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Full text of "The journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland"

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PAISMDUM IWQTlTMTr 
'o I ! ! II I t 



THE JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



cA 



VOL. XLI. 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

$nf0ropofogtc<if Jnsfifufe of <0reaf (gnfain an5 Jrefani. 
50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C. 



All Rights Reserved. 



6.1K057' 



NOTICE. 

For convenience of reference, all volumes of the new (imperial octavo) series 
which hep.n in 1898 are numbered in continuation of the old demy octavo series 
N <>k I XXVI I. Thus Vol. I of the imperial octavo series = Vol. XXVIII of the 
old series; and the present Vol. XLl corresponds to N.S. Vol. XIV. 

The Index to the present volume includes an index to the Institute's monthly 
publication MAN for the year of issue 1911. 

GN 
2 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Keports of Council and Treasurer ... ... ... ... ... ... 1 

I. RISLEY, Sir HERBERT, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. Presidential Address : The 

Methods of Ethnography ... ... ... ... ... ... 8 

II. BARRETT, Captain W. E. H. Notes on the Customs and Beliefs of 

the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa ... ... .:. ... 20 

III. KEITH, ARTHUR, M.D. On Certain Physical Characters of the 

Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. (With Plates I-IV) 40 

IV. ROTH, Dr. WALTER E. Some Technological Notes from the 

Pomeroon District, British Guiana. Part III. (With Plates 
V-XIX) 72 

V. ASTLEY, H. J. DUKINFIELD, M.A., Litt.D. Cup- and Ring- 
Markings: their Origin and Significance ... ... ... ... 83 

VI. PARSONS, F. G., F.R.C.S. On Some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 

(With Plates XX, XXI) 101 

VII. TOUT, CHARLES HILL, F.A.E.S. Report on the Ethnology of the 
Okantlk'en of British Columbia, an anterior division of the Salish 
Stock 130 

VIII. TREMEARNE, Major A. J. N., B.A., F.R.G.S. Notes on Some 

Nigerian Tribal Marks. (With Plates XXII, XXIII) 162 

IX. BROWNLEE, JOHN, D.Sc. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing 
Race Mixtures into their Original Elements by the Mendelian 
Formula 179 

X. HEARD, W. B. Notes on the Yezidis 200 

XL LUSCHAN, Professor FELIX V., M.D., D.Ph. The Early Inhabitants 
of Western Asia. (The Huxley Memorial Lecture for 1911.) 
(With Plates XXIV-XXX1II) 221 

XII. TALBOT, P. A. The Buduma of Lake Chad. (With Plates XXXIV, 

XXXV) 245 

XIII. HAYES, Rev. J. W. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture 260 

XIV. WHYTE, G. DUNCAN, M.B. (Edin.), D.T.M. & H. (Cantab.). Notes 

on the Height and Weight of the Hoklo People of the Kwangtung 
Province, South China 278 

XV. GARBUTT, H. W. Witchcraft in Nyasa (Manganja) Yao (Achawa)... 301 

A 2 



i v CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
XVI. i:i;o\v\, R. GRANT, I.C.S. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, 

Burma. (With Plates XXXVI-XXXIX) ... ... 305 

XVII. KNOWI.KS. FRANCIS H. S., B.A., B.Sc. The Correlation between the 
Iiiterorbital Width and the other Measures and Indices of the 
Human Skull ... 318 

XVIII. DrrKwuKTii, \V. L. H, M.A., M.D., Sc.D. Cave Exploration at 

Gibraltar in September, 1910. (With Plates XL-XLIII) ... 350 

XIX. STRONG W. M., M. A., M.D. The Maisin Language ... ... 381 

XX. KAY, SIDXKY H. Comparative Notes on Maisin and other Languages 

of Eastern Papua 397 

XXL HOBLEY, C. W., C.M.G. Further Researches into Kikuyu and 

Kamba Religious Beliefs and Customs. (With Plate XLIV) ... 406 

XXII. ABBOTT, W. J. LEWIS, F.G.S. On the Classification of the British 
Stone Age Industries, and Some New, and Little Known, Well- 
marked Horizons and Cultures. (With Plates XLV-LXIV) ... 458 

XXIII. WEBSTER, BUTTON. Totem Clans and Secret Associations in 

Australia and Melanesia ... ... ... ... ... ... 482 

XXIV. O'BRIEN, MAJOR A. J., C.I.E. The Mohammedan Saints of the 

Indus Valley 509 

XXV. DAYRELL, E. Further Notes on 'Ngibidi Signs. (With Plates 

LXV-LXVII) ... 521 



MISCELLANEA. 
Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1911 53 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PLATES. 

To face page 
Physical Characters of the Negroes of the Congo Free State and 

Nigeria ... 70 

V-XIX. Technology of the Pomeroon District 82 

XX. Saxon Bones from Folkestone. Fig. 1, female Saxon skeleton. 
Fig. 2, male Saxon skeleton. Fig. 3, female Saxon skeleton 
showing side view of skull. Fig. 4, a double burial ... 128 

Saxon Bones from Folkestone. Fig. 1, general view of burial 
ground showing method interment. Fig. 2, skeleton buried 
with the legs flexed. Fig. 3, arms and 6rnaments found at 
Folkestone and now in the Folkestone Museum 128 



CONTENTS. V 

PLATES. To face page 
XXII, XXIII. Some Nigerian Tribal Marks 178 

XXIV. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs, 1, 2, Ibo, Kurd, 
Nimrud-Dagh, 1883. Figs. 3, 4, Bako, Kurd, Nimrud-Dagh, 
1883 ... " 244 

XXV. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Fig. 1, Sulo, "Kurd," 
atypical, Kiakhta. Fig. 2, Armenian, Aint'ab. Figs, 3, 4, 
Habib, Ansariyeh, Scanderoon .... ... .., ... 244 

XXVI. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs. 1, 2, Nedshib 
Huri, " Arab," Shuafat, Lebanon. Figs. 3, 4, Abrahim Ibn 
Said, " Arab," Beyroot 244 

XXVII. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs. 1, 2, Anneseh, 
Bedouin from near Baghdad. Figs. 3, 4, Anneseh, Bedouin 
from near Mossoul ... ... ... ... ... ... 244 

XXVIII. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs. 1, 2, Hadschi 
Suleiman, Mahometan, Girmeh (KPHMNA). Figs. 2, 3, 
AH Tshaush, Mahometan, Aghlasan (SEAFH) 244 

XXIX. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs. 1, 2, Georgios 
Konstantinou, Greek, Levissi. Figs. 3, 4, Georgios Glinis, 
Greek, Tinos 244 

XXX. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs. 1, 2, Stepan, 
Armenian Kessab, Djebel Akrah, Figs. 3, 4, Kyriakos, 
Armenian, Djebel Akrah ... ... ... ... ... 244 

XXXI. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Figs, a, b, c, Hittite 

divinities, Sendjirli, Syria 244 

XXXII. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Fig. 1, Hittite God and 
king, Ibriz (with Hittite inscription). Figs. 2, 3, King 
Barrekub of Samkl and queen, about 730 B.C. (with Semitic 
inscription) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 244 

XXXIII. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. Fig. 1, skull of 

Tahtadji from near old Kadyanda, Lycia. Fig. 2, skull of 
typical Armenian. Fig. 3, skull of Bedouin from near 
Palmyra. Fig. 4, skull of modern "Greek," Adalia ... 244 

XXXIV. The Buduma of Lake Chad. Figs. 1, 2, Guria Buduma, Island 

of Kumu. Figs. 3, 4, 5, Madjagodia Buduma, Island of 
Bulariga. Fig. 6, Buduma house at Kumu, Lake Chad ... 259 

XXXV. The Buduma of Lake Chad. Fig. 1, Kotoko canoe in which the 
expedition crossed Lake Chad. Fig. 2, Buduma boat with 
cattle, Lake Chad. Fig. 3, Buduma swimming on Ambach 
float. Fig. 4, frame of mosquito shelter, Lake Chad. Fig. 5, 
Buduma encampment, mouth of the Shari ... ... ... 259 

XXXVI. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. Fig. 1, a group 
of Tamans. Fig. 2, group of Malins at Malm. Fig. 3, 
Heinsun, near Xaungmo, a Naga village ... ... ... 317 



v j CONTENTS. 

MJITW. T 1 

N XXVII. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. Fig. 1, Naga girl 
weaving at Heinsun. Fig. 2, Naga of Heinsun in full war 
equipment. Fig. 3, Mashatwen, Naga headman of Naungmo 317 

XXXVIII. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin. Figs. 1, 2, an old Taman of 
Tamanthi, Chindwin River. Figs. 3, 4, Maung Chein, 
Pawmaing of Tamanthi ... ... 317 

XXXIX. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin. Fig. 1, sacrificial shed. 
Fig. 2, bamboo basket-work representing human head. 
Fig. 3, high priest of the Tamans. Fig. 4, one end of 
sacrificial shed ... ... ... ... 317 

XL. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar in September, 1910. Fig. 1, 
sketch of Forbes' Quarry, Gibraltar, with cave. Fig. 2, 
from the brecciated talus adjoining Forbes' Quarry, No. 1, 
i-iili'iia climaeterica (marine) ; No. 2, purpura lapillus (marine) ; 
No. 3, area arabica (marine) ; No. 4, Mix rermiculata (terres- 
trial) ; No. 5, helix (1 species), terrestrial. The other 
specimens are the humerus of columba liria (rockdove), and 
part of the humerus of capra hircus (goat). Fig. 3, purpura 
Im'iiiaxfoma from Cave S. Fig. 4, No. 1, cyprwa pylum 
artificially perforated, from Cave S ; No. 2, delicate flint 
lamina from Cave S ; No. 3, part of an armlet or anklet of 
shell (?trit<m) from Cave S. Fig. 5, as in Fig. 12, showing 
opposite sides of specimens from Cave S. Fig. 6, fauna of 
Cave S, Nos. 1, 2, trochux ieisseltatus ; Nos. 3, 4, purpuiu 
litemaxtoma ; No. 5, purpura (? species). The remaining 
specimen is solen vagina ... ... ... ... ... 380 

XLI. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar in September, 1910. Fig. 1, 
stone implements and haematite block (No. 11) from Cave S ; 
No. 2, a typical Mousterian implement of quartzite. Fig. 2, 
stone implements of Mousterian type from Cave S. Fig. 3, 
stone cores (Nos. 1, 12) and hammerstone (No. 10) from 
Cave S. Fig. 4, fauna of Cave S. Fig. 5, distal aspects of 
ntocuneiform bones. Fig. 6, No. 1, stalagmite mass from 
floor of cave in Forbes' Quarry ; No. 2, stalagmite mass 
containing a land mollusc from floor of cave in Forbes' 
Quarry. Fig. 7, stone implements and chips from Cave S 380 

XMI. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar in September, 1910. Fig. 1, 
Two views of the right astragalus from Cave S. Fig. 2, 
sections of tibia. Fig. 3, tracings of right human tibia from 
Cave S. Fig. 4, front and back views of right tibia from 
Cave S 380 

XLIII. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar in September, 1910. Fig. 1, 
front views of Cro-magnon tibia. Fig. 2, tibiaj from Cave S 
compared with cast of a tibia from Cro-magnon. Fig. 3, 
remains of adult male human skeleton from Cave S. 
Figs. 4, .j, fauna of Cave S ... 380 



CONTENTS. Vll 

PLATES. To face page 

XLIV. Further Researches into Kikuyu and Kamba Religious Beliefs 
and Customs. Figs. 1-3, Kichandi and Kikuyu dancing 

gourds ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 457 

XLV-LXIV. On the Classification of the British Stone Age Industries, etc. ... 481 

LXV-LXVII. Further Notes on 'Nsibidi Signs 521 



BLOCKS IN THE TEXT. 

PACK 

Monuments to the deceased (Nos. 1, 2) ... ... ... ... ... ... 24 

Dance held to cure a person possessed of a devil ... ... ... ... ... 27 

Plan of the burial ground (Fig. 1) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 105 

Jar found on the left side of the head of a female Saxon (Fig. 2) ... .:. ... 105 

Average norma lateralis reconstructed from two female Folkestone Saxons 

compared with that of seven other female Saxons (Fig. 3) ... ... ... 112 

Cranial contour of Folkestone Saxons compared with those from elsewhere 

(Fig. 4) ... ... 113 

Norma verticalis of Folkestone Saxons compared with mediaeval English skulls 

(Fig. 5) ... ... 115 

Reconstruction of average of three female Folkestone Saxons (,Fig. 6) ... ... 116 

Photograph of female Saxon norma facialis (Fig. 7) ... ... ... ... 118 

Reconstruction of fifteen lower jaws of Folkestone Saxons (Fig. 8) ... ... 121 

Frequency of cephalic indices in a series of 179 adult male Greeks (Table I) ... 237 

Frequency of cephalic indices with Greeks, Turks and Jews (Table II) ... ... 238 

Diagram showing the heights most commonly met with amongst 1,021 individuals 

over 17 years of age (Fig. 1) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 279 

Diagram showing the influence of height upon the weight-height index (Fig. 2)... 280 

Diagram showing the influence of age upon the weight-height index (Fig. 3) ... 281 
Diagram showing the influence of age and of height upon the weight-height index 

(Fig. 4) 282 

Diagram showing the standing weights for each height according to three of the 

schemes referred to in text (Fig. 5) ... ... ... ... ... ... 282 

Plan of Sewell's cave (Cave S), Gibraltar (Fig. 1) ... 356 

Section of Sewell's Cave (Cave S) on XZ of plan (Fig. 1) (Fig. 2) 356 

Pictographs on a Kichandi Kikuyu dancing gourd ... ... ... ... 448-456 

'Nsibidi signs ... 531-536 



NOTE. In Vol. XL the illustrations on pp. 337, 339 and 347 were, by 
the courtesy of Dr. Marcel Baudouin, Secretaire General de la Societ<$ Prehis- 
torique de France, reproduced from Compte-Eendu Congres Prehistorique de 
France, 5th Session, Beauvais, 1909. 



JOURNAL 



OP THE 



ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.. 



KEPOET OF THE COUNCIL FOE 1910. 

The Council is happy to be able to report another year of substantial progress, 
and is pleased, to record the fact that 37 new fellows have been elected. The 
total membership now stands at 511. Amongst the new fellows, the Council 
is glad to welcome Mr. H. S. Kingsford, who (in the capacity of Assistant 
Secretary), for a period of over eight years, entirely devoted himself to advancing 
the interests of the Institute. 

The numerical gains and losses are expressed in the following table : 





' 60 
















'f-t 


it 


& 
g^ 


.i 


"Ell 


Ordinary Fellows. 


If 


c_ 
1 




Z2. 

-7 1 

ofn 

a 


II 

2^3 

r 


r o 5 

O-o 

H 

J 


Affiliate 
Societ 


E 4 -0 

CD "! (U 

ill 

S**! -Ji 

s 


Compound- 
ing. 


Subscrib- 
ing. 


I 1 




|l 


1 Jan., 1010 


41 


5 


40' 


1 


1 


78 


334 


412 


490 


Loss by death or 


-1 


^ 


-4 





_ 


-2 


-20 


-22 


-28 


resignation. 


















Since elected 


+ 3 





+ 2 


+ 1 


+ 4 


+ 1 


+ 30 


+ 37 


+ 47 




| 












1 Jan., 1911 


43 


4 


38 ; 


2 


5 


77 


350 


427 


511 



1 Of these 10 are also Ordinary Fellows. 
- Of these 8 are also Ordinary Fellows. 



VOL. XLI. 



2 Report of the Council for the year 1910. 

Among the losses which the Institute lias suffered through death are- 
Professor Paola Mantegazza, Honorary Fellow ; Mr. T. W. Saunders, Corresponding 
Fellow; Colonel George Earl Church, Mr. R. Fischer, Dr. T. M. Hocken, Mr. C. Letts, 
and Deputy-Surgeon-General F. M. Skues. 

Professor Mantegazza, who died on January 28th, was an honorary i 
long standing. His services to anthropology are well known to all Fellows. 
the time of his death, he was President of the " Societa Italiana cl'Antropologia, 
Etnologia e Psicologia comparata." 

Mr. T. W. Saunders, one of our few remaining corresponding fellows, was 
chiefly known as a geographer. In 1868 he became assistant geographer to the 
India Office, and for nearly twenty years, until his retirement, was fully occupied 
with his duties there, and the publication of many works on his own particular 

subject. 

Colonel George Earl Church, a fellow and one of the chief authorities on the 
tribes of Central South America, died on January 4th. He was the author of 
many papers dealing with the country to which he devoted the greater part of his 
interests, and was engaged upon a book dealing with its ethnography at the time 

of his death. 

In Mr. K. Fischer and Deputy-Surgeon-General F. M. Skues, the Institute 
loses two of its oldest members, both these gentlemen having been elected in 1866 
as members of the Anthropological Society. 

Dr. Hocken, one of our colonial members, was well known as a contributor of 
papers to the anthropological literature of the colonies, and the possessor of a large 
collection, illustrative of the ethnology of New Zealand. 

Anthropologists will also regret the loss of the following explorers and 
students, whose works have contributed much, directly or indirectly, to the study 
of mankind. l>y the death of Lieutenant Boyd Alexander, England loses one 
of the most intrepid explorers of the younger generation. Though his personal 
interests were mainly zoological, he contributed much to our general knowledge 
of Africa, and his published works contain material of great importance to students 
of anthropology. 

The death of Colonel C. II. Conder will be felt as a severe loss by all 
who take an interest in. the archaeology of the Near East. His many works are 
well known to fellows of this Institute, but those which perhaps brought him the 
greatest distinction were the volumes which contained his researches on the 
Ilittites. 

Mr. David Hanbury was well known as a traveller and explorer in North 
America; though he published little, he made several ethnographical collections, 
the most important of which he presented to the British Museum. 

Professor Au^uste Meitzen died at Berlin in January. He was well known 
aa a student of European ethnography, and his works were almost entirely confined 
to that sphere. 

Mr. Harmuzd Kassam, who died in September, though more of an explorer 



Report of the Council for the year 1910. 3 

than a student, had nevertheless, by his eminent services in the field, contributed 
much to the study of Mesopotamian archaeology . He was a native of Mosul, and 
it is interesting to note that he served his apprenticeship under Sir (then Mr.) 
Austin Layard. 

MEETINGS. 

During the year ending December 31st, 1910, twelve ordinary meetings were 
held. At these 16 papers were read : 9 dealing with ethnographical, 5 with 
archaeological, and 2 with physical subjects. Seven exhibitions of specimens 
were made. 

HUXLEY MEMORIAL MEDAL. 

The Huxley Memorial Medal was this year presented to Professor W. Boyd 
Dawkins. The title of his lecture, which was delivered on November 22nd, was 
" The Arrival of Man in Britain in the Pleistocene Age." 

PUBLICATIONS. 

During the year, two half-yearly parts of the Journal have been issued, viz., 
Vol. XXXIX, 2 (July-December, 1909), and Vol. XL, 1 (January-June, 1910). 
Of the former 88 copies were sold, and of the latter 84. 

With regard to Man, the usual twelve monthly parts have been issued. The 
sales show a considerable increase, and the Council is happy to record the fact that, 
for the first time in its history, the balance sheet shows a slight surplus. Owing, 
however, to the increased expenditure of the Institute, particularly in the matter 
of rent, the Council thinks that it would be unwise, for the present, to abandon 
the system under which members are asked to subscribe for Man. 

LIBRARY. 

The number of accessions to the library easily constitutes a record, amounting 
to 455 in all. The exchange list has been augmented by the addition of four 
foreign publications. 

A tentative rearrangement of the books on geographical lines has already been 
made, and steps are being taken to complete this, to prepare a new catalogue, and 
to compile a list of desiderata, with a view to filling up numerous gaps. The 
Council would be glad to receive from fellows any donation of works, dealing with 
anthropology, exploration, etc., which do not happen to be in the library. It is 
proposed that lists of desiderata be published from time to time in Man. 

BEQUEST. 

Mr. Ainericus Feathennan died on January 27th last, bequeathing his estate 
to the Institute in trust : (1) for the publication of the remaining volumes of his 
Social History of Mankind, and (2) for the foundation of a lectureship in 
connection with anthropology. 

B 2 



4 .nirr's Report for the year 1910. 

EXTERNAL. 

A memorial presented to His Majesty's Government, praying for an annual 
subsidy to the Institute, though sympathetically received, did not result in any 
material assistance being granted. The Council is now endeavouring to raise 
funds from other sources for the establishment of an Imperial Anthropometric 
Bureau. 

A Special Committee was appointed by the Council, to consider the possibility 
of extending an invitation to the International Congress of Americanists, to meet 
in London in 1912. The Committee having reported favourably, the invitation 
was sent, and accepted. The formation of an Organising Committee is now under 
consideration, and a number of distinguished gentlemen have promised their 
services. It will be necessary to raise a fund to meet the expenses incident to 
the entertainment of the Congress, and the Council will be glad to receive 
subscriptions towards that object. 



TREASURER'S KEPOET FOE THE YEAE 1910. 

On the 31st December, 1910, the assets of the Institute were as follows : 

s. d. s. d. 
Assets (not immediately realisable) : 

Books in Library, Publications, Furni- 
ture as per estimate of 1903 ... 885 

Realisable Assets : 

300 of Metropolitan Consolidated 

Stock, present value 301 10 

886 Burma Railway Stock, present 

value 963 10 6 

Balance at Bank 53 14 1 

Petty cash 010 

Arrears of subscriptions, 138 12s. Q</. 

valued at 65 

1,353 15 7 



Total Assets 2,238 15 7 

Against which there are liabilities: 

Anthropological Notes and Queries ... 68 10 8 
Library Fund 15 6 



Leaving a surplus, if all property were realised, 



83 16 8 



2,154 18 11 



Treasurer's Report for the year 1910. 

Considering only our immediately realisable assets : - 

s. d. 

These amount to 1,353 15 7 

Less 83 16 8 



1,269 18 11 

The state of ideal solvency also implies the following additional liabilities : 

s. d. 

Journal (1910) 325 

Man (December) 13 

Unexpended life subscriptions ... ... ... 378 



Total 716 

Our immediately realisable Reserve Fund is ... 1,269 18 11 



Showing a surplus in our Eeserve Fund of ... ... 553 18 11 

THE FINANCIAL POSITION OF THE INSTITUTE. 

The total receipts of the Institute are 118 more than last year. 

The receipts from annual subscriptions are 62 more. 

The receipts from the Journal are 7 less, and from Man 27 more than 
last year. 

The total expenditure is 256 more than last year, an increase due mainly to 
the purchase of an epidiascope (92), increase in rent and housekeeping (46), 
increase in salaries (60), increase in cost of printing and stationery (25). 

Many of these increases are of a temporary nature, and if our membership 
continues to increase as in past years, we may expect next year to find our receipts 
more than equal to our expenditure, notwithstanding the increased annual cost 
of our new premises. 

J. GRAY, Hon. Treasurer. 



6 Treasurer's Report for the year 1910. 

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 

Receipts and Payments 

RECEIPTS. t. d. *. d. t. d. 

BALANCES in band, January 1st, 1910 : 

Balance at Bank 238 8 7 

Petty cash 1 14 9 

Deposit at Bank 1000 

1240 3 4 

Less Balances owed as per 1909 Account : 

Library Fund 128 

"Notes and Queries" 68 4 8 

69 7 4 

SUBSCRIPTIONS : 1170 16 & 

Current 612 3 

Arrears 48 6 3 

Advance 33 12 

Life 31 10 

Affiliation 100 

726 11 3 

Less Refunds 440 

Postdated Draft 220 

660 

720 5 3 

SALE or JOURNAL 175 2 7 

Less Refund from Petty Cash 12 

174 10 7 

SALE OF HUXLBT LECTURES 374 

177 17 11 

" MAN " 

Net receipts 163 17 5 

Postage, etc., paid out of gross receipts 22 2 3 

185 19 8 

ADVERTISEMENTS in " Man " 15 

DIVIDENDS and Interest 28 16 4 

LIBRARY FUND : 

P.alitnce, January 1st, 1910 128 

.". ""'" 066 

30 

31 9 2 

Less Binding and Books 16 3 2 

l. r > 6 0- 

"NOTBS AND QUERIES": 

Balance 68 4 8 

Received, 1910 g 

68 10 8 

HOBLET'S "UGANDA" 24 10 7 

BIBLIOGRAPHY " ..._J.!.Z.'!"."."!"! 52 19 

[PORT OK A.NTHROi'OMETRIC COMMITTEE " 11 11 7 

SUNDRIES .............!. 24 17 (> 

2,482 5 6 



Treasurer's Report for the year 1910. 7 

OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 

for the Year 1910. 

PAYMENTS. ,. d. s. d. 

RENT 176 10 

Less rent received 900 

167 10 

JOURNAL 326 10 10 

Less refund 14 

325 16 10 

ADVERTISING 11 8 

"MAN" .'...'.'.'.'.' 181 17 n 

Postage, etc 22 2 3 

204 2 

SALARIES 192 17 5 

HOUSEKEEPING 39 o 10 

STAMPS AND PARCELS 50 (j 10 

PRINTING AND STATIONERY 73 15 9 

LANTERN \. 106 15 7 

INSURANCE . 254 

TRAVELLING 4 12 3 

GRANT TO LIBRARY 30 

HUXLEY MEDAL AND LECTURE 7 13 n 

HOBLEY'S " UGANDA " : 

Balance as per contra 24 10 7 

Less received in 1910 2 12 

21 18 7 

BIBLIOGRAPHY : 

Balance as per contra 5219 

Less received in 1910 19 4 

51 19 8 
REPORT OF THE ANTHROPOMETRIC COMMITTEE: 

Balance as per contra 11 11 7 

Less received in 1910 3 13 1 

7 18 6 

REPAIRS AND FITTINGS TO PREMISES 46 14 3 

TELEPHONE 6 10 

LEGAL EXPENSES 17 19 o 

TYPEWRITING 2 3 11 

INVESTMENT IN BURMA BAILWAY STOCK 1000 

SUNDRIES 57 3 7 

BALANCE at Bank 5314 1 

PETTY CASH 010 

53 15 1 



2,482 5 6 



We have examined the above accounts and compared them with the Books and Vouchers 
relating thereto, and find the same to be accurate. 

,o- ix RANDALL H. PYE, 

.S.gned) ORMONDE M . D ALTON,} 4 <#*- 

January \2lh, 1911. 



PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS. 



THE METHODS OF ETHNOGRAPHY. 

BY SIR HERBERT EISLEY, K.C.I.E., C.S.I. 

I NEED not remind the Members of the Institute that a few months ago we were 
invited by the Colonial Office to form a special committee for the purpose of 
advising as to the use that should be made of the ethnographic material 
collected by Mr. Northcote W. Thomas in Nigeria, and on the large question of 
prosecuting further researches of the same kind in West Africa. Many of us will 
also remember that the committee appointed by the Treasury, in 1907, to consider 
the organisation of Oriental studies in London, laid stress on the importance of 
studying the character, the religion, the customs, and the social organisation of the 
various peoples who come under British rale. This recognition of the direct 
bearing of anthropology, in the widest sense, on the administrative problems of 
the Empire, has suggested to me that the present is an opportune occasion to 
set down some of the conclusions that may be thought to arise from the 
experience gained in India of ethnographic inquiries conducted on a definite 
scheme in a large and populous country. Perhaps my best plan will be, first to 
describe the operations actually carried out in India, and then to consider how far 
these afford useful guidance for similar undertakings elsewhere. 

In August, 1882, Sir William Plowden, then Census Commissioner for India. 
reported that in the course of the census of 1881 an endeavour had been made to 
obtain on a uniform method statistics of the castes and occupations found 
throughout British India. He suggested that lists of these groups should be 
compiled for each district, showing the vernacular designations used by the 
enumerators in filling up the original returns, and that the local officials should 
then be asked " to ascertain from the best authority in their district the 
peculiarities of each caste, or occupation, and by what names, if any, in other 
]i.irts of the country it is known to those who belong to it." When these 
inquiries had been completed it was proposed to publish " a brief abstract 
niilxxlyin^ the results of the inquiry as a supplement to the lists." Sir William 
r.owden thought that "with a little care and attention, this might be completed 
in every province in India, on a really useful basis, by the end of another two 
Hi at the outside, and the advantage of lioving such information at hand at the 
next census of India requires no comment." 



Presidential Address. 9 

The Government of India, as then constituted, rose to the occasion. They 
evinced a benevolent interest in Sir William Plowden's proposal, and even went 
so far as to hazard the opinion that if it were efficiently carried out the results 
would be of great value. They made it plain, however, that they would not spend 
a penny on the operations, and that they would not allow the provincial govern- 
ments to spend much ; and they threw out the encouraging suggestion that as the 
work was not of an urgent nature it could " probably be undertaken by the officers 
selected, in addition to their ordinary duties." With this dubious benediction they 
laid the matter on the knees of the local divinities. Here it fared very much as 
might have been expected. Most of the local governments regarded it as an 
administrative luxury, and took no action at all ; two jumped at the idea of 
getting the thing done for nothing in the intervals of ordinary work ; and one 
alone realised, thanks to the insight and initiative of the late Mr. Colman Macaulay, 
C.I.E., that it was worth doing thoroughly and at once. 

In proposing to the Government of India in January, 1884, that I should be 
employed for two years to collect and compile information on the lines indicated 
by Sir William Plowden, the Bengal Government referred to the rapid effacement 
of the old aboriginal faiths, the changes that were being brought about by 
the opening of communications, the increase in the facilities for travel, and 
the spread of education. "There is nothing to be gained," they said, "and 
much to be lost by postponing this important work. If it is not undertaken 
now, a mass of information of unsurpassed interest will be lost to the world." 
My selection to carry out these researches was due, I believe, to the accident 
that as a district official in the picturesque highlands of Chutia Nagpur, I had been 
thrown much in contact with the Santal and Bhumij tribes, and had settled a 
prehistoric land dispute and removed administrative difficulties in which the 
tribes played a prominent part. These experiences are curious enough to justify 
some digression. Thirty years ago I was placed in charge of a rather primitive 
subdivision, which has since been entirely transformed by the advent of two 
railways, and the opening of innumerable coal mines. In those days there was 
only one road, and that a bad one ; no one spoke any English, and the Santals, 
when they gave evidence in court, took a weird oath on a fragment of a tiger's 
skin, tied to the railing of the witness box ; on this they apostrophised the demons 
of the sun and moon, to the effect that if they swore falsely they might be eaten 
by the tiger demon, not the mere physical tiger, but the spiritual archetype of all 
tigers that be. My attention was further drawn to them by the repeated appearance 
in rent suits and criminal cases relating to land, of a Hindu money lender and land 
grabber, whose head was swathed in muslin bandages so that only his eyes and 
mouth were visible. Some years before, he had harried a Santal village beyond 
endurance, and they had cut him up with their little curved axes, and left him for 
dead. Money lenders, however, are proverbially tenacious of life, and he made a 
wonderful recovery ; but he was so disfigured that he could never show his face 
again. The land dispute which had led to this and many other acts of violence, 



JQ Presidential Address. 

turned out to be one of immemorial antiquity, which Colonel Dalton had tried in 
vain to settle some twenty years before my time. It affected fifty-two Santal 
villages, and its main difficulty consisted in the fact that there was no unit of 
superficial measurement. The idea of an acre was unknown, and rent was assessed 
by the muri, or the amount of land that was supposed to be capable of taking some 
fifty pounds of seed. This was judged by the eye, when or by whom nobody knew, 
and each muri consisted of a number of plots scattered all over the parish, and 
varying year by year as the occupier took in a fresh piece or allowed a strip to fall 
out of cultivation. Eventually, by cautious diplomacy, I induced the Santals to 
let me measure their land, and assess rents by area and quality. The economic 
chaos and agrarian strife that had prevailed for generations was ended by a formal 
agreement between them and their landlord, which I believe still holds good. 
A year or so later the same question arose among the Bhumij tribe in a large 
estate covering some 800 square miles of country, where a European firm holding a 
long lease from the local raja, a Hinduised Bhumij, were attempting to assert their 
legal rights by measuring holdings and assessing rents in the regular fashion. But 
a rent law which assumes the existence of normal conditions is not an ideal 
instrument for dealing with conditions wholly abnormal, and the position soon became 
so impossible that both parties entreated me to arbitrate and fix fair rents. Unhap- 
pily before this stage was reached arrows were flying about, business arrows with leaf- 
shaped heads of local iron, sharp as razors. One of the European agents of the 
firm had the narrowest escape imaginable, and his native factotum, a corpulent and 
pacific Bengali, was shot in the stomach with an arrow, which penetrated 8 inches, 
but failed to reach the peritoneum through the layer of fat which protected it. 
When this incident occurred I was in camp some thirty miles oft', staying with 
a charming old gentleman who had served under Sir William Sleeman in his 
<-:impaign against the Thugs. We were out for a walk, concerting a beat for bears, 
when ;ui agitated letter readied me stating the facts and asking me to come to the 
factory. I translated the letter to my friend, who knew no English, and asked 
whether the arrow would have been poisoned. He said, " Certainly not," and when 
I reminded him that I was continually paying rewards for tigers, leopards and bears 
that had been killed by poisoned arrows shot from a spring-bow set on their tracks, he 
replied without hesitation that the poison that was fatal to a tiger would have no effect 
upon a man. It did not seem discreet to impugn the accuracy of this queer belief, 
and I let tl; matter drop 

In the course n!' my neu<ociations with the Santals I made friends with the 
heads of their irihal oiganisation, and was thereby enabled to settle a serious 
difficulty that arose in connection with the census of 1881. During the preliminary 
stages of that census there were circulated all over the Santal and Kol country 
mysterious slips of paper, calling on the people not to plough on Sundays, to kill 
all their chickens and all their white goats, and to await the coming of the guru. 
After some time, when men's minds had been sufficiently troubled, the guru 
appeared on the scene, a Warded cripple, with withered legs no bigger than a 



Presidential Address. 11 

child's, who was carried about by his disciples seated on a long box, which he 
called his throne. Like Paracelsus, he had a wonder-working sword, and in the 
Ranchi district he caused a mango tree to grow to a respectable size in a single 
night. Soon after he had wrought this miracle, and while his followers were 
engaged in putting a railing round the tree, he was arrested under my orders and 
was deported to Lucknow for interfering with the census and stirring up land 
troubles. When he was brought in by a body of armed police, we found in his 
" throne " about 200 in cash, and a quantity of jewellery worth a substantial sum. 
His experiment in spiritual advertisement had therefore proved lucrative. A few 
months after his departure the results of his meddling were seen. The Santals 
and several cognate tribes were seized with unreasoning panic, deserted their 
villages, took refuge in the jungle, and announced their intention of staying there 
until the census was over. 

This was the position that confronted me on my return from a fortnight's 
leave. I sent for my friends among the Santal headmen and, having loosened their 
tongues with whisky, extracted from them the amazing story that a strong acid had 
been sent out from England for the purpose of branding the entire tribe in a highly 
indelicate fashion. The men were then to be sent to the frontier to carry hospital 
litters, and the women were to be distributed among the tea gardens in Assam. 
On being asked whether they believed this rubbish they looked foolish and 
wriggled their toes (a well known sign of embarrassment), and replied that 
everyone said the story was true, and if it was not, why were they being counted ? 
Then it was my turn to ask questions : " Had there not been famines in 1866 
and 1874 ? " " Certainly there had, and many Santals had died." " Why did 
they die ? " " Because there was no rice." " Did not the government give rice ? " 
" Yes, but not enough." " Well, if you are not counted how is the government to 
know how many of you want rice ? " " That's the reason, is it ? " " Of course it is, 
and if you are not back in your villages within a week there will be 110 rice for you 
when the next famine comes." 

They were all back in three days, and I am by no means sure that some of 
them were not counted twice over. They were quite sharp enough for that, though 
in a neighbouring district I found some of them curiously backward in the matter 
of counting themselves. I was in camp in a locality where the enumeration of houses 
(an essential preliminary of a census) was in serious arrear, and the sab-inspector of 
police who was responsible for the work, excused himself on the ground that the 
Santal village watchmen could not count more than about five. This sounded impro- 
bable, so 1 had a dozen of them sent for and questioned them myself. When asked 
how many houses there were in his village, one man after another either could not 
answer or made some wild guess that was palpably worthless. The difficulty, 
therefore, was a real one ; the villages were scattered over a huge area ; it would have 
taken days to send a regular constable round to count them ; and the sub-inspector 
was evidently delighted at the impasse. Luckily for my reputation for resource 
a dim memory passed through my mind of the trouble that some traveller, I think 



12 

Sir Francis Gallon, had had in bartering fcobftOca for sheep. He was paying 
twenty sticks of tobacco for ten sheep, and the only way of convincing the seller 
that he was not being swindled was to tether the sheep in a row and to deposit 
two sticks of tobacco in front of each sheep. Following this precedent, I gave one 
of the Santals a handful of pebbles and told him to put one down for each house 
in his village. This he did willingly, mentioning the householder's name in each 
case, and arranging the pebbles in front of him so as to present a rough plan of 
the 'village. When I asked him how many pebbles he had got (there were about 
twenty) he replied indignantly, " How should I know ? " But if the village 
watchmen could not count- the regular police could, and the house census of about 
500 square miles of wild country was completed by the primitive method of 
requiring those whose arithmetical sense was imperfectly developed to send in 
returns of houses in the form of a handful of stones. 

My digression has been a lengthy one, but it may serve the useful purpose of 
illustrating the wide range of the inquiry that had to be undertaken. The 
population to be dealt with numbered over seventy millions, and comprised at one 
nd animistic races, like the Santals, with no writings of any kind, no organised 
priesthood, and no traditions of the smallest historical value : at the other end 
were the higher castes of Hindus, with all the treasures of Sanskrit literature 
behind them, and an elaborate system of law and custom, based upon that 
literature, regulating every incident of their daily life. In these circumstances, it 
was obviously impossible to follow in the footsteps of earlier workers in the same 
field and rely mainly upon personal inquiry and observation. That, of course, 
is the more excellent way, but their experience had shown that it must fail to 
cover the ground within any reasonable time. Buchanan's inquiries lasted for seven 
years, and extended only to seven districts of Bengal. Colonel Dalton's Drv,y///<-'' 
Kthiiology, based mainly upon his personal observations during many years of 
district work, was confined, for the most part, to the tribes of Assam and Chutia 
Nau'pur, and did not touch the vast population of the plains. Dr. Wise worked 
!'<>r ten years on the people of Eastern Bengal, but his researches were limited to 
the district of Dacca, and his modesty deterred him from publishing the results 
himself. It was accordingly decided to organise the inquiry on lines which should 
render it possible to enlist the assistance of persons who were interested in the 
subject, and were, in a position to collect trustworthy information. Through the 
agency of the District Officers, supplemented by my own efforts, we secured the 
services of nearly tuo hundred correspondents, scattered over every district of 
llengal, and communicating in their turn with an indefinite number of represen- 
tatives of the tribes and castes forming the subject of inquiry. Each correspondent 
was supplied with sets of questions, based to a large extent on those drawn up 
under the authority o i' the Institute, and framed with the object of adapting the 
methods sanetioned l.y Kuropcan men of science to the special conditions which 
hu\e to In- taken account of in India. 

! lorn the first, special attention was paid to the usages connected with 



Presidential Address, 13 

marriage, as effecting the internal structure of the various social groups. This 
brought to light the prevalence, over a large area, of a system of totemisrn,. 
closely connected with exogamy, and displaying only faint traces of the religious 
element which is conspicuous in other parts of the world. A vast number of 
endogamous and exogamous groups were discovered, and their working was 
analysed, and the survey further disclosed the important part that is played by 
hypergamy in the evolution of new castes. 

At an early stage of the operations it became clear that the investigation of 
purely social phenomena would fail to elucidate the true affinities of the population, 
and recourse was had, under the advice and guidance of Sir William Flower,, 
formerly President of the Institute, to anthropometric methods. These rendered 
it possible to distinguish three main types the Mongoloid, the Dravidian,. 
and the Indo-Aryan which had contributed, in varying degrees, to the making 
of the peoples of Bengal. By determining these types, we obtained a scientific 
basis for classifying the more important groups, and we were then in a 
position to assign places to the minor groups, with reference to their known 
affinities. 

In the process of collating social and physical data, some curious corres- 
pondences between the two sets of facts came to notice. Where the Dravidian 
element was strong, it was found that if a series of castes was arranged in the 
order of the nasal index so that the caste with the finest average nose should be at 
the top, and that with the coarsest at the bottom of the list, the gradation thus 
arrived at corresponded substantially with the accepted order of social precedence. 
It sounds paradoxical to say that, in certain localities, social status varies with 
the mean relative width of the nose, but there can be no question as to the fact, and 
the reason is plain. The proportions of the nose are the measure of the infusion 
of Dravidian blood, and the Dravidians rank at the bottom of the social scale. In 
the Himalayan region, a similar correspondence was observed between the orbito- 
nasal index and the social position of certain tribes, those with the lowest index 
having the largest intermixture of Mongolian blood, and taking the lowest place in 
the caste system. Nor were these the only points in which the two sets of 
observations the social and the physical bore out and illustrated each other. In 
the Chutia Nagpur country, and in Western Bengal, where totemism was most 
prevalent, totemistic exogamous divisions were found to be associated with a high 
nasal index, and to disappear gradually with the change of physical type, until in 
the higher ranks of the system, the exogamous groups bore the names of the 
eponymous saints and heroes characteristic of Aryan traditions. There is, however, 
a tendency, as tribes become absorbed in the Hindu system and adopt Hindu 
standards of respectability, for the totem names to be abandoned and more 
distinguished designations to be adopted. Thus we found castes with a mixed 
assortment of exogamous group-names, some totemistic and others eponymous, 
pointing to a gradual evolution, under the pressure of social conditions, in the 
direction of what was deemed to be the superior type. To adopt a set of eponymous 



14 Presiili-ntinl Address, 

ui oup-names is the Indian analogue of going to the Heralds' College for a pedigree 

and crest. 

The survey gained much in system and completeness from being liased upon 
the returns of the census of 1881. This made it possible to assign to each 
correspondent particular cases for inquiry, and incidentally led to curious 
discoveries. There was found, for example, in Orissa a small caste, called Chattar- 
Khai or " Kitchen-eater," consisting of people who lost their caste in the famine 
of 1866 because they were driven by hunger to eat food cooked in relief-kitchens 
or Chattras. These unfortunates, being cut off from the social system in which 
they had been brought up, and disabled from contracting marriage in the ordinary 
way, had formed themselves into a new caste under the pressure of necessity. Hut 
in doing so they had conformed as closely as possible to the standard principles. 
Although the entire caste bore the name Chattar-Khai it was rigidly divided into 
two sub-castes an upper and a lower and intermarriage between the members of 
these was prohibited. The higher group comprised Brahmans and members of 
those castes from whom a Brahman can take water ; the lower group was open to 
all castes ranking below these in the social scale. The caste was a small one, and 
had it not been for the scrutiny to which the census returns were subjected by the 
local correspondents under my supervision, its existence would probably never 
have been brought to notice. As it is, it stands out as a remarkable illustration of 
the tenacity and adaptability of the caste instinct qualities which go far to 
account for the persistence of the system under very varying conditions. 

Side by side with the work of the correspondents, independent researches were 
carried on as occasion offered. One of the most interesting of these was concerned 
with the Maghaya Doms, a reputed criminal tribe, whose identity with the European 
Gypsies has been surmised on the ground of the philological affinity between the 
names Doin and Rom or Romany. I found a number of these people in the Central 
Jail at Buxar in Behar, where they were serving long terms of imprisonment for 
burglary. Under these conditions they found it a welcome relief from penal labour 
to squat on the floor of the jail office and rehearse for me the ritual ordained for 
observance by those who go forth to commit a burglary ; and as several batches 
<pf them, brought in one after the other with no opportunity for consultation, 
performed this weird ceremony in exactly the same way, there is no reason to 
suppose that, they improvised it for my edification. The object of veneration 
on these occasions is Sansari Mai, whom some suppose to be a form of the 
_'odde>s Kali, but who seems rather to be the Earth-mother known to most 
primitive religions. No image, not even the lump of clay so often used to 
-yml.olise Deity, is set up to represent the goddess: a circle, one span and four 
fingers in diameter, i* drawn on the ground, and smeared smooth with cow dung. 
Sitting in front of this, the worshipper gashes his left arm with the curved 
I>"in knife, and daubs five streaks of blood with his finger, in the centre of the 
circle, praying in a low voiec that a dark night may aid his designs, that his booty 
may be ample, and that he and his gang may escape detection. The parallel 



Presidential Address. 15 

to the Eoman Laverna seems fairly complete. It may be added that several of the 
Doms whom I saw in jail had their left arms scarred from shoulder to wrist 
by the assiduous worship of the tribal divinity. The existence of such a ritual is 
not merely curious in itself, but also suggests a conclusion of some practical value. 
It may well be that the professional activities of a so-called criminal tribe do not 
extend to the very large number of persons who bear the name of the tribe, but 
are confined to those who worship a particular deity, or practise a special ritual. 
This distinction occurs also among the Mahomedan Hurs in Sind, the criminal 
section of whom worship a special saint or Pir in a particular way, while those 
who do not worship this saint are not professional criminals. These instances are 
all that I know of, but the whole subject of the criminal tribes of India is extremely 
obscure, and it seems worth while to consider any suggestion that would simplify 
the problem of dealing with them by reducing its numerical dimensions. 

