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JOURNAL OF THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

VOL. I

riy

rilK PVl.KSTlxNE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

JERUSALEM

Talroiis:

H. E. FiKLD Marshal the Viscount Allenby G.C.B., G.C.M.G
H. E. THE Right Honourable Sie Herbert Sajviuel G.B.E.

Hojinl of Directors:

Prof. J. Gaestang

Le Eev. Pere Dhorme

Dr. W. F. Albright

The Rev. Herbert Danbt

Dr. Nahum Slousch

Le Rev. Pere Gaudens Orfali

Mr. Ronald Storrs

Mr. Eleezer Ben Yehudah

Editorial Board:

The Rev. H. Danbt
Le Rev. Pere Dhorme
Mr. David Yellin

President

Vice-President

Secretary

Treasurer

Director

thejourj^al'

OF THE

PALESTINE
ORIENTAL SOCIETY

VOLUME I
1920-1921

JERUSALEM

PUBLISHED BY THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1921

PRINTED BY W. DRUGULIN, LEIPZIG (GERMANY)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introductory Notice 1

Constitution . 3

Reports of Meetings v . . 5

Abel, F.-M., 0. P. La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 138

Albright, W. F. A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 49

A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb . . 187

Ben Yehudah, Eliezer. The Edomite Language 113 '

Canaan, T. Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 153

Clay, A. T. The Amorite Name Jerusalem 28

Decloedt, a. Note sur une monnaie de bronze de Bar Coclilia .... 25

EiTAN,' Israel. Contribution a I'histoire du verbe hebreu 42

La repetition de la racine en hebreu 171

Garstano, J. The Year's Work 145

Haddad, E. N. Blood Revenge among the Arabs 103

Political parties in Syria and Palestine 209

Idelson, a. Z. Hebrew Music with Special Reference to the Musical

Intonations in the Recital of the Pentateuch 80

Lagrange, Rev. Pere. Inaugural Address 7

Mackay, E. J. H. Observation on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir

(Palestine) . 95

McCowN, C. C. Solomon and the Shulamite 116

Peters, John P. A Jerusalem Processional 36

Notes of Locality in the Psalter 122

Rapfaeli, Samuel. Two Ancient Hebrew Weights 22

A Recently Discovered Samaritan Charm 143

Classification of Jewish Coins 202

Slodsch, Nahdm. Quelques observations relatives a I'inscription juive

decouverte a Ain Douk 33

Tolkowsky, S. Metheg ha-Ammah l'^'^

Worrell, W. H. Noun Classes and Polarity in Hamitic and their Bearing

upon the Origin of the Semites 15

Yellin, David. Some Fresh Meanings of Hebrew Roots 10

The Use of Ellipsis in "Second Isaiah." 132

Notes and Communications 215

Reports of Meetings -'I'

Report of the Treasurer of the Palestine Oriental Society 221

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 222

JOURNAL OF THE
PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

Page

Vol. I No. I.

CORRIGENDA

6, line 25, read nDNH JDD instead of nsxn JDS

13, 7 from below ly, Hebrew, not Coptic

23,

yi ?

Filter

27,

)

)) ))

wahrend

33,

archaique

contributions

from below

p hz 2'C:h

34,

inscription

deformation

)

generations

)

from below

deplacement

44,

))

occasions

]2^2^\'

45,

before "sans",

read r.

37, after "comme", read nimmol nimmdlu.
39, after i read ntzzon niddon nillosh, au lieu

de nazon nadon nalosh.
last line read "au lieu de n\kapper n'wass'ru nous

avons obtenu nikappe? niwass'ru."
46, line 4, read "done n'kapper n'wass'rti'nikapfer

niwass ru-nikkapper nhvwass'rtir
6 from below read D22n twice.
2 Soph.

"D'^n^'-^TiDYZ*

THE JOURNAL

OF THE

PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY.

Vol. I.

OCTOBER, 1920

No. I.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE.

"Tlie Palestine Oriental Society" owes its origin to the
American Assyriologist, Dr. Albert T. Clay. During a year's
residence in Palestine in the capacity of "Annual Professor of the
American Scliool of Archaeological Research in Palestine," it
occurred to him that such a Society was not only possible and
desirable, but might even play a useful part in the new epoch in
the study of the antiquities of the Holy Land which was to be
expected under a new and enlightened administration. Accord-
ingly he called together in Jerusalem a representative gathering
for the purpose of inaugurating a society which should have as its
object the cultivation and publication of researches on the
Ancient East.

At this preliminary meeting

following were present :

Le Rev. Pere Abel, Profes.seur a I'Eoole
Biblinue de St. Etienne, Jenisaleiii.

Dr. VV. F. Albright, Fellow .nnd In-
structor ill Semitic Languages, .John
Hopkins University, Baltimore ; Fel-
low of the American School of
Archivological Research in Palestine.

Mr. Eliezer Ben Yeliudah. Editor of the
ThfSdurvs- 7'<>fiN,-i F[phri(it(itif: cf Veterix
et h'eccntiuri.i.

Dr. A. T. Clay, Professor of Assyriology
in Vale ruiversity; Annual Professor
of ilie American School of Archaolog-
ical llesearch in Palestine.

The Archdeacon Cleophas, Greek
Ortliodox Patriarchate, .Jerusalem.

Le Rev. Fere Cre, des Missionnaires

il'Afrii [ue, .Jerusalem.

Capt. K.E.C. Cresswell, Late Inspector
of Antiquities to *he I^ritish Army of
Occupation in Palestine.

The Rev. Herbert Danby. Senior Ken-
nicott Hebrew Scholar in the Univer-
sity of Oxford; attached to St. George's
Cathedral, Jerusalem.

Le Rv. Pere Decloedt, des Mission-
naires d'Afrique. Jerusalem.

held on January 9th 1920 the

Capt. E. T. H. Mackay, Inspector of
Antiquities in tlie P)riti>h Army of
Occupation in Palestine.

Le Rev. Pere Meistermanii. des

Frauciscains de Terre-Sainte.

Major L. Nott, Jlilitary Governor of
Tul-Jvarim. Palestine.

LeRev. Pere Or fall, des Franciscains

de Terre-Sainte.

The Rev. Dr. J. P. Peters, Professor
in the University of the South. Lec-
turer in the American School of
.Archnsoiogical Jle-^eareh in Palestine.

Monsieur Rais, Consul Gen^-ral. Delegue
du Haut Commissariat de France.
Jerusalem.

Le Rev. Pere Savignac, Professeur h
I'Ecole Biblique de St. Etienne,
Jerusalem.

Dr. Nahum Slousch, Professor of Ncm-
Hebrew I>iterature, the Sorbonue.
Paris; Contributor to the Corfnix In-
.^(riptioxuiti Scniiticartnit; Secretary
nf the He!-)rcw Archaeological Society.

Col. Ronald Storrs, C. M. G., C. B E.,

llilitary Governor of Jerusalem.

l.r Rtv P^te Dliorme. Prifur dii

loiivciii lies Oxminioain* ; I'rolVHsenr

,1 IKcule 15il)lique ile St. Ktienne,

.Icrusnlnii.
Le R^v Pere Leopold Dressaire, Sup6-

rieur <le^ Pevps Assoraptionistes, Notre

Dame ile FraTioo, .Tonisalem.
Dom Gregoiie Fournier, Bnp^rienr

(ifs Bc'nAlic'tiiis ilu Mont Sion,

Jcni^iilem.
The Rev. Dr. O.A. Glazebrook, United

States Consul in Jerusalem.
T,e Rev. Pore Carriere, Profesiseur a

lEcole Pihiiiine de St. Etienne.

Jcrusilcm.
Le Rev. Pere Lagrange, Pirecteur

lie I'Rcolc P.ibliquc de St. Etienne,

Jerusalem; Correspondant He I'lnstitut

de France.

Le Rev. Pere Vincent, Profess'nir a
I'Ei'ole P)ibli(|ii(' dc> St. Etienne.
Jeru'^alem.

Maj. the Rev. P.N. Waggett, S. S. J. E.
Political Office.-, Palestine.

Dr. P D'Erf Wheeler, Jerusalem Rep"

resentative of the Palestine Exploration
Fund,

Dr. W. H. Worrell, Professor ol
Phonetics and Instrnctor in Ar,ibic
and other Oriental Languages in the
Kennedy School of Missions; Director
of the American School of Archrenlog-
ical Research in Jerusalem.

Mr. David Yellin. M.B.E Director of the
Hebrew Teachers" Seminary- in Jeiusa-
lem; President of the Gonncil of
.lernsalcm Jews.

The need, the attractiveness, and the importance of such a
Society were convincingly urged by Dr. Clay. Although there had
been for a long time, in Jerusalem and other parts of Palestine,
learned representatives of various countries, societies and religious
bodies, there had as yet existed no means whereby they could
meet together for mutual criticism and stimulus. The results of
their individual labours were normally unknown to fellow-workers
in the same or kindred fields until published in isolated European
and American periodicals. And, furthermore, nothing but good
could follow from an increased facility of personal intercourse
between scholars themselves, to say nothing of the opportunity
offered to that very large number of people in Palestine and Syria
(who, though not themselves professional students, always follow-
ed with keen interest the results of the various researches which
were going on around them) of seeing and hearing men whose
work had earned them in many cases a world-wide reputation.

The present moment seemed to be opportune and to hold out
tiie best hopes for the success of such a venture. During Turkish
rule Palestine was scarcely an open field for the archaeologist ;
those who tried to carry on such work were not many in number
and usually laboured under rnany and tiresome disabilities. But
now there was every prospect of the removal of most of these
dif^culties, and a large influx of scholars of various nationalities,
with a common interest in archaeological investigations of all kinds,
as well as a still larger number of those possessed of a very living
interest in the results of such work.

EXPOSE GENERAL.

Un certain nombre d'orientalistes reunis a Jerusalem sur
I'initiative de M. le Dr. A. T. Clay, I'assyriolooue americain bien
connu, ont decide de fonder une societe dont le but est de favoriser
Id culture et la publication des recherches sur I'ancien Orient.

A celte reunion (|ui a eu lieu le 9 Janvier ont pris part 28 savants
representants de divers pays.

IVl. Clay a expose avec force et conviction les raisons qui plaid-
ent en faveur de la fondation d'une pareille societe dont le besoin
et I'importance sont evidents. Car bien que Ton rencontre a
Jerusalem et dans les autres centres de la Palestine des personnes
originaires de divers pays, ainsi que des societes et des etablisse-
ments confessionnels qui portent un vif interet aux etudes orientales,
il n'a cependant ete cree jusqu'ici aucun organe qui puisse servir
de trait d'union entre les savants. L'absence d'un pareil organe a
eu pour resultat qu'aucune occasion ne leur a ete offerte jusqu'a
present d'entrer en contact personnel les uns avec les autres. Un
echanga continuel entre eux d'observations utiles eiit pu cependant
stimuler les efforts individuels de chacun, efforts qui jusqu'ici restent
d'une {agon generale inconnus de differents savants qui travaillent
dans le meme domaine en Palestine et qui, le plus souvent. n'eii
prennent connaissance que par Tintermediaire des revues speciales
qui paraissent en Europe et en Amerique.

Or. rien ne saurait etre plus utile que la creation d'un centre
qui favoriserait les relations personnelles entre les savants de toute
origine, sans parler de I'occasion qui serait ainsi donnee k un grand
nombre de personnes qui resident en Palestine, et qui s'interessent
a nos etudes, de rencontrer et d'entendre des personnalites scienti-
tiques qui, tres '^ouvent, jouissent d'une renommee mondiale.

Le moment actuel nous parait etre tres propice et du meilleur
augure pour la reussite d'une pareille entreprise. Sous la domina-
tion turque la Palestine etait demeuree un champ fort pen accessible
a I'archeologie. Les rares savants qui ont persevere dans leur
tache se sont trouves aux prises avec des difficultes extraordinaires.
Aujourd'hui, ces difficultes semblent devoir disparaitre ; si bien
qu'il faut s'attendre a ce que des savants de toute nationalite,
entraines par un zele louable pour les recherches archeologiques,
affluent tres nombreux eti ces pays et a ce que le nombre de ceux
qui s'interessent aux resultats de ces travaux aille en augmentant
sans cesse.

CONSTITUTION.

ART. I. The name of the Society shall be "The Palestine Oriental
Society".

ART. II. The Object of the Society shall be the cultivation and
publication of researches on the ancient Orient.

AKl III riie members of the Society shall be distinguished as
active and hoiioiary. All candidates for membership shall be
proposed by the Board of Directors at a stated Meeting of the
Society. The votes of three quarters of the members present
shall be required for an election.

\Rr. lY. The Officers of the Society shall consist of a President,
two Vice-Presidents, Secretary, Treasurer, and three Directors.
These shall be elected by ballot at the Annual Meeting, and
shall serve one year, except the three Directors who shall
serve three years, one to be elected each year.

ART. V. The Board of Directors shall consist of the olificers named
in ART. IV. They shall propose all new candidates for election
to membership, regulate the financial matters of the Society,
superintend its publications, and carry into effect the resolu-
tions of the Society. Four members of the Board shall constitute
a (|Uorum.

ART. VI. The Meetings of the Society shall be held in January,
March, May and November. The November Meeting shall be
regarded as the Annual Meeting when the yearly reports of
the Officers shall be read, and the Annual Elections held.

ART. VII. This constitution may be amended on the recommenda-
tion of the Boards of Directors, by a vote of three quarters of
the members present at a stated Meeting.

BY-LAWS.

I. Each active Member shall pay into the treasury an annual
subscription of lOO piastres. The payment of 1,000 piastres at
any one time will constitute membership for life.

II. Active and Honorary Members shall be entitled to a copy of
all publications issued by the Society during their membership.

III. Candidates for membership, who have been elected by the
Society, shall qualify as members by the payment of the annual
subscription within three months of the time notice of such
election is posted to them. A failure so to qualify shall be
construed as a refusal to become a member. If any corporate
member shall for two years fail to pay the subscription, his
name may, at the discretion of the Board of Directors, be
dropped from the list of members.

IV. The President at the .Annual Meeting shall appoint a Commit-
tee of Arrangements, a Committee of Nominations, and a
Committee of Auditors for the following year.

V. The Official Languages of the Society shall be French and
English.

REPORTS OF MEETINGS :

The First General Meeting of the Society took place in
Jerusalem, on March 22nd 1920, and was held at the Military*Gover-
norate by permission of Colonel R. Storrs, the Military Governor of
Jerusalem. The afternoon session commenced at 2.30 p m. with
the President, Pere Lagrange, in the Chair. After the President's
Inaugural Address, the following papers were read :

Rev. Dr. T.P. PETERS : Influence of topography in the Psalms.

Pere VINCENT : L'inscription d'Arak el-Emir.

Professor W. H. WORRELL : Noun classes and polarity in
Hamitic, and their bearing upon the origin of the Semites.

Mr. Samuel RAFAEL! : Early Hebrew Weights.

Mr. David YELLIN : Some fresh meanings for Hebrew roots

Mr, Israel EITAN : Contribution a I'histoire du verbe hebreu.

Rev. Timotheos THEMELIS : The Bethlehem Mosaics.

Pere DHORME : L'emploi metaphorique des noms de parties
du corps en Akkadien et en Hebreu.

Dr. Nahum SLOUSCH : A Palestinian Hebrew Inscription.

The evening session was open to the general public, and before
proceeding with the reading of papers contributed by members of
the Society, speeches were delivered by Dr. Glazebrook, the
American Consul ; Mons. Louis Rais, the French Delegue ; Dr. Mac-
Innes, the Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem ; Mr. G. K. Chesterton,
and Mr. David Yellin.

The following papers were then submitted :

Captain E.T.H. MACKAY : Egyptian Friezes (with drawings).

Mr. A.Z. IDELSON : Hebrew music, with special reference to
the musical intonations in the reading of the Pentateuch.

Dr. Aaron MAZIE : Diseases of Palestine in the Bible and the
Talmud.

Pere DRESSAIRE : Jerusalem a I'epoque juive et les fouilles
des Peres Assomptionistes sur le Mont Sion.

Lack of time prevented the reading pf four other papers
by Pere LAGRANGE, Mr. E. BEN YEHUDAH, Dr. W. F. AL-
BRIGHT, and Mr. Ephraim RUBINOVITCH.

The Second General Meeting was held on May 2Sth 1920, at
the Military Governorate in Jerusalem. After new members had
been elected, it was announced that His Excellency Field Marshal
the Viscount AUenby had accepted the position of Patron of the
Society. The following well-known scholars, after being nomina-
ted by the Board of Directors, were unanimously elected to

honoiarv iiienil)eislii|) : Sir George Adam SMITH and Professor
GA COOKE of Great Britain; Mens. CLERMONT-GANNEAU
and Pere SCHEIL of France ; Prof. C.C. TORREY and Prof. Morris
J ASTROW of America ; and Prof. GUIDI of Italy.

The following contributions were then read :

Prof. A. T. CL.AY. The Amorite origin of the name of
Jerusalem.

Le Rev. Pere LAGRANGE. Les noms geographiques
de Palestine dans I'ancienne version syriaque des Evangiles.

Mr. W. J. PHYFHIAN-ADAMS. An early race of Palestine.

Mr. .A. Z. IDELSON. A Comparison of some ecclesiastical
modes with traditional synagogual melodies.

Le Rev. Pere DHORME. L'assyrien au secours du Livre de
Job.

Dr. VV. F. ALBRIGHT. Mesopotamian influence in the
remple of Solomon.

Le Rev. Pere DECLOEDT. Note sur une monnaie de bronze
de Bar Cochba.

Mr. H. E. CL.ARK. The evolution of flint instruments from
the early palaeolithic to the neolithic age.

Mr. EliezerBen YEHUDAH. The Language of the Edomites.

Mr. Samuel RAFAELI. Recent coin discoveries in Palestine.

Dr. J. P. PETERS. Notes of locality in the Psalter.

Dr. J. D. WHITING. The Samaritan Pentateuch.

.Mr. S. TOLKOWSKY. A new translation of HDNH ;n
(2 Samuel 8 : l).

Le Rev. Pere ORFALI. Un Sanctuaire Cananeen a Siar el
Ganem (pres Bethleem).

.Mr. Israel EITAN. Quelques racines inconnues dans le
Livre de Job."

Dr. Nahum SLOUSCH. Nouvelle interpretation d'une in-
scription phenicienne.

^^"^^ <J\Jii!'CkL:<^ <^

INAUGURAL ADDRESS~By the PRESIDENT,
Le Rev. Pete LAGRANGE, Jerusalem.

Mesdames et Messieurs,

Que faisons-nous ? Nous offrons vraiment un spectacle etrange,
L'Europe, I'Asie, le monde entier, vient d'etre en proie a la plus
effroyable tourmente que I'histoire ait connue. Le sol tremble encore.
A la guerre entre les nations succede le malaise, sinon partout la
lutte ouverte entre les classes. II se forme des comites pour assurer
le bon ordre, pour essayer de pourvoir au pain quotidien. On se
demande si I'liumanite pourra vivre dans des conditions economi-
ques nouvelles. Tons les regards se portent anxieux vers I'avenir.
Et nous voila reunis pour trailer de menus problemes qui ont a peine
interesse le passe, pour discuter du sens des mots et des regies de
la grammaire, nous occuper de la geographie ancienne, des fleurs
des champs, des vieilles melop6es, des lettres gravees sur les rochers
de la Palestine !

En verite, je crains qu'on ne nous reproche de jouer a la pou-
pee dans un monde adulte, inquiet de ses destinees etque des proble-
mes plus urgents preoccupent.

Mais d'abord, Messieurs, nous travaillons, et c'est un excellent
exemple que nous donnons dans un temps ou les bras qui ont tenu
I'ep^erepugnent areprendre lesoutilsoula charrue. Nous travaillons,
et la journee de huit heures nous parait trop courte pour assouvir
notre curiosite- Autant que la crise du petrole le permet, vous prolon-
gez vos veilles studieuses bien avant dans la nuit, et si Tinsecurit^
du pays n'y fais^it obstacle, on vous verrait reprendre I'exploration
du sol pour lui arracher ses secrets. Travailler, c'est la vieille loi,
opportune si Ton ne veut pas que notre humus palestinien se
recouvre de nouveau de ronces et d'epines, et le travail de I'esprit
n'est pas moins pdnible parfois qne celui de defricher la steppe.
Nous proclamons a notre maniere qu'il est bon que chacun reprenne
son posteet s'emploie au bien general.

11 est vrai que nous portons nos efforts aiileurs que les utiles
ouvriers qui nous fournissent le pain, maisj'ose dire qu'a eux-memes
nous ne sommes pas inutiles. Car I'homme d'aujourd'hui, si tier
qu'il soit des progres de son industrie, si haut qu'il eleve son vol, n'est
point un titan quivienne desortir du sein dela terre. C'est I'heritierde
generations nombreuses, et il est soumis, quoiqu'il en pense peut-
etre, aux obscures influences de son heredite et a des lois 6ternel-
les ; un poids de plus de quarante siecle le courbe vers la terre, un
appel non moins ancien I'invite aux choses d'en haut. Si quelque
jour pouvait percer les t^nebres de I'avenir, si quelque chose d'hu-
main pent eclairer le present, nous guider dans notre route, nous
fortifier dans I'epreuve, raviver nos plus nobles esperances, c'est la
legon du passe, c'est la lumiere de I'histoire. Seulement nous ne
voulons plus de cette histoire, fille de I'imagination, qui brosse de
grands tableaux et range dans un bel ordre des faits eclatants dont
elle n'a pas controle {'exactitude. Notre methode exige des don-

nces precises, fussent dies de mediocre apparence. C est par une
etude attentive, patieiite, a la suite d'une enquete poursuivie dans
tous les milieux, que se fait aujourd'hui I'liistoire. Les forces d'un
homme n'y suffiseiit plus. Nous ne sommes plus au temps d'Hero-
dote. ni meme de Bossuet ou de Macaulay-

Et voila pourquoi, Messieurs, nous nous sommes groupes. 11
serait assurement ditficile de rencontrer ailleurs qu'a Jerusalem des
competences aussi diverses, sur un sol plus profoiidement trans-
torme par les civilisations les plus varices. Nous y rencontrons I'em-
preinte de I'aiitique Babylone, mere du droit, des sciences exactes,
de I'astroiiomie, d'un art realiste et vigoureux. Pour lire les plus
antiques aiinales de la Palestine, il faut etre assyrioiogue. Mais
ces aiinales ont ete exhumees des sables de I'Egypte, parce que
I'Egvpte elle aussi avait foule les plaines du pays de Canaan,
I'Egypte d'ou est venu Moise avec les fils d'Israel. Et deja la Grece
avait aborde a nos rivages, representee par des ancetres qu'elle avait
oublies depuis, les Philistins, fils de la Crete aux cent villes, chantee
par Homere, et la premiere maltresse des eaux orientales de la
Mediterranee. Alexandre poussa jusqu'a Tyr et a Gaza sa course
triomphale, et les Romains voulurent associer ce fleuron a la cou-
ronne d'empires que baignait leur mer. Eiifin I'lslam vint,
puis les Tartares, immense debordement de I'Asie qui provoqua
le reflux europeen.

Car vous le savez, Messieurs, et tous, Palestiniens d'origine ou
d'adoption, nous en sommes fiers, cette contree desheritee avec ses
collines arides du haut desquelles Jerusalem regarde vers le desert
et vers la mer, ce pays aux dimensions etroites. mais si grand dans
I'liistoire, surtou. religieuse, est au confluent des grandes civilisa-
tions antiques et bien des races humaines, nourries sur ce sol,
s'y sont endormies du sommeil de la terre. II en est d'elles comme
de ces couches de sediment qui se forment au fond des mers, et qui
revelent aux geologues la flore et la faune disparues des temps
ecoules. Mais s'il arrive dans ce domaine paisible de la nature que
des couches plus basses se soulevent tout a coup et remontent a la
surface, que penser de ces stratification humaines, toujours vivantes
dans leurs descendants ? Aussi, avouons-le, Jerusalem et la Palestine
ont dans lemonde entier la reputation d'un sol remue par I'ardeur
des passions nationales et religieuses. et plus il appelle le concours
des specinlistes les plus divers, plus il semble fait pour provoquer
la mesintelligence et la discorde.

Eh bien. Messieurs, c'est a nous a faire a notre pays une meil-
leure reputation. Plus precieux encore que I'encouragement au
travail, plus utile que les legons de I'histoire, vous donnerez
I'exemple de la Concorde. Ou plutot vous montrerez par I'histoire
que la haine est sterile et destructrice. tandis que la concorde
edifie, feconde, assure le bonheur de tous.

Sans doute cependant, et quelle que soit la bonne volonte gene-
rale, sera-t-il opportun de prendre des assurances. Nous ne
parlerons pas de ce qui pourrait nous diviser. J'ose dire que par
ma robe meme on pent voir a qui appartiennent ma vie, mon coeur

et mon ame, mais je n'ai pas prononce le mot de religion, Les etudes
religieuses, les plus graves de toutes, et comme je pense les seules
definitivement necessaires, ne font point partie de notre programme.
On ne devra les aborder que comme les abeilles 'font les fleurs,
d'une touche delicate et ailee, et afin de composer du miel. Et quant
a la politique, le mieux sera d'ignorer qu'elle existe et que quelques
personnes puissent s'y interesser.

II ne me reste plus, Mesdames et Messieurs, qu'a vous exprimer ma
gratitude pour I'honneur qui m'a ete fait de presider cette premiere
seance, a ren^ercier iMonsieur le gouverneur-militaire qui a bien
voulu nous accueillir ici, et a declarer fondee la Societe Orientale
de Palestine, en vous souhaitant une cordiale bienvenue.

SO.MK FRESH MEANINGS OF HEBREW ROOTS.

David Yellin

(Jerusalem).

rhere are certain roots in Hebrew wliich, besides the custom-
ary sense in wiiich they occur in the Bible, have another sense as
well. Only it so happens that they have this sense in only a small
minority of the passages where they are used. So long as the
language was living, the different meanings of tlje roots of the
language were understood regardless of the frequency or infrequen-
cy of their occurrence ; but once it ceased to be a spoken language
and was confined to the limits of a book, the large portion of the
language's vocabulary and radical significances not contained
within that book began to be forgotten : and the same fate befell
the secondary meanings of the roots we have in mind. Because
they occurred in the majority of instances in one particular mean-
ing, this meaning was keptin the reader's mind ; and in course of
time applied also in those instances where the second meaning
siiould be applied, though this v,/as only accomplished at times
with difficulty. Consequent on this forced exegesis there sprang
up diverse and bizarre renderings, where context was ignored, and
the whole passage rendered meaningless owing to ignorance of
this other meaning inherent in the root.

A comparison with the vocabularies of the other Semitic
languages enables us to rediscover these forgotten meanings, and to
explain words in the Bible which seemed incomprehensible, or
comprehensible only with difficulty, owing to the commoner sig-
nificance being wrongly thrust on them. To illustrate this,' we
propose to bring forward a selection of such roots drawn from a
large list in the present writer's possession.

Besides the meaning "to be lost," this root had among the
.Hebrews the same meaning which it has in Arabic (a, j) , the sense
of unending time, whose further limit "is lost" to us, withheld from
our attainment eternity. We find a case-exactly like this in the
root dS", from which we get the word D'jiy a time whose end is
"concealed" from us, [cf. oS:;j, nif. "be hidden"].

We find the root in this sense in the oracles of Balaam, and
in verses from the Book of Job, which has been largely influenced
by the Arabic language ; and by applying this new interpretation
we can better understand certain passages in the Bible :

(l) In Num. 24 : 20, in the Balaam oracles, we read : And he
looked on Amalek, and took up his parable and said : Amalek {is) the
first of the nations, and his latter end 13N n:;(R.V. "shall come to

destruction.") We see, from the beginning of the verse that Balaam
was expatiating in praise of Amaiek, "first of the nations," and
with this description agrees the parallel clause "and his latter end
is unto eternitu,''\. e. as he is the first of the nations in time, so shall
he be the last among them to exist, and his end shall reach "to the
limit of eternity."

In the same way he praises the Kenite : iStrom/ is t/iij divelliiig-
place, and thy nest is set in the crag... and thei/ shall afflict Asshur and
afflict Eber, i^K nj; ^?^^ ny) i.e. the Kenites also [i.e. like Amaiek]

shall endure forever.

Through this interpretation, ny which has reference to time,

becomes clearer, and affords a parallel to the common expression
t; n:^ (Ps. 53: l8;92: 8; 132:12,14; Is. 26 : 4 ; 65 : 18) and the
expression nh)V 11^ (Gen. 13 : 15 I Ex. 12 : 24 ; etc).

Was the word nax, which is twice written without waw, origin-
ally a segholate, 'obhed, which is more in accord with its abstract
meaning (like nVJ with the same meaning ) ? The same question is

raised even if we explain this word in the customary way
"destruction" (H. Olshausen ; Lehr. der Rehr. Spr., p. 337).

(2) Besides the form lax, we have also from the same root and
with the same meaning the form ^niK. This corresponds with
the abstract noun formation as in \^2Vl Here we find the suffix
\^ , apparently indicative of time just like the fanwin. in
Arabic U, |, and we also find it added to proper names like
Hebron, Shomeron, Eglont and the like, indicating locality. We
find this form in Job 3 1 : 12 ; For if, (fornication), is a fire devouring
jn^snj^; i.e. for ever, without cessation. We find the

same idea in connexion with the word dSi^ in Is. 33 : 14 ; Wlio

among us shall dwell with the devouring fire'.' Who among us
sliall dwell with everlasting burning? Db'\V ^"iplC.

(3) We find the root used as a verb in the qal, with the same
significance ; Job. 30 : 2 : Yea, the strengtli of their hands, whereto
should it profit me, men upon whom nSs 12X, i.e. old age is al-
ready come upon them from of old, and Job's mockery
is natural against those who are younger than he (v. I.), for these
young men were weak and feeble in comparison with him, and
powerless ; and they were as though old age had already, long
ago, come upon them.

The author of the Book of Job uses the same expression else-
where, employing the verb derived from dSi", "eternity," in Job.

6 : 16 : Wherein the snow 0^.]}ir\\ i. e. exists eternally. Here we
have the hithpael form, corresponding to -^i Uin Arabic.

To the various meanings wliich this root has in Hebrew,
we must add one belonging to the Arabic ^A namely "be confi-
dent," "unafraid of evil." In this sense we find the root in the
following places in the Bible :

(i) In the Nif'al : (a) Is. 7:9. If ijeiuill not believe in me (adopting
the reading '2 instead of ^3, according to the variant in Kittel's
text) ussn nS; i. e. ye shall not remain in peace and security.

(b) Chr. 20 : 20, Believe in the Lord your God ijOKnr and rest
in confide fi(^(^' just as he says, immediately after: Believe in his
prophets in^S^m and prosper.

In these two passages, one of which is certainly influenced by
the otiier, we have a play of words on the two meanings of the
root JDK.

(2) In the Hif'il. (a) Job 39:24, in his description of the
restlessness of the horse in time of battle, the writer says : With
storm and rage Ncr he viaketh holes in the ground [i. e. he makes

holes in the ground with his hoofs by stamping like the horse which
wishes 'to run but is restrained by his rider] "isitt' ^1p "'2 |;as*' nSi

and he cannot remain quiet and stand at rest, for his stormy spirit
drives him on as he hears the sound of the trumpet.

(b) Prov, 14 : 15. The simple-minded "im h^h ]'DH\ Here

the meaning is not the usual one of the verb, that he believes in every-
thing that is told him ; the continuation opposes this, and the
parallelism here requires the meaning of "be confident, unfearing"
The simple-minded is confident in every matter, but the prudent
looketh luell to his going : a wise man feareth and turneth away from
evil, hut the foolish man passeth by without fear. ^^''

The same idea occurs twice again in Proverbs. (22 : 3 ; 27 : 12).

The occurrence of the nif'^al and ihe hifnl of this root with a
meaning dealing with a subjective state of mind is paralleled by
the use of the root y:"i, with the same meaning in both nif^al, and

hifnl, of restfulness, security (see Dt. 28 : 65 ; Is. 34 : 14 ; Jer. 47 : 6).

(3) As an adjective of the form katul : 2 Sam. 20 : 19, We are
of them that are ''XX'^ -Ji^cx ^ef :: the men of Israel who dwell in

peace and safety. This description of the men of the city corres-
ponds to the usual ideal description : cf. Jud. 18 :.7. "The people ...
that dwelt ntZSS in security, ntSUI tSpVLT quiet and secure ... and
had no dealings with any man " "nai3 Dj; a people secure" (v.IO.)

(1) ^^ Tlie word Ijyfla iu this sense of "pass by" is also found in Prov.
20 : 2. "The anger oi u i^ng is as the roaring of a lion ; he that passes by Tjyfly
(passes by him at the time of his auger) sins against his iife."'

The katill form of these adjectives poK and DiS'J. corresponds
with that of the adjectives ]1J2D and m33, (Is. 28:3) which have
almost the same meaning.

(4) In the abstract noun form, njio.** : (a) Is. 33 : 6, where it

occurs in the old feminine form with final t : Thy times shall he
P^'OJ^ i. e. Thy time shall be secure, and thou shalt fear no

manner of thing.

(b) In Ex. 13 : 12, in the description. of how, when Moses lifted
up his hand Israel prevailed, and when his hand grew tired and
drooped Amalek prevailed, and how Aaron and Hor supported his
hands, it goes on to say : Until the setting of the sun, his hands
were njlOX in a secure condition, witii no danger of his drop-
ping them again from weariness.

It should be pointed out that this root jDK has the same two
meanings as the corresponding root ntsn, which also indicates
(a) to rely upon someone, and (b) to feel confident, in safety.

The powerful and beautiful phrase T^^X'SJ '3-nn [R.V.

my soul, march on in strength ; R. V. mg. my soul thou
hast trodden down strength] in the Song of Deborah (Jud. 5 : 2i)
gives little definite meaning owing to the customary sense of the
root "pi being assumed. ^'^

In the opinion of the present writer, there is here preserved
in this root "jm the meaning which it has in Arabic and

Syriac in the form corresponding to the Hebrew Hif'il (tjj:>\^

"to reach ; " and after the singer has described the overthrow of
the enemy, how the river Kishon swept them away, she exclaims
with rapture : Thou, my soul, hast attained power and greatness," ^^^

The same sense is preserved in another verse in Judges (20:43),
which, in the present writer's opinion, is a remnant of an old song
on the destruction of Benjamin : They inclosed the Benjamites round
about, and pursued after him as far as Manoha. '^' And here, im-

(1) Nowack leaves this part of the verse untranslated, and says : The last
seotion is obviously also corrupt ; for even if we regard ^3"nn ^^ jussive, the phrase
"tread on, my soul, with might " or "tread under the strou^" (Hollmann Bochmann)
still gives it no sense in this connexion. How to amend it, with certainty, we do not see.

(2) JCI having the meaning of the Arabic 'A as elsewhere in the Old Testa-
ment (cf. Jer. 48 : 17 ; Is. 52 : 1 ; Ps. 78 : 61 ; Prov. 31 : 2.5).

(3) Moore reads Manoha instead of m'nuha resting-place explaining it
as a place-name, related to the name Noha, one of the sons of Benjamin, mentioned in
1. Chr 8:2; and in the present writer's opinion, this is the name of the city "jManahath"
mentioned in 1 Chr. 8 : 6, where it speaks of Benjamin saying, "These are the heads ot
fathers' houses of the inhabitants of Geba, and they carried them captive to Manahath."

Here the word insmn occurs in the nif'il, as in Arabic
ndSyriac'^^and it is used here after the word incn^n (exactly
ke the expression in the "Song of Moses" Ex. 15 : 9 The enemy

siiki '~J n'lTl pu r.^ue, I will overtake

o-iOic

(1) The word ^^ ^^^ also the meaning of the Arabic J^c- "By, at," ai
the writer hopes to explain elsewhere.

(2) Nowack says : irT3"''n,1 ."injtt defies explanation, for the treading down
of the enemy can only be dcnot^.i Lj_, li.^. q.J.

NOUN CLASSES AND POLARITY IN HAMITIC AND
THEIR BEARING UPON THE ORIGIN OF THE SEMITES.

BY W. H, WORRELL,
(Hartford, U.S.A.)

1, In the year nineteen hundred and eleven Carl Meinhof
published an article 3hs Fiif in seiner Bedeutuny fiir die Sprachen
der Hamiten, Semiten luid Bantu ''^ and, a year or two later, a book
entitled Die Sprachen der Hamiten. *'^ In both of these he expounds
his theory of the Hamitic noun classes and of polarity. This
theory has received public recognition by at least one Semitic
scholar, '3* in so far as it bears upon Semitic grammar.

2. But there is another side to Meinhof's work, far more
important than the mere explanation of curious phenomena in
Semitic, which has not up to the present attracted the attention of
Semitic scholars, and which it is my purpose to bring to the atten-
tion of this distinguished society. I refer to the confirmation
which his work gives of the generally accepted Arabian theory of
Semitic origins, especially of that theory as elaborated by Noeldeke,
placing the ultimate origin of the Semites in northern Africa.*-**

3. By Hamites Meinhof means a race of people, originally
inhabiting the north of Africa, at a time when it was separated
from southern Africa and joined to Europe, which proceeded east-
ward into Arabia and southward into continental Africa as far as
the Cape. The various mixtures of these Hamites with Sudanians <5)
and Bushmen *^^ have been traced linguistically by Meinhof and
anthropologically by von Luschan.*''' This race was closely related
to the then south Europeans, *^' furnished the dominant element in
the mixed peoples resulting from its conquests in Africa and,
crossing into Arabia, became the nucleus of another organism and
the beginning of a greater chapter in history than it was destined
to realize in the land of Ham,

(1) 111 vol, Ixv of the Zeitschrift det'''detifgchen morgenldndlschen Gesellschaft.

(2) Also, in German and English, a more popular work on The Htudij oj African
Langudfjes. None of these is accessible in Jerusalem.

(3) Brockeimann, in ZDMO vol. Ixvii.

(4) LingiiisticaHj, of course, and without attempting to say to what extent
racially also. Cf. note 18.

(5) Large, black, woollj-haired speakers of monosyllabic or agglutinative langua-
ges which have word-tone and no gender.

(.6) Smaller, yellowish, scant-haired speakers of click languages,

(7) In an appendix to Die Sjirachcn der Hamiten.

(8) The present south Europeans represent a wedge driven in from the east.
The racial affinities of Berbers is with north Europeans,

.^ 4 The writer attempts to show that these Hamitic languages
form a series of gradations, in respect of noun classes and polarity,
bL-inning with Ful in the western Sudan and ending with Bishari
in Hie eastern Nilotic desert, the eastern end being most like Semit-
ic and the western least like it. The western end he further
continues by establishing a still more remote connexion with the
<^reat Bantu family of central and southern Africa. We may even
more confidently extend the eastern end of the series up through
Arabic, Canaanitish, Syrian and Babylonian, observing that the
southern end of this Semitic series is most like the eastern end of
the Hamitic, and the northern end least like it.

5. The conclusion to be drav/n from this graded series,
beginning in western north Africa and ending in Babylonia, is as
irresistible in the present case as it would be if we were dealing
witl> one of the natural sciences. There has been a development
from one type into another through a number of intermediates,
each of which is a little further from the original than its prede-
cessor. Those members which explain their successors are the more
original. Semitic has developed out of Hamitic and not the reverse.

6. The two phenomena on which the classification is based
are, as has been said, word classes and polarity. Meinhof attempts
to show that the many noun classes of Bantu ^'^ are narrowed down
in Ful to four: of persons, of things, of large things and of small
things. By a process of simplification, more pronounced toward
the east, the four classes become two: large things, important
tilings, persons and men, on the one hand, and small things, un-
important things, non-persons and women, on the other. ^^* Finally
the grammatical gender of Semitic is evolved ; not, however, without
residual traces of the earlier systems.

7. Meinhoff also calls attention for the first time to a phenom-
enon which he terms polarity. It is found in its most complete
form in the more conservative Hamitic languages. Like the
physical phenomenon of the same name, it proceeds from a law
or principle by which a thing belonging to one of two possible
categories is opposed (in thought) to things in the other category,
and is transferred to the other category whenever any change is
made in it. There are only two classes, (a) and (b). What is not
(a) is (b). What is not (b) is (a). If you change (a) it becomes (b).
If you change (b) it becomes (a). *3'

S 8. One of the most common inflectional necessiries is the
change to denote the plural. Therefore, to make a noun plural you
take it out of its class, (a) or (b), and put it into the remaining and

(1) Supposed to be an intimate amalgamation of pre-Ful with some Sudanian
language.

(2) In Bilin, Chamir and Shlih the diminutives are 'feminine." In Masai and
Nama tree and stone with the "masculine" article are augmentative, with the "feminine"
article diminutive. In Bedawye the accusative of the masculine" is "feminine."
Proper names, even of women, are ''masculine," as also the pronoun I, and that impor-
tant animal, the cow.

(3) When one end of a steel bar or one coating of a Leyden jar is made positive
the other will be found to be negative.

opposite class. Where there are only two classes, a "masculine"
and a "feminine," the plural of the "masculine" must be "feminine,"
and of a "feminine" "masculine." The "feminine" ending indi-
cates the plural of a "masculine," the "masculine" of a
"feminine." <>

9. Arabic, nearest to Hamitic geographically, is found also
to be nearest it in the degree of its retention of these two old prin-
ciples, and north and east Semitic most remote. In Arabic, while
the laws are not, as in Hamitic, fully operative, yet they are to be
observed in isolated phenomena some of which I shall now discuss.

10. The numerals from three to ten inclusive are put in the
opposite gender to that of the singular of the thing numbered, ^^> .not
because of any reason of sex, but because an antithesis was felt to
exist between the two. The triad which numbered was felt to be
less important than the men which it numbered ; and, by polarity,
the triad which numbered must be more important than the women
which it numbered.

II. The plural of many "masculine" nouns is "feminine."
If the thing thought of is important in its primary aspect, it is

OCX ^ ^

unimportant in the secondary. So plurals like At j^ from ^^.^
-tUic- from ^U which have a feminine ending, and others like
JUj from iV J which have not, and also tribal names.

12. The plural of many "feminine" nouns is "masculine." If the
thing thought of is unimportant in its primary aspect it is important

in the secondary. So plurals like ^*> from A^^^ . '3' So the gener-

alization of an action as Jli fromAll?.'^)

^3- When it is desired to intensify an adjective which cannot
be put in the measure J> I without losing its identity, as e.g. >*^lc-
it is put into the "other" form and receives the "feminine" ending, be-
coming A>^. This is even done with forms in which it is not

(1) In Somali this is the rule for every noun which has a collective plural.
In Nama the "feminine" singular is also the "masculine" plural.

(2) The period during which the Semites counted only to the limit of their ten

digits must have been long ; for when they resumed counting and went beyond, the

old two-class polarity was inoperative.

(3) It is usual to regard this plural as primary and the singular as a nomen
unitatis,

(4) It is usual to regard the "masculine" as primary and call the other a
nomen vicis.

necessary, as e.g. ^/ intensive aj^''>. Thus we see that in ^jU^

the ending denotes sex, in <>lfi- intensity, in Sjl^ plurality. The

ending in reality is merely the sign of a secondary or derived class.
In the first case it cannot be used for the plural because of the
possibility of a female baker. But one does not think of female
scholars or sailors.

14. The so-called negative j^c- is not really a negative but

an "oppositive." The universe is divided into 1 J* and '->* ^A^ and

it contains absolutely nothing else besides. The one half is the

opposite of the other; and when Sulaiman descended upon feU j^c

it was not merely "the absence of water" but "that which is not
water." In order to express the absence of a thing without the

presence of its opposite the preposition "y must be used ; and
hence iU j\j' /j* means "without water."

15. For many years Arabia has been regarded as the cradle
of the Semites. <^^ Noeldeke, in the last edition of the Encyclopedia
Britannicd/^'' still maintains this view, and regards Hamitic Africa
as their still remoter place of origin. Grimme does the same.'"^
Attempts have been made to show that they came from Babylonia'^'
or out of the north, or were indigenous to Syria and Palestine.
One may bring in the Aramaeans from the Caspian and the
Arabs out of Syria into the desert , but it still remains to be shown
why Arabic should have sporadic affinities to the systems which
are complete in Hamitic. Any biologist, being shown the facts,
would say that the sporadic phenomena are, as it were, residual
organs, surviving with altered functions from a former age, and
explained only by reference to the type from which they have been
inherited. They are not germs of a system unelaborated, for they
do not grow out of the language consciousness which' surrounds
them. Not only must Arabia have been the most ancient home of
the Semites as such ; but they must have had a long previous
history, beginning in the western part of north Africa.

(1) Possibly the curious form 4.iA.>- is an honorific intensive of (^_i..^l:^ .

(2) Renan, Hixtuire Generale, 29; Sprenger, Die alte Geographle Arallens, 42 ;
Schrader, ZUMG, xxvii, 397.

(3) Sub voc, Semitic Languages.

(4) Mohammed, p. 6. f. But h;
epted.

(5) Guidi, Delia sede primitiru dd ptpull Semitici, RAL, cclxxvi.

(4) Mohammed, p. 6. f. But his one-sided preference for Abyssinia cannot
be accepted.

19
NOTE A. The Reciprocal Change of Sui and Shin in Semitic.

1. In a very large number of instances sin in South Semitic
stands for shin in North Semitic. E.g. : Arabic nafs = Hebrew
nefesh. In an equally large number of instances the reverse holds.
E.g. Arabic bishdra = Hebrew besord. Two problems are present-
ed by this reciprocal change : (I) How is it possible for each of
two sounds to go over into the other. (II) Which of the two sounds
is original in a given instance. Both problems are solved by a
recognition and application of the principle of polarity.

2. This reciprocal interchange of sin and shin has never
been satisfactorily explained. The difficulty is obvious. Although
either may change into the other under the influence of some
operative tendency, the result will be the total surrender of one or
the other; and, even though a contrary tendency may subsequently
operate, the result will be a single sound, one or the other of the
original sounds. Again, it is impossible to conceive of two opposite
tendencies operating at the same time to produce two directly op-
posite results, for the tendencies would neutralize one another
without result.

3. The principle of polarity, dominant in Hamitic and
prominent in Semitic, ordains that a thing belonging to one of two
possible classes, upon passing over into the other class maintains
the conscious contrast between itself and an opposed thing by
transferring that thing to what has now become the opposite class;
(a) of class (i) is opposed-in thought to (b) of class (2). If (a) passes
into class (2) then (b) must pass into class (l) to preserve the de-
manded contrast. Applying this principle to the problem in hand :
there were two original sounds, sin and shin. A tendency be-
came operative to change sin into shin or else to change shin into
sin. At the same time by polarity the remaining sound was trans-
ferred into the opposite class, and became the opposite sound.

4. It remains to show which of the two sounds was original
in a given word, which of the changes is phonetic and which
polaric. It is phonetically possible for either sound to pass into the
other; but there is some presumption in favor of sin becoming shin
rather than the reverse. This presumption is strengthened by con-
sideration of the fact that Arabic thaldth must have passed through
a form salds (cf. Ethiopic) before becoming shdlosh. In other words
thaldth first joined nafs and both of them then received a shin. At
the same time Arabic bishdra became Hebrew besord by polarity.
The Arabic therefore contains the original values ; sin became shin
by phonetic change ; and shin became sin by polarity.

NOTE B. Plurals with ob to Singulars with ^\

1. The jackal is called in Arabic j^V 'J? ^ in the plural
/Job . Similarly a male camel that has entered upon his third
year is called o;^ 'c^>\ in the plural j;j ^G. . A single star of
the constellation Ursa is called JL.; 'J;Mn the plural ^'J ill; .
A kind of bad mushroom is called in the plural '^. ji^ll. , limping

horses ;-'cV I t^\l> , good stallion camels /^i:> bU , and\he two last
take the verb of the third person plural even though they are
masculine. The t;ljLj is used in all these cases "for the feminization

of the group" ; and, in the case of ^ji . '^'.V ^J^ ' because they
are of the ioxm ^^\ (Lisdn a/-^ra6;Hava Arab.- Engl. Did.) So

much for native sources/''

2. All of these plurals are original, and are used because,
for some reason or another, the usual plurals are felt to be impos-
sible. In some cases the singulars are back-formations, put in the
masculine by the principle of polarity in order that they^may con-
trast with the plurals. The words with which Cl;ljLi and ^\ \ are thus

compounded are all in the nature of proper names :<2^ daughters of
VVdw-Waw, daughters of Downy-Hair, daughters of Lame-Foot,
daughters of Smolder-Fire, daughters of Drink-Milk, daughters of
Ursa. This is proved by the absence of the article from all of theml
They are felt to be neither singulars nor plurals. The plural is tlien
formed in one way and the singular in the opposite way. Even
the modern Arabic wdwi (jackal) is felt by natives to have no con-
venient plural, most of them, when asked, hesitating between

wdwin, and wdwiya and knowing nothing of the formation with OLj

(1) "Wheu .)l is applied to that which is not a human being, to an irrational

being, it has for its plural Ovij : thus tlie plural of ^yffXs^A .>' (a young male

eamel in his second year) is ^Jo\^m Ovi) etc." Lane, 'ji!
(S) Lane,. ^^^1

3. Trithout weakening the case for the existence here of

> a I

polarity, it may be contended that the ^yj formations are primary

rather than the Ollj formations, especially in view of the Hebrew

ben baqar, which has no plural, and Assyrian jndre mini, which has
no singular except of course the regular ones. But it must be
noted that neither baqar nor nun is quite so personal as the Arabic
examples ; and of course there is no polarity, as far as examples
permit of observation. Arabic apparently favored the operation

of polarity as it wished to avoid combinations with JL) which

sounded like tribal names ; Hebrew avoided the same combination,
for the same reason, but did not resort to polarity; Assyrian, be-
cause it employed bit instead of 7nd)r in tribal names, did not need
to avoid using the latter and so did not resort to polarity.

4. The expressions j^J Ou> for male camels that have

entered upon their third year, and ,c b Oll> for "stallion camels,"

are so conspicuously contradictory of real gender as to leave no
doubt of the presence here of polarity.

TWO ANCIENT HEBREW WEIGHTS.

Samuel Raffaeli,

(Jerusalem.)

The writer has in his possession two small stones, almost alike
in colour, shape and material ; they are round in form with a domed
top, but tliey differ in weight and in the writing inscribed on them.
They undoubtedly belong to a very early period, and, judging from
their size and weight, were probably used for weighing precious
metal or other valuable materials.

One of these weights is inscribed with the letters (in archaic
Hebrew script) D'S P-I-M; and the other vpi, K-S-F. The first
one weighs a little more than II9 grains, while the other is almost
155 in weight. What are these weights ?

In 1902, Prof. G.A. Barton obtained in Jerusalem a small piece
of metal ; on one side v/as written ns*^ inn:TS and on the other D'2/
P-I-M. It weighed a little more than 1 17 grains. ^^> In 1907 Mr. RA.S.
Macalister found at Gaza a stone similar to the first of the two in
my possession, and bearing the same inscription. Its weight is
about 112 grains.*^' Since my own specimen is more than I19
grains we may assume that the maximum weight of this particular
kind is more than 1 19 grains, and that a well-preserved specimen
may be as much as 125 grains.

After the discovery of the second example, the word P-I-M
still remained unexplained. My own specimen I obtained in 1914,
and in -a subsequent investigation came to the conclusion that this
word P-/-J/wasto be found in I. Sam. 13, 21 : m^i'Sn nn m D'Pn'^i
Tiiuino'? ", I suggested that the P-/-Jf was a tax or payment

from the Israelites to the Philistines in return for sharpening their
mattocks and other implements {Palestine Exploration Fund Quar-
terli/ Statenie)if. April igi4); and this interpretation of the word
has been embodied in the new translation of the Bible isSued by
the Jewish Publication Society of America (Philadelphia 19I7)'

Hitherto no weights have been found bearing the inscription
"Shekel'' ; but such most probably exist and will ultimately be dis-
covered. As for the 5(?q* (Gen. 24,22 ; Ex.38,26), small stones with
the round domed shape, made of red marble, have been brought to
light bearing ihe inscription ypn : Prof. C.C. Torrey of Yale Univ-
ersity, when in Jerusalem in the spring of 1901, secured a specimen
weighing a little more than 90 grains ; ^3) Mr. R.A.S. Macalister
found another at Gezer, with the same inscription, weighing about

(1) P.S.B A. 1902. /

(2) P. hJ. F. Quarterhi Statement 1907. p. 266.

(3) P. S. B. A. 1901.

49 grains: '"' and Prof. Gustav Dalman secured yet a third from a fel-
lah at Sliafat of 102 grains weight.'^' We may, therefore, assume
that the maximum weight of the Beqa'xs, more than 102 grains. This
accords with the biblical tradition of Ex.38,26, that the Beqci^ is
the half of the "Holy" shekel.

The writer, in his Coins of fhr Jews (Jerusalem, 1913) has
described Half-Shekels weighing from lOO to 105 grains. *^^ There,
also, will be found discussed the standard of the Talent, the Maneh
and the Shekel, of both the "Holy" and fhe "Heavy" variety. We
know that the Beqa'^h t\\e half of the Holy Shekel ; and the Pirn ap-
pears to be the half of the Heavy Shekel. The Heavy Shekel
weighed over 900,000 grains ; the Maneh was one sixtieth of a
Talent, and a Shekel one sixtieth of a Maneh ; therefore the Heavy
Shekel weighs about 250 grains. In spite of the fact that the heaviest
Pi; hitherto found weighs only I19 grains, it is not improbable that
if one were found in a perfect state of preservation it would weigh
about 125 grains. We may, therefore, fairly conclude that a Fun is
the half of the Heavy Shekel.

The reading of the second stone has given rise to much discus-
sion. Other examples have been found: one by Mr. H.E. Clark
in 1891 near Anata (the biblical Anathoth) weighing 134 grains; '4)
others by Dr. Bliss and Mr. Macalister during the excavations at Tell
Zakariya, weighing respectively 145, 154, and 157 grains; another
by Prof. Barton, in Jerusalem, in 1902, weighing 153 grains; while
the one in my possession weighs 155 grains, We can assume that
the average weight of this stone is 156 grains.

The interpretation of the inscription on this weight has been
complicated by the discovery of a small spindle-shaped weight
(purchased by Dr. Chaplin in Samaria in 1820 and now in the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford ; there is a reproduction in H.D.B. vol.
4, p. 904), inscribed, according to the normally accepted reading, on
the one side with '^'iTi/S"), and on the other with J^jj;^"!.'^' Neither

conveys any meaning. Of the latter, the fourth and sixth letters
are not distinct ; and at the time when the stone was discovered the
last letter could be read D and not j. But even so, what does a

quarter of a jiesef mediw } Lidzbarski (E"/)/;?/;?. I p.13) explains fhe
characters read S'^y^as unsuccessful efforts of the workman at writing

^:^, compelling him to start afresh on the other side. Lidzbarski could

give no satisfactory explanation of CjiM. A connexion with the Arabic

nusf "half," has been proposed, but this would afford but a dubious
sense. The writer suggests that the correct reading is not really fj:::

(1) P. E. F. Qtiarterhj Statement 1904, p. 209.

(2) Zeitschrift den JJeutsrheu PaLaef.tl))a- Verelns. Bd, xxix, p. 92 ff,

(3) Pp. 65-68.

(4) Weights of ancient Palestine E. J, Pilhter, London, 1912.

(5) Ihid.

but e)C2. There are certain verses in the Bible which suggest that the

AVs^/was a distinct kind of weight like a Shekel or Beqa'^ : thus
Abinielecli gave Abraham a thousand ke.sef (Gen.20,l6), and Joseph
was sold to the Ishniaelites for twenty kesef (Gen. 37,28).

The writer lias explained elsewhere {op. cit. sup.) that Darius
Hystaspes received the Maneh standard, i.e. 7,^00 grains^'* (troy),
from tlie Babylonians ; the Babylonian Shekel, being one fiftieth
part of the Maneh, is 156 grains, and this was regarded as the "light"
Persian Shekel. It was on this standard that the Kesef weight
was based.

(1) Coiiix of the Jfir.i, p, 28.

NOTE SUR UNE MONNAIE DE BRONZE

DE BAR COCHBA.

A. DECLOEDT

(Jerusalem)

Le musee de Sainte-Anne possede une monnaie de bronze de
Bar Cochba qui semble extremenient rare et je serais desireux de
savoir si elle n'a pas sa semblable dans vos collections particu-
lieres.

En voici la description :

Au droit : . . ^nTvT'' X^B'J pj/*Q^ "Simon prince d'Israel," en legerde
circulaire autour d'une couronne renfermant une palme. Grenetis,

Au revers : hn^y inSo.U' "L'an II de la delivrance d'Israel, "

en legende circulaire. Lvre a quatre cordes. Les shins sont
anguleux et le graveur Juif a ecrit "^Nty,, pour Israel "^KTvi'\ faute

qui se rencontre frequemment sur les monnaies de Bar Cochba. Ce
bronze mesure 22 millimetres et pese 6 grammes II a eie achete
en 1909 aux paysans de Bittir qui fouillaient alors en tous sens,
mais trop superficielement et sans ordre, le sommet de la montasne
appelee encore aujourd'hui ''Khirbet el Yahoud,, ou s'elevait jadis
la forteresse de Bar Cochba.

Les monnaies de Bar Cochba sont nombreuses. Elles ont ete
frappees les ones sur des flans neufs, les autres sur des bronzes ou
des deniers romains. Elles peuvent se diviser en trois classes :
I) celles qui ne sont pas datees et qui presentent invariablement,
au droit, le nom de "]yjC^,, " Simon ,, ; au revers, la legende
"dSc^ii"' nirh ^ "La delivrance de Jerusalem." 2.) Celles de la
premiere annee de la redemption d'Israel "b.-rr:;'' nhnih nnx nJB'^, qui

presentent, au droit, les noms d'Eleazar le pretre, de Jerusalem, de
Simon prince d'Israel. 3.) Enfin celles de l'an II de la delivrance
d'Israel "hn-w^ niinS .Z.'J^^ qui ne presentent, au droit, que le nom de
"]y;^U "Simon,, ecrit en toutes lettres ou en abrege. Seul et c'est
la ce qui fait son interet et lui donne une valeur exceptionnelle le
bronze de Ste Anne presente, au droit, non pas le seul nom de "pj?cc*^^
"Simon" mais le nom de Simon accompagne du titre "bsyj' N't:':"
"Prince d'Israel" ; au revers, "L'an 11 de la delivrance d'Israel."

