran Samsi "road of the sun" (see
Kugler, Sternkunde und Sterndienst in BabeL I, p. 259; Thompson,
Reports of the Astrologers etc., Nrr. 88, 103; Virolleaud, UAstrologie Chal-
deenne, Ishtar, Nrr. XXI, 73 ; XXV, 57, 58 etc. etc.), is divided into three
sections, known as the "road for Anu," "road for Enlil" and "road for Ea"
respectively (Virolleaud, Ishtar Nr. IV). The gate of Anu, Enlil and Ea 13
therefore synonymous with the entrance point of the ecliptic. The Etana
myth thus assumes the established astrological system, as is also indicated by
the goal of the second flight the station of Ishtar, identified in the astro-
logical system with the planet Venus. See Jastrow, Religion Babyloniens
und Assyriens, IT, pp. 441 and 444sf#. In the Adapa myth, the hero also
reaches the gate of Anu (Jensen, Keilinscliriftl. BibL, VI, 1, p. 96).
126 M. Jastrow, [1910.
the narrative and when the thread is once more taken up, we
find the eagle urging Etana to continue the journey in order
to reach the place where Ishtar i. e. the planet Venus dwells.
As in the case of the first flight, a distance of three kasbu
or six hours is covered. Whether at this point the eagle's
strength is exhausted or whether the goddess herself inter-
venes, at all events the precipitous descent begins. The eagle
falls through the space of three double hours and reaches the
ground. The close of the narrative is missing but clearly the
purpose of the flight has failed. We are left to conjecture
what happened to Etana and to his ancient "airship."
In view of the composite character of so many of the stories
that have come down to us from ancient Babylonia, 1 it will
not seem hazardous to assume that in the Etana myth two
originally independent tales have been combined, one based
on a nature myth and describing a state of anarchy and con-
fusion in a city which was deserted by its patron deity or by
the gods in general. During this period all fertility ceases.
The Igigi are hostile to the city and among those who suffer
from the anger of the gods is Etana, the shepherd whose
sacrifices to the gods are of no avail in bringing about fer-
tility among his flocks. Order is restored through the inter-
vention of Ishtar the goddess of fertility in cooperation with
Enlil. After the restoration, Etana appeals to Shamash or
perhaps originally to Ishtar to show him the plant of birth
of which he has heard and through which his sheep can again
be brought to bear young. The request is granted. Etana,
it would appear, is also reinstated as ruler over his people and
it is reasonable to suppose that the tale ended with the
transfer of Etana as a favorite of the gods like Ut-napish-
tim to a place among the immortals.
A second tale is that of an alliance formed by the eagle
and the serpent, the treachery of the former and his punish-
i For the creation story see the author's paper "On the Composite
Character of the Babylonian Creation Story" in the Noldeke Festschrift
Yol II, pp. 969982; for the Gilgamesh epic, the author's Religion
of Babylonia and Assyria (English edition), pp. 513 seq. and Hermann
Schneider, Die Entwicklung des Gilgameschepos (Leipziger Semitistische
Studien, V, 1) who (p. 83) calls attention also to the parallels between
Etana and Gilgamesh which led to the later confusion of the two by
Greek writers.
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 127
ment through the intervention of Shamash the representative
of justice and order. This tale appears to be a piece of
ancient folklore rather than a myth, to which there has been
added after the manner of folk tales a moral not to break
the decrees of Shamash.
These two tales the modified nature myth and the folk-tale
with a moral were combined, just as in the Gilgamesh epic the
two independent series of tales of Gilgamesh and Etana were
combined. 1 The alliance of eagle and serpent who join forces
in a warfare against the animals of the mountains is made a
feature of the confusion that reigns while the gods manifest
their anger or hostility. The serpent's appeal to Shamash
for vengeance suggests Etana's appeal to the god for the plant
of birth and the complete link between the two tales is brought
about by the meeting of Etana and the eagle in the mountain
where the sought for plant is to be found. The transfer of
Etana to the gods leads to the episode of the eagle carrying
him thither as a reward for helping the eagle out of his sad
plight. That through the combination both tales underwent
a modification is surely natural. So it is a reasonable con-
jecture that in the story of the eagle and the serpent, the
former actually dies after being torn to pieces by the serpent.
Indeed if one reads the description, it is difficult to see
what else can happen to the eagle except death. There
seems to be nothing left of him after the serpent finishes his
work. In order to connect the two tales, the eagle is revived
and is rescued by Etana. Similarly, in the original tale of
Etana, there is every reason to suppose that he was actually
placed among the gods. This is shown by the success of the
first flight in which the goal is attained, since the heaven of
Anu the highest part of heaven 2 is reached. The second
flight is clearly a duplicate of the first and betrays in the
language used its dependance upon the former. It is a favorite
theme with the Babylonian theologians to whom we owe the
preservation and final form in which the old folk tales and
popular myths were cast, that man cannot come to the gods,
nor can he find out what is in store for him after death, beyond
the certainty that he will be condemned to inactivity in a
1 See the references in the preceding note.
2 Gilgamesh Epic, XI, 115.
128 M. Jastrow, [1910.
gloomy subterranean cavern. There may be exceptions but
that is the general rule. It would be quite in keeping with this
spirit if in the combination of the two tales, Etana is pictured
as prevented from attaining his goal. Instead of being brought
into the presence of Ishtar he is thrown down to the earth.
Just as he appears to be approaching his goal, the eagle with
Etana on his back falls through the great space of three
double hours * that he has traversed just as Gilgamesh after
all his wanderings comes back to Uruk whence he started out
with his main purpose the securing of immunity from death-
unaccomplished. The two tales thus combined are made to teach
a lesson or rather two lessons, (a) one that the laws of Shamash
cannot be transgressed without entailing grievous punishment
and secondly and more important (b) that man cannot be im-
mortal like the gods. It is this lesson which the Babylonian
theologians made the burden of the composite Gilgamesh epic,
as is shown by the close of the tale on its present form. It is
this lesson likewise which is illustrated by the tale of Adapa
who through a deception practised on him forfeits immortality; 2
and it is this same lesson which, as it seems to me, the Etana
myth in its final form was intended to convey.
In view of the new and important fragments of the myth
that have been found since Harper published his study of the
text fifteen years ago, it would be profitable to reconsider in
detail the many parallels of the story found among other
nations and to some of which Harper already called attention. 3
1 That the 2nd flight is merely a duplicate of the first is seen in the
persistance of the "three double hours" as the distance traversed. In
reality the two flights cover six double hours and the eagle ought to fall
this distance before reaching the earth,
2 See Jensen, EeilinschriftlicJie Bibliothek, VI, 1, pp. 94101.
3 Beitrage zur Assyriologie, II, pp. 404407. In the story of the Kai
Kaus or Kavi Usan, the King of ancient Iran (990 B. C. according to
traditional accounts), who attempts to fly to heaven with the help of
eagles and comes to grief, we can see the influence of the myth of
Etana, transformed and adapted to teach the lesson of punishment for
heaven-defying pride. In a paper on this story, read before the American
Oriental Society, April 21st, 1909, under the title "A Legend of Aerial
Navigation in Ancient Persia," Professor Jackson gave the various Persian
and Arabic sources for the tale, viz: The Pahlavi Dinkart 9. 22, 512
(translation by West in Sacred Books of the East, v. 37, pp. 220223);
Tabari's Annales (ed. de Goeje I, pt. 1, p. 603); Firdusi, Shahname (ed.
Vullers & Landauer 1, 411-412, 11. 461486; 2, 1638, 11. 2018-2019);
Vol. xxx.] Another Fragment of the Etana Myth. 129
To do so, here, however, would carry us too far and must be
left for some other occasion.
Al-Tha'alibi, Histoire de Eois des Perses (ed. Zotenberg, Paris, 1900,
p. 165), told in connection with Kai Kaus' building of a high tower in
Babylon, from which the attempt to reach heaven by means of eagles
was made. This interesting combination of the aerial flight with a tale
that is evidently suggested by the biblical story of the Tower of Babel,
is a direct consequence of the introduction of the moral element in the
old nature myth. The biblical story, voicing the same warning against
ambitious pride, was associated with the tale of Kai Kaus and the latter
made the central figure of the combined tales.
May we perhaps see in the Hight of Ganymede with the eagle to the
seat of the gods and in Psyche's flight with the winged Cupid and her
fall to earth, (as told in Apuleius' beautiful tale of Cupid and Psyche
Metamorphoseon V, 104) traces with modifications of the episode in the
Etana myth? Cf., moreover, Meissner, ZDMG. 48, p. 190, note 5 about
the story of Kai Kaus.
."
30 -
The Origin and History of the Minaret. By RICHARD
J. H. GTOTTHEIL, Professor in Columbia University,
New York City.
THE minaret is usually considered to be one of the most
distinctive features of the Muhammadan mosque and the history
of its origin is naturally of interest to the student both of Islam
and of the history of architecture. But unlike the Mihrab
(prayer-niche) and Minbar (pulpit), the references to the
minaret in Arabic literature are very few; and the traditions
that have gathered around it are so scarce as to make one
feel that the religious significance that attaches to the Mihrab
and the Minbar are entirely wanting in the Minaret. Indeed,
the name itself is strange, and in no way expressive of the
purport for which the object was built. The word J^LL* can
have meant originally only "an object that gives light". As
such, it is used in old Arabic poetry for the oil lamp or rush
light used in the cell of the Christian monk, exactly parallel
to the Syriac m e ndrta\ l from which, however, it is not neces-
sary to derive the word, as Guidi and Fraenkel 2 have done,
seeing that the formation is perfectly regular. It is then used
for a "light-tower" or "light-house"; 3 the signification "a monk's
cell or chamber for retirement", given by Lane 4 from the
Kanz al-Mtiruf must be a late and a local one. Schwally
has suggested, 5 and he is followed by Douttee, 6 that the ap-
plication of the word manarat un to the tower of a mosque is
due to the light held by the Muezzin as he recites the call
to prayer at night which gives the onlooker below the idea
of a light-tower; but the explanation strikes one as involved
and far-fetched. The transfer of the name from a light-tower
1 Guidi, Delia sede primitiva del popoli Semitici, p. 38. Cfr. e. g.
Imrulkais (ed. Ahlwardt) 148, 87. Ibid. 152, 20 *>U* = ^L^o^ .
2 Guidi, loc. tit., p. 37; Fraenkel, Aramdische Fremdworter, p. 270.
3 See, e. g., the description of the lighthouses of the coast of Syria in
al-Mukaddasi (Ed. de Goeje), p. 177.
4 p. 1728. 5 ZDMG. 52, 145.
6 Les Minarets et Vappel a la priere in Revue Africaine, 43, 339.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 133
to the tower of a mosque must have been occasioned by the
resemblance of the one to the other. It is impossible to fix
the time at which this transfer was made. The earlier and
more significant designation of the minaret is mi'dhanah or
midhanah (pronounced in the language of the street ma'dhanah) 1
"a place from which the time of prayer is announced"', but
it occurs seldom in the literature of the Middle Ages, and
seems to have been driven out completely by the more common
word mandrah.
It is generally conceded that the earliest mosque in Islam
had no minarets at all. 2 The mosques built in the days of
Mohammed at Kuba and Medinah were so simple that there
was no place for building anything like a tower, even if the
means and the necessary skill had been available. Caetani,
in his monumental Annali di Islam,* has shown that the
mosque at Medinah was, at first, intended simply as a dar or
private dwelling for the prophet and his family: there was no
intention to build a place of assembly for the faithful. A
court with a portico around it, through which one entered
into the living-rooms of the family was all that it contained.
The whole was surrounded by a wall which was to preserve
the privacy of the dar. We have here, in embryo, the open
Salm and the closed Liivdn of the later mosques. Bilal, the
first Muezzin, was in general the herald of Mohammed, not
only the caller to prayer. The Adhan itself was copied from
the Christians and the Jews. 4 Ibn Hisham tells us that when
1 Or mdd-na] Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 78. In a story told in
Kitdb al-Aghdnl xx, 85 <4oiL* } z^Lixo and <*aa-*^o are used promiscuously.
2 The historians of architecture, then, go too far when they say, as
does Adamy, Architektonik auf historischer und astketiscker Grundlage^
II, 16: "Em oder mehrere Tiirme, Minarets, waren gleichfalls notwendige
Bestandteile fur die Moscheen". So, also, Adolf Fah, Grundrifi der Ge-
schichte der bildenden Kiinste (Freiburg 1897) p. 272: "wesentlich waren
endlich die Minarets"; and Liibke, Grundrifi der Kunstffeschichte, 13th ed.
II, 70: "Minarets . . . sind ebenfalls unumganglich". The Adhdn, itself,
however, is necessary: Dardir, Shark akrab al-masdlik p. 46:
3 I, 438 et seq.
4 Of course, Mohammedans do not admit this: in fact, the Jews are
presumed to have been surprised; al-ZurkanT, Shark al-Muwatta, 121:
* -^ ^4- Mohammedan Scholastics have all sorts
of conceits in regard to the origin of the ddhdn, e. g. that Gabriel was
VOL XXX. Part II. 10
134 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
the first Moslems came to Medinah they prayed without any
preliminary adhdn. 1 But the Moslems heard the Jews use a
horn, 2 and the Christians the Nakus or clapper (the so-called
ayia uAa or o-^/ze^T/ooV, a long piece of wood struck with a
flexible wabil, the Aramaic nakosha, which is still in use among
the Nestorians 3 ) ; and they wanted something similar for their
own use. So Mohammed gave the command "Rise, Bilal,
and summon to prayer!" Later tradition has embellished
this simple account. Al-Nawawl gives the words in this wise
' ; Go to some prominent place and summon to prayer". 4 It
was quite natural that Bilal should make use of a position
from which he could best be seen and heard. Upon one
occasion, during the Umrat al-Kasa in the year 7, Mohammed
ordered Bilal to recite the Adhdn from the top of the Ka c bah; 5
the first to recite it in heaven (al-Sharkam, Haehiyah I, 231), and that
Adam or Abraham was the first on earth to follow the custom (al-Zur-
kani. loc. cit.\
1 ed. Wustenfeld, p. 347: J^f-V. ^ \y*j ^^- <
l; al-Kastallam, Irshdd al-Sdri II, 3
0^3 ^^ . Cfr.
Muslim, al- Sahih (Delhi 1309), p. 164; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Muicatta, p. 121.
2 As far as we know, the Jews used the horn (shofar) only on certain
festivals. On the Arabic pronunciation of j^"* see al-Kastallani (loc.
dt.) ^o^^\,\ i"j^.y,\ jo^xio JL^jsxsiJLl ^j^xJl C^^ J5^^\ o-*-**^^
(= jmsn?; cfr. Jawallki, ed. Sachau, p. 94; Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld
II, 108). The earlier traditions use the word ^^> (Muslim, al-Sahlh,
p. 164) or ^3^ (Ibn Hisham I, 348; al-Zurkani, Shark al-Mmvatta, p. 121;
al-Si'utl. al-Hasffis. al-Kubra, Hyderabad 1319, I, 196). Another word
used appears in various forms : j^- 9 ", -^, J-^, && (Ibn Hisham II, 108).
Lisdn (X, 131, 174) and Taj al- l Arus (V, 478) decide for 5-0, though
there are authorities against them. Another, and later, tradition mentions
a fire-signal: >\ \j^S ^0^1^50, *^_?^. '*&^\ C^S*, \_^Jjo ^ \5j**
)\>y\ 5^-*^. ^>\ J^~> f*\3 tcoyJU \j*y*a*^\ \^ \2Jfa^ % Muslim loc. cit.\
al-Bukhari (ed. Krehl) I, 75; ZurkanT, loc. cit; Ibn Hisham II, 108 (note
in one Ms.).
3 Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus 2466. The Nakus was indeed used
at first for the early morning ddhdn in Fostat; al-Makrlzi, al-Khitat,
2nd ed., iv, 8. On the use of the word in the older poetry, see Jacob, Das
Leben der vorislam. Araber, pp. 85, 122 and Douttee, Les Minarets, passim.
4 j^b *2>j* (J\; al-Kastallam, ibid. p. 3; Zain al-'Abidin, al-Bahr
al-Rd'ik, p. 268 JU ^^o g ^\>^\ ^0.^.
5 Ibn Saad, Biographien, ed. Sachau, III, 1, p. 167; Wellhausen, Mo-
hammed in Medinah, p. 302. Ibn Hisham, p. 822, says only that Moham-
med ordered Bilal to recite the adhdn; but see Die Chroniken der Stadt
Mekka, iv, 109.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 135
which to some of the Meccans appeared to be an unholy act.
Upon another occasion, so the tradition runs, Bilal issued
the call from the top of a high house that happened to be in
the neighbourhood of the mosque; 1 and in the time of the
Umayyads, the poet al-Farazdak still speaks of the Adhan as
being pronounced "on the wall of every city". 2 Even in the
later law books it was laid down that "the Muezzin, if he is
on the road, may call to prayer while riding; if he descends
(from his beast) he must halt, but if he is riding, he need not
halt". 3 The example set by Mohammed, and especially by
Bilal, was followed; even though no formal prescription can
be found in reference to the ceremony. If the Mosque is
large, says a later authority, "there is no harm if a Muezzin
call to prayer from each one of its sides, so that all that
are near it may hear him at one and the same time." 4
There is then, as will be seen, no mention of a special place
for the Muezzin. We first hear of minarets in connection with
the mosque of Medinah under the Umayyad Walid ibn 'Abd
al-Malik (86-96 A. H.). 5 This holds good, also, for the early
mosques built outside of the Balad al-Haram. 6 The mosque
of Kufah was built by Sa c d ibn abi al-Wakkas in the year
17; 7 and that of Basra by Abl Musa al-Ash c arl in the same
year; 8 but in connection with neither of these is anything
said about a minaret. The one attached to the Basra mosque
is said to have been added by Ziyad ibn Abl Sufyan during
the Caliphate of Mu'awiyah. 9 One of the earliest mosques
built was that of 'Amr ibn al-Asi in Fostat, Egypt. It was,
1 Ibn Hisharn p. 348; Zain al-'Abidln, Al Bahr al-Rffik p. 268 c Abd al-
Rahman ibn al-Kasim, Kitdb al-Mudaivivanah I, 60 in the name of Malik
ibn Anas., al-Shafi'T, Risdlah II, 152 ,J* J-<o c^ U -**** ^b ^3
fLoNJl *\Loj ? \^.\ j<3v-*JU j4g&. Cfr., also, al-Si'utl, al-Hasais al-Kubra
I, 196 (but only Lolsx*l US'wXa*).
2 >\>b UjSy <3>l-o >^~~ A-ojw* J^ jyi <3 \U ^Xs^; cited
on the authority of Ibn Barn, Lisdn XVI, 150.
3 'Abdal-Rahman ibn al-Kasim in note 1.
4 al-Kastallan! II, 17.
s Schwaily in Z. D. M. G. LII, 143, citing al-Samhudl.
6 For the mosques built in the Maghreb, see W. and G. Margais, Les
monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris 1903), p. 46.
" al-Biladhurl (ed. de Goeje), p. 275; Yakut IV, 325.
s al-Biladhurl, pp. 346, 347 ; Yakut I, 640.
9 al-Biladhurl, p. 348.
10*
136 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
to judge from the accounts, a very simple building, without even
a concave mihrab and with a very low roof: 1 and certainly, it
had no minaret. There is a definite tradition that before the
time of Maslamah ibn Mukhallid, one of Mu'awiyah's governors
in Egypt (ca. 36 A. H.), there was no elevated place at all
for the Muezzin. Mu'awiyah ordered him to increase the size
of the mosque and "to build sawami'" for the adhdn. So
Maslamah constructed for the jdmi' four saivami' at its four
corners. He was the first one to construct them in it; they
having not existed before this time . . . the stairway, by means
of which the Muezzins mounted was in the street, until Khalid
ibn Sa'ld transported it inside the mosque". What the sau-
mcCah was, we do not know. The Arabic lexicographers derive
it from a root meaning "to be sharp, pointed" or "to be
provided with points or teeth"; 2 but the root is one that is
very rare in Arabic and it has no congener in the other
Semitic tongues 3 . The word seems to have come to the
Arabs from the name given to the cell of the Christian monk
perhaps" in connection with the Stylites who lived on the top
of a pillar. At least, both Bar c Ali 4 and Bar Bahlul 5 gloss
1 al-Makrm, al-Khitat, 2 nd ed. IV, 6; Abu-1-Mahasin 1, 76; Lane-
Poole, The Story of Cairo, p. 42. The same is true of the Jami 1 al-Askar,
the second mosque built in Cairo.
2 Taj al-' Arils V, 411:
Lisan X, 76:
Zain al- c Abidm, al-Bahr al-Ra'ik, p. 268:
Zamakhshari, Asds al-Balaghah s. v. :
o o iw
i. e. a sort of cloak: so, also, al-JauharT s. v. :
c__;UiL:a_n^ y&**\j (3 ^^ ^xi^oJ ^^UaXJ\ CU
jo^yil) \ *<$j>3 ^-o^Jl^. In some traditions, the word is used for the
place of the Muezzin; al-Sarakshi, al-Masbut I, 138: ^5^0 c^ *^\ ^
^XA-O^O ^j and cfr. Idrlsi, ed. Dozy and de Goeje, 139. 9.
3 Georg Hoffmann (Z. A. IX, 336) connects with it the word ^-^}
"a whirlwind of dust 1 '. Similar formations are discussed by al-Si c uti,
Muzhir II, 77. . 4 Ed. Hoffmann, No. 968.
5 Ed. Duval 221, 26. Al-Kindl, in his account of Ain Shams, says
that the figures upon the obelisks are covered by a A~stx>^o; which, of
course, can mean only "a pointed hat" or "tapering hood" (Oestrup in
Bulletin de I'Acacl Royale de Danemark, 1896, No. 4. p. 200) whence the
Vol. xxx.] The origin and History of the Minaret. 137
the Syriac estond by sainna'ah', and when the Caliph al-Walid
mounted up to the southern tower of the great Church in
Damascus before demolishing it, he found a monk living there
in a sort of hermitage (saumaah), which he refused to leave. 1
In the twelfth century the traveller Ibn Jubair found the
custom still prevalent; a Mohammedan anchorite inhabited
the western minaret, 2 which place the philosopher al-Grhazali
used as a retreat. It is only in the Maghreb that the term
saumcfah remained in use among the Mohammedans. 3 Ibn
Abi Zar' in his description ol the mosque of the Kairuanese
at Fez uses it interchangeably with manardh.* It has gone
over into Spanish as "zoma". 5
Nor does it seem that all mosques, even in later times,
had minarets; 6 and the historians of architecture go too far
when they describe them as necessary parts of the building.
Al-Nu c aiml, who lived in the fifteenth century (or his epi-
tomizer), in his description of the city of Damascus, 7 gives
us a more or less complete account of two hundred and one
mosques; to which he adds twenty-eight by name only. He
is very careful to mention the peculiarities of each building.
But only twenty of the whole number are said to have had
minarets. It is difficult to imagine that he makes mention of
the fact only when the minaret was in some way noteworthy:
note has gore, through Ibn Zulak, into Yakut III, 763, and from here
into al-Makrlzi I, 31, al-KazwTnl I, 149 and indirectly into al-Si'uti, Husn
al-Mukhadarah I, 32. Ibn lyas (in Arnold, Chrestomathia p. 56) has
1 Al-Nu'aimi, Tanblh al-Tdlib in J. A. ix Ser. VII, p. 189; Muhammed
ibn Shakir, Uyim al-Tawdrlkh in Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlouks II,
p. 264. On al-Walld's activity in building mosques, see de Goeje, Frag-
menta pp. 4, 3 ; 12, 7.
2 Ed. de Goeje p. 266, 19; Fr. Schiaparelli p. 257.
3 W. and G. Margais, Les Monuments arabes de Tlemcen (Paris
1903), p. 45.
4 <_.^kL\ ^^oMl ed. Tornberg, pp. 30-32.
5 P. de Gayangos, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain I*
notes p. 499; though this is doubtful. The word was entered in the first
ed. of Engelmann, Glossaire des Mots espagnoles (Leiden 1861) p. 99, but
it is omitted in the second ed. (1869) by Dozy.
6 Therefore, if there is no minaret, the adhan is to be recited at the
door; al-Ramli, Nihayat al-Mulitaj (Cairo 1886) I. 305:
7 See Sauvaire in J. A. ix Ser. VI, 409 et seq.
138 E. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
for, in most cases, the mere fact is adduced or the additional
note that it was made of wood or was recently constructed.
The conclusion to be drawn is that out of the large number
of mosques in the city, only very few were provided with
minarets.
In the same manner at Jerusalem, neither the Kiibbat d-
Saklird nor the Masjid al-Aksd had a minaret; the style of their
architecture, of course, made it impossible. At a later time,
four were added on the Haram area. The only author that
seems to mention them is Mujir al-Din (a late writer of the
fifteenth century), who asserts that those that were to be
seen at his day occupied the same position as did their
predecessors during the reign of c Abd al-Malik (72 A. H.). *
The origin of the minaret is not apparent at first sight.
Franz Pascha, in his "Baukunst des Islam" 2 sees no con-
nection with the architecture of any other faith or race:
"Ohne Vorbild wurden die Minarete . . . erfunden"; with which
Pool is 3 in substantial agreement: "With Christians, bells doubt-
less led to the idea of towers, and with Moslems the call to
prayers by the human voice led to minarets". Schwally, 4
however, looks for some outside influence, but does not find
it : " Wahrscheinlich sind die Muslime nicht von selbst auf
diese Gebetstiirme verfallen. Aber wo sind die Yorbilder,
durch die ihre Architekten oder Bauherren bestimrot wurden,
zu suchen?"
From what has preceded it is evident that the idea of the
minaret arose during the 'Umayyad dynasty and in Syria. In
part, it was copied from the towers of the Christian Churches.
Whether the sawdmi* which Mu awiyah ordered his lieutenant
in Egypt to build on the mosque of Amr, were towers of any
pretentious, we know not. But the suggestion of a tower as
the place from which the call to prayers was to be made, or
as belonging to a religious edifice seems to have come from
the great church in Damascus which al-Walid finally turned
into a mosque. Mohammad ibn Shakir says expressly 5 that
1 Uns al-Jalil (Cairo 1283), p. 379.
2 Handbuch der Architektur, 1886, II, 17.
3 Studies in Mohammedanism, 1892, p. 336.
4 Z. D. M. G. LII, 144.
s Quatremere, Histoire des Mamlukes 11,273; J.A. 1896, ix Ser.VII, 423.
In fact "at each angle of this temple there was a small tower erected
Vol. xxx.] Tlie Origin and History of the Minaret. 139
the western and eastern minarets existed a long time before
the days of al-Walid. Al-Walid built the northern one called
madhanat al 'Arus, after a favourite designation of the city
as "the bride of the world". 1 What these towers had
been used for is not certain; the variations in Mohammedan
traditions seem to evidence this uncertainty. The one upon
which al-Walid mounted is said to have been called alrSd'ah,
which would suggest a clock tower. Yakut has the tradition
that this same minaret was originally a fire-temple and that
a flame rose up from it into the air. 2
But there was a more general influence at work, of which
the towers on the Damascus church are only one expression.
The earlier explorations of de Vogue and the more recent
ones of the Princeton expedition to Northern Syria leave
little doubt that the Church at Damascus merely followed, in
respect of its towers, an older Syrian and (we may add)
Mesopotamian tradition. In the basilica of Tafha, which com-
petent authorities date from the fourth and fifth centuries,
de Vogue sees the transition from the Roman basilica used
for civil purposes to the Christian Church: "to the right of
the fagade", he says, "there is added a tower in three stages"
a style of architecture common in the Hauran. 3 One has
only to study the construction of the other Syrian Basilica
e.g. at Hass (fourth century), 4 at Kasr al-Banat (fifth century), 5
of Kalb-Luzeh and Termanin (sixth century) to see here the
origin of the church steeple.
This Syrian and Mesopotamian tradition leads us back of
course to the Ziggurats of the old Babylonian and Assyrian
shrines. With regard to the Syrian Christians, the evidence
is not more direct than that sketched above. Even if such
Ziggurats had been standing in their day, they were too fervent
anti-idolaters to have adopted anything as specially heathen
as a Ziggurat would have appeared to them. In building
towers they merely followed the architectural tradition as it
by the Greeks for astronomical purposes"; Guy le Strange. Palestine under
the Moslems, p. 230.
' Mukaddasl, p. 159. 2 n, 596.
3 La Syrie Centrale, I, 57 ; Butler, The American Archaeological Ex-
pedition to Syria, p. 409.
4 See illustration in Butler, loc. cit. p. 220 ; who, however, places it in
the sixth century. 5 Butler, loc. cit p. 156.
140 E. J. H. Gottlieil, [1910.
was current in the country; for such towers were not un-
common in other than religious edifices in large houses and
even in connection with funeral monuments. * It was different
with the Mohammedans. They showed very little distaste to
accept ideas, formulas, as well as architectural and other
traditions from systems that had preceded them or were even
their rivals. What originality Islam possesses lies more in the
ethical and religious fervour which they imported into that
which they borrowed. The proof of this, in the present con-
nection, is to he seen in the two minarets of Samarra: the
so-called Mauliyyah and the minaret of the mosque of Abu
Dulaf.
During the last two years, these have been the subject of
careful investigation on the part of two travellers the General
de Beylie and Ernst Herzfelcl. De Beylie's Prome et Samarra^
is valuable especially because it gives us, in addition an ob-
servant description of the mosque of Abu Dulaf, about fifteen
kilometres north of Samarra in the very heart of the desert,
and which has, also, a helicoidal minaret. Herzfeld's work is 3
strong on the historical and archaeological side. Herzfeld holds
that the architects of al-Mutawakkil, in building the minaret
of Samarra (850) followed a tradition which they had brought
with them from Persia, and that this minaret goes back to
the Ziggurat through Persian affiliations more specifically
through the celebrated Tirbal of Gor or Phiruzabad. He
seems to deduce this from the fact that this was the only
Ziggurat at the time that had retained sufficient of its old
form to serve as a model. The point must remain undecided.
At least as late as the fourth century as Herzfeld himself
admits Ammian mentions such a tower at the Nahar Malka
near Ctesiphon and Zozimus knew of several at Bersabra,
i. e. al-Ambar. The Borsippa tower which was described by
Harpocriton in his Cyranides 365-355 4 B. C. and which was
in use under the Seleucid kings up to 296 B. C. was still
recognized as a Ziggurat by the Jewish traveller Benjamin
1 De Vogue, loc. cit.\ Kraus, Geschichte der Christlichen Kunst I, 308
speaks of these small towers as "die zu den Emporen fiihrenden Treppen
aufzunehmen." 2 Paris 1907.
3 Samara, Berlin 1907. An illustration of the Samarra minaret can
also be seen in Sachau, Am Euphrat und Tigris, p. 86.
4 De Miely in Revue Arcliaeologique, 1900, p. 412.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 141
of Tudela in the twelfth century. 1 That which distinguishes
the Samarra minarets from the tower at Gor and from the
relics mentioned by the writers of the fourth century is the
fact that it is helicoidal or round. Dieulafoy says expressly
of the tower at Gor 2 that "each of the stages is square and
less in size than the preceding one". Ammian compares the
tower at the Nahar-Malka with the Pharos at Alexandria,
which evidently was not purely helicoidal. The idea that is
peculiar to them all is that of a tower with an outside ramp ;
and it seems evident that we must look for the original of
both the helicoidal and the square or staged tower in the
Babylonian Ziggurat.
It must, however, be confessed that cogent proof of this
statement can not at present be given. Herzfeld believes that
the Ziggurat was simply a massive pile of bricks with an
outer ascending' ramp and that the Babylonians and Assyrians
did not build what we are accustomed to call "staged-towers".
He also holds that they were not merely portions of the Temple
proper or adjunct to it; but that they also served as fortresses
and were used for astronomical purposes. But it seems to
me that he is mistaken in his interpretation of what evidence
we have regarding the Ziggurat, When one commences to
sift that evidence, it becomes surprisingly meagre; and we
can reasonably doubt whether as is currently believed every
temple had a Ziggurat. The following, however, seems to me
to be sufficient to prove that the Ziggurat was indeed a stage-
tower. 3
a. The ruins of the so-called "observatory" at Khorsabad.
This is distinctly stated to contain evident traces of three
stages and a part of a fourth each stage receding from the
one below it. 4
1 J. Q. B. XVII, 519.
2 L'art antique de la Perse, IV, 52.
3 I have omitted those remains that have not been definitely examined ;
e. g. at Kalah Shergat "Triimmer etwa von einem Tempel, einem Stufen-
turm oder einem anderen monumentalen Bau"; Sachau, Am Euphrat und
Tigris, p. 113.
4 On the authority of Place, Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de Vart dans
rantiquite, II, 403. At Assur the height neither of the older towers nor
of that of Shalmanezer II can now be determined; W. Andrae, Der Anu-
Adad Tempel in Assur (Leipzig 1909), pp. 13. 64 though in the recon-
struction four stages are given.
142 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
b. The ruins of the stage-tower at Borsippa brought to light
by Sir Henry Rawlinson. Three stages are said to be clearly
defined. Hilprecht speaks of the "six or seven stages still to
be recognized 7 '; 1 but upon what authority, I do not know. Its
Babylonian name was E. UR. IMIN. ANKI, which Sumerio-
logists translate either as "Temple of the seven planets of
Heaven and Earth" or "Temple of the seven directions (spheres)
of Heaven and Earth" (bit sibitti Jjammame same u'irsitim).' 2
The name, however, need not necessarily stand in any relation
to the architectural features of the tower or Ziggurat.
c. At Mughayyar Loftus 3 seems to have found traces of
two storeys of the Ziggurat, though his description is not at
all clear. The second storey "recedes several feet from the
lower wall", though it is closer to the edge of the first at
its North- West end than at the South-East. He speaks of
a gradual stepped incline between the two storeys, though
its connection with the entrance in the lower storey is not
defined. Taylor 4 describes a staircase, three yards broad,
leading up to the edge of the basement of the second storey;
but no further traces appeared. There seems to be no posi-
tive evidence that we are at all in the presence of a Zig-
gurat.
d. For Birs Nimrud we are dependent upon the general
description given by Eich, 5 who saw traces of at least four
stages, each one receding from the one below. No mention
is made of a rampart.
e. At Abu Sharain, also, there is little positive evidence of
a Ziggurat. There is a large basal substructure upon which
some edifice has been erected, and to which an inclined plane
led up 6 . Too little has remained of the upper part to deter-
mine its character.
f. At Tell-Loh the excavators are said to have found the
remains of some sort of a building with terraces receding one
1 Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 184.
2 Schrader, K. A. T. 3 p. 616. Langdon, Building Inscriptions of the
New- Babylonian Empire I, 57 translates: "House of the oracular deity
of the seven regions of earth and sky".
3 Travels and Researches in Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 128.
4 J. R. A. S. XV, 261.
5 Babylon and Persepolis, p. 167.
e Taylor in J. R. A. S. XV, 404.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 143
from the other. * It is quite doubtful whether this is part of
a Ziggurat at all.
g. At Nippur Hilprecht assumes that there was a Ziggurat
of five stages, but no reason is given for this assumption ; and
I am not aware that the special monograph on the subject
"E-kur, the Temple of Bel at Nippur" has ever been pub-
lished. He confesses that very little is left of the higher
stages of the Ziggurat of Ur-Gur. 2 Haynes found only con-
siderable remains of a sloping second terrace. Peters, however,
thinks that there is sufficient warrant for supposing an original
Ziggurat of two stories, upon which Ur-Gur built one of three. 3
He confesses, however, that the two upper stages of Ur-Gur's
Ziggurat "were so ruined by water that it was difficult to
trace or restore them". 4 Of the supposed causeway, only so
much was found as lead up "to the top of the first terrace
of the Ziggurat". 5
h. At Bismaya, too, the results have been very unsatis-
factory and hardly warrant the supposition that traces of a
real Ziggurat have been found. According to Banks, 6 the
small amount of the rubbish in the place in which it is sup-
posed to have been would warrant, at best, the conjecture
of a Ziggurat of two or three stages. In fact, not more than
one stage, in reality, was found with a flight of steps leading
up and this may be nothing more than an elevated platform
for some building. Further down in the so-called plano-convex
temple, the base only of some building was unearthed: nothing
compels us to hold that this was part . of a temple-tower.
i. The so-called Tirbal of Jaur or Gor (Firuzabad). Herz-
feld represents this to be also merely a tower "von quadrati-
schem Grundrifi mit aufierer Wendelrampe". But Dieulafoy,
who has examined the ruins minutely says distinctly that the
tower "is composed above the platform, of four stages . . .
Each stage is square and recedes from the preceding one by
a space equal to */io of the base". 7
'j. The account of the temple of Bel at Babylon given by
Herodotus 8 . Whatever value we may place upon his trust-
1 Perrot and Chipiez, Histoire de I art dans I 'antiquite, II, 398; Hil-
precht, loc. cit. p. 232. 2 Loc. cit. p. 374.
3 Nippur, II, 122, 124. * Loc. cit. p. 162.
'> Loc. cit. p. 147-8. e A. J. S. L. 1905, pp. 30-32.
7 Uart antique de la Perse, IV, 79, 85. 8 j } 180.
144 .K. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
worthiness, there can be no doubt of the idea that he intended
to convey. After mentioning the first tower, he speaks of an
aAAos Trv/ayos = another tower having been erected upon this first
one (erejoos, i. e. 7/>yos), and so on up to the eighth. l He would
hardly have described each one of these as an individual
tower, if the whole had been one massive structure. Harpo-
criton, also, mentions three towers superimposed as still stand-
ing in his days ; and he did not regard it as one single tower. 2
And finally, Benjamin of Tudela, though much too succinct
in his account, speaks of the outer rampart as if it were not
continuous: hwpZ D^IJJ Dt? DHll D^YJ mN mwy\ rntPJJ ^31
"and every ten cubits there are ways (or slopes), by means
of which one goes in a circle, encircling it until one reaches
the top". 3 He seems evidently to have a stage-like arrange-
ment in mind. Unfortunately it is impossible to verify these
statements. The bricks have all been carried off to be used
in other buildings; and all that remains to mark the spot is
a depression called by the Arabs al-sahn, "the bowl". 4
k. Representations in Babylonian and Assyrian art; tw r o of
which only have come down to us: the representation on the
so-called Loftus boundary-stone and the relief from the wall
of the palace of Sargon at Nineveh. The first of these Herz-
feld ignores entirely; yet there can be little doubt as to the
stage character of the tower it is meant to represent. 5 As
regards the second, Herzfeld 6 is at pains to prove that it
does not represent a Ziggurat at all; but his argument is not
at all convincing. The rather crude manner in which the
Assyrian artists expressed themselves need not deter us from
seeing in the two curves that flank the portal an attempt to
picture the inclined planes of a Ziggurat. Herzfeld suggests
that they represent two towers; but then there would be no
reason for the curves. And the portal reminds us of a similar
portal which is part of the Tirbal of Gor, as described by
1 Zehnpfund, Die Wiederlierstdlung Nineves (A. 0. V, 4; 1903) p. 23
speaks of six stages; but does not give his authority for the statement.
2 Revue Archaeologique, 1900, p. 412 et seq.
3 Adler's translation, J. Q+R. XVII, 527; The Itinery of Benjamin of
Tudela (1907), p. 43 is not quite exact.
4 Hilprecht, loc. cit. p. 553.
5 See e. g. Hommel, Babyl. Assyr. Geschichte, p. 19; Hincke, A Neiv
Boundary- Stone of Nebuchadrezzar I from Nippur, Phil. 1907, pp. 17,239.
6 Loc. cit. p. 27.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret 145
Dieulafoy: "on passait d'abord sous une porte signalee actuelle-
ment par les naissances d'un arceau de 60 cm. d'epaisseur,
puis on s'engageait sous une gallerie recouverte d'un berceau
en partie conserve". 1
A reminiscence of the Babylonian stage-tower may also be
seen in the stories told about the famous tower in the castle
of Ghumdan in San'a. The ordinary report was that it was
seven stories high; i. e. that it had seven stages; 2 though al-
Hamdam, in his Iklil, is certain that it had twenty, and not
seven, stories., 3 A glance at the picture of the castle given
in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum* will show how the
mistake arose. The rock has evidently been built upon in
terrace-like formations.
The evidence here adduced does seem sufficient to permit
the view that real stage-towers did exist in connection with
Babylonian and Assyrian temples. But it may be wrong to
assume that these were the only kind of towers constructed
there. The two round towers in the mosques of Samarra
and Abu Dulaf seem to point to the possibility that some of
the Babylonian Ziggurat may have been built in a similar
round form.
It is, however, in another part of the Mohammedan world
that we are able to trace the further influence of the old
Mesopotamian tradition. All through the Middle Ages, Egypt
stood in close connection with Irak and with Persia: until the
Ottoman Turks brought the influence of Constantinople to
bear upon the land of the Nile. The great centres of literary
and of artistic development in Irak made their influence felt in
1 I am not able to follow Jeremias in attributing a cosmic character
to the Ziggurat; Das Alter der baby lonischen Astronomic, 1908, pp. 32-34.
Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf II, 240, speaks
of the tower of 'Akar ( c Akr) kuf, to the north-west of Bagdad as a relic
of the Babylonian period (cfr. also, Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung II, 305 ;
Rich, Narrative of a Journey to the site of Babylon, p. 80; Ker Porter,
Travels, II, 275; Layard, Nineveh and Babylon p. 476). But Peters, Nippur,
I, 188, 354, is probably right in holding that it does not contain the
remains of a Ziggurat. The Arabic legends in regard to its origin can
be read in Tabari II, 917 etc.; Yakut I, 863; al-Hamadhanl pp. 196, 210;
Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium Libri X, ed. Gottwaldt, p. 35.
2 Yakut III, 811; al-Kazwinl II, 33. Cfr. Caussin de Perceval, Essai
I, 75.
3 D. H. Muller, Die Burgen und Schlosser Sudarabiens I, 13, 15, 56.
* Vol. IV, 1. Tab. 1.
146 E, J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
the land which has so seldom heen ruled by men of its in-
digenous races. One of the earliest monuments of Arab archi-
tecture is the mosque of Ibn Tulun in Cairo. 1 There can
be little doubt of the connection of its "corkscrew tower" on
the one hand with the Pharos 2 in Alexandria, on the other
with the minaret of Samarra. We can have some correct
idea of the form of the Pharos from the description left us
by Arabic writers, from a mosaic in St. Mark at Venice
(twelfth century) and from a curious representation found in
some manuscripts of two noted Arabic writers Yakut 3 and
al-Kazwinl. 4 It was of three storeys; the first square, the
second octagonal and the third round. 5 The minaret of Ibn
Tulun, also, has three storeys, but the forms of the second
and the third are reversed. Now, it is quite possible that in
building his minaret, Ibn Tulun was partly inspired by the
Pharos at Alexandria. We know that he repaired it and
added a Kubbah or dome on the top. 6 But there is a distinct
tradition, upon the authority of al-Kuda c i (died 454-5 A. H.)
that Ibn Tulun fashioned both his mosque and its minaret
1 See e. g. Coste, Architecture Arabe, plate XXXVII ; Lane, Story of
Cairo p. 73; . Corbet, The Life and Works of Ahmad ibn Tulun in
J. B.A. S. 1891, p. 527; De Beylie, Prome et Samara, p. 122; Saladin,
Manuel a" 1 art Mnsulman, I, 81 ; Kaiser and Roloff, Agypten Einst und
Jetzt, 1908, p. 199. Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt, p. 65 adds "Archi-
tects, however, throw doubts on the antiquity of Ibn Tulun's minaret'';
but no arguments are adduced.
2 Alfred H. Butler was the first to suggest that the Pharos served as
a model to the workmen of Ibn Tulun; see Academy, Nov. 20. 1880;
Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 398. Van Berchem (Corpus, p. 481) holds
the same view. On the other hand, Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 35) thinks that
the Pharos was rebuilt in accordance with the form of the minaret of
Ibn Tulun. 3 i ? 263. * H, 93.
s Hardly four, as Butler, Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 391 asserts. See
Ehitat, 2 nd ed., I, 254. The earliest coins containing a representation of
the Pharos are dated in the year 15 of Domitian, i. e. 80 A. D. Here it
has in reality only two stages, seemingly square. On the coins of Corn-
modus the representation is strictly conventionalized: three round towers
superimposed. See E. D. J. Dutilh in Bulletin de VInstitut Egypt. 1897,
p. 24. Herzfeld (loc. cit. p. 33) suggests that the form of the Pharos
itself is not Greek, but that it was inspired by Babylonian precedents.
e Khitat, 2 nd ed. pp. 253, 254 (cfr. al-Si'utl, Husn I, 44). The text is
not quite plain: "Ahmad ibn Tulun made some repairs in it and placed
on the top a Kubbah of wood, that whoever entered it (the manarah)
might be able to go to the top. It was spacious, but without a stairway".
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 147
after those of Samarra. There is little reason to doubt the
correctness of this tradition, or to call it as Herzfeld does
"Geschichtskonstruktion". Al-Kuda'l stood in high renown
among Mohammedan historians of Egypt, 1 and his work was used
liberally by all who have written on the history and the anti-
quities of the country. Ahmad ibn Tulun had spent part of
his youth in Samarra;' 2 and when he succeeded in swinging
himself upon the throne of Egypt, he kept up connection with
his friends in that city. 3 It was with him that commenced
that artistic influence of Mesopotamia in Egypt which had
formerly belonged to Syria. It was one more avenue opened
through which that artistic influence of late oriental civilization
was to affect the early Middle Ages, on which Strzygowski has
dwelt so often. 4 And one is tempted to see both in the
Pharos and in the minaret of Tulun nothing more than a
combination of the square or angled Ziggurat and the round
one that has been presupposed in order to account for the
Samarra towers.
But in one important particular the minaret of Ibn Tulun
differed from the Pharos; and here we must see the direct
influence of Mesopotamia. In the Pharos, the ascent was
covered and was, therefore, an integral part of the building.
Yakut says "It has a wide stairway which a horseman can
ascend with his horse"; 5 "The ascent is roofed over 6 with
slabs that rest upon the two walls that enclose the staircase.
One mounts up to an elevated platform with encircling battle-
1 See Becker, Beitrdge zur Geschichte Agyptens, I, 20; idem in Z. A.
XXII, 430; N. A. Koeriig, The History of the Governors of Egypt by
al-Kindi (N. Y. 1908), p. 23. Strzygowski (Jahrbuch der Konigl. Preuss.
Kunstsammlungen, 1904, p. 246) also accepts the testimony of al-Kuda'I.
2 Tabari III, 1670; Vollers, Fragmente aus clem Mugrib des Ibn Sa'id,
p. 7; Abul-Mahasin H, 6. .3 Vollers, loc. cit p. 47, 15.
4 Loc. cit. p. 237. Cfr. Rene Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avant
V Islam (Paris 1907), p. 45. On the general question, see Migeon, Manuel
d'Art Musulman II, 71, 102, 459 et seq.
5 Consequently, there were no steps. Ibn Khurdadbeh, Kitcib al-
Masdlik, (ed. de Goeje) p. 114, 16 has ^> ^^ , which reminds him of
the ascent in the minaret of the Samarra mosque. Mas'udi has the same
expression; and the doubt of Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 392,
note 2) "it does not seem quite clear whether there were actual steps or
an inclined plane for mounting the tower", is not justified.
UJ
6 Yakut has CXaJLco and not the unintelligible CXJuu**j of al-Kazwini.
148 R. J. S. Gotfheil, [1910.
ments, from which one has an outlook over the sea. In this
there is a space as if it were a square tower which one
ascends by another series of steps unto another place from
which one can look down upon the roof of the first. It is
also surrounded by battlements. In this space there is a
pavilion like a watchman's cabin". That he is speaking here
of an inner staircase * is plain from his statement a little
further on that this staircase winds around "something like
an empty well" a fact that is also reported by the Chinese
author of the thirteenth century Chao-Yu-Kua in his ethno-
graphic work Chu-fan-chah: "in the middle of the tower there
was a spring". 2 Idrlsl (twelfth century) says explicitly: "one
mounts by means of a wide staircase, constructed in the
interior, just as is the custom in mounting mosques". 3 The
minaret of Ibn Tulun, however, has its ascent outside, in the
form of a rampart, just as was the case with the Ziggurat. 4
The persistence of this tradition in Mesopotamia itself is seen
in the tower built at Bagdad by the Caliph al-Muktafi in the
eleventh century (the Kiibbat al-himar or "Cupola of the Ass")
"ascended by a spiral stair of such an easy gradient that the
Caliph could ride to the summit on a donkey trained to an
ambling gait". 5
The combination of the square or angled base surmounted
by a circular tower remained the predominant type of the
.Egyptian minaret; though the ascent has been placed inside.
This general character, of course, admitted of certain variations.
The minaret upon the tomb-mosque of Kala c un is made up
of a square base, surmounted by another square retrocessing
and by a circular top; that on the tomb-mosque of Barkuk
1 Hirth, Die Lander des Islam nach chinesischen Quellen. Supplement
au Vol. V du Toung-Pao, Leiden 1894, p. 53.
2 Description de LAfrique, p. 139.
3 Van Berchem, Saladin and de Beylie have correctly described the
Pharos as telescopic in form; while the minarets at Samarra and Abu
Dulaf are helicoi'dal. See Prome et Samarra, p. 115, note.
< Guy le Strange, Bagdad during the Abbasid Califate, p. 254. A
similar tower "up which four horses could be driven" is mentioned by
Chao-Yu-Kua as existing at Lu-Mei, which Hirth supposes to be;Da-
mascus. If this is so, the author must confound the tower to which he
refers with some other perhaps the Pharos itself, as de Goeje suggests:
loc. cit. p. 47.
* Coste, Plate IX; Saladin 1, 112. Cfr., also, the minaret of al-Grhuri,
Coste, Plate XXXVI; Prisse d'Avennes, L>Art Arabe, plate XXVI.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 149
of a square base, followed by a circular construction, and
then by a round top resting on pillars. 1 Sometimes the cir-
cular part was broken into an hexagonal or an octagonal.
The minaret on the mosque of al-Hasan has a square base
surmounted by an octangular tower; which is followed by a
second octangular tower; the whole surmounted by a top piece
resting upon columns. 2 This is also the form of the minaret
on the madrasah of Muhammad ibn Nasr. The minaret of
the tomb-mosque of Kait-Bey has a square base that develops
before the first stage is finished into an hexagonal. Upon
this is a circular tower, surmounted by a round top resting
on pillars. 3 At other times the square base was broken as
in the minaret of the mosque of al-Mu'ayyid, where it is
hexagonal; 4 or in that of the Azhar where it is also hexagonal -
surmounted by a decagonal, and this is crowned by two towers
that support the top piece. 5
Both forms, the square and the round tower, have, however,
persisted uncombined in various parts of the Moslem world;
the cleavage is rather marked. The square minaret persisted
in Syria 6 (whenever Egyptian influence was not at work), as
can be seen in the "Ma'dhanat al-'Arus" in the Cathedral
mosque at Damascus" and even in the general character
of the "Minaret of Jesus" there. That of the mosque of
Zakariyya (the cathedral mosque) at Aleppo is a simple square
all the way up. 8 The Umayyads carried this form into Spain;
the most noted example to day being the Giralda at Sevilla, 9
which has been copied faithfully in the tower of the Madison
Square Garden of New York City. It was also carried into
Africa, where, to this day, the usual form of the minaret is
square. Witness the Jama Zaitoun at Tunis, the minaret of
the Kalaa Beni Hammad (the Berber capital of North Africa) ;
the Katubia in Morocco, the Mosque at Oran or the Mansurah
1 Coste, Plate XIV.
2 E. T. Rogers and Miss Rogers in Art Journal, 1880, p. 77.
3 Coste, Plate XXXII.
* Coste, Plate XXXI; Saladin I, 144.
5 Coste, Plate XXXVII. 6 Mukaddasi (ed. de Goeje), p. 182.
7 Saladin I, 72. The top of the "Minaret of Jesus" is evidently a
later addition. 8 Saladin 1, 105.
9 Saladin I, 232; Adolf Fah, GrundrijS der Gesch. der bildenden Kiinste,
p. 280; Liibke, Gesch. der Architektur, p. 81; W. and G. Mar^ais, Les
Monuments Ardbes de Tlcmcen, p. 45.
VOL. XXX. Part II. 11
150 R. J. H. Gottheil, [1910.
at Tlemcen. ! Only in a few cases, as at Hamonda Pasha
in Tunis, is the absolute square broken into a hexagonal.
On the other hand, the round minaret is generally found
in Mesopotamia and the countries further east. 2 Some of the
great mausoleums, it is true, seem to represent an angular
base surmounted by a short, 3 pointed tower such as the tomb
of Zubaidah the wife of Harun al-Rashid near Bagdad with
its pyramidal stalactite top or the tomb of Hasan al-Basri at
Zobair near that same city, with its tower curiously formed
of eight stages in telescopic arrangement. 4 Nor are peculiar
forms wanting; e. g. the minaret in the Suk al-Ghazal at
Bagdad, 5 which though round increases in width towards the
top where it finishes in a beautiful stalactite top (similar to
the minaret at Amadieh 6 ), or the minaret at al-Anah with
its eight regular storeys, 7 which reminds one forcibly of some
of the towers recently found at Axum. 8 In some cases, but
at a later period, the round form was frankly discarded as
in the minaret of the Bibi Khanum at Samarcand 9 that
noble structure erected by Timur to his much-beloved wife
which is octagonal in form, or in that of the Royal Tekie at
Teheran, which is square. 10 But in general, one will find
round minarets of one sort or another from Mesopotamia up
to the confines of China. There is, of course, much variety
in the details of these round minarets, and their architecture,
has been affected by local taste and racial traditions. The
Minar Kalan (the great minaret) at Bokhara is an immense
structure "36 feet at the base and tapering upward to a height
of 210 feet". 11 At times a sort of spiral is worked into the
tower, as at the Imperial mosque of Ispahan, 12 or at the
"Gur Amir", the mausoleum of Tamerlane. In the Minar of
i Saladin I, 198, 217, 224, 228 etc. 2 Saladin I, 289.
3 Saladin 1,320; de Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 32.
4 Revue du Monde Musulman VI, 645.
5 De Beylie, Prome et Samarra, p. 48.
6 Binder, Am Kurdistan, p. 207. 7 ^., p. 69.
8 Jahrb. des KaiserL deutschen Arclidolog. Inst. 1907, pp. 45, 46. Cfr.
Am. Journ. of Archaeol. XI, 340.
o Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 392.
10 Revue du Monde Musulman IV, 483; Jackson, Persia Past and
Present, p. 417.
11 Skrine and Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 374.
12 Saladin I, 397.
Vol. xxx.] TJie Origin and History of the Minaret. 151
the Kutab mosque at Delhi, the smooth surface is broken by
projecting ribs which form flutes which are alternately angular
and circular up to the first storey; 1 circular in the second
and angular in the third. The fourth storey is plainly round. 2
It is this round form, though much smaller in circumference,
that has been adopted by the Turks and which they evidently
learned in Mesopotamia % It is this style that is found, again
with very few exceptions, in Constantinople and the Balkan
Peninsula. 3
But it is not only in Mohammedan countries that the idea
first expressed in the Babylonian Ziggurat has survived. I
should not like to be misundertood as falling in with the
Babylonian exaggerations of some of our most learned As-
syriologists and of seeing everything through spectacles coloured
by the grandeur of the antique world. But in matters of art
and of architecture especially, the borrowings and the in-
fluences have been so numerous, that one civilization may be
said to stand upon the shoulders of its predecessor. It is a
well-known fact that the early Christian basilica had no
towers attached or superposed. The same is true of the
earliest Byzantine churches in Italy the classic home of the
campanile. Even to this day there are none attached to the
cathedral of Parenzo (535-543), of Prado (571-586) or to that
of San Lorenzo at Milan (6 th century), which are among the
earliest examples of church architecture in the West. It is
true that some of the old Italian churches have at present
campaniles adjoining. This is the case with a number of the
Ravenna churches the Basilica Ursiana, Sant' Apollinare
1 Ferguson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 505. A
similar method is employed in many of the grand palaces of Mesopotamia
and in the Minar, or lighthouse at Beni Hammad in North Africa. See
De Beylie in J. A. Xil (1900) p. 197.
2 Ferguson, loc. cit. John J. Pool, Studies in Mohammedanism (1892)
p. 336 "It is not exactly a minaret, that is to say, it is not now, if it
ever was, connected with a mosque, but it is a lofty turret or tower
which is called a minar".
3 One might go still further and examine the connection that exists
between the Babylonian Ziggurat and the stage-temples found in Tur-
kestan, at Turfan, Astana and Syrchab (Griinwedel, Bericht tiber archdo-
logische Arbeiten in Idikutschari und TJwgebung in Abhandl. Phil. Philol.
Elasse der Bayer. Akad. 1906, p. 49; Hegel in Petermanrfs Mitteil. for
1879, 1880 and 1881); but such an examination would be foreign to the
scope of the present paper.
11*
152 R. J. H. GottMl, [1910.
Nuovo, Sant Apollinare in Classe. San Vitale is even sur-
mounted by two towers. It must be noted, however, that the
towers on San Vitale are not campaniles in the true sense
of the term, but merely means for reaching the gallery. l As
regards the campaniles themselves, all authorities agree that
though the main edifices of the churches are of the fifth and
sixth centuries, the campaniles wer^e erected at least two
centuries later. 2 The dating of the campanile is in no way
affected by the undoubted fact that the bell was used in
connection with early Christian churches. Gregory of Tours,
towards the end of the sixth century, seems to be the first
to mention it as part of the church paraphanalia. 3 The
Chronicle of the abbots of Fonteinelle, speaking of the years
734-738, mentions the "Campanum in turricula collocandum
ut moris est ecclesiarum". 4 Some of the belfries (e. g. of St.
Satyrus) are supposed to be as old as the sixth century. 5 But
belfries are not towers. The oldest campaniles are supposed
to date from the beginning of the ninth century those of
Santa Maria della Cella at Viterbo and Sant Ambrogio at
Milan: though that of Sant Apollinare in Classe is held by
some to be of the eighth century. 6 The campanile of Sant'
Apollinare Nuovo is however reliably dated between 850
and 878. -
It is therefore a pertinent question whence did this ad-
dition to church architecture come? The writer of the article
"Kirchenbau" in the Protestantische Real-Encydopadie 1 is of
opinion that it was an original conception both in Italy and
in the Frankish Empire, and that it had no connection
whatsoever with the East. I understand this to be also the
meaning of Adolf Fan's words: "Ein neues Element bilden
1 "... le torri della basilica di San Vitale, dalla muratura sincrona
ad essa, furono erette per dare accesso alia gallerie superiore"; Yenturi,
Storia deW arte Italiana (Milan 1902) II, 160.
2 G. T. Rivoira, Le origini della architettura Lombardia (Rome 1901),
1,49 et seq.; Venturi, loc. cit.\ Ch. Diehl, Eavenne (1903) p. 48.
s Venturi, loc. cit. II, 149; Protest. Real-Encycl. VI, 704.
* Cited from Eulart, Manuel $ archeologie frangaise p. 174 in Arthur
Kingsley Porter, Mediaeval Architecture (N. Y. 1909) I, 81, note 3.
6 Rafiaele Sattaneo, Architecture in Italy (London 1896) p. 255.
6 Dehio and Van Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes,
I, 135. 7 X, 786.
Vol. xxx.] The Origin and History of the Minaret. 153
die meist kreisnmden Turme". l But one might well ask in
return if they were not necessary as belfries, what purpose
did they serve? In Ravenna they could hardly be needed as
towers of defence, since the whole city was enclosed by a
wall. Nor could they be used as light-houses; for that pur-
pose they were too far distant from the shore. It is certainly
peculiar that the rise of the campanile or church tower syn-
chronizes with the coming of the Arabs into the Mediter-
ranean. The first Arab raid upon Sicily is said to have taken
place in the year 701 ; 2 and though Sicily and certain parts
of Southern Italy did not come under their direct rule until
the Aghlabites were strong in Africa during the ninth century, 3
Arab influence permeated the Eastern Mediterranean long be-
fore that. I do not know what authority there is for the
statement that the columns for the basilicas at Ravenna were
made in Istria by oriental workmen; 4 but Ravenna was a
great centre from which Oriental influences passed on into
Europe not only in art, but also in decoration, in mosaics,
and in miniatur-painting as well. 5 The basilica of St. Mark
at Venice, supposed to contain the remains of the saint brought
thither in 828 from Alexandria, is adorned with columns
garnered in the East; and the campanile has an "ascent by a
continuous inclined plane built between an inner and outer
wall and turning with a platform at each angle of the tower"
which reminds one at once of the ascent in the Pharos at
Alexandria. Like the minaret, the campanile could be either
round or square. Most of the early examples are round; but
square ones are not wanting, e. g. at San Giovanni Evangelista,
San Francesco and San Michele in Affricisco in Ravenna.
And like the minaret, 6 the campanile was at first not an
integral part of the church building. It was generally placed
near to it, sometimes even leaning upon it; until in the church
1 Grundrij) der Gesch. der Uldenden Kiinste, p. 228.
2 Weil, Chalifen I, 478.
3 Weil, loc. tit. II, 249; Muller, Islam I, 551.
4 Baedeker, Italic Septentrionale (1892), p. 301.
5 Ch. Diehl, Ravenne, pp. 107-109 ; Venturi, Storia delV Arte Italiana
II, 110, 127; Corrodo Ricci, Ravenna (Bergamo 1902), pp. 5, 7, 64.
e Lane, Cairo Fifty Years Ago, p. 108 ". . . not otherwise connected
with the mosque than by an arch, over which is a way to the terraces
above the arcades".
154 E. J. H. Gottheil, The Origin a. History of the Minaret. [1910.
spire it became almost a necessary part of every Christian
place of worship.
It seems to me, therefore, that a possible explanation of
the sudden appearance of the campanile in Italy during the
eighth and ninth centuries, would be that they are due to
Mohammedan influence. Whether this influence came from
Egypt, or from Syria and Mesopotamia, or even from the
Maghreb, is a point upon which I should not like to insist.
But this much does seem to follow from a study of the history
of the monuments, that the old idea of the Ziggurat or tower
in some way connected with worship at a shrine has filtered
down to us through the Mohammedan minaret and finds its
expression to day in our church steeple.
April 1909.
The Vedic Dual: Part I, The Dual of Bodily Parts.
Dr. SAMUEL G-BANT OLIPHANT, Professor in Olivet
College, Olivet, Mich.
NEITHER native nor occidental grammarians have adequately
defined the scope of the dual in Sanskrit, but both agree on
the general strictness of its use. The great Panini states the
general rule for grammatical number with the utmost sim-
plicity, bahusu bahuvacanam ] dvyeltayor dvivacandikavacane
(I. 4. 2 If.), i.e.: In the case of many, the plural; in the case of
two (or) one, the dual (or) the singular (is used). As regards
the dual he appears to know only two exceptions. In I. 2. 59,
he states: asmado dvayoQ ca, or that the plural of the first
personal pronoun may be used of two, and in the next section
he adds: phalgumprosthapaddndrit ca naksatre, or that the
plural may be used instead of the dual of the lunar mansions
plialgum and prostliapadd. We may add that both of the
Paninean exceptions are found in Vedic.
Whitney (Sk. Gr. 265) admits "only very rare and spo-
radic exceptions' 5 to its strict use "in all cases where two ob-
jects are logically indicated, whether directly or by combination
of two individuals." Speijer (Sk. Syn. 26) states: "In all
periods of the language the dual is the proper and sole num-
ber by which duality is to be expressed". He thinks it not
improbable that in the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature
sundry instances may be found of duality expressed by the
plural number but he is confident that "the number of such
exceptions cannot be but exceedingly small".
Students of Vedic syntax, however, occasionally observing
some of the phenomena to be presented in this study, have
had an idea that this strictness of use was not as well main-
tained in the older period of the language. Professor Del-
briick, for instance, in his Altind. Syn. (p. 102) asks: ,,Steht der
Plural als allgemeiner Mehrheitskasus auch da, wo man den
Dual zu erwarten hatte?" and adds: ,,Es giebt unzweifelhaft
im Veda Stellen, an welchen der Plural auffallend erscheint".
The first instance he cites is that of RV. III. 33, which we
notice here as it does not recur in the subsequent study. In
156 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
this hymn the two rivers, Vipat and Qutudri, are described in
stanzas 1 3 in the dual. In stanzas 4, 6, 8 and 10, the rivers
speak in the first plural, but this is an exception recognized
in all periods of the language. (Of. Pan. I c.\ Speijer, op. c.
25). In 5, 9, 11 and 12 they are addressed in the plural,
a not uncommon mark of great respect in the later language,
though Speijer (Ved. u. Sk. Syn. 10 g.) pronounces it post-
Vedic and post-Paninean. In the closing 13th stanza the
waters are addressed in the plural, naturally enough as dpas
is plurale tantum. The latter half stanza returns to the dual
as the address is dropped and the two rivers are compared to
two bulls. Surely everything is normal enough, with the ex-
ception of the unusual plural of the second person in address
in the Vedic. Had we plurals in the descriptive stanzas 1 3
and plural and dual transposed in 13, Delbruck might well
have thought the numbers remarkable. He is still less happy
in his citation of RV. IV. 38. 3, for he overlooks the fact that
the padbhis belong to a horse, in which case the dual is hardly
to be expected. The other instances he cites are fully con-
sidered in 6 of the present study.
With truer insight Professor Bloomfield has long been of
the opinion that for some reason or other the hieratic lan-
guage of the RV. admitted the dual more freely than the
Atharvanic or popular speech. This needed closer definition.
It was, then, to investigate the phenomena associated with
the Vedic dual and to determine the extent of the supposed
encroachments of the plural upon its domain that this study
was undertaken. In its preparation all the dual substantives
and adjectives, including participles, have been collected from
the entire Rig and Atharva Vedas. These have been grouped
into several parts as follows: 1, The dual of natural bodily
parts; 2, the dual in comparisons; 3, the dual of implemental
pairs; 4, the dual of cosmic pairs; 5, the dual of conventional,
customary or occasionally associated pairs; 6, the elliptic dual;
7, the dual dvandva compounds; 8, the anaphoric dual; 9, the
attributive dual. These have been studied each as a unit and
also in its relation to the others.
The present paper is concerned only with the first of these,
the dual of natural bodily parts, for these have been the center
of the doubt and the controversy. The study has for con-
venience of treatment been subdivided into seven parts, three
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 157
of which have to do with the supposed use of the plural for
the dual. We shall consider first the duality of bodily parts,
naturally dual, (a) when associated with an individual; (b) with
a duality of persons; (c) with a plurality of persons: and
then a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated (a)
with a plurality of persons; (b) with a duality of persons; (c)
with an individual. The seventh section on a duality of natu-
rally singular parts is added for completeness. The conclu-
sions reached from the study of each section will be presented
at the end of the section.
1-
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual.
dnsa, 'shoulder'. RV. 036 ( 4) 1 ; AV. 160.
ansau, RV. I. 158. 5 d , (dasasya); AV. IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya);
X. 2. 5 C , (piirusasya); X. 9. 19 b , (aghnyayas); XL 3. 9,
(odanasya): ansabhyam, RV. X. 163. 2 C = AV. II. 33. 2 C ,
(yaksminas). See also 2 (AV.) and 3 (RV.).
aks&n, 'eye'. RV. 109 ( 4, 6); AV. 010.
aksnos, AV. XIX. 60. l b , (mantrakrtas).
tiksi, 'eye'. RV. 100; AV. 3-21 ( 4).
aksim, AV. X. 9. 14 h , (agbnyriyas); XL 3. 2, (odanasya).
dksi, 'eye'. RV. 070; AV. 0140.
aksi, RV. I. 72. 10 b , (divas); I. 116. 16 C 7 17 C , (rjragvasya);
X. 79. 2 a , (agnes):
aksyau, AV. I. 27. l d , (paripanthinas); IV. 3. 3 a , (vya-
ghrasya); V. 23.3% (kumarasya); V. 29. 4y (pigacasya);
VI. 9. l b , (vadhuyos); VI. 9. l c , (vrsanyantyas); XIX.
50. l c , (vrkasya): aksibhyam, RV. X. 163. l a = A V. II.
33. l a , (yaksminas); AV. XL 3. 34 ad , (odanadatas): aksyos,
AV. V. 4. 10 b , (takmagrhitasya); VI. 24. 2 a , (adyuttasya);
VI. 127. 3 b , (amayavinas). See also 2 for one RV. and
two AV. duals. The remaining dual will be included in
pt. II.
1 For the sake of convenience this section is made a repertory of all
the terms indicating parts of the body of which the dual is found in either
Veda and a statement is given of the number of times the word is used
in each grammatical number. References are given to the following sec-
tions or to the parts of the study, for the use of the plurals and of such
duals as do not fall within the scope of this section.
158 8. G. Oliphant. [1910.
anukya, "ansayor madhyadehasya ca sahdhi" (Say.), AY.
21-0.
anukye, AV. XI. 3. 9, (odanasya).
anuvfj, 'flank'. AV. 10.
anuvrjau, IX. 4. 12 b , (rsabhasya).
asthwat, 'knee 7 . RV. 020; AV. 080.
' asthivantau, RV. VII. 50. 2 b , (mantrakrtas); AV. IX. 4. 12 C ;
7. 10, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 2 b ; XL 8. 14 a , (piirusasya); X.
9. 21 a , (aghnyayas):
asthivadbhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 a =AV. II. 33. 5 a , (yaksmi-
nas); AV. XI. 3. 45% (odanadatas), 45 d , (tvastur).
dnda, 'testis'. AV. 010.
andaii, IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya).
andi, 'testis.' AV. 010.
andyaii, VI. 138. 2 d , (piirusasya).
irma, 'fore- quarter.' AV. 1 0.
irmabhyam, X. 10. 21% (vagayas).
uchMh&y 'sole.' AV. 010.
uchlakhau, X. 2. l d , (piirusasya).
upastha, 'lap.' RV. 6120; AV. 1500.
See 7 and pt. IV.
uru, 'thigh'. RV. 160; AV. 1130.
uru, RV. X. 85. 37 C =AV. XIV. 2. 38 C , (vadhuyos); RV.
X. 90. ll d =AV. XIX. 6. 5 d ; RV. X. 90. 12% (piirusa-
sya); X. 162.4% (striyas); AV. VIII. 6. 3 b , (kanyayas);
IX. 7. 9, (rsabhasya); IX. 8. 7% (amayavinas) ; X. 2. 3 C ;
XI. 8. 14% (piirusasya) ; X. 9. 21% (aghnyayas); XL 3. 44 b ,
(odanadatas): uriibhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 a =AV. II. 33. 5%
(yaksminas) ; AV. XI. 3.44% (odanadatas): urvos, RV.
VIII. 70. 10 C , (indrasya dasasya va); AV. XIX. 60. 2%
(mantrakrtas). See 2 (AV.) for the remaining dual.
oni, 'breast'. RV. 010. Of. pt. III.
onyos, IX. 101. 14 b , (matur).
ostha, 'lip'. RV. l(pt. II.) 0; AV. 110.
osthau, AV. X. 9. 14% (aghnyayas).
kaphduda, 'elbow'. AV. 1 0.
kaphaudaii, X. 2. 4% (piirusasya).
harasna, 'fore-arm'. RV. 1 2 0.
karasna, III. 18. 5 d , (agnes); VI. 19. 3% (indrasya).
Ic&rna, 'ear'. RV. 583 ( 46); AV. 2110.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 159
karna, RV. IV. 23. 8 d , (ayos); IV. 29. 3 a ; VI. 38. 2 a , (in-
drasya); VI. 9. 6 a , (mantrakrtas); VIII. 72. 12 C , (ghar-
masya); AV. X. 2. 6 b , (piirusasya); X, 9. 13 b , (aghnyayas);
XII. 4. 6% (vagayas); XII 5. 22, (brahmagavyas); XVI.
2.4, Us, (mantrakrtas): karnabhyam, RV. X. 163. l b =
AV. II. 33. l b , (yaksminas); AV. IX. 4. 17 C , (rsabhasya);
IX. 8. 2 a , (amayavinas): karnayos, AV. VI. 141. 2 b ,
(vatsasya); XIX. 60. l b , (mantrakrtas). See part II.
for the other two duals (RV.).
Mrnaka, 'outspread leg'. AV. 1 0.
karnakau, XX. 133. 3 a , (kumaryas).
'kagaplaka, 'buttock. 7 RV. 010.
kagaplakaii, VIII. 33. 19 C , (asangasya).
kuksi, 'dank, loin.' RV. 451 ( 6); AV. 35-0.
kuksi, RV. II. 11. ll c ; X. 28. 2 d ; 86. 14 d ; AV. II. 5. 4 b ,
(indrasya); AV. IV. 16. 3 C , (varunasya); IX. 5. 20 d ,
(ajasya); X. 9. 17 b , (aghnyayas): kuksibhyam, AV. II.
33. 4 C , (yaksminas): kuksyos*, RV. III. 51. 12 a ; VIII.
17. 5% (indrasya).
kulpM, 'ankle. 7 RV. 010. Cf. gulpha.
kulphaii, VII. 50. 2 b , (mantrakrtas).
kroda, 'breast. 7 AV. 210.
krodaii, X. 9. 25% (aghnyayas).
gabhasti, 'hand. 7 RV. 6230.
gabhasti, VI 19. 3 a ; VII. 37. 3 C , (indrasya): gabhastyos,
I. 82. 6 b ; 130. 4; III. 60. 5 b ; V. 86. 3 C ; VI. 29. 2 C ;
45. 18 a ; VIII 12. 7 b ; X. 96. 3 b , (indrasya); IX. 76. 2%
(somasya). See 3 for the other twelve duals.
gavinikd, 'groin. 7 AV. 020.
gavinike, I. 11. 5 b , (nary as); IX. 8. 7 b , (amayavinas).
gamni, 'groin. 7 AV. 5 0.
gavmyos, I 3. 6 a , (amayavinas), V. 25. 10 b 13 b , (naryas).
gulpha, 'ankle. 7 AV. 020. Cf. kulpha.
gulphau, X. 2. l b , 2 a , (piirusasya).
caksan, 'eye. 7 AV. 010.
caksani, X. 2. 6 b , (purusasya).
caksus, 'eye. 7 RV. 36-0-1 ( 4); AV. 7813 ( 4, 6).
caksusT, AV. IX. 5. 21 a , (ajasya).
jaghana, 'buttock, haunch. 7 RV. 111 ( 4); AV. 1-00.
The one dual belongs to part II.
jangha, 'leg. 7 RV. 200; AV. 023 ( 6).
160 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
janghe, AY. X, 2. 2 C , (purusasya): janghayos, XIX. 60. 2 a ,
(mantrakrtas).
jdnu, 'knee.' RV. 100; AV. 13-0.
janubhyam, IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) : X. 2. 3 b , (piirusasya):
janunos, X. 2. 2 d , (purusasya).
daristm, 'tusk, molar, fang. 7 RV. 011 ( 6); AV. 041
( 6 )-
danstra, RV. X. 87. 3 a = danstrau, AV. VIII. 3. 3 a , (agnes):
danstrabhyam, AV. X. 5. 43 a , (vaic, vanarasya) : danstra-
yos, IV. 36. 2 C ; XVI. 7. 3, (vaigvanarasya).
danta, 'deciduous middle incisor'. AV. 04 0.
dantau, VI. 140. l c , 2 d , 3 b , 3 d , fcigos).
dos&n, 'fore-leg.' AV. 020.
dosani, IX. 7. 7, (rsabhasya); X. 9. 19 a , (aghnyayas).
nds, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 010; AV. 210:
nasos, RV. V. 61. 2 C , (agvasya); AV. XIX, 60. l b , (man-
trakrtas).
ndsa, 'nose, nostril.' RV. l(pt. II.) 0; AV. 01-0.
nase, AV. V. 23. 3 b , (kumarasya).
nasika, 'nose, nostril.' RV. 010; AV. 140.
nasike, AV. X. 2. 6 b , (purusasya); X. 9. 14 a , (aghnyayas);
XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya): nasikabhyam, RV. X. 163. l a =
AV. II. 33. 1% (yaksminas).
ndcti, 'retovahe' (Say.), 'seminal ducts.' AV. 1 0.
nadyau, VI. 138. 4 a , (purusasya).
nrbahti, 'arm of man.' RV. 1 0.
nrbahubhyam, IX. 72. 5 a , (sotur).
paksd, 'wing.' RV. 352 ( 4); AV. 1-6-1 ( 6).
paksa, RV. I. 163. l c ; VIII. 34. 9 1 ', (gyenasya); X. 106. 3%
(c,akunasya) : paksaii, AV. IV. 34. l c , (odanasya); VI.
8. 2'\ (suparnasya); VIII. 9. 14 b , (yajnasya); X. 8. 18 a ;
XIII. 3. 14 a , (hansasya); X. 9. 25 C , (aghnyayas). See
3 for the other two RV. duals.
patdurd, 'side, costal region.' AV. 01 0. See 3 for
the only dual.
pativedana, 'husband-finder, breast?' AV. 1 0.
pativedanau, VIII. 6. l b , (kanyiyas).
pad, 'foot. 7 RV. 16 10-8 (46); AV. 11137 (6).
pada, RV. I. 24 8 C , (suryasya); VI. 29. 3 a ; X. 73. 3 a , (in-
drasya); X. 90. ll d = padau, AV. XIX. 6. 5 d ; padau,
RV. VI. 47. 15 C , (purusasya); AV. I. 27. 4 a , (mantra-
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 161
krtas); VI. 9.1% (vadhuyos); X. 1.21% (krtyas); XL
8. 14% (purusasya); XIX, 49. 10% (stenasya): padbhyam,
RV. X. 90. 12' 1 , 14 l =AV. XIX. 6. 6 d , 8 C , (purusasya);
AV. V. 30. 13 d , (fimayavinas) ; XII. 1. 28 C , (mantrakrtas):
pados, RV. X. 166. 2 C , (sapatnaghnas) ; AV. I. 18.2%
(striyas); XII. 4. 5% (viklindvas). See also 6 and
pt. II.
pani, 'hand.' RV. 0-21 ( 6); AV. 110.
pani, RV. IV. 21. 9 a , (indrasya); VI. 71. l c , (savitiir):
panibhyam, AV. II. 33. 6 C , (yaksminas).
pdda, 'foot.' RV. 202 ( 6); AV. 151 ( 6).
padabhyam, AV. IX. 8. 21% (amayavinas) ; XL 3. 46%
(odanadatas): padayos, XIX. 60. 2 b , (mantrakrtas). See
also 2 and 3.
padakd, 'little foot.' RV. 010.
padakaii, VIII. 33. 19 b , (asangasya).
parevA, 'side. 7 RV. 100; AV. 250.
pargve, IX. 4. 12% (rsabhasya); IX. 5. 20 d , (ajasya); IX.
8. 15% (amayavinas); XL 8. 14 C , (purusasya): pargva-
bhyarn, II. 33. 3 b , (yaksminas).
pdrsni, 'heel.' RV. 11-0; AV. 231 ( 4).
parsm, AV. X. 2. 1% (purusasya): parsnibhyam, II. 33. 5 b
= RV. X. 163. 4 b , (yaksminas): parsnyos, VI. 24. 2 b ,
(adyuttasya).
prdpad, 'forepart of foot.' AV. 01 0.
prapados, VI. 24. 2 b , (adyuttasya).
prdpada, 'front part of foot'. RV. 011 ( 6); AV.
131 ( 4).
prapadabhyam, RV. X. 163. 4 b = AV. II. 33. 5 b , (yaks-
minas); AV. X. 3. 47% (odanadatas); XL 3. 47 d , (savitiir).
barjahyd, 'nipple.' AV. 1 0.
barjahye, XL 8. 14 C (purusasya).
bdhdva. 'arm.' RV. 030.
bahava, II. 38. 2 b , (savitiir). See 2 for the other two duals.
lahu, 'arm, fore-leg.' RV. 25010 ( 46); AV. 2
19-7 ( 4).
bahii, RV. I. 95. 7 a ; X. 142. 5 C , (agnes); I. 102. 6 a ; III.
51. 12 C ; VI. 47. 8 C = AV. XIX. 15. 4 C ; VIII. 61. 18 C ;
77. 11% (indrasya); I. 163. 1% (harinasya); I. 190. 3 b ; IV.
53. 3 C . 4 C ; VI. 71. l b , 5 a ; VII. 45. 2 a ; 79. 2 d , (savitiir);
V. 43.4% (somasiitvanas); X. 90. ll c , 12 b = AV. XIX.
162 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
6. 5% 6 b , (purusasya); X. 102. 4 d , (vrsabhasya) ; X. 121. 4 C ;
AY. IV. 2. 5 C , (hiranyagarbhasya); AY. VI. 65. l b , (c,a-
tros), VI. 99. 2 C , 3 a ; XIX. 13. 1% (indrasya); VII. 70. 4 a
5% (prtanyatas) ; IX. 4.8% (yarunasya); IX. 7.7, (rsa-
bhasya); X. 2. 5 a , (purusasya); X. 9.19% (aghnyayas):
bahubhyam, RV. II. 17. 6 a ; IV. 22. 2 b , (indrasya), VII.
22. l c , (sotur) ; X. 81. 3 C , (vigvakarmanas) = AY. XIIL
2. 26 C , (suryasya); X. 163. 2 d = AV. II. 33. 2 d , (yaksmi-
nas): bahvos, RY. I. 51. 7 C ; 52. 8 C ; 63. 2 b ; 80. 8 C ; II.
11. 4 b , 6 C ; 20. 8 C ; 36. 5 b ; III. 44. 4 d ; IV. 22. 3 C ; VI.
23. l d ; 46. 14 d ; VII. 25. l c ; VIII. 96. 3'\ 5"; X. 52. 5 C ;
153. 4 b , (indrasya); V. 16. 2 b , (agnes); VII. 84. l c , (yaja-
manasya); AV. VII. 56. 6% (garkotasya) ; XIX. 60. l d ,
(mantrakrtas). For the other duals, six RY. and one AY.
see 2 and 3.
bhurij, 'hand, arm.' RY. 040; AY. 010.
bhurijos, RY. IX. 26. 4 a , (sotur). The other four duals
belong to part III.
Wieda, 'pudenda.' RV. 010.
bhedaii, IX. 112. 4 C , (naryas).
Mrd, 'brow.' RY. 010.
bhruvos, IV. 38. 7 d , (dadhikrayas).
matasna, 'lung.' RV. 010; AV. 020.
matasne, AY. X. 9. 16% (aghnyayas): matasnabhyam, II.
33. 3 C = RY. X. 163. 3 C , (yaksminas).
muskd, 'testis, pudendum. 7 RV. 010; AV. 070.
muskau, AY. IV. 37. 7% (gandharvasya) ; VI. 127. 2 b , (ama-
yavinas); XX. 136. l c , 2 b , (naryas mahanagnyas) : mus-
kabhyam, VIII. 6. 5 C , (kany%as) : muskayos, RV. X.
38. 5 d , (indrasya); AV. VI. 138. 4 d , 5 d , (naryas).
?raji, 'pudendum?' RV. 010.
raji, X. 105. 2 C , (patnyas). So GRY. and BRY. GWB.
and LRV. take it as some kind of a maned animal.
PWB. merely cites Sayana's two guesses rajasl dya-
vaprthivav iva or maliantau ranjakau surydcandrama-
sdv iva.
vartman, 'eyelid.' AY. 01 0.
vartmabhyam, XX. 133. 6 C , (kumaryas).
vrltka, 'kidney.' RV. 100; AY. 020.
vrkkau, VII. 96. l d , (purusasya); IX. 7. 13, (rsabhasya).
$ipra, *lip.' RV. 062 ( 4).
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 163
Qipre, I. 101. 10 b ; III. 32. 1; V. 36. 2 a ; VIII. 76. 10 b ; X.
96. 9 b , (indrasya): giprabhyam, X. 105. 5 C , (indrasya).
Qirsakapala i 'cranial hemisphere.' AV. 01 0.
girsakapale, XV. 18. 4, (vratyasya).
tfnga, 'horn. 7 RV. 265 ( 4, 6); AV. 2-8-1 ( 4).
grnge, RV. V. 2. 9 d = AV. VIII. 3. 24 d ; RV. VIII. 60. 13 b ,
(agnes); IX. 5. 2 b ; 70. 7 b ; 87. 7 C , (somasya); AV. II.
32. 6% (krmes); VIII. 3. 25% (agnes); IX. 7. 1, (r.sabha-
sya); X. 9. 14 b , (aghnyayas) ; XX. 130. 13, (pfdakavas,
cf. 129. 9, 10): grngabhyam, IX. 4. 17% (rsabhasya);
XIX. 36. 2% (manes). See part II. for the other RV.
dual.
Qrfai, 'hip/ RV. 0-10; AV. 0-60.
grom, AV. IX. 4. 13 b ; 7. 9, (rsabhasya); X. 2. 3 C , (puru-
>asya); X. 9. 21 b , (aghnyayas): gronibhyam, RV. X.
163.4*; AV. II. 33. 5 C , (yaksminas); AV. IX. 8. 21 b ,
(amayavinas).
grdtra, 'ear.' RV. 2-00; AV. 19-40.
grotre, AV. XL 3. 2% (odanasya); XIV. 1. ll c , (suryayas,
cf. RV. X. 85. ll c grotram): grotrabhyam, XL 3. 33 ad ,
(odanadatas).
s&ktlii, 'leg.' RV. 100; AV. 110.
sakthibhyam, X. 10. 21 b , (vagayas).
sakthi, 'leg.' RV. 0-2-0; AV. 030.
sakthya, RV. X. 86. 16 b , 17 d = sakthyau AV. XX. 126.
16 b , 17 d , (indrasya); sakthyau, AV. VI. 9. l b , (vadhuyos).
sandhi (jdnunos), 'knee-joint.' AV. 1 10.
sandhi, X. 2. 2 d , (piirusasya).
stana, 'nipple, teat.' RV. 3 l(pt. II.)- 0: AV. 135 ( 6).
stanau, AV. IX. 1. 7 b , (madhukagayas) ; X. 2. 4 C , (piiru-
sasya).
See 6 for the other dual.
Mnu, 'jaw.' RV. 151 ( 6); AV. 16-0.
hanu, RV. IV. 18. 9 b ; V. 36. 2% (indrasya); X. 79. l c ,
(agnes); X. 152. 3 b = AV. I. 21. 3 b , (vrtrasya); AV. VL
56. 3 b , (svajasya); X. 9. 13 b , (aghnyayas); XIX. 47.9%
(vrkasya): hanvos, RV. I. 52. 6 d , (vrtrasya); AV. X.
2. 7 a . 8 C , (piirusasya).
lidsta, 'hand.' RV. 29175 ( 4, 6); AV. 22184
( 4).
hasta, RV. IV. 21. 9 a ; VIII. 68. 3-\ (indrasya); hastau, RV.
164 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
X. 117. 9 a ; AY. XL 8. 14 b , 15% (piirusasya); AV. VI.
81.1% (naryas); VII. 26. 8 C , (visnos); VII. 109. 3 C , (ki-
tavasya); VIII. 1. 8 d , (amayavinas) ; XIX. 49. 10 b , (ste- .
nasya): hastabhyam, AV. III. 11.8% (satyasya); VI.
102. 3% (bhagasya); XL 3. 48% (odanadatas); XL 3.48 d ,
(rtasya); XIX. 51.2, (pusnas): hastayos, EV. I. 24.4%
(savitur); I. 38. l b , (pitiir); I. 55. 8 a ; 81. 4 e ; 176, 3 a ; VI.
31. l b ; 45. 8% (indrasya); I. 135. 9=, (vayos); I. 162. 9%
(Samitur); IX. 18. 4 b ; 90. l d , (somasya); AV. I. 18. 2 b ,
(striyas): XVIII. 3. 12% (mantrakrtas). For the other
duals see 3 (1 EV., 4 AV.) and pt. II. (2 EV.).
In this section are listed 146 of the 191 duals of the
natural bodily parts, found in the EV., and 212 of the 225 such
duals in the AV.
Of the EV. instances, 96 pertain to the various gods. In-
dra leads with 65. Savitar follows with 10 and Agni is close
behind with 9. Only 39 pertain to human beings, and of these
11 pertain to the yaksmin. (consumptive) of X. 163, a hymn
distinctively Atharvanic and at home in AV. II. 33. Seven
pertain to animals, 3 to demons and 1 to the inanimate gharmd.
The different sphere of the AV. is well shown in its con-
trasts to these numbers. Humanity comes to the front with
124 duals and the sick still lead with 30. The animals get
49 duals and the gods drop to the third place with only 24
duals in all. Indra still leads them, but with a paltry 7.
Agni is a close second with his 6 and Savitar has but a single
dual. The demons have 5; inanimate objects 9, of which 4
pertain to the odand.
Thus these duals clearly establish the hieratic character
of the EV. and the demotic character of the AV. The im-
portance of this distinction will appear later.
Only in 4 instances out of these 358 duals is there the
slightest need to comment upon any grammatical usage. In
three instances the dual is predicate to a singular AV. IX.
7. Sbdlam urti (strength his thighs) and id. 13krodho vrkkdu
manyur anddu (anger his kidneys, wrath his testes). In EV.
X. 85. ll c grotram te cakre dstdm (thy chariot wheels were
an ear) shows the reverse, a singular predicate to a dual.
The AV. XIV. 1. ll c has this pada with the normal Qrotre.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 165
2.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of
persons.
The RV. has five instances of this phenomenon: dksi (CLQ-
vinos), I. 120. 6 C , aksl gubhas pati dan, (Hither your eyes,
ye lords of splendor); bahdvd (mitrdvdrunayos), V. 64. 2%
ta bahava sucetiina pra yantam asma arcate, (Stretch forth
with kindly thought those arms unto this one that sings); VII.