The operations of which I have attempted to give you a brief description, 
embraced only the province of Bengal as then constituted. Shortly before the 
results were published, an endeavour was made, supported by this Institute, by 
the Universities of Cambridge and Edinburgh, and by the Anthropological Society 
of Berlin, to extend similar inquiries to the other provinces of India. It was 
pointed out that in India a highly organised administrative body of the most 
modern type carries on the work of government in constant and close contact with 
people whose beliefs and observances present examples of all stages and varieties 
of primitive culture, and who, nevertheless, show no signs either of dying out 
themselves or of parting with their most characteristic usages and superstitions. 
This state of things offers peculiarly favourable opportunities for the formation of 
a trustworthy record of primitive custom and tradition, which would possess high 
value for students of the early history of institutions. It was hoped that in all 
grades of the administration, officers, both European and Indian, would be found who 
would take a genuine interest in the investigation of social phenomena, and would 
be prepared to assist actively in collecting ethnographic data in addition to their 
official duties. The scheme suggested for this purpose was commended to the 
provincial governments by the Government of India, and bore fruit six years 
later in Mr. Crooke's admirable volumes on the Tribes and Castes of the North 
West Provinces and Oudh, the territories now known as the United Provinces. 

There matters rested until 1901, when a further advance was made at the instance 
of the British Association. Lord Curzon's Government then obtained the sanction 
of the Secretary of State to a scheme for a comprehensive ethnographic survey of 
the customs of the most important tribes and castes in India, on the lines that had 
been followed in Bengal. The survey was to be conducted in each province under 
the orders of the local government, by a selected officer called Superintendent of 
Ethnography, who was to receive an allowance of 160 a year for carrying on the work 
in addition to his ordinary duties. The Superintendent was to correspond with the 
district officers, whose obligations were as a rule to be limited to ascertaining what 
persons in their district were acquainted with the religion, customs, and traditions 



16 J 

of particular trites and castes, and to putting those persons in communication with 
the superintendent. Having thus secured a number of local correspondents, the 
auperintendent was to furnish them with a set of questions, prescribed for general 
use, stating the points on which information was required. Provision was also 
made for the grant of honoraria for approved monographs on particular castes, 
tribes, or sects by persons possessing special knowledge. The scope of the survey 
included : 

1. Ethnography, or the systematic description of the history, structure, 

traditions, religions, and social usages of the various races, tril.es, 
and castes in India. 

2. Anthropometry, or measurements directed to determining the physical 

types characteristic of particular groups. 

The material collected under the first head, supplemented by personal inquiries 
and by researches into the considerable mass of information that lies buried in 
official reports, in the journals of learned societies, and in various books, was to be 
worked up by the Superintendents of Ethnography into systematic accounts of the 
tribes and castes of their provinces in the form adopted in Bengal and the United 
Provim 

The second head, Anthropometry, which requires some technical knowledge, 
was entrusted for the south of India to Mr. Thurston, Superintendent of the Central 
Museum, Madras ; and for the rest of India to me. I also undertook to draw up 
a standard set of ethnographic questions, for use in all provinces, to determine 
what tribes and castes should be measured, and in what way ; to settle in 
consultation with local governments the form in which the results of the ethno- 
graphic inquiries should be recorded ; and generally to advise on all questions that 
might arise. To have assumed more minute control would have involved undue 
interference with the arrangements of the local governments, who were made 
responsible for carrying out the scheme. 

The anthropometric branch of the survey may be regarded as complete in the 
sense that a considerable mass of measurements have been collected and published 
from time to time, and the conclusions which they suggest have been provisionally 
formulated. Until these conclusions have been formally examined by competent 
critics and the points demanding further inquiry indicated, it would be useless to 
accumulate further data. I may add that the measurements published by me in 
1891 were taken and compiled under instruction given by Flower, Topinard, and 
Yirehow, and that the conclusions derived from them were stated in the journal of 
ill'- Institute and examined and accepted by many authorities at the time. They 
have since been confirmed by Sir William Turner's craniological monographs, pub- 
lished by the Koyal Society of Edinburgh. The further hypotheses suggested by the 
later measurements, Mr. Thurston's for Madras, and mine for Bombay, Baluchistan, 
and Burma, have been developed in the report on the census of India, 1901, in 
the chapter on ethnology and caste in the first volume of The Indian Empire, and 



Presidential Address. 17 

in The People of India, 1908. Including the measurements published by 
Colonel Waddell, for Assam, and the Eastern Himalayas ; by Sir Thomas Holland, 
K.C.I.E., for Coorg and Kulu ; and by myself for Ceylon, and the Hunza-Nagar 
country, I think it may be said that the ground has been fairly covered by the 
only method applicable to so vast a population that of selecting characteristic 
tribes, and measuring a sufficient number of specimens to determine the type. In 
conducting the later series of measurements (Bombay, Burma, and Baluchistan), I 
had the advantage of the invaluable assistance of Sir William Turner, whose 
instructions were followed throughout. Here I desire to acknowledge the 
admirable services rendered by Eai B. A. Gupte Bahadur, F.Z.S., who made the 
actual measurements and whose energy and enthusiasm led him into the deserts of 
Mekran on the west and the Shan States on the east in quest of subjects. 

It was the intention of Lord Curzon's Government that the ethnographic 
portion of the survey should be finished in about five years at a cost of 10,000. 
Its completion, however, has been retarded, partly by the endeavours of the 
superintendents to make their inquiries exhaustive, and partly by administrative 
accidents. In one case the work was interrupted by famine, in another by the 
illness of the superintendent, in others again by his transfer to an appointment 
the duties of which left him no leisure to devote to ethnography. Nevertheless I 
may point to some substantial achievement and to the promise of more. For the 
south of India we have Mr. Thurston's seven monumentaljvolumes, embodying the 
results of researches which in his case were commenced on a small scale as long 
ago as 1894. Mr. Anantha Krishna lyar has published the first volume of what 
promises to be a most interesting work on the tribes and -castes of the Native State 
of Cochin, on the west coast of India. Ethnographic inquiries are also in progress 
in Mysore and Travancore, and a number of small monographs have been produced 
which will form the basis of complete treatises on the ethnography of these areas. 

In the case of Assam, which is particularly rich in primitive tribes, a judicious 
departure from the original scheme was initiated by Sir Bampfylde Fuller in 1903. 
He then proposed that the more important tribes should be described in a series of 
monographs, each to be written by an officer possessing special knowledge of the 
people concerned. This was approved on my advice by the Government of India, 
and four of the monographs have already been published : The Khasis, by Major 
P. E. Gurdon ; The Mikirs, by the late Edward Stack and Sir Charles Lyall ; The 
Meitheis, by Mr. T. C. Hodson ; and The Garos, by Major A. Playfair. Other mono- 
graphs are under preparation, and in course of time we may expect to have a series 
dealing with the chief tribes of Assam on a scale which is^only practicable within 
rather narrow limits. 

The ethnographic survey of Bombay was organised on an excellent system by 
Mr. 11. E. Enthoven, who conducted the census of 1901. The assistance of the 
vernacular schoolmasters of the Presidency was enlisted, smal) honoraria being 
given to those whose reports contained material of special value. Information was 
also collected through special correspondents, some of whom travelled in particular 
VOL. XLI. C 



18 Presidential Address. 

areas, and drew up notes giving the results of their inquiries. The results have 
been compiled in the form of a number of short monographs, which will serve as 
materials for comprehensive treatment of the subject. 

For the purpose of the survey, the United Provinces has been combined with 
Eaiputana and entrusted to Mr. K. Bum, who carried out the census of the United 
Provinces in 1901, and was recently employed as editor of the Imperial Gazetteer. 
A large amount of material has been collected on the basis of the instructions 
contained in my Manual of Ethnography, and in course of time we may look, 
for a revised and condensed edition of Mr. Crooke's work and for a complete 
account of the ethnography of Rajputana-a region of peculiar interest both f, 
its own sake and by reason of the influence that it has exercised on social evol 

in other parts of India. 

In the Punjab and the North West Frontier Province the Ethnograph 
Survey has been carried on by Mr. H. A. Kose, who conducted the census of 1901. 
All tribes and castes of importance have been investigated, but some work still 
remains to be done in the way of clearing up obscure points and reconciling 
discrepant statements. The compilation of an Ethnographic Glossary on the 
standard model was commenced more than two years ago, and considerable 
progress must have been made since then. 

Mr. Russell, who is now in charge of the survey in the Central Provinces, 
collected information, on the lines indicated in the Manual of Ethnography, 
regarding nearly all of the 240 tribes and castes recorded in the census of 1901 ; 
and draft articles or notes dealing with most of these have been compiled, which 
will furnish material for an ethnographic glossary. Extensive inquiries have also 
been made in Burma, by Mr. C. E. Lowis, and the results of these are in process of 
compilation, in the form of draft articles, which will eventually be put together in 
a glossary. 

Although the finished and complete results of the survey have only been 
published for one province, good progress has been made in the collection of 
materials on systematic lines for the rest of India. Even if some time elapses 
before these materials are worked up, they will still have served the essential 
purpose of recording primitive usages which the advance of civilisation tends 
constantly to modify or efface. 

Let me now turn to the question raised in the opening sentences of this 
address. Hosv far are the methods followed in India, suitable for general applica- 
tion ; does the Indian experience hold good for countries where the administrative 
arrangements are of a less advanced type ? To some it will perhaps seem that the 
Indian conditions are too special to afford any guidance to inquirers working 
without the aid afforded by an exhaustive census of the population, by full know- 
ledge of the language and ample facilities for procuring trustworthy interpreters, 
by tin; existence of a large body of literature bearing on the subject, and by the 
presence of a large number of experienced officials. No doubt these invaluable 
iidjuncts of research are not to be found in every place where primitive peoples are 



Presidential Address. 19 

brought under investigation. But where there is any sort of organised government, 
their introduction is merely a question of time, and efforts towards it are constantly 
being made. Where a regular census is impracticable, estimates based on the 
number of fighting men, the number of houses, the extent of cultivation, and so on 
have probably been framed ; individuals have studied the languages and recorded 
their observations in grammars and glossaries ; if there is no literature, tribal 
traditions must have been transmitted from father to son, and the officials must at 
all times be anxious to extend their knowledge of the people, and to form a record 
of customs which may some day serve as the basis of legislation. Given these 
conditions, the system of working by questions is bound to yield good results. It 
ensures that a number of independent observers shall have their attention drawn, 
to some points, and that full play shall thus be given to the application of the com- 
parative method. It is also the best means of enlisting the co-operation of the 
local officials and creating a wholesome rivalry between them. 

On the whole then, I venture to think that the Indian methods are worthy of 
the consideration of practical workers in the field of ethnology, especially as regards 
the internal structure of tribes and the investigation of physical characters. If you 
know the framework of a society and the predominant type of its members, you 
have laid a sound foundation for more detailed inquiries. That I think is the 
answer to anyone who considers the Indian methods too elaborate for practical use. 
There is, however, another criticism that may be foreseen. It may be said that 
these methods, so far from being too elaborate, were not elaborate enough, 
and that they are indeed superficial and inadequate. I readily admit that the 
criticism is well founded. If we compare the results of the Indian Survey with those 
obtained by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen in Central Australia, or by Dr. Rivers among 
the Todas, we must admit that the Indian operations fall far short of the high 
standard of research attained by these observers. But how much ground should we 
have covered if we had worked in India on their lines ? Was it not better to 
realise that a survey is a survey, and that its primary purpose is to demarcate the 
field of observation, and to indicate the openings for more exhaustive forms of 
research ? That is what we attempted to do, to give a general view of the 
Ethnography of India, leaving it to others to fill in details as time and opportunity 
may serve. If we have prepared the way for the writers of exhaustive monographs 
we may claim to have done useful work, which will be superseded bit by bit as 
more elaborate methods are brought into play. 

In conclusion I wish to acknowledge the great obligations that I am under to 
Mr. T. A. Joyce, the Honorary Secretary, and Mr. H. S. Kingsford, the late Assistant 
Secretary of the Institute, who, I am glad to say, has now joined us as a Fellow. 
Their advice and assistance have always been at hand to supplement my limited 
experience of the business of the Institute. 



C 2 



20 



NOTES ON THE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS OF THE WA-GIRIAMA, 
ETC., BRITISH EAST AFRICA. 

BY CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT, Assistant Native Affairs. 



[INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. 

THE Giriama people inhabit a strip of country commencing some ten to fifteen 
miles inland from the east coast between Kilifi and the Sabaki River. They are, 
as far as is known, a pure Bantu race, and very closely resemble the Wa-Duruma 
and Wa-Diga who live further south. Like the Duruma people they erect monu- 
ments at the graves of their relatives and these are often anthropomorphic in 
character.] 

Marriage, etc. 

WHEN a father considers it is time his son married, he tells him to look for a wife. 
The young man will look about for a suitable girl, and when he has found her 
informs her eldest brother that he wishes to marry her. He will then proceed to 
the brother's house accompanied by two or three of his male friends. The girl is 
sent for and arrives with two or three girl friends. Her brother asks her if she 
wishes to marry her suitor. If she declines the honour the matter is finished. 

If the girl consents, the suitor for her hand will return to his home. For the 
next three days he will come and see her, both his friends and hers being together 
with them. On returning home the third evening he will tell his father that he 
wishes to marry a certain girl, tells his father her name, and asks him to take 
some tembo (beer) to her father and arrange matters. 

The following morning the old man will proceed to the girl's father's house, 
taking with him a small gourd of lembo, and handing him the tembo, tells him the 
object of his visit. The recipient places the tembo in an earthen cooking pot, and 
then sends for his daughter. On her arrival he hands her a small drinking bowl 
(mboko) and asks her if she wishes to marry the young man in question. If she 
now declines to do so, the tembo is returned to the suitor's father and the matter is 
finished. If she consents, her father tells her to dip her mbofco into the tembo and 
to drink. 



CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Notes on the Customs of the Wa-Giriama, etc. 21 

She takes a sip at the tembo and hands the mboko to her father, who again asks 
her if she is sure that she wishes to marry. 

If she says " No," the matter ends here, and the tembo is returned to the 
suitor's father. If she consents to the marriage she quits the house, and leaves the 
old men together. At this conference other elders are also present, friends of both 
parties. 

After the girl's departure the old men drink the tembo and eat food, which 
her father had prepared for them. 

Three or four days later the father of the young man takes two or three more 
gourds of tembo to the girl's father, which is drunk by them and their friends. 

After a few days he takes one more gourd of tembo to the girl's father, and 
this is drunk by those present. On this occasion before going home the suitor's 
father will leave with the father of the girl a knife, hoe or other article, saying 
that on such and such a date he will bring the property to be paid for the daughter. 
On the day named by him he brings the property agreed upon, and hands it over 
to the girl's father. After a few days he will bring one or two more gourds of 
tembo. A few days later he brings one gourd of tembo ; when this has been drunk 
by those assembled, he informs the girl's father that he now wants his son to be 
given his bride. The girl's father now gives some small article to the suitor's 
father, and tells him that on such and such a day he will hand over his daughter 
The evening before the day arranged the suitor will proceed to his sweetheart's 
village, and that night he will sleep there. Early the next morning the bride is 
handed over to her husband by her father. Before she leaves her father's village, 
the old man spills a little tembo on the ground and tells her to obey her husband in 
all things ; afterwards sipping a little water into his mouth he spits it over her. 
His daughter then puts her lips up to his, and he lets a little water run from his 
mouth into hers ; this is said to bring her luck in her married life. This ceremony 
finished the bridegroom takes his wife to his house, and their friends go with them. 
The bride is clothed from her shoulders downwards in a long red or black cloth. 
The bridegroom must always appear in person to take his bride ; he cannot be 
represented by a proxy. 

The day after the marriage the husband kills a goat, and cutting off a piece of 
skin from its forehead, makes it into an amulet and gives it to his wife, who wears 
it on her left arm. The flesh of the goat is then eaten by those present, and a 
great deal of tembo is drunk. 

The total amount of tembo given to the father of the girl for her hand in 
marriage is fifteen gourds (kiama). Only a certain number, however, are given 
before the marriage, and the balance may be paid at any time. In the event of a 
woman deserting her husband, he must pay up any balance of the fifteen kiama 
there may be remaining before he can claim the children of the marriage. 

The sexes are not allowed free sexual intercourse with each other before 
marriage as in some tribes. Many of the women have male friends, but this is 
unknown, as a rule, to their husbands. If a man is caught committing adultery 



22 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BAUKETT. Notes on the Customs and 

with another man's wife, he must pay up a fine of ten ,'oats to the injured husband. 
Friends sometimes make an agreement which allows them to sleep 1 
other's house*, and with each other's wives. All of the parties, however, must 
agree to this. It sometimes happens that the wife of A is willing to sleep * 
but the wife of B objects to sleep with A. The friendship between A and 
promptly broken off, as it is considered to be dangerous to be friends any 1 
These agreements are made after, and not before marriage. 

Wives are obtained by purchase, and a man is allowed to have as many wives 
as he can afford to buy. A man likes to get as many wives as possible, as they 
work for him and bear hiuLchildren. The main object of every Giriama is to have 
as many children as possible. A man cohabits with his wife immediately after 
marriage. Men abstain from cohabiting with their wives during menstruation. 
In theevent of the death of relations of either party, they will not cohabit until 
the seven days of mourning (hanga) are passed. Also for twelve days after a 
woman has borne a child. 

During war time men do not cohabit with their wives, as they say it brings 
bad luck to them. They believe that if they do cohabit with their wives during 
war time that they will be unable to kill any of their enemies, and that if they 
themselves receive a trifling wound it will prove fatal. 

Husbands sometimes exchange their wives, but the women must agree to this. 
Any children born before the exchange took place are the property of the first 
husband. If the woman is enceinte at the time of the exchange, the child, after it 
has been born and weaned, will be returned to the first husband. 

Women do not as a rule hold conversation with their father-in-law, as it is 
considered that they have nothing to talk to him about. If she has any complaints 
to make against her husband she makes them to his mother. A husband converses 
with his mother-in-law about his household affairs. No restrictions are placed on 
the social intercourse of brothers and sisters. 

If a child is born feet foremost, it is smothered. The reasons given for this 
practice are that if the infant is permitted to live, their crops will all wither up 
from drought, their cattle will die, and many other evils befall them. 

In cases where a child's parents die, and he has no known relations living, he 
will be adopted by other people, and is looked upon as their child. 

Blood relations are not allowed to marry. The reason given for this 
prohibition is that it would create quarrels in the family. Members of the same 
clan are also forbidden to marry. 

All males are circumcised, some as infants, others as boys, and others wait 
until they reach the age of manhood. When several youths are circumcised at the 
same time, a number of goats will be killed and a big feast held. For seven days 
after they have been circumcised, the patients will sleep out in the bush near 
their village, a roof of boughs and grass having been erected to shelter them from 
the sun and rain. Food is taken to them by their mothers. The severed foreskin 
is thrown away. 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 23 

Sometimes one sees women with small scars cut on their stomachs. These 
scars are said to add to their beauty. 

The usual price paid for a wife is five head of cattle. 

Death, murder, burial, etc. 

If an apparently healthy person dies suddenly, the relations of the deceased 
will go to an mganga (doctor) and ask him if death was due to natural causes or 
otherwise. If the mganga after making medicine decides that deceased has been 
killed he will name a certain person as the murderer. This individual is promptly 
seized by the relations of deceased, and ordered to pay up koreh (if deceased was 
a male he must hand over two males, if a female he must hand over two females) to 
them. If he denies his guilt, he has to go through a test called keraho cha fisi. 
The mganga, accompanied by another man, proceeds into the bush and collects the 
roots and leaves of the inbareh, a small shrub. When they have gathered sufficient 
they return, and placing the roots and leaves in a kinu (= mortar) (wooden 
receptacle used by women for breaking up corn in) pour water on them and smash 
them up with a pole. When the juice from the roots and leaves has become 
sufficiently mixed up in the water, the mixture is poured into a kifuvu (coconut 
shell) and given by the mganga to the accused to drink, at the same time telling 
him that if he is innocent there is no danger in drinking, but that if he is guilty 
he will die. If accused declines to drink he is killed by deceased's relations, 
sometimes by strangulation, and at others by arrow or knife. 

If a female child dies within three days of birth, or a male child within four 
days of birth, or a child is still-born, the corpse is buried in the house under the 
place where the water bowls stand. All other persons with a few exceptions are 
buried in the village not far from the house where they died. When anyone dies, 
all ornaments, etc., are taken off the corpse, which is then washed in cold water, 
if a male by his brother, if a female by her mother or grandmother, and the head 
is shaved by a friend. The corpse is then clothed in new garments, and afterwards 
entirely wrapped up in a white cloth. It is then placed on a mat and carried to 
the grave which has been dug to receive it. 

Males are placed in the grave lying on their right side, and females lying on 
their left side. Only one corpse is placed in one grave. 

Monuments raised in memory of the dead by the Wa-Giriama are of 
two kinds : 

(1) Vigango, which are figures which are carved out of flat pieces of 
wood about 2 inches thick, and about 5 feet in length and 9 inches 
in breadth. 

(2) Koma, which are short pieces of stick. 

These monuments are sometimes placed in an upright position at the head 
of a deceased's grave, and at others are placed in some prominent part of the 
village. A coconut bowl is placed at the foot of each and in front of it. 



24 



CAPTAIN W. E. H. BAEEETT. Notes on the Customs and 



No. 1 is only used if a rich man, or one of his relations have died, and on the 
day on which it is erected a large feast has to be held, and several sheep or 
a bullock killed. These animals are killed close to the spot on which the monu- 
ment stands, and their blood is allowed to flow into the coconut bowl, and on to 
the figure itself ; tembo (beer) is also placed in the bowl. 

No. 2. If the relations of the deceased are too poor to afford a big feast, they 
plant a short piece of stick in the ground and tie a small piece of cloth round 
it, placing a coconut bowl at its foot. A small feast is held and one or two fowls 
killed, the blood running into the bowl and on to the kikatigo. Some tembo is 
poured into the bowl, as in case No. 1. 

These monuments are said to represent the deceased. 




U 



A. Coconut bowl. 




No. 1. 




No. 2. 
C. Piece of cloth. 



B. Piece of goat skin. 



A. Coconut bowl. 



If at some future date any of the dead person's relatives are taken ill, they 
go to a witch doctor, who sometimes tells them that their sickness is due to the 
fact that the koma (ghost) of one of their deceased relations is hungry. A goat 
is then killed close to his or her monument as the case may be, and the blood 
flows into the coconut bowl. Tembo is then placed in the bowl. This is done to 
appease the ghost of the deceased. A piece of skin from the head of the goat is 
then tied round the monument. 

Always before drinking tembo in the village where a monument stands, the 
deceased's relations will place a little of it in the coconut bowl at the foot of the 
IriJumgo. 

Suicides are buried in the same manner as other people. 

If a man is killed when away from his village, he is buried near the spot 
where he died. 

Women will sometimes, after deserting their husbands, kill their cliildreu to 
avoid having to hand them back to their father. 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 25 

The Wa-Giriama say that suicides among both men and women occur at 
intervals. The women hang themselves with the cord which they have used round 
their waists to support their marinda (short skirt). 

Corpses are carried out of the house through the door, and no special opening 
is made in the house for carrying them through. 

The ghosts of the departed are feared, and it is to propitiate these that 
viyango and koma are erected, and a coconut bowl placed at their feet, into which 
tembo and the blood of slaughtered animals and fowls are poured. These offerings 
are made in order to prevent the ghosts of the departed from bringing ill-luck on 
the village. 

If a man dies, his relations stop in his house for five days after his death, and 
if a female dies, her relations stop in her house for four days after her death. 
Food, water, etc., is brought to them by their friends. They are of course allowed 
out for purposes of nature. 

If a wife dies, her husband wears new white cloth for one month, and puts no 
grease on his body for that period. 

If a husband dies, his wife wears a new white marinda (female dress) and puts 
no grease on her body until she marries again. 

Persons who have handled a corpse are not regarded as unclean, but they wash 
their hands before eating food for the first time, after handling a dead body. 

The Wa-Giriama do not believe in any form of resurrection. If one man 
murders another he must pay up Itoreh to the relations of the deceased (two males 
if deceased person a male, and two females if deceased person a female). If he refuses 
to do this he is killed by deceased's relations, or one of deceased's clan. If a 
murderer escapes, one of his clan is killed. This brings about a fight between the 
two clans, which is eventually stopped by the elders on both sides meeting and 
settling the dispute. 

A man who has killed in war a man of another tribe, such as Masai or 
Galla, always uses his left hand to pass his cup to his lips when drinking tembo. 

Property, inheritance, slaves. 

Each man places a boundary mark round his shamba or plantation. Sometimes 
a boundary consists of a path, at others small sticks, etc., are put down to mark 
the boundary. 

On the death of a man his land belongs nominally to his eldest son, but in 
reality all the sons have an equal share in it. They all work the land, and the 
produce from it is equally divided amongst, them. In case of a quarrel amongst 
them, the land is equally divided up and each takes his share. If a man dies 
leaving no sons, his land is divided up amongst his brothers. Women are not 
permitted to inherit any property except ornaments left by their deceased relations. 
If a man dies and leaves only a son, who is a child, the eldest brother of the 
deceased takes over his brother's property and looks after it until his nephew is 
old enough to look after his own affairs. When the day to hand over the property 



26 



CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Notes on the Cmtoms and 



arrives, the corn, etc., in the village obtained from the shamba (plantation) is 
divided up amongst those who worked it. The shamba is then handed over to the 
son of deceased. All profit made on the shamba before this date goes to the people 

who worked it. 

A shamba always remains the property of the man who first started it unless 
he sells it. Even if he deserts it for many years it still belongs to him, and if at 
any time he hears that someone else is working it, he can go to that person and 
order him to pay for the land, or else leave it alone. Forest or bush is anybody's 
property, and all have grazing rights there. Shambas are sold according to their 
size. Eolations living in the same village, as a rule, all cultivate one sJinmba. The 
value of a house for a husband and family is Es. 4 or Es. 5 according to its size. 

As a protection against the theft of crops, medicine is planted there ; it is 
called a kiapo, or oath. 

On the death of an elder, his slaves used to be given the choice of becoming 
the property of any of the deceased's sons they preferred. The majority of slaves 
were formerly bought from Arabs and Swahilis. Children from parents, one of 
whom is a slave, have the same status as any other children. 

Food, stock, etc. 

The chief crops .to be found in the Giriama country are : Mohindi (Indian 
corn), mawele (millet), wimbi (eleusine), kunde (beans), mtama (sorghum), sim sim 
(sesamum), pojo (pulse), and mpunga (rice). Numbers of Wa-Giriama grow 
coconuts. 

Males and females are both allowed to eat the same kinds of food. Both are 
permitted to eat anything they fancy except in certain cases of sickness, when the 
mganga forbids certain foods. 

Grain, etc., is stored on wooden platforms (lutzaga) built in the house, and fires 
are usually lighted under these to prevent the stores from getting mouldy. 

The Wa-Giriama do not appear to possess a large quantity of cattle, but have 
a fair number of goats and sheep. They also keep fowls, and in many villages 
ducks are to be found. It is only at very important feasts that cattle are killed, 
for minor feasts goats and even chickens are killed. Numbers of Wa-Giriama will 
not eat sheep when suffering from a disease called safura, as they say that the flesh 
of sheep increases the sickness. The manner of killing the stock is by cutting the 
throats. Cattle are tended by males, but are milked by both males and females. 

The Wa-Giriama have no objection to selling their milk to strangers. They 
themselves drink both fresh and sour milk, and do not boil it. Cattle are known 
by cuts on the ears, and by brandings on the body. The Wa-Giriama do not 
object to [the young of] an animal serving its own mother if necessary. They do 
not consider that the progeny will be weaklings. 

The Wa-Giriama are extremely fond of drink, and make tembo (beer) from the 
coconut palm, inL-nma (hypharne palm), wimbi (honey, sugar-cane), mtama and 
They prefer the tembo made from the coconut palm, as it is the strongest. 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British Hast Africa. 27 

When several men go hunting together the hide and horns are the property 
of the man first wounding the beast. The meat is divided up amongst them. If 
an elephant is killed the man who first wounded it takes one tusk, the other is sold 
and the money obtained divided up equally among the other hunters. 

Husbands and wives eat together, but male children eat with their father and 
female children with their mother. Cannibalism is not practised. When a bullock 
or goat is killed, its blood is collected in a bowl, and then placed in a cooking pot and 
cooked with the flesh of the animal. The cooked blood and meat are eaten together. 

The Wa-Giriama seem to be very fond of their dogs, which in the majority of 
cases appear to be well fed. Often one sees these animals decorated with bells, or 
collars made of sheep skin. They say the dogs are very useful to them in keeping 
monkeys and other animals away from their crops. One also frequently finds cats 
in the villages. 

Fire. 

Fire is produced by friction made between two sticks, one hard (mukerindi) and 
one softer (mulumeh). Both these sticks are obtained from the mukerindi tree, but 
the one called after the tree is hardened in the fire, and the mulumeh is only dried 
in the sun. A hole about ^ inch in diameter and about the same depth is bored in 
the mukerindi fire stick, the point of the mulumeh is then placed in the hole, and 
friction obtained by twisting the latter round backwards and forwards between the 
palms of the hands until fire is produced. Fire is made by any male capable of 
making it. 



Dance held to cure a pet-son possessed of a devil. 




O = Males other than drummers. 
[ | = Drummers. 
-Q_ = Sick man. 



_}TC- = 



= Small tire. 

*fi 

Q = Female doctor. 

= Other women. 



The sick man said to be possessed of the devil sits down near a small fire, his 
entire body hidden by a large white cloth. Sitting near to him are the drummers 
and his male friends ; on the opposite side of the fire sits a female witch doctor 
with a number of other women. If witch doctor is a male he sits with males. The 
drummers beat the drums, and the remainder of the people chant ; for some time 
the sick man remains perfectly still but after about half an hour or so his head 
begins to sway about, and he starts trembling, at first slightly, and then violently. 



28 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Notes mi the, GV.s////x and 

After a very violent fit of trembling and shaking about, the drumming and chanting 
ceases, and the white cloth is removed from the patient, and a white kcmzu, white 
sleeveless coat and white cap are placed on him ; this is only done if the devil 
inside him is said to be a Swahili one. Drumming and chanting then start afresh, 
and the patient then starts his trembling fits again. After a short while the 
drumming ceases, and the witch doctor comes and sits in front of him and converses 
with the devil, asking it what it wants. If it asks for anything such as goat or 
fowl, they are brought and presented to it. Finally, the devil is said to be 
driven out of the patient, who then rises and dances wildly about in front of the 
drummers, waving a knife, which is handed to him by one of his friends. The 
dance is then continued until all become tired, when they retire to their respective 
houses. 

Sometimes, when one devil has left a person, a devil of another tribe, such as 
Somali or Barawa, enters him, and the same procedure is gone through as with 
the first. Different clothes, however, are placed on the patient for the different 
devils. For instance, a red tarbush (fez) bound round with cloth will be placed on 
his head if a Barawa devil has entered him. 

Mchele dance. 

Figure No. 1. The dancers, male and female, move slowly round in a circle, 
one behind the other, men forming one-half of the perimeter of this circle and 
women the other half. They move as follows : The left foot is advanced about six 
inches and the right foot is then brought up to it : during this figure the arms are 
swung backwards and forwards, keeping time with the movements of the feet, and 
the knees are bent. Drums are beaten the whole time. When the dancers get 
tired they break off and form up for Figure No. 2. 

Figure No. 2. The women line up together, and the men line up facing them, 
a few feet away. Drums then start beating, and the women advance with the 
same step as in Figure 1. When they reach the men they start retiring by 
drawing back the left foot about six inches, and then drawing the right back to it. 
While the women are retiring, the men advance in the same manner as the women 
advanced. After retiring a few paces the women stop and allow the men to catch 
them up. On reaching the women each male rubs his lips or cheeks against the 
forehead of the woman opposite to him. The women then retire again, and the 
men advance. On reaching the place where they first lined up the women halt 
and the men retire. After a few moments' -pause the women advance again and the 
same procedure is adopted. They continue to dance until they get tired. 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 29 



NOTES ON THE WA-SANIA. 



[INTRODUCTORY NOTE, BY C. W. HOBLEY, C.M.G. 

THE Wa-Sania are of the aboriginal tribes of East Africa, and I believe it may be 
safely asserted that their origin is unknown. They are dotted about the flat bush 
country, some distance inland from the N. bank of the Sabaki to about the latitude 
of Port Durnford ; this area was formerly occupied by the Gallas, and the Wa- 
Sania fell into the position of serfs to them, and some still owe allegiance to 
Galla families to this day. During the last fifty years, however, the Somalis have 
pushed the Gallas southwards, and it is alleged that numbers of the Wa-Sania 
have allied themselves with the invading Somalis. 

Their customs reflect their long association with the Gallas, and it is hoped 
that further research will bring to light some trace of their abandoned language, as 
this might give us some clue to their descent. 

Captain Barrett gives a few of their folk tales, and in Nos. 4 and 5 our old 
African friends, the hare and the chameleon, turn up again as cunning as ever. 

Story No. 6 bears a close resemblance to one I discovered among the A-Kamba 
and published by the Cambridge Press, but the part of the Ndundu is played by 
the tortoise.] 

The Wa-Sania are divided into the following clans: 

Gulu. Mundoyu. Kujega. 

Sabali. Illani. Arusi. 

Agudeh. Wayu. Gullug. 

Gamado. Kariu. Menta. 

Sunkana. Irdid. Buddi. 

Hujejh. Bolazu. Nurtu. 

Of these the most important is the Gamado, followed by the Illani and Gulu, 
the remainder of the tribes are all equal to each other. At present the three most 
important chiefs among the Wa-Sania are : 

(1) Bashora Burrtum of the Gamado clan. 

(2) Mataida of the Illani clan. 

(3) Godana of the Gulu clan. 

Formerly the Wa-Sania had a language of their own, but they now talk the 
Galla language, and have forgotten their own. 

The Wa-Sania drink the blood of all the larger game animals they kill, such 
as elephants, rhinoceros, buffaloes, also that of bullocks, sheep, and goats. 

Intercourse of sexes, marriage, etc. 

A girl lives in the house of her father and mother until her first menstruation 
is over. As soon as blood shows itself the father will at once leave the house, and 



30 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Notes on the Customs and 

does not enter it again until the menstruation is over. The girl remains in the 
house, and is attended to by her mother, and no male is permitted to see her. 

If for purposes of nature she is obliged to leave the house, she covers her face 
with a cloth, so that those outside may not see her face. On the day menstruation 
ceases the girl's body is rubbed over with sim-sim oil or samli (ghee), mixed up 
with fttoh, kuchiri, karafu (scents bought from Indian traders), and she is given 
new clothes, beads, and also brass wire to wind round her arms. From that day 
she no longer lives in her parents' house, but in a separate house, which is occupied 
by other girls of her own age. She lives in this house until she marries. During 
the first menstruation of & girl she eats apart from the others. 

When male children reach the age of about five years they sleep out in the 
open, except during rain, when they are permitted to sleep in their parents' house, 
or if they are sick, when a small house is built for them. 

Before marriage the young men and girls carry on the practice of lukh, that 
is to say, the youths are allowed to insert the penis between the girl's legs and 
sleep with them in this fashion ; but they are not allowed to penetrate the vagina. 
I believe that the same practice exists amongst other tribes in British East Africa. 
Blood relations are not permitted to marry each other. 

The Wa-Sania are polygamous, but are not permitted to marry more than 
three wives, as it is considered that no man is able to provide food, etc., for more 
than this number. Wives are obtained by purchase. 

When a young man wishes to marry a certain girl he will inform his father 
of the fact. His father will proceed to the girl's father, taking with him a murra 
(about three pounds) of tobacco and a kuroh (small barrel) of honey, and tell him 
that his son wishes to marry his daughter. If the girl consents to the marriage, 
the father of the suitor returns to his own house, and for some time after this 
continues to take tembo (native beer) to the father of the girl. 

When her father is satisfied with the amount of tembo he has received, he tells 
the father of the suitor that he is contented that the marriage should take place. The 
father of the suitor now presents the girl's father with forty rupees (formerly 
eighty hands of cotton cloth) and six (buchum or kidundu) of tembo. The two 
fathers now arrange a date for the wedding. Early on the morning of the 
appointed day the women living in the girl's village will build a hut of sticks and 
grass, which is entered by the bride and bridegroom on the arrival of the latter. 
Both have previously dressed themselves up in new clothes, and smeared their 
bodies with sim-sim, or ghee, mixed with scent. The bride also takes with her a 
coconut-shell full of honey. The bride's friends accompany her into the house, 
and for several days they all sleep there. After this their friends go home and 
leave them together. On the eighth day the bride pours the honey from the coco- 
nut shell into an earthen cooking pot, and, having mixed it up well with water, 
gives it to all the children of the village. 

During this time the husband does not cohabit with his wife. The husband 
lives with his wife's people until the first child is born, when he returns to his 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 31 

father's village, taking wife and child with him. After the birth the husband must 
present the father of the girl with one large elephant tusk. On the day of the 
wedding dances and feasts are held. 

Among the Wa-Sania each wife has her own house, and the husband sleeps in 
turn in the house of each. Men do not cohabit with their wives during menstrua- 
tion, ninth month of pregnancy, or after child-birth until the child is weaned, and 
during hunting. They do not cohabit during the ninth month, as they say the 
child is likely to be killed ; after child-birth until the child is weaned, as they say 
the milk supply of the mother will run short ; while hunting, as they say the man 
will have bad luck, and see no animals to kill. 

When a man visits the house of a friend the latter will usually permit him to 
sleep in one of his wives' houses if he wishes to stop the night. 

On the death of a man his widows become the property of the eldest brother 
of the deceased. If this brother has already three wives, he will hand the women 
over to other men ; but any children born by these women are his property. 

"Women and children are well treated as a rule. If a wife is ill-treated by her 
husband, her father, or other male relations, will take her away from him. She 
will be handed back to him if he brings her a present of tembo for her relations and 
promises not to ill-treat her in the future. If a wife deserts her husband her father 
does not return any property he has been paid for her ; but if she re-marries, her 
new husband must pay to her former husband the same amount of property as he 
(the former husband) originally paid to her father for her. If she does not marry 
again, any children she bears are the property of her husband. 

Old people are treated with respect. 

During the period of menstruation a husband may sleep in the same house as 
his wife, but must not cohabit with her, as the Wa-Sania believe that if a man 
cohabits with a menstruous woman he will become weak. 

Birth. 

Children are much desired by the Wa-Sania. About one month after a female 
child is born the edges of the child's pudenda are cut by a woman with a kardu 
(razor). The raw edges are then placed together, and the child's legs are tightly 
strapped together so that the raw surfaces of the parts grow together, leaving only 
a small hole to allow the child to micturate. When the flesh has become united, 
the child's legs are untied. 

After the birth of her first child the mother remains in her house for three 
weeks, only leaving it for purposes of nature. When it is necessary for her to 
leave her home she covers her face with a cloth. After the birth of other children, 
say the second and third, the mother remains indoors for two weeks. She will, 
however, remain indoors for seven days only after birth of any children after the third. 

During the period of seclusion after the birth of a child the mother eats only 
honey mixed with hot water. During this time the husband does not live in the 
liouse, but with a friend or with another wife. The mother is looked after by one 



32 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BAKRETT. Notes on the Customs and. 

of her female relations. On the day the mother leaves the house after the birth of 
a child a dance is held, but the dancing is not accompanied by feasting. On this 
day the infant is named. The first male child born is named after the grandfather 
on his father's side, and the first female born is named after her grandmother on 
the father's side. The second male born is named after the eldest brother of the 
grandmother on the father's side. The second female born is named after the wife 
of the eldest brother of grandmother on the father's side. The third male is named 
after the eldest uncle on the father's side. The third female is named after the 
eldest aunt on the father's side. If the father has no brothers or sisters the third 
male will be named after the eldest brother of the mother ; the third female will 
be named after the eldest sister of the mother. 

The child's head is shaved on the day that the navel string separates from its 
mother. The navel string is then tied up with freshly cut hair from the child's 
head in a cloth worn by the child, and is left there until the day the child can 

walk. On that day the navel string and hair are taken by the child's father and 
thrown into a running stream. Children born feet first are taken out and left to 

die in the bush. 

Children are suckled for about a year. If the mother dies, it will be handed 

over to one of the mother's female relations to suckle. When the child is weaned 

the father will give a present of cloth to the woman who has weaned it. 

Males are circumcised when they reach the age of three or four years. They 

are circumcised by a kiriz (doctor), and much tembo is drunk on the circumcision 

day. After the operation the patients remain in the house until they have 

recovered, and for the first seven days are given honey mixed with a very little 

water. 

The Wa-Sania do not chip, file, or take out their teeth unless suffering from 

toothache, when the painful tooth will be extracted. 

Males have one small hole bored in the lobe of each ear when about two and 

a-half years old. At about the same age females have one hole bored in the lobe 

of each ear, and also one at the top of each. 

Property. 

Every clan has its particular mark for the identification of property, and each 
member has in addition his own private mark. They are very particular in 
putting both marks on their arrows, so that in the event of their wounding a beast 
which afterwards died, everyone who saw the arrow sticking in it would know who 
had killed it, and in consequence whose property it was. 

If a man wounds an elephant which subsequently dies, and another man 
liiulin^ the dead beast steals the tusks, the man whose property the tusks really are, 
will, if he hears of the theft, go to the thief and tell him to hand over the stolen 
property. If he denies the theft he must go with the accuser to the place where 
the elepluint died, and placing his right hand on its skull, say, " If I have stolen 
the tusks which belong to the accuser, may I die." The Wa-Sania are very afraid 



Beliefs of the JVa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 33 

of taking this oath, so the thief rather than take it usually hands over the 
stolen property. 

A person finding a dead elephant with an arrow of another man's in it will 
report the fact to him, and receives a reward which varies from two rupees to 
twenty, according to the size of the tusks. The flesh of the dead beast is common 
property. 

The man firing the first shot into an elephant keeps one tusk if the beast is 
eventually killed, the other is sold and the proceeds divided up amongst the 
remaining hunters. 

Property descends to sons, the elder ones getting a larger share than the 
younger. If there are no sons the property would all go to the eldest brother of 
the deceased. Women are not allowed to inherit property. 

Formerly the Wa-Sania owned slaves, who were bought from the Arabs. 
These people, however, were treated more as friends than slaves, and freely 
intermarried with the Wa-Sania. Children by parents, one of whom was a slave, 
have the same status as other children. 

Fire. 

Fire is produced by friction made between two sticks, one hard and the other 
somewhat softer. A hole about J inch in diameter is made in the hard stick and 
the point of the softer one is then placed in it, and friction made by twisting the 
latter round backwards and forwards between the palms of the hands until fire is 
produced. The hard fire stick is called funyuo, and the softer one nahum ; both 
are obtained from the hoheh tree. 

Food. 

Wa-Sania do not eat fish or any carnivorous animal, neither do they eat 
baboons, monkeys, ostriches, or the stomach of the elephant or rhinoceros. Women 
are forbidden to eat pig or zebra. They do not store food for future use, and in 
consequence are frequently hungry. 

They drink tembo prepared from honey, and from the juice of the hypharne or 
borassus palm. They also buy tembo made by Swahilis and others from the 
coconut palm. 

Men and women eat separately. Male and female children eat together until 
they are about two years old ; the boys will then eat with their fathers and the 
girls with their mothers. 

Death. 

When a person dies the corpse is washed in cold water ; if a male by a male 
of the same age as deceased, and if a female by a female of the same age. 
The above only applies to grown up people. If a child dies, a grown up person of 
the same sex will wash the corpse. After the corpse is washed it is wrapped up 
in a white cloth and laid on a grass mat ; it is then carried by men to the grave 
which has been prepared for it in the bush near the village. The grass mat is laid 

VOL. XLI. D 



34 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Notes on the Customs and 

at" the bottom of the grave and small upright sticks are driven into the ground 
and close together round its edges ; the corpse is laid on this mat and covered over 
by another mat. Earth is then filled in. Before the burial all the ornaments 
deceased are taken off the body. Men are buried lying on their right side and 

women on their left. 

If a child is stillborn or dies before it is eight days old it is buried in the 
house by the women ; males do not attend its funeral. Female children under 
eight days old are buried in the left half of the house as one enters the door, and 
males on the right half. 

On the death of a child seven days' mourning are observed, but for an adult 
days of mourning vary from two to seven. During days of mourning for a wife 
and until he re-marries, a husband will wear round his neck the bead ornaments 
formerly worn by his wife, and does not grease his body. During days of 
mourning for a husband a widow will wear his bow string tied round her neck, and 
does not grease her body. 

If an adult person dies in a house the house is broken down. Formerly the 
whole village was deserted, but in these days the occupants remain in it. After 
handling a corpse a M'Sania will wash his hands. Immediately after a burial all 
the males present will wash their hands and feet. On the day on which the period 
of mourning finishes, the males of the village have their heads shaved. The 
Wa-Sania do not believe in any form of resurrection. Persons killed by wild 
animals in the bush are not buried, as they say that if the corpse is buried many 
more of them will be killed in a similar manner. 

Murder. 

If a man kills a man he must give one female to the relations of the deceased ; 
if a female is killed two females must be given to the relations of the deceased. 
If the murderer refuses to pay up he is killed in the same manner that he killed 
his victim. If a wife commits a murder and her husband refuses to pay up the 
fine, he is killed, the woman is not punished. If a man escapes after committing 
murder and gets away altogether, his nearest male relation will be called upon to 
pay up the fine ; if he refuses he is killed. If the murderer has no male relations 
his clan will be called upon to pay the fine ; if they refuse, one of their male 
members is killed by members of the clan of the deceased. If a murderer pays up 
the fine he will buy a sheep and kill it. A feast is made, which is attended by the 
miile relations of deceased and others. As soon as the animal is killed, its stomach 
is cut open by the murderer. All those present of the murderer's clan and of the 
clan of deceased will dip their left hands into the blood in the sheep's stomach, and 
each clan will sprinkle blood over the members of the other. 