Dans deux articles de la Zeitschrift furNumismatik (annfte 1873
et 1877) Vl^^rzbacher publiait un bronze faisant partie de la collec-
tion VVi^an et poitant. au droit, une palme dans une couronne
avec la legende ^^N'tt^J p^D-J" "Simon prince,, ; au revers, une
lyre a cinq cordes avec la portion de legende "^XTJ\, "Israel,,.
Get autenr proposait ingenieusenient de completer la legende du
revers par I'addition des lettres "irh ,2,'^,, "L'an II de la delivrance,,
insinuant par la que sur les monnaies de l'an II aussi bien que sur
celles de l'an I ou gravait le titre de "N^'^y prince ; par suite
que les monnaies portant les legendes "Simon, prince d'Israel.
Premiere annee de la redemption d'Israel,. . devaient etre classees
non a la premiere revoke sous Vespasien niais a la seconde sous
Hadrien. Ce n'etait la cependant qu'une supposition. Madden,
qui les attribuait a un Simon Nasi de la premiere revolte, declara
qu'il ne souscrirait a la proposition de Merzbacher que si on lui ap-
portait non pas ur.e supposition mais une preuve solide fondee sur
un exemplaire bien conserve et parfaitement lisible : "But this
suggestion cannot be accepted without the positive proof afforded
bya wellpreserved and legible specimen." En attendant il continua
d'attribuercettemonnaiea la premiere revolte. Or en 1892 L. Ham-
burger publiait dans la belle etude qu'il a consacree aux monnaieS
des revoltes Juives un bronze dont le revers repondait de tons points
a celui de I'exemplaire de Merzbacher et portait : ^STi:?^ nnS .3.-*

L'an II de la delivrance d'Israel. "Or si la comparaison entre les
deux exemplaires autorisait a admettre I'opinion de Merzbacher, ce
n'etait pas encore", la preuve solide, fondee sur un exemplaire bien
conserve et parfaitement lisible que Madden reclamait, carle bronze
public par Hamburger etait hybride et au "lieu de presenter au
droit comme celui de Merzbacher la legende "Ssiiy^ N^iy: pyot:\^

"Simon, prince d'Israel" il portait simplement "oSriT nnn'?^, "La

delivrance de Jerusalem" Cette preuve est apportee par le bronze du
medaillier de Ste Anne. Ce bronze est bien conserve. 11 est parfait-
ement lisible et a des legendes completes: au droit. "^XT^S''' N^i:'j pV^C^,,

"Simon prince d'Israel,, ; au revers "bnu'' '\rh .^.U'^^ "L'an II de la

delivrance d'Israel.,,

J'en ai dit assez, semble-t-il, pour montrer I'interet que presente
cette monnaie au point de vue de la Numismatique Judaique. J'ai
ajoute qu'elle etait extremement rare. Elle ne se trouve en effet ni
au Departement de Medailles de la Bibliotheque Nationale, comme
j'ai pu m'en convaincre moi-meme en 1914 ; ni au British Museum
puisqne le catalogue, si complet cependant. des monnaies juives
publie par M. Hill en 1914, ne le mentionne pas. Monsieur Raf-
faeli qui en 1913 publia en langue hebraique un ouvrage sur les
monnaies juives ne la signale pas non plus. Enfin lorsque, en
1912, je la publiai dans la Revue Numismatique, un nmnismate alle-
mand, Mr Carl Mayer,n'ayant jamais rencontre ce type de monnaie
et confondant les numeros de la planche avec ceux du corps de
I'article, crut a une mauvaise lecture de ma part. II reconnut son
erreur quand, sur sa demande, je lui eus envoye empreinte et mou-

lage ; dans une lettre qu'il m'adressa le 3 mars 1 914 il s'offrit m^me
a acquerir pour sa collection personnelle le bronze de Ste. Anne.
Vous devinez la reponse. Ainsi ce bronze du medaillier de Ste
Anne semble non seulement tres rare mais encore, du raoins a ma
connaissance, unique.

Et maintenant quelles conclusions tirer ? Celles-la meme que
proposait Merzbacher, il y a quarante ans : (l) "Sur les monnaies de
I'an II aussi bien que sur celles de I'an I ou gravait le titre de
"Nasi,,; (2) les monnaies portant les legendes: "Simon, prince
d'Israel ; Premiere annee de la Redemption d'Israel," doivent etre
attribuees non a la premiere revolte sous Vespasien, mais a la
seconde, sous Hadrien.

REFERENCES.

Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 205 et 206.

L. Hamburger, Munzprdgiingen uahrend des letzten Aufstandes
der Israeliten gegen Rom, p. 280.

Hill ( GF. )., A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British
Museum. Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine.

S. Raffaeli nin\n niyrt3D dSitit 191 3.

Rev Lie Numismatique 1912, p. 46 1

1913, p. 404; et 1914, pp. 244, 245.

^^^c:>'0:j!cTC^^:^'ONca^^

THE AMORITE NAME JERUSALEM.
A. T. CLAY
(New Haven, U.S.A.)

The earliest known writing of the name of the city of Jerusalem
is to be found in the letters of Abdi-Hiba, g:overnor of the city, to
Amenophis IV, about 1400 B C. in which U-ru-sa-lim is written in
the Babvlonian script, the Unci ua franca ot that era. Ut the
extri-Biblical forms of the name the next in point of antiquity is
ihit' found in an Assyrian inscription of Sennacherib (705-681
BC ) in which lir-sa-li-im-mu is written. In aNabataean inscrip-
tion of one bearing a Jewish name, Nathaniah, the Aramaic form,
't7/-s/iaiew (c'^u'-'.lS') is found. There are also preserved a Mandaic

form"t/ras/ta/m(DN'?-^Nms), a Syriac 'Urishlem, and an Arabic,
whicli is quoted by Yakut from a pre-lslamic poet, 'Ursalimu
I jj^jj\ ).(!) Tiie six writings, from six different quarters, all point
10 'Ur or 'Uru as being the first element of the name.

The consonantal text of the Old Testament gives dV^1"i\ and
in several late passages D^St^lT. The latter appears also upon
coins, perhaps of the time of Simon 142- 135 B.C. These conso-
nantal forms have been vocalized Yerushalayira. The 3eptuagint
tiansliteration lEpouaaXTui shows that in the late Hebrew the name
was actually pronounced something like Jerusalem instead of
Yerushalayim. Another early Greek form is found in a passage of
Soli, a pupil of Aristotle, which is quoted by Josephus. Here the
name is written lepouaaXiinii '2)

The explanation of the Hebrew form of the name has
occasioned considerable difficulty in all periods. The Midrash
Bereshith Rabba, 89. explains how Abraham, having called
the place Jireh nXT Gen. 22:14, and Shem (meaning Melch-

izedek) having called it Shaleni, the Almighty, who was unwilling to
disappoint either, gave ii both names, Yireh-Shalem. Jerome in his
Ortomas/'zca explained the name as meaning OQaoig EiQTiVT]g, Modern
etymologists have explained the name as meaning "possession of
peace," "foundation of peace," "the foundation of security,"
"Shaleni founds," "Snaleni casts the lot," "he casts a perfect or
peaceful, Secure lot," etc ^'^ After the discovery of Uru-salim in
the Aniarna letters, written in the Babylonian script, many scholars
looked upon this as containing the original form of the name, and
especially as a similar pronunciation has been preserved in the forms
quoted in Assyrian, Aramaic, Syriac, Mandaic, and Arabic.

Several decades ago, when scholars followed the trend of the
pan-Babylonists, and looked upon the Canaanite culture and re-

(1) See Smith Jenmalem 1. p. 252 f.

(2) See Smith ihid. 1. p. 200.

(3) See Smith ibid 1. p. 258 f.

ligion as importations from Babylonia, Uru the first element of the
name was regarded as Sumerian, meaning "citj^" and the second
as Semitic; the full name Lru-salim meaning "city of Salem," "city
of peace," "place of safety," "the city" of peace," etc. <" Haupt
considered that the dialectical Sumerian eri for uri passed into
Hebrew as Hr ( TV ) "city;" from this V disappeared, and the
initial element Jem was derived.

The Araift'aic, Syriac, Mandaic and Arabic forms of the
name do not bear out Haupt's contention ; it follows that the pro-
posed etymology for *^r "city" is not to be taken seriously.
Moreover, since the evidence for the influence of Babylonia upon
Canaan, except for the use of the language and script which
were employed in the second millennium B.C. throughout Western
Asia and Egypt as the lingua franca, is comparatively insignificant,
as the writer and others have contended, ^^' it follows that the
proposal to find in the name Uru-salini a Sumerian and a Semitic
element is, to say the least, precarious. Hitherto, it has seemed as
if such place names as Nebo, Beth ^A.noth, Bit NIN-IB, Bethlehem,
etc., showed influences from this quarter; but even these, the writer
feels he has conclusively shown, contain the names of West
Semitic deities. ^3'

In short, we have in Palestine a very ancient culture indigenous
to the land known to the ancient Babylonians as Amurru, which
extended from the borders of Babylonia to the Mediterranean. This
was considerably influenced by Egypt, but very little by Babylonia
prior to the exile. In two monographs, Amurru the Home of the
Northern Semites, and The Empire of the Atnorites, which followed
the writer's discovery that the name of the god Amur(ru) (IDK)

was written in Aramaic 'Awurn or 'U'7-u (TN), the widespread

worship of this deity is fully set forth. The early Semites who
moved from Amurru (Mesopotamia and Syria) into Babylonia,
especially in the period prior to 2000 B.C., carried the worship of
this deity with them. Many West Semitic names in the early
cuneiform literature are found compounded with that of this deity.
The names of at least four of the ten antediluvian rulers of
Babylonia contain the name 'Uru, as : 'A^fopo? ( -iik-^x ), 'AXanagoq

(ns-sSx), 'AfiiUapoc; {i)H-^r:>V), and MeyalaQOq crnx'SjC ). Sub-
sequent to 200U B. C , when the Amontes lost their dominant
position, the deity Amurru or 'CJru ceased to occupy^-*' a prominent
place among the deities of Babylonia as becomes evident from a
study of the nomenclature of that land.

(1) See Savce A'c/uleiiu/, E'eb. 7. 1891: Haupt Polychrome 7?/&Ze, Lsaiali, EtI. notes,
p. 100; Nentle ]?.4PF 57. f55 ; Zimmern 7v.l 7'3 p. 475.

(2) See Clay 'Light on the Old Testament from Bdhel^' 17 ff; Vincent Canaan d'aprex
rexjiloration receute, pp. oil, 439; Nowack 'Jheol. Literaturzcitunij, 1908, No. 26. Clay
Amurru thr. Home of the JVortht^-n Semilex, p. 27.

(3) See L'm/nre of the Amorlley. p. 169. 178, 180, f.

(4) For a full discussion of the influence of this deity upon the nomenclatare of
Babylonia, see t^mpire of the AmorUcx.

The contention that this deity came from the land of the Wes-
tt^in Semites bein^ correct, it would seem that traces of the worship
should be found in the nomenclature of the Old Testament, as well
as preserved in place names, ancient and modern, in these West
lands.

Among the personal names of the Old Testament are found
Ur. Uri, Uriel, Urijah, and Shedeur. The Septuagint transliterations
of these names show that the element is 'Ur, and not 'Or "light."

The name 'Ur (-IX), the father of one of David's heroes

(1 Ch. 11:35), 's perhaps abbreviated, containing one element of the
original name, that of the deity. 'Uri ( mK ) of the time of Moses

(Ex, 31:2), appears to be a similar name, with what some scholars
call the "A-ose suffix," like Mordecai. The name 'Uriah (nmx),

belonging to the Hittite in the time of David (2 Sam. II:3), niay be
Hittite ; but since we have many examples of non-Semites bearing
Semitic names, it is not impossible that this name is Semitic and
similar to the following. 'Urijah ( n'liK )^ the name of a priest,

/ time of Ahaz, (2 Kings 16:13), means 'Uru is Jawah. Such syncre-
tistic formations, identifying one god with another, are very
common, especially among peoples whose religion was extensively
^ influenced by other religions. The nomenclature of Babylonia, for
"example, contains many such names. There are also many ex-
amples among the names of deities as Ashtar-Chemosh, Hadad-
Rimmon, *Attar-^Ate, Itur-Mer, Jawah- Shalom, etc. The name
'Uriel { ^xniN ) " 'Uru is God", of the tribe of Levi ( i Ch. 6:24),

and Shedeur (iin'tj ) "Shaddai is 'Uru", time of Moses, also contain

the name of the deity. How many more personal names of the Old
Testament originally contained that of the deity 'Uru, but
have been handed down in an altered or disguised form, it is im-
possible to say. That names were changed on religious grounds is
well known. Fortunately in a number of instances both the
original and the altered forms have been preserved, as Jerubbaal
and Jerubbesheth, Meribbaal and Mephibosheth, Beeliada and
^ Eliada. Compare also the place names Beth-el and Beth-aven.

The name Jerusalem seems to be an example of this process.
After David's time, when the city became the great centre for the
worship of Jawah, it is easy to understand how the name of this
ancient Amorite city, which contained the name of the Amorite
god 'Uru, became obnoxious to the Hebrews. The dropping of the
initial N in this name (see below), left 1 initial, but this, as is
well known, usually, when initial, became in Hebrew. The fact
is we have several examples in Aramaic and Punic inscriptions of
the dropping of the initial n in this deity's name. It is now ad-
mitted that ni^x in the stele inscription jjhich Zakir of Hamath
and La*ash dedicated to this deity, is the same as El 'Uru<'*.

(1) See Clay Amurru p. 157 fE.

Recently Lidzbarski published an Aramaic letter of the time of
Ashurbanipal in which IDS = Pir'-'Uru occurs {ZA 31). Cf. the

names jDm and pom in Punic inscriptions from Algiers and
Thugga; also two other names -jcil and iTiv^'^ If this expla-
nation of the name Jerusalem is correct it becomes senseless to
attempt to explain the difficult element Jem in Jerusalem as
meaning "visien", "fear," "possesion," "foundation", "founds",
"casts the lot," etc. The whole name means rather something like
"*Uru is appeased". '^^

The name or epithet 'Ariel, used by Isaiah for Jerusalem
(Is. 29:1), has been translated "the lion of God," or "the hearth of
God," etc. It is generally agreed that j'?j:^k^ found in an inscription

from Byblus, belonging to the fourth or fifth century B.C., is
defectively written for "jSdiin and that this name is the same as

Uru-inilki, found in the Amarna letters. ^^^ The present writer
further contends that it contains the name of the deity 'Uru.^^* The
name SsnN for the same reason could mean " 'Uru is God". This

seems reasonable in the light of the fact that the name Jerusalem
contains the name 'Uru, and that probably the city was dedicated
to that deity (see below). It is interesting to observe that Cheyne
regarded 'Uriel as the proper reading, and considered that it was
used by the prophet to make a paronomasia with Uru-salim (End.
Biblica). It easy to understand how such a name meaning "'Uru is
God" would have been introduced by the old residents after the
occupation of the city by the Hebrews.

The evidence which has been preserved in the Old Testament
concerning the altering of names makes reasonable the ident-
ification of Salem with Jerusalem, which has been lield for
centuries. Urn-salem may have been preserved in an old manu-
script of the fourteenth chapter of Genesis and perhaps also of the
seventy-sixth Psalm. Moreover, prior to the introduction of Jeru-
salem the abbreviated Salem, doubtless, was more acceptable to
these Hebrews who were familiar with the original meaning.

Eighteen miles to the northwest of Jerusalem are two towns,
at present called Beit 'Ur el Foka, and Beit 'Ur et Tahta. In \.\\e
Old Testamant the names of the towns are written jv'?!; j"iin r,''2

and pnnn pin n^I- These names are translated "house of the hole

(or hollow), the upper", "house of the hole (or hollow), the lower."
The Septuagint transliterates the name BsGooa, BaiGwQto, BaiGcoQoov;
Although the modern name in Arabic has preserved an initial ^ain
it seems in the light of the present discussion, that the name was
probably Beth 'Uru, "the house of Uru". a name like Beth Shemesh,
Beth Anoth, Beit Dejun (Dagan). Beit Lahm(Lahmu), etc. Moreover,

(1) See Clay Amurrn p. 160.

(2) See Clay ibid ^. 178.

(3) Cooke North Semitic Tn.ierijitions p. 20.

(4) Amurru p. 157.

it is not unreasonable to suggest that the late Hebrew writers
intentionally disguised the name. The proximity of the city to
Jerusalem, being in its territory, suggests at least some possible
connections with Bit NIN-IB of the Amarna letters.

In a syllabary in the Yale Babylonian collection the writer
found the following formula:

Ur-f(i I IB I u-m-^ha \ sha '^NIN-IB shii-ma

which means tiiat the sign IB, called urashu, is to be read ur-ta
in the deity's name '^ NIN-IB.^^^ In other words it is now ascertain-
ed that NIN-IB is a Sumerian ideographic writing for the West
Semitic Ba^dat Urta^^^ "lady or goddess Urta." Since the Amarna
letters inform us that the shrine of the goddess was in the territory
of Jerusalem, one cannot help but be impressed with the idea,
especially in view of the name Uru-salem, that in the early period
of the history of this district not only the worship of the god
'Uru figured prominently in this vicinity but also that of his
consort 'Lrta or 'Urtu.

In spite of the fact that the Amorite or Jebusite inhabitants of
Jerusalem were spared after David captured the city and that they
continued to live here, no information is offered in the Old
Testament to enable us to determine what was done with the
Amorite sanctuary and where it was located; moreover, no light is
offered us concerning the patron deity of the city. It seems the
only reasonable conclusion to suppose that the religious zeal of the
laltr Hebrews caused the systematic eradication of all traces of
the former worship from the pages of the Old Testament.

Efforts have been made by scholars to determine the genius
loci of the place. Shalem or Shulman, as a probable title of Ninib,
was regarded by Zimmern as the deity {KAT^ 474 f. ), Since the
names Melki-Zedek, king of Salem, time of Abraham, Adoni-Zedek,
king of Jerusalem, time of Joshua (Jos. 10:1 ), Zadok, who was
priest at the time of David, contained the name of the deity Sadeq,
it has been inferred that he was the patron god of the city. Nat-
urally this deity may have been worshipped here, but since,
however, the name of the city is compounded with that of Uru,
and the temple of Urtu (Bii-NIN-IB) was in the territory of the
city, it is not unreasonable to assume that Uru and Urtu were the
chief deities of this locality. This being true, 'Ariel or 'Uriel, with
the meaning "Uru is God", was appropriately substituted by Isaiah
for the name Jerusalem in his address to the city, which, doubtless,
had continued to worship that god.

(1) See Clay Miseellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection,

(2) JBmpire of the Amorites p, 73 E.

QUELQUES OBSERVATIONS RELATIVES
A L'INSCRIPTION JUIVE DECOUVERTE A AIN DOUK ^'\

Nahum Slousch.
(Jerusalem.)

Le R.P.Vincent a consacre una magistrale etude^^^ a I'lnscription
Hebreo arameenne qui provient d'un ancien Sanctuaire Juif a Am-
Douk. Cette derniere offre beaucoup de points de rapprochement
avec rinscription provenant de la synagogue de Kafr Kenna, dont
voici le texte.

Ili 'DV ri37 -i.n

^ij3i HDU 12 Dinjn

L'ecriture des deux inscriptions appartient a, la meme cpoque
etant donne la difference tres nette qui existe entre la lettre, n

et n, surtout si nous tenons compte de la forme des lettres surles

epitaphes que le P. Abel avait dechiffre sur les tombeaux^ juifs de
Chafat (qui pourraient bien emaner du premier Siecle). En
revanche, la lettre a accuse une forme plus arcaique.

Quant a la langue de cette inscription elle rappelle parfaitement
celle du Talmud Jerusalemite et surtout celle'de la liturgie Judeo-
arameenne (la priere du KaddTsh, celle de jpilD Dip"" etc.)

Qu'il me soit permis d'apporter quelques contibutions a la
savante interpretation que nous devons au P. Vincent :

Voici, d'ailleurs, le texte complet de I'lnscription.

( .?) ors vn':2

p hz 2f2h pTD [ 1

"IN 3n"'i pmro [ "t '

nira^ pr\2 2r, [ i

p 3m ]2 '^"1 [ p

nopD '73 p ?! [ D3

pnprn ] [ jnS ] N^n [ n

Hw'-p n-iPN \ir.2

(1) V. le Sidour, le livre des priferes Juives, section du Sabbath.

(2) Revae Biblique 1919 p. 530 etc.

Traduction et commentaires :

1. Memoire ou bonne part (Vincent).

2. -D'r2 Benjamin, la premiere lettre indique la tendance d'in-
troduire'des matres leclionis dans les textes hebreux tendance qui
se munifeste depuis les premiers siecles de I'ere chretienne. i:n: T
He I'inscription de rabbi Youdan de Jaffa, etc. ^

(n) c:- Le nom du frere du premier ou de son pare avec 1 omis-
sion du \2 fils nous paru certain. A noter la mention de Jose fils
de Tanhum fils de Buta et de ses fils par I'incsription de Kafr Kenna.
L'epitaphe No. I de Sha'fat a egalement DnrD le, apres le 3. Quant a
la difforniation ,-Dr2 je renvoie aax monnaies de Simon le Mac-
cholice ou Ton lit a plusieurs reprises >-:irJ au lieu de r^i2^ ' cepen-
dant la legon nDJis proposee par M. Clermont Ganneau est tres
tentante.

3. Fils du Jose. A noter que I'inscription de Kafr Kenna a
Egalement une liste de trois generati

4 Qui soient en heureuse memoire chaqun de ceux qui. ^

5. Quiconque sera (ou sera) vaillant et fera un don, prnnci est un
terme qui n'est plus usite dans les textes de la synagogue. Mais
il est frequent dans le livre de Nehemie surtout en ce qui concerne
la construction de Mur de Jerusalem, par exemple pnnn IT :i?

(Nebemie III passim) ou \-^pTnr, PNTn HD^nn nzs'^CD n:n (Ibid. V. 16).

6. Qui a donne pour ce lieu je lis 3n (1 Le terme 2TV est fre-

qu-Mt dans le Talmud de Jerusalem, cf. Berachot VII, li jc S^n-

cl'7D nnn etc.

L'ensemble se lit ainsi : Quiconque fera don ou a donne
pour ce lieu.

7. Saint; soit eu or, soit en (argent) soit en tout objet de
valcur,

\2 ,,. p ... \1 est la tournure mishnaique ... p2 . . p2\soit...soit...
L'absence de la lettre indiquerait uneprononciation \2 Xiu une dat^
plus ancienne. Cette lecture pf5t d'ailleurs confirmee par le texte de
Jonas IV. 10 ^2^ ^'^'^ i'21 ^"^ ^^'^ p.

nc?D. valeur ou objet de valeur est un terme frequent dans le
T.'!]' ut de Jerusalem, cf. V. Nedarim XT. 42"= ou nous rencontrons,
d'ailleurs, presque la meme formule "-t^^'^pc H'':^ 2'"! (qui Uii donne
beaucoup de valeurs).

(0 Pareil depleacement. des lettres se retrouvent, d'ailleurs dans plusieurs textes
deplacement provenaut des synagogues de la Galilee.

(2) A noter I'analogie avec le texte de la pri^re ou on lit. J'pp^;'!. JNO '^D etc.

Le Midrash Rabba a souvent N>:pc ou xncpo (Cf. Berechit 73,12
Shemot 30,12.)

Au commencement de la iigne 8 les restes, de la lettre D sont
presque certaines, seuleument la ressemble plutot a un 1 (plus large
que les autres dans le meme texte. II s'agirait d'une erreur du gra-
veur, la lettre 5 de la 1. 2 etant tres archaique rappelle le piienicien.
On s'attendrait d'apres de nombreux contextes de voir venir apres
Tor, I'argent, puis tout object de valeur/'^

9. Que leur soit une part de possession, comme le traduit le P.
Vincent ou bien que ce soit un reconfort poureux :

JinpTH pnS K\"incetteformuleestarapprocher<lecellederinscription
deKatrKennaet de la priere reciiee, ou on lit NT^i:: '\'-'b xnn D'. il-
leurs la X finale de N\"in comme d'ailleurs remploidu terme jinptn
et surtout les n finales (au lieu de la lettre x usitee par les lextes
ecrits) indiquerait une epoque rabbinique fort ancienne.

"^'''ip mrK Lieu Saint. Formule qui se retrouve dans la j)! eie

du Kaddish, mais qui est generalement usitee en Hebreu tyrp Q^pc

Quoiqu'il en soit, ce terme comme le texte tout entier nous permei de
classer cette inscription parmi les textes relatifs aux synagogues de
la Galilee. Le lieu Saint d'Ain Douk serait done un sanctuaire
Juif traditionnel qui se rattache aux premiers siecle de I'ere
chretienne.

Rien d'ailleurs, ne s'oppose a I'ingenieuse dissertation du P.
Vincent qui tend a retrouver sur I'emplacement de la Synagogue
d'Ain Douk les traces d'un sanctuaire biblique fort ancien.

L'inscription offre en outre un interet tout special au point de

vue de la liturgie Juive, parce qu'elle permet d'attribuer a uneorigi-

ne palestiFiienne tres ancienne certaines parties de la liturgie

qui sont ecrites en Judeo-arameen, telle que le U^lp f le p~": Dp^ etc

1, Je n'ai pas pu voir rinterprdtation de M. Clerment Ganiieau mais je constate
que le dernier No, de la revue du Palestine Exploration Fund propose la mime
explication, pour ce qui est de ce passage.

A JERUSALEM PROCESSIONAL
J. P. Peters

(University of the South, U.S.A.)

Working on the Psalms over thirty years, I have been more
and more impressed with the amount of local colour in them, and
the failure of scribes and commentators to note this from lack of
personal familiarity with Palestine. My attention was first called
to this in connexion with Ps. 89 Verse 13 reads ;

'North and south, Thou hast created them :
Tabor and Hermon rejoice in Thy name".

To any one who has travelled in northern Galilee, and had
Tabor and Hermon as his landmarks of south and north, this
breathes the atmosphere of that country. None could have written
it but a Galilsean. So far as I know, however, no commentator has
noticed this. Prof, Briggs in his commentary in the "International
Critical Commentary" series (II. 257) says : "Tabor and Hermon,
the chief mountain peaks of the Holy Land, Tabor commanding
the great plain of E^draelon, and Hermon, the giant of Lebanon,
commanding the greater part of the entire land, representatives
therefore of the mountains." This is to miss the local force of the
allusion entirely. It led Briggs to a false dating of this part of the
Psalm, and a false reference of it. He says (233) : "The Psalm
indicates a period of peace and quietness in which the public wor-
ship of Yahweh in the Temple was enjoyed by Israel, and this not
until the troubled times of the Restoration were over, some time
subsequent to Nehemiah, when peace and prosperity were enjoyed
under the Persian rule of Artaxerxes II (458-404 B.C.)." Equally
vivid are the local allusions in several of the Psalms of the collection
entitled "Of the Sons of Korah" (42-49), such as the mention of the
land of Jordan and the roaring of its fountain beneath Hermon by
Tel Kadi (42); and the river on which the Temple stood (46). A
study of the Korah Psalms on the ground forced me to the conclusion
that they could only be ascribed to psalmists of the temple of Dan,
which I set forth in an article in the Briggs memorial volume.

With this brief introduction, I wish to present what I think
I may describe as a new discovery. Vv. 6-8 of Ps. 84 have proved
a stumbling block. There is no translation of them which makes
real sense, and after taking most unjustifiable liberties with the
text, and giving to individual words meanings which they have no-
where else, commentators have still left the passage quite unintel-
ligible to the ordinary reader. So the Revised Version (American)
reads :

"Blessed is the man whose strength is in thee ;

In whose heart are the highways to Zion.

Passing through the valley of weeping

They make it a place of springs ;

Yea, the early rain covereth it with blessings.

They go from strength to strength ;

Every one of them appeareth before God in Zion."

i*rof. Briggs, in his volume in the International Commentary,
taking somewhat greater liberties with the text and omitting the
*irst half of v. 6 altogether, reads :

"The highways are iu the minds of those who pass on in the vale of weeping.

He maketh it a place of springs ; yea, the early rain clotheth it with
blessings.

They go on from battlement to battlement in order to appear before Qd,
Yahwehin Zioii. Yahweh the God of Hosts."

Absolutely literally, with one slight change of text ^'\ sup-
ported by the Septuagint version, this passage reads :

'Happy the man whose strength is in Thee. Causeways in the midst of them (2)
they have passed over. In the valley of weeping the fountain ^3) that they make.
Also the pool (4) tlie leader (5) encircleth (6).

They go from rampart to rampart. Is seen the God of gods in Zion."

The first clause is a liturgical phrase to be chanted or sung.
The remaining phrases are rubrical and describe or prescribe
accurately the course of a procession from the western hill, over-
looking the Temple area, across the causeway or bridge between
the two hills, connecting them, down the lower Tyropoeon valley,
past the so-called fountain of Siloam, made ^7) by carrying the
waters of the Gihon spring into the Tyropoeon valley.

Then the leader, bending to the right, must swing around the
pool of Siloam in a circle, which brings the procession to the
southernmost end of the hill of Ophel, and its first scarp. Up this
hill they go, from scarp to scarp, where once its various ramparts
stood, until the procession reaches the southern gate of the Temple,
and appears to God in Zion. The road exactly as here designated
exists to-day, and I have traced it step by step, following the
directions of this Psalm ; and it exists to-day following in its de-
tails the rubrics of this Psalm, (except only that it does not reach
the south gate of the Temple, since there is none) because it is the
route ordained by the topography, now as then.

(t) ''liy (7) to "nay (or possibly "ijy), and connected with the preceding verse
(6), as the metre manifeotiy requires.

(2) 03172 in the midst of or between them ; i e. the causeway or bridge between
the two hiLib. ine western liill and Zion.

(3) ^lyQ The very name applied to-day in Jerusalem to the point of issue of the
water of the Virgin spring through the tunnel in the Tyropoeon Valley, because of the
intermittent gush of water, which causes it to be regarded as a fountain, not a pool.

(4) P.irket. as in the Hebrew consonant Text. The name applied to-day to the
lower pool of Siloam ; or perhaps a plural ^313. covering both the upper pool, which
catches the water of the fountain, and the lovvcr and larger pool, now a garden bed,
which formerly received the drainage of the valley.

(5) null's fro'n mV teacher or leader. The translation early rain is a pure
invention wiLiiuut any support.

(6) iltjy inea-'i^ t" encircle or enwrap as with a cloak. It has absolutely no
other meauiiif; la Hebrew.

(7) The word 'make" or '-made,' in"in''tt' (yiJ*^0 i" tlie text, suggests the peculiarity
of this fountain, as one made hy men, not by nature.

Now read the Psalm with the topography in view. The
ceremony commenced on the western hill, about where the great
Jewish synagogues now stand, where the valley separating the two
hills is at its narrowest and the western hill rises sharply, so that
one looks down thence into the Haram-esh-Shereef, the old Temple
area, across the Tyropoeon. Here was sung the first stanza, as the
first sacrifice was offered :

2. "How beloved Thine abode, LORD of Hosts !

3. I have longed, yea tainted for the courts of the LORD,

With heart and body I raise the joy cry to the God of my life.
1. The very birds have found a home,

And the swallow a nest where she put her young,

Thine altars, LORD of Hosts,

My king and my God.
5. (Refraiii) Happy they that inhabit Thine house,

That always sing Thy praise ! " Selah.

It is a vivid and beautiful picture of what one sees even to-day
as one looks down from that high point into the Temple court be-
neath and across the valley. Then the procession starts with
rhythmic clapping of hands and stamping of staves, as all chant or
intone "Happy he whose strength is in Thee", precisely as one may
see religions processions marching in Jerusalem to-day, iterating
and reiterating some short phrase or phrases, the sound now almost
dying away, now swelling into a shout, as new voices join in, or
something arouses new zeal or energy. The procession crosses the
bridge or causeway connecting the two hills, *'^ probably at
Robinson's arch just below the Haram area, the natural point for a
causeway or bridge, because here the valley is at its narrowest,
and then follows the road to the right down the valley just below
the walls of David's City, into and through the valley of weeping ^^\
and past the fountain'^' which has been made or is being made
there. There the leader is to bend to the right, as the road does
now, and fetch a circuit about the Pool of Siloam.^'*'

(1) Perhaps as early as Hezckiah's time the city had spread over on to the
western hill, occupying its highest part, roughly from a line drawn east from the Jaffa
Gate along the southern line of the valley running down into the Tyropoeon, and
bounded on the south by about the line of the present wall. This was connected with
the eastern city by a causeway or bridge, as in the Herodian city, occupying about the
same po&ition.

(2) The excavations of the Assumptionists on the eastern side of the western hiF
above the Siloam fountain and pool have shown that in the earlier times, and presumably
until some time not long before the Christian era, this area was occu{)ied by graves and
tombs. Hence probably the name valley of weeping, as similarly of the valley <if
weepers near ]5ethel (Jud. 2:1).

(3) This fountain is peculiar in that it is made by the tunnel through Ophel, and
does not spring out of the ground naturally. The tunnel is generally supposed to have
been cut in Hezekiah's time, the close of the 8th century. The Hebrew text reads that
is mndr. or set : the Greek, ican made or set. Apparently it was not so old at this time of
composition of our Psalm that the remembrance of its construction was forgotten.

(4) The water from the tunnel, which discharges intermittently, is caught in a
small pool, the outlet of which is carried beneath, not into the Birket or large pool, thus

reaching tne valley below. The large pool, like the other hlrliets about Jerusalem, simply
caught and impounded the water flowing down the valley. To-day no water flows
down the valley, the bed of the hirhet is gardens, but the water from the tunnel is
carried underneath, not into it. It is much larger than the small pool or tank at the
mouth of the tunnel, and extends further to the west, so that the road makes a circuit
about it.

So the procession finds itself at the foot of the high rock which
constitutes the southern end of Ophel. This rock is scarped and
was evidently fortified and battlemanted, the lowest rampart of the
old city of David. The hill goes up almost like steps, as a model
of the rock levels shows. Indeed this hill is peculiar in its suc-
cession of knolls of which are still clearly marked the knoll where
stands the Dome of the Rock, beyond this the Baris or Antonia, and
beyond this Bezetha. At a point approximately above the Virgin's
Spring is what seems once to have been another high knoll, the
southern edge of which still presents a steep surface towards the
south, suggesting a battlement or rampart similar to that at the
extreme southern point of the hill. Here it is supposed once stood
David's citadel, on the rock summit cut down with such vast toil in
the Maccabaean period to prevent it from dominating or rivalling
the Temple. From this the road would have dipped down to a
portion of the hill of lower level, crossing which it again ascended
to the ramparts of Zion or the Temple enclosure, and to-day this
part of the ascent is more gradual. The ascent of the eastern hill
to the Temple court was then very literally a going from rampart
to rampart. It will be observed that this road would have led the
procession to the south gate of the Temple, the regular entrance in
Herod's time, and presumably also in the earlier period when
David's city lay to the south of the Temple. That gate reached,
the sanctuary and the altar before it would become visible to the
leaders of the procession, and "the God of gods is seen in Zion".
Then follows the prayer cry, and presumably sacrifice before the
threshold : /

"LOIiD God of Hosts, hear my prayer ;
Hearken, God of Jacob. Selah"

The third stanza (10-13), completing the liturgy, gives us
glimpses of certain of the ceremonies and forms of the ritual within
the Temple ; the prostration of the worshippers with forehead to
the ground, like so many threshold stones (!:]31PDn, v. Il), and the

ritual purification (D'Cr::, v. 12) before the great sacrificial feast,

part of the obligation to fulfil exactly the ritual laws, the fulfilment
of which brings favourable answer and blessing from God.
It reads : '''

10, "Behold. God, our shield,

And regard the face of Thine anointed. (2)

11. For better a day in Thy courts than an army. (3)
I had rather be the threshold in God's house,

(1) For the general method of such a processional ritual, with sacrifice at
various stages, ending with the great sacrifice and sacrificial feast at the close, cf.
2, Sam 6:12-19. I think that we have a liturgj- intended for similar use in Pss. 42-43, of
which Prof, Briggs says (II. 225) : 'Ps. 84 resembles 42-43, and probably had the same
author."

(2) 'in^VJ'O, evidence that it was a hymn for the royal sacrifice, and there-
fore pre-exilic.

(3) Hebrew ?]7X> thousand, that; is a band of 1000 men, a regiment.

12 Than a fort less (1) in the city of the godless.

For Sim luid shield is the LORD of Hosts

Favour and honour the LOUD giveth,

And rcfuscth no gO"d to them that walk in cleanness,
13. (Refrain) LOKD of Hosts,

Happy lie wlio trusteth in Thee."

The last stanza helps to fix the date. It evidently belongs to
the old days of battle, when warrior kings held their own in Zion
by force of arms, when the Temple was the royal shrine, and sac-
rifices were offered for and in the name of the King, God's anointed.
Such sacrifices were regarded as e(iually necessary to the king's
success against his heathen or godless enemies with his armies. Its
similarity to Ps.42-43,like which it is ascribed to the Sons of Korah,
suggests that this Psalm also was originally a processional liturgy
of the temple of Dan, afterwards adopted into the Jerusalem Psalter,
but with considerable changes to adapt it to its new use. So in
general God (dm'^x) was changed to LORD (mn^), but above all
the second stanza was purged entirely of its original local referen-
ces, for which were substituted rubrical directions for the new ritual,
while the original refrain of this stanza or part of it was made the
marching chorus to be repeated at intervals throughout the proces-
sion. The date of this Psalm in its present shape, it would appear
from these considerations, must have been somewhere between the
fall of Samaria (721 B.C.), or slightly earlier, at which time the
literature of Israel began to be taken over and adopted in Judah,
and the capture and destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar,
approximately a century and a half later.

It may be asked why this Psalm underwent so much change
while we have the companion liturgy, 42, 43, in almost if not quite
its original form as a Psalm of Dan. We have in the collection
42-49, apparently, a group of or selection from the old Dan Psalter,
taken over together and preserved almost intact, even to the old
use of Elohim. Such changes as were made, apparently, outside of
some refrains and liturgical phrases, were of a literary character.
Other Psalms of this Psalter did not have the same history. Not
included in the selection above referred to, they yet found their
way to Jerusalem and into use in the Temple, undergoing consider-
able changes in the process, until at last, with a few other Psalms
from the northern kingdom, they were gathered together, copied
and added to the already existing collections of Psalms of the Sons
of Korah and of Asaph to form the third book of Psalms.

Interesting evidence of the method in which this was done is
furnished by two notes in Psalm 88. Vs. Q ends : "Finished lnhz)

I do not go on" ( "go out or go forth" ). which, seeming impossible,
has been translated : "I am shut up and I cannot come forth"
(R.V.), or by some similar phrase, and supposed to refer to some
imprisonment like that of Jeremiah in the pit. This quite spoils
the Psalm. The last verse, 19, reads as follows : "Thou hast put
far from me lover and friend, mine acquaintance darkness", which

(I) in cf. Ass. duru, wall, fortress.

with all the doctoring given it by translators and commentators
remains quite unintelligible. The concluding words of both verses
are notes by the scribe who was copying them. '"Finished, I go
not on" ;'^^ that is, the tablet or manuscript which he was copying
stopped short at this point, leaving the Psalm unfinished.

xA.fter the word "acquaintance" in v. 19 the scribe could
decipher nothing further. He therefore wrote at this point "dark-
ness" (^^ro). i.e. unintelligiljle, or illegible. The two fragments

(that they are fragments is clear among other things from the failure
of the whole to get anywhere liturgically, as well as from the lack
of development of the thought) were placed in juxtaposition be-
cause, I suppose, of their general resemblance to one another, and
more particularly because of the striking resemblance of the clos-
ing verses of each. That these are in fact two Psalm fragments
combined is testified to further by the double heading, unique in
the entire Psalter, describing one part as "a song set to music of the
Sons of Korah, to be led on mahalath, to make penitence" (rij"';)

and the other as a "maskil of Heman the Ezrahite."

(1) Perhaps XiS should be changed to j<^, -'it does not go on". J<"iX being
due to an attempt to make sense by connecting this clause with the precedirg.

CONTRlBUriON A L'HISTOIRE DU VERBE HEBREU.

ISRAEL ElTAN

(Jerusalem).

(Nippa'el on nif*^al iiitensif.)

On salt (iiic la forme verbale ''Nifal" avait a Torigine le sens
d'une action reflccliie de meme que le "Nitpa*^el." Ce n'est que dans
la suite des temps que le "Nif*al," cliangeant de sens, finit par

remplacer le passif du "qal" (= ar. J ), tombe en desuetude pro-

bablement a cause de son identite complete en hebreu avec la
forme passive de I'lntensif an parfait (^t2J^:Tj;) du Causatif

a rimparfait ( -:'' jP"' ). Quoi qu'il en soit, I'antiquite de notre

langue connaissait deux formes reflexives : le "hitpa^el" ou reflexif
avec "tave" et le "'nif'^al" ou reflexif avec "noune."

II est cnrieux de noter en passant que le meme changement
d'acception originelle, qui atteignit en hebreu le reflexif avec
"noune," afTecta en arameev le reflexif avec ''tave."

On serait done en bon droit de s'etonner de I'enorme difference
qui semble s'tre manifestee dans la destinee morphologique de
ces deux formes. En eftet, le reflexif avec "tave,"' a prendre en
consideration les differentes langues semitiques, peut affecter
toutes les Q'Ma^re formes principales du verbe: simple, intensive,
conative (ou forme d'influence) et causative. Notre "Nitpa'^el"
habituel derive de I'lntensif, comme le Drouve le "dagesh fort" de
la deuxieme radicale, ^cpr.n vient de Sap. Ti en est de meme en

"arabe" pour la forme V ou J*^> . Mais ici nous rencontrons aussi.

tres frequemment, le meme reflexif de la forme simple (=('' J-Is^ on f.

VIII.) ainsi que du Conatif (= ^^Ur ou f. VI). En arameen, nous
le trouvons derive du "qal" ( ^L^pr.n j ainsi que de I'lntensif ( h'^i.T^-?> )
et^ en syriaque egalement du Causatif (= ettaqtal). Meme en
hebreu, nous avons conserve quelques exemples. isoles dans la
Bible, du reflexif ayec "tave" du qal : r\^^^r^ npsn^T (Juges 20);
ou bien des formes plus anciennes, comme 'r'?;nr (Osee 11,3),
mnnn (Jer. i2, 5), nnnnc (ibid. 22, is), provenant des racines

hT^ pr^- avec le "tave" reflexif. La forme X arabe Q"^ "--!,)'
elle aussi n'est aulre chose que le reflexif avec "tave" d'un anci'en
Causatif se retrouvant dans quelques langues semitiques et dont
la caracteristique est sin" (mineen) ou "shin" (assyr.), Causatif
dont plusieurs exemples penetrerent dans I'hebreu post-biblique
sous I influence des langues arameennes ( -^y^'a onn'J etc.)

( 1 ) MSme m?tathese en a,,,iv\en et, comme le prouvTla stele de M&a, dans le dialecte
moalitt : Onn'^n vient du "qal" comme Qn*?^ en h^brea. En ethw-p^.n point de
m^tftth^ae, mais "taqatla,"

Or il en va tout autrement du reflexif avec "noune." Celui-ci ne
legnerait que sur une aire morphologique tres restreinte. Certes,
il se retrouve en arabe et en^'^ assyrien. Mais il est bien unanime-
ment admis par les philologues de la grammaire comparee des
langues semitiques que ce reflexif est tout entier I'apanage du verbe
simple seulement, ne pouvant se deriver morphologiquement que du
"qal,"'^' menie dans le cas ou son acception essentielie est tiree de
I'intensif ou du causatif : njij est derive de T'33 malgre le sens

essentiel qui vient de 122 : "ati'J est derive de icti', malgre son

acception tiree de TCti'n.'^'

Ce phenomene est certainement fait pour etonner le chercheur
et demande des explications. Pourquoi done le reflexif avec "noune"
n'aurait-il ete usite qu'au qal, c.a.d. sous la forme "nif^al" seulement,
tandis que son compagnon reflexif avec "cave" s'appliquait a toutes
les quatre formes principales du verbe ? Or, c'est la justement le
but du present essai, de montrer qu'en realite I'usage du reflexif avec
"noune" portait autrefois sur une aire morphologique plus etendue
que nous n'avons pense, notamment aussi sur I'intensif et sur le
Conafif. Cette assertion pent se confirmer par plusieurs restes
-conservees dans la Bible.

En effet, examinons attentivement la liste des exemples
suivants :

A. I. cciiN (Is. 33, ID); 2. DDVjri^^) (Eccl. 7,i6); 3. 'jjisn (Is. 55, 14);
4. pop (Nomb. 21, 27); 5. i::ir (Ps. 59, 5).

B. I. ii'j}r, (Nomb. 24,7); 2.'^'n'^':m (Il.Chr. 32, 23); 3. ii<-j'r(Dan.ll,l4);<5)
4. '5)nD2n (Prov. 26,26); 5. isrj (Deut. 21,8); 6. incij (Ezech.;23, 48)
7. D3:n (Lev. 13, 55-6).

Les deux exemples "i^rj ^'il'O":^ ont d'abord attire I'attention

de nos anciens'^' grammairieus qui deciderent de les rattacher a une
forme verbale composee "nitpa^el," resultee d'une superposition du
"nif^al" au " hitpa^el " dont le " tave " se serait assimile a la
radicale: done i2r:="i?r'^3, TiDir; = "nC"!;. De la meme faQOn on continua

a expliquer les autres exemples precites comme "hitpa*el avec

assimilation dit "tave" : done ]:^2r . ]:^zrr , ^frJ^=^T3n etc. L'erreur

se propageant ainsi de generation en generation acquit droit de
cite, et Ton finit par la consacrer en une loi grammatieale attribuant

1 En ethiopien cette forme ne s'est conservee que clans les verbes quadrilitteres.

2 Brockelm : Semit. Sprachwiss.. p. 121 122.

3 Brockelm ; Vergleich. Gramm. d. sem. Spr,, p. 253.
i Autre version Nu'j^l

T) Certains corrigent : r^OwC (Valg. : Qui operft.)

6 Voy., par ex., Profiat Douran Hallevi : ''Z)^'rW)i^ , p. 128-8, Vienne 5625.

au "tave du hitpa'el" la faculte de s'assimilerC) a la lere radicale
: ou : (d'aprcs m: et crcn, on devrait ajouter aussi i et c ).
C'esl cctte regie qui empecha jusqu'a present de reconnaitre le
vrai caractere des formes grammaticales ci-dessus mentionnees

dans les listes A et \i.

Or, en realite, cette prctendue regie ne peut se baser sur rien-

nous ne lui connaissons guere ce caractere de s assimiler que dans
je RcUexil, et ceci seulement devant une lere rad. P ou son em-
phatique '0. ce qui est bien naturel ; peut-etre aussi devant une lere
rad. 1, autre dentale si parente du r, mais ce point n'exclurait
pas la discussion.'-) En tous cas, on ne saurait attribuer au "tave"
cette laculte ailleurs que devant les trois dentales. La meilleure
preuve a I'appui de cette these, c'est que presque tous les exempleg
ci-dessus cites ont dans la Bible leur "hitpa'el" complef avec "tave>'
non-assimile : CJ^nr^ (Dan. 11,36); L:*r,r'2'^ (Is. 59, 16; Ps. 143.3);
cr'.r-'S ( Is. 63, 5; Dan. 8,27 ); :i2.T ( Prov. 24,3 ) ; s"^'jr> ( Num.
23, 24); N-jjrn ( Ezech. 26, 15); ix':;:nri (Num. 16,3); N".:*jn2
(I.Chr.29, ii;l.Reg. 1,5); S"^':nn (Ez. 17,14; Prov. 30, 32); c:r^i (IL Reg.
19, 1; Is. 37, T); Dsnm (Gen. 24, 65); iD2n^ (Is. 59, 6; Jon. 3, 8); nsrn^
(I.Sam. 3, 14).

11 est bien difficile d'admettre que lesmemes verbes auraient eu
leur "hitfa^el" tantot avec "tave", tantot sans "tave'', fluctuation trop
invraisemblable. II serait beaucoup plus logique d'admettre que
dans les exemples sans "tave," ce n'est point avec un "tave" assimile
que nous avons affaire, mais avec un "noiuie" assimile, comme
d'ordinaire. Comme exemple specialement bien fait pour corroborer
notre assertion, on pourrait citer cidicti : d'apres la loi bien connue,

en presence d'une lere rad. ^ifflante le "tave" du "hitpa*^el" subit
ton jours la inctnthcse: si ce n'est pas le cas ici, c'est que nous ne
sommes point en presence d'un^^^ "hitpa*el."

Tres important aussi, sous ce rapport, I'exemple DtDnN* ou il

n'y a rneme pas d'assimilation, mais elargissement de la voyelle de
la particule pronominale, phenomene constant chez ie"nifal"devant

1 Ges.-Kautsch : Hebr. Gramm,, p. 148, <jd. 27.

2 (Jar, d'uue part, nous avons un example ties stir D'pSirj: (Jug. 19, 22) sans
assimilation; d'autre part, des formes cummc *i;~i:: C?i3-o) IN""!' (Job, 34,25), sont
douteuses. Resteut r;r"^.v (Is. 14, 44,) 1S21- (Job. 5, 1.)

.3 C'est pourquoi nous ne pouvons nous niuger do I'avis de Uesenius (Dictionn.).
ou de Strack (Gramm, p. 7.5) uui considlTont I^TH (Is. 1, it!) comme ''liitpaer' de H^T.
A notre sens, ce serait le ''nifa'aV de -'pT, Si l\.ii tJent 1 !a rucine r~Zh il faudra
reconnaitre ici egalement un "nifal i/i^'f^.s// (voy. plus loin) : '-'~ serait =^ "!IT(;)n

45
une lere rad. non-apte a recevoir le '"dagesh." Ici i'idee du
"hitpa^el" ne vientmeme pas a la tete de Tobservateur sans principe
grammatical preconQu; tant nous sommes habitues a rencontrer le
reflexif des verbes avec lere sans que le "tave" tombe : c'tv*n:^2

;:nnj: ^>*nrr, (Pro v. 22, 23) D}-irn^ n^n.-^^ ^pps"^r2 etc. etc-, pour ne citer
que queiques exempies bibliques.

Enfin, ce sont les exempies -i3:tdi: qui pourront nous

reveler avec plus de certitude encore le vrai caractere morphologi-
que de tous ces verbes ci-dessus mentionnes dans la liste. En
ecartant comme inexacte I'hypothese d'un "tave" assimile ou tombe
et en nous rappelant que le "nitpa^el" est une forme tres posterieure
qui se developpa au temps de la Mishna, nous reconnaitrons
clairement, au "noune" de ces deux verbes, la forme "alf^al" et, a
la vocalisation de ia racine, notamment au "dagesh" de la 2e rad.,
la forme irifensive (Pi'el). Nous sommes done en presence d'une
forme verbale inconnue : c'est le "nif'al" derive du "piel," ou, mor-
phologiquement parlant, le reflexif -intensif avec "noune/' Cette
forme est morphologiquement parallele a notre "hitpa'el" habituel
qui, lui, n'est que le reflexif -intensif a oec "tave."

Tous les autres exempies ci-dessus mentionnes, tous a I'impar-
fait avec "dagesh fort" dans les lere et 2e rad., s'expliquent
egalement de la fagon la plus naturelle comme "nif^al" intensif :
le premier dagesh complete le "noune" reflexif, tombant a I'impar-
fait sans exception; le second indique le "pi*el," et point n'est
besoin d'in venter un "tave" s'assimiliint exceptionnellenient.

Toutefois, il nous reste encore a aplanir une apparente diffi-
culte concernant la vocalisation des deux verbes "larrroiJ : le

"noune" etant present, vu le parfail, et aucune autre lettre n'etant
tombee, que vient faire le "dagesh" dans la lere rad. "i

Eh bien ! nous avons affaire ici avec une vocalisation ou ponc-
tuation "par analogie". Souvent la langue abandonne une forme
speciale a une espece grammaticale plus on moins restreinte, pour
se regler sur un modele plus general. L'on salt, par ex., que le
"noune" du "nilgai" parfait, 3e p., devant une I'^'^^rad. vocalisee avec
accent, comme dans les verbes creiix et geniines, est ponctue 'r=a
(vocalisation originelle): i:icj ^'Z'o:, Pourtant, deja dans la Bible nous

trouvons des formes comme '^ij^j I'^ioj ; quant a I'epoque post-

biblique, le "noune" du nif^al dans ces sortes de verbes est toujours
vocalise avec un "/'" ; riT: 'in: u'i;3 au lieu de nTJ jn: '<l!'h:

C'est que la langue a imite ici le "nif^al" de la grande majorite des
autres verbes, dont la marque caracteristique au parfait est "ni"
(niqtal, nifqad). Or, un phenomene analogique tout pareil aurais
affecte aussi les verbes "is^mD"!: : le noune aurait du recevoir ici

un "sheva mobile", comme cela se passe toujours immediatement
avant une syllabe non-accentuee (\'^'i,";'D:j C"r2: cn;:) ; mais, sous

rinfluence du "nif^al" ordinaire, lui aussi a ete vocalise "ni." Done,
au lieu de n^-i-nci:, nous avons obtenu "I22;"i"i0i:. Mais ce

46 ,

"i" par lui-nieme, comme voyelle breve non fermee par un "sheva
iiuicsceiit," a lorceineiit eiitraine le redoublement de la consonne sui-
v;inte. c.a.d. le "da^esli fort" dans la V'" rad., conime dans ^ICJ etc,

et nous avons obtenu -^rrrD^;. Done !D::-rr';:--t5::ri'Di! -i?::rrDi:!
Et c'est ainsi que \e reflexif-intejisif avec "nuant" regut la lotme
definitive de "nippa'el" ou '.li-iqattel" (^^^j)

Ce pheiiomene d'apparition fortuite d'un "dagesh'' rien que
pour raison phonetique, sans remplacer une lettre ni accentuer une
nuance grammaticale, ce plienomene n'est point isole. II se pro-
duisit egalement pour toute une serie de restes bibliques de I'ancien

passif du "qal," correspondant au Ud arabe, sans redoublement de

la 2^""' rad. Or, en hebreu, rien 'que pour cause phonetique (ou bref
du passif), ce redoublement se produisit et il en resulta la forme
identiciue en tout au passif du "pi^el." Get ancien passif ("pou'al
du qal") est encore represente dans la Bible par des exemples assez

nombreux: r^S "^-^ nrt -h" -^1': etc.

1 / I I i

Quant au verbe *'' D^rn il ne serait done pas un"hotpa*eI" ou

hitpa*e passif ( J"-' jd'apres Gesenius et autres, mais bien un nippa^el
passif : C22n-D::(3)n et non pas D2':*n.

De meme que I'arabe a conserve le passif du refl . simple avec

"noune" ( U*) '), I'hebreu I'a conserve de ce refl. intensif. L'hebreu

done,, comme I'arabe, avait une forme passive pour les deux refl. avec
"tave" et avec "noune.''

Nous avons range nos douze exemples archaiques ci-dessus en
deux groupes,A et B. Le groupe B compren des verbes prouvant I'exi-
stence du refl. avec "noune" forme de I'intensif ou pi^el ordinaire,
Mais le groupe A ne contient que des exemples d'une ancienne forme
(IIP arabe), le "Po*^el", caracterisee par un 6 apres la I^^^ rad. a tons
les temps et remplagant le pi*el dans les verbes creux et gemines.
Cette forme, appelee par les linguistes Conatif ou forme d'influence

el conservee meme en arabe vulgaire('Ac-l>) , est morte chez nous

completement dans la conjugaison du verbe regulier ou sain, ne lais-
santque des restes isoles dans la Bible, comme^'' 'tt?v^''2 (Job 9, 15),

1) Toy. Ldv. 13, 55-6 : ''riK D^^H nnV...,r;r TK ^ITZr '-rx"Ce verbe n'est
point au pavfait (Gesenius), mais a rintin du passif-impersonnel avec complem. direct,
comme clans ces propositions: " pi'"' "S' ^^"Ti PV2 " (Gen. 21. 8), ou bien:

nv^i! rx r-hr^ cv (Gen. 4o, 20).

2) D'apres Wellhausen, il faut lire dans Yoph. 3, 15 egalement "I'c^C'uV:: a'l lieu de

47
^jjiS^ (Ps. 21, 5), t;c^ = nyiD^ (Os. 13, 3), T'ju^ == ^-^^dic' (Is. 10, 13),
(:)'Py-ir (i Sam 21, 3).

Comme resultat de tout ce qui precede, nous pouvons done con-
clure quelereflexif avec''noune"s'appliquait autrefois non seulement
a la forme simple, comme "nif^al," mais aussi a rintensif et au
Conatif. A I'lutensif, il rcQUt la forme nippci^el, ; au Conatif il devait
done avoir (au parfait) la forme ''nippo'^el."

(1) Inutile de corriger avec Gesenius (Diet) \"n;;'lJ on Tnyiu. Le texte est
exact et s'expliciue parfaitcment par la raciiiecorrespondanteeii arabe>;j, signifiaut: lais-
ser en partant ceuxqui restent.quitter, fairedes adieiix C^jIj^ (Voy, Diet, Wahimund

A REVISION OF EARLY HEBREW CHRONOLOGY

W. F. ALBRIGHT

(JERUSALEM)

FOR centuries the field of early Hebrew chronology has been the
hunting ground of the scholarly ecclesiastic and of the dilettante.
Even the extraordinary progress made in our knowledge of the ancient
East during the past century has, to a superficial glance, left it almost
untouched. It is true that the once standard systems of Ussher 1921
B. C. for the Call of Abram, 1491 for the Exodus, and 1 296 for the
Song of Deborah and Hale 2088 for the Call of Abram and 1658
for the Exodus have been discarded, but the many divergent schemes
which conservative scholars propose, ranging from 2250 to 1950 for
Abram's migration to the west, and from 1350 to 1200 for the Exodus,
are still more repugnant to the Biblical tradition than the former
were to our present knowledge of ancient history. Some of these
schemes allow an entire millennium to elapse between Abram and
Moses. Critical scholars usually show a commendable caution by
avoiding these tangled problems, the easier for them since many have
doubted whether there were any measure whatsoever of historicity in
the pre-Mosaic traditions of Israel. As long as the alternative
seemed to lie between the contemporaneity of Abram with Hammurabi
and rejection of his historicity along with that of Genesis XIV, no
serious student could be blamed for grasping the second horn of the
dilemma, especially since a number of circumstances seemed to tell
decidedly against the conservative position.

The archaeological investigations pursued in Egypt, Mesopotamia
and Palestine began about 1870 to cast direct light upon the early
records of the Hexateuch. With the discoveries in Anatolia and
Arabia, especially the Peninsula of Sinai, the illumining of Israel's
horizon is complete. Yet even Tell-el-Amarna and Boghaz-keui have
raised more problems than they could solve, and the excavations in

:,( I Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Palestine, from which so much was hoped in this direction, have
hitherto only complicated the matter by introducing new, chronologic-
ally elusive factors, while at the same time apparently supporting the
evidence from other sources against the traditional Biblical date for
the Exodus, 4S0 years before the construction of the temple.

Nor has the critical study of the Old Testament, valuable though
its results have been, materially improved our position. The results
of documentary analysis were placed on a secure basis by Well-
hausen's work forty years ago, and have since become more and
more firmly established, positively by the latest archaeological dis-
coveries, and negatively by the failure of the unmethodical super-
criticism of Eerdmans, Dahse, Wiener, and a scattered group of
followers. These men, with the exception of Eerdmans, profess to be
orthodox in their views, but their textual somersaults and subjective
distortions of the Biblical narrative bewilder by their freedom as
well as by their lack of method. It is to be feared that the good
old conservative of the Victorian era, who had at least a sound
classical training, would be much more at home in the works of
Driver and Skinner than in the writings of Naville, whose archaeo-
logical artillery does more damage to the batteries of his allies than
to those of his antagonists. However, useful as the analysis of the
Hexateuch is for the proper appreciation of the relative historical value
of our documents, it seldom has a direct bearing upon the fundamental
historical and chronological problems. The most important case is
the reconstruction of J's version of Judah's conquest of the south.

The combination of historical and critical methods in Eduard
Meyer's great work, Die Israeliten und Hire Nachharstdmme (1905)^
following the hues mapped out by his epoch-making paper, "Kritik
der Berichte iiber die Eroberung Palaestinas" (ZATWi 1881,

1 Note the following abbreviations: AAA = Annals of Archaeology and
Anthropology; AE = Max Miiller, Asien und Europa nach den altagyptischen
Denkmiilei-n ; AJSI^ = American Journal of Semitic Languages; AR=Breasted,
Ancient Records; CT = Cuneiform Texts from the British Museum; EA =
Knudtzon-Weber-Ebeling, Die El - Amarna - Tafeln ; J AOS = Journal of the
American Oriental Society; JBL = Journal of Biblical Literature; JEA =
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology; MV AG = Mitteilung en der Vorderasiatischen
Gesellschaft; OLZ = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung ; B:A. = Bevue d'Assyrio-
logie; ZATW = Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft ; ZDMG =
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft.

ALBEIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 51

117 146), while estimating the relative historical value of our sources
more accurately than anyone else had succeeded in doing, brought
few positive results. There was still no link between sacred and
profane history, and since the oldest Biblical narratives were so
intermingled with romantic and obviously legendary material Meyer,
as a careful historian, felt obliged to deny their historicity almost
entirely. But are we justified in rejecting traditions completely
because of legendary coloring, or in denying historical worth to
documents because they incorporate mythical episodes? The study
of the process of myth-making in the ancient Orient by Winckler
and his school has shown that oral tradition inevitably implies the
accretion of folkloristic elements, as illustrated by the early historical
reminiscences of every Levantine people, and by the myths which
gathered around every notable monarch or sage, from Sargon of
Akkad and Imhotep to Ahiqar and Alexander. Clearly, if we could
remove the folkloristic shell, we would find important nuclei of truth
in these traditions, which the popular tradition often preserved with
the most remarkable tenacity. This necessary demarcation between
history and saga is being made possible by more systematic collec-
tions of folkloristic materials from the ancient Orient. We now find
that these stories repeat certain stereotyped motives, common to all
southwestern Asia and the adjoining portions of the Mediterranean
basin. Many stories turn up, with slight variations, in nearly every
ancient literature and mythology. Owing to association with cosmog-
ony or with heroic saga they were frequently incorporated by the
scribe into his collections of the historical traditions of his people
from the dim period lying between the Creation and the beginning
of the official annals. Typical examples of stories of this class in
the Old Testament are the legends of the antediluvian patriarchs,
the Flood, Babel, the postdiluvian patriarchs, Jacob and Esau,
Joseph, 1 and Samson. ^ The advancement of the folkloristic study of

1 For the origin and character of the Joseph Story, which is found with
slight variations in all the eastern Mediterranean basin and southwestern Asia,
see my article, "Historical and Mythical Elements in the Story of Joseph,"
JBL 37 (1918), 111143. Since this article was written I have found much
additional evidence, and a number of new parallels, of no less intimate character.

2 The best treatment of the Samson Story is by Burney Judges, pp. 391 408.
While Samson reflects an actual historical hero, his adventures have clearly been
adapted to the Heracles pattern, and in many respects closely resemble the

ryj Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society

the < )l(i 'J'estaracnt may be referred almost entirely to Gunkel and
his pupils, especially Hans Schmidt 2 and Gressmann.3 Recently the
great name of Sir James Frazer has been added to the still short
list of workers in the field.

The recoi^uition of these folkloristic elements in our material, and
the consequent sifting of our historical data, obviously has a great
effect in stabilizing our conceptions of early Hebrew history. The
scribes were not logopoeists, or compilers of invented facts; they
conscientiously passed on the documents, oral and written, which
came to their hand. Their undeveloped ideas of intellectual honesty
were aided by an exaggerated notion of the sacredness of the material
which they gathered and copied, and the fear of violating some tabu
by inaccuracy. Being human they made mistakes and erroneous
combinations,-' but we may safely credit them with a point of view

exploits of Gilgames, as well as those of Heracles. In spite of his name, which
means literally '-solar" he is not directly solar, though certain of his adventures,
as well as his association with Beth Shemesh, the city of the sun, point in that
direction. His mythical side connects him rather with the genii of fecundity,
like the Babylonian Lugalmarda, who appears in the Bible as Nimrod, and
Sumuqan, both of whom are considered as the offspring of the sungod by a
mortal woman (see JAOS 40, 307335). Jud. XIII: 6, 9 shows transparently
that Samson was thought to be the child of an angel (/. e. originally of a god)
by a mortal woman, like the primordial heroes of Gen. VI. His name may jDoint
to the pre-Mosaic conception that he was the son of Sams, the sun. The name
of the historical Samson is unknown, nor can there be a connection with' Shammah
of II Sam. XXIII: 11, or with Shamgar, both of whom slew Philistines en masse;
the tertium comparationis , which brought about the fusion of the historical
Samson with the mythical, may be the fact that the former was nicknamed
Saynson (whence Simson, by Philippi's Law). The schematic form of the legend
is characterized by the fact that the Samson pericope assigns exactly seven
adventures to the hero.

> Xote especially his books, Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit;
Genesis; Das Mdrchen im Alien Testament, Tiibingen, 1917.

2 Cf. his Jona, and for his methods especially his Volkserzdhlungen aus
Paldstina.

* Cf. Gressmann's Ursprung der israelitisch-jiidischen Eschatologie and Mose
und seine Zeit, Gottingen, 1913.

5 The most serious errors are due to learned combinations and assumptions
from imperfect knowledge, still the most prolific source of mistakes on the part
of scholars. A very characteristic blunder is the combination which gave us the
Hamite theory of Babylonian origins. The compiler of Gen. X identified the
Kassii who ruled Babylonia from 1742 to 1166, and the Dynasty of Kis (Burkitt,
Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 21, pp.236ff.) which begins the list of post-
diluvian kingdoms in the official Babylonian chronology, with the Nubian Ek'ds,

ALBRIGHT : A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 53

similar to that exhibited by Egyptian and Mesopotamian scribes,
whose praiseworthy respect for accuracy we are coming more and
more to esteem. Naturally the possibility of error in those days
of manuscript and teaching by rote was much greater than it is
today.

Until very recently the work of Biblical scholars has been handi-
capped by the fact that, although there was apparently an abundance
of historical material in the cuneiform and the hieroglyphic inscrip-
tions, the doctors disagreed to such an extent that it often seemed
to the more timorous or more remote as if there were no security
at all in this vast and treacherous ediiice. Now the differences are
lessening to such an extent that there is hardly ever any room for
serious disagreement in the reading of royal or place names, and
even the vexed subject of ancient chronology is nearing a final
settlement. 1 The dates given by Breasted for the kings of the
Eighteenth Dynasty are for the most part astronomically fixed, and
those for the Nineteenth are confirmed by an indirect synchronism

later Ekos, Amarna Kdsi, and Heb. Kus. Accordingly, the Babjdonian hero,
Nimrod. becomes an Ethiopian, and with Eduard Meyer a Libyan, because one
of the Libyan ancestors of Shishak was called Nmrt.

1 Practically all Egyptologists accept the clear astronomical evidence of the
Sothis dates for the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties; the divergent views of
a few belonging to the older school, such as Petrie and Lieblein, are not to be
taken seriously, since the astronomical evidence is now confirmed by an increasing
mass of collateral material. Back to B. C. 2000 Egyptian chronology is exact
almost for every decade; the difference of about ten years between the dates
given by Meyer and Breasted for the Nineteenth Dynasty is being settled in
favor of the latter; see the following note. Babylonian chronology is established
with the same margin of error back to about 2500 B. C, thanks to the brilliant
discovery of Pater Kugler of a list of the relations between the changes of
Venus and the moon, accurately dated in the reign of 'Ammi-gaduqa (1978 1957).
Weidner's attempt to reduce this date by 168 years because of his new Assyrian
lists of kings and a new astronomical combination is certainly wrong from the
chronological side, where he has made a great many serious errors, as I shall
prove elsewhere; his astronomical theory has not been published yet, but is
evidently wrong, as his almost invariably are where they differ from Kugler's.
The latter has the enviable merit of being at once a competent astronomer and
an Assyriologist of no mean ability. The chronology of the third millennium
has no astronomical support, but may be fixed back to the thiertieth century,
thanks to a careful examination of the material in the light of my synchronism
between Menes and Naram-Sin; see JEA 6, 8998, and 7, 8086. Since the sec-
ond article was written, new material has accumulated.

r,4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

uith i;;il)}loni;i tliruugli the Hittite monarchs.i We may, therefore,
make a ne\v eft'ort to solve the principal questions of early Hebrew
chronology, and. in the main, I venture to say, a definitive one. We
propose to fix approximately the dates of the Song of Deborah, the
Entrance into Canaan, the Exodus, and the period of Abram.

The S(tng of Deborah is generally recognized as the oldest-monu-
ment of Hebrew literature, a literary conception of unusual merit,
though a torso, and an historical document of prime importance. A
thorough study of it, prolonged through years, has convinced me that
its textual state is excellent. 2 While the LXX differs radically from
]\IT in many of the later books, here there is hardly a disagreement.
]\Ioreover, the number of glosses, though respectable, seems to be
much smaller than often suspected and to have very little bearing
on the historical content of the poem. In a careful study of ancient
Oriental metres, I have been struck with the similarity of form and
metre between the Song of Deborah and some Egyptian poems from
the Middle Egyptian period as well as the two splendid Old Baby-
hmian hymns to the goddesses Agusaya and Belitili (time of Hammu-
rabi). When read consecutively and freed from a few obvious and
fur the most part generally admitted glosses, the Song of Deborah
a})pears as a very regular and rather elaborate metrical composition,
belonging with these categories of pure Semitic verse.^ The later

' The Hittite monarch Hattusilis II. writes to the regents for the young son
of the Kossean Kadasman-Turgu, who must be Kadasman-EUil II., mentioning
the new treaty with Egypt. The treaty was signed, as we know from Egyptian
sources, in the twenty-first year of Rameses II., or B. C. 1271; according to my
chronology, based on entirely independent considerations, Kadasman-Ellil ascended
the throne in 1272, a figui'e agreeing to the year.

2 A number of Jiapax legomena, previously unexplained, and consequently
emended by most scholars, have yielded to a methodical exegesis, assisted by
the resources of comparative philology, as I shall show elsewhere. . By far the
most thorough and stimulating treatment of the Song of Deborah is that given
by Haupt, in the "VVellhausen Festschrift, pp. 191226. After his penetrating
analysis there is not much to be done, even though one may differ radically in
the restoration of the metrical form. To Burney we owe the important discovery
of the scheme of "climactic parallelism," though his philological study is highly
unsatisfactory, and he is too ready to emend.

3 I hope to treat the relation between Egyptian and Akkadian poetry of the
classical period, on the one hand, and early Hebrew verse on the other, in a
special study. The principle of repetition of balanced clauses, called climactic
parallelism by Burney, is found, though in a slightly more artificial form, in
the beautiful Egyptian poem, "The Dialogue between the Soul and the Body."

ALBEIGHT: A Ee vision of Early Hebrew Chronology 55

Hebrew verse-forms are different, and resemble late Assyro-Babylonian
poetry more, though superior to the latter in metrical form, since in
translation from Sumerian the requirements of prosody were natur-
ally sacrificed to the demands of literalness. Some of the Hebrew
verse from the intervening age, such as the Lament of David over
Jonathan, presents intermediate forms of great interest. As a result
of the metrical analysis we may have full confidence in the accuracy
of the text of the Song of Deborah, and pass without apprehension
to its historical exploitation.

Jud. V: 6 the poet relates that before the rise of Deborah the
country was oppressed by Shamgar of Beth-Anath,i a fortified town
in northern Galilee,'- mentioned in the Egyptian lists of Palestinian
cities, 3 and the Books of Joshua and Judges, where it appears
(Jud. I: 33) along with Beth-Shemesh ^ as a Canaanite fortress which

1 Shamgar ben-Anath does not mean "Shamgar son of Anath," but "Shamgar
of the place called Beth-Anath." Anath was a goddess, and though one might
suppose that the hero Shamgar was regarded as son of the goddess of war and
love, like Gilgames and Aeneas, by a mortal father, it is better to assume that
we have here a wide-spread Assyrian and Aramaic idiom (cf. Ungnad, OLZ 9,
224 226), according to which a member of a tribe was son of the eponymous
ancestor of the tribe, often naturally his real ancestor, while the tribe itself was
called "house," i. e. "family" (cf. ohl, "tent" = a/i^, "family" = a^rs, "town") of the
eponymous parent. Thus in Assyrian mar., in an Aramean name especially, is
equivalent to sa bit: Basa mar Riihuhi king of Amnion is Baasha of Beth-Rehob,
just as Hadadezer ben-Rehob is Hadadezer of Beth-Rehob ; Yaua mar Humrt
is Jehu of Beth-Omri, i. e. of Samaria, built by Omri; in many other cases the
inscriptions themselves alternate in their usage, as with Arame mar Gusi=Arame
sa bit-Gusi, who is called Bar Gos in the Zakir Stele,

2 That Beth-Anath was in northern . Galilee is clear from the fact that it lay
in Naphtali, on the Israelite border, but the identification with modern 'Ainitha
a small village west-northwest of Lake Hule by some fifteen kilometres in a
straight line is impossible. The name is found elsewhere in Syria, probably
representing an Aram. 'Ainatha, '-springs," and only remotely resembling Beth-
Anath.

3 Beth-Anath is found as Bait-Anat in the Egyptian lists of towns conquered
in Palestine from the time of Thutmosis III. to that of Shishak. In a list of
Rameses II. (Miiller, Egyptological Researches, Vol. II, p. 96) we have in suc-
cession Yeno'am, Qinhm, Ullazi (Yn-r-f), Tjre, IJso (Yic-tw), Beth-Anath. In
view of this order, it may not be too venturesome to suggest Tell-Belat, an
important mound about fifteen km. southwest of 'Ainitha, and twenty-five south-
east of Tyre, by the air line.

* The identification of Beth-Shemesh of Naphtali with Hirbet Semsin, south-
west of the Sea of Galilee, is exceedingly improbable; the town was doubtless
in northern Galilee, but I have no identification to offer.

_-,. Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

the tribe of Naphtali was unable to reduce. As seen long ago,
Shunigar is not a Semitic name, but Hittite,i thus belonging to the
same "race Avhich we find occupying the towns of Galilee in the
Amarna period. Jnd. Ill: 31. Shamgar is said to have slain six
hundred Philistines with an ox-goad. The latter circumstance is
folkloristic, and belongs in the same cycle of tales as those which
grew up around the legendary figure of Samson, in the Judaean
district of Beth-Shemesh, but the tradition that Shamgar defeated
the Philistines is certainly correct, with the more clearness that
Shamgar is not an Israelite hero, but a Canaanite one, and there-
fore we may expect his achievement to be minimized rather than
exalted. His incorporation in the hst of Israelite heroes evidently
came late, as may be inferred from the fact that he has no saga
attached to his name; the fact that the reference to him is inserted
just before the prose account of the struggle with Sisera shows that
he owes his inclusion to a misunderstanding of the allusion to him
in the Song of Deborah. Despite his oppression, however, the
Hebrews kept a friendly recollection of the Canaanite champion who
had helped ward off the terrible barbarian irruption.

AV"e now discover what may appear at first sight a remarkable
anomaly: if the Philistines were already known in Palestine in the
time of Shamgar, how does it happen that they appear nowhere in the
Song of Deborah, but that the tribe of Dan, later driven out of the
Lowlands by the pressure of the Philistines, still occupies the sea-
coast, Avithout a hint of apprehension:

Why does Dan abide in ships?
From the inscriptions of Rameses III. (11981167) it is certain that
the first great invasion of Syria and the Delta by the "Sea-peoples"
took place in the eighth year (1190) and was successfully repulsed.
Since nothing more is heard of the Sea-peoples during the active
life of the Pharaoh, it is evident that they were unable to break the
vigorous resistance of the great king's arm, so the career of Shamgar
must fall soon after 1190, and the Song of Deborah toward the end
of the reign of Rameses III., about 1175. The successful Philistine

1 About the middle of the ninth century the Assyrian inscriptions mention
Sangara, king of Carchemish; since the Assyrians always wrote a final vowel,
whether they pronounced it or not, and pronounced s as s and conversely, while
n and m were not distinguished before g and q, we must pronounce San(ni)gar.

ALBEIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 57

irruption may have taken place immediately after the Pharaoh's death,
or shortly before, when harem intrigues were sapping the strength
of the empire, and the king was apparently in his dotage. A detailed
examination of the history of the Philistine irruption will make the
sequence of events easier to understand.

The first reference to the northern inroads is found in Rameses's
account of the Libyan campaign of the fifth year,' which mentions
the incursions of Philistine- and Sicilian 3 barks. The movement

1 AR IV, 24.

2 The Philistines are now generally, following Amos, derived from Caphtor,
which may be Crete, but ma'y also, like the Eg. Kftyw, be a general term for
the Egean region. The Egyptian word is not really a proper name, but is an
adjectival formation, like hftyw, ''enemies," ytvntyw, "foes" (erroneously, as I shall
show elsewhere, "Troglodytes"), sfyw, "archers," mntyw, etc., and means properly
"opponents." It is, however, more than likely that it is a kind of popular etym-
ology, explaining the foreign word Kaptdr or Kaftar- Wainwright's arguments
in his monograph, "The Keftiu-People of the Egyptian Monuments" (AAA 6,
24- 83, 1913) against the identification of the land of the Kftyw with Crete are
convincing; the term had a wider connotation, and his location of it in eastern
Cilicia is nebulous. Dilettantes have long thought of combining the Philistines
with the Pelasgians; while long opposed, I have now adopted this theory, for
the following reasons. It is improbable that so important a people as the Phili-
stines should leave no trace behind in the Egean region. The home of the Pelas-
gians seems to have been Thessaly and Epirus, where the district of Pelasgiotis
and Pelasgian Dodona (11. 11, 233) commemorated their former presence. The
Odyssey mentions Pelasgians in Crete, and the earliest historians, Hecataeus and
Herodotus, find traces of them all over Hellenic lands, which they were believed
to have occupied before the Hellenic immigration. Despite Eduard Meyer's
caveat (GA I, 23, 767 ff.), these traditions must be essentially correct. The name
Peleset, Pelisti goes back unquestionably to an original Pelast, reflected in Assyr.
Palastu, Pilistu, both of which reproduce a Pelast. Now the names of the Sea-
peoples nearly all have the gentilic termination sh, sometimes omitted. Thus we
have Ksks while the Assyrians have Kaski (written Kaski), and the Boghaz-keui
texts have Qasqas, Qasga, Gasga, Greek Kiskisos in Cataonia; Tursa, Heb.
TarsMsh, the Tyrsenians or Etruscans; JfrH (cf. Kirkesion, Gergesa, Girgashites);
Wss, Aqawis (not the Achaeans), etc. Affixing this gentilic ending, we have
PelaStiS or Pelasts. Final ts and dz after a consonant can hardly be distinguished,
so the Greeks, to whom a sts was incompatible, pronounced Pelasg-oi, just as the
Italians rendered the Punic Qarthadsoh, "New-town," by Carthago. The Italians
made a similar change in getting an Etrusc, Tusc from Tursis, where s-s has
become sc In the same way Wss has become fd^os (Hall), for *Wask-os.

3 The Eg. T'-k'-r, or T-k-k'-r\ conventionally read Zakar, certainly refers
to the Sicilians, or Sikel, Gr. Sikeloi, Lat. Siculi. The identification with the
Teucrians or Trojans, frequently proposed, is phonetically impossible. On the
other hand, the Teucrian Gergithes, who appear in Troas, Mysia, Miletus, Cy-
prus, etc. (cf. Meyer, GA^ 739), are perhaps the same as the Krks and Girgashites

58 Journal of the Talestine Oriental Society

began earlier; it is probable that the Mashwash, who appear as the
leaders of th.' Libyan invasion in the reign of Meyneptah (cir. 1220)
represent an earlier stage of the northern migrations, as the s/^ending
denotes the gentilic suffix in many of the names of the Sea-peoples. i
Shortly before the year 1190 the northern hordes, driven from
their homes by the Indo-European inundation which brought the
Achaeans into the Poloponnesus 2 and the Phrygians into Asia
Minor, swept in a great wave over the ruin of the Hittite Empire
into Armenia and Syria. The Muski (Assyr. writing Muski) or
Moschians and their allies, the Tabal and the Kashkash (Assyr.

(see preceding note). It should be observed in this connection that in most of
the Anatolian languages there was no clear distinction between the voiced and
voiceless stops, so k and g are here practically interchangeable. Moreover, since
the Greeks possessed no sh, they might reproduce it by a 6, especially before
the nominative ending c. In syllabic orthography f regularly was pronounced si
OP) as in T-rw = Roman Sile, and T-r-y-n = Heb. Iinp, "coat of mail", so
T'-F-r may be read Siker or Sikel. . In this case , the Sicilians of Dor were an
Italian people, since there can be no question that the Sicilians were Indo-
Europeans, speaking an Italic language, inscriptions in which have l)een re-
covered. Thucydides says that there were Sicilians still in Italy in his day, a
statement corroborated by later Roman historians, and that they crossed into
Sicily tliree hundred years before the arrival of the first Greek colonists (Ir-n
iyyiis TpiaKbcTLO. irplv "E\Xr;m? ^s "Zr/.eKla.v eXdetv, Thuc. VI : 2). As the traditional date
for the latter event was about 735 B. C. this would mean that the Oscan mi-
gration which was responsible for the movement of the Sicilians, according to
Thucidydes, took place in the eleventh century. However, these dates are evidently
only approximate, and we may safely place the Sicilian migration about 1200,
when the first appearance of the Sicilians on the Egyptian coast seems to have
occurred. All the Mediterranean peoples were so accustomed to sea-faring that
wholesale migrations seem to have been carried out as readily by the sea route
as by the land. It is very interesting to establish the presence of an Italian
people in Palestine as early as the twelfth century B. C.

' See note 18. Northern Africa was certainly in this period colonized by
peoples from the northern coasts of the Mediterranean. Meyneptah states that
the Maswas, who are certainly not the Berber Maxyes, modern Mazigh, as gen-
erally assumed, invaded the land of Tehenu, or Marmarica, and made it the basis
for further operations against Egypt. In the same inscrijition are listed the
northern peoples who were allied with the Maswas (Breasted, AR III, 241 f.)
the Aqawais (sic) Tursa, Luka, Sardina, Skis.

2 It is extremely doubtful whether the Achaean migration represented a
gradual influx of Hellenic tribes, beginning perhaps before the middle of the
second millennium, or whether it took place in a single movement, toward the
close of the thirteenth century, two or three centuries before the Dorian migration.
It is now fashionable among Egean archaeologists to place the Trojan war just
before a Hellenic migration, whatever its ethnic nature may have been.

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 59

writing Kaski)^ occupied Alsi (Eg. '-r'-5'; see below) in northwestern
Mesopotamia or southwestern Armenia, as stated also in the in-
scriptions of Tiglathpileser I., and, as stated only in the Egyptian
records, northern Syria, including the cities of Carchemish, Arvad,
Qatna (modern Horns), 2 and established a temporary center in central

1 There can be no doubt that the statement in the prism of Tiglathpileser,

I, 62 ff., that the Muske had occupied the districts of AIzi and Puruhumzi in
southwestern Armenia fifty years before his time, or about 1170, refers to the
same movement described by Rameses III (AR IV, 37 f.), since Alsi figures in
both narratives. The peoples mentioned by the Assyrians are those with whom
they came into direct contact, while the Egyptian accounts evidently give only
the names of such as reached southern Syria, viz., the Philistines or Pelasgians,
the Sicilians, Sagalassians, Wss (Axians?), and Dainona (the proper spelling, as
appear from the Eg. D''-y-n-yw-n^ of this passage, and the Amarna Danuna).
Eifty is a round number, and the relation between the Assyrian and Egyptian
chronology in this century is unfortunately not precisely certain. The Phrygian
Moschians, to whom king Midas is reckoned by Sargon III. in the eighth century,
were naturally the last of the invaders, who drove the Anatolians before them,
but made no attempt themselves to follow the latter into southern Syria. Before
them came the Ivaskas and the Urumi, who were according to Tiglathpileser,

II, 100 ff., Hittite peoples, thus agreeing with the Egyptian inscriptions and the
geographical indications, who occupied cities of Subartu, the Assyrian name for
Mitanni. While the Cataonians thus pushed into Mitanni, their westerly neigh-
bors, the Sagalassians, Axians, and Dainona, pushed west of them into Syria.
It may be remarked that the Dainona can have nothing to do with the Greek
Danaans, Danawoi, but may have been a nation of Cilician or Pamphylian pirates,
against whose raids Ivilaramu of Ya'di, on the Gulf of Alexandretta, was forced
to secure Assyrian help about 825 B. C. In the Amarna period Abimilki of
Tyre reports that the king of Danuna had died, evidently to the satisfaction of
the Tyrian. The Dodanim of Gen. X, mentioned with the Kittim are evidently
these same Danonim (as we should perhaps read the Hebrew name, called Rodanim
in Chronicles), who seem to have given their name later, presumably by right
of conquest, to a part of Cyprus, called Yadanan or Yadnan in the Assyrian
texts, i. e., t-Danan, a Phoenician term meaning "Island of the Danan," corre-
sponding to the Hebrew ii/e-Kittiyim, "Isles of the Kitteans." It hardly seems
possible that the Philistines and Sicilians took the land-route. The fact that people
with feather head-dress appear in chariots on the monuments of Rameses III.,
depicting the war with the Sea-peoples, does not prove anything, since we know
from other sources that the Lycians, the men of the Phaestos disk, and an
Anatolian folk defeated by Sennacherib all wear the same head-gear.

2 Erom general geographical considerations, Winckler, Knudtzon, and Ebeling
have reached the conclusion that Qatna was located near Homs, ancient Emesa
(EA 1107 ff.), but none of them seem to have observed that Qatna is identical
in name with modern Qattineh, noi'theast of bahret QaUineh, the Lake of Emesa,
on the railroad from Horns to Baalbek. Perhaps ancient Qatna was situated at
Tell Halaf, six to eight km. east of modern Homs. The Egyptians write the
name Qate; the current spelling Qode is wrong.

6( Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Syria (Amfiru) for further operations. Meanwhile llameses had
defeated the allied fleets of the Philistines and the Sicilians in a
naval battle,' and was able to turn his attention to the land in-
vaders, who were defeated in Sahi, that is, somewhere in the southern
part of Syria, presumably on the coastal plain. Despite the repulse
of the northerners, some remnants probably succeeded in winning a
foothold in the country or settled later in small groups. Sisera of
Haroshcth may have been Egean by race, since his name is not
Semitic, and the phrase D-'lJin nt:'"in can hardly be rendered otherwise
than "Harosheth of the northern hordes". 2

From the Song of Deborah it is evident that the Israelite occupa-
tion of Palestine was not too recent an event. The success of
Shamgar is a distinct set-back for Israel, which had already begun
to flourish through the peaceful means of commerce:

In the days of Shamgar ben-Anath the caravans ceased.

After Shamgar's successful stand, presumably in connection with a
Canaanite coalition, stiffened by the aid of Egyptian mercenaries,
against the Philistines, he maintained his ascendancy over Galilee,
like a mediaeval robber-knight, by keeping a small army of retainers,
supported by the robbery of caravans and by exactions levied from
the villages. In the same way Zatatna or Sutatna 3 of Akko, in the
Amarna age, had terrorized western and southern Galilee, as far as

1 Of. page 11, note 1.

- I will show later that Goyim in Gen. XIV refers to the northern hordes,
as observed first by Sayce. This explanation of Haroset liag-goyim, which is
undoubtedly correct, is due to Garstang. Harosheth is in name clearly identical
with the modern Htlrithiya, in the narrows of the Kishon, close to the railway
from Haifa to 'Afule; th for sli is a common linguistic back-formation in words
taken over from Assyrian and Hebrew into Aramaic and Arabic (Athur for
ASur, etc.), a process due to the fact that the frequent etymological coi'respondence
between these sounds set up an involuntary mental association. I am inclined
to think that the correct form of the word is Harisat, etymologically identical
with Ar. hariseh, "enclosure, sheep-fold" (also the meaning of the place-name
Hazor) and changed in later Hebrew to Haroset by popular etymology. That
Tell 'Ainr is a Canaanite site seems to be proved by the fact that Phythian-
Adams has picked up "Cypriote" potsherds from the side of the mound.

3 The cuneiform writing Sutatna here stands for Sutatna. "While the northern
Mesopotamian records are fairly consistent in following the Assyrian practice of
exchanging the values of the sibilants, the Amarna correspondence from Palestine
is hopelessly irregular, sometimes adopting the Babylonian values, sometimes the
Assyrian.

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 61

Megiddo; a letter is extant from the Babylonian king, complaining
because the men af Zatatna had waylaid his messengers at Hannathon
in western G-alilee. Just as Zatatna had escaped by professing
allegiance to the Pharaoh and sending gifts, accompanied, no doubt,
by bribes in the right place, so Shamgar was able to harmonize a
nominal subjection to the commands of the Pharaoh with a total
disregard for the rights of the Pharaoh's servants, though it is
possible that Shamgar was considered as the local Egyptian governor,
whose legitimate prey the Israelites were.

After the fall of Shamgar, the hegemony of Galilee passed to
Sisera of Harosheth,! in the narrows of the Kishon, southeast of
Akko.2 By this time the Israelites were sufficiently galled by the raids
of Shamgar to resent bitterly the prospect of a new tyrant, perhaps
himself a member of the hated Egean race. Accordingly, under the
leadership of Deborah, modern Deburieh,^ at the foot of Tabor,

1 It has been suggested that the Kftyiv name which Wainwright, AAA 6, 32,
note 1, gives as B-n-sa-si-ra, from Miiller's article, MVAG 1900, 9, is to be comb-
ined with the Sisera of Judges and identified with the Bene Sisera of Ezra 11:53.
The suggestion is very ingenious, but unfortunately does not harmonize with
the Egyptian writing, which is actually B-^i-cV-sy-r' ; Sisera would be I"-f-r\
However, it is probable enough that Sisera belonged to the Kftyw, who correspond
to the Sea-people in general (cf. page 9, note 2).

2 Cf. page 12, note 2.

3 For the identity of the Deborah of Jud. V with the city of Dhrt in Issachar,
modern Deburieh (not Deburiyeh) see especially Haupt in the Wellhausen Fest-
schrift, p. 201. There can be no question that the term bi^ntyn DN means "me-
tropolis in Israel", as this was a regular Hebrew idiom. How very unclear the
role which she has been supposed to play is may be seen from Grant's recent
article AJSL 38, 295 ff. As noted by several scholars, the idea that there was
a woman called Deborah is based upon the tradition of Rebecca's nurse Deborah,
who was said to be buried under the oak called allon bakut, below Bethel, while
Deborah the prophetess is referred to a residence under the tomer tree (palm?)
between Bethel and Ramah. The latter is purely mythical, and, as her name,
"bee", shows, corresponds to the nurse of Zeus, Melissa, "bee," who according
to one form of the myth (Preller ^ 133) was, with her sister, the she-goat Amalthea,
daughter of a Cretan king Melisseus. She and her sister nursed the infant Zeus
with milk and honey, the food of the gods (cf. with Roscher, the 3^n 7121 pN
crni), and Melissa later became the first priestess of the Magna Mater. I have
elsewhere showed that the name Ribqah, Rebecca, is probably the same word as
Assyr. riqihtu, for *ribiqtu, "clod, soil" from rabaqu, "break clods, cultivate
ground," and that Rebecca is thus the earth-mother who gives birth to the bull-
god, Jacob, just as Zeus and Dionysus are sons of the earth-mothers, Rhea and
Semele. It is evident that her nurse Deborah, i. e., her priestess, and nurse of
her son Jacob, belongs in the same category as the Cretan Melissa.

(,2 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

pruhably the leading town of Issachar at that time, the clans and
tribes of the districts around the Plain of Esdraelon, who were most
threatened by the new robber, rushed to arms, and attacked Sisera
in the Kishon Valley. As so poetically described in the Song, a
suddtn storm joined its forces to the Israelite army, and Sisera was
utterly routed, his chariots and horses being rendered useless in the
muddy plain, or swept away by the Kishon, swelling rapidly from a
sluggish stream to a mighty torrent.

Soon afterwards the Philistines and Sicilians settled definitely in
Palestine, but at first were too few in numbers, and too busy con-
solidating their new territories to molest the Israelites much, though
they drove the tribe of Dan from the region of Joppa into the hills,
whence part of the tribe, cramped for room, migrated to the north,
and extended the bounds of Israel by the occupation of the fertile
district of Laish, modern Tell-el-Qadi. About 111.5 (fifth year of
Kameses XII.) the Egyptian envoy Wen-Amon stopped at Dor on
his way to Phoenicia, and found the Sikeh chief 56?r (vocalization
uncertain) in quiet and recognized control of the town. The Hebrew
traditions make the oppression of the Israelites by the Philistines
begin at about the same time, to infer from the numbers preserved,
which must naturally be taken cum grano salis. Jud. XIII: 1, they are
said to have oppressed Israel forty years (i. e. about a generation) before
Samson's career, and XVI: 31 the latter is stated to have "judged
Israel" twenty years more. Then, as we are led by the fragmentary
account to infer, the Philistines resumed their raids, and about 1050
succeeded in winning the upper hand by defeating Israel, and capturing
the palladium of Yahweh. This would make the beginning of the first
oppression lie about 1050 + x (Eli's judgeship) + 20 (+) + 40 (+) =
1110 + x.

"While we must place the Conquest a reasonable length of time
before the first Phihstine irruption and the career of Shamgar, we
certainly cannot depend on the Hebrew numbers, which place the
date of this event 146 years + x (lifetime of Joshua and the elders)
before Shamgar, and 166 + x before the fall of Sisera. It is not
impossible that the lengths of the oppressions of Chushanrishathaimi

1 The name Kusan-ris^atiy im means literally "Chushan of the double wick- ..
edness." Kusan was an Arameau tribe of the Syrian desert, mentioned in Habak-
kuk III along with Midian (this poem is an extremely archaic fragment, perhaps

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 63

and Eglon, eight and eighteen years respectively, are right, but as
we have no reason for considering them as consecutive, they cannot
be made the basis of a reckoning. Happily, however, the Egyptian
inscriptions again come to our rescue, enabling us to fix a terminus
ad quern and terminus a quo quite independent of the Hebrew
numbers. The former is established at 1225 by the famous stele of
Meyneptah, celebrating his victory over the Libyans in 1220, and
mentioning his previous conquests and victories in Palestine. During
the long senility of Eameses the Great, Palestine had slipped from
the Pharaoh's grasp, and even the coastal plain had ceased paying
tribute. Accordingly, the Pharaoh Meyneptah, already growing old,
was obliged to march up the sea-coast, capturing Ascalon and Gezer,
and defeating Israel.^

The terminus a quo of the Exodus, which took place about forty,
or since this number is usually equivalent to a generation, more
nearly thirty years before the Conquest, is fixed by the mention of
the construction of the towns of Rameses (i. e. Pey-Ra'meses) and
Pithom (i. e. Pey-Tiim) by the Hebrew gangs under the Egyptian
corvee. As these towns were built by Rameses II., the Exodus must
be placed after his accession in 1292. Can we reach a conclusion
more exact than this? I believe it is possible, thanks to a lucky
chance. Ex. XII: 40 f. the Exodus is said to have occurred just
430 years after the entrance of the Hebrews into Egypt. The
number 430 is not cyclic, nor can it well be explained as a scribal
computation, like the number 480 for the period between the Exodus

nearly as old as the Song of Deborah). The idea that this marauding tribe,
whose atrocities seem to have made it as proverbial as the "thrice-wretched"
Nicanor, was a king of Mesopotamia is based on a later misunderstanding of
the ending ayhn, which also appears in Aram-naharayim. There is no room in
the Mesopotamian history of this period for such a great conqueror.

1 There is no reason to assume that Meyneptah defeated an Israelitish host
in a pitched battle ; it is far more likely that he dispersed an encampment of
the Danites in the Plain of Sharon. The statement, "Their seed has become
nonexistent," does not mean that their grain-fields were devastated, as Spiegel-
berg thought for a time (Rameses III. uses the same expression regarding the
Sea-peoples, who had no fields of grain), but simply that the males are slain; the
next line says that "Syria has become like a widow for Egypt." Since the males
were all killed, the posterity of the captured women would belong to the Egyp-
tians who enslaved them.

64 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

and the construction of the Temple.' Since we can hardly believe
that the Hebrews, most of the time in a condition of serfdom, kept
an accurate account of the time on their own account, we may
suppose that the number is based upon an Egyptian era of some

sort.

We are fortunate enough to be able to point to exactly such an
era. in use at precisely the Ramessid period, and in northeastern
Egypt to boot the era of Tanis. Thi% era is found on the so called
Four Hundred Year Stele, discovered by Mariette at Tanis.^
Rameses 11. sent one of his most important officials, Seti, among other
things governor of the fortress of Sile ("Zaru") on the northeastern
frontier, to Tanis in order to dedicate a stele to the god Set in
honour of his father, Seti I., evidently at the very beginning of his
reign, though this has, on insufficient grounds, been doubted. The
inscription is dated on the fourth day of the twelfth month of the
four hundredth year of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt,
'A-pahte-Set Nebtey. Since the name of this king is compounded
with the name of the god Set, of Tanis, whom the Hyksos adopted
as their patron, substituting his name for that of Re' in their

1 The number 480 is equivalent to twelve generations of forty years each. It
is further exactly equal to the summation of the regnal years given in the Book
of Kings for all the kings of Judah from the beginning of a cycle in the fourth
year of Solomon to the destruction of the Temple by the Chaldeans. We are
dealing with precisely the same system as that employed by the Babylonian
chronologers to adjust their chronology. The historiographers of Sargon III.
counted up the years of the dynasties listed in the official tablets from Sargon I.,
whose illustrious name the Assyrian adopted, and whose half- fabulous exploits
he consciously emulated. The real interval between them was about 2300 years,
but by this time a number of contemporaneotis dynasties, such as these of the
Sea Lands and Larsa, which alone lasted about 450 years, were included in the
list of successive dynasties, just as in Egypt, so the total interval was brought
up to very nearly 3000 years. Since this was the length of a world-month in
the Mesopotamian astrological system (this fact I will prove elsewhere; suffice
it to say that the old Mesopotamian world year of 36,000 common years, based
on 360 days of a century each, is preserved in the Harranian world year of
36,52.5 common years, or a Julian year of days a century long), the inscriptions
of Sargon say that the West-land had last been subdued a lunar cycle before
him, naturally by Sargon I., whose conquest of the West figures so prominently
in the omina. The interval of 3000 years was now generally accepted, so when
the archaeologist king Nabonidus, nearly two hundred years later, wishes to
date Xaram-Sin, son of Sargon, lie adds 200 years, obtaining 3200. This is the
simple solution of the two vexed chronological questions.

2 Cf. Breasted, AR III, 226228.

ALBRIGHT: A. Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 65

throne-names, we evidently have here the era of the Hyksos occup-
ation and rebuilding of Tanis, which, along with its twin-city, Avaris,
remained their focus in Egypt. The Hyksos era then falls 1692 B. C.,
or a few years later, approximately 1690; their rule lasted about
110 years, coming to a close with the victory of the Theban monarch
Amosis (Ahmasey) about 1580, a few years before the final capture
of Avaris.

We have excellent reasons for combining the Hebrew entrance
into Goshen ^ with the Hyksos invasion. Num. XIH : 22 we have
the explicit statement that Tanis was built seven years after Hebron,
which had clearly been one of the last stations of the Hyksos army
before its conquest of Lower Egypt. In view of the intimate connec-
tion between Abram and Hebron, as well as the tradition of his
journey to Egypt, later modified by contamination with the saga of
Abimelech, and displaced by the saga of Jacob, we cannot doubt
that this allusion is a stray fragment of the Hebrew historical
traditions; the number seven is folkloristic, and not to be taken
seriously. The story of Abram's descent into Egypt is the saga
connected with the chieftain, whose historicity can no longer be
denied, 2 while the story of the entrance of the Bene Ya'qob, the
clan of the Hebrew people to which Abram belonged, is the saga
of the people; Jacob is the eponymous ancestor of his tribe, who
received divine honors as the bull-god. ^ That the Bene Ya'qob
played an important part in the Hyksos confederation is certain
from the name Ya'qob-har of one of the Hyksos dynasts, whose
scarabs are found along with those of Anat-har ('Anat is the

1 While the name Goshen appears in the LXX as Gesem,- perhaps following
good tradition, Naville's Egyptian district oi Gsmtv is wholly erroneous ; we must
naturally read Ssfmv, as pointed out recently by Gardiner. The name has, ac-
cordingly, not been found yet.

2 Quite aside from the non-folkloristic character of most of the stories connected
with his name, in which lie differs so radically from Isaac and Jacob, and the
fact that there is absolutely no evidence for his divine or eponymous nature, is
the fact that the name has recently been discovered by Ungnad and Lutz on
tablets from the First Dynasty of Babylon, cir. 20001950 B. C. The most
interesting fact is that both forms, Ahamram, i. e. "Exalted as to father" (cf.
JBL 37, 133, note 21) and AbaraJiam = *Aham-mJiam are found, thus confirming
the Hebrew tradition that he had two names, though naturally disproving the
late haggadic etymologies given in Genesis.

3 Cf. JBL 37, 117.

60 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Canaanito goddess of war, worshiped at Beth-Anath in Galilee). This
explains the Hebrew traditions of a favorable reception by a
friendly king, who settled them in the finest part of the land, whose
vizier was a member of their own raco.i I venture to suggest that
the 11( years of Joseph's life, though curiously identical with the
stereotyped life-time of an Egyptian sage, are a reminiscence of the
110 years during which the Hyksos held sway in Egypt, before the
rise of the king who "knew not Joseph."

If the Israelite era is identical with the Hyksos era of Tanis, we
must place the Exodus not less than thirty years after the beginning
of Rameses II.'s reign, or after B. C. 1262, at approximately 1260,
Placing the Conquest approximately a generation later, it falls about
1230, Avhich is perhaps as close to accuracy as we wall ever get.

The account of the Conquest given in the Book of Joshua is
highly colored, to be sure, but is not so much altered and embellished
as generally believed now. The material given in the Amarna Tablets,
the Egyptian inscriptions, the variant account of J, and scattered
references elsewhere enable us to correct the one-sided narrative in
Joshua. For some centuries before the Conquest, probably from the
time of Abram, the central highlands and the arid outskirts of
Palestine had been occupied by Hebrew, i. e. Aramean, tribes, which
appear to be gaining ground in the Amarna correspondence, especi-
ally in the letters from Jerusalem, According to Gen. XL VI II: 22,
explained by XXXIV, the Bt^ne Ya'qob had occupied Shechem,
which we find in the possession of the Hebrews in the Amarna
Letters. These settled Hebrews had doubtless adopted the sfat
Kenaan before the invasion of Joshua, giving up their original
Aramaic dialect,'- The conquest of Palestine by the Israelites would

1 For the Egyptian background of the story of Joseph see especially JBL
37, 128 ff., where I have pointed out some previously unnoticed elements in the
Egyptian part of the pericope.

2 Since the consistent Hebrew tradition as preserved in the Old Testament
makes Hebrew equivalent to Aramean, or rather Aramean Bedouin (13N ''OIN) and
connects the patriarchal stories vrith the Arameans, we cannot doubt that the
"Abir or Hebrews belong to the same grouj) as the Ahlame {ahlam is the col-
lective from 7; j7>, "friend, confederate," as in Arabic) later split into the two
main l)ranches of the Aramu and the Kasdu, or Chaldeans. We can trace the
encroachments of the Hebrews or Arameans for a thousand years, from the reign
of Rim-Sin to their final settlement in Syria and Mesopotamia in the twelfth
century, just as the Aralts first appear clearly in history 1500 years before their

ALBKIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 67

doubtless have proved much more difficult if the Hebrews already
in the country had not joined the newcomers, and adopted the
Yahwist creed along with the name Israel. It is clear that there
were no serious conflicts between the two Hebrew branches, since
none are mentioned, and the highland of Ephraim is assumed in the
accounts of the Conquest to have been occupied at once by Joshua,
without a word regarding resistance. In the same way the Arab
historians say nothing about the relation between the Arabs already
in Palestine i and the Muslim invaders. The older stratum of
Hebrews is, as pointed out by Weinheimer, sharply distinguished
from the Israelites proper in the passages I. Sam. XIII: 6-7, XIV: 21,
from which it follows that certain sections of the Hebrew people,
living under Philistine domination, and probaly still semi-nomadic,
like the modern Bedawin in the region of Caesarea, had not been
fused with Israel. In the Book of Joshua all traditions disagreeing
with the official priestly version of the Conquest have been suppressed,
precisely as the official Muslim historiographers endeavored to
eliminate all pre-Islamic traditions contrary to the orthodox theory.
The followers of Moses were partly Egyptianized Hebrews of the
Bene Ya'qob, partly Nubian and Egyptian converts to Yahwism,^

final settlement. The mixing of peoples explains wliy we have Aramaic words
and forms even in pre-exilic Hebrew, forms such as ndr, "vow" (Aram.) besides
nzr, "consecrate" (Canaanite-Hebrew), both from original ndr, "vow." It is
certain that the people of Palestine and Syria, with exception of the Hittite,
Indo-Iranian, and Horite (Mitannian) ruling classes, spoke Hebrew, which we
know from their proper names and the Cauaanite glosses in the Amarna letters.
The Amorite proper names, found in profusion from the middle of the third
millennium down to past the middle of the second in the cuneiform inscriptions
of Babylonia, Assyria, Hana, and Cappadocia, are unquestionably Hebrew; the
name Abamram or Abaraham is certainly not Babylonian, as Ungnad supposed, but
Amorite or Aramean. I have tried to show, JEA 6, 92 f., that the Syi'ian place-
names of the thirtieth century B. 0. were already Hebrew, thus supporting Clay's
contention that 8yria was Amorite from before the dawn of history. As Borchardi
has recently pointed out (MVAG 22, 342) Athothis, the second Pharaoh of the First
Dynasty, invaded Syria (al)out 2900, according to my chronology), and in the royal
tombs of this dynasty the conquered people are represented as the same conven-
tional Amorite type which we find on the monuments fifteen centuries later.

1 For the Arabs in Palestine before Islam cf. Krauss, ZDMG 70, 325 fl'.

' The Aaronids very often wear Egyptian names: Moses = (Ra'-)mose; Hophni
= Hfnn; Phinehas = Penhase, a common type of name among Egyptian slaves
of foreign extraction, meaning "the Nubian;" Merari = Mrry (Mrrw) ; Hur = Hr.
The Aaronid priesthood, to judge from the names, was composed of Egyptians,

68 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

ami in part Hebrew- Aramean tribes, such as the Kenites and
Kenizzites, who joined him after the Exodus. At Kadesh the
Yahwists divided into two groups. The more important one, under
Joshua perhaps still under ^Moses's leadership, skirted the Dead
Sea, discouraged, we may suppose, by the failure of the first tentative
against the hill-country of Judah, and after conquering the Amorite
states beyond Jordan adopted the tribal name Israel, "God tights."
The second group, under Caleb, calling itself Yelmddh,^ undaunted
]>y the initial failure, occupied Judah from the south. The central
line of fortresses, Jerusalem-Gezer, was not incorporated into the
Hebrew heritage until the time of the Kingdom. The merit of
having seen that the account of conquest of the south given by J in
Num. XIV: 40-45, XXI: 1-3, Jud. I is a unit, and gives a consistent
narrative, older than the form in Joshua, belongs mainly to Eduard
Meyer and Steuernagel.

We have already reached a tentative date for Abram at cir. 1700
B. C. Fortunately we can prove this view of the chronological situa-
tion from wholly independent considerations, especially the historical
background of Gen. XIV. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis has
long been a bone of centention among scholars, conservatives usually

though I hardly believe now that Jethro was an Egyptian (JBL 37, 140),
Egyptianized Hebrews, and Nubians. It is very conceivalile that Petepre, priest
of the sun at Heliopolis, was really the father-in-law of Moses instead of Joseph
as suggested by Haupt; at all events Moses is known to have had at least two,
wives, one a Ivenite, Zipporah, daughter of Jethro, and the other a Nubian
{Kusit). Moreover, Mosaism still preserves the most indubitable signs of its Egyptian
cradle (JBL 37, 141 f.), and Aaron's name is probably Egyptian. On the other
hand, Levi is not an Egyptian name, but the eponymous ancestor of the guild
ofLevites, or temple-attendants (ii*ewMe rf'^ss?/r. 16, 184). The "mixed multitude",
w'hich is said to have accompanied Moses in the Exodus, evidently consisted of
slaves of every race, who seized their chance to escape from Egj'pt along with
the Hebrew migration. Moses' religion of freedom and justice naturally appealed
to slaves with peculiar force.

1 -Yehuddh is properly a collective noun referring to the community of Yahwists,
as seen first by Haupt (ZDMG 63, 513); it is derived from *yehudeh, on the
analogy of yafdh: yafeh. *Yehudeh may be a pu'al form, for *yehuddeh, from
hdy, lead, used in Arabic of religious guidance ; muhtaduna means in the Qur'an
"those who are divinely guided", and Mdd is -'divine guidance, gospel". It is
also possible to compare Ar. haddd, "present, offer", and 'ahdd, "present, dedicate
(Sacrificial victim)": the "Kenite" inscription No. 345 I would read Msh-B'lt
yhd iyuhaddi) l-B'lt, "Masah-Baalat dedicates (this) to Ba'alat". In the latter
case Yehuddh would mean jiroperly '-the cosecrated people".

ALBKIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 69

accepting its entire historicity, and the left wing regarding it as a
propagandist leaflet from the fifth century, designed to strengthen
the hands of the patriotic supporters of Zerubbabel.i Since the
document does not belong to any of the sources, J, E, D, P, it is
evidently a later addition, from the close of the sixth century, a
conclusion required, moreover, by its strongly archaizing character,
which introduces us to the priestly learning of post-exilic Judaism.
There are some serious errors in archaizing, the clearest of which
is Dan in place of the older Laish (Eg. B'-ivy-s'). Besides the
folJdoristic elements represented by the Rephaim, which elsewhere
in the Old Testament are the shades of the dead, and the enchanted
submarine cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, there are motives from saga,
such as the three eponymous confederates of Abram, the phenomenal
victory of Abram's little band over the mighty host of the eastern
kings, and the priestly story of Melchizedek, a clever bit of didactics.2
Yet hyperscepticism seems uncalled for. The names of the eastern
monarchs will appear later as genuine, and, though the names Bera
(y"l3) of Sodom and Birsha (V^^^) of Gomorrah are obviously
artificial formations from the verbs J^yi and Vt^l, "be evil, wicked," 3
the names Shinab (3Kity = the god of the moon * is father) of Admah,

1 See especially Haupt, OLZ 18, 70 ff., and Asmussen, ZATW 34, 36 ff.

- As generally recognized, the story was intended to promote the payment
of tithes to the priests in Jerusalem. The name p1S''3^0 means literally ''legiti-
mate king" (Haupt), the i being hireq compaginis, and not the pronominal suffix,
and thus corresponds exactly in meaning to Assyrian Sarru-kenu {kenu corre-
sponds precisely to gaddiq, and kittu to gedaqdh), the name of three Mesopotamian
kings, two of whom were usurpers. There can be very little doul)t that the
legend according to which Melchizedek was eternal, reincarnating himself in
certain great prophets and priests of later ages, is much older than the Christian
era, and elsewhere I have shown that the true prototype of Elias, Enoch, Melchi-
zedek, etc., in the role of eternally recurrent helper of mankind is the Baljylonian
Atrahasis. There is some reason to suppose that Sargon of Assyria wished to
have men believe that he was a reincarnation of his great predecessor (cf. page 16,
note 1) and this Sargon legend may well have had some influence in the creation
of the story of Melchizedek.

3 It may be observed that in modern Syrian Arabic, humorous or contemptu-
ous words are often formed from others by changing the first letter to b, as
bm-tum from hartum, "snout." Naturally, the formation may be purely modern.

4 The original Semitic form of the moon-god's name is Sin (so first Haupt),
as in South Arabian and Babylonian. In northern Mesopotamia we have the
usual interchange of the sibilants, and the form becomes Sin, as shown by the
Hebrew and Aramean transcription with D. Here also belongs Sin-uballit or

70 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

and Shemeber, or perhaps Shemabbir (lasoty == the god Shem i is
mighty) of Zeboira are genuine, and very interesting. The words
-lys in V^2 ^bai are corrupted from "lyi* *J^0 v'rm, "And Bela king
of Zoar", just as in Jos. X: 3, ]'\biV I'^O l^mi is a mistake for
Tm 1^0 ]l'7JJ?1. "And Eglon king of Debir", which explains the mention
of Debir in v. 38 f. Just as Eglon is a good personal name; borne by a
king of Moab, so the name Bela was borne by the first king of Edom.2
What shall Ave say of the four eastern kings, of Chedorlaomer
(liav'p "n3) of Elam, of Arioch (inS) of Ellasar, Tidal (bj?in) of
Hordes (D^U) and Amraphel ("PDIDK) of Shinar OV^t^)? The latter
has hitherto been identified with Hammurabi of Babylon, despite the
fact that only two consonants of the five are the same. Nor is the
case better with the actual Amorite pronunciation of the name,
which we now know to have been 'Ammu-rawih,3 since here the

Sanballat, whose name thus goes back to Assyrian influence rather than to
Kuthean, as commonly assumed. For a number of writings of the Babylonian
form of the name cf. Eisler, Die kenitischen Weihinschriften der Hyksoszeit,
p. 67, whose remarks on this subject are sounder than usual; add pits', Sin-iddin,
a common name in the Neo-Babylonian period (Pap. Eleph., 18. 2. 19). The
name perhaps meant originally "the shiner," connected with Ar. sny, "shine."

1 The "Name of God" was hypostatized among the Semites; it is almost certain
that the patriarch Shem was originally a deity. Cf. also the Syrian Symbetylos,
the EsembeVel of the Elephantine documents, which means literally "name of the
house of god." The Phoenician divine name Esmdn corresponds etymologically
to ^.n*Esmdn, an adjectival formation from esj, name, Heb. sem, since , which
became o in Hebrew, went on to become % in Phoenician.

- Bela' ben-Be'or is evidently identical with Biram ben-Be'or, the prophet,
from Pethor (Assyr. Pitru) in Beth Eden iyav 'i3 ^nN must be read \^^a '33 ^"i)
an Aramaic district in northern Syria and the adjoining part of Mesopotamia.
It has long been known that the first group of Edomite rulers was purely Aramaic
in race. The Moabite Stone shows similarly that the dialect of Moab was prop-
erly Aramaic, even though Hebrew was the literary language.

3 It may be considered now that this spelling of the name, first pointed out
by Luckenbill, is absolutely certain. The name is written variously, Hammurabi,
Jfatnmuraivi, Ammurahi, JfamimiraUh ; Clay's objection {Empire of the AmoriteSf
p. 113, note 4) to Luckenbill's theory on the ground that the form with b sug-
gests that FI be read pi instead of the usual ivi is weakened by such doublets
as LuUuwi, LuUubi; Arbum, Arwum. Haupt saw long ago that Assyr. h had a
tendency to lie pronounced as v. The convincing evidence is furnished by the
fact that the Babylonian translation of the name, Kimtu rapastum, "the clan is
wide," requires the reading 'Ammu-rawih; in South Arabian the causative hrwh
is frequently employed (e. g., Halevy 349) in precisely the sense of "extending
the bounds of the tribe." Cf. also Heb. Rehab-'am (Rehoboam), "He has extended
the tribe."

ALBRIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 71

similarity is even less. Formerly Ariocli was identified with Warad-
Sin of Larsa, whose name was punningly read Eri-Aku. Now we know,
not only that this reading is nonsense, but that he died thirty years
before Hammurabi ascended the throne as a mere youth. Furthermore,
most of the rulers of Elam, which was then a dependancy of Babylonia,
are known for this period, and there is no room for Chedorlaomer
among them. We may, as sober historians, breathe a sigh of relief
at the passing of this mirage, since the date of Hammurabi is now
astronomically fixed, i and this date is 2123-2180 B. C, or more than
nine hundred years before the date which we have fixed for the Exodus.
Happily, however, we are not left to consider the merits of an
argumentum e silentio, since there is now evidence at hand for an
entirely new historical setting, which no one has so far perceived.
In a Babylonian text from the Arsacid period, published originally
by Pinches, 2 and last treated by Jeremias,3 occur the names of
Kudur-Lagamal,4 that is, Kutur-Lagamar,^ of Elam, Tukulti-Belit-ilani^
son of Arad-Ekua,^ and Tudhula son of Gazza[?]. It was seen by

1 Cf. page 5, note 1, above.

2 Journal of the Victoria Institute, 29, 56 ff.

3 MVAG 21 (Hommel, Festschrift) 69 F.

* Written KU-KU-KU-(KU)-MAL, a sort of a rebus found elsewhere in this
late tablet. The solution is Kudur-lahamal {KU-KU = lahdmu, Delitzsch, Hand-
worterbuch, p. 375). Hiising, Qiiellen zur Geschichte Elams, p. 22, note 1 states,
though without proof, that KU-KU-MAL in this name = Lagamal, but his
further suggested identification of Kudur-Lagamal with LA-AN-KU-KU, an
Elamite ruler of the 23rd century, is naturally out of the question. The writing
Lagamal is the regular Babylonian form of the Elamite Lagamar,. found, for
example, in the name of the king Silhina-hamru-Lagamar, of the twelfth century;
the writing Lagamal is also found in the Elamite texts, as in Delegation en
Perse, III, 49. The native Elamite pronunciation of the name was apparently
Laghamar, agreeing with Hebrew "ittJ?^.

5 Kudur appears in Elamite as Kutir or Kutur; the Elamites, like other
Caucasian peoples, did not distinguish clearly between voiced and voiceless stops.

6 The name is written BAD-MAX-ildni, but Jeremias's Dur-mah-ildni is
impossible. According to Meissner, 2919, BAD-MAX had the value tukulti,
which might also belong to BAD, "protection," alone. Since ''MAX alternates
with Belit-ildni, I have no hesitation in reading the name Tukulti- Belit-ildni,
''My help is the lady of the gods," a common type of name about the middle
of the second millennium. Belit-ili, later Belit-ilani, was one of the most popular
deities about 2000 B. 0.

^ Also written in our text, erroneously, Arad-e-a-ku. Ekua was the name of
the chapel of Maruduk in the temple Esagila, in Babylon, so our man may have
been a Bal)ylonian rebel against the Kossean dynasty.

72 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

J'iuches that the first name, though not fully understood, was identical
with Chedorlaomer, and that the last was Tidal, i hut the similarity
between Arad-Ekua and Arioch, though accidental, proved misleading.
The nature of the text has been partially elucidated by Jeremias.
It is a moralizing essay, very much in the style of the Jewish pro-
phetic historians. Whenever the Babylonians sin against their gods
they suffer a foreign invasion, but the Nemesis which overtakes them
deals even more severely with the impious invader. The three
oppressors mentioned above meet violent deaths by assassination as
the divine penalty for having violated the sacred soil of the gods
by their atrocities. Pinches at first wished to read the name
Hammu[rabi] in one of the broken lines at the beginning of the
tablet, but it is now certain that the historical situation presented is
such as to forbid assignment to this period. Moreover, the fact that
Babylonia is called Kardunias proves conclusively that we are
dealing with the Kossean period (B, C. 17421166).- The reason
why these conquerors are not mentioned elsewhere is simply that
they belong in the great dark period of Mesopotamian history, from
1900 to 1500, Unfortunately, the name of the Kossean king reigning
at the time is not given in the extant remains of our document.
We might be tempted to identify the Amraphel of Genesis with the
contemporary Babylonian monarch, who would then be one of the
five or six missing rulers from the period 1625-1450, from which at
present we have only three or four names. However, there is now
every reason to believe that the land of Shinar at this epoch is not
Babylonia but central Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the
Tigris, Babylonia on the south, and Mount Masius 3 on the north.
The early Mitannian(?) name Shanghar, which the Babylonians wrote
Sanljar, having no gli (^), the Hebrews Sin'ar, for Sanar by Philippi's

1 Cf. also Sayce, in Garstang's Land of the Hittites, p. 324, note 4. Sayce
correctly combined the Umman-manda with the goytm, and further identified the
name Tndhula with the Hittite royal name Dudhalia, which is, however, ex-
tremely doubtful. Sayce's suggestion that Tantalus is eventually the same name
is conceivalile, but nebulous.

2 For my chronology cf. page 5, note 1.

3 Mt. Masius, Assyr. Kasiari, Sum. Hasur (see AJSL 35, 179) was the southern
boundary of the district of Kutmuh, in Assyrian times. It is not until the eighth
century that we find the name Kutmuh becoming restricted to the district west
of the Euphrates, called Commagene by the classical writers.