62. 5 a , pra bahava sisrtam jlvase na, (Stretch forth your arms
to grant us life) ; bahubhyam (mitrdvdrunayos), VIII. 101. 4- [ ,
bahubhyam na urusyatam, (Keep us in safety by your arms);
bdhvos (mitrdvdnmayos), V. 64. l c , pari vrajeva bahvor jagan-
vansa svarnaram, (As in the pen-fold of your arms encom-
passed ye the realm of light).
The AV. also has five instances: diisdu (a$vinos), IX. 4. 8 b
indrasyaujo varunasya bahu agvinor ansau marutam iyaih
kakut, (Indra's strength, Varuna ? s arms, the Agvins' shoulders,
this Marut's hump) ; aksyau (vadhilyor vadhuag ca), VII. 36.
7 a , aksyau nau madhusaiiikage, anlkam nau samanjanam, (Of
honey aspect be our eyes, an ointment be our face) ; uruWiydm
(mitrdvarunayos^ XL 3. 44 d , tatag cainam anyabhyam urii-
bhyani pragir yabhyam caitam purva rsayah pragnan | uru te
marisyata ity enam aha | tarn va / mitravarunayor urubhySm
tabhyam enam pragisam tabhyam enam ajigamam \ (-If
thou didst eat this with other thighs than those with which
the Eishis of yore did eat it, thy thighs will die', thus says
one to him. 'With the thighs of Mitra-Varuna, with
these I ate this', etc.) ; pdddbhyam (agvinos), XL 3. 46 A , tatag
cainam anyabhyam padabhyam / / / agvinoh padabhyam
/ / ('If with other feet', etc. 'With the feet of the
Agvins, etc.); bahubhyam (agvinos*), XIX. 51. b , agvinor ba-
hubhyam pusrio hastabhyam prasuta a rabhe (With the Agvins'
arms, with Pushan's hands, I, impelled, seize thee).
It will be noticed that nine of these ten passages refer
either to the Agvins or to Mitra-Varuna. Though it is true
that of all the Vedic pantheon the deities of these respective
groups are the ones most intimately associated, that Mitra is
so closely assimilated to Varuna that, as Macdonell (Ved.
Myth., p. 27) observes, he has hardly an independent trait left,
that only on the rarest occasions are the Agvins separable,
VOL. XXX. Part H. 12
166 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
yet there is never a unification of the members of either dual.
Nowhere are they invoked in the singular; nowhere described
by a singular epithet; nowhere is a singular verb predicated
of them. The immediate context in at least seven of our pas-
sages would positively forbid such an hypothesis as an ex-
planation of the dual.
Nor are they metri causa, as the plural will scan in each
of the eight metrical passages. That they are mere gram-
matical lapsus linguce or due to laxity of thought on the part
of the Bishis, should be our dernier ressort. We hold that
this interpretation is unworthy and unnecessary and that a
study of the passages, both by themselves and in contrast with
those of 5, in which a plurality of these same bodily parts is
associated with these same dual divinities, reveals a conscious
purpose in the selection of the grammatical number. In the
passages before us this purpose is the dissociation and in-
dividualization of the members of the duality. Such an as-
sumption is made imperative by AY. VII. 36. 1, where the
eyes and singular face must individualize the bride and the
groom. Each ndu receives its full interpretation only in "of
each of us."
In AV. IX. 4. 8, the phrase marutam iydm kahut requires
the individualization of the Maruts, for they can possess no
collective kdkut. The natural extension of this distributive
idea to the former part of the pada gives the clearest and
best explanation of the dual, agvinor ansau.
If we compare the five RV. passages, each having the idea
of duality so strongly explicit in it, with those of 5, we can
hardly decide otherwise than that in the passages with the
dual, the Rishis address the deities with an implied 'each of
you', and in those passages that have the plural, with an im-
plied 'both of you'.
We have thus a logically consistent and satisfying explana-
tion of the eight such duals found in the metrical portions
of the Yedas. In each of the two passages from the Odana
Sukta (AV. XI. 3), the same explanation may apply, if not
so obvious and compelling, or the duals may in each instance
be echoic of the perfectly normal duals of the same words
immediately preceding.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 167
3.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of
persons.
We find twenty instances in the B,V.: (i), aitsayos (marii-
tarn), V. 57. 6*, rstayo vo maruto ansayor adhi saha 6jo bah-
vor vo balaiii hitam | nrmna oirsasv ayudha rathesu vo vigva
vah c,rir adhi tanusu pipiQe || (Lances are on your shoulders
twain, O Maruts; energy and strength are placed together in
your arms; manliness on your heads, weapons on your cars,
all majesty is moulded on your forms); (2), gabhastyos (marit-
tdm), I. 64. 10 C , astara isum dadhire gabhastyoh (The archers
have set the bow in their hands); (3), I. 88. 6 M , isa sya vo
maruto 'nubhartri prati stobhati vaghato na van! | astobhayad
vrthasam anu svadhaiii gabhastyoh || l (This invigorating hymn,
O Maruts, peals forth in praise to meet you, as the music of
one in prayer. Joyously did Gotama make these sing forth
a gift of praise unto your hands); (4), V. 54. ll f , ansesu va
rstayah patsii khadayo vaksassu rukma maruto rathe c.ubhah j
agnibhrajaso vidyiito gabhastyoh <}iprah girsasu vitata hiran-
yayih || (Lances on shoulders, spangles on feet, gold on your
breasts, splendor on your car, fire-glowing lightnings in your
hands, visors wrought of gold arranged upon your heads);
(5), yabliastyos (somasutvdndm) , IX. 10. b , hinvanaso ratha
iva dadhanvire gabhastyoh | bharasah karinam iva || (Driven
on like chariots the Somas flow in the hands, like hymns of
the singers); (6), IX. 13. 7 C , dadhanvire gabhastyoh (they flow
in the hands); (7) and (8), IX. 20. b ; 65. 6 b , mrjamano
1 The passage is difficult and has no satisfactory explanation in com-
mentator or translator. The principal mooted points are the substantive
implied in a, the subject and object of astobhayad in c, the syntax and re-
ference of dsdm in c and of gabhastyos in d. Stanzas 4 and 5 are replete
with ^the idea of the excellence and potency of Gotama s former hymns.
Here he expresses his confidence of continuing merit and the consequent
acceptance and approval of the present effort, the anubhartrl of a. Asto-
bhayad has the Gotama of 4 and 5 for its subject, and its object is implied
in dsdm, the antecedent of which is esd anubhartrl of a. The case of
dsdm is the partitive gen. after the idea of 'give, present' implied in asto-
bhayad (cf. Speijer's Sk. Syn. 119 and E. Siecke, De gen. in ling. Sansk.
imp. Ved. usu 7, p. 36). Gabhastyor depends upon same idea of 'present*
in the verb, and refers to the Maruts. This gives at least a consistent sense
and a possible syntax.
12*
168 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
gabhastyoh (cleansed in the hands); (9) and (10), IX. 36. 4 b and
64. 5 b , gumbhamana rtayiibhir mrjamano gabhastyoh (made
radiant by pious men, cleansed in their hands) ; (n), IX. 71. 3\
adribhih sutah pavate gabhastyoh (Soma pressed by the
stones becomes clear in the hands); (12), IX. 107. 13 d , tarn
Im hinvanty apaso yatha ratham nadisv a gabhastyoh (Skilful
men drive him as a car, in streams in their hands) ; (13), IX.
110. 5 C , garyabhir na bharamano gabhastyoh (Borne on by
the arrows, as it were, of the hands); (14), paksd (vmdm), VIII.
47. 2 C , paksa vayo yathopari vy asme garma yachata and
(15), VIII. 47. 3 b , vy asme adhi garma tat paksa vayo na
yantana (Spread your protection over us as birds spread their
wings); (16), bahubhyam (dngirasdm),. II. 24. 7 C , te bahu-
bhyam dhamitam agnim agmani (They leave upon the rock the
fire enkindled with their arms); (17), bahubhyam (dyundm), X.
7. 5 c j bahubhyam agnim ayavo 'jananta (With their arms did
men generate Agni); (18), bdhvos (marutam), see no. 1 above;
(19), bdhvos (nrndm), VI. 59. 7 b , indragni a hi tanvate naro
dhanvani bahvoh (Indra-Agni, men are stretching the bows
in their arms); (20), hdstdbhydm (mantrakftdm), X. 137. 7 a ,
hastabhyam dagaQakhabhyam (With our hands of ten branches
we stroke thee).
The AV. furnishes these six instances: (i), patdurdu (strl-
ndm), XL 9. 14 b , pratighnanah sam dhavantu urah. pataurav
aghnanah (Let them run together, without anointing, smiting
each her breast and thighs); (2), pdddbhydm (devdndm), X.
7. 39 a , yasmai hastabhyam padabhyam vaca grotrena caksusa
[Unto whom (Skambha), with hands, with feet, with voice, with
hearing and with sight (the gods continually render tribute)];
(3) and (4), Mstdbhydm (mantrakftam), IV. 13. 7 a and c , hasta-
bhyam dagagakhabhyam .... anamayitniibhyam hastabhyam
tabhyam tvabhi mrgamasi || (With our hands of ten branches,
.... with hands that banish disease, with these we stroke thee);
(5), VI. 118. P, yad dhastabhyam cakrma kilbisani aksanam
ganam upalipsamanah (If we have committed sins with our
hands, in our desire of the troop of the dice); (6), X. 7. 39*,
see no. 2 above.
An examination of these passages in detail will readily
show in twenty-two of them the same clearly marked in-
dividuality of action among the plurality of actors that we found
in the preceding section in the case of the duality of actors.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 169
In fifteen of the twenty instances in the RV., it will be seen
at once that the specified act naturally and imperatively de-
mands the exercise of both of the given bodily members for
its performance. Such are the acts in nos. 2 and 19, aiming
the bow; in nos. 16 and 17, kindling fire with the fire-sticks;
in nos. 14 and 15, birds spreading their wings; in nos. 5 to
13 inclusive, the pressers cleansing the soma. In all the AV.
passages we have evidence of the individual element in the
action. In no. 1, the sg. uras and dual pataurau serve this
purpose; in nos. 2 and 6 the singulars of b as well as the
duals of a indicate the individual rather than the collective
homage of the gods; in no. 5 the gamblers seek forgiveness
each for his own sins, not for their joint offences; in nos. 3
and 4 and in RV. no. 20, it is the shaman that acts. It may
be that in AV. nos. 3, 4 and 5 and E-V. no. 20, we have a
single subject speaking in the first plural and that these really
belong in 1 rather than here.
It remains to show that the same explanation holds in the
other four passages. We should remember that the Rishis
have all the Oriental exuberance and liveliness of fancy, love
of variety and of profuse ornamentation. They excel also in
the use of the swift, bold and sometimes startling transition.
They were often consummate artists, masters of word-painting.
They exhibit their skill now throughout an entire hymn, now
in a stanza that is a miniature master-piece, now in a single
word that is athrill with poetic concept. The difficulty is for
the cool, logical and too often phlegmatic Occidental mind to
appreciate the riotous luxuriance of their imagination and the
art that is in its expression.
In our no. 4 of the RV. the swift transition from the plu-
rals of a and b to the duals of b and c and then back to the
plurals of d is but a part of the Rishi's artistic equipment, of
his professional stock in trade, by which he presents to view
now the group, now the individual member of it and now
again the group. To us, unfamiliar with the real nature of
the vidi/ut, it may seem to accord ill with the imagery of the
context and even to make the picturesque almost grotesque,
to represent the individual Maruts as clutching with both
hands their missile bolts, but surely there is nothing incon-
gruous in this to the Hindoo familiar with that magnificent
but appalling electrical display by which the whole arch of
170 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
heaven, from zenith to horizon, is made to glow with such con-
tinuous flashes of flame that the intense inky blackness of the
monsoon night is made to rival the brilliance of the tropical
noonday.
In nos. 1 and 18 of the RV., which are from successive
padas of the same re and separated only by our alphabetic
scheme of listing, the transition from the plurals of a and ~b
to the duals of c and d may be compared in effect to a paint-
ing in which individual Maruts are strongly limned in the
foreground and the Marut host sketched in more vague and
shadowy outlines in the background. Too fanciful? There
are scores of such artistic transitions in the RV. Again as
the lances are the vidyut flashes the Rishi is not without skill
in his art when he makes them in their play rest upon both
shoulders of the individual Maruts. In no. 3 of the RV. a
like interpretation presents an individualistic touch at the
close of the re that has opened with a collective plural ad-
dress. Gotama's gift of song is unto you, Maruts, yea unto
you individually as well as collectively.
So in every instance cited the use of the dual resolves the
plurality of persons and presents the component individuals.
The art of the hieratic Rishi is pronounced in at least four
of the passages and the demotic shaman of the AY. shows no
parallel. The results accord with those of 2 and are the
proper contrast to those derived from the study of the next
section.
4.
A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a plurality of
persons.
We find these thirty-five instances in the RV.: (i), dnsesu
(marutdm), I. 64. 4 C , ansesv esam ni mimrksur rstayah (The
lances on their shoulders beat down); (2), I. 166. 9 C , ansesv
a vah prapathesu khadayo (Spangles on your shoulders in your
journeys); (3), I. 166. 10 C , ansesv etah pavisu ksura adhi (On
shoulders, buckskins; on fellies, knives); (4), I. 168. 5 C , aisam
ansesu rambhimva rarabhe (On their shoulders rests, as it
were, a lance) ; (5), 7. 54. IP, ansesu va rstayah patsu kha-
dayo (Lances on your shoulders, spangles on the feet); (6), 777.
56. 13*, ansesv a marutah khadayo vo (On your shoulders,
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 111
Maruts, are spangles); (7) aksdni, (purusdndm], VII, 55. 6> c ,
ya aste yac. ca carati yag ca pacjati no janah | tesaih sarii
hanmo aksani (Of him who sits and him who walks and him
who looks on us, of these we close the eyes); (8), aksdbhis
(ydjamdndndm), I. 89. 8 b , bhadram pacjemaksabhir yajatrah
(May we with our eyes behold the good, ye adorable ones);
(9) and (10), I. 139. 2^, dki'biQ cana manasa svebhir aksabhih
somasya svebhir aksabhih (Not with the thoughts, the mind,
but with our own eyes, our own eyes of Soma given, have we
behold the golden one); (u), IX. 102. S\ kratva gukrebhir
aksabhir rnor apa vrajaiii divah (With our eyes clear with
wisdom unbar the stall of heaven); (12), apihahsebhis (devdndm),
X. 134. 7 C , paksebhir apikaksebhir atrabhi sarii rabhamahe
(To your wings, to your shoulders, there do we closely cling);
(13), kdrnebhis (ydjamdndndm), I. 89. <S a , bhadram karnebhih
grnuyama deva (May we, Gods, with our ears hear the
good); (14), cdJcsaiisi (purusanam), V. 1. 4 b , caksunsiva surye
saiii caranti (As the eyes of men turn to Surya); (15), jaglidndn
(d^vdndtn), VI. 75. 13 { \ a janghanti sanv esam jaghanaii upa
jighnate (He lashes their backs, lashes their haunches); (16),
paksan (vlnCim), I. 166. 10 d , vayo na paksan vy anu griyo dhire
(As birds their wings, the Maruts spread their glory out);
(17), pakaebhis (devdndm), same as no. 12 above; (18), padbhis
(ydjamdndndm), IV. 2. 14 h , padbhir hastebhig cakrma tanu-
bhih (We have done with our feet, our hands, our bodies);
(19), X. 79. 2*, atrany asmai paclbhih sam bharanty uttana-
hasta namasadhi viksii (With their feet they gather food for
Agni, with upraised hands and reverence in their dwellings);
(20), patsu (marutdm), see no. 5 above; (21), Idhdvas (nrudm),
X. 103. 13 C , ugra vah santu bahavo (Strong be your arms,
heroes, in battle); (22), bdhun (ydtudhdndm), X. 87. 4 d ,
pratico bahun prati bhandhy esam (Break their arms raised
against you); (23), bdhubhis (marutdm), I. 85. b , pra jigata
bahubhih (Advance with your arms); (24), (agnimdnthandndm),
III. 29. 6*, yadl manthanti bahiibliir vi rocate (When they
rub Agni with their arms, he shines forth); (25), (mahato
mdnyamdndndm), VII. 98. 4 b , saksama tan bahubhih gaca-
danan (We shall subdue them confiding in their arms); (26),
lidlmsu (marutdm), I. 166. _/# b , bhuruni bhadra niiryesu ba-
hiisu (Many goodly things are in your manly arms); (27), VIIL
20. 10\ rukmaso adhi balmsu (Golden ornaments upon their
172 S. O. Oliphant, [1910.
arms); (28), giprds (marutdm) 1 , V. 54. 11 A , giprah girsasu vi-
tata hiranyaylh (Visors of gold arranged upon their heads);
(29) *, VIII. 7.25^, giprah clrsan hiranyaylh (Visors of gold
upon their heads); (30), grngdni (grngmdm), III. 8. 10% grn-
ganlvec chrnginaiii sarii dadrgre casalavantah svaravah prthi-
vyam (The sacrificial posts set in the earth and adorned with
knobs, seem like the horns of horned creatures); (31), (sak-
thdni (marutdm), X. 61. <? c , vi sakthani naro yamuh putrakrthe
na janayah (The heroes spread their thighs apart like women
in childbirth); (32), hdstebhis (ydjamdndndm), see no. 18 above;
(33)* hdstdir (manlsmdm), IX. 79. 4 d , apsii tva hastair dudu-
hur mamsinah (Sages have with their hands milked the sorna
into the waters); (34), hastesu (marutdm), I. 37. 3 ] \ iheva
cjnva esam kaga hastesu yad vadan (The whip in their hands
is heard as if here, when they crack it); (35), I. 168. 3 d .
hastesu khadig ca krtic, ca saiii dadhe (A ring and a dagger
are held in their hands).
The AV. has fourteen instances of its own: (i), cdksurtsi
(Qdtrundm}, III. 1. 6 C , caksunsy agnir a dattam (Let Agni
take their eyes); (2), cdksusdm (purusdndm), V. 24. 9*, suryac,
caksusam adhipatih (Surya is overlord of eyes); (3), pCirsnis
(durndmnmdm), VIII. 6. ^5 b , purah pfirsmh puro mukha
(Whose heels are in front, in front their faces); (4), prdpaddni
(durnCmnmam}, VIII. 6. 15% yesam pagcat prapadani (The
fore-parts of whose feet are behind) ; (5), bdhdvas (nrndvi), XL
9. 1%je bahavo ya isavo (What arms, what arrows!); (6),
(gdtrunam), XL 9. 13*, muhyantv esam bahavah (Let their
arms fail); (7), (8) and (9), baMn (gdtrundm), III. 19. 2% VI.
65. c , XL 10. 16 C , vrgcami gatrunam bahun (I hew off the
arms of the foemen); (10), gfngdni (durndmmndm), VIII. 6.14 b ,
ye purve badhvo yanti haste gfngaiii bibhratah (Who go
before a bride, bearing horns in the hand); (n), hastesu (yd-
jamdndndm), IV. 14. b , kramadhvam agnina nakam ukhyan
hastesu bibhratah (Stride ye with fire to the vault of heaven,
bearing potfires in your hands); (12), (13) and (14), (brahmd-
nam), VI. 122. 5 b , X. 9. 27^, XL 1. 27^ brahmanam hastesu
praprthak sadayami (1 place these separately in the hands of
the Brahmans).
1 Say. glosses the former by iismsamayyas (consisting of head-dresses),
the latter by firastrdndni (head protectors). The name is doubtless due
to some resemblance to the real fiprds, 'lips'.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic, Dual 173
The AV. has also three repetitions from the RV.: altsini,
IV. 5. 5 C = aks&ni RV. VII. 55. 6'; lahavas, III. 19. 7 b = RV.
X. 103. 13 C ; bdhfin, VIII. 3. 6 d = RV. X. 87. 4 d .
A comparison of these passages with those of 3 in which
the dual is associated with a like plurality of persons, shows
that in these the plural is thought of as general and collec-
tive. The Rishis here view the concert rather than the in-
dividualization of the action. In nos. 18 and 32 of the RV.
tanubhis shows there is no idea of individuality. So do viksti
of no. 19, the plural simile janayali of no. 31, and the con-
text of no. 27, which has taniisu in 12 I} , rathesu in 12 C and
griyas in 12 d . In no. 7 tesdm is plainly "of all these", not
u of each of these". Nos. 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 21, 22, 25, 32 and
33 are obviously general and collective, not specific and in-
dividual. In nos. 1 to 6, 20, 23, 26 to 29, 34 and 35 the
Rishis refer to the Marut host, not to individual members of
it. A comparison of no. 15 with the no. 14 of 3 shows that
here the simile looks to the ensemble of wings. So the com-
parison in no. 31 is general. In nos. 16, 24 and 31 the use
of both the bodily members is indeed necessary in any single
case, but comparison with nos. 16 and 17 of 3 shows that
the Rishis by the plural generalize the act that the dual would
individualize. So with the remaining passages, nos. 12, 15
and 17 of the RV. and all of the AV., the plural is general
and synthetic where the dual would resolve the group into its
components.
5.
A plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, associated with a duality of
persons.
There are but three instances of this phenomenon, all in
the RV. The passages are: (i), Mrndis (a$vinos), L 184. 2 (] .
rrutam me achoktibhir matlnam esta nara nicetara ca kar-
ntiih (Hearken, ye heroes, to the invocations of my hymns, ye
who are worshipped and are observant with your ears); (2),
pa<!bhis (mitrdvarunayos), V. 64. 7 l \ sutarii somaiii mi hasti-
bhir a padbhir dhavantam nara bibhratav arcanfmasam (As
to the soma finger-pressed, hither speed with your feet, O
heroes, supporting Arcananas); (3), "baliuWils (mitrdi'iirunayos),
VI. 67. 7 (1 , sum ya racmeva yamatur yamistha dva janaii asa-
174 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
ma bahiibhih svaih (The peerless twain who by their arms as
with a rein, best control the peoples).
Concert of action is clearly indicated in all, but most clearly
in the third passage. The invocation of the first and second
passages has an implied "both of you." Compare and contrast
the passages in 2.
6.
A plurality 1 of bodily parts, naturally dual, ascribed to an individual.
We expect the plural when a plural numeral is added.
There are these instances: B,V. dksdbhis (agnes], I. 128. 3 d ,
gatam caksano aksabhih (Observant with a hundred eyes); X.
79. 5 C , tasmai sahasram aksabhir vi cakse (He looks on him
with a thousand eyes); pddds (ghrldsya\ IV. 58. 3 a , catvari
gfnga trayo asyo pads (Four are his horns and three his feet) ;
bah&n (urunasya), II. 14. 4 b , nava cakhvansam navatirii ca
bahun (Showing nine and ninety arms); bdhusu (bramandasyd),
VIII. 101. 13 C , citreva praty adargy ayaty antar dagasu ba-
husu (Radiant Usas is seen advancing amid the ten arms);
gfnga (ghrtasya), IV. 58. 3 a , see pddds above; hdstdsas (glir
tdsya), IV. 58. 3 b , dve glrse sapta hastaso asya (Two are his
heads and seven his hands).
AV. padbhis (purusasya), XIX. 6. 2*, tribhih padbhir dyam
arohat (With three feet he climbed the sky); caksunsi (bha-
1 The plural is the natural number in the following instances: RV
padbhis, IV. 38. 3 C (agvasya dadhikras); panibhis, II. 31. 2 d (= gapha ag-
vasya); pddds, I. 163. 9 a (agvasya); prdpaddis, VI. 75. 7 C (agvasya).
AV. jdfiffhds, IX. 7.10 (rsabhasya); X. 9. 23 a (aghnydyas); jdnghabhiS)
IV. 11. 10 b (anaduhas);^afeawam, IX. 3. 4 C (=sthuna vigvavarayas) ; padds,
IV. 15. 14 d , (manddkasya); IX. 4. 14 C (rsabhasya); 'padbhis, III. 7. 2 b (hari-
nasya); IV. 11. 10 a (anaduhas); IV. 14. 9 d (ajasya); patsu, VI. 92. l d (a-
vasya); pdddn, XIV. 1. 60 a (asandyas); stands, IX. 7. 14; X. 9. 22 b ; 10. 7 d
(aghnyayas); stdndn, XII. 4. 18 b (vagayas); stanebhyas, X. 10. 20 d (vagayas).
Twice in AV. such a plural is resolved into two duals:
pdddu, XV. 3. 4 (asandyas vratyasya).
tasya grlsmaQ ca vasantag ca dvau | padav astam garag ca varsag
ca dvau. (The summer and the spring were two of its feet, the
autumn and the winter were two).
stdndn, VIII. 10. 13 (virajo vagaya iva).
brhag ca rathamtaram ca dvau stanav astam | yajnayajniyam ca va-
madevyam ca dvau. (B. and R. were two of her teats, Y. and V
were two).
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 175
vasya) XI. 2. 5 h , yani caksunsi te bhava 1 (To the eyes that
thou hast, be homage, Bhava). In this latter instance the
numeral is expressed in the sahasrdksa of 3 d , 7 b and 17*.
That these plurals are due to poetic tropes or to mythic
or mystic creations of Hindoo fancy admits of no question.
No one thinks of a literal interpretation. The hundred or
the thousand eyes of Agni are the bright flames that dart
forth beams of light in all directions. The metaphor requires
the plural. The numeral is intensive. By its use Agni is re-
presented as sharp-sighted or omnivident. The nine and ninety
arms of the Asura Urana mean only that the demon is many-
armed or strong-armed. The ten arms of Irahmdnda are, as
Sayana says, the ten digas or regions of the universe.
It is liturgical mysticism that turns the glirta into a gdura,
or Indian buffalo, and then proceeds to invest it with the
symbolism of such an odd plurality of natural members, four
horns, three feet, two heads and seven hands. Speculation as
to the interpretation of these symbolic members was rife among
the native commentators 2 and their inability to think the Ri-
shi's thoughts after him is shown in the great variety of con-
clusions reached. Without undertaking to decide among them
we know that the plural members are mystic and symbolic
and that the Rishi had no conscious conception of the result-
ant zoomorphic incongruity of his fancy. The addition of
the hands shows that the idea of an actual gdura is not
present to his consciousness.
In AV. XIX. 6, the shifting mythic symbolism produces
an almost continuous change in the anatomy of the cosmic
piirusa. In 1 he has a thousand arms, a thousand eyes and
a thousand feet; in 2, three feet; in 4, four feet; in 5 and 6,
two arms and two feet; in 7, one eye. There are similar
changes in the corresponding RV. X. 90, but they do not
come so apace.
Of the same nature are the plurals implied in dvigu com-
pounds. Thus in RV. I. 31. 13 b , Agni is caturaksd] in I. 79. 12%
sahasrdksa; in V. 43. 13 d , a tridhdtugrnyo vrsabhds', in V. 1. 8 C ,
1 Bhava is identified with Rudra. Cf. VS. 16. 18. 28; 39. 8 and QB,
6. 1. 3. 7. In RV. 2. 1. 6; AV. 7. 87. 1; TS. 5. 4. 3. 1; 5. 5. 7. 4 and
QB. 1. 7. 3. 8; 6. 1. 3. 10 this deity is identified with Agni.
2 Vid. TA. 10. 10. 2 a ; GB. 1. 2. 16; Sayana on RV. I. c ; and MahT-
dhara on VS. 17. 91. The last is especially rich in alternatives.
176 S. 0. Oliphant, [1910.
a sahdsragrngo vrsaWias] in VIII. 19. 32 b , a sahasramusko devds ;
in I. 97. 6% he is vigvatomukha', in III. 38. 4 d , vigvdrupa; etc.,
etc. These dvigu compounds are figurative allusions to the
phenomena of fire, celestial or terrestrial. A similar inter-
pretation explains all such in either Yeda.
Closely akin to these plurals with numerals are those in
metaphors and poetic symbolism in which the number is ob-
viously determined by the figure. A clear instance is B-V.
X. 127. 1, rdtn vy akhyad dyatl purutrd devy dksabhis (The
goddess Night, as she approaches, looks about in many a place
with her eyes). Her eyes are the stars and the plural is as
natural here as is the dual in RV. I. 72. 10 b , in which ciksi
divas (eyes of the sky) are the sun and moon.
A number of such instances cluster about Agni. In RV.
I. 146. 2 he is transformed into an uksd malidn that urvy&h
pado ni dadheiti sCindu (Plants his feet upon the broad earth's
back). The tauropoeia justifies the plurality of feet. In III.
20. 2, the Rishi says to Agni tisrds te jihvd .... tisrd u te
tanvb (three are thy tongues, . . . three also thy bodies), in
which the plurals are due to the symbolism of the metaphors.
Sayana identifies the three tongues as the three sacrificial
fires, gdrliapatya, dliavamya and daJcsina and makes the three
bodies pavaka, pavamdna and $uci. Other interpretations have
been given but none that impugns the figure which justifies
the plurals. Our principle becomes clear, if we compare two
such passages as V. 2. 9 d giglte Qfnge rdksase vimhse (He
whets his horns to gore the Raksas) and I. 140. 6 d Wilmo nil
gf-ngoii davidhdva durgfbliis (Like one terrific he tosses his
horns). In the former the tauropoeia is complete and the
duality of horns naturally follows; in the latter the simile in
which Agni is compared to a bull rampant in the jungle
suggests the metaphor by which the tips of flame are called
his horns. The flames are uppermost in thought and the plu-
rality of horns inevitably follows. Sayana well says gmgd
grngavad unnatd jvdlds (flames shooting up like horns) and
Yaska (Nir. I. 17) gives grngdni as one of the eleven syno-
nyms of 'flames.' In II. 2. 4 cd , pfgnydh patardm citdyantam
aksdbhih pdtlio nd pdyum jdnasl ublie dnu (The bird of the
firmament, observant with his eyes, as guard of the path looks
at both races). The first metaphor avifies the celestial Agni
and suggests the second, in the transition to which the first
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 177
fades away as the plurality of phenomena comes to the front
in thought and leads to the plural eyes in the new metaphor.
Sayana's svalaydir jvdldrupdir avayavdili (his own members
having the form of flames) expresses the idea.
Similar is RV. X. 21. 7 cd , ghrtdpratikam mdnuso m vo made
guJcrdm cetistham aksabhir vivahsase (With butter-smeared face
you are merry in spirit, bright, observant with your eyes, you
wax great). In a Agni is an rtvij (priest); in c the personi-
fication is fading from thought in the transition to the new
figure in d. Sayana's vydptdis tejobhis (far- extending, radiant
flames) well explains the metaphor in aksdbhis and its plural
form. Parallel to this is VIII. 60. 13, gicdno vrsabho yathd
agnili gfhge ddvidhvat \ tigmd asya hdnavo na pratidhfse su-
jdmbhah sdhaso yahiih (Like a bull Agni doth whet and toss
his horns. Sharp are his jaws and not to be withstood, with
good teeth, strong and swift). The simile in a and b shows
the proper duality of horns. In c comes the new figure and
its natural resultant in the plural hdnavo. So in X. 79 we
have a shift from Jidnu in l c and aim in 2 a to sahdsram ok-
sdbhir in 5 C .
The sacrificial aspect of Agni in II. 13. 4 C , dsinvan ddn-
strdih pitur aiti bhojanam (Insatiate with his tusks he eats
his father's food) should be contrasted with the zoomorphic
Agni of X. 87. 3 ab , ubhobhaydvinn upa dhehi ddhstrd hiitsrdh
clgdno 'varam pdraiii ca (Apply thy tusks destructive, whet-
ting both, the upper and the lower). The dual of the latter
is required by the personification; the plural of the former is
as necessary to the metaphor of the consuming flames. In it
the personification is arrested and the metaphor predominates.
There is no need of disregarding the usual distinction between
ddnstra and ddnta, as is so often done in the interpretation
of the former passage.
One passage relating to Agni remains. This is the much
mooted 4 IV. 2. 12, dtas tvdm dfQydn agna etdn padWiih pa^yer
1 For a summary of the earlier discussion of this passage and of the
word padbhih, see M. Bloomfield in A. J. P. XI. 350 ff. and in Actes du
XIV e Congres International des Orientalistes, I., or the Johns Hopkins
University Circulars, 1906, no. 10, p. 15ff. In the latter paper Professor
Bloomfield concludes: "Shocking as may seem the paradox, we shall,
I think, have to endure it, that Agni is here said to see with his feet;
of course, the pun as well as the paradox between padbhih and pa^yer
178 8. G. Oliphant, [1910.
ddbhutdn aryd evaih. We believe that Sayana's gloss on
padbhih pdddis svatejcbhih pagya (He sees with his feet, his
own bright flames) embodies the Bishi's meaning so far as
the noun itself is concerned. We do not, however, feel com-
pelled to construe it with pagyer. It is not so unusual for
words at the beginning of successive padas to be syntactically
connected that we may not construe padbhih with dtas or
with the implicit idea of motion in dtas. The passage would
then mean: Hence (speeding) with thy feet (i. e., thy nimble
jets of flame) mayst thou, Agni, noble one, behold those
wondrous ones (i. e., the gods) in visible presence (i. e., go
thither carrying our oblations and prayers). In either case
the passage swings right into line with all the others con-
sidered relative to Agni and the metaphor affords ample ex-
planation of the plural. In the latter case the paradox and
supposed difficulties of the passage vanish.
We shall next consider the passage X. 99. 12 that has so
long proved a puzzle for the commentators: eva malio asura
vaksdtliaya vamrakdh padbliir upa sarpad indram \ sd iyandli
~karati svastim asmd isam Arjarii suksitim vigvam dWidh \\ (Thus,
Asura, for his exaltation did the great Vamraka crawl upon
his feet up to Indra. That one, when supplicated, will give
him a blessing; food, strength, secure dwelling, all will he
bring him).
Bloomfield has shown (II. cc.) that padblns everywhere means
primarily "with the feet" and has argued plausibly for an
occasional secondary meaning, "quickly, nimbly, briskly, etc."
Cf. our colloquial "with both feet." This word may, then, be
considered to lie within this range of meaning. Vamrdka, too,
is a mooted word. Its possibilities are, however, either an
ant, 1 or a Eishi, or a demon. In a study to be published
separately the writer has maintained that Vamraka is here Ant,
the personified type of his genus. If, then, vamraka is ant,
the plural padWiis is natural; if Eishi or demon, the plural is
may have invited an unusually daring poet to this tour de force. Of
itself the likening of the nimble jets of flame to moving feet is not out
of the Rishi's range. The exact sense of the passage is not quite clear,
but its obscurities are not likely to affect our judgment of padbhih either
one way or another."
1 So PWB. and GWB. Sayana, Griffith and Ludwig take it as name
of a Rishi; GRV. as that of a demon.
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 179
the intensive with Bloomfield's secondary meaning or else due
to a paronomasia upon the literal meaning of his name. In
any case the difficulty of the plurality of feet is removed.
In I. 163. ll cd , it is said of the horse: tava gfngani visthitd
purutrd dranyesu jdrWmrdnd caranti (Tossing thy horns out-
spread in all directions, thou rangest in the wildernesses).
With this we must compare 9 a preceding: hiranyagrngo J yo
asya pddd (Golden-horned is he, of iron are his feet). Sayana
explains the implied Qfngdni of 9 a by unnata girasko hrdaya-
ramcina crngasthdmya girorulio (Prominent hairs of the head
made fast at its centre and occupying the usual place of horns)
and the expressed gfngani of ll c by giraso nirgatdh grngastha-
wli/tih kecdh (Hairs growing out from the head in the usual
place of horns). Sayana is thus consistent and we believe
him alone of the commentators 1 to be correct. He undoubtedly
means the foretop. As liari is the predominant color of the
Vedic horse, hiranya is a natural epithet for the foretop. What
could better suggest the comparison in ll cd than the waving,
tossing hairs of a heavy, shaggy foretop? The metaphor alone
is ample reason for the plural horns. We have also the addi-
tional reason that in this hymn the horse is a celestial ani-
mal actually identified in 3 a with Aditya, the sun, and cours-
ing the heavens in 6 and 7. This identification is more or
less prominent throughout the hymn. The foretop, then, re-
presents also the beams of the sun.
In IX. 15. 4 ab , the Kishi says of Soma in the press: esa
rnigani dodhuvac chigite yutliyb vfsd (He brandishes his horns;
he whets them as a bull of the herd). Oidenberg's identifi-
cation of the horns of soma here with the horns of the moon
affords no explanation for the plural and seems otherwise in-
1 LRV. renders 9 a "mit goldenem [vorder] hufe erz die beiden [hinter]
fiisze" and in ll c renders gnigdni by "hufen." We believe the pddd of
9 a is the padds of the padapathi, not the dual of LRV. GRV. renders
9 a "Goldhufig ist er, Eisen seine Fiisse" and gnigdni of ll c by "Hufe".
This reduces the poetic figure to a mere comparison of material com-
posing horn and hoof. Wilson renders 9 a "His mane is of gold," etc.,
and ll c "The hairs of thy mane," etc. This does not render Sayana
properly. On top of the head "in the usual place of horns," i. e.
between the ears, is the foretop, not the mane. Griffith translates literally
"horns" in both passages, citing Say. in 9 a for "mane" and commenting
on ll c "Meaning, here, perhaps, hoofs." The meaning must, of course,
be the same in both passages.
180 8. O. Oliphant, [1910.
consistent with the entire context. Occidental commentators
are silent. Sayana glosses grngam by grngavad unnatdn an-
gun abliisavakale (Stalks or filaments of the soma plant that
project like horns at the time of the pressing). This suits
the case admirably. The figure explains the number and leads
on naturally to the simile of &.
The omnific Vigvakarman is the universal father and the
architect of the world. In X. 81. 3 the Bishi s&jsivicvdtag-
caksur utd vigvdtomukho vigvdtobdhur utd vigvdtaspdt \ sdm
Mhubhydm dhdmati sdm pdtatrdir dytivdbliumi jandyan devd
ekah \\ (With eyes and face on every side, and arms and feet
on every side, with twain arms and with wings he kindles the
fire, that lone god creating heaven and earth). The implied
plurals of the compounds of a and fr are hyperbolic and in-
tensive. Cf. our "He is all eyes, all ears," etc. The dual of
c is noticeable. Though the god may have multiple arms yet
in twirling the fire-sticks naturally but two are used. The
plural pdtatrdir may best be considered as poetic hyperbole
again, akin to the implied intensive plurals of a and b. With
two arms Vic^vakarman starts the fire; with many wings he
fans into fervent heat the flames that are to fuse heaven and
earth for his welding. There is the prosaic alternative that
pdtatrdir may mean "pinions," i. e. "wing-feathers" rather
than "wings."
There is a poor imitation of the passage in AV. XIII. 2. 26
yo vigvdcarsanir utd vigvdtomukho yo vigvdtaspdnir utd vig-
vdtasprthah \ sdm bdhubhydrn Widrati sdm pdtatrdir dyavdprthivl
jandyan devd ekah \\ The diversity of bodily members in c may
mean that the god, Surya this time, bears heaven and earth
in his two arms and that the poet gives him the hyperbolic
plurality of wings to indicate the swiftness and strength of
his flight.
In a description of Indra in R,V. III. 36. 8 we have: hradd
iva kuksdyah somadhdndh sdm i vivydca sdvand purtini (Like
lakes are his flanks, soma- containing; verily he holdeth full
many a libation). In the RV. kuksi occurs only in connection
with Indra. It is found five times in the dual and only here
in the plural. This unique plural may be considered as a
hyperbole in thorough keeping with 6 C , in which the sorna-
filled Indra is too vast for heaven to contain him.
But one more instance remains. This is the AV. XL 6. 22 C
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 181
yti devil} panca prad'iQo ye devd dvadaga rtdvali \ samvatsa-
rdsya ye dditstrds te nah santu sddd givCih \\ (The five divine
regions, the twelve divine seasons the fangs of the year, let
these ever be propitious to us). The numerals in a and b and
the metaphor sufficiently warrant the plural. There is the
alternative of taking dditstrds as the equivalent of dantds. So
V. Henry, Les Livres X, XI et XII de PAtharva Veda, has:
"En totalisant probablement, soit done 5 + 12 = 17 x2 (parce
que toute entite celeste a son double terrestre et reciproque-
ment) = 34, ce que qui donne une denture a peu pres nor-
male".
Excluding from the count the natural plurals, the plurals
with numerals attached and those implied in the dvigu epi-
thets, we have left in the RV. a total of thirteen instances
in which a plurality of bodily parts, naturally dual, is ascribed
to an individual. The AY. contributes one independent in-
stance and one adaptation from the RV. These include in
their number nearly all the mooted instances of plural for dual
in Yedic.
It was some of these that raised Delbriick's question l and
led him to remark: "Es ist merkw r iirdig, dafi vom Soma ge-
sagt wird Qfnqdni dodhuvaf 1 , 9. 15.4, wahrend es von Agni 3
8. 60. 13 heifit gfnge davidhvat. In derselben Stelle wird von
den hdnavas des Agni gesprochen. Ich mochte dahin auch
iiatUhis*, 4. 38. 3, rechnen, bemerke aber, daft Ludwig das
Wort durch 'Schlingen' iibersetzt. Diese und ahnliche Falle
lieften sich wohl so erklaren, dato man sagt, der Dual stehe
eben nur da, wo die Beidheit hervorgehoben wird, man konne
rfugani sagen, wenn nur die Mehrheit ausgesprochen werden
soil, Qfnge wenn man 'beide Horner' sagen will".
Our study of the passages shows how utterly unsatisfactory
is Delbriick's conclusions. As there was need of caution in
entering upon this disputed matter we have considered each
instance separately and in detail and we think an ample rea-
son for the plural has been found. The numerical plurals and
the dvigu compounds furnished the key as their figurative
interpretation is beyond question. The next advance was the
extension of a like exegetical method to the interpretation of
i See p. 1 above. 2 See p. 39. Cf. RV. I. 140. 6, p. 36.
3 Sed p. 37. See n. on p. 34. The reference is to the feet
of the mythical horse, Dadhikra.
VOL. XXX. Part II. 13
182 S. G. Qliphant, [1910.
the passage referring to the eyes of Ratrl, which is indispu-
tably correct; then to the seven passages referring to the
plural members of Agni, and then to the remaining five pas-
sages of the RV. and the two of the AV. Every instance
yields readily to the same solvent. The poetic figure, met-
aphor, paronomasia, hyperbole, etc., or a combination of these,
that flits before the Rishi's mind at the moment or the
mythic concept of his imagination, fixes the plural. In not a
single instance could the dual have been used without a de-
cided poetic loss.
It is in this section alone that any plural of bodily parts
could be considered as an encroachment upon the domain of
the dual. So far as these fifteen instances out of the entire
five hundred and fifteen considered in these pages are con-
cerned, the encroachment, if it may be so termed, is purely
artistic and not syntactical.
The disparity of instances between the RV. and the AV. is
but another indication of the enormous difference between these
two Vedas in poetic power and artistic skill. The study of
the "Dual in Comparisons 77 reveals the same striking difference
in the use of figurative language. We have in this section
the same principles operating in metaphors that we find there
to be operative in similes. The two studies illumine each
other and together show that the mooted use of plural for
dual in Yedic is simply the difference between the highly
figurative and richly poetic language of the hieratic Rishi and
the more prosaic diction of the Atharvan Shaman, the differ-
ence between the imaginative conceptions of a poet and the
mechanical composition of a versifex.
It is but simple justice to the much- contemned Sayana to
note that, whatever may be his lack of merit in some other
respects, in several of these passages he alone of all commen-
tators has caught the spirit and meaning of the ancient Rishis.
Our method of interpretation was wrought out before reading
his commentary, but we are glad it is supported by him.
7.
A duality of bodily parts, naturally singular, associated with a duality of
persons.
The RVo has these eight instances: (i), updstlia (pitror
usdsas=--- divasprtliivyos], L 124. o d , obha prnanti pitror upas-
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual. 183
thfi (Filling both laps of her parents); (2), tanva (arvinos),
I. 181. 4 b , arepasa tanva namabhih svaih (Unblemished bo-
dies, with marks their own); (3), VII. 72. 1\ sparhaya griya
tanva gubhana (Radiant in body with an enviable beauty);
(4), tanva (menayos), II. 39. c , mene iva tanva Qumbhamane
(Like two dames adorning their bodies) ; (5), tanva (usasos),
III. 4. 6 { \ a bhandamane ustisfi upake uta smayete tanva vi-
rupe (Night and Dawn, closely united, come hither beaming
and smile; different in hue are their bodies); (6), tanva (dl-
vdvprthivyos), IV. 56. 6*, punane tanva mithah (Making pure
their bodies alternately); (7), tanva (indragnyos}, X. 65. b ,
mitho hinvana tanva samokasa (Speeding each the other, hav-
ing bodies with one dwelling); (8), gepa (= 1 hdrl yajamanasya},
X. 105. b , harl yasya suyuja vivrata ver arvantanu c,epa
(Whose twain dun steeds, well-yoked, swerving apart, thou
seekest after, fleet stallions).
There is no clear instance in the AV., as the tanfi of IV.
25. 5 b , like that of RV. X. 183. 2 b , is better taken as a loc.
sg. Some consider tanva in our nos. 2 and 3 to be inst. sg.
These eight duals are obviously normal and need no com-
ment in explanation or justification. They make the list of
the duals of the bodily parts entirely complete for the two
Yedas.
Our study of the dual of the natural bodily parts has been
based only upon the two oldest monuments of the language,
the Rig and the Atharva Veda. Among the results we may
repeat by way of summary the following.
We have found 191 such duals in RV. and 225 in AY.,
also 62 plurals in RV. and 37 in AV. referring to the same
bodily parts. Of the duals, 158 in RV. and 212 in AV. per-
tain to individuals and the dual expresses in each instance
the natural number of the bodily parts specified. Of these
as duals, there is no need of comment, as they are admittedly
characteristic of the language at all periods. Their numerical
distribution, however, has been found to indicate strongly the
1 A much mooted passage. Because of the close similarity of a to I.
63. 2 a , yad dlidrl indra vivrata ver we prefer Bergaigne's (II. 256) inter-
pretation, and incline to modify it by accepting Sayana's ^epavantdu as
the sense of $epd. Cf. hastin as an analogous synecdochical metonym.
13*
184 S. G. Oliphant, [1910.
marked contrast between the hieratic character of the RV.
and the demotic nature of the AY. An attentive scanning
of the list will reveal many interesting and not unimportant
details which neither our space has permitted nor our special
theme has required that we should indicate. These have been
thought an ample justification for the publication of the en-
tire list, which is also more complete than Grassmann's and
contains several corrections of his. t
We have found only eight duals, all in RV., of bodily parts
naturally singular, referring to a duality of persons. The
number of such "pure" duals seems rather surprisingly small,
less than two percentum of the Vedic duals. Their entire
absence from the AV. in also striking.
We have found only two instances, both in AV., of a phe-
nomenon natural enough, yet so rare, duals arising from the
resolution of natural plurals.
We have found that of the naturally dual parts of the
body, both duals and plurals are used in reference to a dual-
ity or a plurality of individuals, that the dual resolves the
group and presents the acts of the component individuals,
that the plural merges the individual into the concert of the
group, that of a dualic group the dissociative dual is far
more frequent than the synthetic plural (10 to 3), while of
a plural group the plural is just twice as frequent as the
dual (52 to 26), that the resolution of a plural group is
far more numerous (20 to 6) in the RV. than in the AV.
and is sometimes attended by distinctively hieratic and
artistic characteristics and that its "ambal" nature is very
marked.
We have found that 24 plurals in RV. and 20 in AV.
refer to individuals, but in 4 instances in RV. and 16 in AV.
this plural expresses the natural number of bodily parts and
in 7 in RV. and 2 in AV. plural numerals are attached
showing the figurative or symbolic nature of the plurals. For
the remaining 15 instances we have found a simple logical
and consistent explanation, based not upon any preconceived
notions but upon ample evidence furnished by the Vedas
themselves. Contrary to the impression of eminent scholars
we find that Vedic Sanskrit does not admit plurals for duals
with any marked freedom and that the supposed encroach-
ment of plural upon dual is purely an artistic phenomenon in
Vol. xxx.] The Vedic Dual 185
every instance and one characteristic of the higher reaches
of hieratic art.
Incidentally we have given a new or a modified interpre-
tation to several passages, the more important of which have
been briefly noted.
Finally, and by way of anticipation also, we may add that
the conclusions drawn from the remaining parts of our study
give ample confirmation to our main conclusions from the
foregoing.
The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda, Book Two. Edited,
with critical notes, by LEROY CAEE BAKKET, M.A.,
Ph.D., Dartmouth College, Hanover, N.H.
Prefatory. The second book of the Kashmirian AV. is
here presented, elaborated upon about the same methods and
principles as was the first book, published in volume 26 of
this Journal. As in the first book so here the transliteration
is regarded as of first importance: the publication of Bloom-
field's Vedic Concordance makes it unnecessary to report
variants in full as was done for the first book, but if a hymn
or a stanza appears in the Concordance then at least one
reference is given, so that practically all the new material is
immediately evident.
It will be noted that sometimes the transliteration of an
entire hymn is given followed by an emended version, while
again transliteration and emendation proceed stanza by stanza:
no strong objection will be made to this freedom, if it is
remembered that the work is still in an experimental stage.
But it may be objected that while the word "experimental"
is used here in the preface, further on the emendations are
proposed with an air of considerable certainty: for I am sure
it has not been possible to indicate successfully just the shade
of certainty I feel concerning the proposed readings. Let us
discuss the situation. Here is a manuscript, the sole and only
one of its kind, written in such a slovenly fashion and so
corrupt that in many places the true reading can never be
attained: some of the hymns it presents are known in other
texts, the rest are not known in any other text. In editing
a hymn which appears both here and elsewhere one is con-
stantly tempted to think that the Paipp. reading is only a
corruption of the reading given by the other text, because
one gets to feel that any and all mistakes are liable to appear
in this manuscript The easy thing then is simply to set
down the reading of the other text as the correct reading of
VOL. XXX. Part III. 14
188 L. C. Barret, [1910.
the Paipp., but just because it is easy it creates a tendency
that needs to be restrained. When we take up new hymns
there is always a temptation to indulge freely in conjectural
emendation, which is indeed a pretty pastime, but not pro-
ductive of firmly founded results: when a pada or a stanza
seems senseless (a conclusion which may sometimes be reached
too readily) it would not be difficult, at least in some cases,
to write one sensible and suitable to the context. But this is
not criticism. Emendations are suggested here which are pure
conjecture and not to be regarded in any other light; surely
here if anywhere conjectural emendation has its opportunity
but here as everywhere its value is very slight. Such are the
principles I have tried to follow in editing this text: this
statement of them may be taken too as a protest against
certain methods of textual criticism, the methods of those who so
gaily chop or stretch texts to make them fit a preconceived theory.
The transliteration is given in lines which correspond to the
lines of the ms. ; the division of words is of course mine, based
upon the edited text. The abbreviations need little explana-
tion: Q. is used to refer to the AY. of the Qaunikiya School,
and ms. (sic) is used for manuscript to avoid confusion with
the other abbreviation MS. The signs of punctuation used in
the ms. are pretty faithfully represented by the vertical bar
(= colon) and the "z" (= period): in transliteration the Roman
period stands for a virdma. The method of using daggers to
indicate a corrupt reading is that familiar in the editions of
classical texts.
Introduction.
Of the ins. This second book in the Kashmir ms. begins
f. 29b, 1. 6 and ends at the bottom of f. 48b 19 J /2 folios; of
these f. 43 is badly broken and from f. 42 a the larger part of
the written surface has peeled off: other than this there is
practically no damage to the ms. in this part. There are as
many as 20 lines to the page and as few as 15, but the most
of the pages have 17 to 19 lines.
Numbering of hymns and stanzas. In this book there are
no stanza numbers and furthermore the end of a stanza is
not regularly indicated by a mark of punctuation; often a
visarga or virama is the only indication of the end of a hemi-
stich. Most frequently the colon is the mark used if any
Vol. xxx.] TJie Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 189
mark appears. Except when rewriting a stanza corrections
of punctuation have not been mentioned regularly.
The hymns are grouped in anuvakas, all properly numbered
save the tenth. The anuvakas consist of five hymns each save
that the sixth has six. Practically all the hymns are num-
bered, only three times is the number omitted and only five
times is the wrong number written. At the end of No. 49
stands a sort of colophon, imam raksamantram digdhandhanam
(sic)] after some formulae which are thrust into the middle of
No. 50 stands iti agnisuktam; and after No. 69 stands iti
saclrtasuktam (sic).
Accents. The accentuation in this book is about as poorly
done as the punctuation. Accents are marked more or less
fully on 30 stanzas of 12 different hymns, not counting a very
few cases where an accent stands lonesomely on one single
word: in no hymn is the accentuation marked on all the
stanzas. No marks appear after f. 36 b. I have marked the
accents in transliterating, but have not attempted to edit them
in the emended portions because they seem to have no value.
Extent of the look. This book contains 18 anuvakas each
having 5 hymns, except that anu 6 has 6, so that I have num-
bered 91 hymns: but hymns 1 and 2 of anu 17 seem to be
in reality only one. The lacunae in f. 42 and f. 43 have not
concealed the fact that anu 12 and anu 13 had 5 hymns
each, provided of course that the numbers written are correct,
as they seem to be. The mutilation of the two folios has taken
away No. 63 entire and parts of Nos. 60, 61, 64, and 65.
The word "hymn" means kancla whether verse or prose, and
there are at least 20 hymns that are non-metrical. The
90 hymns as they now stand in the ms. present approximately
470 stanzas, thus showing an average of 5 stanzas which is
clearly the norm here as well as in Q. 2 for 65 hymns here
certainly have 5 stanzas each; only 4 have more than 6 stanzas.
1 hymn has 3 stanzas = 3 stanzas
3 hymns have 4 each =12
65 5 =325
10 6 = 60
1 7 7
n
n n = 8
2 11 - 22
83 hymns 437 stanzas
14*
190 L. C. Barret, [1910.
83 hymns have 437 stanzas
2 hymns possibly have 6 stanzas each = 12 stanzas
5 hymns (uncertain) show about 17
1 is entirely lost
~~91 hymns 466 stanzas.
Counting in the 5 formulae which appear in the middle of
No. 50 we have the approximate total of 470 stanzas. 1
In Book One we saw that 67 out of 112 hymns clearly had
4 stanzas so that it seems that the verse-norm for Books One
and Two is the same in Q. and Paipp.
New and old material. In Book One about 150 stanzas out
of 425 were new material: here in Book Two about 270 out
of the 470 are new. There are 50 hymns which may properly
be called new though a number of them contain padas or
even stanzas which are in the Concordance. The greater part
of the new material is in the second half of the book; 17 of
the first 46 hymns are new and 33 of second 44 are new.
Perhaps it is also worth while to note here that of the
36 hymns in Q. 2 18 appear in Paipp. 2 in fairly close agree-
ment just as 19 of the 35 in Q. 1 appear in Paipp. 1.
This book contains hymns and stanzas which appear in
Books 17 and 19 of Q.; 1 hymn of Q. 1; 18 of C. 2; 3 of
Q. 3; 2 of Q. 4; 8 of Q. 5; 4 of Q. 6; 2 of Q. 19; and some
scattered padas of C. 7. Of the RV. there are 2 hymns and
some stanzas, of MS. 2 hymns and some stanzas, of TB., Vait.,
and KauQ. 1 hymn each.
ATHARVA-VEDA PAIPPALADA-QAKHA.
BOOK TWO.
1. [f. 29 b 1.6.]
Q. 4. 7. 26.
om nama sti i
lotamayai z z om rasam pracyarh visam arasam yad
udicyam yathedai
i It will be understood that the figures given are not minutely exact,
could not be and need not be: the total, 470 stanzas is a minimum.
The ms. shows about 900 stanzas for Books 1 and 2; from this we may
roughly estimate 5500 stanzas for the entire manuscript.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmiri an Atharva Veda. 191
s adharacyam karambhena vi kalpate karambham krtva
turlyam pivassaka
m udahrtam ksudha krtva justano jaksivipyasya nu rurupah
vi te madam :
sarayati cantam iva patayamasi | pari tva varmive gantam
varcasa
sthapayamasi | pari gramyavacitarh pari tva sthapayamasi |
tva!
sta vrksaiva sthasarh abhisate na rurupah pavastvarh yas
tva pariy akri I
narh durusebhir ajanir uta | prakrlr asi tvam osadhl atisata
na ru :
namah z i z
The invocation may be read om namo 'sti lotamayai. The
stanzas may be read thus: arasaiii pracyaiii visam arasaiii yad
udicyam | athedam adharacyarh karambhena vi kalpate z I z
karambham krtva turiyaiii pivaspakam udahrtam | ksudha kila
tva dustano -j-jaksivlpyasya na rurupah z 2 z vi te madaiii
sarayati carum iva pStayamasi | pari tva varmeva gantvaiii
vacasa sthapayamasi z 3 z pari gramam ivacitaiii pari tva
sthapayamasi | tistha vrksa iva sthaman abhrisate na rurupah
z 4 z pavastaiii tva pary akrman durgebhir ajinair uta | pra-
krir asi tvam osadhe e bhrisate na rurupah z 5 z 1 z
2. [f. 29 b 1. 14]
avidyad dyavaprthivT avidya bhagam a9vina! I
avidya vrahmanaspatirh krnomy asam visam
Read avedya in a, b, and c; arasaiii in d.
vaso hedada visam yad ena :
d aham agitharh utair adadyat praruso bhavadi jagadas punah
Pada d may be read bhavami , but for the rest I see
nothing.
m5 bibhe I
r na marisyasi pari tva masi vigvatah rasarh visasya navidam
udhna I
[f. 30 a.] s phena madann iva z
Read pami in b, udhnas phenaiii in d. Pada a = Q. 5. 30. 8a;
c = SMB. 2. 6. 18c.
apavocad apavakta prathamo daivya bhisak. sam aga
cchasindraga yavayava co visadusanih
192 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In VS. 16. 5 and elsewhere is a variant of ab; a possible
reading for cd is sam u gacchaslndraja yavayava ca visa-
dusanah: read daivyo in b.
yag ca pistarh yag capistam :
yady agrharh yag ca dehyarh devas sarvasya vidvarh so
rasarh krnuta visarh I I
z 2 z
Read: yac ca pistarii yac c&pistaih yac ca grhyam yac
cadehyam | devasya sarvasya vidvan so 'rasaih krnutam visam
z 5 z 2 z
3. [f. 30 a 1.4.]
Q. 2. 10.
ksettriya tva nirrtya jahasigarhsa druho muncasi:
varunasya pgat. | anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi giva te I
dyavaprthiviha bhutarh can te agnis saha dhibhir astu mam
gavas sa i
hosadhlbhih gam anlariksam sahavatam astu te gam te
bhavantu pradi !
gag catasrah ya devis pradigag catasro vatapattir abhi
suryo vi I
caste | tasv edam jarasa a dadami pra ksyam eta nirrtis
paracah :
suryam rtam camaso grahya yatha deva muncantu asrjan
pare
tasah eva tv^rh ksettriyarh nirrtya jahimigamsa druho muficai
mi varunasya pca ahomoci yaksml durita vadadyld druhah i
patrad grahyag cod amoci juharivartim avidat syunam apy
abhuta :
bhadre sukrtasya loke z 3 z
This hynin appears also in TB. 2. 5. 6. 1 2, and all but
the fifth stanza in HGr. 2. 3. 10; 4. 1: it will be noted that our
version is more like these than the Q. version. For Ppp.
version read:
ksetriyat tva nirrtya jamigansad druho muncami varunasya
pac,at i anagasam vrahmana tva krnomi give te dyavaprthiviha
bhutarii z 1 z gam te agnis saha dhibhir astu gam gavas
sahausadhibhih | gain antariksarii sahavatam astu te gaiii te
bhavantu pradic,ag catasrah z 2 z ya devis pradigag catasro
vatapatnir abhi suryo vicaste tasv etam jarasa a dadhami
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 193
pra yaksma etu nirrtis paracaih z 3 z suryam rtam tamaso
grahya yatha deva muiicanto asrjan paretasah | eva tvaiii
ksetriyan nirrtya jamigansad druho muiicami varunasya pagat
z 4 z amoci yaksmad duritad avadyad druhah patrad grahyag
cod amoci | aha avartim avidat syonam apy abhud bhadre
sukrtasya loke z 5 z 3 z]
4. [f. 30 a 1. 14.]
Q. 2. 14.
nissalarh dhisnyam dhisanam ekava:
dyam jighatsvam sarva9 candama napatiyo nagayamas
sadatva | ya i
devagha ksettriyad yadi va purusesita | yad astu dagvibhyo
jata)
nagyatetas sadatva pari dhamany asam asrar gastham
ivasaram | | :
[f. 30b.] ajiso sarvan ajin yo nayatetah sadatva nira vo
gosthad ajamasi :
nir yonin nrpanaga | nir vo magumdya duhitaro grhebhyag
catayamasi | I
amusminn adhare grhe sarvasvant arayah | tatra papma ni
yacchatu sa I
rvag ca yatudhanyah z 4 z
Read: nissalarii -j-dhisnyaiii dhisanam ekavadyarii jighatsvam |
sarvag candasya naptyo nagayamas sadanvah z 1 z ya deva
aghas ksetriya yadi va purusesitah | yadi stha dasyubhyo jata
nacyatetas sadanvali z 2 z pari dhamany asam aguh kastham
ivasaram | ajaisaiii sarvan ajin vo nagyatetas sadanvah z 3 z
nir vo gosthad ajamasi nir yoner nir upanasat | nir vo magun-
dya duhitaro grhebhyag catayamasi z 4 z amusminn adhare
grhe sarvas santv arayyah | tatra papma ni yacchatu sarvac.
ca yatudhanyah z 5 z 4 z
Our ms. offers no help towards solving the troublesome
st. la.
5. [f. 30 b, 1. 4.]
Q. 2. 12.
dyaVaprthivI urv antariksam kse
ttrasya pattrir gayo dbhutah utantariksam urvatagopam
tesu tapyantam ma
yi tasyamane z
194 L. C. Barret, [1910.
For b read ksetrasya patny urugayo 'dbhutah; in cd read
uru vatagopam te 'nu tapyamane.
yadam indra snuhi somapa ya tva hrda 9ocata i
johavimi | vi^casi tarn kuligeneva vrksam yo smakarh mana i:
dam hinasti |
In a read idam and grnuhi, in b yat tva, in c vrgcami, and
in d 'smakam.
idam dev9 9rnute yajniya sta bharadvajo ma I
hyam uktyani 9arisatu | pa9e sa baddho durite bhy ucyatam
yo smakam i
mana idam hinasti
In a read grnuta ye yajniya stha, in b ukthani, in c c bhi
yujyatam, and in d yo c smakaiii.
a9itibhis tisrbhis samagebhir aditye
bhir vasubhir angirobhih | istapurtam avatu nah pitfnsLmm
amum:
dade harasa daivyena
In c read istapurtam and pitfnam.
dylvaprthivi ami ma didhyatam 1
vicve devso anu mS rabhadhvam | angirasas pitaras
somy^sah | :
papas aricchatv apakamasya karta z
In a read didhyatbaiii, in d papam arcchatv.
ativa yo maruto manyate no I
vrahma va yo nirhdvisatas kriyamanam tapuhsi tasmai
vrajanani santu vra
hmadvisam abhi tarn 9603 dyauh
In b read nindisat kriyamanam, in c vrjinani.
a dadami te padam samiddhe jatavedasi | i
agni 9arlram vevestu imam gacchatu te vasu |
In a read dadhami, in c agni^ and vevestv.
sapta pranan astau majna i
[f. 31 a.] s tans te vi^asi vrahmana yamasya gaccha ma-
danam agnito arankrtah z z :
z 5 z prathamanuvakah z z
Read: sapta pranan astau majjnas tans te vrgcami vrah-
mana yamasya gaccha sadanarn agniduto aramkrtah z 8 z 5
z prathamanuvakah z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 195
6. [f. 31 a, 1.2.]
Q. 2. 1.
vends tat pa9yanta paramam padarh yatra
vi9varh bhavaty ekanadam | idam dhenur aduhaj jayamanas
svarvido bhyanukti I
r virat.
The simplest emendation in a would be venas, but to let
venas stand and read pacjat as in Q. is possible. In b read
ekamdam. Reading idaiii dhenur aduhaj jayamana we have
tho same pada as RV. 10. 61. 19d. I am inclined to think
that the reading of d in our ms. is only a corruption of Q.
abhy anusata vrah.
prthag voced amrtarh na vidvan gandharvo dhama paramam
guha yat. | |
trini pad^ni hata guhas* vas tni veda sa pitus pitdsat.
In a read pra tad and nu, in c nihita guhasya, and in d yas.
sa no :
bandhur janit sa vidhart dhmani veda bhuvanani vicva
yatra dev
amftam anaganS samSne dhmann addhlrayanta
In b read dhainani, in c amrtam ana^anas, and in d dhamany
adhy airayanta. In the margin the ms. gives "to ba."
pari vi9va bhiivana
ny ayam upacaste | prathamaj^ rtasya vacas ivaktri bhuva-
nestha dha I
sramn esa natv eso agnih
In b read upatisthe, in c vacam iva vaktari, and for d
dhasyur esa nanv eso agnih.
pari dyavaprthi sadyayam rtasya ta I
nturh vitatam drkecarh | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas
samanarh bandhum i
vi pari9chad ekah z i z
Read: pari dyavapvthivi sadya ayam rtasya tantuiii vitataiii
drge kam | devo devatvam abhiraksamanas samanaiii bandhuiii
vi pary aicchad ekah z 5 z 1 z
196 L. C. Barret, [1910.
7. [f. 31 a, 1.11.]
Q. 2. 5 (in part).
indra jusasva yahi 9ura piva su :
ta9ca madho9 cakana carun madathah | a tva vigantu mutasa
indra I
prnasya kuksi vidhy acatru dhehy a nah indra jathararh
prnasva madho i
rasya sutasya | | upa tva madesu vajo stu | indras turasad
jaghana :
vrtrarh sasaha catrur mamu9 ca | vajrir made somasya9*
ti hava me !
kiro jusasya indra syagubhin matsa madaya mahe ranaya
z 2 z:
Read: indra jusasva yahi gura piba sutasya madhoQ ca |
cakanag carur madaya z 1 z a tva vigantu sutasa indra
prnasva kuksi | viddhy agatro dhiyehy a nah z 2 z indra
jatharam prnasva madhurasasya sutasya | upa tva madas suvaco
f sthuh z 3 z indras turasad jaghana vrtrarii sasahe gatrun
fmaniug ca | vajrl made somasya z 4 z grudhi havarii me giro
jusasvendra svayugbhir matsva j madaya mahe ranaya z 5 z 2 z
8. [f. 31 b, 1. 1.]
Q. 4. 3.
ud itye kramarh trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah hrg veda
suryo hrg devo i
vanaspatir hrn manavantu 9attravah paramena patha vrka
pare
na stenor arsatu | tato vyaghras parama aksau ca te hanu
ca te vyaghrarh i
jambhayamasi | at sarvah vrhsatin nakharh yat sarhnaso
vi yan na i
so na sarhnasa | purna mrgasya danta upa9rrna u paristayah
vyaghrarh I
datutam vayarh prathamarh jambhayamasi [ ad iku stenam
ahyarh yatu i
dhanam atho vrkam. | naivaraspasain na grhas para9 cara
dvipac catu i
spanto ma hihsir indrajas somajasih z om indrajas somaja:
asih z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 197
Read: ud ito ye 'kraman trayo vyaghrah puruso vrkah | hrg
devas suryo hrg vanaspatir hrn me namantu Qatravah z 1 z
paramena patha vrkah parena steno arsatu | tato vyaghras
paramena z 2 z aksyau ca te harm ca te vyaghra jambhayamasi |
at sarvan viiic,atiiii nakhan z 3 z yat saiiinamo na vi namo vi
yan namo na sarimamah | murna mrgasya danta upaglrna u
prstayah z 4 z vyaghram datvatara vayam prathamam jam-
bhayamasi | ad ittha stenam ahim yatudhanam atho vrkam
z 5 z j-naivaraspasain na grhas parag cara dvipac catuspanto^
ma hiiisir indrajas somaja asi z 6 z 3 z
In st. 1 hiruk, as in Q., might just as will be written. If
st. 2 and 3 were combined we would have a hymn of five
stanzas, the norm of Bk. 2. In st. 6 we get good meaning by
writing dvipac catuspan no ma ; the meter is correct without
no: parag eara is a good ending for pada b, but the rest
seems hopeless.
9. [f. 31 b, 1.9.]
Q. 1. 34. 1 (partly).
yam viru madhujata madhune tva panamasi | :
madhor adhi prajato si sa no madhumadhas krdhih jihva-
yagre me
madhu jihvamule madhulakarh | yatha mam kaminy aso
yam vai
va mam anv a yasT pari tva paritannuteyaksanakam avi !
dvise | yatha na vidvavahi na vibhavava kada cana rajni
vruhi varunay9vaya purusaya ca | patha me pathye revati i
jay am a vaha sadhuna | jay am me mittravaruna jay am :
devi sarasvati | jayan me agvinaubha dhattam puskarasrja :
z 4 z
Read: iyaiii virun madhujata madhune tva khanamasi |
madhor adhi prajatasi sa no madhumatas krdhi z 1 z jihvaya
agre me madhu jihvamule madhulakam | yatha mam kaminy
aso yam va mam anv ayasi z 2 z pari tva paritatnuneksunagain
avidvise | yatha na vidvisavahe na vibhavava kada cana z 3 z
rajne vruhi varunayagvaya purusaya ca | patha me patye revati
jayam a vaha sadhuna z 4 z jayaiii me mitravaruna jayam me
devl sarasvati | jayam me agvinav ubha dhattaih puskarasraja
z 5 z 4 z
For st. 5 cf. below, 35. 5.
198 ' L. C. Barret, [1910.
10. [f. 32 a, 1. 1.]
g. 2. 9.
dagavrksa samcemam ahihsro grahyac ca | atho yenarh
vanaspate i
jivanam lokam un annaya |
Read muncemam in a, enarii in c, and lokam unnaya in d.
yag cakara niu niskarat sa eva suvisa :
ktama sa eva tubhyarh bhesajam cakara bhisajati ca |
Read sa (for mu) in a, subhisaktamah in b, and bhesajani
in d (or possibly with Q. bhisaja gucih): but bhisajati ca
might stand.
catam te devavi :
dam vrahmanam ud vivrdha catam te bhy ottamam avidarh
bhumyam adhi
Read deva avidan in a, vrahmana uta vlrudhah for b; e bhy
uttamam avidan in cd.
agai
d ud agad ayam jivanarh vratam apy agat. abhuta putra-
narh pita I
nfnam ca bhagavattama
Read abhud u in c, and bhagavattamah in d.
adhitam adhy agad ayam adhi jivapuragat. I
catam te sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesajah z 5 z anu-
vakarh 2 z
Read: adhltim adhy agad ayam adhi jivapura agat | Qataiii
te 'sya virudhas sahasram uta bhesaja z 5 z 5 z anuvakah 2 z
11. [f. 32 a, 1. 8.]
Q. 2. 4.
dirgh^yutvatha vfhate ranaya rsyambho rksamnas sadaiva |
ma!
nis sahasraviryas pari nas patu vigvatah
Read in a yutvaya, in ab ranayarisyanto raksamanas;
patu in d.
idam viskandharh sate
ayam raksopa badhate | ayam no vigvabhesajo j anginas
patv anha
sah I
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 199
Head sahate in a; raksan apa seems best in b. Our ms.
here spells the name of this amulet with a nasal instead of
jangida as in Q.; I am retaining it as possible peculiarity of
the Ppp.
devair dattena manina janginena mayobhuvah viskandham
sarva
raksarisi vyayama samahe |
For b read janginena mayobhuva; for d vyayame sahfimahe.
khana9 ca tva j anginas ca viskandhad a
bhi muficatam | aranyad aty adyatas krsyanyo rasebhyah
z i z i
Read: c.anac, ca tva janginag ca viskandhad abhi muiicatam |
aranyad anya abhrtas krsya anyo rasebhyah z 4 z 1 z
In a sanas, the reading of Q., seems better; but khanas is
not impossible.
It will be noted that our st. 1 is composed of hemistichs
which are st. lab and st. 2cd in Q.; Whitney suggests that
the two hemistichs between have fallen out in the ms.: insert-
ing them would bring this hymn to the norm of five stanzas.
They read maniiii viskandhadiisanaih jangidam bibhrmo vayarn,
and jangido jambhfid vicarad viskandhad abhic.ocanat.
12. [f. 32 a, ,1.14]
0. 2. 26.
yeha yantu pacavo yeyur vayur yasarh mahatararh tujosa |
tvasta ye i
sarh rupayeyani veda asmins tarn gosthe savita ni yacchat. |
Read eha and ye pareyur in a, yesaiii sahacaraiii jujosa in b;
in cd rupadheyani vedasmin tan.
imam gostharh pacavas sarh sravantu vrhaspatir a naitu
prajanam. si i
ni'vall nay at v agram esam ajinmukhe anumatir ni yacchat. | i
Read nayatu prajanan in b, figram in c: probably ajimukhe
in d.
sarh sam sravantu pacavas sam 9V huta paiirusah sam
dhanyasya spha i
tibhis sarhsravena havisa juhomi |
In b read ae,vfi uta purusah; in c we probably have only a
corruption of dhanyasya ya sphatis, which is the reading in (J.
200 L, C. Barret,. [1910.
sarh sihcami gavam ksl i
[f. 32 b.] ram sam ajyana balaih rasam samsiktasmakarh vira
mayi gavac ca gopa I
tau
Read sincami in a, ajyena in b, samsikta asmakam in c.
In the top margin of f. 32 b is written gam ream .
ahnami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyam rasam aharisam
asmakam :
viran a patnim edam astakam z 2 z
Read: a harami gavam ksiram aharsam dhanyarii rasam |
aharsam asmakam viran a patnim edam astakam z 5 z 2 z
13. [f. 32 b, 1. 3.]
Q. 3. 14.
sam vat srjatv aryam. sam pui
s sam vrhaspatih sam indra yo dhananjaya iha pusyati
yad vasu | i
In a read vas, in c dhanamjaya; in d read pusyata as in Q.,
or pusyatu as Whitney suggests.
ihaiva gava yeneho saka iva pusyata | iho yad ya pra
jayadhvam ma I
yi samjnanam astu vah
In ab read etaneho; in c I would incline to the reading
gavah for yad ya.
maya gavo gopatyas sacadhvam mayi vo gostha iha:
posayati | rayas posena bahula bhavantir jiva jiva i
ntlr upa va sadema |
In a we might read gopatayas (= bulls), but gopatina as in
Q. is better; read jlvantir upa vas sadema in d.
sam vo gosthena susada sam rayya sam sapustya a I
harjatama yan nama tena mas sam srjamasi |
Read aharjatasya in c, and tena vas in d.
samjnnam vihrtam a i
smin gosthe karisinlm bibhratis somya havis svavefa sa eta:
nah z 3 z
Read: samjagmana avihruta asmin gosthe karisimh | bibhratis
somyam havis svave^a ma etana z 5 z 3 z
This stanza and the first appear MS. 4. 2. 10; the readings
of st. 5 a and d are similar to those in MS.
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 201
14. [f. 32b, 1. 11.]
<\ 2. 32.
udyann adityas krimm hantu suryo nimrocam ra9mi I
bhir hantu ye ntas krimayo gavl nah
Read adityas in a, nimrocan in b, and 'ntas and gavi in c.
yo dviglrsa caturaksas krimi I
9 9rgo arjunah hato hatatrata krimin hatamahata hata9vasa|
In b read krimis sarango, in c hatabhrata krimir, and for
d hatamata hatasvasa.
hato raja krimmam 'utai*arh sthapacir* hatah | hataso sya
vesa :
so hatasas parive9asas
In b read utaisam sthapatir, in c 'sya ve^aso; in d pari-
vegasah.
pa te 99rnami 9rnge yabhya yattarh vi i
tadayasi | atho bhinaddi tarn kumbharh yasmin te nihatarh
visam | :
In a read pra te Qrnami, for b yabhyarii vitudayasi; in c
bhinadmi, and in d nihitaiii visam.
a :
ttrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat. agastyarh
vrahmana :
sarve te krimayo hatah z 4 z
Read: atrivat tva krme hanmi kanvavaj jamadagnivat |
agastyasya vrahmana sarve te krimayo hatah z 5 z 4 z
15. [f. 32 b, 1. 18.]
g. 2. 31.
indrada ya mahi drsa
[f. 33 a.] t krimer vi9vasya tarham taya pina9ma sarh krmlri>
dr9a vakhalvan iva | dr I
stam adrstam adruham atho kuriram adruham | alganduna
sarva 9alulana i
krimana vacasa jambhayami | alganduna hanmi mahata va-
dena-
dunaddunarasa bhuvam I srstam asrsti ny akilasi n a ya 1
' vacan J
202 L. C. Barret, [1910.
tha krimmam nyakhilacchavataih atvaharhtnyaharh glrsa-
nyam a:
tho pargvayam krmlrh avaskavarh yaram krimma vacasa
jambhayama I
si | ye krimayas parvatesu ye vanesu | ye osadhisu pagusv
apsv antah I
ye smakarh tanno sthama caktrir indras tan hantu mahata
vadhena | 5 z
z a 3 z
Read: indrasya ya main drsat krimer vigvasya tarham |
taya pinasmi saiii krimin drsada khalvan iva z 1 z drstam
adrstam adruham atho kurlram adruham | algandun sarvan
galulan krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 2 z algandun hanmi
mahata vadhena duna aduna arasa abhuvan | srstan asrstan
ni kirami vaca yatha krimlnarii -j-nyakhil aQchavatailrj- z 3 z
anvSntnyaiii Qirsnyam atho parsteyaiii krimin | avaskavam
vyadhvaram krimin vacasa jambhayamasi z 4 z ye krimayas
parvatesu ye vanesu ya osadhisu pagusv apsv antah | ye c smakaiii
tanvo sthama cakrur indras tan hantu mahata vadhena z 5 z
5 z anuvakah 3 z
The reading of our ms. in st. 3c does not force upon us
anything different from the reading of C., gistan acistftn
ni tirami; jind in st. 3d we probably have only a corruption
of the reading of Q., nakir ucchisatai.
16. [f. 33 a, 1.9.]
Q. 2. 27.
yag catfn sanjayat sahamanabhibhur asi j samun pratipraco i
jayarasa krnv ovadhe | suparnas tvamn avidadat sukhacas
tvakhanam na :
sa | indras tva cake hvo asurebhyas taritave | payas indro
vy asnan ha :
ntava asurebhyah | tayaham catfn saksiye indrac calavrkan i :
va rudra jalajabhesaja nllagitva karmakrt. prsnarh durasyato i
jahi yo sman abhidasati | tasya prsnaih jahi yo na indra-
bhida i
sate | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttararh krdhi
z i z:
Read: ya gatrun samjayat sahamanabhibhur asi | samun
pratiprago jayarasan krnv osadhe z 1 z suparnas tvanv avindat
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 203
sukaras tvakhanan nasa | indras tva cakre bahav asurebhyas
staritave z 2 z patam indro vy agnad hantava asurebhyah |
tayahaiii gatrun saksya indras salavrkan iva z 3 z rudra jalasa-
bhesaja nilagikhanda karmakrt | pragarii durasyato jahi yo
'sman abhidasati z 4 z tasya pragaiii tvaiii jahi yo na indra-
bhidasati | adhi no vruhi gaktibhis pragi mam uttaraih krdhi
z 5 z 1 z
In Q. the second hemistich of st. 1 is used as a refrain for
six stanzas to which our st. 5 is added as a seventh; it is not
beyond our ms. to fail utterly to indicate a refrain, but I have
preferred to arrange in five stanzas. For st. la Q. has nee
chatrun pragaiii jayati; elsewhere 6ur ms. follows it closely.
17. [f. 33a, 1. 16.]
Q. 2. 30.
yathedarh bhumyadi vatas trnam mathayathi | eva ma9nami
te mano ya :
tha mam kamity aso eva mam atvayasi |
In a read bhumya adhi, in b mathayati; in c mathnami, in
d karniny, and in e m&m abhyayasi.
yemagarh patikama
janikamo ham agamam. a9vas kanikradad yatha bhagenaharh
sahal
gamam |
In a read eyam agan, in b 'ham agamam; in d sahagamam.
sa cen nayatho agvina kamina sarh ca nesitah sarvan
ma
[f. 33 b.] nasy agmata mam caksuhsi sama vrata |
In a read sam cen, in b nesathah; for cd we may read
saiii vaiii manansv agmata saiii caksunsi sam u vrata.
yad antararh tada bahyarh yad bslhyam tad anta i
ram. kanyanam vigvarupanam mano grnadh osadhe |
In a read tad; in d grhmtad is probably nearest to the
reading of the ms.; Q. has grbhaya.
yas suparna raksa !
na va na vaksana va ttratanpitarh manah | 9alyeva gulma-
lum yatha i
z 2 z.
VOL. XXX. Part III. ] ;>
204 L. C. Barret, [1910.
Read: yas suparna raksana va yas suparna vaksana va |
tatra ta arpitaiii manag c.alya ha kulmalarii yatha z 5 z 2 z
This version of this stanza is fully as good as the version
in Q. but it does not help to relieve the obscurity.
18. [f. 33 b, 1.4.]
Q. 6. 38.
sihhe vyaghra uta y. prdakau tvisir agnaii vrahmane siirye :
y. | indrarh ya devi subhaga vavardha sL 5 naitu varcasL
sariivi :
dana |
Read vrahmane in b ; in d we might read sa a na etu, but
sa na aitu, as in C., seems much better.
y. hastini dvipini y yd hiranyaye tvisir agvesu pu i
rusesu gosii indram ya devi subhaga vavardha sa a naitu
varca i
sa sarhvidana |
In a read dvipini ya hiranye: d as in st. 1.
y raj any e dundubhaV Syatayarh tvisi 1
r agvenayarh stanayitna gosu yili indram ya devi subhaga
vava I
rdha sa a naitu varcasa sarhvidana |
In b we may safely read stanayitnor ghose, but for agvenayaiii
I find nothing satisfactory, unless perhaps agvinayam; to omit
ya after ghose would improve the metre. Read d as in st. 1
rathe aksisu paribhasva vL :
je parjanye v5te varunasya gusme indram y divi subha:
ga vavardha s5 5. netu varcasa sarhviddna |
In a read aksesu vrsabhasya vaje; d as in st. 1.
ya rudresu ya :
vasusv adityesu marutsu ya | tvisir ya vigvesu devesu sa nai 1
tu varcasa sarhvidanam. z 3 z
Read: ya rudresu ya vasusv adityesu marutsu ya tvisir vi-
vesu devesu | indram ya devi samvidana z 5 z 3 z
This restoration of st. 5 is not entirely satisfactory but is
fairly plausible; it has no parallel in Q. or in TB. 2. 7. 7. 1
and 2 where the rest appears.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 205
19. [f. 33 b, 1. 14.]
yadi gadanarh yadi na I
vyanam nadmaih pare nrpatis sakha nah vi9ve devaso abhi !
raksatemarh yatha jivo vidatham a vidasi | yady avare ya
di vagha pare yadi dhanvini nrpatis sakha nah yady at sudr
tyarh yadi samrtyam nrpatis sakha nah adhasparmyatam
adhane I
[f. 34 a.] bhavanv ena suryarh maghavanarh prtanyarh vigve
devso bhi raksatemarh | ya !
tha jivo vidatham a vidasi | imam mrtyu mainam hinsir
yo mam I
hrdam anu saca gopa | yo maharh pipanti yom aham pi-
parmi su
prajasa varh maghav^m surir astu z 4 z
Read: yadi gadhanam yadi navyanaiii nadmaih pare nrpatis
sakha nah | vigve devaso abhi raksatemam yatha jivo vidatham
a vidasi z I z yady avare yadi vaccha p&re yadi dhanvani
nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devSso e z 2 z yady at svadhrtyam
yadi samrtyaiii nrpatis sakha nah | vigve devaso z 3 z
j-adhasparmyataih adhane bhavanv ena suryarii maghavanaiii
prtanyaiii*j- | vigve devaso z 4 z imarii mrtyo mainam hinsir
-J-yo marii hrdam anu saca gopa | yo mam piparti yam aham
piparmi'j- suprajasam maghavan surir astu z 5 z 4 z
For st. 4ab we might perhaps write adhas patyantam
adhare bhavantu ye nas suriih maghavanam prtanyan; but one
could hardly insist upon it.
20. [f. 34 a, 1.4.]
imi nvam L rohata :
acchidrarh parayisnuvarh nara9ahsasya ya grhe gatSritra
bhagasya :
ca | upadho gulguna yaksmas samtv aghnya | rudrasyesva
yatudhana :
n atho raj no bhavasya ca rudra vaigate dvipadarh catus-
padarh tayor va :
yam aguvake syama | paktrir vithvi pratibhusanti no vayarh de
vanarh sumatau syama | pratlci nama te mata fatavaro ha te !
pita | tato ha jajnise tvam amirity arundhati mata nama :
si matrtau amrtasyaiva vasi arundhati tvam sarvam abhijl i
vam adhayudham. z 5 z anu 4 z
15
206 L. C. Barret, [1910.
For the first stanza we may read, imaih navam a roha-
tacchidram parayisnvam | naragansasya ya grhe gataritra
bhagasya ca. With much hesitation the following is proposed
for the second stanza: upabaddhs gulgulunayaksmas santv
aghnyah | rudrasyesva yatudhanan atho rajno bhagasya ca.
To emend the rest and divide it into stanzas seems im-
possible; but a few points are clear. A stanza probably ends
with vayam devanam sumatau syama, and for the first pada
of this we might read rudro va agate catuspadam; for the
other two padas I can suggest nothing. Beginning with praticl
we have three good padas of eight syllables each; in the rest,
which amounts to about one stanza I can suggest only the
possibility of reading matrto amrtasyaivasi.
We seem to have here a charm for protection of cattle;
and there are indications of the use of an amulet.
21. [f. 34 a, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 36.
a no agne sumatim ska I
ndaloke idamam kumaryam ma no bhagena justa varesu suma I
nesu valgur osam patya bhavati snurhbhageyam |
In ab we may probably read with Q. sambhalo gamed
imam kumarlrii saha no; in c read samanesu and in d bhavati
subhageyam.
yam agne nan pa
tirii videstas somo hi raja subhagam krnotu suvana putra I
n mahisi bhavasi gatva patirii subhage vi raja |
In a read iyam and videsta, in b subhagam krnoti; in d vi
rajah.
somoju
[f. 34 b.] sto aryamna sambhrto bhaga dhatur devasya satyena
krnomi patirvedanam. | |
For ab read somajustam vrahmajustam aryamna sambhrtaiii
bhagam, and in d pativedanam. Perhaps however the nomina-
tive may stand in ab.
yathakhamram maghavarh carur esu priyo mrganam susada
babhuva | yam I
vayam justa bhagasyastu sampriya patyaviradhayantT
For a read yathakharo maghavaiiQ carur esa; in c iyani
vadhu.
!
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 207
bhagasya na :
vam a ruha purnam anuparasvatim trayopah pusahitarh
yas pati I
s patikasyarh
In a read roha, in b anupadasvatlm ; for c tayopa pusahito,
and in d pratikamyah.
idam hiranyam gulguluv ayas ukso atho bhaga | e I
te patibhyas tvam adhuh patikamaya vettave z i z
Read: idam hiranyam gulgulv ayam aukso atho bhagah | ete
patibhyas tvam adus pratikamaya vettave z 6 z 1 z
22. [f. 34 b, 1.6.]
Q. 3. 17 (in part).
yunakta
slra vi nu yugL tanotu krte ksettre vapateha bajarh | vira
jas su I
nistas sabhara9chin no nediya it srnyah pakvam a yuvam sf
ra yumjanti kavayo yug vi tanvate pfthak. dhlra devesu su
mnayo anudvahas purusa ye krnanti | langalam phalam su
mana jisphatya 9unam kenago anv etu vaharh gunarh phalo
vina
dann ayatu bhumim gunasir^ havisa yo yajatrai supippal
osadhayas santu tasmai cunan naro I5ngalena anadudbhih
parjanyo bijam irya do | hinotu gunasirsl kr :
nutam dhanyena indrah sitam ni grhnatu tm pust mahyam
raksa I
[f. 35 a.] ntu sl nah payasvatT duham littaram uttaram sa-
mam | lid asthad rathajid go I
jid agvajid dhiranyajit sunftaya parivrtah | ekagcakrena savi
t rathanorjo bhgais prthivin ety aprnarh z 2 z
There are just 24 padas here but they do not fall readily
into stanzas; the first two are st. 2 and 1 in Q. but our second
adds a pada to Q. 1: our third must end with santu tasmai
but this gives five padas the first of which seems out of place
here; in st. 4 it seems almost necessary to insert a pada b in
accord with MS. We may read as follows:
yunakta sir a vi nu yuga tanota krte ksetre vapateha bijam |
virajag gnustis sabhara asan no nediya it srnyah pakvam a
yuvan z 1 z slra yunjanti kavayo yuga vi tanvate prthak | dhlra
devesu suinnayav anadvahas purusa ye krnvanti z 2 z -j-laii-
galaiii phalam sumanaji sphatyarj- Qunam kinago anv etu vahan
208 C. L. Barret, [1910.
unam phalo bhindann etu bhumim | gunaslra havisa yo yajatai
supippala osadhayas santu tasmai z 3 z gunam naro langale-
nanadudbhir bhagah phalaih slrapatir marudbhih parjanyo
bijam iraya no hinotu gunasira krnutam dhanyam nah z 4 z
indrah sitam ni grhnatu tarii pusa mahyam raksatu | sa nah paya-
svatl duham uttaram-uttaram samam z 5 z lid asthad rathajid
gojid agvajid dhiranyajit sunrtaya parivrtah | ekacakrena savita
rathenorjo bhagais prthivim ety aprnan z 6 z 2 z
Stanzas 1, 2, 3, and 5 here are 2, 1, 5, and 4 in Q.; the
other two appear MS. 2. 7. 12 and elsewhere. The omission
of 4b can easily be accounted for by the similarity of endings.