Blood Brotherhood. 

The Wa-Sania only make blood brotherhood with the Wa-Giriama. A goat 
is brought by one of the parties to the spot where the ceremony is to take place. 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 35 

The Giriama will seize it by the hind legs and the M'Sauia by its forelegs and 
the father of one of them will cut its throat with a knife. If neither of them has 
a father living, the goat will be killed by the head Giriama present. 

The contracting parties now sit down opposite each other and each man will 
make two cuts on the breast bone of the other with a knife so that blood flows 
In the meantime the man who killed the goat has taken out its liver and is 
roasting it at the fire. When the meat is slightly cooked he cuts off two pieces 
from it and hands one to each of the contracting parties, who take it and rub it in 
the blood on their own chest. Each of these will now hand his piece of meat to 
the other and promises to help him in everything, and in future to look upon 
him as his brother. Each eats the meat smeared with the blood of the other, and 
the ceremony is finished. 

Chieftainship. 

The Wa-Sania are governed by one principal chief, and chiefs over each clan, 
the former being a member of the Gamada clan. On the death of the chief the 
chieftainship will descend to his eldest brother, or to his eldest son if he has no 
brother. If the chief is a minor the elders will elect a man to look after affairs 
until he becomes a man. A chief is assisted in his councils by his elders, but it is 
he who finally gives a decision on any matter. 

The successor to chieftainship will take over his duties at the first waning 
of the moon after the death of the former chief. On this day he wears a kitambi 
cloth from his waist to his ankles, a dark cloth over his shoulders and a white 
turban round his head ; in his right hand he carries a kilundu of honey beer. A 
bullock is killed by him with his own hand and a feast and dance held. All 
present eat of the meat, but the young men and children do not dance or drink 
beer. The dancing is done by the old men and the women. 

Miscellaneous. 

The Wa-Sania year starts in April and consists of twelve months, divided up 
into three periods of four months each. 

The 1st period is called Gunn. 
2nd Adolaia. 

3rd Huygaie. 

Count is kept of the days by making a notch in a stick for each day. When 
the month is finished the stick is placed aside and a fresh one started. Time is 
calculated by the sun. A rainbow is called Uleh Wakat, which means God's bow. 

When an eclipse of the moon occurs they say it has fallen into water, and on 
these occasions the women dance until it reappears again ; during an eclipse of the 
moon men do not cohabit with women. 

Blood of a human being accidentally shed is covered up with earth, as it is 
considered to bring bad luck to others who look at it. 

If a person sneezes many times it is said that someone is saying evil things of 

D 2 



36 CAITAIN W. E. II. BAKKETT. Notes on the Customs and 

the sneezer; if a person sneezes only once it is believed that someone is speaking 

well of him. 

A person is said to yawn because he is either sleepy or hungry. 
The Wa-Sania most strongly object to being counted, as they believe that one 
of those who were counted would die shortly afterwards. 

The Wa-Sania say that God first made one man who lived for a long time 
alone. At one period of his existence there was darkness for seven days, and 
towards the end of these days the man, feeling very lonely, called out and beseeched 
God to bring him a companion ; having called on God he stretched out his hand 
and felt something lying near him, and on the eighth day when the darkness passed 
away he saw that God had brought him a woman to be his mate. 

People are not allowed to cross over each other's shadows. They consider it 
is a bad thing to step over the body of a sleeping person, as if the latter is sick the 
same sickness will lay hold of the one who steps over the sleeper and vice versd. 

Nails are kept short to prevent them from splitting. Pieces cut off from the 
nails are buried in the ground on the spot where they were cut, as they say that 
these pieces are portions of their bodies. If a person loses any part of his body, 
such as an arm or a leg, it is buried in the ground, but without rites. When a 
child loses its milk teeth it will stand up in the village with its legs apart, and 
taking the teeth in its hand will bend down, and throw the teeth between its legs 
and say " go to the place we both came from when I was born." 

When a man spits he will cover the spittle up with earth. When spittle 
accidentally falls on another person it is said to be a sign that the two people are 
friendly disposed towards one another. 

If an earthquake occurs the Wa-Sania hold a dance and much beer is drunk 
by the men and women ; a fire is lighted and luban scent is placed on it as an 
offering to appease the anger of Lafatamunuk, a supposed devil, who is said to live in 
the centre of the earth ; they say that unless this offering is made a famine will occur. 
They say that thunder is caused by God running along the tops of the clouds 
and shaking the dried skin of some immense animal. They believe that God's 
wife at times waves her arms about and that lightning is the glint from the 
ornaments worn on them. 

Before he enters the married state a man is not permitted to grow a beard. 
Men shave the hair round their private parts and women pull out the hair growing 
there. Wa-Sania always keep the hair of their heads fairly short. 

Wa-Sania do not make any iron implements. Knives and arrow-heads are 
bought from Swahilis and others. 

There are two or three permanent villages inhabited by the Wa-Sania, but as 
a rule they do not build permanent huts. Their habitations are small, round in 
shape, and made of grass and boughs. 

Wa-Sania do not trade amongst themselves, but with the Wa-Giriama, 
Swahilis and other people, exchanging ivory and rubber for rupees or food. 
Formerly cotton cloth passed for money among them, but now they all know 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc., British East Africa. 37 

the value of the rupee. They are as a rule most generous to each other, and one 
person obtaining money usually keeps only a portion for himself, and divides the 
remainder up amongst his relations and friends. 

The Wa-Sania believe that formerly human beings did not die until one day 
a lizard (Dibleh 1 ) appeared and said to them, " All of you know that the moon dies 
and rises again, but human beings will die and rise no more." They say that from 
that day human beings commenced to die. 

They say that formerly the Wa-Sania did not marry until one day one of 
their elders, calling a meeting of the tribe, pointed out to them that they were 
like animals, knowing no father or mother. The matter was discussed by those 
present and they decided to marry. 

They say that originally they always ate meat raw, until a woman on going to 
gather firewood found a dead rhinoceros which had killed itself by running on to 
a stake ; near the carcass she saw a fire, and cutting off some flesh from the dead 
beast, cooked and ate it. From that day the tribe started cooking meat. 

Originally all the tribes of the earth are said to have known only one language, 
but during a severe famine everyone went mad and wandered in all directions, 
jabbering strange words, and thus the different languages started. 

Fairy Tales. 

One day a small sea bird was hopping about close to the sea when the tide 
was on the ebb, picking up food, it was accosted by an elephant who asked it what 
it was doing. " Oh," said the bird, " can't you see I am drinking water ; if you wait 
a bit you will observe that the sea gets less." The elephant waited for a while 
and saw that the water gradually receded from the shore. Before he left, the bird 
said, " Come back to-morrow and I will be sick and throw out all the water from 
my stomach," at the same time mentioning an hour at which it knew that the 
tide would be on the flow. At the appointed time the two met near the shore, 
and the bird flying to the edge of the sea alighted and commenced hopping about 
pretending to be sick the whole time, and the elephant marvelling greatly, saw the 
water gradually increase. 

After a time the bird turning to the elephant said, " Yesterday you saw that 
I who am so small and insignificant was able to drink a large quantity of water. 
Surely you who are so immense will be able to drink the sea dry ! " The elephant, 
not wishing to be outdone by a small bird, started drinking the salt water, and in a 
short time died from the effects. The bird then flew off laughing at the elephant's 
foolishness. 

(2.) 

One day a lion went to his friend the hare, whom he knew to be very clever, 
and told him that unless he could catch some game to eat he would shortly die of 
hunger. The hare said to him, "I will invite a number of animals to come here 

1 It is usually the lizard who brings this message where the myth is found, the chameleon 
having been previously sent to announce the men will revive. G. W. 



38 CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT. Xotes on the Customs m\<l 

for a dance, but first of all I must bury you in the sand." The lion agreed, and 
the hare, having first buried him, went out and asked several animals to come and 
join in a dance he was giving ; some of them accepted his invitation and followed 
him to a spot near where the lion lay buried. When the assembled guests were 
busy dancing the lion rose up from his place of concealment and killed as many 
as he wanted. Having thanked the hare for his assistance he commenced to satisfy 
his hunger. 

(3.) 

Very many years ago fire and water were friends. One day, however, a fire 
was sitting near some water, when the latter rose up and extinguished it. From 
that day to this fire has been afraid of water, and avoids going near it if possible. 

(4.) 

Once during a drought all the beasts of the jungle met together to consider 
what steps they should take to get water. All agreed that they would help to dig 
a large well, except the hare, who was lazy, and did not want to work. The other 
animals were very angry, and told him that if he would not assist them he would 
not be allowed to drink from their well. The hare replied that if he wanted water 
he could always get it. When the well was completed, the hare, who was very 
thirsty, taking with him a pot of honey, proceeded to the well, where he saw a 
young elephant keeping guard. On seeing him the elephant asked him for some 
honey ; the hare replied, " I will give you honey if you will allow me to drink, but 
as I am afraid you will catch me when I am drinking, you must first of all 
let me tie up your hind legs." The elephant agreed, and the hare having securely 
fastened his hind legs, gave him a little honey. He then proceeded to drink as 
much water as he wanted ; having done this he threw earth into the water and 
made it as dirty as possible. The elephant was very angry but could do nothing 
as his legs were tied. In the evening the animals came to drink and found him 
still tied up, and the water filthy. The young elephant's father was very angry, 
and beat his son severely for allowing himself to be fooled by their common enemy 
the hare. 

The following day the lion was left in charge, but he, too, was unable to resist 
the honey cunningly offered him by the hare, and allowed himself to be tied up, 
and the animals coming for their evening drink found him lying helpless, and the 
water as dirty as before. On the third day the elephant ordered a turtle to conceal 
himself in the water, and if the hare came to drink to seize hold of him. About 
mid-day the hare came to the well, and satisfying himself that nobody was about, 
wi'iit down to drink. As soon as he put his paw into the water the turtle seized 
it in his mouth and held on tightly until the evening. When the elephant arrived 
hi- laughed loudly on seeing that his ruse had succeeded, and at last the wily hare 
had been caught. He then started off to get some rope with which to tie the 
captive up. The hare, however, said, " Don't bother to go and get rope, there are 
plenty of banana trees here, tie me up with strips taken from their leaves." The 



Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama, etc. British East Africa. 39 

elephant did so, and leaving the hare lying in the sun went off to search for a stick 
with which to beat him. While he was away the sun rapidly dried up the leaves 
with which the hare was bound and made them so brittle that he was able to 
break them without much effort, and he ran off. When the elephant returned he 
found that his captive had disappeared. 

(5.) 

Many years ago a dispute arose amongst all the animals and reptiles as to 
who should be king over them. After a lot of talk it was arranged that they 
should all start from a certain spot and race to a fallen tree trunk, which they all 
knew of in the forest. When they had assembled at the starting-point the 
chameleon climbed up a bush just behind the waterbuck and seized hold of its 
tail. On the word being given to start, the waterbuck dashed off, easily reached 
the winning-post first, and turned round to laugh at the others, whereupon the 
chameleon jumped on the tree trunk and called out, " Why are you laughing, 
can't you see that I am here before you ? " The waterbuck turning round, to his 
amazement found the chameleon sitting on the winning-post. He, however, 
acknowledged that he was beaten and the chameleon was appointed king. 

(6.) 

A lion who lived near a small forest bird called Ndundu was continually 
laughing at the latter, who he said had a feeble voice. This annoyed the Ndundu, 
who one day told the lion that when he proceeded to hunt game the next day he 
would accompany him and arranged with him that immediately the lion killed 
anything they would both cry out, and their respective wives on hearing their 
husband's call would cook their dinners. That evening the Ndundu called together 
all his relations, and arranged with them that when he and the lion went off to hunt 
the following day, they should fly after them and distribute themselves along the way, 
so that when he called out, the one nearest him would be able to hear, and call out 
to the next and so on until his wife heard the cry. The next morning the lion 
and Ndundu went off, and, unknown to the former, were followed by the latter's 
relations. After travelling a long distance, the lion killed a zebra and at once 
emitted three terrific roars ; the Ndundu also chirped three times, and the chirps 
were heard by his relations nearest him, who passed it on, until his wife hearing 
the cry, cooked her husband's dinner. When the lion had satisfied his hunger he 
and his companions went home. On their arrival they found that the Ndundu's 
wife had prepared her husband's dinner, but the lioness had prepared none. The 
lion was very angry and scolded his wife, who replied that she had not heard him 
roar or she would have cooked food for him. 

The Ndundu's wife, however, said she had heard her husband's call a long 
while ago, and on hearing it had started preparing the food. The lion was very 
annoyed to find, as he imagined, that the Ndundu's voice was louder than his, but 
in the future did not aggravate the bird by laughing at him. 



40 



ON CERTAIN PHYSICAL CHARACTERS OF THE NEGROES OF 
THE CONGO FREE STATE AND NIGERIA. 

Being a Eeport on Material supplied by Mr. E. Turday, 
Mr. T. A. Joyce, Mr. P. A. Talbot, and Mr. Frank Corner, M.R.C.S. 

BY ARTHUR KEITH, M.D., Conservator of the Museum, Royal College of Surgeons, 

England. 

[WITH PLATES I-IV.] 

AT the present time the affinities and relationships among the great conglomeration 
of negro tribes found between the extreme of the Guinea Coast, on the west, and 
the source of the Congo, in the south-east, are obscure and difficult to unravel. For 
their solution we require a very extensive series of observations, many more than 
we have now at our disposal, but we can only hope to obtain such a series by a 
systematic publication of such as come to hand. The observations published here 
relate to small groups of natives and limited series of crania, but they are from 
those parts of Africa which are imperfectly known, and from which every contribu- 
tion is welcome. 

The material at the writer's disposal is the following : 

(a) Mr. Einil Torday's measurement of tribes in the Congo Free State. They 
relate to the maximum head length, head breadth, nose length and 
breadth, bizygomatic width, upper face length and total face length, 
circumference of head, stature, span, pigmentation, hair, and mutilations 
of teeth. 

His observations are published in full in the tables at the end of this report 
and relate to 81 individuals (63 male, 18 female). In dealing with his measurements 
I have divided the tribes into the following groups : 

i. The Bushongo, 18 males, 2 females, from the Sankuru River in the 

south-central part of the State, 
ii. The Basoko, 11 males, 4 females, from the eastern region of the State, 

at the confluence of the Aruwimi with the Congo, 
iii. The Sango, 10 males from the Mubangi River in the north-central part 

of the State ; a people speaking a non-Bantu language, 
iv. A miscellaneous group of 24 males from various parts of the State : 

6 from the north-eastern part of the State Azande, Momuu, 

Bangelime, etc. ; 6 from the north bank of the northern bend of 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of Negroes, etc. 41 

the Congo Bangala, Gombe, Bula, etc. ; and the remainder from 
the south-eastern part Bapoto, etc. I purposely placed the repre- 
sentatives of various tribes together to compare such a composite 
group with the three others which are regarded as natural tribes. 
v. A miscellaneous group of 12 females from various parts : 5 Gombe 
north bend of Congo ; 2 Bapoto and 3 Mongivi from the north- 
central region. 

(b) Mr. Torday's collection of the crania of the Batetela, a tribe in the south- 

central region of the Free State between the sources of the Sankuru and 
Lomarni Kivers. This collection is now in the Museum of the Eoyal 
College of Surgeons, and consists of 86 crania, belonging to immature 
subjects and adult males and females. The detailed measurements of 
this collection have been made by pupils of Professor Karl Pearson, who 
will publish them. Meantime he has kindly supplied me with the mean 
of the chief measurements. Here I publish certain results and diagrams 
of some of those crania made by a new system of measurements. 

(c) Mr. P. A. Talbot's measurements of certain tribes in the south-eastern 

(Oban) district of British Nigeria. These tribes are natives of a region 
to the east of the Cross Eiver. Mr. Talbot's measurements are similar in 
nature to those of Mr. Torday. We have thus an opportunity of 

comparing the physique of Nigerian with Congolese natives. The tribes 

included in his measurements are : 

The Ekoi, 23 male, 1 female, chiefly from Oban, a town to the east 
of the Kiva Eiver. 

The Korawp, 13 males, 4 females, living eastwards from the Ekoi 
and on the border of the German Canieroons. 

The Kabila, 10 males, to the west of the Ekoi of the upper stretches 
of the Calabar Eiver. 

A miscellaneous group, 9 males, 2 from Calabar, 4 from Uyanga to 
the west of the Kabile, the 3 remaining individuals being from further 
west still. Thus the four groups we have to deal with come from that 
part of Nigeria which lies between the border of the German Cameroons 
and the Cross Eiver. The order of the tribes from east to west is : the 
Korawp, the Ekoi, the Kabila, the miscellaneous group. 

i. Five crania found by Mr. Talbot in the Ekoi country 3 were 

probably of males, 2 of females. 

ii. Five crania which Mr. Frank Corner placed at my disposal which were 
obtained from the delta of the Niger at Ogoni, near Bonny. The 
crania came from a district about 100 miles to the south-west of 
Mr. Talbot's district. 

The south-eastern part of Nigeria lies on the border line between the 
Sudanese and Bantu-speaking negroes. Mr. Corner's crania come from a uon- 



42 ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain, Physical Characters of 

Bantu country, while Mr. Torday's material comes chiefly from what may be 
regarded as a typical Bantu negro country. One object I have kept in mind was 
to see how far the Bantu-speaking negroes could be distinguished from the 
non-Bantu. Besides the data thus placed at my disposal I had also the collection 
of crania in the Museum of the Eoyal College of Surgeons, England, from the west 
coast of Africa, and Professor Waterston's report on the anthropological data 
collected by the late Dr. MacTier Pirrie in his sojourn amongst the Nilotic 
negroes, 1 as well as the monographs published by Dr. Frank Shrubsall in various 
numbers of this Journal, and the writings of Sir Harry H. Johnston, which have 
been of great service to me. 

Stature. In order to obtain some conception of the various groups of negroes 
dealt with in this paper I propose to deal first with the data relating to their 
stature. Table 1 gives the mean stature for each group and a rough conception of 
the degree to which stature varied from individual to individual. Placed according 
to the degree of stature the order of the tribes is as follows : 

C. Miscellaneous Congo group... ... 1652mm. 

C. Basoko 1658 

N. Korawp 1676 

C. Sango 1688 

N. Miscellaneous Nigerian group ... 1694 

N. Ekoi 1709 

N. Kabila 1727 

C. Bushongo 1747 

Thus the Nigerian tribes are taller than the Congolese with two exceptions : the 
Nigerian Korawp are in the more diminutive group, the Congolese Bushongo in the 
taller. We shall see that in many characters the Bushongo are marked out from 
the surrounding tribes ; the stature of the Korawp a tribe on the border of the 
German Cameroons is reduced by the inclusion of two individuals almost of 
pygmy stature. A pygmy tiibe, the Batelle, occurs towards the north of the 
German Cameroons. Stature is not a character which will serve to mark sharply 
off the Bantu-speaking people from the Sudanese. The Nigerian Ekoi and Kabila 
are much the same height as the Fertit and Nyam-Nyam tribes of the Sudan, but 
the males of Darfur are shorter and approach the Congolese Sango tribe in stature. 
The Bushongo of the Congo are nearly equal in stature to the Buruns, who live on 
the western borders of Abyssinia, but fall some 50 mm. short of the mean stature 
of the Dinkas. If we include as a middle group those tribes between 1690 mm. 
and 1729 mm. in stature with those below as a lesser stature group and those 
above as a greater, then we have the following table : 



1 Report upon the Physical Character! of some of the Nilotic A'egroid Tribes, by David 
\Vnterston, M.A., M.D., from the Anthropological Laboratory of Edinburgh University, 1908. 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



43 





Nigerian. 


Congolese. 


Nilotic. 


Lesser Stature . . . < 

\. 


Korawp 


Miscellaneous group 
Basoko 
Sango 


Fur 


Medium ... . . . < 


Miscellaneous group 
Ekoi 
Kabila 





Fertit 
Nyam-Nyam 


Greater Stature ... < 





Bushongo 


Burun 
Dinka 



Span, and its relationship to stature. Sir Harry Johnston describes long arms 
and short legs as characteristic of the Forest type of African negro. We expect 
in an individual of the Forest-negro type that the span will be considerably 
greater than the stature. In the Nilotic type of negro, in which the lower limbs 
are long, the span may be absolutely much greater than in the Forest type of 
negro and yet when compared to the stature of the body be much less. For that 
reason I am inclined to lay greater weight on the absolute rather than on the 
relative extent of the span. Of the various groups of negroes Niger, Congo and 
Nilotic included in Table II, the Korawp, a Nigerian tribe, are the most remark- 
able. In their stature they belong to the dwarfish group, while the Kabila living 
in a country some distance to the west of them are placed in the taller group, but 
in respect of absolute span the Korawps take a place considerably above the 
Kabila; evidently in the Korawp the legs are short. Their span is 122mm. 
greater than their height (the span is 7 per cent, greater than the stature). Two 
of the rather diminutive Congo tribes the Basoko and Sango show an opposite 
extreme ; the span is only 3 to 4 per cent, greater than the stature. The more 
massive Bushongo also a Congo tribe, like the Bongo and Nyam-Nyam tribes of 
the Sudan, show absolutely and relatively a great span 5 to 6 per cent, more 
than the stature. The Ekoi (Nigerian), the Fertit and Fur (Sudan) tribes show 
a medium excess of span over stature 2 to 4 per cent. The typical Nilotic negroes 
(Dinka and Burun), although the span is absolutely very great, belong to the 
medium group. Thus as regards span we get only a slight indication to the 
probable affinities of the tribes ; the Bushongo are marked out from the other 
Congo tribes and find their allies in the Nyam-Nyam of the Sudan and the Korawp 
and Kabila of Nigeria. Topinard gives the span as 108 per cent, of the stature 
for negroes in the United States ; none of the groups dealt with here reach that 



44 AUTuru KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 

figure, yet the majority of the American negroes were originally natives of the 
Nigerian and Congo regions. In the women the difference between span and stature 
is less than in men. In the absolute span, absolute stature and relationship of the 
one to the other there is an extreme degree of individual variation in both male 
and female. If we may divide these tribes into three groups, placing those with a 
span between 1750-99 in the middle, and the others in upper and lower groups, then 
the miscellaneous Congo, the Basoko (Congo), Sango (Congo), miscellaneous Nigerian 
must go in the lower ; the Fertit, the Fur (Sudan), the Ekoi, the Kabila, the Korawp 
( X iger) in the middle ; the Nyam-Nyam, Burun, Bushongo and Dinka in the higher 
all the latter being located in the Sudan except the Bushongo. In stature and 
in span the Congolese Bushongo find their nearest allies in the Nilotic negroes. 

One of the main objects I had in view was to see if the inhabitants in the 
.south-eastern part of Nigeria may be regarded as a northern extension of the 
tribes found within the watershed of the Congo or are, as is at present supposed 
by many, a southward extension of the type of negro usually classed as Sudanese. 
Stature has not assisted us greatly ; the Korawp are short legged, long armed, of 
low stature, and presumably of that type to which Sir Harry Johnston has given 
ihe name of Forest negro. The Kabila and Ekoi are rather of the Nilotic type, 
while the miscellaneous group drawn from further west nearer the Niger are of 
low stature, as are many of the Congolese tribes. We shall see, however, when we 
come to deal with the form of head that there is a marked difference between the 
somewhat dwarfish Nigerians and the Congolese tribes of low stature. To further 
assist us in forming a picture of the various tribes, I propose now to deal with the 
characters of the nose. 

The characters of the nose. The shape and proportions of the nose form one of 
the most distinctive features of the negro. In the various groups included in 
Table III an average or standard group may be arbitrarily demarcated in which the 
mean dimensions of the width of the nose at the alse varies from 43 to 44'9 mm. and 
.from 44 to 45'9 in length, with a larger and smaller nosed group to contain the races 
which fall short or exceed the mean. To a certain extent the dimensions of the 
nose indicate those of the face. To the larger-nosed group belong the Nigerian 
Kabila and Korawp and the Congo Bushongo, although the last named falls below 
the major width limit, yet as regards length it exceeds any other tribe under 
consideration. In the middle group are the Ekoi, miscellaneous Nigerian people, 
and the Sudanese Nyam-Nyam tribe. In the smaller group are the Congolese Sango, 
miscellaneous Congo peoples, the Sudanese Fur tribe all of which are also of 
small stature. In the Fertit (Sudan) and Basoko (Congo) the length is of the 
lower group, but the breadth of the middle standard ; in the Dinka, Burun, Bongo 
<all Sudanese) the length is of the middle standard but the breadth of the lower 
idard. Thus in the Nigerian region we find the nose reaches its greatest 
dimensions; in the Sudan and in the Congo regions we find two types, one of 
medium length but relatively narrow, and another which is short but relatively and 
absolutely wide. If we arrange these tribes into three groups, placing those in which 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 45 

the breadth of the nose is between 96 and 99'9 per cent, of the length as a middle 
group, we find the Congolese Sango and Basoko with the miscellaneous Nigerian 
people in the upper group (all of them small in stature) ; the Kabila (Nigerian), 
Fertit, Fur (Sudan), Korawp (Nigerian), Nyam-Nyam and Burun (Sudan), and 
miscellaneous Congo in the middle group ; the Ekoi (Nigerian), Bongo and Dinka 
(Sudanese), and the wide-nosed Bushongo (Congo) in the lower or relatively 
narrow-nosed group. In seeking to estimate the importance of narrowness of nose 
as a character of race one must remember that the width of the nose may be the 
result of a process which seems to be at work in all people who are living on well- 
prepared food. The palate and face tend to become narrower ; the cheeks to he- 
retracted and the nose to become more prominent and narrow. One can understand 
how the wide and flat negro nose could, if such a tendency be at work, become a 
more prominent and narrower structure ; it may assume such a character inde- 
pendently in various races as a result of a prolonged survival in a state of African 
civilisation as well as of European civilisation. At least the races living in a 
primitive manner are those with wide flat noses. I am not inclined to agree with 
those who account for all anthropological character by assuming that such a 
character as the Dinka nose betokens an infusion of Mediterranean blood ; we have 
no reason to suppose that this character is not as truly a character of the Dinka as 
bis black colour. I do not deny that Arab blood has been infused throughout the 
region of Africa with which I am dealing, but I do not think that the various 
types of nose found in the Nigerian, Congo and Sudanese tribes dealt with here 
are to be regarded as a result of hybridisation. We see in each tribe a tendency 
to production of a definite type, wide and short in some, long and narrower in 
others, and I am inclined rather to look for affinity as much in the absolute 
dimensions as in the proportion that one dimension holds to another. The 
Nigerian tribes are characterised by the massiveness of the nose its absolute 
length as well as its absolute width, the Ekoi showing affinities to the eastern 
tribes of the Sudan more than the others. The Bushongo, although in the relative 
proportion of width to length resembling the Nilotic negroes, yet in absolute 
measurements is associated with the Nigerian tribes. The Sango and Basoko 
have remarkably short noses and proportionately very wide. The miscellaneous 
Congo group, drawn chiefly from the north-east part of the Congo, have nasal 
dimensions very similar to the adjoining Sudanese tribes the Nyam-Nyam, Bongo, 
Fur and Fertit. The Nigerian Ekoi also come near to this group. Thus nasal 
characters give us no clear lines of tribal division between the Congo and Sudan 
regions beyond a tendency to narrowness in the east and to width in the west and 
shortness in the centre of the Northern Congo. 

Bony margin of the anterior nasal aperture. The manner in which the anterior 
nasal orifice is bounded in the dried cranium falls into three types : the most 
primitive or simian type where the lateral margin of the aperture is continued on 
towards the alveolar margin, the lower margin of the aperture being rounded and 
separated into right and left by the nasal spine. In the intermediate type, of which 



46 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



there are many varieties, the lateral margin turns inwards and a ridge from the 
nasal spine (the paraseptal ridge, Macalister) turns out towards it, but the two are 
separated and remain unfused. In the European type the paraseptal ridges fuse 
with the lateral margin and thus the lower aperture of the nose is bounded by a 
sharp edge. The following is the distribution of these three nasal types in the 
crania with which we are dealing : 



Crania from 


Number. 


Simian. 


Intermediate. 


European. 


koi country... 


3 





2 


1 


Niger Delta ... ... . . 


5 





5 


o 


Batetela (male) 


14 


3 


11 





(female) 


16 


3 


4 


9 


Negroes (West Coast) (male) 


35 


9 


15 


11 


(female) ... 


30 


7 


16 


7 


Negroes (South African) (male) ... 


30 





23 


7 


(female)... 


10 


1 


7 


2 













The intermediate type prevails in all tribes of negroes ; in those of South 
Africa there is a tendency to assume the European type ; in those of West Africa 
especially amongst the women a tendency to the simian type. Amongst the 
Batetela the women have the narrower and more sharply marked nose, but the 
sexual difference is not constant amongst the various tribes, as may be seen from 
Table III. 

Characters of the face. The zygomatic arches, which afford a means of 
estimating the width of the facial part of the skull, give origin to two important 
muscles of mastication. They are essentially structures concerned in the mechanism 
of mastication, and whoever would obtain an insight into the circumstances which 
regulate the degree of their lateral projection and therefore of the width of face 
must first study the mechanism of mastication. The posterior end of the arch 
being attached to the base of the cranial cavity will be affected to some extent by 
all the circumstances which affect the shape and size of that cavity. The anterior 
end of each arch is attached to the face proper, and hence will vary according to 
the narrowness or width of the face, which may be regarded as a bony scaffolding 
thrown out to carry the teeth and palate, and therefore in the main part of the 
mechanism of mastication. Thus, while the width between the posterior parts of 
the arches is influenced by the width of the cranial cavity, the anterior parts are 
subject to variations in the masticatory apparatus, and it is plain that we ought to 
record the anterior as well as the posterior bizygomatic width. We have to deal 
bete with the data at our disposal, and they relate more to the posterior than to 
the anterior part of the arch. We find in the main that there are two types of 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 47 

faces among men the wide and short where the muscles of mastication are 
distinguished by their thickness rather than hy their length, and a narrow and 
long face in which the muscles of mastication are characterised by the length 
rather than the number of their fibres. In the negro race the prevailing form of 
face is the wide short type. Indeed the laterally projecting cheek-bones and 
zygomatic arches especially as regards the frontal breadth is one of the charac- 
teristics of the negro race. Now of all the tribes under consideration the Bushongo 
has the greatest width of face ; the diminutive Basoko have the narrowest ; in the 
first the bizygomatic width is 143 - 7 mm., in the second 128 a difference of 
nearly 16 mm. If we may divide the tribes into three groups, placing those 
in which the bizygomatic diameter lies between 134 and 137'9 mm. as the 
middle division (see Table IV), then in the wide group are the Bushongo (Congo), 
the Nyam-Nyam (Sudan), the Fur (Sudan), Korawp (Niger), Kabila (Niger), Dinka 
(Sudan), Fertit (Sudan), and Batetela (Congo) ; in the middle group, the Sango 
and miscellaneous Congo group, the Ekoi and miscellaneous Niger group, and the 
Burun (Sudan) ; in the smaller narrow-faced group the Bongo ' (Sudan), and 
Basoko the dwarfish Congo tribe. Thus as regards width of face the Nilotic 
negroes stand pre-eminent with exceptions in the Burun and Bongo tribes ; the 
Congolese Bushongo, which in other points show affinities to the Nilotic and 
Nigerian tribes, agree with them also in this character. 

Hitherto I have said little of the small but remarkable group of skulls from 
the Niger Delta, placed at my disposal by Mr. Corner. They are characterised by 
the shortness of the face (49.6 mm.) besides other features of the skull which I 
shall describe presently. They fall at the end of the series showing the length of 
the face (see Table V). If we take 61'9 mm. as the upper limit of the short-faced 
group, then with these Nigerian crania must be placed two other Nigerian groups ; 
the Ekoi and miscellaneous group ; also the Basoko, Sango and miscellaneous 
Congolese ; but all the Sudanese tribes with the Kabila and Korawp of the Niger 
and the Bushongo fall in the medium group. Only the Dinka exceed the upper 
limit of the medium group which I place at 68 mm. A consideration of the 
proportion of the upper face length (naso-alveolar) to the width (bizygomatic) 
also emphasizes the remarkable character of the face of the crania from the 
Nigerian Delta. Faces fall naturally into three groups, the proportionally long, 
medium, and short. The medium group includes those in which the face length is 
45 to 49'9 per cent, of the face width. The people of the Niger Delta, the 
miscellaneous Nigerian group, and the Sango belong to the series of the short- 
faced group ; because of their wide bizygomatic measurements the Bushongo, the 
Nyam-Nyam and miscellaneous Congolese also belong to this group. I think it will 
be found that the crania from the Nigerian Delta are worthy of consideration as a 
distinctive type ; the short wide face is only one of the more distinctive characters ; 
we shall see that they are also well differentiated by the characters of the cranium, 
and I suspect that the Congolese Sango have more than a superficial resemblance to 
the type which apparently finds its purest representatives in the people of the 



48 ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters oj 

\io-erian Delta. They are people of small stature, allied to the Ashanti, but 
markedly different to the great number of the tribes of the West Coast. The 
Basoko, also a tribe of small stature and short face, is placed in the medium 
group owing to a corresponding narrowness of the face, while the Sudanese Bongo 
tribe, also a tribe of relatively small stature, reaches almost to the upper group, 
owing to the narrowness of the face. Only the Dinka have a face in which the 
length is half that of the width. Thus as regards character of face we have the 
Dinka occupying one extreme, the long-faced type and the Nigerian Delta people 
the other ; the intermediate tribes of the Sudan and Congo occupying intermediate 

positions. 

Characters of the forehead. The negro forehead is marked by several peculiar 
features. The upper part is prominent, almost bulging ; the two frontal eminences, 
which in European and Asiatic races are usually some distance apart, approach 
each other and may fuse in the middle line. The prominence of the upper 
part of the forehead is due, I think, partly to a flexure of the cranial base 
(see Plates I and II), and partly to a side to side compression of the frontal 
lobes a compression which leads to a narrowing and forward projection of that 
part of the frontal lobes which are covered by the frontal eminences. The 
functional explanation of the upper frontal prominence of the negro forehead i 
not yet discovered ; I regard it as the persistence of an infantile character. It is 
extremely marked in the Bushman and Hottentot and may be regarded as one of 
the most characteristic negro marks. 

In the supra-orbital region of the forehead variable characters are shown by 
negro tribes. Professor Schwalbe, as is well known, regards the torus supra-orbitalis 
as a distinctive racial mark of Neanderthal man ; the late Professor Cunningham 
gave an able analysis of this character (Trails. Roy. Soc. JEdin., 1908, vol. xlvi, 
p. 283). I have mentioned Mr. Corner's five crania from the Niger Delta, but as 
yet I have scarcely alluded to the five crania brought home by Mr. Talbot from 
the Oban or Ekoi district of Nigeria. All we know of Mr. Talbot's crania is the- 
locality in which they were found ; they do not answer to the measurements of any 
of the Nigerian tribes examined by him. In one the upper incisor teeth were 
filed to a peg-shape a character of many Congo tribes. Among Mr. Talbot's 
skulls there was one of a female which clearly belonged to the same type as the 
Nigerian Delta crania ; the other four (three males and one female) recalled 
closely the features of certain Congo tribes especially the Batetela which I 
had examined before receiving Mr. Talbot's collection from Nigeria. Thus, while 
the crania collected by Mr. Torday were predominantly of what I propose to name 
the Congolese type, those from the Niger Delta were of a very different character. 
I propose to recognise this form as the Nigerian type. The manner in which these 
two types differ I shall deal with presently. In the meantime I am concerned 
with the frontal characters only. Now in the Batetela crania which I regard as 
representative of the Congolese type the frontal sinuses are well inflated so that 
the bone of the glabellar, supraciliary and interorbital regions of the forehead 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 49 

forms a rounded elevated thin wall over the sinuses. In the Nigerian type of 
skull it is otherwise ; the sinuses are developed to a less degree, and bone of the 
the glabellar, supraciliary and supraorbital regions is not spread out into an even 
elevation over the lower forehead, but massed in bars forming well-marked 
supraciliary and supraorbital ridges. Indeed in two of the Nigerian Delta skulls 
the supraciliary and supraorbital elements fuse and form a real, although small, 
torus supraorbitalis ; the glabella overhangs and projects beyond the retracted 
nasion. Figures IB and 2s will help to make the difference in type clear to 
the reader. There can be no doubt that prominent supraorbital formations are 
more common in the West Coast of Africa than elsewhere in that continent ; it is 
a character they share with the negroids of the Pacific, and in a much less degree 
with the Neanderthal race. Considering the close connection which exists between 
Western Europe and Africa at Gibraltar, it is not improbable that there may yet 
remain in West Africa some evidence of those characters which distinguish the 
early Iranian inhabitants of Europe. For our present purpose it is enough to say 
that Nigeria appears to be on the frontier between two different negro types the 
Nigerian and Congo types. It is not to be expected that these types have remained 
pure. In one of Mr. Talbot's specimens the supraorbital region tends towards the 
Nigerian type ; in one of Mr. Corner's towards the Congolese type. The character is 
chiefly sexual in natxire, for in the females of both types the frontal sinuses and 
supraorbital ridges are much less developed than in the males. 

I add here a summary (see Table VII) of Mr. Talbot's observations of the 
foreheads of Nigerian tribes. The features of the negro forehead are its height, 
narrowness, and steepness. The Ekoi, the Korawp, and especially the Kabila show 
these characters ; so do the majority of the miscellaneous group, but in the latter the 
low and receding forehead occurs with greater frequency. I suspect that this will 
he found to be the case in the tribes of the Gold Coast to the West of the Cross 
I liver. 

Characters of the Cranium. I have mentioned some features of the type of 
negro that occurs in the Delta of the Niger the shortness of the face, the 
development of the supraciliary and supraorbital elevations of the forehead but the 
chief character of the type is seen when the cranium is viewed in full face and 
contrasted with the Congolese type, such as the Batetela cranium. The crania 
shown in Figs. IB, 2B, SB, and 4B are oriented according to the manner I 
described in the Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, 1910, vol. xliv, p. 250, viz., 
upon an internal plane which corresponds to the lower limit of the occipital lobes 
of the brain and to the under surface of the frontal lobes the subcerebral plane. 
When crania thus oriented are represented in full face, it is seen that there is a 
marked difference between the Nigerian and Congolese types (see figures). In the 
Congolese type the cranial cavity is flattened from above downwards and the 
lateral walls of the parietal region bulge outwards. In the Nigerian type the 
lateral walls are flattened and approximately vertical in the parietal region ; the 
roof of the skull arches up to the sagittal suture While the inter-frontal diameter 
VOL. XLI. E 



50 ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 

of both types of skull are nearly alike, the parietal region of the Congolese type is 
markedly wider. Take for example the type of skull found by Mr. Talbot in the Ekoi 
country (Figs. 4A and 4n) which I regard as of Congo origin for it closely resembles 
the Batetela crania (see Figs. IA and 4u). It will be seen that the lateral parietal region 
extends about 25mm. beyond the temporal lines of the frontal region of the skull ; 
in the Nigerian type the extension of the parietal region is less than 20 mm. A 
comparison of the frontal and parietal widths of the skull is the best method of 
bringing out this difference, but here we must trust to the absolute parietal breadth 
because the frontal breadths have not been recorded in the tribes with which we 
are dealing. The functional significance of this character is unknown ; why the brain 
should tend to assume a relatively great parietal width in the Congo type, we cannot 
tell, but we may suspect that it indicates a real difference in the cerebral functions. 
The breadth of tlie Negro Crania. In order to compare the measurements 
made ou the head of the living with those made on crania I have deducted 
10 mm. from the measurements of the first as representing the thickness of 
the soft tissues a deduction which is justified by recent observations made by 
Dr. John H. Anderson. 1 In Table VIII the deductions have already been 
made. This paper being but a preliminary enquiry into the possible relationship 
of the negro tribes north of the equator, I am using such data as are at my 
disposal without troubling about their mathematical significance ; I am simply 
making a preliminary survey of how the character of head breadth is distributed 
among these tribes. One fact becomes at once very apparent, that the three 
male crania found by Mr. Talbot in the Ekoi country are very different to any 
other random sample from a negro tribe in Equatorial Africa. The mean maximum 
width of the three is 150 mm. Another point which is emphasi/ed is the narrow- 
ness of the Dinka head it is only 132 mm. Dr. Shrubsall's mean for 58 Ashanti 
crania (of male and female) is 129'3 mm., which probably signifies that the mean 
for the male Ashanti is about 133-34 mm., for the sexual difference is from 8 to 
10 mm. In Table VIII, we have tribes from three regions of Africa: Nigerian, 
Congolese, and Nilotic. In each region we find tribes showing heads of lesser, medium 
and greater breadths. If we take the medium group to include those between 
135-137'9 mm., then to this group belongs nearly all the Nigerian tribes the 
Ekoi, Kabila, miscellaneous Nigerian and those of Upper Guinea or Gambia ; the 
Congolese Sango and the Gaboon tribes also belong to the medium group. To the 
wider group belong the Korawp (a Nigerian of the Forest-negro type), the 
Bushongo (a tall Congo tribe), the Basoko (a dwarfish Congo tribe) and the Batetela ; 
the Sudanese or Nilotic tribes are also represented in the maximum group by the 
Nyam-Nyam, Burun and Fertit. In the group of narrow heads are the Dinka, 
Bongo and Fur (Nilotic), the Nigerian crania and the miscellaneous Congo group. 
\V<> see at once that there is no manner of harmony between stature and head 
breadth; tribes of small or medium stature are associated with a tall tribe such 
as the Dinka and the tall wide-headed Bushongo with the dwarfish Basoko. The 

1 See this Journal, vol. xl, 1910, p. 264. 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 51 

point I wish to emphasize is that all those tribes showing the smaller head breadths 
have crania belonging to the type I have named Nigerian, while those with the 
wider head breadths belong to the Congo type. The crania flattened laterally 
in the parietal region occur chiefly in the Nigerian and Nilotic regions. 

The maximum head-length of the various Negro Tribes. In comparing the 
measurements made on the heads of the living with those made on crania I have 
deducted, in Table IX, 9 mm. for the soft parts. In Table IX, as in Table VIII, I 
have included the measurements of three groups of skulls the Gambian, including 
those negro crania in the museum of the Eoyal College of Surgeons, England, which 
were obtained from Sierra Leone, and the country to the north of that district ; the 
Nigerian from the Gold Coast, from Sierra Leone to the German Cameroons, and 
the Gaboon group from the French Congo. In these three groups it will be 
observed that the maximum length of the crania is greatest in the Gambian group and 
least in the Gaboon group ; the maximum width was the same in those two groups. 
We shall see that in the Congolese type of skull the length is reduced ; w.e have already 
seen that the width tends to be greater. If we divide the various tribes from the 
Nigerian, Nilotic, and Congolese regions into three groups, including in the middle 
one those with a head length between 180-184-9, we find that the Nigerian Korawp 
(Forest-negro type), the Upper Guinea or Gambian tribes and the Nilotic Dinka 
are in the upper group ; the Bongo (Sudan), Gaboon, miscellaneous Congo tribes 
and the dwarfish Basoko (Congo) are in the shorter group. The other Nigerian 
tribes the Ekoi, Kabila, and miscellaneous group and crania the Congolese 
Bushongo, Batetela and Sango, the Nilotic or Sudanese Fur, Nyam-Nyam, Burun, 
and Fertit are in the medium group. The long crania occur at the north-east and 
north-west corners of the region of Africa with which we are dealing ; the 
medium and lesser measurements predominate in the centre and soxith. 

Relationship of breadth to length of head. So far I have been comparing the 
maximum length and breadth of the heads, but if now the relation of breadth to 
length is compared it is at once seen that the crania of the Congo tribes are 
relatively wide. For the purpose of comparing the various tribes I will include in 
a middle group those with a breadth or index of 74-76'9 per cent, of the length. 
Only two of the Nigerian tribes belong to the middle group the Ekoi and the 
Delta tribes and both to the lower series of the middle group. All the other 
Nigerian heads fall in the lower group. None of the Congo tribes fall in the lower 
group ; most are in the middle, but two, the Batetela and Basoko, are in the upper 
group. As regards the Nilotic and Sudanese tribes, two are in the upper, Nyam- 
Nyam and Burun ; two in the middle, the Fertit and Bongo ; two in the lower, 
the Fur and Dinka. Thus to explain the exceedingly great variety in the size and 
shape of the head in the tribes across the Congo-Sudan belt of Africa, we must 
suppose that we are dealing with two contrasted types of crania which we have 
already distinguished as the flat-sided Nigerian and the bulging-sided Congolese 
the transverse diameter prevailing in the one, and the long diameter prevailing in 
the other. To account for the distribution of these forms we must suppose, as we 

E 2 



52 ARTHUR KPJITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 

indeed know there has been, a free tribal migration. We may distinguish three 
centres of head form : the Dinka centre in the north-east, where the head is 
absolutely long and absolutely narrow ; the Gambian centre in the north-west, where 
the head is absolutely long and relatively narrow ; and a Basoko centre in the south- 
eastern region of the Congo, where the head is absolutely wide and absolutely 
short. From the south-eastern centre in the Congo we find the brachycephalic 
type extends to the Batetela, and to the Nyam-Nyam tribe in the Sudan and the 
Burun on the western border of Abyssinia. The Congolese Sango, Bushongo, the 
tribes of the Gaboon, the Nigerian Ekoi (owing to a relatively small length than a 
great breadth), the Bongo and Fertit (Sudan) also show some degree of brachycephaly. 
We see that, as regards head form, the tribes examined by Mr. Talbot in the 
Oban district of Nigeria, although they show certain affinities in physical form with 
the Congo tribes, are in the main of the Nigerian type. The Bushongo also show 
relationship to the Nigerian type. 