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 73

Law, and the Egyptians Sngr, also having no gli, survives in the
town and mountain-range of Sinjar, for Aramaic Singara = Roman
Singara gli was impossible for the Aramaic mouth after a consonant.
Modern Sinjar is located at the apex of a rectangle whose adjoining
vertices coincide with the sites of ancient Calah and Hana ('Ana).
It is true that in the Cypriote correspondence with Egypt in the
Amarna letters, Sanhar refers to Mitanni, and that later Shinar is
used in the Old Testament for Babylonia proper, but the Egyptian
inscriptions and the Boghazkeui tablets show that Shanghar is
distinct from either, ^ and lies in central Mesopotamia. The only
district of Mesopotamia not mentioned in the lists containing the
name of Shanghar is Hana, so I would suggest that as an independent
state Shanghar centered in the district of Hana, and that, accordingly,
its capital was Tirqa, chief city of Hana, just below the mouth of
the Habur.2

The kingdom of Hana is known to have flourished before the
reign of Hammurabi,-^ under an Amorite dynasty, two of whose
kings, 'Ammiba'il and Isarlim, are known. Under Hammurabi it
became a part of the Babylonian Empire. After the downfall of
the First Dynasty of Babylon, we find the great Assyrian monarch
Samsi-Adad III. (cir. 1850),'* who claims in his inscriptions to rule
the land "between the Tigris and the Euphrates," building a temple
of the god Dagon at Tirqa. Later it fell into the hands of the
Kossean monarchs, at least one of whom, Kastilias L (1704 1682)
is known to have ruled over Hana. Somewhat later, but not later
than 1500, wo find Hana a powerful state, whose king, Tukulti-Mer,
son of Ilusaba, left inscriptions found at Sippar and Assur. In the
inscriptions of Thutmosis III. we find about 1475 that Sngr is still
an independent state, mentioned between Mitanni and Assyria, along
with Babylon, Arrapha and Lulluwa {Rw-n-riv). While Tukulti-Mer

1 See especially EA 1082 and AE 279.

2 For Hana and Tirqa see especially Clay, Ernpire of the Amorites, pp. lllff.
^ The name of the town Dur-Isarlim is mentioned in a date formula of

Hammurabi from Hana; the Babylonian monarch had different date formulas in
Hana from those employed in Babylonia, just as we find the Cappadocians using
their own system for dating at this time.

* So far as I can see, as a result of a revision of the Assyrian chronology
on the basis of the new lists published by Weidner, this is the only possible
date for the great sar JciSsati, or king of the world.

74 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

may be placed in the \6^^ century, it is more likely that he was the
king of Hana who carried off the statues of Maruduk and Sarpanit
from Babylon to Hana (Hani), later recovered by Agum II. (cir. 1625).
Accordingly, we may place him about 1^50, his father IluSaba, also
king of Hana, about 1660, leaving space for a ruler or two after
Kastilias. From the Elamite inscriptions we know that Untas-GAL,i
son of Humbanummena, invaded Babylonia and carried away the
statue of the god Imraeriya, "the protection of KaStilias," so it is
evident that the Kossean power received a severe set-back before
the death of Kastilias, and probable that Hana recovered its auto-
nomy at this time, cir. 1690, The natural date for the Kudur-Lagamar
episode is then between the reigns of XJntas-GAL and Tukulti-Mer,
while Elam was strong. Babylonia was weak, and Shanghar had not
yet attained its later power. The name Amrcqjhel has not yet been
found, but we may conjecture that it represents an Amurru-ipj)al
(the god Amurru one of the chief gods of the Amorites of Hana
will respond, or will reward), though Immer-ippal, Immer-apla-(iddin),
or the like are also plausible forms. We can hardly expect so happy
a guess as that made by some of the first Assyriologists , who
suggested that Chedorlaomer must correspond to an Elamite Kudur-
Lagamar, an idea which has turned out to be correct.

I believe we may further explain Arioch of Ellasar. The combi-
nation of Ellasar with the j)rovincial Babylonian town of Larsa is
for this period impossible; were it theoretically possible, the difference
between the names would be phonetically very difficult. I would
therefore propose the identification of Ellasar with Alsiya or Alsi in
northern Mesopotamia, reading ''Dbs instead of "ID^N. The form of

^ Hiising's reading UntaS-Eutnban is very improbable; in place of GAL we
must read an Elamite word for "great." Nor is Hiising's date for Untas-GAL,
in the thirteenth century, possible; we must adopt Eduard Meyer's, given GA3
462. In Quellen der Geschichte Elams, pp. 18 ff., Hiising has erroneously
identified Kiten-Hutran with Kiten-hutrutas; Hutran is a divine name, not a
hypocoristicon, as shown by a comparison of the royal names Hutran-tepti and
Tepti-Humban. His list on p. 19 would make a king who was reigning in 1237
rule forty years before one who was on the throne at some time between 1245
and 1237! It is not accidental that the names of the dynasty of Ike-halUi are
closely related to the royal names from before 1900, and not at all with those
of the fourteenth and following centuries. As Kuk-Nasur was contemporary
with 'Ammigaduqa, our group will fall in the eighteenth century or after, just
where it is fixed by the synchronism between Untas-GAL and Kastilias I.

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 75

the name is made certain by the variant writings Alse (pronounced
Alse) in the treaty between Subbiluliuma of Hatte and Mattiuaza of
Mitanni, Alzi in the inscriptions of Tiglathpileser I., Alzia in a Hittite
geographical list from Boghaz-keui, and ^-r'-s' in the Egyptian lists. i
As in the geographical list Alzia is placed between ISanhar and
Papahhi, while in the Mattiuaza treaty it appears, along with Assyria,
as a state benefiting territorially by the fall of Mitanni, it is to be
located, where we find it in the texts of Tiglathpileser, in the region
of Diarbekr and Mardin. At all events, it was a small Mitannian
state, which may have been much more important at an earlier
period, and have been essentially equivalent to later Mitanni, whose
center appears to have been in this same region. It can hardly be
accidental that the name Arioch exhibits the same formation as the
Mitannian names Ari-Tekib and Arisen, in which ar means "give,
gift". It is possible that Arioch is the equivalent of an Ari-Akii,
"Gift of the god Aku," which is then the Mitannian name of the
moon-god; in the Cappadocian tablets we have the name Akua,
certainly a hypocoristicon, like Assyrian Ndbu'a for names containing
Xdhii as the first element of a theophorous compound.

An interesting side-light upon this era of great migrations and
ethnographic readjustment is thrown by the name of Tidal, king of
Hordes, corresponding to the Tudhula of our document, and perhaps
also to the Hittite royal name Dudhalia, as pointed out by Sayce.
We are informed that Kudur-Lagamar levied as auxiliaries the hordes
of the northern barbarians, the Umraan-manda, a term, meaning
literally "much people," which is used later for the hordes of the
Cimmerians and Scythians, and while it is not explicitly stated that
Tudhula was their king, in the extant fragments, it is very probable,
as Sayce has already observed. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis

1 Egyptologists have hitherto assumed that Eg. 's// and '-r'-s' were identical,
the former being the old Egyptian form of Alasiya-Elisa, the latter the recent
form, or rather the transliteration of the cuneiform writing into syllabic ortho-
graphy (Miiller). However, the impossibility of this view is shown by passages
where they both occur together, as in Miiller, Egyptological Researches, II,
pp. 91 ff., where ^sy and ^-r^-s^ are given separately in a list of the countries
containing mineral resources from the time of Rameses II. In several places
^-r'-s^ is clearly on the continent, a fact which is one of Wainwright's main
arguments for his continental theory of Alasiya. With this distinction between
Alziya and Alasiya we can consider that the latter is certainly Cyprus, in ac-
cord with the appellative Alasiotas of the Cyprian Apollo.

76 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

thus throws impuitaiit light on the first emergence of the Indo-
Iranians in history, for these northern hordes can be none other.
Two generations before, their pressure from the rear seems to have
forced the Kosseans from the Zagros mountains into Babylonia,
where they founded the Third Dynasty in 1742. Their later move-
ments were hitherto completely obscure, but now we gain an idea of
the processes of infiltration and conquest which finally led to the
foundation of a new state in the 16*^ century, called Mitanni, whose
ruling nobility, or mariannu (an Indo-Iranian word) were of Indo-
Iranian stock, speaking an older form of Sanskrit i and supporting
a dynasty whose kings bear Sanskrit names.

The historical situation now appears to be as follows. About 1675
Kudur-Lagamar of Elam, imitating the example of his predecessor,
Untas-GrAL, overran Babylonia, and captured Babylon, thanks to
the potent aid of his warlike barbarian auxiliaries. With their help,
moreover, he was able to subdue the rest of Mesopotamia, and
impressing the armies of the newly conquered states into his service,
to make a formidable raid on Syria and Palestine, now almost cer-
tainly under Hyksos control. The Biblical tradition represents the
eastern host as taking the Transjordanic route, contrary to the
nearly universal practice of Mesopotamian armies in later times. If
we can accept this view of the situation, which is as doubtful as the
reliability of our source, we may. suppose that the Elamite wished
to strike directly at the center of the Hyksos Empire in northern
Egypt, without fighting his way through the well-fortified coastal
zones. At this point, however, we lose solid ground, and begin to
flounder in a morass of speculations.

It is very doubtful just w^hat the real role played by Abram was.
It is possible to suppose that he was, as an important amtr, perhaps
the head of the Bene Ya'qob, and certainly in alliance with the
chiefs of the Hyksos city of Hebron, the leader of the resistance
offered by the Hyksos in southern Palestine, and that he really

' It is now a commonplace of scholarship that the names of the reigning
dynasty of Mitanni, as well as many of the names of Syro-Palestinian rulers of the
Amarna age are Indo-Iranian; the opposition of Clark, AJSL 33, 261 ff., strengthens
the theory by its weakness. The discovery of several Indo-Irauian divine names,
Indra, Varuna, Mitra, and the Nasatya, in a treaty with Mitanni from Hatte, has
been recently corroborated by the remarkable find, made independently by Jensen
and Hrozny, of a number of Sanskrit numerals in the inscriptions.

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 7-7

defeated the enemy by his efforts. It should be observed in this
connection that Abram's covenant with the Hittites at Hebron
perhaps refers to the Hyksos, since it is steadily becoming more
probable that the ruling element in the mixed hordes of the latter
was Hittite. The greatest proof for this is the fact that the names
of the six Hyksos kings are all non-Semitic, and at least one, Hayan,
is later worn by a predecessor of the Hittite Kilammu of Sam'al.
About 1925 the Hittites conquered Babylon, led by their king
Mursihs I., as appears from the chronicles from Boghaz-keui recently
published. Later their power seems to have been restricted to Asia
Minor, at least so far as the kingdom of Hatte was concerned; the
Hyksos were perhaps primarily a north-Syrian branch of the Hittite
people. The new discoveries do not favor an extension of the Hyksos
Empire under Hayan over the whole of Western Asia, and, though
he was undoubtedly an important ruler, his basalt lion, found near
Baghdad, may have been transported thither from Syria in ancient times.
While the object of our paper is primarily chronological rather
than historical, it may be well to allude to the question of the
provenance of Abram. As I have pointed out JBL 37 (1918),
133 136, it is hardly possible that the prototype of Ur of the
Chaldees was really the city of Ur in southern Babylonia. ISTor is
Clay's recent suggestion, Mari, though better than his previous view,
combining Ur with the town of Amurru near Sippar, tenable, for
philological reasons alone. I still believe that the best light on the
true ethnic and geographical background of the Hebrew traditions
is furnished by the list of the postdiluvian patriarchs, where Eber
represents the Aramean nomads, or 'Abir,i vouched for by the
Babylonian texts from the 22'^'^ century on, and Serug is a tribe.

Practically all scholars have finally adopted the view that the Habiru are
the Hebrews. Philologically there is no objection, since 'Abir would have to be
written this vvay in cuneiform, and 'Abir, again, is the only natural source for
Hebrew 'J&r, since intransitive verbs and adjectives of the fail form have a
strong tendency in all the Semitic languages to become fi'l by umlaut. Since
the Habiru appear so widely in cuneiform sources as a nomadic people (cf. JBL
37, 135 f.) there is no objection historically. We must, it is true, distinguish
between an Elamite or Kossean people called Ha-bir-'u (see Hiising, oj). land.
p. 94 f.) and the Ha-bi-ru, who are mentioned repeatedly in the Larsa tablets,
according to Miss Grice. Luckenbill has recently advanced the view that the
writing Habbiru, alternating with SA-GAZ in the Boghaz-keui texts, in a single

78 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

later a town near Harrun (Assyr. Sarugi), as is also apparently
Nalior, while Terah appears as a personal name in the Safaitic in-
scriptions, perhaps meaning '-ibex", and is probably in Genesis a tribal
name. Also Reu and Selah are perhaps tribal names, though possibly
mythical heroes like Methuselah and the shepherd Tammuz. Arphaxad
is almost certainly equivalent to the district of Arrapachitis , south-
east of Assyria proper, which appears as early as the time of
Hammurabi (cir. 2100), and is frequently mentioned in the course of
the next millennium, in the form Arraphum, Arrapha.i On the
borders of the district of Arraphum 2 lay the important city of
Arbela, mentioned repeatedly in the tablets of the ITr Dynasty
(2474 2357) as Urbillum, and somewhat later as Urbel. The
Assyrian explanation as Arla-ilu, "four-god," is simply a popular
etymology to explain a non-Semitic proper-name. Arbela still exists
as the provincial town of Erbil, preserving the same name and site
after nearly 4500 years of recorded existence. I would then suggest
that Urbel in Arraphum or *Arpah-sade, "Arpah of the hills," may
be the historical prototype of IJr-Kasdim. It may then be, that
Abram and his tribe, the Bene Ya'qob, were forced to migrate, first
to w^estern Mesopotamia, and then to Palestine under pressure from

passage, however, proves that habhiru is a fa"il form, equivalent to hahhilu,
"bandit", a synonym of hahbatu = SA-GAZ (see Am. Journ. of Theol.-22, 37,
notel; AJSL 36, 244 f.). This is unquestionably plausible, but the one occurence
of the writing Habhiru, among so many Habiru, merely explains why SA-GAZ
was taken as an ideogram for JIabiru; Habiru was contemptuously equated to
habbilu, "bandit". It is unnecessary to add that the word habbiru -is unknown,
as well as the stem habiru., in Assyrian. In the light of such transpositions as
'Arabah = 'Abarah, etc. there can be no serious doubt that Haupt's explanation
of the word '-Hebrew" as a transposed doublet of "Arab" is correct. One form,
'Abir, was employed of themselves, in the sense of "nomad", by the Arameans,
and disappears in the eleventh century as an ethnic term; the other, 'Arib,
later 'Arab, was used in the same sense by the Arabs, first mentioned in the
ninth century in the annals of Shalmaneser III.

1 Cf. JBL 37, 135, 138, note 28.

2 In a letter to the writer Olmstead has pointed out that in Assyrian times
Arbela and Arrapachitis formed separate provinces. This is quite true, but the
early Ijoundaries may have been different, as is so often the case (e. (j. with
Kutmuh, above), and a triumphal inscription of an early Mesopotamian mon-
arch, perhaps of Sanhar {De Geuouillac, Rev. cV Assyr. 7, 151 ff.) indicates strongly
that Urbel (so the name is written) was then the capital of the independent
state of Arraphum, still autonomous in the fifteenth century, as we learn from
the Egj'ptian inscriptions.

ALBRIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 79

the Indo-Iranian hordes, which clearly grew intense by the end of
the 18'^' century.

Our chronological results, which will be stated and defended more
elaborately elsewhere, may be tabulated as follows:

Accession of Hammurabi in Babylon B. C. 2123

Twelfth Dyn. in Egypt 1996

Hittite Invasion of Babylonia; Fall of First Dyn. c. 1925

Assyrian Empire of Samsi-Adad III. c. 1850

Thirteenth Dyn. in Egypt; Decline of Empire 1783

Kossean Conquest of Babylonia; Third Dyn. 1742

Hyksos Occupation of Hebron; Abram in Palestine c. 1700
Hyksos Occupation of Egypt; the Bene Ya'qob in Egypt c. 1690
Invasion of West by Kudur-Lagamar of Elam c. 1675

Conquest of Mesopotamia by Tukulti-Mer of Hana c. 1650

Overthrow of Hyksos Power; Eighteenth Dyn. in Egypt 1580
Invasion of Asia by Thutmosis III. 1490

Amarna Age; Amenophis III. and IV. in Egypt 1400 1350
Birth of Moses c. 1300

Accession of Barneses IL, Pharaoh of the Oppression 1292

Exodus of the Hebrews under Moses from Egypt c. 1260

Invasion of Palestine by Israel c. 1230

Defeat of Israel by Meyneptah c. 1225

First Repulse of Philistines 1190

Song of Deborah c. 1175

Conquest of Coastal Plain by Philistines c. 1170

Visit of Wen-Amon to Dor c. 1115

Death of Eli and Loss of Ark to Philistines c. 1050

Since the foregoing paper was written, new material has come to
hand. Here may be noted two important articles, Bohl's "Die Konige
von Genesis 14," ZATW 36, 6573, and Langdon's "The Habiru and
the Hebrews," Expository Times, 1920, 324329. Bohl identifies Tidal
with the Hittite king Tudhalia (IL), who reigned 1250 B. C, and so
completely misunderstands the historical situation. He places Shinar and
Ellasar correctly in Upper Mesopotamia, without connecting them with
Hana and Alsi. Langdon points out that Winckler's Habbiri w^as a
mistake for Habiri, which appears in the cuneiform text as now publis-
hed. Accordingly the last philological objection to their identification
with the Hebrews is removed.

HEBREW MUSIC WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
THE MUSICAL DETONATIONS IN- THE RECITAL OF

THE PENTATEUCH

A. Z. IDELSON

(JERUSALEM)

TO what extent can the Jews be said to retain their primitive
national music? This question has been frequently investigated
and variously answered, but never in the light of all the evidence.
The music of only a section of the different Jewish centres has been
examined, and what is the most serious omission insufficient atten-
tion has been given to the music of the Jews of the East, where,
after all, Jewish music originated.

The Exile reduced the nation to scattered fragments which have
never again become reunited, and only occasionally come into tempor-
ary contact. They have had to keep guard over their culture against
the encroachments of outside influences. Sometimes they have been
compelled to compromise and suffer the intrusion of foreign elements,
but this never passed beyond definite limits: if there w^as a danger
of this limit being passed the national spirit rebelled and rejected
the alien admixture.

The course of the Exile saw the growth of more or less isolated
centres of Jewish culture: in the East Babylon, Persia, the Yemen,
Syria, and Upper Morocco; in Europe Spain, Italy, Greece, Ger-
many, Poland and Lithuania. In each case this culture, including
music, developed along lines determined by conditions of life and
environment. Of these centres, those of Spain and Greece came to
an end more than 400 years ago; while of those which still exist,
the Syrian has been influenced by the Spanish, and the Polish-Lettish
by the German. From Persia branched out the Bocharan and Daghes-
tani Jews and the Aramaic-speaking Jews of Lesser Persia; from

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 81

Babylon a branch spread to India; and from the Polish-Lettish cen-
tre branches have spread throughout both hemispheres. The isolation
of some centres has been all but complete, notably the Yemenite;
and the Persian has been touched only in slightest degree by the
Babylonian, the Moroccan by the Spanish, and the Italian by the
Spanish. These details are important; for if we find the characteristic
musical motifs of individual centres, which have never come into contact
with others, to be identical, or the basic elements to be akin in i essentials,
we can conclude that they still preserve the same music which was
theirs before the Destruction of the Temple.

We leave out of account the music which arose after the Talmud
period, the products of the last eleven hundred years, the music of
the Piyyutim the traditional hymns for various festivals; the hazz-
anite music the creations of the synagogue precentors for various
prayers; the music of secular Jewish folk-songs in Hebrew and
other languages Spanish, Arabic and German; and the Hasidist
music, in all of which we find admixture of elements peculiar to the
music of the surrounding G-entiles. We are concerned mainly with
the musical intonations, inflexions, motifs, in the singing of the Pentateuch.

This is the oldest part of Hebrew music. These intonations, we
know, were sung by the aid of the accents added to the text by the
Nakdanim, the punctuators, of the School of Rabbis at Tiberias
accents which Ben Asher ^ was the first to explain. But these Tiberian
accents are only the finished product: they are only an adaptation of
the old Greek prosody accents, the Byzantine line and point accents
of the 8*^ or 9*^ centuries. The names and shapes of these accents
arose out of a much older system, common in the East and in Greece,
according to which the leader of the music indicated, by raising or
lowering hand or finger, the rise or fall of the voice the system
known as CJieironomia^. Long before the invention of the shapes of
the accents, they were given names, descriptive of the hand or finger
movements, though the names varied in different centres; thus we find
the names given by Ben Asher different from the names in the Baby-
lonian accentual system, while both difi'er from the modern nomen-
clature; and even now there are differences between the names in

1 DikduTce T'amim of Ben Asher: ed. Baer and Strack. Leipzig 1879, pp. 1727.

2 Mentioned in Berach. G2b: Said R. Nachman bar Yishak ... the finger of
the right hand to show thereby the accents of the Pentateuch.

82 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

the Spanish, Italian and German Systems. (Thus yethihhqadma; de
]jitifha; hirparehhia; dnnorzarqa; slier e- seghol segholta ; nag-
dalegarme; shofarmunah, qadmapashta etc.)

The writer considers that the introduction of the accents into the
Bible was a gradual process extending over some centuries. Originally
there were only three accents: Ladma, athnah and sof-pasuk, marking
the beginning, middle and end of the verse. The same three we find
among other ancient peoples: udata, svarita and anudata among the
Hindus; acute, circumflex and grave among the Greeks, and shesht,
hirr and hutu among the Armenians. Among them all the shapes are
identical ' " ' i.

Already in the first century of the Christian era the Greeks began
to feel the need of reading-signs and musical indications. The result
was a system of ten accents: three with a musical significance iono/,
viz. oxeia acute, hareia grave, ferispdmene circumflex; two with a time
value chronoi, viz. makra long, hracheia short; two with dynamic
value, the pneumata, viz. daseia spiritus asper and ^Jsi^e spiritus lenis ;
and three, the jjai/ie with conjunctive or disjunctive value, apostrophos.
hyphen, and hijpodiastole. These, on examination, will be found to
correspond to the Hebrew accents, not only in their musical, tonal
significance, but also in their dynamic and their temporal value. The
Greek accents were added to in the 5*^^ and 6*^ centuries, and
improved by the Byzantines in the 8*^'* century. Then, or soon after-
wards, arose the existing system of accentuation of the Hebrew text
of the Bible. The Jewish scholars in their anxiety to preserve the
correct reading and interpretation of the Bible made use of this Greek
system as the best which existed, and most suited to their purpose.

1 These three accents seem to be referred to in the Tract Sofrim, section 13,
where it says: "But in the Song of David which is in Samuel and in the Psalms,
the careful writer arranged the versos with keys, with athnah and sof pasuq."
There is a variant reading "with keys, letters and sof." A reason can be given
for this variant: in the Babylonian system of accentuation which preceded the
Tiberian, they had the accents qadma and athnah, found in the Tiberian system ;
but for the others, they used the first letter of the name of the accent, taw for
tehhir, yod for yethihh etc. (Similarly we find letters to mark the accents among the
Armenians in the 6th century.) Hence the variant letters in the Tract Sofrim;
for that was the system in Babylon, whereas in Palestine they used signs. On
the Babylonian Punctuation, see P. Kahle, Die Massoreten des Ostens. Leipzig
1913, pp. 171 &.

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc.

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Illustration 1

j^4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

The accompany iug table shows us the relation of the Hebrew ac-
cents to the earlier systems. (Illustration 1.)

The Talmud (Meg. 32a) says: "The reader without the tune, and
the singer without the melody of him Scripture says: Even I, I have
given them statutes which are not good." According to Rashi "tune"'
and "melody" refer to the accents of Scripture. And commenting
on "melody" the Tosaphoth say: "They were accustomed to repeat
the Mishna to a tune when they recited it by heart, thus helping the
memory." R. Shim'on Duran (Magen Aboth 55&) reports that the
Mishna was pointed with these musical accents; and even the Talmud
we learn {Dikduke Sofrim 11, xix) had its accents. We must con-
clude from this that a well-known tune was learnt by heart from
tradition for the reading of the Bible and also for the memorising
of the Mishna. This tradition could be passed on from mouth to
mouth so long as the cultural centre remained in Palestine. But se-
vere legislation destroyed this centre and threatened the tradition.
Consequently arose the necessity for inserting accents to assist in
remembering the tunes proper to the Scriptures. Like the accents of
the Greeks they served to indicate the group of notes, the inflection,
the vocal movement, the rise and fall by definite intervals.

The early grammarians, R. Hayyug,i R. Yehuda b. Biram2 and
the Horayat Im-Qore'^ divided the accents into three species accor-
ding to their respective functions, broadly corresponding with the
Greek division; the division according to R. Hayyug is yedia, haa-
mada and Hllui; according to R. Ben Bil'am yarim ha-qol, munah
lia-qol and 'illiil ha-qol; and according to the Horayat ha- Qore gobah,
shehiya and rum.

(a) In the yedia, yarim or gobah category, they placed the accents
pazer, teres and telisha; their purpose is to stress the voice i. e.
they are dynamic rather than musical; and actually their intonation
is little more than an emphasis. The Babylonians represented all three
by one mark only, the letter tet for teres, while the Tiberians differ-
entiated their particular nuances. This species corresponds to the

1 Grammar, ed. J. W. Nutt, London and Berlin 1870, p. 129.

2 Rides of Accents, Rodelheim 1826.

3 Ed. Derenbourg, Paris 1870.

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 85

imeumata of the Greeks. The "double accents" may be placed in the
same category, since these early grammarians made no distinction
between double and simple (e. g. zaqef was either gadol or laton, and
so also with telisha, tren qadmen, tarsen, merken and pazerA

(b) In the ha'amada, munah or shehiya category, they placed yetliibh,
zaqef, and atJinah. Shehiya they explained as that "which is neither above
nor below but stationary", meaning that the voice neither rose nor fell,
but simply marked time: i. e. it corresponds te the Greek chronoL

(c) In the 'illui, or rum category, they placed zarqa, legarme, re-
bhia, tebhir, tifha and silluq. These were held to have a musical signi-
ficance, and so correspond to the Greek tonoi.

Furthermore, there are, in the nature of accents, sofpasuq, inveV'
ted nun, and poseq, which have the force of disjunctives. The Talmud
(Shah. 116a) explains Inverted nun as "a sign signifying a section that
stands by itself." The symbol for sof pasuq exists already in some
of the old systems of writing as a dividing sign; 2 while posek is used
to separate two similar words, e. g. "Abraham: Abraham", and the
like. Thus they correspond with the Greek pathe accents.

The Babylonians also possessed these twelve accents which are divi-
ded into these three categories, and styled them mafsiqim or separ-
ators. Instead of letters, the Tiberian scholars employed signs. Apart
from these, the Tiberians added the eight "helpers" which accompany
the disjunctives; but these have no set vocal inflections.

From all this it will be seen that the Bible accents agree with
the Greek system of division in general, though not in detail. For
example, athnah is reckoned as one of the chronoi, whereas the circum-
flex is one of the tonoi; and so with others. The reason is, apparently,
that the Jewish scholars had to adjust the borrowed Greek accents
to the popularly accepted Hebrew musical system. Apart from this
it is clear that not all the accents have a true musical significance,
and so do not all carry with them special inflexional motifs. This is
seen when we consider these inflexions.

The music of the Pentateuch is made up of certain special motifs,
found among all the centres and sections of the nation mentioned

1 On Pazer gadol and katon and the dift'erence between them, see R. Hayyug,
p. 128.

2 In the Babylonian punctuation the inverted nun is used to mark the end
or the beginning of a verse; see Kahle, op. cit. in the MS facsimilia.

56 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

above. Among some of them, the motifs are preserved in their eastern
purity as in Baglidad, Syria (Damascus etc.) Morocco, Italy, and
among the European Portuguese. Elsewhere they have been modi-
fied owing to external influence as among the Spanish and German
Jews. The scale of the Pentateuch music is the Arabic Makam
'Irak or its derivative Siga, or the third Greek mode, the Phrygian,
namely; MI-FA-SOL-LA-SI-DO, without completing the octave
but descending from the lower tonic: MI-RE-DO. The tonic ap-
parently is MI. The second note of the scale is sometimes, raised
a quarter of a tone if the inflexion rises to the note above; and the
fifth of the scale is lowered a quarter of a tone. These distinctions

[ = quarter-tone flat; x = quarter-tone sharp]

-^ ^ ^

-^<S>^

Illustration 2. Maqam Iraq

* also

i^^ :^ ^;;^ i

JL-

US'.

3^5

_ffl_

<s>

Illustration 3. Siga

are lost in the European centres, semi tones taking the place of
quarter-tones, as among the Portuguese of France and Amsterdam
and the Ashkenazim. It so happens that the tonic is the third of
the Ionic mode, which corresponds to the European major. This has
induced the Ashkenazim in course of time to regard the 6*^ of the
scale, or the third below the tonic, as the true tonic, owing to the
influence of the major scale, and because there is no Phrygian mode
in the popular secular music of Europe; and so they finish off the
inflection on the third below the tonic, as though the music were in a
true major.

The Sephardim also modified the scale through the influence of
the Arabs in Spain, and seem to have adopted the mdkam now called

- .^ < ^

-=& <=^-

}S> -

?^=^<^-

Illustration 4. Kurdi

"^ x-

y.-^-

IDELSON: HebreAv Music with Special Reference etc. 87

Jiiirdi, a derivative of the Irak or Siga. This was widespread in
Spain till the end of the Spanish Caliphate, and it has left a per-
manent impress on the music of the Pentateuch. The scale is:
MI-FA-SOL (quarter-tone sharp) -LA-SI (semitone flat) -DO -RE
(semi-tone flat); and descending: RE (quarter-tone sharp) -DO (quarter-
tone sharp). The Sephardim use this scale for the Pentateuch in
Egypt and Syria as well as in the Balkans, though using the correct
scale for the Ten Commandments. The Yemenites are untouched
by this influence: they read the Pentateuch with the inflexions proper
to the Prophetical Books.

It is a curious fact that the Ashkenazim have transferred the Pentateuch music
to the Song of Songs, in which they preserve it in a purer form than in the
Pentateuch a phenomena found in no other centre. Only by combining the
Ashkenazi music of the Pentateuch with that of the Song of Songs can we restore
the true music of the Pentateuch as it survives among the other centres. The
reason for this exceptional use is not yet known to the writer.

It has already been explained that each accent signifies a group
of notes, an inflexion or motif, made up of risings and fallings of the
voice; this is not exactly uniform throughout all the centres, except
in the ending, which constitutes the groundwork of the inflexion.

Silluq, athnaJi, segJiol, zaqef qaton, yethihh or ;pashta have the same
motif, made up of two or three notes of the scale, rising or falling
a third to the tonic.

Rehhi'a, tehhir, geresh, and garshen have difi'erent motifs of a group
of notes, undulating, and also ending on the tonic; telisha has an
undulating motif ending on the third below the tonic; ^a^er and sTiaZ-
sheleth have the same motif, ascending with undulations to the fourth
of the scale; qadma has a simple motif, leaping the interval of the
tonic to the fourth; and zarqa has an undulating motif ending on the
second below the tonic.

The first of these groups of accents, athnah, zaqef, etc., R. Hayyug's
^'haamada" category, corresponding with the Greek cJironoi, which
deal only with length or pause we saw that these have a single mo-
tif between them of a final, cadential character. AVhat then is the
difference between them? In course of time the feeling of their different
nuances must have disappeared. Even silluq and seghol have the same
motif as the haamada, though seghol was not regarded as a special
accent.

88 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Of the 'Illiii class, corresponding to the Greek tonoi.zarqa, le-
(/arme. rehhi'a, tehhir and tiflja have special motifs; while in practice
silluq is included among the ha'amada.

Tlie yed'ia class, the pneimata of the Greeks, are indeed character-
ised hy motifs of a more undulating and stressed nature.

From the point of view of modern music there is no room for the
distinctions drawn by the ancient grammarians; for except for the
disjunctives like i^oseq,^ inverted nun, and sof pasuq, all the accents
are musical, tonoi. But according to the musical ideas of 1200 years
ago, the various divisions held good.

RUTH and KOHELETH: The music of these two books is the same, and a
branch of the music of the Pentateuch, being founded on the same scale and
having a jjortion of its motifs; but only a portion, for it lacks certain of the
dynamic)> accents. Thus shalsheleth is not included at all; pazer is found only
once in Ruth (1 2) and zarka twice (4 1, 4). In Qoheleth jpazer is found five
ties only, (Sis; 62; 810,11; 9 12), and zarqa only twice (814,17). Owing to
the lack of these dynamic, more dramatic)) accents, the music of these two
books assumes a more lyrical character. With the Ashkenazi and Lettish Jews
it is nearer the music of the Pentateuch, since it is taken from the music of the
Song of Songs. In the other centres there are changes in the accent motifs of
the Ma amada category, since they close on the tonic by a downward inflection.
Even in the music of the Pentateuch, in an Ashkenazi use, the tehltir motif has
been transferred to garshayim; and in a Moroccan use that of zarqa to telisha
qaiana: and in an Ashkenazi use, in the music of the Song of Moses, the motif
of rebhi'a to that of tifha, before sof -pasuq; and the like. Similar transferences
are found in the music of Ruth and Koheleth: qadma and azla to rehhi'a and
telisha qaiana in Ashkenazi uses. Again, in the Ashkenazi use the inflexion of
jiazer and telisha is higher by a tone than in other centres.

The outward form of this music is that of recitative, but there is
a difference. It has an internal metre, but logical rather than tem-
poral, arising out of the collocation of the various motifs; it is melo-
dious by reason of the recurrence and variation of the motifs, which
lend it the character of music proper. In shorter verses only the
simpler inflexions mentioned above occmpashta, athnah, zaqef qaton,
tifha and silluq &.nA. these form the musical basis. In longer verses
are added the tonoi SiCcentHrebhi'a, geresh, zarqa, tebhir and telisha.
The dynamic accents, the stirrers). of Ben Asher, are of rare occur-
ence only when there 'is need of unusual stress; as already explained

1 In the eastern centres the poseq marks a definite break in the flow of the
melody; but in the west the knowledge of poseq as a disjunctive is lost: it serves
as a dynamic, a vocal stress.

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc.

they have no special motifs, employing that of geresli with more pro-
nounced undulations.

In conclusion it may be said that the music of the Pentateuch is
a true national Hebrew music. It is found among no other people,
and it may well be older than the destruction of the Second Temple.
Such time as the cultural centre of Israel was in Palestine, this
music spread throughout the world wherever a Jewish centre was
founded. We do not find it in the music of the Arabs, or of the
Jacobite or Nestorian Christians. In spite of its age it has a power
and nobility, a freshness and elasticity, which have roused and still
rouse the soul of the Jew in the bitter days of his Exile. It has
afforded comfort to the suppressed soul of the afflicted Jew and at
the same time given him a spiritual joy on every Sabbath and Fest-
ival. It has been an echo from the country of his birth and from
his glorious past. That it is to be found in every centre, preserved
in affection and sanctity, withouth need of compulsion or supervision,
without special ordinance (as in the case of Gregorian music), is a
manifest sign that this music comes not from without, but issues from
the inmost feelings of the Hebrew people, an expression of the soul
of the nation.

SYRIAN

Exod. 12, 2122

iT^-^zz^ ^ I ^^^= ifi=:]!^^^E^^ r

d d " d ^ d Jd

^ ^^ h r^^'

:5^=^

jsnts:

Waj-jiq-ra mo - se le-hol ziq-ne jis-ra-el waj-jo-mer a-le-

i^^z^

-d-*-

i- J J ^ j^-M ^_:j I , __.

-d-d

I J m M

^=i:3Ci?hitfzJiztz^

m^^^-m

hem, mi-s^ - hu uq-hu la-hem son le-mis-pe-ho-te-hem

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

JhJzJi^J:

wf a-hMu hap-pa-sah ul-qah - tm a-gud-dat e - zob

;^p^^sE^E^^

=^5==^=^

ut-bal - t^m bad-dam a-serbas-safwe-hig-ga'-tem el ham-mas-qof

y ^^r^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^? ?^

Ucifs

j=nL

w| ^1 se-te ham-me-zu-zot min had-dam a-ser bas-saf we-at-tem

^3:: J J- ^^ EEEg^^

i=*:

lo te - se

is mip-pe-tali be -to 'ad bo - qer.

BABYLONIAN

3t=t:

i ^-r^^ =

^-^^ d S d m

:t5=it5r^-

^^ ^ ^
Waj-jiq-ra mo - s le-bol ziq-ne jis-ra-el waj-jo-mr a le

H ^

=t=I^

:|5=if5^v

X* > ^ ^ ^ *

^# J-^

d m d d m d.

:^~-Xi

- 0-

hem mi - se - liu uq-hu la - hem son le-mis-pe-ho-te-hem

- -

:|5=55z:^^:l5:

^-i^t

:tr-^j-^l^ x * d d dd.dTJ ^ ^ ^g^-

we-sa-ha-tu hap-pa-sah ul-qah - tern a-gud-dat e - zob

K^J^ /^ ^

f5=t5=:t5:

ut-bal - tem bad-dam a-ser bas-saf we-hig-ga -tern el ham-mas-qof

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Reference etc.

:^=^

Wfe^^^^^^E^

:t5=it5:

J5 h h ^ ^ g

- 0-

-x-

> ^ ' ^

:f5=:t5:

-9^

we-el se-te ham-me-zu-zot mia had-dam a-er bas-saf we-at-tem

-t^=^i;i^K

tjt

:t5=iF5=I=:^z3:

--^ #^

te-se

is mip-pe-tah be-to 'ad bo - qer.

SONG OF SOLOMON

I 1-4

^=j5i::;5=:Jv

Ashkenazie Rite in Lithuania

:t5=:^

15=^:

:t5=f5:

d ' ^ S i

it^

t=^=ai

Sir has-si - rim a - ser li-lo - mo. ji-ga-qe-ni min-si-qot

{F^=^^=

^#=^i^E

ipzifs:

^==?5=

-*- * MS d -^

-S~r

pi - bu pi to-bim do-de-ha mij-ja-jiu. le-re-ah se-ma-ne-ba to-

1* ^ I I i h

- M I I i I I -

-w-^S

M .^-M .,^ a _- ^ ^-

bim se-men tu-raq se-me-ha 'al ken 'a-la-mot a-be-bu-ha

l3^

:15=if5

115:^:

:f5=|v:

:f5=:3=:^:

4 4 4_

-0^-

: ^^4 i -

mo-be-ni a - ha-re-ha na - ru - sa he-bi-a-ni ham-m-lh.

^=:^

:^5= r h h

-4-riMi

ha-da - raw na - gi - la we - nis-me-ha bah naz-ki-ra do-

d - ha mij - ja - jin me - sa

rim

a - he - bu - ha.

9-2

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Comparative table of accent motifs employed at the different
centres in the intoning of the Pentateuch:

1.
I'ersan

Babylonian

Syrian

4.
Moroccaiu

Egyptian

Sefardim

7.
European
Sefardim

Ashkena-

zim

=^=F

:i=^t

;^:3=

1 ^

^W=i^

-19-

Zarqa

segbol

rebhi'a

r ^

r^-

=15=

-iiar

*ikw^--

-H+tPH-

-S>-

^^m

*--iP r I I r

-I ^ib

- -

5C=C

|^^^^3

:p=#^

pasta ^ (in the Song of Solomon)

^m^

-(5?-

ft-^^

darga s

tebhir }

zaqef qaton

f^^^^

->-

?;;*

-I I P *

H I-

- -

^--P^

^W=m-

=t^

IDELSON: Hebrew Music -with Special Keference etc.

|i^

^-^-

^i^pc

- -^-

-*s^

P^ Wi' 1 ^ 1&-

1-1 ^^ati rl 1

g -p ^ ;PE^

-H H-t-J gr*ii k^ >

-t

^=^=P=i=P=

- J I-

-h "^^

- -

P=i=p-

-I-

garsayim

^^ azla geres "^ (in the
Song of Solomon)

It:

x3ES=:S'

~s>-

-y 1 >-

- I

! h

atnah a

telisa gedola -o

sof pasuq

:t=:

3tzzi|:

P*=# ^

-J ; f

ni ^ -

- ^

-1^ .'g

=P=i=

"^-^

"U,^ ^

T^ ^

zii^ut:

--J^-

Z^JJtl

-li f^

^=-r

- P-

pE^^EEi?

-^-+-P ^

: -

:<tzitaz=^

Tt=:

S^^f*^

-^_

3t=t

=1^:

- -

H 9-

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

SEPHAKDIM

Scale

- g' -9

jSZL

-rs -?

3/4 "V4 3/4 */4 3/4 V, 2/,

-^^*v-

:l5=t:

-fi ^

Waj-jiq-ra mo

( J ^ * - r- 1^ ^ #^ i^T^^

l^-ljol ziq-ne jis-ra - el

waj-jo-mtjjr a-le-hem, mis

liu

uq - hu la - hem son

^=ir:t?=:^i:r=r?S.^

=^-=^

^=^

3tii=w=Mz^izji

1 I-

3=*:

0^^

le-mis-pe-ho-te-h^m we-sa - ha - tu hap-pa - sah

ul-qah

tern

a-gud-dat e - zob ut-hal-tem

bad-dam a-sr bas-saf, we-hig-ga - tern el ham-ma-

=f^^:

iizztzc

ifiti

^-^

3^^=5E?_E$

itizi=j^ztitzM:

qof we-^1 e-te ham-me-zu - zot min had-dam a-s^r bas-saf

w^-at

4-^

tm lo tes - u i mip-pe-tah be-to 'ad bo-qer.

OBSEEVATIONS ON A MEGALITHIC BUILDING AT
BET SAWIR (PALESTINE)

E. J. H. MACKAY

(HAIFA)

THE first mention of this building occurs in the Survey of
Western Palestine, P. E. F.,^ where it is described as the ruin
of an ancient tower, 22 paces square, built of roughly squared slabs
of stone, of which some three or four courses remained, but with no
traces of mortar. On the south side was a large cistern, partly
closed by a slab like those of the tower. 2 This is the description of
the building as it appeared in October, 1874.

The Eev. J. E. Hanauer and Dr. E. W. Gurney Masterman3 at a
much later date published a brief note of this interesting building
with a photograph, mentioning that the walls formed two sides of a
square measuring 14x14 metres outside and 12.50x12.50 metres
inside, and that the orientation of the building was exactly to the points
of the compass. In the opinion of Messrs. Hanauer and Masterman,
the two walls they were able to trace at one time supported an
earth platform which was eventually intentionally thrown down.

In April, 1919, Dr. Paterson of Hebron reported to the Military
Administration of O. E, T. A. (S) that some of the blocks had been
destroyed for road-metal and was successful in saving what remained
of the building.

SITUATION

The ruins which occupy but a small space of ground are locally
known as Khurbet Bet Sawir^ and are situated on the western side

1 Vol. Ill, page 351. Map ref., XXI. L. V.

2 Xo longer to be seen.

3 P. E. F. Quarterly Statement (1901) ; page 305.

4 "Ruins of the House of Sawir." The name "Sawir" appears not to be of
Arab origin.

Juurual of the Palestine Oriental Society

of the Jerusalem-Hebron road, about 250300 paces from the road
itself and slightly to the north of the newly constructed reservoir,
called Birket el Arrub. They can easily be seen from the road
after one has become acquainted with their appearance.

MASONBY

These ruins are especially noteworthy on account of the very
large size of the blocks of limestone used in the construction of the

1:200

Fig. 1.

building. Four loose stones not especially selected for their size
measure as follows:

2.50 metres long by 1.80 metres wide by -40 centimetres thick
2.30 1.61 40

2.25
2.00

1.20

1-65 41

The agreement in thickness of these measured blocks is easily
explained as the natural thickness of the stratum of rock from which

Observations on a Megalitliic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine)

the blocks were quarried. The quarry, an open one, may be seen a
little way north-east of the building, but its ancient character has
been somewhat destroyed by its being re-used in recent times.

The blocks all show signs of having been roughly trimmed, but
they are so badly weathered that all tool marks have been obliterated,
if they ever existed.

The blocks are also full of holes which appear to have been bored
by gastropod molluscs after the blocks were quarried.

Fig. 2. S. E. corner looking N. E.

No mortar was used to hold the masonry together and the courses
are on the whole very regular. All the blocks were laid flat on one
another, each one extending the entire width of the wall. The slab
which measures 1.80 metres in width, being wider than any of the
walls, may possibly have been a roofing stone.

The plan i shows the little that can be now made out without
the use of the spade. It is important to note that the building is
not correctly orientated, the compass bearing along the wall A to B

1 Fig. 1.

gg Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

being 75 cast of north. For the purpose, however, of this brief
description avo will assume that the building is correctly orientated

east and west.

The walls rest on a natural stone platform which dips slightly from
N\V. to SE., the dip being roughly about 10. This platform which
extends for a certain distance outside the walls, is bare in places,
but the portion enclosed by the walls of the building is covered by
earth to a depth which can only be ascertained by digging. It

Fis. 3. SW. false corner D locking NE.

is probable that a rock floor was originally levelled inside the
building.

The south wall is fairly well preserved, especially the two corners
A and B. At present it stands in parts some two courses above earth
level. The thickness of this wall was difficult to ascertain with accuracy
owing to its being encumbered with large loose blocks, but there
are indications in several places that its thickness was the same as
that of the two remaining walls, namely 1.50 to 1.60 metres.

The south-east wall at B now stands 88 centimetres from the earth
level and there are three courses visible, of which the lower one is

Observations on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine)

entirely buried. As in the time of Hanauer's and Masterman's visit,
only the slightest indications remain of the eastern wall, the portion
it is still possible to measure being 5.55 metres long. The width,
namely 1.60 metres, was measured at the corner where it was possible
to do so with some fair degree of accuracy. ^

The south-west corner A is now two courses high and is 60 cms.
above ground level, but the stones of the lower course are practic-
ally buried.

Fiff. 4. South Side of buildinof looking N. E.

The north-west corner C is very difficult to fix, but the writer
considers a large stone which appears just above the ground to be a
corner stone. The western wall as measured from A to C is 12.85 metres
long and 1.50 metres broad, but it has now practically disappeared
at its northern end whereas at the time of the Rev. J. E. Hanauer's
visit it stood in places six courses high. 2 The stones which formed
this side are not even lying about, but small limestone fragments in
the close vicinity indicate what has become of them.

1 See Fig. 2.

^ See illustration in Quarterly Statement,

JQO Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Though diligently searched for, no trace of a northern wall is to
be seen, as was also the case at the time of Hanauer's and Masterman's
visit The brief note in the Survey of Western Palestine mentions
the remains of the building, but says nothing of any particular wall.

Outside the south-west corner at D there are three large blocks
superimposed which appear to have formed part of the original
building. Of these, the uppermost has certainly- been slightly shifted,
but the two courses beneath are in an exact line with the western
wall. It is hardly possible that two or more masonry blocks un-
secured by mortar should accidently fall into such a position, but
their presence outside the walls is difficult to explain unless they
once formed part of an outbuilding of some kind. The height of
this group of stones from earth level is 1.35 metres, i

Inside the present three walls of the building there are certain
stones which may have had some connextion with the structure itself.
On the plan they are marked as E and F. These stones appear to
be placed on edge, i. e. are orthostatic, and each group forms a
practically straight line. They all measure 40 centimetres in thickness,
though they are otherwise not so large as the stones of the building
itself. Another suggestive group of stones is to be seen outside the
east wall at the south-east corner and is marked in the plan as G.

NATURE OF BUILDING

The suggestion in the Quarterly Statement that the ruins of
Bet Sawir are the remains of retaining walls to form an earth
platform is, the waiter thinks, improbable. It is true that the northern
wall cannot be traced, but the stones may have been taken from
this portion at an early date. If the western wall which stood some
six courses high in 1901 is now reduced to two courses in 1920
without leaving any trace in the way of limestone chips, the total
disappearance of a wall in a long period of time is easily com-
prehensible. The number of blocks, moreover, outside the southern
wall, some 70 or 80 in all, would if in position, bring the southern wall
to a height far above the level of the northern part of the structure.

1 To be seen also on left hand side of illustration of south side of building
facing N. E. See Fig. 4.

Observations on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine) 101

The writer would prefer, therefore, to explain the building as either
the remains of a watch-tower or, preferably, a house which at an
early period was purposely thrown down.i A fort would hardly have
been placed in the position this ruin occupies, namely, on a gentle
slope commanded by the rise of the hill above it and also at some
distance from the ancient road which ran along the edge of the valley.

PERIOD

No period can be ascribed to this building with any certainty
until it has been excavated. There is no pottery to be seen on the
surface of the ground and our only guides are the nature of the
masonry and the style of the building. As far as has been ascertained,
there is no other structure in Palestine with similar masonry. In
Trans- Jordania, however, there are several megalithic buildings in
the close vicinity of Amman which are rectangular and built of
large flat slabs of local stone. These rectangular megalithic buildings
belong to the later megalithic civilization and the ruins at Bet Sawir
are probably, therefore, of that period. ^

The megalithic buildings at Amman, both round and rectangular,
have a number of cellae within their enclosures constructed of stones
set on edge. In the Bet Sawir building the existence of such cellae
cannot be proved without excavation, but the groups of stones
marked E and F in the plan may possibly be remains of cells,
especially as they appear to be orthostatic. It is even possible that
the large number of slabs outside the southern wall once belonged
to additional cellae. If these cellae had splayed roofs on the principal
of the false arch, as is the case in some of the megalithic residences

1 That the stones of this building were purposely overthrown is proved, in
the writer's opinion, by the position of the numerous blocks outside the southern '
wall. These are now lying one beyond the other at an angle of about 40 degrees
and more or less buried in soil. As aptly described by the Rev. J. E. Hanauer,
they resemble the broken ends of a series of limestone strata. Slabs of stone of
the size found in these ruins could hardly from their nature have fallen otherwise
than by human agency.

2 See Megalithic Buildings at Amman by Duncan Mackenzie; Palestine
Exploration Fund Annual, 1911. Also P. E. F. Quarterly Statement, 1901,
p. 407, where Dr. Gray Hill ia a brief letter compares the Bet Sawir structure
with similar structures at El Bukeia and between TJmm Shettah and Er Reuthah.

1(^2 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

ut Kujiii el Molfuf, this would account for the curious positions in
which the stones now lie. The cistern that was seen by the Rev.
J. E. Hanauer on the occasion of his visit may, therefore, once have
been inside a portion of the building. Moreover, the position of the
wall I), that apparently projects from the SW. corner, perhaps bears
out this theory; it may have formed part of another enclosure.

The absence of mortar and the peculiarly large thin blocks point
to a very early period (certainly pre-Jewish). The fact that the
blocks are on the whole well shaped testifies to the builders possessing
a certain degree of skill in masonry work, as does also the com-
parative accuracy of the SE. and SW. corners of the building. i

In conclusion, the writer would urge the necessity of the proper
excavation of this site. It would entail little labour or expense as
the ground to be cleared is not a large area. If the building should
subsequently prove, as appears probable, to be of very eai'ly origin,
it will be a Avelcome addition to the early monuments of Palestine,
which are all too rare.

' Each of the corners is two degrees less than a right angle.

BLOOD REVENGE AMONG THE ARABS

E. K HADDAD

(JERUSALEM)

A case of murder took place in the district of Hebron some years
ago, and attracted great attention. In spite of the strictness
of the Turkish law, and the severity of the sentence which was passed,
the clan of the murderer remained subject to the custom of blood-
revenge, until the murderer at last gave the required satisfaction.
One of the intermediaries, who brought about the reconciliation
between the two parties, was the mayor and former Muhtar of Bet
Jala, Jiryis Abu Dayi by name, from whom most of the material
presented in this article comes. The specifically Bedouin part I
received from the Muhtar of Bet Iksa Jubrtn, who lived long in
Madeba, and is intimately versed in the customs and usages of the
Bedouin. Since Palestine has become a British mandate, and my
home-land the Lebanon, as well as Syria, has passed under French
control, many of the native customs will disappear before the advance
of European culture. The custom of blood-revenge will, if not ent-
irely, at least in large part, vanish in the near future. In spite of
the difficulties connected with the collection of such material, I have
spared no pains to make it accessible to scholars who are interested
in this field. The material has not been altered or embellished in
the least detail, but is given just as heard from the lips of my in-
formants; the investigator may rely implicitly upon the accuracy
of the translation presented herewith. ^

1 I wish here to express my thanks to Dr. W. F. Albright, Director of the
American School of Oriental Research, who showed great interest in my work
and was always ready to help me with it.

]04: Jounial of the Palestine Oriental Society

1. MURDER AND PEACE

When it liajipens that a person is murdered, his relatives come
together and say at liis tomb: "You must sleep, but we must take
revenge for you on the enemy; your bed is silken sleep and fear
not."i After this they attack the clan of the murderer and steal all
the property they can, such as domestic animals, money, furniture, etc.
These things remain their own after the reconciliation and their value
is not deducted from the sum to be paid. It is strictly forbidden
to injure the women's honour. 2

Three and a third days the relatives of the murdered man have
the right to continue robbing. But as soon as they kill one of their
enemies they lose all their rights.

During this time both parties are in a state of war and therefore
the murderer's relatives flee away. If they immediately ask for an
armistice, 3 then it is entirely forbidden to rob, because the enemies
are then under the protection of an honourable man^ of a neutral
clan. If the injured party assassinates one of its enemies during the
armistice it loses all its rights to compensation and at the same
time it is regarded by the relatives of the protector as hostile, since
this is a great shame for them, as they are responsible. Such an
action is considered worse than murder or bloodshed itself. There-
fore the relatives of the murdered man are now in a very critical
situation, because they are considered as real enemies of both the
protector and the protected. If one of the relatives of the murdered
man should kill any one of his enemies during the armistice, they
dip a rag in the blood of the murdered person and smear it with
soot from a pot and hoist it in front of the protector's house. From
this moment all the party of the protector goes over to the party
of the first murderer, for the others have not kept their word. During
the armistice both parties associate freely with each other. ^

1 '(>_Aivj V5 ^U r?.r2>- '^.io\ ji^ ?y^^ '-*-;^ 0^^5 fy*^^ '^^ CUil."

3 ^^ks.; in modern Arabic <*Oi>a.

* 25^^5 ^^^ ^9 \^^-^ k.^-vJL\ k^sx^ , Volume II, page 2, 225 s. v. ^-s>.^
8^^ _ f^^^ '^"tr*^ <:>v^.^J\ |j^iUw&\^ ~43J"bL<o (^\ ^^aJ\ s^^^ ^jjlib.

5 _^ ^^ \y_<,js.-Oft ^ ^ ^^'j^. ^^ T^\^ <J-:~^^ tj-*^ ^5r:^^. J^ ^ proverb
which means: The relatives of both parties associate freely with each other.

HADDAD: Blood Eevenge among the Arabs 105

If the reconciliation does not take effect, the enemies renew their
robbing after the three and a third days are over. The property
stolen during this time is deducted from the reconciliation money but
the value of the goods is estimated at only half of the real amount.

2. THE ARMISTICE^

If no treachery takes place during the armistice both parties live
in security. If the matter is not settled before the armistice is over
and the armistice is not renewed, hostility is resumed between the
parties. But if they renew the armistice punctually the danger is
at an end.

Peace can not follow directly after hostility. First must come
the armistice, since it would be the greatest dishonour for the family
of the victim to accept the reconciliation money directly. If they
accept it at once, they are then despised by the whole neighbourhood.
They may hear the words: "Shame! Are you so greedy that you have
eagerly accepted the reconciliation money of your murdered one?"

The ceremony of the armistice is as follows: The pursued party
flees. By "pursued" we mean all male persons from the clan of the
murderer who are more than twelve years old, because they are
exposed to revenge. Aged men, blind men and all males with a
defect, as well as scapegraces, are not exposed to revenge. The
same is also true of all females. All such persons remain at home,
since it is a shame to take revenge on them, and so they have no
fear. "When the exposed party wishes to conclude an armistice it
calls reliable men of a neutral family, either from the same village
or from another. The latter must be strictly neutral. "When they
open negotiations they take with them one to four animals for sa-
crifice (as a rule sheep) rice and melted butter 2 at the expense of
the murderer himself. They take also a hundred mejidis, or more,
with them. When they reach the house of the relatives of the murdered
person they give them the offerings. They kill the animals immediately
and prepare food for all who are present. When the negotiators
hand the money over they say the following words: "Gentlemen, we
ask you for an armistice and we will try to carry out the usual

] 06 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

customs." Some days before the armistice is over, they renew it
but this time the offering is not necessary. They give only money
and about 50 mejidis less than the first sum. It is possible to renew
the armistice as many as ten times. Every time the sum which the
negotiators jiay is less than the time before.

3. THE NINE OF ASSURANCE^

If the clan of the murderer is composed of many families, all
these families are exposed to revenge. If they wish to be secured
from revenge they have then to pay a so called "nine of assurance."'
The payment may be before or after the armistice. The families
which paid the nine of assurance are not obliged to pay the expenses
of the armistice or reconciliation money. The nine of assurance is
either 9 Turkish pounds = 900 piastres or 90 mejidis. A family
which fulfils this is then quite safe, remaining at home without having
to move. Any family may do this and and live without danger, but
it must not harbor the murderer nor have any dealings with him.
If it violates the custom it loses the sum of assurance and is har-
rassed like the enemy himself. The sum of assurance should be
handed over by the mediator without an offering. If the enemy
should not keep his word, he would be considered by the mediators
as a dishonourable man.

4. PERFIDY AND DECEPTION'^

If the clan of the murdered person does not keep its word and
breaks the familiar customs of the armistice, killing a man in revenge,
it at once loses all its rights and is attacked by the protectors
themselves. The person whom they killed is now considered as the
equivalent of the first murdered person. All things robbed during

1 ^ &^ d^JUM^ ,

- JjP = "perfidy" in l^s.-vJ.\ k;^s?^ , Vol. I, p. 143 s. v. jb = J^jJ \ j\>

HADDAD; Blood Kevenge among the Arabs 107

the first three and a third days should be given back, unless the
other party has robbed their equivalent. The guarantors themselves
begin at once to rob the traitors and even try if possible to kill
one of them, since the latter have no right to take revenge for the
murdered person, this case not being punishable in the law of the
folk. In such a case the traitors send intercessors to negotiate
peace. They must oft'er every thing demanded, and the intercessors
say: "Behold, your enemy is in your power and it is for you to
decide whether to free him or not." Then those who broke their
word kneel down bareheaded in the midst of the circle formed by
those present. Each turban must be unfolded and wound around
the neck while the fez is held on the breast. To be bareheaded
means to surrender. While they are kneeling down they ought to
remain quite silent and are not allowed even to salute. If the
guarantor has inclination to forgive them he rises and says to one
of his men: "Rise and shave their heads, because I have forgiven
them."i

During this interval some animals (sheep or goats) should be
killed and a repast prepared with their flesh. After this they are
allowed to cover their heads.

If he does not wish to forgive them he demands, for instance,
100 horses, 500 camels and 1000 sheep. He is not allowed to ask
for money. Those who are present implore him to say how much
may be deducted for the sake of God and the prophet (Mohammed).
He then says: "I deduct 10 horses, 100 camels and 100 sheep."
They ask him again: "How much can you deduct for the sake of
Sheikh X.," etc. etc., and at last they ask: "What will you deduct
for your bareheaded and barefoot enemies: They ask for mercy.
It is noAv in your power to forgive and to be merciful or not. This
is a habit of nobles and you are well-known as one of the most famous
nobles. But these are people who trespass and you are the man who
forgives." Should he deduct more now, it is due to his humanity,
but they must in any case pay the remainder. If they have nothing
ready they must bring guarantors.

1 Shaving the head is considered a great disgrace, when it is inflicted as a
punishment. The same is also true of the beard. One or both are shaved as
punishment in the case of a crime affecting a woman's honour.

108 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

o. RECONCILIATION

If both parties after the termination of the armistice are ready
to be reconciled, the enemies have to bring 15 20 sheep and goats
or perhaps more, and rice, coffee, sugar, salt, and all the necessary
ntensils for cooking. As soon as they appear one of the victim's
family has to go out and meet them, and lead them in to the house
of the victim, where the meeting is to be held. He has the right
to ask two pounds and a cloak for his protection. They go now
with the guarantors and other nobles of the village into the house
of the victim or into the guest-house of the family. One of the re-
latives of the victim examines the animals, which must be without
defect. Animals which have defects must be changed. He begins
then to kill the animals or he orders another to kill them. But he
must in every case kill the first one. His part in killing is a sign
that he is satisfied with the reconciliation. The enemies must do
the whole work. After the meal, the relatives of the victim ask that
the murderer or one of the most respected sheikhs shall come.