It might be a better arrangement to put the colon after sum-
nayau and take langalam in as st. 2e.
23. [f. 35 a, 1.3.]
gavarh grha
nam rasam osadhinam anujyestharh varca ayur vikalpyas
ma ma hinsih i
pitaro vardhamano bhadr^ gacchahsim abhi lokam ehi |
Read osadhinam in a, vikalpayah in b : for c I am inclined
to propose ma ma hitsisuh pitaro vardhamana, although the
second person in d makes somewhat against this; in d I
believe aiic,ain is the third word so we might read bhadra
gacchangam abhi lokam ehi, though bhadram would seem better
in some respects.
yadidam bhaktam i
yadi v vibhaktarh ksettrarh devSnam yadi va pitfnarh |
ud u surya i
ud ite diva manusyavac chiva no stu prthivi uta dyauh.
With ksetram in b the first hemistich may stand: at the
end of c one naturally thinks of the contrast, gods and manes,
so we might read ete deva manusya va or ud it te ; for d
civa no c stu prthivy uta dyauh.
urjo varh i
bhago vara prthivyam devair dvaro vrahmana varh dhara-
yami | givarh 93 i
gmam avasanarh no stu ratim devebhih pitrbhir manusyaih
In a I think bhagam should be read, and varaya seems
possible; in b perhaps devir would be good: read c stu in c,
and in d ratir might stand.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 209
vi9vavaso i
stv asadanam kulayam gandharva sovedaso mahyam ucuh
ma ma hifi i
519 cheva dhiyanta heto 9antam himas pari dadhmo manu-
syam
In a I think we may read 'stv asadanaih kulayam, in b
ganclharvas suvedaso: in c if we have second person we should
write ma ma hinslc, c,iva, but hinsic chiva if third person; I
do not think hetog is possible; at the beginning of d c,atam
himan is probable.
rudra utse sa I
dam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro manusyah yam bhago
bhai
gapate9 ca deva urviras tarya 9aradas tarema z 2 z.
Read: rudra utse sadam aksiyamane deva madanti pitaro
manusyah | yam bhago bhagapatig ca deva {urviras tarya -j-
^aradas tarema z 5 z 3 z
In some respects these stanzas seem to have a connection
with funeral rites, but their meaning and intent is wholly
unclear; the corrections proposed are based almost entirely on
palaeographic possibility and cannot be regarded as compel-
ling, or even satisfactory.
24. [f. 35 a, 1 13.]
yam a I
smin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyam saha | agnis
tarn ghr i
tavodano apa skandayatv atiduram asmat. | so nyena sap
tvam asmai pra savamasi | yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas
pi!
[f. 35 b.] trbhi9 ca yah tasmat tva vi9ve deva muncantu pary
arihasah te te yaksma i
m apa skandayatv adhi | ya tvam eno nyakrtarh yada tvam
akrtam ahrtah ta I
smat va vi9va bhutani muncantu pary arihasah tani te
yaksmam apa !
skandayatv adhi yad va sadr9 yad va cakara nistya tasmat
tva pr i
thivi mata muncatu pary arihasah sa te yaksmam apa
skandayatv adhi | !
210 L. C. Barret, [1910.
apaskandena havisa yaksman te nafayamasi | tad agnir
aha tad u I
soma aha vrhaspatis savita tad indrah te te yaksmam apa
skandaya
tv adhiduram asmat. so tyena maprgchatarh tvam asmai
pra suvamasi z :
z 3 z.
Read: yo asmin yaksmas puruse pravista isitam daivyani
sahah | agnis tain ghrtabodhano apa skandayatv atiduram
asmat | so 'anyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi zl z
yas tva yaksmo devesita isitas pitrbhic, ca yah | tasmat tva
viQve deva muncantu pary anhasah | te te yaksmam apa skan-
dayantv atiduram asmat z 2 z -fyat tvain eno 'nyakrtam yad a
tvam akrtam ahrtah-J- | tasmat tva vigva bhutani muncantu pary
anhasah | tani te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat
z 3 z yad va dadarga yad va cakara nistyam | tasmat tva
prthivi mata muncatu pary anhasah | sa te yaksmam apa skan-
dayatv atiduram asmat z 4 z apaskandena havisa yaksmam te
nagayamasi | tad agnir aha tad u soma aha vrhaspatis savita
tad indrah | te te yaksmam apa skandayantv atiduram asmat |
so 'nyena samrcchatam tvam asmai pra suvamasi z 5 z 4 z
The first stanza appears in the Parigistas of the AV. Ib.
1. 5. In stanza Sab the sense seems to be "whatever sin or
evil has laid hold on thee;" as a possibility consider yat tvam
eno c nyakrtam yad a tvam akrtam ahrtam. The two p&das
which stand at the end of 1 and 5 should doubtless stand at
the end of the others also.
25. [f. 35 b, 1. 9.]
agne agra indra bala aditya ya ido iduh yudho
idhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhuti | abhiyuktasya pradhane
naya vo rdharam icchatam havlsy agre vidyatarh prati-
grhnata juhvataih I
jayatra rajna varunena jayatra rudrena ke9ina | bhavena ji
snuna jay eta par j anyena sahiyasa astra tarn prena vrhhata
astra sarvye ni yudhyata gandharvena tvisimata rathena
upayo i
dhina | sinivaly anu matir vahagvan isanginah jayanto
bhii
prathatamitrarh sakam indrena medina z 5 z anuvakam
5 z : -
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslnnirian Atliarva Vtda. 211
For the first hemistich of st. 1 no reconstruction works out
satisfactorily but for the second hemistich we might read yudho
adhi pratisthitaya hota jaitraya juhoti. Pitda a of st. 2 seems
good as it stands but the rest seems past mending. For the
other three stanzas the following reading may be found accept-
able: jaitra rajna varunena jaitra rudrena kegina | bhavena
jisnuna jayeta parjanyena sahlyasa z 3 z astra -j-taiii prena-(-
vrnhatastra sarvena yudhyata | gandharvena tvisimata ratheno-
payodhina z 4 z sinlvaly anu matin vahagvan isanginah | jayanto
'bhi prathatamitran sakam indrena medina z 5 z 5 z anuva-
kah 5 z
Possibly mandrena might stand in st. 4a; and in st. 6b
isvanginah might seem a good reading. This is surely a charm
for success in battle.
26. [f 35b, 1 17.]
yat svapne ni jagattha yad va gepise nrtam agnis tat tas-
mad enaso :
[f. 36 a ] vrahma muncatv ahhasah yad aksesu dudrohitam
yad va mitrebhyas tvam somas
tval
tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv ahhasah yada kumaras
kumaresu yad va jyaya I
s taresu nimeta krtva gepise tacat krnvo agadarii givarii |
pratidmiphalam !
ha tvam apamarga babhuvyathah sarvam gaccha patham
adhi maryo yavaya tvam | :
pra apamarga osadhmam vigvasam eka ut pati tena te
mrjum asthi I
tarn atha tvam agadag carah z i z
Read: yat svapne ni jagantha yad va gepise 'nrtam | agnis
tva tasmad enaso vrahma muncatv anhasah z 1 z yad aksesu
dudrohitha yad va mitrebhyas tvam | somas tva tasmad
z 2 z yat kumaras kumaresu yad va jyayans turesu | -j-nimeta
krtva Qepise -{-tagat krnvo *j- agadaui givam z 3 z praticinaphalo
hi tvam apamargo babhuvitha | sarvan mac chapathan adhi
varlyo yavayas tvam z 4 z apamarga osadhln&ita vigvasam eka
it patih | tena te mrjma asthitam atha tvam agadag cara
7 5 z 1 z
212 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In st. 2d it would probably be safe to read krnve. St. 4
occurs Q. 7. 65. 1, and st. 5 is Q. 4, 17. 8.
27. [f. 36 a, 1.6.]
Q. 19. 36.
gatavaro aninagad raksamam raksari :
si tejasa | aroham varcasa saha manir dunamagatanam
In b read yaksman raksansi, in c arohan, and in d durna-
macatanah.
grngabhyam rakso !
nudate mulena yatudhanyah | madhyena yaksmam badhate
nainarh papmati tatrati | i
In a read c.rngabhyam, and in d papmati tarati.
ye yaksmaso arbhaka mahamco ye ca gapathinah | sarvan
dunnamaha mani !
9 gatavaro amnagat.
In b read mahanto, and perhaps we should read c,abdinah
as in g.; in c read durnamaha.
gatam virani janayag chatam yaksmann amavapat. :
dunnastris sarvas tridhva apa raksansy apakramim. |
In a read viryani janayan, as suggested by Whitney; for b
c,atam yaksman apavapat: for cd durnamnas sarvans trdhvapa
raksansy apakramit.
gatam aham dunnamani I
nam gandharvapsarasarh gatam gatam sunvatmam gata-
varena varaye z 2 z :
Head: gatam aham durnamnlnam gandharvapsarasam gatam |
gatam ca gvanvatinaih gatavarena varaye z 5 z 2 z.
28. [f. 36a, 1. 13.]
g. 6. 71, with additions: TA. 2. 6. 2.
vigvam vijmi prthivava pustam ayad ayatu prati grhnamy
annam vaigvanarasya ma:
hato mahimna agnis tad vigva suhitam krnotu |
For this stanza cf. MS. 4. 11. 1. In a read vivyajmi prthivlva,
in b anyad ay at; in cd mahimnagnis tad vigvam suhutam.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 213
yad annam adbhir bahudha-
viruparh vasu hiranyam a^vam uta gam ajam avirh yad
annam admy anrtena de I
va udasyan uta va karisyan. |
In a read admi, in b vaso and avim; in c anrtena, and in
d dasyann adasyann uta .
yan ma hutarh yad ahutam ajagama ya
smad anna manasod rarajimi z yad devanam caksusaka-
9inagnis tad dho 1
ta suhutam krnotu |
In b read annan; in cd it seems best to read with TA cak-
susy ago asty agnis .
jamadagnis kasyapas sadv etad bharadvajo madhv annam 1 1 !
krnotu | pratigrhitre gotamo vasistho vi9vamitro nah prati-
ranty ayuh :
pathena pratirady ayuh zz 3 zz !
Read: jamadagnis kagyapas sadhv etad bharadvajo madhv
annam krnotu | pratigrahitre gotamo vasistho vi^vamitro nah
tirantv ayuh z 4 z 3 z
29. [f. 36 b, 1. 1.]
agne yajnasya caksur edarh vid^mi yathedam bhavisyati
svaha | agne yajnasya:
crotram agne yajnasya prana | agne yajnasyapanah agne
yajnasyatmam agne :
yajnasya sarva idam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha
z 4 z I
Read: agne yajnasya gaksur edaih vidami yathedam bhavi-
syati svaha z 1 z agne yajnasya grotram edaih z 2 z agne
yajnasya prana edam z 3 z agne yajnasyapana edaiii
z 4 z agne yajnasyatman edam z 5 z agne yajnasya sar-
vam edam vidami yathedam bhavisyati svaha z 6 z 4 z
In the margin the ms. has agni rcaiii.
30. [f. 36 b, 1. 4.]
RV. 1. 89. 2, 3; 10. 15. 2 (= Q. 18. 1. 46); MS. 4. 14. 17.
devSnarh bhadrd sumatir rjuyatarii devSnam ratrir abhi nu
ni vartatam. I
214 L. C. Barret, [1910.
devSnam sakhyam lipa sedima vayam devdnam ayus pra
tirantu jiva i
se|
In a read rjuyatam, in b ratir abhi no; and in d deva na
ayus.
tan purvaya nivida humate vayam bhagam mittram aditir
daksam asri i
dhim aryamnam varunam somam agvina sarasvatl nas
subhaga mayas karat, | i
In a read humane, in b mitram aditim and asridham; in c
aryamanam.
idam pitfbhyo namo astv adya ye pdrvaso ye parasas
pareyiih ye prthi i
ve rajasy a nisata ye va nunarh suvrjinasi viksu
In b read ye 'parasas pary lyuh; in c nisatta, and in d
suvrjanasu.
pratyanco agne sarvah:
patantu krtyakrte ripave martyayah kravyad etrna sa me
mrda krivi I
snu ma dhehi nirrter upasthe
In a read sarvah, in b martyaya. In c kravyad and me
mrda seem clear, and probably kravisno at the end of c;
perhaps a subject for dhehi should be supplied before ma.
This stanza has no parallel.
jayassag gansad uta va kamyasah sajai
taggahsad uta jamigahsa anadistam anyakrtam yad enas
tan nas tasma i
j jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z
Read: jyayasa^ ^ansad uta va kamyasas sajatagansad uta
jamiQansad | anadhrstam anyakrtam yad enas tan nas tasmaj
jatavedo mumugdhi z 5 z 5 z
31. [f. 36 b, 1. 13.]
imau padau pra haramy a grhebhyas tvasta:
yendras pagcad indras purastad indro nas patu madhyatah
Read svastaye in b; indras pagcad in c.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 215
indram bhayam vigva!
tah cudra ca narya ca indrah pathibhir adrava asamrddha-
ghaya I
vah
Read bhayan in a, canarya in b; in cd a dravat asamrddha
aghayavah.
indram hasyatam vidhi vi nas paean iva carat. | idamarh
pantha i
m aduksama sugo svastivahanarh |
In a we might read hrsyatam vidhir, or possibly harsayatam;
for b vir nas : for cd emam pantham aruksama sugaiii ,
which is Q. 14. 2. 8 cd.
yatra vigva pari dviso vrnakti I
nindatesv antam ety anahatah paravrajata kim tat tava
kam vaksana I
nn iva |
Read vi^van in a, and with ninditesv in b we have a possible
reading. In the rest I see no good reading; perhaps paravrnjata
is intended.
vicvanco yantag gaphala vigvahcah parimanthinah vigvak. I
[f. 37 a.] punarbhava mano asamrddhaghayavah z
Read: visvaiico yantu -j- gaphala visvancah paripanthinah |
visvak punarbhuva mano asamrddha aghayavah z 5 z.
In a gabala would seem very good: padas cd^ occur Q. 1.
27. 2 cd which has connections into which our stanzas evi-
dently fit (cf. Whitney's Trans.).
svasti vyacakagam svasti pratyuca I
kagam svasti paridigdham ny apa svasty apsaihtah pari-
vrajam svarija svastena sa me
bharad vajarh svasti punarayanam z 6 z anu 6 z
In the top margin the ms. gives svasty rca .
Out of this I have been unable to make anything more than
the division of words may indicate, except that apsaihtah is
probably for apsv antah.
216 L. C. Barret, [1910.
32. [f. 37 a, 1. 3.]
ye uttara rja:
yate madhugo madhugad adhi vedahe tad bhesajarh jihva
madhumati piva :
madhumat ye paurnamasi madho grngo adho puspakarh
madhuman parvatam asi | :
yato jatasy osadhe ( garbho sy osadhmam apam garbha
utasitah atho soma I
sya tratasi madhura prava me vaca | grunarh vaharh madhu-
gasya pitfnam eva
jagrabhah yo ma hiranyavarcasaih krnomi paurusam priyarh |
priyarh ma kr I
nu devesu priyarh rajasu ma krnu priyam sarvasya pacyata
uta gudra u i
tarya z i z
Read: ya uttarad ajayate madugho madughad adhi | vedamahe
tad bhesajaih jihva madhumati piba z I z madhumati paurna-
masi madhoQ Qrngo atho puspakam | madhuman parvatam asi
yato jatasy osadhe z 2 z garbho c sy osadhlnam ap^ih garbha
utasitha | atho somasya bhratasi madhuna prava me vacah
z 3 z Qronim vaham madughasya pitfnam eva jagrabha | yo
ma hiranyavarcasaih krnoti purusaiii priyam z 4 z priyam ma
krnu devesu priyam rajasu ma krnu | priyam sarvasya pagyata
uta gudra utarye z 5 z 1 z
In st. la the ms. might be transliterated uttarad aja .
The last stanza occurs Q. 19, 62. 1.
33. [f. 37 a, 1.10.]
udna vana hrda vana mukhena jihvaya vana | prapina :
payasa vanarh
Read udhna in a, vana in c.
vaccha se padau tatvarh vacchaksyau vamccha saktau
viccham a i
nu pra de vano nimnarh var iva dhavatu z
Read: vanccha me padau tanvam vaiicchaksyau vanccha
sakthyau | vlcim anu pra te vano nimnam var iva dhavatu z 2 z
For ab see below No. 90. 2 and Q. 6. 9. 2; for cd cf. Q.
3. 18. 6.
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 217
urdhvani te lomani tisthanty aksau I
kamena 9isyatam simida vatsena gaur iva udhna suraiva
pa9yatam |
In a read tisthantv, for b aksyau kamena Qusyataiii; in c
gimivata and probably gor, in d udhnas and srjyatam rather
than pacjatam.
ima !
gavas sabandhavas samanam vatsam akrata | hinnati kani-
kratir addhara ni !
ravid vasa
A possible reading for c would be mahimnabhikanikratir,
which carries one on to think of something like aravid vrsa
at the end of d.
9rngopasa galabhusa aghnyac carmavasim | gavo ghrta I
sya mataras ta vatseva nayamasi z 2 z
Head: grngaupaga galabhusa aghnyag ^armavasinlh | gavo
ghrtasya mataras ta vatsa iva nayamasi z 5 z 2 z
34. [f. 37 a, 1. 16.]
yac ca varcas kanyasu ya9 ca I
hastisv ahitarh hiranyesu tad varcas tasya bhaksi iha var-
casah
Read yac ca in a and b; in d bhakslya or bhaksiha.
ya9 ca !
varco rajarather ya9 ca rajasv ahitam niske rukse yad
varcas tasya bhaksi i i
ha varcasah
Read yac in a and b; d as above; in a rajarathe seems
good.
yad apsu yad vanaspatau yad agnau ya9 ca surye
yajne daksi :
nayarh varcas tasya bhaksi iha varcasah
Read yac ca in b; d as above.
varcasvan me mukham astu va
[f. 37 b.] rcasvatarhdu me 9irah varcas vam vi9vatas pratyan
varcasvam varno stu me z
Read varcasvan in a, varcasvad uta in b; varcasvan and
pratyan in c, and varcasvan varno c stu in d.
218 L. C. Barret, [1910.
subhagarh ;
me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah subhago vigvatas
pratyan subhago va I
rno stu me z 2 z
Read: subhagam me mukham astu subhagam uta me girah |
subhago vi^vatas pratyan subhago varno f stu me z 5 z 3 z
35. [f. 37 b, 1. 3.]
ud amau suryo agat sahavat ta nama ma | aham te madhuma I
ti madhugam madhumattara |
Read asau in a, tan nama mama in b; madughan in d.
yad girisu parvatesu gosv agvesu yan madhu | i
surayarh sicyamanayarh kilale madhu tan mayi |
Read girisu in a.
yatha sura ya !
tha madhu yathaksa adhidevane yathaha gavyato mana
eva sam abhi te I
manah
Read mam in d. Of. Q. 6. 70. 1 for ab.
ya te padam padena rsyatam manasa manah pratyarhcam
agrabham tva a i
vam iva9vabhidhanya |
Read yatha in a, padenarsyatam in ab; pratyancam in c,
and tvagvam in cd.
mahyarh tva dyavaprthivi mahyarh devi sarasva i
tl | mahyam tva madhyarh bhumya ubhav antau sam
asyatarh z 4 z
Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivi mahyam devi sarasvat! |
mahyam tva madhyam bhumya ubhav antau sam asyatam z 5 z 4 z
Por this last stanza cf. below, No. 90 st. 5, and Q. 6. 89. 3.
36. [f. 37 b, 1. 9.]
ya vai9vade i
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya somasya ya bhagasya |
vigve deva i i
savo yavatir vas ta vo agnina garmana gamayami |
Read isavo in a.
ya adide I
vir isavo ya vasunam ya rudrasya agvino yavatls tah vigve
deva isa I
vo yavatir vas ta vo devas savita gamayati |
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 219
Read in b rudrasyagvinor; the visarga indicates that the
hemistich ends with tah and yavatls seems out of place here,
where another genitive would be appropriate; a possible reading
might be ya vrhaspateh.
yas te gnisavo vata ya:
te apam ugchrityam uta va marutsu | indrasya samna
varunasya raja ta:
vat suryo vrhata 9amayati |
Read for a yas te 'gna isavo vata yas te, in b probably
utsrstyam; in c rajna, and in d ta vas seems better than tavat.
ma vrhy adityo ma vasubhyo ma rudraya:
gnaye paktivaya | indrasya guco varunasya ya gucis ta vo
devy al
9amayati |
In a ma bibhrhy aditya seems possible, in b parthivaya.
ca vate vi9vagvate ya9 ca rudrasya dhanvani | agnii
s tva vasor Tra9anas tva sarva bhesajas karat, z 5 z anuva 7 zl
Read: yag ca vate visvagvate yag ca rudrasya dhanvani |
agnis tva vasor iganas tva sarva bhisajas karat z 5 z 5 z
anuva 7 z. In cd ta and tas would improve this very un-
certain reconstruction.
37. [f. 37b, 1. 19.]
cittirh yaktasi manasa cittin devan rtavrdhah jatavedas pra
nas ti:
[f. 38 a] ra agne vi9vamarudbhih
In view of MS. 2. 10. 6 it seems clear that in yaktasi we
have the root yaj ; yaksasi might be the reading, but yaksyami
may be worth consideration. If vigvamarudbhih is not accept-
able, we might read vidvan or vigvan.
yavayayavayassad dvesahsi yavamaye I
na havisa yas te mrta dvisvapmyasya bhavas sa te tudanta
etarh pra:
hinmah
In a read yavayasmad; in c dussvapnyasya, and perhaps
mrto rather than mrta. In Q. 19. 57. 3 occurs the phrase sa
mama yah papas tarn dvisate pra hinmah; imitating this we
might reconstruct dvisate tudanta , and this would call for
bhavo.
VOL. XXX. Part II r. 16
220 L. C. Barret, [1910.
yatha kalarh yatha capham yatharno son nayanti | eval
dussvapnyarh sarvas apriye sun nayamasi z
This is Q. 6. 46. 3 (= 19. 57. 1) ; read yatharnaiii sarii in b,
sarvam in c and sarii in d.
araro hig catam adya gal
gavam bhaksiya gatam ajanam catam avmam catam acva-
narh purusa:
nam tatrapi bhaksayamum amusyayanam amusyah patrarh
tam aham:
nirrtaye preksyami tam mrtyoh pacaye badhnyami sa baddho
hato stu | I
sa tato ma mocih z i z
This prose portion falls into two parts thus giving the normal
five stanzas to this hymn. At the beginning araro might be
vocative of araru (cf. Q. 6. 46. 1) and hie. might conceal some
form of the root hid: read -j- araro hie,-}- gatam adya gavam
ooo. purusanam tatrapi bhaksiya z 4 z
For the rest there are similar passages in Q. 16. 7. 8 and
8. Iff. Read: amum amusyayanam amusyah putram tam aham
nirrtaye presyami tam mrtyoh page badhnami | sa baddho hato
'stu sa tato ma moci z 5 z
With this hymn cf. Q. 6. 46 and 19. 57.
38. [f. 38 a, 1. 8.]
ye nag gapanty apa te bhavantu vrksan va I
vrhnam api tam jayama | bhrajiya ayus pratirarh dadhanarh va:
yam devanam sumatau syama
In b I think we must read vrknan api tan; the margin cor-
rects to draghiya in c, and we must read dadhana: padas cd
occur frequently but not together.
krtyakrtam payasvan adargata agneh | ;
pratyasva nu dhuddhyasva prati sma raivatam dahah |
For b, a possible reading is a dharsata agnih; in c prathasva
and yudhyasva are probable; d can stand, but risato, or the
like, would seem better.
yas tva krtye pratigha:
ya vidvan aviduso grham. | punas tva tasma dadhimo
yatha kr:
krtam hanah
In pratighaya, I think, lies the verb of the first hemistich
and we might read pra jaghana as a possibility: in c it would
seem safe to restore tasmai dadhmo, and in d krtyakrtam hanat,
Vol. xxx.J The Kashmirian Atltarca Veda. 221
punas krtyam krtyakrte hastigrhya para naya uto tvai
m uttama punas tatarmaiva sudanamsvarh |
Read hastagrhya in b; uto tvain uttama punas is probably
a good pada but for d I see nothing. Padas ab occur Q. 5.
14. 4ab.
krtya yantu krtyakrtam vrki:
vavimato grham stokarh pakasva vardhatarh ma vrvrsta |
osadhlr iva | :
Read: krtya yantu kr.tyakr.tam vrkivavimato grham | stokaih
pakasva vardhataiii saiiivr>ta osadhlr iva z 5 z 2 z
Q. 6. 37. 1 d reads vrka ivavimato gvham.
39. [f. 38 a, 1. 16.]
Vait. 24. 1.
yat te grava bahucyuto cakro naro yad va te hastayor
adhuksam tat tapya:
yatarii ut te nistyayatam soma rajan. z
In a read 'cucyon, in b adhuksan; ta Spyayatam tat in c.
yat te grabna cicrdas so
ma rajin priyany anga sukrta paroni | tat samjatsvajeneto:
vardhayasva anagamo yatha sadam it samksiyema z z ofh
ana:
[f. 38 b] gamo yatha sadam it samksiyema
In a read gravna cicchidus and rajan, in b puruni; for cd
tat saiiidhatsvajyenota vardhayasvanagaso .
yam te tvacam babhrutam ta yonir hrdyami
sthana pracyuto di vasuto si tasmai te soma luptam asmakam
etad u :
pa no rajan sukrte hvayasva |
In a read bibhidur yarn ca yonim, in b sthanat and yadi
vasuto 'si with yad va (as in Vait.) for hrdy&m ; in c we may
read guptam as in TB. 3. 7. 13. 3.
sam pranapanabhyam sam caksusa sam
crotrena gacchasya soma rajan. | yat te vilistam sam u tanv
ayattaj ja:
nitam nas sangamam pathmam.
In b read gacchasva ; in c viristam sam u tat ta etaj, in d
jamtfin and samgamane.
16*
222 L. C. Barret, [1910.
abac gariram payasa sam etv a-
nyo nyo bhavati varunosya | tasmai tado havisa vidhemah
vayam syamal
patayo rayinam.
In a read ahag and sam ety, in b anyo 'nyo and varno 4 sya;
in c ta indo and vidhema.
abhyaksaranti jihvo ghrtenaga paruhsi tal
vardhayanti | tasmai te soma nasa yad visat vapa no raja
sukrte hvayal
sva z 3 z
Read : abhiksaranti juhvo ghrtenanga parunsi tava vardhay-
anti | tasmai te soma nama id vasat copa no rajan sukrte
hvayasva z 6 z 3 z
40. [f. 38 b, 1. 9.]
ihata devlr ayam astu pantha ayarh vo lokag garanaya
sadhuh idam bavir jusamana ud ita ksipra jfia varunena
prasuta z
In a read ihaita and pantha; in d ksipra rajiia and prasutah.
ihata raja varuno dadabhir devo devesu haviso jusatah krnu
sva pantha madayan durdibhir anena babhro mahata prthi-
vyam.
In a the reading of the ms. may be rdabhir. Head in a
ihaitu; in this context dadhabhir seems to be possible but it
is hard to give up the thought of some form or compound of
rta; in MG. 2. 11. 17 occurs praitu raja varuno revatlbhih:
in b jusatam ought to stand. In c read pantham, and we
might consider drtibhir as a possibility.
pri:
yad dhriyad va madayan abhunja tirokoghanam iha ranltu | a I
neneve gam mrjata dvisimato jahy osram gabhum ajanah
adhrsnatah | :
Out of this all I can get is tvisimato j&hy and perhaps
gatrun ajanan adhrsatah.
ye parato madhyato ye ca yanta ye apsumado nihatas tire
agnayah I
te devaja iha no mrdunn apag ca jihvan ubhaye saban-
dhavah
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 223
Opposite the first of these lines the margin gives saihcayaih,
and there is a correction to jinvan over jihvan. In a read
yanti, in b apsusado nihitas; in c mrdann and in d ta a
jinvan.
idam
vapo hrdayam ayam vasv aritavari iha tvam eta 9akvarl
yatraivam :
vegayamasi z 4 z
Read: idaiii va apo hrdayam ayam vatsa rtavarih | ihettham
eta gakvarir yatraivam vegayamasi z 5 z 4 z
This is Q. 3. 13. 7; we might read idam vasv in b; for d
Q. has yatredaiii vegayami vah.
41. [f. 38 b, 1. 18.]
RV. 10. 159; ApMB. 1. 16.
ud asau suryo agad ud ayam masako i
bhagah tenaham vidvala patim abhy a I
[f. 39 a.] saksi visasahih |
Read mamako in b.
aham ketur aham murdhva aham ugra visada 1
ni | named apa kradam patis sehanaya upacara |
Read murdhaham in a, visadam in b; mamed apa kratuiii
in c and upa carat in d.
mama putra i
9 9attruhano vo me duhita virat. | utaham asmi samjaya i
patyar me 9loka uttamah
Read gatruhano c tho in ab; patyur in d.
yena devas surebhyo bhavanti marmattara
idam utakra devasapattra kilabhuvam
In a a good reading would be deva asurebhyo; for b read
bhavanty amarmantarah, and for cd idaiii tad akri deva
asapatna kilabhuvam.
sapattra sapatnyaghni
jayaty abhibhuvarT musnamy anyasam bhagam vamo yaste-
yaca i
m iva z 5 z anu 8 z
Read: asapatna sapatnaghni jayanty abhibhuvar! | musnamy
anyasam bhagaiii varco astheyasam iva z 5 z 5 z anu 8 z
In d vamam would be about as good as varco. This hymn
has a sixth stanza in the other texts.
224 L. C. Barret, [1910.
42. [f. 39 a, 1. 7.]
Of. Q. 2. 24.
sarabhaka seragabha punar bho ya I
nti yadavas punar hatis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo
va pra :
hi tarn utta mma samsamany ata gevrka cevrdha sarpan-
sarpa I
srokan mro jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado punar vo yanti
yadavah |
punar jutis kimidinah yasya stha dam atta yo na pra | hi
tarn utva I
sma marhsany atta z i z
Read: gerabhaka gerabha punar vo yantu yatavas punar
hetis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sv& mansany atta z 1 z cevrdhaka gevrdha punar vo | z
2 z sarpanusarpa | z 3 z mrokSnumroka | z 4 z
j-jyarnyatro jarjunva paprado-j- punar vo yantu yatavas punar
jutis kimidinah | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sva mansany atta z 5 z 1 z
At the beginning of 5 it would be impossible to emend
with any certainty; it is barely possible that jurni (Q. st. 5)
is there and perhaps also arjuni (Q. st. 7); yet it is fairly
clear that these should all be grouped in one stanza, and
that they are names of male demons. Cf. our No. 91 and the
comments.
43. [f. 39 a, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 16.
dyavaprthivi upagrute ma i
patam svaha | dhanayayuse prajayai ma patam svaha | prana i
panau mrtyor ma patam svaha | surya caksusi ma pahi sva i
ha | agne vigvambhara vigvato ma pahi svaha ]
Read dyavaprthivi upagruter: the kanda is no. 2.
44. [f. 39 a, 1. 15.]
Cf. Q. 2. 17.
ayurma :
agni ayur me dha svaha varcodagner varco me dha svaha tejo
dagnis tejo me dha svaha sahoda agnes saho me dha svaha | i
balada agnir balam me svaha z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 225
Read: ayurda agna ayur me dah svaha z 1 z varcoda agne
varco me dah svaha z 2 z tejoda agne tejo me dah svaha
z 3 z sahoda agne saho me dah svaha z 4 z balada agne
balaiii me dah svaha z 5 z 3 z
45. [f. 39 a, 1. 18.]
Q. 2. 17.
ayur asya a i
[f. 39 b.] ayur me dhehi svaha | varco si varco mayi dhehi
svaha J tejo I
si tejo mayi dhehi svaha | saho si saho mayi dhehi svaha j
ballam asi balarh mayi dhedhi svaha | 4 z
In 1 read ayur asy ayur mayi; in 2, 3, and 4 read c si; in
5 balam and dhehi.
46. [f. 39 b, 1. 3.]
Q. 2. 18.
picacaksi i
nam asi pigacajambhanam asi svaha | yatudhanakslnam a
si yatudhanajambhanam asi svaha | sadanvaksinam asi i
sadanvajambhanam asi svaha | sapattraksinam asi sapattra
jambhanam asi svaha | bhratrvyaksinam asi bhratrvyajaja i
mbhanam asi svaha z 5 z a 9 z
Read ksayanam in each formula, pigacajambhanam in 1,
sapatna in 4, and bhratrvyajambhanam in 5. The kanda is
no. 5.
In the margin the ms. has raksamantram va agnih.
47. [f. 39 b, 1. 8.]
a te sauvlryarh
dade mayi te sauvlryarh | a sauvarco dade mayi te sauvarcah |
a sautejo dade mayi te sautejah a saunrmnarh dade mayi i
te saunrmnarh | a te saugukrarh dade mayi te saugukram
z i z :
At the beginning of 2, 3, and 4 read a te.
226 L. C. Barret, [1910,
48. [f. 39 b, 1. 12.]
Q. 2. 19.
ofh agna yat te tapas tena tarn prati tapa yo sman dvesti
yam ca vaya :
n dvismah z te haras tena tarn prati hara yoh te cocis
tena tarn prati I
coca te rcis tena tarn praty area | agne yat te jyotis tena
tarn prati da i
ha yo sman dvesti yam ca vayam dvismah z 2 z
Read: agne yat te tapas tena tain prati tapa yo f sman
dvesti yam ca vayarii dvismah z I z agne yat te haras tena
tarn prati hara z 2 z agne yat te gocis tena tarii prati
goca z 3 z agne yat te 'rcis tena tarn praty area z 4 z
agne yat te jyotis tena tarii prati daha yo r sman dvesti yam
ca vayam dvismah z 5 z 2 z
49. [f. 39 b, 1. 15.]
praci di I
g gayatrarh devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyegu nag gaka-
raya :
ttarh tasyavedanam asi z svam cemam asmad yaksa tas-
mad ama
[f. 40 a.] yetu svaha | daksina dig rathantaram devata pratici
dig vamadevam i
devata udici dig yajnayajniyarh devata urdhva dig vrhaddeva !
ta yad devesu manusye | cva nag cakarayattarh tasyavedanam
asi z mum :
cemam asmad yaksa tasmad amayatu svaha z 3 z imam
raksa i
mantram digdhandhanam z z
Read: praci dig gayatrain devata yad devesu pitrsu manu-
syesu nag cakarayattvam tasyavedanam asi | sam cemam asmad
yaccha tasmad amayatat svaha z 1 z daksina dig rathantaram
devata z 2 z pratici dig vamadevyam devata z 3 z
udicl dig yajnayajniyam devata z 4 z urdhva dig vrhad
devata yad devesu pitrsu manusyesu nag cakarayattvam tasya-
vedanam asi | sam cemam asmad yaccha tasmad amayatat
svaha z 5 z 3 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 227
These formulae are suggestive of the sphere of the Yajur
Veda. The emendation proposed is open to a number of ob-
jections, but it is fairly close to the ms. and offers a reasonable
meaning. In the colophon \ve might read digdhanam.
50. [f. 40 a, 1.5.]
agnim vayam trataram havamahe imam traya
tasmad yaksma tasmad amayata jusano agnir ajyasya trata :
trayatam svaha (
Read ya imam trayate 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat |
jusano z 1 z
mitravarunau vayam tratarau havamahe ya :
v ayimarh trayite smad yaksma tasmad amayata jusanau
mitra :
varunav ajyasya tratarau trayetam svaha |
Read yav imaiii trayete 'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat |
jusanjlu z 2 z
marutan vayam tratrT I
n havamahe imam trayamta smad yaksmad amayata |
jusanau maru i
tajyasya trataras tray an tarn svaha z
Read maruto vayam tratfn havamahe ya imam trayante
c smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusSna maruta ajyasya
z 3 z
agnaya ghrtapataye svaha | i
agninagni grhebhya svaha | vajasyan agniye svaha | agnim
vayam svagnaya svaha | tena vrahmana tena? chandasa
taya devataya i
ngirasvad devebhyas svaha z z iti agnisuktam. z z i
It is almost impossible to believe that these formulae belong
in this place, thrust into the midst of five stanzas so sym-
metrical; but we cannot throw them out entirely. The first
and last are in the Concordance: in 1 read agnaye, for the
second perhaps agninagne grhebhyas svaha can stand, vajasya
is good at the beginning of 3 and agnaye should be read, in
4 svagnayas is probable, and in 5 read tena for tenag; perhaps
in 5 we should insert dhruvas sldata (or the like) before
devebhyas, as these words appear in the numerous occurrences
of this formula.
228 L. C. Barret, [1910.
pitfn vayam bhratfn havamahe | imam trayantammabh
yaksma tasma I
d amayata | jusanas pitarajyasya trataras trayantam svaha z:
Read vayam tratrn and the rest as in st. 3 except jusanas
pitara.
vrhaspatirh vayam trataram havamahe imam trayatasmad
yaksma :
tasmad amayata jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya trataram tra!
yatarh svaha z 4 z
Read : vrhaspatim vayam trataram havamahe ya imam trayate
'smad yaksmat tasmad amayatat | jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya
trata trayatani svaha z 5 z 4 z
51. [f. 40 a, 1. 19.]
agnirh vayam trataram yajamahe meni !
[f. 40 b] hana valagahanarh jusano agnir ajyasya meniha
valagaha :
trata trayatam svaha z indrarh vayam jusana indra ajyasya z:
somarh vayam trataram yajamahe menihalam valagahanarh
jusa:
nas soma ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam sva :
ha z vigvan devans vayam tratrn yajamahe menighno valaga :
ghnas trataras trayantam svaha z vrhaspatim vayam trataram:
yajamahe menihalam valagahanam jusano vrhaspati | :
r ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha z 5 z
z anu z
Read: agnim vayam trataram yajamahe menihanam valaga-
hanam | jusano aguir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam
svaha z I z indram vayam | jusana indra ajyasya z 2 z
somam vayarh | jusanas soma ajyasya z 3 z vi(}van
vayam devans tratrn yajamahe menighno valagaghnah | jusana
ajyasya menihano valagahanas trataras trayantam svaha z 4 z
vrhaspatim vayam trataram yajamahe menihana valagahanam j
jusano vrhaspatir ajyasya meniha valagaha trata trayatam svaha
z 5 z 5 z anu 10 z
52. [f. 40 b, 1. 9.]
TB. 2. 7. 17.
ye kecinas prathamas satram asita yebhir abhrtarh :
yad idarh vi rocate bhyo juhomi ha visa ghrtena a^van gorna!
man ayam astu vlrah
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 229
In a read asata, in c tebhyo ; in cd ghrtenagvavan goman
vlrah. Our pada d is very nearly Q. 6. 68. 3 d ; TB. has rayas
posena varcasa saiii srjatha.
nante ranas tapaso mucyate sudvina:
vniyam diksarh vi9amyarh hy etat. prapya ke9stuvate ka:
nyano bhavantu tesarh vrahme9e vapanasya namnya
In a read narte vrahmanas, and sudvinammyam vaginiyarii
hy etat would giv<* a good pada b; TB has dvinainni diksa
vaginl hy ugra. For the rest it seems best to read with TB
pra kegas suvate kandino bhavanti tesam vrahmed ige vapanasya
nanyah z 2 z
yenavapat sal
vita 9irsno agre ksurena rajno varunasya ke9n. | I
tena vrahmano vapatedam asya9yamo dirghayur ayam astu I
vlrah z
In cd asyayusman seems the most satisfactory. Cf. Q. 6.
68. 3 and Whitney's Translation.
ma te ke9am anugada vanta etat taya dhata dadha I
tu te | tubhyam indro varuno vrhaspatis savita varco dadharii |
In a read ma te kegan anugad varca, in b tatha; in d 'dadhan.
This stanza appears MG. 1. 21. 8.
a roha prostharh visahasya 9atfn ajasradiksam va9ini:
hy ugra dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva varu :
nasya p9at. z i z
Read: a roha prostham visahasva gatrun ajasram dlksfi
vacini hy ugra | dehi daksinam vrahmanebhyo atho mucyasva
varunasya pacat z 5 z 1 z
53. [f. 41 a, 1.1.]
MS. 2. 6. 3.
ye devas purassado gninetra raksohanas te nas pa
ntu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva daksinasado
yamanetra raksohana !
s te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye devas
pa9catsado marunnetra rakso :
hanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye deva
uttaratsadas somanetra :
230 L. C. Barret, [1910.
raksohanas te nas pantu tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha | ye
deva antariksassado I
vrhaspatinnetra raksohanas te nas pantu te no vantu tebhyo
namas tebhyas svaha | | i
z 2 z
In 1 read 'gninetra in 2 daksinatsado, in 5 antariksatsado
vrhaspatinetra and 'vantu; it seems probable that the phrase
te no 'vantu should be read in each formula as it occurs in
each one in MS.
54. [f. 41 a, 1. 7.]
KS. 15. 2; MS. 2. 6. 3.
agnaye purassade raksoghna svaha | yamaya daksinatsa I
de raksoghne svaha | marudbhyas pagcatsadbhyo raksoha-
bhyas svaha | somaya
uttarasade raksoghne svaha | avaspate divaspate raksoghne
svaha | | :
vrhaspataye antariksasade raksoghne svaha z 3 z
In 1 read raksoghne, in 3 raksohabhyas, in 4 somayottaratsade;
a possible reading in 5 is avaspataye divassade; in 6 read
antariksatsade.
55. [f. 41 a, 1. 10.]
divo jato diva:
s putro asmaj jatarh sahat saha agvattham agre jaitrayat
sahadevarh dama i
si | tarn tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu raj anas surna-
tibhyo vi vabhuve | i
tvaya vayarh devajatas sarvas pra 9ocayamasi | uta satya
utanr :
tah yo acvatthena mittrena sumatir iva gacchati jayac ca
sarva i
s prtana yag ca satya utanrtah adharanco ni druvantu
sumatya !
ululakrta | agvattha mittram purusarh ye vata prdanya z 4 z I
The following seems a possible reading: divo jato divas
putro asmaj jatam sahat sahah | agvattho agre jaitrayat saha-
devam damasi z 1 z tam tvam a yatha ratham upa tisthantu
rajanah | samrtibhyo vai vibhuve z 2 z tvaya vayam devajata
sarvas pra gocayamasi | uta satya utanrtah z 3 z yo acvatthena
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 231
mitrena samrtlr iva gacchati | jayac ca sarvas prtana yag ca
satya utfmrtah z 4 z adharaiico ni dravantu samrtya ulu-
lakrtah | agvattha mitraiii purusaiii ye 'vata.s prtanyanti z 5
z 4 z
The emendations are rather bold but in keeping with the
evident intent of the charm: cf. Q. 3. 6.
56. [f. 41 b, 1.1.]
Cf. TS. 5. 5. 10. 3 and 4; Q. 3. 26 and 27.
ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grahah praci dik tesam vo
agnir isavah:
te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo yany ayudhani
va isavas tebhyo I
namas tebhyas svaha z kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad
grha daksina di
k tesam va apa isavah virajo nama stha tesam vah pa9cad
grha praticT!
dik tesam vas kasa isavah avastha nama stha tesam va
uttarad grha udi-
ci dik tesam vo vata isavah uttare nama stha tesam va
upari grha I
urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah te no mrduta dvipade
catuspade te
sarh vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas
svaha z 5 z
z anu ii z
Read: ugra nama stha tesam vas puro grhah praci dik tesam
vo agnir isavah | te no mrdata dvipade catuspade tesam vo
yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo namas tebhyas svaha z 1 z
kravya nama stha tesam vo daksinad grha daksina dik tesaiii
va apa isavah | te no z 2 z virajo nama stha tesam vah
pagcad grhas pratici dik tesaiii vas karna isavah | te no
z 3 z avastha nama stha tesam va uttarad grha udici dik tesaiii
vo vata isavah | te no - z 4 z uttare nama stha. tesaiii va
upari grha urdhva dik tesam vo varsam isavah | te no mrdata
dvipade catuspade tesaih vo yany ayudhani ya isavas tebhyo
namas tebhyas svaha z 5 z 5 z anu 11 z
232 L. C. Barret, [1910.
57. [f.41b, 1.9.]
yadidam divo yady avajagama yady antariksad ya:
di parthivoyah yadi yajfio yajnapate sargas tebhyas sarvebhyo
manasa i
vidhema |
Read ava jagama in a, perhaps prthivyah at end of b ;
yajnapates in c, and namasa in d.
yam indram ahur yam mitram ahu yama somam
ahuh yam agnim a :
hur yam ahus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
Read ahur at end of a, yam somam ahur yam agnim ahuh
for b; for c we might read yam varunani vrhaspatirn ahus.
yad indriya jalpyah :
prordhnavanti svapunarh durbhutam abhi ye sinanti | ye
devanam rtvijoi
yajniyanam tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
For a yad indriyaya jalpya prardhnavanti would seem pos-
sible; in b read svapnam.
ye gsa9ana nanama I
sa ni yanti suryasya ragmir anu sam caranti | ye devanam
dharmadhrto babhu I
vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa vidhema |
In a read ^agamana namasa, in b ragmin.
svarbhisiyer abhi ye bhayanti yebhyah :
[f. 42 a] krnvanti yo rodayanti ye va strmarh pratirupa babhu-
vus tebhyas sarvebhyo namasa :
vidhema z i z
Read: surisu ye rabhanti ye bhanti -[-ye bhyah krnvanti-j-
ye rocayanti | ye va strinam pratirupa babhuvus tebhyas sar-
vebhyo namasa vidhema z 5 z 1 z
The reading suggested for pada a is of course only a bare
possibility. Several of the padas of this hymn occur elsewhere
also but in dissimilar context.
58. [f. 42 a, 1. 2.]
vyavrttau payau gavau vigvati vijnatata vidvesanarh kilasi :
tayatainau vy ata dvisah vi kilinav ata dvisat vasatibhyas
samabhyah atho I
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 233
Imukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antara sihhas te
caksuso vyaghrah pari :
sum jane agnir vastv antera yatha. vam na9sati vi dyaur
vy ata tad vayas tata kal
patyavah vya osadhe praraspasy agnir iva tam dahah |
vyavayyarhtu hrdayani vi ci
ttani manansi ca atho ya tamno sangatam tad vam astu
vidhulakam | asti vaisami
vidvisam ubhau sannetara vi9vancau pary a vartayetam
yatha vam na9sati
z 2 z
The transliteration praraspasy in line 5 is not certain.
It seems pretty clear that six stanzas are intended here,
the first to end vy ata dvisah bat out of it I get nothing.
Pada a of st. 2 I cannot reconstruct out of vi kilinav ata dvi^it
but for bed it seems possible to read vasantibhyas sama-
bliyah | atholmukam iva khadiram agnir vam astv antarah.
Tho second hemistich of st. 3 is probably to be read agnir
vam astv antaro yatha vam nac.o asati. St. 4d is clear as it
stands agnir iva taiii dahah and for pada a vi dyaur vy ety
tad vayas seems possible. For st. 5 we may read vy ava yantu
hrdayiini vi cittani manansi ca | atho yat tanvo sangatam tad
v;iiii astu vidhulakam; it seems possible to connect vidhulakam
with vidhura. Though not wholly satisfactory we may read
for st. 6 c d visvancau pary a vartayetaiii yatha varii nago
I; and the words ubhau sannetara seem good in pada b.
Other than the above I am unable to suggest anything; it
is fairly clear that this is a charm to drive away a disease or
demon, perhaps one afflicting cattle.
59. [f. 42 a, 1.9.]
Q. 5. 28. 311, 1, 12.
trayas posa trivrta9 9rayantas anaktu pusa payasa ghrtena | :
anyasya bhauma purusa bhauma bhuma pa9unam dahi
9rayantam z
In a read posas and Qrayantam, for c annasya bhuma puru-
bhuma, and in d ta iha grayantam.
imam a:
ditya vasuna sam aksatesam agne vardhayamavrdhanah
yasmim ttrivr9 chetam !
pusayisnur imam indra sam srja viryena |
234 L. C. Barret, [1910.
Read in ab uksateraam, in b vardhaya vavrdhanah; in c
trivrc chrayataiii posayisnur.
bhumis tva patu haritena vigva I
bhir agnih pipartu payasa majaisa virudbhis te arjuno sarh-
vidanam va I
rco dadhatu sumanasyamanam
In a read vigvabhrd, in b sajosah; in c arjunam, manam
at end of d.
dvedha jatarh janmanedam hiranyamm agner ekam I
priyatam babhuvah somasyaikarh hihsitasya parapatad apam
ekam ve i
daso retahus tat te hiranyam trivrtastv ayuse
In a read tredha and hiranyam, in b priyatamaiii babhuva,
in c somasyaikarii and parapatat (before colon); in d vedhaso
reta ahus, in e trivrd astv.
triyayusam jamadagnes kai
yapasya triyayusam tredhamrtasya caksanam trmy ayuhsi
nas krdhi |
In b read triyayusam, in d nas.
tra:
yas s*parnas travitayam ekaksaram abhisambhuya gakra
praty uha mr :
* * * * *na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma-
in a read suparnas trivrta yad ayann, in b gakrah; for the
second hemistich praty auhan mrtyum amrtena sakam antar
dadhana duritani vi^va.
Inasmuch as f. 42 b is badly defaced I give now all that is
legible on it.
*na vigva z divas tva patu haritam ma
*ya patu pra harad devapurayarh imasti
*tah tans tvarh bibhratayusman varcasvan utta
*amrtam hiranyam yabhedeh prathamo devo a
*nomy anu manyatam trivrta vadhena | nava pra
* Ir * ayutvaya catacaradaya harite tri
*n* rajasavistitani | a ta tritattva
*harjatassa yan nama tena te ci gr
* z 3 z yajnentam tapasa vr
* y * nih upah * tagne jarasas parasta
*pati grhnati vidvan vr
*s*ad a
Vol. xxx.] Tfie KasJimirian Atharva Veda. 235
Drawing on Q. to fill the lacunae we may read the remain-
ing stanzas as follows: divas tva patu haritara madhyat tva
patv arjunam | bhumya ayasmayaiii patu praharad devapura
ayam z 7 z imas tisro devapuras tas tva raksantu sarvatah |
tas tvaiii bibhrad ayusman varcasvan uttaro dvisitam l)hava
z 8 z puraiii devanam arnrtam hirariyam ya abedhe prathamo
devo agre | tasmai namo daga pracih krnomy anu manyatani
trivrd abadhe me z 9 z nava pranan navabhis sam mimlte
dlrghayutvaya gataQaradaya | harite trini raj ate trlny ayasi
trlni rajasavis^itani z 10 z a tva crtatv aryama pusa vrhaspatih |
aharjatasya yan nama tena te 'ti crtamasi z 11 z 3 z
60.
Q. 6. 122. 4 and 1.
The visible fragments of the last four lines of f. 42 b (given
above) are clearly parts of Q. 6. 122; Whitney reports st. 2
and 3 as being in Paipp. 16. Drawing from Q. we may get
the following possible reconstruction: yajnani yantam tapasa
vrbantam anv a rohami manasa sayonih | upahuta agne jarasas
parastat trtlye nake sadhamadaui madema z 1 z taiii prajanan
prati grlmati vidvan vrhaspatih prathamaja rtasya | asmabhir
dattaiii jarasas parastad acchinnam tantum anu sam tarema
61. [f. 43a, 1. 1.]
** * ******
ne paspari viva bhuvanani g*pa antariksasya * * vi * * *
na bilarh te ghrta9cutam nadinarh pathe su9rutam juhomi |
pravidvan * *
mumugdhi pa9anyasya pattri vidhava yathasat. | anaturena
varun* *
the no svastibhir ati durgani vesyat. | tarn a9vina pratigrhya
svast*
dosavena pusa se sam pra yacchat. z 5 z anuvakam 12 zz
Read: * | paspara vigva bhuvanani gopa antariksasya mahato
vinianah z z* *na bilam te ghvtaQcutam nadmfuii patye
suQrutam juhomi | pravidvan* * mumugdhi ^pag anyasya patnl
vidhava yathasat z z anaturena varun* *the no svastibhir
ati durgani viksat | tarn agvina pratigrhya svastaye -j- dosavena
pusa me sani pra yacchat z z 5 z anuvakah 12 z
VOL. XXX. Part III. 17
236 L. C. Barret, [1910
Of course it is impossible to know how many stanzas pre-
ceded these, but it seems probable to me that the hymn
originally contained five; for six, or possibly seven, lines stood
after the last line visible on f. 42 b and probably not more
than two lines are broken from the top of f. 43: about that
amount of space would be required for the last three stanzas
of no. 60 (if it had five) and the first two and a half of no. 61,
62. [f. 43 a, 1. 5.]
ye pig*
ca imam vidyam akutim mohayantu nah tesarh tvam agne
nagaya varca*
ttam atho prajarh nagayagne pigacanam varcag cittam atho
prajanam yath*
gam mahyam dharayathaharh kamayantu me | agarh myaham
radhatv indriyena
* *tam tvam agne kravyadas sarvari pigacah arcisa daha
prati dah*
*danah sura devah vicarsana yo no durasyad vesana
yathagam
*nah enas pagugmitsahty agayam purusesu ca | tans
tvam sahasra
*** pi *Hc i * ?5 ** haz * z * * * * * *
Read: ye pic,aca imam vidyam akutim mohayanti nah | .tesarn
tvam agne nagaya varcag cittam atho prajam z 1 z nagayagne
pigacanam varcag cittam atho prajam | yathagam mahyam
dharaya yatha ha kamayantu me z 2 z 5,gam mahyam radha-
yatv indriyena * * * tarn | tvam agne kravyadas sarvSn pigacan
arcisa daha z 3 z prati daha yatudhanan sura devan vicar-
sanm | yo no durasyad vesanarn yathagam * * * nah z 4 z
ye nas pagun agna icchanty agayam purusesu ca | tans tvam
sahasracaksasas pigacan arcisa dah'a z 5 z 1 z
64. [f. 43 b, 1. 1.]
**********
mi reksatim devanam sarvesam sajatana * d*v*nirrtir h* *:
*agyapasya pratisaro dyaus pita prthivi mata yathabhi
cakru deva i
s tathabhi krnuta punah yas krtya nilavatT yas krtyas
pagyavatih :
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 237
krtya y9 cakrun lohinis ta ito na^ayamasi | yadiva yad i I
ma jahur ime bhadrasi sunvati | krtyasi kalyany asi samurh
karta i
rasvam jahi z 3 z.
Beginning with the second line visible on this page we have
the last three stanzas of the third hymn in anuvaka 13; the
first one of these is very near Q. 3. 9. 1. The following gives
some emendations which seem possible: kagyapasya pratisaro
dyaus pita prthivl mata | yathabhi cakra devas tathabhi krnuta
punah z z yas krtya nilavatlr yas krtyiis pegyavatih | krtya
yag cakrur lohinis ta ito nagayamasi z z -j- yadiva yad ima
jahur ime*(- bhadrasi sunvati | kj-tyasi kalyany asi samum kar-
taramyam jahi z z 3 z
The first stanza varies decidedly from Q in pada a, where
Q has kargaphasya vigaphasya. The form pegyavant is not in
the lexicon, but it seems a possible formation from pig. For
pada a of the last stanza we might read yad deva yad imag
cahur; aramyam in pada d is not satisfactory. The general
sphere of the hymn seems to be indicated in the second stanza.
65. [f. 43 b, L 6.]
vrhat te varcas prthatam apa dyam mittrebhy eti i
sudubhis suvarcah rte raja varuno vravitu tasmat tvam
havisa bhaga
dama z 9atam heman tan dagaya sapattrah vi9as tva sarvan
guhguvo bhava :
ntu z ya stotipanam praty ut patayas tva sujato vilaha
tvam n*ica z
indras tvam yoktre adhime vinakty asmai yas tva yacchan-
darh praty urn si *
sbha jigisam prtanas saparye vrhas tarn avajahghani*
* rasya te balim soma srjatan upa sam *
****:;:***** ***
[f. 44 a.] ro abhya prayunga damaya sapatnan. | rte raja
varuno vravitu tasmat tvam
havisa bhagadasa z 9atam heman tan damaya sapatnan
vi9as tva sarva i
n guhguvo bhavantu z 4 z
The number of lines lost from f. 43 cannot be ascertained,
but it is probable that this hymn contained not less than six
stanzas. In the last stanza it may be possible to read in b
17*
238 L. C. Barret, [1910.
bhagadha asah, in c heman tan damaya, in d vic,as tvas sarva
gungavo. In the first stanza in pada a it seems possible to
read prathatain abhi, in b mitro 'bhy and suvarcah (but I see
nothing for sudubhis), and the next two p3das as in the final
stanza. Further than these I cannot make suggestions: this
seems to be a charm for the increase of a king's glory and
dominion.
66. [f. 44 a, 1.3.]
bhagaya raj fie prathamam juhomi vigve deva i
uttare madayantam z ugam patnibhya ugatlbhya abhyah
patim agni a vaha
ratahavya |
In b read madayantam followed by colon; in d agna and
ratahavya.
patim vrnlsva havisa grnanas tarn a vahat savita tam te a
gnih tam imdra masmi gatagaradaya bhagabhakta bhaga-
vati suvirah | :
In a grnana is probably the better reading, in b savita: in
c we seem to have indra but masmi I cannot solve; in d read
suvira.
yam arsa sam patim asye didesita janed icchantam tam iya
vahasi | I
sumangaly apatighm suseva rayas posena ucisa sutasva
In a we may read asyai didegitha, but for arsa I have
nothing; in b it seems clear that we must read tam iha vahasi
and icchantam fits the connection very well, but jane dhitsan-
tam is a possibility, I think. In d we may read sam isa
srjasva.
yat te pa :
tim aryama jayamanam yam dhata ca kalpajam iha vahasi | a :
bhi varena havisa juhomi | prajam naitu sumanasyamanarh
In a read jayamanam, in b yam and kalpajam; in d nayatu.
patim te dya i
vaprthivi a dhatam patim mittravaruna vato gnih saptar-
sayo di i
tis soma indras te tva devas pativatm krnvantu z 5 z anu
13 ZZ :
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 239
Read: patim te dyavaprthivl a dhatam mitravaruna vato
c gnih | saptarsayo c ditis soma indras te tva devas pativatiih
krnvantu z 5 z 5 z anu 13 z
67. [f. 44 a, 1. 13.]
ya9 tvaraya pra vivea janur janivat uta | atho tanvam
pasprga ta I
m ito nin nayamasi.
The ms. is slightly cracked and the first of pada a is not
clear. In a read yas tvarayas, for b I have no suggestion:
in c read pasparc,a, in d nir.
nis tvaraya nayamasi | ya iman pra vive :
gatah atmanam asya ma hirisir anyatra cara meha bhuh |
For b read ya imam pra vivegitha, with colon following: in
c asya.
yejara i
yemam upayasi dhehasyai rayiposanam. prajam ca tasya
ma hih 1
sir anyatra cara meha bhuh j
In a I think we must read yo 'rayemam, in b dhehy asyai
rayas .
yejaraye vihayasi hanami vi
rudha tva | atho khanatramis tva varsena yatha bhagarh
For a we might read yo 'rayemam vyayasi; for the second
hemistich I have no suggestions.
yejaraya :
[f. 44 b.] suryarh strsu yam avato kyarh yat pautrsadyam
daurbhagyarh tarn ito nir nayamasi z i I
For a we might read yo c rayas suryam strlsu, but b seems
hopeless and so leaves us uncertain about a: with pautrasa-
dyarn the second hemistich can stand. The stanza is number
5, the hymn number 1 (in anu 14).
68. [f. 44 b r 1. 2.] .
agner vo balavato balena manyu vya nayamasi | indrasya
vas somasya vah vrhaspa .
ter vas prajapater vo balavato balena manyur va nayamasi |
yat te suryarh divi deve :
su varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetarh aham ca vigras
tvisitas tvisiman i i
mam vacam vi 9aksiya z 2 z
240 L. C. Barret, [191 o.
Read: agner vo balavato balena manyum ava nayamasi |
indrasya vo | somasya vo | vrhaspater vo e | prajapater
vo balavato manyum ava nayamasi | yat te surya divi devesu
varcas tasya no dehi tamasi pracetasah z aham ca vigras
tvisitas tvisiman imam vacam vi cakslya z 2 z
We might also read vi nayamasi, and dhehi might be even
better than dehi. If the formulae are to be numbered it seems
that we must count six.
69. [f. 44 b, 1. 5.]
vatas purastat pavamena bhasvan namas te I
vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih tapodas puro dak-
sinatah pavamena bhasva i
n namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih | vigvayur
vigvajanmas prati :
cya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas te vidma te nama-
dheyam ma no hihsih z ':
givo vaigvadeva udicya digas pavamena bhasvan. namas
te vidma te namadhe i
yam ma no hihsih z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas
pavamena bha i
svan. namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hihsih z 3 z
iti sadrta i
suktam. z z
Read: vatass purastat -j-pavamena bhasvan namas te vidma
te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 1 z tapodas puro daksinatah
-j-pavamena z 2 z vi^vayur vigvajamnas pratlcya digas
f* pavamena e z 3 z Qivo vaigvadeva udicya dic,as -j-pavamena
z 4 z atisthava barhaspatya urdhvaya digas -j-pavamena
bhasvan namas te vidma te namadheyam ma no hinsih z 5 z
3 z iti sadrcasuktam z z
In the margin opposite this hymn is written sadrtasuktarii
vata purastat. Probably pavamanena should stand for pava-
mena.
70. [f. 44 b, 1.12.]
apa dyor apa utanad apaskadya vaded ahim kalyany ayatah i
smrtam sumanas santu vidyatah |
In a it seems possible to read apo dyor apa uttarad, in b
apaskandya vadhed ahim: in c I think we should have kalyanl,
followed by ayatah rather than ayatah; smrtani is hardly
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atharva Veda. 241
satisfactory and I have thought of rtaiii, but no suggestions
can be made with confidence; for d it seems as if we must
read sumanasas santu vidyutah.
yat parjas tayitnussa sarh sam vyatate jagat. pa !
tantu dvitlya trayavati prthivi prati modate |
The transliteration of pada a is not certain owing to a
crack in the ms. We may read for ab yat parjanyas tanayit-
nus sam sam vyathate jagat: in c patanti would seem better,
and if a form of dvitlya is to stand it would probably be
dvitiyas; trayavati cannot stand, I think, and trsyavatT would
be a pretty emendation though the change to twelve syllables
for d is rather sudden; if trsyavati seems worth consideration
I would be inclined to push conjecture a little further and
read in c udanvatir yas. Cf. RV. 5. 83. 9.
esenabhy arkam divrkave
dhenum kam iva ahihs tvam vidyutam jahi masmakarh
purusam vadhih |
Pada b seems to end with iva, before which gam is probable
though dhenukam is possible; one may suspect that the syllables
rkac,ve are a corruption of rsabho or else of a verb-form from
the root arc, while the letters div could lead us in several
directions: I think the import of the hemistich is 'the thunders
roar lustily.' For cd we may read ahins tvam vidyutam
jahi masmakaiii purusam vadhih.
abhikra I
ndah stanayitnor avasphurjad acanya uta | deva maruto
mrdata nah patu no :
duritad avadyat.
Read abhikrandah in a and avasphurjad in b; the hemistich
in this form is slightly asymmetrical but it results from the
simplest emendation: in c read mrdata (the ms. so corrects),
in d pantu.
vicite pari no nama aditya9 carma yacchata | yuyata
parnino 9aram utaparno rsada9a z 4 z
Read: vrjlte pari no nama adityag c.arma yacchata | yuyota
parninaui garam utaparnain ri^adasah z 5 z 4 z.
The first pada is a variant of Q. 1. 2. 2 a.
242 L. C. Barret, [1910.
71. [f. 44b, 1. 18.]
Of. Q. 5. 14.
krtavyadhana vidva tarn 739 ca :
kara tarn ij jahi da tvam icaklise vayarh vadhaya 9am sasi-
mahe yatha :
[f. 45 a] tva devy osadham praticmam phalarh krtam eva tvam
krtyane krtam hastigriha para :
yanah punas krtyam krtyakrte praticinam phalarh krtam.
eva tvam krtyane kr:
tarn hastigri para nayah punas krtya krtarhkrti go dhenuka
vaturh mum nayat. | :
9aktur vya9aktupe9yarh praticis prati tad vasat. yan te
cakrur vantanesu va :
nta kukhur vratasu ca manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya
krtyakrto jahi I
agnir vaitus pratikulam anukulam ivodakam 9uke rathai-
vartatarh krtyekrtya:
krtamtah z 5 z anu 14 z
It will be noted that the ms. writes the four padas begin-
ning praticlnaih phalam twice; evidently a dittography. Stanzas
1 and 5 here are 9 and 13 of Q. 5. 14, and Q. 5. 14. 4ab also
appears; with st. 4 cf. Q. 4. 17. 4.
Read: krtavyadhani vidhya tarn yag cakara tarn ij jahi na
tvam acakruse vayarii vadhaya sain QiQlmahi z 1 z yatha tvam
devy osadhmam pratlcinaphalam krtam | eva tvam krtyena krtam
hastagrhya para nayah z 2 z punas krtyarn krtyakrte gaur dhe-
nuka -j-vatum mum-j- nayat | -f-gaktur vyagaktupegyam-j- praticis
prati tad vasat z 3 z yam te cakrur vartanesu *( vanta kukhur
vratasu ca-j- | manduke krtyam yam cakrus taya krtyakrto jahi
z 4 z agnir ivaitu pratikulam anukulam ivodakam | sukho ratha
iva vartatam krtya krtyakrtam pun ah z 5 z 5 z anu 14 z
In st. 2 b the neuter is difficult but not impossible, I think.
In st. 3b vatsam nayat would be a good reading; and in 3d
perhaps pratlcl would be better.
72. [f. 45 a, 1. 7.]
agnir dyumnena suryo jyotisa dyaur mahi :
mna antariksa vyacasa di9a9abhis prthivi payobhir idam
rastram vardhaya i
ntu prajavat. |
Vol. xxx.] The Kaslimirian Atliarva Veda. 243
Read antariksaih, dic.a ac.abhih and payobhih, punctuating
after each pair of words down to idaih.
tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mittrena varunena ratri I
pusa pustir bhagamsena bhagaday idarh rastram vardhay-
antu prajavat.
Read mitrena, pustibhih, and possibly bhagadheyena bha-
gadha.
yani vi
gvakarmani jaghana medimamtara dyakaprthivi ubhe | ta-
syahuh ksa I
ttriyam garbham pari ma vapatha murdhani carayasva
We may feel certain in reading dyavaprthivi, k?atriyarii and
dharayasva; vigvakarma ni would seem a better reading: it is
probable that antara stands before dyava , and sedima is
possible palaeographically, giving sedimantara.
9chandahsy abhito mayukha^sto :
ma tuma ya jarasyah purlsam tasyahuh ksattriyam nirmitam
pari ma va
pattha murdhani dharayasva |
We might read: chandansy abhito mayukhas stoman -j-tuma
ye jarasyah | purisam tasyahuh ksatriyam nirmitam z 4 z
parani tasya vratatha yapi mahati madaspa I
dam krnusva durdharaya va ma tva dabharh sapattra dip-
satus tava rastra :
m uttamarh dyumnam astu z i z
Read: parani tasya -j- vratatha yabhi sahate sadaspadaih
krnusva durdharaya va | ma tva dabhan sapatna dipsatas tava
rastram uttamani dyumnam astu z 5 z 1 z
73. [f. 45a, 1. 16.]
idam tarn mittravaruna havir vam yenagre
deva amrtatvam ayan. | yenasmai ksattram adhi dharayojo
sapattras pra I
di9as santv asmai |
Read tan mitra in a, ksatram in c, and dharayaujo 'sap-
atnas in cd.
244 L. C. Barret, [1910.
ghrtasya dhara mittravaruna duha varh dhenur anupa :
[f.45b] sphuranti deva savitota vayur agnir bhutasya patir iha
garma yacchat. |
Read mitra in a, duhe in b; devas in c,
9am nas tarn:
mittravaruna grnitam tredha mitra bahudha vageram jayate
seno apa gho
sa etat prthak satvano bahudha bhavantarh
In a read tan mitra , in b vageran; in c read eti, and if
seno (= sena) does not seem acceptable we will have to read
senapa or jayante sena.
hanama mitravaruna samitram bha :
vasa bhadre sukrtasya loke parayan nas savita devo agnir
jayamedam ha !
visa kagyapasya |
In a it almost seems that we must read amitran; in b read
bhavama, in c parayan.
vato yam mittravaruna tad aha havisy antaram
nirmitam ka I
gyapasya adhvaryavo maruta yasyasan tena devebhyo varu-
nani cakruh i
om tena devebhyo varimani cakruh z 2 z
Head: vato yan mitravaruna tad aha havisy antaram nir-
mitam kacjapasya | adhvaryavo maruto yasyasan tena devebhyo
varim&ni cakruh z 5 z 2 z
74. [f. 45 b, 1. 7.]
Q. 3. 3.
asikrat svapa iha bhava :
d agne dambha rodasi urucT | amum naya namama rata-
havyo yunjanti supraja:
sam pafica janah |
For this stanza cf. RV. 6. 11. 4 and MS. 4. 14. 15. Read in
a acikradat, in b dambhaya where Q. has vyacasva; in c namasa
ratahavyam.
dure digchantam argasa indram a gyavayantu
sakhyaya ri I
pum yadi gayatriyarh vrhatim arkam asmai sautramanya
dadrgantu devah | i
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 245
In a read cit santam arusasa, in b cyava and vipram ; in c
yad gayatriih, and in d dadhrsanti.
adbhyas tva raja varuno juhava somas tvayarh hvayati par-
vatebhyah indras tva !
yam hvayati vidbhyabhyah gyeno bhutva visa patema9
In c read vidbhya abhyag, and in d vic.a a patemah.
9yeno havin nayatv a para I
smad anyaksettre aparusyam carantarh a9vinam pantham
krnutarh sajan te garbharh :
sajata abhi sarh sarh vigadhvarh
In a read havir, in b anyaksetre aparuddham carantam; in
c a^vina and sugam, in d abhi samvigadhvam.
9yeno havis ka9yapasyopa 9ikse indrarh vatah prai
hito duta va visi ya catrun. | senagrai viso vrsanano adhara
kasi!
Reading Qiksaty we can get a good pada a; and for pada
d we might consider as a possibility vic.o vrsan a no adharan
carasi: the form visi is probably for vic.i, and senagrai for
senagre, but for the rest I have nothing.
yas te havam prati nistyat sajata uta nistya z 2 z apata
indra tarn :
mitvayatheham ava gayah
Read : yas te havam prati tisthat sajata uta nistyah | apan-
cam indra tarn mitvathemam ava gamaya z 6 z
\
hvayanti tva panca j any ah pati mitravarsa i
ta indragm vi9ve deva vi9i ksemam adhldharam z 3 z
Read: hvayantu tva panca janah prati mitra avrsata | indragnl
vigve devas te vi^i ksemam adldharan z 7 z 3 z
75. [f. 45 b, 1. 18.]
prajapatir a-
nuvartis sa prajabhir anuvantih sa manuvarti anuvantim
krnotu | i
[f. 46 a] indro nuvantis sa viryenanuvartis somo nuvantis sa
osadhibhir anuvartih i
apo nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah ta manuvartayor
anuvartim krao i
246 L. C. Barret, [1910.
tu | devanuyartayas te mrtenanuvartayah te manuvartayor
anuvartim kr :
notu z 4 z
Read: prajapatir anuvartis sa prajabhir anuvartih | sa manu-
vartir anuvartim krnotu z 1 z indro 'nuvartis sa viryen anu-
vartih | sa e z 2 z somo 'nuvartis sa osadhlbhir anuvartih j
sa z 3 z apo 'nuvartayas tas parjanyenanuvartayah
te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu z 4 z deva anuvartayas
te 'mrtenanuvartayah | te manuvartayo anuvartim krnvantu
z 5 z 4 z
76. [f. 46 a, 1.4.]
payo mahyam osadhayas payo me virudho dadham |
apam payasva I
d yat payas tenve varsantu vrstayah
In b read dadhan, in c payasvad and in d tad me.
payo mahyam parasvanto hastino me payo da-
dham | pa i
yas patatrino mahyam vinaya me payo dadham |
In b read dadhan, also in d.
payasvandre ksettram astu paya:
svad rtu dharh | aharh payasvan bhuyasam gavo mota
payasvatih
For ab read payasvan me ksetram astu payasvad uta me
dhaman; read ma uta in d.
payo mahyam a :
psarasam gandharva me payo ^dadham | payo me vigva
bhutani vato dadhatu me pa:
yah
In a read apsaraso, in b dadhan.
payo mahyam dyavaprthivi antariksarh payo dadhat. | payo
me vigva bhui
tani dhata dadhatu me payah
payas prthivyam paya osadhlsu payo dhi:
vy antariksa payo dhah payasvatis pradigas santu ma-
hyam. z z\
z 5 z anu 15 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 247
Read: payas prthivySiii paya osadhlsu payo divy antarikse
dhah I payasvatis pradigas santu mahyam z 6 z 5 z anu 15 z
For the last stanza cf. VS. 18. 36; MS. 2. 12. 1, and others.
In the margin opposite st. I is written payas prthivyaiii e .
77. [f. 46 a, 1. 12.]
aham bibharmi te mano aharh cittam aham vra !
vratam mamed apa kratav aso mamasag ced asidapi | amna-
saistra samhi :
te ramatam mano mayi te ramatam manah amjanasya
madhusasya kusthasya na :
latasya ca | virodikasya mulena mukhena mardanam krtam
madhu me antar a I
sya mukhena mandanam krtam. | tatro tvam vivartasva
naracT iva vartasi | :
yatha nemi rathacakrarh samantarh pari sasvaje eva pari
sasva ma yatha:
[f. 46 b] sam payite manah z i z
The sphere of this is clear, it is a love-charm; cf. Q. 6. 102
and the many others. The division of the padas presented by
the ms. into stanzas, and the details of emendation raise many
difficulties which cannot be convincingly settled. The last
stanza is perfectly clear and is equivalent to Q. 6. 8. 1 : read
svajasva mam in c and payate in d. We may feel sure, I
think, that the next to the last stanza begins madhu me; it
seems possible to read for the first hemistich madhu mayy
antar a syan mukhena mardanam krtam: in pada c, read tatra,
and at the end of d perhaps vartase, but for naracl I can
suggest nothing unless we take an entirely different turn and
read the hemistich tatra tvam vai varcasvan aranl iva vartasi.
Another stanza is as follows: anjanasya madughasya kusthasya
naladasya ca | vlrudhas tasya krtam; but the emendation
in pada c is not very forceful. To start now with the first
words, reading vratam in b and mamed aha in c we get three
padas of st. 1, and in view of Q. 1. 34. 2 I think we might
read for d mama cittam a sldasi (Q. upayasi). In the remain-
ing part we find a whole pada written twice, the correct form
being mayi te ramatam manah (Q. 6. 102. 2d has vestataiii) which
would be a good fifth pada for st. 1 were it not for the inter-
vening letters amnasaistra and these seem beyond emendation.
248 L. C. Barret, [1910.
78. [f. 46 b, 1. 1.]
yathedam agvina trinam vato havatu bhumyam e I
va vayam vahamasi yam vayam kamayamahe |
Read trnam in a, vahati bhumyam in b.
utva mata sthapayatu pra :
tva nudatam agvina | da gvagur iva mataram mam evajotu
te manah
Read ut tva in a, probably sa Qvagrur in c and evarnotu in d.
yathal
ksirarh ca sarpig ca manusyanam hrye priyam. | evaham
asya nariyai
hrdo bhuyasam uttamah
Read hj*de in b, narya in c.
agnes tva tapas tapatu vatasya vraji ma sprksa ta :
ni sadanani madhava ut tistha prehy agnivat te krnomi
In b read dhrajir ma sprksat, in c sadhava.
suryas tva tapas tapa:
tu vatasya vraji ma sprksa tati sadanani madhava ut tistha
prehi su :
ryavat te krnomi z 2 z
Read : suryas tva tapas tapatu vatasya dhrajir ma sprksat |
tani sadanani sadhava ut tistha prehi suryavat te krnomi z 5
z 2 z
79. [f. 46 b, 1.8.]
hiranyapuspi subhaga rupag cayam sumangala :
tav enam bhadraya dattam amrtav amrte bhage
Read sumangalah in b.
hiranyapidvam haritarh tat te ange :
su rohati tenemam agvina nari bhagenabhi sincatam
In a read hiranyapindam, in c narim, in d sincatam.
yatha rupasudhrta i
s trpyanto yanti kaminah eva tva sarve devarah petayo
yarhtu kaminah:
In d read pretaro yantu.
Vol. xxx ] The Kaslimirian Atharva Veda. 249
hiranyaksa madhuvarno hiranyaparicantane ankarh hiranya
yas tuva tenai
syaih patim a vaha
Read : hiranyakso madhuvarno hiranyaparicchandanah | anko
hiranyo yas tava tenasyai .
yadi vaspa dirocanam yadi va nabhyas tira | yam
tva ma-
hyam osadhir amkena ma nyanaya z 3 z
This stanza appears Q. 7. 38. 5, which has tirojanam in a;
this seems to me better than the tirocanam of the commen-
tator. Read: yadi vasi tirojanam yadi va nadyas tirah | iyam
tva mahyam osadhir ankena me nyanayat z 5 z 3 z
80. [f. 46 b, 1. 14.]
punas pranarh punar apanum a I
smai punar vyanam uta soma dhehi | atmanam caksur udite
samanas tarn anu pa :
hi tarn anu jiva jagavi |
Read apanam in a, adite in c and probably samanam; in d
jivaiii jagrhi: the omission of the second anu would improve
the metre.
tvasta rupena savita savena ahar mitrena
varunena ratri indro jyesthena vrahmanaya vrhaspatih
pusasmai puna:
[f. 47 a] r asarh dadhatu
Read asuiii in d; dadatu would be better too, in view of
st. 5d and RY. 10. 59. 7 a punar no asuiii prthivi dadatu.
yathaditya vasavo ye ca rudra vi9ve deva aditir ya"
ca ra!
tri yajno bhagas savita ye ca | deva yamo smai punar asam
dadhatu |
Read 'smai and asum in d; the colon should follow ratri.
somo raja:
asucit te punar ma indro marudbhir a9vina te bhisaj yad
agnl rudro vasuvi i
t ta punar dat.
The first pada of this stanza seems to have been lost; for
pada b I read somo raja vasuvit te punar dat: pada c begins
with indro; read te in d.
250 L. C. Barret, [1910.
punar dyaur devl punantariksam agnir vatah pavamano
bhisajyai
tu | grahyas pa^am nirrtyas pacam mrtyoh pargad vak ca
devl punar da!
datu z 4 z
Read : punar dyaur devl punar antariksam agnir vatas pava-
mano bhisajyatu | grahyas pagan nirrtyas pagan mrtyoh pagad
vak ca devl punar dadatu z 5 z 4 z
81. [f. 47 a, 1. 6.]
idarh caksur patavari ma hihsit purayusah yad varh !
tamo yad u lapisam apa vacam ni dadhmasi |
Read rtavarl in a, in b pura ayusah might be better: at
the end of c I would read yat kilbisam, in d vaca (with
apavacam as an alternative).
idarh dhehy ada ganam yatho !
rmati rohati | ayasmayas taranku9o aksaur aram sam apu
lampatu z
In a we may read adhigunam or adhi gandam, in b yathor-
myadhi or better yathormir adhi: in d upa limpatu seems
probable, and the locative dual might stand at the beginning;
I would suggest then aksyo rasam upa limpatu.
yama I
hy abhyam ujayam nrcaksa yam 9ansena9 9akta nir yam
suparna ud ahu9 caksu 1
r uditer anantam somo nrcaksa mayi tad darmam dhatu j
The first two padas do not connect well with either the
preceding or following, and it is possible that they were padas
cd of a stanza whose first hemistich has fallen out: a possible
reading would be yarno hy abhyam uj jayan nrcaksa yam
gansena. It seems possible to read nir ayan suparna with
some form of gakti at the beginning of the pada; read uditeh
and insert colon; the last two words are probably dharmam
dadhatu.
yatha caksus suparna i
9ca yatha 9va9ru yatha 9unah eva me a9vina caksus krnu-
tam puskara I
sraja |
Read suparnasya in a, gvagror in b; krnutaih puskarasraja
for d: with this stanza cf. Q. 3. 22. 4.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 261
yasyas suparnam prapata9 caksusa caksur a dadhe
tasyaha samu I
draje uva caksusa caksur a dadhe z 5 z anu 16 z zz I
The second pada looks as if pada d had displaced a more
appropriate pada b; yet if we might read for a yas suparnasya
prapatag perhaps b could stand: in c we might read samudraih
jetave. This is stanze 5 of hymn 5 in anu 16.
There are suggestions in the first two stanzas of healing
some disease of the eye, in the last two the suggestions are
rather of a charm for keenness of vision ; of course both could
stand in the same hymn.
82 and 83. [f. 47 a, 1. 14.]
agnis te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha vatam te pranas
sisaktu !
suryam te caksus sisaktu antariksarh te grotram sisaktu
paramam te paravatarh I
manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z i z apas te rasas sisaktu i
yatudhana svaha | osadhis te lomani sisajantu samudraih
de va I
s sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 2 z
Head: agnini te haras sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z vatam
te pranas sisaktu z 2 z suryam te caksus sisaktu z 3 z
antariksam te grotraiii sisaktu z 4 z paramam te paravatam
manas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 5 z 1 z
apas te rasas sisaktu yatudhana svaha z 1 z osadhis te
lomani sisajantu z 2 z samudraih te -j-vas sisaktu yatu-
dhana svaha z 3 z 2 z
In 83. 3 vak would seem a good reading.
The ms. so clearly separates these formulae into two groups
that I have not felt it advisable to unite them in spite of
their unity as regards content. Opposite 83 the margin has
raksamantram ha 4.
84. [f. 47 a, 1. 18.]
idam te giro bhinadmi ya i
tudhana svahedarh te mastiskam ni tarananaddi bhumyarh
te hano bhina I
[f. 47 b.] dmi yatudhana svahedam te jihva ni te griva
bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam :
VOL. XXX. Part III. 18
252 L. C. arret, [1910.
te skandha ni idarh te sau bhinadmi yatudana svahedamn
te bahu ni te hrda I
yam bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te parisur ni te grom
bhinaddi yatudha i
na svahedam te kloma ni te prsthe bhinadmi yatudhana
svahedam te vasta ni i
idam ta uru bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te janghe
bhinaddi yatudhana sva i
hedam te gulhau bhinaddi yatudhana svahedam te padau
ni te tvacam bhinaddi :
yatudhana svahedam te pranam ni idam te parunsi bhinaddi
yatudhana sva i
hedam te majjo ni taranenaddi bhumyam z 3 z
Read: idam te giro bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te
mastiskam ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z I z idam te
hanu | idaiii te iihvam m z 2 z idaih te grlvam |
idam te skandhan m z 3 z idam te hastau | idam te
bahu ni z 4 z idam te hrdayam | idam te pargur
(Wackernagel, Altind. Gr. 51) ni e z 5 z idam te grom
| idam te kloma ni z 6 z idam te prsthe | idam
te Vastham ni z 7 z idarii te uru | idam te janghe
ni z 8 z idam te gulhau idam te padau ni
z 9 z idam te tvacam | idaih te pranam ni z 10 z
idam te parunsi bhinadmi yatudhana svaha | idam te majja
ni tarhanena bhinadmi bhumyam z 11 z 3 z
85. [f. 47 b, 1. 8.]
nandasodalam anta
kajisnu haparajita amum bhrunany arpaya svayam pafan
yayati a
srar aitu sahakratur atu ma prano atho balam mano dadhatu
bhadraya agni i
r vi9vad vasu ma svastaye daksina ma daksinato daksina
patu sa :
vyatah pafcad anam vyadhat patu sarvasya bhavahebhya
catam apo divya mittra i
sya ca daksinah | dhata savita rudras te no muncantv
ahhasah | 9atam pa9a i
tu varunasya vrahmanaspate9 9a te mantan pa9m no vi
9atat pace I
bhyo vayantam z 4 z
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmir ian Atfiarva Veda. 253
This seems little more than words and phrases put together
without connection, though there is in several places indication
of prayer for protection; such as vyadhat patu, muncantv
anhasah. It does not seem to be metrical.
At the very beginning I think nandasodaram is not im-
probable, then probably antakajisnum and aparajitam, these
being in agreement with amum; doubtless we should read
bhrunany, but it seems hardly possible to construe two accusa-
tives with arpaya. If asrar is a verb, as seems possible, we
would want to read yayaty asrah (followed by a period).
Reading aitu ma prano and bhadrayagnir we would get a
fairly good sense for aitu sahakratur vic.vad vasuh
(followed by period), though it would be quite possible to put
the period after bhadraya and then read vasur ma ; enaih
vyadhat patu would be the last words which can stand, but
it seems that a full stop comes after bhavahebhya. Of course
dhata anhasah is good but of the rest I can make nothing
though many of the words are obvious.
The above suggestions really offer no help in solving this
hymn, for there is nothing in it that gives a solid base from
which to work; at least I cannot see it.
86. [f. 47 b, 1.15.]
pracim digam astham agnir mavatv ojame ba :
laya digam priyo bhuyasam ami mitva me digo bhavantu
ghrtapratlka :
daksinam digam astham indro mavatv ojase balaya prati-
cim di I
gam astham varuno mavatv aujase balaya udiclm digam
astham :
somo mavatv aujase balaya dhruvarh digam astham visnur
mavatv auja i
[f. 48 a] se balaya urdhvam digam astham vrhaspatir mavatv
aujase balaya I
digam priya bhuyasam anu mittra me digo bhavantu ghrta-
pratlka z :
z 5 z a 17 z
Read: pracliii digam astham agnir mavatv ojase balaya |
dizain priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me di$o bhavantu ghrta-
pratlkah z I z daksinaiii di^am astham indro mavatv |
18*
254 L. C. Barret. [1910.
digam z 2 z praticlrii digam asthaih varuno mavatv |
digam, z 3 z udlcirii digam asthaih somo mavatv |
digaih z 4 z dhruvarii digam asthaih visnur mavatv |
digaih y 5 z urdhvam digam asthaih vrhaspatir mavatv
ojase balaya | digam priyo bhuyasam anu mitra me digo
bhavantu ghrtapratlkah z 6 z 5 z anu 17 z
87. [f. 48 a, 1. 3.]
Kaug. 107.
manayi tahtu prathamam pagced ahvyatanvata tarn
nan pra vravimi va cadir na santurvari sadurvyas tantur
bhavati sadhu I
n odur ito vrkah atho horvarlr yuyarh prattar vodheva
dhavaja kharga i
la yurva paturir apa agram ivayanam | patantu pratvarir
ivorvarih i
sadhuna patha avacyu tautubhyete tedevagvatarav iva |
pra stomas u i
rvarmam khasayanam astvavisam | narl pancamayosam
sutravat kr i
nutam vasu aristo sya vastha priyamda vasi tatautira z i z :
Read: manayai tantum. prathamam pagyed anya atanvata |
tan narlh pra vravimi vas sadhvir vas santurvarih z 1 z sadhur
vas tantur bhavatu sadhur otur etu vrtah | atho horvarlr yuyam
pratar vodheva dhavata z 2 z khargala iva patvarir apam
ugram ivayanam | patantu patvarir ivorvarih sadhuna patha
z 3 z avacyau te totudyete todenagvatarav iva | pra stomam
urvarmam gagayanam astavisam z 4 z narl pancamayukham
sutravat krnutam vasu | aristo c sya vasts, { priyamda vasi
tatautira -j- z 5 z 1 z
The reading of 2b may not seem good but I regard it as
probable; Bloomfield reports sadhur otu as the reading of
three mss. but reads in his text sadhur etu ratho. In 2dBl.
reads vodhave. In 5b Bl. reads krnute vasu, though all but
one of his mss. have krnutam; in his note he suggests the
reading here given. For priyamda in 5d we should probably
read prendra as in Kaug. but for the rest our reading seems
as hopeless as that of Kaugika.
Vol. xxx.] The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 255
88. [f.48a, 1.10.]
RV. 10. 152.
9asa ittha mahah asy amittrakhaghato adbhutah na yasya
hanya :
te sakha na jiyate kada cana
In a read mahan, and in b amitrakhado.
vrkso vi mavrdho jahi vi vrttrasya I
hanu ruja vi manyumanyu vrttrahann amittrasyabhidasati |
Read: vi rakso vi mrdho jahi vi vrtrasya hanu ruja | vi
manyum indra vrtrahann amitrasyabhidasatah z 2 z
vi nl :
ndra vi mrdo jahi nlda yatsva pradhanyatah adhamarh
gamaya taso yo :
asma abhi dasati |
Eead: vi na indra mrdho jahi mca yaccha prtanyatah |
adhamam gamaya tamo yo asman abhi dasati z 3 z
svastida vi9m pati vrttrahai
vi mrdo jahi vrsendras pura etu nas somapa abhayankarah I
In a read patir, in b vrtraha and vi mrdho or vimrdho; jahi
does not fit in well here, and the reading of RV. is much
preferable vimrdho vagi.
apendra dvisato mano pa jijyasato vadham vi maha9 9arma
yaccha vai
riyo yavadha vadham z 2 z
Read: apendra dvisato mano 'pa jijyasato vadham | vi mahac
(jarma yaccha variyo yavaya vadham z 5 z 2 z
89. [f. 48 a, 1. 17.]
yo titaro manis tenati taru!
sva sah sapattrah dvisato mane prnutasva prdanyatah |
In a read devo yo 'titaro; in b I think tarusva dvisah is the
best of several possibilities: in c read sapatnan, and for d pra
nutasva prtanyatah.
prnui
[f. 48 b] tasva pra dahasva sapattrah dvisato mane tarapi
mahatam dusvasam varco bhankti I
pradanyatarh
256 L. C. Barret, [1910.
In a read pra nutasva, in b sapatnan; in b ati or ava would
be better and then mahatvam dvisam is at least possible; in d
read bhandhi prtanyatam.
varco jahi manyum jahy akutirh dvisatam mane | devo
yo til
taro manis tenati tara dhurvata |
In c read 'titaro and in d dhurvatah.
ye dhurvanti ye druhyanti ye dvisanti pra:
tanyatah | sarvah sapattras te manir na manyum dvisatas
karat.