Height of the cranium. In neither Mr. Torday's nor Mr. Talbot's observations 
were measurements of the height of the head taken. For information on this point 
we must fall back on the Batetela collection of crania from the Congo and the 
Nigerian collection of crania placed at my disposal by Mr. Corner and Mr. Talbot. 
As regards the height of the head in Nilotic negroes we have the measurements 
made by Dr. MacTier Pirrie. He gives the meato-vertical height, but in order to 
compare his measurements with those I have made in crania, it is necessary to 
deduct not only the thickness of the scalp (for which I allow 7 mm.) but also 
half the width of the meatus (5 mm.), for while he measured from the middle of 
the meatus I made those on crania from the upper border of the meatus. Hence 
in Table XI the measurements given for the Nilotic tribes have been reduced 
by 12 mm. 

There are three methods of measuring the height of crania : (1) the meato- 
vertical height the only suitable one for measurements on the living ; (2) the basi- 
bregmatic height (suitable for crania), and (3) the method shown in Figs. IA and HA 
where the height of the cranium is measured from the subcerebral plane, a plane 
corresponding to the lowest parts of the frontal and occipital lobes. It will be 
well to examine the last-named method first because it provides an opportunity of 
describing well-marked differences between the two contrasted types of negro 
crania which I have named the Nigerian and Congolese. Of the latter type the 
liatetela crania may be taken as examples ; in Fig. 3 a composite profile is given of 
five male crania of that tribe, the specimens being taken at random. In Fig. 2 
a composite figure is given of the three male crania obtained by Mr. Corner from the 
Niger delta. The maximum length of the two groups is nearly the same, viz., 
183 mm. for the Batetela and 181 for the Nigerian. The highest point on the 
calvarium (the calvarial height) above the subcerebral plane is 99 mm. in the 
Congo type, 100 in the Nigerian type practically the same. The highest point 
(marked on Figs. 2 and 3) is placed further forward in the Nigerian type. The 
basi-bregmatic height is: 140-6 mm. in the Nigerian type, 132 mm. in the Congo 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 53 

type. The apparent small height of the Congo type is due to the fact that the 
bregma is situated more directly over the basion than in the Nigerian type 
(compare Figs. 2 and 3). The highest point of the calvarium is 121'6 mm. above 
the auditory meatus in the Nigerian type, 115-2 mm. in the Congo type. Thus 
the height of the cranium, if measured from the meatus or basion, is greater in the 
Nigerian type than in the Congo, but if the subcerebral plane is taken as a 
standard, the heights are about equal. The position of the meatus is further 
forward and higher up in the Congo than in the Nigerian type ; in the Congo 
type it is 7 mm. further forward and 4 mm. higher up than in the Niger type. 
The difference is due to the growth of the brain being more towards the lambda in 
the Congo type and more towards the bregma in the Nigerian type. 

The difference between the two types of cranial form is also well seen when 
the meato-vertical height is compared with the maximum breadth of the skull. 
In the Batetela the meato-vertical height is 82 per cent, of the maximum breadth 
(see Table XI) ; in the three male crania from the Ekoi country the corresponding 
figure is 79'6 per cent., a feature which provides further evidence 6f the Congolese 
nature of these crania. Further observation will show that in the tribes of the 
purer Congo type the meato-vertical height of the skull will be less than 85 per 
cent, of the maximal breadth, while in the Nigerian type, which extends across the 
Sudan to the Nile Valley, the height will be over 85 per cent, of the maximal 
breadth. In Table XI, I have estimated this proportion for the Nilotic tribes 
and find it varies from 87 per cent, in the Nyam-Nyam and Burun tribes to 93 in 
the Dinka. 

In the tribes of the Nigerian type, height prevails over breadth ; in those of 
the Congo type, breadth prevails over height. 

Cranial capacities and size of heads. Certain of the tribes dealt with here 
show large heads, others are of small size. Unfortunately, I have no data relating 
to one of the principal measurements, viz., height. The tribes with a maximal 
length of 182 mm. and over, a maximal breadth of 138 mm. and over, are the 
Korawp (Nigerian), the Bushongo (Congolese), and Nyam-Nyam (Nilotic); the 
Basoko, Sango and Bongo (Sudanese) belong to the lesser-headed tribes. Professor 
Pearson informs me that the mean cranial capacity of the male Batetela is 1342 cc. 
(S.D. 127), of the female 1206 cc. (S.D. 108). In the group of Gambian crania 
(see p. 50) and in the Nigerian group the mean cranial capacity is 1450 cc., in 
the Gaboon group 1445. The mean for the three male crania from the Niger Delta 
is only 1240 cc. (see Table XI), for the Nigerian type of that district is of small 
stature and size. The capacity of the three male crania brought by Mr. Talbot from 
the Ekoi country is 1430 cc. It will be seen that larger and smaller headed types 
are found in each of the three groups of tribes dealt with here, but it will be found 
that smaller heads are more common in the Congo region. 

Pigmentation, ear and lip form, and hair character. Mr. Talbot has made 
certain observations on the ear form of the Nigerian tribes. la a paper published 
some time ago in the Proceedings of the Anatomical and Anthropological, Society of 



54 AHTIIUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 

the University of Aberdeen (1906) I distinguished for the purposes of observation 
two contrasted types of ear : the small, appressed, retrograde " orang " type, and 
the large, projecting chimpanzee type. Mr. Talbot distinguishes six types, two of 
which the " large outstanding " and the " small flat " correspond to the chim- 
panzee and orang forms. 





Large 
and 


Large 
and 


Medium 
and 


Medium 
and 


Small 
and 


Small 
and 




flat. 


Outstanding. 


flat. 


Outstanding. 


flat. 


Outstanding. 


Ekoi 


V- 


2 


5 


1 


7 


5 


Korawp 


1 


6 








4 


4 


Kabila 





3 








5 


2 


Miscellaneous Group 


J 


1 


i 





1 


4 



The chimpanzee type is prevalent among the Korawp, the orang type in the 
Ekoi and Kabila. The orang type is the form met with in the Bushman race. 
He distinguished four types of lips, viz. 





Thin. 


Medium. 


Thick. 


Everted. 


Ekoi 





1 


9 


14 


Korawp 





U 


9i 


6 


Kabila 








3 


7 


Miscellaneous Group 





2 


1 


6 



The everted type of lip is least common amongst the Korawp. 

Pigmentation. The colour of the skin in the Ekoi, Korawp and Kabila was 
uniformly a red-brown ; this was also so in the miscellaneous group except for two 
individuals, in one of whom the colour was black and the other yellow. The 
Kabila and two of the nine of the miscellaneous group had the iris of rather 
lighter colour, classed as medium. In all the hair was black and woolly. The 
Ekoi are also distinguished by having beards, but the absence of hair on the face 
of the others may be natural or artificial. Amongst the Congo tribes there appears 
to be little variation in the pigmentation of the skin and character of the hair. 
The Bushongo, with the exception of one individual (sooty black), are classed as 
dark brown (class 3) ; it is also so among the Basoko, but among the Sango there 
were three individuals of class 2 the " sooty black " class. The Sango evidently 
tend to a greater degree of pigmentation. In most of the crania of Batetela the 
two upper central incisors have been extracted in youth ; the crania from the 
Niger Delta show no dental mutilations, nor does Mr. Talbot mention dental 
deformity as a character of the Nigerian tribes. One of the crania in Mr. Talbot's 
collection, which belongs to the group which he suspected to be of Congo origin, 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 55 

shows the upper incisor teeth filed to a peg shape. All the observed males of the 
Sango tribe show " pegging " of the upper incisors ; six of the Basoko men and 
two of the women show this mutilation ; so do those members of the miscellaneous 
Congo group from the north-east part of the Congo Free State. 

Summary. This paper deals with anthropological observations made on small 
and random samples of tribes of the Congo Free State and British Nigeria and of 
certain small collections of crania. 

1. In British Nigeria the negro tribes are of several types. Crania from the 
Niger Delta and observations on a miscellaneous group of natives to the west of 
the Cross River show that there is a well-marked type of West African negro, low 
of stature, relatively long head, with the skull decidedly flattened from side to side 
in the parietal region. Many of the physical characters of this type can be 
recognised in the Sango and other Congo tribes bordering on the Sudan. In head 
form, although not in stature, the Dinka and Fur of the Nilotic tribes resemble the 
Nigerian type. 

2. A type of negro sharply contrasted in head form to the laterally compressed 
Nigerian type is the Congolese. In this the head bulges laterally in the parietal 
region ; the type is wide-headed and brachycephalic, the width being especially 
great when contrasted with the height. The Batetela, a tribe of medium height, 
and the Basoko, of low stature, living in the eastern and central regions of the 
Congo Free State, may be regarded as examples of this type. The Nyam-Nyam 
and Burun tribes of the Upper Nile region show an approach to this type. 

3. The Korawp, a Nigerian tribe towards the frontier of the German Cameroons, 
represents what Sir Harry Johnston has named the " Forest-negro type." The 
stature is short, the arms long, the face, the head and nose massive, but the head 
is proportionally long as in most of the northern negro tribes. Although the 
Bushongo, a Congo tribe, are tall when compared with the Korawp, yet they show 
many of the features of the Forest-negro type the massive head, great span, 
massive nose which is relatively narrow, with very wide and short face. In other 
points they resemble the Nyam-Nyam of the Sudan rather than the Korawp. 

4. There remains over a group of tribes such as the Ekoi and Kabila of 
Nigeria, the Fertit and Bongo of the Nile region, which have no outstanding 
character ; in stature, span, face, head, pigmentation and nose they approach the 
negro average. 

5. To account for the present distribution of the negro tribes in the equatorial 
part of Africa one must assume : (a) There has been a free intermigration ; (&) That 
in their evolution the tendency of one tribe has been towards the accentuation of 
one set of characters, in another tribe another set. Thus in the Dinka, high stature 
and narrow-headedness have become marked characters ; in the typical Nigerians 
low stature and narrow head ; in the Basoko, a wide short head and low stature ; in 
the Buruns, a wide head and high stature. Interbreeding may have played a part ; 
if it had played a great part, we should have found a greater physical uniformity 
than there is. The influence of Arab blood has probably been exaggerated. 






ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



TABLE I. STATUKE. 



Race. 


Sex. . 


No. 


Mean. 


1350- 
1424 


1425- 
1499 


1500- 
1574 


1575- 
1649 


1650- 
1724 


1725- 
1799 


1800- 
1874 


1875- 
1924 


I, 
























Ekoi 





23 


1709 








1 


4 


12 


4 


1 


1 


,, 





"T~ 











1 

















Korawp 





13 


1676 


1 


1 





2 


2 


i 














4 


1579 








4 

















Kabila 





10 


1727 











2 


5 


2 


1 





Miscell. (Niger) 





9 


1694 











2 


6 


1 








II. 
























Bushongo 





18 


1750 











2 


5 


8 


3 











2 


1664 











1 


1 











Basoka 





11 


1658 








2 


3 


4 


2 














4 


1524 





1 


3 
















Sango 





10 


1688 











2 


5 


3 








Miscell 





22 


1652 








2 


8 


9 


3 


! 








12 


1561 





2 


4 


6 














III. 
























Fertit, 





5 


1708 


























Bongo 





7 


1692 








, 














Burun 




43 


1759 








_ 














Fur 




15 


1682 























Xy.-ini-Nyam 




10 


1724 











- 











Dinka 


60 


1801 














































I. Niger Group. 
II. Congo Group. 
III. Sudan Group (from Professor Waterston's Report of Dr. MacTier Pirrie's observations). 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



57 



TABLE II. 
BELATION OF SPAN TO STATUKE. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. 


Mean. 


A. 


B. 


1500- 
1574 


1575- 
1649 


1650- 

1724 


1725- 
1799 


1800- 

1874 


1875- 
1949 


1950- 

2024 


I. 


























Ekoi 


-- 


23 


1770 


61 


103-5 





1 


8 


6 


6 


2 











1 


1575 


40 


102-6 





1 

















Korawp 





13 


1799 


122 


107 


2 


1 


1 


1 


6 


2 











4 


1656 


77 


105 


1 


3 

















Kabila 





10 


1778 


51 


102-4 





1 


1 


6 


2. 








Miscell. 





9 


1744 


50 


103; 





1 


2 


4 


2 








II. 


























Bushongo ... 





18 


1847 


97 


105. 








2 


5 . 


4 


4 


3 







2 


1760 


96 


105-7 








1 


1 


. 





























Basoko 





11 


1725 


67 


104 





2 


4 


2 


3 














4 


1524 





100 























Sango 





10 


1745 


57 


103-5 























Miscell. ... 





22 


1737 


85 


105 





























12 


1609 


48 


103 























III. 


























Fertit 





5 


1762 


54 


103 























Fur 





15 


1769 


87 


104 























Bongo 





7 


1795 


103 


106 























Nyam-Nyam 





10 


1822 


98 


105-7 























Burun 





43 


1834 


75 


104-2 























Dinka 





60 


1877 


76 


104-1 
























A. The amount by which the span exceeds the stature. 

B. The relationship of span to stature, Group III, is taken from Professor Waterston's 
Report. 



58 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



s 

-3 



V 







V 



s 



a 





fc 



s 

(a 



9 



s 



OCOr-c>OlO 



(N t- rH 



O5OCDi-it-f-Ht^ 



l-H <N 1-H "* TO 



| IM | 



_ -^ _ I - 



Or-IOl I 



OSCOCO^K) 



S 8 I 



9P 



iO t- O CO O 

-" .-H^CO 



j I =li 

MM WS 



I I I . I I I I \ 



!*! 

W (3 






. 






the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



TABLE IV. 
BIZYGOMATIC WIDTH. 



Race. 


Sex 


. No. 


Mean. 


115- 
19 


120- 
24 


125- 
29 


130- 
34 


135- 
39 


140- 
44 


145- 
49 


150- 
55 


L Living. 
























Ekoi 





22 


134 








3 


9 


8 


1 


1 





Korawp 





13 


138-4 








1 


3 


4 


2 


1 


2 


j> 





4 


124-5 





2 


2 

















Kabila 





10 


138-3 


. 








1 


6 


2 


1 





Miscell. 





9 


136 








1 


3 


a 


2 








II. Living. 
























Bushongo ... .., 





18 


1437 











3 


2 


7 


2 


4 


Basoko 





11 


128 


4 


1 


1 


2 


1 


1 


1 











4 


125 





2 


1 


1 





. 








Sango 





10 


137 








2 


2 


1 


3 


1 


1 


Miseell. 





21 


134 


2 


1 


2 


4 


6 


4 


1 


1 








11 


130 


2 


1 


2 


3 


2 


1 








III. Crania. 
























Ekoi 





3 


131 








2 





1 


_ 






Niger Delta 





2 


132 








1 


1 














!> Jl 





1 


131 


























,, Type 





1 


120 


























Batetela 





5 


133 
































5 


120 


























Bantu (Shrubsall) 








129 


























Ashanti 








121-5 


























IV. Nilotic Tribes 
























( Waterstori). 






















Bongo ... ... 


7 


133-4 


. 























Fertit 





5 


138 


























Pur 





15 


139-4 























_ 


Nyam-Nyam 





10 


141-2 


























Burun 





43 


136-5 








. 

















Diuka 





60 


138 



























60 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



TABI^E V. 
NASO-ALVEOLA.R LENGTH. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. 


Mean. 45-49 


50-54 


55-59 


60-64 


65-69 


70-74 


7o-79 


I. Living. 






















Ekoi 
Korawp 





23 
13 


61-8 
64 


I 


2 


10 


8 
5 


3 

5 


2 

1 














4 


56-5 





1 


3 














Kabila 





10 


64-5 








1 


5 


3 





1 


Miscell 





9 


57 


1 


1 


5 


1 


1 








II. Living. 






















Bushongo 
Basoko 





18 
11 


64 
60-7 





1 


4 
4 


6 
3 


6 

2 


2 
I 





n 





4 


54 





3 


1 














Sango 





9 


59-3 





1 


5 


1 


2 








Miscell 





20 


60-1 


1 


1 


4 


12 


1 


1 











11 


60 








5 


5 


1 








III. Crania. 






















Ekoi 





2 


67 


. 











2 








Niger Delta 





3 


496 


2 


1 

















,, 





1 


68 























Niger Type 





1 


63 























Batetela 





5 


63 























n ... ... 





5 


60 























Bantu (Shrubsall) ... 








69 























Ashanti 








64-5 























IV. Xllntii- Tribei 
( Watertton). 






















Bongo 





7 


64-6 




















; 


Fertit 





5 


63 























Fur 





15 


65-7 





. 

















Nyam-Nyam 





10 


64-3 

















... 


~~ 


Burun ... 





43 


65 














. 





Dinka 





60 


69-6 





















the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



61 



TABLE VI. 
PROPORTION OF LENGTH OF FACE TO BREADTH. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. Mean. 


35-39 40-44 45-49 


50-54 


I. Living. 














Ekoi 





22 


46 





10 


8 


4 


Korawp ... 





13 


47 














Kabila 


4 
10 


45-4 

47 













Miscell. ... 





9 


42 














II. Living. 
















Bushongo 





18 


44.4 





10 


8 





Basoko 


. 


11 


47-5 














> ... ... ... 





4 


43 





4 








Sango 





9 


43 


2 


3 


3 


1 


Miscell 





21 


44-7 


2 


9 


6 


4 


)j * 





11 


46 














III. Crania. 
















Ekoi 





3 


51 














Niger Delta 





2 


38 














)> > 





1 


52 














,, 





1 


52 














Batetela 





5 


47 








. 














49 














Bantu (Shrubsall) 








53 














Ashanti 








53 














IV. Nilotic Tribes 
















( Waterston). 
















Bongo 
Fertit 





7 
5 


48-4 
45 














Kur 





15 


47 














Ny am-Nyaui 





10 


44 














Burun 





43 


47-6 














Dinka ... ... ... 


60 


50 










' 



TABLE VII. 
CHARACTER OF FOREHEAD IN NIGERIAN TRIBES. 





Ekoi (24). 


Korawp (17). 


Kabila (10). 


Miscellan. (9). 


High 


10 


11 


10 


4 


Low ... 


1 


4 





4 


Broad ... 


12 


13 


4 


1 


Narrow ... 


8 


4 


5 


5 


Not receding 


23 


17 


3 


7 


Slightly receding 
Much receding ... 


1 





z 


1 

1 


Medium height 


10 


2 








Medium breadth 








1 





62 



AKTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



TABLE VIII. 
MAXIMUM BREADTH OF HEADS. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. 


Mean. 


115- 
19 


120- 
24 


125- 
29 


130- 
34 


135- 
39 


140- 
44 


145- 

49 


150- 
54 


155- 
159 


I. Living. 
























Ekoi 





23 


135-5 





. 


2 


4 13 


3 





1 





Korawp 





12 


1^8~ 











4 2 


3 


3 








Kabila 





9 


13.-) 








2 


4 1 


2 











Miscell. 





9 


136 








1 


3 


3 


2 


~ 


' 




II. Living. 


























Bushongo 





17 


140-5 











3 


5 


7 


1 


1 





Basoko 





11 


139-2 











2 


4 


3 


1 


1 





Sango 





10 


135-3 








1 


3 


5 


1 











Miscell. 





23 


134 





1 


2 


8 


7 


5 








III. Crania. 


























Ekoi 





3 


150-5 

















1 





1 


1 


Niger Delta ... 





3 


136-5 











1 


1 


1 











Gambian 





19 


135 








3 


5 


6 


5 











Nigerian 





38 


133-2 


1 


1 


7 


14 


8 


6 


1 








Gaboon 





23 


135-2 








3 


7 


7 


6 











Batetela 





50 


138-5 





























t 





27 


130-9 





























IV. Nilotic 


























Tribe*. 


























Nyam-Nyam ... 





10 


141T) 





























Fur 





15 


134-4 





























Fertit 





:> 


138-8 





























Bongo ... 





7 


134-4 





























Burun 





43 


140 





























Dinka 





00 


132 











1 















In Groups I, II, and IV, 10 mm. have been deducted to represent the soft covering parts 
of the skull. The measurements of Group IV are from Professor Waterston's " Report on Dr. 
MitcTicr 1'ii i ic's measurements." The Nigerian, Gambian (Upper Guinea), and Gaboon cranial 
mramireinents are from the "Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons, 
England," while those of the Batetela are from Professor Pearson's measurements. 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



63 



TABLE IX. 
MAXIMUM LENGTH OF HEADS. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. 


Mean. 


160- 
64 


165- 
69 


170- 

74 


175- 

79 


180- 
84 


185- 
89 


190- 
94 


195- 
99 


I. Living, 
























Ekoi 





23 


183-3 








2 


4 


11 


4 


2 





Korawp 





13 


187-7 








1 


1 


2 


2 


6 


1 


Kabila 





9 


183 








2 





3 


3 


1 





Miscell 





9 


184 











1 


5 


1 


2 





II. Living. 
























Bushongo ... 





18 


183-5 








3 


2 


7 


3 


1 


2 


Basoko 





11 


174-7 


1 


1 


2 


5 


2 











Sango 





10 


182-5 








1 


2 


4 


2 


1 





Miscell 





20 


176 








6 


7 


4 


3 








III. Crania. 
























Ekoi 





3 


187-3 

















3 








Niger Delta ...' - 


4 


181-3 











3 





1 








Garabian ... ... - 


19 


186 





1 





2 


2 


9 


4 


1 


Nigerian 


38 


181-6 





3 


5 


5 


12 


8 


5 





Gaboon ... ... - 


24 


178-5 





2 


7 


4 


3 


7 


1 





Batetela 


50 


177-8 


























j 





26 


171-4 


























IV. Nilotic 
Tribes. 
























Nyam-Nyam ... - 


10 


182-8 


























Fur - 


15 


183-8 


























Fertit - 


5 


181 


























Bongo ... ... - 


7 


179-2 


























Burun ... ... - 


43 


180-7 


























Dinka - 


60 


186 




1 ' 















9 mm. have been deducted from the measurements made in the head of the living. The 
Gambian crania include those from Upper Guinea and Sierra Leone, in the Museum, Royal 
College of Surgeons ; the Nigerian from Sierra Leone and the German Cameroons. The rueaus 
for the Batetela crania were given to me by Professor Karl Pearson. Group IV is from 
Professor Waterston's Report. 



64 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



TABLE X. 
KELATION OF BREADTH TO LENGTH. 



Race. 


Sex. 


No. 


Mean. 


60-64 


65-69 


70-74 


75-79 


80-84 


85-89 


90-94 


I. Living. 






















Ekoi 





23 


74-5 








16 


5 


2 








Korawp 





13 


73-8 








9 


4 











Kabila 





9 


73-8 





2 


2 


4 


1 








Miscell 





9 


73-9 





1 


3 


5 











II. Living. 






















Bushongo 





18 


76'8 








3 


11 


4 








Basoko 





11 


79-5 








2 


4 


3 


2 





Sango 





10 


74-2 








6 


4 











Miscell 





23 


76-6 





1 


7 


8 


7 








III. Crania. 






















Ekoi 





3 


80-2 











1 


2 








Niger Delta 





4 


75-1 





1 


2 


1 











Gambian 





19 


72-6 





3 


10 


6 











Nigerian 





38 


75-5 


2 


5 


15 


14 


2 








Gaboon 





24 


75-8 





2 


6 


11 


5 








Batetela 





50 


77-8 





























20 


76-4 























IV. Nilotic 
Tribes. 






















Nyam-Nyam 








77-6 























Fur 








72-8 























Fertit 








76-2 























Bongo 








74-9 























Burun 








77-3 























Diuka 








71 
























the Negroes of the Congo free State and Nigeria. 



65 



TABLE XI. 
HEIGHT OF CKANIA. 



No. 




Race. 


I- 


II. 


III. 


IV. 


V. 


1 


Cranium 


Ekoi 


105 


117 


134 


78 


1540 cc. 


2 






96 


116 


119 


81 


1420 


3 






103 


125 


131 


80 


1330 1 


4 






92 








1320 


5 


,, ... 


Nigerian type 


97 


116 


130 


87 


umj 

1140 


6 


) 


Nigerian 


103 


121 


141 


92 


1190 


7 


i ... 





99 


119 


145 


88 


1360 ? 


8 


,, 


,, 


98 


125 


136 


87 


1370 


9 


,, 


(boy) ... 


90 


109 


130 


93 


1210 


10 








94 


114 


132 


87 


1170 


3 


Crania 


Ekoi 


101 


119-6 


128 


79-6 


1430 


3 


... ... 


Nigerian 


100 


121-6 


140-6 


89 


1240 


5 


} , 


Batetela 


99-2 


115-2 


132 


82 


1342 


5 


>, ... ... 


Ancient Egyptian ... 


107 


123 


141 


87 





5 


... ... 


Batetela 


93-5 


110 


124 


82-6 


1206 


50 


Pearson 











133-8 








26 





... 








127-5 








108 


Shrubsall 


Bantu 








136-8 








57 


J 


Ashanti 








131-8 








10 


Waterston 


Nyam-Nyam 





123-8 





87 





15 


V ... 


Fur 





121-6 





90 





5 


,, ... 


Fertit 





123-4 





89 





7 


J) ... 


Bongo 





123-7 





92 





43 


,, 


Burun 





123 





87 





60 





Dinka 





123-8 





93 






Nos. 1-5 are the crania brought Lome by Mr. Talbot ; 6-10, the Nigerian Delta skulls 
belonging to Mr. Corner. 

I. Highest point of cranial vault above plane of orientation (see Figs. IA and IB). 
II. Ditto above upper border of meatus (see Figs. IA and ID). 

III. Basi-bregmatic length. 

IV. Proportion of meatal height to greatest width. 
V. Capacity. 

VOL. XLI. F 



66 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



MR. TORBAY'S MEASUREMENTS OF TRIBES IN THE CONGO FREE STATE. 
Group I, Bushongo. Group II, Basoko. Group III, Sango. Group IV, Miscellaneous. 



H.L. = Maximum head length. 
H.B. = Maximum head breadth. 
F.L. = Naso-alveolar distance. 
F.B. = Bizygomatic diameter. 
N.L. = Nose length. 
N.B. = Width of nose at al. 



St. = Stature. 

Sp. = Span. 

Index of each pair of measurements 

Nose (L.B.) 

Face (W.L.) 

Head (L.W.) 





H.L. 


H.B. 


[nd. 


F.L. 


E.B. 


[nd. 


N.L. 


N.B. 


Tnd. 


St. 


Sp. 


Span. - 
Stat. 


Group I. Bushongo. 


























18 M., 2 F. 


























No. 1 (M.) 
3 


188 
204 


141 
153 


75 

75 


67 
61 


154 
144 


43 

42 


49 
51 


45 

42 


91 

82 


1855 
1798 


1965 
1946 


110 
148 


u j> 
4 


193 


157 


81 


63 


154 


41 


46 


43 


97 


1701 


1798 


97 






186 


152 


81 


69 


142 


49 


55 


45 


81 


1750 


1778 


28 


)> u ,, ... 

7 


204 


171 


83 


69 


151 


46 


51 


50 


97 


1790 


1874 


84 


)j n 

8 


192 


150 


78 


58 


152 


44 


45 


50 


111 


1700 


1800 


100 


n ) 
Q 


192 


149 


77 


63 


142 


44 


48 


46 


102 


1649 


1724 


75 


> ) 
10 


197 


150 


76 


71 


152 


46 


53 


48 


90 


1735 


1852 


117 


J > 
11 


190 


148 


78 


60 


145 


41 


51 


41 


80 


1683 


1746 


63 


) ** )> 

12 


183 


142 


77 


65 


139 


46 


49 


45 


92 


1778 


1920 


142 


j> 
13 . ... 


196 


151 


77 


63 


131 


48 


48 


46 


97 


1825 


1970 


145 


> *** i 
14 


189 


148 


78 


57 


144 


42 


48 


45 


91 


1755 


1922 


167 


* 
15 


182 


146 


80 


65 


133 


49 


46 


42 


91 


1696 


1798 


102 


Jl J* 

16 


181 


141 


78 


59 


135 


43 


42 


40 


95 


1705 


1780 


175 


)J )> 

17 


199 


152 


76 


63 


142 


43 


47 


43 


91 


1630 


1720 


90 


)1 ' 

18 


190 


145 


76 


59 


140 


42 


49 


47 


95 


1850 


1920 


70 


JJ *> 

19 


192 


151 


78 


69 


145 


47 


49 


40 


81 


1770 


1880 


10 


20 


195 


161 


82 


69 


143 


48 


54 


40 


74 


1788 


1873 


115 


2 (F.) 


188 


141 


75 


60 


139 


43 


46 


42 


91 


1694 


1710 


116 


\ / 

5 


188 


132 


70 


64 


134 


47 


44 


41 


93 


1635 


1710 


75 


Group II. Basoko. 


























11 M., 4 F. 


























No. 12 (M.) 


191 


160 


83 


54 


149 


36 


38 


38 


100 


1710 


1810 


100 


)J ^ *^ 11 ** * * 


185 


145 


78 


70 


133 


52 


47 


40 


85 


1575 


1610 


35 


17 


186 


156 


84 


65 


143 


45 


47 


42 


89 


1642 


1667 


25 


1 " 


170 


154 


90 


62 


139 


44 


44 


42 


85 


1730 


1823 


93 


19 


190 


158 


72 


58 


116 


50 


35 


44 


125 


1570 


1705 


135 


)) *O >j ... 


186 


146 


78 


56 


117 


48 


37 


40 


108 


1650 


1675 


35 


,, 1- ( j) ... *. 


188 


141 


75 


62 


117 


53 


47 


44 


93 


1765 


1872 


107 


29 


188 


143 


76 


56 


113 


50 


44 


45 


102 


1570 


1620 


50 


31 


. 175 


152 


87 


63 


131 


48 


44 


45 


102 


1695 


1748 


53 


33 , 


. 183 


148 


81 


65 


122 


43 


45 


47 


104 


1710 


1765 


55 


36 


. 179 


150 


83 


57 


129 


44 


45 


48 


106 


1620 


1685 


65 


44 (F.) 


. 178 


140 


78 


52 


124 


42 


35 


38 


108 


1560 


1560 


3 


45 


. 178 


144 


81 


52 


122 


42 


38 


32 


84 


1500 


1525 


25 


4C 


. 182 


144 


79 


57 


130 


43 


46 


43 


93 


1568 


1560 


8 


59 


. 171 


126 


73 


54 


125 


43 


41 


36 


87 


1470 


1480 


10 



the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



67 



MR. TOKDAY'S MEASUREMENTS OF TRIBES IN THE CONGO FREE STATE continued. 





H.L. 


H.B. 


Ind. 


F.L. 


F:B. 


Ind. 


N.L. 


N.B. 


Ind. 


St. 


Sp. 


Span- 
Stat. 


Group III. Sango. 


























10 Males. 


























No. 3 (M.) 


198 


147 


74 





131 





46 


41 


87 


1720 


1710 


-10 


5 


190 


140 


73 


63 


125 


50 


42 


45 


107 


1650 


1730 


80 


6 , 


182 


146 


80 


58 


145 


40 


35 


41 


120 


1712 


1780 


68 


8 , 


195 


143 


73 


68 


125 


47 


39 


39 


100 


1658 


1683 


25 


9 , 


189 


143 


75 


51 


141 


36 


40 


42 


110 


1640 


1740 


100 


10 


187 


149 


79 


58 


140 


41 


44 


42 


95 


1737 


1825 


88 


13 


192 


138 


72 


59 


128 


46 


39 


44 


112 


1750 


1840 


90 


14 


192 


154 


80 


55 


150 


36 


39 


44 


112 


1725 


1780 


55 


16 


202 


148 


73 


67 


137 


49 


48 


47 


98 


1678 


1760 


82 


20 


188 


145 


77 


55 


132 


41 


47 


40 


85 


1592 


1610 


18 


Group IV. 


























Miscellaneous. 


























24 Males, 11 Females. 


























Baluba (M.) 


189 


142 


75 


61 


139 


44 


45 


44 


97 


1560 


1650 


90 


Bangelima 


178 


143 


80 


59 


115 


51 


45 


40 


89 


1678 


1718 


40 


Momou 


180 


144 


80 


64 


132 


48 


42 


42 


100 


1690 


1820 


130 


Narabetu 


191 


132 


69 


39-5 


123 


32 


41 


42 


102 


1665 


1730 


65 


Mongwi 


188 


140 


74 


60 


129 


46 


43 


39 


90 


1614 


1655 


41 


Mongala 


185 


137 


74 





136 





41 


39 


95 


1665 


1724 


59 


Bangala 


174 


143 


82 


52 


136 


38 


41 


46 


112 


1655 


1757 


102 


11 11 


181 


143 


79 


62 


133 


46 


47 


44 


93 


1650 


1758 


108 


11 11 


184 


147 


79 


64 


137 


46 


44 


44 


100 


1785 


1905 


120 


Babula 


187 


152 


81 


63 


144 


43 


42 


45 


107 


1710 


1775 


65 


Agande 


192 


150 


78 


64 


150 


42 


41 


45 


109 


1780 


1920 


140 


11 11 


188 


154 


81 


63 


132 


47 


46 


34 


73 


1605 


1708 


103 


Topoke 


179 


138 


77 


58 


131 


44 


40 


39 


97 


1580 


1650 


90 


11 11 


196 


149 


76 


61 


142 


43 


41 


44 


107 


1660 


1720 


60 


Nongo 


194 


145 


74 





130 





40 


42 


105 


1637 


1682 


45 


11 11 


176 


148 


84 


59 


135 


43 


42 


44 


104 


1558 


1595 


37 


Babwe ,, 


177 


148 


89 


49 


135 


36 


41 


45 


109 


1576 


1780 


204 


Basbongo 


194 


143 


73 





145 


. 


47 


46 


97 


1644 


1783 


139 


Yambenga 


181 


151 


83 


69 


139 


49 


49 


46 


93-8 


1670 


1773 


103 


Balisi 


184 


147 


80 


62 


116 


53-4 


37 


34 


91 


1582 


1670 


88 


Likwangulo 


181 


142 


78 


59 


125 


47 


43 


37 


86 


1630 


1785 


155 


Gombe 


187 


140 


75 


58 


140 


41 


50 


45 


90 


1640 


1665 


25 


Bapoto 


189 


153 


81 


64 


148 


43 


46 


47 


102 


1740 


1900 


160 


11 11 


180 


149 


82 


75 


141 


53 


53 


42 


79 


1682 


1790 


108 


Gombe (F.) 


179 


142 


79 


60 


129 


46 


41 


43 


104 


1485 


1560 


75 


11 11 


177 


127 


71 


59 


115 


52 


41 


40 


97 


1460 


1515 


55 


11 11 " 


178 








57 


129 


44 


40 


39 


97 


1505 


1660 


155 


11 11 


176 


147 


83 


59 


113 


52 


39 


40 


102 


1579 


1657 


78 


11 11 " 


183 


140 


76 


. 


138 





43 


44 


102 


1618 


1640 


22 


Bapoto 


182 


139 


76 


61 


134 


45 


46 


44 


95 


1625 


1685 


60 


it 


182 


138 


75 


56 


130 


43 


43 


40 


93 


1540 


1605 


65 


Mongwi 


182 


141 


77 


58 


143 


41 


39 


36 


92 


1619 


1682 


63 


11 it 


187 


143 


76 


66 


137 


48 


47 


39 


83 


1572 


1653 


81 


11 11 " 


178 


137 


77 


56 


121 


46 


37 


40 


108 


1575 


1595 


20 


Mongala 


176 


141 


80 


60 


134 


44 


41 


47 


114 


1510 


1561 


51 



F 2 



68 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



MR. TALBOT'S MEASUREMENTS OF NIGERIAN TRIBES. 
Group I, Ekoi. Group II, Kabila. Group III, Korawp. Group IV, Miscellaneous. 



Sex. 


H.L. 


H.B. 


Ind. 


F.L. 


F.B. 


Ind. 


N.L. 


N.B. 


Ind. 


St. 


Sp. 


Ind. 


Group I. 


























No. 1. Ekoi (M.) ... 


194 


148 


763 


63 








45 


41 


911 


1701 


1803 


102 


11 * *** 


192 


141 


734 


60 


140 


429 


43 


46 


1069 


1677 


1701 


24 


3. ,, ,* 


20f 


T48 


736 


58 


140 


416 


45 


40 


889 


1651 


1676 


25 


A 
J * ) 


193 


159 


824 


57 


142 


406 


49 


41 


838 


1651 


1727 


76 


5. ,, 


192 


148 


771 


64 


139 


462 


43 


43 


1000 


1626 


1676 


50 


D. ,, 


188 


148 


787 


55 


130 


423 


40 


41 


958 


1676 


1752 


24 


JJ ' 


191 


146 


764 


57 


132 


432 


46 


40 


870 


1727 


1728 


1 


Q 

) * J 


201 


148 


736 


64 


144 


444 


45 


39 


867 


1702 


1778 


76 


y. jj ... 


200 


145 


725 


73 


149 


492 


50 


40 


800 


1677 


1854 


177 


10. ,, 


193 


143 


741 


64 


143 


447 


48 


46 


958 


1905 


1981 


76 


11. ,, , } 


194 


148 


763 


63 


141 


446 


48 


45 


938 


1778 


1879 


101 


19 

** )> 5> 


179 


150 


838 


68 


136 


500 


48 


47 


979 


1728 


1829 


101 


** > 


191 


151 


791 


56 


135 


415 


40 


44 


1100 


1575 


1600 


25 





192 


148 


771 


69 


140 


492 


52 


42 


807 


1702 


1727 


25 


!** 


191 


145 


759 


59 


138 


427 


40 


47 


1175 


1727 


1677 


49 


16. 


192 


145 


755 


61 


139 


438 


46 


46 


1000 


1651 


1828 


177 


,, 1 t , ,, 


193 


140 


725 


57 


139 


412 


45 


40 


889 


1702 


1753 


51 


I Q 

,, 1.0. 


196 


145 


740 


70 


141 


496 


48 


40 


833 


1702 


1804 


102 


19. 


184 


136 


739 


60 


130 


462 


40 


40 


1000 


1651 


1701 


50 


,,20. 


198 


150 


758 


54 


144 


375 


44 


45 


957 


1804 


1676 


128 


21. 


183 


135 


738 


55 


133 


413 


41 


40 


976 


1651 


1702 


51 


99 
D * i) >j 


187 


141 


754 


56 


143 


392 


44 


48 


1090 


1626 


1778 


152 


oo 

., AO. ., ... 


190 


148 


779 


58 


153 


379 


38 


46 


1210 


1778 


1905 


127 


Ekoi (F.) 


184 


146 


793 


53 


137 


387 


44 


41 


893 


1549 


1600 


51 


Group IT. 


























1. Kabila (M.) ... 


228? 


138 


600 


64 


143 


447 


49 


47 


959 


1803 


1828 


25 


9 

n * i) j) 


192 


158 


823 


63 


150 


420 


45 


46 


1022 


1651 


1753 


102 


> 


192 


147 


766 


68 


144 


472 


47 


45 


957 


1702 


1778 


76 


4 

!) )) )) 


191 


151 


791 


64 


148 


432 


46 


46 


1000 


1702 


1753 


51 


D 5. ,, 


199 


139 


698 


75 


143 


524 


55 


53 


964 


1854 


1880 


26 


)> " )) i) 


195 


140 


718 


64 


141 


453 


48 


49 


1020 


1651 


1651 





I! ' ]> 


194 


150 


773 


63 


143 


442 


45 


49 


1089 


1727 


1702 


25 


" )! 


183 


135 


738 


58 


135 


429 


41 


38 


927 


1651 


1752 


101 


q 
" i) ,, . 


183 


144 


787 


61 


142 


429 


47 


44 


935 


1752 


1752 





,,io- .. 


195 


141 


723 


59 


141 


418 


44 


46 


1045 


1677 


1803 


126 


1 





















the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 



69 



ME. TALBOT'S MEASUREMENTS OF NIGERIAN TRIBES continued. 



Sex. 


H.L. H.B. 


Ind. 


F.L. F.B. 


Ind. 


N.L. 


N.B. 


Ind. 


St. 


Sp. 


Ind. 


Group III. 


























No. 1. Korawp(M.)... 


200 


146 


730 


60 


136 


441 


41 


48 


1170 


1625 


1701 


76 


,, 2. ... 


197 


146 


741 


62 


144 


423 


43 


48 


1115 


1702 


1854 


152 


3. ... 


197 


157 


797 


72 


145 


496 


50 


43 


860 


1753 


1905 


152 


4. ... 


207 


156 


753 


65 


147 


442 


46 


46 


1000 


1778 


1956 


178 


5. ,- . 


187 


143 


765 


53 


130 


400 


39 


40 


1026 


1473 


1549 


76 


6. ... 


182 


133 


731 


52 


124 


419 


39 


39 


1000 


1347 


1448 


101 


,, 7. ... 


194 


151 


778 


62 


144 


423 


49 


47 


959 


1752 


1879 


127 


g 

,, 0, ,, 


193 


151 


782 


67 


137 


493 


50 


45 


900 


1753 


1804 


52 


9. ... 


203 


152 


749 


66 


147 


449 


50 


57 


1140 


1778 


1905 


127 


10. ... 


203 


157 


773 


63 


141 


446 


47 


45 


957 


1753 


1855 


102 


11. j, ,, 


192 


141 


734 


60 


147 


400 


48 


48 


1000 


1728 


1855 


127 


,,12. ... 


196 


142 


724 


64 


142 


450 


49 


47 


959 


1702 


1804 


102 


13. ... 


199 


142 


714 


69 


138 


500 


47 


44 


935 


1651 


1752 


101 


1. F. ... 


195 


140 


718 


58 


132 


439 


42 


41 


976 


1574 


1549 


25 


2. ... 


185 


146 


789 


53 


130 


400 


46 


45 


978 


1550 


1651 


101 



' H 


189 


137 


725 


59 


128 


451 


42 


37 


881 


1575 


1677 


102 


" ^ " " - 


189 


138 


730 


54 


132 


400 


41 


42 


1024 


1550 


1677 


127 


Group IV. 
I. Efek (M.) ... 


193 


146 


756 


54 


124 


435 


45 


44 


978 


1702 


1727 


25 


,, 2. 


193 


149 


772 


58 








38 


40 


1053 


1701 


1778 


77 


3. Uganda (M.) ... 


191 


137 


717 


56 


133 


421 


46 


42 


913 


1705 


1728 


23 


,, 4. 3, 


193 


141 


731 


56 


146 


383 


45 


48 


1000 


1651 


1676 


25 


O. ... 


199 


156 


784 


55 


143 


385 


45 


49 


1089 


1651 


1753 


102 


6. 


190 


147 


774 


49 


135 


362 


42 


44 


1048 


1625 


1651 


26 


7. Ibibio ... 


190 


153 


805 


57 


133 


429 


44 


45 


1022 


1753 


1804 


51 


8. Ibo(M.) 


185 


142 


768 


64 


129 


500 


52 


46 


885 


1626 


1676 


50 


9. 


195 


147 


754 


64 


140 


457 


42 








1727 


1804 


77 



70 



ARTHUR KEITH. On Certain Physical Characters of 



MEASUREMENTS OF CRANIA. 

Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, crania brought from Oban district of British Nigeria by 

Mr. P. A. Talbot. 
Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, crania from the Niger Delta belonging to Mr. Frank 

Corner, M.E.C.S. 





H 2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


Sex 


M. 


M. 


M. 


?F. 


?F. 


M. 


M. 


M. 


F. 


M. 


Age 


30-40 


30-50 


30-50 


30-40 


40 


30-40 


30-40 


40-50 


40 


15 


Cubic Capacity 


1540 


1420 


1330 


1320 


1140 


1190 


1360 


1370 


1170 


1210 


Brain length (bipolar) ... 


172 


176 


166 


166 


167 


161 


172 


166 


162 


165 


Brain breadth (parietal) 


141 


136 


145 


135 


122 


121 


123 


133 


121 


111 


Brain height (above sub- 
cerebral plane). 


98 


91 


96 


87 


89-6 


96 


92 


82 


89 


97 


Skull length maximum . . . 


187 


188 


187 


180 


175 


179 


186 


179 


179 


178 


Skull breadth 


150 


143 


157 


142 


132 


131 


135 


143 


131 


117 


Skull height (sub-cere- 
bral). 


105 


96 


103 


92 


97 


103 


99 


98 


94 


90 


Skull height (meatal 
upper border). 


117 


116 


125 





116 


119 


119 


124 


113 


109 


Bimastoid breadth 


108 





112 


112 


117 


123 


108 


115 


120 


95 


Bizygomatic breadth ... 


127 


128 


139 





120 


129 


133 





131 


108 


Naso-alveolar length ... 


68 


66 








63 


67 


67 


58 


68 


59 


Interocular width 
(between angular 
processes of frontal). 


27 


33 








28 


30 


23 


23 


25 


22 


Height of Orbit 


35 


35 








33 


32 


36 


36 


36 


35 


Width of Orbit 


43 


44 








41 


36 


39 


40 


39 


37 


Length of Palate 


58 


56 








56 


56 


64 


53 


51 


54 


Breadth at pin 2 pm 2 . . . 


51 


55 








54 


50 


50 





56 


53 


m m* 


68 


67 








60 


56 


60 





64 


60 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLT, 1911, Plate I. 