The negotiators tell him: "Stand up and sit down in the midst
of the gathering." He follows their order, holding a long stick in
his hand. This stick must be half again as long as a man. They
bring five metres or more of white gauze. The nearest relative of
the murdered man takes hold of the cloth and begins to roll the
gauze round the stick, making knots at intervals. Every knot means
1000 piastres. When he is through, the negotiators ask him how
much he deducts for the sake of God. He unties two or more knots
according to his generosity. After this they ask for the sake of the
prophet, Christ etc. and at last they ask for the sake of the nego-
tiators, who should be honoured with a knot or more. It depends
much upon his generosity whether he unties fewer or more knots.
Lastly they ask him how much will he deduct for the sake of his
enemies. He answers: "They are welcome, and I am ready to untie
for them two knots more." Now they count the remaining knots.
The man who had untied the knots invites them to eat. They answer:
"No, by your life, we will not eat till you set our minds at rest. You
know that a man like this one (the murderer) commits a trespass,
but a man like you forgives, since forgiveness is a virtue of nobles.
X has died may God have mercy on him; it is a matter of fact that

HA.DDAD: Blood Revenge among the Arabs 109

a living person is worth more than a dead one, and nothing is sweeter
than sweetmeats except peace after hostility. You are very celebrated
for your generous deeds. ^ After reconciliation the required sum
should be paid in instalments. The sum may be 150300 pounds
or more. The legal ransom is 33,333 piastres and 33 paras.

6. MURDER BY AN UNKNOWN PERSON^

If it should happen that some one has been killed without the
murderer being known, the relatives of the murdered man send
messages to the men whom they suspect to be guilty and ask them
to appear before court. The court is formed of men who are authorities
in customs and murder-cases. After negotiation the time of their
meeting together should be fixed. The relatives of the victim choose
two persons; the suspected one can choose only a single person.
One of these three persons is made the judge. Accordingly the ac-
cused and the accuser choose one out of the three to be the judge.
If they are not pleased with his decision they appeal to the second
person; if they are then still unsatisfied they call upon the third one.
The decision of the third one must be accepted in any case. Every
one of the selected judges receives his wages, which may be as much
as he wishes and is not less then 100 mejidis. As soon as the ac-
cused person appears before the first judge, he is given a horse's
bit, Avhich means that the horse is made the pledge, or a gun as a
sign that the owner of the gun is the pledge. Alter both the ac-
cused and the accuser have been heard in court the judge must
repeat to them their statements during the trial. Many persons
should be present to witness the process and confirm the decision.
After this the judge asks for guarantors to be made responsible for
the payment of his wages. As soon as they are selected he gives
back the pledges. He then commences his work and says: "0

1 Literally, you are the father of X, and brother of your sister. X here refers
to the first-born son of the man addressed; if the latter has no children, X is
the name of his father, as the first-born is expected to bear his grandfather's
name. "You are the brother of your sister" is a proverb, and means "You are
a good, energetic, and generous man."

2 Jy^^"^- J^'-

110 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society'

auspicious wdtnesses, be kind and mediate peace between both parties
and let them leave this place as friends; I am ready to forego my
wages." If after discussion they do not come to a satisfactory result,
he announces his decision.

7. THE JUST AND FAULTLESS WITNESSES

It is impossible to find perfectly just witnesses in murder cases,
since the qualifications of such witnesses must be unattainably high.
They must be blameless; they ought never to have desecrated the
holy days, never to have laughed like Ham, that is to say, never to
have mocked their parents; they must never have been treated un-
kindly as guests, and must never have been slandered. Since the
judge is naturally not able to find such a character, he must search
for an honest, fair-dealing, frank man and swear him in.

8. SWEABINO TO INNOCENCE OR GUILT

One must take oath in front of the door of a church or in the
niche of a mosque. Besides the man who swears, five other men
must confirm the oath. The accuser may select the one to swear
from the suspected family, one who must not be removed more
than five generations from the family in question. As soon as the
one who swears reaches the door of the church or the niche of the
mosque, he calls upon the relatives of the murdered man and says:
"Come and take your rights." They ask him if he is ready to swear
and they ask also where the five persons are who have to confirm
the oath. At once the required five appear. Before -the oath he
asks for a guarantor to protect him from his enemies after he has
sworn and been declared guiltless. A guarantor is granted, and if
then the rights of the swearer are not preserved, it is considered
as perfidy.

If the swearer is declared free, he must pay the aquittal sum,
which is 999 piastres. He must swear three times and each time
he pays 333 piastres. If the confesses to the commission of the
crime, he must pay the ransom. If he is acquitted without swearing,
he must pay 999 piastres, and invite all present to a meal.

H ADD AD: Blood Revenge among the Ai-abs 111

9. THE OATH^

If the murder has taken place in a Christian community, the oath
is taken in a church, and if in a Moslem community, in a mosque.
The literal meaniDg of the oath is : "By God the Mighty, the Avenger,
the Powerful, Creator of day and night, I have not made his children
orphans, and I have not cut his skin or made his wife a widow."

10. THE BRANDING OR ORDEAL 2

If a murder or the defloration of a girl should take place without
the detection of the culprit, the suspected man and the accusers
agree in the presence of honourable men to go to the "licker", and
cause the ofi'ender to "lick". Each party has to pay 100 mejidis.
The wages of the honourable man who accompanies them to the
licker is five pounds. His task is to be witness of what he sees
while at the licker's. Lickers are very rare. Today there is one in
Upper Egypt, another is east of Madaba. The suspected person
must lick a red-hot coffee-roaster, given him by the licker. If signs
of burning are seen on his lips or tongue he is then considered
guilty. The licker says to him: "May God help you to bear your
load". If his mouth after licking the roaster is still not burnt, the
licker says to him: "You are clean and guiltless". If the accused
one is acquitted, the accuser must pay the licker 100 mejidis and
give 5 pounds to the accused and vice versa. After returning home
they begin to negotiate for reconciliation.

11. THE MURDER OF A WOMAN

The rights of a woman are exactly the same as those of a man
with the exception that the ransom is only half of that of a
man. If a man is killed because he has maltreated or has assaulted
a woman, the relatives of the murdered man have no right to ask
for blood-money, no matter how many of them may be killed by the
relatives of the dishonoured woman.

2 d^.x.xc^.^\ in ia^sxtl k.^'jsx-o Vol. I, p. 96 we read: A*Li.^5 Ls-tio ^.^^X.^ J-^
.^>JuJ\ ^\ j^^l '^ry^ d^jnJ^ ^,*'I'.-^tt ... 'ijy^\ *v-^iLl\ ... jxioJl ... L.<.V o ^Lo

112

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

/^. THE ATTITUDE OF THE GOVERNMENT TOWARD
MURDER

The Government may interfere and make a fair decision, nevertheless
a real reconciliation between the two parties can not take place as
long as the customs of the people are not satisfied.

13. PROTECTION OF THE MURDERER BY THE
MURDERER'S FAMILY

The following is still the practice of the Bedu. If the murderer
asks for protection from the father or the nearest relatives of the
murdered person, as soon as he ties the end of his kefffye (head-
covering) and puts his hand in his belt without being previously-
observed, and says: "I ask you to protect me," he is at once safe
and the protector accompanies him to the boundary of his tribe and
tells him: "Escape for your life and know that as soon as I see you
again I will kill you."

-I

THE EDOMITE LANGUAGE

ELIEZER BEN YEHUDAH

(JERUSALEM)

IT has hitherto been assumed that our knowledge of the Edomite
language is confined to a few names of persons and places; and
though it may be assumed that, like Moabitic, it was closely akin
to Hebrew, the discovery of some inscription is necessary to throw
further light on the question. The object of this paper is to suggest
that we already possess what is at least as good as an inscription
nearly two whole chapters of the Bible written throughout in the
Edomite dialect, viz. Proverbs 30 i to 31 9.

Ch. 31 begins: 1D8 "imD^ nty XtJ'D 1^0 ^^Itt*? nDT usually translated:
The words of king Lemuel: the oracle, ^^0, which his mother taught
him. Early writers saw in Massa a word which is elsewhere used
in the sense of prophetic utterance. But an early Jewish scholar,
Malbim, already felt that Massa was really the name of a place; and
this idea has been revived by modern scholars and now finds a place
in the R Vmg. : The words of Lemuel , king of Massa. This inter-
pretation finds support from Gen. 25 14, which points to the fact
that Massa was a place occupied by tribes descenced from Ishmael :
The sons of Ishmael . . . Mishma and Duma and Massa . . . Tema . . .
and Kedema . . . These are the sons of Ishmael and these are their
names l)g their villages and by their encaui/pments.

Furthermore these chapters are specimens of eastern wisdom; and
we know from such passages as Jer. 49 7 (Is wisdom no more in
Teman? Is counsel perished from the prudent? Is their wisdom van-
ished?) and Ob. 8 (Shall I not, in that dag, destroy the wise men out
of Edom . . . and thy wise men, Teman, shall he dismaged!) that
Edom had a reputation for wisdom; and it is specially pointed out
that the wisdom of Solomon (1 Kings 4 so) exceeded that of the

children of the East.

114 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

But if these verses of Proverbs are written in a non-Judaean
dialect of Hebrew peculiar to the Edomite speech as used in Massa,
we shall expect traces of this in vocabulary and perhaps also in syn-
tax. And we do find features which lend support to the hypothesis.

In the first few verses of ch. 31 are several passages which have
always proved difficulties to those who would interpret them solely
in the light of the Hebrew vocabulary and syntax as we know it from
the Hebrew books of the Bible. The second verse runs: ntti ^13 no
mi ni ntti ^it3D is of which our English version is: What, my son?
and what, son of my womb? and what, son of my vows? The
first point we notice is that the word for "son" is not the Hebrew
word hen but bar; and this alone marks it out from the rest of bibli-
cal Hebrew. The second point is the use of the word ma "what?"
But the translation "what?" does not give good sense. The context
demands some such significance as "Listen!" "Take heed!" Such a
meaning of ma exists in Arabic.

There is a difficult word in v. 3: Oive not thy strength unto wo-
men, nor thy ivays to that which destroyeth kings. But to that which
destroyeth is a very far-fetched translation of lamhoth, and the
parallelism is not good. It is better to point it Vmahbtli, a plural
noun meaning "delights" "playthings," "pastimes."

In V. 4 as a parallel to the phrase ]''"^ nint^b we get IDtJ' IK. This
ev is an unknown word, and the Q'n 'i* "where?" gives no help. We
want a verb synonymous with "drink." So perhaps here we have an
Edomite word with the meaning "drink up quickly" or the like. Cf.
the Arabic JU* "to drink up quickly."

In V. 8 we have: Open thy mouth for the dumb ^l^n ''il b'2 p"l b^
which is, literally, unto the cause of all those ready to pass away.
This becomes less meaningless, and makes perfect parallelism, if we
look away from Hebrew, and regard Vs not as a preposition but
as a verb meaning "hasten," like the Arabic jT; and connect ^l^n
with the Arabic root i^^. The verse then reads: Open thy mouth
for the dumb and speed the cause of the unfortunate.

In the preceding chapter, in the words of Agur the son of Jakeh
the ''Massaite,''' occur several strange, or, as the hypothesis would
assume, pecuUar Edomite words ]in in the sense of the Hebrew n
"enough," (v. 15) and imi and p1p'? of unknown meaning (v. 31). In v. 9
we have: Lest I become poor and steal Tisysm the name of my Ood.

BEN YEHUDAH: The Edomite Language 115

Here ti'Sn seems not to have its usual raeaning in Hebrew of "tal<e
hold of," but rather "blaspheme," "revile."

In V. 33 the last member of the verse is hastily rejected by
modern scholars as a doublet: The pressing of milk brings forth
butter, and the pressing of the nose (f]) brings forth blood, and the
pressi)ig of D''St< brings forth strife. In Hebrew D^SN means nostrils,
and so seems here merely to repeat the preceding clause. It is more
suited to the context and the idea contained in the word 2^1 "strife"
if we see in D"'DN a mispunctuation of an Edomite form of the word
for mouth, such, e. g. as of mi. Compare the Aramaic and Arahicf um.

The following are possible cases of Edomite syntactical peculiarities:

Ch. 30 V. 2 runs: ty^ND ^DiS nj?:i ^D usually translated: Siirehj I am
more brutish than any man. But this assumes a construction which
does not exist elsewhere. It at once becomes simple if instead of
me=min, we see in it the Arabic negative ma: Surely I am a beast,
ma 'ish not a man.

A more pronounced case occurs in v. 32: niDt DNI irinn2 n^ni D
T\th n\ If we try to translate it in the customary way: If thou hast
done foolishly in lifting thyself up, and if thou hast thought evil, hand
to mouth! it lacks the necessary parallelism, and also gives n^Di a
rendering which is unsupported. But by regarding 2 i^ fc^B'inn^ as
a peculiarity of Edomite syntax with the same function as the Ara-
bic particle fa, and the Hebrew iva following a conditional clause,
the syntax becomes easy and the sense good: If thou sink down, then
raise thyself up: and if thou purpose evil, remain quiet.

An objection to ascribing these chapters to an Edomite source
may be lodged, in that the divine name of Yahweh, the God of the
Hebrews, occurs (30 9). But we have nowhere else any evidence for
saying that the Edomites used any other peculiar name for their
deity, as, for example, did the Moabites in the case of Chemosh, or
the Philistines in the case of Dagon, or the Ammonites in the case
of Milcom. Josephus certainly mentions Koze as the name of an
Edomite deity; but it is nowhere else referred to, and the inference
is, that if there were a god of such a name, it was an inferior god,
or one of recent adoption.

There is, perhaps, another trace of the Edomite language in that

puzzling fragment of Isaiah 21 1112, "The Burden of Duma", which

the writer hopes to deal with another time.

SOLOMON AND THE SHULAMITE

C. C. McCOWN

(BERKELEY [CAL., U. S. A.])

IN the early Christian apocryphon called the Testament of Solomon
there is a collocation of Solomon and the Shulamite which to me
is new. As it exhibits an interesting development in the Solomonic
legend and seems also to involve a peculiar interpretation of the
Song of Solomon, I present it here in the hope that others may be
able to contribute some parallel from Arabic, Jewish, or early
Christian folklore.

The Testament of Solomon may be safely dated in the fourth cent-
tury of our era. The author is a Christian exorcist who attempts to
work up the demonological and magico-medical knowledge of his
syncretistic environment into a practical vade mecum. His materials
go back ultimately to Babylonia, Persia, Egypt, Palestine and the
Greek world. The thread upon which these materials are strung is
the story of Solomon's use of the demons in building the Temple.
The book closes with an account of the great king's ignominious fall.
Though I have sailed but little oni, the sea of the Talmud and made
but inconsequential excursions into the wilderness of Arabic litera-
ture, I think I am safe in saying that the fall of Solomon in these
literatures is usually ascribed to the great demon prince, Asmodaeus,
who gets possession of the magic ring and usurps Solomon's place
as a punishment for his presumption in trying to pry too far into
the secrets of the universe. On the contrary, in Christian literature,
his fall is usually ascribed to "woman-mania," ^r^Au/xavta, which leads
to his building idol temples or to idol worship, and so to his loss
of the divine favom* and his God-given power and knowledge. In this
the Testament of Solomon agrees. The story is as follows:

'EAa/3ov Se yi'i'ttiKas diro acTTjs -)((i>pas koI /3ao"tAeias, o)v ovk r/v dptu/ws. xai
TTopevOrjv Trpus tov 'lefSovcraMV /SacriXea Koi ecSov ywauca ev Tjj ^ao"iAeta uvtidv

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 117

KOL rjyaTrrjcra avrrjv cr(f)68pa, koI ipeXirjcra avri^v fxi^ai crvv rats yvvai^i fwv. koX
ecTTOV irpos tovs lepeis avTwy ^^Sore fiot ryjv ^ovvafitTijv ravrrjv, on riydirrjcra
avTi]V (Tcjioopa.^' Koi inror Trpos fie' "ft lyyctTrrjo-as ri^v dvyarepa rjfiujv, 7rpo<TKVvrja-ov'
Tous Oeovs rj/xiov, Toi' /xeyai' 'Fa<f)av Koi MoAd;^, Koi Aa/3e at'Tji'." eyw 8e ovk
rideXfjira TrpocTKVvrjcraL, dW eTirov a.vTOL<i' "lyu> ov TrpocrKWU) ueoy dWoTpuo. avTol Se
TrapefStda-ovTO Tr]v irapOevov AeyoiTes orf " eav ykvqraL trot ela-eXdav els tyjv fSacnXeiav
2oAojuwvTOS, etTTt avToy 'ov KoifJi7]0')'i(roiJ.ai /xera crov lav fir] ofioLCtidys tw Aaw fiovy
Kal XafSe aKpiSas Trei'Tt Kal cc^a^at auras els to ovofia Ta(/)a,v Kat MoAd;(. lyw
Se Sta TO ayaTTav /xe tt/i' Koprjv ws itpaiav oicrav Trai'v, Kai ws acn'veTos oji', owSei*
evofutra Twv o.KplSon' to atfia koi eXafSov avras viro Tas ^et/Das )Uod /cat Wva-a
els TO ovofia 'Fa(f>dv koi MoAo^ Tots etSwAoiS, koI eXaf^a rrjv irapOeyoy els Tov
otKOV T^s /3a(riXeias fiov.

Kai aTrrjpOr] to TTFeu/xa tou Oeov dir' efiov, Kal oltt' eKeivrjS ttJs rjfiepas eyevero
ws A'^pos Ta p-qfiard fiov. Kal I'/rayKacre fie olKOvofirja-ac vaoi^s tuv eiSwAwv. Kayu>
oil' 6 SiVtvjvos eTrolrfcra ttjv crvfij3ovXr]v avTrjs Kal rcAetcos aTrecTTTj 17 Sdga rou
deov utt' e/xoTJ /cai earKoricrOrj to Trvevfid fiov , Kat eyevofirfv yeXcas TOis elScoXoLS
Kal 3at/ioo"tv. 1

One may translate as follows: "And I took wives from every coun-
try and kingdom, of whom there was no number. And I went to the
king of the Jebusites and I saw a woman in their kingdom and I
fell exceedingly in love with her and wished to include her among
my wives. And I said to their priests, "Give me this Shunamite, for
I have fallen exceedingly in love with her." And they said to me,
"If you have fallen in love with our daughter, worship our gods, the
great Raphan and Moloch and take her." And I was not willing to
worship, hut said to them, "I will not worship a strange god." But
they laid injunctions upon the maiden, saying, /'If it should be your
lot to enter into the palace of Solomon, say to him, 'I will not sleep
with you, unless you become like my people; so take five locusts
and sacrifice them to the name of Raphan and Moloch'." And because
I loved the maid as being very beautiful and because I was without
understanding, I did not consider the blood of the locusts but took
them in my hands and offered them to the name of Raphan and
Moloch, the idols, and I took the maiden into my royal house.

And the spirit of God departed from me and from that day my
words became like an empty sound, and she forced me to build temples

1 See the writer's Testament of Solomon (Hinrichs, 1921), c. 26.

118 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

of the idols. And wretched being that I was, I did her will and the
glory of God departed from me completely and my spirit was darkened
and I became a joke to the idols and demons."

One recension of the Testament has a slightly different version
of the story, in which Solomon first promises the maiden to do her
will, and then she prepares the trap for him.i In this form the story
is closely paralleled in Kebra Nagast.^ Here it is Pharaoh's daughter
who seduces the king. She wishes him to worship her idols. On his
refusing, she coaxes him until he promises on oath that he will do
what she wishes. Then she fastens a thread across the middle of the
door of the temple of her idols, brings three locusts, puts them in
the temple, and says to him, "Come to me without breaking the
woollen thread, by bending under it, kill the locusts before me, and
twist their necks." When he has done so, she says, "From now on
1 will do thy will, since thou hast made offering to my gods and
hast prayed to them," The writer of the work exhibits the same
apologetic attitude as the Testament explaining that Solomon did
this to avoid perjuring himself, though he knew it was wrong to enter
the idol temple. 3

The figure of the fair seducer is a motif common enough in folklore.
Jeremias suggests as parallels Ishtar and Gilgamesh, Herakles and
Dejanira, Samson and Delila, and David and Michal.* Many a
Tannhauser has had his Venusberg.

The first point of interest in the legend of Solomon's fall as told
in the Testament is that it agrees with the usual early Christian
tradition in ascribing the wise king's overthrow to his inordinate
fondness for women, and in leaving him to die in the darkness of

1 Recension B, manuscripts PQ,; see critical apparatus to sec. 3, ch. 26.

2 Prof. Dr. Carl Bezold, Kebra Nagast, Die Herrlichkeit der Konige, etc. c. 64,
in Ahh. d. pJdlos.-philol. Klasse d. konigl. hayer. Akad. d. Wiss. 23 Bd. , 1 Abt.,
Miinchen 1905, p. 60 f.

3 Georg Salzberger, Die Salomosage in der semitischen Literatur : ein Beitrag
zur vergleichenden Sagenkunde. I Teil: Salomo bis zur Hohe seines Ruhmes. (Diss.
Heidelberg) Berlin 1907, p. 96, says the same story is Found in Kisa'i: If the
second part of Salzbergers woi'k has appeared, in which he promised to discuss
this matter, I have missed it. Dr. W. F. Albright informs me that Tha'labi,
Qisas aPanbid' (Cairo ed.) 224 227 has the story of Solomon's loss of his ring,
a punishment for allowing Jarada, daughter of Sidon, one of his wives, to worship
her father's statue. Curiously Jarada means "locust."

4 Das Alte Test im Lichte d. Alt. Orients, 3. ed. 1916, p. 434, n. 1.

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 119

this eclipse of the divine favour; while Asmodaeus plays quite a different
roll as a great demon prince, but not the chief of demons. Beelze-
boul, as in the New Testament, is apxo)v Travrinv twv ^aijxovwv. Solomon's
undue amorousness is ascribed to the incitement of other demons. ^
The Testament, therefore, as Kohler in the Jewish JEncyclopedia says,-
represents pre-Talmudic demonology and also a pre-Talmudic stand-
point in the development of the Solomonic legend.

In one direction, however, it exhibits a development beyond pre-
Talmudic times and this is the second point of interest in that
it ascribes Solomon's fall to "the Shunamite." Who can this Shuna-
mite be and where does that legend attach itself to the biblical
accounts of Solomon?

Two Shunamites appear in the Hebrew Scriptures, (1) Abishag
the Shunamite of 1 Kings, the most beautiful maiden in all David's
domains, and (2) the friend of Elisha in 2 Kings 4 36; there is in
the third place the Shulamite of the Song of Songs. The friend of
Elisha is out of the question and the writer of the Testament must
have in mind one of the two others, either Abishag or the Shulamite
of the Song of Songs, as the cause of the king's sin and fall.
Differences in the form of the name do not enter into the question.
According to all our trustworthy sources, there was in antiquity one
Sunem, which is to be identified with the modern Solem or Sulem,
a short distance east of El Fuleh at the foot of Jebel ed-Duhy, or
Little Hermon.3 Eusebius and Jerome both locate it quite explicitly
in this same spot.^ They also derive Elisha's benefactress from
Sanim in Akrabattine, nine milestones east of Sebaste, but this is
evidently due to a mistaken desire to account for some of the
variations of spelling. Such a location is extremely unlikely, for it
is in a desolate region off the line of Elisha's usual movements,^
and the derivation is phonetically impossible. On the other hand the

1 HXdvi], Test. Sol. c. viii 9, Ka/cio-rT?, c. viii 11. It is to be noted that the Hol-
kham Hall MS, usually the more original, with the Jerusalem MS after ascribing
Solomon's death to the demons, quite inconsistently allows him to die in peace
in his palace. This conclusion of the Testament in apparently original.

2 Vol. IV, p. 518.

3 Conder and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, Mem. II 87.
* Lagarde, Onomast. sacra 294 56 f. , 152 16.

5 Robinson, Biblical Researches, Boston 1874, vol. II, pp. 324 f. , Lagarde,
op. cit. 29586, 15318, and 8728, 21464.

120 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

various forms of tlie word, Zovfiavlres and "EowaixLTis in the Testament,

n^tp^^l^, Soi/zaverrts, 2ov/xav'iT);s in the Book of Kings, rr'tebliy, SovAa/xiTts,

2ou/xumTts in the Song of Songs, and ^ovXafSms in some of the Fathers i
are all derived by natural phonetic changes or possibly sometimes
by scribal error from DJIU^, now Solam, which appears in the Septu-
agint manuscripts as 2w/xav, StWa/^, "Ziwixa/x.

Has our tradition Abishag the Shunamite of 1 Kings or the Shu-
laraite of the Song of Songs in mind? Abishag was the unwitting
cause of the death of Adonijah, according to the account in the
Book of Kings and it would seem to be implied that Solomon took
her to wife. But she was already in the royal harem before Solomon
come to the throne and she is almost certainly an Israelite, not a
worshipper of Raphan and Moloch. It seems impossible to suppose
that any legend could fasten upon her as the cause of Solomon's fall
into idolatry. The role she plays is quite different.

As has been suggested by Budde and those who accept his inter-
pretation of the Song of Songs as a cycle of marriage songs such as
are still sung in this land, the fame of the beauty of Abishag the
Shunamite, coupled with the romance of Adonijah's love for her and
his death on that account, persisted down through the centuries and
led to her being taken as the unapproachable type of womanly
beauty just as Solomon became the paragon of manly excellence and
glory. She therefore appears in the Song of Songs as bride, while
Solomon is the bridegroom. Shunamite stands, then, for the most
beautiful woman in the world.'-

When, in the Testament, Solomon says, "Give me this Shunamite,"
he means, 'Give me this most beautiful woman.' The story in the
Testament becomes, then, a confirmation of Budde's theory, an exam-
ple of the usage he claims for the Song of Songs, which is otherwise,
I think, without parallel. This far one can go without hesitation.

It is possible that this brief sentence in the Testament witnesses
to an interpretation of the Song of Songs which was held by those
who opposed its admission into the Canon of the Hebrew Scriptures.
It is well known that it was only because the Song was interpreted
allegorically of the love of God for his people that the book was

1 For example, Migne, Patrol. Graeca 17, 280, from a Vatican Catena.

2 See the commentaries of Siegfried (Eandkommentar) and Budde, (Kurzer
Sandkommentar), ad Cant. 7 i.

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 121

finally given the iwi'primatur of the rabbinical councils, i This same
interpretation, usually altered to make Solomon a representative of
Christ and the beloved maiden a type of the Church, was then adopted
by the Christian exegetes and has persisted until the present.

Both the Song of Songs and the Testament of Solomon are more
easily understood, however, if we may suppose that there was current
a legend or cycle of legends describing Solomon's love affairs. One
may be justified in supposing that some of the unintelligible allusions
in the Song of Songs would be explained if we had these legends
before us and that others may possibly be due to the excision or
modification of allusions which were unacceptable to a rigid monotheism.
If this may seem to be going too far, it at least is within the range
of probability that the Testament reflects an interpretation of the Song
of Solomon which took it to describe his OrjXvfiavia and regarded the
maiden whose ravishing beauty is so sensuously described as the
cause of his downfall. Such a conception of the book was naturally
repressed by the constituted authorities and could be preserved only
in books like the Testament, which never received ecclesiastical
approval but circulated among the less instructed along by and for-
bidden paths.

See Siegfried, op. cit, p. 18S. Budde, op. cit, p. IX f.

NOTES OF LOCALITY IN THE PSALTER

JOHN P. PETERS

(SEWANEE, [TENN., U. S. A.])

WHAT I have to say needs, in order to make it intelligible, to
be prefaced by a brief statement of the origin and composition
of the Psalter as I understand it.

Psalms 3 41 were the first Psalm book of the Jerusalem Temple.
Psalms 51 71 were in origin the Psalm book of the great Israelite
temple at Shechem, the lineal ancestor of the Samaritan temple on
Mt. Gerizim, as the original Deuteronomy was the law book of that
temple. With the destruction of Samaria and the kingdom of Israel
in the last quarter of the 8*^ century these writings were transported
to Jerusalem and were instrumental in producing first the renaissance,
then the reformation there, precisely as the transportation of scholars
and books from the East to the West brought about first the Re-
naissance, then the Reformation in central and western Europe after
the fall of Constantinople in 1453 A. D. Out of the original Shechem-
ite Deuteronomy was developed the Judaean law book, Deuteronomy,
and out of the Shechemite Psalter a second Davidic Psalter, i. e.
Psalter of the Jerusalem temple, which, I take it, is the meaning of
the Psalm title "of David." These two Davidic Psalters were formed
into one whole, framed by two new hymns. Psalms 2 and 72, and the
double collection thus formed was entitled "Prayers of David Son of
Jesse," so that the colophon at the close of Psalm 72 reads "The
Prayers of David son of Jesse are ended."

To this Jerusalem Psalter were added, but not incorporated in it.
Psalms from the temple at Dan, and Psalms from the Temple at
Bethel, the Psalms of the sons of Korah and the Psalms of Asaph,
4249, 50 and 7383, and 8489. (By an early dislocation a part
of these Psalms, 42 50, was inserted between the two parts of the
great Davidic Psalter.) These Psalms, 289 (Psalm 1 is of later

PETEES: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 123

origin, a preface to the entire Psalter), constituted the Psalter of the
pre-exilic period, the first three books of our present Psalter; later
subjected, like the legal and prophetic books, to considerable editing^

Post-exilic psalmody is very different in character. Among other
things, while the Psalms of the pre-exilic Psalter were regularly single,
one Psalm constituting a liturgy, in the post-exilic period liturgies
were framed consisting of a number of Psalms. This was due to the
new requirements of Temple worship. The Temple at Jerusalem had
become the one centre of worship for Jews not only in Judaea but
throughout the world. The number of worshippers assembling at Jer-
usalem for the great feasts was enormous and the number of sacri-
fices offered at these feasts was proportional. The liturgies to be used
on such occasions had to be increased accordingly, and so the new
liturgies of that period are in general groups of Psalms, five or more
in number, sometimes indicated as such by the title prefixed to the
first Psalm of the group only. The first of these groups is the Prayer
of Moses, 9099, like the commandments of Moses a decalogue,
divided into two pentads. Like the Korah and Asaph Psalms this
liturgical group retained an identity of its own as to title, not being
designated as "of David," i. e. stamped with the hall mark of the
Jerusalem temple. Psalms 103 107, headed "of David," constitute
a liturgy of five Psalms very clearly marked for use at one of the
great pilgrim feasts. Psalms 111 118 constitute the hallel, and were
evidently brought together to form one liturgy. Similarly 145 150
constitute one liturgy; or perhaps better 146 150 constitute the
liturgy, in five parts, [prefaced by a sort of introduction, 145. We
have also two collections and one very long acrostic in the latter books,
which were often, if not generally used together, viz. that great acrostic
praise of the Law, Psalm 119, consisting of twin ty- two Psalms of eight
verses each; the Songs of Degrees, 120 134, a collection primarily
of pilgrim songs, composed for and sung by pilgrims from Babylonia
to Jerusalem; and the little Davidic Psalter, 138 144. Incidentally
it may be added that at the time of the Chronicler the Psalter ended
with Psalm 134, the close of the Songs of Degrees. Later there
was a sort of gleaning which gathered in among other things- this
little collection of old hymns, Psalms 138 144.

Some of these collections have very strongly marked notes of
locality. This is peculiarly true of the Psalms of the sons of Korah,

124 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

i. e. The Psalms of Dan, as I tried to point out in a former paper. ^
The first Davidic Psalter has also a marked individuality in this
regard. To a very considerable extent it is a collection of battle
liturgies, belonging to the militant period of Judaean history. It
must be remembered that ancient Jerusalem was a very strong, al-
most impregnable fortress. It was largely for this reason that David
chose it as his capital. Its reputation as an impregnable stronghold
at that time is shown by the mocking reply of the Jebusites, when
he called upon them to surrender, that "the blind and the lame'"
could defend their fortress against him (2 Sam. 5, 6). That fortress
lay on a narrow ridge of rock with almost precipitous sides, provided
with a sufficient supply of living water from the Mary fountain by
means of a tunnel and a shaft, through the failure of the Jebusites
to guard which David won the city. He and his successors enlarged
and strengthened the city, which became a series of strongholds, one
of which was the Temple. Most ancient temples w^ere also strong-
holds, but this was peculiarly true of the Zion of Jerusalem. Reso-
lutely defended it was impregnable. The country might be overrun
and devastated, but Zion and David's city could hold out indefinitely.
The Temple safe, the invader could not maintain himself. Unable
to obtain water he would soon be compelled to withdraw. So in
Hezekiah's time Sennacherib's great army, although it overran and
devastated the land, was obliged to retire from Jerusalem. Hence
it was that the inviolability of the Temple, protected by the presence
of Yahweh, became a doctrine, as in the prophecies of Isaiah. The
invincibility of Zion and of Yahweh were identified, and trust in
Zion and trust in Yahweh became one. These peculiar local condi-
tions are reflected in a number of Psalms of the first Jerusalem
Psalter, as 7, 11, 12, 14, 17, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32. Several of these are
in fact siege Psalms, liturgies designed to be used in the Temple to
obtain divine help when the country was overrun and the city
threatened or beleaguered. The opening verse of Psalm 11, designated
by its caption "In the Lord have I trusted," is:

How say ye to me :

Flee to your hill like a bird?
which is very much what Sennacherib in his inscription's says of the
Jews shut up by him in Jerusalem.

See Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, Vol. 1, p. 36.

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 125

Psalm 27 pictures vividly the conditions of siege in Jerusalem,
with Yahweh as the invincible fortress who shall defend His people:

The Lord my light and my salvation, whom have I to fear?
The Lord the fortress of my life, whom have I to dread?

When the wicked pressed upon me to eat me up,
My foemen and mine enemies, they stumbled and fell.
Though there camp an host against me, my heart feareth not;
Though there rise up war against me, I still will trust.

One thing I have asked of the Lord, this I entreat:

To dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my life.

To gaze upon the beauty of the Lord, and inquire in His Temple;

For He hideth me in His covert in the days of trouble,

In His secret tent He covereth me, He setteth me on a rock.

And now mine head is lifted above mine enemies around me,
And I would offer in His tent offerings with a shout,
I would sing and make music to the Lord.

Imagine that being sung in the Temple in proud confidence of
deliverance by the strength of Yahweh and His stronghold from the
foes that rage in vain below the walls!
Note how in Ps. 28 8 Yahweh is called:

The strength of His people,

And the stronghold of the victories of His anointed.

In Ps. 30 we have:

Thou, Lord, of Thy goodness hast made my hill so strong.

In Ps. 31 the appeal is for rescue "from the hands of my foes and
from my pursuers", and the suppliant king is made to say:

Be to me a strong rock,

A house of defence to save me;

For my crag and my defence art Thou;

and then, in the Thanksgiving with which the Psalm closes:

Blessed be the Lord, for marvellous His love to me in a strong city.
And I I said in mine alarm: I am cut off from before Thee,.

It ends with the confident cry:

Be strong and let your heart be brave.
All ye who wait upon the Lord.

In Psalm 32 the invasion is described as a flood of great waters,
the same figure used of the Assyrian invasion in Is. 8 7ff.

126 Jounial of the Palestine Oriental Society

Therefore all the godly pray to Thee at the time of acceptance (of sacrifice) ;
In the flood the great waters do not come nigh him.
Thou art my hiding place, from trouble Thou guardest me;
' God of my song deliver me from them that surround me ;

with the triumph cry of deliverance at the close:

Great plagues befall the godless;
Who trusteth in the Lord mercy surroundeth him.
Be glad in the Lord, and exult, ye righteous.
Shout merrily all ye upright of heart.

One may well imagine this to have been a liturgy used at the
time of the great deliverance under Hezekiah.

But not only in these siege Psalms do we find this note of confidence
in the great strength of Yahweh in His Zion fortress; it appears
also in such Temple hymns as 5 and 23, and is a characteristic
feature of this Psalm book as a whole, marking it off in local refer-
ence from all other collections in the Psalter,

The Asaph Psalms 50, 73 83, are characterised as Israelitic by
the use of Elohim instead of Yahweh. The repeated use of Joseph,
Ephraim and Manasseh indicates a Samaritan origin. To these tribal
names is added in Psalm 80 Benjamin, suggesting Bethel as that
Samaritan shrine which by its proximity had a relation to Benjamin
as well as Ephraim and Manasseh, a relation brought out in the
strange story of the war with Benjamin in Jud. 20 21, where, incident-
ally, the Ark is mentioned as housed there (cf. Jud. 20 2528, 21
24, 19). The relation of these Psalms to Bethel is further con-
firmed by the frequent use in them of the title God of Jacob, and of
El as the designation of the Divinity, a designation never used in the
kindred collection of the Sons of Korah, from the temple of Dan,
and rarely elsewhere. Further confirmation of their Bethel origin is
found in their fondness for entitling God a rock or stone. Now
Bethel was a great nature shrine connected primarily with stone or
rock worship. Its sanctity was derived originally from a striking
natural phenomenon, a field of huge stone pillars, the result of erosion.
These stood on a sort of shelf above the village of Beitin northward.
They looked like gigantic heaps of memorial or testimony, stones piled one
on top of another as a memorial or testimony to God or some saint,
such as one sees all over Palestine and Syria. Only the stone heaps at
Bethel were colossal, produced by natural causes, such as no ordinary
man could erect. Hence they were attributed to the mighty ancestor,
Jacob (cf. Gen 28 1022). Above this stone field the hill rises to a

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 127

crest or ridge, which separates the more plateau like mountain in the
south from the broken mountain country northward. This crest gains
from its position, as one approaches from the south, an effect of height
quite out of proportion to its actual elevation, everything seeming to
ascend to it from far south of Jerusalem northward. This crest, rising just
above Jacob's pillars, was the "ladder" (ubD), fa word properly meaning
promontory, like the famous "ladder of Tyre" on the Phoenician coast,)
which Jacob saw connecting earth and heaven. When the Israel-
ites conquered the country they took over both Jacob and his ancient
shrine, identifying Jacob with Israel, and converting Luz into Bethel.

I have described this site as I knew it before the war. During
the war a road was run through the field of stone pillars, and the
pillars themselves were broken up to make macadam. The road and
the line of approach have altered also the effect formerly produced
by the ridge itself. If one will look, however, from some such point
as Nebi Samwil the Bethel ridge still appears as a crest to which
all the land southward seems to rise, as it were a ladder heavenward.

The Shechem Psalm book (51 71) does not contain such marked
local references as the three collections already noticed. Its connection
with Shechem is determined mainly by other considerations. Ps. 60,
however, contains a clear note of Shechemite origin:

Exulting I divide Shechem,
And mete out the valley of Succoth;
Mine is Gilead and mine Manasseh,
And Ephraim the defence of my head.

The verse in Ps. 68. "It snoweth in Zaimon" would also seem to
indicate the neighborhood of Shechem (cf. Jud. 9 48); and the beaut-
iful description of the harvest in Ps. 65 would best fit that region-.

Thou didst visit the land and water it,

Greatly Thou enrichest it

(God's river is full of water);

Thou preparest their corn.

Eor thus Thou preparest it,

Her furrows watering, her ridges smoothing.

With showers Thou softenest her, her sprouting Thou blessest.

Thou hast crowned the year with Thy goodness,

And Thy chariot wheels drop fatness.

AVilderness pastures run over,

And the hills are girt with joy.

The meadows are clad with flocks,

And the valleys clothed with grain.

128 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

In a similar direction point such phrases as."Witli marrow and fat-
ness I am sated,"' in Ps. 53 (cf. the blessing of Joseph in Deut. 32).
The local references in the post-exilic Psalter are quite different
from those in the early books and deal chiefly with the pilgrims and
the pilgrimages, showing incidentally also a larger connection with
the outside world, including regions beyond the sea (cf. 107). Most
vivid and most appealing to me are the references in the pilgrim
hymn book or Songs of Ascent (120 134). I learned especially to
know and love these when four times I made the pilgrim journey
from Babylonia to Palestine, experiencing what those pilgrims experien-
ced. Let me take a few of those Psalms to illustrate, and first Ps. 120.

Unto the Lord in my distress I called, and He answered me.

Lord, deliver me from the lying lip, from the deceitful tongue.

What shall be given thee, and what be done more to thee, deceitful tongue?

Arrows of the warrior sharpened with coals of broom?

Woe is me that I journeyed through Meshech, abode among the tents of Kedarl

Long time I dwelt with the hater of peace.

When I would speak peace, they were for battle.

It is the song of the pilgrim thankful for deliverance from the
perils of the long journey from Babylonia through hostile and barbar-
ous regions. How that journey was dreaded by peaceful travellers
in the old time can be read in the book of Ezra (8 2123). Ap-
prehensive of perils along the route the great caravan halted at Hit.
Anxious to show their trust in the Lord they would not ask for
military escort; but instead turned to (rod with fasting and suppli-
cation for protection. That represents the normal condition of
Euphrates travel, with Meshech on the north and the tents of Kedar
on the south i treacherous in their dealing with the stranger, with
lying lips and deceitful tongues, and sharp arrows ready at hand,
haters of peace, who may return your saldni 'alelkum with a volley.
So I found the journey in my day: peaceful caravans, in mortal terror
of the bedouin marauders, seeking to attach themselves to some strong,
armed or escorted caravan, always apprehensive of attack, alarmed
at the sight of an Arab encampment, only free from tension when
the land of the Arab was past. Every one loves Ps. 121:

I lift up mine eyes to the hills.
Whence cometh my help?
My help is from the Lord,
Maker of heaven and earth.

PETEES: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 129

May He not suffer thy foot to be moved!
He cannot slumber that keepeth thee!
Behold, the keeper of Israel
Shall neither slumber nor sleep.

The Lord is thy keeper,
The Lord thy shade on thy right hand;
The sun shall not hurt thee by day,
Xeither the moon by night.

The Lord keep thee from all evil!

He will keep thy life..

The Lord keep thy coming and thy going

Henceforth and for ever!

The relief and joy at the sight of the hills on this journey appeal
to all who have made it. What must it have meant to those Jewish
pilgrims! Danger past, the goal of the weary journey almost in sight,
among those hills the holy city, the desire of their heart, the abode
of their God, the source of their salvation! How vv. 3 8 quiver
with the life of the march, the watch at night who falls asleep, the
sun of midday with intolerable heat, and the bitter, bitter cold of
the night when the moon seems to exude frigidity! Yahweh, Israel's
unsleeping night watch, and his shelter from both heat and cold, to
guard him against all the terrors and ills of the pilgrimage, to
bring him safe to Jerusalem, and safe back again to his Babylonian
home!

Psalm 122 pictures the gathering of the pilgrims for the journey:

Glad was I when they said to me,
To the house of the Lord let us go.

Psalm 123 is the cry of the Jew of the Captivity, despised, fed
on contumely by those whom he in his heart despises, appealing to
God for pity on this occasion of his visit to Jerusalem, and pro-
claiming his fealty to Him in a language borrowed from the servile
submission exacted of him in Babylonia.

To Thee lift I up mine eyes, Thou that dwellest in heaven.

Behold, as the eyes of slaves to the hand of their masters,

As the eyes of a maid to the hand of her mistress,

So our eyes are upon the Lord our God until He do pity us.

Pity us, Lord, pityus! for we have been filled full with contempt;

Fully have we been filled with the mocking of the arrogant,

The contempt of the insolent.

130 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

And how beautifully Ps. 125 presents that vision of the holy city
-svhich met the pilgrim's gaze at his journey's end: Mt. Zion, immov-
able, abiding ever, Jerusalem engirdled with hills.

The Songs of Ascent are folk songs, of which we have also two
specimens in the gleanings at the close of the Psalter: one in
Psalm 137, "By the rivers of Babylon," and the other, which has
been generally overlooked, in Ps. 144. I have said that the little
Davidic Psalter, 138144, is ancient in origin. It was passed down
unofficially for a long period, and as a result the text of this collec-
tion is in worse shape than that of any other part of the Psalter.
The best evidence of both these statements is furnished by the closing
Psalm of the collection, 144, This is a composite Psalm, the first
part, vv. 1 11, based primarily on the great Davidic Psalm of
victory, 18, but with many additions and modifications; the second
part, 12 14 (15 is the closing benediction), an ancient folk song of
a very peculiar metre, of which there is but one other instance in
Hebrew literature, viz. Is. 3 1823, a Jerusalem street song, a Spottlied
in mockery of female fashions, which Isaiah made the text of a sermon
against the luxury of women.

That passage reads as follows:

D^i-intym

D^D^ntym

n^DDj;n

mbpni

rmtrni

niDtsin

Dnt^^pm

nnv^Jm

D^Hsn

]xn ^sii nivnun

n^an'?ni

t^Bin ^nni

mnsiDDm

mstayDm

m^^non

D^inoni

D^i^"?:;!!

D^tannn

( )

nnmni

ms^isn

These verses consist of a string of nouns, the names of articles of
female dress and adornment, so strung together that we have in the
three lines of the first verse three masculine plurals in im, three
feminine plurals in oth, and two masculine plurals with a feminine
between. In the third verse this arrangement is precisely reversed.
(The last word of the last line has been lost.) These two verses
are separated by a verse of one line, commencing and ending with
construct plurals, between which we have one masculine and one
feminine.

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 131

Vv. 12 14 of Ps. 144, as they have come down to us, read:

hyn n^inn nntDno n-^HD li^niin

As it stands the passage is quite unintelligible. By very slight
transpositions and changes, indicated by the poetic form, and
dropping the relative, "ItJ'N, whicli now connects this part of the
Psalm with the preceding, we obtain a very intelligible poem of
the same general form as that in Isaiah.

( ) n^p^so D^'7D irito

"irnnmn ( ) n^^:iD ii^Di^

This would translate:

Our sons like plants waxed great in their youth,
Our daughters comely, gaily clad in their homes.
Our garners full, overflowing (from base to eave),
No breakage, no leakage, no looting.
Our flocks in thousands, in myriads in our fields,
Our oxen (stalwart), heavy burdened in our streets.

I have made, as will be seen, a slight change in the last word of
the second line, following the suggestion of the last word of the line
preceding. I have not been able to conjecture what lies behind the
unintelligible conglomeration of letters at the close of e. 3, to which
I have given a sense rendering in English, from hase to eave. I have
resolved line 6, obtaining from it line 4 and the last word of line 6.
One word is lacking in 6, which must evidently have meant some-
thing like stahvart.

THE USE OF ELLIPSIS m "SECOND ISAIAH"

DAVID YELLIN

(JERUSALEM)

IN poetry and oratory it is a normal thing to adopt some device
to gain the attention of the hearer, to secure his interest, and,
sometimes, to surprise him. Anything unexpected or out of the way
which makes the hearer (or reader) think and puzzle out the meaning,
serves both to attract him and to secure his co-operation. Such a
device is the elli]psis where the orator or poet purposely leaves an
expression incomplete, sure that the hearer will himself complete
the idea in his own mind. The speaker stops short for a moment
until the hearer discovers his intention, and then goes on with his
discourse. This gives a certain piquancy to the narrative. In modern
punctuation this device is indicated by a row of dots .... The device
is found amongst the Arabs and, by writers on rhetoric (g^^x^i), it
is known as *li.x^M\, that is to say, the poet is content with giving
part only of what he has to say, relying on the hearer to discover
and complete for himself what is lacking. We find the same use in
the Bible, especially in the latter part of Isaiah, chapters 40 66.
It occurs in various forms; and by having this usage in mind we
are able to explain correctly various passages where the interpretation
would otherwise be difficult or forced.

In the Bible, as in all literature, we are accustomed to figurative
expressions embodying the idea of extremes, whether of height, time
or place, usually in the form '^from something unto something else."
Of this type are from the least to the greatest (Jer. 6 is; 31 34), from
the youngest to the eldest (Est. 3 is; Gen. 19 4), from everlasting to

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiah" 133

everlasting (Ps. 92 2; 103 17), Jrom the rising of the sun to the going
down thereof (M.2ii 1 11), from the one end of the heavens to the other
(Deut. 4 32), from one end of the earth to the other (Deut. 13 8; Jer.
25 33), and the like.

In such passages the writers in "Second Isaiah'" are at times
content to introduce but one half of the sentence, relying on the
hearer himself to complete the thought in accordance with the pro-
phet's intention.

1. In Is. 40 26 the Prophet describing the greatness of God says:
Lift up your eyes and see, who hath created these? Who hrings out
their host hy nimiber; to them all he calls hy name; f"'K1 D"'i1 2"1D

*TTVi ^ ty^ riD from the great in poiuer and mighty in strength

not a man is lacking.

Commentators are hard put to it to explain the latter section.
Duhm interprets: "In the presence of God, who is great in power
and mighty in strength, not even one of them is lacking" but he
feels the difficulty in the expression ]0 *nv^ and is hard pressed to
prove its possibility.

Even more difficult is the explanation ^^hecatise of the greatness
of God's power and the power of his might, not a man of them is
lacking". It is not easy to bring this idea into the words D'^i'iK DID
no pOKI in the absence of the pronoun referring to God (ins, VilN).

It is better to regard the words HD ^"'DSI D^ilW DID as referring
to the stars with which the writer is dealing throughout the entire
section. Then the meaning will be: "Lift up your eyes to the heavens
and see. Who created all the myriads of stars? Behold this is God
who brings them out by number, one by one, like soldiers attending
a roll-call. He recognises everyone of them and summons him forth
by name and all answer to their call; from the strongest (D'^ilN D"10
rtD y^i^,)) . . . (here the listener completes the sense even to the weakest)
not one is missing."

The Prophet intentionally interrupts himself while mentioning the
strong, leaving the completion, "even to the weakest," to the imagi-
nation of his hearer. In dilating on the majesty of God he refers
in his comparison only to the strongest among the stars.

2. Is. 44 7: And who as I can proclaim [i. e. future events before
they come to pass]? Let him declare it and set it in order before
me, ub))) Dy ''12)U^ since L appointed the ancient people . . .

134 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Here the s])eaker abbreviates and the listener realises that he
must add ntn DVn nyi even to this day. The meaning is: "Who of
all created beings, from the time that I created the people of old
till the ^present day, who of them can proclaim beforehand the
things that will come to pass?" Or, the meaning may be: "Who
like me can proclaim from the beginning the future things that will
befall, from the time that I appointed an ancient nation to the
end of time?"

3. Still more elliptical is Is. 43 i3: Yea, since the day . . . I am
he. This corresponds to the passage (44 6) I am the first and I am
the last. The full phrase would be: Yea, since the first day until
eternity I am he.

4. 42 10: Siny to the Lord a neiv song; Ids praise f"lNn n^p^ from
(one) end of the earth . . . and here the hearer is left to continue
the thought pKH HiJp i;? even to the other end of the earth.

5. Similarly in 56 ii: They all turn to their own way, each to his
own gain; "inspD from the one extreme of them . . . where the idea
to be understood is: All of them, from the one extreme to the other
(i. e. without any exception) turn every man to his own way and to his
own private profit, and not one attends to the sheep of his pasture.

Another form of ellipsis in these chapters is the omission of one
of two opposing expressions, where the speaker relies on the hearer
to grasp his intention by understanding the opposition which is in
the speaker's mind.

6. Is. 49 17: Thy children (or, according to one Hebrew codex and
Vulgate, supported by LXX, "J'^iU Thy builders) make haste ......

thy destroyers and they that made thee waste shall go forth from thee.
The verb shall go forth implies that the missing word is its opposite
shall come in. Then the completed expression would be: "Thy children
(or, better, thy builders) hasten to come in] while, on the contrary,
thy destroyers and they that made thee waste shall go forth from
thee."

7. Is. 49 19: For thy ivaste and thy desolate places, and thy land
that hath been destroyed here the reader or hearer has to supply

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiah" 135

some such expression as shall he built wp\ yet notwithstanding this,
the Prophet continues: ^tJ^VD "*"l3n tJiou shalt be too strait for the
inhabitants.

Ill

Again, this elliptical device omits odd words or whole phrases,
the speaker supposing that the hearer will understand by the help
of the context. Bearing this in mind we can better explain the two
following passages, the first of which, especially, is otherwise very
difficult.

8. Is. 41 2: (speaking of the victorious advance of Cyrus) IsyD ]n''
intyp ^li typD U"in He makes his sword as dust, his boiu as driven
stuhble.

To compare the sword to dust gives no sense; while to compare
the bow to driven stubble, when in the act of praising the deeds of
the conqueror, gives even less. The present writer believes that
before 1i"in his sivord, and int^p his boiv, certain words are intention-
ally omitted and left to the imagination of the reader; e.g. he makes
like dust mn ''^^n those slain by his sword; like driven stubble
intyp ''ta^^S those who flee from his bow. And immediately after, he
says of these: SDHT hepursueth them. Thus the sense of the passage
will be: "Those slain by his sword are as countless as the dust of
the earth, and those who escape from his bow are as feeble as stubble
blown by the wind."

9. Is. .51 13: And thou fearest all the day because of the fury of
the op;pressor when he makes ready .... to destroy. After piD make
ready, some such word as injyp his bow is lacking. Cf. Ps. 7 is.

10. Is. 65 15: The Prophet speaks of those who forsake God who
shall all bow down to the slaughter (v. 12), and he goes on to say:
and ye shall leave your name for a curse unto mine elect: the Lord
God shall slay thee: and he shall call his servants by another name.

What is the meaning of The Lord God shall slay thee? Here we
have only the beginning of the form of curse. When God's elect
shall wish to curse anyone, they will say: May the Lord God slay
thee .... and the reader is expected to continue in his own mind
as he slew these men, if ye do, or do not do, this particular thing.

In Jer. 29 22 we find a precise parallel to this: And of them shall
be taken up a curse by all the captivity ofJudah that are in Babylon,

1 36 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

saijing, The Lord make thee like Zedekiah, and like Alt ah, whom the
king of Bahi/lon roasted in the fire. Here we get the complete curse
formula with the word "!'? saging before it, which the writer in
Isaiah, in accordance with his elliptical style, has omitted.

Sometimes the ellipsis takes the form of omitting words which are
similar in sound to a neighbour in the sentence:

11. Is. 65 5: After speaking of the rebellious people that walk in a
u-ag that is not good (v. 2) it goes on to say ''SN2 py n'?^ these are
smoke in mg nostrils, a fire that hurneth all the dag. Here the
meaning is: n^S b}} because of these, n'?iy goeth up smoke in mg
nostrils, and afire that hurneth all the dag. The two words b); and
n'piy are omitted owing to their similarity in sound to n'? these.

12. Is. 41 4: WJio hath performed ayid done it E'^ID nnnn "iip
proclaiming .... tlie generations from the heginning. After "l1p
proclaiming, niTip events, occurrences is required: "proclaiming what
has befallen and will befall the generations from the beginning of
time." And the meaning of the whole verse is: "Who hath performed
and done all the things described in the preceding verses [the deeds
of Cyrus]? Who is he that proclaimeth and declareth from the
beginning all the fortunes of the generations before their coming to
pass? I, the Lord."

13. Is. 44 12: T^'^t^ "rtin ty"in This is simply: The worker in iron, an
axe, where the meaning demands the addition of a similar sounding
word : isyis [7WV] '^"''^ ^^^^ ^in The worker in iron worked an axe.

14. Is. 44 12: Yea he is hungrg n3 ]"'"! The preposition and pronoun
'h to him is necessary, and his strength failetJi, but it is omitted
owing to the similar sounding nV not which follows: ^)}^^) D''D nntJ^ sb
he drinketh not water and is faint.

Besides all that has been said above of the omission of nouns,
verbs, and whole sentences, we also find in these chapters in various
places the omission of the works 'h and U required, by the context:

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiali"

137

15. Is. 40 15: Behold the nations are as a droio in a bucket, and
as the dust in the balance UtJTli are they accounted. Here, at the
end, the word "1^ to him must be added; that is, in his eyes they
are accounted so.

16. Is. 44 19: 0^) ninn ^i nyt '?i

17. Is. 46 6: 0^) Tmnty^ ) HJID^

18. Is. 53 2: imami {-b) nsnrs i?h^

19. Is. 60 15: nn) "imv rT niityi nnitj; -jnrn nnn

20. Is. 61 3: (n) -issnn'? m.T j;t3

21. Is. 47 15: (an) nyr ityx -j"? rn p

22. Is. 52 11 : (U) |j;jn ^ NOD

23. Is. 64io: li^nsN (U) ^^^'?^ itr.s unissm litrnp n^n.

LA MAISON D'ABRAHAM A HEBRON

F.-M. ABEL 0. P.

(JERUSALEM)

IES traditions secondaires qui sont venues se greffer au sanctuaire
i de la sepulture des Patriarches a Hebron, telles que la deposition
dAdam et d'Eve, le transfert des ossements de Joseph et des autres
fils de Jacob n'ont jamais ete que des satellites autour de la memoire
du grand ancetre, Abraham qui a fini par donner son nom a la ville
d'Hebron, apres I'avoir attiree aupres de son tombeau. Ainsi fera
Lazare a Betbanie, lorsque son tombeau ou Lazarium aura groupe
a son ombre les demeures de I'ancien village pour former la moderne
el-Azanyeh.

Encore fallait-il quAbraham jouit parmi ses descendants d'une
primaute telle que la sepulture commune fut designee par son nom.
Sa predominance incontestee s'affirme par le fait du vocable d! Abramium
ou Ahrahamium confere au sanctuaire d'Hebron, ^ et qui suppose le
grec 'Aftpd/jLiov retrouve d'ailleurs dans une inscription du Haram-el-
Khalil, vocable forme sur le theme courant des derives designant
soit un tombeau {Herodium, Lazarium), soit un temple (Tychaion,
Marneion), soit une forteresse nommee d'apres son fondateur
{Alexandrium, Hyrcanium).

Ahramium s'imposait d'autant plus dans la circonstance qu'il com-
prenait ici non seulement la sepulture dAbraham et son sanctuaire,
mais aussi la residence et la citadelle en quelque sorte du Patriarche
et de ses descendants, d'apres un developpement de la tradition
clairement indique par le Livfe des Jubiles et dont saint Jerome
lui-meme se fait le temoin.

On trouve ce nom employe par les ante urs latins, Jerome, Augustin, Eugip-
l^ius, Pseudo-Eucher, Pierre Gomestor etc.

ABEL: La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 139

* II fut un temps on Mambre parut perdre son autonomie pour se
fondre avec Hebron en vertu d'une etroite comprehension de I'ex-
pression Macpelah en face de Mambrew, vu qu'en realite Macpelah
se trouvait en face d'Hebron. ' En fait, une Mambre distincte d'Hebron
ne disparut jamais, puisque le Livre des Jubiles mentionne encore le
premier sejour d'Abraham dans la montagne hebronienne au chene
de Mambre qui est pres d'Hebron conformement a la tradition lo-
cale enregistree par Josephe (Antiq. Jud., I, 10 4). Mais au second
sejour qui debute par la mort de Sarah, la situation n'est plus la
meme: Abraham vient camper en face d'Hebron qui est Qiriath-
Arba', et acquiert le terrain de la caverne double situe vis a vis
d'Hebron. 2 A nous en tenir a ce document, grotte, champ et lieu
de campement occupent un meme point du territoire et font a la
fois I'objet du contrat de vente. Desormais, Abraham habitera sur
le terrain qu'il a achete a deniers comptants, tout proche, sinon au
dessus du tombeau de famille. Done au sejour de Mambre a suc-
cede un sejour a Macpelah.

Au cours de I'histoire de la descendance d'Abraham, les Jubiles,
passant sous silence et Mambre et la tente du nomade, ne parlent
plus que de la maison d'Abraham, de la tour d'Abraham, edifice
avec portes et appartements. C'est la qu'Isaac prend logement quand
il vient a Hebron, c'est la que sejournent Jacob et ses fils en visite
chez Isaac et Rebecca, tandis qu'Esaii vit, loin de ses parents, au
mont Seir. Par suite de la resignation des droits de I'aine, la tour
ou maison d'Abraham echoit en heritage a Jacob qui en fait sa
residence ordinaire. Le but de cette fiction est evidemment de le-
gitimer les pretentions des Juifs, fils de Jacob, sur le sanctuaire et
le territoire d'Hebron et de couper court a toute revendication des
Idumeens, fils d'Esaii. Projetant ensuite a I'epoque patriarcale les
haines et les luttes des temps hasmoneens, la Petite Genese nous
fait assister a la campagne des Edomites contre Jacob et ses fils
installes dans la forteresse d'Abraham. Lorsque les gens d'Hebron

' Sur cette question, on pourra consulter notre monographie sur Mambre dans
les Conferences de Saint- Etienne, 190910, p. 145218.