In b read prtanyantah; in cd sarvan sapatnaiis te manir nir.
tava citte ta!
va vrate tavaivadhaspadam cararh | devo yo nyataro manis
tenati tara dusvama:
z 3 z
Read : tava citte tava vrate tavaivadhaspadam karam | devo
yo 'titaro manis tenati tarusva dvisah z 5 z 3 z
For 5d and Ib tenati tara dustaran might seem as good
as the reading given above.
90. [f. 48 b, 1. 6.]
Q. 6. 9.
a te mana9 caksu9 ca a ma te hrdayarh dade pados
te padyam a:
dade yatha tisthasi me vafe vafe
In ab read mana caksu^ ca; in c pados, and in d vage
only once. This stanza and the last one do not appear in Q.,
nor elsewhere.
vahccha se padau tanvam vacchaksur van:
ccha saksnyu akso vrsanyantyas kega osthau mam te kamena
asyatam
For a read vanccha me ; for b vancchaksyau vanccha sak-
thyau; in c aksyau and in d c.usyatam: the sign transliterated
a in asyatam might be a poorly formed c.u.
mai tva:
dusanimrgam nomi hrdayasprgam mamed apa kratav aso
mamasa i
9 ced asa9 ced asidapi
Vol. xxx.] TJie Kashmirian Atharva Veda. 257
For the first hemistich I think we may read mayi tva
dosanisprgam krnomi hrdayasprgam; in c read aha, and for d
see hymn 77 where I suggested mama cittam a sldasi.
yasarh nabhir arohanarh hrdi samvananam krtam | :
gavo ghrtasya mataro amu sam vanayantu me
In a read yasarii, in d amuih.
mahyam tva dyavaprthi-
vi sahyarh devi sarasvati mahyam tvendra9 cagni9 cahoratre
ni yacchatam. z:
Read: mahyam tva dyavaprthivl mahyam devi sarasvati
mahyaiii tvendrag cagnig cahoratre ni yacchatam z 5 z 4 z
For st. 5 cf. above Nos. 9. 5 and 35. 5.
91. [f. 48b, 1. 13.]
Cf. Q. 2. 24.
bhulir muly arjum punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis
kimidinii
yasya stha [dam atta yo va prahit tarn utta ma samsany
attah acchavo jigha!
cchavah havisyavas pagyavah sphatihari ramahari vata
jute sa:
nojavah punar vo yanti yadavah punar jutis kimidinl yasya
stha da-
rn atta yo va prahit tarn utta mamsany attah z z om tvam
utta sma:
mamsany attah zz 5 z anuva 18 z z iti atharva!
[f. 49 a] ni pipaladacakhayam dvitiyas kandas samaptah
z z
Q. 2. 24 is a hymn of eight stanzas divided between male
and female kimidins; above in No. 42 we have a hymn, seem-
ingly of five stanzas, devoted to the male kimidins and here
are the stanzas against the females. An arrangement in five
stanzas may be made with some degree of reason, but to emend
the words which are supposed to be names of the demons is
not possible : feminine vocatives are called for, and I can only
suggest as more or less plausible arjuni, jighatsavah, sphati-
hari, ramahari, manojavah. Taking up these suggestions we
may read as follows: bhuli muly arjuni punar vo yantu yatavah
258 L. C. Barret, The Kashmirian Atharva Veda. [1910.
punar jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn
atta sva mansany atta z 1 z acchavo jighatsavah punar
z 2 z havisyavas pa^yavah z 3 z sphatihari ramahari
o o z 4 z vatajute manojavah punar vo yantu yatavah punar
jutis kimldinlh | yasya stha tarn atta yo vah prahait tarn atta
sva mansany atta z 5 z 5 z anu 18 z z ity atharvani paippa-
ladagakhayani dvitlyas kandas samaptah z z
on Village Government in Japan After 1600, I.
By K. ASAKAWA, Ph. D., Yale University, New Haven.
Conn.
Introduction.
IN the year 1600, Tokugawa leyasu, through his victory at
the battle of Sekigahara, became the virtual ruler of feudal
Japan, and proceeded to elaborate that careful system of
government which, with remarkably few changes, continued to
exercise an undisputed sway over the nation till the middle
of the nineteenth century. In this system culminated, and
with it ended, the feudal regime of Japan. Each of the larger
phases of the system, its relation to the Emperor and civil
nobility, to religious institutions, and to the military, agricul-
tural, and mercantile classes of society, and its moral, intel-
lectual, economic and institutional contributions to the present
era of Japanese history, presents a field of fruitful study.
It is the aim of this essay to analyze some of the leading
features of the rural aspects of the great system.
Generally considered, the main objects of this system can
hardly be said to have been entirely selfish. Coming after
nearly three centuries of continual civil war, leyasu was as
eager to restore at last the peace and order for which the
nation had long yearned, as to perpetuate the political power
of his own family. It was in fact the primary motive of his
policy that the power of his house should depend upon the
stability of the realm 1 . It may indeed be said that every
important phase of the political system which he built was so
designed as to subserve this double purpose.
It is this full consciousness of its aims that characterizes
:he Tokugawa regime and distinguishes it from its predecessors
.n the history of feudal Japan. leyasu and his councillors
ivould run no risk and leave nothing to nature, wherever their
iiuman intelligence guided them. They made every effort to
260 K. Asakctwa, [1910.
avail themselves of the wisdom to be derived from the study
of the past political experience of both Japan and China 2 , and
sought to adapt it to the peculiar conditions prevailing in the
feudal Japan of the early seventeenth century, 3 always with"
the steadfast purpose of insuring peace and of perpetuating
the new regime.
The general system so framed was characterized, in all its
phases, by a studied balance of two elements seemingly contra-
dictory to each other, namely, government by rigid laws and
government by discretion. The historian who sees only the
former, in which an elaborate machinery was set in motion,
as it were, regardlessly of the men operating it, would be
puzzled to meet everywhere almost an excess of liberty that
was left for the exercise of the personal sense of equity and
proportion of the individual administrator. Nor would one
succeed in regarding the latter element the only basic prin-
ciple of the Tokugawa rule. It would seem that largely by
a harmony of the two, the one not less important than the
other, was served the primary aim of leyasu's government.
1. Government by rigid laws, which one might term institu-
tionalism, may be conveniently discussed as in the following
analysis. In the first place, a Chinese political idea was used
to explain and emphasize the actual division of social classes.
The nation was conceived as falling into two main classes,
rulers and ruled, with a broad division of labor between them:
the rulers to govern and in return to be supported, and the
ruled to support and in return to be governed. 4 True to the
feudal nature of the society, the rulers were mostly warriors, 5
and the ruled were mostly tillers of the soil. The separation
between the noble functions of the former and the ignoble
services of the latter was distinct and decisive, each class
living a separate life from the other, with its own laws, edu-
cation, taste and views of life. 6 Less than two millions of the
fighting class were thus superimposed upon more than twenty-
four millions of the producing class. 7
In the second place, let it be noted that in each of the
two classes, and in their mutual relationship, there had
developed in the course of previous history an ill-defined but
important division of sub-classes, which the Tokugawa rulers
now organized in a minute and rigid gradation of rank. To
enumerate but a few of the chief steps in the hierarchy, such
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 261
as concern the subject of this essay. The Suzerain 8 appointed
about forty Intendants 9 with regular salaries over his own
Domain Lands. 10 He also received allegiance of more than
two hundred large and small Barons, 11 who. with some of
their vassals, ruled over their respective Fiefs. 10 The suzerain's
domain lands were assessed as equivalent to about a fourth
of the aggregate of the fiefs of all the barons. 10 His intendants
stood in their respective districts in immediate relation with
representatives of the peasants, but the barons and their larger
land-holding vassals were removed from the rural population
under them by one or more intermediate grades of officials, 12
whom we might conveniently designate Bailiffs.
The peasants of each Village 13& u were themselves divided
into classes, according to their tenures. 15 They, however,
were all under their Village-Head, 16 usually one but sometimes
more, either elected or hereditary, and, holding office annually,
for a term of years, or for life. He was assisted by several
Chiefs, 16 and was, with the latter, under the counsel and
supervision of one or more selected Elders. 16 In larger fiefs
there frequently were District-Heads, who, being also of the
ant birth, each discharged in a group of villages func-
tions similar to those of the heads of individual villages. 17
In the third place, all these grades were held together by
a carefully studied system of checks and balances. These
evidently conceived in accordance with the two familiar
principles that have characterized many a bureaucratic govern-
ment in history, and were especially developed in China, iy
namely, the principles of responsibility and of delegation, the
delegation of the suzerain's powers to his subordinate officials,
and the responsibility of each functionary for his official
conduct to those above him. Each official was inviolable, 19 so
long as he acted within the powers delegated to him, and each
law was sacred, 20 so long as it embodied the just will of the
highest authorities. Every person, however high, was answer-
able for his act to his superiors, and the suzerain's punishment
for wrongs committed by even the greatest baron was swift
and was witnessed by all 'men under him. 21 It was very
common that the officials or even all the members of a corpor-
ate body Avere punished for a grave offence committed by one
of the latter, or otherwise held responsible for the due perfor-
mance of public duties enjoined on them. This was especially
262 K. Asakawa, [1910.
the rule with rural communities, with city wards, and with
merchant and artisan gilds. 22 It would not be difficult to see
that the double chain of delegation and responsibility was
forged in order to hold the society solidly together.
2. Beside these rigorous institutional arrangements of the
Tokugawa regime, the latitude it carefully and generously left
to the individual administrator for the exercise of his sense
of equity and right proportion is all the more remarkable by
contrast. Unless the suzerain's motive of deliberately
balancing these two opposite principles is thoroughly appre-
ciated, the story of his government is apt to baffle us at
every turn, and has in fact betrayed many writers into in-
evitable errors. Rule by discretion should be absent [in no
form of government, and is likely to play a large part in a
feudal government, which usually comprises arrangements
essentially private and personal in origin. In the Tokugawa
regime, discretionary conduct of affairs formed a predominant
feature of its operation, and, what is more important, was
maintained side by side with a rigid institutionalism, some
phases of which we have analyzed, both elements supplementing
and rectifying each other. The law was framed, or, at least,
such was the ideal, with the conscious intention at the same
time to guide the blind magistrate by its provisions and to
allow the wise magistrate to supply them with his wisdom. 23
Once promulgated, therefore, the law was a ready instrument
in the hands of benevolent and experienced rulers. 24 Not
seldom was it expanded, bent, or even overridden, to give
free play to a higher sense of equity. 25 This was, in short,
a system of government one half of whose success depended
upon the skill and the justice of the individual official, the
other half being provided for by minute laws. The first half,
it is easy to see, was ever liable to be turned to abuses by
corrupt men, and the second always tended to become mech-
anical and unwieldy. The careful combination devised by the
Tokugawa rulers served their aims with rare success, but
failed them in the end, for, indeed, no human hand could
strike an even balance and effect a complete organic union
of the two factors for all time.
So much for the general system. We are now ready to
devote our attention to that part of the Tokugawa regime
which concerned the rural population, and observe how it
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 263
illustrates the general reflections we have made, and how its
peculiar conditions reacted upon the entire system.
The peasants were a class destined, as has been said, to
be ruled by warriors and in return to support them with
fruits of their labor. It was first of all necessary to keep
them submissive. There was no thought of ever allowing them
to take part in the government of the country or even of the
fief. Not only would they be incapable of the work, but it
would in all probability result in breaking the very fabric of
feudal society. Nor was it a difficult problem to enforce
passive obedience upon the peasants, for, habitually employing
dull wood and metal as tools, as they do, and depending on
mute but irrestible forces of nature, the peasants are always
the mildest and most patient class of people. The rank and
dignity of the authorities command from them more genuine
respect than from merchants in the cities. Political ideas
grow but slowly among the peasants. Their mental horizon
is apt to be limited to their own interests, which are at once
circumscribed and protected by custom. Only when these
interests, their only citadel, are unreasonably attacked, they
would be seen to lose their equanimity and become as fero-
cious as an enraged ox. So long as their interests are safe-
guarded, however, peasants would be a malleable material in
the hands of a wise ruler. This was especially the case with
the Japanese peasants. They had for centuries been inured
to passivity. They were in most instances accustomed to a
gregarious mode of living in old hamlets, a fact which tended
to develop fixed social forms and sanctions and a cordial
spirit of mutual dependence and assistance among them-
selves. It will be seen later that this tendency was promoted
by the Tokugawa rulers with extreme care. Altogether,
this was not a life conducive to independence of thought
and action.
Obedience, however, might not be contentment. It was
necessary to control the peasants in such a way as to render
them, not only submissive, but also contented, so contented,
if possible, that they would counterbalance whatever unstable
elements of society there existed in and out of their circle,
and throw the weight of their native desire for order and
conservatism in the interest of peace and of the perpetuation
of the regime.
264 K. Asakawa, [1910.
This double task was at once imperative and difficult, for
the Japanese peasants of the seventeenth century were less
easily contented and should therefore be appeased with all the
greater solicitude, than the serfs of the thirteenth. Not only
did they form the bulk of the nation, and were, from the
economic standpoint, the support of the entire body politic; 26
not only was there a degree of community of interest between
them and the warriors, as against the rising burgher class; 27
but also, more important than these circumstances, the peas-
ants' position in relation to the land they tilled and to the
warriors who drew revenues from the land had materially
risen since the earlier period. Under the stress of the conti-
nual civil strife that raged before 1600, warriors found that
they could no longer retain their role of seigneurs over landed
estates, where they had for generations lived, in time of peace,
amid their serfs, and, in time of war, defended their castles with
their retainers. They were now obliged to betake themselves to
the castles of the greater lords, to remain in their immediate
neighbourhood, and to leave their land to be managed largely by
the tillers themselves. From this time on, political conditions 2 ^
accelerated the change already begun. By the beginning of the
seventeenth century, most serfs had turned freer tenants, and
many of the latter had become proprietors employing tenants
and laborers. 29 A long experience had led the peasants to
feel that the lord and the lord became an impersonal being
in the eyes of the peasants living on the suzerain's domain
lands' cared much less for the land they tilled than for the
dues levied upon it. This was in fact a fundamental point:
the fiscal obligation of land, rather than the land itself, was
now a controlling principle of the institutional life of the
peasant. Between the lord and his land, the tilling of which
he had overseen, had now stepped forth the peasant, who had
formerly stood behind the land, and the lord's eye had turned
perforce from the land to what the peasant should bring to
him from it. The peasant had become the virtual, though
not theoretical, owner 30 of cultivated land. 31 This was a
transitional state of things betokening a greatly advanced
social position of the tiller of the soil. For although the
process could not in all cases have resulted in his improved
material condition, he must nevertheless under these circum-
stances have become more mindful of his rights and interests.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 265
To illustrate. The lord's right of seizure over land 32 had
vanished, and even his right of escheat or mortmain, as tin-
medieval jurist of Europe would call it, was very imperfect. 33
Succession by testament was common; 34 a collateral relative
of the deceased to whom the latter had willed his holding
inherited it without purchase-money ever being paid to the
lord, and was, in default of a will and of a nearer relative,
even compelled to do so, in order that the same dues as
before would be forthcoming from the estate. As regards
these dues, they were almost all levied on the productive
capacity of each holding, 35 capitation or house taxes being
unpopular and unimportant, a fact indicating how far was
the peasant removed from personal servitude to the lord.
Regulations concerning alienation of land by sale, gift, or
mortgage, 36 and its division, were primarily actuated by the
motive that the act should not affect the fiscal issues of the
land. 37 In matters of personal rights, also, the same consider-
ation largely prevailed. Change of residence between different
juirts of the country was discouraged, mainly because it might
introduce elements tending to disturb the unity of village
customs, and thereby conduce to unrest and a consequent
fiscal derangement. 38 Marriage 39 was in no way interfered
with, so long as it did not directly or indirectly tend to
diminish the public revenue of the village. When, in later
years of this period, the running away of impoverished peasants
became frequent, the lord seldom exercised a right of pursuit, 40
provided the land deserted by the absconders was taken care
of by their relatives or by the village and yielded the same
dues as before.
All this points to a condition that deeply and radically
affected all classes of the feudal society, and exercised a
specially profound influence upon the rural policy of the period.
The peasants were, indeed, still the "ruled" class, but it is
easy to see that their interests called for the most scrupulous
consideration of the suzerain's government. The barons, too,
on their part, would court the good-will of the village popu-
lation within their fiefs, for no lord could hope to wield influ-
ence for a long time over discontented peasants. The latter
would often find a ready listener in the suzerain himself, who,
while openly discountenancing popular riots and direct appeals,
would eagerly puuish the baron for maladministration and
266 K. Asakawa, [1910.
indirectly right the wrongs of the aggrieved peasantry.
Whether the suzerain or the baron, the inevitable criterion
of distinguishing a good from a bad lord was the one's regard
and the other's disregard for rural interests. 41 And these
interests could be studied only with sincere zeal and sympathy,
for the peasants would not express themselves until it was too
late until their long pent-up grievances burst forth in violant
mobs. The greatest stress was, therefore, laid everywhere
upon the need of studying agricultural conditions and minis-
tering to them with justice and skill. 42 Under these circum-
stances, it was exceedingly difficult at once to secure from
the peasants the degree of submission, and to grant them the
degree of satisfaction, which were both absolutely necessary
lor the success of the regime. The ingenious and thorough
manner in which this delicate work was generally contrived
to be done by the feudal ' authorities is worthy of a careful
study.
In the first place, the Tokugawa's village administration
was an example of extreme paternalism at once kind and
stern. It was here that the greatest care was taken in
balancing law and equity, inflexible justice and generous dis-
cretion. The fundamental conception was that the peasant
was at once too passive and too ignorant to provide for the
morrow, so that his ills should receive official attention even
before he himself perceived their symptoms. 43 It was unneces-
sary, and sometimes dangerous, that he should understand
what the authorities were doing for him, for they were afraid
that his too much knowledge might interfere with their exercise
of equity and arbitrary adjustment. He "should be made to
follow," as said Confucius, and as was habitually repeated by
the Tokugawa rulers, "but should not be made to know". 44
The peasants, accordingly, should not be allowed to become
over-wealthy, for "if they grew too rich," said a practical ad-
ministrator, "they would cease to work, and employ poor
warriors to till their land, and so the distinction between the
classes would pass away;" 45 yet the moderate holdings of the
peasants were zealously protected by law and by precept, so
that they would not become too poor. They should know in
general, but not in exact detail, how their lands were valued,
how their taxes were remitted or reduced in hard years, and
what were the finances of the entire fief or domain land. 46
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 267
Nor was the penal law given publicity among them, 47 and
most legal provisions came to them in the form of moral
admonitions. 45 Yet the peasants were fairly well advised as
to the general nature of the rights and obligations of their
own class and of the officials directly concerned with their
affairs'. This knowledge was further reinforced by a qualified
right granted the peasants to appeal from an unjust official to
the baron or intendant, and thence to the suzerain's council. 49
Much of this paternalism and this limited publicity and
protection was extended to the rural population by the rulers,
and was utilized by the latter, in a manner at once effective
and characteristic of their general policy. Ever since the
Reform of 645, the Chinese village institution known usually
as pao or lin had been familiar to Japan. It consisted in
dividing the inhabitants of each village into groups each
comprising a certain number of house-fathers, who were held
responsible for the order, the good behavior, and the perfor-
mance of the political obligations of all the members of the
respective groups. 50 The institution was copied in Japan after
the seventh century, 51 and, despite the general social changes
which followed, lingered till the beginning of the seventeeth.
Then the early Tokugawa government seized upon it, and
forced it on the lower warrior classes and the entire village
and municipal population throughout the realm. 52 The normal
group of peasants, usually termed the five-man group, consist-
ed of five land-holding house-fathers living near together, with
all their family-members, dependents, and tenants. 53 It was
continually ordered, and the order was well carried out, that
every inhabitant in the village, no matter what his status or
tenure, should be incorporated into the system. 54 That this
old institution should now be, as it was, so eagerly resuscitated
and so universally extended, was evidently due to a belief
based upon the past experience in China and Japan, that the
system would enable the rulers to attain with the least
possible cost and friction a large part of the aims of village
administration to secure peace and order, to afford the exact
degree of control and freedom that was deemed necessary, to
insure a prompt return of the taxes, to inculcate the moral
principles most desirable in an agricultural society under a
feudal regime, and, above all, to hold the people responsible
for most of these results.
VOL. XXX. Part III. 19
268 -ST. Asahawa, [1910.
Let us observe how these things were done through this
simple institution. The responsibilities and the rules of conduct
of the villagers were made known to them through edicts,
public sign-boards, and also oral exhortations given by the
intendant or bailiff and the village-head. 55 The more impor-
tant of these rules were re-iterated to the peasants with great
persistence. 56 Gradually, from about the middle of the seven-
teenth century, the older custom of certain warrior- officials to
present to their lords written pledge under oath to fulfil their
orders, repeating them as nearly as was practicable in the
form they had been given, was extended to the five-man group
in the village with respect to its duties. By the end of the
eighteenth century, there probably were few villages in Japan
that did not keep their so-called group-records (kumi-cho).*\
The record began with an enumeration of such laws and
precepts as had been repeatedly given to the villagers, and.
ended with an oath that those would be strictly obeyed and
enforced in the village. All the house-fathers put their names
and seals after the oath in the order of their groups in the
village. The record was then periodically in some instances
as often as four times in the year or even once a month-
read and fully explained by the village-head to all the people
in his charge. As new laws were enacted, or as the village
population changed, the record was revised and made anew,
with the usual oath and affixed seals. 58
These laws, 59 which were thus published among the people
through edicts, sign-boards and group-records, and for the
execution of which the peasants were held responsible by means
of the system of the five-man group, are among the important
sources for the study of our subject. Attempts may be made
to reconstruct the rural government under the Tokugawa upon
the basis of these laws. It should be noted, however, that
they were never the whole of the laws relating to village
administration. As has been stated, the penal side of the
laws was, except in a few rare cases, carefully concealed from
the peasants, the latter being merely told what to do and what
not to do. 47 Nor should it be forgotten that, even after
studying penal laws from other sources, we could not be certain
that all the law thus collected presented a sound basis for a
discussion of the entire subject. In order to obtain a com-
prehensive survey of the institutional life of the village, it
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 269
would seem that one should do three more things from a
vastly greater amount of materials. The laws should be inter-
preted in the light of the social and political conditions which
called them forth. Then it should be studied how far the
laws were actually enforced, how much they accomplished the
result they were purported to bring about, and how they
reacted upon the society. Finally, one should carefully examine
if there were not certain conditions in the life of the village
and of the nation that were too universal or too vital to find
expression in the laws or to be materially affected by their
operation.
From these points of view, it may almost be said that the
first problem of the village administration under the Tokugawa,
of the paternal rule over the responsible village and the
five-man group, concerned its financial affairs, and that most
of its other features were so modelled as to facilitate the
collection of the taxes. Simple morals were inculcated for
the sake of peace and order, and economic life was carefully
regulated for the maintenance of moderate prosperity, but the
peace and the prosperity subserved steady fiscal returns of
the village. Nor is this strange when we consider that the
peasants constituted the large class of people whose foremost
part in the life of the State was to furnish the means to
carry on the government of the nation. The warriors ruled
the peasants, and the peasants fed the warriors and them-
selves. Few provisions of the laws for the village had no bearing,
direct or indirect, upon the subject of taxation; few phases of
the entire structure of the feudal rule and of national welfare
were not deeply influenced by the solution of this fundamental
problem. It is, therefore, not impossible, as we are about to
do, to treat the whole subject of village government with its
financial problem as its center.
If we might be allowed to anticipate a conclusion of this
discussion, we should venture to say: it was probably inevitable,
but it was none the less a tragic outcome of the Tokugawa
regime, that, between the mounting expenses of the government
and the falling or, at best, stationary productivity of the soil.
the taxes should, as they did, grind upon the peasants with
increasing weight, and that this fundamental malady should
uuilly sap the vitality, not of the nation, but of the whole
vernment. It has often been said that had there
1!'
270 K. Ascikawa, [1910.
been no pressure from foreign Powers causing the downfall of
the Tokugawa government in 1868, its days had then been all
but numbered, and the statement seems the most tenable
on the financial side of the question. That such a result was
inevitable appears to have been due primarily to the fact that,
from the economic standpoint, the feudal system in general
was costly, and that the Japanese feudalism after 1600 was
particularly wasteful.
It needs no reminder that feudalism as such would afford
too inefficient an economic organization for a government whose
growing budgets must be supported only by an increasing
wealth of the nation. Agriculture, upon which the feudal
society was built, was at the mercy of natural forces, and at
its best could not support a large population. What few people
subsisted therein could not hope to increase their wealth at a
rapid rate or on a large scale, because they were encumbered
by regulations designed to maintain rigid and stable classes
of society, and by customs which frowned upon sudden de-
partures from the settled routine of life, and because the
intercommunication between the fiefs was inadequate, if not
restricted. Even when it was tolerably free, its economic
value was small, in proportion that money was scarce, credit
undeveloped, and capital immobile. Under these conditions,
both the population and the wealth of a normal feudal society
would, as long as it retained its character, remain almost
stationary.
It will, however, require an explanation that the economic
organization of Japan under the Tokugawa was abnormally
wasteful even as a feudal society. Out of the many circum-
stances that may be thought to have contributed to this state
of things, we may introduce three at this stage of discussion,
namely: the separation of the warrior from land; an exhaustive
degree of paternalism, attended by some serious errors, in the
economic policy of the government; and finally, a long reign
of peace breeding luxury and extravagance. The first of
these conditions awaited the Tokugawa at their accession to
power in 1600.
(1) Separation of arms from land. It has already been
alluded to that the continual turmoil during the period of feudal
anarchy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had forced
many a warrior to become a professional fighter, and to leave
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 271
the country and to live near his lord's castle. The introduc-
tion of gun-powder about 1543, and the consequent progress
in organized tactics, accelerated this process. A further
impetus was given by Nobunaga and Hideyoshi, who for
political reasons forced large bodies of warriors to migrate
from one place to another. During the period of civil wars,
the military service of the vassal was often compensated for
in money or in rice. When a baron apportioned a piece of
land to his vassal, it often meant that the latter was granted
the right over the dues from the land ($f ^ 1$ ft],
instead of over the land itself ("f $fa (7) p 'ff). In this
case, he was far from overseeing its cultivation in person, for
he lived in his lord's castle-town.
This custom had so long been established in 1600, was so
strongly reinforced by the increase of dispossessed warriors
of the Osaka party in that and subsequent years, and indeed
so much facilitated the control of the warrior class, that the
Tokugawa found it not only impossible, but also impolitic, to
return to the older system of feudal arrangement. 60
It was a natural order of things that the congregation of
warriors in the castle-towns, and, as it was now required of
a large number of warriors in each fief, in the assigned
quarters in Bdo, should tend toward a greater cost of living
than before. What was more important, the separation of
arms and land made the collection of taxes more indirect and
expensive than in former days. It was common in the early
years of the fourteenth century that a knight with his atten-
dants on foot could be maintained on seven acres of the
average rice-land. Such a condition was, however, regarded
unthinkable in the Tokugawa period, 61 and the difference was
generally attributed 62 to the greater cost of living and of tax-
collection due to the warrior's absence from the country. It
will be seen later how the otherwise expensive system of in-
direct collection through several grades of officials led, also,
to inevitable leakage and corruption. 63
(2) Economic paternalism. In their zeal at once to secure
rural tranquility and to insure steady returns of the taxes,
the Tokugawa rulers continued throughout the period to enact
and enforce minute regulations of agriculture, which must
have had a benumbing effect upon the economic sense of the
people. In one fief, the hereditery estate of the peasant
272 K. Asakawa, [1910.
family was limited to between 500 and 5000 momme in pro-
ductive value, representing probably about 1.25 to 12.5 acres
of the average rice-land, and in few places in Japan estates
smaller than 10 Icoku in assessed productive value, or perhaps
about 2.5 acres of the same quality of land, were allowed to
be divided amongst children. 64 Agriculture was encouraged
with great care. The villagers should look after the fields of
those who were unable to work, and all should equally share
the disaster of a drought or an inundation. Subsidiary occu-
pations, especially the production and manufacture of silk,
were in many places fostered and controlled. 65 Careless
cutting of bamboo and trees, 66 the raising of useless and
harmful crops, including tobacco, 67 the building of new houses
upon cultivated land, and a host of other actions, were for-
bidden on pain of joint punishment of the village or the group.
Public granaries 6S were established everywhere, and the manu-
facture of sake^ was kept within bounds.
Other occupations received perhaps more interference and
certainly much less fostering care than did agriculture. The
change of a peasant into a merchant was not permitted. 7( >
The dimensions of woven fabrics, the output of merchandise,
and the scale of wages of several forms of labor, were often
fixed by law, while commercial transactions at rates higher
or lower than current prices were declared illegal. 71 The
repeated debasing of coins by the Edo government, and the
unfortunate custom of allowing certain cities to issue copper
coins and many fiefs to circulate paper currency, 72 must have
seriously interfered with the growth of credit and legitimate
commerce, and reacted unfavorably upon the economic life of
the village.
Most stringent were restrictions relating to communication.
There were many barriers at strategic points on the approaches
to Edo, and, besides, minor passes impeded travel between
and even within fiefs. 73 Indeed, the very village could be
considered a barrier in itself, for no unknown character
should find in it even a night's lodging, it being illicit even
for a hotel to keep an unaccompanied stranger for more than
one night. Nor should the peasant go out of the village to
pass a night elsewhere without an explicit understanding with
village officials. There is reason to believe that the regulations of
communication were enforced with a large measure of success. 74
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 273
It would be unjust, however, not to appreciate the probable
motives which had compelled the authorities to issue these
paternal measures of economic control. The prosperity of the
warrior and the peasant depending on the success of the rice
harvest, their interests were, especially in bad years, largely
common, but antagonistic to that of the rice merchant.' 27 If,
in years of rich crops, the peasant rejoiced and the warrior
suffered, for the latters income in rice would sell cheap, even
then the merchant, who bought the grains at a low price,
pleased neither the one nor the other. It was considered
essential for the officials to insure the steady, mild prosperity
of the farmers, and, at the same time, to prevent the merchants
from profiting at the expense of the rulers and the bulk of
the ruled. Few things were more dreaded as a dissolvent
force of social organisation, than the passing of the control
of the economic life of the nation from the warrior to the
merchant. 7411 It is an important phase of the history of this
period, which falls beyond the scope of this paper, that this
perilous situation steadily grew up despite all the effort of
the feudal government to arrest its progress. The presentiment
felt by the authorities of this impending crisis is reflected in
the nervous zeal with which they continually issued strict
economic measures, some of which have been described.
(3) Peace and luxury. It would be difficult to gage the
evils of so extreme a form of economic paternalism, for,
immense as they must have been, they were largely negative.
Flagrant, positive evils resulted from the long period of peace
lasting for more than two and a half centuries, the golden
peace for the creation of which the founders of the Tokugawa
regime had exhausted their wisdom, with so large a degree
of success, and which enabled the brilliant civilisation of the
Edo period to rise.
We have space enough merely to allude to the enormous
expenses which the peace policy of the suzerain entailed upon
all the barons throughout Japan. The baron's own income,
after deducting from it the emoluments for his retainers, was
seldom large, and yet he had to bear sundry expenses very
onerous in proportion to his means, and, besides, render his
regular, though seemingly voluntary, dues to the suzerain.
Other occasional requisitions from the latter for special pur-
poses were a source of continual embarrassment to the baron.
274 ZT. Asakawa, [1910.
Many a baron was thus obliged to borrow heavily from his
vassals, who could rarely expect reimbursement. Unfortunately,
when the circumstances of the baron and the vassals became
more straitened, their luxurious habits had advanced too far
to be checked, much less to be eradicated. What had greatly
tended to bring about this condition was the fact that each
baron was obliged to pay his annual visit to the suzerain's
court at Edo with his full retinue, and to maintain two
establishments worthy of his rank, one at the Capital and the
other at his castle-town. Edo was the fountain-head of luxury
and extravagance, and its fashions were through this system
of continual communication quickly diffused into all the chief
centers of culture. There was little doubt that the system
helped the prosperity of the Capital and of the towns on the
high roads, but at the expense of the warriors and peasants.
It was the suzerain's policy to impoverish the barons, and it
was the barons' part to replenish their coffers from the
peasants. The periodic absence of the baron and some of his
vassals at Edo had also resulted in many a case in conspiracy
or corruption among the retainres in the fief, which again
bore heavily upon the tax-paying class. 75
In the meantime, the suzerain's own finances at Edo,
despite the great care with which the fiscal administration of
his domain lands through his intendants was supervised,
showed deficits that swelled as the luxury of his court pro-
gressed. They were barely balanced by the seigniorage derived
from an increasing adulteration of the gold and silver cur-
rency. 72 Many of the suzerain's immediate vassals residing at
Edo were plunged into abject poverty. 76
Nor should it be forgotten that there was something radi-
cally anomalous in the very idea of a perpetual tranquillity
of a feudal society an "armed peace," or, peace of an agri-
cultural community guarded exclusively by a warrior class
which did neither fight nor produce. All the numerous
sumptuary laws 77 enacted during this period for the warrior
classes could not check the growth of luxury and extravagance
of the unproductive and unoccupied men of arms. Indeed,
sumptuary laws in a society where one class produces at best
a fixed amount of wealth, and the other spends it on an
increasing scale, are highly significant. Here they are always
necessary and always ineffective.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 275
All these evils were greatly intensified by the luxurious
habits that had seized upon the peasants themselves. Before
we discuss the effects of peace and luxury upon the econcrtnic
life of the village, let us first observe how the peace itself
had been secured therein.
Here, again, the paternalism of the government was, for
evident reasons, hardly less exhaustive than in other matters
of village administration. The family institutions marriage,
adoption, succession, and inheritance were well guarded and
controlled. The group and the entire village were made to
be actively interested in the peace and in the maintenance of
each household. 78 The peasants should watch and correct
one another's conduct, 79 and disputes should as far as possible
be adjusted by mutual conciliation. 8 Private expulsion of an
unruly member was rarely permitted, 81 while sales of persons
were illegal. 82 Virtues which were inculcated among the
villagers, and for the practice of many of which they were
made responsible, were: filial piety, concord within the family,
diligence, patience, obedience, charity, and mutual helpfulness
in the hamlet. 83 It was a common duty of the village to
provide necessary measures for preventing and extinguishing
fires, and arresting robbers and disorderly persons. 84 Most
heinous were riots of all kinds; for the mobbing of an inten-
dant's office, for example, not only were the culpable parties
beheaded, but also the village-officials were fined, deprived of
land-holdings, or banished. 85 Peasants were strictly forbidden
to own fire-arms or to carry swords. 86 It has already been
shown that no one might without permission lodge a stranger
or himself stay out of the village even for one night. 74 All the
servants hired into the village had personal sureties responsible
for their good behavior. 87 Catholic converts were excluded
most rigorously. 88 Dealings in smuggled foreign wares were
forbidden. 89 No books interdicted by the censor were to be
admitted, 90 while the study of Confucian classics by the
peasants was discouraged. 6 Festivals should not be celebrated
on a larger than the usual scale, and no novel religious sects or
practices should be initiated. The Buddhist church, whose rights
were very narrowly circumscribed, was utilized as an agent of
peace and contentment. 91 It is not possible to enumerate other
details of the careful measures which were provided for the pur-
pose of maintaining the unity of village customs and population.
276 K Asakawa, [1910.
It is more important to know that not only did these
measures successfully insure the social stability for which they
were intended, hut the effects they produced contained evils
which could not have been entirely foreseen, but which, once
grown, no new laws could eradicate. The artificial, dead
peace, together with the debased currency of the period, had
continually tended to breed luxury even among the toiling
population of the village, and, furthermore, luxury did often
so operate as to reduce the productive capacity of the peasant
family. The logic of this serious condition is clearly shown
in an outspoken memorial 92 written in 1790 by a man in the
Sendai fief who was familiar with rural conditions of the
period and strove to improve them.
"Formerly", says he in one passage of this interesting
document, "when the farmer could bring up two, three, four
or five sons, all the younger sons were hired out by other
farmers as soon as they were old enough, saved their wages,
and married or were adopted into families. There was every-
where an abundant supply of cheap labor for the field. The
farmers could also keep horses, which yielded manure. The
productive power of the soil was therefore large, and rice was
plentiful. They could likewise afford daughters. Marriage
was inexpensive, the population increased at the normal rate,
and the Heavenly Law was fulfilled." But now, continues the
writer, marriages cost the man nearly 30 kwan and the woman's
family almost 40. It being increasingly hard to maintain a
household, the average peasant seldom had more than three
children, and the poorer tenant only one child. Labor was
scarce and dear, having risen from 5 or 6 Itwan to more
than 10, and rising every year. Horses were fewer, and manure
less. It being in many instances impossible to take care of
one's own holding, it was rented to some one else who seemed
willing to till it, but who would be inclined to neglect the
land that was not his own. In recent years most land yielded
on the average only 15 to 16 koJcu per did (74.5 to 79.5 bushels
per 2.45 acres), instead of the former average of 20 (nearly
100 bushels). Yet the peasants understood little the cause
of their trouble, and did not abate their thoughtless extra-
vagance.
It is true that this document speaks of conditions in a
particular fief, but, while some districts fared better, there
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 277
were others whose lot was still worse. 93 The universal and
persistent enactment of sumptuary regulations for the rural
population 94 has led some writers to fancy that the Japanese
peasants must have been a model of frugality, but it is another
evidence of the prevailing trend for needless luxury and the
increasing difficulty of checking it. The village life under the
Tokugawa would, of course, be considered extremely simple,
according to the modern standard, but it was in many places
positively extravagant in proportion to their limited earning
capacity. 115
To sum up the forgoing discussion of the wastefulness of
the Tokugawa feudalism. Peace and luxury led the peasants
to spend, and the same condition, added to the peculiar feudal
arrangement of the period, impelled the warriors more and
more to absorb, the wealth of the nation that, owing to the
exclusion of foreign trade and to the inadequate economic
organisation of society, could not be increased correspondingly,
and did in many instances diminish. We shall discuss briefly
how these conditions influenced the system of taxation, and
how the latter reacted upon the life of the village.
The taxation of the Tokugawa period clearly reflects the
important characteristics of its feudal system. The separation
of the warrior from land had resulted in the peasant's finan-
cial obligations acquiring the general appearance of being
public taxes to the government, rather than personal dues to
the lord. The State as a whole was largely feudal, but smaller
districts were more bureaucratic than feudal, and it is here
that one has to- discover the working of the system of taxation.
There was very little in the whole system that savored of
obligations due directly from the peasant to the lord. .There
were no banalities; whatever corvee originated in the per-
sonal relationship had become overshadowed by or incor-
porated into the corvee for the public; the peasant had
no opportunity to entertain the lord at his own house, and
was explicitly forbidden to entertain his agents; and con-
tions of land were rare and meant merely changes of
cultivators.
The principal tax was the land-tax, levied, as has been
said, 35 not upon each peasant as an individual person, but on
the officially determined productive capacity of each holding.
From the purely fiscal point of view, the peasant would be
278 K. Asdkawa, [1910.
considered an instrument to make the holding continue to
yield what it should.
The Tokugawa inherited this system from the earlier feudal
ages, which in their turn had accepted, though with serious
changes, the Chinese notion of land-tax adopted in Japan in
the seventh century. "We are unable here to trace the interesting
evolution of this tax in Japanese history, but the following
data would be necessary for an understanding of the Tokugawa
system. The land-tax was originally, when it was copied
from China, a capitation-tax, paid by the head of each family
as a unit, but assessed on the basis of the equal pieces of
land alloted to all the peasants in the family above five years
of age. From thus being a personal imposition levied through
the family, the tax changed, during the transitional and the
first feudal periods, into a tax still levied through the family
(now nearly identical with the house) 51 but assessed on its
land -holdings. From this point on, this fundamental nature
of the tax remained constant, but the method of its assessment,
which had been made uncertain at the aforesaid change in
the nature of the tax, gradually tended to become uniform
and definite. At length, under Hideyoshi, at the end of the
sixteenth century, the principle had been firmly established
that the tax on each holding should be assessed at a certain
rate upon the annual productive capacity measured and recorded
in terms of hulled rice. 95
In the meantime, the ratio between the tax on land and
its annual productivity, which in the eighth century was at
most 5 per cent, had risen high during the thirteenth, due
largely to the fact that the land-tax superseded other taxes,
and then remained substantially the same till 1600 at 50 per
cent, more or less. A strong tradition had grown up that
the tax should not be raised much beyond this limit. Nor
could this rate, high as it may seem, be considered extortionate
from the point of view of the period. For, it should be
remembered that, in the conception of the feudal lawyer, the
peasant was the virtual but not the theoretical owner 30 of the
land he tilled, and his land-tax was rather a rent than a tax.
Even as a rent, the rate could not be said to have been
always excessive. When, after the fall of the feudal govern-
ment, a complete survey of the cultivated area of Japan was
made between 1873 and 1881, it was discovered that an
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 279
annual tax of 3 /o of the average assessed value of agri-
cultural land would give a sum equal to the land-tax levied
under the feudal rule. 96
In 1600, when the Tokugawa came to power, they accepted
in general the current method of assessing the productivity
of land and the prevalent tax-rate, and modified and elaborated
them with their characteristic care. While they were in no
position to initiate a much lower rate of taxation, they showed
an unmistakable disposition to lighten the burden of the
peasant by various devices, some of which follow.
(1) The annual productive power of each land-holding was
measured with scrupulous care, and determined usually a
little below its actual capacity. 97 What was more, there was
a constant tendency to make the tax-rate itself definitely fixed
beyond the caprice of the collector. This rate, even including
the minor levies 98 connected with the main tax, was, at least
in the domain land, often below 50 /o." The assessment was
probably at the time considered as not unreasonable. The
apparent iniquity of the feudal tax arose, not so much from
its rates, as from the method of its collection, and from the
too infrequent revision of the recorded productivity of the
holdings. The former of these difficulties will be discussed
in the Notes ^2 & 103. AS regards the -latter, the probably
complete records made during the first half of the seventeenth
century, and the confessedly partial revision of the early
eighteenth century, seem to have remained unaltered except
in cases of urgent need. It is easy to see that both the
area and the productivity of most pieces of land must have
changed much during the more than two centuries of the
regime. That such was the case was abundantly proved
during the recent survey just referred to. 100
(2) The Tokugawa government allowed a greater freedom
than in the earlier period of partially commuting the land-
tax into money.^ Local customs varied on this point, but
frequently as much as half the tax was thus paid in money. 101
That this was an important gain for the peasant will be seen
when we note that the village was held responsible for the
collection 102 of the tax, and for its transportation, either to
Edo, if the village was situated in a domain land, or to the
lord's store-houses, if it formed a part of a fief. 103 This burden
remained oppressive, for no region was permitted to commute
280 K. Asakawa, [1910.
all its taxes into money, but the burden would have been
greater but for the limited commutation allowed.
(3) The old system of remitting taxes for special reasons
was minutely elaborated under the Tokugawa. Remissions
partial or entire, temporary or permanent, were granted to
wood and waste land, land reserved for public purposes, newly
tilled land, land once recorded but long since non-existent,
land wasted by natural calamities, and the like. 104 In this
connection may also be mentioned the loans of seed-rice and
rice for food issued by the authorities in bad years. 105
In fact, the land-tax could not, from its very nature and
from the strength of the customary law, be increased beyond,
say, 60 per cent., at most, of the estimated productivity of the
soil. There were other items of taxation, however, which
could be and were, especially in fiefs, expanded almost in-
definitely. These were: corvees, sundry customary taxes, and
special taxes on products and occupations. Generally speaking,
all the three kinds of taxes were apt to be more uniform in
the domain land than in the fief, and, within the latter, in
the baron's own land than in the land granted to the vassal.
The corvees were of two different kinds: labor for the
baron or his vassal, whichever it may be, who had the superior
right over the land in which the peasant lived, and labor for
the public. The former was rendered in repairing the fences
and thatched roofs of the lord's buildings, transporting his
wood for fuel, and the like; the latter consisted mainly in
repairing roads, bridges and other public works. The corvees
were levied either on the holding in land or on the adult
peasant, and were often commuted in money. They were
sometimes, in the first part of the period, partially paid for,
and the expenses for extraordinary public works, as, for example,
after a flood or an earthquake, continued to be supplied by
the authorities. The general tendency in the fiefs was, however,
toward a gradual increase of the imposition of unpaid labor.
In 1616, the corvee in the Akita fief was 236 day-men per
100 hoku] in 1845, it was in the Sendai fief as high as 6000 or
more day- men. In 1799, the Mito fief employed nearly two
million day-men out of the peasant population of two hundred
thousand. 106 These figures do not include the poorly paid
service of the post-horse system, which proved a great burden
to peasants near the high roads. 107
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Villages Government in Japan. 281
Of the customary taxes, some, as, for example, straw, bran,
hay, and wood for fuel, seem originally to have been used,
at least in part, in connection with the corvee for the lord,
but were later commuted into rice and money, and became
independent dues. There were several other taxes, including
dues for the baron's groceries, for the bait for his hawks and
fodder for his horses, for the performance of Shinto ritual
services at Ise, and the like, which, beginning as incidental
or local dues, became customary and universal within the fie
The villages of the domain lands paid fixed taxes whose issues
were intended for the maintenance of the post-horse system,
of the officials in charge over the suzerain's store -houses in
Edo, and of men employed in his kitchen, all levied on the
peasant holdings. On the same basis were imposed, in both
domain lands and fiefs, dues paid in beans, a kind of sesame,
millet, and glutinous rice, as well as those levied nominally
on certain domesticated plants, on the use of grass on waste-
land and of ponds and rivers, and many other items. These
taxes would be considerable in the aggregate, even if each
was small and did not increase, but in many a fief some of
them were neither small nor fixed. At Mito, for instance, the
bean, sesame, and millet taxes alone amounted to nearly 10
per cent, of the recorded annual productivity of land; at Akita,
the bran, straw, and hay taxes, converted into money, increased
from 4.8 Ibs. of silver per 100 koku of the productive value
of the holding about 1650 to 32.3 Ibs. about I860. These were
conspicuous, but not extreme, examples. Perhaps not the
least objectionable feature of the customary taxes was that
frequently they were collected by officials specially despatched
to the villages at a time when the latter had already, paid
their annual land-tax and were again almost as poor as before
the harvest. The fear that the main tax might suffer if the
customary dues were collected at the same time with it was
so great that the latter were usually preceded by the former.
Xor were they always consolidated, as they sometimes were,
to a large saving of the expense of collection. Commuting in
money was not always a blessing, for the rates would bo un-
fovorable, particularly when the taxes had been, as they often
were, farmed out to private collector-
The evils of farming were probably more frequent with the
taxes on various secondary occupations and products other
282 K. Asakawa, [1910.
than the grains. These dues were extremely numerous in
every fief or domain land. They did not always fall directly
on the farmers, but nevertheless redounded to them in the
form of increased prices of articles. As we come nearer the
end of the period, especially after 1800, we see barons' govern-
ments recklessly multiplying the kinds of taxes of this class. 109
Over and above these multifarious taxes, there were expenses
of the village administration to be borne, including the salaries
of village-officials, repairs of the public works of the village,
cost of policing the village against fire and robbery, of enter-
taining visiting officials, of making petitions, and the like.
They were levied either on the holding, on the individual
peasant, or on each peasant family. They were at first almost
negligible, and, in the suzerain's domains, where the accounts
of the village were to be open to the inspection of the peasant,
continued to be comparitively light. In some fiefs, however,
it was not uncommon that, owing to the venality of village
and higher officials, the village expenses equalled or exceeded
the total amount of taxes for the fiefs. 110
That the bribery of the officials was a frequent and serious
evil is reflected in the continuous repetition of the instructions
issued to them on this point and in the persistent order to
the peasants to impeach corrupt officials. Unfortunately, however,
there was every temptation for corrupt practices to grow up
between the feared but ill-paid official on the one hand and
the passive and blindely self-interested peasant on the other.
For a considerate though illegal act of an official at the
assessment or collection of a tax, a farmer would be induced
to entertain him at his house, to bribe him, to sell him things
at a nominal cost, or to borrow from him at usurious rates.
Examples of self-denying rural administrators were not wanting,
but more frequently both people and officials came to regard
taxation as a field for secret dealings and understandings. 111
These easily escaped the notice of special supervisers that the
suzerain and the baron occasionally sent in circuit about
villages, 112 and continued to raise the expenses of the peasant.
Moreover, it should be noted that, both the suzerain and
the baron ordered special irregular requisitions in addition to
the regular taxes. Indeed, it was one of the suzerain's fa-
vorite methods of weakening the barons to impose requisitions
upon the fiefs for extraordinary needs, such as the building
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 283
and repairing of the temples at Nikko and Edo and of the
Imperial palace, his own journeys to Kyoto, the reception of
foreign envoys, and, in the later years, the defense of the coast
against European aggression. Besides these requisitions from
Edo, which were borne ultimately by none but the tax-payers,
the people of specially ill- governed fiefs were subjected to
illegal and irregular exactions by warrior -officials, some of
whom even went to the extent of collecting the next years'
taxes in advance. 113
All these numerous taxes levied in so complex a manner
on the peasant holdings, families and individuals, paid at so
high rates in money, labor, rice and other products, and,
above all, increased so continuously in many of their secondary
items, were, nevertheless, insufficient to meet the growing
expenditures of the government. 114 Still more unfortunately,
when the tax-rates, originally high enough, were being raised,
the productive power of the peasant family was, as will be
remembered, already declining. If, in 1650, from his holding
of 1 c//o (2.45 acres) of rice-land, a peasant paid out of the
average crop of 20 koku (about 100 bushels), 5 hoku, of the
land-tax, 2 or 3 of the other taxes, and netted the remaining
six-tenths of his income, he would, in 1800, be able to raise
but 15 hoku on the same land, while his land-tax and other
dues had risen to 10 or more and village expenses absorbed
at least 5. He had become a mere tool to move t'he spade. 115
How was he to provide for his farming implements, horse and
harness, incidental expenses, irregular imposts, sickness, and
calamity? Where was the money to buy the very manure?
This last question was serious, for although, it is true, the
Japanese peasant was fortunate in being able to rely so largely
on human labor and human manure, it was none the less
becoming more and more difficult to go without buying other
manure, as new land was tilled, rotations of crops were dis-
carded, and the farming was growing yearly more intensive. 116
When the farmer wished to borrow, he had to submit to rates
of interest as high as 25 or 30 per cent, per annum, so that,
it was said about 1720, a debt of five ryo would ruin his
family in five years. 117 That the average peasant did subsist
despite these alarming conditions was due to the sundry crops
of cereals and vegetables he was obliged to raise, and to such
subsidiary industries, including the silk- culture, as he was
VOL. XXX. Pait in. 20
284 K. Asalcawa, [1910.
compelled to pursue. 118 These, of course, if they brought to
him the needed income, also made his otherwise arduous life
toilsome to the extreme. 119 Signs of his weariness, both
material and moral, are visible from the early years of the
regime, and continued to multiply through the period. 12 Conser-
vative as he naturally was, his fortune altered and his land
changed hands with much ease. 121
One will now be able to appreciate the deeper significance
of those minute measures of economic and moral paternalism
of the feudal authorities which were discussed earlier in this
paper. It was by dint of these measures that the meagre
prosperity of the peasant might 1 * be maintained at all. The
government was not, however, content with negative orders
alone, but also eagerly encouraged the tilling of new land,
putting restrictions only where they were necessary, 122 and, it
must be admitted, succeeded in making the acreage of culti-
vated land probably twice as large at the end of the period
as at the beginning. 1 23 It would be difficult to overestimate
the importance of this great fact, and yet it was not a pure
gain to the peasant. The consequent decrease of waste-land
deprived him much of the manure which Nature had afforded
in the form of decayed hay, while at the same time more
manure than before was needed in his increasingly intensive
farming. 116 Also, enlarged crops of rice throughout Japan
tended, except in years of famine, to check the price of this
cereal, which the farmer sold, from advancing in proportion
to the continual adulteration of coins and rise of prices of
other things, which he bought. 124 Unfortunately, too, there
was little outside market to which surplus rice could be ex-
ported, for Japan's door was closed almost totally against
foreign trade. Nor should it be forgotten that so long as the
principal form of agricultural labor remained manual, the very
limit of the working capacity made an indefinite expansion of
the cultivated area a physical impossibility. Small as was
the average landed estate in Japan, it seemed in general to
have been even too large for the holding peasant to manage. 125
It is highly interesting to see that this fundamental condition
served to make Japan persist as a country of essentially small
farming, in spite of the universal need for more wealth. This
condition not only (tended to limit the size of the estate of
the average peasant, but also, together with the taxes too
Vol. xxx.j Notes on Village Government in Japan. 285
high in relation to the rent, made it an unprofitable invest-
ment for the rich to enlarge their landed properties. 126 This
natural equilibrium was only the more strongly insured
by the restrictions imposed by law upon the alienation of
land.
The selling and mortgaging of land was, indeed, a necessity
for the penurious peasant. The authorities, in their anxiety to
prevent aggrandisement by the rich few, forbade a permanent
sale of old land, and restricted mortgage. 127 However, "without
free sale of land,' 7 wrote Tanaka Kyugu, about 1720, "what
province or what district, whether in a fief or in a domain
land, would be able to pay all its taxes?" Mortgages often
meant permanent transfers, and always were attended with
high rates of interest. Hence, illicit or specially permitted
sales were effected under all conceivable devices to elude
the law. 36 It should not be imagined, however, that the
peasant cheerfully parted with his hereditary holdings of land.
On the contrary, few things were done more reluctantly than
this extreme measure, which deprived the farmer of the only
material basis of his humble status, lowered him in the eyes
of his neighbours, and disgraced him in the memory of his
ancestors. Thus the peasant struggled on between his family
pride and his penury, and between the restrictions of sale
and mortgage and the forced necessity of modest livelihood.
The general tendency among the rural population was not to-
wards a greater inequality, but towards a continual change of
fortune within limited bounds.
The loss of the peasant estate was liable to be followed by
more regrettable circumstances. While the poor peasant might
be hired by a more fortunate neighbour as farm-hand, he oftener
chose to migrate to a city and take service under a warrior
or a merchant, for it would give him a higher wage with less
labor than on the farm. When he returned, he would have
acquired the speculative point of view and the extravagant
habits that ruled in the larger cities. He thus carried about
him a certain restless and flippant air, and the half- exhausted
inhabitants of the village contained elements susceptible exactly
to this sort of influence. Soon every part of the country came
to feel a longing for easy money and easy life. From the
end of the seventeenth century, the supply even for menial
service in the warrior's or merchant's household was growing
30
286 K. Asakawa, [1910.
scarce. In order to remedy this difficulty, the authorities,
who in the earlier years had taken great pains to forbid sales
of persons and to limit the terms of personal service, were
now obliged to modify the law to a considerable extent. 12 s
Every district, if not every village, contained landless persons
who would live rather by speculation, trading on popular
superstitions, contracts, gambling, fraud, or robbery, than any
from of honest labor. 129 Especially, provinces near Edo were
infested with the most desperate classes of brigands. 130
These dangerous elements in the rural population made
themselves felt in years of famine. They led or joined dis-
contented peasants, hundreds or thousands of whom would
rise in mobs, as it often happened in different parts of Japan,
and everywhere in 1787 8, and destroy and rob merchants'
establishments and demand radical changes of prices. As was
characteristic with uneducated peasants, they were on these
occasions extremely foolhardy, coarse and cruel, but. when
confronted with strong armed forces, broke down abruptly. 131
It was in order to prevent these events that good rulers filled
public granaries in ordinary years, and in famines opened
them and fed poor peasants on generous scales. 132 A success
of these measures was always considered a mark of wise rural
administration, for it was tacitly understood that the people
should not be expected to be able to provide for their own
needs in hard years.
Riots took place only at unusual times. What was of
continual occurrence in all parts of Japan from the beginning
to the end of the Tokugawa period was the desertion of the
impoverished peasant of his ancestral home and hamlet. In
ordinary years, the estate of the runaway would be cultivated
and its taxes paid by his relatives or village, 33 , 40 but at every
slight increase of hardship such large numbers would abscond
that, despite the rigorous laws of the joint responsibility of
the village, much cultivated land would be laid waste, or at
best be thrust into unwilling hands and decline in productivity.
A literal enforcement of law would only increase the number
of runaways. Nothing is. more significant of the rural govern-
ment under the Tokugawa than this subject of the desertion
of the peasant. 133
The peasant wishing to run away was apt to find a ready
solution of his problem in the multiplicity of land tenures that
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 287
prevailed in feudal Japan. There were, besides the estates
of civil nobles and of religious institutions, the suzerain's domain
lands, the baron' fiefs, and lands apportioned to some of their
vassals, with a great diversity of financial laws and customs. 134
The deserter from a fief might pass into a domain land, as it
often took place, or the reverse. He might also pass from the
baron's own land to land held by one of his vassals. It was
not uncommon that a vassal's land was situated adjacent to,
or even in the same village with, a holding of his lord. A
destitute peasant in the latter would either in some manner
transfer the title over what little patches of land still remained
in his hands to a person in the vassal's territory, preferably to
its manager, who was generally regarded one of the most
sinful of all men, or else himself move into the territory. The
process of removal might also be reversed, according to the
circumstance.
One remarkable fact in the economic history of this period
is the apparently slow increase of population beside a great
extension of the area of cultivated land. The latter increased
from perhaps 5000000 in 1600 to more than 11500000 acres
at the end of the regime, 123 while the former rose from
26060000 in 1721 to only 26900000 in 1847. 13 s Allowing for
the probable inexactness of the official statistics, 136 it is worthy
of note that, after the middle of the eighteenth century down
to 1867, cases of considerable increase of population in the
provinces are rarely met with. 137 Evidently the terrible
famines which visited Japan repeatedly at the end of the
eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century decim-
ated the people. 138 For under no condition would an isolated
agricultural community be so helpless as under a universal
failure of crops and famine. Yet it is striking that the nation
should have been so slow, as it was, to recuperate. The
successive famines reducing the population raised the wages,
it was complained, but the natural equilibrium which should be
expected did not follow. In a few fiefs, the population
slowly increased between the famines and the end of the
period, but their taxable population actually decreased. 139
An explanation would suggest itself that it was the small
land-holding peasantry, rather than the total population, that
did not increase. It has already been shown that circum-
stances led peasants in many places to have recourse to illicit
288 K Asdkawa, [1910.
sales and mortgages, to menial service to the merchant and
warrior classes, to irregular modes of life, and to desertion.
Not a few turned peddlers and petty merchants, much against
the policy of the government, 70 and thereby created more
intermediate steps between the producer and consumer, raising
prices and producing nothing.
There were not absent certain forces that counteracted the
tendency of the taxable population to remain stationary.
Among these may be mentioned the conscious measures adop-
ted in many districts to increase their peasant population, either
by generally good administration, by forbidding infanticide
and -giving bounties for births, by inducing people of other
classes and districts to settle down as farmers, or by
encouraging the opening of hitherto uncultivated land. 140
Besides, the laws restricting changes of residence and sales of
land, the high taxes of land discouraging aggrandisement by
the rich, the general economic conditions still too little ad-
vanced to make the comparative disadvantage of the agricul-
tural occupation overwhelming, and, also, the tenacious family
institutions breeding conservative views of life, these circum-
stances, too, must have tended to make the peasant think
twice before abandoning his status. In the main, however,
nothing cotild resist the two mighty forces that silently but
surely carried the regime to its destiny. The first was the
fundamental question of land versus population. If the average
rice-land, such as formed the basis of taxation under the
Tokugawa, was capable of supporting the population at the
rate of one person on every one and a quarter acres, 141 it
would have taken thirty million acres, instead of the five to
eleven and a half millions of the cultivated area during this
period, 123 to maintain Japan's rural population of about twenty-
four million souls. The actual rate was only one half acre
per head. 142 It is true that potatoes, oranges, grapes, cotton,
and a few other crops more valuable than rice were raised in
some districts, but these were, except the first, purely local,
and their cultivation was generally not allowed to encroach
upon that of rice. It is also true that the government was
alive to the danger of over-population, and forbade indefinite
divisions of estates, 36 & 45 but this measure created undesirable
social conditions among the younger sons of the peasant. 143 It
must be admitted, too, that the peasant family could and
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 289
usually did undertake the silk-culture and other secondary
occupations, and, indeed, these were the saving elements of the
rural life. Nevertheless, one can hardly avoid the general
conclusion that the Japan under the Tokugawa contained a
population as large, if not too large, as could be supported
by her intensive agriculture.
The second fundamental question was the productive power
of the soil versus the expenditures of the government, the
latter increasing and the former relatively decreasing though
perhaps absolutely increasing. 144 The economics of the
nation were inadequate to support the finances of the State.
One has but to remember with what unceasing effort, though
with ultimate failure, the paternal rulers strove to bridge the
widening gap with the labor of the peasant, whom they caressed,
exhorted, threatened, and wearied.
In conclusion, let us, from the historical point of view, sug-
gest a few other lines of criticism of the regime than have
already been touched upon. One may attempt to judge the
merit of a movement by comparing its final results with its
original objects. Ask, therefore, if the ingenious and elaborate
polity of the Tokugawa, so far as it concerned village admini-
stration, succeeded in attaining its primary object: namely, to
secure the submission and the contentment of the peasant
population to a degree that it would cheerfully and without
friction contribute the fruits of its labor to the maintenance of
the warrior class, and to the perpetuation of the power of
the Tokugawa.
To this general question no impartial student would hesi-
tate to return an affirmative answer. It was nothing short
of genius in statesmanship that wove the great fabric of the
Tokugawa government; it completely overwhelmed the lawless
elements of which the Japan of the seventeenth century was
full, and continued without serious interruptions to exercise
an almost absolute control over national affairs during the
rule of fifteen successive suzerains. The profound peace thus
brought about enabled a large part of Japan's arable land
to be turned to cultivation, numerous arts and industries to
be built up, and a highly diversified civilization to be developed
290 K. Asakawa, [1910.
and diffused among the people. If this wonderful regime failed
to prevent the rise of certain evils, they would be found to have
been largely due to the fact that the government was essen-
tially feudal, and that it had to be built upon the existing
conditions of the family and society. Nor did the evils harm
any one so much as they did the suzerain's own government.
It would, however, be unjust to ignore the evils, even if we
lay aside the question how much they were within the moral
control of the suzerain. They were many, and some of them
have been of immense magnitude. To be brief. Just as the
suzerain's policy toward the feudal classes had subdued them
at the cost of their true vigor and their genuine loyalty to
himself, so his control of the peasants stifled their enterprise,
limited their wealth, and levelled down their conditions. If
they did not rise in a general revolt, it was because they
were thoroughly deprived of not only the opportunity, but also
the energy, to protest. When at last the national crisis came
in the middle of the nineteenth century, just as the feudal
classes chose to make no serious effort to defend the waning
power of the Tokugawa, but, on the contrary, furnished men
to efface it, so the peasants, also, proved surprisingly indifferent.
The great Revolution was begun and consummated by dis-
contented warriors, with the rural population too weary and
too meak to lift a finger in the cause of their own liberation.
It has been said that the great reform was accomplished
without a drop of the peasants's blood being shed, but the
fact does not reflect honor upon them. They are still largely
passive under the new rights 145 that have been heaped upon
them. What has been training them since the Revolution is not
so much their new political power, for as yet hardly one in every
forty farmers has a vote, 146 as the national system of education,
their amalgamation with the other classes of society, which is
growing apace, and the object lessons in public interest taught by
the stirring events that have transpired about them in the East.
If, however, the peasant has emerged from the feudal regime
with little added wealth and energy, he has also inherited
from it two important legacies: a moderate but secure holding
in land, and a wonderful capacity for discipline. These are
the great material and moral debts of the new age to the old.
History will probably tell of what immense value the heritage
has been for the upbuilding of a steady and collected nation.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 291
Bibliography.
In the following list, the titles of those works which consist wholly or
largely of original sources are in capital letters. Many other works also
contain sources. It should be noted that none, except the last three, of
the following works are provided with indexes, and many have not tables
of contents.
No attempt has been made to translate the title of each work, but its
nature is briefly indicated in square brackets.
When an author's name is doubtful, an interrogation mark in paren-
theses, (?), is placed before it. When only the pronunciation of a name is
in doubt, the same mark alone is used without parentheses.
1. DAI NI-HON KO-MON-ZHO, : k B # " 3C tr [historical
documents of Japan hitherto unpublished], compiled and edited by the
Historiographic Institute, (jjj, f5(- |g JJ ^), Imperial University, Tokyo,
1901 .1. 657; le-wake, I. vi. 591 pages.
2. DAI NI-HON SHI-RYO, ^C EJ ^ A f^, [historical materials
of Japan relating to events after 887], compiled and edited by the same.
1901 .Part XII, vols. i xi, 990, 996, 1008, 1018, 1044, 1096, 1192+6,
958+12, 1022+3, 810+223, 708+332 pages.
3. Tokugawa zhikki', fjg J|( jj ij> [chronicles of the government of
the first ten suzerains of the Tokugawa family, down to 1786], com-
piled , by an official order , by Narushima Motonao , jfc jll&j tfj ],
and others, between 1809 and 1849. In the Zoku koku-shi tai-kei
H B A :fc S 8eries > vols - IX XV, Tokyo, 1902-04. 7 vols., 1014, 1032,
969, 1011, 1259, 806, 856 pages.
4. Zoku Tokugawa zhikki, %jj( f Jl| JJ $, [chronicles of the last five
suzerains, sequel to the above, 17871868], compiled officially toward the
end of the regime but left incomplete, and brought down to 1868 after
the fall of the Tokugawa government. Tokyo, 190507. 5 vols., 1081,
976, 1852, 1869, 1776 pages.
5. Tokugawa baku-fu zhi-dai shi, jj| Jl{ X Jflf ft f$ & [history of
the Tokugawa period, down to 1845], by Ikeda Ko-en?, $& 03 ^ ilffi
Tokyo, 1907. 1 vol., 1003 pages.
6. Baku-matsu shi, | ^ jfe> [history of the fall of the Tokugawa
government], by Kobayashi Shozhiro, >J> ^ j ^C III)- Tokyo, 1907.
1 vol, 554 pages. _
7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI E UI-HEN, % & & fl 3S H, [history
of agriculture in Japan, treated topically], compiled by "Watanabe Saku?,
$| |p jjjj, and Oda Kwan-shi?, f$ ffl % ,, of the Department of
Agriculture and Commerce. Tokyo, 1897. 1 vol., 634 pages.
8. DAI NI-HON NO-SHI, 9t 0# H 4, [history of agriculture
n Japan], compiled by Tanaka Yoshiwo, ffl 4 1 5* ^ Oda Kwan-shi?,
and others, of the same Department. Tokyo, 1891. 3 vols., 528, 478,
544 pages.
9. Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi, ^ J| H >J* j, [brief history of agri-
culture in Japan], by Numada Rai-ho?, ffl ffl tS II- Tokyo, 1904.
1 vol., 198 pages.
292 K. Asakawa, [1910.
10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi-seki, J$ 2 j| 3jf , [historical
data relating to the growth of industries], by Ohayashi Yuya, ^C ^(c ^f| JJL-
Vol. 1. Tokyo, 1891. 330 pages.
11. KO-ZHI BUI-EN, ^f M $ [historical encyclopedia, con-
sisting of excerpts from sources and literature], compiled by Hosokawa
Zhunzhiro, $B jl| jfej ^ j}|), and others. Part on industries (|J fj| [)).
Vol. I. Tokyo. 1908. 906 pages.
12. No-gyo zen-sho, J| ^ > ^-", [treatise on agriculture], by Miya-
zaki Yasusada, '&" |I|f S A (162297), and revised by Kaibara Raku-
ken, JH J t?t tf (1625-1702). Preface dated 1696. Illustrated. 11 vols.
(old style).
13. No-gyo yo-wa, J| fj| f fS [notes on agriculture], by Konishi
Atsuyoshi, >J^ W M S 182 , 9 - 2 vols - (- s -)
14. No-gyo hon-ron, ]j% ^ ^, |^, [essays on agriculture], by Dr. Ni-
tobe Inazo, ff Jg j5 Jg jg. Tokyo, 5th. ed., 1903. 1 vol., 461 pages.
15. Tokugawa baJcu-fu Jcen-ji yo-ryaku, f }\\ jf S }& g ^,[treat-
ise on the government of the suzerain's domain land by his intendant]
by Ando Hiroshi, ^ || fH , of a family engaged for generations in rural
administration. Preface dated 1905. Illustrated. Manuscript, copied
from the original. 9 vols. (o. s.), 407 leaves.
16. Kwan-no waku-mon, HJ J| JJfc PP], [queries and answers regarding
rural administration], by Fujita Yu-koku, |J ffl ffl , of Mito, 1799. In
the Mito sen-tetsu so-sho 7J< ^ 3t 15 It S series, Tokyo, 1887.
2 vols. (o. s.), 56 leaves.
17. No-sei za-yu, J| \fc ^ /&, [notes on rural government], by Komi-
yama Masahide, >J\ ^ [jj ^ ^, of Mito, 1829. In the same series.
4 vols. (o. s.), 93 leaves.
18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku, $ ^ f4J ^ 85 ff , [notes on local ad-
ministration], by ? Shozhi Koki?, jg fij ^ f^, Nagasaki, 1833? 35 bks.
in 31 vols. (o. s.), 1135 leaves.
Not always reliable.
19. Notes on land tenure and local institutions in Old Japan, edited
from posthumous papers of Dr. D. B. Simmons, by Prof. John Henry
Wigmore. In the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 19,
part I, pp. 37270.
20. KEN-KYO BUI- TEN, ft %t H Jl, [documents relating to the
Tokugawa government, classified], compiled by KondO Morishige,
i II Tp S (17731829). Manuscript. 5 parts, 147 bks.
The authenticity of some of the documents is in doubt.
21. TOKUGAWA KIN-REI KO, fg Jl| ** ^ ^, [laws of the
Tokugawa government], compiled by the Department of Justice. Tokyo,
187895. In 2 series. Series I, edicts and orders, in 6 vols., 444, 506,
749, 622, 746, 660 pages. Series II, penal laws and laws of equity, in
4 vols., 676, 772, 818, ? pages.
The penal part of Series II is in substance the KWA-JO RUI TEN. See
Note 47, below.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 293
22. KWA-JO RUI-TEN HON-MON, ft fa & M # , [edicts
and notes relating to penal law and administration of criminal justice],
compiled by order of the suzerain, in 1742. Edited by Tokyo University,
1881. 2 vols., 131, 190 pages.
This is the main text of the KWA-JO RUI-TEN, which was an enlarged
edition of the KU-ZHI-KATA 0-SADAME-GAKl compiled in 1742, and,
therefore, it is presumed that the present work is identical with the latter.
See Note 47, below.
23. KEN-PO BU-RUL fc & ffi JR, [notes and orders relating to
details of government]. Anonymous. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. 8.)
24. RUI-REI HLROKU, & #lj $ $c, [orders and precedents
relating to penal law], compiled by Ono Hiroki, ^ ff- g| $J (d. 1841).
Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.)
25. GEN-PI ROKU, jg % $, [notes on judicial business]. Anon.
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
26. RITSU-REI DAI HLROKU, fe & % j ft, [notes on penal
law and details of official business], compiled by (?) Ono Hiroki. Manu-
script. 11 VOls. (O. 8.)
27. BUN-DEN SO-SHO, ffi $ J| |f.
The same as the above.
28. KU-ZHI KATA YO-REI, & ^ # S flJ. [notes on judicial
business at the suzerain's high court]. Anon. Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
29. GO-TO-KE REI-JO, $ ft $ fa H% f edicts and o rders and
customs, of the Tokugawa government]. Anon. Manuscript. 36 vols. (o. s.)
30. KO-SA1 ROKU, & $& $%, [orders and notes relating to official
business]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.)
31. ON TOME-GAK1, ffij {g ^.
The same as the above, with alterations in the last part.
32. RITSU-REI ROKU, \% fa $, [orders of the suzerain's govern-
ment, 17641846]. Anon. Manuscript. 8 vols. (o. s.)
33. JI-KATA KO-SAI ROKU, Mf j^T & ft &> [ rders and P re '
cedents regarding to village administration in the suzerain's domain land].
Anon. Manuscript. 7 vols. (o. s.)
34. KO-SAI HIKKI SEI-ZANHI-ROKU, & jfc | IE ff Ul K-
[private notes on judicial business]. Anon. Manuscript. 5 vols. (o. s.)
b5. GO-KATTE-GATA 0-SADAME-GAKI NARABI NI UKA-
GAI NO UE OSE- WATASARE-GAKI, & ) ^ ^f '$ fc ^ jf
ffl , JL. ?fi V$ $& ^, [orders and notes relating to the financial ad-
ministration of the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 257 leaves.
36. TOKUGAWA ZHI- DAI MIN-ZHI KWAN-REI SHU,
i& Jf! flf ft K V fft ft] H> [laws and precedents relating to civil
matters during the Tokugawa period], compiled by officials of the De-
partment of Justice. No date. Manuscript, copied from the original kept
in the archives of the Department. 11 vols., 2458 leaves.
37. Min-zhi kwan-rei rui shit, .R AJJ". j'['[ $ij gj ^, [customs relating
to civil affairs in the last years of the Tokugawa rule, collected through
oral testimonies given by old people], by special commissioners of the
Department of Justice despatched to all the larger sections of Japan
Proper, 1877. 1 vol., 597 pages.
294 K. Asakaiva, [1910.
38. Materials for the study of private law in old Japan, with notes
and an introduction, by Professor John Henry Wigmore. In the Trans-
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. 20, supplement, parts I. IT,
III, and V, Tokyo. 1892, 203+41, 138, 426+17, 112 pages.
Largely based upon the two works mentioned above. Highly valuable, but
unfortunately not yet completed.
39. SUI-CHIN EOKU, Pfc ft $, [laws and notes, relating mainly
to financial matters, of the Tokugawa period], compiled, at the request of
the Department of Finance, by the late Count Katsu Awa, jjf: 4r |^
(182399). Tokyo, [1890]. 35 bks. in 2 vols., 1187, 1270 pages.
40. SUI-CEINYO-ROKU, Pfc ft | $$, [sequel to the above], by
the same. Tokyo, 1890. 10 bks. in 1 vol., 901 pages.
41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU, ^ ^ ft H, [secret memorandum on
currency], prepared by some authority, about 1842. In the On-chi so-
sho ffl H !r series, (12_vols., Tokyo, 1891), vol. 5, pp. 145.
42. Yu-ri Ko-sei, fe %\] & JE, [life of Yuri Kosei, 18291909] by
Haga Hachiya, ^ j A SB- Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol., 325-J-58 pages.
Contains an account of the Tokugawa system of currency.
43. So chd ko, fH S3 ^> [brief history of taxation in Japan], by
Miura Chiharu, H M ^ # Nagoya, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
Not always reliable.
44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi, fc 13 ^ ^3. ^& 7[v> [history of Japanese
taxation till 1880], compiled by Nonaka Hitoshi?, Jf> pf If, and others,
of the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1885]. 30 vols. (o. s.)
This is a convenient compilation, but contains errors.
45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki, ffl fl '}& f g |, [brief history of the
land-tax in Japan], by Koda Shisei, 2JE ^ Jj, of the same Depart-
ment. Tokyo, 1896. 1 vol. (o. s.) Contains Kcku-daka ko, ^ ^ ^, and
errata of the Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi.
46. DEN-SEI HEN, flj |j, [excerpts from sources and litera-
ture relating to land and taxation], compiled by Yokoyama Yoshikiyo,
IS LJj A ?ff> of tlie former Gen-ro-in. Tokyo. 1883. 11 vols. (o. s.)
To be used with caution.
47. Den-en rui-setsu, 03 IS iff |j, [notes on land and taxation], by
Komiyama Mokunoshin, >] " ill ^ j (early 18th century), and revised
and augmented by Tani Motonori, ^ ^ (d. 1752), Oishi Hisayoshi?,
Jt fi & $ (d. 1797), and Yamauchi Tadamasa?, [ij ft j| JE , 1842.
In the Zoku-zoku gun-sho rui-zhu |f J( |$ ^ H |5 series, VII.,
(Tokyo, 1907). 267354.
48. Ji-kata han-rei roku, Jft ~ft Ji f?'J Wk* [treatise on the taxation
and rural administration of the suzerain's domain lands], compiled by
Oishi Hisayoshi?, 1794. 2 copies. (1) Eevised edition by Okura Gi?,
^ H H 1886. 11 vols. (o. s.). (2) Manuscript. 11 vols. (o. s.)
Citations in the Notes are from (1), its numerous misprints being checked
with (2).
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan. 295
49. Ji-kata ochi-bo ahu, Jfi Jj & fg jg, [notes on financial admini-
stration of the domain lands], by Yasumichi?, jj| $f. Revised by Otsuki
Tadaoki. ft R S- ft- Tokyo, 1870. 14 vols. (o. B.)
50 .Ji-kata tai-ffoi s/m, Jg -ft ^ Jj f [ ditto]| by Kat5 Takabumi,
Zffl 111 PPJ 3t- Osaka, 1874. 2 series, 8 vols. (o. B.)
51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku, Jfi # X IS IX, [practical notes on public
works in the domain lands]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol., 146 leaves.
Many illustrations and accounts.
52. JI-KATA- GAKARI ATSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI, ]fa -ft \& fR
fi SI $t [practical notes on financial administration]. Anon. 1796.
Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
53. 0# TOR1-KA KOKORO-E GAKI, ft) Jft ,& $ *, [prac-
tical notes on taxation in the domain lands], copied by one Miyasaka,
' $1JL- Manuscript, 2 vols. (o. s.)
54. BAN-SHU_GO NEN-GU MAI OSAME-HARAI KA-SHI NO
^^fl'SSZiS -** TOMEf ***#
, ill ijji 4^ IP JtJ W [documents relative to transporting tax-rice from
Harima to Osaka, in 1831]. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
55^ BAN- SHU GO NEN-GU GO K WAI- MAI IKKEN, f$ ffl ^)
^ R ffl) 51 ?K "~ " ft* [docaments relative to transporting tax-rice from
Harima to Edo, in 1833]. Manuscript. 2 vols. (o. s.)
56. Ta-Jiata ken-mi on tori-ka shi-tate ho, ffl ^i |g ^ |gl H ft
-JA 'ii [practical notes on assessing taxes and making accounts], by Ko-
bayashi Tetsuzhiro, >J> ffi $fr ^ jj|), of the financial department of the
suzerain's government, 1848. Manuscript, 1 vol. (o. s.)
57. Wata ken-mi shi-yo cho, ^ ^ ^ ft f^ lpft> [notes on mea-
suring the productive power of cotton-land in Yamato, Settsu, Kawachi,
and Idzumi], compiled by Ono Chu-sai, -fa ^ *, gf. No date. Manu-
script. 1 vol. (o. s.)
58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku sho, ]fa | & IE ^ ^ itf, [report to the
Prime Minister Sanjo on the reform of the land-tax], by (now Marquis)
Matsukata Masayoshi, ^ ^ j ^, then Minister of Finance. Tokyo,
1882. 1 vol., 197 pages.
59. Fu-ken chi-so kai-sei ki-yo, j|J -JJJ jfa fl E4 j $G 3 [reports
of the three Cities and thirty- six Prefectures on the change of the land-
tax], compiled by the Department of Finance. Tokyo, [1882?]. 1 vol.,
39 sections.
60. Go-nin-ffumi sei-do no ki-gen, 5 A iJi ^J ^ ^ jfc *iS [ n tne
origin of the five-man group system], by Prof. Miura Shuko?, H fffi Jii
ft- The Ho-ri ron-so f 3g |& ^ series, No. 9. Tokyo, 1900. 1 vol.,
83 pages.
60 a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do, 3E A Ifl. "$] S [ n tne five-man group
system], by Prof. Hodzumi Nobushige?, $| ^ $jt g. The same series.
No. 11. Tokyo, 1902. 1 vol.,_241+38 pages.
61. GO-NIN-GUMI CHO I-DO BEN, Z A $11 IE H (R! Sh
[parallel articles of several five-man group records], compiled by the
Department of Justice. Tokyo, 1884. Manuscript, copied from the ori-
ginal in the Department archives. 1 vol., 120 leaves.
296 K. Asakawa, [1910.
62. MURA SHO-YA KOKORO-E BEKI JO-JO, M ffi M RT <&
|H ft ft, [general instructions to village-heads], by the government of
Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
_63. MURA SHO-YA TOSHI-YORI YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI
JO-JO, $ j M ^ ^ f^ Pj >fr |f ft ft, [general instructions to
village-heads and village-chiefs] , by the government of Osaka, 1872.
1 vol. (o. s.)
64. 0-SHO-YA YAKU KOKORO-E BEKI JO- JO, ^ j M &
"Pi >fr i%- ft ft' [general instructions to district-heads], by the govern-
ment of Osaka, 1872. 1 vol. (o. s.)
65. GUN-CHU-SEI-HO, B5 4 1 M *Ji [general instructions to pea-
sants], by the government of Kyoto, 1869. 1 vol. (o. s.)
These four works are interesting as survivals in early years of the new
era of the old method of village government.
66. BI-HAN TEN-KE1, ff Sf Jl JflJ, [orders of Ikeda Mitsumasa,
Vfo ffl 7t fl& lord of Okayama 1642-71], compiled by Yuasa Zho-zan,
Wf ^ *% lii (1708-81). Manuscript. 4 vols. (o. s.)
67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU, flfi $f H H, or, Ytf-ITI ROKU, ft
T$ $1) [life and laws of Ikeda Mitsumasa], by Mimura Nagatada,
H +| 7K *> No date - Manuscript. 1749. 4 vols. (o. s.)
68. Tsugaru Nobumasa kj, ^ 11 ft ft 5V L life of Tsugaru Nobu-
masa, lard of Hirosaki 16461710], by Tozaki Satoru, ^ (Ig 1 ^;. Tokyo,
1902. 1 vol., 362 pages.
69. En-kyo fu-setsu shit, 5{E ^ HI nit ^' [ rumors a bout Matsudaira
Norimura, ^ ^p ^ S, lord of Sakura and councillor to the suzerain
172345]. Anon. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
Gossipy.
70. Gin-dai i-zhi, jjk S iS V. [ notes on the life of Hosokawa Shi-
gekata, ft Jl| fi K, lord of Higo and Bungo, 1718-85]. Anon. Manu-
script. 4 vols. (o. s.)
71. YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI, j tlj & -\\l ft, [life of Uesugi Haru-
nori, Jl ^ ffi ^, lord of Yonezawa, 17511822], compiled by Ikeda
Nariaki?, ftfc ffl ^ ^. Tokyo, 1906. 1 vol., 1056 pages.
72. NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0, ~j j5 ^ ^ ^, [life and writings of
Nozoki Yoshimasa, j ^p ^ j^, 17351803 twice councillor to Uesugi
Harunori], compiled by Suibara Ken?, ^ ]^ |f . Tokyo, 1898. 1 vol.,
926+84 pages.
73. U-YO SO-SHO, J$ \>jj ^ ^, [writings of Uesugi Harunori,
with notes on his life], compiled by Yaoita Bai-seteu, ^ JH |^ $$ ^,
Nozoki Tai-kwa, Hara Raku-zan, J!^ |?| tlj, and Asaoka Nan-koku, |fj|]5]
l^j ^f . Yonezawa, 187983. 3 series, (kan-to, gyo-so, and sei-toku), in
6 vob. (o. 8.)
Largely superseded by the l?st two works.
74. Uesugi Yo-zan ko. [life of the same lord], by Kawamura Makoto?,
Jll ^ 1$. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol., 364 pages.
Vol. xxx.J Notes on Village Government in Japan. 297
75. Sei-zan kan-wa, ^ [jj |J$ gjf, [notes on the life of Hosoi Hei-shQ,
fel rtt ^p |Hi once tutor and councillor to the same lord]. Anon. Manu-
script. 1 VOl. (0. 8.)
76. Shirakawa Raku-o ko to Tokugaiva zhi-dai, & ?Pj ^$ f & i.
f* jl| fl f^' t life and times of Matsudaira Sadanobu, fe Zp. g? f^ ? i or d
of Shirakawa and councillor to the suzerain, 1759 1829J, by Professor
Mikami Sanzhi, H Jl ^fc. Tokyo, 1891. 1 vol., 198 pages.
77. Egawa Tan-an, t jl| ^ /?, [life of Egawa Tarozaemon, heredi-
tary intendant of Nirayama, Idzu, 180165], by Yada ShichitarS, ^ [H
k ~k fsl). Tokyo,_1902. 1 vol., 243 pages.
78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI, |ft fc V [Hfe of Abe Masahiro, |*pf
"Si) IK 5i l r( i of Fukuyama, once chief councillor to the suzerain, 1819
58], compiled by Haraano Shokichi, 'g[ |f ^ "g. Tokyo, 1899. 1 vol.,
872+157 pages.
79. Gei-han san-zhu-san nen roku, ^ ^ ^ + H. ^ IS> [an account
of the financial experiences of the Hiroshima fief between 1833 and
1863], by Kotakagari Gen-gai?, >J* H JJ jJC JJ[. Tokyo, 1893. 1 vol.,
184 pages.
80. Hiroshima Mo-gyu, ]f| ||,^ ^ ^, [stories from the Hiroshima
fief], by the same author. Tokyo, 1905. 1 vol., 139 pages.
81 V AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO BASSUI, ^ '}# "K V H ^
}^ ^ [documents and notes relating to Aidzu, being an abridgement of
the AIDZU KYU-ZHI ZAKKO, compiled by Mukai Yoshishige, f^j
3t In S' 3 vols.]. Dated 1662. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
82. ON KE-MI TE-TSUDZUKI, 4 Ji ^ $%> ( h to measure
the productive power of land, in the Okayama fief]. Anon. No date.
Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI YO-SHU, ^ & $ ^ % $ ^, [guide
to measuring the productive power of land, in the same fief]. Anon. No
date. Manuscript. 1 vol. (o. s.)
84. SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI YO-RYAKU, 111] j| fl $ ^ Bfr,
[documents relating to the financial administration of the Sendai fief],
edited by Yamada Ki-ichi, [jj O ^ - , of the prefectural government
at Sendai. [Sendai, 1888]. 5 vols., 255 leaves.
85. Shu-ffi tca-sho, jj| ^ ft tfr, [notes on philosophy, ethics, and
politics], by Kumazawa Ban-zan, ffe '}p ^| [lj (161991). 16 bks. In
the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen ^ ft S ;ft li series, (10 vols., Tokyo, 1901
03), I, 255600.
86. Shil-gi gwai-sho, ^ ^ ^ t!f, [sequel to the above], by the same
author. 16 bks. In the same series, II. 9332.
87. Min-kan sei-yo, j |"i] ^ ^-, [notes on rural administration], by
Tanaka Kyngu-emon Nobuyoshi? ffl *$* 1 ft IS ^6 ffi H -W " Prefaces
dated 1720 and 1721. Manuscript. 2 series, 7 and 8 vols. (o. s.)
Fearless criticisms by a practical administrator of the rural government of
domain lands. The work attracted the attention of the wise suzerain Yoshi-
mune, who gradually raised the author to the position of intendant. See To,
XIII. 962, XIV, 278.
298 K. Asakawa, [1910.
88. Kei-zairoku, $M iP? m< [views on government], by Dazai Shun-dai,
iC # it (16801747), 1729. Manuscript. 10 vols. (o. s.)
Thoroughly Confucian.
89. Shun-dai zatsu-wa, Jj? >fg $f| fjf, [miscellaneous notes on history,
morals, and literature], by Muro Kyu-so, ? #| J| (16581734), 1732.
5 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, VII. 81309.
90. So-bo ki~gen, j|[ ^ ^ "g", [political and social criticisms], by
Nakai Chiku-zan, pf* # fj tlj (17301804), 1789. Kyoto, 1868. 5 vols.,
280 leaves.
91. Byd-kan cho-go, jfjif f^j ^ pjf, [miscellaneous notes], by Inoue
Kin-ga, # _t ^ ffi (173384). In the On-chi so-sho series, XI, 70 pages.
92. Ama no taku mo, 5g jjz <^ |f|, [miscellaneous notes], by Mori-
kawa Takamori ^ J|| ^ ^, c. 1790. In the same series, XI, 122 pages.
93. O-mei-kwan i-so, p ,| | jfi !, posthumous ethjco-political
works by Hosoi Hei-shu, once tutor to Uesugi Harunori and other
barons, (17281801). 6 bks. In the Ni-hon rin-ri i-hen series, IX. 9161.
Good examples of the great influence of Confucian ideas on rural government.
94. Ho-toku givai-roku, 3j$ fj ^ $1, views by Ninomiya Takanori
(Son-toku), ZL ft"4t tt ( 1786 1856), compiled by his pupil Saito Taka-
yuki, g |H ^ ft. 2 bks. InJ;he same series, X. 397439.
95. Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. HL * ^fc tf p& JB, sayings of Xinomiya
Takanori, compiled by the same pupil. 4 bks. In the same series, X.
440-542.
96. Chi-so ron, }fa ffl f&, [on the land-tax and its relation to the life
of the peasantry], by the late Fukuzawa Yukichi, jjfg ^jj| |fj ", about
1893. In the Fukuzawa Yukichi zen-shu (^ j||) f V.
97. Ho-sei ron-san, '}J "$lj |j^ ^, [seventy-eight essays and addresses
on the institutional history of Japan by various scholars], edited by the
Koku-gaku-in, g $ g. Tokyo, 1903. 1 vol., 1446 pages.