< 

s 



(a 
H 



H 
w 

a 



o 
o 



s 

H 



A 



a 

H 



50 

03 

- 

O 
a! 



a 
o 






PM 
X 



o 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XL[, 1911, Plate 11. 




< 

s 

o 



o 

55 



OJ 



O 

I 



En 




i 



w 

a 

H 

fee 

O 



a 
o 







S3 
Ed 
O 



Eft 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate III. 





s 
3 

Q 



8 



H 



fc. 
O 



o 

03 



O 

tJ 



33 

Pi 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate IV. 




< 

5 
O 

k; 

Q 



g 



O 

I 
K 



fc. 
C 

1 



a 
u 



03 





the Negroes of the Congo Free State and Nigeria. 71 



Explanation of Plates. 

PLATE I. Fios. IA AND IB. Profile and full-face craniometric drawings of three crania of males 
from the Niger Delta (Mr. Corner's collection), to represent the type distinguished as 
"Nigerian." The drawings represent a composite outline which has been made by taking 
the mean of the various measurements of the three crania. The crania are oriented on the 
subcerebral plane, represented by the lower border of the rod thrust within the cranial 
cavity. A stippled line represents the outline of the cranial cavity. The upper of the two 
numerals shown in the drawings indicates the position of a point in the antero-posterior 
plane, the lower on a vertical plane. The projection of the various parts of the face and its 
relationship of the zygomatic arches to the mastoid processes are shown. The drawings are 
made on millimetre paper, hence any measurement required may be made from them. 

PLATE II. FIGS. HA AND HB. Profile and full-face craniometric drawings of five skulls of male 
Batetela to represent the type described in this paper as Congolese. (Crania in Museum, 
Koyal College of Surgeons.) Compare the inter-parietal breadth, width of palate, and 
relationship of the mastoid processes to the zygomatic arches of Figs. IB and HB, and 
the position of the auditory meatus, form of the base of the skull and plane of the palate 
in the profiles of IA and HA. For further explanation, see Legend of Figs. IA and IB. 

PLATE III. FIGS. IIlA AND Ills. Profile and full-face drawings of the cranium of a female 
found with other crania (see Figs. IVA and TVs) in the Oban district of British Nigeria by 
Mr. Talbot. The cranium is of the " Nigerian " type. Explanation as in Figs. IA and IB. 

PLATE IV. FIGS. IVA AND IVs. Profile and full-face craniometric drawings of three crania 
found by Mr. Talbot in the Oban district of British Nigeria. They are of the " Congolese " 
type. 



72 



SOME TECHNOLOGICAL NOTES FROM THE POMEROON DISTRICT, 
BRITISH GUIANA. (PART III.) 

BY DR. WALTER E. ROTH, Local Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological 

Institute. 

[WITH PLATES V-XIX.] 
Ix this article I propose dealing with open-work basketry, traps, and certain fans. 

OPEN-WORK BASKETRY. 

Open-work baskets are either made for temporary or permanent use, the 
former receptacles coming into being in the case of an Indian finding a supply 
of nuts, fruits, etc., out in the bush and happening to have nothing to bring it home 
in. Under such circumstances certain leaves are employed. 

The leaf of the ite palm (Mauritia Flexuosa) is thus utilised by the 
Warrau women, who make a sort of spoon-shaped scoop out of it (Plate V, Fig. 1) 
by successively interlacing septa from alternate sides, starting with the outermost 
(Fig. 2). After some half-dozen or so have thus been interlaced, the remaining 
septa of each half of the leaf are plaited together into a tail, the two tails being 
finally crossed and tied along the distal margin of the basket. The Warraus call it 
a horobihi. 

Arawak males employ the leaf of the manicole palm (Euterpe oleracea) for 
similar purposes of temporary expediency, in at least four different ways, as 
follows : 

(a) Having removed two comparatively short, but equal, lengths of midrib 
with attached septa, they are placed opposite one another and the septa on both 
sides plaited together (Fig. 3) 1 . The bottom of the basket is subsequently closed 
in similar manner by commencing to plait at the lower extremity of each midrib 
(Fig. 4). Should the mouth of the basket prove too " open," an extra piece of mid- 
rib (?) with attached septa may finally be added. From its resemblance in general 
shape to the " adam's apple " of one of the howling monkeys, the Arawak name of 
the completed article is itore-oydre, i.e., baboon-larynx. 

(fc) Again, four much longer, equal lengths of the leaf may be plaited together 
on the flat, by means of their contiguous septa, but in such a way that those on the 

1 For clearness sake, in this and the following figure, only the one-half of the basket is 
depicted. 



DK. WALTEK E. EOTH. Some Technological Notes, etc. 73 

outer side of each pair of midribs remain free for the present (Plate VI, Fig. 1). 
In the one variety of basket (Fig. 2) they are both called by the one name, wai- 
yari, among the Arawaks the midribs are bent from below up at a spot about 
between the third and fourth quarter of their length, the hitherto free septa being 
ultimately plaited together from below up so as to form a receptacle very much 
like the Suriana of the Caribs, etc., and like it carried on the back of the shoulders. 
Indeed, Im Thurn's description of the latter holds equally true for this form of 
wai-yari : " This basket is shaped like a slipper ; the flat side, answering to the sole 
of the slipper, fits against the back of the carrier ; a string is laced backward and 
forward across the open side, so as to keep the contents of the basket from falling 
up, and a strong and broad band . . . passes from the two upper corners of 
the basket across the forehead of the carrier so as to support the whole weight." 1 
I have seen considerable weights of raw clay carried in these receptacles. 

(c) In the second variety the two pairs of midribs are bent up at both ends 
(Plate VII, Fig. 1), and the outer sets of free septa plaited together into a common 
centre (A) on each side, to form ultimately, i.e., when joined, the handle of what is 
practically a hand basket (Fig. 2). 

(d) On the Pomeroon, with a single leaf, the midrib is sharply bent into 
three approximately equal portions into the shape of the letter L, the vertical bar 
of which is formed of the midrib doubled on itself (Fig. 3). The septa of the two 
constituents of this vertical stroke constitute the weft, while those on the horizontal 
bar (the bottom of the basket) constitute the warp. The free ends of the weft, from 
alternate sides, are plaited into one another and into the extremities of the warp 
to make the handle. This almost jug-shaped basket is also known as a wai-yari 
to the Arawaks. 

On the Pomeroon the variations (&) (c) (d) may also be made from the turu 
palm (CEnocarpus baccaba). Photographs of some of these temporary baskets are 
shown in Plate XI. 

All baskets for permanent use are made by men, and manufactured in different 
styles according to the pattern of the foundation (tuina-tuku)? The parts of such 
a basket are named as follows: An outside (taro-makdndi), inside (toloko), a 
bottom (tuina), and mouth (lureroko-di), with sometimes a bark-strap (titimi), by 
means of which it is suspended across the forehead. According to the purposes 
for which these articles are applied, they are spoken of in general as Kwd-ke and 
Kau-uri and used for crabs and cassava respectively. (The first term has probably 
given rise to the word " quake," a Creole term applied to all baskets indiscrimi- 
nately). These are the main purposes served, but others may be observed, the 
Kwd-ke, for instance, often acting as a cage for animals and birds while being tamed, 
while a large Kau-uri turned upside down forms a very good hen-coop. 

The Kwd-ke is made from the outside unscraped portions of split itiriti stems 
(Ischnosiphori), is characterised by a proportionately small mouth as compared with 

1 Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 280. 

2 Unless otherwise stated, all native names are given in Arawak. 



74 DR. WALTER E. BOTH. Some Technological Notes 

its base, and, except at the foundation, lias a pentagonal interspace between the 
plaiting strands. This interspace is spoken of as the " eye " (takuski). The 
foundation of the type specimen, the true KwA-ke, is formed by binding a varying 
number of strands diagonally across a pair of others placed parallel (Plate VIII, 
Fig. 1), the extremities of all forming ultimately individual warps (wa) ; the 
number so employed will depend upon the size of basket required. Two or three 
warps are plaited around the length and breadth of the original pair of strands, 
and so keep the crossed ones in position (Fig. 2). The weft is next introduced, in 
the form of a very long strand (we), and the plait-work proceeded with until the 
limits of what will finally be the mouth is reached : the latter is finished off by 
weaving other pieces of strand twice round the projecting warps, which are bent 
down upon one another for the purpose. 

A variation in the foundation can be made without any parallel strands by 
looping together the diagonally-placed ones in pairs, the number of such loops 
varying from two to six or more, according to the size of basket (Figs. 3 and 4). From 
the supposed resemblance of these loops at their junctions to the eyes of a certain 
fish (Kasoroa), found on low-water mud-banks (akin to that known to English boys 
as a " Jumper," " Four-eyes," etc.), this form of Kwd-ke is often spoken of as a 
Kasoroa, or Kasoroa-(a)kushi, i.e., eye. 

Kau-uri baskets are manufactured of split mamuri (Carludovica .plumicrii), the 
mouth is much larger than the base, and the interspaces are hexagonal. Owing to 
the heavy weights of cassava which they are destined to carry, they must be made 
strong, and hence, if, as is sometimes the case when mamuri cannot be obtained, 
they should be made of itiriti, they will hardly last at all. Strips of a particular 
kind of bark act as a handle, which passes across the forehead. The type specimen 
of Kau-uri has a foundation of one series of strands, lying diagonally across another, 
and plaited together by means of a third, horizontal set (Plate IX, Fig. 1). Though 
the number of strands in each series is the same, the actual number employed will 
depend upon the size of basket : they all ultimately constitute the warp (ira). 
The result of this arrangement is a hexagon (Fig. 2). The weft (we), as long a 
strand as is obtainable, is now introduced (Fig. 3), and the concavity of the basket 
foreshadowed by sticking two small flat sticks (y, z) cross-wise through the inter- 
stices, and attaching an extra warp (ewa) at each angle of the figure. These six 
warps are known as the " children " (chuka-tuka), and no more are inserted 
throughout the whole of the plaiting. The circular, or rather spiral weft, is called 
the akausugatin or todolcbo. The mouth is finally finished off by weaving strands 
thrice round the projecting warps, etc. It is this kind of basket which in the " old 
days" was often woven for protecting purposes over the gourds and earthen jars 
a practice which is still occasionally followed : an illustration of such a one is to 
be seen in Rev. J. H. Bernau's Missionary Labours, etc., p. 42, a work published 
in 1847. 

In another kind of Kau-uri, the foundation is made of six strands, one of 
them being extra long to form the weft (we), all locked together in a hexagon 



from the Pomeromi District, British Guiana. 75- 

(Fig. 4). At each angle of the figure is introduced another warp, or " child " 
(Fig. 5), which becomes plaited in with the weft as it proceeds round and round ; 
such " children " can be let in whenever the interspaces of the basket open out too 
much in the process of manufacture. From the fancied resemblance of this form 
of foundation to the view presented by a sloth when turning his back upon 
a visitor, this variety of Kau-uri derives its name of hau-(m)inako, i.e.,. 
sloth-anus. 

A third kind of Kau-uri is the bakokd, the word signifying an eye-socket, the- 
general contour of which the bottom of the completed basket has been likened 
to. The oval foundation (Plate X, Fig. 1) is formed of a single strand, the weft 
(we) bent upon itself to a length adapted for the size required, and fixed in position 
by a warp (wa), the extremities of which continue to lock the weft as it proceeds 
round and round itself in the course of manufacture (Figs. 2 and 3). 

Another variation in this class of baskets is the Keremi, a name given 
to a certain salt-water fish, the scales of which the interspaces bear comparison 
with ; the completed article may thus be called a Keremi-(u)da (i.e., scale), or 
JCerdmi-(a)kushi (i.e., eye). The square foundation is formed of vertical and 
horizontal sets of strands crossed by diagonal ones (Fig. 4) reminding one somewhat 
of the pattern on an English cane-seated chair, and is limited by the introduction 
of the first weft (we). The sides are built up and proportionately raised as another 
and another of such wefts are successively brought into requisition. Indeed, the 
three characteristics of this Keremi basket are the pattern of plait, a square 
foundation, and the separately introduced wefts. It is an article but rarely seen 
now in this district, and the specimen from which the illustration was drawn does 
not show quite as much regularity and uniformity in the crossing of the strands 
as is represented. I have reason to think that it is of Makusi origin. 

TRAPS. 

Traps and similar devices are employed for catching fish, some of the larger 
game, birds and rats. In this order I intend describing them : 

(A) Fish-traps. 

The cylinder trap (Plate XII, Fig. 1) of the Arawaks and Warraus on the 
Pomeroon and Moruca is called Ku-yamma after the tree whence the cylinder () is 
obtained, this being a length of bark removed whole after tapping by slipping 
it from off the subjacent wood. The length of cylinder used is gauged from the 
ground to the hunter's hips, with a natural internal diameter of from 4 to 6 inches; 
its upper extremity (onoroko = mouth), by means of a curved cut on opposite 
sides, terminates in two points. Vertically under each pointed extremity, and 
on a level below the lower limits of the cut, is drilled a hole (tuku-yoku anus), 
through which are passed the supporting bark-strip (I) and a c^oss-stick (c). This 
flat strip of bark (titimi), of the same material as that used with the cassava 
baskets when supported from over the forehead, is tied below on the outside of the 



70 DR. WALTER E. ROTH. Some Technological Notes 

cylinder and looped above (Fig. 2) on to a tapering wooden pencil (d) ; the idea 
of the cross-stick or tukuyoku-lokodo (lit., that which is placed in the anus) is to 
minimise any chance of a fish, when once caught in the cylinder, jumping up, 
knocking oft' the weight (to be presently described) and so making its escape. 
The bait is fixed on to the extremity (Fig. 3, e) of a piece of itiriti strip (/) which 
is gripped above in the split centre of a wooden pencil or turabure 1 (g) : this bait- 
strand (temena = bait) is always made of this material, and never of twine which 
would twist, curl up, and stick to the inner side of the cylinder when immersed 
in the water. The frame-work or kuyamma-(tu)daia, (iudaia = any stick, switch 
etc.), consists of two sticks (Fig. 1, M) split above on their sides to hold the 
cross-bar (fc), upon which the cylinder hangs, and tied below by means of a bark 
strap (ni) or tedebu-aidak wanna (waist-to tie). The cross-bar or titimi-oburado 
(lit. that upon which the titimi or bark-strip hangs) is invariably wedged into 
these splits, instead of being laid upon two forked uprights, so as to allow of its 
maintaining them in any varying position required, whereby the bark-strap below 
may be rendered taut. 

To set the trap, which is employed in the shallow waters of a sluggish 
side-stream or of the bush savannahs, the frame-work is first of all firmly fixed, 
the cross-bar wedged in at such a height that the lower extremity of the cylinder, 
which is about to be suspended from it, is at a distance of a man's foot length from 
off the muddy etc., bottom. Having passed the bait-strand down the cylinder, the 
latter can now be hung from the cross-bar by raising the tapering extremity of the 
wooden pencil over it from behind, and maintaining it in position by means of the 
turabure stick of the bait-strand placed at right angles between it and the two 
portions of bark-strip. The bait-strand is so arranged that the bait hangs inside 
at the same distance above the lower edge of the cylinder as the latter does from 
the bottom. The bark-strap is next tied round the two uprights just taut enough 
to prevent the cylinder swinging to and fro, but loose enough to allow of its 
slipping vertically, the necessary degree being obtained by varying the position 
of the cross-bar in the splits. A piece (ra) of comparatively heavy wood, the 
kuyamma-(tu)kudu (tukudo = any weight), to steady the whole affair is finally placed 
across the mouth of the cylinder. 

Entering the cylinder from below, the fish grabs at the bait, pulls and pulls at 
it until the lurabure slips down below the tip of the tapering cross-stick which, 
now released, allows the cylinder with its added weight to suddenly drop and so 
enclose and capture it. 

The bait used varies according as to whether the trap is set at night or day : 
in the former case a fish-bait is employed for catching imiri or hiku-luku (snake- 
fish) and a bird-bait for imiri or hvri ; in the latter case a piece of lukulvkv, 
is almost a certainty for yarau. 



line. 



1 A general name given to any little piece of wood cut to shape and used on a fishing 



from the Pomeroon District, British Guiana. 77 

The spring-trap (Fig. 4) of the Arawaks, Warraus, and, during recent years 
only, of the Caribs is called allaussa (i.e., a spring) after its distinguishing 
characteristic. It consists of a catch (ati) and its support (c), a bait-string (d), and 
a spring (e). The catch or tereito (= wife) consists of a wooden bar (a) about 
6 inches long, attached at its extremities (/) to a piece of twine (b) the central 
portion of which is looped on to the strong support (c) or tereito-(tu)daia (lit. wife- 
stick) : for a reason which I have not had sufficiently explained, the middle third 
of the bar is always either painted (black) or has its bark intact. The bait-string 
or hun-aring (after the particular fish for which it is specially employed) is looped 
above to an upper shorter tapering pencil (y) or besekanto-turabure (lit. short-stick) 
and at a few inches distance to a lower longer cross-piece (A) or wadito-turabure 
(lit. long-stick) : it is attached below to a hook (k) or budehi (= any piece of bent 
wood). 

After fixing a very long withe the spring or allaussa (e) firmly into the 
mud, sand, etc., and attaching its extremity to the bait-string, the trap is set by 
bending the spring well over, drawing the short pencil from behind and under the 
1 par of the catch, and keeping its tapering extremity in position by means of the 
cross-piece placed at right angles between it and the two portions of twine. An 
important objective of the spring is to keep the animal when caught above the 
surface of the water out of reach of certain voracious fish, e.g., pirai, which would 
otherwise quickly make a meal of it. The hook is so arranged that it hangs at 
about the length of a man's foot from the bottom. The fish pulling on the bait 
gradually drags the cross-piece further and further down, until at length, witli the 
release of the short pencil, the hook, bait and fish are together shot up by 
the rebounding spring and dangle above the surface of the water until the trapper 
makes his next visit. 

This method is used in the river bends at night, with a fish bait, for catching 
huri. 

Three varieties of the above spring-trap are to be seen, especially for haimara 
and huri. Thus, the Pomeroon Arawaks and Caribs, as well as the lower Moruca 
Arawkas, substitute a flat F-shaped piece of wood (Plate XIII, Fig. 1) or Jioka 1 for 
the triangular catch, and bait with meat by day as well as by night (Fig. 2). 
Again, the Pomeroon Arawaks will often do away with both triangle and F-piece, 
locking the spring by means of the shorter pencil attached now to the strong 
immovable support (Fig. 3). The most delicate arrangement of all, however, is 
where the bait-string is attached direct to the extremity of the spring, the longer 
pencil remaining independent of it (Fig. 4). The hunter has to exercise great care 
when setting this trap, lest the spring should unexpectedly slip and catch the 
hook in his fingers. 

The cage-trap (Plate XIV, Figs. 1-5), very much after the style and use of the 
basket employed in England for catching eels, is known to the Arawaks as mdsiva 

1 Query, cmglice, "hook." W. E. K. 



78 DR. WALTER E. ROTH. Some Technological Notes 

and to the Warraus as bar. At first 1 had reason to believe that, like its present 
Arawak name, the article was of African introduction 1 ; but on comparing its 
construction with that manufactured by the negroes, and for other reasons which 
need not be detailed here, I am satisfied that it is indigenous. 2 The biggest cage 
met with in this district is about 3| feet long, and wide in proportion ; the smallest 
that I have come across is a little over 2 feet. It is made from split mamuri, and 
consists (Figs. 1-4) of a more or less cylindrical body (a) and a cone-shaped head 
(b) made separately, but finally joined by inserting the latter into the former and 
" sewing " them in position. The manufacture of the body starts with the tail 
end (c) by means (Fig. 2) of a ring (d) on to which the warps are fixed. Each 
warp (e), at least twice the length of cylinder to be made, is doubled on itself at 
its middle, where it is attached to the tail-ring by looping over and tying, or by 
tying direct (Fig. 3). The main weft (Fig. 2, /) is now introduced and made to 
pass, in the course of its spiral progress, alternately over and under every half 
warp ; it is kept in position by means of a thinner strip (#) woven alternately in 
front and behind it. Each half-warp throughout its whole length remains either 
under or over the main weft-strand. Should the warp interspaces become too 
open, a new one can be easily inserted (A). The body is finished off either on the 
main weft itself or else elaborated with a lip projecting outwards, similar to that 
sometimes met with on the head. 

The construction of the head (Fig. 1) is similar, but commencing with a com- 
paratively larger ring for the mouth (i), and weaving the texture more closely so 
as to obtain the cone-shaped neck (k). Furthermore, the projecting strands are 
left free so as to interlace more or less, and thus constitute a throat (/) through 
which the fish can easily wriggle themselves in to get at the bait beyond, but once 
in cannot get out again. Many fish cages are to be seen (Fig. 4) where the head 
is constructed with a lip (i) projecting inwards and outwards so as to form an 
inner (o) and outer (n) margin to the mouth. Such construction (Fig. 5) com- 
mences with the inner margin (o). after the manner described (in making the body), 
until the edge of the mouth is reached, when the weft (/, y) is turned back on 
itself (p), to take up in turn every pair of half-warps throughout an entire circuit 
( //, q) of the article. These pairs are not, however, taken up direct, but only after 
having been woven over a large mouth-ring (r) and passed respectively over and 
under the two immediately succeeding pairs. On completion of the circuit, the 
weft passes alternately under and over every half-warp in the usual spiral manner, 
with the result that the enclosing head comes to be first of all constructed, then 
the conical neck, and finally the throat. 

The landing-net, used by Arawaks (shi-jn), Akkawai-os (mapipu), and Caribs, 
is a cone-shaped basket (Fig. 6), the mouth of which is attached to the prongs of 
& forked stick (li) spliced around it. The basket is about 1 foot deep, and the 

1 Stedman, Narrative of a Five Years' Expedition, etc., London, 1796, vol. ii, p. 28S. 
J Im Thurn, oji. cit., p. 238, speaks of it as being used by the Arecunas. 



from tJie Pomeroon District, British Guiana. 79 

handle is from 3 to 6 feet long. It is used for picking up the fish as they come 
to the surface of the water after being " poisoned." The construction of the basket 
is peculiar. Starting with six warps (Fig. 7, wa) plaited into a hexagon (c), a 
weft (we) is inserted, but its extremities, so soon as they cross one another (k), 
become additional warps (wea). Weft after weft is thus added, the utilisation of 
their extremities as warps causing the basket to have a longer slope on the lower 
surface than on the upper. The completed pattern (Fig. 8) is one of hexagons. 

By means of a comparatively simple apparatus (Plate XV, Fig. 1) a bow and 
arrow may be set for striking tapir, deer, or labba (Ccdogenys), the arrangement as 
a whole being known to the Arawaks as shimara-abbaddqotah (i.e., arrow-trap). 
Two strong uprights (a, a) are driven firmly into the ground, and joined by a 
horizontal cross-bar (c), the height at which this bar is fixed depending upon the 
particular animal to be shot, a height of one hand-width for labba, three for deer, 
and eight for tapir, a hand-width being reckoned as the distance between the tip 
of the extended thumb and the inner edge of the closed palm (Fig. 2). A third 
strong upright (Fig. 1, b) is driven into the ground between them right behind. 
Between the anterior pair, and resting upon the cross-bar, are two smooth rods 
(d, d) each supported horizontally on a small forked stick (e). The central portion 
of the bow (/) is next strongly tied on to these two uprights immediately above 
the cross-bar and the rod-ends. The catch-string (g), against which the animal 
strikes, is now attached at one extremity to a post, tree, etc. (h) on the immediately 
further side of the track, and, passing under the cross-bar, is fixed at the other to 
a carefully trimmed wooden pencil (k) lying across the rods. This pencil, after 
the catch-string has been stretched sufficiently taut, is held in position by the 
pressure upon it of a smaller pencil (/) tied on to the posterior upright, and passed 
from below upwards and over the drawn bowstring. The arrow (m) is finally 
adjusted in place, only to be freed on the disturbance of the catch-string, whereby 
the longer pencil is tilted forwards, and with this the smaller pencil and bow-string 
released. 

A gun, fixed on different lines, is sometimes substituted for the bow. 1 
For catching birds, a spring trap (Plate XV, Fig. 3) is made of a running 
noose (a) attached to a tapering pencil (b) and thence on to the end of the spring 
(c). Having fixed a thin half-hoop of withe (d) firmly into the ground, the pencil 
is arranged in such a manner that so long as the spring remains taut, it will 
support a bar (e) placed across the legs of the hoop. Upon this cross-bar and at a 
gentle slope are made to rest some three or four perches (/) over which the noose 
is spread. The weight of the bird on either of the perches is sufficient to press 
down the bar, with the result that, the pencil being freed, the noose is suddenly 
dragged upon and tightened wherein either a head, leg or wing is caught. I have 
seen this trap used by the Pomeroon Arawaks. 

1 Dance, in his Chapters from a Ouianese Log-Book, p. 14, speaks <;i a trap-gun used for 
water-liaas (Hydrochoerus) on the Berbice E., with several long cords attached, so as to strike the 
animal walking in the immediate vicinity, no matter the direction along which it is moving. 



80 DR. WALTER E. ROTH. Some Technological Notes 

The fall-trap (Fig. 4), perhaps of foreign introduction, is made of a centrally- 
raised cover, the constituents of which are tied together, very much after the 
style of roof seen in a temporary binab (a thatched shelter). Raised on one 
side (Fig. 5), the centre is made to rest upon a vertical pencil, formed of an upper 
(a) and lower (J) mortice, delicately balanced. From the lower mortice to the 
opposite side of the cover is stretched a string, the slightest disturbance of which 
will break the balance of the pencil, and so admit of the trap to fall. A very 
common method for catching pigeons. 

Amongst the Warraus on the Moruca, the youngsters will use the following 
device (Plate XVI, Fig. 1) for catching small birds during the nesting season. It 
consists of a light cane ring (a) about 7 inches in diameter to which are attached 
two arched pieces (&, c) crossed at right angles. A large number of slip-nooses (i), 
all formed of Krowa twine, are next tied around the limbs of the arches, so as to 
control, as it were, the entire intermediate areas. 1 The construction of the slip- 
nooses is very simple ; their ends are attached by clove-hitch (Fig. 2). The frame 
is then tied on to the tree-branch over the nest with but little chance of escape for 
the bird when flying home. 

The rat-trap (Plate XVI, Fig. 3) of the Arawaks and of the Warraus, who use 
a species of this animal for food, consists of a noose (?i), spring (s), bar (&), hook (A), 
and enclosure (e). The noose is made of an itiriti strip about 4 feet long, twisted 
upon itself, and then allowed to double over, so as to form a two-strand locked by 
its own torsion : its free ends are knotted together (&). Twine, etc., cannot be 
substituted for the itiriti, the latter being the only material to hand which will not 
" stick " should rain or moisture falls. The bar, from 12 to 16 inches long, is strong, 
yet pliable, and after being stuck firmly into the ground, has its exposed portion 
bent over at right angles, a position maintained by means of the forked stick or 
hook clamped over its extremity : it is thus made to lie horizontally with, and 
about an inch from, the surface of the soil. Looped on to this bar is one end of 
the noose, which is successively looped through itself, fastened by a clove-hitch on 
to the extremity of the spring, and passed back again from outside under the bar, 
where it is fixed in place by means of a cylindrically-cut piece of cassava 
jainbed tightly up against the knot into the interspace between the bar and 
the surface of the ground. Except immediately in front of the noose, the whole is 
surrounded with a miniature fence or enclosure formed of a broad itiriti or other 
leaf, set up edgeways between a varying number of light wooden slips. 2 As a 
result of this arrangement to get at the cassava, the rat has to pass through the 
noose in which, as soon as he starts digging up and removing the cassava, and so 
frees the knot, he gets hoisted and caught. 



1 For clearness sake, only one intermediate space is shown " covered " in the illustration. 
5 For diagrammatic purposes a portion of this enclosure is represented as transparent in 
the illustration. 



frmn the Pomeroo/i District, British Guiana. ,St 

liEMAIXING FAXS. 

The Arawak fan has already been dealt with in Part I 1 : the varieties met with 
amongst the other tribes have now to be described. 

The Warrau and Carib fan (Plate XVTII) which is identical, is of a rectangular 
shape, the width exceeding the height, of a pattern composed of concentric 
rectangles, with or without a central grille, and made of split itiriti. Except for 
market purposes, i.e., for sale or barter to outsiders, the ratio of width to height is 
constant, and the strands are not dyed. It is built iipon the usual diamond 
foundation (Fig. 1, a) with gables (d\ wings (w~), and a sub-structure (c), terms for 
which the explanations have already been given. The foundation (Fig. 2) is 
formed of a varying number of horizontal rows, in herring-bone fashion, according 
to the size required, the upper angle of the diamond limiting the upper edge of the 
finished article: the two lowermost strands (e,/) play an important part, as will 
subsequently be shown, in the stability of the fan. The next process is the 
manufacture of the gables (Fig. 3), a start being made at the upper angle of the 
foundation and " breaking " one strand after another, each being started on its 
journey by passing under two : this goes on until the lowermost strands of the 
diamond (e, /) are reached, the latter being left free and projecting. The wings are 
now formed by similar procedure (Fig. 4), the second wing in the course of 
manufacture completing the triangular sub-structure (c) : the base-level to which 
the wings are built depends upon the caprice of the maker. The two projecting 
strands, which might almost be regarded as diagonals, are next bent back on to 
and along themselves in and between the strands through which they have already 
passed : they thus serve to tighten up the plaits and act as stays. Indeed, it is 
with the same object that the last strand (A;) to be " broken " at the lower corner of 
the edge of the wing is dealt with in similar fashion. There are two methods 
adopted in " finishing off," i.e., in preventing the fraying of the lower edge. The 
first and easier (Fig. 5) is to take up on each side one strand at a time, and then, 
after " breaking," to pass it under its two immediate neighbours and cut it : these 
cut ends are next covered with the two halves of a split wooden pencil which are 
laid along the lower edges of each side and tightly sewn on to it in three places 
with waxed Krowa fibre. The second method (Fig. 6) is to insert one extremity 
-of a long strip of mamuri (ni) into the lower portion of the body of the fan and, 
as it emerges below, to coil it over and around a bundle of some three or four 
strands in front and behind : this process of overcasting is continued right around 
the lower edge on both sides of the article, by taking up a new strand with every 
turn of the coil, and cutting oft' the extreme ends of the projecting strands when 
the bundle composing them appears to be getting too thick and unwieldy. These 
variations are photographed in Plate XVII, Figs. 1 and 2 respectively. Fig. 3 is 
also a Carib fan, made for trade purposes, but its identity of pattern is hidden by 
the staining of some of the strands. 

1 See J. R.A.I., vol. xxxix, p. 26. 
VOL. XLI. G 



su Pi:. WAI.TEU E. ROTH. tforne Tt-nJi nolocjlml Notes, etc. 

The Akkawai-o fan (Plate XIX) is of a square shape designed, so far as the 
Pomeroon District is concerned, of a uniform pattern of a series of concentric 
squares, but manufactured on a different principle to all the others, in that a 
commencement is made at the left lower corner whence the article is gradually 
built up, strand by strand. The material used is the same split itiriti, not dyed. 
The edges of the fan may be described as upper, lower, left, and right. Starting 
with a centre strand (Fig. ] , ), which will ultimately constitute one of the diagonals 
of the square, this is laid on the flat, and two others (b, c), " broken " at their 
middle, are placed behind it, one of them a strand's breadth in front of the other. 
A third (d) is now added (Fig. 2) at right angles to the diagonal, and then (Fig. 3) 
a fourth (c) over which the third is " broken." A fifth and a sixth is next put in 
and so on, as is required for the pattern (Fig. 4), the preceding strand being always 
broken over the last one inserted. The process is thus repeated over and over 
again (Fig. 5) according to the size of article to be manufactured, until the second 
diagonal (A") is put in place, this strand, like the first diagonal, being left free at 
the ends. The three or four immediately preceding strands (/, m, n, o), which have 
already been broken along the lower and the left edges, are now again similarly 
treated to form the upper and right edges on passing beyond the second diagonal. 
A peculiarity in the arrangement of these three or four strands is that their 
extremities are plaited in and between identical projecting strands, so as to lie in 
close opposition one behind the other : the object of this is to tighten up and fix 
the portion already manufactured, and hence to act as a stay. Furthermore, by 
looking out for this thickened portion of the fan, one can always tell at which 
corner the plaiting has been commenced. Beyond these three or four strands, thus 
doubled and tucked in upon themselves, yet another variation in the plaiting is 
adopted (Fig. 6) which may be described as follows : Each strand is cut short 
alternately and successively at a spot limited by the right (r, ./) and upper (7-, t) 
edge of the fan respectively : the longer extremity (B, T, V, X) is then broken 
over its shorter-cut end, whence, passing along and covering it, according to the 
design of the pattern, it is pushed under a set of three strands and cut close 
(w, y, 2). The projecting ends of the two diagonals are finally tucked back on to 
and along themselves, and thus act as stays like the three or four central ones 
mentioned above. A completed Akkawai-o fan is shown in Plate XVII, Fig. 4. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate Y. 




TECHNOLOGY OF THE POMEHOON DISTRICT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, t'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate VI. 




TK< ILXOI.ncY ()!' TIIK 1'OMKIJOOX HISTKRT. 



Journal of the Rot/a! Anthropological Institute, Vol. XL1, 1911, Plate VII. 



Rg.L 





IV. E ROTH 



TKCIINOI/JGY OF THE I'OMEKOOX DISTKICT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate VII 







: 



x- 



"5 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate IX. 



FLO 2 

<J 




Fiji 



WE.ROTH. 



TECHNOLOGY OF THE 1'OMEKOON DISTKICT. 



JOHI;,,,I of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate X. 



cae. 



Ure. 






E ROTH 



TECHNOLOGY OF THE POMEltOON DISTlilCT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XI. 





TECHNOLOGY OF THE I'OMEROON 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Inxtilute, I'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate XII. 




Journal of I he Royal Anthropological Institute, I'ol. XLf, 1911, I'late XIII. 




TECHNOLOGY OF THE 1'OMEHOON DISTU1CT. 



Journal uf the Royal Anthropological Institute, J'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate XIJ~. 



m 

I 




TECHNOLOGY OF THE POMEKOOX DISTRICT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XT'. 




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Journal of the Royal Anthropological litstiitite, Vol. XLl, 1911, Plate XVI. 



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W. E.'ROTH 



TECHNOLOGY OK THE 1'OMKUOON IIIS'IKICT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1011, Plate XVII. 




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Journal of the Soyal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XVIII. 




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TECHNOLOGY OF THE POMKUOON DISTRICT. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Tol. XLI, 1911, Plate XIX. 



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TECHNOLOGY OF THE POMEROON DISTKICT. 



83 



CUP- AND KING- MARKINGS : THEIE OKIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE. 

I'.Y H. J. DUKINFIELD ASTLEY, M.A., LlTT.D., ETC. 
[Bead before the British Association (Section H), Dublin, 1908, and revised 1910.] 

FOR a great many years now the prevalence of what are known as " Cup- and 
Ring- Markings " on rocks, stones, and objects of domestic use, whether as amulets 
or ornaments, or rather of both combined, for among primitive races the ornament 
is an amulet, has been a subject of common knowledge to archaeologists and 
anthropologists. The former were the first to notice and describe them ; it is only 
within the last few years that the labours of the latter, on the assumption that 
primitive man is everywhere and always the same at similar stages of culture, have 
caused light to be thrown on their probable origin and significance. 

Forty years ago Sir James Simpson first called the attention of the archaeological 
world to the subject in his book entitled, Archaic Sculpturings of Cups, Circles, etc., on 
Rocks, published in 18C7. 1 There he described all those that were then known in 
Scotland, Northumberland, and Yorkshire, and in a series of beautiful plates he 
illustrated every variety of form which they exhibit. In all instances there is the 
central cup or depression surrounded by one or more concentric circles or rings. But 
these rings take varying forms. Sometimes they are complete ; sometimes only semi- 
circles ; sometimes they take the form of spirals. Again at times one or more sets 
of cup- and ring-markings are united by lines or ducts making a variety of figures ; 
and again at times the outermost circle has a series of rings issuing from it, and 
converging towards the central depression or cup. Along with the cup- and ring- 
markings Sir James Simpson also noticed representations of the soles of human feet, 
and curiously enough similar representations are found on the rock-drawings of the 
Arunta in Australia. After mentioning, only to reject, the Swedish archaeologist 
Nillson's conjecture that these markings were Phoenician in their origin, the learned 
Scotch writer came to the conclusion that they are "archaeological enigmas," 
but he went on to make the luminous suggestion that they were "probably 
ornamental and possibly religious," adding that " though in the first instance 

1 It may be noted here that in the year 1859 the learned Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson, F.E.S., 
read an elaborate paper before the British Archfeological Association, which was published in 
the Journal of the Association in the following year, entitled " On the Rock-basins of Dartmoor, 
and some British remains in England." 

In the course of this paper he refers to cup- and ring-markings on the rocks in Northum- 
berland, and claims to have been the first discoverer of such markings as far back as 1835, in 
which case the honour due to a discoverer must be accorded him. 

G 2 



84 H. J. DUKINFIELD ASTLEY. Ci'/i- toad Riil<J-MrL /////* .- 

probably decorative, they were also emblems or symbols, connected in some way 
with the religious thoughts or doctrines of those who carved them." 1 In this he 
was only anticipating the modern anthropological conclusion that " the savage is 
extremely practical. His arts, music, and drawing " (and sculpture, and we may 
add his ornaments) " exist not pour I'art, but for a definite purpose a method of 
Betting something that the artist wants." 

What this " way " was, and that it was connected with the magic, sympathetic 
and otherwise, which was the inseparable concomitant of early religious ideas, 
and with the establishment of society on a totemistic basis, we shall endeavour to 
prove from the analogy of existing primitive races in the course of this 

study. 

Before proceeding further, however, we will state first the localities where 
archaic cup- and ring-markings have been proved to exist, both in Sir James 
Simpson's day and since ; we will then refer to certain theories as to their 
significance put forward by writers subsequent to that great authority ; and finally 
on the basis of present-day usage among primitive peoples we will propose what 
may be considered the solution of the problem of their origin and significance in the 
light of present-day knowledge. 

The first, as we have seen, to call attention to these curious rock-markings was 
Sir James Simpson in Scotland, and he enumerated all the localities in which they 
were then known to occur, which all came under the designation of " archaic." 

It is unnecessary to recapitulate the list given by him, which may be found 
by any student in his book. They comprise localities situated in almost all parts 
of Scotland, besides Northumberland, Cumberland, and Yorkshire. Archaic cup- and 
ring-markings are now known to occur in all parts of our own country, not only on 
scarps of rock, but on the stones of Druid circles, from Inverness-shire to Lancashire, 
Cumberland, and the Isle of Man. They also occur on great stones arranged in 
avenues ; on cromlechs ; on the stones of chambered tumuli in Yorkshire ; on stone 
" kists " or coffins in Scotland, Ireland, and in Dorset ; on prehistoric obelisks or 
solitary "standing-stones" in Argyll; on walls in underground Picts' houses in the 
Orkneys and Forfarshire ; in prehistoric Scottish forts ; near old camps, as well as 
on isolated rocks, scarps, and stones. They are found in the Cheviot Hills, on the 
moor near Chatton Park, in Northumberland ; there, engraved on the boulders, may 
be seen central cup-like depressions, surrounded by incised concentric circles. 
Some of the finest examples in the British Islands are to be seen near Ilkley in 
Yorkshire. Similar ornamentation is to be seen at Locmariaquer, and on the 
Island of Gavr" Innis, in the Morbihan, Brittany, in the district renowned for the 
magnificent " French Stonehenge " at Carnac, as it may also be seen in the 
neighbourhood of Avebury and our own Stonehenge. 

In Ireland precisely analogous markings, or " rock-scribings," as Mr. Wakeman 
rails them, are found, as at Mevagh, co. Donegal, on the sides of Knockmore Cave, 

1 App. to vol. vi, Proc. ,S'yc. A/it. Scot., pp. 104-5. 



, their Origin and Significance. 85 

near Derrygonuelly, co. Fermanagh, as well as the magnificent series of double 
spirals at Newgrange, Dowth, and Loughcrew, co. Meath, which belong to a 
somewhat later stage of culture. " Until recently," says Mr. Wakeman, " these 
antiquarian puzzles have received but little attention from Irish archaeologists. 
I'etrie does not seem to have noticed their existence ; O'Donovan and O'Curry 
make no mention of them, nor do the older writers, except in one or two 
instances where a single stone or so is referred to, as bearing work of a mystic or 
barbarous character." The forms of these markings to be met with in Ireland are 
precisely the same as in every other locality in which they occur, viz., cups, cups and 
rings, the same with radial channel, concentric rings, penannular rings, spirals, stars, 
triangles and wheels, zig-zag and other lines. " Considerable attention," continues 
Mr. Wakeman, " lias been given in recent years to the elaborate scorings on the 
rocks forming the great chambers at Newgrange and Loughcrew," and he quotes 
Col. Wood-Martin as saying, " In these Ireland possesses a collection of this species 
of prehistoric ornamentation which, in singularity, number, and- quaintness of 
design is approached in point of interest only by some of the great stone chambers 
of the district of Morbihan." 1 

Other archaic examples may be mentioned, such as those which are to be 
found on the rock on which the great cathedral at Seville is built ; on the steps of the 
Forum at Borne ; on the pedestal of a statue from Athens ; in Scandinavia, in 
China, in India, and in North and South America. 3 Other instances of present-day 

1 Wakemarit Handbook, p. 24. 

- Some ten years ago a considerable amount of turmoil was occasioned in the archaeological 
world by the alleged discovery of similar designs in a locality where they had not been hitherto 
noticed, by an artist named Mr. W. A. Donnelly, and subsequently by Mr. W. Bruce, 
F.S.A. Scot. 

I refer, it need hardly be said, to the famous controversy aroused by the announcement 
made by Mr. Donnelly of his discoveries at Auchintorlie, Dumbuie, and Dumbuck, and by 
Mr. Bruce of his discovery at Langbank, all in the neighbourhood of Dumbarton on the Clyde, 
c".ijus pars non minima fid. 

These discoveries consisted of a number of rocks inscribed with cup- and ring-markings, 
and with representations of the soles of human feet (these only possessed four toes), at Coclmo 
and Auchintorlie, which in themselves only fall into line with discoveries previously made, and 
which, from the condition of the rocks, it seems hardly possible to regard as anything but 
" archaic." Unfortunately, 1 he case is not so simple in respect of the hill-fort at Dumbuie, 
where among the " finds " said to have been discovered there figured inscribed oyster shells, 
which Prof. Boyd-Dawkins found to belong to the American species, and which must therefore 
have been introduced by some visitor, who was either a deliberate forger or a wag ; nor in 
respect of the C'rannogs at Dumbuck and Langbank, which Dr. Munro asserted to be mere 
" mediaeval " erections, but which Mr. A. Lang and I held he with perhaps too much reserve ; 
I with perhaps too much confidence to be relics ot prehistoric times. Among the "finds" in 
these latter were numerous objects, inscribed with cup- and ring-marks, ducts and lines, which 
it seems hardly possible to imagine anyone would be at the pains to forge. 

A full account of the controversy, in which the present writer received some very unkind 
handling, will be found in Dr. Munro's book on False Antiquities, and in -in article by him in 
The Reliquary entitled " Is the Dumbuck Crannog Neolithic 2" ; in Mr. A. Lang's book, The Clyde 
Mi/xtury, and in a series of four articles by myself in the Journal oft/"' Brititk Archaoloffieal 
Astociation from 1900 to 1904. It is only mentioned here because it led to an independent 






#6 H. J. DUKINKIELD ASTLEY. Cup- "//</ Ring-MarMngs , 

usage may be noted in Fiji, in Easter Island, and other parts of the far Pacific, as 
\\cll as in certain parts of Africa. 

Moreover, among races who" tattoo, particularly the Maories in New Zealand 
a very similar set of designs may be observed. 1 

Coming now to the various theories which have been propounded as to the 
origin and significance of these mysterious signs, we note that these are all 

study of the subject by Mr. A. Lang and myself, the result of which will be found in 
Mr. Lang's article, " Cup and Ring : an old puzzle solved," in The Contemporary Kevlvn; 1900 
(subsequently published in Magic and Religion, 1901), and in my articles on " Some resemblances 
between the Religious and Magical Ideas of Modern Savage Peoples, and those of the pre- 
historic non-Celtic races of Europe," which was published in the same year, and was the result 
of an entirely independent study for, at that time, I was quite unaware that Mr. Lang was 
taking the subject up and in "Portuguese Parallels to the Clydeside Discoveries." Apart 
altogether from the immediate occasion of the controversy, I shall hope to carry the study to a 
further and more positive conclusion on this occasion than was attained previously by Mr. .Lung 
or myself. In justice to Mr. Donnelly's memory, it may be stated that he consistently 
repudiated the idea of forgery, and maintained the genuineness of his " finds " to the day of his 
lamented death in the early part of 1906. 

At the very height of the controversy came the publication of Messrs. Spencer and 
Gillen's book on The Native Rares of Central Australia, followed subsequently by the same writers' 
.Yorthern Tribes of Central Australia, where the present-day usage of the same method of 
ornamentation by the savages of the great island continent was described, both in the form of 
" rock-scribings " in this case in the shape of paintings, not incised marks and upon certain 
objects known as Churinga, which are the sacred and secret possession of the initiated among 
the tribes, which will be referred to more fully later on. 