2 Charles, The Book of Jubilees or the Little Genesis translated from the
editor's ethiopic text, Oh. XIV, 10; XVI, 1; XIX, 1, 5.

140 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

vont avertir le pere des Juifs de rarrivee des ennemis, celui-ci est
en train de celebrer, dans la tour, le deuil de Liah, ce qui n'etait
point malaise, si I'habitation renfermait la grotte sepulcrale. On
lerme les portes de la tour et Jacob monte aux creneaux afin de
parlementer avec Esaii. Celui-ci, persistant dans ses intentions
hostiles, regoit de son frere une fleche qui I'abat. Aussitot sur les
quatre cotes de la forteresse, les fils de Jacob operent une sortie a
la tete de quatre detachements et mettent la coalition en deroute.^
Une fois Esaii enseveli sur la colline d'Adora, Jacob revient dans
sa maison. II n'est pas sans importance de noter ici le changement
qui fait de la maison d' Abraham la maison de Jacob, et nous permet
de saisir Tidentite de la domus Jacohi d'Etherie et du castellum
Aframia de AVillibald.2

La litterature juive n'a pas manque de broder sur le canevas de
la mort d'Esaii devant la maison d'Abraham. Bien qu'il eut cede
a Jacob tons ses droits sur la caverne double, le redoutable Edom
se trouvait avec ses fils a I'entree de ladite caverne au moment oii
Ton y apportait la depouille de Jacob, pour s'opposer a I'ensevellisse-
ment. Une bagarre s'ensuivit au cours de laquelle Khousim, fils de
Dan, fit sauter d'un coup d'epee la tete d'Esaii qui vint rouler pres
du tombeau d'Isaac. 3 Ce que Ton retiendra de cette evolution le-
gendaire, c'est le fondement qu'elle fournit pour etablir une relation
etroite entre la pretendue residence d'Abraham et la necropole
patriarcale.

II est entendu qu'Abraham n'a rien bati de semblable autour de
sa caverne, si Ton se tient aux sobres donnees du recit biblique;
mais, faisant etat du precede qui consiste a composer I'histoire con-
temporaine avec des noms et des circonstances empruntes a I'anti-
quite, on pent legitimement se demandes si dans I'esprit de I'auteur
des JubiUs cette residence ne repondait pas a quelque monument

1 Ch. XXIX, 19; XXXI, 5; XXXIII, 21; XXXIV, 12. 20; XXXVII et
XXXVIIL

2 Le texte d'Etherie conserve par Pierre Diacre decrit ainsi le Haram el-Khalil:
domtis Jacohi, uhi ecclesia sine tecto constructa est. Geyek, Itin. HierosoL, p. 110.
Cf. Itin. Hieros. Soc. Or. Lat. I, p. 268.

3 Charles, The Book of Jubilees, p. 220, note sur XXXVIII, 2 et 3. Josep
BIN GOKION, Die Sagen der Jtiden, Die XII Stdmme, p. 65, 74, 209.

ABEL : La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 141

reel existant a I'epoque des Hasmoneens. Le terme original qui
designait I'habitation des Patriarches a Macpelah est de nature a
nous mettre sur la voie.

Jusqu'ici nous nous sommes contentt'', pour ne pas interrompre
I'analyse du document par une digression philologique, d'user de la
traduction ethiopienne repondant a tour ou maison d'Abraham.
Les fragments latins toutefois emploient constamment I'expression
Baris Abraham,^ ce qui suppose dans le texte grec dont ils dependent:
Ba/Dts 'AfSpaafx,. L'original semitique, tres probablement hebreu, devait
done avoir Btrath- Abraham, liypothese pleinement confirmee par un
fragment arameen d'une source du "Testament de Levi)> et du Livre
des JubileS)>. Levi raconte que, parti de Bethel avec Juda, ils vinrent
loger a la Birath- Abraham Dmnx ni''3n chez leur grand-pere
Isaac, et c'est manifestement a Hebron d'apres le ^Testament de
Levi IX, 5.^

D'un usage assez repandu a la periode post-exilique, le mot blrah,
auquel le grec donnait generalement un equivalent dans ySapis, signifiait
une habitation somptueuse dans le gout perse, mais surtout une
forteresse, un edifice crenele assez garanti pour offrir, en ces temps
troubles, une residence, une retraite sure a quelque personnage
important. 3 Par extension, les Chroniques I'appliquent au palais de
Dieu, c'est-a-dire a I'ensemble des constructions du Temple de Je-
rusalem (1 Chron., 29 i i9.) Le caractere a la fois sacre et profane
de la Blrah d'Hebron, son plan quadrilatere, I'existence de ses portes
et de ses creneaux, voila ce qui transpire du Livre des Jubiles.
Regardee comme la residence d'Abraham et la protection du sepulcre
ancestral, elle est un objet de dispute entre Juifs et Idumeens. Si
grande que Ton fasse la part de la fantaisie du contour, il est diffi-
cile de lui refuser tout credit en ce qui concerne la realite de quelque
construction telle qu'une enceiute sacree autour de la caverne double,
a I'epoque oii il ecrivait. Quant a pretendre que cette Blrath-
Abraham soit identique au Haram el-Khalil actuel, nous ne le ferons
pas, precisement en vertu des analogies que nous presente la Birah
de Nehemie qui gardait le Temple de Jerusalem du cote du Nord.
Restauree ou fondee par Nehemie, cette forteresse devint I'objet

1 EONSCH, Das Bach der Juhilden, p. 52, 66, 74,

2 Charles, The greek versions of the Testaments of the XllPatr., App. Ill, p. 247.

3 VoirH.ViNCEXT sur la, Birthd de rAmmonitide dans Bev.Bibl., 1920, p.l89ss.

] 42 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

de la sollicitude toute particuliere des Hasmoneens au point que
Josephe leur en attribue I'erection et la denomination de Baris.^
Mais elle n'echappa pas, quelle qu'ait ete sa splendeur, aux remanie-
ments radicaux qu'Herode fit subir aux constructions de la dynastie
qu'il avait sup])lantee autant pour la faire oublier que pour flatter
son gofit de Topulence et amadouer ceux des Juifs qui lui etaient
ojjposes. Le Temple de Jerusalem prit part a ce renouveau archi-
tectural tandis que I'Antonia supplantait la Birah des Hasmoneens.
Quoi de plus naturel que le sanctuaire d'Hebron ne fiit point neglige
dans cette renaissance et que I'indigence des temps macchabeens
ait dii ceder la encore devant I'execution grandiose du plan herodien?
L'histoire est muette sans doute sur le role d'flerode dans cette
affaire; les auteurs juifs n'ont pas voulu probablement exalter I'ldu-
meen a propos de ce lieu saint qui se presente toujours comme un
objet de dispute entre Jacob et Edom. Toute obscurite n'a pas ete
dissipee nou plus par I'examen de la Petite Genese, nous en con-
venons, mais cette analyse nous donne la clef de plus d'une appellation
posterieure et de la confusion qui s'est parfois produite sur la loca-
lisation de la sepulture d'Abraham. Ce groupement de I'habitation
d'Abraham et de son tombeau a du faire naitre la theorie de la
sepulture du Patriarche au Terebinthe, le sejour d'Abraham le plus
fameux et le plus populaire. Quant a la demeure de Macpelab, nous
en retrouvons les echos a travers les siecles. L'apocryphe grec du
II siecle, connu sous le titre de Testament dj Abraham distingue la
maison, otKos, de la tente, 17 a-Krivi], plantee au carrefour de Mambre.
La maison sainte de Samuel bar Simson (1210) est pour le russe
Basile (1465) la maison d"Abraham)> identique au Haram el-Khalil.
tin Grec de 1253 dit qu" Abraham est enseveli au milieu de sa maison
{koX jxkcrov Tov oikov tov eVat o rac^o? rov). Ecoutons enfin le fameux
voyageur Pietro della Valle (1616): La maison dAbraham lorsqu'il
demeuroit en Ebron est proche de la caverne et unie h present au
Temple dans lequel il n'est pas permis d'entrer. Ici, c'est le fortin
contigu au Haram qui pretend representer la demeure patriarcale,
mais en depit de cette legere divergence nous suivons encore la le
fil de la tradition qui se rattache a VAhramium des Byzantins et a
la Birath-Ahraham des Ju biles.

' Nehem., II, 8, Antiq. Jiul, XV, 11, 4; XVIII, 4, 3; Guerre Juive, I, 21, 1.

A RECENTLY DISCOVERED SAMARITAN CHARM

SAMUEL HAFFAELI

(JERUSALEM)

THE writer possesses a small hematite amulet, recently found in
the vicinity of Nablus. It is remarkable in that it is the first
known specimen of a bilingual amulet inscribed in Greek and
Samaritan.

On the obverse there is the following inscription in Samaritan
characters '^t'^^Ol ZA^ ')(ttA {]M0'' ^3 ]^) "There is none like the
God of Jeshurun" (Dt. 33, 36); and on the reverse eiC OeOC
BOHOIMAPKIANHN "The One God. Help Marcian."

This piece of hematite appears to have been originally mounted
in a metal frame intended to be hung round the neck as a
periapt.

The characters on the inscriptions appear to be of the 4*^ or
b^^ century C. E., and the name Marcian recalls the name of Markah
the great Samaritan theologian. ^ Markah was the son of Amram
son of Seted who lived in the middle of the 4*^^ century, about the
time of Baba Rabba the son of the High Priest Nathaniel. Markah
organised, together with Baba Rabba, the entire Samaritan Liturgy
and a certain Commentary on the Bible, fragments of which are
still preserved in the British and Berlin Museums.

According to the tradition of the Samaritans the name Markah
is another form of the sacred name Moses; and since no Samaritan
dares to bear the name of Moslieh which is too sacred for ordinary
use, Amram called his son Marlmh, replacing the shin of Mosheh
by resli and qof, (resh and qof being numerically equivalent to
shin: 200 + 100 = 300).

See J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans (Philadelphia, 1907), p. 294.

144 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society

A similar bilingual inscription was discovered by Professor
Clermont Ganneau in 1881 at the ancient Emmaus Nikopolis on a
column, on one side of which were the Greek characters GIC
G60C "God is one," and on the other side, in ancient Hebrew
characters ^/.^o/. Y^W JY_9-^ (n'?"lV^ ^^^ T"^^) "Blessed be
his name for ever."i

Archives des Missions Scientifiques et litteraires. Ser. Ill, t. 9, p. 277 321.

THE YEAR'S WORK

(An address at the Sixth General Meeting l^y the President,

Professor J. GARSTANG,

Director of Antiquities, Government of Palestine)

IN accepting your invitation to the Presidency of the Society in
this its second year I feel that nothing woukl be more fitting than
to preface such remarks as I shall make this afternoon by a few
words about our retiring President.

Pere Lagrange is the father of this generation of archaeologists
in Palestine where he founded on the 15*^ November 1890 the "Ecole
practique d'etudes bibliques" in collaboration with a number of other
French Dominicans. He was then 35 years of age. His work and
publications subsequently bore out fully the promise of his previous
studies in the domain of biblical and oriental archaeology.

In 1892 he founded the Revue Biblique which he has edited ever
since.

In 1900 he inaugurated the publication of a collection of Biblical
studies, including Commentaries, Histories &c.

In 1902 he published a Commentary on the Book of Judges.

In 1903 "Studies on Semitic Religions."

In 1904 a volume on "Historical Method."

In 1908 "Ancient Crete,"

and more recently a volume on the History of Religions. All this

in addition to his work on the history and texts of the Sacred Books.

Pere Lagrange is a Corresponding Member of the Institute of France,

Honorary member of the Palestine Exploration Fund and of the

American Oriental Society and other learned bodies. I think that

the Palestine Oriental Society will do itself honour to make a record

of the distinguished archaeological and philological career of its first

President. Above all Pere Lagrange is a candid critic and esteemed

friend of us all.

146 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

I turn now to work accomplished in the field of archaeology
during the past year, and as it will be appropriate to speak also of
the future w^e may confine our attention for the moment to what
has happened since the present Government came into being in the
middle of last year.

AVithin a few days of his arrival His Excellency the High Com-
missioner called for proposals with a view to the organisation of a
Department of Antiquities. There was to be no further question of
recognising the unique importance and interest of the historical
monuments and sites of Palestine, a point of view which, together
with colleagues in Jerusalem and at home, we had not ceased to
urge upon the British Government since the days when, soon after
the war was over, I had been called upon to report upon these
matters to the Foreign Office.

Now a new spirit charged the atmosphere, and in rapid succession
the Department was organized, an Archaeological Advisory Board
was constituted and an Antiquities Ordinance was promulgated.
These three steps were momentous. A Department of Antiquities
as an independent feature of Government is almost without precedent.
His Excellency had recognised that the situation here was not an
ordinary one. The universal interest in the Holy Land led not only
to that step but to the natural corollary of an Advisory Board in
which the interests of the different communities and the societies of
foreign countries engaged in archaeological pursuits in this country
are represented. The Board has met frequently, its recommendations
and decisions have been in all cases unanimous and have been in-
variably adopted by the Administration. The unity to which the
Advisory Board has attained while valuable in itself is a real source
of strength to the young Department. Again, the Antiquities Ordinance
was based not only upon the collective advice of numerous specialists,
both archaeological and legal, but embodied the results of experience
in neighbouring countries, enabling us to modify, as occasion required,
the provisions that have not worked satisfactorily elsewhere. It is
not an unfair compliment to the drafter of the Law to say that it
is generally recognised as a good Law, and.it is hardly more than
a question of regulations to make it a workable code for the
protection of the precious monuments and antiquities which are our
heritage from the past.

GAKSTANG: The Year's Work 147

There is one principle whicii is paramount throughout its clauses
the monuments and antiquities of Palestine belong to Palestine and
to Palestinians. The interests of this country are maintained and will
be maintained as the first duty of the Administration and without
regard at all to the claims of privileged powers or of political influence.

The second principle is the encouragement of a practical kind
offered to scientific workers. The days are over when the individual
could be allowed to turn over ancient sites in search of antiquities
for their own sake alone. The results of an excavation are to be
judged not alone by the objects discovered, but more by the in-
formation as to the circumstances of discovery to be gleaned only
by most patient method. The relation of an object to its surroundings
is of far greater importance to history than the object itself. The
learned professor and the enthusiastic amateur are equally capable
of doing incalculable damage to historical evidence if untrained in
archaeological method. Consequently the permits to excavate will be
issued only to scientific bodies who will guarantee the excavators'
competence. On the other hand the policy of the Department is to
facilitate, in every way in which the Government can afford, the task
of excavators working under these conditions.

Involved in the operation of the new Law there is the registration
of historical sites, and the inventories of dealers' stocks and private
collections. The work is proceeding and in some respects rapid
progress has been made. We now feel able, and feel it to be
desirable, to publish an interim list of historical sites which will
commence to appear shortly in the official gazette, beginning with
the monuments of Jerusalem. Historical sites or buildings still in
religious use are excluded from the ordinary application of the Law,
though special powers are provided to ensure their conservation and
protection.

I have alluded to the policy of preserving in Palestine all the
best and all the most historical antiquities which the country pro-
duces; this involves the establishment of a central museum, a task
which has been entrusted to my colleague Mr. Phythian-Adams. An
immense impetus was given to his effort by the recovery last year
of over 120 cases of antiquities which had lain hidden in the city
during the War. Some of these antiquities had formed the nucleus

of a local collection in other days, while others seem to have been

10*

148 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

the fruits of recent excavations i)acked ready for transport to Con-
stantinople. There is no catalogue and the provenance of each object
had to be studiously determined by reference to publications and by
comparative methods. Mr. Phythian-Adams has surmounted these
difficulties, with the result that more than 6,000 objects were cata-
logued and a proper inventory drawn up during the winter months.
Some of the specimens are now arranged in the new cases, which
have been designed and made in Jerusalem. A more complete display
has been held back by reasons not attributable to the Keeper of
Museums, but these difficulties are also overcome and during the
present summer we trust to be able to ask His Excellency to declare
the Museum open to the public.

We propose to provide a home of a semi-permanent character in
Jerusalem for only the smaller and more delicate objects and for
objects of general historical interest or of special value. Local
objects, for instance, architectural pieces and sculptures not of unusual
merit, will be cared for, so far as possible, in the localities and near
to the spot where they are found. The interest of such objects would
be largely diminished by removing them from their surroundings,
and it is desirable that each civic community should have its local
collection to illustrate and stimulate interest in the past of its
surroundings; so that the policy of local museums is adopted and
steps are being taken to inaugurate such at Acre, Athlit, Ascalon
and Tiberias. Needless to say the authority of the Department,
through the Keeper of Museums, will be retained over these branch
collections, but an effort will be made to render such local museums
self-supporting and a source of local pride. In Jerusalem objects
of architectural character and larger sculptures will be grouped, if
possible, within the Citadel, wherein we should personally like to see
housed also the central museum of Palestine. The rooms in the
Hippicus Tower have been prepared by the Department for exhibition
purposes and w^e look forward to taking further steps in that
direction.

In the work of conservation a good deal has been initiated but
it will be some time before results become visible. Repairs have,
however, been executed to dangerous spots in the fabric of the
Citadel and the City Walls of Jerusalem through the activity of
the "Pro-Jerusalem Society," to whom the task of maintaining the

GAESTANG: The Year's Work 149

historical municipal buildings of Jerusalem has been confided by
agreement with this Department and aided by Government subsidies.

At Acre, thanks to the initiative of the Deputy District Governor,
considerable progress has been made with clearing the debris from
the crypts of the fine mediaeval building for which that place is
famous. The engineers of the Public AVorks Department are safe-
guarding the stability of the structure. It is here that we propose
to establish a local museum.

At Ramleh our attention has been called to the serious and almost
dangerous condition of that very beautiful monument known as the
Crusaders' Tower or otherwise the "Tower of the Forty Martyrs,"
and in collaboration with the Public Works Department and the
Waqf authorities we trust to be able to do what is indispensable to
safeguard the fabric and appearance of this monument. It is an
admirable example of the work of the period: it recalls structurally
and in appearance the Campanile of Southern France of Romanesque
style while free from the restless effect of over elaboration. We may
well believe that it is the product of Mohammedan art executed by
European masons.

At Ain Duk, near Jericho, the French Archaeological School
(Ecole Biblique de 8t. Etienne) have completed under Pere Vincent
and his colleagues, the clearance of the very ancient and interesting
synagogue of that site where, as a result of the war, certain portions
of the mosaic floor had been disclosed. A full description of the
inscriptions and decorations of this very interesting floor must be
naturally reserved to the excavators themselves. During the course
of the work it became obvious that the mosaics would not resist
exposure to the atmosphere and it became necessary for their con-
servation to take them up, a task which was skilfully performed by
Mr. Mackay, chief inspector of this Department. We hope at a
near date to consolidate and arrange these specimens within the
Citadel. A debt of gratitude is owed to the local proprietors for
their good will in this matter; one may mention specially by name,
Mr. Halil Zaki El Daoudi.

Other works of conservation on a smaller scale have been initiated,
notably at Jifna, Eamallah, Tiberias and Caesarea. In all these cases,
the policy of this Department is to endeavour to interest the local
authority and notables in the monuments of their own districts; this

150 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

is not merely a method of husbanding the resources which the
Government is able to put at our disposal, necessary and desirable
though that is; it is equally desirable that everyone should awake
to a lively sense of the value of history particularly in this country
where the whole environment is historical, and there is no method
so effective, it seems to me, as that of encouraging each and everyone
to take a proper share in the very special responsibilities which
devolve upon all who dwell in this land of Palestine.

In the field of excavations I shall be brief, for it is only fair that
the results of all excavations should in the first instance be regarded
as the copyright of the excavators. The -'Palestine Exploration
Fund" has, with the approval of this Department, opened an exten-
sive excavation at Ascalon where work has been resumed after having
been suspended for the winter. The immediate results there have
been the uncovering of historical buildings of Graeco-Roman and
Byzantine periods and the very evident trace of Philistine occupation.
After studying the first results the work now resumed is directed to
establishing a relationship between the remains of the Philistines
and those of their predecessors on the site, also to a comparative
study between the traces of the Philistines at Ascalon and the con-
temporary evidences from other parts of the Philistine Plain and
from the Eastern Mediterranean.

At Tiberias the "Palestine Jewish Exploration Society" made last
year a successful series of soundings, disclosing remains clearly to
be identified with the period of the Talmud. The same Society
under Dr. Slousch is now commencing excavations on the site
examined last year, and is extending its investigations within a
somewhat wider area in the vicinity of Tiberias.

At Gethsemane the Franciscan Custody has completed, under
special arrangements with this Department, the excavation of a very
early church, probably of the 4*^ century, in which there may be
traced three apses, the whole of the original outline, and various
fragments of the original pavement.

In regard to the future, the Franciscan Custody will shortly
recommence its excavations under Pere Orfali on the interesting
site of the Synagogue of Capernaum (Tell Hum), and the University
Museum of Philadelphia is preparing to commence extensive work
at Beisan under Dr. Fisher during the present summer. The site of

GAESTA.NG: The Year's Work 151

Megiddo has been provisionally reserved for the University of Chicago
and that of Samaria for the University of Harvard.

This brief outline of the year's work in archaeology would not be
comj)lete without a reference to the activities of the various archaeo-
logical societies, the centre of whose work is in Jerusalem.

In connexion with the "Ecole Biblique de St. Etienne" I would
mention particularly the very important "Studies of Monuments in
Jerusalem" by Peres Vincent and Abel and the further important
piece of work in relation to the Mosque at Hebron in which
Mr. Mackay of this Department has co-operated. The old established
"American School of Oriental Studies" has resumed and continued
its labours unremittingly; Dr. Albright whom we welcome as Director
is one of ourselves, and we hope he will not fail to give us an
account of the very important topographical and other researches
in which he has been engaged.

The American School also attracted to Jerusalem last year two
very distinguished colleagues. Dr. Peters and Professor Clay, and
we were privileged also to have in our midst for a short time
Professor Breasted of the University of Chicago. Their visits were
appreciated and will be remembered by us all.

A new feature of intellectual life in Jerusalem was largely due to
Dr. Clay and it was no less than the founding of this Society whose
second year we commence to-day. The Palestine Oriental Society
fills a role of no ordinary character: it is the common meeting ground
of all the different societies and of all the archaeologists and students
of the Near East, The opportunity before this Society is very great,
and it should be our effort to maintain the standard of the papers
and the interest of these gatherings. It is clearly an immense ad-
vantage to all men of science to be able to meet and discuss their
points of view and exchange thoughts. It should play the part in
Palestine that the Academie plays in Paris or the British Academy
in London.

I am also strongly persuaded that the ends we have all in view
in promoting the objects of this Society will be very much stimulated
by further opportunities of meeting in informal discussion, which is
hardly possible in these sessions where we are all come specially to
learn the newest results of individual research. I therefore propose
at an early date to place at the disposal of members of this Society

lo'A Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

and of other intellectual associations of Pnlestine a meeting place
within this building where at fixed weekly or fortnightly intervals
those desirous may be assured of an interesting and enlightening
evening devoted to intellectual enjoyment. We all feel the want of
such an opportunity and it seems to me that the British School of
Archaeology could not adopt a better policy than that of providing
facilities for such meetings, and I shall personally do all I can to
make these evenings a real feature of our life in Jerusalem. I trust
in response that all those who are members of this Society and
others to whom I shall address invitations will accept them in the
interests of ourselves and of those who wall come after us.

AVe have accepted by our presence in Palestine a heritage of no
ordinary value from the Past. The eyes of the whole world are on
us. Let us see to it that the trust does not suffer in our hands.

HAUNTED SPRINGS AND WATER DEMONS

IN PALESTINE

T. CANAAN

(JEEUSALEM)

PALESTINIAN demonology, which is only a part of the general
oriental demonology, is a very well worked out science. I do not
intend in this paper to make a study of it in detail; I shall only try
to give one phase of it: "Haunted Springs and Water Demons."
I include under this study running springs (en, pi. Hun) as well as
living wells. The Arabic word hir, which means the latter, stands
also at the same time for cisterns.

It is an old and wide spread belief in all Semitic countries, that
springs, cisterns and all running waters are inhabited. We rarely
find a holy shrine which is not directly attached to a tree, cave, spring
or well (for the explanation of this vide infra). This idea has spread
also to non-Semitic races.

One asks: How has it come that this belief is so Avell founded in
mythology and superstition? I shall try to answer this question.

The cljinn demons live in the first place in the interior of the
earth, whence they come out.i The Hebrew ob, the Syriac zakkurd
and the Arabic pre-Islamic 'ahluVarV^ illustrate this.3 Up to the
present day we meet with names for the demons which point to their
origin :

al-arudh el-ardiye = ea,Yth. spirits

al-arudh es-suflvje = \ower spirits (subterranean spirits)

al-arudh ed-djahanna^mye = \\el\ish. spirits.

1 T. Canaan, Aherglauhe und Volksmedezin hn Lande der Bihel (Hamburg, 1914).
- W. R. Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites.
3 Cf. Luke 8 29.

154 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

They come from the lower world and therefore we meet them
generally in places which have a direct connexion with the lower
regions: trees whose roots go down into the interior of the earth;
cracks, caves, springs and wells which have a direct or indirect
connexion with the above named original abode of the demons. ^

Springs which appear suddenly in the dry country and continue to
pour out their running waters for the benefit of human beings and
of vegetation, were and are still in their origin and in their continuous
flow a mystery to the oriental mind. This was the first reason for
assigning to them some supernatural power a numen which was finally
depotentized, becoming a spirit or a demon; and finally the above
mentioned explanation was worked out.

But there is another explanation or rather another phase of the
above mentioned explanation. We know that the planets, in whose
hands human fortune and misfortune lie, were divided by all Semitic
races of antiquity, and are still by the Palestinian, into good and bad
planets. To each one of these heavenly bodies, be it good or bad,
language, science, metal, colour, trees, herbs, fruits, and animals,
elements, are assigned. ^ According to the planet to which they belong
these objects are good or bad.

The two bad planets are Mars and Saturn, but the latter is the
most ill-omened one. Now we read in ghdyatii'l-haMm '^ that springs,
wells, caves, underground canals, and lonely valleys, * are assigned to
this ill-omened planet. It is to be noted that every thing mentioned
in this list has a direct connection with demons, talismans, or sorcery.

This explains why wells and springs are thought to be always
haunted and this belief is not at all a new one, characteristic only
of the Palestinian. It formed a foundation stone of ancient superstition
and mythology. Even in the Old and New Testament we have
references to this belief; the demons are even characterized as loving

> In one of the prayers in the Greek Prayer-Book (adjidzmdidri Jerusalem, 1884,
pp. 180 185) eighteen places where demons live are ennumerated; in fourteen of
them the above conditions are fulfilled.

2 For further details about this point see Canaan, Aherglauhe,

3 El-madjriti.

* Other things belonging to Saturn are: the Coptic and the Hebrew languages,
the spleen, black mountains, deserts, graves, the magnet, all black stones, black
iron, the awl, and the raven.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 155

water and searcliing for it. ^ Very interesting is the teaching in the
Prayer Book of the Greek Church,- where all sort of waters 3 springs,
wells, cisterns, pits, seas, rivers, pools are thought to be inhabited. ^
While most of the springs^ are known by all the surrounding
villages to be inhabited, there are others where only few persons have
encountered at different times the guarding spirit. The most important
conditions for a water course to be inhabited are the following two.
Each one alone suffices to attract the djinn:

1. Sources originating in a more or less deserted place, or in a
thicket of trees.

2. That the rays of the sun do not penetrate to the real source.
This condition is fulfilled when a small cave, large crack, or an old
canal forms the entrance to the spring. 6

The above mentioned conditions, loneliness, desertedness, darkness,
cracks, caves, canals, trees, combined with a spring, assure the habi-
tation of that place. For every object with such a situation is there
by a favourite abiding place of the spirits, since it has on the one
hand a direct communication with the interior of the earth, and on
the other hand belongs to the planet Saturn.

A spring in the neighbourhood of a ruin, grave or ivelt is also
inhabited and generally by the soul of the welt or of those who died
in that ruin.

Special attention must be paid to two sorts of springs periodical
and hot springs. The abnormality in both hot water in the one and
the periodical flow of the other has keyed the oriental imagination

1 Cf. Luke 8 29, 33.

2 Adjidzmdtdri el-kebir, pp. 180182 and 195.

3 It is very interesting to note that, witli few exceptions, all the objects named
in the list of this book as being inhabited correspond with the list of Ghdyatu'l
hakim above mentioned.

^ In the prayer of St. Gabrianus (Arab, text) we find the sea as the only re-
presentative of inhabited waters.

5 From some names used in the Bible for springs we may conclude that the
inhabitants of Palestine had then the same belief: 'En-dor, "spring of dwelling,"
1 Sam. 28 7; Ba'al-perasim, "Owner of the outflow" 2 Sam. 5 20; Ba'al hamon,
"Owner of the torrent," Can. 8 11 (L. B. Paton, Annual of Am. School of Oriental
Research in Jerusalem, 1920).

6 Even common cisterns which are built under a house, and where the only
opening to the water is inside of a room, so that the rays of the sun never reach
the water, are used for various medical and magic purposes.

156 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

to its highest pitch and has resulted in a beautiful, superstitious ex-
planation.

Periodical springs especially perplexed many minds: Why does the
water of 'en-fawar,-' for example, flow now? Why did it not flow a few
hours ago? At last they found an explanation which corresponded
exactly to their demonology and was absolutely in accord with the
religious belief of their ancestors. They now think that ' en-fawar is in-
habited by two spirits, a hurr "free man" (master) and an 'ahd,
"servant." The first is a white person, the second a negro (also slave-
born) as the Arabic words themselves indicate. These two "power-
ful spirits" are continually fighting each other. When the hurr
gains the victory he allows the water to flow for the benefit of
thirsty mankind. But soon the 'dbd rises and resumes the battle. As
soon as he overpowers the Imrr he shuts off the blessing to avenge
himself on the human race. 2
This representation of

good against evil,

white against black,

angels against devils,

light against darkness,

upper against lower world and

God against Satan 3
is a very old idea in Semitic religions and we could not have it better
pictured than as reproduced by the simple imagination of a Palestinian
fellah.

It is not necessary to have two anthropoid spirits inhabiting a spring.
The importance lies in the colours white and black. Thus we find
a black and a white sheep inhabiting en ed-dj6z.4

Naturally a question arises: Are all periodical springs inhabited by
good and bad spirits which cause their abnormal flow? 1 must answer
this question in the negative. Other explanations are easily found,
'en silwan, also called 'en imm ed-daradj, for example, was formerly

1 The continuation of 'en-fara.

2 Canaan, Aberglaube.

3 There are many references in the Bible which point to this representation.
I will mention only a few: Job. 18 is; Zech. 3i; Rom. 16 20; Ps. 140 1; Prov. 813;
Is. 7 15; Jerem. 884; Eph. 612.

4 Near Ramallah.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 157

guarded by a bad sijirit appearing in the form of a camel. He used
to drink a lot of water from time to time, thus stopping the flow for
a short period. In the case of 'en sabima,i which is inhabited by a
whole djinu family known by the name 'elet zdrurah the water dries
up at those times when all the members of the family come to drink;
therefore they say: ivirdat-hd 'elet za'rurah.'^

The hot springs were always a great puzzle to the oriental mind.
Accordingly the Palestinian asks himself how it is that the water of
the springs near Tiberias comes directly from the earth in a boiling
state? Here again he solved the question. There are a great number
of demons who continually heat the water before it penetrates to the
surface. The fuel is brought from a great distance. In the case of
the springs of Tiberias it comes from a cave in the valley Ed-djai^
near Der diwan.^ King Solomon ordered these djinn to perform this
piece of work in order to give the inhabitants of Palestine a natural
hot bath. And as these demons are blind and deaf^ they do not yet
know that their master, King Solomon, has died, and dreading his
punishment they still continue to work. A similar belief exists about the
Turkish baths. The inhabiting djinn and every bath is inhabited
help to heat the water, sukkdmih hyihmuh.^

Special mention of 'iun el-hasr'^ should be made. The peasant
unterstands by this expression springs where at no time of the day
or of the year do the sun's rays reach the source. The water is used
to cure suppression and retention of urine. In order that such water
sliall preserve its curative action the sun must never shine over it;
so it is fetched only after sunset. If the place to which this healing
water is to be carried cannot be reached during one night, the jar
is hidden during the day in a dark place, and as soon as the sun

1 Der gliassane.

2 "The family of zdrurah (medlar tree) came to it (the water)."

3 The valley is .inhabited by a much dreaded mdrid. The inhabitants of Der
diwan pretend that although a large number of cattle gather every evening in
the cave and spend the night there, the cave is swept clean by those djitm every
morning and all the dung disappears.

4 According to the peasants of Battir the djinn of Tiberias come every night
to 'en djami"^ to carry away the dung.

^ One of the many illustrations which show how the Palestinian attributes to-
the djinn human qualities, weaknesses, and diseases.

6 Translation: Its inhabitants (the demons) heat it (the bath).
J Translation: Springs of supx^ression (of urine).

158 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

goes down the journey begins anew. A curious fact about 'iun el-hasr,
which was told me by a man of Bet-Surik, is that springs with a
composite name, where the first part is het, can not be although they
fulfill all the above named conditions 'ifni hasr. It was impossible
for me to get any explanation for this belief.

Some springs belonging to this group are: Bir es-sahar (to the north
of Der tarif), en abu niaq, (Der ghassaneh), 'en el-wihra (Kefr tut)
and 'en soba. ^

If we turn to study the number, shapes, customs, colour and
actions of the djinn who haunt these places, we may divide them at
once into two major groups:

1. Springs guarded by good spirits, the souls of holy men buried
in the neighbourhood, or other saints. 2 There are fifteen such cases
in my list.

2. Evil demons.

1. This belief is common among Christians and Mohammedans.
Some wells and springs inhabited by Christians saints are: Bir ona^
(Bet-djala) by the Virgin Mary, 'en karim also by the Virgin; 'en
Kibrian4 by St. Gabrianus (St. Cyprianus).

Springs and wells in which Mohammedan saints dwell are:

'en qina by el-weli AbuTenen,

'en el-bireh by shekh Ahmad,

Bir es-sahar by el-weli Shu'eb,

Bir Ayiib by en-nebi Ayub,

Bir sindjil by esh-shekh Saleh ^ (or, as others think, by en-nabi Yiisif).

These men of God 6 appear in the same form as they did in their
lifetime and they try always to help human creatures. A girl of
Siloah having been maltreated by her step-mother fled and threw
herself into Bir Ayub. Before she took her last step she asked the

1 Some of these are more important and more used than, others. The most
important one of the list is 'en soba.

2 The same idea prevailed in l)iblical times: B'er Elim, "well of gods" Is. 15 8
Elim,"gods," Ex. 15 27; Nu. 33 910; 'en Shemesh, "spring of the sun," Jos. 15 7.

3 It is curious that some believe they have seen an 'abd.
* Between Bet-djala and el-Khadr.

5 Some Mohammedans believe that in the neighbourhood of Sindjil, Joseph was
thrown by his brethren into a pit (perhaps into this well). 'Omar Barghuti.

6 Only in one case out of one hundred and twenty does an angel haunt a spring
('en masiiin, according to Tiab of Ramallah).

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 159

help and the protection of this saint, and she felt as she was falling
down that that venerable shekh took her in his arms, i and, placino-
her on a stone step, just above the water level, told her: "Do not be
afraid, my child; soon you will be again in your father's house." A
few hours later her anxious father, discovering that she was still living,
threw down a rope and drew her up. ^

Some of these springs show a special miracle on the day consecrated
to the holy person who guards them. Thus the water of Bir ona
rises to the brim on the Virgin's day 3 and the stones at the well's
mouth are dyed red.^ This sort of animation of lifeless objects is
met with in different phases of Palestinian folk-lore.

Such springs should never be approached irreverently. Therefore
no pious woman would ever come near or touch such a spring while
^'impure" through her menstrual blood. If she is careless, the holy
man who dwells in that water will afflict her with some bodily ailments,
or by stopping the flow of the source punish all that village. In the
midst of the vineyards of Betimia is the source of Khirbet ntita which
is guarded by the soul of esh- shekh vSaleh. From time to time the
water gets scanty and may even stop flowing. This is always thought
to result when an unclean woman approaches the opening. Once the
water stopped flowing and as the inhabitants of Betunia searched in
vain for the impure woman, a sheep was offered to shekh Saleh and
the source was well cleared out, and the water flowed again, even
more abundantly than before. ^

Among all the holy persons whose spirits dwell in springs there
are only two females in my list: St. Mary (in two cases) and es-sitt
Mu'minah^ ('en el-hadjar in Der ghassaneh).

1 Christians have the same belief. The son of el-Qandalaft fell accidentally
into a cistern and was saved by a holy man. The same thing hapj)ened in Dar
ed-daw to another child. The shekhs or holy men are described nearly always as
wearing white clothes (Imm. Ilias).

2 The second day after the accident I was called to see the girl, who was not
feeling quite well, and I heard the story from her mouth.

3 On the eighth of September (Jul. Calender).

* Most probably a vestige of menstruation, as will be pointed out later on.

5 See Canaan, op. cit., p. 37.

6 It is curious that in both of these cases bad spirits appear sometimes in
the same springs. In Bir 'ona, generally haunted by the Virgin Mai'y, some have
seen an 'abd; and in 'en el-hadjar (Der ghassaneh) guarded by Sitt Mu'minah a
mdrid appears at times.

1 60 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

2. Sources guarded by evil djinn. Under this class we have the
very bad demons as well as the partly harmful ones. They take
different forms when they appear. Some have the shapes of animals
sheep, cock, hen, chicken, dog, camel, gazelle, donkey, goat, mouse,
monkey or serpent. ^ Others look like negroes and negresses, and
still others have the dreadful shapes of the monstrous ghid, ghvle and
mdrid. This last group is the most harmful, and special care has to
be taken when one encounters el-ghid, who is continually looking for
his prey.

Spirits appearing in the form of animals are not necessarly bad
demons: they may even be indifferent to human beings, or even good-
natured. When spirits in animal shapes are described as white they
belong to the latter, when black to the former category. An exception
is the camel, which always represents a bad demon. Even in the
explanations of dreams given by the felWnn at present camels are
always a bad omen.-

An intermediate place between the two above-mentioned classes is
taken by those springs which are inhabited by women, 3 generally in
the form of brides.^ These spirits are almost always described as
having a majestic stature and a charming form, wearing beautiful
cloths and costly adornments. Very often they sit on a stone beside
the flowing water and comb their beautiful long hair, which hangs
partly over their shoulders and partly over their breast. These females
have a particular inclination to human beings, following and imploring
them to come and live with them. They promise men all sorts of
riches and comforts and are very harsh towards women. If once
entangled a person may disappear for several years, as the case

1 In the Bible we have several springs which were guarded, as their names
show, by animals: 'en-'eglaira, "Spring of two calves," Ez. 47 lo; 'en-gedi,
"Spring of the kid," Jos. 15 62; 'en-hakkore, "Spring of the quail (or partridge),"
Ju. 15 19; * en-hattannin, "Spring of the dragon," Ne. 2 is. (Annual of the American
School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem, 1920. L. B. Paton.)

2 The old Arabs had the same belief about the vamel. See "Ta'tir el andm
ft ta'bir el-manani" by 'Abd el-ghani en-nablasi I i27 etc.

3 Even in the Bible we have reference to a well haunted by a woman in
Jos. 19 8, Ba'alatb'er, "Mistress of the well."

4 Arabic 'ariis, pi. 'arayis. The clothes of these "brides" are like those used
by brides of the neighbouring villages, except that they are richer in decoration
and of a superior quality.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and "Water Demons in Palestine 161

of the bride who inhabits en el-hammamV shows, where a man
disappeared for seven years. When he came back he related his story.
The djinmydt'^ employ sometimes different tricks to entangle men.
In the case of 'en ed-dj6z3 the passer by observes at times a black
she-goat. If he tries to catch her, she jumps from one place to
another, thus leading him on and on to a deserted spot, where she
changes into a bride who tries to charm and thus to gain him.4

One may recognize these djinn ladies ^ from their eyes. The pupils
are perpendicularly elongated. 6 A human being may escape their
clutches il in the moment of temptation he repeats the name of God,
a saint, the Virgin, the Cross, or says a prayer. If, on the other hand,
he commits adultery with such a female djinn, he is lost.

These spirits, although not so bad as the 'aM and the glifd group,
may follow an escaped man and inflict upon him disease and weakness,
even death.'' Some of them are described as drying up from time to
time the water of springs. Such an event happens inevitably if they
should be provoked by women approaching the place during their impure
days. In Djifna the priest has to go on such an occasion to the dry
spring to repeat prayers and burn incense, and thus reconcile the
djinniye or force her to let the water flow.

1 Bir zet.

2 Fern. Plur. of djinn.

3 According of Tiab of Ramallali. But see above, p. 87.

* Demons are thought in Palestine to have the ability of changing their shapes.

5 According to the wife of Ya'qub abu er-rukab (Ramailah).

6 The same characteristic is assigned to the ghide.

? The following story is an example : Ya'qub abu er-rukab went one day very
early in the morning to gather wood from the gardens of 'en el-qasr. He fastened
his donkey to a bush near the spring. As soon as he had sufficient wood for
a load, he searched, but absolutely in vain, for his animal. At last he crossed
himself and said: bism es-salib el-hayy , "in the name of the living Cross." At
once the donkey was there where he had tied him. On the way back he felt an
unseen power troubling him. Soon afterwards a female voice called him by his
name: "Oh Ya'qub, wait a moment." He stopped and a beautiful bride, over-
loaded with gold and jewels, walked up to him. The frightened hattdb (wood-
cutter) knew that he had to do with a female demon. She implored him with
her melodious voice to throw away his axe and follow her. But as he had not
yet lost his presence of mind, he crossed himself repeatedly and said a prayei',
and she vanished away. When he reached home, he spoke disconnectedly and was
completely changed, since he talked only about the beauties of the "bride of 'en
el-qasr." She afflicted her escaped prey with blindness, and soon afterwards he
died (related by his own wife).

162 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

In one case, Bir abu s'hel, the inhabiting female, called 'Aminririyei
tells the future of the inhabitants of that village. If she is heard
Aveeping or mourning, somebody in that village will surely die; if on
the other hand she is heard singing, some good thing will take place.2

It is a most interesting fact that among one hundred and twenty
springs which I have listed, fifty-four are supposed to be inhabited
by females (belonging to this group). 3 Among these springs are: 'en
el-qasr, en el-16ze, en tarfida, en raindjid, en mizrab, 'en el-waladje,
'en el-hanniye, 'en battir, etc. These spirits are as already stated
very charming. The following story shows that they are at times
refractory in love. Why and when such a condition happens I could
not find out. While Husen from el-Waladje was on night duty
protecting the gardens of 'en hantash against thieves, he beheld a
beautiful and charming female sitting on a stone at the source of
the spring, combing her long hair. He fell in love with her and
gently approaching her, begged her to accept him as a lover. As
she showed no inclination towards him, despite all his reqests, he
committed suicide by cutting his throat, as he could live no longer
without this enticing creature.

In analysing the shapes which the inhabiting spirits take when they
appear to human beings we find that in 40 cases out of 88 (i e. about
half) female forms are chosen. If the instances of holy men whose
spirits still haunt springs and all the cases where the sex is not
specified are subtracted, we find that 80 jjer cent of the spirits are
in female form.

When the colour of the demon is specified, we meet only with the
two antagonistic colours, white and black. The first one stands for
good and the other for evil spirits.

If we study the question from the point of view of the number of
spirits which inhabit one water course, we find that most of the springs
and wells are inhabited by a single demon. But there are some, in
my collection 25 out of 120, where several live together. This last
category we may divide into two subdivisions:

1 'Ummdr (pi. of 'ammar which is the masc. of 'ammdrt?/e) is the name given
generally to djinn who live in ruins or deserted houses.

2 'Omar Barghuti. %

3 The three cases, where the holy Virgin (twice) and es-sitt Mu'minah (once)
haunt springs, are not counted among the number mentioned above. Out of the
54 we have only two black women.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 163

1. Springs inhabited by two spirits, which represent with one
exception i a bad black and another good white one. I have six such
cases.

2. Springs haunted by many djinn. G-enerally they are members
of one family and in four out of thirteen cases belonging to this
subdivision the djinn have taken the shape of a hen with her chickens. -
It is believed by some that if a human being has the exceptional
chance of catching one of these chickens, it will change at once
into a lump of gold.^

These spirits, to whatever category they belong, appear as all the
demons only during the night and in the dusk. They also are only
to be seen when a lonely traveller passes by, as they never like to
face several human beings at once. Many of them try to injure the
passer-by by frightening him with their noise, shape or misbehaviour.
If they attack him, he gets sick or may even die.

If a human being has the opportunity of meeting one of them, he
observes that the opening of the spring, guarded by this spirit, has
changed to a large doorlike crack, and sometimes a peep inside
will reveal great riches. A woman passing near the spring of Halhul
just before the sun began to be visible, saw grazing beside the water
a sheep which to her great astonishment hadrushed out from a rather
large crack. She looked through this opening and beheld to her
amazement heaps of gold, silver and precious stones. Without hesi-
tation she rushed in to get as much as possible of these wordly riches.
But with one jump the sheep darted in, and the crack closed. She
had to tear her clothing, which was caught in the crack, to get
free. 4

These spirits go out during the night and act quite free by; but they
never go far from the spring. Some of them look for grass and herbs
(sheep, camel, gazelle, donkey, etc). The hen takes her chickens and
goes in search of grain. Brides and young females are mostly described
as combing their hair. SheJchs welis and saints are in meditation,

1 In one case of a female and male spirit living together, 'en el-farkha wid-dik,
(near Salt) inhabed by a cock and a lien (Imm. Elias H.)

2 Other sources belonging to this subdivision are inhabited by camels, a flock
of sheep, djdn (pi. of djinn), the family za'rura etc.

* 'Omar Barghuti.

3 Imm. Djordj M.

11*

164 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

while (ibcls, mdrids and ghiils roam around the source searching for
their prey.^

Yery interesting is the story I hear eel lately from a woman of
Siloam.'- The spring of Jericho is inhabited by a woman who once a
year for 10 12 hours has her menstrual period. At this time the
water is tined red. But this redness occurs only during the night of
that day. At daybreak the normal colour returns. This is the only
case I have known, where popular superstition gives female spirits the
human capacity for menstruation. A vestige of this belief is perhaps
to be found in the superstition regarding Bir ona, inhabited by St.
Mary.

The following belief about Hammam esh-shifa is a very primitive
conception of the animation of water. 3 The Mohammedan women of
Jerusalem go on the tenth of Moharram^ and take a bath, as it is
believed that the waters of Zemzem overflow on this day and mix
with the waters of this bath,5 also called Hammam 'ashura.^ According
to some even en imm ed-daradj (Silowan) receives on this day some
water from Zemzem.'^

A Mohammedan ladys whom I asked lately about Hammam 'ashura
gave me another explanation, quite different from that which I have
already mentioned. The prophet Job, who was afflicted with the
worst kinds of skin eruptions, took a bath every day, but without any

1 In sorne springs, 'en Djariiit for example, the jjasser-by will see a whole
demon wedding procession, and is able to hear their songs and see their dances.

2 Imm. Dahud the wife of 'Abd.

3 Cf. also Bir 'ona and the signs on the Virgin's day.

* The anniversary of the death of Husen the son of Fatme, the daughter of
the Prophet.

5 As a proof of the truth of their superstition the following story is told:
An Indian pilgrim lost his water-cup in Bir Zemzem. One year afterwards he
happened to be in Jerusalem, and while on the day of 'Ashurah he was taking
a hot Turkish bath in 5ammam esh-shifa, the bath-keeper, drawing water from
the well, fished out a cup. This was recognized at once by the Indian pilgrim
to be his own cup, which feU down into Zemzem while he was at Mekka. This
proved to everybody that the water of the holy Zemzem mixes on this day with
the waters of this well.

6 From 'ashara, "ten," i. e. the tenth of the month.

^ Some Mohammedans believe that on this day the water of this holy well
at Mekka mixes with all springs of Mohammedan countries, thus giving every
Moslem the ojiportunity of drinking from Zemzem.

8 Hustun R.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 165

result. It happened that on the tenth of Moharram he took a bath
in Hammam esh-shifa with the result that he was cured. This of course
proved to all that this water has on this day particular curative
action. This offers a marked parallel to John 5 2. 1

Another observation is not without interest: 'en Silwan was for-
merly inhabited according to some peasants by a demon in the
shape of a camel. This camel died. In its place now lines a hen
with her chickens, i. e. the place of one demon was taken by several,
very much as in Matth. 12 45,2 Everybody I asked informed me that
no camel has ever appeared to anybody during recent years in that
spring. The bubbling sound of the water is explained as being the sound
of the chickens. 3 Death of demons is also known in other cases.

Nobody dares to approach a spring and take water without first
repeating the name of God or that of the saint living in that place.'*
This rule is specially important during night-time or when one passes
quite alone near water which flows in a deserted place. If such a
precaution is not taken, one is sure to be troubled by the demons.
If the guardian spirits are excited in any way the intruder will be
surely punished. We have seen already some examples of this con-
ception. Another one is that if a person urinates in flowing water
he will get some genito-urinary trouble.

I do not doubt that several of the springs and wells which are thought
at present to be inhabited were believed in former times to be sacred,
and were devoted to the cult of one of the numerous gods of Palestine.
And it is not improbable that some of the old deities continue to
haunt the same springs, although ages have passed by. Of course the
name, the character, and the manner of appearance have changed,
but the fundamental thought still exists. This is only one of the many
survivals which point to the primitive religious practises of Palestine
and still more or less known at present.

This explains why many waters are used at present, as they were
in Bible times, for medicinal purposes: the 'inn el-hasr have been

1 While in John 5 2 the curative power was due to an angel, in this case
the apparent cause is not seen. We must probably look for the explanation to
Zemzem.

2 Also Luke 11 26.

3 Hens and chickens represent bad spirits.

* A custom which is becoming gradually less frequent.

166 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

mentioned; Siloam and the bath of Sitti Mariam ' especially the
first are renowned for their help in cases of sterility in women.'- In
fever one resorts to bathing in 'en imm ed-daradj. Some believe that
Hammam esh-shifa cures certain skin eruptions. For the same reason
we find that:

(a) Offerings are brought in some cases to the guardian spirit.^

(b) No unclean person (especially a woman) should approach such
a spring, which is the abode of a holy spirit (probably that of
a former deity). ^

(d) In 'en esh-shekh Yiisif,6 which is haunted by the spirit of that
shekh, one may even hear saldh it bakhkhur, u sot djumhur,
"prayers and incense and the voice of a gathering." ^

A final observation has still to be made. The periodicity of several
manifestations connected with the springs is very striking. The waters
of Zemzem mix once a year with those of Hammam 'ashtira and of
Siloam. The lady of 'en es-sultan has her menstrual flow once a
year. St. Mary causes the above mentioned miraculous sign of Bir
'ona only on her anniversary. A spring in Nablus stops its flow once
a week on Sundays, as it is inhabited by a monk, who must fulfil his
religious duties on this day. In some periodical springs battles and
victories take place regularly and periodically between good and bad
spirits.

All the spirits inhabiting waters are known by the collective name
el-afdnt. Of cource saints and ivelis do not come under this heading.
Sometimes the word rasad, pi. irsude^ is used. But this expression

1 They take their bath in the djurn (stone basin) in which it is supposed that
the Virgin Mary took a bath.

- Such a woman has to take with her seven mashdkhis (see Canaan, Aber-
glaube), seven keys of doors which open to the south, and seven cups of water,
each from e different cistern, where at no time of the day do the rays of the sun
shine over its opening (Husun R.).

3 To Hammam sitti Mariam candles, flowers, etc. are vowed (Husun R. and
Imm. Djordj). To others oil lamps are lighted.

4 Examples of this have already been mentioned.

3 Cf. what has been said about 'En Djifnah.

6 To the north of Ramallah.

V Tiab of Ramallah.

8 Waters which run from places where hidden riches are to be found, are
guarded by a rasad.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs .and Water Demons in Palestine 167

stands also for other sorts of demons. An inhabited source is called
maskune or marsude.

At the close of this paper I have still to mention that not all
statements one hears from different persons about on and the same
spring correspond. But the fundamental idea, which is the basis of
their belief, is as sound as any other one we meet with in Palestinian
demonology.

The following is an analysis of the one hundred and twenty in-
habited springs which I have noted:
In 24 cases the spirits are good.

4 of them are Christians saints.
29 are Mohammedan tvelisA
15 very bad spirits are met with.
35 we encounter brides and young women. 2
54 the demons take a female shape.
29 the djiiin in animal forms are met with.
25 several spirits live in one source.

6 times two antigonastic spirits haunt the same water.
19 times, more than two live together;
14 the colour black is specified, and in 6 other springs
one of the inhabiting spirits is black, while the other
one is white;
7 a cock, a hen, or a hen with her chickens guards the

water;
5 a camel,
8 one or more sheep;
9 the shapes which the djhm take are not specified.

In the 'iun el-hasr the form is also not given.
The following is a list of eighty eight of the inhabited springs. 3

I. Springs inhabtied by good spirits:
1. By Welis, Shekhs and Mohammedan saints:
Bir es-sahar Der Tarif Well Shu^eb.4

En el-Bire el Bire SUkh.

1 One of these springs is inhabited by an angel.

2 The Virgin Mary and es-sitt Mu'minah, as well as a black woman are not
added to this number,

3 Some of these springs are mentioned in Canaan, Aberglaube und Yolksmedizin.

4 For further details see Canaan I. c.

168

Journal of the Palestine Orientel Society

Jiir Ayub
Bir Siudjil
Bir Sindjil

'En Qina

'En esh-sliekh Yiisif
'En el-liadjar
'En Djakiik

'En el-amir
'En Masiiin

2. Christian Saints:
'En er-Rahib
En Karim
Bir 'ona
'En Kibirian
Hammam sitti Mariam

Siloam

Sindjil

Qina

N. of Ramalluh

Der Ghassane

E. of en-nabi Samwil

Ramallah

Nablus

'En Karim

Bet-djala

W. of Bet-djala

Jerusalem

en-nabi Ayub.
esh-shekli Salib.
en-nabi Yusif.
el-weli Abu el'enen.^
esh-sbekb Yusif.
es-sitt Mu'minali.2
Welt.

Sullah and Awlia.
An angel.

Monk. 3

The Virgin Mary.
The Virgin Mary. 2
St. Gabrianus.
The Virgin Mary.^

II. Springs inhabited by very bad spirits:

A spring in wadi Beni Hammad

Wadi Beni Hammad

aiiuu

'En Hasban

Transjor dania

GhuU.^

'En Djariiit

Der Diwuan

'Abde.

'En Flefle

Bir Zet

'Abd.

'En el-'araq

Bir Zet

'Abde.

Bir Sridah

Der Ghassane

'Abd.

'En el-Hadjar

Der Ghassane

Mdrid.

Bir abu S arris

Der Ballut

Shetan.

A spring Qarfis

Kefr Tut

Shetan.

'En in wadi Ed-

djai

Der Diwan

Mdrid.

'En 'Abbasin

between Battir and Hiisan

'Abd.

1 This well, it is said, does not always protect his prox^erty in the right way.
Once a peasant, who was disappointed hy this saint, offered him an oil lamp
and vowed: "0, weli, if you do not protect your lamp this time I shall never ofter
you anything more". Next morning the j)easant found near the spring a dead wolf
with the lamp in his mouth. This, of course, was a sufficient proof that the
saint had exercised his power.

2 Inhabited at times by a bad spirit; see seet. V. The bad spirits appear very
seldom.

3 Imm. Elias H. from Jerusalem.

* There is no spring in the bath. The belief about St. Mary I heard only
from one person.

5 Jaussen, Coutumes des Arahes.

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and "Water Demons in Palestine

169

III. Springs inhabited by bad spirits (less harmful than the last group).
'En abu'l-karzam Ramallah Black dos.

'En Misbfih
Bir esh-Shami
'En es Sef
'En Silwati
'En en-nasbe
'Birket Hadjia

Ramallah Camel.

Bet-Iksa Camel.

el-Waladje Donkey, i

Siloam Formerly inhabited by a camel.

Ramallah Camels.

Jerusalem Hasad, who devours a victim every year.

IV. Springs inhabited by brides and young women :

Enes-sitt Hasna Es-sifla. s
'En el-Qasr Ramallah.

'En el-L6ze
'En Tarfida
'En Mindjid
'En Mizrab

Ramallah.
Ramalirdi.
Ramallah.
Ramallah.

Battir.

'En el-Hanniye el-Hanniye.
'En el-Waladje el-Waladje.
'En Battir
'En Harrashe

'En el-Baqiim
'En el-Qas'a
Bir abCi S'hel

En el-qabu el-Qabu.

'En 'Atan 'Aitm.

'En Farrudje Solomon's Pools.

'En Hammam Bir Zet. *
'EnDabbagha Bir Zet.

'En es-Sultan Jericho. ^

'En Hantash NW.ofBet-djala.

'En Djifna Djifna.4

'En Kafriye Ramallah.

Mazra'a gharbiye. 'En Milke near Bet Hanina.

Kefr Tut. 'En abu Ziad near Bet Hanina.

NE. of el-Bire. 'En el-Dj6z Ramallah.

Der Ghassane. En-el-mfdha el-Malha.6

"V. Springs guarded by several spirits:
1. By two antagonistic spirits:

'En ed-Dj6z

'En Artas
'En Fawar

En Fawar
Bir 'ona

En el-Hadjar

Ramallah White and a black sheep.

Artas . White and a black sheep.

E. of Jerusalem White and a black sheep,
E. of Jerusalem Free man and a negro.

Bet-djala

Der Ghassane

St. Mary and at times an

'Ahcl
es-Sitt Mu'minah and at the

some time a Mdrid.

1 Lie. Kalile, P. J.

2 The female saints, two negresses and one gliiile are not mentioned in this list.

3 Lie. Kahle, P. J.

* The peeuliarity about this spring was mentioned in the text.

5 Has once a year her menstrual period.

6 She wears an izdr.

170

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

2. By several

spirits :

'Ell Ma an

Ma'an

Tiberias

'En el-Halazon

near Bir Zet

'En en-Nasbe

Ramallah

'En Djariiit

Der Diwan

'En Sabimah

Der Ghassane

'En Hidcliye

between Husan

and Battir

'En Djanii

near Battir

'En Djenan

Betunia

'En Lifta

Lifta

'En Silwan

Siloam

Bir Haile Der Ghassane

'En el-Farkha wid-dik Salt

Djinn.

Djinn who heat the Avells.

Flock of sheep.

Camels.

A djinn marriage procession.

The family of Za'riirah.

Djinn.

Djinn who carry fuel to the
springs of Tiberias.

Hen with her chickens.

Hen with her chickens (for-
merly by a camel).

Hen with her chickens.

Young hen and a cock, i

'En Adjab

'En Qashqale
Bir el-Hummus
'En e d-d jib

'En el-Farume
'En Halhul
El 'Audja
'En Suilk
'En el-Wihra

'En Marde
'En Soba
En Abu Niaq

Springs which have not been mentioned:

el-Qubebe

Hebron

ed-Djib

Bir Zet

near Hebron

N. of Jericho

Bet Surik

Kefr Tut

Marde

Soba

Der Ghassane

White cock.

Cock.

Ram,

Ram.

Earn.

Ram.

Gazelle.

Mouse.

Monkey. -

Serpent.

'en hasr.'^

'en Jiasr.^

1 Imm Elias H.

2 Has a curative action in supression of urine.

LA REPETITION DE LA EACINE EN HEBREU

ISRAEL EITAN

(JEEUSALEM)

IL existe un phenomene philologique des plus j^irimitifs^ tres caracte-
ristique pour le langage enfantin et le parler iJO])ulaire, qui se
rencontre egalement dans les idiomes de maintes peuplades sauvages
et de certains peuples anciens. Les traces n'en sent pas rares meme
dans les langues modernes, surtout de la famille romane, qui, comme
I'italien et le frangais, preferent souvent Texpression concrete et
intuitive a I'abstraite.