98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen ($j| j$j|), [sequel to the above, containing
fifty-seven more essays and addresses], edited by the same. Tokyo, 1904.
1 vol., 914 pages.
99. Tokugawa sei-kyo ko, $& Jl[ 1^ ^jl ^, [evolution of political-
philosophical ideas during the Tokugawa period], by Prof. Yoshida
To-go, ^ ffl ^ f5. Tokyo, 1894. 2 vols., 206, 212 pages.
100. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi-sho, ^ ^ Jfc ^g || ^, dictionary
of Japanese historical geography], by the same author. Tokyo, 190007.
4 vols., cxxxiv-f-288 + 4752 pages.
101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten, @ ^ ^ f| .ffi., [dictionary of Japanese
history], by Yashiro Kuniji?, /\. f^ H }pf, Hayakawa Zhunzaburo,
-? Jil M H IK, and Inobe Shigewo, # If j| S SI- Tok y' 1908 '
2 vols., 2390 and 220 pages.
102. Shi-gaku zasshi, j ^ J{| |J, [monthly journal devoted to history].
Tokyo, 1890.
Vol. xxx.] Notes on Village Government in Japan.
299
Abbreviations.
The following abbreviations are used in the Notes for those works which
receive frequent reference. Two capitals, (for example, 'BE'), are used for
each old work which consists primarily of sources; a capital and a small
letter, (for example, 'Mi'), for each old secondary authority; three capitals,
(for example, 'DSR'), for each recent work consisting mainly of sources;
and a capital and two small letters, (for example, 'Hrs'), for each recent
secondary authority.
AI 81. AIDZUKYU-ZHIZAK-
KO BASSUL
BG 55. BAN-SHU GO
KWAI-MAI ....
BK 66. BI-HAN TEN-KEI.
Bms 6. Baku-matsu shi.
BO 54. BAN-SHU . . . OSAME-
HARAI
BR 67. BI-HAN TEN-ROKU.
Chk 58. Chi-so kai-sei ho-koku
sho.
Chr 96. Chi-so ron.
Dch 1UO. Dai Ni-hon chi-mei zhi-
sho.
De 47. Den-en rui-setsu.
DKM i. DAI NI-HON KO-MON-
ZHO.
DNR 7. DAI NI-HON NO-SEI
RUI-HEN.
DNS 8. DAI NI-HON NO SHI.
Dns 44. Dai Ni-hon so-zei shi.
DO 83. DAI-ZEN ON KE-MI....
Dse 45. Den-so en-kaku yo-ki.
Dsg 10. Dai Ni-hon san-gyo zhi-
seki.
DSH 46. DEN-SEI HEN.
DSR 2. DAI NI-HON SHI-
RYO.
En 69. En-kyo fu-setsu roku.
Eta 77. Egawa Tan-an.
Fuk 59. Fu-Ken chi-so kai-sei ki-
yo-
GGI 61. GO-NIN-GUMI OHO I-
DO BEN.
Ggk 60. Go-nin-gumi sei-do no
ki-gen.
VOL. XXX. Part III.
Ggs 60a. Go-nin-gumi sei-do.
Gi 70. Gin-dai i-/.hi.
GK 35. GO KATTE-GATA O
SADAME-GAKI.
GS 65. GUN-CHU SEI-HO.
Gsr 79. Gei-han san-zha-san nen
roku.
GT 29. GO TO-KE REI-JO.
Hmg 80. Hiroshima mo-gyu.
Hrs 97. H5-sei ron-san.
Hrz 98. Ho-sei ron-san zoku-hen.
Ht 94. Ho-toku gwai-roku.
JG 52. JI-KATA-GAKARI A-
TSUKAI-HO SHU-SEI.
Jh 48. Ji-kata han-rei roku.
JK 33. JI-KATA KO-SAI RO-
KU.
Jk 51. Ji-kata ko-sho roku.
Jo 49. Ji-kata ochi-bo shu.
Jt 50. Ji-kata tai-gai slid.
KB 23. KEN-PO BU RUI.
KH 41. KWA-HEI HI-ROKU.
KK 20. KEN-KYO RUI-TEN.
KKK 78. KWAI-KYU KI-ZHI.
Km 18. Kei-zai mon-do hi-roku.
KR 22. K WA - J RUI - TEN
HON-MON.
KRE 11. KO-ZHI RUI-EN.
Ksd 101. Koku-shi dai zhi-ten.
Kw 16. Kwan-no waku-mon.
KY 28. KU - ZHI - KATA YO-
REI.
Kz 88. Kei-zai roku.
Mi 87. Min-kan sei-yo.
MK 62. MURA SHO-YA
KYOTO.
300 K.Asdkawa, Notes on Village Government in Japan. [1910.
Mkr
37.
MO
63.
Ng
Ngh
Nn
12.
14.
95.
Nns
9.
NTK
72.
Ny
Nz
13.
17.
OK
82.
Om
93.
00
64.
OT
53.
RD
26.
RH
24.
RR
32.
Sb
90.
SCR
39.
SCY
40.
Sd
89.
SDS
84.
Sg 86.
Min-zhi kwan-rei rui-shu. Shr 76.
MURA SHO-YA .... Shz 102.
OSAKA. Smw 19.
No-gyo zen-sho.
No-gyo hon-ron. Sw 85.
Ninomiya sen-sei go-rui. Tbf 5.
Ni-hon no-gyo sho-shi.
NOZOKI TAI-KWA 0. Tk 15.
No-gyo yo-wa.
No-sei za-yu. TKR 21.
ON KE-MI TE-TSU-
DZUKI. TMK 36.
0-mei-kwan i-so.
0-SHO-YA.... OSAKA.
ON TORI-KA KOKO-
RO-E GAKI.
RITSU-REI DAI HI-
ROKU. Tnk 68.
RUI-REI HI-ROKU. To 3.
RITSU-REI ROKU. Tsk 99.
So-bo ki-gen. Tt 56.
SUI-CHIN ROKU. US 73.
SUI-CHIN YO-ROKU. Uyz 74.
Shun-dai zatsu-wa. Wa 57.
SEN-DAI HAN SO-ZEI Wig 38.
YO-RYAKU. YZS 71.
Shu-gi gwai-sho. Zo 4.
Shirakawa Raku-p ko . . . .
Shi-gaku zasshi.
Simmons-Wigmore,
Notes
Shu-gi wa-sho.
Tokugawa baku-fu zhi-
dai shi.
Tokugawa baku-fu ken-
ji yo-ryaku.
TOKUGAWA KIN-REI
KO.
TOKUGAWA MIN-ZHI
KWAN-REI SHU.
z . . . . zhin-zhi hen,
d . . . . do-san hen,
f . . . . fu-do-san hen,
s . . . . so-sho hen.
Tsugaru Noburaasa ko.
Tokugawa zhikki.
Tokugawa sei-kyo ko.
Ta-hata ken-mi
U-YO SO-SHO.
Uesugi Yo-zan ko.
Wata ken-mi ....
Wigmore, Materials ....
YO-ZAN KO SEI-KI.
Zoku Tokujrawa zhikki.
(Note: The Notes accompanying this article will appear in a subsequent
number of the Journal.)
Complete Induction for the Identification of the Vocabulary
in the Greek Versions of the Old Testament with its
Semitic Equivalents: Its Necessity and the Means of
obtaining it By MAX L. MARGOLIS, Philadelphia, Pa.
(NB. The sigla for the Septuagint codd. are, in the book of Genesis, those
of the larger Cambridge edition ; for the other books, those of Swete's
manual edition or those used in his Introduction] the figures refer
to manuscripts in the edition of Holmes-Parsons. A = Lucian. The
abbreviations of the Biblical books are for the most part the same
as in the Oxford Concordance.)
THE first of the canons laid down by the The first La^ar-
noted Septuagint scholar LAGAKDE requires on ^ ian Canon
the part of the student who aims at recovering the original
text of the Greek translation of the Old Testament, a "know-
ledge of the style of the individual translators," with which
is coupled a "faculty of referring variant readings to their
Semitic original, or else of recognizing them as inner-Greek
corruptions." It is ohvious that LAGARDE has reference merely
to the material side of the task and ignores the formal
questions of orthography and grammar altogether. It is a
matter with which the future editor will have to grapple,
whether, for example, he should admit forms with anaptyxis,
as dyav/DMtyta, dyav/otai/, -acrOai. 1 He will have to choose between
r/yav and rjyov^ rjydyocrav and yyayov 3 , crvvr)e and crlw/yyaye 4 , <ay?j
and </>ayecrai 5 , epya and epydcry 6 , 8iavoL\Otj(rovTai. and 8iai'Oiy?y<rovTat ".
"With a view to all such questions the editor will have to study
the grammatical evidence presented by the papyri and other
1 AyvpiafM is found .Jb 4 to 253; 13" B*C. 160. 161. 250. 252. 253.
Compl.; Is 627 ABc.bQ. 22. 51. 86. 87. 91. 93. 97. 109mg. 147. 233.
302 mg. 306. 309. Compl.; Je 31(48)2 AB. 239; Ba 434 O mn exc 49. 51.
62. 88. 90. 231. Compl. Aid. (106 reads a-yaXXio/ta) ; Ju 10 s 74; ayavpiav,
-8*601 Jb 3i* ABC. 55. 106. 137. 139. 250. 252. 258; 39*i 160. 252. 253;
ibid. 23 160. 252. 253. See DIETERICH, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
griechischen Sprache, p. 33 sqq. 2 II K 6 3 Tjyov AX. A. alii.
2 I Es 1 19 -of AN. 58. 64. 119. 243. 248. Aid., -wrav rell.
* Jd 1120 ffvvr e BM. 16. 52. 57-59. 63. 77. 85. 107. 120. 131. 144. 209.
-236. 237. 5 Ge 3>s <t>aye<rai r. e Ge 4 '2 cpya<rr) la? Phil-codd.
7 Ge 3 5 diavoiyrja-ovrai TO.
VOL. XXX. Part IV.
302 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
contemporaneous literature in order to determine the linguistic
forms with which the translators may be credited. In this
sense the way has "been paved by HELBING'S "Grammatik der
Septuaginta" J which, however, ignores the cursives entirely.
There will be also questions of internal Greek syntax on which
the Semitic original has no bearing.
is really a rule What LAGAKDE really means by the original
for identifying text of the Septuagint is that text which, from
the Greek with amon g the conflicting forms it has assumed in
the Semitic. of its transmission, conforms to
the Semitic original underlying the translations ("die Vor-
lage") and to the conception of its meaning on the part of
the translators (their exegesis). The .First Lagardian Canon
is thus a rule for identifying the Greek with the Semitic,
the Greek text, buried at present in a mass of variants, with
the great unknown quantity, the "Vorlage," with which the
prototype of the received Masoretic text was by no means
wholly idendical. After an elimination of the irrational element
of chance corruptions or of the disfiguring element of conscious
alteration (diaskeuastic corrections and interpolations), there
remains the stupendous task of retroversion for which indeed
a knowledge of the style of each individual translator is an
all-important prerequisite. The pitfalls are many, not the least
Retroversion being mechanical haste. LAGAKDE himself was
must not lie a sinner in that direction. Following the lead
mechanical. O f Le 26 ^, he referred pera Trapprjo-las = openly,
publicly (comp. Talmudic fcODiTlB::) Pr 10 ^ back to rTP&Dlp.
He forgot that he was dealing with a translation which aims
at elegance rather than at literal accuracy, as well as the
fact that the rendering in Le is equally free. rtt'jpDIjp means
properly uith head erect; one can be made to walk with head
erect, but one cannot reprove a friend with head erect. It is a
question of Hebrew idiom pure and simple. The Hebrew phrase
underlying juera irapp^a-ia^ Pr 10 10 remains an unknown quantity.
Retroversion un- The phrase occurs, for instance, also I Ma
scientific is pass- 41S : Ka l ^ ra Ta \dftere o-KvXa /cat (>V. Sixt.)
ages wanting in ^ w Who win attempt to render it
the Hebrew. , T-T i A < /
into Hebrew? As a matter of fact, in passages
wanting in the Hebrew, all attempts at retroversion are un-
Gottingen 1907.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 303
scientific. Take, for example, the plus Le 10 9 :
ptvwv vfiuv TT/DOS TO 0vcnacmj/3iov. Ryssel (in Kittel's Bible)
renders: nrQT&n DDllpn IK (comp. Ex 4032); but hti DDfitriO IK
nnt&n (comp. Ex 28 43 30 20) i 8 j us t as possible. Not even the
particle is certain; for, though IK will suggest itself first, 1 is
quite as correct (comp. Ex 38 ' 27 (40 3 2 )). 1
It may be even laid down as a canon that Certainty of iden-
certainty of identification is possible only when lifioaiion poss-
the translator has misread or misinterpreted the iil' <>ly "hen
original. Just as complete identity is often a 1|LO on - llial has
less reliable criterion of the affinity of lang- .
(^111 1 S 1 II M* I*|H*(M f * (1
uages than differentiations of sound regulated
by law, so it is only through variation, provided it is psycho-
logically explainable, that we may with certainty arrive at the
true text underlying a translation. Thus dyopevovs Is 60 n
corresponds to D^rtt; but D^O or D'Tttpb or (if the sense be
"led as captives") D^3fc would be possible equivalents, and we
cannot say with absolute certainty that our text was read by
the translator. But ayd/^veu La 1 4 to which ntttt corresponds
in the Hebrew, points with necessity to nwrtt as its equivalent,
and to nothing else; for both nUW and ntMJl} = JTtttt 2 are re-
ducible to one and the same consonantal text.
Not merely a "knowledge of the style of ^ knowledge of
the individual translators" leads to correct the style of the in-
identification, but equally a knowledge of dividual Hebrew
the style of the individual Hebrew writers. writ ers equally
Otherwise anachronism ensues. When Kittel
(in his Bible) puts down o-w/rjx^ " "' 8e Ge 37 35 == ^rjpjl as a
variant for toj5 s t l, he not only misconceives the paraphrastic
character of the translation (hence also the free addition /cat
rXOov}, but, which is less pardonable, burdens the Jahvist with
an expression which occurs but once in E (Ex 32 *), and is
elsewhere in the Hexatcuch confined to P.
1 The proportion of 1 to IK for Greek rj is 163 : 251 in the Septuagint,
'2 . 3 in Aquila, 5 : 4 in Symm., 1 : 4 in Theod.. 3 : 8 in AL., : 1 in
2 In accordance with a well-known orthographic rule; see WELLHAUSEN,
Der Text der Biicher Samuelis, pp. v-vii. Comp. Ex 15 22 w*l (5
18 ' *:ri_ (5 (inaa'i M ) / wa;i.
304 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
The "units" of It is furthermore gratuitous to assume that
indiYidual trails- each of the Biblical books was rendered by a
lations still to be new an( j "individual" translator. Prologues,
determined. a in the cage Qf Ecclesiasticus? and colo . '
phons. as at the end of Job or Esther, are rare; for the most
part we are left to internal evidence to determine the limits
of a "unit" of translation. The "higher criticism" of the Greek
version is in its very beginnings. We may assume, for example,
that the Twelve are the work of one translator; the question
is, how much more? A singular rendering like a-wdyav for
Hebrew njj? (suggested by njjji o-wayeo-ftu Ge 1 9 Je 3 17 and
njjjp o-waycoyTJ Ge 1 10 ) which meets us Mi 5 " t( ^ l occurs again
twice in Je 8 15 2 and 27(50)". 3 It would be reasonable to
ascribe both Jeremiah and the Twelve to one and the same
translator, provided of course a sufficient number of similar
criteria were available.
The method of In order, however, to discover the total sum
Procedure. of criteria, the student must obviously collect
his data from the wliole of the Greek Old Testament, where-
upon he may proceed to distribute them among the various
groups of translators thus brought to light. The right method
would be first to ascertain the attitude of the general sum of
translators towards all of the phenomena which go to make
up a translator's style; on the basis of similarity or dissimil-
arity of "reaction," the idiosyncracies of the individual trans-
lators will reveal themselves. For a translator's style is the
total sum of "reactions," of the ways in which the original is
handled by him in the various provinces of grammar, rhetoric,
semantics, and exegesis.
Illustrations : Take, for example, the use of the historical
The Historical present (with Se or preceding KC.L) to express
Present. ^ ne n e "b rew i consecutivum cum imperfecto.
Examples are frequent in K 4 ; there is just one example in
Jd. 5 How far the usage extends beyond the books just
mentioned, remains to be investigated. It is clear that, in
order to establish the interrelation of various books, the student
must go through the entire Old Testament in Greek.
1 h was apparently taken as nota accusativi; passivum pro active?
2 Activum pro passive. * "Nj2^ / Tli?'?*?
* E. g., IK 58.il 7 ibis 1021 135 17 ibis son mK 18 . s
Vol. xxx.] Complete Inched ion for the Jdettti/ication etc. 305
Or take the criterion of "subordination in Subordination in
the place of coordination." The following types the place of < >-
are met with: ordination.
(a) Kal \a/3ova-a fyaycv tem Hpm (6. g. Ge 3 6 41 41 14bi j;
(b) Kal raxvvavrfs /caTayayere DfiTlim DJVintDI (e. g., Ge 45 13
De 23 i3< 14 > 30);
(C) e&rayaywv KaTa^vrevcrov avrovs IDJJBrn IttK^ri (e. g., Ex 15 17
Jb 3921);
(d) eVayaywv ^awxAoKTGi (re ^rP^l ntytf (e. g., Ex 33 s 1);
(e) KCW cWciAaro <ayeu/ ^DH . . 12P1 (e. g., Ge 2 16 2 3 1: 3
43 16 4 EX 6 26 5 N U 21 16 G JK 14 13 7; ibid. 34 9).
Or, "the generic singular for the Semitic The Generic
plural"; e. g., Si 4 l2 o dyairuv avrrjv dya-jry. / Singular.
"OilX n^UnX; 47 - 2 TOU dycnri/ja-avros avrov j VU(niS).
Or, conversely, "the plural for the generic The Plural for the
singular in Semitic;" e.g., Ge 4 20 r ^v KO.TOI- Generic Singular.
Kovvrtov I D^; Ne 12 J4 *cu9 TOIS aviniypcvois (apparently neuter
plural) kv avro6S (sc. fv TOLS yaCo^vAaKt'ois) ap^ovcriv ruv
nnyn nto 1 ? ann Duip 1 ? / onj;n n^b onn DiiDb; Pr 11 102 d
o-ovrat TroAas / mp ^H; Is 1 23 dyaTrwvres 85/oa 1 " / i
13 l 5 omvc?! 1 (rvvrjyij.voi. ticrtv j HSDin 7D. J2
Or, "participial construction in the place of Participial Con-
a finite verb in relative clauses;" e. g. Ex 20 2 struction.
6 gayayuv (re 13 -JTlNXin 1t^; 29 46 o eayayu>i> avrovs / 1Bf
Dn TINXVI; Ru 4 i 5 17 dyaTrrjo-ao-a <r / "jnnn 1ty and else-
where.
Or, conversely, "a relative clause in the Relative Clauses
place of a Semitic participle;" e. g. I Es 5 69 i" the place of
(Ezr 4 2 ) Ss fjxTi'iyayw (var. peryKurcv) / H^ttH; 1'articiplcs.
1"> 41 s Bv YjydTrrja-d = ^n^ / "Onif; and elsewhere.
I 15. 55. 73. 78. Lucif. 2 9. 3 omn exc n. < A.
5 omn exc 75. 7 945. 8 O mn exc A.
9 The translator took '\y\ 0^2^ as a general expression summing up
the preceding particulars; in such cases, the Hebrew may and may not
prefix the conjunction which the translator is free to express if he so
chooses; comp. DC 15 21 jn Dl *?3 IIP IK HDD x w ^" *) f>\6i>, ^ (var. $ Kcd,
Kal) rras /*w/ios TrovT}p6t AF. alii. 10 But Tras rts ayaTa Q m 8.
II or 106 off 01 A.
12 neo as an equivalent of r\Q* also De 32 33 (unless = HDOK / neon)
and Is 29 '; Je 722 (unless 1DD - an abbreviated IBDX, comp. Arabic and
Aramaic imperatives of "B verbs). 1S AF alii.
306 L. Margolis, [1910.
Complete Indue- From an imperfect collation like the pre-
tion prevents in- ceding it becomes evident that (1) a phe-
dividualizing' nomenon may indeed be characteristic of
what is general certam g rou p s O nly; (2) when a phenomenon
is scattered over a wide area (possibly the entire area), it
ceases to be a mark of individual style, but becomes a general
characteristic of translation from Semitic into Greek; (3) cer-
tain manuscripts or groups of manuscripts (= recensions) show
a predilection for a certain stylistic peculiarity. Thus I find
that Lucian frequently substitutes the aorist for the historical
present. 1 But such results are conclusive only when complete
induction is available; otherwise the student runs the risk of
individualizing what is general.
and renders Many identifications, uncertain at the first
identification blush, become incontrovertible when supported
possible. by f ur ther evidence which the complete in-
duction alone will bring to light. That 7ra/>ax/o7J/za, = on the
spot, is the equivalent of innn, nnnn II K 3 12 Jb 40 ?( 12 ), a
matter of doubt for the editors of the Oxford Concordance, is
corroborated by Ps 65 (66) 17 2 (= ^nn / nnn). || We are safe
in identifying ISo>Kav foXdvo-av Je 43 (36) 20 with HpSH, if we
compare Tre^vAay/zei/ji = JII^D 1 ? Ge 41 36 . || Si 44 l avSpas evSofovs
for "TDH WN ceases to be strange when Sofa = IDH Is 40 6 is
compared. || EC 2 26 rov vpoa-Qdvai = ryh (^p1!"6) / tpb (1bfc6),
just as Le 19 25 AL. *cal o-wafere = *)bfe6 / *)N?inb. \\ When it
is remembered that in 99 instances avdytw is employed for
rftgn, it will not be difficult to identify K<U iTravayovrojv Za 4 12
with D^501 / &CP^?P' II Ps 15 (16) 4 (rwaydyo) ras (Tvvaya>yas av-
v must certainly be* reduced to DiJDJ? DiD (Di?) / DTODi Tj'Dg,
which proves that in the archetype *pDN was written *]DiS,
that is, with the 2 expressed, though perhaps "assimilated' 7 in
pronunciation. The evidence is afforded by the knowledge that
<rwayetv = D3D in 11 cases. || The last two examples are
illustrations of transposition for which other instances are
available. Thus Na 2 3 < 4 > l/wrat'foi/ras = D^VgOP / n^Vno ; comp.
epira&iv == b^nn Ex 10 2 Nu 22 29 Jd 19 25 I K^ 6 31 4
I Ch 10 4 , 4/>i7raty/x,aTa = Dv'l/^ri Is 66 4 , e/^TraiKTat = do. ibid.
3 4 . || Is 35 2 /cat 6 Aa6s fiov = jnBh / jn^ni, just as Ps 28 (29) 6
KOI 6 ^ydwrq/iei/os = jr^^J / JVIBh. While the latter identification
E. g., Jd 1 ' IK 10 21 17 2 HI K 18 40.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 307
is supported directly by De 32 l5 33 5 - 26 Is 44 -, we may cite
in substantiation of the former, examples like Ex 17 "> Jo
7 11. i IB. 24 2 10 293 where 6 Aao* = h&W, or Jd 20 where
o Aaos 4 = ^fcOty *3D, or Mi 2 12 where a Aaos O{TOS or 6 Aaos 6
= ^nt? 11 , or Si 45 16 where 6 Aads ooi; 7 == h**\W ^3, also Je
43 (36) (i where 6 Aaos 3 an( l Si 48 ' 5 where 6 Aads 9 = miJT.
Instructive is also Ps55(56) ut where 6 Aads corresponds to
nil', comp. Sanhedrin 95 a (and parallels): HiV 5 ? ^*W nDiD
r6Ti&^, "the Community of Israel is likened unto a dove". ||
Only through the juxtaposition of the total number- of passages 10
win re euAa/3eto-0ai m/a or O.TTO TWOS = 2 HDH was it possible for
Prof. NESTLE 11 to identify Kal tv\a/3ovfJLvov<s TO 6Vo/*a avrov Ma
3 1B with 10^2 ^H^ in the place of our 1Dtf 'ntfrftt and thus
to bring to light a reading which is unquestionably the original.
He acknowledges his indebtedness to my article "AAMBAN6IN
(including Derivatives and Compounds) and its Hebrew-Ara-
maic Equivalents" which appeared in the AJSL., XXII (1906;,
11 Off., closing with a confirmation of my own statement that
we may obtain through just such work as I am planning, "in
the place of the brilliant, but uncertain, guesses, results which
may be predicted with almost mathematical accuracy."
Results which are equally certain are afforded It equally leads to
by a possession of the complete material when the recognition
we turn to inner-Greek corruptions. A few of inner-Gr<<>k
M1 , i . corruptions.
examples will not be amiss:
III K 8 46 K<U 7raets avrovs Sixt. (== B. 92. 120. 158. 247j /
02 nciS"! has been recognized as faulty. Mr. Burney emends
Kal Irakis avTo?? 12 ; he compares Ps 7 12 , where opyrjv .rayo>i/ =
DJJt, and Is 26 21 eVaya Try 6pyr}v / ]iy Tpfi^j he should have
added ibid. 42 25 Kat i-jri^yayev ITT' avrovs opyrjv / HDH V?J^ *]2^' I|< 1
and Si 5 s cTraywyvj = m2$. But he fails to account for the
"alteration" in the parallel passage .11 Ch 6 36 Kat Trara^eis au-
for which no variant reading is available. Nevertheless,
i Omn exc 54. 75. 2 BM. 29. 30. 59. 63. 64. 72. 77. 85mff.
3 A. 16. 52. 77. * AGA. alii. 5 A. 6 26.
7 (7ou>x*. 248; atfroO 23. 70. . 8 A. 9 omn.
to p r 24 23 (3Q5) Na 1 7 Ze 3 n. n ZAW., XXVI (1906), 290.
12 Comp. the reading /cat e7ray e?r avrovs 44. 52. 55. 64. 71. 74. 106. 119.
121 (with the error -&t / -\ 123. 134. 144. 236. 242-246. Aid. Cat. Xic.
^ 1. ed Kal fTrapeis or ai'rous A; Kal tbi> ^Tra-'dyrjs (tirdZis Compl.) ^TT' ai/roi/s A.
13 A: Kal <i.v dvfMudr^ fir' octroi's.
308 Max L. Hargolis, [1910.
we must emend here likewise: KOI eTrafeis a-urois or ITT
The emendation is rendered plausible by the knowledge that
in four other places that have come under my observation
7rao> has by its side the corrupt variant Trara^w. 1
The corrupt reading aTrax^o-^o-eor^at n / <Mrax&?T Ge 42 1&
finds its analogy in Is 16 14 where axfeVfl^s 2 or ax&o-tfeis 3 is
found for ax^S 5 - ^he latter is of course the correct reading;
the translator pointed 'ton (or 'ton, ton) 4 / "to*?-
Is 28 20 TOV r)fj.as o~vvax&r)vai is apparently corrupt. In the
first place >//Aas BtfAQ 5 is itacistic error for V/ACCS F 6 ; but
the whole is corrupt. The translator wrote TOV p) crvvaxQfjvai
= 6. With the aid of the emended text, we arrive at the
reading Disnno / D33nrD; (TOV) /xr? c. infin. = )D c. infin., as
may be seen from such an example as /^ 7rayayeiV = "liSJD Is
54 9 . 7 || Hence we are led to the conclusion that the trans-
lator with his TOV /xr) oia7ropVo-Oai p^Se avaKcx/xTrrcti/ Za 9 8 pointed
his text SBtol IbtfD / 2WM lajjo. || An then to the solution ot
a more difficult problem: I K 13 6 M Trpoa-ayav OLVTOV is re-
ducible to Ufaap for the received t^ai ""S. For the graphic
variant ^ / D I cannot quote another instance from my own
observations; but undoubtedly examples will be found. On the
other hand, I have met with a sufficient number of the (exege-
tical) misreading (misinterpretation) of \& into # and vice
versa, and in this very verb I am in a position to cite Is 53 7
where both 6 Trpoo-TJx^ and 2 ayxxnpcx^ 1 ? presuppose #3} for the
Masoretic t^ai The form t^ii for n^a, which suggested itself
to the translator, is no more impossible than NbO for flKiP, or
]ii: for nn. || This observation leads to another find. Je 44(37) ^
we read d-yopaa-at / p"?n^. The consonants are supported by
'A6 829 a: 10 5 11 $12; j us t how the word was pointed by them,
may still be a matter of doubt ; at all events, they took it as
a denominative from pbn. According to Giesebrecht, the ren-
1 Le 26 25 (16. 73. 77); IV K 6 i (243); Je 22 7 (106); 25 " (A). Con-
versely we find the corrupt eira^u B. 42 for the correct 7rardoj rell Ez
22 ts (Roth stein's retro version ViiOrn is thus rendered problematical).
2 93. 3 62. 147 (bad orthography). The corrupt reading underlie
.11 & h. 4 Comp. Am 7 11. * Is 23 i Je 47 (40) 1.
5 Also 24. 49. 51. 62. 106. 147. 306. 309. Compl. Hier.
e = Sixt (and rell ex sil). 7 Activum pro passive.
* ^fpivQrivan. 9 fj.epL<7a<r6ai. 1 iTPiDnS J<i^S^.
11 l\juo o^v.flnoV. 12 u t divideret possessionem.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 309
tiering of the Septuagint goes back to the same consonants
and to the same interpretation. But, to say the least, that
is by no means obvious. On the other hand, we find that
dyopafav corresponds in two passages l to nj^, just as in five
passages 2 it represents the synonymous njj?, while Ne 10 3t
dyopao-pos = ngo. Hence it may be readily conjectured that
the translator read in his text np^ / p^n^>, that is, the same
consonants transposed, and that his grammar permitted him
to see in the word the form l$hh as a possible by-form of
Da 11 ^ Kal ol viol avrov <rvvdov(riv o\\ov ava utcrov
contains two corruptions: for ava pea-ov read with AA. alii Sv-
i/a/zewv,-* and for a-wagova-iv read crwotyovcri Kal (rvvd$ov(riv. Note
the variant arvva\^ova-iv 88 for a-vva^ova-iv, and the insertion of
/cat o-wco/rovo-t after TroAAwi/ in A. The whole is then = lim
D^l D^>TI )1DH 1SDN1 TtiJV ^; o-waTrrciv SC. TrdAc/iov, comp. with
the object expressed verse 24 6 = nonW mjnn, De 2 9-24
= JlDrte rnjnn and ibid. s. 19 = mjnn. Apparently crvvfyovo-t
was miswritten into o-wafovo-t, and then /cat a-wdgova-tv was
omitted; o-wa^ and o-waf are proved as possible variants
1 Ne 10 31 and II Ch 1 16; in the latter passage, Tnon is expressed by
A (to 6.\\dyfjLTi}. Also 2 ^ 67 (68) w nnp 1 ? is rendered J^xaj.
2 I Ch 21 24bis Si 37 11 Is 24 2; AL. Ge 47 i.
3 Observe that while ftSD supply an object denoting "portion, possess-
ion" the "land of Benjamin" and chapter 32 are responsible for this cu-
rious bit of exegesis, certain Greek manuscripts (xc.amgQmgA) rightly
add aprov, "to buy food", a most natural thing to do during the moment-
ary raising of the siege. It is true, imsrr Jb 4025(30) i s rendered by 9
ayopdo-oveiv avrbv (against @ /zeptretfoirat 5 avrdv, 'A -r)fuaeiiffov<ni> avrov, S 5ta-
/j.epi<rdri<rovTai sive -OfoeTai) ; as nsn and p^n are synonyms, it may still be
possible to reduce a.yopd<rat in Je to the received p^Ti^. If so, that would
be another illustration of the value of complete induction. But it re-
mains difficult to see how nsn and ayopafav could be equivalent. Perhaps
the Theodotionic rendering belongs to the first half of the verse (Via*.;
comp. De 2 e where nan is rendered in (5 by \7^e<r0e U ayopdo-are =
natffi). An interesting variant in the Je passage is droSpcw-at (239). Of
course, it may be a corruption from ayopdvou. On the other hand, it may
represent the Masoretic p'pnj? in the sense "to slip through, run away"
(see Giesebrecht ad locum). (Another variant is irapoiKHrai 26 = ?)
* Swa^ews Q, is corrupt, as it does not agree with TO\\WI>; the ab-
breviated Sui/a/xew (so A) was incorrectly resolved.
310 Max L. Margolis, [1910.
not only from the reading in codex 88 but also from De 32 23 1
and IV K 5 11.2
II K 3 23 rjKowav A for Hebrew IfcC is certainly suspic-
ious ; ?xOr}o-av B. rell is graphically somewhat distant. But an
instance like Le 1 10 avrov 54. 75 for avro will suggest the
possibility that ^/covo-av is a misheard r/Koo-av. Since JJKOV is
used as an aorist, the ending -oo-av for -ov, so frequently met
with in the Greek of the Septuagint in aorists, becomes in-
telligible. 3
K and TT are found interchanged in a number of instances.
I have noted some in a previous paper. 4 Observe the addi-
tional examples: Za 9 4 Karaa 5 / Trara&i 6 ; ibid. 12 4 Karaa>7/
The meaningless Karara^ere w Ge 44 29 is due to ditto-
graphed ra; the correct reading is of course Karajeje = DJYTTinO).
The same error occurs Ge 44 ^ 9 III K 3 1 10 Am 3 " u
Jl 3(4) 2 . 12 The next step is the simplex rafere^ (hence also
without an intermediary Is 26 5 14 ); and, conversely, Je 19 8 15
Ez44 14 - 16
How complete in- "Whether the student of the Septuagint aims
duction may be at res t ring the Greek original as it left the
translators' hands, or, more ultimately, at a
recovery of "the Semitic "Vorlage," he is always face to face
with problems of identification. Whatever is isolated, depending
upon a particular constellation, cannot of course be covered
by a general rule. But all those facts which are general,
conditioned by causes which may occur again and again,
must be formulated as rules, and as such be placed at
the service of students. The complete induction of the
58 / ffvvd^u rell.
2 firia-vva^ei 247 / 'cmawdfa 71. 119. 243.
3 Comp. Is 538 tycei Qmg. 62. 90. 144. 147. 233. Clem- Rom. Just-Mar.
Chrys as a synonymous variant for tfx.drj rell.
* ZAW., XXVI (1906), 88.
s K*AQ a . 36. 40. 42. 49. 62. 86. 95. 106. 147. 185. 311.
e Btfc.a c .b. r eli = mn(i)|). ? K*. 8 rell = nrx ).
9 t*. 10 247. ii- 198. 12 62. 147.
13 Jl 3(4)2 (311). u Ta & 36 / wwd&w rell.
15 KaT a& B. rell / rd& AGA = "nat? (I).
16 Karatowny BQ. rell / roW^ A. 26. 42. 49. 90. 91. 106. 198. 238. 239.
306. Aid. = TU^CI), the intermediate Karara^ovaiv is found in 62.
Vol. xxx.] Complete Induction for the Identification etc. 311
sum total of general, typical facts can be secured only by
two methods of procedure which can be easily combined.
On the one hand, each article in the Concor- Lexical equa-
dance to the Septuagint and the other Greek tions.
Versions of the Old Testament, such as we possess in the
Oxford publication, must be gone through for the purpose of
establishing all lexical equations. It is obvious, following as
it does from the nature of Semitic speech, that derivatives
and compounds must be treated in conjunction with the
primary words and the simplicia. It has been shown in this
paper how the equation of tird-yew nvl or rt TWO. = n *)3K is
substantiated by the equation eTraywyjj = n*Dy. The Greek
compounds often serve merely to mark the " Aktionsart". 1
Whether we say in Greek oVayyeAActi/, cwrayycAAeij', or the sim-
plex dyyeAAav, the Semitic equivalents will in most cases be
indifferently the same. Where, on the other hand, the pre-
verb retains its local force, as in the case of ayeiv, the Semitic
equivalent will naturally differ, and the differences will be-
come evident as the compounds are studied in their totality
and with a view to each other.
On the other hand, the text of the vers- Grammatical
ions must be investigated with a view to gram- equations.
matical equations. I use the two terms, lexical and gram-
matical, in their widest connotations. When I say, cfyeiv =
JH}, I abstract from all grammatical differences, such as
the correspondence of the active to the Kal, of the passive
to the Semitic passive, of the aorist to the perfect, and the
like. Equally, when I treat of the equations : aorist = per-
fect, lav c. conjunct, aor. = DN c. imperf., or of such stylistic
peculiarities as "adjectivum pro nomine in genit.", or "ac-
tivum pro passivo", I abstract from the lexical meaning of
the words or phrases entering into consideration. While
a modicum of grammatical observation is necessary for the
proper grouping of lexical equations within each article, the
material for a grammatical Concordance may be gathered
direct from the texts. Complete induction, at all events, can
be had only by means of the two lines of investigation, the
1 See the lucid exposition by MOULTON, A Grammar of the New Testa-
ment Greek, vol. i: Prolegomena, chapter vi.
312
Max L. Margolis, Complete induction etc.
[1910.
lexical and the grammatical. It is a stupendous work, but
it must be done: it is of utmost importance not only for
purposes of textual criticism, but equally for a study of the
oldest exegesis of Scriptures. And the results will have a
decided bearing upon an understanding of the New Testa-
ment likewise which, in language and range of ideas, is linked
to the Old Testament in the Hellenistic garb.
A Hymn to Mullil Tablet 29615, CT. XV, Plates 7,
8 and 9. By Kev. FBEDERICK A. VANDERBUHGH, Ph. D.,
Columbia University, New York City.
PLATES 7, 8 and 9 in Volume XV of Cuneiform Texts from
Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum contain texts of
sixteen tablets of Sumerian Hymns which are very important.
The hymns are of sufficient length and variety to afford a
good idea of what Babylonian Psalmody consists. Not one has
less than thirty lines, and, in the collection, seven different
deities are addressed: Bel, Sin, Adad, Nergal, Bau, Kirgilu,
and Tammuz, gods whose functions relate to almost every
phase of Babylonian theology.
This hymn, addressed to Bel, who is called in the colophon,
line 74, Mu-ul-lil, is the first in the collection and one of the
longest umlingual Babylonian hymns on record. The first
sixteen or eighteen lines, however, and the last thirteen are
too badly broken to give a connected discourse. From line 20
to line 63, the text is in fairly good condition.
This hymn dwells upon the majesty of Bel's word. The
.Non-Semitic Bel, older than Nannar or Samas, who were
successively rivals of Bel as local gods, came to be recognized
as "the Lord of the lands." The place of his dwelling was in
the temple, E-kur, located at Nippur, probably the "house"
referred to in this hymn. As "the Lord of the lands", he was
conceived of as controlling the destinies of men. Thus, we
find him approaching men and speaking to them, as the follow-
ing hymn shows. The fuller development of Bel's position, as
belonging to a triad, where Anu was considered god of heaven,
Bel, god of earth, and Ea, god of the deep, was Assyrian.
We have no trace of this thought in our hymn.
My translation of this very difficult hymn and its commen-
tary have had the cooperation of Dr. J. Dyneley Prince, Pro-
fessor of Semitic Languages in Columbia University, and
Author of Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon, whom I have
314 Frederick A. Vanderburgli, [1910.
consulted while preparing this work, and who is himself just
publishing a translation of the interesting Hymn to Kirgilu
from the same collection, Plate 23.
Transliteration and Translation.
Obverse.
BKOKEN TEXT.
1. - nun(?)-e-bi ma-te
- his prince (?) approacheth.
2. [-b]i ma-te
- his - approacheth,
3. - - O
4. - - [
5. - - a ^in(DU)
6. - mu-un-$i-gar(SA) &f(RI)
it is done; it is established.
7. - [-e]-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-la e(RI)
- the word of Mullil, it is established.
8. dimmer gu-la-a es(RI)
- of Gula, it is established.
9. - - [-a]m dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld eS(RI)
- of Mullil, it is established.
10. - - ma-ab-gu-la-a e$(RI)
- which maketh it great ; it is established.
11. - - ma-ab-hul-a e$(Rl)
which maketh it evil; it is established.
12. - - %(PA) ^e(GAN)-z>2-^(KA)-#a e2(RI)
- [bearing] the sceptre (?), let him speak; it is
established.
13. -- nu-mu-da-ma(MA)-ma(M.A)
- on(?) the one who begetteth not
14. - nu-mu-da-zi-zi
- the one who giveth no life.
15. - - sar-ra mu-ub-bi-ir
- the one who bindeth the forest.
16. bi sila(TA!R)-a mu-ub-ri
- the one who setteth up the road.
Vol. xxx.] .1 HymntoMullil 315
17. - - [-a]b(?)-tt-e me-ri
- the one who lifteth up, who lif'teth up the dagger.
18. -- [-n]a-dm-da $am(\J)-sun(SE)-na-ge sag im-da-sty(PA)-gi
- the one who at the fixed period (?) of plant-
growth smiteth the head.
19 - - ~ gig-ga-bi-e$ am(A.AN) bi-til(Tl)-U
- (to the sick one) (?) thou givest life.
LOED OF ABUNDANCE.
20. [da]m-a nu-mu-un-til(TI)-li-en ma-al-la nu-mu-un-til(TI)'li-en
To(?) the spouse that liveth not, the husband (?) that liveth not,
21. dam-ma nU'mu-un-til(Tl)-li-en dumu(TUR)-a nu-mu-un-
the wife that liveth not, the child that liveth not (thou
givest life).
22. zal(NI) nigin ne-en ^aZ(NI) Sa(LIB) ne-en
Abundance of everything there is, abundance in the midst
(of the land) there is.
/ /
23. gam(TJ) hi imina-li ki-bi-ta 3aw(U) ku me-en
The food of that land is sevenfold, in that land food to
eat there is.
24. tur amar(ZUR)-bi a nag an-me-en
In the resting place of their young water to drink there is.
25. ga-$a-an me-en mu-lu M-$M(KU) eri-a &wr(BAB>-ra me-en
Lord art thou who for the gate in the city art protector.
26. el hi sug-bi ma su-a me-en
In the shining land on its water-ways shipping thou in-
creasest.
27. pe$ a sug-ra ba-an-nigin-na me-en
Plentifulness of water thou causest the water-ways to enclose.
28. mu gig gin(Dl5) en-yd(MAL) pes me-en kud(TA.U)-mu
lid me-en
When an epidemic sickness is spread over the established
city my (its) judge in the gate thou art.
29. Id U Id ne-en e(BIT) damal mulj ^d(MAL) sag e(BIT) iir-
ra-bi me-en
Over the land, the high land, over the broad house thou
art established; thou art head over the house and its
structure (beams).
316 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910.
30. lid~$d(LIB)-ni-mdl(IG-) d (ID) -nu-mdl(lG) me-en
In the midst of their cattle when they are without power
thou art.
31. nin gin(DU) $dl-mdl(IGc) Ud-Sd(LlE)-nu-mdl(IG) me-en
Faithful lord of compassion in the midst of the cattle that
are unsustained thou art.
LOED OF NEAE APPEOACH.
32. u-mu-un-na e-ne-dm-ma(M.AIj)-ni na-ma-da-te mu(-lu)-da
ni-ma-te
The lord whose word approacheth, to mankind it is near.
33. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
The word of Gula approacheth, to mankind it is near.
34. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge na-ma-da-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
The word of Mullil approacheth, to mankind it is near.
35. e(BIT) zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My true house which in the city of the land endureth, to
mankind it is near.
36. mu-lu zi-mu eri-a ma ni-in-u mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My faithful folk (priesthood) who in the city of the land
endure, to mankind they are near.
37. g(BlT)-mw zu gal-gal-la ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
My house of great wisdom, may it be near; to mankind it
is ne^r.
Reverse.
38. [mu]-lu led si ll-ll ga-ma-te mu-lu-da ni-ma-te
He of the gate of the high tower (horn), may he be near;
to mankind he is near.
LOED OF SUPPLICATION.
39. damal(?) gan me-en ud-da gal)-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de
Mighty, productive one thou art, let light extend, to his
people he shall speak.
40. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-pad-de
The word of Gula, may it extend, to his people it shall speak.
41. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge ga-ba-da-pe$ mu-lu-na mu-
pad-de
The word of Mullil may it extend, to his people it shall
speak.
Vol. xxx.J .1 II urnn In Mitllil. .17
42. ud-da e(BIT) azay-cja ga-ba-da-pes mu-lu-na mu-pud-de
The light of the shining house, may it extend, to his people
it shall speak.
43. e(BlT) azag g(BIT) pisan(&lT)-na r/a-W/f-/** mu-lx-na
mu-pad-de
The shining house, the house of vessels, may it extend, to
his people it shall speak.
44. mulu 1ml Id-ne gdl(lGr)-gdl(lG) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne
Sinners at the altar prostrate themselves, for life they speak.
45. e(BIT) ri-a-ni gal(IG)-gal(IGr) e-ne zi mu-pad-de e-ne
In the house of their protection they prostrate themselves,
for life they speak.
46. dii-md(MAL)-ni sar mu-un-na-ra i-dib(W) mu-un-na-
ab-bi
Before their king they hold a festival, the word they speak.
47. dim dimmer gu-la dim dimmer bara gin(Gri)-gin(GI)-na
i-dib (LU) mu-un-na-ab-bi
To the queen, to Gula the queen, to the deity of the
shrine, they turn, the word they speak.
LOED OF MAJESTY.
48. za-e ud-da ga-$a-an~mu za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na a-a-
Thou who art the light, my lord, thou who art the light,
who can reach (to thee) ! What can measure itself (with thee) !
49. e-ne-tnn dimmer gu-la-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ a-na <>"-
The word of Gula, thou who art the light, who can reach
(to thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)!
50. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge za-e ud-da a-ba da-pe$ (a)-na
Word of Mullil, thou who art the light, who can reach (to
thee)! What can measure itself (with thee)!
51. a f/a-$d-an-mu tur-zu-da du(KAK)-e alam-zu ta-a-an nir/in
Father, my lord, in thy court where thou art creative, who
can encompass thy image!
52. mulu gam-ma-zu Id nu-un-gam alam-zu ta-a-an nigin
Of the men who bow to thee in the lands which submit
not, who may encompass thy image!
VOL. XXX. Part IV. 23
318 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
53. <fomu(TUR) #wr(?)(KU) gam-ma h'l $e-ir nu-un-ma-al
alam-zu ta-a-an nigin
Of the lofty (?) sons who bow down and exercise no power,
who may encompass thy image!
54. dtMiw(TUR) dur(?)(KTJ) dg(?)(RA.M.)-ga(?) li-a gu tuS(?)
(KU) i&(TUM)-fu zal(NI) $im-e ba-nd.
LORD OF RECOMPENSE.
55. ogfd(MIR) sag mulu-e-da e-ne $u d kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de
With crowned head among the people (and) with uplifted
hand he pronounceth judgment.
56. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e-ne $u al kud(TAR)-kud(TAR)-de
The word of Gula, it with uplifted hand pronounceth
judgment.
57. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e-ne $u al hud (TAR) -hud
(TAR)-cte
The word of Mullil it with uplifted hand pronounceth
judgment.
58. igi(SI)-ni-da ud-de e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-e$(RI)
The light of his face in the house of decision, may it
establish light.
59. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge e(BIT) lar-ri ud-de ga-ba-bi-eS (RI)
The word of Gula in the house of decision, may it estab-
lish light.
60. e-ne-dm dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge e(BIT) bar-ri ud-de ga-ba-
The word of Mullil in the house of decision, may it estab-
lish light.
61. a-ba ba- -a-de a-ba fca-w#(TUK)-#d(MAL)-e a-ba ba-an-
Who can who can grasp it! Who can keep it!
62. e-ne-dm dimmer gu-la-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\]K)-gd(M.A.'L)-e. a-ba
ba-an-si-dg (RAM )-e
The word of Gula, who can grasp it! Who can keep it!"
63. e-ne-am dimmer mu-ul-lil-ld-ge a-ba ba-tug(T\3K)-ga(MA.Ij)-e
a-ba ba-an-si-[dg(RAM)-e]
The word of Mullil, who can grasp it! Who can keep iti
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil. 319
BKOKEN TEXT.
64. dumu(T\]R)-mu - - ba lad a#(RAM)-e
My son - - who can measure it!
65. - - ba bad a-ba ba-an-dg(RAM)-e
- who can measure it!
66. - - a-ba ba-an-dg (RAM)-e
who can measure it!
67. - a mu - - a-ba 6a-aw-d#(RAM)-e
who can measure it!
68. - an-si-dg(RAM.)-e
can keep it!
69. - - e ba al bi e$ mal-e a-ba ba-an-
- who can -
70. - - an-da ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si- -
- who can keep
71. - - ku mal-e a-ba ba-an-si-dg(RA.M.)-e
- who can keep it!
72 - in-dug (K A) -ga $es-ra ba-an-da-$ub(RU)
- speak - brother - throw -
73. - in-dug (KA.}-ga - - ba an-da $w&(RTJ)
speak - throw
74. - him -ma dimmer mu-ul-lil
of penitence to Mullil.
75. - - mu-bi im
- its lines in the tablet.
Commentary.
Lines 1 to 19. Broken Text.
The beginning of each line up to line 20, being erased, a
connected translation for this section is precluded. The
closing words of each line, however, giving some complete
clauses, are intact. Some of the characteristics of Bel or
Mullil who seems to be the subject of the hymn therefore
crop out here.
1. bi is no doubt a pronominal suffix in this line, te, occur-
ring here and many times farther on, has in it the idea of
'approaching,' telu being the Assyrian equivalent.
3. gin is a value of DU that might possibly fit here, equal to
Mnu 'set,' or the value gub might do, equal to nazazu 'stand.'
23*
320 Frederick A. Vanderlurgli, [1910.
6. mu-un is a common verbal prefix signifying completed
action, Si an infix of location or direction, and #ar(SA) or
possibly the Erne Sal value mar as a verb, if we take its most
usual meaning, equals the Assyrian $akdnu. <?3, one of the
values of RI, equal to nadu, gives the meaning 'establish'
which is probably the one intended for the close of this and
the following six lines.
7. e-ne-dm is probably the subject of e(BI). e-ne-dm equals
amdtu and is a dialectic phoneticism for inim(KA), Br. 508.
e-ne-dm occurs 15 or 16 times in this hymn, e-ne-dm is an
'authoritative word.' It sometimes stands for the god himself;
see line 50. mu-ul-lil-la is the Erne Sal form in Sumerian for
Bel's name.
8. gu-la-a equals rcibu 'great,' and was also the name of a
goddess. She appears in this hymn evidently as the consort
of Bel. The gods sometimes had more than one consort. The
chief consort of Bel was Belit. The goddess naturally possessed
the same qualities as the god with whom she was consorted,
but in a diminutive degree. Gula is more generally known as
the consort of Nin-ib.
11. Jml, the common Sumerian word for 'evil.'
12. We cannot state with much certainty the relation of
PA in this sentence. Jje(QA.N)-in-gug(KA)-ga is clearly a verb
in the precative construction, in may be a part of the preca-
tive prefix, lie-in being dialectic for gan.
13. wa(MA) = alddu, Br. 6769, and the infix da may be
locative, the pronominal representative being understood.
14. zi is one of the common words for 'life,' = Assyrian
napi$tu, but here evidently a verb.
15 & 16. sar-ra = Mru, Br. 4315. ul) and U are verbal in-
fixes, MSL. p. XXIV. ir = bamfi, Br. 5386.
17. U = na$u, Br. 6148. me-ri is phonetic for the Erne Sal:
mer (AD), patru. dm (A. AN) seems to occur sometimes as a
verbal prefix, Br. p. 548, but it serves more usually as a
suffix equal to the verb 'to be.' In da-ab } dab, 'unto it,' we
have the pronominal object represented by ab.
18. |(H(U)-SMw(SE)-na, a word not often found outside of
the collection of hymns in CT. XV, is explained by Professor
Prince in his translation of some of these hymns, as 'plant-
growth.' It is to be regretted that the sign SE in this com-
Vol. xxx.] .1 /-If/mn to Midlil 321
bination in these inscriptions is not very readily identified;
the phonetic complement >*a, however, helps to confirm the
reading of the sign as sun. %(PA) *+ma 'smite,' Br. 5576.
19. eS is sometimes a postposition, Br. 9998. til(TI) ba>
Lines 20 to 31. Lord of Alum/lance.
The Assyrian Creation Legends assume that Bel, the old
god of Nippur, was the god of the earth par excellence, and
that it was he who prepared the earth for the habitation of
mankind. See Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria,
p. 140.
20 & 21. dam aSSatu and dumu(T^R) = maru, and the
jiarallellism between the two lines would suggest that ma-al-la
must mean 'husband,' being a dialectic form for mdl(IG)
which equals ba$u, also sakanu, signifying 'substance/ 'exist-
ence,' &c.
22 & 23. *aZ(NI) = barii 'be abundant,' Br. 5314. uigin =
irn, Br. 10335. imina-bi = sibitti-Sunu or sibitti-su. Sam
ku = rttu ahdlu, 'food to eat.'
24. tur = tarhaxu and amar(ZiUR) = burn 'offspring.' a nag
= me $atu 'water to drink.' &wr(BAB)-ra in 25 means 'pro-
tector, 5 from nasara.
26 & 27. These two lines go together and illustrate how
Bel's and Ea's provinces overlap each other, as regards the
water-courses, sug = #usu and su = ruddu. pes = rapasu
'extent,' from which we derive the idea 'plentifulness,' and a
may equal mu 'water.' ba-an-nigin-na is a verb; the prefix,
one of usual occurence, in a pronominal way takes up the
remote object just given, nigin as a verb = palidru; above,
it is a noun.
28. This and the following three lines offer a considerable
difficulty in translation, mu = Sattu from the fuller form mu-
an-na 'name of heaven,' i. e., 'year.' Prom gig 'sick' and gin
'going' we get the translation 'epidemic sickness.' kucl(TAR)
= danu 'judge.'
29. II = elu or na$u, and muJj, although usually a preposition,
seems here to have the place of a postposition, ur-ra =
/e 'beam.'
30 & 31. These two lines have parallel thoughts and con-
sequently should be explained together. Their duplicates in
Plate 24, possessing slight phonetic variations, help to a cor-
322 Frederick A. Vanderburgh, [1910.
rect reading. Perhaps IGr should be read gal, but line 11 of
Plate 24 gives ma-al. Possibly lid is a loan-word from the
Semitic lidu which is connected with alddu, but there are
lexicographic references which connect it with lu, making it
equal to the feminine littu 'wild cow.' It is interesting to note
also that the sign LID has a value db = arJm 'wild ox: gin
(DU) = kanu and 8al = remu.
32 to 38. Lord of Near Approach.
The Babylonian theologian, as pointed out by Professor
Jastrow, regarded Bel as representing providential forces
which operate among the inhabited portions of the globe.
This idea is apparent here in the lines about Bel's near
approach.
32. Possibly it is well to note the difference between na-
ma-da-te and ni-ma-te. The first, it will be noticed, has the
infix da which the second does not have. This must be
because of the locative relation of da to the noun preceding
the verb. Another difference is that the first verb has the
prefix na where the second has ni. na does not often occur
as a prefix; when it does, it usually belongs to the verb of
the third person, na may probably be a harmonic equivalent
of ni. ni and ne are both used with an aorist tense. If te
means 'is approaching,' ni-te must mean 'is near.' ma as a
prefix would be a harmonic equivalent of mu, but, as an infix,
must have reference to matter going before, mu-da seems to
be a scribal error for mu-lu-da; see the same refrain in line 33.
35. ni-in-u: nin (ni-in) is a reduplication referring to the
indirect object, probably to ma 'land.' it as equivalent to
labdru can mean 'endure.' Possibly a value should be chosen
for U as meaning 'old' that may take the phonetic complement
-ra; instances with U + ra meaning 'old' are on record. On
the other hand, ra may not be a phonetic complement at all.
38. si = karnu 'horn.' Notice the precative form of the
verb, ga-ma-te; the infix da now has dropped out.
39 to 47. Lord of Supplication.
The thought passes here from that of Bel giving command
to his people to that of the people offering prayer to Bel.
39. damal = gabsu and gan = alidu. gab-da-pe seems to be
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to Mullil 323
for ga-ba-da-pes ; see the next line, where ga is plainly precative.
pe = rapaSu 'extend' as above, pad -= tamu 'speak.'
43. _pisan(SIT)-/ia = pisannu 'vessel;' we are guided by the
phonetic complement in determining this value of IT; the
value Sid would have given alaktu 'going,' hti = menutu
'counting,' and sangu = sangu 'priest.' Sacrificial vessels are
no doubt referred to.
44. ~ki-ne, 'place of fire,' hence 'altar.' gdl(I(jr) = labanu, Br.
2241. ri in line 45 = hatdnu which gives us the word 'pro-
tection.'
46. sar: the right Assyrian equivalent for this word here is
isinnu, Br. 4311. No other meaning for SAR will suit in this
line. From sar as 'forest' we easily pass to the conception
'park' and then to the 'festival' that might be held there, ra
= ramu, Br. 6362. ?'-?#> (LU)is the same as the Assyrian kubu.
i-dib is said to mean 'seizing speech' and i-nim, referred to
above, 'high speech.' It may not, however, be safe often to
regard the parts of such composite words as having ideographic
value, bi = kibu and nab (na-db) calls up the double object,
direct and indirect, giving such a use as in 'they speak it
to him.'
47. dim = Sarru, Br. 4254, and of course we can say 'queen,'
if dim can mean 'king.' bara = parakku and gin(GrI) = tdru.
48 to 54. Lord of Majesty.
The last two lines of this section are exceedingly difficult,
lines 51 and 52 also give considerable trouble.
The thought that the loftiness of the deity as incomparable,
found here, appears in other hymns, particularly the great
bilingual hymn to Nannar, published in IV R. 9. See Vander-
burgh's Sumerian Hymns.
48. a-ba = mannu 'who? 5 a-na = minu 'what?' a-rt-a^(RAM);
reduplication of a for a verbal prefix is unusual; d^(RAM) =
madadu 'measure.' In line 50, wa, by scribal error, stands
for a-nn.
51. ttir, 'court;' see line 24. du(KAK) = banu, epe$u, ritu, &c.
abnn, according to Sb. 378, but salam, according to Br. 7297,
giving the Assyrian lanu and salimi 'image.' ta-a-an = minu
'what?;' Br. 3969. a-an above = 'what?' ta alone also can
'what?;' Br. 3958. mgin = saharii similar in meaning to pa-
Ijaru; see lines 22 & 27. gam in 52 kandSu 'bow down.'
324 Frederick A. Vanderlurgh, A Hymn to Mullil. [1910.
53. efwww(TUR) == mdru 'son;' see line 21. ^r(KU); possibly
KU = rubu; if so, the value would be dur, Br. 10498 & 10547.
It would not alter the sense very much, if we should read KU
as equal to ltakl& and say 'son with weapons.' su = emuku
power.' $e-ir is dialectic for nir = beht,, etellu, Sarru and
other synonyms, ma-al is the same as gdl(IG-) = SaMnu
'establish.'
54. It is almost impossible to tell how KU and RAM should
be read in this line. If the fourth sign is ga the value of
RAM is ag. RAM can = uru 'command,' yielding a parallel
with f5(TIJM) 'wrath.' li-a (disu) 'luxuriant growth' + gu 'vege-
tation' form a parallel with zal(NI) 'abundant' + $im-e 'herbage.'
The second KU read as ins (ctMbu) makes a parallel to nd
(rabdsu).
55 to 63. Lord of Recompense.
In passing from the previous section to this, there is a
change in the pronouns used. In that section Bel is referred
to with the pronominal suffix -zu 'thy;' in this section by the
suffix -ni 'his.'
55. aga(M.TR)\ this sign signifies 'crown,' and the value ago,
is apparently from the Semitic agu. al = sjiru 'lofty,' Br. 5749.
TAR we have had above; with the value hud, required by the
phonetic complement de, we are led to some such meaning as
'judge,' danu, Br. 364, line 28.
mulu-e-da; in line 33 and elsewhere, we have mu-lu-da; is
there any difference in these two phrases except phonetically?
Is -e-, in a case like this, equal to the definite article 'the?'
58. igi(SI) = pdnu, Br. 9259. bar =* pirtitu, Br. 1788.
61. %(TUK) = aMzw 'seize.'
A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts from
the British Museum, XV., Plate 23) with translation
and commentary. By Professor J. DYNELEY PRINCE,
Ph.D., Columbia University, New York City.
THE following Erne-Sal hymn to the goddess Kir-y't-ln
(obv. 4; also Nin-kir-gi-lu, rev. 14) is distinctly a prayer for
fructifying rain, the granting of which in this petition is made
the chief function of the deity. That Kir-gi-lu, occurring
also Reisner, Sum. Bab. Hymnen, NO. III., PI. 137, col. iii, 4,
was none other than Istar seems apparent from obv. 4, where
Kir-gi-lu is mentioned as the tutelary deity of the E-Nana,
the temple of Istar. Istar herself was the personification of
fertility, the great mother of all that manifests life (Jastrow,
Religion, Eng. Ed., p. 459), so that a hymn of this character,
praying for plenty, is perfectly natural.
The exact meaning of the name Kir-gi-lu is not clear, but
it seems undoubtedly to be connected with the idea of plen-
teousness. Note that the sign KIR-PES = mamlu 'fullness/
6933; also KIR-GAL, 6941; = maru 'be fat,' 6934; = rap&Su
'extend,' 6936; Md$u 'to triple' = 'multiply,' 6937, all which
meanings are in harmony with the general idea of fertility
(MSL. 269). * For further discussion, see also below on obv. 2.
In obv. 20, 21, I have rendered DA-MU as Bau, in spite
of the absence of the god-determinative AN. Here it should
be noted that in some forms of the Babylonian theology,
Bau was the mother of Ea, the deity of the ocean; viz., of
water. Jastrow has suggested (Religion, p. 61) that, since Ea
represents the waters of the abyss or lower realm, Bau, his
mother, probably was the deity of the waters of the upper
realm; i. e., the clouds, which makes an allusion to her in the
present hymn peculiarly appropriate and implies her identi-
fication by the writer with the water-giving Istar.
MSL. --= John Dyneley Prince, Materials for a Sumerian Lexicon,
Leipzig, 1905. Numbers not preceded by a title are references to Briinnow's
Classified List.
326 J. D. Prince, [1910.
An interesting feature of this hymn is the occurrence of
glosses giving the Erne-Sal pronunciation of certain signs; e. g.,
obv. 5; UN = u\ UBUR = u-bi-ur for u-bu-ur; also rev. 8,
zu-ur zu-ur, written under a sign which otherwise might be
difficult to place.
I am especially indebted to the .Rev. Drs. F. A. Vander-
burgh and Robert Lau for many valuable suggestions in con-
nection with the rendering of this difficult hymn.
CT. XV. PI. 23.
Obverse.
1. du(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta er(A-Sl) e?(A-AN)-4tt
For growth in the bud; a lamentation for 'rain
2. azag-zu-mu nin ga-ta dimmer Kir-gi-lu
My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with plenty, goddess
Kirgilu,
3. &w--sMn(GUL)-sttn(GUL) MU-GIG-IB ga-ta dimmer
an-na
who irrigatest the earth, goddess endowed with fulness,
deity of heaven,
4. nin-zi-mu ga-ta dimmer e Nana-a-ra
my faithful lady, endowed with fulness, goddess of
the house of Istar!
5. dimmer it(UN)-ma i-de ma-al ama ubur zi-da
goddess of my people (land), wise one, mother of un-
failing breast!
6. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Sag
Messenger of mercy, endowed with fulness, goddess of grace!
7. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al-ta tu$(K1J)-a-ta
When growth dwelleth in the bud,
8. du(\]Ij)-e pa-pa-al dimmer azag-ga-ta
the growth of the bud (is) from the goddess of glorious
fulness.
9. dw(UL)-e pa-pa-al dara(IB)-a-ta
When the growth of the bud becometh full,
10. ~ki-ag(RA.M.) me-e ma-ar ba-an-ag an-na
the beloved one establisheth the decree; heaven ordaineth it.
11. mulu-di ama-mu-ra dug(KA}-ga-na-ab me-na mu-un-gaba-e
For the man of judgment who prayeth to my mother,
his command she setteth forth.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 327
12. fja-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu-ge(KlT) dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na
mu-un-gaba-e
For him who prayeth to the fulness of Grirgilu, his com-
mand she setteth forth.
13. la-bar lil-e ga-ta dimmer sal-Say-bi me-na mu-un-gaba-e
(She) the messenger o'f mercy, endowed with fulness, his
lady of grace, his command she setteth forth.
14. dimmer ses-ld-ra mu$(QI.S)-gi-ta dug(KA)-ga-na-ab me-na
mu-un-gaba-e
For him who prayeth to Nannar (Sin) with devout in-
clination (?), his command she setteth forth.
15. mus(Gl&)-gi ama dimmer azaij-ga-ta a-a-mu-ra dug(KA)~
ga-na-ab
For him who prayeth devoutly inclining (?) before the
divine mother endowed with glorious fulness; (viz.,)
to my father,
16. me-na azag mu-un-tu(K\3) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un-
gaba-e
his glorious command she setteth forth; his command
she setteth forth.
17. me-na za mu-un-tu(KU) mu-un-gaba-e me-na mu-un-
gaba-e
His command as a jewel she fixeth; she setteth it forth;
his command she setteth forth.
18. azag ni-tuk-a azag-mu ba-ti
The glorious one she is; my glorious one she liveth.
19. za-gin(K[JR,) ni-tuk-a za-mu ba-ti
A crystal she is; my jewel she liveth.
20. lil e$(AB) da-mu ide (Sl)-ni-$6(KU) ba-gul
The storm of the house, the goddess Bau before its very
face rendereth nought.
21. (Ul e*[AB]) da-mu ide (8l>i-$6(KU) ba-xul
The storm of the house, Bau before its very face de-
stroyeth.
22 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-$u(K\J) ba-pi-(el)
(the welfare?) of my father before his very face she
seeketh (?).
23 a-a-mu ide(&I)-ni-*u(KU) ba
of my father before his very face she
24 ?-dW(LU) nu-a-Se er(A-I) ?0(A-AN>da
lament for lack of grain ; lamentation for rain
328 J. D. Prince, [1910.
25 ........ (JF/r)-#J-?tt-#e(KIT) i-dib(LU) nu-a-3e er(A-SI)
....... of Kirgilu; a lament for lack of grain; a lamen-
tation for rain .....
Reverse.
1 ........... i-di6(LU)-md we- a .......
.......... ray lament; the voice of ........
2 ..............
3. u-siin-na a-se-ir er(A.-&I)-ra-ta ......
The gift of vegetation (in return for) penitential psalms
and tears (she will grant?).
4. damal-saqqad-mu er(A.-Sl)-xul ag-na me-(na) .......
my broad headdress (all sufficient protection), I(?)
making sad lament, the voice .....
5. me-e dimmer En-lil tub(KU)-bi &g(A-AN) ide(ST) ^w(DTJ)
a-ma lu .....
The decree of Bel is established; the rain goeth forward;
my water . . .
6. a eri-gul-a-mu ga se#(A-AN) ufe(I) gin(D\J) a-mu lu ......
Water for my city laid waste; plenteous rain goeth
forward; my water ....
7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu zi .......
For my house laid waste, for my city laid waste, life
(hath been decreed?)
8. su-ni-el-ta im-ta zur-zur er(A-SI) gig ni-ib-
With her exalted hand in the rain-storm she establishes
it; (in response to) troubled weeping .....
9. gaba-ni su-id) azag ga al gul-e er(A-&I)-gig ni-ib-bad(BJ&)
Her breast is glorious (and) shining; the devastation (in
response to) troubled weeping (she will remove?).
10. iir-ni u-lad-tir-ra-ni sag(?) er(A-SI)-gig ni-ib- ....
Her step (tread) the seed of her vegetation graciously (?)
(in return for) troubled weeping (will cause to be?).
11. utuga-a e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi mw^(GIS) ba-an-tuk-a-ta
When on the day of plenty, with her many streams (?)
she giveth ear,
12. en rftttnw(TUR) dimmer Nin-M-gal-la-ge(KIT) nin-a-i
^i't(KU) mu-un-na-ni-me-en
the lord, the son of the goddess Allatu (Ninkigal), unl
his lady is inclined.
Vol. xxx.j .1 Hi/mn to tlie Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 329
13. azag-zu-mu nint/a-ta dimmer Gir-gi-lu kur-ta nam-ta-e
(UD-DU) '
My glorious wisdom, lady endowed with fulness, the
goddess Girgilu over the land cometh forth.
14. er(A>-&I)-lib(m)-ma dimmer Nin-Kir-gi-lu
A penitential psalm to the goddess, the lady Kirgilu.
15. sal-zi-du i-dib(L\J) ya-man-ku-tin mulu nam-mu-un-zi
Faithful lady, may (her) word give life; she is the one
who endoweth with life!
16. du(UIj)-e pa-pa-al-la ga-man-ku-tin
The growth of the bud may she endow with life!
17. du(\JL)-e ki-azag-mu ga-man-kn-tin
The growth of my pure place may she endow with life!
18. kiazag ld-?-na ga-man-ku-tin
The glorious place; the place of ... may she endow with
life.
19. /r/-a//(RAM?) me-e mar(?)-ra-mu ga-man-ku-tin
The beloved one (the plaint which I make?) may she
endow with life-giving effect!
20. azag a-a-mu ba-til-la-ia
The glorious one; when she giveth life to my father;
21. za a-a-mu ba-til-la-ta
The jewel; when she endoweth my father with life!
Commentary.
Obverse.
1. du(UL) = Suklulu 'complete,' 9142. The original meaning
of the sign seems to be 'advance, 7 as seen in Sitbti 'advance,
cause to advance,' 9162. It also means naqapu 'gore,' said of
a bull, 9144. For this root-idea 'push,' see MSL. 85, s. v.
pa-pa-al-ta, with sufiix -fa; also 7, 8, 9. See 56315632:
gi$(IZi) pa-pa-al geStin = dillatu and papallu ; loanword, papal
may be for pal-pal, a fuller form of PA-PA 'staff, shoot of a
plant.' Of. 5629: U PA-PA-PA = araru 'a sort of plant.' I
render 'vegetation' here.
er(A-SI), also rev. 3: 'weeping' (lit. 'water of the eye');
'lamentation' (see MSL. 104).
'water of heaven' = 'rain.' See especially, MSL. 313.
330 J. D. Prince, [1910.
It is highly probable that this line is the heading of the
inscription. Note the refrain-like recurrence of the words
dn(l]ii)-e pa-pa-al in obv. 7, 8, 9. Obv. 25 is possibly another
heading for the second part of the hymn given in the reverse.
2. Azag-zu-mu. I render 'my (mu) glorious wisdom (azag
= ellu, 9890 + zu = nimequ 'deep wisdom, 7 136). The con-
ventional Semitic translation of this combination is emuqtu
'deep wisdom;' cf. Reisner, Hymnen, plate 135, NO. III., col.
iii., 3; a parallel passage.
nin-ga-ta,', lit. 'lady endowed with breast' = 'plenteousness'
(MSL., Ill: ga 'breast, milk, plenty 5 )-
dimmer Kir-gi-lu, the name of the goddess. See also In-
troduction for discussion. Kir-pe$ = 6933: mamlu 'fulness 7
(MSL. 269). gi seems also to mean 'plenteousness' (MSL. 136).
The name then appears to mean 'the lady who embraces
(LU-DIB) copious plenty,' an epithet harmonizing admirably
with her character as set forth in this hymn, where she is the
giver of plenty-bringing showers. It is not certain whether
the signs KIR-GI-LU should not be read Pe$-gi-lu, or even
PeS-gi-dib, pe$ being the usual Sumerian value for KIR
(MSL. 269).
3. kur-sun-sun 'who irrigatest the earth.' sun = gul must
denote irrigation here from the context, which demands a
benevolent function of the goddess. With the value gid,
however, it means 'inundation;' cf. rev. 6: gul = abdtu 'destroy
by water.'
mu-gig-ib = 1319: iUaritu ' goddess;' cf. also Reisner, Hymnen,
pi. 135, III. col. iii, 5: mu-gig-an-na = il iStarit il A-nim 'the
goddess of heaven.' mu-gig seems to mean 'heavy' or 'important
name,' being a grandiloquent equivalent for the goddess Istar,
whose name was all powerful. Note that gig = kibtu 'heaviness,
trouble,' 9232. ib perhaps = baru 'be full,' as in obv. 9, q. v.
4. nin-zi-mu 'my faithful lady;' zi = kenu 'faithful,' 2313,
probably not 'lady of life 7 here, as nin-zi suggests nin-zi-da,
the fuller form (see below on obv. 5). Reisner, Hymnen, 135,
III, col. iii, 8: rubdtum kettum 'lady of faithfulness/
e nand 'the house of Nand' was probably e-an-na in Erech.
Note the dative ~ra for the genitive -^e(KIT).
5. dimmer w(UN)-wm. .Un, here with the new value w(ES)
especially glossed in, = mdtu 'land,' 5914, or niSu 'people,' 5915.
The usual EK value is kalama. The suffix ma here is, I think,
1
Vol. xxx.J .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 331
the ES suffix md = EK -mu of the first person. See also
rev. 1. Elsewhere in this hymn, the ordinary EK -mu of the
first person is used, as obv. 24; rev. 6, etc., perhaps, however,
applied purely ideographically and to be pronounced md, since-
the hymn is unmistakably ES.
I'de ma-alj lit. 'having eye 7 = 'perception' = mudu 'wise one, 7
4011. On the val. awa, see MSL. 30.
The sign UBUR with value ubur (5553) also -= ugan, 5552.
The word u-bur seems to be a combination of the abstract
u- + bur 'vessel,' MSL. 63, and probably means 'the vessel par
excellence? hence 'breast, teat.' Note that the gloss here in-
dicating the pronunciation is written u-bi-ur and not u-bu-ur
as might be expected. This practically gives the consonantal
value b to the syllable &f, an unusual phenomenon.
:-i-da = kenu 'fixed, unfailing,' 2313.
i. la-bar = suhkallu 'messenger,' 993.
Hl-e must = siUtu 'mercy' here, 5932, although this meaning
is not well established. The context certainly requires a bene-
volent sense, lil seems to occur in an opposite sense in obv. 20;
dimmer-sal-$ag] I render 'goddess of grace,' regarding sal as
the abstract prefix (as in sal-xul = limuttu 'evil,' 10958) before
Sag = dumqu 'grace,' 7292.
7. ta(KTJ>o-fa 'when it is established;' lit.: 'when it dwells.'
KC = aS&bu 'dwell,' 10523.
9. dara(LB)-a-ta 'when it becometh full.' See MSL. 72. IB
means 'be plenteous'; cf. DAR = tarru, 3471 and dara(IE)
= isxu 'a swarm of fish,' 10483. Hence the rendering here.
10. 7a-o#(RAM) = nardmu 'beloved,' 971.
me-e = qulu 'voice, decree,' 10370 and 10374: parqu 'decree.'
md-ar must be ES for gar = Sakdnu 'establish,' 11978.
ba-an-ag 'makes, ordains;' ag == epe$u 'do, make,' 2778; also
rev. 4. Here ba-an-ag may be construed participially 'maker
of:' k heaven is the maker of it.'
11. malu 'man,' 6398 + di = denu 'judgment,' 9525.
ama-mu-ra 'to (-ra) my (-mu) mother' (ama; see on obv. 5).
dug(KA.)-ga-na-ab] lit.: 'to him who (nab) speaketh (dug-ga
= qilii, 531).
me-e\ here with third personal suffix -na.
t/aba = pafdru 'loosen, solve;' here = 'set forth,' 4488.
14. Ses-Jfi-ra 'to Xannar,' the moon-god. Cf. CT. XV., pi. xvii,
obv. 2 5, and see Vanderburgh, Sumer. Hymns, p, 45, for the term.
332 J. D. Prince, [1910.
mu$ (GrIS) -yi-ta 'with (ta) inclination' = mu$(G:lS)-gi. I
assign the ES value mu$ to GrIS which seems to serve here
as an abstract prefix to the root gi, which connotes the idea
'bending.' The sense appears to require the idea 'prostration
in worship.'
15. a-a-mu-ra 'to my father;' a-a = abu, 11690.
16. If the third sign is Sw&(RU), it seems to mean nadu,
1434: 'fix, place' and qualifies me-na 'his command/ but I am
inclined to read it as azag, owing to 2 a in line 17 and a
similar parallelism between lines 18 and 19.
wi*-?w-iw(KU) 'she established' (also obv. 7). KU, 10528
= kanu 'fix, establish' (see MSL. 210, 211). 'In rev. 5, KV-bi
must be read tub(K\3)-bi, with the same meaning.
17. za; also obv. 19 = abnu 'stone' or 'jewel,' MSL. 359360.
Of. Rev. 20.
18. ba-ti 'she liveth' (MSL. 330).
19. za-gin(KUR) 'jewel, shining object' (MSL. 362), usually
with ideogram tak = abnu 'stone, 3 11773. Note that zagin is
repeated in the second member here by the simple za 'jewel 7
(see on obv. 17).
20. lil-eS(A.E) da-mu\ a very difficult combination. The first
sign may be 7z7(KIT) = Mru 'wind,' 5933; zaqiqu 'tempest,'
5934. e(AB) means Mtu 'house,' Sb. 189, while da-mu may
signify the goddess Ba-u, 6662, in spite of the absence of the
god-sign AN. See above Introduction.
z<2e(SI)-W2-M(KU) can only mean then 'before its very face;'
viz., directly, without resort to subterfuge, she destroys the
storm of the hostile house, or perhaps the storm which attacks
^my house.'
ba-gul; gul must = abdtu 'destroy', 8954 (cf. rev. 6, 7), here
used in rhymed assonance with the clear xul of the following line.
21. ba-xul', by paronomastic association xul = qullulu 'slight,
treat lightly,' 9500; lamdnu 'treat evilly,' here associated with
the preceding gul.
22. ba-2)i-(el). Thus Dr. Lau, who cites 7977: ba-pi-el-la(l)
= ite, 'cares for, seeks.'
Line 23, although very mutilated, seems to imply a bene-
volent sense; viz., that the goddess aids the father after destroy-
ing the foes.
24. i-dib(L1]), also obv. 25, rev. 1, = qubu 'lament,' 4040.
Note also rev. 15.
Vol. xxx.] A Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lu. 333
nu-a-Se must be the privative nu 'lack of 4- a-se 'irrigation of
grain.' On the following words, see on obv. 1. This is perhaps
a heading of the reverse part of the hymn.
Reverse.
1. i-dib(L1J)-md, with apparent ES suffix md of the first
person. See on obv. 5.
3. u-sun-na 'gift of vegetation.' The second sign here is
clearly se, sum, but to bo read sun with the following -na
complement, as Dr. Lau has suggested. The preformative u
must mean 'plant,' 6027. The whole combination then means
plant-giving.'
a-$e-ir = tamxu 'penitential psalm,' 11574. This combination
was probably identical with a-$i, obv. 1, which has the val. er.
4. darned Saqqad-mu means literally: 'my broad headdress;'
Saqqad = kubSu 'headdress,' 8864, MSL. 310. The meaning of
the line is obscure. Possibly "headdress" means protection of
the head, referring to the goddess as a protecting force. Cf.
also PI. XXIV, line 10 of Ct. XV.
5. The decree of En-lil = Bel, who is the god having
authority over the storm (see Vanderburgh, Sum. Hymns,
pi. 15, line 15).
tiib(KU)-li 'it is established. See on obv. 1617. On Zeq
(A-AN), see on obv. 1.
ide(o!)-gin(DU) must mean that after the supplication to
the goddess was made, the fructifying rain then went on. The
allusion in the word a-mu at the beginning of the final muti-
lated phrase is of the same character.
6. eri-gul-a-mu seems to mean 'my city laid waste;' gul is
the same sign as in obv. 20 = dbdtu 'destroy,' 8954.
&#(A-AN), I render, 'plenteous rain,' regarding ga as
standing in adjectival relation to e#(A-AN).
7. e-gul-la eri-gul-la-mu\ here the possessive -ma applies
evidently to both the nouns e and eri. The sign zi must mean
'life' (MSL. 363364), as the context demands a promise.
8. su-ni-el-ta 'with her glorious hand;' $u 'hand' being the
symbol of the goddess's power.
im-ta 'in the rain-storm;' im = zunnu 'rain,' 8374. The
goddess establishes the coming of plenty by the coming rain.
zur-zur = kunnu 'establish,' 9087 (9071); note the gloss here
r zu-ur.
VOL XXX. Part IV. 24
334 J. D. Prince, [1910.
er(A.-Ql)-gig may commence a phrase meaning 'in reply to
troubled weeping she will bestow rain or plenty.' Note that
gig = margu 'troubled,' 9235.
Then follows a verb with the prefix nib- as in the following
line 9.
9. su-ub = masaSu 'glitter, shine,' 203.
I cannot render ga-al, as the line is very obscure.
10. A difficult line. I regard the first sign as ur = kibsu
'step,' 11891. Perhaps her step or tread calls forth vege-
tation?
u-kul-tir-ra-ni] a difficult combination. I am inclined to
render: u, probably merely the abstract preformative here
+ lml = zeru 'seed/ 1668 +tir = kistu '.plantation,' 7661. The
sign rendered sag 'graciously' is very obscure in this text.
11. utu, ga-a can only mean 'on the day of plenty,' = ga-a,
as in rev. 6. e-gul(?)-gul(?)-bi is very doubtful, as the sign I
read gul might just as well be RAM. The sense seems to
be that e = iku 'water-stream,' 5841 (MSL. 9293). If the
second sign is gul-sun, this is the gul-sun 'inundation' as in
obv. 3, read sun. The reduplication would then indicate the
plenteousness of the fructifying waters.
wu$ == ES for gis; ink must mean 'give ear' = Semu, 5727.
The suffix -ta appended here makes the whole clause de-
pendent, as in rev. 20 21. We have a precisely similar
construction in Turkish dediklerinde 'when they said' (-de
= 'when').
12. In connection with Nin-ki-gal = Allatu, the goddess of
the lower world, note that she was regarded as a represen-
tative of production as manifested in the earth.
mu-un-na-ni-me-en\ lit.: 'he is (men) to her' = ni\ i. e., 'he
is inclined towards her to do her will.'
13. waw-ta-e(UD-DU) 'she cometh forth' (e = agu 'go forth').
The ft -prefix nam- is not necessarily negative.
14. er(A-ST)-lib(m)-ma\ see Prince, JAOS. xxviii, 180.
With this colophon the hymn proper ends. Then follow
seven lines of what appears to be additional addresses to the
goddess, possibly the work of another hand.
15. sal-zi-du 'faithful lady;' zi-du for zi-da = kenu 'firm,
faithful' occurs also IV, 28, 29 a.
ga-man-ku-tin must mean 'may she (prec. ga-) endow it
Vol. xxx.] .1 Hymn to the Goddess Kir-gi-lii. 335
(-man-) with life (kn-thi)\ leu = 'establish' + tin = lalatu
'life,' 9853. This is the refrain of the next three lines.
wu-lu as subject here must mean 'she is the one who,' as
mulu = rel. $a = 'who, the one who.'
In nam-mu-un-zii we have again a ^."M-pivfix which is
clearly not negative, as in line 13, rev.
20. ba-til-la-ta, with suffix -ta = 'whea,' as in rev. 11.
21. These lines close with an unfinished clause, indicating
that they were probably jottings from a parallel hymn.
24=
The Parsi-Persian Burj-Ncnnali, or Book of Omens from
the Moon. By Louis H. GKAY, Ph.D., German Valley,
New Jersey.
THE title of Burj-Namali, "Zodiacal Sign Book," is applied
to a short Parsi-Persian poem "in 26 couplets, stating what
the first appearance of the new moon portends in each sign
of the zodiac" (West, in Grundriss der iranischen Pliilologie,
ii. 128). It is contained on folio 64 of a most interesting
collection of rivayats and other Parsi-Persian material (for a
partial list see West, op, cit., pp. 123-128) preserved in a manu-
script belonging to the University of Bombay (BIT 29). '-All
the 26 couplets are written in double columns, and occupy
three-quarters of folio 64 &" (letter of Darab Dastur Peshotan
Sanjana, Bombay, June 29, 1909). The whole manuscript is
officially entitled "Revayet-i Darab Hormazdyar Autograph of
the compiler, written A. Y. 1048, A.D. 1679," and is bound in
two volumes, the first containing folios 1-287, and the second
folios 308-556. In view of the exceptionable value of the
collection for students of Zoroastrianism, the following de-
scription of the codex, most kindly sent me by Fardunji
M. Dastur, Registrar of the University of Bombay (Feb. 3,
1910), may well find permanent record here. "This Rivayat
was obtained for the Bombay Government at Bharuch by Pro-
fessor Martin Haug in January 1864, and was shortly after-
wards bound in two volumes. Originally, it must have con-
tained 556 folios, each 10 { /i inches high, 8 3 /4 inches wide, and
all written 21 lines to the page; but 47 of these folios were
lost before 1864, namely folios 35-43, 160, 161, 288-307, 428-441,
535, and 540. The contents of folios 160, 161 were recovered,
in 1893, from another MS. (W), formerly belonging to the
Revd Dr. John Wilson of Bombay and now in the library of
the Earl of Crawford at Wigan in Lancashire, which is des-
cended from this MS. and was written in 1761-2 by Noshlrvvan
Babram of Bharuch. W is also an imperfect MS., as 55 of
Vol. xxx.] Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burf- Ndmah. 337
its folios (corresponding with folios 65-107 of this MS.) have
never been written; but all deficiencies of this MS. can be
supplied from W, except the contents of fols. 535 and 540,
which must have been lost before 1762. This MS., itself, is
probably the original compilation of Darab Hormazdyar Framroz
Kiyamu-d-dln (or Ka\v;unu-d-din) Kal-Kubad Harajiyar Pad am
Sanjanah, and contains eleven colophons written in his name
and varying in date from 20 April to 21 November, 1679, at
which latter date the compilation was completed. His names
and dates occur on 13 a 8-10, 30 a 11-15, 34 a (centre), 5n //
(bottom), 78 a (bottom), 106 b (bottom), 108 a 5-6, 198 b 3-4,
484 a 4-7, 518 b 5-8, and 550 a 16-18; the dates of which are
six years earlier than that of Darab's supposed original Rivayat
at Balsar mentioned in the Parsl Pralals, p. 16, n. 3. J Other
copies of Darab's Rivayat exist in the Mulla Firuz Library,
and in that of Dastur Dr. Jamasp Minochiharji, both in Bombay;
and in some cases the arrangement of the contents varies, as
appears from the catalogue of the Mulla Firuz Library (Bom-
bay, 1873), pp. 172-178.2"
In BIT 29 the Burj-Ndmah immediately follows the Mar-
Nam ah, a similar list of omens to be drawn from the appear-
ance of a snake on each of the days of the month. This Mar-
Ndmah I have already considered at some length in a paper
which will appear in the Hoshang Memorial Volume now in
press at Bombay; and the present contribution may, accord-
ingly, be regarded as a continuation and supplement of my
study of the "Snake Book."
The Burj-Ndmah goes back, as we have seen, to 1679, and
it is probably of somewhat earlier date, for it is scarcely
likely that Darab Hormazdyar, the compiler of the manuscript
which has preserved it, was also its author. In my study of
the Mdr-Ndmah I have suggested that the whole basal system
of this sort of augural calendars may have been derived ul-
timately from Babylonia. Perhaps the same suggestion may
be made in the case of the Burj-Ndmah, though whether the
" astrological forecasts for the various months, taken from ob-
1 Two more references to the Parsl Prakas are given by "West (op.
cit., p. 126), but the work is unfortunately inaccessible to me.
2 This catalogue fails, however, to mention anything corresponding to
the Burj-Ndmah.
338 Louis H. Gray, [1910.
servatious of the moon,'' listed by Bezold (Catalogue of the
Kouyunjik Collection, K 5847, K 6468, 82-3-23 33 [pp. 745,
789, 1816]), furnish any parallels is, of course, impossible to
tell until these tablets shall have been edited. It is at least
certain, from the description of Ahlwardt (Verzeiclinis der
arabischen Handschriften der konigliclien Bibliotliek zu Berlin,
v. 301-302), that the Berlin Arabic manuscripts 5904-5905 do
not come under our category, despite their "Deutungen aus
dem Stand des Blondes in den zwolf Tierkreis-Zeichen auf
allerlei Ereignisse."
The tone of the Burj-Ndmah is more specifically Zoroastrian
than is the Mar-Namah. The form of the bismilldh is dis-
tinctly Iranian (the article on the bismilldh by Goldziher in
Basting's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. 666-668, en-
tirely ignores the Zoroastrian adaptation of this phrase, though
referring to Arabo-Greek forms, current especially in Egypt,
such as iv 6v6[j.aTL TOV Qtov TOV lAo^ovos (fciXavBpcoTrov for a particul-
arly elaborate Zoroastrian bismilldh cf. that prefixed to all three
versions of the Sikand-Gumamg Vijdr [ed. Hoshang and West,
pp. 3, 181]), j>\> ^b^.^0 >^\ ? Lo. A specifically Parsi-Persian
word is^Uu* 1 (v. 3), which is a faulty transcription of the Pahlavl
/.u^ "making" (cf. Justi, Bundaliesli, p. 207, Spiegel, Ein-
leitung in die traditionellen Scliriften der Par sen, ii. 385). When
the new moon is seen in Capricornus, the Asdm voliu (Tasna
xxvii. 14) is to be recited (verse 20; on this prayer as a
QriSdmruta, or "prayer to be thrice repeated," cf. Vendlddd
x. 8, Nirangistdn 35); and when the new moon is seen in
Aquarius, the TaOd ahu vairyo (Yasna xxvii. 13) must be re-
peated (verse 23; liturgically this prayer is a cadrusdmruta,
or "prayer to be repeated four times" [Vendiddd x. 11, Ni-
rangistdn 36]; for further literature see Mills, in Hastings, op.
cit, i. 238-239, and JBAS., 1910, pp. 57-68).