As I said in 1899 : " There can be no possible question of ' forgery ' in regard to the rock- 
markings at Cochno and Auchintorlie, for, fortunately, the discoveries were made and the 
drawings executed in 1895, while the Australian drawings were not published till 1899." 
Moreover, there is no reason why these Scottish markings, even to the representations of human 
feet, should not be as genuine as those previously described by Sir James Simpson. 

We may remark here that on pp. 463-4 of his book, Ancient Britain am! the Invasion! of 
.1,1 1 in.* Ctfsar, Mr. Rice Holmes makes a brief reference to the subject of " Dumbuck, Langbank, 
and Dumbuie," and airily dismisses it by saying that " Everything worth reading that has been 
written on the subject is included in two recent books, Dr. Munro's Arekaeology and Falf 
A,,t!' r i;t!e, and Mr. Lang's Tl< <'/_,/, .}f, /.</,;//," thus ignoring the careful monographs which 
were contributed by the present writer to the Journal of the British An-hceoloijifd .\.witii>. 

Of all three he says that "it is admitted that they belong to a period several ctntwiet 
thiiii //,,' Roman conquest of Britain." (The italics are ours.) Notwithstanding this, 
however, he also says, with regard to the alleged resemblance between some of the " question- 
able" finds on the Clyde and certain other equally disputed "antiquities that recently startled 
the explorers of a Portuguese dolmen," which resemblance Dr. Munro states that he cannot see : 
'" the reader, as Mr. Lang says, must decide for himself, and I dot'bt whether he will see eye t" ye 
"ill l>r. Munro." (The italics again are ours.) 

He would find it a difficult matter to reconcile these two statements, and indeed his note 
f>n the subject is somewhat confused throughout. 

Apart from the question of the age of the Dumbuie Fort and the Crannogs at Dumbuck 
and Iinghank, and of the undisputed objects found in them, in which I include the dug-out 
i-anoe and the Churinga-like objects found in it at Dumbuck, and elsewhere on the sites, I 
must hold to my opinion as to the rock-markings in the neighbourhood, which fall into line 
with those universally found, and point to totemism and the neolithic stage of culture. 

1 See p. 96 and note thereon. 



Orlijiii mill Siynifii-ann'. 87 

founded on the assumption that they were executed with some definite meaning ; 
for, as I have said elsewhere, "it is an axiom in anthropology that primitive man 
does not give himself trouble merely for an aesthetic purpose, but always with 
some practical object in view." This object might be religious, as in the case of 
the wonderful drawings on the walls in the dark recesses of caverns, and on pieces 
of mammoth ivory, etc., which were executed by the paleolithic dwellers in the 
grotto of Thayngen, the cave of La Madeleine, and the Eobin Hood Cave in 
Derbyshire, and elsewhere, the religious motive being probably connected with 
what is known as " sympathetic magic " ; the primitive cave-dweller, when he drew 
representations of the reindeer or the mammoth or the horse, or represented 
himself as hunting, with snakes escaping in the grass, or fishes filling up the 
borders and vacant spaces in the drawings, intended thereby to render the animals 
more subservient to his prowess, for the souls that were in them would be trans- 
ferred by sympathetic magic to his picture of them, and their life would become 
his, and they themselves would then fall an easy prey to his spear. 1 

Or the object might be of social, family, or tribal, i.e., of totemistic 
significance, and the signs be recognized as badges of the clan or phratry. This would 
be most useful under the system of exogamous marriages, which usually accompanies 
toteinism* wherever it exists, though independent of it, and later in origin, as 
Dr. Frazer shows. That this is the true meaning of the cup- and ring-markings, 
in all their various forms and developments, which are the subject of this study, is 
what we shall endeavour to prove, but before doing so it is necessary to give a 
passing reference to the theories put forward by previous students of the subject. 
Questions of space forbid our doing more than making mention of the various 
theories propounded by the learned Dr. Phene, the late Mr. Eomilly Allen, 
Mr. Dymond, Miss Eussell, Colonel Eivett-Carnac, Lord Avebury, Dr. Eobert 
Munro and others, with regard to the origin and significance of these 
bewildering signs. The reader is referred to their articles as described in the 
bibliography attached to this study. We note that Mr. Eomilly Allen concludes 
with the following pregnant remarks, exactly foreshadowing the line that has been 
pursued in subsequent research : " If the enigma of the import of these mysterious 
cup- and ring-marks is ever to be solved it must be by careful research into 
the relics of pagan superstition, still lingering in out-of-the-way districts, and 
even found mixed up with Christian ceremonies, and lastly, by making careful 

1 A very remarkable series of drawings executed by the Bushmen in South Africa, some of 
which may be 500 years old, and others more recent, was exhibited in 1908 in the rooms of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute, by Miss Tongue. 

Like their paleeolithio prototypes, the drawings are found on the walls and inner recesses 
of caves, and they manifest the same freedom and skill and life as those which evoked the 
enthusiasm of M. Salomon Reinach. Cattle, sheep, and human figures are all portrayed with 
an artistic power and vraisemblance which are truly remarkable. See Illustrated Xews, 
June 21st, 1908 ; Man, 1909, 98. 

The Esquimaux are also skilled draughtsmen, and many scholars hold that in them we 
have the representatives, if not the descendants, of the palaeolithic race in Europe. 

2 See Frazer, Totemism and .>:/>y>'i,iy, vol. iv, pp. 0, 287. (1910.) 



88 H. J. DUKINFIKUI ASTLEV. Clip- i' in/ 

drawings of the sculptures, topographical notes of the sites, and then instituting a- 
coniparative inquiry into similar remains found in other countries." 1 

As regards the meaning to be attached to the symbols, Dr. Munro says: 
' Although much has been written on the subject, none of the theories advanced 
to explain their meaning lias met with general acceptance. That they had a 
symbolic meaning in the religious conceptions of the people is evident from the 
frequency with which they are found on sepulchral monuments, but any interpre- 
tation hitherto advanced on the subject, beyond the general reliyiovs idea, seems to 
me to be pure conjecture." (Prehist. Scot/and, p. 218.) 

This was the state of^fche matter when Dr. Munro wrote in 1899 ; it is hoped 
that this paper will show that by 1908 we had advanced a little further, and that 
a solution more probable than any hitherto proposed, may be found, which will 
hold good unless and until some further light dawns from some at present 
unexpected quarter. 2 

1 See Bibliography. 

2 In his recent book, Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Cagar, Mr. Eice Holmes 
ranges himself with those who would see in these markings some religious significance. 
Writing of the Bronze Age he says : " We may perhaps hope to find other clues to the religious 
ideas of the Bronze Age in megalithic circles, and in tlie engraved stoms which have been already 
mentioned ! . . . The most common devices are small circular depressions, called cup-markings 
and concentric circles ; while occasionally groups of concentric circles are united by grooves." 
He then proceeds to describe the markings and the localities in which they occur, much as we 
have done, and as every writer must do, and continues : " The rings may, perhaps, in some 
instances be symbolical of sun-worship, for, on the cairn of Lough Crew in Ireland, and in 
Scandinavia, a few have rays " (apart altogether from the supposed meaning, the rays are, as 
a matter of fact, found in very many instances, from widely scattered localities); "and since 
we find them on the covering stones of cists, while in Australia similar designs drawn on rocks 
are magical or sacred, it would seem probable that they had some religious meaning." 

He then refers to evidences of sun-worship in the British Isles, to the spirals, and to the 
swastika on a rock near Ilkley, all of which have been duly noted by us, and quotes Mr. Lang 
as saying that "similar markings on rocks, etc., in different countries may have different 
meanings." This latter remark is perfectly true as far as it goes, i.e., in different countries, 
among different peoples, in different ages, the same marks might have a totally different definite 
meaning, e.g., designate an entirely distinct totem or heraldic badge. But that they were all 
totemistic, and therefore of social not religious significance, this study will, we hope, make 
sufficiently probable. Again, in referring all such marks to the Bronze Age, Mr. Eice Holmes 
does not show sufficient discrimination. 

In their origin cup- and ring-markings, or marks of similar design, have been shown to 
ascend to the Palaeolithic Age, and, in Europe and the British Isles, to be peculiarly characteristic 
of the Neolithic Age. The natives of Australia know, or knew, nothing of bronze or any other 
metal. They may, therefore, be said to be characteristic of peoplesiu the neolithic stage of culture. 

But they survived into the Bronze Age, and in combination with other designs became a 
characteristic of this age. And whereas spirals seem to have preceded circles among the 
A i unta, the reverse would appear to be true in Europe, so that where spirals are found, as at 
New Grange, etc., it is a sure sign that we are no longer in the early or primitive stage, but at 
a stage of later development in other words, in the Bronze Age. Thus the way is prepared Tor 
the magnificent subsequent development of the spiral, simple and divergent, in late Celtic art, 
and in the Christian art of Ireland, both on stone and in manuscripts.* 



* Eice Holmes' Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Jtilimt Caw<r, pp. 205-207, and see 
pp. 177 and 183. 



their Origin and Significance. 89 

Passing by the theories which connect these markings with planetary or stellar 
maps, sundials and such like, which could by any possibility only apply to a very 
few cases in which they may seein to be arranged in some sort of definite order 
having some resemblance to the position of the constellations in the sky, or some 
distinct instance in which the cup and circle with the duct leading from the cup 
to the circumference of the circle and beyond might seem to be like a dial-plate 
and its gnomon, we remark the theory propounded by Bishop Graves, of Limerick, 
that they were intended for maps of the locality marking the position of the 
neighbouring raths or oppida for the benefit of wayfarers, whether the inhabi- 
tants themselves or strangers. Both Mr. Wood-Martin and Mr. Wakeman quote 
Bishop Graves at large. But the map-theory, as Mr. Wood-Martin says, " appeared 
to be a fanciful one, and the drawings were laid for many years on one side ; 
finally, however, Bishop Graves, having re-examined his subject, came to the 
conclusion that his original theory was correct." In this, however, he has not 
been followed by any subsequent investigator. 

Mr. Wakeman ranks himself among those who regard the signs as purely 
ornamental, forgetting the fundamental axiom as to primitive ornament quoted 
above. 

Mr. Wood-Martin makes the pregnant observation : " The ' dot and circle ' 
pattern is stated to be almost identical in Hittite, Cypriote, Cuneiform, and 
Egyptian. To solve the enigma of these scribings we must go afield. What does 
this style of ornamentation represent to the minds of the aborigines of Australia ? " 
(The italics are ours.) 1 

From the year 1899 onwards the solution of the problem has been sought, and, 
as we shall endeavour to demonstrate, found in the answer to this question, but 
before arriving at this point, it is necessary to note a further theory put forward 
by Col. Eivett-Caruac as late as 1903. In that year he" read a paper before the 
IJoyal Asiatic Society, entitled " Cup-marks as an archaic form of inscription/' in 
which he suggested that they were " a very ancient form of writing." At an earlier 
date Col. Eivett-Carnac had been inclined to associate the signs with the Lingam cult, 
and he refers to this theory again in the course of this paper ; we shall see in 
the sequel how the two ideas may be combined by a reference not only to the 
evidence from Australia, but also to the "painted pebbles" containing alpha- 
betiform signs which M. Piette discovered in the cave of Mas d'Azil, and which 
belong to the Palaeolithic Age, and to the similar signs found on certain dolmens in 

On p. 205 the author gives in a note a useful bibliography of the subject, including many 
references to the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, to which I have not 
thought it necessary to refer. This, with the bibliography given in this study, makes up a 
complete list of the literature bearing on the subject. 

In the note Mr. Holmes remarks, " It would seem that certain cup-markings, at all events 
in the British Isles, France, Spain, and Scandinavia, belong to the Neolithic Age," and refers to 
Simpson and Cartailhac. He might have added Montelius. Thus he admits the point for 
which I contend, and gives the larger part of his case away. 

1 Pagan Ireland, pp. 47, 49 ; Wakeman, p. 36. 



90 H. J. DuKixriEU) ASTI.EV. Ci'[>- "ml Ktii 

Portugal in 1903, down to the signs and symbols which distinguish the work turned 
out 1))' modern potteries in civilized lands. It may be noted here, in passing, that 
Mr. Wood-Martin had already suggested that "cup- and ring-markings" might be 
"the first step made by primitive man towards writing." 1 And M. Cartailhac, 
writinf in 1899 in L France, prihistorique d'aprts /' -. .tr/m/f/'n-.t ,/ li'g monuments, 
]>. 247, had said: "II est done positif que les pierres a ecuelles avaient une signifi- 
cation pour les hommes de I'age de la pierre, et pour leurs descendants on successeurs 
immckliats. Leur sens mysterieux e"tait compris dans une grande partie de 1'Europe." 
And he added : " Apres I'age de bronze elles disparaissaient en Europe." 

Col. Kivett-Carnac notes what we have already stated, that these markings 
are " neither recent nor accidental, and that there is now hardly any rocky 
country in the explored world in which they may not be found," and, he continues, 
" but little importance has been attached to them, and the general verdict apparently 
is that, even admitting them to be ancient and artificial, they are at best but a 
rough form of ornamentation possessed of no significance, and therefore of just as 
little scientific interest." It is to dissipate this notion that this paper has been 
written. Col. Rivett-Carnac endeavours to do so by bringing forward a wealth of 
argument to prove his thesis that they are a primitive form of writing. He sees 
in the cup- and ring-markings the earliest efforts of primitive man to convey 
ideas to his fellows a method which in some cases became at once alphabetifonn, 
as in the early JEgean alphabets, whence our modern alphabets are now considered 
to have arisen, and in others passed through painful ages of hieroglyphic or 
cuneiform ideogrammatic forms to an alphabetifonn system, whereby all ideas 
could be conveyed. 

We come now to consider cup- and ring-markings in the light which has been 
thrown upon them by recent research among the aborigines of Australia. 

It was in the year 1899 that Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's epoch-making book 
on The Native Tribes of Central Australia was published. This was followed in 
1904 by the same authors' Xm-thei-n Tribes of Central Aiistralia, and in the same 
year the late Dr. Hewitt's Native Tribes of Son.lli-Ei/xt, Australia was published. 
These, with Mrs. Langloh-Parker's The Eunltlin/i Tribe, 1905, form the classical 
authorities on the tribal and social arrangements and customs of the Australian 
aborigines. 

Now the outstanding feature of all these tribes is that they are organized mi 
a tntemistic basis. It will be unnecessary in this article to define totemism,- 
<ir to point out wherein totemism in Australia differs from totemism in North 
America, whence the name is originally derived, as described by Mr. Hill Tout and 
others. Xor will it be necessary to enter into the question of the origin of 
totemism, as to "which there is much difference of opinion, and a number of 
hypotheses have been framed to account for it," and the subject was fully dealt with 
before flu- Urit ish Association by Professor Haddon in 1902. Dr. Howitt says : 



Iicl'/nd, )>p. 43, 44. 
- See Frazer, Tutemism and Exogamy, vol. iv, p. 3. (1910.) 



their Origin tail! Significance. 91 

" It has always seemed to me that the origin of totems and totemism must have 
been in so early a stage of man's social development that traces of its original 
structure cannot be expected in tribes which have long passed out of the early 
conditions of matriarchal times. Yet if anywhere in the still savage regions of the 
world there are any living survivals of early totemism surely it must be in 
Australia that they are to be sought for " (p. 151). He then goes on to discuss the 
only three hypotheses of which he considers it needful to take account. These are 
(1) Messrs. Spencer and Gillen's theory that in Australian tribes the primary function 
of a totemistic group is to ensure by magic a supply of the object which gives its 
name to the totemistic group ; (2) Dr. J. G. Frazer's views, that the Intichiuuia 
ceremonies 1 appear to indicate that each totem group was charged with the 
superintendence of some department of nature, from whicli it took its name ; 
(3) Mr. Herbert Spencer's theory, which has since been developed by Lang in his 
book, The Secret of the Totem, that plant and animal names were impressed upon 
each group from without, and some of them would stick, would be stereotyped, 
and each group would come to answer to its " nickname." Notwithstanding the 
wealth of argument and illustration with which Mr. Lang has advanced this theory, 
I must confess that to my mind Dr. Howitt seems justified in saying : " To me, 
judging of the possible feelings of the pristine ancestors of the Australians by 
their descendants of the present time, it seems most improbable that any such 
nicknames would have been adopted, and have given rise to totemism, nor do I 
know of a single instance in which such nicknames have been adopted " (p. 154). 

Professor Haddon's hypothesis is that groups of people, at a very early period, 
by reason of their local environment would have special varieties of food, but, 
" taking all things into consideration, I feel," says Dr. Howitt, " that the most 
probable conclusion to arrive at is, that the Intichiuma ceremonies represent a very 
early form of totemistic belief, but beyond that there are not sufficient data to 
allow of a safe hypothesis as to the origin of the totemic names " (p. 155). 2 

1 Sacred ceremonies performed by a local totemic group with the object of increasing the 
numbers of the totemic animal or plant. 

2 In Australia, as among all primitive races, names imply a mystic rapport between them- 
selves and the persons who bear them, and, this being so, when the members of human groups 
found themselves, as groups, all in possession of animal group-names, and had forgotten hotr they 
f/nt the names (all known groups! having long been named), men, always speculative, naturally 
asked themselves, " What is the nature of this connection between us and the animals whose 
names we bear ? " 

Thus I agree with Dr. Pikler, Der Ursprung <lei Totemismus, when he says, "The germ of 
totemism is the ,tnminrjj' and further that " totemism has its original germ not in religion, but 
in the practical every-day needs of man." So Mr. Lang had written, Social Origins, " Totems, 
probably, in origin, had nothing really religion! about them." Each man's name was originally 
aei-i-ft to himself, and the idea of sacredncsf is a later development. 

Yet another theory as to the origin of totemism has been propounded by Mr. Gomme in 
his most suggestive and fascinating book, Folldm-c ".< an f/infin-icul Xciemr ""iz., that it emanates 
from " the industrialism of early woman from which originated the domestication of animals, 
the cultivation of fruits and cereals, and the appropriation of such trees and shrubs as were 
necessary to primitive economies. The close and intimate relationship with human life which 



92 H. -I. DfKlXKiEMi AsTLEY. C'i'/i- n<! Riiii 

Be that as it may, the fact is that throughout Australia the social organization 
of the tribes is based on totemism, and that a gradual advance may be observed 
from a comparatively simple to a most complex and intricate system. Thus the 
Dieri tribe of South-east Australia have only two exogamous intermarrying classes 
and have preserved female descent, i.e., the child belongs to the totem of its 
mother. The Kamilaroi, Wiradjuri, and others have four sub-classes and male 
descent. The tribes round Lake Eyre, in the centre of the continent, have 
developed eight sub-classes. Among these the Urabunna reckon by female 
descent; the Arunta, whose story, as told by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, is a 
veritable romance, reckon by male descent; but there is this peculiarity about them, 
that totemism is reckoned by locality rather than by group, and the child belongs 
to the totem of the district in which it may happen to be born. How this is 
contrived will appear presently. Curiously enough, in spite of their possessing this 
complex and intricate system, i.e., matrimonial classes which he himself acknow- 
ledges as later than the mere phratries of many south-eastern tribes, more 
advanced ceremonial, system of inheritance, and local magistracies, heredity in the 
male line, and in contravention of every principle which compels one under every 
phase of evolution to view the complex as a development from the simple, 
Dr. Frazer holds that the tribes of Central Australia, including the Arunta, " are 
the more backward, and the coastal tribes the more progressive." This opinion 
seems to proceed from a consideration of the possession or otherwise by the tribes 
of a belief in the " All-Father," with which we are not concerned here. The coast 
tribes for the most part possess this belief ; the Arunta and other central tribes 
do not. The most probable theory to explain this is that these tribes once 
possessed it and have lost it. Having developed a highly complicated and, indeed, 
philosophical system, the belief in the All-Father became of no practical importance 
and was dropped But in any case, with regard to Dr. Frazer's statement I echo 
Mr. Lang's words : " This is a hard saying ! " l 



such animals, plants and trees would assume under the social conditions belonging to the 
earliest stage of evolution, and the aid which these friendly and always present companions 
would render at all times and under most circumstances, would generate and develop many of 
those savage conceptions which have become known to research " " In short," as Mr. Sidney 
Hartland says, in his criticism of the book in Jf/i, 1908, 68, "totemism would arise from the 
connection imagined between a woman's children and the friendly animal, plant or tree." 

There are many tilings that might b s;iid in answer to this attractive but delusive theory. 
For one thing, as may be at once discovered by a reference to modern examples of totemism in 
Austi-iilin and elsewhere, the totem is by no means universally, if even generally, a "friendly," 
/.., domesticated animal, or a cultivated plant. 

But Mr. Hartland lias said sufficient to expose its fallacy, and with his criticisms I entirely 
concur and Dr. Frazer does not refer to it at all. (1910.) 

1 Of course this is no contradiction of Messrs. Spencer and Gilleu's statement that the 
Central tribes, including the Arunta, "have retained the most primitive beliefs and 
customs. 

This may be perfectly true, and yet we must acknowledge that their social organization is 
the most advanced, and as regards the Arunta nescience of the facts of generation it is no 



ilnir Origin nn<l Significance. 93 

The Arimta system is based on the following beliefs : They hold that every 
living Arunta is descended, or rather, is the re-incarnation of an ancestor, who 
lived in what is known as the " Alcheringa " times. These are times beyond which 
thought cannot go, the far distant past, with which the earliest traditions of the 
tribe deal. Every Arunta thinks that his ancestor in the Alcheringa was the 
descendant of the animal or plant, or at least was intimately associated with the 
objects the name of which he bears as his totemic name. In most cases when the 
social arrangements are totemistic the totem animal or plant is sacred and tabu 
as food to the members of the totem group. This is the case in many Australian 
tribes, where it is a general custom that a man must not eat or injure his totem, 
but among the Arunta there are special occasions when the totem is eaten, and 
there is no rule against eating it at other times, though it must be partaken of 
sparingly. In this respect, as in many others, the Arunta are a law unto 
themselves. Returning to the Alcheringa ancestors, each of them is represented as 
carrying about with him or her one or more of the sacred stones which are called 
by the Arunta natives Churinga (the equivalent of the bull-roarer or whirler of 
other natives, but of such special significance that the local name is now well 
known and universally employed), and each of these Churinga is closely associated 
with the spirit part of some individual. Where they originated and stayed, as in 
the case of certain of the witchetty grub people, or where they camped in their 
wanderings, there were formed what the natives call Oknanikilla, i.e., local totem 
centres. At each of these spots a certain number of the Alcheringa ancestors went 
into the ground, each carrying his Churinga with him. His body died, but some 
natural feature, such as a rock or a tree, arose to mark the spot, while his spirit 
part remained in the Churinga. At the same time many of the Churinga which 
they carried with them, and each one of which had associated with it a spirit 
individual, were placed in the ground, some natural object again marking the spot. 
Thus the country is dotted over with these Oknanikilla, each one connected with one 
totem. The rock or tree marking the spirit's abode is known as the spirit's Nanja, 
and it is this idea of spirit individuals associated with the Churinga and resident 
in certain definite spots, which lies at the root of the present totemic system of the 
Arunta tribe. Xow these spirits are ever waiting to be re-born, and consequently 
they are ever on the look out for likely women through whom they may receive 
re-incarnation. Here comes in a curious factor of Arunta life. Alone, or nearly 

proof of primitiveness, but rather the fruit of their system of philosophy " As each child is, in 
Arunta opinion, a being who has existed from the beginning of things, he is not, he cannot be, 
a creature of man's begetting."* Dr. Frazer still (1910) holds to this opinion as to the relatively 
greater primitiveness of the Central tribes. He may possibly, later on, see cause to modify this 
opinion (Preface, xiii). For the whole subject consult his magnificent monograph on Tntemism 
and Exogamy, recently published. 



* Spencer and Gillen, Central Tribes, pp. 124 (112-166) ; Nortlwnk Tribes, pp. 143, 150, 174, 
330, 606. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. i, pp. 96, 242. Lang, Secret of the Totem, 
p. 197. 



94 H. J. DUKIXFIELD ASTLEY. Ci'/>- "ml AV/?//-JA'r/,7,///x .- 

so, 1 among the human race, whether savage or civilized, they are totally ignorant 
of the meaning and effect of sexual intercourse. 2 According to their belief it 1ms 
nothing to do with the natural production of offspring ; at best it only prepares the 
woman for the entry of the spirit-child. Consequently, a woman never knows 
when a spirit-child may enter, and, as a result, whenever she may become aware 
that she has conceived a child it belongs to the totem of that locality irrespective 
of the totem to which she or her husband may belong. Hence, among the Arunta 
the exogamous classes are totally distinct from the totemic clans. The child inherits 
the Churinga Nanja of his ancestral spirit, and consequently belongs to his own 
ancestral totem. In some localities the spirits are specially active, e.g., at Alice 
Springs there is a stone, known as the Ernthipa stone, which a woman has merely 
to visit to cause conception. Accordingly if a girl has to pass by this stone and 
does not wish to have a child, she will carefully disguise her youth, and try to 
make herself look like a very old woman. 

When the spirit-child enters a woman, according to the tradition of the 
natives, the Churinga is dropped. When the child is born the mother tells the 
father the position of the tree or rock near to which she supposes the child to 
have entered her, and he and his friends thereupon search for the dropped Churinga. 
The latter is usually, but not always, supposed to be a stone one marked with a 
device peculiar to the totem of the spirit-child, and therefore of the newly born one. 
Sometimes it is found having been, of course, provided by the Arunga, or 
paternal grandfather, for the purpose sometimes it is not. In that case a 
wooden one is made from the tree nearest to the Nanja, and the device or bniml 
peculiar to the totem is carved on it. 

In each Okiuinikilfa, or local totem centre, there is a spot called the 
h'i-/,iiiti'li')ii/i(. This is the sacred storehouse, usually a small cave or crevice iu 
some unfrequented spot among the rough hills, carefully concealed. In it are 
numbers of the Churinga often carefully tied up in bundles. 3 It may be noted 
that the name Churinga itself means a sacred and secret emblem. Though men 
and women are both alike in that each possesses his or her Clmritujn Xnj<i, yet 
whilst there comes a time when each man is allowed to see and handle his, i.e., 
after the ceremonies of initiation, when the boy becomes a man, not only may no 

l-'ia/.er, Totenn'fni nml /:>/</)//, vol. ii, pp. 94 teg. ; vol. iv, pp. 9, 287. 

'-' At the meeting at which this paper was read the Chairman of the Section CH), 
Professor Ridgway, threw doubts on this alleged nescience on the part of the Arunta of 
these plain facts of physiology on the authority of certain " German Lutheran missionaries." 
The chief of these is the Rev. C. Strehlo\v, for the value of whose authority see Frazor, 
op. tit., vol. i, p. 186, note -1. But there is no disputing the fact of this ignorance. How to 
account for it is another question. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen are quite clear on the point. 
Dr. Andrew Lang and Dr. Frazer equally admit it, though interpreting it differently, and there 
is the further evidence of the Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) as to the same 
nescience on the part of the natives of that district. Man, 1909, 88. See Lang, Secret of the 
Totr-m, 81, 189 se<j. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. i, pp. 93, 191. 

3 I Sam. xxv, 29. (Dr. K razor refers to this passage in his paper on Folklore in the Old 
Testament in the volume of Anthropological .Eaayi presented to Dr. Tylor on his 75th birthday.) 



theii' Origin and. Significance. 9f> 

woman ever see them, but they are even unaware of the existence of such objects. 
No woman dare pry into the mysteries of the Ertnatuhmga and its contents at 
risk of death. Moreover the Ertnatulunya may be considered as the early 
rudiment of a city or house of refuge. Even wild animals once they come close 
to one become tabu and safe from the spear of the pursuing native, and the plants 
in the vicinity are never touched or interfered with in any way. When the boy 
has passed successfully through the ceremonies of initiation, and is considered 
worthy of the honour, he is painted on face and body with the peculiar device 
belonging to his totem, and taken to the Ertnatulunga. The old women are aware 
that he has been there, though they know nothing of the nature of the ceremonies, 
but to the younger women it is a matter of the deepest mystery, for no women 
dare even approach the gap in which is the sacred rock-painting and near to which 
lies the Ertnatulunya. 

Tims we are brought to the subject of the rock-paintings. These are not 
peculiar to the Arunta and other tribes of Central Australia, being found all over 
the Continent, and having been often described by former investigators. But 
those previously described are not of the special type of which we are in search, 
and which we find among the Arunta. These rock -paintings may be divided into 
two groups : () those which may be spoken of as ordinary rock-drawings, and 
which fall into line with those already known, and (&) certain other drawings 
which belong to a class of designs all of which are spoken of as Churinga Ilkinia, 
and are regarded as sacred because they are associated with the totems. Each 
local totemic group has certain of these, specially belonging to the group, and in 
very many cases preserved on rock surfaces which are strictly tabu to the women, 
children, and uninitiated men. The designs on these Churinga Ilkinia, as on the 
Churinga Nanja, are each distinctive of some special totem, and are so understood 
by the initiated natives, so that they have only to look at them to know of what 
special totem they are the sign or badge. Now the remarkable tiling about these 
special totemistic designs of the Arunta, both on the rock-paintings, the Churinga 
Ilkinia, and the Churinga Nanja, is this, that they consist of the very same 
patterns as the rock-sculptu rings which we have been studying from all parts 
of the world. 1 There is the central dot, corresponding to the cup, surrounded by 
concentric circles or semi-circles, and arranged in varying patterns, sometimes 
joined by lines which run through and connect them, just as the ducts do in 
the sculpturings, and each varying pattern has its distinctive meaning, which 
the native at once recognizes as belonging to the witchetty grub, emu, plum-tree, or 
other totem as the case may be. The feet which accompany the designs in many 
cases, and of which we have so many examples in Scotland, are said to be the 

1 The same marks occur on small plaques of slate or schist in Portuguese neolithic sites, in 
paleolithic sites, and in Scotland, where, however, Dr. Munro considers ciiem not of genuine 
antiquity ; and the marvellous thing is that although Dr. Munro also denies the genuineness 
of the Portuguese " finds," he professes to be unable to see the resemblance between them and 
the Scottish ones, which, to the unprejudiced observer, saute aux ycu.i. 



96 H. J. DUKIXKIELD ASTLEY. Cup- mid 

prints left by Alcheringa ancestors. There are also many examples of spirals 
in Australia, and in Australia Messrs. Spencer and Gillen consider the circles to be 
debased spirals. They may be right as regards Australia, but there is reason t<> 
believe that the opposite holds good elsewhere ; i.e., that the circle is older than 

the spiral. 

Considering then that primitive man may be held to have everywhere, though 
with local modifications, passed through the same or similar steps in his evolution 
from the lower to the higher plane of social organization, is it too bold an 
hypothesis to propose that in these Arunta drawings with their well-known and 
recognized signification we have, as Mr. Wood-Martin suggested, the solution of 
our problem, and to say that, subject to modifications suggested by others of 
the theories mentioned in the works of the authors we have named above, the 
basal meaning of cup- and ring-marks is not religious but social, and that wherever 
found they are totemistic in their origin, and point to the potent influence of 
magic, rather than of what is more specially comprehended under the name of 
religion ? 

Thus these mysterious signs may with justice be said to constitute as I have 
said elsewhere the heraldry of primitive man, and they would be known and under- 
stood by all whom it might concern, even as the Arunta understand them to-day, 
and as the followers of a knight in medieval times, his squires and men-at- 
arms, recognized the shield of their lord, wherever it was borne in the battle or 
the joust, or fluttered from the summit of his castle keep, and just as the flag is 
recognized among civilized races at the present time. 1 

This discovery of what is in all probability the true solution of a problem 
which has baffled so many learned writers among the savages of Central Australia, 
is one of the romances of latter-day research, and is itself the justification of the 

1 In 1897 Mr. A. H. Keane (T/ie Import of the Totem) wrote on the origin of Totemism : 
"Thus the family, the initial unit, segments into a number of clans, each distinguished by 
its totem, its name, its heraldic Imdye which badge, becoming more and more venerated from 
age to age, acquires inherited privileges, becomes the object of endless superstitious practices, 
and is ultimately almost deified. ... Its origin lies behind all strictly religious notions, 
and it was at first a mere device for distinguishing one individual from another, one family or 
Ian group from another "and in 1899, in J/";', /'nut // /'/<*//?, he formulated a theory of 
the origin of totemism on this basis. About the same period the present writer was developing 
his theory of totemism as "the heraldry of primitive man," an expression which he afterwards 
employed in 1903, and for which he claims originality, inasmuch as Mr. Keane's works have 
only become known to him in preparing this study. 

( '"inpare also the late Professor llobertson Smith on the subject of the Semitic wasm, or 
rock-scorings, and tattooing in early Arabia, in Mitrri'ige and Kinship in Aralii", pp. 245-251, 
nd </. p. 218. The important point to notice is that Professor E. Smith associates the " scorings 
on the rocks'' with the "tattooing of the person," and connects both with totemism, and the 
distinguishing of tribe or clan, that is to say, bcth may well be called "the heraldry of 
primitive mail," to use the term I have adopted. Nothing is said as to these " scorings on the 
rot-ks " being " cup- and ring-marks," but apart from that they may well be considered to come 
under the same category, and to be a further argument for the views advanced in this 
paper. 



their Origin and Significance. 97 

attention which is being given by ail students of anthropology to the hitherto 
neglected, but often despised and fast-perishing representatives of primitive man 
still existent on the globe. 1 

Taking into account every known ingredient of the problem, I ask : have we 
not here, as nowhere else, the solution of it ? We cannot say positively that such 
markings have absolutely the same meaniug wherever they are found, but are 
justified in saying that that meaning is totemistic, for primitive man is every- 
where and always the same, ct plus ga change plus c'est la meme chose. 

Further, as showing how at a later stage ideas of nature worship may be 
grafted on to the original stock, we note the primitive phase of the idea in the 
Arunta theory of the spirit-child conceived beside some sacred rock or tree. A 
similar notion meets us, as Colonel Eivett-Carnac points out, in Switzerland and 
Italy, and probably research would prove its existence elsewhere. The spirit-child 
belongs to the totem of the locality in which it is conceived, and the Churinc/a, 
both the Nanja, the portable stone or stick, and the Ilkinia, the rock-drawing, each 
sacred and secret, is the totem badge bearing the special pattern peculiar to that 
totem. Here we have the living and present meaning. 

In treating of the Lingam cult we are touching, as Colonel Rivett-Carnac says, 
upon a delicate or rather, it should be said, indelicate subject, but the perfected cult 
as it existed in Phoanicia and elsewhere in the East in historic times, and as it 
exists in India to-day, is adumbrated in the ideas of primitive mun, as they survive 
among present-day superstitions in Europe, and the germs are to be found in the 
peculiar notions of the Arunta. Ancient stones and rocks inscribed with cups and 
rings are in many parts of Europe even still associated with ideas bearing a 
relationship to this primitive cult. Monoliths not only bear these marks, but 
are themselves symbolic of the mystery of the reproduction of life. In Switzerland 
such rocks are still known as " the babies' stone," and where they remain undis- 
turbed the ordinary idea of the stork as the purveyor of a new brother will be 
accepted by no self-respecting child of the locality, All new-born babies are 
believed to be brought from the mysterious stone of the vicinity. So on Lake 
Como a " child's stone," as it was called, was recently destroyed near Schloss 
Eothburg in the Canton Vaud. So in Brittany and other Celtic districts childless 
women will bring offerings to the menhir, and many a great stone has been 
adorned on its summit with a cross. 2 The objection will be made, says Colonel 

1 Here also we have the answer to Dr. Frazer's doubt as to whether totemism ever 
existed in those parts of the world where it is no longer found. Whether or not it was ever a 
part of the social system of the primitive Aryans and Semites, it certainly existed, to judge by 
analogy, among the primitive inhabitants of Asia and Europe in the neolithic age, and during 
the prevalence of the neolithic stage of culture, i.e., among the ancestors of the Iberian races, now 
represented by the Basques, and the short, squat, dark-skinned and dark-haired people who 
form the pre-Celtic substratum of the present population of Wales. The animal, reptile, and 
insect cults of Egypt also point to the prevalence of totemism in that c untry in prehistoric 
times. See Frazer, Totemism and Exw/amy, vol. i, 86 ; iv, 13. 

2 This Cbriltianization of the objects of pagan worship, and of pagan superstition, was a 
characteristic feature of the means whereby the Christian Church secured her hold in early 

VOL. XLI. H 



98 H. J. DUKIXFIELD ASTLEY. Cup- and Sing-Markings : 

Eivett-Carnac. how could such an idea survive the ages that have passed between 
then and now ? But they do survive. Superstitions, as we call them, are handed 
down in a manner which if marvellous is yet true. They belong to no particular 
race or clime, but are the cttbris of faiths which are alive at a certain stage in the 
evolution of culture in every race and clime, viz., the animistic as regards the 
outlook upon nature, the toteinistic as regards the organization of society, and 
these dili-is are found more abundantly among certain races, e.g., the Celtic, than 
others. Thus we refer the superstitions connected with The Babies' Stmu: and the 
menhir, and with sacred tree and rock, with their cup- and ring-markings in 
patterns of varying and intricate detail, to what may be called the " Arunta 
stage of culture," which stage no doubt developed in certain districts among certain 
peoples into a more definitely pronounced Lingam worship. Here we have only 
the preliminary stage the germ of a world-wide cult, not the cult itself 
totemism on an animistic basis, not religion. 

Finally, there is no reason why we should deny the possibility that in cup- 
and ring-markings we behold one of the earliest efforts of our race to convey ideas by 
means of signs, and therefore that it is in this sense a form of svriting. The Arunta 
read their meaning both on rocks and on Clmringa, and indeed they are known 
to employ Churinga on occasion, as " message sticks or stones," although in their 
case the Churinga is more in the nature of a safe-conduct, rendering the bearer tabu, 
than an actual means of conveying ideas. Other tribes, as the Itchimundi, do 
employ real message-sticks. These, however, are " merely a kind of tally, to keep 
record of the various heads of the message, and the markings have no special meaning 
as conventional signs conveying some meaning." 1 No Australian has developed 
anything that may at all be called writing. The alphabetiform signs on the pebbles 
discovered by M. Piette at Mas d'Azil belong to a still earlier stage of culture, 
for the caves in which they were found are palaeolithic. Similar signs are found 
among neolithic dolmens in Portugal, in connection with cup- and ring-markings, 
and these also occur in certain localities in Scotland ; and through the wanderings of 
the neolithic folk they may even lie at the root of the alphabets of the Egean, and 
form the germ of our European alphabets, as was said above. But if cup- and 
ring-markings are to be taken at all as a method of conveying ideas, i.e., as a 
method of writing, it can only be of the very rudest, compared with which oghams 
and runes are finished alphabets. It is better to take them simply as totemistic 
signs, having regard to their Arunta affinity, and to affiliate them with heraldic 
tokens, and modern potters' marks, as being tribal and family badges, and 
marks of ownership. 

Thus we bring our study to a close, and if we have succeeded in showing with 
any degree of probability that the true solution of the problem as to the 
significance of these mysterious signs is to be found in the still existent habits and 

times upon the races both within and without the Eoman Empire, and is a mark of the wisdom 
which led her, like St. Paul, to become "all things to all men." 
1 Howitt, pp. 691-710. 



* their Origin and Significance. 99 

customs of the Arunta and other native tribes in the far-away Continent of 
Australia, we shall be more than satisfied. Severed as they were for untold ages 
from all intercourse with the rest of mankind they have preserved intact ideas which 
were common to the race in its early infancy, and like their own fauna and flora, 
they exhibit to peoples who have passed on to a later and more complex stage in 
the progress of evolution precious examples of the process of development in its 
earlier phases, and, as regards themselves, a means whereby the civilized races 
may arrive at a proximate understanding of the superstitions which are still 
rife among their own less cultured members. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

Allen, J. Romilly : " Prehistoric Rock Sculptures at Ilkley," J.B.A.A., vol. xxxv, 1879. 
Astley, H. J. Dukinfield : 

"Ornaments of Jet and Cannel Coal, Cup- and Ring-Markings, etc." J.B.A.A., vol. Ivi, 

1900. 

"Religious and Magical Ideas." J.B.A.A., vol. Ivii, 1901. 
"Notes on the Langbank Crannog." J.B.A.A., vol. lix, 1903. 
"Portuguese Parallels to the (Jlydeside Discoveries." J.B.A.A., vol. Ix, 1904. 

These papers are valuable for the general study and elucidation of the subject 
under discussion in this article, apart from the immediate circumstances which led 
to their being written, and apart altogether from the question of the genuineness or 
otherwise of the " Clydeside Discoveries " at Dumbuck and Dumbuie, which made so 
great a stir in 1899 and the following years. 
Avebury, Lord : Prehistoric Times, 1900. 

Crooke : Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, 1896. 

Dyrnond :-/' Cup-markings on Burley Moor." J.B.A.A., vols. xxxv, 370, 413, xxxvii, 86. 
Frazer : Totemism and Exogamy, 1910. 
Hoernes_: 

Die Urgesehichte der bildenden kunst in Europa, 1898. 
Der^Diluviale Afensch in Europa, 1903. 

In this latter book, p. 138, may be seen an illustration of an engraved bone 
belonging to the Paleolithic Age, from Moravia, bearing precisely the same markings, 
and of almost the same shape as the Australian Churinga, and the similar objects 
found at Dumbuck and Dumbuie, showing the persistency of type in the ornamenta- 
tion of primitive man, whether the meaning was magical, religious, or totemistic. 
Lang, Secret of the Totem, p. 77, says: "The things were probably talismans of one 
sort or another," and compares them with the similar objects from the Portuguese 
dolmens as I had already done. But though talismans or amulets of uncertain import 
in Palaeolithic times, this paper has, I hope, shown the inherent probability that in 
later times and amid every variety of race, they would have a similar, if not 
identical, meaning with that which they possess among the Arunta of to-day. 
Howitt :\The Native Tribes of South-East Australia, 1904. 
Lang: 

Magic and Religion, 1901. 
Secret of the Totem, 1905. 
Mathews : " Rock-Paintings and Carvings of the Australian Aborigines." Journal of the 

Anthropological Institute, vol. xxv, 1896. 
Munro : Prehistoric Scotland, 1899. 

H 2 



100 H. J. DUKINFIELD ASTLEY. Cup- and Ring-Markings : their Origin, etc, 

Phene : " On the Uniformity of Design and Purpose in the Works and Customs of the Earliest 

Settlers in Britain." J.B.A.A., vol. xxix, 1873. 

Rice Holmes : Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius C&tar, 1907. 
Rivett-Carnac : Cup-marks at an Archaic Form of Inscription, 1903. 
Robertson Smith : 

Kinthip and Marriage in Arabia, 1903. 

Religion of the Semites, 1907. 
Kussell, Miss : 

"Some Rock-Cuttings in Northumberland." J.B.A.A., vol. Hi, 1896. 

" A recent Discovery in Rome in Connection -with Mythology and Symbolism in Britain." 

J.B.A.A., vol. xlviii, 209, 1892. 

Simpson : Archaic Sculpturing s of Cups, Circles, etc., on Rocks, 1867. 
Spencer and Gillen : 

The Native Tribes of Central Australia, 1899. 

The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, 1904. 
Tylor : Primitive Culture, 1891. 

Wakeman : Handbook of Irish, Antiquities, 3rd edition, 1903. 
Wilkinson, Sir J. Gardner : " On the Rock-basins of Dartmoor, and Some British Remains in 

England." J.B.A.A., vol. xvi, 1860. 
Wood-Martin : Pagan Ireland, 1895. 

For a full discussion of " totemism " in its latest aspects, I would refer to Dr. A. C. Haddon's 
Presidential Address to Section H of the British Association at Belfast, 1902, and for the 
relationship between " Religion " and "Magic " to Mr. E. Sidney Hartland's Presi- 
dential Address at York, 1906, in which special mention is made of the Arunta customs 
and beliefs. 

[The above was written in 1908 ; now, 1910, Dr. Frazer's great book stands forth as the 
unchallenged authority on the subject, although one may assign the " Origin of 
Totemism" to other causes, besides those postulated in his present theory of its 
" conceptional " origin, based on the ideas of the Arunta.] 



101 



ON SOME SAXON BONES FEOM FOLKESTONE. 

BY F. G. PARSONS, F.E.C.S., 

Lecturer on Anatomy to St. Thomas's Hospital and to the London School 

of Medicine for Women. 

[WITH PLATES XX, XXI.] 

WE know very little of the stature and physique of our Saxon forefathers. It 
is true that a fair number of their skulls are in different museums, but of the rest 
of their skeletons hardly anything seems to be known. Apparently the subject 
is of little interest since, during the last century and a half, over 1,300 graves 
of Saxons have been opened in Kent alone and many hundreds of others elsewhere 
in England, and yet I know of only one complete skeleton of a Saxon available for 
study, and that is not in any of our great anthropological museums or universities, 
but in the comparatively small and little known museum of Folkestone. 

There is an impression, founded on the writings of ancient historians, that the 
Saxons were very big and strong men, but impressions of this kind are not always 
trustworthy and, as in the time to come people may be more interested in the 
evolution of our race than they are at present, it seems advisable to record what 
I can of the bones found in the latest Saxon burial ground investigated. 

This seems to me the more important since there are not so many more known 
Saxon graveyards to explore, and our future knowledge will have to depend upon 
chance excavations bringing to light bones in unsuspected places as in the present 
instance. 

In the winter of 1907 the Folkestone Borough Authorities were widening the 
sharp bend on Dover Hill at the point opposite that from which the footpath takes 
a short cut to join the road again lower down. 

In doing this a number of skeletons were disturbed and it was very soon 
recognised by means of the arms and ornaments which were found with them that 
this was one of the Saxon burial places so numerous in Kent. Like most of the 
others a southern slope had been chosen for its site. 