Ce phenomene, si curieux dans sa simplicite naturelle, consiste a
repeter le mot ou seulement la racine pour en renforcer la significa-
tion ou y insister d'une fagon quelconque.

Un enfant, au lieu de dire '<tres petit, par exemple, dira petit-
petit. II en fera autant pour d'autres adjectifs, en pretant a la
repetition un sens superlatif. De meme, en matiere d'adverbes, il
preferera vite-vite a bien vitew ou tres vite, Dans les verbes,
nous verrons indiquer ainsi surtout la duree ou Viyiinterruption: il
court-court signifiera done dans ce langage il court sans s"arreter.
Quant aux substantifs, c'est la grande quantite ou le grand nomhre
qu'on fait ressortir par ce procede. Certains mots frangais, comme
hotibon (superlatif) et joujou (iteratif), par ex., doivent tres probable-
ment leur origine a ce langage enfantin.

Les memes remarques sont souvent valables pour le i^Sirler pop idaire
ou familier, en general.

Parmi les langues anciennes, c'est le sumerien qui est le plus
frappant a ce point de vue. En effet, moyen primitif par excellence,
il- forme regulierement le plurieU des substantifs, et meme des

1 Voy. Fr. Delitzsch, Grundziige der sumer. Grammat., p. 44.

172 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

adjectifs, par la repetition pure et simple du singulier: tir = foret,
tir-tir == forets; hal = hache, hal-hal = baches. La repetition de
I'adjetif pent, en outre, signifier le supe7datif: gal = grand, gal-gal
= tres grand.

On croit meme trouver en hebreii des restes de ce pluriel^ dans
les mots ''O""^ les eaux et nVS'^iS doubles trandiants qui ne seraient
que des reduplications de % et de ns. Mais, si nous preferions voir
dans meme, au lieu d'une reduplication du singulier mai, un pluriel
secondaire du pluriel maiim (^-Ji\ g-o-4-) comme il y en a, dans I'hebreu
postbiblique, un autre avec terminaison feminine niD'^D membtli, nous
pourrons trouver des examples tres siirs en arameen et en syriaque:
aram. ravr'vin, grands, du sing. rav\ syr. daqd'qe, petits, du sing, daq
inusite.

Or, si les langues semitiques, notammant I'arameen et I'arabe, ont
conserve des restes plus ou moins isoles de cette primitive habitude
de langage, il sera d'autant plus curieux, suggestif peut-etre, de
constater la loortee generale que ce phenomene a gardee en Jiebreu
et de suivre toute I'interessante evolution qu'il a pu subir depuis la
Bible jusqu'a nos jours oii il continue, d'ailleurs, de vivre et de creer.
Se differenciant en plusieurs procedes grammaticaux ou syntaxiques,
ou en series-types d'expressions idiomatiques, la repetition de la racine
a fourni a la langue hebra'ique, par voie de formation sjgontanee,
souvent meme populaire et sous I'influence de Paction analogique, des
ressources precieuses pour rendre d'une fagon plus vive et intense,
surtout plus concrete et intuitive, certaines nuances d'expression sur
lesquelles on tient a insister sans les affaiblir par un langage abstrait.

Voyons d'abord le procede le plus simple et primitif, c'est-a-dire
la repetition du mot tel quel, sans changement sensible de forme
grammaticale. Les exemples abondent dans la Bible 2 et dans la
litterature posterieure pour les usages suivants:

10 Dans les interjections pures, comme iri'in (Am. 5i6), ''"i""'1S
(Ezech. 16 23), nsn nn (Ps. 70 4), M-^1 post-bib.

20 Dans V apostrophe ou discours direct affectant un nom propre
aussi bien qu'un nom commun, par ex. Htyc TWCt oh! Moise, DHI^t?
nn"Q oh! Abraham, 'hi^ "bi^ oh! mon Dieu, ^in ^in oh! mon fils,

1 Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm. der semit. Spr. I, page 440.
- Voy. D. Qinihi: "jl^Dtt, p. 6061, ed. Lucques. Ce grammairien entrevoyait
deja I'importance de la Repetition en hebreu pour renforcer le sens.

EITAN: La Repetition de la Eacine en Hebreu 173

'3N "'IIX oh! mon pere. Kemarque. On pourrait attribuer la cause
de cette clerniere sorte de repetitions au manque, en hebreu, d'une
particule vocative speciale comme Ij id en arabe ou oh! en frangais.

3"J Pour exprimer la douleur localisee dans un certain organe,
par ex. 't^i^'^ ""tys-i oh! ma tete, '^y '^7 oh! mon ceil, 'V^ ^ytt (Jer. 4i9)
oh! mes entrailles, etc.

4'^ Pour indiquer le superlatif dans les noms et surtout dans les
adjectifs et adverhes, par ex. ^lin p^S pliJ i (Deut. 16 20) tu suivras la
justice la plus exacte, pby pby (Eccl. 7 24) tres profond, nn^n D'lh'n
(Gen. 25 so) = Pesitta: stimqa sumqa tres roux, J^l 1)^ (Pr. 20 u) tres
mauvais, innK-jnn^ (p. b.) le tout dernier; nn)2y nnna (1. Sam. 2 3)
avec heaucou^p de hauteur, nS'^TTD'' (p. b.) tres bien, t3i<^"t35<^ tout
doucement, 1N'0"7ND extremement, Di<nS"j;nD tres soudainement, "D''2D
^20 (aram. s'Jwr's'hdr) tout autour, ']"1D"")'1D (p. b.) a la fin du compte,
bb^) bh^ (p. b.) pas du tout, IITinp de tout temps.

50 Pour donner un sens distributif, iteratif ou de continuite in-
interrompue, aux noms, adverbes ou verbes, par ex. ti'''t<"tJ'''t< quicon-
que, chacun, "iDn m"i2"n"nfc<D (Gen. 14 10) pleine de puits de bitume
(vallee), D'i'in"D"'i1Dn (Joel 4 i4) des foules qui se pressent, Tl^^b ']'?
n^^b ^V (Num. 31 4) mille par tribu, nynty-nynty par sept, D^it^-D^ity
par deux, n^t^b *in ty^ inx ty^^ (Num. 13 2) un homme de cJiaque
tribu, t3V0"Dj; (Ex.23 zo)])eu djjeu = Pes.: Vqalil-qaUl, "inn nn (Ex.30 34)
a parties egales, mtya nity (p. b.) idem; DT^'DV chaque jour, DJ^S.,,DJ;d
(Pr. 7 12) tantot . . . tantot, D^sn Dj;S3 comme chaque fois (= comme
toujours), "ipDi'lpan chaque matin, i"ij;a"n"iyD chaque soir; ntDDTItao
toujours plus bas, n^VOTlVj^O toujours plus haut, piT^'ini"" (Ps. 68 13)
ils fuient toujours, 12b HID (Eccl. 1 6) tournant sans cesse.

60 Dans les imperatifs pour insister, presser ou encourager, comme

nbyn^V (Nah. 2 9) arretez-vous done,

lOni "iDni (Is. 40 1) consolez do?ic,

"niD mo (Thr. 4i5) retirez-vous done,

D'^ny^l my lllj^ (Is. 62 10) passez done par les portes,

n'?D)3n "l^b "iVb (item) aplanissez done le sentier.

1 Septuag.: StHato)q rb SUaiov Sidb^ri; Vulg.: Juste quod justum est persequeris.
Les deux tournent done par un adverbe: tu suivras exactement la justice. Quoique
ces traductions ne soient pas toujours grammaticalement adequates au texte hebreu,
il n'est pas exclu en cette occurrence qu'un des deux pIlJ ait eu originairement
la valeur d'un accusatif adverbial (tres frequent en arabe).

1 74 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Remarque. On pourrait toutefois considerer ce genre d' expressions
comme simple figure de rlietorique, reduplication, qu'on aurait le
droit de traduire dans les autres langues par la meme repetition,

70 Parfois, pour signifier la dissimilation ou Vimparite, par ex.:

]n1 pN deux sortes de poids = justes et faux,

nS"'1 nD"' deux sortes de mesures = idem,

"nST i"?! 2'?n (Ps. 12 3) ils parlent avec un cmur double.

80 Pour mettre fortement en relief un nom, un pronom et meme
une conjonction, ou pour exclure le contraire et le different, par ex.:

^1V Hin "'H "'H (Is. 38 19) mais c'est le vivant qui te celebrera (et
non point les morts),

in ^iN ^ii (Deut. 32 39) moi seul je suis Dieu,

DDOmo in 'DiN 'DiS (Is. 51 12) voyez, c'est moi qui vous console,

]V^y\ ]V^ (Lev. 26 43) c'est Men parce que ...

C'est a ce plienomene primitif que doivent egalement leur origine
tons les nombreux verbes avec leurs derives consideres comme
quadrilitteres et qui sont, en realite, formes secondairement par redu-
plication d'une racine qu'on pourrait appeler hilittere, les deux
membres du groupe restant accoles dans un radical commun au lieu
d'etre separes en deux mots differents. Ces quadrilitteres peuvent
facilement tirer leur origine de toutes sortes de racines faihles aptes,
par consequent, a se debarrasser d'une de leurs trois radicales, mais
avant tout des verbes creux et gemines. La reduplication donne a
ces verbes de formation secondaire une nuance nettement iterative:
ils indiquent done des actions, plutot faibles, se produisant a coups
repetes, a pen pres comme les frequentatifs latins a infinitif en itare
(crepitare, cantitare, volitare etc.) et surtout comme les verbes frangais
craqueter, voleter, toussoter, pleurnicJie)'- etc. En hebreu, les exemples
abondent dans la Bible aussi bien que dans la litterature postbiblique.
Yoyons-en les plus usuels:

1 Ben-Jehuda: Thesaurus, p. 1051; ce Kin aurait perdu le iod initial par suite
de rencontre avec le iod final du mot precedent. Le sens est ainsi parfaitement
parallele avec celui de I'liemistiche suivant: ''n D\n'? y^^

- Comp. aussi les verbes allemands en eln, comme: Idcheln sourire, Tilingeln
tinter etc.

EITAN": La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 175

nimnem (p. b.), sommeiller, de Dli;

gilgel, faire avancer en roulant, de bb^-,

hilbel (p. b.), embrouiller, confondre, de "r^n;

gilgel (p. b.), sonnailler, tinter, de bb':i\

WW (P- b.), degoutter, de f]l3i;

ligleg (p. b.), tourner en derision, de ^yib\

hirher, allumer la querelle, faire des intrigues, de 1"in;

nidned (p. b.), secouer, branler, de Tii;

ni'cmcC (p. b.), idem, de Vli;

tiltel, balancer, lancer de ci de la, cahoter, de bltO;

nifnef (p. b.), brandiller de ^\^;

qilqel, secouer des fleches, gater (p. b.), de "^^p;

hitlihalhal, etre saisi de tremblements d'angoisse, de ^^n;

Upef (p. b.), frotter, de 'Jlty;

qisqes (p. b.), tinter, frapper, de B^pi;

ziUel (p. b.), deprecier, mepriser, de ^^t;

pigjjeg, fracasser, de pS;

kirker, danser (en tournant), de T0\

pirper, eifaroucher; p. b. gigotter, emietter de IIS;

hithmarmer, s'exasperer, de "no.

On voit bien que la grande majorite de ces verbes secondaires de
la forme pilpel tirent leur origine d'une racine biblique, meme quand
ils sont post-bibliques. Certains de ces derniers ont penetre en
hebreu de I'arameen ou, d'ailleurs, ces iteratifs ne sont pas moins
frequents qu'en arabe.

II faut rattacher a ce groupe, certainement comme les plus primitifs
de precede, les quadrilitteres onomatopoietiques qui ne font que repeter
deux fois un bruit natiirel, comme: gifgef gazouiller, qirqer (p. b.)
glousser ou coasser, gitngem (p. b.) begayer, ki'ka' (p. b.) toussoter,
girger (p. b.) crier (grillon). lis se sont multiplies surtout dans
I'hebreu moderne, par ex.: zimzem^ bourdonner, tiqteq faire entendre
le tic-tac (montre), risres bruire (froufrou de feuilles ou d'etoifes),
digdeg chatouiller = ar. '^Ss>, etc. De meme, le substantif biblique
haqbuq, bouteille, reproduit le glouglou de I'eau. II va, d'ailleurs,
sans dire que les quadrilitteres, comme les autres verbes, nous ont
fourni toutes sortes de noms derives, par ex. galgal roue, zalzal

1 Ar. ^j^j = marmotter, parler entre les dents, barrir (chameau).

176 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

sai-ment (comp. ar. JJJj vaciller,i chanceler), kiahiim recreation de
VVty V'i'y'i'- Pourtant, I'existence de ces noms peut etre inclependayite
de celle de verbes quadrilitteres correspondants, par ex. gaaguim
gravures (comp. ar. ^L-o former, fagonner), ginreneth panier ou bocal,
qanqan (p. b.) cruche.

Quant aux racines trilitteres saines, ne pouvant pas facilement se
repeter en entier, ce qui produirait un radical secondaire de six
lettres inapte a la conjugaison, elles se sont contentees de redoubler
les deux dernieres radicales pour former ainsi des soi-disant quin-
quilitteres. Comme verbes, ils ont surtout un sens suijerlatif:

s'Jiarhar (Ps. 38 lo) etre tres agite (coeur);

flitji^-i (^Ps_ 45 3^ i^ gs plug beau qii' aucun . . .;

X^ qah-qoaJi (Is. 61 i) ouvrir largement ou grande ouverture des

prisons;
ahabhu-hebliu- (Hos. 4 is) = ahabhhehhii ne s'occuper que d'amour;
homarm'ru me'ai (Thr. 1 20, 2 11) mes entrailles sont tres-emues

(= fermentent; comp. ar. C^^^);
panai homarm'ru (Job. 16 le) mon visage est tout-rougi, comp.

Jiittamm'hu t'malm (Hab. 1 5) soyez extremement etonnes. Dans ce
dernier exemple, toutes les trois radicales ont ete repetees.

Ces quinquilitteres ferment aussi un groupe d''adjectifs indiquant
surtout les couleurs avec un sens iteratif, comme si elles se repetaient
par petites quantites: pIpT verdatre, imnty noiratre, mtt1 rougeatre;
en hebreu moderne: nn^Hif jaunatre (couleur d'or), bnbn^ bleuatre.
Parmi les adjectifs du meme genre n'indiquant pas de couleurs,
citons comme exemples: bpbpy tortueux, brbnS) entortille (faux).

De meme que les quadrilitteres ci-dessus mentionnes, les quinqui-
litteres aussi ont donne naissance a maints substantifs derives, comme
*)1DDD populace, mp^p^n endroits tres glissants (ou intrigues, arti-

1 En hebreu, le nom seul est ici quadrilittere, mais le verbe reste trilittere au
nif'al. Voy. Gesenius-Buhl: Handwort, rac. I bb), p. 199.

2 Notons toutefois que les exegetes sont loin de I'unanimite generale en ce qui
concerne uotre expression. Voyez la Vulgate, aussi Ben-Jehuda (Thes-, :in:ir:i().
Douteuse aussi, plus ou moins, I'expr. iirhaq-hoq (Mich. 7 11) il est tres loin,
oil certains voudraient corriger hoq en huqqi et traduire: ma frontiere s'etendra
loin (== s'elargira).

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 177

lices), nillllian taches parsemees (panthere), misisn (Is. 2 20) rats-
taupes, etc.

Mais, si les verbes quadrilitteres et les adjectifs quinquilitteres sont
des formes bien vivantes en hebreu jusqu'a nos jours meme, les verbes
quinquilitteres sont tombes en desuetude des les temps anciens, ne
nous laissant dans la Bible que quelques rudiments isoles.

Ill

Si, apres avoir examine la repetition pure et simple du mot, nous
venous maintenant a suivre Vevohition ou plutot la differ end ation
subie par ce phenomene, notre attention sera tout d'abord retenue
par les siihstantifs ou nous aurons a distinguer plusieurs manieres:

10 Construction du singulier civec le singulier, accompagnee de
changement de type nominal ou de genre, mais surtout d'adjonction
d'un suffixe pronominal, par ex.:

nnonp mp ^ (Is. 23 7) sa Jiaute antiquite,

]inaty nn^ (Ex. 31 15, 35 2) repos absolu,

IDin "lin (p. b.) le fin fond de.

Notons que, parfois, le genitif peut etre remplace par une particule,
comme dans nri!3^ DDS (p. b.) la verite complete.

20 Construction du singulier avec lepluriel pour indiquer V excellence:

D"'nny "tnj; le plus vil des esclaves,

wb^n b'zn la plus pure vanite,

D'^Ttyn T'ty le plus illustre de tous les chants,

Qityip ^Ip saint des saints, sacro-saint.

De meme dans certaines locutions adverbiales, comme DTliJi nifi^
en toute eternite, D''1"n yClb pour toutes les generations. C'est ainsi
que Dieu est designe par la triijle repetition: D"'D'?)3n ''D'?^ "J^D le roi
des rois des rois.

30 Construction du phiriel avec le pluriel, surtout dans des ex-
pressions adverhictles , avec signification superlative dans un sens
qualitatif ou quantitatif:

D'tynpn ^^Ip (Lev. 21 22) la part des pretres dans les dons sacres^

D"'aty ""Dty cieux sulAimes,

D"'t?'?S ^i?h^ granules merveilles,

1 On pourrait rattacher a ce groupe I'expression post-biblique nnPTiJ?'? en
attendant (m. a m. au temps de maintenant), ou 'atta, morphologiquement I'accu-
satif adverbial du nom nj?, remplit le x'ole d'un nom au genitif.

178 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

D'^'^n ^"^n des tas et des tas,

D'^tDID ^15"1D (aram.) heaucoiqj de details,

D^Di ""Di grands miracles,

omn mri: en grcmde cachette,

Ca'piJ? 'd'tij;'? a tout jamais.

D"!"?23 ''bSiD (duel) j)lusieurs fois le double.
La plupart des exemples de cette derniere categorie sont postbibliques.
Nous avons, d'ailleurs, I'occasion d'y rencontrer de curieux phenomenes
d'analogie qui vont, pour ainsi dire, jusqu'a hraver la grammaire.

En effet, uue fois que la terminaison masculine du pluriel construit
(>^^ = e) s'est fixee par I'usage comme caracte^istique de ces sortes
d'expressions superlatives, on I'appliqua egalement aux noms masculins
dont le pluriel regulier est a terminaison feminine i ni = otJt, par ex.:

niin "'"in de longues generations,

mVlp "'^Ip: (crier) a tue-tete,

nniD mO: tres secretement, en grand secret.

Plus encore, et c'est le comble de I'audace au point de vue
grammatical, I'analogie est allee jusqu'a traitor de la meme maniere
des noms purement feminins avec les terminaisons typiques a (i\) au
singulier et utli (Hi) au pluriel; par exemple:

mj^lDty ^yi^tyn V2vi 2 preter mille serments ou jurer sans discontmuer,

niliJ ''l^ grandes miseres,

r\'\bb'p ''bbp toutes sortes de maledictions,

mj^lin 'Vliii: avec force gestes,

n"i22"l ''2*1 des myriades sans fin,

ri)b''2n "h'^^n un encombrement de paquets.

Enfin, d'une fagon tout a fait inattendue, cette analogic a atteint
des noms dbstraits meme et de vrais adverhes dans plusieurs locutions
adverbiales, comme: "Plt ''5?''D (ou b)m b'^D) a tres bon marche, r\)bl ''^'in
sans le sou (dans la misere noire), Din ""in^ pour rien, presque gratis.
Ces expressions et plusieurs des precedentes semblent bien etre de
formation plus ou moins jJoimlaire qui seule aurait pu se permettre
ime pareille liberie dans I'analogie. En effet, tout en etant tres

1 Meme phenomene morphologique, mais sans la differenciation de sens ici en
question, a constater dans les expressions talmudiques : lolade tvladoth (Bekhor. 2 i)
des petits de deuxieme generation, pere peroth les revenus des revenus.

2 Dans Ezech. 21, 28, cette expression est peu claire; par contre elle est tres
courante dans I'hebreu post-bibl. dans le sens indique ici.

EITAN: La Repetition de la Bacine en Hebreu 179

usuelles meme dans le \a,nga,gejudeo-allemancl, elles n'ont pas beaucoup
cours dans le style litteraire hebreu et ne sont pas, pour la plupart,
enregistrees par les dictionnaires.i

Done, pour resumer ce qui concerne les substantifs, nous pouvons
dire que les trois manieres citees constructions du sing, avec le
sing., du sing, avec le pluriel, du plur. avec le pluriel ne sont que
des variations du meme principe general qui attribue un sens suj^er-
latif a I'etat construit avec repetition.

Un deuxieme principe, general seulement pour la S*^'"^ maniere,
c'est que la terminaison masculine e (\ ) du pluriel construit pent
s'appliquer, sans exception, a tons les noms quels qu'en soient le
genre ou le pluriel absolu.

Enfin, il ne serait peut-etre pas inutile de signaler entre les ex-
pressions, surtout du 2^ et du 3 groupes, une certaine difference
dans le mecanisme, pour ainsi dire, de la repetition; d'autant plus que
cette difference n'est pas sans en entramer une dans notre faQon de
])ercevoir I'acception de ces locutions. En effet, dans le troisieme
groupe, base sur la construction du plur. avec le pluriel, la repetition
est regressive: etant donne un plur. absolu, nous le faisons loreceder.
de son etat construit, de D'^N^S merveilles nous faisons D'k'ts ""K^S
grandes merveilles. Tout en percevant I'expression comme un seul
mot a rediiplicatio7% , nous finissons pourtant par distinguer que la
nouvelle nuance de signification le superlatif a ete produite
par la partie ajoutee en avant. Or, il n'en est pas de meme du
2^ groupe aii la repetition est progressive: nous sentons sans difficulte
que, dans les expressions comme ""ehed 'ahadlm vil esclave, c'est le
premier mot, au singulier, qui est le principal et que c'est le pluriel
dont on I'a fait suivre qui lui ajoute le sens superlatif, ou d'excellence,
en remplissant ainsi le role d'un adjectif special qui, lui aussi, aurait
du suivre le nom.

1 Ben-Jeliuda, Thes. p. 945, ne signale que I'exp. b' dalle dalluth chez quelques
rabbins du moyen-age, entre autres cbez Rasi, qui, d'ailleurs, negligeant toute
preoccupation litteraire, nous ont souvent conserve des faQons de parler populaires.
J'ai, moi-meme, eu I'occasion d'entendre des rabbins espagnols se servir de
I'expression nWD Titb tout au moins, comme si I'adverbe pahoth etait un nom
pluriel. lis m'ont affirme que c'etait la une fagon de parler tres courante chez
eux, employee surtout par les gens de la vieille generation, qui n'ont pas appris
leur hebreu dans les ecoles modernes.

12*

180 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Si nous nous aclressons maintenant aux adjedifs proprement dits,
nous rencontrerons d'abord un superlatif posthihlique qui, pour unir
les deux termes de la repetition dont le 2* est generalement un
pliiriel, remplace I'etat construit par la double particule ^ qui (puisse
se troiiver) +3 dans (parmi); par ex.:

U'bpZ^ bp de tres peu d'importance,

n^^i^Dty ""iy extremement pauvre,

D'^VV^nii' rhVKi le plus remarquable,

D^mnD2ty mns le plus bas (vil),

Cti^nn^JJ' ti^lT] le plus nouveau (moderne), recent.

Cette faQon caracterise plutot le style familierA Elle provient,
tres probablement, d'une doid>le origine consistant dans la superposition
du superlatif arameen hebraise au superlatif hiblique. En effet, la
preposition 3 ha est la caracterisfcique de ce dernier, comme dans
Jiaiiafa bannaslm (Cant, cant 1 8) la blus belle des femmes. Quant
a la particule ^ se dont I'usage se fait deja bien sentir dans les
derniers livres de la Bible, elle correspond au relatif "l {d\ di) qui,
remplagant I'etat construit, caracterise egalement d'ailleurs avec
repetition du nom le superlatif arameen, par ex.:

]n-n ]m grands mysteres, NIDItrT SlSlt^O du plus beau, etc.

En outre, il n'est pas sans interet de noter qu'a ce superlatif
arameen correspond plus exactement encore un autre superlatif post-
hiblique, beaucoup moins usite il est vrai, dans lequel c'est la pre-
position min, de, qui unit les deux termes de la repetition. Cette
derniere pent, d'ailleurs, comme en arameen, affecter un singulier
aussi bien qu'un pluriel: c'est une sorte de YQ]iQi\i\o-Q. pure et simple'^
a I'aide d'une preposition, par. ex. daqqa min haddaqqa (Joma 4 9)
tres fine, hamm'hadd'rin min hamm'liadd'rln (Sabbath 21) les plus
exacts, meticuleux ou empresses (dans I'observance).

Or, les adjectifs ont un procede de repetition bien plus original-^
il ne consiste pas, comme on pourrait le dire pour les deux cas
precedents, dans une sorte de periphrase, aussi breve qu'elle soit, de
I'etat construit, mais il exprime le superlatif absolu (sans comparaison)

1 C'est sur ce type qii'a ete formee aussi I'expression injurieuse courante dans
le langage popiUaire: D'^a^DDE' 2^3 chien de chienl

2 A noter pourtant Varticle qu'on ajoute toujours au deuxieme membre de la
repetition.

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 181

par voie plutot morphologiqiie. Le principe est tres net: on repete
la racine de I'adjectif sous forme d'un participe passif quelconque. en
accordant la preference a la forme intensive. Les exemples ne
manquent point depuis la Bible:

Itrii Iti'^ (Lev. 26 lo) tres vieux,

n^DSno n^ODn (Prov. 30 24) extremement intelligents,

VJyno J^tJ'li (pop.) tres mechant.

II en est de meme pour des suhstantifs ahstraits a sens adjectif
ou participe:

TD-IO ^D12 (Is. 28 16) fondation solide,
nrvra nns (pop.) grandes miseres.

Les deux termes peuvent aussi etre unis par un 1 ivaw conjonctif:

^tfl^DI ^133 complHement nul ou annule,

^"11301 ijnD mille fois beni,

nrr^DI "l*n"' ahsolmnent unique,

na^OI nyV2} tout ce qu'il y a de plus different,

VlDtt1 bo arc7w-plein,

pnioi pin"i3 if^s eloigne, etc.

1 n"'a3 b'^yo h'^'l (Ex. 12 9) ciiit, prepare a Veau n'a rien a voir ici, n'etant pas
une repetition pour renforcer le sens. En effet, n'3 h^'l'Q n'est qu'une parentliese
ou une apposition pour determiner I'acception precise de ^B'a a laquelle on fait
allusion dans ce j>assage, le merae terme etant employe ailleurs dans le sens de
cuire au fen, rotir (2. Chx". 35 13). Quant a B^Esno vsn (Ps. 64?), le texte y est
trop douteux et trop obscur pour nous permettre de reconnaitre la vraie valeur
de cette expression.

2 noiO n'est pas, comme I'admet Gesenius (Handw., no^), nnhof'al qui rendrait
superflue la reduplication de la 2e radicale. Car, si la Massora nous a conserve
ce dages fort malgre I'apparente exception, c'est que nous sommes en presence
d'un archaisme. En effet, la voyelle precedant ici la reduplication n'est longue
qu'en apparence; en realite, c'est un u href (ii = .) qui a recule pour remplacer
un sheva mobile: 1D10 provient de nD), mussad < niwussad. Le phenomena est,
d'ailleurs, bien connu comme affectant, dans les memes conditions, la lettre alef qui
devient alors quiescente comme notre ivatv ici; par ex. D^nstt < D^nN, D''E''i < D"'U'X")
etc. Or, m'wussad est la forme archaique de tniussad, le verbe appartenant aux VS.
Done, c'est le partic. passif de la forme Intensive (]}VLal) sous laquelle, d'ailleurs,
ce verbe est si usite dans la Bible. Une bonne raison contre le hof'al est deja
ce fait que nous ne trouvous guere IC sous la forme causative. Quant au
phenomene meme du recul vocal, il n'est pas isole chez le ivaiv., nous le retrouvons
dans Job 5?: iullad j)rovenant de i'lvullad, passif du qal.

3 Le meme procede a tres probablement i^reside a la formation des expressions
nominales abstraites: npUttl npn (Nah. 2 n) grande calamite = <^Aib, nxitflil nxb?

182 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Ce dernier type cl'expressions nous fera saisir facilement comment
a pu se former I'etonnant juron, repandu chez les Juifs espagnols,
pour taxer quelqu'un de la plus grande mecliancete: ymsoi yi mediant
et lepreiix. On se demande ce que le lepreux pourrait bien avoir a
faire ici, car on ne voit guere en quoi la Itjjre caracteriserait la mechan-
cete. Or, la chose est bien simple. Notre lepreux est tombe ici par
un pur hasard, victime d'une a^^rt?o^^emalencontreuse: voulant renforcer
yi mechant, selon la maniere habituelle, par la repetition sous forme de
j^artic. pass, intensif, on se heurta centre une difficulte pbonetique ou
grammaticale sortant un peu de I'ordinaire, I'adjectif en question derivant
d'une racine geminee avec 2^ et 3^ radicales gutturales, VV^- Or, dans
ces circonstances, rien n'etait mieux fait pour trancher la difficulte
que le qualificatif ^"11313 Upreux, donnant par sa forme satisfaction a
tous les besoins de I'analogie: il rej^e^e par sa derniere syllabe I'ad-
jectif a renforcer, il a aussi la forme intensive du part, pass., requise
dans ces occasions. De plus, le sens propre de m'gora', ne representant
egalement rien d'appetissant, ajoutait a I'expression une nouvelle nuance
pour rendre aussi le degotd inspire par la mechancete.

Pour des raisons analogues, nous rencontrons dans I'usage moderne
I'expression "itlOl 11 ^ tout a fait etr anger, quoique 1110, employe
isolement, ne signifie que bizarre.

Si nous passons aux verbes, nous pouvons y rencontrer le meme
precede que chez les adjectifs. Pour renforcer le sens, on repete le
verbe a un autre theme, en preferant V Intensif par ex.:

nmyn nsi ITyn D2 (Cant. 2 ?; 3 5; 84) que vous n'eveilliez point
ni ne reveilliez!

(Sopli. 1 lo) grand malheur = cyui. Le ivaw conjonctif remplit, en outre, un ru-
le assez important, dans ce que I'on pourrait appeler la repetition mixte, ou il sert
a unir des categories grammaticales bien sensiblement differentes, par ex.:
' idclan w"iddanim (aram.) bien lougtenips, hafle' ivafele' c'est merveilleux, lifnai
tv'lifnim tout a I'interieur, ros tv'rlson le tout premier. Nous le retrouverons
aussi plus loin, dans les verbes.

1 intt ne se trouve qu'une fois dans la Bible (Ps.69 9). La version syriaque traduit
t<''"i3131 = hebr. Ill et etranger. Les modernes corrigent It 103 comme un etranger.
Le raot,pretendu done douteux, est pourtant tres courant dans I'usage post-biblique.

2 II serait un peu risque de ranger ici les deux express, peu claires d'/s. 29 a:
)VVf) 1J?tfyntrn, inom "inonDnn (comme triple repetition alors); car d'autres sont
tentes d'y chercher des verbes differents, mais simplement homonymes. Pour la
meme raison, nous laisserons encore de cote ici "iB'Ipl Itrtflprir! (Soph. 2 1).

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 183

niiiDDI 1 mjb (Jos. 6 i) close et fermee avec soin,

nonai n^mty ^O (Lev. Eabba 22 1,2) qui desire ardemment

Nous arrivons ainsi au precede original et classique dont dispose
la langue hebraique pour renforcer le verbe et dont les traductions
anciennes ne savaient que rarement rendre les nuances, C'est une
repetition qui se fait par VInJinitif, surtout par celui du theme qui
afifecte le verbe interesse, par ex.: D^pn Dpn (Deut. 22 5), T^n 2^n
(Deut. 24 2,13), hibhoq tibboq (Is. 24 3), Mllem i'kdlem (Ex. 22 13),
Ti^iJ Sill (Gen. 40 i5). Mais cet Infinitif peut aussi, sans egard au
theme du verbe qu'il repete, se mettre au Qal, comme dans: saqol
issaqel (Ex. 21 28), tarof f or af (Gen. 37 33), ganobh iggcmebli (Ex. 22 ii),
mot hithmot'ta (Is. 24 19) etc. Notons que c'est presque toujours
VInfin. cibsolu et que, generalement, il precede son verbe.

Quoique le fait meme de cette Repetition infinitive soit classique
et qu'elle releve plutot de la syntaxe, essayous au moins d'esquisser
les principales nuances de signification qu'elle sert a exprimer et
qu'on ne saurait rendre dans une autre langue qu'a Taide de particules
conjonctives speciales ou d'expressions adverbiales.

Signalons tout d'abord deux nuances deja rencontrees souvent au
cours de cette etude et qui, sans etre bien caracteristiques du verbe,
s'y rencontrent pourtant egalement. Ce sont VIntensite et Vlteration.
C'est dans un sens iw^ey; si/ qu'il faut entendre des expressions comme:
SOS asls (Is. 61 10) je me rejouirai beaucoup; halokh lialaklita (Gen. 31 so)
Vulgate: ire cupiehas = tu tenais a t'en aller; nikhsof niMsafta (item)
Ostervald: tu souhaitais avec passion. Mais, seul le sens iteratif
conviendra a d'autres exemples: hakho tihhke hallaila (Thr. I2) Osterv. :
elle ne cesse de pleurer pendant la nuit; aqohh ia'aqobh (Jer. 9 3)
idem: il fait metier de supplanter, etc.

La plupart des nuances de sens mentionnees jusqu'ici sont objectives.
En effet, quantite ou nombre, distribution, continuite, iteration,
intensite toutes ne nous renseignent que sur des modifications

1 La vocalisation biblique, donnant a miD la forme active, semble bien sur-
prenante. II se peut bien que nous soyons en presence d'un ancien partic. j^ass//"
du qal: sugereth a I'instar de ukkal (Ex.3 2) = iikal; mais, un pheuomene de
dissimilation, produit par le verbe passif immediatement suivant, aurait change
sugereth en sogereth.

184 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

affectant le monde exUrieur au sujet pensant. Or, le vrai role,
special it la Repetition infinitive, est de caractere subjedif et cnergique:
elle exprime des relations du sujet qui n'obligent en rien la realite
meme, notaniment elle fait mieux ressortir differents degres d^energie
dans VaJJirmation et dans Vantithese.

Dans r Affirmation, positive on negative, la repetition infinitive
pent servir a rendre:

1" des declarations exprimant une certitude, une conviction, une
promesse ou une assurance, par ex.:

'elolumimqdd ifqod 'etlikhem (Gen. 50 24) Osterv. : Dieu ne manquera
point de vous visiter;

tarbf toraf ibsef (Gen. 37 33) idem: certainement Joseph a ete
dechire;

ia'klwl tnklial (I.Sam. 26 25) tu viendras surement a bout;

l^j; 2''t3"' atO'^n (Gen. 32 13) je promets de te faire du bien.

2^ un droit accorde (ou refuse) ou un devoir vivement recommande,
par ex.:

nilDDn '? "liOl (Deut. 21 u) Vulg.: nee y endere jyoteris = mais tu

n'auras pas le droit de la vendre-;
"h lin^trn ntrn (Ex. 23 4) tu deiras le lui ramener.

3" une loi juridique ou un ordre impose pouvant, au besoin, etre
executes par voie coercitive, par ex.:

Mllem i'sallem (Ex. 22 13) Vulg.: reddere compelletur = il sera

ohlige de rendre;
moth mmath (Ex. 21, passim) il sera puni de mort immanquable-

ment.

Quant a I'Anti these, la repetition infinitive sait lui donner plus
de relief de plusieurs manieres:

1^* sous forme de question energique a laquelle on attend une
reponse negative par ex:

l'2b^ ah IID^I nnn-)0 ^Sn'?J;^^ (Am. 3 5) leverait-on le filet de

dessus la terre avant d'avoir rien pris du tout?
)yb)} ']'?Dn "j'ron (Gen. 37 8) est-ce que vraiment du regneras sur

nous?
2'> en relevant des cas particuliers ou des circonstances speciales,
par ex.:

EITAN: La Kep^tition de la Eacine en Hebreu 185

. 1j;n n^'pty ^ann bhn ns (Ex. 22 25) dans le cas on tu prendrais en
gage le vetement de ton prochain;
'im tarof iittaref (Ex. 22 12) dans le cas oii il (boeuf, ane etc.)
aurait ete dechire.

3" en com^arant ou en opposant entre eux deux etats ou actions
contraires, comme:

n:"!n n^ Ni . . . nbm l'?^ -Jlbn (Ps. 126 e) il ira en pleurant . . . il

reviendra avec un cri de joie;
npy i^b np:^) , , . D^2 "jIH "n (Num. 14 is) Dieu est lent a la

colere . . . mais il ne laisse point (le coupable) impuni.

Si nous venons maintenant a resumer les differents phenomenes
de repetition de la racine passes en revue dans cette etude, nous
pouiTons les grouper assez nettenient en cinq categories, comme
il suit:

P la Repetition pjwe et smiple]

20 la Reduplication sous forme de radicaux quadrilitteres et qidn-

quilitteres ;
3" la Repetition genitive, ou construite;
40 la Repetition paronymique, ou sans construction;
5^' la Repetition infinitive.

Comme phenomena de Repetition le plus simple, on pourrait
signaler la reduplication de la 2^ radicale, qui constitue a elle seule
par la repetition d'une seule consonne le theme Intensif des
verbes. Mais, s'il s'agit de determiner le phenomene de repetition
le plus primitif dans le temps, il faudra certainement s'adresser a la
"Repetition pure et simple du mot, sans aucun changement de
forme.

La tendance paronymique etudiee jusqu'ici, etant basee sur
Vetymologie, a done un double caractere, semantique aussi bien que
phonetique. En se dissociant, elle pent done engendrer deux autres
phenomenes de repetition:

1" la ReT^etition synonymique, ne se preoccupant que du sens, qui
est tres repandue en hebreu, par ex.:
n^SKI "jcyh ol)scurite complete,
ilDI Ipa^ absolument faux.

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Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

]OTO"l ]D!ia tout prOt,

]^"i DDK rien de rien, etc.;

20 la Repetition paronomastique, faisant cas surtout de la ressem-
blance des sons sans s'occuper de leur etymologic, qui a fourni a
Varahe une assez riche vegetation d'expressions a Failure Jcmtasqiie,
comme:

^J^ jSJ^ (kidar niadar) disperse ci et la,

^Jw ^S^^ {(jidci midd) de tout cote,

^N) jiLo {sa'iij IcCig) de facile deglutition,

Julf '^-^^ Qiartlia haitha) disperse,

J^ J^ (qalll hcdil) peu;
ou a I'air plus raisonnable, comme:

iJ-etTo, \Z( par terre et par mer,

u-^-li^ ,_,^^ (Jiasal ivanasdb) merite propre et noblesse d'origine,etc.

Mais ces deux nouvelles especes de repetitions sortent completement
du cadre de la presente etude.

A COLONY OF CRETAN MERCENARIES ON THE
COAST OF THE NEGEB

VV. F. ALBRIGHT

(JERUSALEM)

WE read Deut. 2 23 : And the Awwim, who dwelt in villages (or,
fortified camps i) as far as Gaza the Kaftorim who came from
Kaftor destroyed them and dwelt in their stead. Jos, 13 3 also
mentions the 'Awwim as an appendix to a list of the inhabitants of
the five Philistine cities, but the name may. be merely an archaistic
ornament, and not indicate that this mysterious people- was still in
existence at the time of composition. In all our sources Gaza appears
as the southern limit of the Canaanites proper. Gen. 10 i9 states:

1 The term haserim (sing, haser) means properly "enclosed camps," being
etymologically related to the place-name Hasor. The cognate Arabic word is
hasirah, "enclosure for cattle, sheep-fold," though hddar, fixed settlement," in
distinction to Bedu camp, which appears in Aramaic as hertd (whence the place-
name al-Hira) "permanent camp" may have fallen together with it in Hebrew.
In Gen. 25 16 (AV, "castles") and Is. 42 11 the word refers unmistakably to the
permanent, and hence enclosed, or fortified camps of Arabia Petraea. This seems
also to be the meaning in our passage. Later, in Palestine proper, the word
comes to mean "village" in distinction to the walled, "mother" cities (cf. esp.
Lev. 25 11).

2 2 Kings 17 31 we hear that 'Awwim were among the peoples transported
by the Assyrians to Samaria, where they still paid honour to their gods, Nibhaz
and Tartaq. Hommel (OLZ, XV, 118) has pointed out that the gods are clearly
identical with Ibnahaza and Dagdadra, which appear in an Assyrian list of
Elamite divinities, though never mentioned in Susian texts, and hence certainly
not Elamite in the narrow sense. His association of the 'Awwim with the city
of Awan on the Elamite-Babylonian frontier hardly commends itself, though the
city is unquestionably one of the most ancient in Mesopotamia. "While the
perfect agreement in name may be purely accidental, it is worth bearing in
mind. Nor is it impossible that the Ghawwim (so read, since the J? in non-Semitic
words usually indicates a gh) of the Negeb were really a Zagros folk whom the
Hyksos settled here, and whom the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty replaced
with Cretan mercenaries.

188 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

And the territory (lit. border) of the Canaanites was from Sidon, as
thou goest in the direction of Gerar (i. e., southward) as far as Gaza.
Similarly, as Gardiner has pointed out (JEA^ VI, 104) the southern-
most town of the Canaanites, called by Sethos I dmyt n p^ Kn'n,
"city of 'the' Canaan," was Gaza. But beyond Gaza were arable
stretches of ground, gardens, and palm-groves, 2 which, combined with
the profitable caravan trade, supported many flourishing towns,
Gerar (perhaps Tell Jemmeh, in the Wadi Ghazzeh, two miles south
of Umm Jerrar) Raphia (Eg. Epli, mod. Rafa'), Sharuhen (variant
Silhim, which the Eg. Sr(l)hn indicates should be pronounced
Silhon), etc. Since the term "Canaanite" seems to have been very
elastic, it is strange that this district is not assigned to them.

The answer to this problem is indicated by the passage in
Deuteronomy already cited. The author of this work from the
seventh century, whether using older sources or not, is obviously
endeavouring to place himself in as archaic a background as possible.
Accordingly, he takes care not to put in Moses's mouth anything
incompatible with the historical situation as he conceives it to have
been. Knowing that the Philistines were later intruders who did not
occupy the coast until many decades after the Judaeo-Israelite con-
quest of the hinterland, he does not mention them at all; the Caphtorim
who occupy the coast south of Gaza have nothing to do with the
Philistines who came in during the twelfth century, but were an
independent body of much earlier immigrants.

Now we are ready to unterstand 1 Sam. 30 u, where the Egyptian
slave of the Amalekite says, We made a raid upon the Negeb
belonging to the Kreti (Cherethites) * * * and upon the Negeb
belonging to Caleb. The latter is the region of Beersheba, and the
former is the district between it and the sea. Verse I6, however,
refers to the land of the Cherethites under the general head, "land
of the Philistines." This is perfectly natural, since both the Philistines
and the Caphtorim are said to come from Caphtor or Crete, and

1 Xote the ablireviations JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, OLZ =
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.

2 Every traveler on the railway from Egypt to Palestine remembers that
even today there are long stretches of arable lands in the country between El-
'Aris and Gaza, a distance of fifty miles. The palm-groves of El-'Aris are
wonderfully beautiful in the autumn.

ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 189

hence possessed similar cultures, whether their languages were similar
or not. The same loose usage is shown by the prophets; Ezekiel
(25 16) and Zephaniah (2 5) use the terms PeliUim and Kretim
synonymously.

The twenty-sixth chapter of Genesis can now be interpreted with
some hope of success. As is well-known, the parallel story told in
Ch. 20 of Abraham is merely an Elohistic doublet to our Judaic
document, and has no independent value. Isaac, representing the
Hebrew tribe of the Bene Yishaq, has a controversy over some lands
and wells with the subjects of Abimelech, the "Philistine" prince of
Gerar. Isaac dwells in Beersheba, thirty-five miles southeast ot
Gerar in a straight line, and makes a treaty with Abimelech after
being compelled to yield ground. There is no reason to doubt the
essential historicity of the account, nor of the names. Phichol, or
Pikhol (^3"*^) the prince's military aid, bears, as Spiegelberg has
seen, an Egyptian name, of a common type, meaning "The Syrian"
(cf. Phinehas, "The Nubian").^ However, the modern term "Philistine",
has been substituted for the more archaic "Kaftori," or "Kreti." If
we may judge from the name, the Cretan colonists had lost, or were
losing their language, and adopting the Canaanite vernacular, Hebrew,
just as the Philistine did in his turn. The date of our episode is
quite uncertain, and it may have happened anywhere between 1700
and 1300 (cf. the writer's article on "A Revision of Early Hebrew
Chronology"), though a date in the Eighteenth Dynasty is perhaps
more likely than one in the Hyksos period.

We have already noticed the Egyptian military colouring of the
Cretan colonists in Gerar. We may further note that as late as
David's reign the Cretans (Cherethites) are regarded as particularly
reliable mercenaries, and hence serve as David's personal bodyguard,
just as Rameses HI. has a Sardinian bodyguard, and the Byzantine
emperors their Varangian guard of Norsemen. David may have won
their attachment during his early days in Ziklag, just as he won the

1 In Egyptian Pi-Jfirw, a very common name in the New Empire. The
Egyptian term HI, for Palestine, is just as obscure as Btn and Dh, and we maj-
suspect that they are heirlooms from the most remote antiquity. At all events,
HI cannot be explained as identical either with the name Hortm, or with the
Harri, a Mitannian people who occupied Palestine during the first half of the
second millennium, to judge from the proper names of the Amarna period.

190 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

affection of Ittai and the men of Gath, but the fact is characteristic.
If the Cretans had considered themselves as Philistines, his pro-
verbial hostility to the Philistines would be dangerous, to say the
least. The evident truth is that they did not.

The Cretan colonists on the coast of the Negeb are to be regarded
as an Egyptian frontier garrison. Evidence regarding the use of
foreigners for this purpose in the Eighteenth Dynasty is unfortunately
lacking, though the extensive use of mercenaries in this period is
certain, and in the Saite period we know that Carians and Jews were
employed to garrison the frontiers. The Egyptians have never been
a military people, though quite capable of savagery in a riot. The
proof of our thesis comes from an indirect source.

Gardiner, JEA VI (1920) 99 116, has published a very important
article on "The Ancient Military Road between Egypt and Palestine."
In the Nineteenth Dynasty there was an elaborate chain of fortresses
stretching along the military road from Sele ("Zaru"), the modern
Qantarah, to the Egyptian frontier at Raphia, still, curiously enough,
the official frontier. On this route there were some ^ twenty-two
fortresses, an average distance of two hours, or a Babylonian heru,
apart. The list of names in the reign of Sethos I. (1313 1292)
shows that he had renamed most of them; probably they had fallen
into disrepair or ruin during the preceding half-century. The existence
of such a chain of forts and stations was a prerequisite for the
success of the success of the campaigns of the great Pharaohs of the
Eighteenth Dynasty. We can trace them to a still earlier date.
The Hyksos Empire, partly in Asia and partly in Egypt, with its
capital at Avaris, in the northeastern corner of the Delta, required
a strong line of fortresses to insure an unbroken liaison between
the two halves of the realm, so we may safely assume that it goes
back to their rule, and that the Egyptians of the Eighteenth Dynasty
merely maintained a system to which they had fallen heir. After
the loss of Avaris, the Hyksos retii-ed to the Syrian end of this line,
and were able to hold Silhon (see above) three years against the
attacks of Amosis I., as we learn from the famous inscription of the
admiral Amosis son of Tbn. We may suppose that the Cretans
passed from Hyksos to Egyptian service without difficulty, just as
the Jews of Elephantine passed from Egyptian to Persian a millennium
later.

ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 191

We are justified in asking the question, at least, What was the
real relation between the Pelistim, the Kaftorim, and the Kretim?
Some have sought an answer to it in Gen. 19i3f.: And Misrayim
begot the Ludim, and the 'Anamim, and the Lehabim, and the
Naftidiim, and the Patrusim, and the Kasluhim, and the Kaftorim.
There can be no reasonable doubt that the words "from whom came
forth the Pelistim" are a misplaced gloss explaining Kaft(3rim, owing
to the fact that Amos says the Philistines came from Caphtor. In
interpreting our passage we must bear in mind that, for all its
archaistic tone, the tenth chapter of Genesis was written, at least in
its present form, as shown by vv. 23 and 12, about 700, or perhaps
a little later. Four of these names are known. The Liidim are else-
where the Lydians (it is hard to divine the theory which made our
author include Lud among the Semitic peoples in v. 22); the Lehabim
are the Libyans of Marmarica; the Patrusim (correctly Patresim)
are the inhabitants of Pathros, or Upper Egypt (Eg. jji ti-rsy, Assyr.
Paturisi); the Kaftorim are the inhabitants of Crete, according to
the almost universal view of scholars, for which new evidence will
be adduced below. The Naftuhim and the Kasluhim have not been
explained, and the attempts so far made had better be relegated to
oblivion; the similarity in ending with the Katmuh (whence the name
Commagene) and Karduh (Carduchians) of Armenia is doubtless
accidental, despite its closeness. The name 'Anamim appears, I believe,
along with Kaftor in a remarkable cuneiform geographical manual
from the reign of Sargon IL of Assyria (722^705), published by
Schroeder, KeUschrifttexte aus Assiir verschiedenen Inh alts {Leii^zig,
1920), No. 92. Lines 4144 read: A-na-mi (text AZAG, which is
impossible) -M Kap-ta-ra-U KtR-KTJR BAL-RI [A- A] B-BA
AN-TA Tihmn-Jd Ma-gan-na-ld KUB-KUR BAL-R [I] A-AB-BA
KI-TA u KUR-KUR TA ^ BABBAR-E (sic) EN <? BABBAR-
8TJ-A Sa Sarru-gi-na sar kissafi adi salsi-su qdt-su ik-su-du = "Anami
and Kaptara, lands beyond the Upper Sea, Tilmun and Magan, lands
beyond the Lower Sea, and the lands from the sunrise to the sunset,
which Sargon, king of the world, subdued up to the third (year of
his reign)." In view of the character of the orthographic mistakes
occuring repeatedly in our tablet, I cannot believe that any other
reading except Anami is tenable; a similar slovenliness in the writing
of KAP has prevented Schroeder from recognizing the cuneiform

192 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

equivalent of Caphtor. Our text adds this much to the discussion
of the problem, that Caphtor is certainly not Cilicia, as Wainwright
proposed.! Nor can it be Cyprus, which is always Yadanan in late
i\.8syrian inscriptions. We can feel a renewed sense of security;
Caphtor is Crete. If Peiser's very probable suggestion be adopted,"^
the Asssyrian Nusisi, mentioned on a text of Esarhaddon discovered
at Assur, and published by Messerschmidt, is Cnossus, the old capital
of Crete; Chapman's identification with the Peloponnesus is im-
probable.3 Anami would seem to represent Cyrene, which is very
near Crete; moreover the 'Anamim (note the Hamitic y) are mentioned
just before the Libyans of Marmarica, between Cyrene, modern
Tripoli, and Egypt.

It has been suggested, among others by Sir Arthur Evans, that
our passage implies the African origin of the Cretans, but no
archaeologist or anthropologist working without bias has been able
to find more concrete basis for this extraordinary hypothesis. The
Biblical writer may have had some such theory in his mind, like the
Greek speculation regarding the Egyptian origin of their own culture^
but there is a much more natural explanation. In surveying the
difierent peoples in Egypt and the adjoining territory, he noted the
Cretan and Lydo-Carian military colonists, and supposed that they
were related to the Egyptians in race. The Kaftorim, or Kretim,
had been on the northeastern frontier, and perhaps elsewhere, for
many centuries ; the Anatolian mercenaries appear in Greek sources
as Carians, but in Hebrew as Lydians (so unquestionably in Jer. 46 9
and Ez. 30 5, both of the sixth century. Though the Lydo-Carians
first appear under Psammetichus II., they must have been employed
as mercenaries much earlier.

J- See Annals of Archaeology and Anthropolog//, Vol. VI, pp. 6975. It may
be observed, in this connection, that "Wainwright's archaeological arguments
against the identification of the Kftyw with the Cretans are sound; Kftyw,
however, is not the same word as Kaftor, though perhaps combined with it
by popular etymology, but is an Egyptian appellative, meaning "strangers," or
"barbarians," from the verb l-f, "to ward off," and is thus a parallel formation
to JSftyio, "foes," and Ywntyw, "enemies." The term was early specialized to
designate "northern barbarians," and thus included the Cretans, along with other
Mediterranean peojDles. '

2 See OLZ, XIV, 475, and XV, 246.

3 See OLZ, XV, 59, and XVI, 347-349.

ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 193

It is hardly likely that there is any intimate connection between

the Philistines and the Cretans, aside from the fact that they both

came from Crete. In my paper, "A Revision of Early Hebrew

Chronology," I have shown philological reason for identifying the

Philistines with the Pelasgians; the historical and archaeological

argument has convinced many, despite the philological difficulty. For

the Pelasgians, Crete was merely a station on their career of conquest,

but though many of them migrated again from Crete at the time

of the Achaean invasion, we still find them on the island in the age

of Homer. In a famous passage of the Odyssey the poet says (t, 175):

that there were five peoples, all speaking different tongues, on the

island, Achaeans, Eteocretans, Cydonians, Dorians, and Pelasgians.

Of these we may safely identify the Eteocretans, or "true" Cretans,

Cretan aborigines, with the Caphtorim, or Cherethites. Greek

tradition, based on Cretan sources, derives the lapygians, or

Messapians, as well as the Lycians, from Crete; the little known of

the language spoken by the Messapians of southeastern Italy shows

it to have been nearly the same as Lycian (e. g., the Messapian

genitive suffix aihi and ihi is identical with the Lycian alii, ehi).

Hence we may suppose that the Caphtorim spoke a dialect of the

same tongue. On the other hand, we know nothing yet of the

Pelasgian language. It may have been related to Lycian-Cretan-

Messapian; it may belong with Hittite-Luyya (i. e. Lujja)-Lydian-

Carian,! or with the so-called Proto-Hattian, which seems to have

been the native Cappadocian tongue. It is not so likely that it

belongs to the Harrian-Mitannian-Chaldian group. The renewed

study of the place-names in the light of the Boghazkeui material

may help somewhat, though it is not alone enough to settle the

affiliations of the Pelasgian language and people. For this we may

have to wait until the decipherment of the Cretan inscriptions, begun

1 The Hittite and Lydo-Carian proper-names are closely related, and Forrer
{Die acht Sprachen cler Boghazkoi-Inschriften, Berlin, 1919) has shown that the
two languages are related; of. esp. p. 1035. Ferrer's Luvian should be however,
Luyyan, as Hrozny has pointed o\i.i{jJber die Volker und Sprachen des alien
Chatti-landes, Leipzig, 1920, p. 39). One can hardly doubt that Greek Ludia and
Hittite Luyya, whose inhabitants speak essentially the same language, and
worship the same god Sandon, are identical; the native form of the name may
have been Lujja (i. e., Ludzza).

194

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

auspiciously by Evans and Sundwall, is completed. The Palestinian
archaeologist may contribute by exploring the mounds under which
lie buried the remains of the civilization transplanted to Palestine
by the Cretan, Pelasgian, and Sicilian colonists. ^

1 This long-desired task has now been begun by the Palestine Exploration
Fund, under the very competent direction of Garstang and Phythian- Adams, now
at work (May, 1921) in the Philistine strata of Ashkelon. In this connection
the writer wishes to express his indebtedness to Mr. Phythiau-Adams, since it
was under the stimulus of his keen and independent criticism of current views
that the foregoing paper grew.

METHEa HA-AMMAH

By S. TOLKOWSKY

(2 Samuel 81)

FEW passages of the Bible have caused greater difficulty to
translators and commentators than the present one. This is
hw Hasting^s Dictionary of tJie Bible (1900) summarises the various
renderings proposed:

AV and RVm in 2 S. 8 1 "David took Metheg-ammah (TiKii^n :no)
out of the hand of the Philistines." AVm has "the bridle of the
mother city." This last rendering is pronounced to be "probable"
by Driver (Text of Sam.), who points out (see his references) that
DK has the sense of mother city or capital in Phoenician. "The
bridle of the mother city" would mean the authority of the metro-
polis or capital of the Philistines, namely Gath (so Ges., Keil,
Stade). Budde (in 8B0T) makes various objections to this, and
leaves the expression blank in his Heb. text as irrecoverably
corrupt. The LXX reads rjjv d({)(ji>piar[j,evr]v, which may, according
to AVellhausen, imply a reading ntyiino. Wellh. himself (Sam. 174)
emends to T]\p^T\ n3 "Gath the mother city," comparing 1 Ch 18 1
rfnii^l na ("Gath and her daughter towns"), which he argues may
have arisen from the text he postulates in Samuel. Klostermann
attempts to obtain from the two texts (of S. and Ch.) nSTlK
nrs"* nbDiTlKI "Gath and her border to the west." Thenius emends
to iTHlsn :in "bridle of tribute," i. e. "David laid the Philistines
under tribute." Lohr despairs of recovering either the meaning
or the text. Cheyne (Expos. Times, Oct. 1899, p. 48) emends to

D'n imp ni-IB^-n, "Ashdod, the city of the sea." Sayce ('ilif,414n)

13*

196 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

suggests that ri?3n Jino is the Heb. transcription of the Bab. meteg
animati (for meteq ammati) = "the highroad of the mainland" of
Palestine. The reference would thus be to the command of the
highroad of trade which passed through Canaan from Asia to Egypt
and Arabia; but the appearance of such distinctly Babylonian
words in Hebrew of this date is extremely improbable.

(Cf. HDB s. V. 'Metheg Ammah'.)

The most natural translation of this verse would be the literal
one, viz. "the bridle of the cubit," according to the usual translation

of :nD.

The particle n in nn jriD n denotes that :in?3 must be the
name of a definite kind of object well known to the public. This
object stands in some connection to the cubit (HttS), the unit of
measurement common in the country at the time of the compiler of
the Second Book of Samuel; if it referred to any other cubit than
that commonly used at the time the writer would have defined it
and would not have called it, in a matter-of-course way, the cubit.
Furthermore the object described as "the iflD of the cubit" must
have been of great importance in the eyes of the Hebrews. This is
evidenced by the following two facts. 1. The action of taking the
riDSn ino out of the hand of Philistines was considered by the author
of the passage worthy of being recorded in history. 2. The taking
away of it is represented as the only lasting result of a victorious
campaign, for DyiDM does not necessarily mean placing the vanquished
people under permanent subjection; indeed David's campaign partakes
rather of the character of a raid than of that of a regular war, and
in contradistinction to what is claimed about the Moabites, the author
does not pretend that the Philistines became tributary to David. The
net result of the successful raid seems thus clearly to have been the
mere carrying away of the HD^n ir\Ki. The conclusion seems there-
fore justified that the HONn iHD was something of very great import-
ance to the Hebrews. On the other hand it cannot have been considered
of very great importance by the Philistines, for otherwise they would
certainly have taken steps to recover it; as a matter of fact it is
never mentioned again. It may be noted in this connection that the
translation "David took the Metheg-ha-Ammah out of the hand of
the Philistines" may convey a wrong impression; the Hebrew text

TOLKOWSKY : Metheg ha-Ammah 197

n^nti'^S T^ may simply mean "out of the hand of Philistines," a
rendering which would accentuate again the unimportance of the
object in question to the Philistines. As to the nature of the :inD
noNH itself, it seems certain that it was a movable object, such as
could be easily taken hold of and carried away in the course of a
rapid raid.