There is, however, one non-Zoroastrian trait in the Burj-
Ndmah its matter-of-fact acceptance of the vice of paederasty
(verses 10, 21, 23), against which both the Avesta and the
Pahlavl texts polemise (cf. Vendiddd viii. 26-32, Ddtistdn-i
Denik Ixxii. 6-7). It is true that this vice occurred among
other Indo-Germanic peoples than the Greeks, from whom
Herodotus (i. 135) states that the Persians learned if (cf.
Schrader, Reallexilton der indogermanisclien Alter tumskunde,
Vol. xxx.] The Parsl-Persian Burj-Nanaili. 339
pp. 438-439); and the impossibility of making any people par-
ticularly guilty for its introduction is shown, were such proof
necessary, by its occurrence among the American Indians
(Waitz, Anlhroimlwjie der Nalurvollter, iii. 113, 383; see also
Post, Grundriss dcr ethnologischen .///>vy/rm/ ( <^, ii. 391-392 for
legislation against it among American Indians, Semites, and
Aryans). Despite the statement of Herodotus and the pro-
hibitions of the Avesta, however, I am inclined to doubt whe-
ther paederasty was wide-spread among the Persians until a
much later period, which perhaps began with the Mohammedan
invasion of Iran. That it was lamentably common among the
Arabicised Persians is only too plain from' the TJiousand Nights
and Out Sight (cf., for example, Payne's translation, ix. 69 sqq.).
To some extent the practise formed part of the Babylonian cult
(cf. the determined resistance to the DHShp in Deut.xxiii. 17-18,
I Kings xiv. 24, xv. 12, xxii. 46, II Kings xxiii. 7), and this may
perhaps have lingered on (possibly furthering, if not even more
powerful than, the maleficent influence of Greece), to be still
more enhanced by the sensuality of the Arab invaders. But
on the other hand, India seems free from this vice, even so
minute a scholar as Schmidt recording nothing regarding it
in his Beitrdge zur indischen ErotiJt.
This absence of paederasty from India, combined with the
repeated mention of it in the Burj-flamah, makes it probable
that the poem was composed in Persia, not in India, and that,
as already intimated, Darab Hormazdyar was merely its com-
piler, not its author. How far previous to 1679 it was written
is, of course, uncertain, but it may well be several centuries
older, especially when it is remembered that the analogous
Mar-Ndmah, contained in the same collection, occurs in prin-
ciple in al-Blruni's Chronology of Ancient Nations (tr. Sachau,
p. 218), written in 1000 A.D.
For the text of the JBurj-Ndmah, here published and trans-
lated for the first time, I am indebted to the courtesy of
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, High Priest of the Parsis
at Bombay, who, at my request, made the transcript for me
from BU 29 in June, 1909. The text and its translation are
as follows:
340 Louis H. Gray, [1910.
y
y
iU
y ^ f
*r^ /^
joj ^>-*^T j* y
o ly O J^ uT^ ^.^^ ^^^ ^.j^ CU^Uw 8^sr? 10
^-^ 3^ O^^; O b y L5 X ^ ^ ^oyi. ^ y 3^
y c?-^
^
^=r
sr? 15
b\ ^ a,>
L>
r? \ 20
y ^s^' ^ y Jo y
y ^;>^ ^f>* o-^^*
i sLo y
In the name of God, Compassionate, Omnipotent!
(1) By the grace of the Lord I shall tell, so far as poss-
ible, what the days bring according to each new moon.
1 MS. UA*. 2 Dastur Darab's transcript has
Vol. xxx.] The Parsi-Persian Burf-Namdh. 341
(2) When thou seest the new moon from the sign of Aries,
at that instant gaze on the fire;
(3) If in that moon thy affairs should be better, consider
(that to be) from the making of a grain-jar. 1
(4) Also from Taurus (when the new moon appears), gaze
(and) look on a cow if this month is to be better for thee.
(5) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Gemini,
at that moment gaze on her shining;
(6) Beware of mirage and look not on water if that month
is to be most good for thee.
(7) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Cancer, hark
thou to tidings from the speech of this physician;
(8) Then look to the gate of the soul, though for verdure
(this sign) is good, Auvaran (?).
(9) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Leo,
gaze a while upon the sky;
(10) Ask thy need of a pure king; look not, so far as pos-
sible, on boy or woman, O famous one!
(11) When in the sign of Virgo thou seest (the new moon),
be wise from its meaning, harken to me thus:
(12) Look not on women (and) make thy musician of smoke, 2
unless thou wouldst make thyself particularly sorrowful;
13) Recite thou praise of God with perfect sincerity if
fortunate doings are to be in that new moon.
(14) When in the sign of Libra thou seest the moon, gaze
on a mirror and on armour smooth;
(15) Ask thy need of the Creator of the world. Likewise
of the sign of Scorpio I shall tell, so far as possible:
(16) Look on Scorpio with a good gaze; young man, in
tradition it is not blind and not deaf; 3
(17) Look not on an abominable object, famous one, if
with goodness that moon is to come to thee.
(18) When the moon enters the sign of Sagittarius, look
straightway on silver and gold;
(19) Look not on the face of the sick then; be on thy guard
that thou mayest be joyful.
1 The meaning of this line, if I have rightly rendered it, is very un-
clear to me.
2 I.e. of nothing; in other words, "have no musician."
3 The meaning of the allusion is unknown to me.
342 Louis H. Gray, The Parsi-Persian Burj-Namah. [1910.
(20) When thou seest the new moon in the sign of Capri-
cornus, straightway recite the A$lm ahu (Asdm vohu) thrice;
(21) Look not on the sick and likewise (not) on boys, else
wilt thou be unhappy in that month.
(22) When in Aquarius thou seest the new moon, recite the
Ayta ahu vair (YaOa ahu vairyo), listen unto them;
(23) Ask thy need of the mighty Creator; look not on boy
or woman, famous one!
(24) When thou seest the moon in the sign of Pisces, look
straightway on gem and jewels;
(25) Look and be happy then; be happy, and it will not
be harm to thee.
(26) Likewise is the snake now, Creator, if the king be
guardian.
Note on Some Usages of p. By J. M. CASANOWICZ,
National Museum, Washington, D. C.
IN a former article in this Journal l a number of passages
from the Old Testament were quoted in which b is not a
preposition but an emphatic particle, meaning 'verily'. Pro-
fessor Haupt pointed out to me that this emphatic b can also
be traced in some cases of pV, which is then not a compound
of the preposition b and the adverb p, meaning 'thus', =
'therefore', but of the emphatic b and the adjective p, meaning
'verily thus', as, for instance, in Micah i, 14, or 'very well',
as in Gen. iv, 15; xxx, 15; Jud. viii, 7; I S. xxviii, 2, while in
some passages it is to be rendered by 'not so', 'but', 'yet'
(= Arabic lalrin).
In the following passages of the 176 in which p^ occurs
the adopting of an emphatic, instead of a causal or argument-
ative, meaning for it would seem to establish a better logical
connection of the context,
p^ 'verily'.
l. Is. xxvi, 14. Diwm mgs p^ ic|; s bz D^KBI VJT bz D*
fob 131 ^>3 12SH1, 'the dead will not live, the shades will not
rise. Verily thou hast visited to destroy them and cause all
memory of them to perish'. The difficulty of 'b here in its
usual causative or argumentative meaning was perceived by
Delitzsch (in loco) and in Brown-Driver-Briggs in their Hebrew
and English Lexicon, p. 487 a , who explain it (as also in Is.
Ixi, 7; Jer. ii, 33; v. 2; Job xxxiv, 25; xlii, 3) as 'inferring the
cause from the effect, or developing what is logically involved
in a statement'. But we would expect "Q instead of p7. But
taking 'b in the emphatic meaning the second hemistich is an
epexegatical climax of the first: They will not live, they will
not rise: yea, or, to be sure, thou didst visit upon them a
radical punishment.
1 Vol. 16, Proceedings, pp. clxvi-clxxi.
344 J. M. Casanowicz, [1910.
2. Is. xxvii, 9. inKton npn -HB to nn npr py iw 1 ; HSD p^
'151, vv. 7 and 8 read: 'Has he smitten it as he smote the
smiter? Or was it slain as its slayers were slain? By aff-
righting it, by sending it away dost thou contend with it; he
drove it away with his rough blast in the dry of the east wind'.
V. 9 then goes on to say: 'Verily by this i. e., only in this
way will the sin of Jacob be expiated and this will be the
fruit of removing his sin', &c. So also Gratz, Monatsschr.
fur Gesch. u. Wissensch. d. Jdth. 1886, 21, 'wahrlich'. How-
ever, the connection of v. 9 with the preceding and succeeding
passages is rather loose, and it is possibly out of place here.
3. Is. ixi, 7. an 5 ? rvnn nbiy nn&fe un* njtfp D2n*o p^>. If
the reading of v. 6 in the MT. is correct, viz, 'For your
shame ye will have double, and for confusion they (or, you)
will rejoice over their (your) portion', 'b introduces an em-
phatic parallelism: 'Yea, in their own land will they possess
double and their joy will be everlasting'. See, however, the
emendations of v. 6 by Oort (quoted in the critical notes to
Kautzsch's translation) and Cheyne, SBOT, Isaiah, Hebr. edition,
pp. 66 and 161.
4. Jer. v, 2. Ijntf 11 Ipts6 p^> TO^ ni!T ^H DN1, 'and though
they say, As Jhvh lives, surely they swear falsely 7 . So the
ARVV. This makes unnecessary the adoption of an advers-
ative meaning for 'b here. Duhm (in Marti's Kurz. Hdk.)
would change the 'sinnlose' pb, after viii, 6, into p^ orp fc6
and strike "Ipti6. But for swearing falsely yst?} is always
combined with IptP or K1$. In taking an oath it is not prim-
arily a question of right or wrong, but of true or false.
5. Micah i, 14. ro nBhID by DTJI^ ^nn p 5 ?, 'thus thou
must indeed give a parting gift to Moresheth Gath'. So Haupt.
6. Zach. xi, 7. ]K3n "J}$ ]lb ]&* n HV11, 'so I fed the
flock of slaughter, verily the poor of the flock'. So the RV.
LXX, ets TTJV Xavaavtrtj/ == '2JH ^i^?^-
7. Job xxxiv, 25. 1K3T1 fib*b ^DHI DnnngJS T3! p 5 ?, v. 24
reads: 'He breaks the mighty without an inquiry and sets
others in their place', 'b introduces not the cause, but the
reason of 'without inquiry': 'Verily he knows their works
(sc., without inquiry), and so he overturns them in the night
so that they are crushed'. So Vulg.: novit enim opera eorum;
LXX: o yvw/DtCwy avr&v ra e/>ya, omitting 'b.
8. Job xlii, 3. ps *Ai Tnun p^ njn *b* nsg 0^50 nt v
Vol. xxx.j Note on Some Usages oj }3b. 345
fc6l "OIOO rflN^W, 'who is this that hides counsel without
knowledge; thus indeed I have uttered that which I under-
stood not, things too wonderful for me, which I knew not. 7
Kamphausen (in Bunsen's Bibelwerk), 'nay' ("ja"); Budde '(in
Nowack's Hdk.) strikes 3 a to avoid the difficulty of the 'b,
while Duhm considers it a marginal gloss. LXX: TI? 8 dv-
ayycAet //06 = "b Tr ^ S D.
p^, 'very well', 'all right'.
9. Gen. xxx, 15. n DJ nnp^ & ns ^nnp &j>n r6 ION
TO wn nnn nWn TJDJ; 33^ p^ ^m im < 'wn, 'and
she (Leah) said unto her, Is it not enough that thou hast
taken away my husband, that thou also takest away my son's
love apples? And Rachel said, Very well, he shall lie with
thee to night for thy son's love apples. LXX: o\>x
while Vulg. omits b.
10. Jud. xiii, 7. 'TO JttO^SI rQT n m.T nr>l p^ )1p
n^girn ni iinpn ^ip n DDi^n n ^11, v. 6 reads, 'And
the princes of Succoth said, Are the hands (properly, palms)
of Zebah and Zalmunna in thy hands, that we should give
bread to thy hosts?' And Gideon said, Very well, when Jhvh
will have given Zebah and Zalmunna into my hand I shall
thresh your flesh with thorns of the wilderness and with briars.'
So also Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Nun gut'.
11. IS. xxviii, 2. ?pny nfejp *WK n jnn nn p^ "in *ID^,
v. l lj 'and Achish said unto David, know thou assuredly that
thou wilt go with me into the campaign, thou and thy men?'
'And David said unto Achish, Very well, thou wilt learn what
thy servant will do.' Kautzsch and Nowack: 'Gut nun'. LXX:
oirw vvv 71/0077; Vulg.: nunc etiam (nny for nnN). The meaning
of 'verily' or 'surely' (so AV.) for 'b would also be proper here.
pX 'not so', 'but', 'yet'.
12. Gen. iv, 15. Dp; D^njntf pp nn *7D niiT b IfcfcOl, v. 14 \
'and I will be a fugitive and .wanderer on the earth, and it
will come to pass that whosoever finds me will slay me.' 'And
Jhvh said to him, Not so, whosoever slays Cain vengeance will
be taken on him sevenfold.' LXX: ovx ovrws; Vulg.: nequarn-
quam. Tuch, 'dennoch', 'aber doch'.
13. Jud. xi, 24. *p^ viw nny p^ nns^ b* nj;^ ^jpt no^,
v. 7, 'and Jephthah said unto the elders of Gilead, Did not
you hate me and drive me out of my father's house, and why
have you come now when you are in distress?' 'And the
346 J. M. Casanowicz, Note on Some Usages of pi. [1910.
elders of Gilead said unto Jephthah, But now we have turned
again to thee.' Kautzsch: 'Ja'. Still, the argumentative meaning
of 'i would here also be in place: 'therefore', i. e. t either
because we want to make good the wrong done to you by us
(Nowack), or because we are now in distress (Konig, Histor.-
Compar. Syntax der Hebr. Spr. 373 p.).
14. Is. x, 24. n^ I&B KTH i nins nviiK ^T IDS HD pi
'U1 TIPKB ]VS, v. 23 'for a strict decree of destruction will the
Lord God Sabaoth execute upon all the land'. 'Yet, thus
says the Lord God Sabaoth, Fear not my people who dwell
in Zion because of Asshur, etc.'
15. Is. xxx, 18. TiiK -o DSDrni on; pii DD}}ni mm nan 1 ; pii
'131 mrp DSfc^D, v. 17, 'thousand at the war-cry of one, and the
war cry of five shall ye flee, till you are left like a pole on
the top of a mountain and like a signal on a hill.' 'And yet,
Jhvh waits to be gracious to you, and yet, he rises to show
mercy to you, for a God of right is Jhvh,' etc.
16. Jer. xxx, 16. 13^ ^Bb DiD Ipnx im li^ ^iDK is p 5 ?,
v. 15 b , 'thy pain is incurable on account of the multitude of
thy iniquities; because thy sins were multiplied have I done
these things to thee.' 'But all they that devoured thee will
be devoured, and all thy adversaries will everyone of them
go into captivity.'
17. Hos. ii, 16. Turn won rprotoi rpns ^: mn pi
TQ^ i^? v - 15 b , ian( i she went after her lovers and forgot me.'
'But behold, I will prevail on her, and will lead her into the
wilderness and speak to her heart.'
In Ezekiel, with his tendency to lengthy, discursive argu-
ments, the function of pi seems sometimes to be to sum up
and clinch as it were such an argument 1 ; so perhaps xviii, 30;
xx, 30; xxiv, 6; xxxi, 10; xxxvi, 22; xxxix, 25.
i Similar to h&, cf. vol. 16, p. clxvii f.
ERRATA.
In vol. 30, p. 359, line 14, read "refuge" for "refuse"; p. 365,
foot-note 1, line 4, read "Vasistha" for "Vaslstha"; p. 371,
note 1, line 2, read "dvlpas" for "dvipas"; p. 372, line 29, read
In-side" for "besides"; and p. 372, line 33, read "Symplegades"
for "simple edges".
ie Punjab. 8. 44. 31, on which, as on the ami and Inguda
(nuts), it is said that camels are fattened, 2. 51.4; though the
i^ a holy tree, being the birth-place of Agni, 13. 85. 44,
Mii'l use itself contributes to holiness. Thus the "great tree
at whose foot the king sits" is described as punyadhara,' or
"bestowing good" in a religious sense, 3. 24. 24. l
N ' . says it is a Kadamba-tree. It is described as latdvatanctvanatafy (bent
under its canopy of creepers), a phrase perhaps borrowed from R. 5. 16. 28.
348 E.Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Of tabu-trees there are a number. * Thus only sinners make
a free use of Palasa (bulea frondosa] and Tinduka wood for
seats and tooth-picks, respectively, obviously because they are
sacro-sanct, 7. 73. 38. The last mentioned tree it utilized (as
are others) to point a moral. It is productive of a short
fierce blaze and a sluggish coward is exhorted to imitate this:
"Better to blaze for a moment than smoulder long" (aldtam
tindukasyeva muhurtatn api hi jvala) 5. 133. 14 f. Similarly,
the Salmali-tree is an image of mortals' (inconstant) thoughts,
"tossed by the movement of the wind like the seed of the
Salmali", 5. 75. 19, etc. The Sala is opposed to the creeper
as strength to weakness, 5. 37. 63 (said of the heroes and their
foes), and the same image gives the epic equivalent of noblesse
oblige: "As the Syandana-tree, though slight in size, is able
to endure much, so a noble family sustains a weight not to
be borne by inferior people," 5. 36. 36; with another image
following a few verses later: "Even a great tree cannot with-
stand a great wind, while many by being united together (in
a grove) endure the hurricane," ib. 62 (sigliratamdn vdtdn
saliante 'nyonyasamsraydt}. Compare 12. 154. 4f.
But of ordinary (not supernatural) trees, some are distinctly
"revered." The most general case is the "one tree in a vill-
age", because it is not specified of what sort it is. Standing
alone it affords shade and a resting-place and for this reason
it is a cditya arcanlt/ah and supiijitah, that is, "revered and
honored" (like a divinity; grdmadruma, 1. 151. 33). The cditya-
vrhsa is "thus an image of the grandeur of Garutmat, the
heavenly bird, 2. 24. 23. Yet only one such tree is noticed
in the texts, the famous Aksaya-vata of Gaya. 2 Trees suit-
1 The names of a number of trees whose fruit must not be eaten are
given in 13. 104. 92. Their use as food is tabu, pratisiddhdnna. These
are the pippala or ficus religiosa, the vata or ficus indica, the sana-ti'QQ
(cannabis sativa), the sdka or tectona grandis, and the udumbara or ficus
glomerata. A list of unguent-making trees is given just before, priyangu,
sandal, bttva, tagara, kesara, etc., 13. 104. 88. In 13. 98. 39 are mentioned
woods to make dhupa (incense). The Sami, pippala, and pdldsa are especi-
ally spoken of as samidhas, wood for making sacrificial fire, and are
mentioned along with the udumbara, 12. 40. 11. In 13. 14. 58, ascetics
live on the fruit of the Asvattha, though this is a tabu-tree (= Pippala).
It represents the male element in the production of fire, versus the Saml.
2 This is mentioned several times, yet not as a tree in itself undying,
but as conferring deathlessness, dkf&yakarana, or as making endless the
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 349
able for an asylum of Saints arc enumerated in 13. 14.
46 f. 1 All cditya trees are homes of spirits. 12. 69. 41f.
It is to be noticed that the tree called Bhandlra, the holy
Nyagrodha of Vrndavana. is mentioned in the early epic only
in the South Indian recension, at 2. 53. 8 f. The famous Kha-
dira is known as a tree used for staking moats, 3. 284. 3.
The ficus religiosa, Pippala or Asvattha-tree (the sun is called
the axvaUJut, i. e. life-tree) is the chief of all trees, 6. 34. 26,
and typifies, with its roots above and its branches below, the
tree of life, rooted in God (above), 6. 39. 1 f. He who dai'y
honors this tree worships God (Visnu is identified with nyag-
rodha-udumbara-asvattha, 13. 149. 101), 13. 126. 5 (it is as
holy as a cow or rocand, ib.). The four Vedas are "word-
branched Pippal trees", 7. 201. 76.
On the other hand, the Vibhitaka-tree stands in disrepute
-as an unholy tree (see 3. 66. 41, entered by Kali); while, in
general, "from one and the same tree are produced evil and
good" (only SI. 5. 33. 22, ekasmdd vdi jay ate l sac ca sac ca).
This refers to implements etc. made of the tree, for harmful
or for religious purposes. The sin of Indra, divided among
trees, rivers, mountains, earth, and women, 5. 13. 19, etc., seems
to have had no effect upon the holiness of trees in general.
The "tree of good" and "tree of evil" are metaphors. The
hero of the epic is a "great tree of virtue," whose trunk and
branches are his brothers, though as with the Asvattha (above)
the roots are here divine (brahma] but also the Brahmanas).
He is thus opposed to the "tree of evil," the foe, as the 6ala
to the vine, 5. 29. 53 and 56.2 Cf. Mmadruma, 12. 255. 1.
Magical trees are for the most part supernatural, either
offering there given to the Manes. It maiks the place where the Asura
Gaya fell, or his sacrifice; 3. F4. 83: 87. 11; 95. 14; 7. 66. 20; 13. 88. 14
(proverb); R. 2. 107. 13; my Great Epic, 83, n. -2.
1 dhava-/;akubha-kadamba-ndrikeldih kurabakaketaka-jambu-pataldbhih
vafa-varunaka-vatsandbha bilvdih sarala-T\,apittha prii/dla-sdla- tnldih
(47) ladarl-kunda-punnagair asokd-mrd'-tinntktakn l(<
madhiikaih Uovidartis ca campakaih panasdis tathn
(48) vani/air bahuvidhdir vrks<~<ih phalapuspapradair yutam
. . . kadatisandasolhitam (ksetram tapasdm . devagandharvasevitam).
2 In this place occurs also the common figure of the wood and the
tiger, which mutually protect each other, 5. 29. 54 f.; also ib. 37. 46; and
of the lion, ib. 37. 64. The "wood- dwellers", it may be remarked, are, un-
less qualified as saints, hermits, etc., simply "robbers" 7. 55. 5, etc.
VOL. XXX. Part IV. Q5
350 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
belonging to unearthly places or to prehistoric times, though
of course plants that instantly heal wounds are in the hands
of the wiseacres. Compare for example, 6. 81. 10: "Thus
speaking he gave to him a fine wound- curing strength-endow-'
ing plant and he became free of his wounds." The Slesmataka
(fruit) stupifies: slesmdtakl Imnavarcali srnosi (you fail to under-
stand), the commentator says that to eat the leaf or fruit
dulls the intellect, 3. 134. 28. But medicinal plants belong
especially to the mountain of plants (whence aid was brought
to the brother of Rama) Gandhamadana (below), and the epic
gives a special list of trees that grow on this favored mountain
in the Himalayas, 3. 158. 43 f. (saptapatra, etc.). In this realm
of plants and vines, mythology is almost absent and even philo-
sophy scarcely more than affirms that plants are sentient, but
"they know not where their leaves are," 12. 251. 8.
There is an implicit denial of any active belief in the action
of Karma ever resulting in a man being reborn as a vegetable;
the worst he has to fear being re-birth as an insect, a
demon, or a low savage. But vines and insects serve the
poet better than the metaphysician and here the vines are
Love's arrows and ear-rings, and the bees are like Love's arrows
(tilakaits tildkdn iva, trees were the tilaka, forehead marks, etc.)
3. 158. 66 f.
That trees were sentient beings is philosophically proved in
12. 184. ]0f.; but the tales of the earlier period assume
this. Thus in the account of Bhaglratha, the text of the South
Indian recension says: "The trees, turning toward him with
their faces, stood bowed down, wishing to go after their lord",
SI. 7. 16. 14. 1 It is true that in 3. 230. 35, the "mother" of
the trees is kind and gives boons and is compassionate, so
that those who wish sons revere her in a Karanja-tree, where
she has her abode, while under a Kadamba-tree is worshipped
Lohitayam, 3. 230. 41, the daughter of the Red Sea, and nurse of
Skanda; and there can be no doubt that these goddesses are
dryads, not so much divine trees as spirits in trees. They are
vegetal divinities, but, like many other divinities of like nature,
they are savage and eat human flesh and are compassionate only
when appeased by offerings. The name given to them (only here!)
i B. has "the trees here going after him, the lord, king (raja, sic)
wish to arrive there where the two space- devourers Makha-Mukhau went."
In 12. 269. 24 f., trees desire and attain heaven.
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc.
is Vrksikas, dryads, and they are described as "goddesses born
in trees who must be worshipped by those desiring children." *
Nevertheless, this Buddhistic attitude is off-set by a few
passages, such as that already cited, in which not spirits in
trees but the trees themselves act, think, speak, etc., un-
doubtedly a more primitive thought than that of a spirit in
the tree. Thus in the age of Prthu Vainya, "when people
lived in caves and trees," not only were all the trees good,
so that clothes pleasant to touch and wear could be made
of their bark, 7. 69. 5 and 7 (vrksah in SI.), but the trees
personified came to Prthu Vainya and begged a boon of him,
wherupon he commanded earth to milk out their wish, and
the trees rose first to milk earth, so that the Sala became the
calf, the Plaksa-tree the milker, and the Udumbara the vessel,
7. 69. 10 f. Or, if this seems too mystic to be primitive, one
could appeal to the tree-marriage. In 3. 115. 35 f. (cf. 13. 4.
27 f.), two wives want children and embrace trees, one a Pippala
and the other a fig (Asvattha and Udumbara), at the proper
time, and also (it must be said) take medicine. The trees,
however, are exchanged, so that the woman who should have
'jail a warrior son from the heroic tree bore a priestly son,
and the priest's daughter, who wanted a saintly son, got a
fighter ; through embracing the Asvattha instead of the Udumbara.
The "trees of gold", which one sees with disastrous results
in a dream, seem to be connected with the idea expressed at
5. 46. 9 in the words "the tree of ignorance has golden leaves".
As it is elsewhere expressed "Him whom the gods wish to
destroy they make mad; (so that) he sees things upside down,"
and "he who is to die sees things inverted; he sees golden
trees," that is, to see trees of gold is to share in the more
general delusion of seeing things inverted or turned about, the
sign of madness precedent to death. -
More particularly, to see golden trees in a cemetery presages
death. In 3. 119. 12, "On committing this crime he saw golden
i 3. 231. 16 (vrksesu jdtdh; hence vrksikafy with SI. better than the
vrddhikc ndma ndmatah of B.). ."Tree-girded Siva," 7. 202. 35, is in SI.
still more emphatically "the tree" (epithet of Siva), SI. 7. 203. 32.
- A parallel maranacihna occurs in R. B. 3. 59. 16: "He that is about
to die smells not the expiring lamp, hears not a friend's word, sees not
Arundhatl" (a star). Cf. AJP. 20. 23, and add R. 2. 106. 13; 3. 30. 15;
Ml.h. 12. 322. 44. -House-grown" trees are forbidden, 13. 127. 15.
25*
352 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
trees in full bloom on the earth of the Pitr- world (cemetery)",
cdmiharabhdn ksitijdn . .pitrlohaWiumdu. But the addition of
the significant cemetery is not necessary. In 6. 98. 17, mu-
mursur hi narah sarvdn vrhscm pasyati Itancanan, "he that is
about to die sees all trees golden" (the moral: so thou wilt
die because thou seest things wrong, viparitani).
The later epic lays a good deal of stress upon tree-worship,
doubtless reviving old practices as well as bringing in new
ideas. Not only is Siva identified with the bdkula, the sandal-
wood tree, and the chada-tree, 13. 17. 110 (the last is the
saptapatra, N,), and with the world-tree (ib. lS r .), and especial
efficacy attributed to the grov*e of Deodars, ib. 25. 27 (from
the wood of this tree the sacrificial posts are made, according
to epic tradition); but the mere planting of trees is extolled
as a meritorious act calculated to insure the planter "fame
on earth and rewards in heaven," ib. 58. 24, since such plant-
ing "saves one's ancestors" and "gods, saints, and demigods
have their resort in trees," ib. 26 and 29. On the other hand,
one who cuts down the lords of the forest on the day of the
new moon is guilty of Brahman-murder, 13. 127. 3. One should
offer a lamp to a karanjaka tree, holding in his hand the
root of the suvarcala, the latter being both the name of a
plant and of the Sun's wife, if he desires offspring, ib. 123. 8.
Besides other wonderful trees there are five trees of Para-
dise which the epic writers regard as capable of being trans-
planted to earth. Thus the heavenly tree called Parijata was
seized by Krsna and carried off by him in defiance of Indra,
whose defence was useless, 5. 130. 49. In Har. 7168f., this
tree is identified with another heavenly tree, the Mandfira;
but in 7. 80. 30 the latter appears to be an independent tree
on Mount Mandara. The Nairrtas in the north country guard
the Saugandhika-vana (cf. pundarlkavandni, 7. 97. 7) in the
same way as the gods guard their sacred trees in heaven, and
the trees there are called santdnakds (nag as) or immortal
trees, distinct from the remarkable Kadali- trees which also
grow on the grassy places of the favored region, 5. 111. 12 f.
Bloody bodies in battle are likened to Parijata- vanani in 7,
187. 34 (red); but the heavenly trees are not described in
detail. Even the earthly banyan is figured only by allusion
and implication, though it is probably the model of the "hundred-
branch tree" to which Drupada is likened because of his
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc.
numerous descendants, 5. 151. 14. But magical trees are not
confined to heaven. In the land of demon-, Daityas. in the
town called Hiranyapnra, there are also "trees that b ear fruit
and flowers at will and go at will," 5. 100. 15. Many even
of the sacred asylums on earth have trees which grant v i
Thus in the Alaniba-tirtha the trees grant wishes, 1. ^9. 40,
and other trees there have branches of gold, silver, and beryl;
one of the banyans being the resort of the little Valakhilya
saints, who hang from the branches head down, 1. 30. 2. (-)n
the Utsava hill there are also Kalpavrksas (wish-granting
>i, 1. 219. 3, though this is an artificial creation. Just as
Indra. has a TtalpalatiM, or magic vine granting every wish,
so the AwTpa-tree grants wishes. This is so well known (though
rarely referred to) as to introduce a simile in 3. 281. 5: "though
adorned with care he seemed less like a (beautiful) fcaZpa-tree
than like a criitf/i.i-lrQQ in a cemetery," na kalpavrksa sadrso..
;"(>lru,nitv(it. Of. 8. 94. 44, and the kapparukkho.
The trees of earthly districts almost merge with those of
heaven, as one climbs the mountains to the upper world ; but
in those divisions of earth known as Dvlpas are to be found
similar trees, and where it is etymologically possible the local
tree is adored by the inhabitants. Thus in Saka-dvipa the
.a, tree is worshipped, 6. 11. 28.
Of the divine trees three or four are specially prominent.
The grove of Kadali-trees seen by Bhima on Mt. G-andhama-
dana is leagues in extent and the grove is "golden" and di-
vine. It lies on the way to heaven, a narrow path, on which
the hero is stopped by Hanumat, to prevent his being cursed.
But he discovers that this golden grove of plantains, pisang
. kadallsanda, conceals the further end of the "road to
the world of the gods", devalolmsya margah, 3. 146. 51, 58,
13. Seven trees are "kings," 14.43.3.
East of Meru, 6. 7. 14 f., in Bhadrasva-dvipa, there is a
great mango-tree which always bears fruit and flowers and is
a league high. It is frequented by Siddhas and Caranas and
its juice gives immortal youth, ib. 18 (the Kalfimra-tree). The
e of the Dvipa Jambu, is derived from the Jambuvrksa,
ed "south of Xila and north of Nisadha" (mountains),
called Sudarsana. an eternal tree which grants all desires and
is frequented by Siddhas, etc. It is one thousand and one
hundred leagues in height and touches the sky; its fruit being
354 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910.
measured by fifteen and ten hundred cubits (2500 aratni). Its
juice makes a river -which flows around Meru to the Northern
Kurus. The red gold used for gods' ornaments, like indrago-
pas in color, comes from it and is hence called jdmbiinada
(red gold), 6. 7. 20-26.
As the juice of this tree makes a river, so the Ganges itself,
which among the gods is called Alakananda (Alaka is Kubera's
city, and Alaka designates an inhabitant thereof, 3. 162. 13)
has its source at the great jujube-tree which grows on Mount
Kailasa, mahanadl ladarlprabkava, revered by gods and seers
as well as by the aerial Saints called Vaihayasas, and by
Valakhilyas, and Gandharvas, 3. 142. 4 f. The tree grows be-
side the Ganges, according to 3. 145. 51 and is reached only
by a long journey through many districts of northern Mlecchas
and hills inhabited by Vidyadharas, Yanaras, Kinnaras, Kim-
purusas, Gandharvas, and Caranas (so SI. 3. 145. 16), till one
gets to the asylum of Nara-Narayana, which is full of "heavenly
trees," i. e. "always bearing fruit and flowers/' on Mt. Kailasa.
The Badari-tree is huge, with a thick trunk and its boughs
afford constant shade. It is of incomparable beauty and its
fruits are sweet as honey. The rest of the description is the
usual picture of heaven. There are no mosquitoes or gnats;
the grass is blue (ntia) and soft as snow. The "songs of glad
birds" resound. There is an absence of thorns, darkness, sor-
row, hunger, thirst, cold, heat; but the place is full of sacri-
ficial glory and holy beauty, brdhmyd laksml, though it had
no light from the sun. The badarl is the most important of
the many "divine trees" found there, ib. 27 f. As Saka-dvlpa
has its tree of wonders worshipped by the inhabitants, 6. 11.
27; so Salmalika-dvlpa has a Salmali-tree, 6. 12. 6. This
tree also is worshipped, just as Mt. Kraunca in worshipped in
Krauiica-dvlpa, ib. 7.
These last passages already reveal the close connection
between the trees divine and the mountain heights, and more
particularly show that the idea not only of a divine tree but
of a divine grove was as familiar to the Hindu as to the
Assyrian, German, or Roman. Such a grove, called vanant
divyam, or devaranyani (plural, 5. 14. 6; 186. 27), devodydna,
upavana, vandnta, banana, drama, nandana, etc., is not only
sacred to the gods but is where the gods themselves perform
religious rites. In 3. 118. 9f., Yudhisthira journeys from Sur-
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 355
paraka past a place by the sea and arrives at the sacred
grove where the gods practiced austerity. There he sees the
ayatandni (templa) of Kcika's son and of the Vasus, troops
of Maruts, Asvins, Vaivasvata (Yama), Aditya, the lord of
wealth, Indra, Visnu, lord Savitar, Bhava, Candra, the day-
maker, the lord of waters, the troop of Sadhyas, Dhatar, the
Pitrs, Rudra with his troop, SarasvatI, the troop of Siddhas,
"and whatever (other) immortals" (there are).
2. Mountains.
The shrines but not the gods are found in this lowland
place. The gods dwell upon the " ownerless "j (13. 66. 36)
mountains, the high places; and it is significant that it is net
upon the Seven Hills of the more southern district but chiefly
on the thousands of hills of the northern country that one
finds the gods. i Bharata-land comprises the Seven Hills.
It is said in 3. 39. 40 that "the assemby of gods, tridasdndm
mmagamdh, is found on the best of mountains" (Himavat);
and in 7. 54. 25, u The gods of old made sacrifice on the top
of Himavat." When Nahusa, as king of the gods, devendra,
sported in "all the parks and pleasure-groves" familiar to the
divinities, he lived "in Kailasa, on the top of Himavat, on
Mandara, the White Mountain, Sahya, Mahendra, and Malaya,"
as well as by seas and streams, 5. 11. llf. But when the
Panclus go to seek the gods they travel to the northern dis-
tricts to "divine Haimavata, holy, beloved of Gods," 3. 37. 39.
It is in the northern mountains also that one finds the most
famous shrines of the saints. The Agastya-vata (but also Mt.
Kufijara), Vasistha's mountain, parvata, and the still more
ronowned Bhrgu-tunga, are visited by Arjuna in the Hima-
i The Seven Hills of TS. 6. 2. 4. 3 (where, 3. 4. 5. 1, Visnu and not
iva is "overlord of the hills") remain in epic tradition as the seven Kula-
parvatas, 6. 9. 11 (cf. the seven mountains in aka-dvipa, 6. 11. 13). They
are perhaps the "seven doors of heaven", TB. 3. 12. 2. 9. They comprise
the Orissa chain, Mahendra; the southern part of the western Ghat?,
Malabar (Malaya); the northen part of the western Ghats, Sahya; Sukti-
mat location in the east but doubtful); the Gondwana range called Bear-
mountain, Rksavat; the (eastern) Vindhya; and the northern and western
Vindhya, Pariyatra. In SI. (only) 4. 3. 36, Arjuna is called "the eighth
mountain", implying the same ordinary number of mountain ranges.
Among the Seven Hills, Mahendra is best known as a holy place, 1. 215.
13; 3. 85. 16 f. (Rama-tlrtha). Twelve mountains are "kings," 14.43.4.
356 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, [1910.
layas, 1. 215. 1 f. (with tunga cf. tanka, mountains-slope, only
in the pseudo-epic).
The mysterious element comes to the fore in the descript- .
ion of one of the holy places in the hills: "Clouds arise with-
out wind to bring them; stones fall; the wind is always blowing
and ever rains the god (nityam devas ca varsati). One hears
a sound as of reading but (the reader) is not seen. A fire
burns there (of itself) both morn and eve. Flies and mos-
quitoes interrupt devotion. Melancholy is born there and a
man longs for his home", 3. 110. 3 f . l
A religious explanation of these phenomena is essayed by
the traveller's guide. The gods do not like to be seen and so
they made this place, which is their resort, inaccessible- It
is on Hemakuta (Esabhakuta). When the gods "gather at
the river" (Nanda is its name), only a great saint may as-
cend the mountain. For here the gods sacrifice. The grass
is sacred (kusa) grass and the trees grow like sacrificial posts
and are used as such by the gods. "Here with the saints
live ever the gods and it is their sacred fire which burns morn
and eve. On bathing here all sins are destroyed," ib. 15 and
18. The weird sounds, however, have an historical explanation.
The great saint Rsabha, who lived in this holy place, was
once disturbed in his meditations by a party of tourists, which
made him very angry and he gave orders to the mountain:
"If any man speaks in this place, throw stones at him and
raise a wind to stop his noise," ib. 9 f. Hence came the uni-
versal rule that one should keep silence in the presence of
holiness. "Sit thou down in silence" (tusmm Cissva), says Lo-
masa, 3. 114. 16, "for this is the grove divine of Brahma" (the
Self- existent). But mountains in general are holy and have
a purifying effect, according to 12. 36. 7 and 264. 40. 2
The myths of the mountains imply for the most part that
they are living beings and of course divine. With other
divinities the rivers, seas, and mountains approach and adore
Siva, 13. 14. 399; or Indra, saying "hail to thee", 5. 17. 22.
1 ib. 6 : nirvedo jayate tatra grlidni smarate janah. In the beginning
of the description another reading is: "With the sound (of speech) clouds
arise". For volcanic mountains, see 8. 81. 15.
2 Among punydni are dharanibhrtas ("earth-holders"; the hills uphold
earth) and bathing and visiting the places of the Gods, devasthanabhiga-
mana, 12. 36. 7. Mountains assist at a sacrifice, ib. 321. 182.
Vol. xxx.] Mytlioloyical Aspects, etc. 357
So, conversely, a human ix-iu-j- is n-pivsj ntrd us revering Mt.
Kaivata and all (other) divinities and as '-walking the dt-asil"
around the mountain, 1. 220. 6. Compare 14. 59. 4f. and
the adoration of mountains and trees, in 13. 166. 31 f. In
another passage it is said that the local mountain i> i < \x-red
by offerings of flowers and perfumes and cars (? supratitfkita),
2. 21. 20, although here Caityaka, one of the five hills sur-
rounding a town, is revered rather as a memorable place.
There the minotaur, mai'usddn rxtthJm, which destroyed the in-
habitants, was slain by Brhadratha, who (perhaps with the
\\i'\[i of the propitious mountain) killed the monster and made
three drums of its hide, ib. 16 f. Possibly the fact that the
hills are represented as running red with metal, dhdtu, or
chalk washed down in the rainy season may have helped in
personifying the mountains as bleeding beings (with whom
bleeding men and elephants are often compared), but
this was not necessary in a land where everything was alive.-
One hill in particular, said to be five (or) six thousand
leagues in height, is called "garlanded/ 7 Malyavat, but it is
garlanded with the samvariaha fire, and here reside those
who have fallen from the world of Brahma. They precede
Aruna and then enter the moon after 66000 years, 6. 7. 28.
It runs off to east and west into little hills called (uniquely)
'ikds (purvapurvdnugandikas and aparagamfikds, 6. 7. 28 f.
The title of Himavat as "Guru of mountains," sailayura (rare
and late), 9. 51. 34, of itself imparts personality to the mountain.
So a mountain begets children upon a river, 1. 63. 35 f. Here
the mountain, Kolahala, in expressly said to be "gifted with
intelligence," cetandyuktah. His daughter was called Girika.
Mountains speak, 12. 333. 30; as an echo, 334. 25.
On the assumption that mountains are alive rests one of
the oldest legends in regard to them. RV. 2. 12. 2, yah prthiviih
rt/athamdnam adrnihal yah parvatdn prakupit&n aramndt
("Indra made firm the shaking earth and brought to rest the
ird mountains") is explained by the legend narrated in
^I>. 1. 10. 13: tesCtm indrah paksdu acchinat tdir widi adnnliat
cvlndra out off the wings of the mountains and made earth
firm"). In the epic, "like the mountains with wings out off"
1 Compare 7. 93. 36, adrtyanta \lrayah kale gdirikambusiavd iva (gai-
, . 78. 28, etc.); dhatttn, 3. 158. 94 f.; 6. 93. 37, and often. N. takes
, 13. 17. 118, as Meru (epithet of Siva).
358 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
is a standing simile, e. g. 6. 93. 36. That the old legend is
in mind is shown by the addition of the words "of old," as
in 7. 26. 65, where an elephant is likened to "a winged moun-
tain of old"; and ib. 37, a fight of elephants "resembles that
of two mountains of old, winged and wooded." But at pre-
sent it is "something unknown that hills should move," 7. 103. 6.
Historically interesting is the fact that in times of distress
(Kali, as reflecting history) the upper castes, when over-taxed,
as an alternative to serving a Sudra king take refuge in
mountain- caves, girigahvana, not (apparently) artificial but the
common resort of tigers and other wild animals, 3. 190. 61;
7. 107. 12 (of animals), as well as of Mlecchas, who in 7. 93.
48 are described as habitually living in caves, girigahvana-
vdsinali. They are here savages, like those of the north, Par-
vatlyas, who fight with stones, an art unknown to the Kurus,
7. 121. 33. In the history of Sunda and Upasunda it is said
that "they sent to Yama's home even him who sought refuge
in inaccessible places," samlmam api durgesu, 1. 210. 20. So,
when afraid of the Kaleyas, "some retreated to caves;" kecid
yuhdh pravivigur nirjhardM cd 'pare gritdh, 3. 102. 14. The
kandaras (caves, a rare word in Mbh. but common in R.) are
thus utilized by beasts and saints alike, guhdkandara (sauillnds),
3. 100. 17; ib. 40. 28. In 2. 31. 17 the caves of Orissa are
mentioned (pray ay du daksindpatliam, gulidm dsddaydm dsa
Kiskindlmm lokavisrutdm) as being already famous. Of. darl,
3. 64. 6; Itandara, ib. 110; tatasdnukandaram, 3. 40. 28.
Later legends representing the mountains as very much alive
occur in the accounts of the Vindhya, the Kraunca, and the
Mainaka mountains. The fact that Kraunca is the son of
Mainaka and Mainaka is the son of Himavat, gives even a
genealogical tree; but the descent is not always so given and
Kraunca itself or himself is also called the son of Himavat.
Although the Vindhya legend is more popular, the story of
Mainaka is more directly connected with the tale of the winged
mountains. The epic use of Mainaka is to compare with this
mountain a steadfast hero or elephant. For Mainaka was the
only mountain that escaped or resisted Indra, when the others
had their wings cut off. "Like Mainaka cast on the ground
by great Indra" is the incredible fall of Bhima (as hard to
realize); it is parallel to the "drying of ocean or removal, visar-
pana, of Meru, or the overthrow of Indra at the hands of
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 359
Vrtra, or the fall of the sun, 7. 3. 4f.; 9. 12 f. Stereotyped
is the phrase "stood firm as Mainaka," e. g. 6. 92. 26; 7. 92.
17; 99. 28; 123. 2; 9. 19. 45, etc., referring not to being un-
shaken by the wind, as is Vindhyagiri, 7. 92. 53, but to its
firmness against Indra Nagari ("foe of the mountains").
In 3. 134. 5f., Mainaka is said to be as superior to all other
mountains as Indra to other gods, or as Ganges to other
rivers. It is situated north of Kailasa (q. v.) and is famous
for the mass of gems and jewels deposited there by Maya in
or near the lake Bindusaras, where Danavas sacrifice, 2. 3. 3.
It is spoken of as having a vinasana (see below, Meru) in the
interior of the mountain where Aditi "cooked food of old for
the sake of a son," 3. 135. 3. The legend that Ocean gave
the mountain refuse when it escaped from Indra is preserved
in 1. 21. 35, "Mainaka's asylum-giver is ocean." There is a
watering-place there of some renown, 13. 25. 59. It is to
(hundred-peaked) Mt. Mainaka that a Raksasa with "one
hundred heads" is compared, 7. 175. 63.
Mt. Kriiurica is called the White Mountain, because of
the white silver there (Himavat is famous for gold-mines and
gems), 3. 188. 112. Compare 13. 166. 30-31, "Himavat rich
in herbs divine, Vindhya in metals, Tirthas, and herbs; and
Sveta full of silver" (rajatdvrtah). It is guarded by seven-
headed dragons and in it is the golden lake where the mothers
of Kumfira (Skanda) bore him (by proxy). Skanda shot at
Mt. Kraunca and it fled but afterwards returned: "Skanda
drew his bow and shot his arrows at the White Mountain,
and with his arrows he split the mountain Kraunca (cf.
Kraunca-nisudaka, epithet of Skanda), the son of Himavat . .
Kraunca fell uttering fearful howls and the other mountains
seeing his fall began to shout. But Skanda split the White
Mountain, lopping off one peak and the White Mountain fled
in fear from earth," 3. 225. 10 f.; 9. 46. 84. In 3. 229. 28. this
mountain is called "Rudra's seed;" though it was son of Himavat
(whom Menaka bore to Himavat). Compare 8. 90. 68; 9. 17. 51 ;
and the seed of Rudra (Agni) cast on Meru by Ganges, 9.
44. 9; 13.85. 68.
The legend of Vindhya (renowned for metals and plants,
13. 166. 31) represents that range of hills as angry with the
sun for refusing to go round it as it does around Meru, in a
respectful manner (pradaksinam). Vindhya resolved to hide
360 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910,
the sun's light, and for that purpose began to grow till it
shaded earth from the light of sun and moon. The gods
h egged it to stop growing, but to no purpose. Then the great
saint Agastya got permission from it to pass over it both on
his way south and on his way back. But as Agastya (the
civilizer of the South) never came back, the mountain could
grow no more and is still waiting for the saint's return before
it grows higher, 3. 103. 16 and 104. 12 f. As the mountain
rages here, so it may rejoice, "as a mountain rejoicing in heart
receives the rain," 4. 64. 5, that is, shows its bravery, since
"water is the destruction of mountains," parvatdndm jalcnh
jard (as travel is the destruction of bodies; lack of fortune,,
of women; and word-arrows, of the mind), 5. 39. 78.
Another story illustrates a popular belief. The "G-athas of
the gods" say that there was a saint called Baladhi, who de-
sired to have an immortal son. The gods were kindly dis-
posed toward him because he had been religious; but they
said "No mortal is seen (to be) immortal; but he shall have
a life conditioned by a cause," nimittdyuh. Then he, think-
ing "mountains are indestructible," said: "Let his life last as
long as the mountains" (let the mountain be the cause). Then
Medhavin, his son, was born but, being arrogant, he insulted
the saints. One of the saints, Dhanusaksa, after vainly curs-
ing him, took the form of a buffalo and charging against the
mountains reduced them to ashes. So, the cause (of life)
being destroyed, Medhavin, the son of Baladhi, was also dest-
troyed. A Gatha is sung about it to this day ("no one can
escape what is ordained; Dhanusaksa the great seer split the
mountains"). *
In connection with the mountain-myths may be mentioned
the story of the nymph turned into stone, like similar tales
in Greek mythology. The Apsaras JRambha, wife of Tumburu,
was thus turned into a rock on failing to seduce Visvamitra
as she came under the curse of that saint, 5, 117. 16, etc.
1 This is the version in SI. 3. 135, which, at vs. 52, inserts half a
a dozen verses showing that the seer himself became a buftalo. The
words in B. makisdir bhedayamdsa parvatdn are changed to maharsir
and so in the Gatha: maharsir Wiedayamdsa Dhanusdltso mahidhardn.
B., 135. 52 and 55, represents the saint splitting the mountains "by means
of buffaloes." So, in the story of Kolahala (p. 357, above), Vasu out-
raged by its behavior, kicked a hole in it, through which the river escaped.
Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects, etc.
Other legends abound, connecting some mountain with a
god or saint, as in the landing of the ark on X;nib;indii;iM;i.
3, 187, 50. Often the Puranic story is just alluded to. a<
when ( lovardhana is mentioned as the }>l:i< Yi : nu-I\r?na
{called mahii'h'i'ihrl in 13. 149. 32) upheld the hill for the
of the cows, 5. 130. 46; 13. 159. 17 gam uddadhara (SI.
7. 11. 4, ddvdn mitktvd . . dhrtva Qovardliannm), VP. 5. 11.
In the mountain Mahendra (Orissa chain) lived Rama (after
Dejecting the ocean") at the command of Kasyapa Mfirica to
"leave the earth." { what time he extirpated the warriors. 7. 70.
21 :'. On the ]S armada river is the beryl-mountain (sometimes
located in the north) and in this locality "Kausika drank
soma with the Asvins and Cyavana paralyzed Indra and won
Sukanya as his wife," 3. 121. 19. Both epics have the story
of Gandhamfulana (also a name of Havana, 3. 283. 5) as the
home of medicinal plants, utilized by Hanumat to cure Rama's
brother. It bears the epithet maluiusadhisamayuldah parvatdh,
7. 139. 86. In both epics, Mandara is the instrument used
by the gods to churn ambrosia from the ocean, 1. 18. 13
= RB. 1. 46. 21 (C. 45. 18, less exactly like Mbh.).
This Mandara, "Indra's golden mountain," jdinbunadaparvata,
3. 139. 16, is identical with Indra-Klla, 3. 37. 42, and is
cially invoked as the home of Sadhus and Munis. It is
through the grace of this mountain that priests, warriors, and
i'armer-mcrchant caste attain heaven. Tirthas (3. 26. 121'.),
sweet streams, nymphs, and the sound of Yedic recitation are
found there, 3. 42. 22 f. In 1. 18. 11, it is supported by the
sacred tortoise (Visnu). Vrtra, it is said in 3. 101. 15, "fell
like Mandara hurled of old from the hand of Visnu." Else-
re it associated with Mt. Sveta: "We shall see the White
Mountain and Mt. Mandara, where are the mai/ivum Yaksa
and Kubera the king of Yaksas, 88000 Gandharvas and four
times as many Kimpurusas and Yaksas" (who with Raksasas
guard the mountain), 3. 139. 5. In 3. 163. 4, it lies east of
(Meru and; Gandhamadana and "illuminates all the earth as
far as the sea; and the region is protected by Indra and
Kubera.'' Also here it is said that when Soma and the stars
hav- gone around Meru they "return to Mt. Mandara," i. e..
i So Yudhisthira on leaving Kubora's mountain "goes to earth" (and
addresses it as a person, drastd tar/ '<o>ii, auf Wiedersehen !), 3. 176. 20.
362 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
to the east (SI. has \sagaram). It is located in the north,
with Mandakim, in 5. 111. 12, and in the South in 5. 109. 9,
its grottoes (as in the Indraloka ascent, called kimjas] being
especially mentioned. In 5. 110. 9, it is found in the west.
Here the root of Himavat is said to extend (in the western
district) toward Mandara, inapproachable, sunk in the ocean.
The fact that these three statements are virtually one de-
scription weakens the force of each statement and makes
the eastern (Bengal) position of Mandara more probable, as
this accords with tradition (at the present day "Mandar-
giri" is near Bhagalpar, Bengal). The fact that Mandara is
especially Indra's mountain also helps to establish its geo-
graphical position, since "Indra's district" is the east.
But the epic has a vague notion of the northern mountains,,
the approach to which was difficult and the ascent impossible
except to very great saints and heroes. 1 The Pandus see, as
they ascend from the south, the peaks of Kailasa, Mainaka,
the foot of Gandhamadana (-pddas), and Sveta; whence they
journey seventeen days to the back of Himavat and "four
days later" come to the White Mountain, "like a huge mass
of clouds and full of gems and gold" (gold is in all the
mountains, 2. 50. 21; 9. 44. 15, etc.) without having yet
reached Gandhamadana, 3. 158. ISf. But, when one stands
on Gandhamadana, the "mountain of Indra and Kubera" (that
is, Mt. Mandara) lies to the east, as opposed to Samyamana,.
the region of the south (of Yama), to the abode of Varuna
and the Asta-mountain (where the sun sets; itself opposed to
Udaya, sunrise-hill), and to the abode of Brahma, "great
Meru, which illuminates the north," while next (to the east)
is the "abode of Visnu."2 Compare the confused account of
the Mahaparsva mountains, and those "beyond Kailasa and
Mandara," 13. 19. 20, 53.
1 Cf. aruruksur yatha mandaJi parvatam Gandhamadanam, (boasting)
"like a fool who (pretends he) is going to climb Mt. Gandhamadana," 5.
160. 94.
2 Asta maMdhra, 5. 181. 16; asto ndma parvata, 5. 110. 6 (astamana
= astam-ayana}. The Udaya hill appears at 3. 224. 11. The Asta is
conceived as a real "mountain-king," and there "and in the sea dwells
Varuna protecting all creatures," 3. 163. 10. The gods find Siva on Mt.
Mandara, 7. 94. 57, though his regular abode is Kailasa, whose lofty peak
serves the hyperbole of the poets as an image, "high as peaked Kailasa
Vol. xxx.] Mi/tholoffical Aspects, etc. 363
Despite the fact that the gods roam about as they will and
an- constantly found in each others' pleasure-groves, they are
ascribed in general not only to certain regions but also to
certain mountains. Thus: "The Raksasas (rateahsi, sc. live) on
Himavat; on Kailasa (Hemakuta) live the Guhyakas; serpents
and Nagas on (Mt.) Nisadha; Gokarnam is a grove of asceticism
(cf. 13. 18. 6, Krsna practiced asceticism there); the White
Mountain is said to belong to all the gods and Asuras; the
Gandharvas (live) ever on Nisadha, likewise the Brahmarsis
on Nlla; but the resort of gods is the Peaked hill" (sritgavdits
tu . . devantim pratisa near air, a special range). 6. 6. 51 f. Then
follows the statement that the fire of destruction (satitvartaka)
and the saints who precede Aruna (above, p. 357) are on top
of Malyavat, ib. 7. 28. Only devl Sandili ("Agni's mother;"
cf. 13. 123. 2f.) is, however, especially ascribed to Mt. Srngavat
at 6. 8. 9. which, like Meru, has three peaks, one of gold, one
of gems, and one of all kinds of jewels, 6. 6. 4 and 6. 8. 8.
The flank of Meru called Karnikara (wood) is a favorite resort
of Pasupati and Urna; and Hiranmaya is especially the moun-
tain oi Garuda, 6. 6. 24 and 6. 8. 6. The Gandharvas too
live on Mandara (q. v.), on Meru (in Saka-dvlpa), 6. 11. 15;
and in Kusa, ib. 12. 14, while "all the districts" (sub Krauria-
dvipa) have gods and Gandharvas, ib. 12, 21. Harigiri, "Visnu's
hill," is in Kusa-dvlpa 6. 12. 11. Skanda gives his special
mountain, near Ellora. the name of devagiri, "hill of the god"
(not "gods' hill"). The devakuta (tlrtha) of 3. 84. 141 (ib. 149,
ilif "lake of Pitamaha" near the &ailaraja) may refer to the
-hill of gods" (in general). The statement in 12. 27. 21, that
Draupadi grieves for her five sons "like earth deprived of five
mountains" does not limit the number of mountains in any way.
Further examination of the data leads into the realm of
cosmology and ethnology, with which mythology on its religious
>idr is less nearly connected. Yet a word must be said in
regard to the conception of the Himalayas in general and the
site of the world-mountain Meru. It is evident that the epic
stood he, with club upraised," 6. 94. 23, etc. "High as Mandara," 1. 207.
3^ (gopuras). Gandhamadana (Kubera's own mountain) is where Pitamaha
receives in audience the gods and seers, 6. 65. 42. The pddas (above) of
this mountain suggest the simile of 1. 136.2, padacdrlva parvatah (Karna
in arena) "like a footed mountain." The pada.. foot (plain), of Himavat
is '-sno\vy r (hairnet), 7. 55. 39.
364 E. Waslibiirn Hopkins, [1910.
poets are acquainted with the world as it appears from the
Gangetic plains, where the Eastern Ocean is known but not
near; where the "western littoral" is also known but distant,
as are the "Punjab kings," the mountaineers, and, more remotely',
the kings of the Sakas, Pahlavas, Daradas, Kambojas, Yavanas,
etc., e. g. 5. 4. 15f. But the flight of Indra to "the end of
the worlds" sets him in a lake on an island in the sea north
of Himavat, 5. 10. 45; 14. 8; and when Arjuna goes north be
finds beyond the White Mountain the land of Kimpurusas,
protected by Drumaputra, and still farther the land (protected
by Guhyakas) called Hataka, near lake Manasa, where there
were "streams of saints," rsikulyas, and near Hataka (which
gives its name to a kind of gold) he comes on the country
protected by the Gandharvas (the Gandharva-nagara is localized
here), whence he seeks to cross the "northern Hari-Varsa" or
unconquerable land of the Northern Kurus, 2. 27. 29 to 28. 11
(and expanded in ST.), just as Bhlma gets to the extreme
south when he comes to Tamralipta, 2. 30. 24. Jambudvipa,
3. 79. 4 and 6. 1. 8 (yavat tapati suryo lii Jambudvlpasija
mandalam) and 14. 85. 39, is India.
Himavat itself is often personified, though too huge to be
always thought of as individual. .For the most part it serves-
as does any hill (1. 188. 7), for a type of stability, endurance,
and size. 'A standing solemn asseveration is, "Himavat shall
fall (or burst) and earth shall burst" (ere such or such happen),
where the common distinction between earth and mountain
again appears. l
A general description in 3. 108. 4f., lauds Himavat's peaks,
rivers, forests, caves, lions, tigers, birds (the kinds being given
1 caled dhi H. sailah, etc., 5. 82. 48; cf. pated Dydur H, siryet, 3. 12.
130, and oft. In 3. 32. 10, it is said that even Hiraavat, if "divided up
and not added to." Widksyamdno liy andvdpah, might he destroyed. Its
hugeness leads to the phrase "hide Himavat with a handful of grass."
3. 35. 23 (like "hiding Meru," ib. 29); "it cannot be moved," 13. 35. 20;
typical of dhdirya, 1. 188. 9. The most striking personification of Himavat
occurs at 13. 25. 62. vikhydto Himavdn punyah Sailkara-svasuro girih,
dkarali sarvaratnandm siddhacdranasevitali, "Mt. Himavat, a mine of
gems of all sorts, is called Siva's father-in-law; it is holy and cultivated
by saints and singers" (Siva's wife is Parvati, " daughter of the moun-
tain"). Hence perhaps Siva is called Haima, but, as he "lives in moun-
tain caves," it may be that Mima means "living on Himavat," as he is
Merudhaman, "living on Meru," 13. 17.61, 64 (Mima), and 91. Himavat
is also "father of Ganges," 6. 119. 97 and of Mt. Abu (below).
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 365
in detail), Kinnaras, Apsarasas, elephants, Vidyadharas, jewels,
and snakes. In particular it is famous for its gold-mines and
gold-bearing waters. 1
Kailasa is of all the mountains in Him:ivut the most famous
and serves as a means of comparison when one wishes to
ilt->cribe towers etc., which in Sanskrit as in our parlance are
called "sky-scrapers," divisprt, as in 1. 185. 19; 2. 34. 20; cf.
(not in B) SI. 1. 96. 56, Kdildsasiklidrdir gopnrnih. Even
the house of lac is compared with it, 1. 146. 12, or a man, as
Balanuna is "like the Kailasa peak," 1. 220. 20. It lies, as
described in Vana, beside the upper Ganges but beyond the
Northern Kurus and is near Mt. Mainaka, 3. 145. 17 f., 41
and 51 (also SI. 1. 243. 31). The Sabha of Kubera is "like
the peak of Kailasa'* 2. 10. 2. It is said to be six leagues (!)
high. All the gods assemble upon it, and the Yak?as, Raksasas,
to be seen there are without number, 3. 139. llf. The
monster jujube described as being there and in Gandhamadana
(ib. and above) shows perhaps that no 'great distinction was
felt between them, unless one was a part of the other. Accord-
ing to 3. 12. 43, Krsna once lived there (SI. quite different,
vdirdjabhavane for KdildsabJtavane).* The two mountains else-
where, as at a later date, are differentiated.
1 Compare 5. 111. 24, the "gold-mine of Himavat," hdimavatah kana-
kdkarah, and -gold-giving lake," found at Uslra-blja. In 3. 82. 55, Arbuda
is -son of the Himalayas," himavatsuta, "where there was of old a cleft
in the earth" and asylum of YasTstha. As it is near Prabhasa (on the
Gujarat coast) it must be the modern Mt. Abu, and not Mainaka, as
later in VP. The gold comes from "Rudra's seed," 9. 44. 15. Gold in the
"essence;" sara, of (all) mountains (as honey is of flowers), 13. 17. 14.
2 The commentators here understand badarl and vdisdld to refer to
the jujube tree and not to the stream or asylum of Narayana so called
(5. 111. 4). But anyway Kailasa seems to include, as a range, the further
hill called Muinaka and Gandhamadana. Cf. the later rajatddri "silver
hill," as epithet of Kailasa, with the statement above regarding veta.
In 3. 158. 17, where the heroes see Gandhamadana and veta after Kai-
lasa and Mainaka, SI. has Meru for veta. In the more or less stereo-
1 geographical scheme of 6. 6. 11'., Gandhamadana lies north of
avat, which is north of Nisadha, and Nisadha is the mountain west
of Hemakiita (Kailasa). According to a v. 1. in SI. "black men" live on
Gandhamadana (in B, they are " happy" hrstd}, krsna nardh), 6. 6. 31 (36).
Jn 1. 119. 48, Gandhamadana is this side of Indra-Klla and beyond Hima-
vat (cf. 3. 37. 41); it is protected by Saints, Siddhas, and by mahdbhutas.
Indradyumna-lake and Hansa-kuta lie beyond it (ib. 50). It is accessible
only to ascetic mortals, and the visdld badarl is there, 3. 140. 22; 141. 23.
XXX. Part IV. 26
366 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Mt. Meru, if no cosmological theory stood opposed, would
seem to be a hill "beaten by rain," 7. 166. 14; 174. 20, etc.,
like other hills of the north country, only surpassing all and
reaching higher than the sun, so that the sun goes around it,'
3. 104. 2. It is Meru-giri, trikuta, the best of peaked moun-
tains, 5. 65. 5 (it has three golden peaks, 6. 82. 27), and it is
covered with cloud but not stirred, mathita, by the wind, 7. 156.
81 f. ("Wind shall bear away Meru, and the sky fall," ere this
thing shall happen, is said as above of Himavat, 5. 160. 98).
The "rocks of Meru" ("may be counted," 13. 26. 98) appear
to be as well known as the "sands of the Ganges" (with the
stars in the sky usually as type of countless hosts of cows),
7. 58. 7, yavatyali sikatd gangyo ydvan Meror maliopalali. Like
other mountains it is red with metal, 5. 179. 30 (see above).
Like other peaks it stretches to the heavens and "golden
Meru" is a part of the Svarloka (light-world), holding parks
of the gods, its extent being given in one place as three and
thirty thousand leagues, 3. 261. 8. It is the "Indra of moun-
tains" and is ever resplendent with sunlight, 1. 225. 37; 2. 38.
28; 3. 81. 5. Yet its glory excels that of the sun, and it is the
home of gods, Gandharvas, and beasts, but not of men who
are unrighteous. It is there the gods consulted how to use
Mandara as a churning stick to get ambrosia, 1. 17. 5f.; and
1. 18. The deva-saWid is on Meru, SI. 2. 51, 43. It cannot
be destroyed (or, SI., turned round, vivartanam for vimardanam),
3. 36. 3 (cf. viparyasa, 7. 193. 7) or concealed (above). It is
typical of dignity (Merupratimagaurava, "0 thou as grave as
Meru!"), 3. 41. 40.
Yet the poets do not hesitate to say that the sun lights it,
SI. 4. 19. 13; that vultures visit it, 3. 225. 33; that the saint
Visvamitra can "hurl Meru away from earth," 1. 71. 36; and
that the "house-goddess" can devour it, 2. 18. 8. Hiranyaka-
sipu is known as "the shaker of Meru" (-kampana), 13. 14. 73.
On its wooded top sit saints and gods, 12. 324. 1121. Asylums
are found there, as, for example, that of Vasistha, albeit "on
the flank" of the mountain, 1. 99. 6, though Yayati sports
upon its very peak, Merusrnge . . uttare (northern), 1. 85. 9,
as does Usanas with the demon Daityas, 6. 6. 22, and the
It -is described in 3. 146. 22, as "dancing with clouds outspread" (as a
ballet-dancer with skirts).
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects etc. 367
"wives of the gods" ascend it, 1. 134. 16. The mountain is
spoken of as if the poets saw it before them. "He shone in
splendor on his golden car as shines the sun on Meru," 7. 84.
17; "looked like Maha-Meru with its clouds," G. 109. 38;
"resplendent as the peak of Meru," 7. 120. 4. A long de-
scription of it is found in 3. 163. 12 f. It lies north of Gandha-
madana, is holy, the gate of the saints, and illuminates the
northern district. There Prajapati, tin- soul of being, abides.
There too, in a blessed and healthful abode, live those who
are called the putrd mdnasdh of Brahma (his mental sons),
of whom Daksa is the seventh (14). The "seven seers of the
irods" (Devarsis) set and rise there. The topmost peak is
occupied by PitSmaha, "with the self-pleased gods" (dtmatrpta >!>)-,
but beyond the seat of Brahma is that of the eternal supreme
Xar:iy?na (God). This even the gods cannot see (or "see with
difficulty/ 5 SI.), 18. This place of Visnu (God) is to the east
of Meru and is inaccessible even to Brahmarsis and so, of
course, to the "great seers" (Maharsis, by implication in-
ferior to Brahmarsis, ib. 21), though Manu holds a conversation
there, 13. 98. 6. Around Meru revolve continually the sun
and moon, from east to west, pradaksinam updvrtya kurutah
(cf. 3. 168. 36, girim dmantrya Sdi&ram pradaksinam updvrtya),
as do all the heavenly lights, which the sun drags with him
as "he makes the circuit, kurute (Merum) abhipradaksinam; for
the sun, on reaching the Asta mountain and getting "beyond
the twilight," takes the northern district as his course, bhajate . .
Iciixfluim (to the north of Meru) and so returns, facing east,
30 f.: Jferum anuvrttah sa punar gacchati prdnmukhah (SI. has
sumerum for sa Merum}. Thus also the moon, dividing the
months, goes with the stars (naksatras), and "passing on the
other side of Meru .. returns to Mandara" (i.e., the eastj. 1
Meru itself is east of Ketumala, 6. 6. 31.
1 The expression atikramya is a technical geographical term, meaning
"passing behind'' or "on the other side of;" cf. Piin. 3. 4. 20. In 30,
above, it is used of the sun getting to the other side of the twilight. In
13. 96. 10, one who kills a refugee is likened to one who should atikramet
the brightness of Meru, i.e., disdain. The account following (above)
that to make winter the sun goes to the southern district, but
nothing more is said of Meru at this point. In 3. 164. 8, the mountain
of the north is luminous with plants, and has no distinction of day and
night; but the inhabitants see the sun rise and set (astamana, 9).
26*
368 E. Washburn Hoplnns, [1910.
It is even possible that Mainaka is at times regarded as
part of Meru. There is a vinasana ascribed to Mainaka above,
and in the Tirtha stories of Vana, 3. 82. Ill, the vinasana
of the Sarasvati, is where this river " goes concealed on Meru's
flank" (and is seen again at Camasa, Sirodbheda, and Nagod-
bheda).
The Meru of the Mahabharata nowhere appears to be
regarded as the axis of the world, the north pole to which
the (later) Sumeru is antithetical. In the "car of the gods,"
it is the perpendicular flagstaff of the car, that is it is a
lofty mountain-range situated in the north, 7. 202. 78. In
view of the theory recently propounded in this Journal that
Babylonian and Hindu cosmology rest on the same basis, it
is necessary to observe that there is in fact no southern pole,
Sumeru, recognized at all in the epic. One passage given
above shows a doubtful reading (SI.) of swneru for sa Meru,
but in that case sumeru is Meru itself ("fair Meru"), as shown
by the context. The only other case where Sumeru occurs is
of a similar nature. Instead of the reading babhuva paramo-
petali svayamWiur iva bhamina, in 6. 2078 (C.), the Bombay
and South Indian recensions have (50. 46) sumerur iva, which,
in the light of the similes just given, is evidently "resplendent
as fair Meru."
Meru as described in the late geographical intrusion at the
beginning of Bhisma J is half way between the earlier and
1 It is only here that the Persians bear the (Puranic) name Parasikas,
6. 9. 66, Hundh Pdrasikdih saha (so too in SI.; in VP. 2. 3. 13, Pdra-
sikadayas tathd, to avoid three iambics). One very important difference
between the epic and Puranic descriptions is that, whereas the Visnu
Parana 2. 4. 1, says that the Plaksadvipa (and others) surrounds the sea,
which in turn surrounds Jambu-dvipa, ksdrodena yathci dvipo jambusanjno
'bhivestitah, samvestya ksdram udadhim plaksadvlpas tathd sthitah, the
epic nowhere says that a continent encircles an ocean, but only that an
ocean surrounds each continent, 6. 5. 13 f. ; cf. ib. (8. 10 and 15) 11. 6;
11. 9; 12. If. Furthermore, in 6. 12. 27, after remarking that "jewels
come into (are exported into) the Dvipa called Puskara from Jambu-
dvipa" (just as "Indra brings the rain from Saka-dvipa," 6. 11. 16), the
poet saya that all these dvlpas excel as they go north, both in virtue
and in length of life, but that nevertheless they must all be regarded as
one nation, for that is called (one) nation where there is one law" (or
religion), eko janapado rdjan dvipesv etem Bhdrata, uktd janapadd yesu
dharmas cdi'kah pradrsyate, and finally he ascribes to the guardian
elephants of space a "Plain" country still beyond those already mentioned,
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 369
later (Puranic) conception, and one among many indications
that the muddled South Indian text (as published) is tainted
with later passages is to be seen in this, that just where Mem
is sufficiently described in the Bombay texts as being eighty-
four thousand leagues high and eighty-four thousand deep, the
SI. text adds (in the words of the Visnu Purana, 2. 2. 8) that
its apex is twice the size of its base, 6. 6. 10. To get a
proper idea of the epic Meru it must be remembered that in
this work the dvlpas islands or continents, are not spheres but
parts of the earth, which to the observer stretch away to the
north and north-west on a scale resembling in general that
made with Mercator's projection (the farther north the greater
the extent), each continent having all its virtues including size,
double that of the preceding. Meru is one of seven mountains
running across Jambu the Rose-apple continent. It stands
exactly in the middle, having south and east of it the three
great ranges Nisadha, Hemakuta (or Kailasa), and Himavat
(the thousand leagues between each range making a valley,
varxa), and to the north and west of it the ranges called
Nlla, !veta (White Mountain) and Srngavat, while north of
the last the country "borders on the sea," and so stops the
row; but south of the south-eastern end, occupied by Himavat,
lies the India of the plains, Bharata-land. Other continents
to the north and east of Jambu-dvlpa (Rose-apple continent)
Ivetu-mala, immediately west, and Kasyapa-continent still
further west, which, along with S&ka-continent, or Naga-
(Ceylon? In SI. aka for Naga, 6. 6. 56) 1, forms the ears of
the "hare"-shape of part of Sudarsana, equivalent to Jambu
continent (also of the discus). This in general is circular, but
part of it looks like a hare and part looks like a tree and
these shapes are reflected in the moon "as in a mirror." It
tatah param samd ntima, having four corners, and thirty (leagues?) in
extent. 6. 12. 33 (or "having thirty circuits"). This land called Sama is
itself (ib.} described as lokasamsthitih, "the form of the world/' as if it
were the tower of Babel in Sumerian land! Kusa is not an uncommon
place prefix. Compare Kusavarta a teacher on Mt. Nila, mentioned with
.idvara, in 13. 25, 13; Kusastamba, ib. 26 (Kusasthal! is Dvaraka).
Kusadvipa was presented to Vidyutprabha by Siva, according to 13.
14. 84.
1 Lanka also has its trikuta, three-peaked mountain (cf. trisrnga, 8. 15.
8). The Vedic trikakud H an epithet of Krsna- Visnu. Bharatavarsa is
middle India, 6. 9. 4f.; 12. 326. 14 f.
370 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
is possible that the land called Kasyapa may be Caspian land,
at any rate that is where it should be according to the de-
scription. Meru rises in the middle of Ilavrta, between Nila
and Nisadha and also between Malyavat and Gandhamadana.-
On its flanks are Ketumala on the west; Bhadrasva, the land
of the Kalamra-tree (above), on the east; the Northern Kurus
and the Karnikara forest, on the north. Ganges falls from its
peak into lake Candramas, appearing first at Bindusaras near
Mainaka, north of Kailasa. On its south is Bharata-land.
The countries and mountains from the last north to Bharata
in the south lie like a bow (curved). The $aka-continent also
has seven mountain-ranges and the first is Meru (6. 11. 15).
Meru is the house of divinities and is golden (even the birds
being indistinguishably golden); so it resembles the sun (not
in being round but in being brilliant), 6. 6. 10. The juice of
the 1100 league high rose-apple tree (divasprs, "touching the
sky") runs around the base of Meru and gives health, ageless-
ness, etc., to the Northern Kurus, as said above, 6. 7. 20.
But it would be a mistake to suppose that there are literally
seven continents. Even in this description the poet says ex-
pressly: "There are many continents; I will describe seven,"
6. 11. 4, using indeed a synonym, since sapta dvipdli meant
originally the subaliavo dvlpd ydir santatam idam jagat ("very
many continents extend the world"). 1 They are thought of as
comprising not the sphere of the universe but the earth, sap-
tadvipd, so called in 8. 90. 106; 12. 49. 37; cf. "earth with its
seven continents and seas," .R. 7. 38. 56. The poet of the
Jambukhandavinirmana is quite right in saying there are more
continents. In Sabha is mentioned a Sakala-dvipa and the
"seven dvipas" are here clearly equivalent to "the whole earth."
Thus in 2. 12. 12, Hariscandra, a king, "conquered the seven
continents," id est, the whole earth, and in 2. 26. 5f., "He
conquered Sakala-dvlpa and king Prativindhya and whatever
kings there were in all the seven continents," meaning of
course in this conquerable earth. In 2. 32. 14, Sakala is a
city of the Madras (Punjab). Compare 13. 95. 23, sapta dvlpdn
imdn varsend 'bhipravarsati, " rains over this earth." But
"earth has thirteen dvipas in 3. 3. 52 and 134. 20; and eighteen
* Compare the use of " seven kings" of the Kiratas, the "seven tribes"
of Utsava, 2. 27. 16; 30. 12, etc. "Seven" is often several.
Vol. xxx.] Mythological Aspects, etc. 371
in 7. 70. 15.i The "gate of Manasa lake," according to the
epic itself, 3. 130. 12, is called "the varsam made by Rama
in the midst of the mountain," apparently Mt. Kailasa, where
the famous lake (the brooding-place of swans) is situated, al-
though the passage would appear also to include it within the
"holy circuit of Kashmir/' Kd&riircwuindalam (sarvapunyani)
not far from which is Visnupadam. The "seers of the north,"
duttard rsayali, held a conversation there with Nahusa, Agni,
and Kasyapa, ib. 8 and 10.
The number of oceans is indifferently given as four or seven.
The "four oceans united by Darbhin" are repeatedly alluded
to: 3. 83. 156; 84. 126; 85. 63. On the other hand, the sap-
tasamudrdntd main of 7. 198. 55 (R. 4. 15. 8) and sapta samu-
drdli of R. 3. 78. 4 imply earthly oceans numbered conventionally
as "seven" (still earlier, as in VS. 13. 31, there are three
oceans; or only the eastern and western, as in Manu, 2. 22;.
But even "four oceans" are also recognized, as in Manu 8. 406
and Kath. 69, 181. oatuhtamudrd prthiw.
Thus the very account in the epic which is supposed to
imply the Puranic cosmogony speaks of only four oceans in
6. 3. 38, catvdrah sagarah. In the account of the Dvlpas
also four oceans are expressly mentioned, glirtatoy tli samudro
'tra dadhimandodako 'parah surodah sagaras cdi'va tathd J nyo
jalasagarah, 6. 12. 2, though in 11. 8f. the ksiroda is said to
surround Saka-dvipa. Apparently the original conception was
that there was around all the earth four seas, one for each
direction, just as there was a four-fold river running from the
mountain in the middle of all the earth, and, to judge by the
disposition of the four regions around Meru, there were at
first but four dvipas. Thus in 6. 6. 12: "On the flanks of
Meru are four (is)lands (tasya pdrsvesv ami dvipas catvdrah
saiiisthitd vibho), Bhadrasvah, Ketumala, Jambudvlpa, and
the Northern Kurus." In VP. 2. 2. 22, the. first two are called
d.ir*e dve. Even there dvlpa is used for varsa. Compare
VP. 2. 2. 3, where the varsa called Bharata has nine dvipas
(Indra-dvipa, Naga-dvipa, Gandharva, Varuna, etc.).
As late as the Santi, 12. 14. 2 If., the four Dvipas around
1 Jambudvlpa is mentioned as "famous" in 3. 79. 4. SI. 2. 96. 29 adds
one passage to those giving "seven dvipas." The dvlpa is a safety-place
of any sort, 2 63. 7f.; 3. 177. 19; 8. 93. 5; 12. 302. 71 f.
372 E. Washburn Hopkins, [1910.
Maha-Meru are spoken of as we should speak of the quarters
of the earth. The king is said to have brought under his
sway "Jambudvlpa, and Kraunca-dvlpa which resembles it
lying below, adharena, Maha-Meru, and Saka-dvipa, to the-
east of Maha-Meru, and Bhadrasva of equal extent with
Saka-dvlpa lying north of Maha-Meru;" and further: "Dvlpas
and atitara-Dvipas by plunging into the sea thou hast brought
under thy dominion," vs. 25. Here the Dvrpas and "antara-
Dvlpas" are all part of the conquest of a king of earth, as
earth itself in 12. 14. 38 is described as saparvatavanadvipd,
"(divine earth) with her mountains, woods, and islands."
In this book alone, 12. 336 f., occurs the description of the
White Island, Sveta Dvrpa, otherwise known only from the
Puranas (including the Harivansa), which is a part of the
earth lying in the northwestern direction where men profess
a monotheistic cult. There is no reason to suppose that
Sveta Dvipa was ever heard of for centuries after our era.
It forms no part of the very complete geographical sections in
the early epic or even of the late intrusion which precedes
the Bhagavad Glta at the beginning of Bhlsma.
Despite pretended familiarity with the northern country, it
was really reckoned a death -journey to go thither. Thus
when Sanjaya "says farewell and sets out for the Himalayas,' 7
it means he- is going to the bourne whence there is no return,
15. 37. 34. Questionable also is the exact bearing of "Hima-
vat" to the southerner. As Mt. Abu is a son of Himavat
(above) so the "plain of Himavat" (prastha) extends so far
south that it is within two leagues of Kuruksetra. There,
"on the plain of Himavat, besides the red Sarasvati" is the
camp of the Pandus, 9. 5. 50 f.; 6. 4.
Particularly in regard to Meru it is to be noticed that
even in Santi its peak joins that of Himavat and is of the
same height, so that the two united peaks form simple edges
(at least Suka has to burst his way through them as they
join together), which would be indistinguishable were it not
that one peak is golden (Meru is hemagiri, 8. 56. 114) and
the other (snowy or) silvery, 12. 334. 8f. Nor does it accord
with the notion of a polar mountain that its top has groves
upon it and that not only gods and saints sit there but even
"gentle and learned priests" live under the Jambu-tree on its
very summit, 13. 102. 20 f. In SI. 13. 33. 22, Vatsanabha
Vol. xxx.j Mythological Aspects etc. 373
proposes to expiate his fault by "going to the top of Meru"
and committing suicide. In the epic, in short, Meru is felt
to be a mountain like Himavat, only taller and farther north;
but its peak rises like that of other mountains perpendicularly
and not parallel with the plain of earth as axis of a sphere.
Another distinction between the epic and Puranic idea of
the world must be kept in mind. In the Puranas, e. g. VP.
2. 7. It'., there is fully developed Jhe idea of the planetary
spheres (not Dvipas) which go by the names Maharloka, Jana-
loka, Tapoloka, and Satyaloka, superadded upon the older
Bhurloka and Svarloka or Svargaloka (these are epic) with
the intermediate blntvas as Bhuvarloka. Now the epic knows
nothing of these seven spheres as such. It is only in its
latest parts that it recognizes the seven spheres bhuvandh
(masculine!), 13. 16. 34 and 52: Dliruvali saptarsayas cdi 'va
lihiivandli sapta eva ca, "Dhruva, the seven seers, and seven
spheres," not exactly as in the Purana, even then, since there
(loc. cit.) the pole-star, Dhruva, is above the Seven Seers, and
only four spheres rise above this. What the earlier epic
recognizes is the (old) general conception expressed by "seven
worlds;" compare (in the imitation-Upanisad) the half- verse
tatah para ih Jcsetravido vadantl prakalpayad yo bliuvandni sapta,
3. 213. 22. So in 1. 179. 22, the sapta lokds are mentioned
as in Mund. Up. 2. 1. 8); cf. AB. 2. 16; 4. 7; 4. 9; 5. 10.
That is to say, the epic has the idea of the plurality of worlds,
vaguely grouped as Seven Worlds, as this idea came down
from antiquity together with that of the Seven Hills, Seven
Seas, Seven Rivers, Seven Mountains, Seven Seers, Seven
Flames, etc. But there is no recognition of the systematic
sevenfold planetary sphere, whose names as subdivisions are
not even mentioned till the Puranas (cf. 3. 261. 17f. many
worlds). In this regard the ideas of space run parallel with
those of time. The Puranic system of Manus and manvantaras
(aeons and ages systematically arranged) is unknown to the
early epic. The Anusasana, which is little better than a
Purana-addition to the poem, knows it well; and so do the
later (335 350) Parvans of anti and possibly the Sun-Hymn
(which alludes to Mithra of Persia) in Vana. The "worlds"
of the epic are three or seven or twenty-seven or innumer-
able. Against the assumtion of Indo-Babylonian cosmological
unity stands the fact that the earlier the Indie data are the
374 E. Wasliburn Hopkins, Mythological Aspects etc. [1910.
slighter appears the resemblance to those of Babylon. Even
if it be claimed that the epic represents only a disintegrated
original system, it must remain an historical contradiction
that its data show earlier conceptions than those of the
Puranas and yet represent the system of the Puranas. The
only parallel with Babylonian cosmology in India's very early
literature is, as it seems to me, the "seven worlds;" but as
these are not spheres and as seven is anything but a precise
term, it would be periculous to make very much of that fact.
Buddhistic world-theories are too late to be of importance in
this regard, but they too have affected the later epic.
Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" in the
Philippine Languages. By FRANK B. BLAKE, Ph. D.,
Johns Hopkins University.
ONE of the most important uses of the study of languages
which lie outside of the more familiar Indo-European and
Semitic groups, is to broaden our knowledge of general gram-
mar, to make us acquainted with unfamiliar turns of speech,
and to disabuse our minds of the notion that the way in which
the better known tongues are accustomed to express a certain
idea, is the logical and only way. In several articles previously
published in the Journal I have illustrated this general prin-
ciple by bringing forward some of the most peculiar linguistic
phenomena of Tagalog and the other Philippine Languages, I
have discussed their peculiar system of counting, in which the
numbers intermediate between the tens are made, somewhat
as in Latin duodeviginti, undeviginti, upon the basis of the
ten toward which the count is proceeding; I have pointed out
that simple adjectives have the same construction as relative
clauses; I have shown that the case relation of a noun or
pronoun may be expressed by the form of the verb. 1 In the
following paper I shall discuss the peculiarities involved in
the expression of two ideas of fundamental importance, with-
out a knowledge of which it is impossible to have the mastery
of any language, the ideas "to be" and "to have."
In the languages with which we are most familiar, English,
German, the Romance Languages, Latin, Greek, these ideas
are expressed by verbs, and so to our minds this is the most
natural and simple way of expressing them. We receive our
first shock when we turn to Sanskrit, where we find there is
1 Cf. my articles, Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar
II., JAOS, vol. xxviii, 1907; The Tagalog Ligature and Analogies in other
Languages, JAOS. vol. xxix, 1908; Expression of Case by the Verb in Ta-
galog, JAOS. vol. xxvii, 1906.
376 Frank R. Blake, [1910.
no verb for "to have" at all, but that we must express the idea
by the verb "to be" followed by the genitive, e. g. mama asti
"it is of me, I have," a construction, however, for which we
have been prepared by the Latin mihi est = luibeo.
If we turn from the Indo-European to the Semitic field,
conditions are still more unfavourable to our preconceived
notions. Not only is there no verb "to have" in any of the
languages except Assyrian, 1 but the idea "to be" is often not
expressed by the verb "to be," but by particles, or pronouns;
in fact it is sometimes not expressed at all. For example in
Hebrew "I have a horse" is rendered by "to me a horse"
DID ^, "the man is good" by "the man good" 21tD l^KH or "the
man he good" 31t3 Kin t^Kn.
In the Philippine Languages we must break entirely with
our traditions, for here we find generally speaking no verb for
either "to be" or "to have," these ideas being expressed either
by particles, or simply by the construction itself.
These two ideas are, however, not always expressed in the
same way, there is not one particle which can always be used
to translate 'to be 5 and another which can always be used to
translate 'to have;' the mode of rendition depends on a number
of things besides the fundamental ideas of 'being' or 'having.'
In the case of 'to be' we must distinguish three types of
construction, viz.:
a) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the class or characteristics of the subject, e. g.,
'the man is good,' 'his father is a farmer;'
b) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the place of the subject, e. g., 'his father is in the
house;'
c) constructions in which some statement is made with
regard to the existence of an indefinite subject, correspond-
ing to English 'there is,' 'there are,' German es gibt, French
H y a.
The first we will call 'copulative to be? the second 'locative
to be,' and the third 'indefinite to be.'
In the case of 'to have' we must distinguish two types of
construction, viz.:
1 Here the particle which corresponds to Hebrew tf\ Syriac XJ has
become a verb and takes verbal inflection, cf. Delitzsch, Assyrisches Hand-
worterbuch, Leipzig, 1896, p. 310 a.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of Hie ideas "to be" and "to nave" etc. 377
a) constructions in which the thing possessed is definite,
e. g., 'your brother has the money I sent you;'
b) constructions in which the thing possessed is indefinite,
e. g., 'have you any money?'
We will call these two types respectively 'definite' and 'in-
definite to liave?
'Definite to Jiave' is expressed in the same way as 'locative
to be? the original idea here being similar to that in Latin
inilii est, 'is to me,' Sanskrit mama asti, 'is of me.' Modern
Arabic ^xic. ( andi 'is with me,' Ethiopic fl-f ' beia 'is in me.'
'Indefinite to have' and 'indefinite to be' are expressed in the
same way, the idea of 'having' being the original one and
passing into that of 'indefinite being' when the possessor is
indefinite; e. g., 'they (in clef.) have visitors in the house' becomes
'there are visitors in the house,' just as in Spanish hay, and
French il y a.
The five types therefore resolve themselves into three, viz.:
a) copulative to be, b) locative to be and definite to have, c) in-
definite to be and indefinite to have.
The negative of these three types is expressed in two
different ways; either the negative is added to the affirmative
construction as e. g., in English 'he is' and 'he is not,' or a
negative particle meaning 'not to be,' 'not to have' is sub-
stituted for the affirmative particle meaning 'to be.' 'to have,'
as e. g., in Hebrew ^ & 'I have' and ^ ]\* 'I have not.' The
first way is the regular one in the first type, the second in
the other two.
The following table gives the particles which are employed
to express 'to be' and 'to have' affirmatively and negatively in
the three types of construction just discussed. A dash in-
dicates that no particle is employed. Generally speaking these
particles are invariable for person, number, mood and tense,
though occasionally they are varied to express person or follow
the tense formation of the verb. The particles will be known
as quasi-verbal particles or quasi-verbs. *
The languages treated are Tagalog; the Bisaya 2 dialects
1 It would be well to adopt some such designation in Semitic grammar
for particles like Heb. P", \*, TIP; Arab. ^^, Syr. J^l, Eth. f:, etc.,
instead of speaking of them as adverbs, nouns, or prepositions.
2 I have adopted in this article the spelling of. the language names
suggested by Prof. C. E. Conant in Anthropos, Vol. IV, 1909, pp. 1069
378
Frank E. Slake,
[1910.