As far as I know no anthropologist or anatomist saw the actual disinterments. 
I was working at Hythe, six miles away, at the time, and I fear that some definite 
knowledge of the origin of the Kentish men may have been lost by my deciding to 
attend to Hythe bones which would have awaited my leisure instead of hurrying 
to Folkestone to examine and try to collect the very valuabl" material which was 
being exposed day by day. 

Fortunately the Borough of Folkestone had in its engineer, Mr. A. E. Nichols, 



102 F. G. PARSONS. 0>t some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 

a man who recognised the possible importance of the find ; he made a careful 
scale plan of the exact position and orientation of every skeleton brought to light 
as well as a photograph of nearly every one before it was removed. 

One skeleton he removed uninjured by sawing away the ground in which 
it was embedded and pushing an iron plate below it after the saw. In this he did 
what few anthropologists would have had the skill or resources to carry out, and 
procured what I believe is the most valuable Anglo-Saxon specimen in the world. 

This specimen is now in the Folkestone Museum, and I am told that it was 
jnly after considerable debate that it was accorded a resting place there, since some 
of the committee thought that so gruesome a sight would raise a feeling of 
resentment among the visitors. This is a psychological attitude which will be 
difficult to understand in years to come, but is very important for anthropologists 
to grasp at present. 

I am glad to hear the museum authorities lost nothing by the broad-minded 
decision to which they came, and that the skeleton has proved one of the most 
attractive exhibits in their collection as well as being, I believe, the only complete 
skeleton of a pre-Christian Saxon in any museum in the world. 

All the arms and ornaments dug up were carefully collected, photographed 
and placed in the same museum, where they may be seen to-day. 

Unfortunately Mr. Nichols had no practical experience of anthropometry, but 
his common sense suggested the advisability of placing a 5 feet measuring rod 
by the side of many of the skeletons before they were photographed and of 
recording the height of all as far as it could be done. 

When the widening of the road was finished all the bones were carefully 
placed in a stout wooden chest and buried about 8 feet deep in a position the exact 
site of which was recorded. 

In the summer of 1909 I visited Folkestone Museum to see the skeleton and 
was given every help in measuring it, but the question which needed settling was 
" How typical was this specimen of the rest ? " Accordingly, after prolonged 
correspondence, I obtained permission to reopen the buried chest and to dig 
for more skeletons in the neighbourhood. 

For this permission I am indebted to the courtesy of Lord Radnor, the lord of 
the manor, as well as to that of the Folkestone Borough Authorities. 

In April, 1910, I visited the site of the burial place, and found that while the 
widened road had cut into it on the south-east, a very large disused chalk pit had 
evidently destroyed the greater part of it to the north. I was kindly provided 
with an assistant who had great experience in the former disinterments, and with 
his aid I cut a series of narrow trenches to the west and north-west of where the 
last skeletons had been found (:!2, 33, ;34 and 36 on plan, Fig. 1). These trenches 
ran N.E. and S.W. so as to strike the graves at right angles and, as they were only 
> ti-et apart, it is unlikely that any graves were missed. 

The soil was sandy and singularly dry and porous, while from 18 inches to 
4 feet below the surface the chalk began abruptly. 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 103 

The practice of these Saxons was to dig down to the chalk and then merely to 
cut out a bed for the dead, but not to go any depth into the chalk. I fancy that it 
is to this practice that the preservation of the bones through these fourteen 
centuries is largely due, because those bones which T found deep in the chalk very 
quickly crumbled into dust on exposure to the air. I am told that at Sarre the 
graves were cut right down into the chalk, but how far this affected the preserva- 
tion of the skeletons there is now no means of knowing. 

In this way I found four more graves, which brings the total number up to 
forty. From one of them I obtained the perfect skull, shown in Fig. 7, as well 
as the earthen flask (Fig. 2) which is now in the Folkestone Museum. 

This flask closely resembles that figured in the Thesaurus Craniorum of 
Barnard Davis from the Saxon burial ground of Ozingell, near Eamsgate, and, like 
it, was found lying on the left side of the head. Hitherto, these flasks have only 
been found in the graves of Kentish Saxons. Many of them were taken from 
the great burial ground of Sarre, in Thanet, and are figured in Archceologia 
Cantiana. 

The sex of the skull accompanying the flask is not certain, because the grave 
was situated on the edge of the chalk pit already mentioned, and in excavating this, 
the femora, on which I usually depend for sexing purposes, had been removed, as 
had also the pelvis. From the appearance of the clavicles and humeri as well as 
from that of the skull, I am strongly of opinion that it belonged to a woman. 

One of the characteristic bronze pins was found in this grave, as was also a 
bronze stud. Both of these articles are shown in Plate XXI, Fig. 3, and the latter 
is the only good reason for doubting the sex of the individual, since these studs 
were used for fixing the shield bosses on to the wooden shield. Still, as no shield 
boss and no spear were found it is possible that the stud may have been used for 
some other purpose. 

The second grave contained the skeleton of a young adult, also very difficult 
to sex; indeed, as Beddoe has already remarked, the difficulty of accurately 
distinguishing between the sexes is greater in Anglo-Saxon skeletons than in any 
others owing to the male skulls being often very feminine in type as well as to the 
fact that the females are often extremely well developed. In no case that I have 
met was the pubic portion of the pelvis sufficiently well preserved for the sex 
to be identified by it, and instead of the anatomist being able to distinguish 
70 per cent, of the sexes as he usually can by the skull, he is lucky if he can 
identify 50 per cent. The articular ends of the femora and humeri of this skeleton 
were just on the border line between those of the two sexes, so that I dare not 
commit myself to any definite conclusion, though I fancy it is female. In trying 
to remove this skull the cranial bones came apart at the sutures, and the facial 
part with the forehead was all I was able to save. 

In the last two graves (Nos. 39 and 40) the remains wen: too friable to bear 
moving and the skulls had been crushed to pieces by the weight of the earth. 
No ornaments were found in these graves, while from the damp and rotten 






104 F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 

condition of the bones it was probable that any iron implements would have long 
since rusted away. 

Both these last graves went deeper into the chalk than did the others, and to 
this I ascribe the bad preservation of the remains. 

The second day's work at the trenches was disappointing and makes one fear 
that the edge of the graveyard has been reached, while the greater part of it 
occupied the site of the chalk pit. I have heard many tales of skeletons being dug 
up in past days by the chalk workers, but the local country people do not seem 
inclined to enter into any details, and apparently know a good deal more than 
they think it wise to tell. 

The next day's work was to open the chest which had been buried with such 
care, but on reaching it I was disappointed to find that the wood was quite rotten, 
while the bones inside were so damp that they broke with the slightest touch. 
There was not a single skull with the face attached, while many of the crania fell 
to pieces in the attempt to extract them from the bones among which they were 
packed. 

I do not think it any exaggeration to say that these bones had decomposed 
more during their three years' stay in this deep damp grave than they had in the 
fourteen hundred years during which they had lain in the porous soil 2 to 4 feet 
below the surface. 

The burial of these bones so deeply was the one mistake which Mr. Nichols 
made in connection with them, and it is one which I do not think I should have 
foreseen, though now I have learnt how well bones keep just above the chalk, and 
how badly when sunk into it. 

After working at the bottom of this deep grave for a long time in a very 
cramped position, I was able to extract and to pass up to my assistants enough 
material to fill two packing cases, and it is on this, combined with what I dug up 
myself, and with Mr. Nichols' photographs and notes, that the following report is 
founded. 

Photographs. 

Fig. 1 records the position and orientation of the skeletons. It will be seen 
that they lie in slightly irregular rows, the general direction of which is N.N.E. and 
S.S.W. This was also the orientation of the four skeletons which I dug up. 

The orientation is not perfectly regular, and in the case of two skeletons in one 
grave (Nos. 30 and 3 1 ) it will be seen that the heads are almost due north. 

In the Victorian History of Enyland (vol. i) is a complete record of the 
various Saxon burial-places in Kent, and of the disinterments which have taken 
place from time to time. A study of this shows that the graves were generally in 
rows, and that the usual disposition of the rows is either N.E. and S.W., as at 
Barfreeton, or N. and S., as they seem to have been at Breach Down, Sibertswold, 
Buttsole and Gilton, near Ash. When the bodies lie nearly E. and W. the head is 
almost always a little to the north of west, so that the face looks a little south of 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



105 



East. In a conversation with Mr. Sebastian Evans, who was for some years 
Secretary of the Kentish Archaeological Society and has been present at many 




FIG. 1. PLAN OF THE BURIAL GROUND. 

Saxon disinterments, I learn that there is a theory that the differences in orientation 
depend on the time of year at which the bodies were buried. The graveyards are 
almost always on open ground sloping 
to the S. or S.W., and the belief is that 
the face was always turned to the posi- 
tion of the rising sun at that particular 
time of the year. 

Plate XXI, Fig. 3, shows the 
character of some of the arms and 
ornaments, while Fig. 2 is the vase 
which I found in Grave No. 37 to 
which I have already referred. With 
reference to the sex of this skeleton 
it is interesting to note that the 
Victorian History records that " a 
bottle-shaped vase of buff ware was 
found at the head of one woman's 
grave at Kingston, between Canterbury 
and Dover." As it has certainly been 
found with male skeletons the infer- 
ence is that it is of no sexual signifi- 
cance. I am not, however, able to 

FIG. 2. JAR FOUND ON TIIK I.KhT SIDE OF THE 

discuss these relics, and only produce HEAD OF A FEMALE SAXON. 




106 F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 

them as evidence that the bones undoubtedly belong to the early Saxon period and, 
in the opinion of experts, to Saxons who lived during the sixth century. It will 
be noticed that I am using the term Saxon in its widest significance. 

Here I may state that the only knowledge which Mr. K. Smith, the Saxon 
expert at the British Museum and author of the extremely valuable article on 
" Saxon Remains in Kent " in the Victorian History, vol. i, had of this burial 
ground at the time of writing was that a " radiating brooch " like those found 
along the Middle Rhine came from here. 

This came to Faussett's knowledge as early as 1857 (see Inventorium Sepul- 
chrale), and was possibly one of the finds of the chalk workers. It is at present, 
I believe, in the Liverpool Museum, though undoubtedly its proper place is with 
the rest of the collection in the Folkestone Museum. 

Plate XXI, Fig. 1, shows the skeletons lying in their shallow graves. The 
superjacent soil has been cleared away and the scooping out of the chalk, 
already referred to, is seen. 

The skeleton at the lower part of the illustration shows the characteristic 
method of burying. The body lies on its back with the bent forward head raised 
on a pillow of chalk. This is a point of great technical importance in exhuming 
the skeletons, since the skull is on a higher level than the rest and runs a risk of 
being damaged by implements unless great care is used. 

Plate XX, Fig. 1 (No. 27), shows the photograph of what I should unhesi- 
tatingly describe as a woman's skeleton. According to the measuring rod she was 
about 5 feet 3 or 4 inches in stature ; the bent forward head shows the usual Saxon 
length and narrowness, while the elevation of the clavicles is very characteristic, 
and suggests that the bodies had been lowered into the grave by someone whose 
hands were under the armpits. 

Plate XX, Fig. 2 (No. 24), is equally certainly, I think, a man's skeleton ; his 
height was 5 feet 7 inches. 

Plate XX, Fig. 3 (No. 14), is, I fancy, the skeleton of a woman, judging by the 
skull and the small size of the heads of the thighbones; her height was about 
5 feet 3 or 4 inches. The head has evidently fallen to one side and, like that 
shown in Plate XX, Fig. 1, illustrates very well the characteristic prominence of 
the frontal eminence. 

It will be seen that the faces of both these skulls are orthoguathous. 

Plate XXI, Fig. 2, shows that the bodies were occasionally buried with the legs 
Hexed, while Plate XX, Fig. 4, shows that occasionally two bodies were buried in 
one grave. From the photograph I think that these were two women certainly 
one was, because the characteristic hook-like chatelaine was found in the grave, 
and this, as far as I have^seen, is always the sign of a female. 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Boiics from Folkestone. 107 



The Examination of the Bones. 

It must be understood that with the exception of the parts of two skeletons 
which I dug up myself and the one in the museum at Folkestone, these bones are 
all I could rescue from the chest in which they had been re-interred. They are 
often very imperfect, though some I have been able to piece together. They are 
now in the Museum of the Eoyal College of Surgeons and available for future 
research. 

Skulls. 
The material here consists of 

A. The skull which I dug up in grave No. 37 with the earthenware flask 

beside it. It is, I think, that of a female, and is now in the Eoyal 
College of Surgeons Museum. 

B. The skull of the skeleton in the Folkestone Museum taken from grave 

No. 4 (see Fig. 1). This skeleton I felt sure was that of a female 
when I saw it a year ago. The heads of the femurs measure 
4'5 cm. across, which is the border line between the two sexes 
according to Dwight (" Size of the articular surfaces of the long 
bones as characteristic of sex," American Journal of Anatomy, vol. iv, 
No. 1, p. 19). The heads of the hurneri I could not measure owing 
to the skeleton being still embedded in soil surrounding it. On 
more careful examination I find that the left hand still grasps the 
chatelaine which is characteristic of a woman and, I believe, of a. 
matron, so I think that there is little doubt of the sex. 

C. The face, forehead and lower jaw of the skeleton I dug up in grave- 

No. 38. This is a young individual, the teeth being very slightly worn 
and all the sutures unossified. I cannot sex this, as the articular ends 
of the long bones are transitional, but it shows none of the character- 
istics of a well-marked male skull. 

D. A cranium without the face. The frontal region is damaged, but it is- 

apparently male. 

E. A cranium without the face ; almost certainly male. 

F. A cranium without the face ; probably of an elderly female. 

G. A cranium without the face ; probably of a female over 40. 

H. The vault of a skull from the nasion to the lambda. The greater part 

of the parietals are present but the temporals are wanting. 
In addition to these there were frontal bones more or less perfect. 

From these fragmentary remains I have been able to rather the following 
information. 



108 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



Cephalic Indices. 

I am no great believer in indices, but as they are usually considered of great 
importance I give them. 

a. BREADTH INDEX. 



Skull. 


Ophryo-maxi- 
mal length. 


Glabello-maxi- 
mal length. 


Breadth. 


Breadth 
index. 


A. ? ? 


178 


177 


134 


753 


B. ? 


178 


179 


137 


770 


D. <y ? 


194 about 





147 


757 


E. <? 


191 


193 


143 


743 


F. ? ? 


180 


185 


129 


717 


G. ? 


181 


182 


128 


707 



The average breadth index of these six skulls, calculated with the ophryo- 
maximal length, therefore, works out at 741, but I think that it is more important 
to realise that the average length is 184 mm., while the breadth is 136 mm. 

When this is compared with E. J. Horton Smith's paper on Saxon skulls 
(Journ. Anthrop. Itist., vol. xxvi, 1897, p. 95) it will be seen that he gives 720 as 
the index for South Saxons, 740 for East Angles, 750 for West Saxons and 757 for 
Jutes, though he was generalising on one Jutish skull which he did not measure 
himself. In the College of Surgeons Museum are six Kentish Saxon skulls, all of 
them male (one of which, by the way, is Horton Smith's Jute). Their breadth 
index is 766 (average length 188, average breadth 144). It will be noticed that I 
hesitate to call these Folkestone Saxons Jutes, although it is generally assumed that 
all Saxon skulls dug up in Kent are of that race. We have it on Bede's authority 
that the Jutes did land in Kent, but we have no right to think that none but Jutes 
landed here. Shore, in his Origin of the Saxon Race (London, 1906), gives philological 
reasons for thinking that the various Teutonic tribes who landed in this country as 
well as probably many Wends or Vandals, who were Slavs, penetrated into one 
another's districts in a very indiscriminate manner. One evidence of this is that 
the family of Billings have left their name in some fifteen different parts of 
England. 

We can, however, say this, that the earthenware vases have never been found 
outside Kent and that they have been dug up at Sarre, at Ozingell, at Kingston 
near Canterbury, and now at Folkestone, so that it is probable that people having 
the same funeral customs were buried in all these cemeteries, while from the six 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



109 



crania saved at Folkestone and the six others in the E.C.S. Museum it seems that 
these Kentish Saxons or possibly Jutes belonged to a tribe which were not so 
markedly dolichocephalic as were some of the others measured at Cambridge, though 
whether this is due to increased breadth or diminished length must be determined 
later. 



/?. HEIGHT INDEX. 



Skull. 


Ophryo- 
maximal 
length. 


Basi- 

bregmatic 
height. 


Index. 


Auricular 
height. 


Index. 


A. ?? 


178 


136 


764 


117 


657 


B. ? 


178 


122 


685 


112 


629 


r>. c?? 


194 about 








125 


644 


K <? ... 


191 


127 


665 


118 


618 


F. ?? 


180 


133 1 about 


739 


122 2 about 


678 


G. ? 


181 


135 1 about 


746 


114 


630 



From the foregoing results it appears that the average height index taken 
from the basion is 720 while the average auricular height index is 642. The 
former compares as follows with Horton Smith's results : West Saxons 710, South 
Saxons 700, East Anglians 710, one Jute 745. 

It looks rather as if these Folkestone skulls had a Jiigher head in comparison 
with its length than that of other Saxons, but I am now at work on complete 
measurements of all the Saxon skulls in the country, and until that is done I do 
not intend to press comparisons far. 

Horton Smith says that the " extreme length and lowness " of the Saxon 
skull are its chief characteristics. I do not think that this is quite fair to the 
Saxons. It is true that they have a somewhat low height index, but this is because 
of the length of the skull rather than its lowness. It will be seen that the average 
height of my five skulls is 131 mm., and it will also be shown later that this 
actual height agrees wonderfully closely with that of other Saxon skulls. If this 
height is contrasted with the table given in my paper on the " Hythe Crania " (Journ. 

1 In skulls F and G the anterior margin of the foramen magnum was absent, but I find 
that by subtracting 10 mm. from the distance between the posterior margin of the foramen 
and the bregma the basi-bregmatic height may be obtained. 

2 In skull F the auditory meatua was absent, and I have had to localise it by taking the 
average angles from other parts of the skull to it and seeing where these intersect. I am able 
to do this from having a record of these angles in eighty Hythe skulls and in over thirty from 
Rothwell, and I find by experimenting wiih these that I can almost always localise the meatus 
within 3 mm. 



110 F. G. PARSONS. On some Scucon Bones from Folkestone. 

Anthro. Inst., vol. xxxviii, p. 430), it will be seen that, considering there are male 
and female skulls in the series, the height is the same as that of the Hythe Crania, 
while it is greater than that of the Whitechapel, Moortields, Upchurch, Dover, 
Bavarian, Wurtemberg and French series. 

I have on several occasions pointed out the misleading results of trusting to 
indices, and feel sure that the only fair comparison is that between the actual 
lengths, breadths and heights of several series of skulls. 

Looked at from this point of view it will, I think, be found that the character- 
istic features of the Saxon skull are that it is long and fairly high but distinctly 
deficient in breadth. This is my experience at present, but I shall of course be 
allowed to confirm or modify it as my experience in measurements grows. 

The average auricular height of the six skulls in this series is 118 m.m. If 
this is contrasted with the table already referred to it will be seen that, considering 
there are probably four females to two males, the auricular height of these Kentish 
skulls is above rather than below that of most English and European collections 
there recorded. 

Projection Contours. 

To my mind the fairest way of judging a collection of skulls of any particular 
race is to construct a diagram which will show in a graphic manner the average 
contour of the series from different points of view. This method gives the describer 
a large amount of labour but it results in a clearer idea of the characteristics of the 
skulls than numbers alone can give. Certainly it is preferable to tables of indices 
alone, which, to my mind, are misleading and abominable inventions. I have given 
a description of my method of producing these average contours in the Proceedings 
of the Anatomical Society. 

The profile is taken with a special craniometer which records the distance and 
angle of various points in the mid line of the skull from the external auditory 
meatus, while the full face and vertex are obtained by projecting certain points 
on to a sheet of glass and recording their latitude and longitude. If it is preferred 
a projection drawing may be made of each skull with a periglyph, orthodioscope 
or diagraph, but, in order to get an average contour, each of these must be 
subsequently measured and the various measurements added together and divided 
by the total number of skulls, so that it is really a saving of labour to take the 
measurements direct from each individual skull. 

The actual measurements must of course be recorded in order that the range 
of variation may be studied, and that any particular skull may be reconstructed 
at will. 

a. Profile view (Norma lateralis). 

Unfortunately I have only two skulls with the face attached. They are 
A and B, both presumably females. The measurements and angles are as follows, 
90 being the base line from the middle of the external auditory meatus to the lower 



F. G. PARSOXS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



Ill 





JE* 


B. 


Average. 


Average of seven 
other ? Saxon 
skulls. 


Angle. 


Distance, 
in mm. 


Angle. 


Distance. 


Angle. 


Distance 


Angle. 


Distance. 


From External Auditory 
Meatus to 


o 




O 




O 




O 




Uhin 


135 


122 


137 


115 


136 


118 


136 


Ill 


Lower incisor point 


125 


106 


125 


100 


125 


103 


124 


98 


Upper 


113 


100 


112 


94 


113 


97 


114 


97 


Nasal spine 


108 


95 


100 


89 


104 


92 


106 


90 


Nasal bone 


absent. 


80 


95 


80 


95 


84 


96 


Nasion 


75 90 


68 


90 


71 


90 


73 


92 


Glabella 


69 


97 


60 


97 


65 


97 


67 


98 


Ophryon 


63 


103 


55 


102 


59 


103 


61 


102 


Frontal eminence ... 


53 


113 


45 


109 


49 


111 


49 


112 


Vertex at 30 


30 


118 


30 


113 


30 


116 


30 


116 


Bregma 


12 


117 


8 


112 


10 


115 


11 


115 


Vertex at 340 


340 


119 


340 


112 


340 


116 


340 


117 


Lambda 


318 


108 


310 


109 


314 


109 


313 


107 


Midway between 
lambda and inion. 


297 


95 


295 


101 


296 


98 


296 


97 


Inion 


285 


79 


286 


93 


286 


86 


277 


80 



margin of the orbit and the vertical line running upward. This diagram 
I think, speaks for itself, and shows how ridiculously alike the cranial contour of 
the two Folkestone skulls is to that of seven other Saxon females taken from the 
Eoyal College of Surgeons Museum (dotted line). There is a little difference in 
the position of the inion, while the lower jaw of the Folkestone skulls projects 
more forward. The likeness of the contour makes me think that I am right in my 
sexing of these two Folkestone skulls. 



112 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 




FIG. 3. 



AVERAGE NORMA LATERALIS RECONSTRUCTED FROM TWO FEMALE FOLKESTONE SAXONS 
COMPARED WITH THAT OF SEVEN OTHER FEMALE SAXONS. 



I will next construct the average profile contour of the six crania A, B, I), E, 
F and G. It will only be useful for the cranial shape, since two of the skulls are 
probably male and four female. The measurements are as follows : 





A(?) 


B(?) 


!><<??) 


E(c?) 


F(? ?) 


G(?) 


Average. 






| 




8 




g 









S 




S 




S 




CO 




JB 


a 


i 


C3 


a> 


B 


a5 


B 


c5 




_aj 


i 




*3) 


-j 


*M! 


K 


"tb 


is 


*5> 


5 


fco 





"5i 





"3o 


~ 




a 


CO 


H 


X 


a 


00 


B 


CO 


a 


X 


a 


.2 


a 


% 




< 


5 


< 


s 


< 


5 


<! 


S 


3 


ft 


-d 


ft 


< 


ft 


KKHII External Auditory 






























Meatus to 










































o 














o 




o 




Xasion... 


n 


90 


68 


90 





__ 


72 


101 


72 


103 


75 


93 


72 


95 


Cilabella 


69 


97 


60 97 








66 


108 


68 


112 


68 


102 


66 


103 


Ophryon (13 


103 


r.r. 102 








61 


100 


61 


114 


55 


111 


59 


1(16 


Frontal eminence ... 53 


113 


45 109 





49 


120 


53 


120 


50 


116 


50 


116 


30 


30 


118 


30 


113 30 


124 


30 


120 


30 


124 


30 


120 


30 


.120 


Bregma 


12 


117 


8 112 11 


125 


11 


118 


11 


122 11 


118 


11 


119 


340 


340 


119 


340 112 340 


122 


340 


115 


340 


119 


340 


118 


340 


118 


Lambda 


318 


108 


310 Id!) X]-2 


117 


310 


106 


302 


97 


305 


102 


309 


106 


bunlxlo-inial ... ...| 297 


90 


.>:, mi L'iis 


no 


290 


98 


285 


88 


290 


92 


383 


97 


Iliinll 


2r> 


7!J 


286 i 93 280 


93 


279 


87 273 


76 


273 


75 


279 


87 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



113 



Jam 




tto 

FIG. 4. CRANIAL CONTOUR OF FOLKESTONE SAXONS COMPARED WITH THOSE FROM ELSEWHERE. 

For comparison I have added in this figure the contour of the two females 
A and B alone (shown in the inner dotted line), and also the average contour of 
thirteen male Saxon skulls taken from the Eoyal College of Surgeons Museum 
(shown in the outer dotted line). 

The two dotted lines I know are properly orientated since the face was present 
in all the skulls of which they were composed, but in the six crania of which the 
continuous line is an average the faces were mostly absent, and I had to orientate 
four of them by taking the bregma as 11 in front of the external auditory meatus, 
this being the average of the thirteen male as well as of the seven female Saxon 
skulls in the Royal College of Surgeons Museum. 

That this method is successful is shown by the closeness of the contours ; the 
continuous and outer dotted lines, indeed, are absolutely superimposed in the 
forehead region. 

The lesson which I learn from these contours as far as they go is that Saxon 
skulls are fairly homogeneous in sagittal section while those from Folkestone are 
quite characteristic of Saxons elsewhere. 

/3. The sJcull from above (Norma vertical-is). 

The method I adopt for obtaining an average of the norma verticalis of a 
series of skulls is to divide the sagittal length into eighths and to take the breadth 
on each side at some of these points. In addition the site of the maximal skull 
breadth and the position of the bregma, lambda and often otln points such as the 
pterion, obelion, stephanion, etc., are noticed. A glance at the table and diagram 
will, I think, make the method clear. 

VOL. XLI. I 



114 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



It is, of course, very difficult to adopt this method with fragmentary or even 
slightly, damaged skulls, for, unless the total length is obtainable, the fractions 
cannot be determined. 

The vertical contours of five of these vaults (A, B, E, F and G) are available 
and an average can be gained from these. 

In the following table of measurements each skull has three lines devoted 

to it ; the first of these represents the distance from the most anterior point which 

can be seen, usually the glabella, while the other two show the breadth of the skull 

on the right and left sides at this point. In this way asymmetry may be 

recorded. 

The last measurement in the table shows in mm. how far the most posterior 
point of the skull is to the right or left of the middle line, because it is seldom that 
the occipital region is symmetrical on the two sides. 





A(?). 


B(?). E (c? 


L. 


F(?0- 


G ( ? ). Average. 


M. 


R 


L. 


it 


R. 


L. 


M. 


R 


M. 


R. 


L. 


M. 


II. 


L. 


M. 


T> 


L. 


Length 


175 








183 








191 








185 








182 








183 - 





Half 


88 


67 


67 


92 


67 


68 


96 


70 


71 


92 64 


65 


91 


62 


61 


92 


66 


66 


Quarter 


44 


58 


56 


46 


55 


57 


48 


60 


59 


46 


55 


55 


45 


53 


53 


46 


56 


.-.(> 






































Three-quarters 


132 


55 


60 


138 


61 


63 


144 


63 


65 


138 


54 


65 135 


63 





138 59 


63 


Seven-eighths 


154 


42 


45 


161 


45 


48 


168 


50 


56 


161 


42 


48 


157 


52 


45 


161 


46 


48 


Least frontal br. -j 


22 
27 


53 


46 


22 


48 


46 


23 


52 


49 


20 
32 


46 


45 


25 
30 


50 


47 


22 

27 


50 


47 


Exterior angular f 


20 


56 





21 


52 





_ _ 


_ 


20 


51 




br 


oke 


n 


21 


53 




posterior \ 


22 





51 


23 





53 


24 54 


53 


32 





49 








25 




51 


Bregma 


69 








93 








84 - 





75 





87 








82 








Lambda 


166 


26 


32 


178 


18 


28 


184 33 


38 


177 


25 


32 170 


38 


34 


175 


28 


33 


Maximal breadth ... 


100 


67 


69 


114 


68 


69 


116 


70 


73 


100 


64 


66 182 


64 


65 


122 


67 


68 


Posterior point 














10 











15 








8 


10 











The diagram shows the contour obtained from these figures. Just outside the 
continuous line is a dotted line which represents the average contour of six of the 
long skulls from Hythe and is very like those at Rothwell. These are, I believe, 
fairly representative of the skulls of fourteenth and fifteenth century English people. 
The short Hythe skulls have a different shape and are at present unexplained. 
These six skulls were male and female, though there were more males among them 
than in the Folkestone group. It will be noticed that in the more modern skulls 
the breadth is greater in proportion to the Saxon than is the length. The 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



115 




FIG. 5. 



NORMA VERTICALIS OP FOLKESTONE SAXONS COMPARED WITH MEDI.VAL 
ENGLISH SKULLS. 



asymmetry of both sets of skulls is noticeable, and tends in opposite directions in 
the two. I have not sufficient material to do more than call attention to this 
point at present, and I am particularly anxious not to deduce anything hastily 
from the asymmetry of these Folkestone crania, since some of them show evidences 
of a good deal of posthumous distortion. 



y. Full Face Contour (Norma facialis). 

For the study of this I have only the faces of A B and C. B (in the 
Folkestone Museum) is certainly a female, and so I think au: A and C. 

In reproducing the face a large number of measurements are necessary, but 
the dotted lines on the diagram will make them understood. Directions and 

i 2 






116 



F. G. PAHSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



technical suggestions for taking these measurements will be found in the Jan nml 
of Anatomy, vol. xiv, p. 242. 

Under ordinary circumstances I take separate measurements of the right and 
left sides of the face in order to record the asymmetry which is always present. 
In the present instance I have not done so because skull A has been so deflected 
to one side by the pressure of the soil that any results founded on its asymmetry 
would be misleading. That this distortion is posthumous is proved by the fact 
that the lower jaw, which was wide open when the skull was dug up, is in a line 
with the forehead and the upper and lower teeth do not fit. 

I have therefore taken the measurements right across from one side to the 
other in these particular skulls and placed half on each side of the middle line 
(Col. L), thus giving an artificial perfect symmetry. 




&***} .from FolAesfuHt '+11 Q. 
Kin. (!. RECONSTRUCTION OF AVERAGE OF THREE FEMALE FOLKESTONE SAXONS. 



F. G. PARSONS. On Some Saxon Hones from Folkestone: 



117 





A. 


B. 


C. 


Average. 


M. 


L. 


M. 


L. 


M. 


L. 


M. 


L. 


Supraorbital notch 


9 


21 


6 26 


8 


24 


8 


24 


Least frontal breadth 


16 


50 


12 47 


9 


50 


12 


49 


2 e. above nasion 





67 





66 











67 


4 c. 





58 





60 











59 


6 c. 





40 





40 











40 


7 c. 


79 
4 


24 
49 


74 
6 


19 

47 


73 
5 


49 


75 
5 


22 
48 


Exterior angular posterior 


Ditto skull breadth 





66 





69 











63 


Least interorbital 


12 


10 


12 


12 


12 


9 


12 


10 


Tip of nasal bone 


abs 


ent. 


18 
breadth. 





13 

breadth. 








16 

breadth. 


lufraorbital margin 


24 





33 





30 





29 





Bizygomatic 


27 


66 


36 


64 


34 


61 


32 


64 


Nasal spine ... 


51 





54 





50 
absent. 





52 





Inframalar ... 


45 


46 


48 


45 


51 


43 


48 


45 


Maxillary tuberosity 


65 


29 


65 


31 


67 


31 


66 


30 


Ditto mandibular breadth 


54 





JMr- 


53 





54 


Upper incisor point 


66 


70 





66 
absent. 


67 





Incisor edge 


75 


76 





76 
absent. 





76 





Lower incisor point 


82 ; 


83 





86 
absent. 





84 





Mandibular angle 


99 48 , 99 


46-5 


98 


09 


99 


49 


Lower chin level 


111 


25 


109 


29 


111 


22 


110 


25 


Midway between two last 


105 


38 


103 


36 


105 


40 


104 


38 


Point of chin 


109 





108 





111 





109 





Orbital width 


40 





39 





41 





40 





Orbital height 


31 


86 





34 





33 


Angle of supraorbital margin ... 10 


10 10' 





lo' J 


Nasal width 


25 27 25 





26 



118 F. G. PAKSOXS. On some Siu-on Bones from Folkestone. 

The figure shows these three faces as a composite diagram, and among their 
characteristics the most striking, no doubt, is the width of the jaw, particularly in 
the region of the angle. The width of the nose, too, is, I think, great compared 
with that of modern English people. Horton Smith found that among mixed 
Saxons 40 per cent, were playtrhine, 33 per cent, mesorhine and 27 per cent, 
leptorhine, while among the South Saxons leptorhines predominated, no platyrhines 
being found. Unfortunately Horton Smith, following the usual custom, expressed 
his results in indices, and a high nasal index may mean either a very short or a 
very broad nose. 

I believe that the best plan is simply to state the average breadth of the nose 
and, if this is done, it seems from the small amount of material which I have that 
these Folkestone Saxons had broad noses. This, as far as I have seen, is by no 
means constant in Saxons from Kent. 

Another point of interest which these Folkestone skulls share with all the 
other Saxon skulls I have yet measured is that the upper margin of the orbit is 
more nearly horizontal than in most modern skulls. In these it only slopes 10 
from the horizontal when taken from the supraorbital notch, while in many skulls 
in my dissecting rooms it is more than 20. This slope of the orbit makes a good 
deal of difference to the general appearance of the skull, and, I think, is worth 
noting carefully, as it may turn out of racial importance. 

The horizontal supraorbital margin 
is very noticeable in Fig. 7, which is a 
photograph of skull A, though I quite 
admit that photographs, however care- 
fully the skull is orientated, are apt to 
be misleading. The forehead breadth 
of these three skulls is probably greater 
than that of the average female, because 
two of them were metopic, a condition 
which is usually associated with in- 
creased forehead breadth. It will be 
noticed on referring to the table of 
the riorma verticalis of five skulls on 
p. 115 that the forehead breadth is 
97 mm. instead of 98 mm. as in A, B 
and C, and that in spite of skull E 
being certainly male. There are four 
other loose frontal bones in the collec- 
tion the average breadth of which is 

7. nioTooi'.Ai'ii OK FKMALK SAXON 93 mm., thus bringing the average for 

i -A, -lALis. nine f ore heads to 95 mm. 




F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bone* from, Folkestone. 



119 



8. The Palate. 

The measurements which seem to me really necessary in order to enable us to 
reproduce the shape of the palate with any approach to accuracy are : 

1. The sagittal length from the posterior margins of the central incisors 

to the tip of the posterior nasal spine. 

2. The length of the posterior nasal spine. 

3. 4 and 5. The breadth between the inner alveolar margins of the canine 

2nd premolar and 2nd molar teeth. Unfortunately, I have only 
recently realised how many measurements are really necessary, and 
so they have only been taken in skulls A and C. In the Folkestone 
Museum skull (B) I only took the length and the distance between 
the second molars, but this, of course, gives us no clue to the shape of 
the alveolar arcade. 

The measurements are as follows : 





A. 


B. C. 


Average of A and C. 


Sagittal length to tip of 


53 


43 


50 


52 


spine. 










Length of spine 


5 





5 


5 


Breadth canine 


23 





28 


26 


second premolar . . . 


33 





37 


35 


molar 


38 


37 


'"43~ 


41 



I was struck by the height of the palate in all three skulls, though I have not 
thought of a means of expressing this by numbers which would be convertible into 
a diagram. No marked torus palatinus was noticed and the teeth, like those of all 
Anglo-Saxons, were very perfect, though worn to such an extent in the older skulls 
that a rampart of enamel surrounds a concave crown. Skull C was so young that 
the teeth were little worn. 



e. 



The Lower Jaw. 



Fifteen adult specimens are available, of which ten have both sides perfect. 
There are also some jaws of children ; I cannot pretend to distinguish the sexes 
except in those three cases in which the jaws accompanied the skull ; these are 
nil female (A, B, C). 

The usual measurements are given in the following table : 



120 



F. G. PAI.'.SOXS. On some Saxon hones fro/n /V/>. >/,,,,,. 





1(A). 


2(B). 


8(0). 


4. 


5. 


6. 


7. 


8. 


9. 


10. 


Average. 


Bicondylar... 


119 


118 


119? 


121? 


122? 





112? 





^ 





120 


Biaugulai ... 


96 93 


106 


105 


98? 


92? 


104 


118 


110 


114 


104 


Biuiental 


46 


45 





47 


46 


47 


47 


47 


48 


47 


47 


Sy inphysial depth . . . 


28 


27 


28 


31 


30 


33 


29 


30? 


32 


34 


30 



In six of these ten bones I noticed that the angle was distinctly everted. 
These measurements are not enough to enable me to produce a diagram of an 
average jaw from the side, nor can I draw one from the front without some data for 
orientating the bone, which can only be obtained when the whole skull is present 
as in A, B and C. To obtain a graphic mean of these jaws as seen from the side I 
have had to take the following additional measurements, the explanation ot which 
will be evident upon comparing them with Fig. 8. 



No. of jaw. 


AB. 


AK. 


AC. 


AF. 


DE. 


HG. 


GJ. 


FC. 


Angle. 


















C 


1 


68 61 


79 74 


42 


35 


26 


29 


118 


(skull A) 
















2 


59 


70 


64 


45 


32 


28 


26 


118 


(skull B) 




















3 

(skull C) 


62 


60 


60 


54 


36 


26 


26 


?30 


110 


4 


66 





71 63 


?30 


27 


27 30 


119 


B 


?58 





73 


65 


35 


28 


30 


32 


I2S 


6 








83 


77 


?42 


36 


29 32 


110 


7 


56 


65 


74 


65 


40 


86 


25 30 


118 


8 


?58 


60 


74 


66 


42 


36 


31 


112 


9 


60 <>2 


69 


65 


39 


29 


22 30 


120 


10 


75 


83 79 


?37 


40 


26 34 


lid 


11 


68 68 


78 72 


40 


37 


30 33 113 














u 


68 60 


70 65 


38 


32 


30 32 m 


13 


I d' 65 


77 


?73 


38 


36 


30 32 


lie 


14 


.-).-. :>:i 


67 63 


35 


29 


21 24 


120 


1 "' 67 G-> 


73 62 35 


32 27 32 110 


Average ... <\-2 <;:{ 


73 


67 38 


33 25 30 115 



F. G. PAUSONS. On some Saxon Hones from Folkestone. 



121 




FIG. 8. RECONSTRUCTION OF FIFTEEN LOWER JAWS OF FOLKESTONE SAXONS. 

The above measurements may be taken with callipers or by the projection 
method, with the exception of AF and AC. These must be taken by projecting 
the jaw on to a flat surface on account of the way in which the body of the jaw 
slopes inward toward the chin. I find that by attempting to measure these with 
the callipers a distortion of nearly 2 cm. is produced. 

The above diagram is not nearly as valuable as it would have been if the jaws 
had been sexed, but this I cannot do. I fancy that much laborious work would be 
necessary before anyone can attempt it with passable accuracy. 

I have as yet no similar diagrams of average jaws of other races with which 
to compare this, but the points which strike me most are : 1. The antero-posterior 
breadth of the ramus for the strong masseter muscle. 2. The depth and strength 
of the body of the jaw supporting the strong, ground down teeth ; and 3. That the 
coronoid process is not specially prominent -indeed in many of the jaws it was 
quite small. There is no evidence that these Saxons had strong temporal muscles, 
but their masseters must have been very powerful and, no doubt, exerted a great 
influence in producing the everted angles and marked biangular breadth which 
is one of the chief points in the Saxon physiognomy. 



Clavicles. 

The six measurable specimens of these bones, belonging I believe to six 
separate individuals, are all in a damaged condition. They are markedly slight and 
straight when compared with the clavicles taken from modern dissecting room and 
post-mortem room specimens, and endorse the evidence of the other bones that 
these people were of a lithe and graceful build rather tha~ massive and very 
muscular. 

The following are their lengths, as nearly as I can reconstruct them, though 



122 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



I have not measured any which I did not feel sure of within a few millimetres : 
(1) 172 mm.; (2) ? 140 mm.; (3) 147 mm.; (4) 157 nun.; (5) 148 mm.; 
(6) (Folkestone Museum ? ) 145 mm. 



Scapulae. 
All the scapulae were so fragmentary as to be useless for measuring. 



ffumeri. 

The following table gives the measurements I was able to take. I have 
compared the bones very carefully and rejected any which seemed the fellow of 
one on the opposite side whose measurements are recorded. There is every 
probability therefore that these 19 series of measurements represent 19 different 
individuals. 

The sexing has been carried out by taking 42 mm. as the dividing line between 
the sexes in the transverse axis of the head of the humerus (see T. Dwight, " Size of 
the articular surfaces of the long bones as characteristic of sex," American Journal 
of Anatomy, vol. iv, No. 1, p. 19). Where this criterion is impossible the sex has 
been guessed at by considering the other available measurements and by the 
general appearance of the bone. 



No. 


Side. 


Sex. 


Tr. axis of 
head. 


Length. 


Least <lia in. 
of shaft. 


Trochlear 
breadth 
behind. 


Angle of 
rotation. 


1 


L. 


<J 44 336 20 


28 


21 


2 


L. 


c? 45 










3 


R 


3 


42 


326 


19 


24 


28 


4 


E. 


c? 


42 


330 


19 


23 


14 J 


B 


L. 


<?? 








20 


24 





6 


E. 


J1 





21 


25? 





7 


E. 


J> ) 

d ' 


19 


24 





8 


R. 


c?* 








24 





9 


K. 


c?? 





19 


23 





Average. 


43 


331 


20 


24 


21 


Average of 11 modern 
3" humeri. 


44 


329 


89 


24 21 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 



123 



No. 


Side. 


Sex. 


Tr. axis of 
head. 


Length. 


Least diam. 
of shaft. 


Trochlear 
breadth 
behind. 


Angle of 
rotation. 


10 


L. 


? 


38 


307 


18 


23 


30 


11 


L. 


? 





305 











12 


E. 


? 


40 




18 








13 


T> 


? 


41 







. 





14 


R. 


? ? 


39 305 


13 








15 


L. 


? ? 








14 


19 





16 


L. 


? ? 





315? 


14 


20 





17 


L. 


? ? 











20 





18 


L. 


? '' 








18 








19 


R. 


$ ? 





331? 


16 


20 





? ... Average. 39 


313 


16 


20 


30 


Average of 4 modern 
? humeri. 


39 


314 


18 


21 


18 



Dwight gives 38'9 as the average transverse diameter of the head of the 
female humerus, but from this - 5 to 1 mm. has to be subtracted for the cartilage. 
His average for the male is 44'6 mm. In his paper he quotes Hrdlicka as having 
measured the lengths of the humeri of 100 white males and 100 white females in 
New York with the result that the male average was 324 mm. and the female 299. 

From the eight individuals in which the length is measurable there is no 
evidence to make us think that the humerus of these Folkestone Saxons differed 
appreciably in length from that of our own present-day working classes, while they 
both have an appreciably longer humerus than have the individuals who find their 
way into the New York dissecting rooms. 

The least transverse breadth of the shaft is, I think, a useful measurement to- 
take as an indication of physique. It will be noticed that in both sexes the 
modem bones are stouter than those of the Saxons. In taking this measurement 
I have been very careful to allow for any appearance of erosion of the bones through 
their long stay in the ground. Anyone interested in the matter will no doubt 
check my results with the actual bones, which are in the RC.S. Museum. 

The stature of these Saxons, as deduced by K. Pearson's tables from the 
length of the humerus (Phil. Trans., Ser. A, vol. 192, p. 169), tallies very closely 
with that obtained from the femur, when it is remembered that the bones were not 
in all cases those of the same individuals. It gives the males a height of 5 feet 
5\ inches and the females 5 feet 3 inches. 



124 F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 

Forearm Bones. 

Parts of some fifteen to twenty radii and ulna; are present, but there is only 
one whole radius apart from that in the Folkestone Museum. Their appearance is 
quite in harmony with that of the other bones, except that from their delicate 
nature they have suffered more from erosion. I do not feel justified in deducing 
anything from their measurements. 

Femora. 

(a) Femur length. I have only been able to sort out five male femora the 
lengths of which were determinable. 

Four of these belonged to the right side and one to the left, but I feel 
sure after careful examination that the left one was not the fellow of any of the 
four right. 

The average length of these bones was 461 mm., which according to Pearson's 
tables gives an average height for the male Saxons of 168 cm. or 5 feet 6^ inches. 
Six female femora were available : three right, two left and the mean between the 
right and left of the Folkestone Museum specimen. None of these I am sure 
belonged to opposite sides of the same individual. 

Their average length was 436 mm., which gives an average height for the 
Folkestone Saxon women of 163 cm., or 5 feet 4 inches. As far as I can find 
out the only other measurements of Saxon femora recorded are those of Horton 
Smith at Cambridge, who records the measurements of three belonging to male 
South Saxons. He does not say to which side they belonged, so that there is the 
possibility of the two latter belonging to the same individual. 

Their lengths were respectively 429, 447, and 449 mm. This gives a mean of 
442 mm., corresponding, according to Pearson, to 165 cm. of stature or 5 feet 5 inches. 