What is the meaning of uno? The word is used five times only
in the Bible, viz. in 2 S. 81 (the passage under consideration), 2 K.
19 28, Is. 37 29, Prov. 26 3, and Ps. 32 9. In all these passages it is
translated "bridle." Rabbi David Kimhi defines unio as follows: "the
long iron which is put into the mouth of the animal to guide it,
and it is what is called in the vernacular ]''"1S, and it is similar to
a ]D1 but is not made after the same pattern." Now, the word ]"''1D
of Kimhi (= frein) is the French name for our "bar bit;" and ac-
cording to his description he has in view more particularly the very
plainest pattern of a bar bit, the one which the French call mors
troyen (= Trojan bit), and which is the ^

typical bit used by the ancient chariot ^ *

drivers, as illustrated for instance on the

Egyptian monuments. On the other hand the ]D"1 is nothing other
than the "ring bit" used to this day in Palestine and the East for
saddle horses ; its shape is quite different and more complicated. ]D"1
occurs four times in the Bible, viz. in Is. 30 28, Ps. 32 9, and Job 30 11
and 41 5. It will be observed that the earliest mention of the bit
in any of its two forms occurs in the passage now being dealt with,
a fact which can only be explained on the assumption that the
Hebrews possessed no horses before that time; indeed the earliest
mention of the use of the horse by them occurs precisely in the
Second Book of Samuel, and in the very same chapter, verse 4,
where it is shown that David began its use by reserving one hundred
captured chariots with their horses; in 2 Sam. 15 1 we further
learn that "Absalom prepared him chariots and horses." The Phi-
listines however had horses and chariots as the most important part
of their military equipment, and it is only natural to assume that
it is from them that the Hebrews first acquired the knowledge of
the bit and that they called it by the same name by which the
Philistines used to call it. The word ino would thus be a foreign
word, which seems to accord with the fact that there is in the

198 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Hebrew language no other word of the same root. We are thus
safe in assuming that :inD Avas the name by which the Phihstines
used to call the particular bit used by their chariot drivers and
that it had the shape of a plain iron bar. I am also tempted to
believe that they used the same word for any iron bar in general;
even in the Bible ^ntt seems to occur once with the meaning of a
bar or rod, viz. in the parallelism contained in Prov. 26 3: "a whip
for the horse, a iriD for the ass, and a rod for the fool's back." I
therefore translate HDSn ino ns "the iron rod of the cubit." Ac-
cepting the arguments above set forth, I deduce that David in the
course of his raid over the Philistine border got hold of a certain
iron rod which was well known to the Hebrew public at the time
of the composition of the Second Book of Samuel as standing in
some definite relation to the ell or cubit commonly used in their time.
It may be noted in this connexion that, according to 1 Chr. 22 3,
David "prepared iron in abundance for the nails of the doors of the
gates (of the Temple), and for the joinings."

Now, what could have been the exact nature of the "iron rod of
the cubit" which David brought back from his raid into the Philistine
country? If we accept the common view that the civilisation of the
Philistines was derived from Crete or the Aegean, and if we admit
with H. R. Halli that "it is to Egypt, if anywhere, that we must
look for the origin of the Aegean weights and measures," we are at
once led to think of the ancient ells that have been unearthed in
that country. It is known that in Egypt there were two cubits: a
larger one called the "royal" cubit and a smaller one called the
"common" cubit; the relation between the two was as 7 : 6. Now,
the ancient wooden ells unearthed in Egypt are marked with two
distinct measures. On the one side the whole length of the rod is
marked by an inscription as being the "royal ell," and it is divided
into two half-cubits, one of which shows also the measure of one
handbreadth and its four fingerbreadths. On the other side of the
rod is marked the "common" ell, designated as such by an inscription;
this ell is only 6^7 ths Qf ^j^g length of the royal ell marked on the
other side of the rod, and it is divided into fingerbreadths which in
their turn are subdivided into 1/2? V^j V^? ^'^^ ^o 0^ until ^/le^^ part

1 See H. R. Hall : Aegean Archaeology, London 1915, p. 232,

TOLKOWSKY: Metheg ha-Ammah 199

of a fingerbreadth. It is clear that we have here not merely a
comparison of the two ells used in Egypt, but the systematic and
legal subdivision of the larger royal ell whose length is equal to seven
handbreadths of the common ell.^ Both cubits were used in Egypt
at the same time; but whilst the larger one, the royal ell, was more
particularly used for building purposes, the smaller common ell, with
its subsidiary divisions, was in all probability used for more delicate
work and for measuring goods and other objects the size of which
was to be determined with a greater amount of precision. For the
same reason greater precision it seems likely that with the advance
of civilisation the common ell should gradually displace the older
and less precise royal ell; perhaps that is the reason of its designation
as "common." Now, if the Philistines had received, directly or in-
directly, from Egypt their weights and measures, there is every
likelihood since they were the immediate neighbours of that country
that they also borrowed from it rods of the ell similar to those
which we have just described, or at least the idea of such ells, and
it is not unreasonable to suppose that David, who is stated to have
lived for years as a refugee in the Philistine country, must have
seen such rods there and must have had occasion to convince himself
of their superiority, as an instrument of measure, over the primitive
method, used in his native country, of measuring "after a cubit of
a man" (t^^N nn Dt. 3ii).

I thus believe that the r\Qi^r\ 2nD which David brought back from
his raid was neither more nor less than an exact reproduction in
iron of the wooden ells which existed in Egypt. And now we shall
understand why the historian considered the bringing home of this
trophy sufficiently important to deserve specific mention in the book.
Previous to David the Hebrews had been a collection of disunited
and sometimes mutually hostile tribes; it was he who welded them
together and made them into an organised state. During his stay
in the Philistine country David had had the opportunity of convincing
himself of the importance attached, in any well organised state, to
the completest possible uniformity in measures of weight and length
and therefore to the possession of accurate standards of these mea-
sures. It is thus only natural to suppose that, as soon as his kingdom

See F. Hultsch: Griechische und Romische Metrologie, Berlin 1882, pp. 3.o0tr.

20<t Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

was consolidated and its organisation had reached some degree of
perfection, he should have felt the wish to set up a legal standard,
if possible recognised already by other well organised nations, and
by Avhich should be determined the exact length of the cubit and
its subdivisions on the "measuring-lines," "measuring-rods" and
'measuring-sticks" used throughout his kingdom. For the manufacture
of such standards one generally choses a material which is subject
to little alteration; in olden times iron was largely used for the
pur])ose {cf. in England the "Iron Ulne of our Lord the King"-
Edward I.) It was a common custom with the ancients to deposit
the standards of their weights and measures either in the palaces
of their kings or in their sanctuaries. We are justified in supposing
that in strict accordance with this general custom David, once he
had secured the T\t:i^7\ :in)D from the Philistines, kept it first in his
palace or fortress and later directed it to be placed for safe custody
in the Temple that was to be built. For we learn from 1 Chron.
23 26-29 that "by the last words of David" the Levites were appointed
"to wait on the sons of Aaron .... for all manner of measure and
size;" the Talmud also {Men. 98a) refers to two ells mentioned as
having been kept in the hall Susana of the Temple.

AVe have already pointed out that the ells which have been found
in Egypt had both the royal and the common ell marked on them;
and if my assumption that the HD^n iniD was an exact copy of these
ells is right, the Hebrews may have got from it first hand acquaintance
of both these measures. In strict accordance with the Egyptian
precedent it was to be expected that the larger "royal" ell should
be used by Solomon in building the Temple; and that in the course
of time, as civilisation in the kingdom progressed and a more accurate
measure became necessary, the larger ell should give way to the
smaller one with its more minute subdivisions, so that after a certain ||

time this smaller ell became the "common" ell while the older '-royal"
ell ceased altogether to be used. That this really was the case is
evident from Ezekiel 405 and 43 13, as well as from 2 Chron. 3 3.
"Ezekiel implies that in his measurement of the Temple . . . the ell
was one handbreadth larger than the ell commonly used in his
time . . . The fact that Ezekiel measured the Temple by a special
ell is comprehensible and significant only on the assumption that
this ell was also the standard of measurement of the old Temple of

TOLKOWSKY: Metheg ha-Ammali

201

Solomon. This is confirmed by the statement of the Chronicler that
the Temple of Solomon was built according "to cubits after the
first measure" (2 Chron. 3 3), imj)lying that a larger ell was used at
first, and that this was supplanted in the course of time by a smaller
one,"i And the Talmud (Men. 98a) says again: "Why were two (ells)
necessary? One for silver and gold and one for building purposes."
The translation of HlOi^n JnD by "the iron rod of the cubit," as
now suggested, seems therefore to be very reasonable. Moreover
the importance attributed by the author of the Second Book of
Samuel to the acquisition of this iron standard rod appears to be
fully justified by the functions which that iron rod came to play
subsequently in the economic life of the Hebrew state. Accordingly,
so far from being "in all probability corrupt beyond restoration" I
venture to think that the Hebrew text of 2 Samuel 8 i has been
transmitted to us in its original purity.

1 See Jewish Encyclopedia, art. "Weights and Measures."'

CLASSIFICATION OF JEWISH COINS

SAMUEL RAFFAELI

(JERUSALEM)

THERE is still much indecision iu the classification of certain of
the Jewish coins. G. F. Hill, for example, is inclined to attribute
the "thick shekels" to the First Jewish Revolt (6670 A. D.), but
confesses that their date can only be a matter of conjecture. ^ He
allots to the same period the two small bronze coins bearing the
legends ]VS nnn D^nti' nitr (Year two, freedom of Zion) and nity
]?:$ nnn tyi^ti' (Year three, freedom of Zion); while to Simon Maccabeus
who first issued Jewish coins he attributes only the Fourth Year
bronze coins. The present writer ventures to traverse these views,'-
and submits the following scheme of classification.

Simon Maccabeus succeeded his brother Jonathan in 143 B. C.
(1 Mace, 13 8), and in the third year of his reign (1-11 B. C.) received

(1)

Jerusalem the Holy

Bev.

Ohv.

Shekel of Israel

that historic letter from Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) who wrote: "And
I give thee leave to coin money for thy country with thine own
stamp, and Jerusalem and the sanctuary shall be free" (1 Mace. 15 7).

1 G. F. Hill, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. Catalogue
of the Greek Coins of Palestine. London, 1914.

2 See P. E. F. Quarterly Statement, Jan. 1915; and S. Raffaeli, Dnin\T niMta,
Jerusalem, 1913.

RAFFAELI: Classification of Jewish coins

203

EM 1-tl B. C. to Nisan 140 B. C. was the first year in which these
coins were issued, and so we find the silver shekel with the letter K
on obverse for the Year One, and also the half-shekel with the
letter on obverse {Fig. 1 and 2).

(2)
Jerusalem the Holy W

Rev.

Obi:

The half-shekel

These were struck during the third year of Simon Maccabeus,
being the first year in which these coins were issued.

Attributable to this same year are the larger bronze coins with
the legends: Year one of thereclemfption of Israel and Simon prince
of Israel.

(3)

Tear one

of the

redem,]gtion

of Israel

Rev.

Ohv.

Simon

prince of

Israel

(4)

(As above.)

Rev.

Obv.

(As above.)

204:
(5)

(As above.)

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Bev. Obv.

(As above.)

It is questionable whether any other Jewish ruler would have
assumed the title of Simon prince of Israel but Simon Maccabeus.
When he succeeded his brother he proclaimed himself an independent
ruler, and no vassel to the king of Syria, Demetrius II.; and the
historian (1 Mace. 13 4i) writes: "The yoke of the heathen was taken
away from Israel, and the people of Israel began to write in their
instruments and contracts 'In the first year of Simon the great high
priest and captain and leader of the Jews'."

In the Second Year (Nisan 140 to Nisan 139 B. C.) silver shekels
and half-shekels were issued with inscriptions similar to those of the
First Year silver coins, but bearing on the obverse the letters 3 ^
for the year two:

(6) Bev. Ohv.

Jerusalem the Holy

(7)

ntrnpn n^^tj^n^
Jerusalem the Holy

Bronze coins also were issued in this year
(8) Bev. Ohv.

Year two of the
freedom of Israel

Shekel of Israel

The half-shekel

Simon prince of
Israel

(9)

RAFFAELT: Classification of Jewish coins

Rev. Ohv.

205

Tear tivo

l^-":} nnn
Freedom of Zion

For the Third Year (Nisan 139 to Nisan 138 B. C.) we have
silver shekels and half-shekels inscribed as before, but with the
letters :i tJ' for the year three:

(10) Rev. Ohv.

Rev.

SheJiel of Israel
(11)
The half-shekel

Also a small bronze coin:
(12) Rev.

Jerusalem the Holy

Ohv.

Year three

and the only silver quarter-shekel.

]vx nnn

Freedom of Zion

For the Fourth Year (Nisan 138 to Nisan 137 B. C.) there are
similar silver shekels and half-shekels with the letters *T ^ for the
year four:

(13) Rev. Ohv.

Jerusalem the Holy

Shekel of Israel

206

(14)

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society
Bev. Ohr.

Jerusalem the Holy

(15)

Bev.

. (year) four

And also bronze coins:
(16) Bev

Of the redemptio7i
of Zion

V^nn j;nix n:ty

Tear four;

quarter

(18)

I'ear four;
half

Bev.

The half -shekel

Ohv.

The quarter-shekel

Year four

Ohv.

Of the redemption
of Zion

Ohv.

Of the redemption
of Zion

Why these last two bronze coins are inscribed ^31 (quarter) and ""IJn
(half), is not fully known. Some have thought that these were quarter-
shekels and half-shekels issued in bronze instead of silver; but now

EAFFAELI: Classification of Jewish coins

207

that half-shekels and quarter-shekels of the fourth year have been
found of silver, some other explanation is necessary.

Simon died in the winter of 135 B. C. in the month Shebat, and
therefore was still able to issue coins of the Fifth Year (Nisan 137
to Nisan 136 B. C). To this year is attributable the only silver
shekel with the letters n ty for the year five:

(19)
Jerusalem the Holy]

Rev.

Oh-

Shekel of Israel

Until the actual discovery of such a coin it is not possible to
assert that coins were issued during Simon's last year. But it
seems certain enough that he was responsible for annual coinages
during the five successive years which followed the permission of
Antiochus VII.

The theory that these coins could have been issued during the
First Revolt (from Elul 66 to Ab 70 A. D.) cannot be accepted,
since not only could there not have been five years' coinage, but not
even four years in full.

The Jews thus issued coins only during two periods, periods
260 years apart. The first was by Simon Maccabeus; the second
by Bar Kokhba who secured a temporary independence in the time
of Hadrian. In both the purpose was to proclaim the entire liberty
of the land and people; and just as Simon Maccabeus stamped his
coins with the legends Freedom of Zion, Freedom of Israel, Bedemption
of Zion, Redemj^tion of Israel, so did Bar Kokhba make use of such
expressions as The Redemption of Jerusalem, Freedom of Israel,
Freedom of Jerusalem. The Jews had little cause to inscribe coins
with The Freedom of Zion such time as Zion was hemmed in by
Vespasian and Titus.

The first period of coins bearing Hebrew characters ended with
Mattathias Antigonus; and the second began with Bar Kokhba's
revolt. The coins of this second period were issued under the titles
]1j;aty (Simon), nbm^'^ (Jerusalem), and pDH -iTy'? (Eleazar the Priest).

208 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Coins in silver and bronze were uttered in three series:

(1) n'jtJ'IT nnn'? Of the freedom of Jerusalem.

(2) bm^^ n'?:i'? nn n^U The first year of the redemption of

Israel.

(3) ^Nlty^ in^ 2U The second year of the freedom of Israel.

Between these two periods, the Herod family and the Roman
Procurators from Cupouius to Antonius Felix issued coins stamped
with Latin and Greek legends, but no coins appeared in Hebrew
characters.

ii i

POLITICAL PARTIES IN SYRIA AND PALESTINE

(QAISI AND YEMENI)!

E. N. HADDAD

(JERUSALEM)

THE customs of this country are transmitted orally, from father
to son, and not through the medium of writing. In the past
few decades European civilization has entered the country, and
though, for the sake of the progress of my native land, I am one
of its admirers and supporters, I cannot but be filled with regret at
the disappearance of the customs which bring so close to us the
spirit and the meaning of the Bible. The peasant of today still
preserves a great number of primitive customs, just as the plough
of today is nearly like the plough employed by the Israelites.

Every visitor to Palestine regards it as a hot-bed of party strife
and fanaticism. But it is, in large part,' political rather than religious.
While there was religious prejudice between the different communities,
as in Europe, even the hostility between Muslims and Christians was
basically political, under the veil of religion. The Turkish government
saw a danger in its Christian subjects, because it knew that they
looked for protection to the Christian nations of Europe. The
Turkish authorities therefore welcomed and fostered religious fana-
ticism on the one hand, and party strife on the other, in order to
prevent the union of the Arabs, whom they feared, because they
were in the majority in Syria.

Two very old, and still clearly defined political parties exist,
once spread over the whole of Syria the Qaisi and the Yemeni, -

1 I wish to express here my indebtedness to Dr. W.F.Albright, of the
American School of Oriental Research, for help and encouragement in connection
with this paper.

210 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

consisting of members of every religion and sect. In the days of
Ottoman weakness, the Turks followed the principle, "Divide and
rule," 1 and supported each party in turn. With the increasing strength
of the ''central government during the last century, their power
gradually disappeared, until there are now only vestiges left. Until
a short time ago, all local political authority was in their hands in
Syria proper, and in Palestine it remained so until less than fifty
jears ago. Their chiefs are still influential here, though almost
stripped of actual power.

One may ask a peasant about the history of the Qaisi and
Yemeni, and receive an answer in either of two forms. One will
say that the history of the two parties began a long time ago, "and
God knows best." Others will tell the story of their origin, but no
two accounts agree. Among these traditions is one recounted by
Ismail Miisa Hammudi, former chief mukhtar of Lifta, one of the
men most renowned for hospitality around Jerusalem. He has a
guest-house in his own residence, southwest of the Syrian Orphanage,
kept at his own expense. He says: In the time of Husein ibn-'Ali
ibn-Abu Talib, the Arabs quarreled over the Caliphate. The people
of Kiifa and 'Irkq recognized Husein as Caliph, and he accompanied
them from Medina to 'Iraq to fight with Yezid ibn-Mo'awiyah, the
second 'Ommeyad caliph. When Husein reached Kerbela and Kufa,
his men betrayed their covenant with him, and the men of Yezid
killed Husein and his followers, and carried Husein's head on a
lance. Afterwards the men of Yezid returned from 'Iraq to their
capital, Damascus, the residence of Caliph Yezid, but during their
journey the Bedawin attacked them and defeated them. Then a
division arose; the men of Yezid became the Qaisi and the men of
Husein the Yemeni. From that time the rule was in the hands of
the chiefs, and the Yemeni, for instance, Avhen there was war against
them in Palestine, were assisted by the Yemeni from other districts.^

Palestinians have never tried to write the history of these two
parties, but the Libanese have written about it in a number of books.
For instance, the Sheikh Nasif el-Yaziji,3 in his work Majma el-Bahrein,

* This, like most Arab historical traditions, has an obvious ultimate literary
source (W. F. A.).

3 ^a.jLJl (_i--.>oLj ^\.;^xixJ\

HADDAD: Political parties in Syria and Palestine 211

in the forty-first maqdmah, entitled et-Tihdmiyeh, says: Qais was a
man of the Bern 'Adnfin between whom and a man of the Bern
Qahtan called Yemen there was a quarrel. Each of them founded
a party, 1 and war arose between them. The division spread to the
sedentary Arabs, as well as to the Arabs of the Hijaz and Yemen.
The people of Hums are of the Yemenite party, and there was only
a single Qaisi among them, who was very much despised, until he
became proverbial of contempt. For this reason the Arab proverb
says, "More despised than the Qaisi of Hums.'"-

There was regular, organized warfare between the two parties,
as all testimonies inform us. Little is known regarding these events
in Palestine, but we have many witnesses to them in Syria.

In 1633 there was war between the Qaisi and the Yemeni; the
former were led by the Amir Milhem, son of the Amir Yiinis el-
Ma'ni,3 and the latter by the Amir 'Ali 'Alam ed-Din.4 The Qaisi
defeated their opponents at Mejdel Maus.s In 1636 the Amir 'Ali
'Alam ed-Din, the Yemenite, rebelled against the Turkish government,
and retreated before the Turks and their Qaisi allies toward
Kesrawiin,6 where the latter defeated him, and compelled him to
retire to 'Akkar,^ north of the Lebanon.

In 1660 there was a general war between the Turks and the
Qaisi, who were led by the Amirs 'Ah es-Sihabi, Mansiir es-Sihabi,8
the sheikhs of Himadeh,^ and others. The Yemenites took part on
the Turkish side under the leadership of the Amir Ali 'Alam ed-
Din, and his two sons, the Amirs Mohammed and Mansiir, with
their confederates Ibn es-Sahyuniio and the Muqaddam^i 'Ali es-
a ir.i2 The Qaisi were defeated. Four years later war recommenced

1 ^.>La

6 ^\^yu*S

8 o-jUt-^^ ^^^'^^^ O-?^-*^* Lf^ j^^^

11 Hank between Amir and Sheikh.

14*

212 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

in Syria and the Lebanon between the Qaisi and the Yemeni, and
continued for two years, until the Qaisi were victorious. In the
year 1667 there was a battle at Burj Beirut ^ near Ghalghid^
between the two parties. ^

In these wars no attention was paid to religion, but merely to
party affiliations. When the Turkish government fought one party
it received the help of the other. The men of each party in the
north received aid from their copartizans in the south and east when
it became necessary. The distinction between Qaisi and Yemeni has
almost disappeared in Syria, and in many districts no one knows of
the former party rivalry. While the Qaisi and the Yemeni have
vanished from the Lebanon, we still find remnants of the two parties
Yezbeki and Junblati,* which date from 1762, originating in a quarrel
between the Amir Mansur and his brother Ahmad, in the time of
the Amir Milhem. The first leader of the Junblati was the Sheikh
'All Junblat, from whom they received their name, while the first
Yezbeki leader was Sheikh 'Abd es-Salam. Between the two parties
systematic warfare was carried on, and when the struggle between
them grew intense, the rivalry between Qaisi and Yemeni disappeared.
In the southern part of the Lebanon, the leadership of the Yezbeki
is now in the hands of the Arslan family in 'Ain E'nub, and of the
Junblati with the Junblat family in Muhtarah. Both families are
Druse. ^

The principal leaders of the Yemeni in Palestine come from the
family Abu Ghos in the village of Abu Ghos (Qaryet el-'Inab),<' who
are chiefs of their party in the liwd of Jerusalem. Among the

2 J_^jili

3 The foregoing material has been taken from different parts of the History
of Syria by Yvisuf ed-Dibs, archbishop of the Maronites in Beirvit. Similar
accounts are found in the work of the Maronite and Libanese patriarch, Istifanus
ed-Duweihi, entitled Kitdh ed-Duweilii.

5 Yusuf ed-Dibs, History of Syria. Part IV, Vol. VII, p. 1930. Butrus Bustani
states, EncyclojJaedla, s. v. Janbiilat: In the year 1777 the Amir Yiisuf es-Sihabi
stirred up a rebellion in the southern Lebanon by imposing taxes. The rebels
were supported by the Sheikh 'Abd es-Salam el-'Imad, and became the Yezbeki
party. The other, larger party passed under the leadership of the Sheikh 'Ali,
and became the Junblati.

--I
.1

HADDAD: Political parties in Syria and Palestine 213

chiefs of the Qaisi are the family of 'Azzah' in the hill-country of
Gaza, Ibn Simhan2 in Tell es-Safi.^ and the family Derwis^ in
Malha.5

The Bedawin are divided into two parties, under the same des-
ignation, Qaisi and Yemeni, also. Among the principal sheikhs of
the Yemeni is Humad es-Sufi, and the tribes under his leadership:
in the district of Gaza the Tayaha, the Tarabin, the 'Azazme, the
Hanajre, the Oheidat; in the Ghor the 'Edwan; in Kerak the Majali.^
The sheikhs of the Qaisi are from the Beni Sahr,^ and the tribes
under their leadership: the Sararat, east of the Belqa; the Beni
'Atiya, south of Kerak; the Beni Humeida between Kerak and the
Belqa. 8

In Jerusalem the headship of the Qaisi is in the hands of the
Haldi'J family, of the Yemeni Avith the Huseini.if" There are still
traces of the old party rivalry; when the peasants get into trouble
with the Government, or find themselves in pecuniary difficulty, they
resort for help to the patrons of their respective parties. In nearly
every village there are members of both parties. In some districts
most of the inhabitants belong to one faction, as for example in the
district of Hebron, where the majority is Qaisi. In Bet Jala most
are Qaisi; in Bethlehem, on the other hand, most are Yemeni. In
Soba all are Yemeni, and in 'Ain Karem^i all are Qaisi.

The Yemenite flag is white, and for this reason their garments
are usually of this colour. The Qaisi flag is red, and their garments
are therefore mostly red. Everyone is free to wear either colour
except the bride, and in many places they observe the distinction
between the colours only in the case of the bride. When a Qaisi
woman marries a Qaisi or a Yemeni she wears the Qaisi colour, but

1 s

'>^

Ls::'W4*) ^^\

3 ^l^\ Ji"

5 ^L

6 j^UcV^Jl^ ^\jJOJ\^ vj^\j..;^^\_5 Sya-Uji.!^ A^j\;jJ\^ ^j^\j.U\^ .XjbLjJl

7 -S?.-3 15-^

o-^^ '^^^ c.5^3 Cji^>i\yJ:^\
9 ^jJULl "

1. ,31^"

214 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

when the procession passes a Yemeni quarter, or a Yemeni village,
the bride must hide her red garments with a cloak of any hue not
either red or white. The case of a Yemeni bride is similar. If the
bride wears her own bridal colour in passing a village or a quarter
of the opposite party, it is considered as great a disgrace for the
latter as if she had raised her own banner in their territory. In
the past, the fact that a bride has worn the colour of her own
party in the territory of the other has often been the cause of
conflicts. Otherwise, they always live in peace, except when there
has been a quarrel between individuals of the two parties. If
Yemeni are invited by members of the Qaisi party to be their
guests, the latter are expected to put honey or syrup ^ over the
li ait ally eh,"^ a dish made of starch, sugar, and milk, to cover its white
colour, which is the colour of the Yemeni flag.

Isma'il Hammudi told me that he saw in Bire,3 not long before
the War, a fight between the Qaisi and the Yemeni. Each party
tried to dishonour the flag of the other party, and the women also
took sides. The Yemeni women took a red cock, and beat him fl

before the Qaisi women, as a sign of contempt for the banner of the
latter. The Qaisi women at once caught a white cock and beat him
before their opponents.

The Hajj Mohammed el-Makhal^ from 'Aizariyeh^ told me the
following story. A Qaisi woman from the Hebron region once
placed a number of eggs under a hen. On hatching, all the chickens
were white. AVhen the woman saw this she said, "This may mean
calamity, because they may turn out to be Yemeni soldiers." So, to
make sure that she was safe, she buried them in the ground. "^

2 ^k^

3 'iy^\

4 J).s.\5UJ\ Jm>-s^xi ^^\

6 The literature on the Qaisi and the Yemeni in Palestine is still very limited.
Beside stray references to the subject in the works of various European writers,
especially Baldensperger, we seem to have only the historical material published
by Macalister and Masterman {Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, 1905,
343 If.; 1906, 3350). These accounts were translated from native Arabic MSS,
inspired and gathered by the Rev. John Zeller, one of the earlier Protestant
missionaries in Palestine (W. P. A.).

NOTES AND COMMUNICATIONS

DES erreurs tres facheuses se sont glissies dans la note relative
a rinscription juive d'Ain Douk (Vol. 1, pp. 33 35). Les
corrections suivantes s'imposent:

p. 34, 1. 10, lire: la lettre "^ apres S. II s'agirait du nom noi'^S au
lieu de DHiS que certains savants lisent ilDilD. Seulement la forme
de la seconde lettre et les deux pieds qui restent de la derniere
lettre et qui rappellent plutot une n, s'y opposeraient. La legon
nCiS nous semble etre fournie par une inscription lue dans un
tombeau de Jerusalem que M. Ben Zevi publie dans le recueil de
la "Jewish Palestine Exploration Society" No. 1.

p. 35: ^tJ'''^p mriK == Lieu saint. Cette formule ne se retrouve
pas dans le Kaddisli (comme on I'avait fait observer pendant la
discussion, mais dans le Zohar, que est de date posterieure. Pour
I'epoque on nous en sommes (vers le troisieme siecle) elle confermerait
I'opinion du R. P. Vincent concernant le caractere sacre tres ancien
du sanctuaire en question.

Nahum Slousch

REPORTS OF MEETINGS

THE Third General Meeting of the Society was held at the
British Archaeological School on Wednesday, November 3, 1920,
with the President, Pere Lagrange in the Chair. At the Morning
Session, commencing at 9.30 a. m. the following papers were read
and discussed:

Repetition idiomatique de la racine en hebreu
Mr. Israel Eitan.

Revision of early Hebrew Chronology
Dr. W. F. Albright.

Une inscription hebraique trouvee a Jerusalem
Dr. Nalium Slousch.

Solomon and the Shunamite
Dr. C. C. McCown.

At the Afternoon Session, commencing at 3.3<i p. m. the reports
of Secretary, Treasurer and Editorial Committee were read, new
Members elected, and the following officers appointed for the
year 1921: Prof. John Garstang, President; Pere Dhorme and
Dr. W. F. Albright, Vice-Presidents; the Rev. H. Danby, Secretary;
Dr. Nahum Slousch, Treasurer; and Pere Orfali, Director for three
years in place of the retiring Director, Pere Dressaire. Mr. E. J. H.
Mackay and Mr. Samuel Raffaeli were elected as Auditing Committee,
and Mr. Norman Bentwich, Mr. W. J. Phythian-Adams, and the Rev.
H. Danby as Committee of Arrangements.

The reading and discussion of papers was then resumed:

The British Archaeological School
Prof. J. Garstang.

Une synagogue en basalte a Khirbet-Keraze (Corozain)
Le Rev. Pere Orfali.

218 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Notes on Palestinian Ethnology
Mr. W. J. Phythian- Adams.

Prehistoric Palestine
Mr. L. Lind.

Blood Pevenge among the Arabs
Mr. E. N. Haddad.

Use of Ellipsis in "Second Isaiah"
Mr. David Yellin.

Plantes pharmaceutiques chez les Arabes
Mr. Ephraim Rubinovitch.

The Fourth General Meeting was held at the District Governorate,
Jerusalem, on Wednesday, January 19, 1921, Pere Dhorme taking
the Chair in the absence of the President, Professor Garstang. At
the Afternoon Session, commencing 2.30 p. m. the following con-
tributions were read and discussed:

Traditions secondaires sur la grotte de Machpelah (Hebron)

Le Rev. Pere Abel.

Political Parties in Palestine: Qaisi and Yemeni
Mr. E. N. Haddad.

Le sacrifice dans la tribu des Fuqara
Le Rev. Pere Jaussen.

La ville de Ramses d'apres les documents egyptiens
Le Rev. Pere Mallon.

At the Evening Session, beginning at 5.30 p. m. the following
were read:

The Excavations at Tiberias (with illustrations)
Dr. Nahum Slousch.

The Melodic Theme in Ancient Hebrew Prayers (with musical examples)

Mr. A. Z. Idelson.

Haunted Springs and Water-Demons in Palestine

Dr. T. Canaan.

A Visit to Petra by an Englishman in 1852
Mr. L. G. A. Gust.

Reports of Meetings 219

The Fifth General Meeting took place on Wednesday, March 30,
1921, at the Dominican Convent of St. Stephen's, with Pere Dhorme
in the Chair. Beginning at 3.0 p. m. the following contributions were
read and discussed:

L'inscription grecque d'Ophel
Le Rev. Pere Vincent.

Judicial Courts among the Bedawin
Omar Effendi Barghuti.

Byzantine Caravan Stations in the Negeb
Dr. T. Canaan.

Modern Palestinian Parallels to the Song of Songs
Mr. Hanna Stephan.

The Classification of Jewish Coins
Mr. Samuel Raffaeli.

Les maladies du pays aux temps de la Bible et du Talmud

Dr. Aaron Mazie,

Nouveautes Concernant la Flore de la Palestine
Mr. Ephraim Rubinowitch.

The Sixth General Meeting was held at the British School of
Archaeology on Wednesdaj, May 4, 1921, in the presence of H. E.
the Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel, High Commissioner of
Palestine, and Patron of the Society. Professor Garstang gave his
presidential address, taking as his subject "The Year's Work in
Palestine." The following papers were then read and discussed:

Un hypogee juif a Bethphage
Le Rev. Pere Orfali.

Solomon as a Magician in Christian Legend
Dr. C. C. McCown.

Methods of Education and Correction among the Fellahin

Mr. E. N. Haddad.

Sites of Ekron, Gath and Libnah
Dr. W. F. Albright.

The Editorial CommiUee desire to take this oiJportimity of informing
readers of the Journal that criticism and comments on amj of the

220 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

contributions included in the Journal will he welcomed and, if desir-
ahle, jmnted in the succeeding numher, ivith a rej)ly hy the author of
the article.

The Editorial Committee do not necessarily -pledge themselves to
issue nunibeo's of the Journal at regular quarterly intervals. They
proj)ose to inMish them, more or less frequently, at such times as the
requisite material becomes available. They also xwopose, if the Society's
funds make this possible, to undertake the publishing of more extensive
monographs on subjects which come within the scope of the Society.

It ivill greatly assist in the mapping out of ^future work of this
hind if Members will kindly be a little more punctual in the payment
of their Subscriptions.

Herbert Danby
(Secretary)

EEPORT OF THE TREASURER OF THE PALESTINE

ORIENTAL SOCIETY

January 1920 May 30, 1921
Receipts

Life subscriptions P.T. 9190.00

Annual subscriptions for 1920 17104.20

Donations to the funds of the Society 900.00

Annual subscriptions for 1921 7319.00

Sale of Journal 30.00

P.T. 34543.20

Exjjenditure

Postage P.T. 2016.00

Stationery 852.00

Clerical work 218.00

Refreshments 484.50

Nile Press, Jerusalem, printing of circulars, programmes 2880.00

Rafael Haim ha-Cohen, printing of circulars 680.00

Nile Press, Cairo, printing Journal, vol. 1, no. 1 4480.00

Nile Press, Jerusalem, printing Corrigenda slips to Journal, vol. 1, no. 1 100.00

Drugulin, Leipzig: advance towards printing of Journal, vol. 1, nos.2-3 2200.00

Balance in hand, May 30, 1921 20632.70

P.T. 34543.20

NAHUM SLOUSCH

Treasurer

Audited, May 30, 1921, and found correct, and accompanied by the proper
vouchers

SAMUEL RAFFAELI
E. J. H. MACKAY

Auditing Committee

MEMBERS^ OF THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

[l) = Life Member, 2) = Honorary Member, 3) = Patron]

Alexander Aai-onsohn Esq. "Doar ha-Yom", Jerusalem.

N. Abcarius Bey, P.O.B. 82, Jerusalem.

Albert Abramson Esq. Chief British Representative, Amman, Palestine.

Faidi Effendi el-Alami, Jerusalem.

Dr. W. E. Albright, American School of Archaeology, Jerusalem.
1)3)H. E. Field Marshal the Viscount AUenby, The Residency, Cairo.

Mr. Moses Bailey, Ram Allah, Jerusalem.

Omar Effendi Barghuti, Jerusalem.

Dr. G. A. Barton, Bryn Mawr College, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.

Capt. E. K. Bennett, Oxford and Cambridge Musical Club, 6 Bedford Square
London W. C. 1.

Norman Bentwich, Esq. The German Colony, Jerusalem.

Mr. Eliezer Ben Yehudah, Jerusalem.

Dr. W. S. Bigelow, 56 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. U.S.A.

Dr. A. Biram, The Technical College, Haifa, Palestine.

Miss Blandey, The Syrian Orphanage, Jerusalem.

Dr. Frederick J. Bliss, 1155 Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.

Edmond Bourne Esq., "Partney", Parkstone, Dorset, England.

Miss E. G. Briggs, Atlantic Avenue, Springlake, N. J., U.S.A.

The Rev. Dr. R. Butin, Catholic University, Washington D. C, U.S.A.

Mr. J. J. Calmy, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem.

I. N. Camp Esq., Deputy British Representative, Amman, Palestine.

The Rev. Dr. John Campbell, 260 West 231 Street, New York, U.S.A.

Dr. T. Canaan, Jerusalem.

M. Joseph Chaine, Ecole St. Etienne, Jerusalem.

Dr. Jeshua Chami, Quarantine Medical Officer, Jaffa.

Dr. F. D. Chester, Hotel Bristol, 541 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.

Mme. Civiale, 9 Rue Vignon, Paris.

Mr. A. P. S. Clark, Anglo-Egyptian Bank, Jerusalem.

Mr. E. H. Clark, P. 0. B. 16, Jerusalem.

Prof. A. T. Clay, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.

The Ven. Archdeacon Cleophas, Greek Patriarchate, Jerusalem.
2) Mons. Clermont-Ganneau, 1 Avenue de I'Alma, Paris.
2) The Rev. Dr. G, A. Cooke, Christ Church, Oxford, England.

' This list has been corrected up to August 1. 1921. Members are asked to notify the Secretary
of any change of address or any other inaccuracy.

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 223

Capt. E. T. Oosgrove, P. 0. B. 302, Jerusalem.

Capt. A. Creswell, c/o Cox & Co., Cairo.

Le Rev. Pere Cruveilhier, Gd. Seminaire, 5 bd. des petits Carmes, Depar-

tement Haute Vienne, Limoges, France.
L. G. A. Cust Esq., District Governorate, Jerusalem.
The Rev. Herbert Danby, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem.
The Rev. J. T. Darragh, "The Glebe", 1 Russell St., Durban, S.Africa.
C. D. Day Esq., Survey of Palestine, The Governorate, Jerusalem.
Le Rev. Pere Decleodt, Des Missiounaires d'Afrique, Jerusalem.
G. De la Penha, British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem.
Le Rev. Pere Dhorme, St. Etienne's, Jerusalem,
Mr. J. E. Dinsmore, American Colony. Jerusalem.
Mr. A. S. Doniach, Wadham College, Oxford.
Le Rev. Pere Dressaire, Notre Dame de France, Jerusalem.
The Rev. Prof. Walter Drum, Woodstock, Maryland, U.S.A.
The Rev. A. J. Dushaw, American School of Archaeology, Jerusalem.
Dr. M. D. Eder, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem.
Mr. Israel Eitan, 250 W. 112 Street, New York City, U.S.A.
F. T. Ellis Esq., Bishop Gobat School, Jerusalem.
E. M. Epstein Esq., The "Palestine Weekly", Jerusalem.
Dr. Milton G. Evans, President, Crozer Theological Seminary, Chester, Pa.,

U.S.A.
Dom Gregoire Fournier, Des Benedictines du Mont Sion, Jerusalem,
Dr. H. T. Fowler, Browne University, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A.
M. Henri Frank, "I. C. A.", Jerusalem.
A. E. Franklin Esq., 35 Porchester Terrace, London.
Judge Gad Frumkin, Law Courts, Jerusalem.

Prof. Kemper FuUerton, Oberlin School of Theology, Oberlin, Ohio, U.S.A.
Prof. John Garstang, British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem,
Prof. Lucien Gautier, Cologny, Geneve, Suisse.
Mr. M. Gerassimo, Credit Lyonnais, Jerusalem.
Dr. 0. A. Glazebrooke, American Consulate, Jerusalem.
Mr. Isaac Goldberg, AUenljy Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine,
Prof. A. R. Gordon, Presbyterian College, Montreal, Canada.
Dr. Ettaline M. Grice, Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, Conn. U.S.A.
2) Prof. Ign. Guidi, 24 Bottege Oscure, Roma.

Mr. Elias N, Haddad, The SjTian Orphanage, Jerusalem.

Mr. Selim D. Haddad, Superintendent of Customs, Haifa, Palestine,

The Rev, E. W. Hamond, The English College, Jerusalem.

The Rev. J. E. Hanauer, Christ Church, Jerusalem.

Capt. R. A. Harari, Dept. of Commerce, Government House, Jerusalem.

Dr. A. C. Harte, Y. M. C. A., Jerusalem.

Sir Thomas Haycraft, The Law Courts, Jerusalem.

Mr. W. Hecker, Bochara Quarter, Jerusalem.

Mr. E. G. Hensman, Hensman's Hotel, Jerusalem.

Prof. AVm. J. Hinke, 156 North Street, Auburn, N. Y., U.S.A.

The Rev. C. T. Hock, 222 Liberty Street, Blookfield, N. J., U.S.A.

Mr. A. C. Hornstein, Christ Church, Jerusalem.

Mr. L. W. Hughes, no 3. St. Eloui, c/o Mme. Kypiades, Cairo.

224 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

A. M. Hyamson Esq., Dept. of Travel and Immigration, Jerusalem.
Mr. A. Z. Idelson, Jerusalem.

Mrs. H. Irwell, 8f Bickenhall Mansions, Gloucester Place, London W.
M. Henri Izaakson, c/o Dr. Mazie, Jerusalem.
Mrs. Izaakson, c/o Dr. Mazie, Jerusalem.
Adil Eflfendi Jabre, Jerusalem.
2) Prof. Morris Jastrow, 248 S. 23rd Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
Samuel Johnson Esq., Hotel Central, Jerusalem.

D. Hedog Jones Esq., Dept. of Agriculture, Haifa, Palestine.
Dr. V. H. Kalbian, P. 0. B. 222, Jerusalem.

1) Mr. H. M. Kalvaryski, Rosh Pinah, Palestine.

Mr. A. E. Kelsey, Ram Allah, Jerusalem.

Dr. "W. H. ]M. Key, Xotre Dame de France, Jerusalem.

The Rev. G. S. Kukhi, Y. M. C. A., Davies Bryan Buildings, Cairo.

Mr. J. Kuperman, Zammarin, Palestine.

The Rev. Dr. N. G. Kyle, 1142 Arrott Street, Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa.,
U.S.A.

Le tres Rev. Pere Lagrange, St. Etiennes, Jerusalem.

The Very Rev. Francis Lamb, Carmelite Monastery, Haifa, Palestine.

Miss A. E. Landau, Evelina de Rothschild School, Jerusalem.

Mr. M. E. Lange, Zichron Jacob, Haifa, Palestine.

The Rev. P. N. Lapham, St. John's River, Conference, Mt. Dora, Fla., U.S.A.

J. Lee-Warner Esq., British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem.

Mr. Alter Levin, P. 0. B. 240, Jerusalem.

The Librarian, Carleton College Library, Northfield, 3Iinn., U.S.A.
1) The Librarian, Garrett Biblical Institute, Evanston, 111., U.S.A.

The Librarian, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, X. J., U.S.A.

The Librarian, St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden, Chester, England.

Mr. L. Lind, American Colony, Jerusalem.

The Rev. Sven Linder, Johanniter Hospice, Jerusalem.

Mr. S. Loupo, Institution Professionnelle, Alliance Israelite Universelle,
Jerusalem.

H. C. Luke Esq., The Governorate Jerusalem.

Dr. Joseph Luria, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem.

Prof. A. H. Lybyer, 318 Lincoln Hall, Urbana, Illinois, U.S.A.

Dr. D. G. Lyon, 12 Scott Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. ,

Dr. C. C. McCown, Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley, California, U.S.A. -|

Mr. W. D. McCrackan, c/o Syrian Orphanage, Jerusalem.

Miss D. Mclnnes, Y. "W. C. A. Hostel, Jerusalem.
1) The Right Rev. Rennie Mclnnes, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem. i

Mrs. Mclnnes, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem. i

E. J. H. Mackay, Esq., P. 0. B. 103, Haifa, Palestine.
Mrs. E. L. McQueen, Tamwortb, New Hampshire, U.S.A.
G. A. Malan Esq., St. George's Close, Jerusalem.
Le Rev. Pere Mallon, St. Piere de Sion, Jerusalem.
Dr. Aaron Mazie, Jerusalem.

Le Rev. Pere Meistermann, Convent de S. Sauveur, Jerusalem.
The Rev. Prof. S. A. B. Mercer, 2738 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, U.S.A.
Le Rev. Pere Mesrob, Armenian Patriarchate, Jerusalem,

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 225

Mr. J. Meyuclias, Jerusalem.

W. J. Miller Esq., District Governorate, Ramleh, Palestine.

Maj. E. Mills, Assistant Governor, Samaria District, Nablous, Palestine.

Prof. Julian Morgenstern, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.

Mr. Talbot Mundy, e/o Syrian Oi'phanage, Jerusalem.

Nassouhy Bek Beydoun, Assistant Inspector, Acre, Palestine.

Prof. H. H. Nelson, American University of Beyrout, Syria.
1) Miss E. E, Newton, P. 0. B. 63, Haifa, Palestine.

The Rev. Dr. James B. Nies, 51 Clark Street, Brooklyn, New York, U.S.A.

Maj. L. V. Nott, Governor, Gaza District, Palestine.

The Eight Rev. Mgr. D. J. O'Connell, 800 Cathedral Place, Richmond, Va.,
U.S.A.

The Rev. R. S. M. O'Eerrall, St. George's School, Jerusalem.

Le Rev. Pere Orfah, Couvent de S. Sauveur, Jerusalem.

Dr. H. J. Orr-Ewing, English Hospital, Jerusalem.

Mr. Lazarus Paul, Deccan Villa, Jerusalem.

Dr. Charles Peabody, 197 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
1) Dr. Jobs. Pedersen, Stockholmsgade 13, Copenhagen, Denmark.

The Rev. Dr. J. P. Peters, University of the South, Sevanee, Tenn., U.S.A.

The Rev. A. T. Phillips, C. M. S., Jerusalem.
1) W. J. Phythian-Adams Esq., British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem.
Dr. D. de Sola Pool, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem.
Prof. Harvey Porter, American University, Beyrout, Syria.
Mr. Isaiah Press, Zichron Mosheh, Jerusalem.
^y. D. Priestley, Esq., The Treasury, Jerusalem.
Mr. J. L. Racionzer, The Lav,' Courts, Jerusalem.
Mr. Samuel Raffaeli, Bezaleel Street, Jerusalem.
M. Louis Rais, Commissariat de France, Jerusalem.
Madame Louis Rais, Commissariat de France, Jerusalem.
C. F. Reading Esq., The Governorate, Tul Karem, Palestine.
K. L. Reynolds Esq., St. George's School, Jerusalem.
Prof. J. H. Ropes, 13 Follen Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.
Dr. J. G. Rosengarten, 1704 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
Mr. Ephraim Rubinovitch, Jerusalem.

Miss Adelaide Rudolph, 115 West 68tii Street, New York City, U.S.A.
Mr, Nicola Saba, Assistant Inspector, Tiberias.
Maj. the Hon. B. G. Sackville-West, O.P.D.A. Office, Jerusalem.
Edwin H. Samuel, Esq., Government House, Jerusalem.
3) H. E. the Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel, G. B. E., Government House,
Jerusalem.
Mr. Ashton Sanborn, C-0 Mssrs. Congdon & Co., Cairo.
Prof. Boris Schatz, Bezaleel School of Art, Jerusalem.
2) Le Rev. Pere Scheil, No. 4 bis, Rue du Cherche-Midi, Paris.
Mr. E. Shelley, P. 0. B. 159, Jerusalem.
Dr. I. E. Shelley, P. 0. B. 159, Jerusalem.
Dr. W. A. Shelton, Emoi'y University, Atlanta, Ga., U.S.A.
Mr. G. S. Shibber, Jaffa Gate, Jerusalem.
The Rev. J. A. Shiels, MiHtary Hospital, Haifa, Palestine.
Dr. Nahum Slousch, Jewish Palestine Exploration Society, Jerusalem.

226

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

2) Sir George Adam Smith, Aberdeen University, Scotland.

Mr. Marc Smith, American Consulate, Jerusalem.

Prof. Louise Pettibone Smith, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass., TJ.SA.

Mr. A. Solomiak, The Post Office, Jerusalem.

Col. H. J. Solomon, P. O.B. 507, Jerusalem.

Mr. Hanna Stephan, The Treasury, Jerusalem.

Eonald Storrs Esq., The Governorate, Jerusalem.

Dr. J. C. Strathearn. British Ophthalmic Hospital, Jerusalem.

J. N. Stubbs Esq., The Law Courts, .Terusalem.

The Eev. T. P. Themelis, The Greek Convent, Jerusalem.

Mr. S. Tolkowsky, AUenby Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine.

Mrs. S. Tolkowsky, Allenby Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine.

Dr. H. ]\L Torian, INIedical Officer, Nazareth, Palestine.
2) Prof. Charles C. Torrey, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.

Mr. Khalil Totah, Teachers' Training College, Jerusalem.

T. H. E. Tripp Esq., St. Luke's, Haifa, Palestine.

Mr. Menahem Ussischkin, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem.

Dr. Moise Valera, Nachlat Shiva, .Jerusalem.

Miss A. Van Sommer, Nile Mission Press, Jerusalem.
1) Mr. Moise Vilbushevitz, P. 0. B. 136 Haifa, Palestine.

The Rev. P. S. "Waddy, St. George's Close, Jerusalem.
1) The Rev. P. N. Waggett, St. John the Evangelist, Cowley, Oxford, England.
1) Miss M. C. Warburton, British High School for Girls, Jerusalem.

Mrs. H. H. Way, Chalfont Cottage, Chalfont S. Peter, Bucks, England.

Dr. P. d'E. Wheeler, English Hospital, Jerusalem.

Mr. J. D. Whiting, American Colony, Jerusalem.

Miss F. M. AVillan, Girl's School, Haifa, Palestine.

Dr. AV. H. Worrell, Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford Seminary, New
York, U.S.A.

Prof. A. S. E. Yahuda, C-0 David Sassoon & Co., 9 King William Street,
London, W. C. 4.

Mr. David Yellin, Zichion Mosheh, Jerusalem,

Mr. Eliezer Yellin, Zichron Mosheh, Jerusalem.

Dr. Blanche Zehring, 309 E Linden Ave., Miannisburg, Ohio, U.S.A.

Mr. J. Ben Zevi, P. 0. B. 303, Jerusalem.

JOURNAL OF THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

VOL. II

/'l^'y

THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

JERUSALEM

Patrons:

H. E. Field Marshal the Viscount Allenby G.C.B., Gr.C.M.G.
H. E. THE Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel G.B.E.

Board of Directors:

Dr. W. F. Albright

The Right Rev. the Archbishop

Timotheus p. Themelis
Mr. Eliezer Ben Yehudah
The Rev. Herbert Danby
Dr. Nahum Slousch
Prof. J. Garstang
Le Rev. Pere Gaudens Orfali
Mr. Ronald Storrs

Editor of the Journal:

The Rev. Herbert Danby

Editorial Advisory Board:

Dr. W. F. Albright
Le Rev, Pere Dhorme
Mr. W. J. Phythian- Adams
Mr. David Yellin

President

Vice-President

Secretary

Treasurer

Director

THE JOURNAL

OF THE

PALESTINE
ORIENTAL SOCIETY

VOLUME 11
1922

JERUSALEM

PUBLISHED BY THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY

1922

PRINTED BY W. DRUGULIN, LEIPZIG (GERMANS)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abel, F.-M., 0. P. Le Tombeau d'lsaie 25

Le culte de Jonas en Palestine 175

Albright, W. F. The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 69

Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 110

Canaan, T. Byzantine Caravan Routes in the Negeb 139

Dhorme, p., 0. P. Un mot aryen dans le Livre de Job 66

El-Barqhdthi, Omar. Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine . . 34

Haddad, E. N. The Guest-House in Palestine 279

Mackat, E. J. A. Note on a Scene in Tomb 85 at Thebes 171

McCowN, 0.0. The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 1

Orfali, Gaodence, 0. F. M. La derniere periode de I'histoire de Capharnaiim 87

Phythian-Adams, W. J. Aiguptos : A Derivation and some Suggestions . . 94

Stephan, St. H. The Division of the Year in Palestine 159

Modern Palestinian Parallels to the Song of Songs 199

ScKENiK, L. The Ancient City of Philoteria (Beth Yerah) 101

ToLKowsKY, S. Aphek. A Study in Biblical Topography 145

Notes and Communications 184 284

Book Reviews 190

Report of the Treasurer of the Palestine Oriental Society 291

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 292

THE CHRISTIAN TRADITION AS TO THE MAGICAL

WISDOM OF SOLOMON

C. C. McCOWN

(JERUSALEM)

THE student of history frequently has to deal with traditions
whose origin and development are most puzzling. His method
of treating them must be determined by knowledge of other traditions
the course of whose growth is more easily followed. Few have a
richer and more varied documentation than that which glorifies the
wisdom of Solomon. It may well serve as an example of the manner
in which the human mind works in certain fields.

I. ITS PRE-CHRISTIAN BASIS

With the facts behind the tradition I am not concerned. The
reputation which the great king actually deserves may be left to
students of the Old Testament. The literary starting-point for the
legends that have developed touching the . king's wisdom is to be
found in 1 Kings 3, in the story of Solomon's dream, i In this
passage, as Benzinger well says, the writer has in mind the judicial
wisdom of the ruler. On the contrary in ch. 5 9 14 (4 29 34) he not
only thinks of "religious wisdom in practical life" but, in comparing
Solomon's wisdom with that of "the children of the East," and the
"wisdom of the Egyptians," he intends to imply that Solomon was
master of the magical and astrological knowledge in which the
ancients were supposed to excel.2 It is difficult to date precisely

' 1 Kings 3 4-14; paralleled without important changes in 2 Chr. 1 7-i3, except
that Solomon's superiority is promised only over other kmgs. The tradition has
not yet begun to grow.

2 As the book of Exodus, for example, testifies. See Benzinger's Konige
(1899) 23 f., on 1 Kings 5 9-x4.

2 Journal of the Palestine Oiiental Society

this earliest allusion to the magical knowledge of Solomon. But the
verses in question probably belong to the final redaction of the Book
of Kings. 1 In any case, since the passage is in the Septuagint, it
must have come into the Hebrew Bible two centuries or more before
the beginning of our era. Thus in leading circles of Palestinian
Judaism Solomon had thus early come to be accepted as a
magician.

Whether the interpolator of the passage thought of him also as
the author of magical books is less certain. Without doubt many
readers would understand wSat to mean, not psalms, but carmina,
incantations, and would take discourses "of trees" (vTrlp twv ^vXwv) to
include their medical, or what then amounted to the same thing,
their magical uses.^ These verses are an excellent example of "how
much wood is kindled by how small a fire," for they are the excuse
for the ascription to Solomon of a whole library of books on almost
every conceivable subject.

How shall we explain the development of the relatively simple
story of the dream of Solomon into the much more complicated and
detailed claims of this passage? It seems to me most natural to
suppose that already in his lifetime Solomon had enjoyed a reputation
for proverbial wisdom and that by the time these verses were written
collections of proverbs and verses dealing with some of the subjects
enumerated were already in circulation. This must remain, however,
only an assumption, for no decisive proof is at hand.^

Indeed Wisdom 7 n 22, the next reference to Solomon's magical
knowledge, makes no allusion to writings. But the context does not
call for it and the passage plainly involves a claim for the author
of knowledge of astrology, of the nature of beasts and spirits, as
well as of men, of the evepyeia o-roixftW, the Siacjiopal (fiVTwv, the Swd/xa?

piiwv and of "all things that are either secret or manifest." Thus a

1 So Benzinger, loc cit. Kautzsch, Heil. Schr. des AT, seems to imply that the
passage belongs to the earlier sources of Kings. Stade and Schwally in Haupt's
polychrome Hebrew Bible color it as a "non-Deuteronomic addition of unknown
origin." Steuernagel, Ein. AT 356 and Z^TPF 1910, 70, favors a very late date.

2 So Christian writers; see below p. 10.

3 For an analysis of 1 Kings 5 9-14 (4 29-34) see Salzberger, Georg, Die Salomo-
sage in der semitischen Literatur: ein Beitrag zur vergleicJwnden Sagenkunde.
I. Teil. Diss. Heidelberg. Berlin 1907, pp. 912, 9497, 99.

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 3

thoroughly educated and highly cultured Jew of the Dispersion inter-
prets the language of the Septuagint. To him such wisdom as the
Book of Kings claimed for Solomon necessarily implied a knowledge
of all the "science" of his day, and that included astrology, magic,
medicine, and sorcery. ^

An allusion to Solomon's authority over the demons is found in
a work of a very different sort, the Citharisnms regis David contra
daemonum Saidis, which Dr. James, the editor, assigns to the first
century of our era. David is represented as singing to the demon
which has possessed Saul: "Later times will demonstrate from what
race I was born, for hereafter there will be born from me one who
will control you."^ Dr. James says: "In this last sentence it seems
at first sight as though we had a prophecy of Messiah and possibly
a Christian touch. But a little consideration will show, I think, that
the 'vanquisher of demons' who is to spring from David is not Messiah,
l)ut Solomon the king of the Genies, the wizard" of Josephus and
the Testament of Solomon. ^

Josephus contributes the cornerstone of the Jewish foundation
upon which the Christian tradition regarding Solomon rests. Without
his explicit statements one might even be inclined to doubt the
foregoing interpretation of earlier writers. After repeating with
some embellishments the scriptural statements regarding Solomon's
wisdom and writings he adds: "God also gave him to know the art
that is used against the demons for help and healing to men. He
composed incantations by which diseases are rebuked and left kinds
of exorcisms by which demons are bound and driven away never to
return. And this treatment is most successful among us up to the
present time." And Josephus proceeds to relate how a certain
fellow-countryman of his, Eleazar, in the presence of Vespasian and
his court, expelled a demon from a man by "holding under the
nostrils of the demoniac his ring, which had under the seal one
of the roots indicated by Solomon," and by "mentioning Solomon
and repeating the incantations which he composed." "By this

1 I have followed the translation of Siegfried in Kautzsch, Apokr. u. Pseudep.
des AT 1 490, and Holmes in Charles, Apocr. and Pseudep. of the OT I 546.

2 Arguent autem tempora noua unde natus sum; de quo nascitur post tempus
de lateribus meis qui uos domavit.

3 Texts and Studies II, 3 (1893); Apocrypha Anecdota p. 183 and 184.

4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

event.'" he says, "the power and wisdom of Solomon are clearly-
established." 1

Josephus thus gives evidence of a living, popular tradition as to
Solomon magus. He also tells us that books were in circulation
giving his recipes. His very slight alteration of the biblical account
of the writings of Solomon is most instructive. It bespeaks a know-
ledge of what was .actually in circulation. Solomon, he says, "also
composed books of odes and songs, five besides the thousand and
three thousand books of parables and comparisons, for he spoke a
proverb upon every kind of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar, and
in the same manner also concerning beasts and all the terrestrial
animals and the aquatic and the aerial, for he was not ignorant of
the nature of any of them neither did he pass over any without
consideration, but philosophized on all and showed his knowledge of
their peculiar characteristics to be of the highest." -

It is possible that in speaking of "parables and comparisons"
(Trapa/SoXiov kol etKorojv) Joseplius is merely rhetorically tautological
and means nothing more than proverbs. But the word ekw, which
means "parable, comparison," as well as "image," was later used as
the title of works on the medicinal, or magical, virtues of plants,
such as the etKo;/es Kara a-roLxeiov of Pamphilus. It seems very likely
then that Albrecht Dieterich was right in supposing that Josephus
knew of works under such a title ascribed to Solomon. 3

' Tlap^crxe 5e avTi{j f-iadelu b debs /cat rrji' Kara tQiv dai/xdfuv t^x'^V ^'S uKpeXeiaf Kai
Oepatreiau rois dvdpunrois. 7cq>5ds re crvi/Ta^dfievos ah TrapijyopelTai rd voarifiara, Tpbwovs
i^opKuaewi' KariXiirev, oh iySo^ifieva (Naber: oi ipdoc/xevoL Niese) rd dai/xovia ws uriKir'
iTraveKdelv eKdidiKOva-i.. /cat ai'/rr] ix^xf- ^^v irap' r]fuy r) depairela TrXetcrroj' itrxi^ei iardpTficra
yap TLva 'EXedjapoj' tGiv 6/j.otpvXwv, OveaTraaLavoD irapovros Koi tQ>v vlCov avroO Kal x'-^'-'ipX'^''
Kal SXKov arpariuTiKov irKrjdovs