Cebuan, Hiligayna, Samaro-Leytean; Bikol; Pampanga; Pan-
gasinan; Iloko; Ibanag; Bontok and Nabaloi Igorot; Magin-
danau ; and Sulu. l
I
copulative
'to be'
II
locative 'to be'
definite 'to have 5
III
indefinite 'to be'
indefinite 'to have'
Tag.
off.
neg.
di, hindi, dili
n a
wala
may
wala
Bis.
(Ceb.)
off.
neg.
dili
( nia, ania, naa,
\ anaa, tua, atua
wala
( may, duna, aduna,
\ duna may
wala
Bis.
(Hil.)
aff.
neg.
dili
f ari, yari, ara,
\yara, adto
( wala, wa
\ walay, way
may
{wala, wa
walay, way
wala may, wa may
Bis.
(Sam.-Ley.)
off*
neg.
diri
ini, ada, adto, ito,
waray
may
waray
Bik.
aff.
neg.
di, bako
fyaon, iyaon,
\ idtong, na
day
may, igua
day
Pamp.
aff.
neg.
ali, ai, e
ni, ani, ti, ati, ta
ala
tin, atin
ala
Pang.
.aff.
neg.
ag, alioa
oa
andi
oala
andi
Ilok.
aff.
neg.
di, saan
ad da
aoan
adda
aoan
Iban.
aff.
neg.
ari, akkan, ji
egga
auan, an
egga
auan, an
Igor.
(Bon.)
aff.
neg.
adi, faken
woda, woday
ma'id
woda, woday
ma'id
to 1074. The general principle of spelling which he there proposes, and
which should certainly be followed by all those who are working in
Philippine Languages, is to use the native name of the language wherever
possible. The changes from the spelling formerly used in my Philippine
publications are, viz., Bisaya for Bisayan, Pampanga for Pampangan,
Iloko for Ilokan, Magindanau for Magindanao.
1 For the principal grammars and dictionaries of these languages cf.
the list given in my Contributions to Comparative Philippine Grammar
JAOS. vol. xxvii (1906), p. 323, ft. nt. 2; vol. xxviii (1907) p. 1, ft. nt. 2.
To these add C. W. Seidenadel, The language spoken by the Bontok Igorot,
Chicago, 1909.
Vol. xxx.j Expression of the Ideas "to &e" and "to have r etc. 379
Igor.
(Nab.)
copulative
'to he'
II
locative 'to be'
definite 'to have'
III
indefinite 'to be'
indefinite 'to have'
aff.
neg.
ag, aligoa
guara
anchi
guara
anchi
aff.
neg.
di
da
aden
da
aff.
neg.
di, bukiin
aun
wai
aun, tuga
wai
Sulu
In the first type there are no affirmative quasi-verbs. The
ligatures Tagalog ay, y, Bontok ya, which are very close to
being such particle?, are better regarded simply as connective
particles between predicate and preceding subject.
In type I the negatives are based for the most part on a
particle di which appears in the different languages in the
varying forms di, ri, li, (Ibanag also ji),i probably with final
glottal catch (so at least in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot):
dili and diri are apparently reduplicated forms of di (so Conant):
in Tagalog hin-di, Pampanga a-li, Pangasinan a-li-oa, Ibanag
we have prefixed elements, a being perhaps the same
prefix that occurs in Cebuan ania, anaa, Pampangan ani, ati.
The element oa in Pangasinan alioa seems to be the quasi-
verb oa. Pampanga ai is derived from all by elision of the
intervocalic /, and e is simply a contraction of ai (so Conant).
A negative particle ag occurs in Pangasinan and Nabaloi, and
perhaps in Ibanag ak-kan; the negative particle an, which is
found in Ibanag uncombined, in Pangasinan and Ibanag com-
bined with other particles (viz., an-di, au-an) as negative verbal
particle of the t\yo other types, probably occurs in Iloko
sa-an, Ibanag akkan. Bikol Idko, Bontok Igorot faken, and
Sulu bukiin are evidently identical; these negatives mean not
simply 'not/ but indicate 'it is not this but something else' in
correcting a mistake. Nabaloi aligoa and probably Pangasinan
alioa, Ibanag akkati, have the same meaning.
In type II the affirmative particles are in many cases derived
from the demonstratives. Compare Hiligayna adto with dernon-
' i'i'] to; Samaro-Leytean ini, adto, ito, which form the
Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, vol. xxvii, 1906,
pp. 333, 334.
380 Frank E. Blake. [1910.
basis of quasi-verbal particles, with the identical demon-
stratives; Bikol idtong with demonstrative idto\ Pampanga ni,
ti, ta with the demonstratives ini, iti, ita\ Sulu aun with
demonstrative iaun\ Hiligayna ari, yari, ara, yam are to be
compared with the demonstratives. Cebuan k-ari and Ibanag
yari, yara\ Bikol yaon, iyaon with Tagalog demonstrative
yaon\ Tagalog and Bikol na, Cebuan naa, anaa seem to be
connected with the demonstrative particle na\ Cebuan nia,
ania are perhaps to be connected with the demonstrative
particle ia. The n- of nia may have been adopted from na,
and on the other hand the final a of naa may have been
borrowed from nia] what the prefixed a is that occurs before
the Cebuan and Pampanga particles is not certain. Samaro-
Leytean ada and Iloko adda are identical with Malay ada
'to be.' 1 In Pangasinan and Igorot, oa, woda, guara are
apparently the same as 'the negatives iva and ivala. 2 Cebuan
tua and Ibanag egga are difficult; egga is perhaps the same
as Bikol igua, the u (= w) being assimilated to the g.
The negative particles of the second type are in most cases
based on a particle wa (Nabaloi gua)* or on one written
variously la, ra, da, sometimes on both combined. The y or
i at the end of the particle in Bisaya, Bikol, Igorot, and
Sulu is simply the ligature i which has become an integral
part of the particle. Pampanga ala perhaps contains the
same initial a as the affirmatives ani, ati. Pangasinan andi,
Nabaloi anchi? is apparently a compound of two negative
particles, viz., the an which occurs as quasi-verb in Ibanag,
and the di that forms the basis of most of the negatives of
the first type. Ibanag an, though said to be a syncopated form
of auan,* is probably a simple negative particle; auan seems
to be made up of this an and a particle au-, which occurs
in Tagalog ay-aw 'not to want/ and ai-au the Sulu prohibitive
negative. In Igorot the meanings of affirmative and negative
particles seem to be reversed. If the affirmative woda is the
same as the negative wala, then it is possible to connect the
1 Cf. Contributions to Comp. Phil. Gram., JAOS, voL \xvii. 1906,
pp. 349357.
2 Cf. op. cit., p. 399. ft. nt. 3.
3 Cf. op. cit, pp. 332, 333.
4 Cf. De Cuevas, Arte nuevo de la lengua ybanag, Manila, 1854, p. 241.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to bj" and "to have" etc. 381
negative ma'id with the affirmative may and explain it as
or ma 4- preposition id.
In type III the particle may probahly contains the ligature
// (is in way, waray; the element ma is perhaps to be con-
nected with the prefix ma that is used to form adjectives in
many of the languages, e. g., Tagalog makes from lakas 'strength,'
the adjective ma-laha-s 'strong' originally perhaps 'having strength':
Bikol igua contains perhaps the particle wa used affirmatively
as in Pangasinan : Pampanga (a)tin is simply the (a)ti of type
two with ligature n: Magindanau adcn is perhaps a com-
bination of ada (== Malay ada, Iloko adda) and the demon-
strative particle en : the etymology of Cebuan duna, aduna and
Sulu tuga is uncertain; the initial a of aduna is probably the
same as the initial a of Cebuan ania, anaa, atua, Pampanga
a n^ ati. In Pangasinan and Igorot, oala, woda, guara appear to
correspond to the negative wala. The negative particles are
regularly the same as those of type II: in Hiligayna the liga-
ture y and in Pampanga the ligature n do not form an in-
separable part of the particle; in Cebuan duna may two affirma-
tive particles are used together, and in Hiligayna wala may,
wa may, the negative particle is prefixed to the affirmative.
Sometimes another word or particle is employed so frequently
in connection with the quasi-verb that it has become an
integral part of the word: so, for example, in Tagalog may-
roon = may, and Nabaloi guara-anan = gnara. Here roon is
the adverb doon 'there;' anan is perhaps a similar element.
In some languages the quasi-verbs of types II and III are
varied to express person or tense. In some of the Bisaya
dialects and in Pampanga different particles are apparently
employed according to the person of the subject. In Cebuan
a is employed with first person, anaa or naa with the
second or third, and (a}tua with the third person. In Pampanga
(}n> and (a}ti are used with all three persons, (d)ta only with
the third. The reason for this seems to be that the forms
used with the first and second persons are based on the
nearer demonstratives, and mean 'to be here,' those that are
employed only with the third are based on the more remote
demonstratives, and mean 'to be there.'
In Samaro-Leytean the particles are varied like verbs to
express tense, viz..
VOL. XXX. Part IV. 07
382 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
'to be there'
Pres.
Fret.
Fut.
iito
aada
nakada
makada
aadto
nakadto
makadto
'to be here' iini
nakanhi (makanhi) *
Occasionally in Tagalog the combination of the particle
na + an adverb of place is treated as if it were the past
tense of a verb with prefixed ma, e. g., from naroon is formed
a present tense naroroon.
In Magindanau aden makes a preterite naden.
Sentences containing 'copulative to be' are expressed in
most of the languages by simply juxtaposing subject and
predicate. The normal order, affirmative and negative, in all
the languages seems to be predicate, subject, in negative
sentences the negative standing before the predicate, 2 e.g.:
Tag. mataas ito-ng lalaki 'this man is tall.'
matatapang sila 'they are brave.'
hindi mabuti ang tawo 'the man is not good.'
hindi sila 3 matatapang 'they are not brave.'
hindi ko ina 4 '(she) is not my mother.'
Bis. (Ceb.) salapian ako 'I am rich.'
dili maayo si Pedro 'Pedro is not good.'
Bis. (Hil.) maayo ini 'this is good.'
si Pedro ako 'I am Pedro.'
maloloyon ang Dios 'God is merciful.'
dili ako 3 si padre Ramon 'I am not Father Ramon/
Bik. marahay ako 'I am good.'
bako ini-ng papel 'it is not this paper.'
bako-ng 5 sako iyan 'this is not mine.'
1 Not given but implied in Figueroa, Arte del idioma visaya de Samar
y Leyte, 2 a ed., Binondo, 1872.
2 Negative examples are not always to be found in the material avail-
able for study, but the rule probably holds good in all cases.
3 To judge from these examples, when'_the subject is a personal pro-
noun in Tagalog and Hiligayna (presumably also in the other Bisaya
dialects) it stands between the negative and the rest of the predicate.
* When the predicate of a negative sentence in Tagalog is a noun
modified by a possessive pronoun and the subject is not expressed, the
postpositive form of the possessive seems to be placed between negative
and noun as here.
* A ligature seems to be regularly employed after the negatives saan,
alioa, aligoa, and also sometimes after bako.
Vol. xxx.] Expression oftlie ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 383
Pamp. masanting ya 'he is handsome.'
Pang, kapitan ak 'I am capital*?
baleg so kataoan 'the master is powerful.'
&<$ maronong 1 ...
I 'he is wise.'
ahoa-n maronong J
Ilok. tao ak 'I am a man.'
maymaysa ak 'I am alone.'
naimbag daytoy 'this is good.'
di nasayaat toy a pusa -this cat is not pretty.'
saan a 5 daket toy a silid 'this room is not large.'
Iban. babayak 'I am a woman.'
mapia im masipot 'the gentle one is good.'
Igor. (Bon.) kawis siya 'he is good.'
adi kawis sa 'this is not good.'
Igor. (Nab.) kadubong-ko iai 'this is my hat.'
aligoa-n 5 balei-ko 'it is not my house.'
Mag. mapia si Pedro 'Pedro is good.'
Sulu maraiau tau ien 'that man is good.'
buldin amu ien 'that is not exact.'
The subject, however, may also stand first, but this seems
to be the case in many of the languages at least, only when
it is specially emphasized. In the northern group of Philip-
pine Languages, Pangasinan, Iloko, Ibanag, and probably Pam-
panga l this is apparently allowed only when the predicate is
definite, i. e., is preceded by the definite article or a demon-
strative pronoun. When the subject is a personal pronoun
these languages employ a special emphatic form, e.g.:
Pang, si Juan so mabayani 'Juan is the brave one.'
say kapitan so linma dia ; the capitan was the
* one that came here.'
siak so kapitan 'I am the capitan?
Ilok. sika ti napigsa 'you are the brave one.'
toy a tao ti naimbag 'this man is the good one.'
Iban. sakan ig gobernador 'I am the Governor.'
sikau si Pedro 'you are Pedro.'
Cebuan and Hiligayna seem to follow the same rule as the
northern languages, though they have no special series of emphatic
1 No examples are available, but the fact that Pampanga possesses a
special series of emphatic personal pronouns, besides its general resemblance
to the other languages makes this probable.
27*
384 Frank R. Blake, [1910.
pronouns; the definite article may be replaced by the particle
y, e.g.:
Ceb. si Pedro ang ] , . f 'Pedro is the
; VA maloloy<
si Pedro-y J " " WJ j merciful one.'
Hil. siya ang amay ko 'he is my father.'
ako-y amay niya 'I am his father.'
In Tagalog, Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, Bontok Igorot, Magin-
danau, and Sulu, the subject may apparently stand first with-
out special emphasis; in Tagalog and Bontok Igorot the subject
and predicate are joined by the particle ay (after a vowel ay
or '?/), and ya respectively, e.g.:
Tag. ang tawo 'y mabuti 'the man is good.'
ikaw ay hindi matapang 'you are not brave/
Sam.-Ley. si Juan diri maopay 'Juan is not good.'
Bik. si Antonio maraot 'Antonio is bad.'
ini bulauan 'this is gold.'
Igor. (Bon.) nan mamamagkid ya fanig 'the girls are little.
sika ya antjo 'you are tall.'
Mag. su kayo makapal 'the tree is large.'
si Rudolfo mapulu a tau 'Rudolf is a tall man.'
su islam talau 'the moro is a coward.'
Sulu in salapa nia balawan 'his betel-box is (made
of) gold.'
in batabata ini di masipug 'this boy is with-
out shame (not bavin g-shame).'
In constructions of type II, the affirmative is expressed by
particles which, in many cases at least, are derived from the
demonstrative pronouns; the negative particle is regularly the
same as in the third type. When the sentence contains 'loca-
tive to ~be' the particle is regularly followed by the oblique
case of the place in which or a demonstrative adverb of place;
when it contains 'definite to have,' by the oblique case of the
possessor. In the second case the subject of the sentence is
the thing possessed. The rules with regard to the relative
position of subject and predicate seem to be the same as in
type I; in Tagalog, and apparently in Bontok Igorot, ay, y
and ya are used as in type I, e. g.:
Tag. ang bata 'y na sa bahay ] u
, , , ., J I 'the boy is m the house,
na sa bahay ang bata J
ang pari ay wala sa simbahan J 'the priest is not in
wala sa simbahan ang pari the church.'
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 385
ang kabayo ni Pedro 'y na sa akin 'I have
Pedro's horse.'
wala kay Juan ang salapi 'Juan has not the
money. 7
Bis. (Ceb.) ania kanako ang sinina 'I have the shirt.'
tua sa ilalom sa lamesa '(it) is under the
table.'
Bis. (Hil.) adto siya sa Ogtong 'he is at Ogtong.'
wala siya sa San Marino 'he is not at San
Marino.'
way diri ang amay ko 'my father is not here.'
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) iini sa akon kamut 'it is here in my hand.'
aadto sa balay 'it is there in the house.'
nakadto ka sa Katbalogan 'have you been in
Katbalogan?'
Bik. ang kupia iyaon sa lamesa 'the hat is on the
table.'
day duman sa lamesa an sogkod 'the stick is
not on the table.'
na saimo dao an panyo ko 'have you my
handkerchief?'
Pamp. ni-ko keni 'I am here.'
ta-yo karin king silid 'he is there in the room.'
ala-yo keti 'he is not here.'
Pang, oa-d abung to si Pedro 'Pedro is in his house.'
oa-d sika-y kaballo 'have you the horse?'
Ilok. adda iti sirnbaan si apo Padi 'the priest is in
the church.'
adda ak ditoy 'I am here.'
aoan ditoy ti aso 'the dog is not here.'
adda kenka ti pagtinteroak 'have you my ink-
stand.'
adda-da iti cocinero 'the cook has them.'
aoan ti malo kaniak 'I have not the hammer.'
Iban. egga ip pirak nikau 'have you the money?'
auas i si Pedro tab balay 'Pedro is not in the
house.'
Igor. (Bon.) woday-ak is nan afong 'I am in the house.'
1 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336.
386 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
ma'id siya isna adwani 'he is not here to-day,
siya ya woday isna 'he is here.'
Igor. (Nab.) guara-ak chi balei 'I am in the house/
Sulu in barong nm aun ha-lum bai 'your barong is '
in the house.'
wai run pa-lum bai 'it is not in the house.'
In Magindanau this type, in the affirmative, seems to be
expressed in the same way as type I, without particle, the
prepositional phrase or adverb simply taking the place of the
nominal or adjectival predicate, e. g.:
su glat sa linauau na tulugan 'the knife is on the bed.'
su asu sa lamalama 'the dog is on the plaza.'
Some of the other languages also occasionally follow this
construction in the affirmative, e. g.:
Bis. (Ceb.) dinhi ako 'I am here.'
Bis. (Hil.) dira si Juan 'Juan is there.'
Ilok. dita ka pay 'are you still there?'
Iban. ajjau ak 'I am here.'
In constructions of type III, in the case of 'indefinite to
have 1 the possessor stands sometimes in the nominative, some-
times in the genitive, sometimes, probably after the analogy
of type II, in the oblique. The original idea in the case of
the genitive in such a sentence as 'I have money' is probably
'there is, there exists money of mine.' The possessor stands in
the nominative only, in Tagalog, and apparently in Hiligayna,
Samaro-Leytean, Bikol, and Sulu; in the genitive only, in
Iloko: in either nominative or genitive in Cebuan, Pampanga,
Nabaloi, and Magindanau; in either genitive or oblique in
Ibanag, Pangasinan, and Bontok Igorot.
The thing possessed may be preceded by a ligature or in-
definite particle or it may stand alone. The ligatures are the
following viz., Tag., Bik. -ng, Pamp. -?z, Ceb., Hil., Pang, -y,
Mag. a; the indefinite particles, which in some languages (e. g.,
Iloko) seem to be used only after a negative, are viz., Ceb.
ug, in, ing, Hil. sing, Iban. tu: Bik. nin, Igor. (Bon.) nan,
Nab. ne, Ilok. ti, which are used in the same way as the in-
definite particles, although forms of the definite article, are
to be classed here. In some cases a ligature has become an
integral part of the quasi-verb, so apparently in Tag., Bis.,
Bik. ma-y, Bis. wa-y, luala-y, wara-y, Bik. da-y, Pamp. ti-n,
Igor. (Bon.) woda-y: Sulu tuga is probably tug (used as nominal
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and "to have" etc. 387
prefix, e. g., tug-hai 'having a house, owner of a house') -f the
ligature a. The object may stand without preceding ligature
or indefinite particle after some of these quasi-verbs, under
just what conditions is not in all cases clear; in Tagalog or
Bisaya an object that follows may directly has this con-
struction.
In the case of 'indefinite to be,' the element that corresponds
to the possessor, being indefinite 'one, they,' is not expressed;
the thing that is or exists, the logical subject, stands in the
same construction as the thing possessed; the place where is
expressed by an adverb of place or by an oblique case.
Here, as in type II, the relative position of subject and
predicate are governed by the same rules as in type I. In
Tagalog the particles ay, y, in Bontok Igorot the particle
ya are used as in the two other types.
The following examples will illustrate these principles, e. g.:
Tag. may ako-ng salapi } T , ,
, J , , I 'I have money.'
ako y may salapi J
wala ako-ng anak ] T .
, , i*I have no son.'
ako y wala-ng anak J
may tawo sa bahay 'there is a man in the house.'
wala-ng tawo sa lansangan 'there is no one on
the street.'
Bis. (Ceb,) duna-v ako-ng (gen.) tiernpo ) T , . ,
. I 'I have time.'
duna ako-y (nom.) tiempo J
wala ako (nom.} ug humay 'I have no rice.'
aduna ing katigayonan 'he has riches.
Bis. (Hil.) ako may asawa na ) T . .-
, I'l have a wife now.
may asawa na ako J
wa-y kan'on ini-ng tauo 'this man has no food.'
wala-y buut yana 'he has no sense.'
wa ka-y buut 'you have no sense.'
wala ako-y kan'on 'I have no food.'
wala pa siya sing buut 'he has still no sense.'
way ako sing katungdanan sa pagbuhat sina
'I have no obligation to do that.'
wala may pilak ako 'I have no money.'
Bis. (Sam.-Ley.) may salapi ka 'have you any money?'
waray ka salapi 'you have no money. 7
Bik. igua ako-ng saro-ng ayam na magayom 'I have
a pretty dog.'
388 Frank E. Slake, [1910.
day ako-ng gubing 'I have no clothing.'
ika dai-ng gubing 'you have no clothes. 7
clay ako nin saro-ng sadit 'I have not one cuarto.'
igua ka nin tubig 'have you any water?'
dai-ng tawo sa harong 'there is no one in the house.'
Pamp. atin kopia ning kapatad mo 'has your brother a hat?'
atin mo 1 -!! imalan 'he has indeed clothing. 7
atin palse karin 'there is rice there.'
ala-n imalan mo ) , , ,, <->,
I 'have you no clothes r
ala ka-n imalan J
ala-n pale karin 'there is no rice there. 7
Pang, oala-y kaballo-m Q ,
i , i 11 ,-, ., [. 'have you a horse r
oala-y kaballo d sika J
oala-y polvos yo ] ,
, ., I 'have you (pi.) any powders r
oala-y polvos ed sikayo J
oala-y too ed abung 'there are people in the house. 7
andi gapo-y polvos 'there are no powders at all. 7
Ilok. adda tabako-m 'have you any tobacco?'
adda aso-mi 'we have a dog.'
aoan ti aso-da 'they have no dog.'
aoan ti naimbag a arak-na 'he has no good wine.'
adda tao itoy a balay 'there are people in this house.'
adda arak ditoy 'there is wine here.'
aoan ti pusa iti balay itoy 'there are no cats in
this house. 7
Iban. egga ginageram mu ] 'have you slandered anyone
egga tu ginageram mu J(have you any slandered one).'
auan yaya tu utok ] , ,
I 'he has judgment.
auas 2 sa tu utok J
auan ak tu pirak 1 T , ,
. . L 'I have no money,
auan makan tu pirak J
auas 2 si Pedro tu utok j 'Pedro has no
auat 2 tu utok takkuani Pedro j judgment. 7
at 2 tu tolay tab balay 'there is no one in the house. 7
Igor. (Bon.) woday ken sak'en nan afong 1 ,
1 I 'I have a house,
woday nan afong-ko J
woda nan kayo 'there is a tree. 7
1 mo is here an adverb.
2 Here n is assimilated to the following consonant, cf. Contributions
to Comp. Phil. Gram., p. 336.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "io 6e" and " to have" etc. 389
woda nan onash id Falidfid 'there was ;i sugar-
cane-plantation at Falidtid.'
ma'id kayo-k 'I have no wood.'
ma'id noang 'there is no buffalo (here).'
Igor. (Nab.) guara balei-to 'has he a house?'
anchi balei-to 'he has no house.'
guara anan tayo ne kabadyo 'we have horses.'
anchi chanum 'there is no water.'
Mag. aden aku bengala 'I have a shirt.'
aden a tau lu 'there are people there.'
da palay ko 'I have no rice.'
da musala nin 'he has no handkerchief.'
da tau lu 'there is no one there.'
kagay naden aku pilak 'yesterday I had money.'
Sulu in sapit tuga jungal 'the sapit has a bowsprit.'
tau tuga ekog 'men that have tails.'
tuga buling-batu ha Sog 'there is coal in Sulu.'
in hula ini tuga saitan 'this country is possessed
with devils (has devils).'
tuga tau ha bai ini 'there are people in this house.'
aun kah bili-bili ha Sog 'are there any sheep in
Sulu?'
aun ang gatus 'there are a hundred.'
wai run manok kabili ha Sog 'there are no capons
in Sulu.'
wai kasudahan in hinang ini 'this work has no end.'
The object of the quasi- verbal particles of this third type
is in many cases a verbal form, the construction corresponding
usually to the English idiom 'to have to.' This construction
certainly occurs in many of the languages and probably in all
of them, but a few examples from Tagalog will suffice to
illustrate the general principle, e.g.:
Tag. may siya-ng pinatay na tawo 'he has killed a man (he
has a killed man).'
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say (I have not
anything-about-to-be-said).'
may nagnakaw na tawo ] 'there was a robber (a man
may tawo-ng nagnakaw J that robbed).'
Cf. also examples in next paragraph.
These particles in connection with their objects often express
indefinite pronominal ideas, such as 'some,' 'any,' 'something,'
390 Frank E. Blake, [1910.
'anything,' 'no,' 'nothing.' As in the preceding case the examples
will be confined to Tagalog, e. g. :
mayroon ako-ng tinapay 'I have some bread.'
mayroon ka-ng salapi 'have you any money?'
mayroon siya-ng sinabi 'did he say anything?'
mayroon kayo-ng hinahanap 'are you looking, for anyone,
anything.'
wala ako-ng asawa 'I have no wife.'
wala ako-ng sasabihin 'I have nothing to say.'
wala ako-ng sinabi 'I said nothing.'
All of the three types may also be expressed interrogatively,
with negative interrogation, and in connection with special
interrogative words such as 'who,' 'what.'
The simple interrogative and negative interrogative of these
types do not differ from the affirmative and negative except
in the addition of interrogative particles, and the changes in
position caused by them. Such particles are, e. g. : Tag. baga,
~kaya, Bis. la, Bik. baga, Pamp. ta, kaya, kasi. Pang, kasi,
Iban. dasi, Sulu kah. In some languages these particles are
more commonly used than in others; they do not appear to
be absolutely essential in any. They usually stand after or
between two elements of the predicate, but may stand after
the subject when it precedes the predicate. When special
interrogative words are used they regularly constitute the
predicate of the sentence, the remainder of the sentence stand-
ing as subject. These special interrogative words may be
followed by the interrogative particles. Some examples from
Tagalog will illustrate the general principles of construction, e. g.:
malaki baga ang iyo-ng aso 'is your dog large?'
mayaman ka baga 'are you rich?'
na sa bahay baga ang ina mo 'is your mother in the house ?'
wala baga sa kaniya ang damit ko 'has-n't he my clothes?'
mayroon baga sila-ng salapi 'have they any 'money?'
sino ka 'who are you?'
sino kaya ito-ng babayi-ng ito 'who is this woman?'
kanino baga ito-ng bahay 'whose is this house?'
ano-ng * ngalan mo 'what is your name ?'
sino ang]
I na sa bahay 'who is m the house r
smo-ng 1 I
1 Ligature used for the article ang.
Vol. xxx.] Expression of the ideas "to be" and kl to have" etc. 391
ano-ng bulaklak ang na sa kaniya 'what flower has he?'
sino-ang 1
sino-ng | may TQQn 9 banl ' who nas a 8 un?
ano-ng mayroon ka 'what have you?'
The foregoing discussion does not claim to be by any means
an exhaustive treatment of the two important ideas 'to be' and
'to have' in the Philippine Languages, it simply indicates the
lines along which their further study should be carried. It is
practically impossible, on the basis of the material available
for study to obtain a thoroughgoing knowledge of these three
types of construction, and as such a knowledge is essential for
the mastery of any Philippine language, those who have the
opportunity to investigate these languages at first hand should
attempt to supply this want. They should study these types
from all points of view. Numerous examples should be collected
illustrating the various types expressed affirmatively, negatively,
interrogatively, with negative interrogation, and with special
interrogative words. These examples should present instances
of all the parts of speech, both alone and with all possible
modifiers, employed as subject, predicate, or case form depend-
ing on the quasi-verb. Especial attention should be devoted
to the construction of the pronouns (personal, demonstrative,
the article, interrogative, indefinite particles, ligatures) and to
the construction of postpositive words (i. e., pronominal or ad-
verbial particles like Tagalog fra, mo\ na, pa, baga, etc., which
must always follow some other word); and the rules governing
the position of the various elements should be carefully worked
out and tested. Moreover any special idioms founded on these
constructions should be pointed out and thoroughly discussed.
It is a difficult matter for those who have no special lin-
guistic training to recognize what things are important and
what are trivial in the great mass of material with which they
are brought in contact, when they take up the study of a
Philippine language, especially one of those about which little
is known. For such it is hoped that the sketch here presented
may furnish an introduction and guide to the study of one of
the most fundamental portions of the grammar of the Philip-
pine Languages.
1 Eoon + ng > roong + ng > roong by assimilation of n to ng and
simplification of the doubling. Italics are used to indicate that final ng
results from n + ligature ng.
Printed by W. Drugulin. Leipzig (Germany)
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
MEETING IN NEW YORK, N. Y.
1909.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
and twenty-first occasion of its assembling, was held in New
York City, at Columbia University, on Thursday, Friday, and
Saturday of Easter Week, April 15th, 16th and 17th.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions:
Adler,
Gilmore,
Joseph,
Olmstead,
Arnold', W. it.
Gottheil,
Kohn, Miss
Peters,
Asakawa,
Gray, L. H.
Kyle,
Quackenbos,
Barret,
Gray, Mrs. L. H.
Lanman,
Rosenau,
Barton,
Grieve, Miss
Levonian,
Rudolph, Miss
Black,
Haas,
Lyon,
Scott, C. P. G.
Brown,
Haessler, Miss
Madsen,
Scott, Mrs. S.B.
Carus,
Harper,
Margolis,
Shepard,
Campbell,
Haupt,
Meyer,
Sherman,
Colton, Miss
Haynes,
Micnelson,
Steele,
Davidson,
Hirth,
Moore, J. H.
Thompson,
Demarest,
Hock,
Miiller,
Todd,'
Ember,
Hopkins,
Musa-Arnolt,
Torrey,
Frachtenberg,
Howland,
Nies, J. B.
Vanderburgh,
Frank,
Hussey, Miss
Nies, W. C.
Ward, W. H.
Friedenwald,
Jackson,
Oertel,
Ussher,
Friedlaender,
Jastrovv,
Ogden, C. J.
Yohannan.
Gelbach,
Johnston,
Ogden, Miss E. S.
Total, 71.
The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three
o'clock in the Trustees Room of the University, with the Presi-
11
dent of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins, in the
chair.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting held in Cam-
bridge, Mass., April 23d and 24th, 1908, was dispensed with,
because they were presented in printed form as advance sheets
ready to appear in the Journal (vol. xxix, 304 314).
The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, in the form of a printed program,
and made some special supplementary announcements.
The succeeding sessions of the Society were appointed for
Friday morning at half-past nine, Friday afternoon at half-
past two, and Saturday morning at half-past nine. It was
announced that a luncheon would be given to the Society at
Columbia University by the local members on Friday at one
o'clock, and that arrangements had been made for a sub-
scription dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel on Thursday evening
at seven o'clock.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows:
The Corresponding Secretary desires at the outset to express his thanks
and appreciation to his predecessor in office, Professor Hopkins, now
President of the Society, for the kindly help lent to him when assuming
the new duties and for the aid so generously given to lighten the burden
of work inevitable in a secretarial position.
The correspondence for the year has been somewhat extensive. There
has been an ever-growing number of communications called forth by the
inclusion of the American Oriental Society's name in the lists of organi-
zations that are regularly published in various bulletins and records in
different parts of the country. This is a good thing, as it draws wider
attention to the scope and aims of the Society, and it might perhaps be
well for us later to consider the question of enlarging somewhat the list
of cities in which our meetings are held, since several Boards of Trade
in other places have made tender of opportunities that might be offered
if their particular city should be chosen for one of the annual
meetings.
A pleasant part of the interchange of letters which has been carried
on since the last meeting has been the correspondence with the newly
elected members and with those who had been chosen as honorary
members and who have expressed in complimentary terms their appre-
ciation of the distinction conferred by the Society's electing them.
A sad but sympathetic part of the year's work has been writing ex-
pressions of thought and remembrance for those who have been bereaved
Ill
by the death of some member of the family who was thus lost as a
member from our own midst. The list is not small considering our
limited membership.
DEATHS.
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Professor Richard Pischel.
Professor Eberhard Schrader.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mrs. Emma J. Arnold.
Mr. Ernest B. Fenollosa.
Mr. Francis Blackmore Forbes.
President Daniel Coit Gilman.
Professor Charles Eliot Norton.
Professor John Henry Wright.
Professor Pischel, one of our more recent honorary members, was a
German Sanskrit scholar of wide learning and whose name was recognized
with honor throughout the learned world. He died at the age of fifty-
nine, in December, 1908, at Madras, India, shortly after reaching the
land to which he had devoted his life's studies and which it had ever
been his heart's desire to visit.
Professor Schrader, of the University of Berlin, was made an honorary
member of the Society in 1890, in recognition of his distinguished ser-
vices to Oriental science especially in the line of Assyriological research.
His long and eminent career, which led him to the position of a Privy
Councilor at the Royal Court of Germany, lent a special dignity to the
list of the Society's membership.
Mrs. Emma J. Arnold, of Providence, R. I., a corporate member of
the Society since 1894, died at the home of her husband, Dr. Oliver H.
Arnold, of Providence, on June 7, 1908.
Ernest F. Fenollosa, of Mobile, Alabama, since 1894 a member of the
Society, died in England in October, 1908, just as he was about to return
to America. His special interest lay in the field of Japan, where he had
lived for some time, and he was a very agreeable lecturer and writer on
the subject of its art, its history and its civilization.
Francis Blackman Forbes, of Boston, a member since 1864, died at his
home in Boston, May 21, 1908, at the age of sixty-eight. Mr. Forbes
had been a merchant in China for twenty-five years, until 1882, when he
removed to Paris for four years and afterwards returned to his home
in Massachusetts. His interest in Chinese flora and the fine collection
of specimens which he made in that field won him a fellowship in the
Linnean Society of London.
Daniel Coit Gilman, who was an active member of the Society for
over half a century, having joined in 1857, and who was our president
for thirteen years, from 1893 to 1906, d.ed at his birthplace in Norwich,
IV
on October 13, 1908, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. After his
graduation from Yale College in 1852, he continued his studies at Cam-
bridge and at Berlin, and then entered upon a distinguished career as
an educator, as is well known to those who are acquainted with the edu-
cational development of this country whose interests he served so faith-
fully. He was President of the Johns Hopkins University from 1875 to
1901, when he retired as emeritus to take the presidency of the newly
founded Carnegie Institution. He had previously enjoyed the honor of
being appointed by the President of the United States to act as one of
the five members of the United States Commission on the subject of the
boundary line between Venezuela and Colombia. The valuable services
which he rendered to the American Oriental Society during the thirteen
years in which he was our presiding officer, and the distinction which
he lent by his association with the Society, will always remain a bright
memory.
Professor Charles Eliot Norton, of Harvard University, art critic and
man of letters, who joined the Society in 1857, the same year as Mr. Oil-
man, passed away in the week after his contemporary's death. He died
at Cambridge, Mass, on October 21, 1908. The public press throughout
the land paid tribute to his memory. Although not an active attendant
at the Oriental meetings, he never lost his interest during the fifty-one
years of his membership. The part which Mr. Norton took as one of
the first scholars to draw attention to Fitzgerald's version of Omar
Khayyam will always associate his name with the interest taken in the
Persian poet.
Professor John Henry Wright, of Harvard University, a member of
the Oriental Society since 1898 , died at Cambridge , Mass, on No-
vember 25, 1908. Professor Wright was born in Urumiah, Persia, the
city which is believed by some to have been the birthplace of Zoroaster.
Although Dr. Wright's specialty was in Greek, he had early taken an
interest in Sanskrit in his student days, and showed his interest in the
Oriental Society by joining it ten years ago.
In conclusion the Secretary is pleased to add that the major part of
his correspondence has been of a special or technical character as asso-
ciated with work now incorporated in the Journal or as carried on with
fellow-searchers for light in the realm of the Land of the Dawn.
The details of the Secretary's report were accepted as pre-
sented and it was directed to place the report on record.
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The report of the Treasurer, Professor Frederick Wells
Williams, was presented by the Corresponding Secretary and
read as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISI-.TMISEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or Tin AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOII THE YEAU KNI.ING DECEMBER 31, 1908.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1907 $ 59.12
Dues (190) for 1908 $ 950.00
., (64) for other years 320.00
(14) for Hist. S. R. Sect 28.00
$ 1,298.00
Sales of Journal 193.79
Life Memberships (2) 150.00
Subscriptions collected for Or. Bibl. Subvention . . 9M.OO
State National Bank Dividends 122.21
Annual Interest from Savings Banks 47.22 , ^ 22
$ 1,966.34
Expenditures.
T., M. and T. Co., printing vol. xxviii (remainder) $ 1,364.48
Librarian, postage, etc 7.09
Other postage and express 6.77
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 100.00
Balance to general account . $ 488.00
$ 1,966.34
STATEMENT.
1907 1908
Bradley Type Fund . $ 2,481.93 $ 2,653.41
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.03 6.39
National Savings Bank 11.67 12.11
Interest Cotheal Fund 149.27 195.69
Cash on hand 102.93 12.54
Interest 55
$ 5,702738 $ 5,830.14
The report of the Treasurer was supplemented verbally by
Professor Jackson with a statement, merely for record, that
the Directors had voted that the Society should continue next
year to contribute as before to the Orientalische Bibliographic,
and that the Treasurer was authorized to pay said contri-
bution directly out of the funds in the treasury.
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by Professor C. C. Torrey, as follows:
We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Acting Treasurer of this Society, and have found the same correct, and
VI
that the foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also
compared the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and
pass-books and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, \ A u
HANNS OERTEL, } A
NEW HAVEN, April 17, 1909.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Harms Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
Miss Margaret D. Whitney has continued her work of cataloguing
the Society's Library. The response to a circular letter to our exchanges
asking that incomplete sets be, as far as possible, completed, has been
very cordial and generous. The next report of the Librarian will contain
a bibliographical list of all periodical literature deposited in our Library.
As in previous reports, the Librarian again calls attention to the abso-
lute necessity of a small sum of money for the binding of our accessions.
It is impossible to allow unbound volumes to go out of the library, and
as almost all of our members live at a distance, unbound books cannot
be used by them.
The thanks of the Society are again due to Miss Margaret D. Whitney
for her continued interest in the Library, to Mr. Schwab, Librarian of
Yale University, for many favours, and to Mr. Gruener of the Yale
Library for valued assistance in mailing.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors of the Journal of the Society,
Professors Oertel and Jewett, was made by Professor Oertel
as follows:
The editors regret that owing to the delay in setting up and correcting
one of the articles, it has not been possible to complete the current number
of the Journal in time to have it in the hands of the members before
this meeting. It will be sent out early in May. As is well known to
the members, the cost of printing of the Society's Journal has for some
years past exceeded the Society's income and made it necessary to draw
on our invested funds. It did not seem wise to the editors to continue
indefinitely such a policy of living beyond our means. They, therefore,
reluctantly decided to publish the Society's Journal for the current year
in one volume of about 100 pages less than has been customary.
By direction of the Board of Directors, the Editors will make arrange-
ments for printing the next volume of the Journal abroad, and they ex-
pect that the saving thus effected will make it possible to print the
Journal as before without exceeding the income of the Society.
The Editors, finally, desire to call the attention of members to the
rule that all papers read at the Society's meeting are presumed to be
available for printing in the Society's Journal and subject to the call of
the Editors for that purpose.
Vll
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected members of the Society:
HONORARY MEMBERS.
Rev. Canon Samuel R. Driver, M. Charles Clermont-Ganneau,
Professor Hermann Jncobi.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. George William Brown, Mr. James H. Hyde,
Mr. Charles Dana Burrage, Mr. Thomas W. Kingsmill,
Senor Felipe G. Calderon, Rev. M. G. Kyle,
Mr. Irving Comes Demarest, Mr. Levon J. K. Levonian,
Dr. Carl Frank, Mr. Albert Howe Lybyer,
Dr. Herbert Friedenwald, Mr. Charles J. Morse,
Miss Marie Gelbach, Mr. Albert Ten Eyck Olmstead,
Dr. George W. Gilmore, Mr. Walter Peterson,
Miss Luise Haessler, Mr. George V. Schick,
Edward H. Hume, M. D., Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera,
Rev. Sydney N. Ussher.
OFFICERS FOR 1909-1910.
The committee appointed at Cambridge to nominate officers
for the ensuing year consisted of Professors Francis Brown,
Torrey, and Oertel, (see Journal, vol. xxix, 311) and their report
recommended the following names, which were duly elected:
President-^. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
Vice- Presidents Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; Professor
Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry Hyvernat, of Washington.
Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. Williams Jackson, of New
York.
Eecording Secretary Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass.
Secretary of the Section for Religions Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr.,
of Philadelphia.
Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven.
Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven ;
Robert F. Harper and James R. Jewett, of Chicago.
ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT.
At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session,
the President of the Society, Professor E. Washburn Hopkins,
Vlll
of Yale University, delivered his annual address on "Exagge-
rations of Tabu as a Religious Motive."
The Society adjourned at the close of the address to meet
at half past seven o'clock for dinner at the Park Avenue Hotel.
FRIDAY SESSION.
The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communi-
cations were presented:
Doctor K. Asakawa, of Yale University, Notes on village
administration in Japan under the Tokugawa. *Remarks by
Professor Hopkins.
Professor L. C. Barret, of Princeton University, Concerning
Kashmir Atharva-Veda, Book 2. Remarks by Professor Lan-
man.
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College, The nota-
tion for 216,000 in the Tablets of Telloh. Remarks by Pro-
fessors Jastrow and Haupt.
Doctor George F. Black, of Lenox Library, N. Y., Concern-
ing the Gypsy Lore Society, presented by Dr. C. P. G. Scott
Doctor A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University, Hebrew
stems with prefixed $. Remarks by Professors Haupt and
W. Max Mfiller.
Dr. M. Margolis, of the Jewish Publication Society, Phila.,
The necessity of complete induction for finding the Semitic
equivalents of Septuagint words. Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Mr. L. J. Frachtenberg, of New York, The superstition of
the evil eye in Zoroastrian literature. Remarks by Professors
Hopkins, Miiller, Jastrow, Peters.
Professor L. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Semi-
nary of America, The Fountain of Life and the Islands of the
Blessed in the Alexander legends. Remarks by Professors
Haupt and Jastrow, and Doctor Yohannan.
Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The .Kitab
Dlwan Misr.
Professor A. V. "W. Jackson, of Columbia University, A
legend of aerial navigation in Ancient Persia. Remarks by
Professors Friedlaender and Jastrow.
Professor M. Jastrow, of the University of Pennsylvania, An-
other fragment of the Etana myth.
At twelve thirty the Society took a recess till half past two
o'clock, and were invited to luncheon as guests of the local
members.
IX
On convening again after luncheon the session was held in
the auditorium of Schermerhorn Hall, Columbia, President
Hopkins presiding, and the following papers were presented:
Professor R. Gottheil, of Columbia University, The origin
and history of the minaret. Remarks by Professor Jastrow.
Miss L. C. G. Grieve, Ph. D., of New York, The Dasara
Festival at Satara, India. Remarks by Professor Hopkins.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, The
Location of Mount Sinai.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University, Pali book
titles and how to cite them. Remarks by Professors Hopkins
and Haupt.
Professor "W. Max Muller, of Philadelphia, Scenes of the
religious worship of the Canaanites on Egyptian monuments.
Illustrated by stereopticon photographs. Remarks by Professor
Haupt.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University, The Harvard
excavations at Samaria. Illustrated by stereopticon photo-
graphs. Remarks by Professor Lanman.
Dr. T. A. Olmstead, Preparatory School, Princeton, N. J.,
Some results of the Cornell Expedition to Asia Minor and the
Assyro-Babylonian Orient.
Dr. Truman Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn., The general
interrelation of the dialects of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts, with
some remarks on the home of Pali.
Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University, On Chinese
Hieroglyphics.
At five thirty the Society adjourned for the day; and the
evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the members
for supper and general conversation.
SATURDAY SESSION.
On Saturday morning at half-past nine, the fourth and con-
cluding session was held in Room 407 of Schermerhorn Hall,
and was devoted to the reading of papers and the transaction
of important business.
In the business portion of the session, which formed the
first matter of consideration, the Committee on the Nomi-
nation of Officers reported the names as already given above.
The Chair then appointed as committee to nominate officers
at the first session of the next annual meeting, the following
members:
Professor Robert F. Harper, of Chicago;
Dr. George C. O. Haas, of Columbia;
Dr. Albert A. Madsen, of Cleveland, Ohio.
The Directors reported that they had appointed Professor
Hanns Oertel and Professor James R. Jewett as Editors of
the Journal for the ensuing year.
The place and date of the next meeting as appointed by
the Directors was further announced to be Baltimore, during
Thursday, Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st,
April 1st and 2d, 1910.
The Committee to audit the Treasurer's accounts consists of
Professors Torrey and Oertel.
Professor Hirth brought before the Society for consideration
the question of the tariff imposed upon books in foreign
languages imported into the United States. Upon motion of
Professor Haupt, the following petition was unanimously adopted
and the Corresponding Secretary was instructed to forward it
in an appropriate manner to the authorities at Washington:
The American Oriental Society, assembled at its annual meeting
held in New York, April 17, 1909, respectfully petition the Senate
and House of Representatives of the United States of America that
all scientific books dealing with foreign languages imported from
abroad be admitted free of duty.
I
The presentation of papers was resumed in the following
order :
Professor Christopher Johnston, of Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity:
(a) The fable of the horse and the ox in cuneiform lite-
rature.
(b) Assyrian lexicographical notes.
(c) The Sumerian verb.
Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Dr. Ishya Joseph, of New York, Notes on some matters
relating to Arabic philology. Remarks by Professor Haupt.
Professor Hanns Oertel, of Yale University:
(a) Some cases of analogy formation.
(b) The Sanskrit, root drp, 'stumble'.
Remarks by Professor Hopkins.
Dr. F. A. Vanderburgh, of New York, A hymn to Bel,
Tablet 29623, British Museum, as published in CT. xv, plates
12 and 13.
XI
Dr. A. Yohaiman, of Columbia University, A Turkish manu-
script treatise on physiognomy.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) Pi-hahiroth and the route of the Exodus.
(b) The disgrace and rehabilitation of Galilee. (Isaiah ix. 1.)
At eleven thirty Vice-President Haupt was invited to the
Chair by Professor Hopkins on his withdrawal. The session
continued as follows:
Professor P. Hirth, of Columbia University, On early Chinese
notices of African territories. Remarks by Professors Haupt
and W. Max Miiller.
Professor A. Y. W. Jackson, of Columbia University, Notes
on Zoroastrian chronology.
Professor I. Friedlaender, of the Jewish Theological Seminary
of America, N. Y., 'Abdallah b. Saba, the Jewish founder of
Shiism.
Before the session closed, the following resolution was un-
animously adopted:
The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to
the President and Trustees of Columbia University and to the local
members for the courtesies which they have extended to the
Society during this meeting; and to the Committee of Arrange-
ments for the provisions they have made for its entertainment.
The Society adjourned at half past twelve on Saturday to
meet in Baltimore, Md., March 31st, April 1st, and 2d 1910.
The following communications were read by title:
Dr. Bigelow, of Boston, Nirvana and the Buddhist moral
code.
Dr. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The Tagalog verb.
(b) Brockelmann's Comparative Semitic Grammar.
Professor Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University, Studies
on the text and language of the Rig- Veda.
Professor Gottheil, of Columbia University, A door from the
Madrassah of Barkuk.
Reverend A. Kohut, of New York:
(a) Royal Hebraists.
(b) A tradition concerning Haman in Albiruni, and the
story of Rikayon in the Sefer Ha-Yashar.
Professor Prince, A Hymn to Tammuz.
Xll
Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The uses of lb in Post-Biblical Hebrew.
(b) Abstract formations in the philosophical Hebrew.
Professor Torrey, of Yale University:
(a) The question of the date of the Samaritan schism.
(b) The lacuna in Neh. ix. 5 f.
List of Members. xiii
LIST or MEMBERS.
The number placed after the address indicates the year of election.
I. HONORARY MEMBERS.
M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan-
ciere, 10.) 1898.
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India.
1887.
JAMES BCRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899.
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris.
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Asbton-on-Mersey, England.
1907.
Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUECK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878.
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893.
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England 1909.
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Steglitz, Friedricb Str. 10/11, Berlin, Germany. 1903.
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger
Str. 14.) 1902.
Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905.
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4, Budapest, Hungary. 1906.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnh am,
Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905.
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.)
1893.
Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger-
many. 1909.
Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands.
1893.
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Kb'nigliche Wein-
berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898.
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de
1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898.
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. Gross-Lichterfelde-
AVest, Mommsen Str. 7) 1908.
Prof. THEODOR NOELDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs-
gasse 16.) 1878.
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gb'ttingen, Germany. 1910.
(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.)
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormser Str. 12, W.)
1887.
xiv List of Members.
EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris,
France. 1908.
Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893.
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber
Str. 18 a.) 1902.
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (Universitats
Str. 15.) 1890. [Total 26]
II. CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Names marked with * are those of life members.
Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Tardeo, Bombay, India. 1900.
Dr. CYRUS ABLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884.
WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St.. Cambridge, Mass. 1910.
F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904.
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906.
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893.
Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904.
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. J. CULLEN AYER (P. E. Divinity School), 5000 Woodlawn Ave., Phila-
delphia, Pa. 1907.
Miss ALICE M. BACON, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898.
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H. 1803.
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888.
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894.
Prof. HARLAN^P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900.
HAROLD H. BENDER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1906.
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond. S. L, N. Y. 1893.
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), 700 Park Ave.
New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St, Boston, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887.
GEORGE F. BLACK, Ph.D., Lenox Library, Fifth Ave. and 70th St., New
York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE (Johns Hopkins Univ.), Dixon Park, Mt.
Washington, Md. 1900.
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore, Md. 1907.
Rev. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, Chicago Hebrew Institute, 485 West Taylor St.
Chicago, 111. 1891.
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898.
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New
York, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary,
Rock Island, 111. 1900.
List of Members. xv
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1881.
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres Chambesy, Switzerland. 1897.
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran
St., Washington, D. C. 1896.
Prof. C. B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910.
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne,
Switzerland. 1908.
Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891.
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIGGS (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906.
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave., New York.
N. Y. 1881.
Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909.
Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, Univeisity of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892.
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces,
Philippine Islands. 1908.
ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester. Mass. 1910.
EUGEN WASTON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Philadelphia, Pa.
1910.
CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909.
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908.
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 186.
Rev. SIMEON J. CARE, 1527 Church St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1892.
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, care Hon. F. J. Kingsbury, Waterbury, Conn. 1873.
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897.
Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 1893.
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883.
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891.
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907.
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908.
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882.
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887.
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, 515 Carlisle Place, Chattanooga, Tenn. 1905.
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902.
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904.
Dr. WILLIAM R. P. DAVEY (Harvard Univ.), 21 Mellen St., Cambridge, Mass.
1908.
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908.
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J.
1888.
LIVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex st., Hackensack, N. J. 1909.
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900.
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900.
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867.
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894.
xvi List of Members.
Prof. M. W. EASTOX, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872.
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910.
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901.
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLUCOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md.
1897.
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass.
1883.
Dr. AARON EMBER, Johns Hopkins University. 1902.
Rev. ARTHUR H. EWING, The Jumna Mission House, Allahabad, N. W. P.,
India. 1900.
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., NPW York, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. EDWIN WHITFIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin,
Texas. 1888.
Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876.
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Land, Shanghai, China. 1900.
Prof. RALPH HALL FERRIS (Theological Seminary), 45 Warren Ave., Chi-
cago, 111. 1905.
CLARENCR STANLAY FISHER, 4152 Parkside Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy.
1886.
Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906.
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1900.
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907.
MARQUIS ANTOINE FRABASILIS, 1017 East 187th St., New York, N. Y.,
1907.
LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1907.
Rev. Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), 700 Park Ave.
New York, N. Y. 1892.
Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909.
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 338 West 85th St., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place,
New York, N. Y. 1904.
Dr. WILLIAM H. FURNESS, 3d, 1906 Sansom St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1897.
Dr. FLETCHER GARDNER, 202 East Kirkwood Ave., Bloomington, Ind. 1905.
ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903.
Miss MARIE GELBACH, 534 West 143d St., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore,
Md. 1858.
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (HarvardUniv.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge.
Mass. 1857.
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y,
1886.
Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y.
1904.
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, German Valley, N. J. 1897.
List of Members. xvii
Mrs. Louis H. GRAV, Germun Valley X. J. 1907.
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., Xew York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin-
nati, 0. 1890.
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School,
5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
*GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903.
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, Whittier Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1909.
Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902.
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
Prof. ROUERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886.
Prof. SAMUEL HAKT, D. D., Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. 1879.
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore,
Md. 1883.
Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Col. THOS. WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, 25 Buckingham St., Cambridge, Mass.
1869.
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 807 Spruce St.,
Philadelphia, Pa. 1887.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield,
N. J. 1903.
*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893.
Rev. HUGO W. HOFFMAN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899.
Prof. FRANKLIN W. HOOPER, 502 Fulton St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1906.
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven.
Conn. 1881.
Miss SAKAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New Yoik, N. Y. 1910.
HENIIY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Huan, China. 1909.
Miss ANNiE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873.
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901.
HENRY MINOR HUXLEY, 1550 Monadnock Block, Chicago, 111. 1902.
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909.
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St.,
N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889.
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
(668 Riverside Drive). 1885.
JOHN DAY JACKSON, 86 Crown St., New Haven, Conn. 1905.
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW, (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St.,
Philadelphia, Pa. 1886.
Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874.
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, 5757 Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1887.
CHARLES JOHNSTON, 511 West 122d St., New. Yorx, X. Y. 1910.
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St.,
Baltimore, Md. 1889.
xviii List of Members.
ISHYA JOSEPH, 700 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1908.
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office, London, S. W., England.
1908.
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge,
Mass. 1886.
Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven,
Conn. 1890.
Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
THOMAS W. KINGSMILL, Shanghai, China. 1909.
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Billiard St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
Rev. GEORGE A. KOHUT, 781 West End Ave., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907.
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909.
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1876.
C. S. LEAVENWORTH, care of Brown, Shipley & Co., 123 Pall Mall, London,
England. 1900.
LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Aintal, Turkey. 1909.
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville,
Tenn. 1901.
Prof. ENNO LITTMAN, Schweighauser Str. 24", Strassburg i. Els., Germany.
1902.
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893.
Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Bleeker St., New York, N. Y. 1908.
ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Irving St., Cambridge, Mass. 1909.
*BENJAMIN StaiTH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871.
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge,
Mass. 1882.
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y.
1899.
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn. 1893.
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan
Allen, Vt. 1904.
Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN 22 Courtney Ave. Newburgh, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888.
Prof. WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156th
St., New York, N. Y. 1889.
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto,
Canada. 1906.
C. 0. MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
WILLIAM MERRILL, West Newbury, Mass. 1910.
J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907.
MARTIN A. MEYER, 300 Hamilton St., Albany, N. Y. 1906.
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, R. F. D. 48, Ridgefield, Conn. 1899.
List of Members. xix
Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico. Mo. 1892.
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng-
land. 1881.
Prof. EDWIN KNOX MITCHELL (Hartford Theol. Sem.), 57 Gillette St., Hart-
ford, Conn. 1898.
ROLAND H. MODE, 5836 Drexel Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German-
town, Pa. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge,
Mass. 1887.
Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 8 West 119th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902.
CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909.
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894.
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906.
Prof. W. MAX MUELLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road. Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908.
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS.-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887.
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank. Threadneedle St.,
London, England. 1906.
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908.
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS T. O'CONNELL, D.D. (Catholic Univ.), Washington,
D. C. 1903.
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890.
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New Xork, N. Y. 1906.
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898.
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906.
ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton,
N. J. 1909.
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette,
Geneve, Switzerland. 1904.
*ROBERT M. OLYPHANT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861.
Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890.
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Ave., New Haven, Conn.
1900.
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, .Conn.
1894.
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada.
1903.
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. EDWARD DEL A VAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882.
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909.
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beech wood Ave,
Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889.
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897.
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887.
xx List of Members.
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co.,
N. Y. 1888.
GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
Prof. F. P. RAMSAY (S. W. Presbyterian Univ.), Clarksville, Tenn. 1889.
Dr. GEORGE ANDREW REISNEE, The Pyramids, Cairo, Egypt. 1891.
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St.,
Cambridge, Mass. 1908.
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
1900.
J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1S02
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894.
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers
Place, Chicago, 111. 1892.
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, St. Petersburg,
Russia. 1880.
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1893.
Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore. Md. 1897.
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894.
Mrs. JANET E. RDDTZ-REES, Rosemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897.
Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900.
Prof. ARTHUR W. RYDER (Univ. of California), 2337 Telegraph Ave.,
Berkeley, Cal. 1902.
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906.
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897.
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht,
Amsterdam, Holland. 1906.
GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909.
Dr. H te ERNEST SCHMID, White Plains, N. Y. 1866.
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894.
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., First Secretary of the American Embassy,
St. Petersburg, Russia. 1899.
GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo. 1906.
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895.
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut
Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903.
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1908.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 78 Higashi Sambancho, Sendai, Japan. 1902.
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870.
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904.
*The Very Rev. JOHN R. SLATTERY, 261 Central Park West, New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Major (P. S.) C. C. SMITH, P. S. Manila : Philippine Islands. 1907.
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877.
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906.
List of Members. xxi
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1884.
Rev. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892.
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900.
MAYER SDLZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn.
1907.
Prof. WILLIAM C. THAYER, Lehigh University, Bethlehem, Pa. 1907.
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906.
Rev. Dr. J. J. TIERNEY, Mount St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, Md.
1901.
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York,
N. Y. 1885.
OLAP A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1906.
*Prof. CHARLES C. TORREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven,
Conn. 1891.
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass.
1871.
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison.
Ave., N. Y. 1909.
Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH , 53 Washington Sq., New York,
N. Y. 1908.
ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863.
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark,
N. J. 1874.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869.
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894.
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davis Ave., Brookline,
Mass. 1877.
Rev. W. SCOTT WATSON, West New York, Hudson Co., New Jersey. 1893
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to
H.S.M. Govt, Bangkok, Siam. 1903.
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
1885.
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge
Mass. 1877.
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn.
1908.
Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897,
Rev. E. T. WILLIAMS, Division of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of State.
Washington, D. C. 1901.
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New
Haven, Conn. 1895.
Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa.
Pa. 1884.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885.
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
xxii List of Members.
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario.
1885.
Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1228 Mound St., Madison, Wis. 1904.
WILLIAM W. WOOD, 2210 North Fulton Ave., Baltimore, Md. 1900.
JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1900.
Dr. WILLIAM H. WORRELL, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich.
1910.
Rev. JAMES OWENS WRIGHTSON, 812 20th St., N. W., Washington, D. C.
1903.
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
1894.
[Total, 286.]
III. MEMBEBS OF THE SECTION FOR THE HISTORICAL STUDY
OF RELIGIONS.
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898.
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899.
SAMUEL DICKSON, 901 Clinton St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1899.
Prof. FRANKLIN GIDDINGS, Columbia Univ., New York, N. Y. 1900.
Prof. ARTHUR L. GILLETT, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1898.
Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard University), 59 Fayerweather st., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1899.
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Blvd., Chicago, 111. 1907.
Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.), Longfellow Park, Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1900.
Rev. W. A. SHEDD. Am. Mission, Urumia, Persia (via Berlin and Tabriz).
1906.
Pres. LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898.
Rev. G. E. WHITE, Anatolia College, Marsovan, Turkey [Papers to German
Consulate (White), Samsoun, Turkey.] 1906.
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905.
[Total, 14.]
Number of Members of all Classes, 326.
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF LIVING MEMBERS.
(The names of HONORARY MEMBERS are printed in large
Capitals and (hon.) is placed after their names ; the names of
Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions are
printed Italics and (S. S. R.) is placed after their names.)
1857 W. W. GOODWIN. 1858 B. L. GILDERSLEEVE.
1861 R. M. OLYPHANT. 1863 A. VAN NAME. 1866 H. E. SCHMID. 1867 D. S.
DODGE. 1869 T. W. HIGGINSON; W. H. WARD.
1870 J. H. SENTER. 1871 B. S. LYMAN; C. H. TOY. 1872 M. W. EASTON.
List of Members. xxi i i
1873 F. CARTER; A. K. HUMPIIBREY. 1874 H. F. JENKS; S. H. WARD.
1876'H. FERGUSON; C. R. LANMAN. 1877 H. P. SMITH; W. F. WARREN;
J. W. WHITE. 1878 B. DELBRUCK (hon.) ; T. NOELDEKE (hon.).
1879 C. A. BRIGGS ; S. HART ; E. D. PEKKV.
1880 W. W. ROCKHILL. 1881 M. BLOOMFIELD; F. BROWN; E. W. HOPKINS;
L. H. MILLS. 1882 G. W. COLLES; D. G. LYON; J. P. PETERS. 1883
E. CHANNING; L. H. ELWELL; P. HAUPT. 1884 C. ADLER; E. H. SPIEKKI: :
T. WILLIAMS. 1885 A. V. W. JACKSON; H. A. TODD; B. I. WHEELER;
W. C. WINSLOW; H. B. WITTON. 1886 C. DEF. FITZ-&ERALD; R. J.
H. GOTTHEIL; R. F. HARPER; M. JASTROW; M. L. KELLNER. 1887
R. G. BHANDARKAR (hon.); J. BINNEY; H. COLLITZ ; H. V.
HILPHRECHT ; J. R. JEWETT ; H. W. MAGOUN; G. F. MOORE ; W. Muss-
ARXOLT ; I. M. PRICE ; E. SACHAU (hon.). 1888 G. A. Barton ;
J. D. DAVIDS; E. W. FAY; A. MARQUAND; J. D. PRINCE; M. SULZBERGER.
1889 H. HYVERNAT ; CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON ; W. E. MARTIN ; D.
PHILIPSON ; E. P. RAMSAY.
1890 L. GROSSMANN ; C. F. KENT ; M. L. MARGOLIS ; H. OERTEL ; J. ORNE ;
E. WIXDISCH (hon.). 1891 D. BLAUSTEIN; J. H. BREASTED; F. D.
CHESTER; G. A. REISNER; C. C. TORREY. 1892 C. D. BUCK; S. J.
CARR; J. R. FRAME; H, H. HAYNES ; H. L. MILLION; C. PEABODY ;
G. L. ROBINSON ; J. D. STEELE. 1893 W. R. ARNOLD ; J. F. BERG ;
I. M. CASANOWICZ; F. DELITZSCH (hon.); I. GUIDI (hon.);
H. KERN (hon.); A. F. R. HOENRNLE; P. LOWELL; D. B. MAC
DONALD; J. H. ROPES; A. H. SAYCE (hon.); W, S. WATSON.
1894 E. E. ATKINSON; L. W. BATTEN; W. S. BIGELOW; H. W.
DUNNING ; L. C. G. GRIEVE ; G. A. KOHUT ; E. S. MORSE ; L. B. PATON ;
I. J. PERITZ; E. ROBINSON; A. RUDOLPH; N. SCHMIDT; C. WARREN;
J. E. WERREN ; S. S. WISE ; A. YOHANNAN. 1895 C. P. G. SCOTT ;
F. W. WILLIAMS. 1896 G. M. BOLLING; J. CAMPBELL; E. S. COLTON;
E. H. KENDRICK. 1897 A. BOISSIER; P. CARUS; W. M. ELLICOTT;
W. H. FURNESS; L. H. GRAY; W. POPPER; W. ROSENAU ; J. E.
RUUTZ-REES; F. K. SANDERS; W. D. WHITNEY. 1898 S. E. BALDWIN;
A. EARTH (hon.); H. P. BEACH; S. H. Bishop (S. S. R.); F. J.
BLISS; A. L. Gillett (S. S. R); G. T. Ladd (S. S.R.); A. LUDWIG
(hon.); G. MASPERO (hon.); E. K. MITCHELL; E. S. OGDEN; R. M.
Wenley (S. S. R.). 1899 J. BURGESS (lion.); J. L. Chandler (S..S. R.);
S. Dickson (S. S. R.); C. B. Gulick (S. S. R.); H. W. HOFFMAN;
G. L. KlTTREDGE ; A. M. LjYTHGOE ; T. MlCHELSON ; M. SCHUYLER JR.
1900 J. E. ABBOTT; W. J. BEECHER; F. R. BLAKE; C. A. BLOMGREN;
A. L. P. DENNIS; A. H. EWING; J. C. FERGUSON; T. C. FOOTE;
F. Giddings (S. S. R.); C. S. LEAVEN WORTH; C. R. PALMER; E. C.
RICHARDSON; F. N. Robinson (S. S R.); C. B. RUNKLE; A. P. STOKES;
W. AY. WOOD; J. H. WOOD. 1901 F. C. EISELEN; C. P. FAGNANI;
M. I. HUSSEY; C. E. LITTLE; L. C. Stewardson (S. S. R.); J. J.
TIERNEY; E. T. WILLIAMS. 1902 W. M. CRANE; A. EMBER; R. GARBE
(hon.); C. C. HANSEN; H. M. HUYLEY; E. LITTMAN; M. H. MOORE;
J. X. ROBERTSON; A. W. RYDER; W. G. SEIPLE; J. WELLHAUSEN
(hon.). 1903 L. C. BARRET; A. ERMAN (hon ); R. GARRET; G. C. 0.
HAAS; F. HIRTH; C. T. HOCK; J. A. MONTGOMERY; D. T. O'CONXELL;
xxiv List of Members.
W. M. PATTON; S. B. SCOTT; J. R. SLATTERY ; J. I. AVESTENGARD;
J. 0. WRIGHTSON. 1904 F. S. ALLEN; K. ASAKAWA; C. W. CURRIER;
I. FRIEDLAENDER; E. W. M. GRANT; W. E. W. MACKIXLAY; J. H.
MOORE; P. OLTRAMARE; G. P. QUACKENBOS; C. C. SHERMAN; L. B.
WOLFENSON. 1905 C. E. CONANT; K. H. FERRIS; C. S. FISHER;
F. GARDNER; K. F. GELDNER (hon.) ; G. A. GRIERSON (hon.)
J. D. JACKSON; AV. MAX MUELLER; I. F. Wood (S. S. R.). 1906 H. H.
BENDER; F. B. BLODGETT; C. A. B. BROCKWELL; AV. E. CLARK; AV. B.
FLEMING; I. GOLDZIHER (hon.); F. A. GRAGG; P. V. HARPER;
F. W. HOOPER; A. A. MADSEN; I. G. MATTHEWS; M. A. MEYER;
R.H. MODE; H. K. MOUSSA; J. B. NIES; C. J. OGDEN; S. G. OLIPHANT;
E. E. SALISBURY; J. F. SCHELTEMA; G. C. SCOGGIN; W. A. Shedd
(S. S. R.); J. M. P. SMITH; E. F. THOMPSON; C. A. TOFFTEEN; G. E.
White (S. S. R.). 1807 J. C. AYER; A. M. BACON; G. R. BERRY;
J. A. BEWER; G. F. BLACK; P. BLANC; A. T. CLAY; H. E. W. Fos-
BROOKE; A. FRABASILIS; L. J. FRACHTENBERG; E. GRANT; L. H. GRAY;
AV. M. GROTON; W. J. HINKE; H. R. HOWLAND; L. KOHN; M. A, Lane
(S. S. R.); J. R, METHENY; T. W. RHYS-DAVIDS (hon.); C. N.
SHEPARD; C. C. SMITH; S. Y. STEVENSON; G. SVERDRUP; AA T . G. THAYER.
1908 R. BRANDSTETTER; H. H. BUCK; H. C. BUTLER; A. S. COCHRAN;
"W. R. P. DAVBY; H. S. DAVIDSON; I. JOSEPH; A. B. KEITH; F. LUG-
SCHEIDER; E. MEYER (hon.) ; A. H. MUNSELL; W. E. NIES; P. M.
RHINELANDER; J. L. SCULLY; E. SENART (hon.); F. A. VANDER-
BURGH; M. D. WHITNEY. 1909 G. W. BROWN; C. D. BURRAGE;
C. CLERMONT-GANNEAU (hon.) ; I. C. DEMAREST ; S. R. DRIVER
(hon.); C. FRADK ; H. FRIEDENWALD ; M. GELBACK ; L. HAESSLER ;
E. H. HUME ; J. H. HYDE ; H. JACOBI (lion.) ; T. AV. KINGSMILL ;
M. G. KYLE ; L. J. K. LEVONIAN ; A. H. LYBYER ; C. J. MORSE ; A. T.
OLMSTEAD; W. PETERSON; G. V. SCHICK ; S. N. USSHER. 1910 E. M.
AITKEN ; C. B. BRADLEY ; A. H. BULLOCK ; E. AV. BURLINGAME ; F. A.
CUNNINGHAM ; F. EDGERTON ; S. F. HOYT ; CHARLES JOHNSTON; R. G.
KENT ; C. 0. MAWSON ; AV. MERRILL ; H. OLDENBERG (hon.) ;
B. REVEL ; W. H. WORRELL.
SOCIETIES AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OP GIFT,
EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE.
I. AMERICA.
BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
CHICAGO, ILL.: Field Museum of Natural History.
NEW YORK: American Geographical Society.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society.
Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna.
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Bureau of American Ethnology.
AVORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society.
List of Member?.
XXV
II. EUROPE.
AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften.
K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek.
(Josephsplatz 1.)
Anthropologische Gesellschaft.
PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK: University Library.
FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.)
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.)
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.)
GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Bibliothek.
Seminar fiir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.)
DARMSTADT: Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek.
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaf't der Wissenschaften.
HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
(Friedrichstrasse 50.)
LEIPZIG: Koniglich Sachsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
Leipziger Semitistische Studien. (J. C. Hinrichs.)
MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek.
TUBINGEN: Library of the University.
GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.)
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, SW.)
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell
St., Bloomsbury, W.C.)
Philological Society. (Care of Dr. F. J. Furnival,
3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, NW.)
ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna.
FLORENCE; Societa Asiatica Italiana.
ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen.
THE HAGUE: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en
Volkerikunde van Nederlandsch Indie.
LEYDEN: Curatorium of the University.
RUSSIA, HELSINGFORS: Societe Finno-Ougrienne.
ST. PETERSRURG: Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk.
Archeologiji Institut.
SWEDEN, UPSALA: Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet.
III. ASIA.
BENARES: Benares Sanskrit Coll. "The Pandit.''
CALCUTTA, GOV'T or INDIA: Home Department.
CEYLON, COLOMBO: Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
xx vi List of Members.
CHINA, SHANGHAI: China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
TONKIN: 1'Ecole Franchise d'extreme Orient (Rue de Coton), Hanoi.
INDIA, BOMBAY: Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The Anthropological Society. (Town Hall.)
CALCUTTA: The Asiatic Society of Bengal. (57 Park St.)
The Buddhist Text Society. (86 Jaim Bazar St.)
LAHORE : Library of the Oriental College.
SIMLA: Office of the Director General of Archaeology. (Benmore,
Simla, Punjab.)
JAPAN, TOKYO: The Asiatic Society of Japan.
JAVA, BATAVIA: Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
KOREA: Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Seoul, Korea.
NEW ZEALAND: The Polynesian Society, New Plymouth.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The Ethnological Survey, Manila.
SYRIA: The American School (care U. S. Consul, Jerusalem).
Revue Biblique, care of M. J. Lagrange, Jerusalem.
Al-Machriq, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, Syria.
IV. AFRICA.
EGYPT, CAIRO: The Khedivial Library.
V. EDITORS OF THE FOLLOWING PERIODICALS.
The Indian Antiquary (Education Society's Press, Bombay, India).
Wiener Zeitschrif't fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes (care of Alfred Holder,
Rothenthurmstr. 15, Vienna, Austria).
Zeitschrift fur, vergleichende Sprachforschung (care of Prof. E. Kuhn,
3 Hess Str., Munich, Bavaria).
Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (care of M. Jean Reville, chez M. E.
Leroux, 28 rue Bonaparte, Paris. France).
Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (care of Prof. D. Karl
Marti, Marienstr, 25, Bern, Switzerland).
Beiirage zur Assyriologie und semitischen Sprachwissenschaft. (J. C.
Hinrichs'sche Buchhandluug, Leipzig, Germany )
Orientalische Bibliographic (care of Prof. Lucian Scherman, 18 Ungerer
Str., Munich, Bavaria).
The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, 438 East 57th St., Chi-
cago, 111.
American Journal of Archaeology, 65 Sparks St., Cambridge, Mass.
Transactions of the American Philological Association (care of Prof. F. G.
Moore, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn.).
Le Monde Oriental (care of Prof. K. F. Johansson, Upsala, Sweden).
VI. LIBRARIES.
The Editors request the Librarians of any Institution or Libraries,
not mentioned below, to which this Journal may regularly come, to notify
them of the fact. It is the intention of the Editors to print a list, as
List of Members. xxvii
complete as may be, of regular subscribers for the Journal or of recipients
thereof. The following is the beginning of auch a list.
Andover Theological Seminary.
Boston Public Library.
Brown University Library.
Buffalo Society of Natural Science, Library Building, Buffalo, N. Y.
Chicago University Library.
Columbia University Library.
Cornell University Library.
Harvard Sanskrit Class-Room Library.
Harvard Semitic Class-Room Library.
Harvard University Library.
Nebraska University Library.
New York Public Library.
Yale University Library.
Recipients: 326 (Members) + 75 (Gifts and Exchanges) + 13 (Lib-
raries) = 414.
xxviii Constitution and By-Laws.
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY
"With Amendments of April, 1897.
CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE I. This Society shall be called the AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY.
ARTICLE II. The objects contemplated by this Society shall be:
1. The cultivation of learning in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian
languages, as well as the encouragement of researches of any sort by
which the knowledge of the East may be promoted.
2. The cultivation of a taste for oriental studies in this country.
3. The publication of memoirs, translations, vocabularies, and other
communications, presented to the Society, which may be valuable with
reference to the before-mentioned objects.
4. The collection of a library and cabinet.
ARTICLE III. The members of this Society shall be distinguished as
corporate and honorary.
ARTICLE IV. All candidates for membership must be proposed by the
Directors, at some stated meeting of the Society, and no person shall be
elected a member of either class without receiving the votes of as many as
three-fourths of all the members present at the meeting.
ARTICLE V. The government of the Society shall consist of a President,
three Vice Presidents, a Corresponding Secretary, a Recording Secretary,
a Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions, a
Treasurer, a Librarian, and seven Directors, who shall be annually elected
by ballot, at the annual meeting.
ARTICLE VI. The President and Vice Presidents shall perform the
customary duties of such officers, and shall be cx-officio members of the
Board of Directors.
ARTICLE VII. The Secretaries, Treasurer, and Librarian shall be
x-officio members of the Board of Directors, and shall perform their
respective duties under the superintendence of said Board.
ARTICLE VIII. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to regu-
late the financial concerns of the Society, to superintend its publications,
to carry into effect the resolutions and orders of the Society, and to
exercise a general supervision over its affairs. Five Directors at any
regular meeting shall be a quorum for doing business.
ARTICLE IX. An Annual meeting of the Society shall be held during
Easter week, the days and place of the meeting to be determined by the
Directors, said meeting to be held in Massachusetts at least once in three
years. One or more other meetings, at the discretion of the Directors,
Constitution and By-Laws. xxix
may also be held each year at such place and time as the Directors shall
determine.
ARTICLE X. There shall be a special Section of the Society, devoted to
the historical study of religions, to which section others than members of
the American Oriental Society may be elected in the same manner as is
prescribed in Article IV.
ARTICLE XI. This Constitution may be amended, on a recommendation
of the Directors, by a vote of three-fourths of the members present at an
annual meeting.
BY-LAWS.
I. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondence of
the Society, and it shall be his duty to keep, in a book provided for the
purpose, a copy of his letters; and he shall notify the meetings in such
manner as the President or the Board of Directors shall direct.
II. The Recording Secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of
the Society in a book provided for the purpose.
III. a. The Treasurer shall have charge of the funds of the Society;
and his investments, deposits, and payments shall be made under the
superintendence of the Board of Directors. At each annual meeting he
shall report the state of the finances, with a brief summary of the receipts
and payments of the previous year.
III. b. After December 31, 1896, the fiscal year of the Society shall
correspond with the calendar year.
III. c. At each annual business meeting in Easter week, the President
shall appoint an auditing committee of two men preferably men residing
in or near the town where the Treasurer lives to examine the Treasurer's
accounts and vouchers, and to inspect the evidences of the Society's prop-
erty, and to see that the funds called for by his balances are in his hands.
The Committee shall perform this duty as soon as possible after the New
Year's day succeeding their appointment, and shall report their findings
to the Society at the next annual business meeting thereafter. If these
findings are satisfactory, the Treasurer shall receive his acquittance by a
certificate to that effect, which shall be recorded in the Treasurer's book,
and published in the Proceedings.
IV. The Librarian shall keep a catalogue of all books belonging to the
Society, with the names of the donors, if they are presented, and shall at
each annual meeting make a report of the accessions to the library during
the previous year, and shall be farther guided in the discharge of his
duties by such rules as the Directors shall prescribe.
V. All papers read before the Society, and all manuscripts deposited
by authors for publication, or for other purposes, shall be at the disposal
of the Board of Directors, unless notice to the contrary is given to the
Editors at the time of presentation.
VI. Each corporate member shall pay into the treasury of the Society
an annual assessment of five dollars; but a donation at any one time of
seventy-five dollars shall exempt from obligation to make this payment.
VII. Corporate and Honorary members shall be entitled to a copy of
all the publications of the Society issued during their membership, and
xxx Constitution and By-Laws.
shall also have the privilege of taking a copy of those previously pub-
lished, so far as the Society can supply them, at half the ordinary selling
price.
VIII. Candidates for membership who have been elected by the
Society shall qualify as members by payment of the first annual assess-
ment within one month from the time when notice of such election is
mailed to them. A failure so to qualify shall be construed as a refusal
to become a member. If any corporate member shall for two years fail
to pay his assessments, his name may, at the discretion of the Directors,
be dropped from the list of members of the Society.
IX. Members of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions
shall pay into the treasury of the Society an annual assessment of two
dollars; and they shall be entitled to a copy of all printed papers which
fall within the scope of the Section.
X. Six members shall form a quorum for doing business, and three
to adjourn.
SUPPLEMENTARY BY-LAWS.
I. FOR THE LIBRARY.
1. The Library shall be accessible for consultation to all members of
the Society, at such times as the Library of Yale College, with which it is
deposited, shall be open for a similar purpose; further, to such persons
as shall receive the permission of the Librarian, or of the Librarian or
Assistant Librarian of Yale College.
2. Any member shall be allowed to draw books from the Library upon
the following conditions: he shall give his receipt for them to the
Librarian, pledging himself to make good any detriment the Library may
suffer from their loss or injury, the amount of said detriment to be
determined by the Librarian, with the assistance of the President, or of
a Vice President ; and he shall return them within a time not exceeding
three months from that of their reception, unless by special agreement
with the Librarian this term shall be extended.
3. Persons not members may also, on special grounds, and at the
discretion of the Librarian, be allowed to take and use the Society's books,
upon depositing with the Librarian a sufficient security that they shall
be duly returned in good condition, or their loss or damage fully com-
pensated.
Until further notice the
Publications of the American Oriental Society
will be sold as follows:
1. Members of the Society receive the current number of the
Society's Journal free of charge.
2. To those who are not members of the Society the price of the
current volume is six dollars, carriage to be paid by the purchaser.
3. The back volumes of the Journal will be sold separately as
follows :
*Vol. [ (1843-1849) $25
Vol. II (1851) 5
Vol. Ill (1852-1853) 5
Vol. XVI (1894-1896).... S 6
Vol. XVII (1896) 4
Vol. XVIII (1897) 6
Vol. IV (1853-1854) 51 Vol. XIX (1898) 6
Vol. V (1855-1856) 5 j Vol. XX (1899) 6
*Vol. VI (1860) 20 Vol. XXI (1900) 6
Vol. VII (1862) 6 Vol. XXII (1901) 6
Vol. VIII (1866) 8 Vol. XXIII (1902) 6
Vol. IX (1871) 8
Vol. X (1872-1880) 8
Vol. XI (1882-1885) 6
Vol. Xtl (1881) 6
Vol. XIII (1889) 8
Vol. XIV (1890) 6
Vol. XV (1893) 6
Vol. XXIV (1903) 6
Vol. XXV (1904) 6
Vol. XXVI (1905) 6
Vol. XXVII (1906) 6
Vol. XXVIII (1907) 6
Vol. XXIX (1908-1909) 5
Vol. XXX (1909-1910) 6
* Only a very limited number of volumes I aud VI can be sold separately.
4. A discount of 20 per cent, will be allowed to public libraries
and to the libraries of educational institutions.
5. A limited number of complete sets (vol. I vol. XXX) will be
sold at the price off 180, carriage to be paid by the purchaser.
6. The following separate prints are for sale:
H. G. 0. Dwight, Catalogue of works in the Armenian language
prior to the seventeenth century $5.00
N. Khanikoff, Book of the Balance of Wisdom 5.00
Burgess, Surya-Siddhanta 8.00
Paspati, Memoir on the language of the Gypsies in the Turkish
Empire 5.00
L. H. Gulick, Panape Dialect 2.50
"Whitney's Taittirlya-Pratic,akhya 6.00
Avery's Sanskrit- Verb-Inflection 3.00
Whitney's Index Verborum to the Atharva-Veda 6.00
The same on large paper 8.00
Hopkins's Position of the Ruling Caste 5.00
Oertel's Jaimimya-Upanisad-Brahamana 2.50
Arnold's Historical Vedic Grammar . .' 2.50
Bloomfield's Kauc.ika- Sutra of the Atharva-Veda 8.00
The Whitney Memorial volume 3.00
7. Beginning with volume XXX the Journal appears in four
quarterly parts of which the first is issued on December first, the
second on March first, the third on June first, and the fourth on Sep-
tember first. Single parts of the Journal cannot be sold.
All communications concerning the Library should be addressed to
HANNS OERTEL, 2 Phelps Hall, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.,
U. S. A.
xxxii Notices.
TO CONTRIBUTORS.
Fifty copies of each article published in this Journal will be
forwarded to the author. A larger number will be furnished at.
cost.
GENERAL NOTICES.
1. Members are requested to give immediate notice of changes
of address to the Treasurer, Prof. Frederick Wells "Williams,
135 Whitney avenue, New Haven, Conn.
2. It is urgently requested that gifts and exchanges intended
for the Library of the Society be addressed as follows: The
Library of the American Oriental Society, Yale University New
Haven, Connecticut, U. S. America.
3. For information regarding the sale of the Society's pub-
lications see the next foregoing page.
4. Communications for the Journal should be sent to Prof.
James Richard Jewett, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111., or
Prof. Hanns Oertel, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.
CONCERNING MEMBERSHIP.
It is not necessary for any one to be a professed Orientalist in
order to become a member of the Society. All persons men or
women who are in sympathy with the objects of the Society and
willing to further its work are invited to give it their help. This help
may be rendered by the payment of the annual assessments, by gifts
to its library, or by scientific contributions to its Journal, or in all
of these ways. Persons desiring to become members are requested
to apply to the Treasurer, whose address is given above. Members
receive the Journal free. The annual assessment is f 5. The fee for
Life-Membership is $75.
Persons interested in the Historical Study of Religions may
become members of the Section of the Society organized for this
purpose. The annual assessment is $2; members receive copies of
all publications of the Society which fall within the scope of the
Section.
JOURNAL
OF THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
EDITED BY
JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, AND HANNS OERTEL
Professor in Harvard University,
Cambridge,, Mass.
Professor in Yale University,
New Haven, Conn.
THIRTY- FIRST VOLUME
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT, U. 8. A.
MCMXI.
A copy of this volume, postage paid, may be
obtained anywhere within the limits of the
Universal Postal Union, by sending a Postal
Money Order for six dollars, or its equiva-
lent, to The American Oriental Society, New
Haven, Connecticut, United States of America.
Printed by W. Drugulin, Leipzig (Germany).
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Baltimore, 1910 1 IX
Proceedings of the Society at its Meeting in Cambridge,
Massachusetts, 1911 I IX
List of Members, 1911 XI
Constitution and By-laws of the Society XXIII
Publications of the American Oriental Society XXVI
Notices XXVII
JACOBI, Hermann: The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the
Brahmans 1
BARTON, George A.: Hilprecht's Fragment of the Babylonian
Deluge Story 30
BLOOMFIELD, Maurice: Some Rig- Veda Repetitions 49
CONANT, Carlos Everett: The RGH Law in Philippine Languages . 70
KYLE, M. G.: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographical List of
Shoshenq 1 86
EDGERTON, Franklin: The K-Suffixes of Indo-Iranian. Part I: The
K-Suffixes in the Veda and Avesta 93, 296
ASAKAWA, K.: Notes on Village Government in Japan after 1600.
Part II 151
BLAKE, Frank R. : Vocalic r, I, m, n, in Semitic 217
MICHELSON, Truman: The Interrelation of the Dialects of the Four-
teen-Edicts of Asoka. 2. The dialect of the Girnar Redaction . 223
BARTON, George A.: The Babylonian Calendar in the Reigns of
Lugalanda and Urkagina 251
MONTGOMERY, James A.: Some Early Amulets from Palestine . . 272
BRADLEY. Cornelius Beach: Graphic Analysis of the Tone-accents
of the Siamese Language (with one plate) 282
BREASTED, James Henry: The "Field of Abram" in the Geographi-
cal List of Shoshenq 1 290
QUACKESBOS, G. P.: The Mayurastaka, an unedited Sanskrit poem
by Mayura 343
BARTON, George A.: On the Etymology of Ishtar 355
KENT, Roland G.: The Etymology of Syriac dastablrd 359
MARGOLIS, Max L. : The Washington MS. of Joshua ...... 365
SVERDRUP, George, jr. : A Letter from the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad
to General C. G. Gordon 368
CONANT, Carlos Everett: Monosyllabic Boots in Pampanga . . . 389
PRISCE, J. Dyneley: A Divine Lament (CT. XV, plates 24 25) . 395
FAY, Edwin W.: Indo-Iranian Word-Studies 403
PKOCEEDINGS
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
[MEETING IN BALTIMORE, MD.
igio.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
twenty-second occasion of its assembling, was held in Balti-
more, Md., at the Johns Hopkins University, on Thursday,
Friday, and Saturday of Easter week, March 31st and April
1st and 2d.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions :
Barret,
Davidson,
Hyvernat,
Quackenbos,
Blake,
Edgerton,
Jastrow,
Rosenau,
Bloomfield,
Ember,
Kent, R. G.
Rudolph. Miss
Boiling,
Foote,
Kyle,
Schick,
Brown, F.
Gilder sleeve,
Lyon,
Steele,
Brown, G. W.
Grieve, Miss
Margolis,
Torrey,
Burlingame,
Haas,
Meyer, E.
Vanderburgh,
Casanowicz.
Harper, R.F.
Michelson,
Ward, W. H.
Clay,
Haupt,
Montgomery,
Yohannan.
pollitz,
Haynes, '
Miiller,
Conant,
Hopkins,
Muss-Arnolt,
Total:
Currier,
Hussey, Miss
Oertel,
The first session began on Thursday afternoon at three
o'clock in the Donovan Room, McCoy Hall, with the President,
Dr. Wm. Hayes Ward, in the chair. In the absence of both
the secretaries Dr. George C. O. Haas was appointed to act as
recording secretary for the meeting.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting in New York,
April 15th, 16th, and 17th, 1909, was dispensed with, because
they had already been printed in the Journal (vol. 30, p. i-xii).
The Committee of Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor Haupt, in the form of a printed program. The suc-
ceeding sessions were appointed for Friday morning at half
past nine, Friday afternoon at half past two, and Saturday
morning at half past nine. It was announced that a luncheon
would be given to the Society by the University at the Johns
Hopkins Club on Friday at one o'clock, and that arrange-
ments had been made for a subscription dinner at the same
place on Friday evening at seven o'clock. The Johns Hopkins
Club and the University Club extended their courtesies to the
members of the Society during the meeting.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The annual report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor
A. Y. Williams Jackson, was then presented as follows:
The Secretary lias the honor to report that he has endeavoured to
carry on the duties of his office during the current year as before, and
has had pleasant correspondence, not only with the newly elected
members, honorary and corporate, but also with various persons who
take an interest in Oriental matters and have been attracted by the aims
of the Society. A special phase of the correspondence is represented
by letters to and from one engaged in writing a report for a Japanese
publication on the history of learned organizations in America. Several
communications have been received requesting the Society to consider
different cities from those where it has met in the past, as places for
the annual meeting. Most noteworthy among these is an invitation from
the Conventions Bureau of the Business Men's League of St. Louis, ac-
companied by letters from the Governor of Missouri, the Mayor of St.
Louis, and a number of local civic bodies.
The Secretary has to record the loss of several members whose names
have added honor to our list.
DEATHS.
HONORARY MEMBER.
Professor M. J. De Goeje.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. Henry Charles Lea.
Miss Maria Whitney.
Professor M. J. De Goeje, of the University of Leyden, who died *
May, 1909, was elected to honorary membership in 1898 as a represent-
ative of Dutch scholarship and in recognition of his distinguished con-
Ill
tributions in the field of Semitic philology, especially Arabic, which are
too well known to need record here.
Mr. Henry C. Lea, of Philadelphia, who had been a member of the
Society since 1898, died in October 1909. He was a zealous furtherer
of scholarship, historical and antiquarian, and the author of numerous
works on mediaeval history.
Miss Maria Whitney, sister of the late Professor W. D. Whitney, died
in January last. She joined the Society in 1897.
The Secretary cannot close this report without a word of appreciation
of the help he has received from his Baltimore colleagues on the Com-
mittee of Arrangements (Professors Bloomfield and Haupt) in arranging
the details of the meeting at which this report is presented.
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. "W. Williams,
was then presented, as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER or THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1909.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec. 31, 1908 $ 488.00
Dues (190) for 1909 $ 950.00
(43) for other years 214.88
(15) for His. Stud, of Relig. Section .... 30.00 1,194.88
Life Membership payment 75.00
State National Bank Dividends 124.97
Annual interest from Savings Banks 42.92
Sales of Journal 408.52
$ 2,334.29
Expenditures.
T. M. and T. Co., Printing Vol. xxiv and sundry $ 1,357.80
Editor's Honorarium 100.00
Librarian, Scribe and Postage 64.50
Treasurer, Postage . 1.00
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.95
Balance to general account 715.04
~ $ 2,334.29
STATEMENT.
1908 1909
Bradley Type Fond $ 2,653.41 $ 2,781.29
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.39 6.64
National Savings Bank 12.11 12.89
Interest, Cotheal Fund 195.69 237.88
Cash in hand 12.54 24.69
$ 5,830.14 $ 6,013.09
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows: .
"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books
and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, |
HAWS OERTEL,
NEW HAVEN, March 23. 1910.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
The library was unfortunate in losing the help this year which Miss
Margaret D. Whitney has very generously given the last three years.
As a consequence the accessioning had to be done by paid labor, [and
it was through the kindness of my fellow editor, who allowed his
honorarium to be used to defray this expense, that this work could be
carried on. However, it will be necessary to provide hereafter a regular
appropriation for the librarian to pay for the labor of accessioning and
acknowledging; the work of binding has been entirely discontinued owing
to lack of funds. It will be impossible to continue for any length of
time a policy which is sure] to result in confusion and loss, and the
Librarian again wishes to impress upon the members of the Society the
absolute necessity of a regular allowance for the payment of clerical help.
This report was completed when the Librarian received the sum of
one hundred dollars fronl Professor Jewett as a second most welcome
gift toward the expenses of the library.'
Upon motion it was voted to convey the thanks of the
Society to Professor Jewett for his two gifts.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors of this Journal, Professors Oertel
and Jewett, was presented by Professor Oertel, as follows:
Pursuant to a vote of the directors at the last annual meeting, the
editors arranged to have the Journal published hereafter in four quarterly
numbers. The first of these was sent to the members on December 1st,
the second on March 1st. The third will be sent out on June 1st, and
the fourth on September 1st. The second number contained the pro-
ceedings of the New York meeting. It is possible now to form an
estimate of the cost of the printing of the current volume of the Journal.
The first number of volume 30, including addressing and postage, cost
1271 marks and 30 pfennigs. The cost of the second number amounts
to 1006 marks and 50 pfennigs. Figuring on this basis, the Editors
estimate that the whole volume will cost 4556 marks, thus coming well
within the estimated sum of | 1200.
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected members of the Society:
HONORARY MEMBER.
Professor Hermann Oldenberg.
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Mr. William E. M. Aitken, Miss Sarah Fenton Hoyt,
Prof. Cornelius B. Bradley, Mr. Charles Johnston,
Mr. Alexander H. Bullock, Prof. Roland G. Kent,
Mr. Eugene Watson Burlingame, Mr. C. 0. Sylvester Mawson,
Mr. Francis A. Cunningham, Mr. William Merrill,
Dr. Franklin Edgerton, Mr. Bernard Revel,
Dr. William H. Worrell.
OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911.
The committee appointed at New York to nominate officers
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professor Harper, Dr. Haas,
and Dr. Madsen, reported through Professor Harper and re-
commended the following, who were duly elected:
President Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore.
Vice-Presidents Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Henry
Hyvernat, of Washington; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven.
Corresponding Secretary Professor A. Y. Williams Jackson, of New
York.
Recording Secretary Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge, Mass.
Secretary of the Section for Religions Professor Morris Jastrow, Jr.,
of Philadelphia.
Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian Professor Hanns Oertel, of New Haven.
Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge; E. Washburn Hopkins, of New
Haven; Richard Gottheil, of New York; Robert F. Harper and James
R, Jewett, of Chicago ; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
At four o'clock, at the conclusion of the business session,
the Society adjourned to the large lecture-room in the same
building, where the President, Dr. William Hayes Ward, de-
livered the annual address on "Oriental Sources of Greek
Mythology."
At five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer of the University
of Berlin, Exchange Professor at Harvard University and an
VI
Honorary Member of the Society, delivered in the same hall
an illustrated lecture on "The Egyptians in the Time of the
Pyramid-builders."
The evening was reserved for an informal gathering of the
members for supper and general conversation.
SECOND SESSION.
The members re-assembled on Friday morning at half past
nine o'clock for the second session. The following communic-
ations were presented:
Dr. F. E. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: 'To be' and
'to have' in the Philippine languages.
Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: An-
nouncement of a work on Repetitions in the Rig-Yeda.
Mr. G. W. Brown, of Baltimore: Prana and apdna in the
Upanishads. Remarks by Professor Bloomfield.
Professor C. E. Conant, of the University of Chattanooga:
RGH and RLD in Philippine languages. Remarks by Dr. Blake.
Rev. Dr. C. W. Currier, of Washington: Gonzales de Men-
doza and his work on China. Remarks by Professor Jastrow
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University : Semito-Egyptian
sound-changes. Remarks by Professor W. Max Miiller.
Dr. M. Margolis, of Dropsie College, Philadelphia: Gram-
matical notes on transliterations in the Greek Old Testament.
Remarks by Professors W. Max Miiller and Haupt.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University : Babylonian
words in the Talmud.
At twelve thirty the Society took a recess until half past
two, and the members were invited to luncheon as guests of
the University at the Johns Hopkins Club.
THIRD SESSION.
The third session was held in the large lecture-room in
McCoy Hall, President Ward presiding. The following papers
were read:
Professor L. C. Barret, of Dartmouth College: Myths about
dragon-fights. Remarks by Professor Bloomfield.
Dr. Lucia Grieve, of New York: The Mohurrum in Western
India.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: A Mac-
cabean oratorio.
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania :
The Etana myth on the Baby Ionian- Assyrian seal-cylinders.
Remarks by Dr. Ward and Professor Bloomfield.
Vll
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College: On the latest
addition to the Babylonian Deluge literature; presented by
Professor Torrey. Eemarks by Professors Haupt and Clay.
Dr. G. A. Reisner, of Harvard University: The Harvard ex-
cavations at Samaria in 1909; presented by Professor Lyon.
The reading of papers was concluded at four forty, and at
five o'clock Professor Eduard Meyer delivered in the same hall
a lecture on 'Augustus Caesar.' At half past seven the members
met for dinner at the Johns Hopkins Club.
FOURTH SESSION.
On Saturday morning at half past nine the fourth and con-
cluding session was held in the Donovan Room in McCoy
Hall. President-elect Bloomfield presided in the absence of
President Ward.
The directors reported that they had re-appointed Professors
Oertel and Jewett as Editors of the Journal for the ensuing
year.
They further announced that the next meeting would take
place at Cambridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911.
(This date was afterwards changed by the Directors to
April 20, 21, and 22 in Easter week.)
It was announced that the President had appointed as com-
mittee to nominate officers, Professors Hopkins, Christopher
Johnston, and Barret; as committee to arrange the details of
the next meeting, Professors Lyon, Lanman, and Jackson; as
Auditors, Professors Torrey and Oertel.
On motion of President Francis Brown the following resolu-
tion was unanimously adopted:
The American Oriental Society desires to express its thanks to the
Johns Hopkins University and to the Johns Hopkins and University
Clubs for the courtesies they have extended to the Society during this
meeting; and to the Committee of Arrangements for the provision they
have made for its entertainment.
The presentation of papers was then resumed in the follow-
ing order:
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Another word
on the structure of the Hammurabi code. Remarks by Pro-
fessor Jastrow.
Rev. Mr. M. G. Kyle, of Philadelphia: The 'Field of Abraham'
in the geographical list of Shishak I.
Dr. T. Michelson, of Ridgefield, Conn.: The dialect of the
Vlll
Grirnar redaction of Asoka's Fourteen Edicts. Eemarks by
Professor Bloomfield.
Dr. Mary I. Hussey, of Cambridge, Mass.: Notes on some
cuneiform tablets in the Semitic Museum of Harvard University.
Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: Some Judaeo-
Aramaic mortuary inscriptions from the Hauran. Remarks by
Professor Jastrow, Dr. Yohannan, and Professor Bloomfield.
Professor H.Hyvernat, of the Catholic University of America:
On some so-called prehistoric tablets lately discovered in
Michigan. Remarks by Professors Jastrow and Haupt.
Mr. Gr. Y. Schick, of Baltimore : On the stems DV1 and DIM.
Remarks of Professor Haupt.
Rev. Dr. F. A. Vander burgh, of New York : A hymn to Mullil
(Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plates 7, 8, and 9). Remarks by
Professor Jastrow.
Rev. Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Inscriptions
on some Persian tiles from Rhages.
Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University: Vocalic n,
m, r, I in Semitic. Remarks by Dr. Michelson.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Some Hebrew
etymologies.
Professor P. Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University: The
priestly blessing.
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr., of the University of Pennsylvania:
The Babylonian astrological series Anu-Enlil] presented in
abstract.
Professor J. A. Montgomery, of Philadelphia: A novel form
of early Syriac script.
The Society adjourned at half past twelve to meet in Cam-
bridge, Mass., on March 16, 17, and 18, 1911. (This date was
afterwards changed by the Directors to April 20, 21, and 22
in Easter week.)
The following communications were read by title:
Mr. W. E. M. Aitken, of Courtright, Canada: 'Collation of
two unpublished copies of the Standard inscription of Ashur-
nasirpal.
Professor Gr. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College :
(a) The significance of Babylonian label tablets;
(b) The Babylonian calendar in the oldest temple archives;
(c) The location of the Land of Uz.
Dr. I. M. Casanowicz, of the National Museum at Washington:
Note on some usages of ]!&.
IX
Professor M. W. Easton, of the University of Pennsylvania:
The physics and psychology of the Vai&sika system.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: On the trans-
literation of Egyptian.
Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Two Indo-
Tranian notes.
Dr. L. H. Gray, of Newark, N. J.: The Parsi-Persian Burj
Ndmah, or Book of Omens from the Moon.
Professor F. Hirth, of Columbia University: On methods of
studying Chinese.
Professor E. W. Hopkins, of Yale University: Mythological
aspects of woods and mountains in the Sanskrit Epic.
Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of Columbia University : On the
precise location of the Pass of the Caspian Gates.
Professor Hermann Jacobi, of the University of Bonn : When
were the philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans composed?
Mr. Charles Johnston, of New York: On a Buddhist catechism.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddhaghosa
and the Way of Purity.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Some recent
accessions to the Harvard Semitic Museum.
Professor W. Max Miiller, of Philadelphia :
(a) The swords of the ancient Orient.
(b) An American scarab.
Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A hymn to
the goddess Kir-gi-lu (Cuneiform Texts, vol. 15, plate 23).
Rev. Dr. W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) A word about Abraham Geiger;
(b) Some educational theories held by the Rabbis prior
to the last century.
Professor C. C. Torrey, of Yale University:
(a) A bilingual inscription from Baal-Peor;
(b) The American School in Jerusalem.
PROCEEDINGS
OP THE
AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY,
AT ITS
MEETING IN CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS.
ign.
The annual meeting of the Society, being the one hundred
twenty-third meeting, was held in Cambridge, Massachusetts,
on Wednesday and Thursday of Easter week, April 19th
and 20th.
The following members were present at one or more of the
sessions :
Aitken,
Gellot,
Lanman,
Reisner,
Arnold,
Haas,
Lyon,
Rudolph, Miss
Atkinson,
Haupt,
Moore, G. F.,
Steele,
Barret,
Hoyt, Miss,
Moore, Mrs. G.
F. Toy,
Bloomfield,
Hussey, Miss
Muss-Arnolt,
Vanderburgh,
Cams,
Jastrow,
Oertel,
Ward, W. H.
Channing, Miss,
Kellner,
Ogden, C. J.,
Warren, W. F.,
Clay,
Miss Kendrick,
Ogden, Miss
Winslow,
Edgerton,
Kent, R. G.
Oliphant,
Wood,
Ember,
Kyle,
Orne,
Total: 39.
The first session was held in the Phillips Brooks House,
on "Wednesday morning, beginning at eleven o'clock; the
President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, being in the chair.
The reading of the minutes of the meeting in Baltimore,
March 31 st- April 2nd, 1910, which had been already printed
in the Journal (vol. 31, pp. i-ix), was dispensed with.
The Committee on Arrangements presented its report, through
Professor Lyon, in the form of a printed programme. The
succeeding sessions were appointed for Wednesday afternoon
11
at half past two, Thursday morning at half past nine, and
Thursday afternoon at half past two. It was announced that
a luncheon ( would he given to the Society by its resident
members at the Colonial Club on Wednesday at one o'clock,
and that arrangements had been made for a subscription
dinner at the same place on Thursday evening at seven o'clock.
The Colonial Club extended its courtesies to the members of
the Society during their meeting.
REPORT OF THE CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
The report of the Corresponding Secretary, Professor A. Y.
Williams Jackson, was presented by Dr. Haas as follows:
During the course of the year the Secretary has had pleasant corre-
spondence not only with persons interested in Oriental matters who have
inquired as to the aims and activities of the Society, but also with some
fellow-members in more distant parts, such as Major C. C. Smith, in the
Philippines, Dr. Edward P. Hume, of China, Dr. Justin E. Abbott, of
Bombay, (who is now in this country), and with a number of colleagues
in Europe. Letters of acceptance have been received from all those
elected to membership at the last meeting.
Among the formal communications received may be mentioned invi-
tations to participate in the International Congress of Orientalists, to be
held at Athens in 1912, and in the Universal Races Congress, which will
take place in London this July; a request for co-operation from the
George Washington Memorial Association of America; and a letter from
Professor Snouck Hurgronje, of Leiden, calling upon the members of the
Society to aid in the publication of the Encyclopaedia of Islam.
All of these communications have been duly acknowledged and laid before
the Directors for consideration.
The Secretary has to record the loss of three members by death during
the past year.
The Rev. Dr. Henry N. COBB, of New York, who was a member of the
Society since 1875, died in April 1910, at an advanced age.
Mr. Thomas W. KINGSMILL, who died at Shanghai in the autumn of
1910, was a recent accession to our number, having joined the Society
in 1909. Although an architect by profession, he was an indefatigable
student and had considerable knowledge of the classical Chinese literature.
He was the author of many articles on Chinese subjects and made several
happy poetical translations from the Odes of the Shih Ching.
Professor William G. SDMNER, of Yale University, who died in April
1910, became a member of the Section for the Historical Study of Reli-
gions in the year 1898.
In closing this report, which will be presented during the absence of'
the Secretary on another journey to India and the East, he desires to
express his appreciation of the willing co-operation of all concerned in,
the work and to add a hearty wish for the continued welfare of the;
Society.
Ill
REPORT OF THE TREASURER.
The annual report of the Treasurer, Professor F. W. Williams,
was presented by the Recording Secretary, as follows:
RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS BY THE TREASURER OP THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL
SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 31, 1910.
Receipts.
Balance from old account, Dec., 1909 $ 715.04
Dues (183) for 1910 $ 914.41
(33) for other years 165.00
(12) H. S. R. Section 24.00 1,103.41
Sales of Journal 295.69
State National Bank Dividends 127.93
'$ 2,242.07
Expenditures.
Printing Journal, Volume XXX $ 1,102.38
Sundry printing and addressing 65.87
Typewriter 4.00
Editor's Honorarium 100.00
Treasurer, Postage 13.55
Subvention to Orientalische Bibliographic 95.33
Balance to new account 860.94
~ $ 2,242.07
STATEMENT.
1909 1910
Bradley Type Fond $ 2,781.29 $ 2,914.35
Cotheal Fund 1,000.00 1,000.00
State National Bank Shares 1,950.00 1,950.00
Connecticut Savings Bank 6.64 6.90
National Savings Bank 12.59 13.07
Interest, Cotheal Fund 237.88 284.71
Cash in hand 24.69
$ 6,013.09 $ 6,169.03
The Treasurer in presenting his report for the year 1910
calls the attention of the members of the Society to a falling
off in receipts from dues owing chiefly to an unusual number
of delinquencies in paying the annual assessment. He takes
occasion to remind them again that on failing to pay two
years in succession they are dropped from the list of members
unless good reason is given for a longer delay. The total
receipts during the past year show a falling off (J 1527.03
against $ 1813.37), leaving out the small sum of interest from
the Savings Bank interest, which being left in the banks is
removed from the Treasurer's debit and credit account and
reported in the annual Statement. The cost of printing and
mailing the Journal has been reduced from about $ 1800 to $1102.
REPORT OF THE AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The report of the Auditing Committee, Professors Torrey
and Oertel, was presented by the Recording Secretary, as
follows:
"We hereby certify that we have examined the account book of the
Treasurer of this Society and have found the same correct, and that the
foregoing account is in conformity therewith. We have also compared
the entries in the cash book with the vouchers and bank and pass books
and have found all correct.
CHARLES C. TORREY, \ ,..
HANNS OERTEL, ) A
NEW HAVEN, Conn., April 10, 1911.
REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN.
The Librarian, Professor Hanns Oertel, presented his report
as follows:
By arrangement with the Librarian of Yale University the work of
accessioning of new books was carried on during the past year by the
regular staff of the University Library. In the same way the University
Library took charge of the sales of the Journal, covering all necessary
correspondence and the collecting of bills. For this service the Society
paid a nominal charge.
The Library has received from Professor Jewett one hundred dollars,
this being the amount of his honorarium as editor of the Journal and
a further sum of one hundred dollars for defraying the expenses of the
Library.
REPORT OF THE EDITORS.
The report of the Editors, Professors Oertel and Jewett, was
presented by Professor Oertel, as follows:
From the financial point of view the printing of the Journal abroad
has resulted in a decided saving (see the Treasurer's Report). It has
also been possible to use a greater variety of Oriental type without any
appreciable increase of cost, and, in spite of the distance, the four parts
of the Journal have appeared fairly punctually at the beginning of each
quarter. But as it is manifestly impossible to allow authors more than
two proofs, the editors would urge contributors to prepare their MS.
carefully for the press, to make corrections as plainly as possible, and
to avoid extensive alterations and additions. If additions are unavoidable;
they should be added at the end of the article.
ELECTION OF MEMBERS.
The following persons, recommended by the Directors, were
elected corporate members of the Society:
CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Rev. Mr. D. F. Bradley, Cleveland, 0.
Professor R. E. Briinnow, Princeton, N. J.
Mrs. Francis W. Dickins, Washington, D. C.
Mr. E. A. Gellot, Ozone Park, L. L, N. Y.
Mr. W. S. Howell, New York, N. Y.
Mr. R. L. Kortkamp, Hillsboro, 111.
Rev. Dr. E. S. Rousmaniere, Boston, Mass.
Mr. R. H. Rucker, New York, N. Y.
Mr. E. B. Soane, Muhammerah, Persian Gulf.
Rev. Mr. H. B. Vanderbogart, Middletown, Conn.
Professor J. E. Wishart, Xenia, O.
Mr. R. Zimmermann, Berlin, Germany.
OFFICERS FOR 1910-1911.
The committee appointed in Baltimore to nominate officers
for the ensuing year, consisting of Professors E. Washburn
Hopkins, Christopher Johnston, and Barrett, reported through
Professor Barrett.
The election of a Secretary for the Section for Religions
was postponed to Friday morning.
The officers nominated by the committee were duly elected,
as follows:
President Professor George F. Moore, of Cambridge.
Vice-Presidents Professor Paul Haupt, of Baltimore; Professor Robert
F. Harper, of Chicago; Professor Charles C. Torrey, of New Haven.
Corresponding Secretary Professor A. V. W. Jackson, of New York.
Recording Secretary Dr. George C. 0. Haas, of New York.
Treasurer Professor Frederick Wells Williams, of New Haven.
Librarian Professor Albert T. Clay, of New Haven.
Directors The officers above named, and Professors Crawford H. Toy
and Charles R. Lanman, of Cambridge ; E. Washburn Hopkins and Hanns
Oertel, of New Haven; Maurice Bloomfield, of Baltimore; George A.
Barton, of Bryn Mawr; Dr. William Hayes Ward, of New York.
The President, Professor Maurice Bloomfield, of Johns
Hopkins University, delivered the annual address on "The
Religion of the Sikhs".
After the Presidential address the Society proceeded to the
hearing of communications.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University, present-
ed a communication on Some Difficult Passages in the Cu-
neiform Account of the Deluge.
At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two.
SECOND SESSION.
At half past two o'clock the Society reassembled in the Phillips
VI
Brooks House, and the presentation of communications was
resumed, as follows:
Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Name of the Red Sea.
Professor R. G. Kent, of the University of Pennsylvania:
The Etymology of Syriac dastabird.
Professor C. R. Lanman, of Harvard University: Buddha-
ghosa's Way of Purity.
Dr. C. J. Ogden, of Columbia University: References to the
Caspian Gates in Ammianus Marcellinus.
Miss E. S. Ogden, of Albany : A Conjectural Interpretation
of Cuneiform Texts (v 81. 7 27). -- Remarks were made by
Professors Jastrow and Bloomfield.
The Rev. Dr. F. A. Yanderburgh, of Columbia University:
The Babylonian Legends published in Cuneiform Texts (xv. 1-6.)
Professor M. Jastrow, Jr.: The Chronology of Babylonia
and Assyria. - - Remarks were made by Mr. Kyle and by
Professor Wiener.
At five o'clock the Society adjourned to Thursday morning,
at half past nine.
THIRD SESSION.
The Society met at quarter before ten o'clock in the Phillips
Brooks House, President Bloomfield presiding. The reading
of communications was resumed as follows:
Dr. Edgerton, of Johns Hopkins University: Later history
of the Sanskrit suffix ka. - - Remarks by Professors Lanman
and Bloomfield, and Dr. C. J. Ogden.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: Semite-Egyp-
tian words. - - Remarks by Professor Haupt, Mr. Kyle, and
Professor Bloomfield.
Professor S. G. Oliphant, of Olivet College: The elliptic
dual and the dual dvandva. - - Remarks by Dr. Edgerton,
Dr. C. J. Ogden, and Professor Bloomfield.
The President announced that a telephone message had just
been received from Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson,
one of the oldest members of the Society, sending his greetings
to the Society and regretting that he was prevented by the
inclemency of the weather from attending the sessions today.
It was voted that the Society send its greetings to Colonel \
Higginson and express its regret that he was unable to be
present. Professor Lanman was asked to communicate this<|
vote to Colonel Higginson, and also to send a salutation from
the Society to Professor W. W. Goodwin. Professor Lyon
was requested to do the same to Professor C. H. Toy, who
has been for forty years a member of the Society.
Vll
Mr. E. A. Gellot: Monosyllabism of the Semitic Languages.
Remarks by Professors Lyon, Haupt, Kent, and Bloomfield.
Professor Paul Haupt, a Vice-President of the Society, took
the chair.
Professor M. Bloomfield, of Johns Hopkins University: Final
account of the work on Rig-Veda Repetitions.
Miss S. F. Hoyt, of Baltimore: The Holy One in Psalm 16 : 10.
- Remarks by Dr. Ember.
Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of
Ibn SmS; presented by title by Professor Jastrow.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University: The etymologies
of Aramaic leJjena and Hebrew gahar, Selem, etc.
At one o'clock the Society took a recess until half past two
o'clock.
FOURTH SESSION.
The Society met at a quarter before three o'clock in the
lecture-room of the Semitic Museum, with Vice-President Haupt
in the chair. A communication was presented by Miss S. F.
Hoyt, of Baltimore: The etymology of religion.
At three o'clock President Bloomfield took the chair. Pro-
fessor Oertel reported for the Directors that they had appointed
the next annual meeting of the Society to be held in New York,
on Tuesday, "Wednesday, and Thursday of Easter week, April
9th, 10th, and llth, 1912.
They had reappointed as Editors of the Journal, Professors
Oertel and Jewett.
The Directors further recommended the adoption of the
following resolutions concerning the Section for the Historical
Study of Religions:
1. That the American Oriental Society emphasize more forcibly in the
future the inclusion of the historical study of religions in its scope.
2. To discontinue the separate Section for the Historical Study of
Religions.
3. To invite the members of the present Section for the Historical Study
of Religions to become corporate members of the Society.
4. That one special session of the meeting be devoted to papers dealing
with the historical study of religion in its widest scope (including
primitive religions, European religions, etc.)
5. That the Constitution be ammended by the omission of the words
"Secretary of the Section for the Historical Study of Religions" in
Article V, by the omission] of Article X entire, and by the renumber-
ing of Article XI as Article X; that the By-Laws be amended by
the omission of Article IX and the renumbering of Article X as
Article IX.
Vlll
It was moved that the report be adopted, and that the
proposed changes in the Constitution and By-Laws be made.
This motion was carried, nemine contradicente.
Professor Oertel moved a vote of thanks to the authorities
of Harvard University, to the Governors of the Colonial Club,
and x to the Committee of Arrangements, Professors Lyon and
Lanman.
On motion of Dr. Haas, the thanks of the Society were
tendered to Professor Oertel for his services as Librarian.
The President, Professor Bloomfield, announced that he had
appointed as a Committee on Arrangements for the next
annual meeting Professors Gottheil and Jackson, and Dr. Haas,
of Columbia University; as a Committee to nominate officers
to be elected at the next annual meeting, Professors Lanman
and Lyon, of Harvard University, and Dr. C. J. Ogden, of
Columbia ; as Auditors to audit the accounts of the Treasurer,
Professors Torrey and Oertel, of Yale University.
Communications were presented as follows:
Dr. W. H. Ward, of New York: The Zadokite document.
Professor George Moore, of Harvard University : A hitherto
unknown Jewish sect; Schechter, Documents of Jewish Sectaries I.
Professor D. G. Lyon, of Harvard University: Notes on a
Canaanite cemetery.
Miss A. Eudolph, of Cleveland: The outlook for Oriental
studies in Cleveland.
Professor W. F. Warren, of Boston University: Why does
Plutarch describe the moon as bi-perforate ?
At quarter after five o'clock the Society adjourned to meet
in New York, on Tuesday, of Easter week, April 9 th, 1912.
The following communications were read by title:
Rev. Dr. J. E. Abbott: The Fire Temple at Baku and its
inscriptions.
Professor K. Asakawa, of Yale University : The parallels of
the Frankish precaria and ~benefidum in the mediaeval history
of Japan.
Professor G. A. Barton, of Bryn Mawr College:
(a) On the etymology of Ishtar;
(b) Notes on Babylonian and Assyrian systems of measures ;
(c) Improvements in the renderings of the Blau monuments,
the Scheil tablet, and the Hoffman tablet (J. A. 0. S. 22,
118128; 23, 2128).
Dr. F. R. Blake, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The original meaning of the Semitic intransitive verbal
forms ;
IX
(b) The Hebrew metheg.
(c) Relative clauses in Tagalog.
Eev. Mr. J. L. Chandler, of Madura, Southern India
Hinduism as taught in Hindu Schools.
Dr. B. B. Charles, of Philadelphia: The autobiography of
Ibn Sma.
Mr. C. E. Conant, of the University of Chicago : Monosyllabic
roots in Pampanga.
Dr. A. Ember, of Johns Hopkins University:
(b) Scriptio plena of the Hebrew imperfect iqtol.
Professor E. W. Fay, of the University of Texas: Indo-
Iranian word-studies.
Professor Paul Haupt, of Johns Hopkins University:
(b) The four Assyrian stems IcCu;
(d) Biblical and Oriental articles in the new edition of the
Encyclopaedia Britannica, and the Islamic Encyclo-
paedia.
Professor Margolis, of the Dropsie College: The "Washington
manuscript of Joshua.
Professor W. Max Miiller, of the University of Pennsylvania
General account of a papyrus collection recently acquired by
the University of Pennsylvania Museum.
Professor J. D. Prince, of Columbia University: A divine
lament (Cuneiform Texts, xv. 24, 25).
Mr. G. P. Quackenbos, of New York: An unedited Sanskrit
poem of Mayura.
Rev. Dr. "W. Rosenau, of Johns Hopkins University:
(a) The term min in the Talmud.
(b) The Talmudic proclitic Kp.
(c) Some Talmudic compounds.
Professor G. Sverdrup, Jr., of Augsburg Seminary, Minnea-
polis: A letter from the Mahdi to General Gordon.
Dr. A. Yohannan, of Columbia University: Some references
in Arab writers to the ancient city of Merv.
List of Members. xi
LIST or MEMBERS.
The number placed after the address indicates the year of election.
I. HONORARY MEMBERS.
M. AUGUSTE EARTH, Membre de 1'Institut, Paris, France. (Rue Garan-
ciere, 10.) 1898.
Dr. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, C. I. E., Dekkan Coll., Poona, India.
1887.
JAMES BDRGESS, LL.D., 22 Seton Place, Edinburgh, Scotland. 1899.
Prof. CHARLES CLERMONT-GANNEAU, 1 Avenue de 1'Alma, Paris. 1909.
Prof. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Harboro' Grange, Ashton-on-Mersey, England.
1907.
Prof. BERTHOLD DELBRUCK, University of Jena, Germany. 1878.
Prof. FRIEDRICH DELITZSCH, University of Berlin, Germany. 1893.
Canon SAMUEL R. DRIVER, Oxford, England. 1909.
Prof. ADOLPH ERMAN, Berlin-Steglitz-Dahlem, Germany, PeterLennestr.72.
1903.
Prof. RICHARD GARBE, University of Tubingen, Germany. (Biesinger
Str. 14.) 1902.
Prof. KARL F. GELDNER, University of Marburg, Germany. 1905.
Prof. IGNAZ GOLDZIHER, vii Hollo-Utcza 4 ; Budapest, Hungary. 1906.
GEORGE A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., D.Litt., I.C.S. (retired), Rathfarnham,
Camberley, Surrey, England. Corporate Member, 1899; Hon., 1905.
Prof. IGNAZIO GUIDI, University of Rome, Italy. (Via Botteghe Oscure 24.)
1893.
Prof. HERMANN JACOBI, University of Bonn, 59 Niebuhrstrasse, Bonn, Ger-
many. 1909.
Prof. HENDRIK KERN, 45 Willem Barentz-Straat, Utrecht, Netherlands. 1893.
Prof. ALFRED LUDWIG, University of Prague. Bohemia. (Konigliche Wein-
berge, Krameriusgasse 40.) 1898.
Prof. GASTON MASPERO, College de France, Paris, France. (Avenue de
1'Observatoire, 24.) 1898.
Prof. EDUARD MEYER, University of Berlin, Germany. (Gross-Lichterfelde-
West, Mommsenstr. 7) 1908.
Prof. THEODOR NOLDEKE, University of Strassburg, Germany. (Kalbs-
gasse 16.) 1878.
Prof. HERMANN OLDENBERG, University of Gottingen, Germany. 1910.
(27/29 Nikolausberger Weg.)
Prof. EDUARD SACHAU, University of Berlin, Germany. (Wormserstr. 12, W.)
1887.
xii List of Members.
EMILE SENART, Membre de 1'Institut de France, 18 Rue Francois I er , Paris,
France. 1908.
Prof. ARCHIBALD H. SAYCE, University of Oxford, England. 1893.
Prof. JULIUS WELLHAUSEN, University of Gottingen, Germany. (Weber-
str. 18 a.) 1902.
Prof. ERNST WINDISCH, University of Leipzig, Germany. (UniversitatB-
str. 15.) 1890. [Total, 26]
II. CORPORATE MEMBERS.
Names marked with * are those of life members.
Rev. Dr. JUSTIN EDWARDS ABBOTT, Irvington, N. Y. 1900.
Dr. CYRUS ADLER, 2041 North Broad St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1884.
WILLIAM E. M. AITKEN, 7 Howland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1910.
F. STURGES ALLEN, 246 Central St., Springfield, Mass. 1904.
Miss MAY ALICE ALLEN, Williamstown, Mass. 1906.
Prof. WILLIAM R. ARNOLD, Theological Seminary, Cambridge, Mass. 1893.
Prof. KANICHI ASAKAWA (Yale Univ.), 870 Elm St., New Haven, Conn. 1904.
Rev. EDWARD E. ATKINSON, 94 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN, LL.D., 44 Wall St., New Haven, Conn. 1898.
Prof. LEROY CARR BARRET, Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE A. BARTON, Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 1888.
Prof. L. W. BATTEN, 232 East llth St., New York. 1894.
Prof. HARLAN P. BEACH (Yale Univ.), 346 Willow St., New Haven, Conn.
1898.
Prof. WILLIS J. BEECHER, D.D., Theological Seminary, Auburn, N. Y. 1900.
Dr. HAROLD H. BENDER, Princeton University, Princeton New Jersey.
1906.
Rev. JOSEPH F. BERG, Port Richmond, S. I., N. Y. 1893.
Prof. GEORGE R. BERRY, Colgate University, Hamilton, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JULIUS A. BEWER (Union Theological Seminary), Broadway and
120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. WILLIAM STURGIS BIGELOW, 60 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JOHN BINNEY, Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown. Conn. 1887.
Rev. Dr. SAMUEL H. BISHOP, 500 West 122 d St., New York, N. Y. 1898.
Dr. GEORGE F. BLACK, N. Y. Public Library, Fifth Ave. and 42 d St.,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
Dr. FRANK RINGGOLD BLAKE, Windsor Hills, Baltimore, Md.
Rev. PHILIP BLANC, St. Johns Seminary, Brighton, Md. 1907.
Rev. Dr. DAVID BLAUSTEIN, The New York School of Philanthropy, 105
East 22 d St., New York, N. Y. 1891.
Dr. FREDERICK J. BLISS, Protest. Syrian College, Beirut, Syria. 1898.
FRANCIS B. BLODGETT, General Theological Seminary, Chelsea Square, New
York, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. CARL AUGUST BLOMGREN, Augustana College and Theol. Seminary,
Rock Island, 111. 1900.
Prof. MAURICE BLOOMFIELD, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1881.
Dr. ALFRED BOISSIER, Le Rivage pres ChambBsy, Switzerland. 1897.
List of Members. xiii
Dr. GEORGE M. BOLLING (Catholic Univ. of America), 1784 Corcoran
St., Washington, D. C. 1896.
Prof. CORNELIUS B. BRADLEY, 2639 Durant Ave., Berkeley, Cal. 1910.
Rev. Dr. DAN FREEMAN BRADLEY, 2905 West 14 th St., Cleveland, Ohio.
1911.
Prof. RENWARD BRANDSTETTER, Reckenbiihl 18, Villa Johannes, Lucerne,
Switzerland. 1908.
Prof. JAMES HENRY BREASTED, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1891.
Prof. CHAS. A. BRIQGS (Union Theological Sera.), Broadway and 120th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1879.
Prof. C. A. BRODIE BROCKWELL, McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 1906.
Pres. FRANCIS BROWN (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and 120th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1881.
Rev. GEORGE WILLIAM BROWN, Jubbulpore, C. P., India. 1909.
Prof. RUDOLPH E. BRUNNOW (Princeton Univ.) 49 Library Place, Princeton,
N. J. 1911.
Prof. CARL DARLING BUCK, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1892.
HAMMOND H. BUCK, Division Sup't. of Schools, Alfonso, Cavite Provinces,
Philippine Islands. 1908.
ALEXANDER H. BULLOCK, State Mutual Building, Worcester, Mass. 1910.
Dr. EUGENE WATSON BURLINGAME, 118 McKean House, West Phila-
delphia, Pa. 1910.
CHARLES DANA BURRAGE, 85 Ames Building, Boston, Mass. 1909.
Prof. HOWARD CROSBY BUTLER, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1908.
Rev. JOHN CAMPBELL, Kingsbridge, New York, N. Y. 1896.
Pres. FRANKLIN CARTER, LL.D. Williamstown Mass.
Dr. PAUL CARUS, La Salle, Illinois. 1897.
Dr. I. M. CASANOWICZ, U. S. National Museum , Washington, D. C. 1893.
Rev. JOHN L. CHANDLER, Madura, Southern India. 1899.
Miss EVA CHANNING, Hemenway Chambers, Boston, Mass. 1883.
Dr. F. D. CHESTER, The Bristol, Boston, Mass. 1891.
WALTER E. CLARK, 37 Walker St., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ALBERT T. CLAY (Yale Univ.) New Haven, Conn. 1907.
*ALEXANDER SMITH COCHRAN, Yonkers, N. Y. 1908.
*GEORGE WETMORE COLLES, 62 Fort Greene Place, Brooklyn. N. Y. 1882.
Prof. HERMANN COLLITZ, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1887.
Miss ELIZABETH S. COLTON, 23 Park St., Easthampton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. C. EVERETT CONANT, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana. 1905.
WILLIAM MERRIAM CRANE, 16 East 37th St., New York, N. Y. 1902.
Rev. CHARLES W. CURRIER, 913 Sixth St., Washington, D. C. 1904.
Dr. HAROLD S. DAVIDSON, 1700 North Payson St., Baltimore, Md. 1908.
Prof. JOHN D. DAVIS, Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, N. J.
1888.
IRVING C. DEMAREST, 54 Essex St., Hackensack, N. J. 1909.
Prof. ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, Madison, Wis. 1900.
JAMES T. DENNIS, University Club, Baltimore, Md. 1900.
Mrs. FRANCIS W. DICKINS, 2015 Columbia Road, Washington, D. C. 1911.
Rev. D. STUART DODGE, 99 John St., New York, N. Y. 1867.
Dr. HARRY WESTBROOK DUNNING, 5 Kilsyth Road, Brookline, Mass. 1894.
Prof. M. W. EASTON, 224 South 43d St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1872.
xiv List of Members.
Dr. FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1910.
Prof. FREDERICK G. C. EISELEN, Garrett Biblical Inst., Evanston, 111. 1901.
Mrs. WILLIAM M. ELLICOTT, 106 Ridgewood Road, Roland Park, Md. 1897.
Prof. LEVI H. ELWELL, Amherst College, 5 Lincoln Ave., Amherst, Mass.
1883.
Rev. Prof. C. P. FAGNANI, 772 Park Ave., New York, N. Y. 1901.
Prof. EDWIN WHITPIELD FAY (Univ. of Texas), 200 West 24th St., Austin,
Texas. 1888.
Prof. HENRY FERGUSON, St. Paul's School, Concord, N. H. 1876.
Dr. JOHN C. FERGUSON, 16 Love Lane, Shanghai, China. 1900.
*Lady CAROLINE DE FILIPPI FITZGERALD, 167 Via Urbana, Rome, Italy.
1886.
Rev. WALLACE B. FLEMING, Maplewood, N. J. 1906.
Rev. THEODORE C. FOOTE, Rowland Park, Maryland. 1900.
Prof. HUGHELL E. W. FOSBROKE, 9 Acacia St., Cambridge, Mass. 1907.
Dr. LEO J. FRACHTENBERG, Hartley Hall, Columbia University, New York,
N. Y. 1907.
Prof. JAS. EVERETT FRAME (Union Theological Sem.), Broadway and
120 th St., New York, N. Y. 1892.
Dr. CARL FRANK, 23 Montague St., London, W. C., England. 1909.
Dr. HERBERT FRIEDENWALD, 356, 2nd Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. ISRAEL FRIEDLAENDER (Jewish Theological Sem.), 61 Hamilton Place,
New York, N. Y. 1904.
ROBERT GARRETT, Continental Building, Baltimore, Md. 1903.
Miss MARIE GELBACH, Prospect Terrace, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y. 1909.
EUGENE A. GTELLOT, 1420 Chester Ave., Ozone Park, L. I., N. Y., 1911.
Prof. BASIL LANNEAU GILDERSLEEVE, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore,
Md. 1858.
Gev. WM. GILMORE, 11 Waverly Place, New York, N. Y. 1909.
Prof. WILLIAM WATSON GOODWIN (Harvard Univ.), 5 Follen St., Cambridge.
Mass. 1857.
Prof. RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
1886.
Miss FLORENCE A. GRAGG, 26 Maple Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1906.
Prof. ELIHU GRANT (Smith College), Northampton, Mass. 1907.
Mrs. ETHEL WATTS MUMFORD GRANT, 31 West 81st St., New York, N. Y.
1904.
Dr. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1897.
Mrs. Louis H. GRAY, 291 Woodside Ave., Newark, N. J. 1907.
Miss LUCIA C. GRAEME GRIEVE, 462 West 151st St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. Louis GROSSMANN (Hebrew Union College), 2212 Park Ave., Cincin-
nati, 0. 1890.
Rev. Dr. W. M. GROTON, Dean of the Protestant Episcopal Divinity School,
5000 Woodlawn Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
Prof. CHARLES B. GULICK (Harvard Univ.), 59 Fayerweather St. Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
*Dr. GEORGE C. 0. HAAS, 254 West 136th St., New York, N. Y. 1903.
Miss LUISE HAESSLER, 1230 Amsterdam Ave., New York, N. Y. 1909.
Dr. CARL C. HANSEN, Si Phya Road, Bangkok, Siam. 1902.
PAUL V. HARPER, 59th St. and Lexington Ave., Chicago, 111. 1906.
List of Members. xv
Prof. ROBERT FRANCIS HARPER, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1886.
Prof. SAMUEL HART, D. D., Berkeley D i vinity School, Middleto wn , Conn. 1879.
Prof. PAUL HAUPT (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 2511 Madison Ave., Baltimore,
Md. 1883.
Dr. HENRY HARRISON HAYNES, 6 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. HERMANN V. HILPRECHT, 807 Spruce St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1887.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM J. HINKE, 28 Court St., Auburn, N. Y. 1907.
Prof. FRIEDRICH HIRTH (Columbia Univ.), 501 West 113th St., New York,
N. Y. 1903.
Prof. CHARLES T. HOCK (Theological Sem.), 220 Liberty St., Bloomfield,
N. J. 1903.
*Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, 8 Northmoor Road, Oxford, England. 1893.
Rev. Dr. HUGO W. HOFFMANN, 306 Rodney St., Brooklyn, N. Y. 1899.
*Prof. E. WASHBURN HOPKINS (Yale Univ.), 299 Lawrence St., New Haven,
Conn. 1881.
WILSON S. HOWELL, 416 West 118th St., New York, N. Y. 1911.
HENRY R. HOWLAND, Natural Science Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 1907.
Miss SARAH FENTON HOYT, 17 East 95th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
Dr. EDWARD H. HUME, Changsha, Hunan, China. 1909.
Miss ANNIE K. HUMPHEREY, 1114 14th St., Washington, D. C. 1873.
Miss MARY INDA HUSSEY, 4 Bryant St., Cambridge, Mass. 1901.
*JAMES HAZEN HYDE, 18 rue Adolphe Yvon, Paris, France. 1909.
Prof. HENRY HYVERNAT (Catholic Univ. of America), 3405 Twelfth St.,
N. E. (Brookland), Washington, D. C. 1889.
Prof. A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Columbia University, New York , N. Y.
1885.
Prof. MORRIS JASTROW (Univ. of Pennsylvania), 248 South 23d St.
Philadelphia, Pa. 1886.
Rev. HENRY F. JENKS, Canton Corner, Mass. 1874.
Prof. JAMES RICHARD JEWETT, (Harvard Univ.) Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON (Johns Hopkins Univ.), 21 West 20th St.,
Baltimore, Md. 1889.
ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, Colonial Office , London , S. W., England.
1908.
Prof. MAXIMILIAN L. KELLNER, Episcopal Theological School, Cambridge,
Mass. 1886.
Miss ELIZA H. KENDRICK, 45 Hunnewell Ave., Newton, Mass. 1896.
Prof. CHARLES FOSTER KENT (Yale Univ.), 406 Humphrey St., New Haven,
Conn. 1890.
Prof. ROLAND G. KENT, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. GEORGE L. KITTREDGE (Harvard Univ.), 9 Hilliard St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1899.
Miss LUCILE KOHN, 1138 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1907.
RICHARD LEE KORTKAMP, Hillsboro, 111.
Rev. Dr. M. G. KYLE, 1132 Arrow St., Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa. 1909.
Prof. GEORGE T. LADD (Yale Univ.), 204 Prospect St., New Haven,
Conn. 1898.
M. A. LANE, 451 Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1907.
*Prof. CHARLES ROCKWELL LANMAN (Harvard Univ.) , 9 Farrar St., Cam-
bridge, Mass. 1876.
xvi List of Members.
Dr. BERTHOLD LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 111.
1900.
LEVON J. K. LEVONIAN, Syrian Protest. College, Beirut, Syria. 1909.
Prof. CHARLES E. LITTLE (Vanderbilt Univ.), 19 Lindsley Ave., Nashville,
Tenn. 1901.
PERCIVAL LOWELL, 53 State St., Boston, Mass. 1893.
Rev. FERDINAND LUGSCHEIDER, 38 Blecker St., New York, N. Y. 1908.
Dr. ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, 153 South Cedar Ave., Oberlin, Ohio. 1909.
*BENJAMIN SMITH LYMAN, 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1871.
Prof. DAVID GORDON LYON, Harvard Univ. Semitic Museum, Cambridge,
Mass. 1882.
ALBERT MORTON LYTHGOE, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y.
1899.
Prof. DUNCAN B. MACDONALD , Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn. 1893.
WILLIAM E. W. MACKINLAY, 1st Lieut, llth U. S. Cavalry, Fort Ethan
Allen, Vt. 1904.
Rev. Dr. ALBERT A. MADSEN, 22 Courtney Ave., Newburgh, N. Y. 1906.
Prof. HERBERT W. MAGOUN, 70 Kirkland St., Cambridge, Mass. 1887.
Prof. MAX L. MARGOLIS, 1519 Diamond St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1890.
Prof. ALLAN MARQUAND, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J. 1888.
Prof, WINFRED ROBERT MARTIN, Hispanic Society of America, West 156 th
St., New York, N. Y. 1889.
ISAAC G. MATTHEWS (McMaster Univ.) , 509 Brunswick Ave., Toronto,
Canada. 1906.
C. 0. SYLVESTER MAWSON, 64 West 144th St., New York, N. Y. 1910.
J. RENWICK METHENY, "Druid Hill," Beaver Falls, Pa. 1907.
MARTIN A. MEYER, 2109 Baker St., San Francisco, Cal. 1906.
Dr. TRUMAN MICHELSON, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington,
D. C. 1899.
Mrs. HELEN L. MILLION (nee LOVELL), Hardin College, Mexico, Mo. 1892.
Prof. LAWRENCE H. MILLS (Oxford Univ.), 218 Iffley Road, Oxford, Eng-
land. 1881.
Prof. J. A. MONTGOMERY (P. E. Divinity School), 6806 Green St., German-
town, Pa. 1903.
Prof. GEORGE F. MOORE (Harvard Univ.), 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge,
Mass. 1887.
Dr. JUSTIN HARTLEY MOORE, 549 Springdale Ave, East Orange, N. J. 1904.
*Mrs. MARY H. MOORE, 3 Divinity Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1902.
CHARLES J. MORSE, 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, 111. 1909.
Prof. EDWARD S. MORSE, Salem, Mass. 1894.
Rev. HANS K. MOUSSA, 316 Third St., Watertown, Wis. 1906.
Prof. W. MAX MULLER, 4308 Market St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1905.
Mrs. ALBERT H. MUNSELL, 65 Middlesex Road, Chestnut Hill, Mass. 1908.
Dr. WILLIAM MUSS-ARNOLT, Public Library, Boston, Mass. 1887.
Rev. JAS. B. NIES, Care London City and Midland Bank, Threadneedle St.,
London, England. 1906.
Rev. WILLIAM E. NIES, Port Washington, Long Island, N. Y. 1908.
Rt. Rev. Mgr. DENNIS J. O'CONNELL, DD. St. Mary's Cathedral, San Fran-
cisco, Cal. 1903.
List of Members. xvii
Prof. HANNS OERTEL (Yale Univ.), 2 Phelps Hall, New Haven, Conn. 1890.
Dr. CHARLES J. OGDEN, 250 West 88th St., New York, N. Y. 1906.
Miss ELLEN S. OGDEN, St. Agnes School, Albany, N. Y. 1898.
Prof. SAMUEL G. OLIPHANT, Olivet College, Olivet, Mich. 1906.
ALBERT TENEYCK OLMSTEAD, Princeton Preparatory School, Princeton,
N. J. 1909.
Prof. PAUL OLTRAMARE (Univ. of Geneva), Ave. de Bosquets, Servette,
Geneve, Switzerland. 1904.
*ROBERT M. OLYPHAKT, 160 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1861.
Dr. JOHN ORNE, 104 Ellery St., Cambridge, Mass. 1890.
Rev. Dr. CHARLES RAY PALMER, 562 Whitney Are., New Haven, Conn.
1900.
Prof. LEWIS B. PATON, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.
1894.
Prof. WALTER M. PATTON, Wesleyan Theological College, Montreal, Canada.
1903.
Dr. CHARLES PEABODY, 197 Brattle St., Cambridge, Mass. 1892.
Prof. ISMAR J. PERITZ, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. EDWARD DELAVAN PERRY (Columbia Univ.), 542 West 114th St., New
York, N. Y. 1879.
Rev. Dr. JOHN P. PETERS, 225 West 99th St., New York, N. Y. 1882.
WALTER PETERSEN, Bethany College, Lindsborg, Kansas. 1909.
Prof. DAVID PHILIPSON (Hebrew Union College), 3947 Beechwood Ave.,
Rose Hill, Cincinnati, 0. 1889.
Dr. WILLIAM POPPER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 1897.
Prof. IRA M. PRICE, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1887.
Prof. JOHN DYNELEY PRINCE (Columbia Univ.), Sterlington, Rockland Co.,
N. Y. 1888.
GEORGE PAYN QUACKENBOS, 331 West 28th St., New York, N. Y. 1904.
Prof. GEORGE ANDREW REISNER, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1891.
BERNARD REVEL, 2113 North Camac St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1910.
Prof. PHILIP M. RHINELANDER (Episcopal Theological Sem.), 26 Garden St.,
Cambridge, Mass. 1908.
ERNEST C. RICHARDSON, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
1900.
J. NELSON ROBERTSON, 294 Avenue Road, Toronto, Ont, 1902
EDWARD ROBINSON, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. FRED NORRIS ROBINSON (Harvard Univ.) Longfellow Park, Cambridge,
Mass. 1900.
Rev. Dr. GEORGE LIVINGSTON ROBINSON (McCormickTheol. Sem.), 4 Chalmers
Place, Chicago, 111. 1892.
Hon. WILLIAM WOODVILLE ROCKHILL, American Embassy, Constantinople,
Turkey. 1880.
Prof. JAMES HARDY ROPES (Harvard Univ.), 13 Follen St., Cambridge,
Mass. 1893.
Dr. WILLIAM ROSENAU, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1897.
Rev. Dr. EDMUND S. ROUSMANIERE, 56 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass. 1911.
ROBERT HAMILTON RUCKER, 27 Pine Street, New York, N. Y. 1911.
Miss ADELAIDE RUDOLPH, 2098 East 100th St., Cleveland, 0. 1894.
Mrs. JANET E. RUOTZ-REES, Rouemary Cottage, Greenwich, Conn. 1897.
xviii List of Members.
Miss CATHARINE B. RUNKLE, 15 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 1900.
Mrs. EDW. E. SALISBURY, 237 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1906.
Pres. FRANK K. SANDERS, Washburn College, Topeka, Kans. 1897.
JOHANN F. SCHELTEMA, care of Messrs. Kerkhoven & Co., 115 Heerengracht,
Amsterdam, Holland. 1906.
GEORGE V. SCHICK, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. 1909.
Prof. NATHANIEL SCHMIDT, Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. 1894.
MONTGOMERY SCHUYLER, Jr., American Embassy, Tokyo, Japan. 1899.
Dr. GILBERT CAMPBELL SCOGGIN, University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
1906.
Dr. CHARLES P. G. SCOTT, 1 Madison Ave., New York, N. Y. 1895.
*Mrs. SAMUEL BRYAN SCOTT (nee Morris), 124 Highland Ave., Chestnut
Hill, Philadelphia, Pa. 1903.
Rev. JOHN L. SCULLY, Church of the Holy Trinity, 312-332 East 88th St.,
New York, N. Y. 1908.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM G. SEIPLE, 125 Tschihidai, Sendai, Japan. 1902.
J. HERBERT SENTER, 10 Avon St., Portland, Maine. 1870.
Rev. W. A. SHEDD, American Mission, Urumia, Persia, (via Berlin and
Tabriz). 1906.
Prof. CHARLES N. SHEPARD (General Theological Sem.), 9 Chelsea Square,
New York, N. Y. 1907.
CHARLES C. SHERMAN, 614 Riverside Drive, New York, N. Y. 1904.
*JOHN R. SLATTERY, 14, rue Montaigne, Paris, France. 1903.
Major C. C. SMITH, P. S., Manila, Philippine Islands. 1907.
Prof. HENRY PRESERVED SMITH, Theological School, Meadville, Pa. 1877.
Prof. JOHN M. P. SMITH, University of Chicago, Chicago, 111. 1906.
ELY BANNISTER SOANE, care of Messrs. H. S. King & Co., 9 Pall Mall,
London, W., England. 1911.
Prof. EDWARD H. SPIEKER, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
1884.
Rev. Dr. JAMES D. STEELE, 15 Grove Terrace, Passaic, N. J. 1892.
Mrs. SARA YORKE STEVENSON, 237 South 21st St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1907.
President LANGDON C. STEWARDSON, Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. 1901.
Rev. ANSON PHELPS STOKES, Jr., Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 1900.
MAYER SULZBERGER, 1303 Girard Ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 1888.
Prof. GEORGE SVERDRUP, Jr., Augsburg Seminary, Minneapolis, Minn. 1907.
EBEN FRANCIS THOMPSON, 311 Main St., Worcester, Mass. 1906.
Prof. HENRY A. TODD (Columbia Univ.), 824 West End Ave., New York,
N. Y. 1885.
OLAF A. TOFFTEEN, 2726 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, 111. 1906.
*Prof. CHARLES C. TOEREY (Yale Univ.), 67 Mansfield St., New Haven,
Conn. 1891.
Prof. CRAWFORD H. TOY (Harvard Univ.), 7 Lowell St., Cambridge, Mass.
1871.
Rev. SYDNEY N. USSHER, St. Bartholomew's Church, 44th St. & Madison
Ave., N. Y. 1909.
Rev. HERVEY BOARDMAN VANDERBOGART, Berkeley Divinity School,
Middletown, Conn. 1911.
Rev. Dr. FREDERICK AUGUSTUS VANDERBURGH, 53 Washington Sq., New
York, N. Y. 1908.
List of Members. xix
ADDISON VAN NAME (Yale Univ.), 121 High St., New Haven, Conn. 1863.
Miss SUSAN HAYES WARD, The Stone House, Abington Ave., Newark,
N. J. 1874.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM HAYES WARD, 130 Fulton St., New York, N. Y. 1869.
Miss CORNELIA WARREN, Cedar Hill, Waltham, Mass. 1894.
Prof. WILLIAM F. WARREN (Boston Univ.) , 131 Davia Ave., Brookline,
Mass. 1877.
Prof. R. M. WENLEY, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1898.
Prof. J. E. WERREN, 17 Leonard Ave., Cambridge, Mass. 1894.
Prof. JENS IVERSON WESTENGARD (Harvard Univ.), Asst. Gen. Adviser to
H.S.M. Govt., Bangkok, Siam. 1903.
Pres. BENJAMIN IDE WHEELER, University of California, Berkeley, Cal.
1885.
Prof. JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE (Harvard Univ.), 18 Concord Ave., Cambridge
Mass. 1877.
*Miss MARGARET DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn.
1908.
Mrs. WILLIAM DWIGHT WHITNEY, 227 Church St., New Haven, Conn. 1897,
Hon. E. T. WILLIAMS, U. S. Legation, Peking, China. 1901.
Prof. FREDERICK WELLS WILLIAMS (Yale Univ.), 135 Whitney Ave., New
Haven, Conn. 1895.
Dr. TALCOTT WILLIAMS ("The Press"), 916 Pine St., Philadelphia, Pa.
1884.
Rev. Dr. WILLIAM COPLEY WINSLOW, 525 Beacon St., Boston, Mass. 1885.
Rev. Dr. STEPHEN S. WISE, 23 West 90th St., New York, N. Y. 1894.
Prof. JOHN E. WISHART, Xenia, Ohio. 1911.
HENRY B. WITTON, Inspector of Canals, 16 Murray St., Hamilton, Ontario.
1885.
Dr. Louis B. WOLFENSON, 1620 Madison St., Madison, Wis. 1904.
Prof. IRVING F. WOOD, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 1905.
WILLIAM W. WOOD, Shirley Lane, Baltimore, Md. 1900.
Prof. JAMES H. WOODS (Harvard Univ.), 2 Chestnut St., Boston, Mass.
1900.
Dr. WILLIAM H, WORRELL, 53 Premont Street, Hartford, Conn. 1910.
Rev. JAMES OWENS WRIGHTSON, 812 20th St., N. W., Washington, D. C.
1903.
Rev. Dr. ABRAHAM YOHANNAN, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
1894.
Rev. ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., Niederwallstrasse 89, Berlin, SW. 19,
Germany. 1911. (Total, 292.)
xx List of Members.
SOCIETIES, EDITORS, AND LIBRARIES, TO WHICH THE PUBLICATIONS OF
THE AMERICAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY ARE SENT BY WAY OF GIFT,
EXCHANGE, OR PURCHASE.
I. AMERICA.
BOSTON, MASS.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
CHICAGO, ILL.: Field Museum of Natural History.
NEW YORK: American Geographical Society.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.: American Philosophical Society.
Free Museum of Science and Art, Univ. of Penna.
WASHINGTON, D. C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Bureau of American Ethnology.
WORCESTER, MASS.: American Antiquarian Society.
II. EUROPE.
AUSTRIA, VIENNA: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften.
K. u. K. Kaiserliche Direction der K. u. K. Hofbibliothek.
(Josephsplatz 1.)
Anthropologische Gesellschaft.
PRAGUE: Koniglich Bohmische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
DENMARK, ICELAND, REYKJAVIK: University Library.
FRANCE, PARIS : Societe Asiatique. (Rue de Seine, Palais de 1'Institut.)
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Musee Guimet. (Avenue du Trocadero.)
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.
Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes. (Rue de Lille, 2.)
GERMANY, BERLIN: Koniglich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Bibliothek.
Seminar f iir Orientalische Sprachen. (Am Zeughause 1.)
DARMSTADT : Grossherzogliche Hofbibliothek.
GOTTINGEN: Konigliche Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
HALLE: Bibliothek der DeutschenMorgenlandischen Gesellschaft.
(Friedrichstrasse 50.)
LEiPzio: Koniglich Sachsische Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
Leipziger Semitistische Studien. (J. C. Hinrichs.)
MUNICH: Koniglich Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Konigliche Hof- und Staatsbibliothek.
TUBINGEN: Library of the University.
GREAT BRITAIN, LONDON: Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire-
land. (22 Albemarle St., W.)
Library of the India Office. (Whitehall, S.W.)
Society of Biblical Archaeology. (37 Great Russell
St., Bloomsbury, W.C.)
Philological Society. (Care of Dr. F. J. Furnivall,
3 St. George's Square, Primrose Hill, N.W.)
ITALY, BOLOGNA: Reale Accademia delle Scienze dell' Istituto di Bologna.
FLORENCE : Societa Asiatica Italiana.
ROME: Reale Accademia dei Lincei.
List of Members. xxi
NETHERLANDS, AMSTERDAM: Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen.
THE HAGUE: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-, en
Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie.
LEYDEN: Curatorium of the University.
RUSSIA, HELSINQFORS: Societe Finno-Ougrienne.
ST. PETERSRURQ: Imperatorskaja Akademija Nauk.
Archeologiji Institut.
SWEDEN, UPSALA: Humanistiska Vetenskaps-Samfundet.
III. ASIA.
CHINA, SHANGHAI: China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
TONKIN: 1'Ecole Franchise d'extreme Orient (Rue de Coton), Hanoi.
INDIA, BOMBAY: Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The Anthropological Society. (Town Hall.)
BENARES: Benares Sanskrit Coll. "The Pandit/'
CALCUTTA: The Asiatic Society of Bengal. (57 Park St.)
The Buddhist Text Society. (86 Jaun Bazar St.)
Home Dept, Government of India.
LAHORE: Library of the Oriental College.
SIMLA: Office of the Director General of Archaeology. (Benmore,
Simla, Punjab.)
CEYLON, COLOMBO : Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JAPAN, TOKYO: The Asiatic Society of Japan.
JAVA, BATAVIA: Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
KOREA: Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Seoul, Korea.
NEW ZEALAND: The Polynesian Society, New Plymouth.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: The Ethnological Survey, Manila.
SYRIA: The American School (care U. S. Consul, Jerusalem).
Revue Biblique, care of M. J. Lagrange, Jerusalem.
Al-Machriq, Universite St. Joseph, Beirut, Syria.
IV. AFRICA.
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Priutad by W. Drugulia, Leipzig (Germany).
The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans.
By HERMANN JACOBI, Professor in the University of
Bonn, Germany.
Subject of the investigation. Some of the Sutras of the six
orthodox philosophical Systems of the Brahmans 1 refer to
Buddhist doctrines and refute them. As we are now sufficiently
acquainted with Buddhist philosophy and its history, we can
attempt to make out the peculiar school of Buddhist philosophy
which is referred to in a passage of a Sutra, and thus to
determine the date, or rather terminus a quo, of the Sutra in
question. Our inquiry will he chiefly concerned with the
Sunyavada or philosophical nihilism, and with the Vijnanavada
or pure idealism. The former is the philosophy of the Mndhya-
mikas; the latter is that of the Yogacaras. It may be premised
that hoth these systems admit the Ksanikavada or the theory of
the momentariness of everything, so far at least as is consistent
with their peculiar principles'; to these I will now briefly advert.
The Sunyavada maintains that all our ideas, if analysed, contain
logical impossibilities or self-contradictions, and that therefore
nothing real can underlie them; and that that upon which
they are based is a nonentity or the void (Sunya, nirupakhyd).
This system 2 was established by Nagarjuna, who flourished
1 Abbreviations: M.S. = ALlmamsa Sutra; B.S. = Brahma Sutra (Ve-
danta); V.D. = Vaisesika Darsana; N.D. = Nyaya Darsana; Y.S. = Yoga
Sutra; S.S. = Sankhya Sutra.
2 The Sunyavada may be compared with the philosophy of Zeno, who
by a similar method tried to refute the common opinion that there exist
many things of a changing nature. Aristotle called Zeno cvpcr^v TT/J Sia-
Xf/cn/cTjs; the same may be said of Xagarjuna whose Madhyamikasutras
sot the example for the dialectical literature of the Hindus which reached
its height in Srfharfa's Khandnna-Khanda-KhSdya. It deserves to be
remarked that in this regard also the VedSntiu of Sankara's school
follows in the track of the anyavadin,
VOL. XXXF. Tart I.
2 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
about the end of the second century A.D. 1 The Vijnanavada
contends that only consciousness or vijnana is real. There
are two kinds of vijnana: 1. alaya-vijnana or consciousness
proper, which lasts till the individual reaches Nirvana (a-laya) ;
and 2. pravrtti-vijndna or the thoughts of the same individual
concerning objects. The latter is produced from alaya-vijnana.
The Vijnanavada was established by Asanga and his younger
brother Yasubandhu, who seem to have flourished during the
latter part of the fifth century A.D. 2 To this school belong
Dignaga and Dharmaklrti, the greatest Buddhist philosophers
and writers on Logic (pramdna). DignSga attacked Vatsya-
yana's Nyayabhasya, and was answered by the Uddyotakara
(6th century A.D.) in the Nyayavarttika. Dharmaklrti, who
further developed Dignaga's philosophy, appears to have flourish-
ed about the middle of the seventh century A.D.
It will be our task to examine closely the Buddhist doctrines
controverted in the philosophical Sutras in order to decide
whether they belong to the Sunyavada or to the Vijnanavada,
On the result of our inquiry will depend the presumable date
of the Sutras in question. If they refer to the Vijnanavada,
they must be later than the fifth century A.D.; if however
this is not the case, and we can assign to them an acquain-
tance with the Sunyavada only, they must date somewhere
between 200 "and 500 A.D.
Doubts about the collusiveness of this argumentation. Even
if we should succeed in recognising the true origin of the
controverted doctrines, still it might be doubted whether the
few passages on which we must rely for proof, form a genuine
part of the work in which they occur, or are a later addition.
For the aphoristical style of the Sutras, the somewhat desultory
way of treating subjects, and the loose connexion of the several
parts (adhikaranas) in most of these works make the insertion
of a few Sutras as easy as the detection of them is difficult.
The text of the Sutras as we have them is at best that which
the oldest Scholiast chose to comment upon, and it cannot be
1 A contemporary of Nagarjuna was Aryadeva. A poem ascribed to
him has been edited in JASB. 1898. As in that poem the zodiacal signs
(ras'i) and the weekdays (vdraJca) are mentioned, it can not be earlier
than the third century A.D.
2 See Takakusu in Bulletin de VEcole Fran^aise d' Extreme- Or lent,
1904, vol. iv, p. 53 f.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates oj the Philosophical Sutras <&c. 3
safely traced further hack. The uncertainty occasioned by the
nature of our texts is, however, iu the present case ptirtK
remedied by the repeated allusions in one text to the same
doctrines, or by the occurrence in two Sutra works of the same
discussion with the same arguments. These facts make it
probable that the topic in question was one which at that
time a Sutrakara considered himself bound to discuss.
Another objection may be raised against our chronological
argument. It may be said, and not without a considerable
amount of plausibility, that even before Nagarjuna had brought
the Sunyavada into a system, similar opinions may already
been held by earlier Buddhist thinkers; and the same
remark applies to the Vijrifmavada. Therefore, it may be
argued, a reference to doctrines of the Sunyavada or Vijnana-
need not be posterior to the definite establishment of
a systems. On the other hand, however, it is almost certain
that a Sutrakara would not have thought it necessary to refute
all opinions opposed to his own, but only such as had success-
fully passed the ordeal of public disputation. For only in that
case would the doctrines themselves and the arguments pro
and contra have been defined with that degree of precision
which rendered their discussion in aphorisms possible to the
author and intelligible to the student. Now when a philo-
sopher succeeds in upholding his individual opinions against
all opponents in public disputations, he is henceforth considered
the founder of a new school or sect, and the author of its
tenets. 1 Therefore we may be sure that a discussion of Sunya-
vada or Vijnanavada opinions in a Sutra must be referred to
the period after the definite establishment of those schools.
Origin and development of the views here presented. I con-
ceived the general ideas set forth above and began to work
them out in the summer of 1909. My first impression, sup-
ported by the comments of Safikara and Vacaspatimisra and
others, was that the Sutras, especially B.S. and N.D., refer to
the Vijnanavada. On a closer examination, however, of the
evidence, I became convinced that they really refer to the
Sunyavada, and that the later commentators had brought in
the Vijnanavada because that system had in their time risen
to paramount importance. I had nearly finished my article
1 Compniv my remarks on the Dhvanikara in ZDMG. 56. 409 f.
1*
4 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
when Professor von Stcherbatskoi told me that he had treated
the question about the age of the philosophical Sutras in his
work Teopin nosnauifi u Jiozma no yuenito nosduibiiwuxz Eyd-
ducmo65, HaciL II, St. Petersburg, 1909, and had arrived at the
conclusion that the Sutras refer to the Vijnanavada. He kindly
sent me an abstract in English of his arguments, which I sub-
join for the benefit of those readers who, like the author of this
paper, cannot read the Russian original.
In his work " Epistemology and Logic as taught by the later Buddhists"
Mr. Stcherbatskoi maintains (p. 29) that the Sutras of the chief philo-
sophical systems in their present form do not belong to that high anti-
quity to which they commonly are assigned, nor to those half-mythical
authors to whom tradition ascribes them. The philosophical systems
themselves have been evolved at a much earlier period than that in
which the Sutras were written. The Sutras in their present form must
have been elaborated during the period subsequent to the formation of
the Yogacara school (Vijnanavada), and their authorship has been attri-
buted to writers of a high antiquity in order to invest them with greater
authority. In a previous paper (Notes de litterature buddhique, Museon
nouv. serie, vol. vi, p. 144), Mr. Stcherbatskoi had already established,
on the authority of the Tibetan historian Bouston, that the Vijnanavada
system (Buddhist idealism), professed by a part of the Yogacara school,
was clearly formulated for the first time by Vasubandhu in his celebrated
Five Prakaranas. As Vasubandhu could not have lived much earlier
than the fifth century A.D., it follows that those philosophical Sutras
which refer to his doctrine, in order to refute it, cannot have been
written at an earlier time.
It is well known that Buddhist idealism is mentioned, and that its
tenets are refuted, in the Sutras of Badarayana and of Gotama. Thus
B.S. ii. 2. 28 refutes the doctrine of the non-existence of external things.
Again, ii. 2. 30 refutes the erroneous opinion of those who admit solely
the existence of a series of mental impressions unsupported by external
objects, and, arguing from the Buddhist's point of view, demonstrates
that a series of mental impressions (internal cognitions) could not exist,
unless there were external objects to produce the impression. Once
more, B.S. ii. 2. 31 maintains, according to Sankara's interpretation,
that, inasmuch as, according to Buddhist doctrine, the stream of internal
cognition consists of a series of separate moments, it cannot have actual
existence on account of its momentariness.
It appears upon consideration of these Sutras that their author is
bent upon refuting the doctrine which proclaims 1. the unreality of the
external world, and 2. the actuality of an internal consciousness which
consists of a series of cognitional acts. Both these tenets are charac-
teristic of Buddhist idealism which developed subsequently to the nihi-
listic doctrine of the Madhyamikas. The latter denied the reality of the
internal consciousness as well as that of the external world.
In his commentary, Sankara corroborates our opinion, inasmuch as
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c.
he avers that the above mentioned SQtras refute the diH-trine of those
who maintain that the stream of our consciousness is an altogether
internal process, existing only so far as it is connected with the mind.
Now it is well known that the Vijnanavadins alone professed the doctrine
that prameya and pramana and pramdnnphala have existence only in 10
far as they are connected with the mind (cf. p. 418 of vol. i of Thibaut's
translation of B.S.; lokav. iv. 74 ff.; \\fiynbiiidu, i. 18, ii, 4). Safi-
ktira mentions likewise the scholastic argument against realism of which
])i.unaga made use at the opening of his work Alambauapariksa (cf. Tan-
jour, mdc v. 95). This work, in which the main tenet of idealism
(Yi jfianavada, otherwise termed Nirilambanavida) is proved, is one of
the fundamental works of the school. The argument starts from the
antinomic character of the ideas of the whole and of the parts, and
states that the external object can be neither the whole, nor can it con-
sist of atoms (indivisible partless things: cf. p. 419 in Thibaut's transl.
of B.S.).
Further we find in the Nyayasutras a refutation of Buddhist idealism,
nani. A in iv. 2. 26 35. It is worthy of note that the Buddhist doctrine
is referred to in the course of an argument upon the nature of atoms
thus as it were answering the considerations which we likewise find in
the work of Dignaga in favor of the Niralambanavada. The Xyayasutras
maintain the indivisibility of atoms, and, while refuting the opposed
opinions touching this point, they refer to the Buddhists, to the Madhya-
mikas (who denied the existence of atoms), and to the idealists (who ad-
mitted atoms to be a percept of the mind or an idea). In the Tatparya-
tika, p. 458, Vacaspatimisra avers that the Sutra, X.D. iv. 2. 24 implies
a refutation of the Madhyamika doctrine, while the Sutras iv. 2. 26 35
are directed against those who proclaim that all ideas of external things
are false (ibid. p. 461). It is thus established by the testimony of Vacas-
patimisra and of Vatsyayana (Nyaya-bhasya, p. 233. 6) that Sutra iv.
2. 26 is directed chiefly against the school of the Vijnanavadius.
Though the philosophical Sutras of the remaining systems do not
contain any clear reference to the Vijnanavadins, yet it has been noted
that some of the Sntras display a remarkable knowledge of each other.
To judge by the whole tone and drift of the philosophical Sutras, they
must be the production of one and the same literary epoch.
On the basis of what has been here said, it can be averred with a
considerable degree of probability that the philosophical Sutras of the
chief systems belong approximative^ to one and to same period, a com-
paratively late one, and can in no wise be attributed to those venerable
authors to whom tradition ascribes them.
Improbability of this view. As stated before, I too enter-
tained at first the opinion expressed by Professor von Stcher-
batskoi, but I was induced to give it up by reason of the
following chronological considerations. As the Nyayabhasya
was criticised by Dignaga, its [author Vatsyayana (Paksila-
svamin) must be earlier than the latter, by at least ten or
6 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
twenty years, since it is not Vatsyayana, but the Uddyotakara
(Bharadvaja) who answered Dignaga. He may therefore have
flourished in the early part of the sixth century or still earlier.
Now Vatsyayana is not the immediate successor of Aksapada
Gautama, the author of the Sutra; for, as Professor "Windisch
pointed out long ago, Vatsyayana incorporated in his work,
and commented upon them, sentences of the character of Vart-
tikas which apparently give in a condensed form the result
of discussions carried on in the school of Gautama. Hence
Gautama must have been separated by at least one generation
from the Bhasyakara, and can therefore not be placed after
the last quarter of the fifth century. 1 Thus if we accept the
latest possible date for the composition of the N.D., it would
fall in a period when the Vijnanavada could scarcely have
been firmly established. The V.D. is probably as old as the
N.D.; for V.D. iv. 1. 6 is twice quoted by Vatsyayana, namely
in his comment on N.D. iii. 1. 33 and 67, and V.D. iii. 1.
16 is quoted by him 2 in his comment on N.D. ii. 2. 34, and
the Uddyotakara quotes the V.D. several times simply as the
Sutra or Sastra, and once calls its author Paramarsi, a title
accorded only to ancient writers of the highest authority. 3
We are therefore almost certain that two Sutras at least, N.D.
and V.D., preceded the origin of the Vijnanavada, or rather
its definite establishment; and the same assumption becomes
probable with regard to some of the remaining Sutras, because
the composition of the Sutras seems to be the work of one period
1 This result is supported by collateral proofs. 1. When commenting
on N.D. i. 1, 5, Yatsyayana gives two different explanations of the terms
purvavat, sesavat, samdnyato drstam, the names of the three subdivisions
of inference, showing thereby that the meaning of these important terms
had become doubtful at his time. 2. In his concluding verse, which
however, is wanting in some MSS., Yatsyayana calls Aksapada a Rsi,
which he would not have done, if he had not considered the Sutrakara
as an author of the remote past.
2 See Bodas's Introduction (p. 23) in Tarkasamgraha BSS., 1897.
3 At this point I may mention that Professor von Stcherbatskoi, when
passing through Bonn on his way to India in December 1909, told me
that he had meanwhile studied the first pariccheda of Dignaga's Prama-
nasamuccaya in the Tanjour. Dignaga giving there his definition of
pratyaksa (perception) and refuting the opinions of the Mlmamsa, Nyaya,
Yaisesika, and Sankhya, quotes N.D. i. 1. 4 and several Sutras of A T .D.
which treat of pratyaksa.
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras &c. 1
nit her. than of many. In order to prove this assumption to
he true, we must show, as stated above, that the Buddhist
doctrines refuted in several Sutras need not be interpreted as
belonging to the Vijiianavada, but that the discussion in the
Sutra becomes fully intelligible if understood as directed against
the Sunyav&da.
Difficulty of distinguishing loth systems in our case. The
point at issue is whether perception (pratyaksa) is a means of
true knowledge (pramdna) or not. The realistic view, strictly
maintained by the Nyaya and Vaisesika philosophies, is that
by perception we become truly cognizant of real objects. The
Sunyavada, Nihilism or Illusionism, contends that no real
objects underlie our perceptions, but that those imagined objects
as well as our ideas themselves are intrinsically illusory, in
other words, they are nonentities or a mere void. On the
other hand, the Vijiianavada declares that our ideas or mental
acts (perception included) are the only reality, and that ex-
ternal objects (since they have no existence) are not really
perceived and do not cause our ideas about them, but are
produced, so far as our consciousness is concerned, by ideas
existing independently of objects. It will thus be seen that
both Vijnanavada and Sunyavada are at one as far as regards
the unreality of external objects; and therefore a refutation of
this theory may be directed against the one of these doctrines
as well as the other. Commentators chose between them as
suited their purpose. Thus Rumania, commenting on a passage
which will be dealt with later, makes the following remarks: 1
"(Among the Bauddhas) the Yogacaras hold that 'Ideas' are
without corresponding realities (in the external world), and
those that hold the Madhyamika doctrine deny the reality of
the Idea also. To both of these theories, however, the denial
of the external object is common. 2 Because it is only after
setting aside the reality of the object that they lay down the
Samvrti (falsity) of the 'Idea.' Therefore on account of this
(denial of the reality of external objects) being common (to
both), and on account of (the denial of the reality of the
Idea') being based upon the aforesaid denial of the external
i loka\ arttika, translated by Ganganatha Jha, p. 120, 1416 (Biblio-
theca Indica).
* Similarly Sridhara ad Prasastapadabhasya p. 229 speaks of nirdlam-
banam vijtianam icchatdm Mahay dnikdndm.
8 Hermann Jacobi, - [1911.
object, the author of the Bhasya has undertaken to examine
the reality and unreality of the external object." And accord-
ingly Kumarila interprets his text in such a way as to make
it serve as a basis for the refutation first of the Vijnanavada
and then of the Sunyavada. He, as well as Sankara and
Vacaspatimisra and later authors who wrote when the Vijnana-
vada had become the most famous Buddhist philosophy, felt
of course bound to refute it; and if the text they commented
upon still ignored the Vijnanavada and combated the Sunya-
vada only, they could introduce their refutation of the Vijnana-
vada by doing just a little violence to their text. That such
was actually the case, is the thesis I want to prove. 1
Mentioning of the Vijnanavada in the Safikliya Sutra. Be-
fore examining those texts which give rise to doubts regarding
the particular school combated, I briefly advert to one which
beyond doubt discusses the Vijnanavada doctrine. I refer to
the Sankhya Sutra. In that work the principal doctrines of
the four philosophical schools of the Buddhists are discussed:
those of the Vaibhasikas i, 27 33, of the Sautrantikas i,
34 41, of the Vijnanavadins i, 42, and of the Sunyavadins
1 Remarks on the development of the Sunyavada. Like Kumarila, other
brahmanical philosophers treat the Sunyavada as the logical sequence of
the Vijnanavada or as a generalization thereof; but the true or historical
relation is just the reverse: the belief in the unreality of external things
is a restriction of the previously obtaining and more general belief in
the unreality or illusory nature of everything whatever, consciousness
included. Buddhist Nihilism or Illusionism, introduced and supported
by a splendid display of the novel dialectic art, seems to have deeply
impressed and invaded the Hindu mind of that period. But realistic-
convictions or habits of thought could not be wholly eradicated; they
entered into various kinds of compromise with Illusionism. The belief
in the transcendent reality and oneness of Brahma as taught in the
Upanisads admitted a combination with Illusionism in the Mayavada of
the Vedantins of Sankara's school, nicknamed Pracchannabauddhas. who
maintained that Brahma alone is real and that the phenomenal world is
an illusion (see Sukhtankar, The teachings of Veddnta according to Ed-
mdnuja in WZKM. vol. xii). On the other hand the 'cogito ergo sum'
proved irresistibly self-evident to many MahBySnists also, and led them
to acknowledge the reality of consciousness. These were the Vijnana-
vadins or pure Idealists. But the great Logicians of this school seem
to have further encroached on its principles; for Dharmakirti, in this
particular point also probably following Dignaga, declared the object of
perception to be svalaksana, i. e. the catena or series (santdna) of hsanas
to be parmdrthasat, i. e. really existing.
Vol. xxx i.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras
i, 4347. The Sutra referring to the Vijnanavadins reads
thus: na vijndnamdtram bahyapratlteh; 'Not Thought alone
because of the conception of the external.' * The next Sutra
(43): tadabhdve tadabhdvdc chunyam tarhi, 'Since as the one
docs not exist, the other too does not, there is the void then'
is ;tccording to Vijiianabhiksu a refutation of the Vijnanavada,
but according to Aniruddha the statement of the >unyavada
AY hi di is discussed in the following Sutras. However this may
be, there can be no doubt that here both the Vijnanavada
and the Sunyavada are discussed, in that sequence which (as
stated in the last note) has become customary for later
theoretical writers. Now it is admitted on all sides that the
Sankhya Sutra is a very late, or rather a modern, production,
and that it does not rank with the genuine philosophical
Sutras. Therefore the fact that the Sankhya Sutra mentions
the Vijnanavada does in no way prejudice any one in deciding
the question whether the Sutras of the other systems also were
acquainted with it. Perhaps it might be said that the direct-
ness of reference to the Vijnanavada in the Sankhya Sutra
shows what we should expect to find in the other Sutras if
they did really know and refute that doctrine.
i. Nyaya.
I begin our inquiry with the examination of the passage
N.D. iv. 2, 25 ff., which, according to Vacaspatimisra, is
directed against the Vijnanavadins; for, as explained above,
chronological considerations make it almost certain that our
Sutra was composed before the establishment of the Vijnana-
vada, and therefore entitle us to doubt, in this matter, the
authority of the author of the Tatparya Tlka. The subject
treated in those Sutras, namely, whether perception is a means
of true knowledge, is connected with and comes at the end of
a discussion of, other subjects which for the information of the
reader must briefly be sketched. First comes the problem of
the -whole and its parts,' iv, 2, 4if. The adherents of Nyaya
(and Vaisesika) maintain that the whole is something different
(artJidntara) from the parts in which it 'inheres,' an opinion
which is strongly combated by other philosophers. Connected
1 Anirmldha's Commentary, Garlto's translation, in BL, page 23.
10 Hermann Jacobi, [1911.
with this problem is the atomic theory, which is discussed in
14ff. After Sutra 17, Vatsyayana introduces an opponent, 'a
denier of perception, who thinks that everything is non-existent'
(dnupalambhikali sarvam ndstiti manyamandti). There can be
no doubt that an adherent of the Sunyavada is meant. He
attacks the atomic theory, 18 24, and is refuted in 25 thus:
"as your arguments would lead us to admit a regressus in in-
finitum (by acknowledging unlimited divisibility) and as a
regressus in infinitum is inconsistent with sound reason, your
objection is not valid (anavasthdhdritvdd anavasthdmipapatte$
cd 'pratisedhah). Vatsyayana, after explaining this Sutra, con-
tinues: '(An opponent objects:) what you say with regard to
notions (buddlii), that their objects are really existing things,
(that cannot be proved). These notions are intrinsically er-
roneous (mitliydltuddliayas); for if they were true notions,
(tattvabuddliayas) they would, on being analysed by the under-
standing, teach us the true nature of their objects." The
argument of this opponent is stated in Sutra 26 which the
above passage serves to introduce, and runs thus: "If we ana-
lyse things, we do not (arrive at) perceiving their true nature
(or essentia) ; this not-perceiving is just as, when we take away
the single threads (of a cloth), we do not perceive an existing
thing (that is called) the cloth." Vatsyayana explains': "(This is)
just as on distinguishing the single threads (of a cloth) : this is a
thread, this is a thread, &c. &c., no different thing is perceived
that should be the object of the notion cloth. Since we do
not perceive the essentia, in the absence of its object, the
notion of a cloth, that it exists, is an erroneous notion. And
so everywhere." Sutras 27 and 28 contain the counter-argu-
ments, and Sutra 29 adds to them the following : "And because
by right perception (pramdnatas, viz. upalahdhya) we come
to know things (whether and how they are)." Sutra 30 gives
a proof for this view: pramdndmipapattyiipapattibliydm. Vat-
syayana explains: 'Now then the proposition that nothing
exists is against reason; why? (answer): pramdndnupapattyu-
papattibhydm. If there is proof pramdna (in favour of the
proposition) that nothing exists, (this proposition that) nothing
exists, sublates the (existence of) proof as well. And if there is
no proof for it, how can it be established that nothing exists?
If it is regarded to be established without proof, why should
(the contrary) that all things do exist, not be regarded as
Vol. mi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. 11
established?" Here it is quite clear that the opponent whom
Vatsyayana refutes, is a Sunyavadin just as in Sutra 17. For
there is no indication that Vatsyayana in the mean time has
changed front, and that the opponent in Sutra 26 is not a
Sunyavadin, hut a Vijnanavadin. The latter contends that
external things do not exist (Imliydrthd na santi), while Vatsya-
yana (on 27) makes his opponent uphold sarvabhdvdndm ydtlid-
tmydnupalabdliili. Moreover, this opponent maintains that
"notions about things are erroneous notions (mithydbuddhayOs),"
and this is primarily the view of the Sunyavada. The fun-
damental principle of the Vijfianavada is that ideas only
(vijndna) are really existent, and not that they are erroneous
ideas. That Vatsyayana really has in view the opinions of
the ^unyavadins, may be seen from his concluding words in
36, u therefore erroneous notions too are really existing," and
in 37, where he speaks of his opponent as one for whom
"everything is without essence and unreal" (niratmdkam niru-
pakhya.m sarvam). Nevertheless Vacaspatimisra, 1 commenting
on Vatsyayana's words in Sutra 25 translated above ("An
opponent objects: what you say," &c.), remarks that the op-
ponent is a Vijnanavadin. That he is mistaken, we have seen,
and a general cause of such a mistake on the part of later
commentators has been given above, p. 7. In the present case
we can watch the gradual development of this mispresentation.
For in his comment on 26 the Uddyotakara again introduces
the opponent's argument that every part of a thing may be
regarded as a (minor) whole consisting of minor parts, and
that this analysis may be continued not only down to atoms
but in wfinitum till everything is dissolved into nothing.
Now as Professor von Stcherbatskoi informs us (see above
p. 5), Dignaga in his work Alambanaparlksa makes the dis-
cussion of the problem of 'the whole and its parts' the basis
of his exposition of the Vijnanavada. Therefore the Uddyota-
kara, who answers Dignaga's attacks on Vatsyayana, avails
himself of an opportunity to undermine the antagonist's basis
of argumentation. And Vacaspatimisra, knowing what was
the starting-point of Dignaga's speculations, and seeing that
it was exhaustively treated by the authors of the Sutra and
the Bhasya, was easily misled to believe that they were defend-
i XyfiyavarttikatStparyatlkS (viz. S. S.>, p. 40, 3d line from below.
12 H&inann Jacobi, [1911.
ing it against the Yijnanavada. Being separated from them
by 400 years or more, he was ignorant of their historical
interrelation, and consequently interpreted the philosophical
discussion in the text before him from a merely theoretical
point of view. For, as indicated above, a rational refutation
of the ^unyavada was naturally divided into two parts, the
first proving the reality of objects and the second the reality
of ideas; and a theoretical construction could well treat the
Sunyavada as the logical outcome of the Yijnanavada, and
take the first part of the refutation of the Sunyavada as
directed against the Yijnanavada.
We proceed in our analysis of the Sutra. After the last
passage translated above, we have another objection of the
Illusionist in Sutras 31 and 32. "Like the erroneous belief in
the objects seen in a dream is this belief in the means of true
knowledge and the things known through them erroneous."
Yatsyayana explains: "Just as in a dream the objects seen in
it are not real, while there is belief in them, so the means
of knowledge and the things known through them are also not
real (na santi), though there is belief in either." Sutra 32
completes this argument: "Or like magic, fata morgana, and
mirage." As this argument serves to demonstrate that pra-
mdna and prameya are an illusion, it is evident that the
opponent is a Sunyavadin. The next Sutra 33 answers his
objection, in pointing out that 'he has established nothing, as
he has given no reason' for declaring (1) that the belief in
pramdna and prameya is like that in objects seen in a dream
and not like the perception of objects in the waking state,
(2) that in a dream non-existing things are perceived. This
argument of the Sutra is supplemented in the Bhasya by
another formulated in what looks like a Yarttika; it comes to
this. If you say that things seen in a dream do not exist
because they are no more seen in the waking state, you must
admit that those seen in the waking state do exist; for the
force of an argument is seen in the contrary case, viz. that
things exist because they are seen. The Uddyotakara enlarg-
ing upon this argument unmistakably introduces Yijnanavada
views ; for he speaks of things independent of the mind (citta-
vyatirekiri) and uses the term vijnana', but there is no trace
of all this in the Bhasya. The Sutra then goes on to explain
the belief in things seen in a dream and other topics con-
Vol. xxxi.] The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras, &c. !'>
nectcd with the subject in hand which, however, do not con-
cern us here.
To sum up: our investigation has proved that neither the
Sutra nor the Bhasya refer to the Vijnanavada, and that the
whole discussion is perfectly intelligible if we consider it as
meant to refute the Sunyavada. 1
2. Vedanta and Mimamsa.
Brahma Sutra, 2nd Adhyaya; ^nd Pada, contains a dis-
cussion and refutation of other philosophical systems. The
Sutras 1832 deal with Buddhist philosophy. Sutras 1827
deal with the doctrines of the Sarvastivadins; and 28 32,
according to Sankara, with those of the Vijnanavada. Rama-
nuja agrees with Sankara in so far as he also refers Sutras
28 30 to the Vijnanavada, but he differs from him in that
he interprets the last Sutra 2 as containing a refutation of the
&unyavada. For convenience of reference I subjoin the text
of the Sutras 28 32 and the translation of them by Thibaut
according to ^ankara's and Ramanuja's interpretation:
ndbhdva upalabdheh 28
vaidharmydc ca na svapnddivat 29
na Widvo 'nupdlabdheh 30
ksanikatvdc ca 31
sarvathdnupapattes ca 32.
I. Sankara's interpretation, SBE. vol. xxxiv, p. 418 ff.:
The non-existence (of external things) cannot be m 