The actual body lengths recorded by Mr. Nichols of twelve of the Folkestone 
skeletons which I believe were male and of ten which I believe were female, 
give us an average of 5 feet 5 inches for the males and 5 feet 2 inches for the 
females. These are probably somewhat under-estimated, because there was no 
possibility of straightening out the skeleton properly nor has any allowance been 
made for the missing soft parts. 

Although the number of femora is small to generalise on the height of a race, 
when we take them in conjunction with the humeri and tibiae, many of which 
doubtless came from other bodies, we have a considerable mass of evidence that 
the male Saxons in Kent and Sussex were on an average about 5 feet 6 inches high 
and the females about 5 feet 3^ inches. 

It is possible that two of the skeletons (those from graves 10 and 25) ma\ 
just have reached 6 feet, but all the evidence at our disposal shows that these 
Saxons were not of the gigantic stature which the old writers lead us to believe. 
The men, indeed, were not up to the average of upper middle class Englishmen of 
the present day, which my own measurements of St. Thomas's Hospital students 



F. (I. PARSONS. On some Saxon Boms from Folkestone. 



125 



places at 5 feet 9 inches, though I believe Professor K. Pearson gives middle class 
Englishmen an inch more. 

We should describe these Saxons nowadays as people of medium height, 
though there was not as great a difference between the heights of the two sexes as 
there is to-day judging from my measurements of London female medical students. 

Twenty-one male femora, all from different bodies dissected in St. Thomas's 
Hospital, give an average length of 455 mm., which means an average stature of 
5 feet 5 1 inches for the labouring classes, or something very near the average of 
the Saxon men. I only mention these because as their lengths are about the same 
as those of the Saxons they will be useful for comparison in other ways. I wish 
their number was greater, but they are all I have at present. 

TABLE CONTRASTING THE AVERAGE MEASUREMENTS OF SAXON FEMORA WITH THOSE 
TAKEN FROM THE DISSECTING ROOM. 





Saxon males. 


Modern males. 


Sajfon females. 


B. 


L. 


E. 


L. 


E. 


L. 


Length 
Least transverse diameter 
of shaft. 


(5) 46-1 
(8)28 


(5) 46-1 
(10) 28 


(10) 45-8 
(10) 28 


(11) 45-3 
(11)28 


(6) 43-6 
(6)25 


(6) 43-6 

(7)25 


Diameter of head 
Angle of torsion ... 
Platymeria antero-pos- 
terior. 


(8)47 
(3) 18 
(8)26 


(9)48 
(3) 18 
(4) 26 


(10) 49 
(10) 18-5 
(10) 29 


(11) 49 
(11) 17" 
(11) 29 


(4)40 
(3) 16 
(5) 24 


(9)41 
(3) 16 
(7)26. 


Transverse 
Index 


(8) 33 (4) 33 

(8) 79 (4) 79 


(10) 36 
(10) 80 


(11) 33 
(11) 88 


(5)31 
(5)77 


(7) 32 
(7)81 



In this table the numbers in brackets show the number of specimens on which 
the average is founded. I have not ventured to include any modern female 
English femora, since the number I have been able to measure is so small. 

It will be seen that while the Saxon femora are slightly longer than those of 
modern lower class English people, they are of the same calibre and the diameter 
of the heads is less. To the eye of the anatomist they are cleaner, straighter and 
more graceful, and I found no pilastred or bowed bones among them. They suggest 
that their possessors were not heavily built people but rather light and active. 

The platymeria or flattening of the shaft just below the lesser trochanter is 
very evident to the eye in many of them, though this, as is so often the case, is 
not fairly represented in the indices. The actual antero-posterior measurements 
show that the Saxon bones are 3 mm. less than the modern English, though the 
transverse diameter is not correspondingly increased. 

Platymeria is usually regarded as the physiological effect of the constant use 
of the vasti and crureus muscles in hill climbing, and may well have been produced 
by the Saxons hunting and fighting on the rolling downs. Horton Smith also- 
notices that two of his three South Saxon femora were platymene. 

It would be interesting to know whether Saxon femora from the flatter parts, 
of the country are platymeric too. 



126 



F. (r. PAKSOXS. On some Sa.'.-0/i />'<///<< from Fm'l.estone. 



Tibia: 

The following table contains measurements of twenty tibiae, no two of which 
belonged to the same body. I am unable to distinguish the sex of tibiae with any 
certainty, nor do I know that any work has been done in this direction as it has 
in the case of the humerus and femur. It is probable, however, that the best clue 
to the distinction of sex will lie in the size of the articular ends, and so I have 
arranged these tibiae as far as possible in the order of the breadth of their heads. 
From what I do know of tibial head breadth, I fancy that males predominate in 
this series. 



No. of tibia. 


. 

Head 
breadth. 


Tibial 

length. 


Platycnemia. 


Angle 
of Side, 
torsion. 


Tr. 


Antero- 
posterior. 


1 


77 





25 38 


L. 


2 


76 


371 


30 


40 40 


R. 


3 


75 


379 


22 


36 25 


B. 


4 


74 





22 


37 


L. 


5 


73 





26 


31 


B. 


6 


71 


374 


25 32 45 


L. 


7 


70 


360 


24 30 


39 


L. 


8 


70 





22 32 





L. 


9 


66 





21 32 





E. 


10 


64 











E. 


11 


63 





21 


27 





L. 


12 


63 





21 


28 





L. 


13 


63 





21 


29 


L. 


14 


62 





25 


32 





E. 


15 








28 


35 





L. 


16 








26 


34 





R. 


17 








26 


32 





L. 


18 (body C) 





358 


22 


32 





L. 


19 (body B) 





375 











L. 


20 








20 


31 


K. 


Average ... 


70 


369 


24 


33 


37 


Average of 18 , 
modern tibke ... 75 


366 


25 


35 


18 















F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 127 

The question of platycnemia is an interesting one, since it so often accompanies 
platymeria. The platycnemic index is 73 against 71 in 18 modern bones. This 
is no great difference, but in spite of it two or three of the Saxon tibiae, notably 
Nos. 3 and 4, are distinctly platycnenaic. The table of measurements is, I think, 
very instructive in the contrast between the breadth of the head of the tibia in 
these Saxons and modern English (?) people. It will be noticed that although the 
Saxon tibia is slightly longer (3 mm.) than the modern, yet the head breadth is 
5 mm. less. It is this compression of the bony ends which contributes so much to 
the graceful appearance of the Saxon bones. 

The average length of six specimens is 369 mm. This, according to K. Pearson, 
gives an average stature of 166 cm. or 5 feet 5f inches. The measurable bones 
looked like those of males for the most part, so that the stature derived from the 
tibia, considering the small amount of material, agrees very closely with that 
derived from the femur and humerus. 

The angle of torsion, as shown in the four specimens in which I was able 
to measure it, is distinctly high. Mikuliez gives 5 to 20 as the average range, 
while my 18 modern tibiae averaged 18. These four Saxon tibiae average 37 
and are all over 20. In connection with this the note on the astragalus is 
interesting. One or two of the Saxon tibije have slightly retroverted heads, 
but the deviation is only just noticeable. 

The remains of the fibulas were so fragmentary that I could draw no deductions 
from them. 



Astragali. 

There are only five of these bones, which do not in my opinion represent 
opposite sides of the same individual. The only one I can sex is No. 5, which 
belongs to the skeleton in the Folkestone Museum ; this I feel sure is 
female. 

The astragalar index is gained by taking the angle which the line of the outer 
border of the neck makes with the plane of the internal articular surface. This 
gives the following results : No. 1 (L.) 17, No. 2 (R.) 15, No. 3 (L.) 15, No. 4 
(L.) 16, No. 5 (L.) 20. The average of the five is 17. Duckworth (Anthropology 
and Morpholo/jy Cambridge) gives 10 as the average of six modern astragali, and 
this is about the average of ten modern bones in my possession. It therefore 
seems that the Saxon astragalus had a more inwardly directed head than that of 
the modern Englishman, and this one is not surprised to find when the increased 
outward rotation of the lower end of the tibia is remembered. 



Calcanea. 
The following are the greatest lengths and least breadths of these bones : 



128 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Sa.coii Bonca from Foil, v.s/i////'. 



- 


Lengths. Breadths. 




Lengths. Breadths. 


1. (L.) 


77 nun. 


27 nnn. 


7. (L) 84 mm. 





2. (L.) 86 


26 


8. (H.) 72 


25 mm. 


3. (E.) 78 


27 . 


9. (L.) 74 


27 


4. (R.) 81 


29 


10. (L.) 


78 


28 , 


5. (R.) 85 


31 


11. (R.) 


78 


26 


6. (L.) 


79 


:!0 









CONCLUSIONS. 

The present contribution is a small and imperfect one, but, apart from the 
skulls and a few thigh bones, it is, I believe, all the actual knowledge we have of 
the stature and physique of any of the Saxon peoples. 

It is on this account very necessary not to overrate -its importance, but to 
bear in mind that what seems true for these Folkestone people need not be true for 
Saxons in other parts of England. 

The following conclusions seem to me legitimate : 

1. That this burial-ground was used in pre-Christian times by those Saxons 
who lived near the southern part of the Kentish coast during the sixth century. 
There is some evidence that another exists at Hythe, five miles to the south (of 
course quite distinct from the bones in the church there), while those to the north 
lie on the downs between Canterbury and Dover. 

I should think it probable that this cemetery served some thirty square miles 
of country. 

2. The burials are of the " grave row " type, such as those recorded from the 
neighbourhood of Bremen. 

3. The arms, ornaments and orientation of the bodies, and especially the 
characteristic earthen flask, show that these people had the same burial customs as 
those found in the other Kentish burial-grounds and were therefore, presumably, 
Jutes. 

4. The female skulls and bones showed no pointa-of difference from those of 
the males except in the normal sexual signs. This seems to me an important 
point to notice when larger series come under observation, because how far the 
Saxons intermarried with the conquered British is a del le and hitherto quite 
unsettled point. 

5. I cannot at present say whether these Jutes or Kentish Saxons have any 
craniological characteristics distinguishing them from Saxons found elsewhere in 
Eiigland, but I am gradually accumulating evidence on this. 



Journal of the Soya! Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1011, Plate XX. 






Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, T'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXI. 




FIG. 1. GENERAL VIEW OF BURIAL GROUND SHOWING METHOD OF INTERMENT, 





FIG. 2. SKELETON BURIED WITH THE LEGS FLEXED. 




FIG. 3. ARMS AND ORNAMENTS FOUND AT FOLKESTONE AND NOW IN THE FOLKESTONE MUSEUM. 

SOME SAXON BONES FEOM FOLKESTONE. 



F. G. PARSONS. On some Saxon Bones from Folkestone. 129 

6. These people had long, fairly high and narrow heads, their foreheads were 
well shaped, not receding, and probably rendered more effective-looking by the 
marked frontal eminence in both sexes and the rareness of prominent supraciliary 
eminences in the males. Their jaws were strong and wide at the angles with 
sound, strong, deeply -ground down teeth. Their noses were rather broad, though I 
can learn little of their shape from this particular collection. 

7. They were a lithe, singularly well built though somewhat slender race, 
often showing traces of the platymeria and platycnemia, characteristic of agility ; 
of medium height (about 5 feet (i inches for the men and 5 feet 4 inches for the 
women), while the women approached the men in stature and physique more closely 
than is the case in modern skeletons. 

8. With the exception of one case of osteo-arthritis in the head of a femur no- 
traces of disease were noticed in the bones. 



VOL. XLI. 



130 



REPORT ON THE ETHNOLOGY OF THE OKANAK'EN OF BRITISH 
COLUMBIA, AN INTERIOR DIVISION OF THE SALISH STOCK. 

BY CHARLES HILL TOUT, F.A.E.S., Local Correspondent of the Royal 
Anthropological Institute. 

THE following notes are the result in part of my investigations among the 
Okanak'en. 

I desire again to acknowledge my indebtedness to the Government Grant 
Committee of the Royal Society for a special grant of 40 towards the expenses 
of my work. 

The Okanak'eu are the easternmost division of the Salish of British Columbia. 
They are not confined to this province but extend southwards into the states of 
the American Union, the International Boundary dividing them into two fairly 
equal divisions. Their main settlements in British Columbia were in the valleys 
of the Okanagan and Similkameen, and on the borders of the Arrow Lakes. My 
own observations are confined to the Okaniik'en proper, extending from the 
Enderby Reserve on the north to Osooyos on the south, near the boundary line, a 
distance of about 150 miles. These tribes formerly occupied, according to my 
informants, ten permanent villages or settlements, the native names of which, 
running from north to south, are as follows : 

1. SpalEm'tcm = Flat rim or edge (of river), >/., 'nk'EmtcIn ; rim 

or edge. 

2. 'nkEmapaluks = Head of the lake. 

3. SinkloHotEm = Massacred, having reference to an incident in their 

history when some of their enemies attacked this 
settlement without warning, and slaughtered great 
numbers of them. 
4 KElauna ... = Grizzly bear. 

5. S'tEkatkwtlmwEt = Has reference to a solitary lake. 

6. 'NnakwactEn = Refers to a stone for smoothing and straightening 

their arrows. 

7. PentniktEn = Meaning unknown. 

8. CwoqEiiety = Little Fall. 

9. 'nk-amep ... = End of Lake. 
10. S'oiyus ... = Narrows. 

Besides these main settlements they had a number of fishing, berry, and 
root camps which they occupied temporarily during certain seasons of the year. 



C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Okandk'en of British Columbia. 131 

A common language is spoken throughout the whole area occupied by these 
tribes, which shows greater or less dialectical variation as the tribes are near or 
remote from each other, or border on other linguistic divisions. It occupies 
a position intermediate between that of the Thompson, the chief peculiarities 
of which are now fairly well known, and that of the Salish proper, as recorded by 
Father Mengarini in his Grammatica Linguae Selicae. 

The fulness of detail with which Father Mengarini has treated this tongue 
and its close relationship to the Okanak'en dialect make it unnecessary for me 
to give here more than an outline of the grammatical structure of the latter. 

Fifty years of more or less close contact with the whites has greatly modified 
the lives and conditions of the Okanak'en. As in other centres they have much 
decreased in numbers. They now live on Eeserves, some of the finest tracts 
of country having been set aside for their use. I cannot say that they have taken 
much advantage of their opportunities. With rare exceptions here and there, and 
generally where the infusion of white blood makes itself apparent, they are 
content to muddle along in their old hand-to-mouth style of living. They display 
little or no concerted action in their labours. Each family is satisfied to cultivate 
a small patch of vegetables or grain for itself, whereas if they showed any energy 
or enterprise they might all be wealthy, or at any rate well-to-do, in a few years. 
Certainly no Indians in the province have better opportunities or more valuable 
lands either for agricultural or stock-raising purposes. 

Regarding their past a careful inquiry at various centres reveals the fact that 
their culture followed so closely that of the neighbouring divisions, that a descrip- 
tion of one is virtually a description of another. Teit's account of Thompson 
culture might have been written, with a few minor and unimportant points of 
difference, for the Okanak'en. 

Their marriage, naming, birth, burial, and puberty customs are practically 
identical. In respect to names I was informed more than once that children's names 
were generally taken from, or had reference to, their father's ScomEq, that is, his 
personal snam or sulia ; that each child at puberty went alone into the mountains 
or to some other secluded place to seek for its ScomEq. This is in keeping with 
what we know of the other interior Salish. The term used among the Okanak'en 
for this period of seclusion was stcuEntcut. Their belief in the importance of the 
stcuEntcut is well brought out by a story which used to be told to children who 
were reluctant to enter upon their stcuEntcut, or puberty course. 

It is related that once, a long time ago, a certain man had four children. 
When they were young he trained them in four different ways. The first he sent 
into the mountains to undergo the stcuEntcut ; the second had to take a course 
of sweat-baths ; the third a course of swimming, and the fourth was to remain at 
home and do nothing. 

The last child barely lived to reach manhood. The il.ird one lived to be 
middle-aged, the second to be an elderly man, but the youth who had gone through 
his stcuEntcut lived to be very old and was always well and hearty. 

K 2 



132 C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Okandken of 

To this day the old people firmly believe that the excessive mortality among 
them is mainly due to the decadence and non-observance of the customs and 
practices of their fathers, and more particularly that of the stcuEntcut. 

The Okanak'en observed first-fruits ceremonies. When the first berries or 
roots were ripe the chief would send out his wife or eldest daughter to gather 
a portion. The whole community would then come together, and prayers would 
be offered to those spirits of the sky who were supposed to preside over the 
operations of nature, portions of the fruit or roots would be distributed to all 
present, after which anyone was free to gather all he or she desired ; but no one 
would think of picking a berry or digging a root until after the feast had 
been held. 

I could gather no clear ideas as to the character of these powers to whom 
their prayers were addressed. According to the old men they were not the sun 
nor the sky, but the beings who looked after the berries or the roots. But it is 
evident they were supposed to live in the sky, for the chief always held his hands 
aloft, as among the other tribes, and addressed his prayers and cast his eyes skyward. 

The details of these first-fruit ceremonies closely resembled those held by the 
Thompsons, accounts of which have been given by Teit and myself before. 

The dress and dwellings of the Okanak'en closely resembled those of the 
Thompsons, except that in some centres they used a log hut built partly under and 
partly above ground during the winter months, instead of the regular " keekwilee- 
house." 

In utensils birch bark figured more conspicuously among them than among 
the Thompsons. Indeed they state their woven baskets and other receptacles 
came by way of barter from the Thompsons. 

The cottonwood tree figures largely in their habitat, and this wood was 
extensively used in domestic ways by them. Their canoes were generally cotton- 
wood dug-outs. 

In their Tciptcaptfkw'tl or mythological time we find Coyote is the most 
conspicuous figure. He takes the place apparently of the " Old Man " and " Benign 
Face " among the Thompsons and the Qals among the Halkomeleni tribes of the 
delta and coast. It was he who gave the Okanak'ens the salmon, of which they 
distinguish at least three species, the 'rietetyuq or spring-salmon, the ss'wen or 
" sockeye," arid the kecd or " dog-salmon." He is not, however, the benignant 
and dignified character that reveals itself in the actions of " Benign Face " of the 
Lower Thompsons, or the Qals of the Halkomclem. He 'is more often the Trickster 
and Braggart. And from the fact that he figures so little or not at all in the 
myths of the coast Salish, and so largely in those of the other stocks of the 
interior, it would seein to suggest that he is a borrowed and adopted character 
among the interior Salish, and not a native product of the mythology of the stock. 

And this leads me to the point where I may with propriety offer a few remarks 
upon the origin or source of the Salish of British Columbia in so far as my studies 
of this stock bear upon that question. 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 133 

That the stock is not native to the province but has come into it from some 
outside source has in the course of our studies become abundantly clear. Further, 
certain features of their culture, and certain facts of their language, make it quite 
certain that wherever else their original or early home was it was not on the rivers 
and waters of the North Pacific Slope. 

In the first place our studies of their social organisation has revealed an 
increasing simplicity of form, as we proceed from the coast inward. Now, as the 
coast stocks all possess, and appear to have possessed for at least a considerable 
period of time, unusually complex and peculiar social systems, and as the social 
systems of the coast Salish show they have been much influenced and modified by 
contact with these systems, had the course of the stock been from the coast to the 
interior we should have expected to find everywhere some evidence of this earlier 
contact with, and points of resemblance to, the social culture of the littoral tribes. 
But we do not. On the contrary we find a well-defined and graduated decrease 
in complexity in social organisation as we proceed from the coast inwards, showing 
that the influence of the coast tribes, though spreading inwards at the time we 
first came into contact with the natives, had not yet reached to, or influenced the 
lives of, the interior tribes. I have taken occasion to remark more fully on this 
in earlier papers. 

From this fact alone we could draw the safe conclusion that the migrations of 
the Salish have not been from the coasts of British Columbia, but from the interior 
to the sea. But from linguistic evidence we find the movement has not been 
uniformly from east to west, but rather from south to north, or more correctly from 
south-east to north-west. In my last report on the south-eastern tribes of 
Vancouver Island I pointed out that the language of these tribes related them to 
the cognate tribes of Washington. The intrusion of the Sk'qomic into the area of 
the Halkomelem tribes, and the close linguistic affinities of their tongue with that 
of the tribes south of the International Boundary, make it quite clear to my mind 
that the Sk'qomic came into British Columbia from the south. The same may be 
said of the Tcil'Qeuk, who are known to have formerly spoken a dialect of the 
Washington Salish. Again, the evidence of the Okanak'en tribes points to the 
same conclusion. Whether the original home of the stock was east or west of the 
Rockies is a question not yet established. My own linguistic studies of this stock, 
however, lead me to the conclusion that it was west of this great dividing line; 
that it came into the American continent by way of the Pacific ; and that it has 
closer linguistic affinities with the Oceanic peoples than with any of the character- 
istic American stocks east of the Eockies. At what point it entered the continent 
is not at present clear, except that it would appear to have been south of the area 
where the salmon forms the staple food supply for the littoral tribes. 

The conclusion has been drawn that the Aryan races formerly occupied a 
common home and possessed a common culture because ,. find certain linguistic 
roots common to them all, amongst which are those denoting the possession and 
use of grain and milch cattle. We conclude from this that they were cultivators of 



134 C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Okandk'en of 

the soil and breeders of stock. Applying the same class of evidence to the Salish 
we are forced to the conclusion that the earlier, undivided stock did not live on 
the tidal waters of that part of the Pacific slope where the salmon is a conspicuous 
product. It was the staple of the larder of all the coast and Delta tribes, at 
the time we first came into contact witli them, and would naturally have been the 
same in former times if they had dwelt where it was so easily obtained, and conse- 
quently the term or terms by which this conspicuous food item was distinguished 
from others would be well and intimately known to the whele horde or division, 
and would have continued in use down to our time with such dialectical differences 
of form and sound as we find have taken place in such of their numerals as they 
held in common before the separation of the stock into its present linguistic 
divisions. We have no difficulty in detecting the identity of the numeral ten, for 
example, in any of the linguistic divisions of this stock, with one or two notable 
and accountable exceptions, and if the salmon had held, before their division into 
their present groupings, the same place in their dietary as it did when we first came 
among them, we should have less difficulty in detecting the identity of the terms 
for salmon than we have for the numeral ten. But such is not the case. Almost 
every linguistic division has distinct and unrelated terms for the salmon which 
no method of linguistic equation can show to be the same or to have had a common 
origin. 

It seems clear, then, that wherever else the early home of the Salish was, it 
was not within the salmon-bearing area or where this fish was known to them as 
food. For to be known was to be eaten. This evidence is further supported by 
their myths of the origin of the salmon, no two of which are alike. The very 
possession of a myth of salmon origin shows that they believe that once they lacked 
this article of their diet. 

Some years ago I pointed out, in a paper printed by the Royal Society of 
Canada, that the Salish language showed a most remarkable resemblance both 
lexically and morphologically to the Oceanic tongues. Further and closer study of 
these languages has confirmed me in the belief that an underlying unity exists 
between them. Doctor Codrington has pointed out in his Melanesian Languages 
that the Oceanic tongues are homogeneous, that Melanesian, Polynesian, and Malay 
have a common origin, and form a linguistic group or family of their own. If his 
contention be sound then a fourth must be added to this family, for the Salish 
language as a whole shows almost as much resemblance to any one of these three 
Oceanic stocks as they do to each other. Comparing the Salish language with 
such characteristic American tongues as the Algonquin or Dene' the affinities 
between these are infinitely less and more remote than those between Salish and the 
Oceanic tongues ; and even if these resemblances should be shown to be fortuitous, 
and without real foundation, they are so remarkable that the classification of the 
Salish tongue would still be rather " Oceanic " than " American." But I am not alone 
in thinking that Salish and some other Western American stocks are akin to the 
Oceanic. Some of the most distinguished Polynesian scholars hold the same view. 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 135 

But this is not the time or occasion to set forth the evidence for this claim. I 
content myself here with merely indicating a probable source and origin for the 
stock we are considering, among whom I have been working for the last eighteen 
years. 

Mythology. 

The mythology of the Okanak'en seems to be as full and varied as that of the 
Thompsons, and we sometimes get the most naive and invaluable glimpses of the 
mind of the native as it was before contact with white influence. The following 
myth brings out unconsciously, but none the less clearly, the native ideas concerning 
the relation between a man and his personal totem or snam, and the help and 
assistance the man expected and received from it. 

The Snoiv Dance of Coyote. 

Coyote and his three sons once found themselves at the foot of a big mountain. 
They determined to stay there awhile. Said the eldest son to his father, " I must 
go to the sweat-house, and prepare myself to make a snow dance." So he went. 
When he had completed his sweat course he built a house apart by itself, to 
perform his dance in. When all was ready he went there one night and began 
his snow dance. Now on the mountain at whose foot they were camped dwelt 
all the Animal People under the leadership of Eeindeer, and when they heard 
the dancer singing his snow dance song, the chief said to his people, " Who will 
go down to this man, who sings at the bottom of the mountain ? " Responded 
Blue Jay, " I will go down and visit him." So he went, and sat upon the roof of 
the dancing house. Presently he stroked the back of the man's head, and then 
returned to the mountain-top, and reported to his chief. Said he, " This man 
knows nothing ; he has no power. He never saw me come in, nor felt me touch 
his head. He is a sham." Now when the Blue Jay stroked the young man's head, 
he fell down dead. The morning following, Coyote went over to his son's dancing 
house, and found him lying dead. He straightway buried him, saying nothing to 
his other sons about their brother's death. A little while after, the second son 
said to his father, " I must go and take a sweat-bath course, and prepare myself 
for the snow-song dance." This he did and met with the same fate as his brother. 
Coyote buried him also. It was now the youngest brother's turn. He followed in 
his brothers' footsteps, and met the same fate. All three of the youths were killed 
by Blue Jay in the same manner. Now, when Coyote had buried his three sons he 
learnt from his ScomEq or personal totem what had happened to his sons, and why 
they had been overcome by Blue Jay. Said he, " You must be more careful than 
they. Prepare yourself for the snow dance by taking a sweat-bath course for three 
successive days, and when once you begin the snow dance you must not stop till 
all the animals with their chief Eeindeer have come down from the mountain, and 
entered the dance-house. Eeindeer will not enter until towards morning, and you 
must be careful not to stop dancing till he is quite inside. Then place your 
dancing-stick at the door. If you do this you will have everyone in the house in 



136 C. HILL TOUT. On ttif Et/molof/;/ of the OkanAken of 

your power." So Coyote prepared himself for the dance by taking a three days' 
sweat course. When it was over he went to the dance-house and liegan to sing 
and dance. He started early in the evening with great force and vigour. Soon 
Eeindeer heard him singing and inquired amongst his people who had told tins 
man how to sing the snow dance. Now this dance had the power to draw all the 
animals on the mountain to the house of the dancer when properly performed. 
Said they, " We don't know." Then said the chief, " Who will go and visit this 
man ?" Blue Jay got up and said, " I will go and visit him." Now when Blue 
Jay littered these words Coyote said to himself, " Blue Jay is coming to test me." 
Thereupon said Blue Jay to the chief, " This man is different from the others. 
He is a great man. He knows I am coming." When Blue Jay arrived at the 
dancing-house he lit on a rafter to watch for an opportunity to do the same to 
Coyote as he had done to his three sons. But Coyote continued his singing and 
dancing without hreak and lifting his dancing-stick struck Blue Jay on the breast 
with it. Blue Jay fell down, and lay as dead for a while. Presently he recovered, 
and made his way back to the mountain-top, and reported what had happened to 
the chief. Said he, " That man is very powerful ; he struck me with his dancing- 
pole, and I lay as dead for some time." The chief then reproached his people, 
saying, " Some of you must have revealed our secrets to this man, and taught him 
this powerful dance-song." But they all denied it. Then Lynx said to the chief, 
" I will go down and see this man." As he said these words, Coyote said to 
himself, " Lynx ia coming to see me." Thereupon Lynx descended the mountain, 
and climbed upon the rafters of the dance-house. Coyote was prepared for him, 
and struck him on the head with his dancing-rod, so that he, too, fell down as 
dead. For a while he lay thus, then, recovering, made his way back to thu chief, 
and reported his experience. The chief began to wonder what was going to happen 
to them. Then Beaver said, " I will go down, and I will go through the water, so 
that he cannot see me." Now just as soon as he said these words, Coyote repeated 
them saying, " Beaver is coining to me through the water.' 1 He thereupon 
prepared for him by placing a dish of water in the middle of the room. Upon the 
water he sprinkled a quantity of down. This was to blind Beaver to his actions 
when he put his head through the water. Beaver started, and came down. He 
entered the house from beneath, and put his head through the water and down in 
the dish. Coyote struck at him with his dancing-stick, but as he was dancing near 
the door, and the dish stood in the middle of the room, he managed only to strike 
him on the fingers. Beaver retreated at once, and went back to the chief and said, 
" This man is too strong for us to play tricks with ; he knows everything." 
Reindeer then asked his people again who among them had told this man their 
secrets. Now the fauns were lying down in a place by themselves and they said 
one to another, " Let us tell Grandfather that we told this man how to dance the 
snow-dance." They did so. Said the chief to them, " You should have told me 
this long ago. We must now all get ready to go down and dance with him." The 
two fauns thereupon started for the dance-house, and arrived before the others. 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 137 

When the rest of the company got there, they found the two fauns already dancing. 
They went in, and the house was full of people. Coyote took no notice of any of 
them, but kept on dancing, waiting for the coming of the chief. Towards morning 
Reindeer appeared. He put his head through the doorway very slowly and 
cautiously. Thereupon the room became flooded with light, which emanated from 
the tips of his horns. He went no further, but gave one leap and was back again 
on the mountain-top. Coyote and the others still continued to dance. Presently 
Reindeer came down again. He put his head through the doorway as before, but 
did not retreat this time. He entered the room slowly. By this time Coyote had 
been dancing many hours, and was very tired, but remembering the instructions 
of his ScomEq, he still continued his dancing. As soon as Reindeer had entered 
the building he danced towards the doorway, and before Reindeer had reached the 
middle of the room, Coyote put down his dancing- rod and called out that the dance 
was over. Now, he neglected to put the rod in the doorway, as his ScomEq had 
instructed him, and when he called out that the dance was finished, Reindeer 
immediately leaped back through the door, and was off to the mountain again. 
The others followed him in like manner, and they all got away, except the two 
fauns. These Coyote killed. Thus were they punished for deceiving their 
Grandfather, and saying they had told Coyote how to dance the snow-dance, when 
he really got his instructions from his ScomEq. 

Before leaving the subject of totems, as this is likely to be my last Report on 
the Salish, I would like to remark once more that a comparative study of the 
totemisni of the Salish as a whole makes it clear beyond question or doubt that the 
group-totems found among them have sprung from, and are a development of, their 
individual totems, and that the same may be said of all other American Stocks. 

As confirmatory of this view I would point to the recent discovery by 
Dr. Hart Merriam 1 of toteuiism in its three most characteristic forms, viz., the 
non-hereditary individual totem, the hereditary patriarchal totem, and the hereditary 
matriarchal dan totem, among the tribes of California where totemism was not 
known to exist. 

LINGUISTIC. 
The Phonology here employed is the same as that used in my former reports. 

Numerals. 



1 nuks. 

2 ecil or acfl. 

3 katlicii. 

4 mos. 

5 tcilikst. 

6 tak'urn'kst. 

7 cic'p'lk-. 

8 tEmtl. 



9 iiuqunot. 

10 opEuikst. 

11 opEnikst netl nuks. 
20 acil-opEnikst. 

30 katl-opEnikst. 
40 mic-dpEnikst. 
100 mitcEtcikst. 



1 "Totemism in California," Am. Anthi-op., vol. 10, No. 4, Oct -Dec., 1908, by C. Hart 
Merriam. 



138 C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Okamiken of 

When counting persons the following form is commonly employed : 



1 man, ICE nuks. 

2 men, kE sacil. 

3 kE katlicH. 

4 kE mocmEc. 

5 kE tcilikst. 



6 men, kE tak'um'kst. 

7 kE cic'p'lk-. 

8 kE tEmtEmtl. 

9 tEqunok. 

10 k - '6popEnikst. 



Ordinals. 

first, HutcHit. 
next, tEki'kat. 
last, hatseot. 

Adverbial Numerals. 

once, 'n'nuksalik. thrice, 'nkatlelik. 

twice, 'naclelik. four times, moswe. 

five times, tcilikstwe. 

Distributives. 

one each, tatc nanuks. three each, tatc katlicH. 

two as-acll. fn/n- moe. 

ten each, tatc opEnikst. 

A comparison of these different classes of numerals with those of the 
Thompson and the Salish proper, as recorded by Father Mengarini, brings out at 
once a most interesting and suggestive similarity and dissimilarity. 



PRONOUNS. 

The Absolute or Independent forms of these in the Okaiiak-en are as 
follows : 



1, hlnt^a or InU-a. 
thou, anfii. 
h< , N//T, tcinitl. 



we, niEnemtltit. 
you, niEiiC'iutlimp. 
thy, mEnC-mtltcilEq. 



Enclitic or Copulative Forms. 
]\Kn(E)sEtc, as kEn(E)sEtc kx-ilt, / <nn nii- 



kfiEtc, 
sEtc 
kuusEtc 
pEtc 



kfiEtc k'eilt, tltou art sick. 
sEtc k'eilt, hi- i.i /(/. 
kuosEtc k'alf'iltQ, we are sick. 
pEtc k'aluiltQ, you 
sEtc k'aleiltQKlEij, tlie.y arc sick. 



British Columbia, an interior division of the fjalish stock. 139' 

The strictly pronominal elements are clearly : 

kEn, 1 person sing. kuo, 1 person plural, 

kii, 2 p 2 

so,, s, > 

The other element is verbal. We find the same forms used alike in substantive 
and transitive verbs. 

POSSESSIVES. 
First Form. 

my, in as in-kwatckim, my hat. 

thy, an an- thy 

his, he-s he kwatckims, his 

our, he-tit as he kwatckim-tit, our hat. . 

your, he-nemp he -nemp, your 

their, he-silEq he ,, -silEq, their 

Second Form. 
Singular. 

my, e as e-sk'6i, my mother, 
thy, a a-sk-oi, thy 
his, he-s he-sk'oi-s, his 

These two forms are practically the same as those recorded by Father 
Mengarini, only he distinguishes between the sign of the third person singular, 
making it s in the first form and z in the second. I could not distinguish any 
difference in the two forms in Okanak'en, but that may be perhaps because my ear 
was not so sensitive to the nuances of the language as his. 

Plural. 

Our mother, he-sk'6i-tit. 
your he-sk'oi-yimp. 
their hu-sk'5i-silEq. 

Incorporative. 

Help, kEiiHetmEn. 

/ will help them, nenwes kEnHet'nilEq. 
him, kEniiet'n. 
thcc, wai nenwes kEnnetmEn. 
i. .. you, kEnnettlmEn. 
He vnll help thee, nenwes kEnnettlums. 
you, kEnii'tcotniEntEp. 



140 C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnoloyy of the Okanaken of 



11, />/!/ lii-Ip i&*m, nSnwes kEnunstetlen. 

/ will kelp myself, kEnkEtiQ'tcot. 

You will lulp me, kwokskEnHetEp. 

Thou wilt kEnuiietniKn. 

You vrill us, kwokskEnHetmEnenstit. 

We will help him, kEnlletEin. 

them, kEniict'milKq. 

you, kEniietlumpt. 

thee, kEnlletEinpt (?). 

They will help us, kEUHetcilEq. 

me, kEnHetcilEq (?). 

thee, skEniietEinsilEq. 

you, skEtiHctlumsilEq. 

Demonstratives. 

this, ana, eHe. this house, alia tcetQ. 

that, yallais. that house, yfmais, he tcetQ. 

the, he, ta or tE. 
these houses, ana he tcetcetQ. 
those yallaishe 



Inter rogatives. 

/whose house is 
what man ? suet tE skultEmeuq ? 



which ~\ whose house is that ? suet tlaks tcetQ ? 

} suet ? 



VERBS. 

The chief terms of the Okanak'en verb are formed in the following manner, 
which corresponds with neither Thompson nor Salish proper. Thus : 
kEn'sEtc k'eilt, / am sick. 
Hf'\va kEn'sEtc k'eilt, / MVW x ///. 
tcEm kEn'sEtc k'eilt, I shall be sick. 
.kEn aimt, / am angry. 
liewa kEn'sEtc aimt, / was anyri/. 
tcim kEn aimt, / shall If angry. 

Negative and Affirmative Particles. 

The negative lias the form lot and the affirmative keo or more fully keoa. 
Don't get anyry, lot iiks aimt. 
/ won't yet angry, lot tcim ek.s ilimt. 
Arc you sick ? otc pEtc k'eilt ? 
Yes, I am sick, keo, kEn'sEtc keilt. 

one house, nuks tE tcetQ. 

two houses, acletltQ. 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 



three houses, katlatltQ. 
four mostltQ. 
ten apEnikstatltQ. 
many houses, HoatltQ. 
some toqwetcetQ. 
no house, lot tE tcetQ. 
houses, lot tE kan tE tcetQ. 
lots of houses, tale Het tcetQ. 
child, skukwEmelt. 
children, sitcrnala. 

father, IECO "1 said by man ; mestEtn 
mother, sk'oiJ torn 

my son, e skw'sce. 
my daughter, e stEinkEelEt. 
elder brother, tlkok'tca. 

sister, tlkikna. 
younger brother, tlcintca. 
sister, tltcitcops. 
grandfather, hankfkua. 
mother, stEmtema. 
great grandfather, s'Haqpa. 
,, mother, hankopsa. 
t, great grandfather, tatopa. 
l, tzaclyakun. 
chw, k'tlkEmepast. 
tooth, aitEmEii. 
nose, s'pEsaks. 
mouth, sp'Jemtcin. 
face, sk''tloc. 
hair, kupkamtEn. 



> said by 



woman. 



tongue, teutck E . 
eye, 'stuk'EtloctEn. 
ear, tena. 
heart, spEos. 
hand, keluq. 
t/itiiitb, stomikst. 



Following are some examples of continuous native texts : 



HatlkwekwEna natl kwEskwasias. 
Mouse and herfamily. 



kwiteutiluq 
There was once 



iiatlkwC-kwEna natl kwEskwasias otl nl ak'6 
a mouse and her family then across 

siltftkwa koc-nauk' 11 tE setl'n. Otl tlatl tciineak'6 ke tcinlrltletukq. 
river to steal some food. As she was classing she was drowned. 

kwentEin he tEs kwEskwiisias, otl lietl-tcoistEm he k'El tcetQ, otl 
took her up her children, then brought her to thi house, then 



he tE 
the 

Otl 
Then 

ene 
they 



suk- skw'ksikq. Otl skeluQ skEtcQ tEl kumkEuetltQ, toon tE nielEq, 
began to cry. Then a man came there outside-the-house, he said to them, 



142 C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Okan&k'en of 

" p'Etc skenuq key Etc suk- kwiik- ? " TcotfilEq, " LotctEm." " KwosEtc k'usk'asp 

" What are you crying for ? " They say, " Nothing." " It is something 

sin mEstauq." Otl eHe saiaintcotcilEq s'ketl stukuk- nonEmsilEq he 

which happened long ago." Then they began laughing to deceive-they the 

.skEltEmeuq. 

man. ^ f 

Sink'Elep tla pak'Ek'. 

Coyote's Lesson. 

EtcQoi Sink-Elep, otl weks he tcctQ. Otl ene cQoic he k'Ele. 
He was travelling Coyote, then he saw a house. Then he went to the place. 

Otl IrinotltQ. Otl weks yayat he stEin Hast. Otl weks he 

'Then he entered the house. Then he saw all the things good. Then he saw the 

stuq'men, otl hEnstels wai-heks-ckwunem he stuq'meu. Otl kwec. Otl 
comb, then he thought that he would take the comb. Then he took it. Then 

eHe cQoic. Lot silkwak's, otl eHe tuqnanwauqmEntEm 

he went away. Not gone far, before it began combing him one way and the other 

he te stuq'men. Otl hEnstels : " wai-kEn'k's kaitcilnaq." Otl lots 

that comb. Then he thought : " I will run away (from the comb)." But not 

kutl-nestc. He le ketcoc he stuq'men : " Wai-hast, hetl hoistEmEn." 
able-to-escape. Then he told the comb : " Very-good, I will take you back." 

Otl he le te'qelEm. Otl weks he k-'kwoinEn. Otl kwec, otl ene 
Then he did so. Then he saw the awl. Then he seized it, then he 

skaitcluns. Otl lot silkwak's, ke tlotloEntem. Otl he wa ta le 

ran away. But not very far, it began piercing him. Then he quicker 

kaitc'luHs. Otl tale k'ailtEms lies tlotlowaus. Otl tcoc 

to run away from it. Then very bad his-agony where he was pierced. Then he said to 

he k-'kwomEn : " wai-hast wai-hetl hoistEmEn." Otl hele te'qelEm. Otl 
the awl : " very-good 1 will take-you-back." Then he did so. Then 

weks he sinpeotEn hsitcEnsauq he tE stolckwia, otl ene kwec, otl 
he saw the bladder full of the fish-oil, then he took it, then 

seosis, otl eHe CQoic he tE yatcens he tek'ot. Otl ta le hEn 
he drank it, then he went along by the shore of the lake. Then very thirsty 

k'lamEmtcin. Otl te eHeiie ceost. Otl te eneHe ceost. 

he became. Then presently he drank. Then in little while he drank again. 

OtlhEnstels, " wai-hast kEntlatcin Qostetauq, otl mekEns ceost." Otl 

Then he thought, " it were better to wade in the water, and easier drink." Then 

te Qoi, otl k'em te he sp'lemtcins te k'em ketc k-'tlskaitEko. 

he proceeded, then with the mouth-his on a level with the surface of the water. 

Otl te ceost otl k - 'lal. Otl k-'sape kaketcintEm tuqwailuq. Otl 
Then he drank till he died. Then soon after he found him the fox. Then 

k'olKntEm tliks hiistuwt'lulis. Otl Sink'Elep tcot : " k - 'sape mat-hala- 
he made him again to become alive. Then Coyote said : " sometime I must have 

he-c'etQ hfila. TcontEm tuqwailuq : " Otc mepEiiontuq k-'wilatc p'saiya ? " 
been asleep here. To him said the fox : " Did you find out your stupidity? " 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 143 

He Snena. 
The Owl. 

How the Chipmonk got its stripes. 

Otl tlats kwEleom aHe te cia otl ketcEntEin tE snena, otl tcot : 
While she was picking berries there came to her the owl, and he said : 

" HeHotEm hoitsauqtQ, an inestEm k'QamenEks," 5tl HeHotEm tcot : 
" little girl come down, your father wants-you," then little girl said : 

" hoiqEn lot kEntaktl mestEm k''sape ket'M." Otl tcontEm : " hoi- 
" ha ! ha! not I have a father long ago he died." Then to her he said : "well- 

k\va, tsauqtQ, an torn QamenEks." Otl tcot, "hoiqEn lot kEntaktl 
then, comedown, your mother wants you." Then she said, "ha! ha! not I have any 

torn." " Otl lot tlaks torn suet-kwa as-nukseluq ? " tcot he 
mother." " Then not any mother what relations have you ? " said the 

snena. Otl tcot he HeHotEm : " te kEmeq kEn'ks stEmtema." " Wai- 
owl. Then said the little girl : "just only I have a grandmother." "All- 
Hast hdikwa tsauqtQ, ii-stEmtema k''QamenEks kwtl kwoiya." 
right then come you down, your grandmother wants you to go home." 

" Hoikwa hintuk'tuk'sintcot mesitc kEntsauq." Wetl he snena hintuk'- 
" Well then cover up your eyes then I will come down." So the owl covered 

tuk'sintcot otl lot tale sinzsanz, otl wekEntEm het HenotEm lot 
his eyes but not very close and see him could the little girl not 

f E! tale sintuk'tuk'sintcots. Otl tcontEm HeHotEm : " tale 

very tight covering his eyes with his hands. Then said to him the little girl : " closer 

sintuk'tuk-sintcot, mesitc kEn-tsauqtQ." Otl te'qelEm. Kwometl site- 
cover up your eyes, then I will come down." Then he did so. Thereupon she 

tsauqtQ he HeHotEm. Otl tlitwelEntEm ke yup-kwec, otl 
came down the little girl. When she passed by him he grasped-at-her, but 

tekmeq naqaqkic. Otl snena tsumEntac he k'ok'ok'afnstEns, otl 

only-just scratched her back. Then owl licked the claws-his, and 

tcot : " HeqEHeHotEm qEq s'etltsa." Otl eHe sitl-kaitcEluHs kEli-stEm- 
said : " little girls are nice-tasting." Then she ran to grand- 

temas tale 'niraitl. Otl tlatl ketcQ tcontEm lie tE stEmtemas : 
mother-her very frightened. When she got home said to her the grandmother-her : 

" Kw'ots kenuq ? " Otl ewti k'stcotaq, " snena," otl te IIES tcosts : 
" What's happened ''. " Then she tried to say, " owl," but she could only say : 

" sna," " snfi," " sna." Otl wekwEntEm e tE stEmtemas El setsEm, 
" ow," " ow," " ow." Then she was hidden by the grandmother-her in a blanket, 

otl te penl'k' he tcot : " sna," " sna," " sna." Otl hEntuk'wontem E! 
but all the time she was saying : " ow," " ow,'' " ow." Then she put her into 

skok - 'rana. Otl k'aEntem k'Elan wict. Otl lots k - 'sapes ketc sketcQ 
an oyster-shell. Then she stuck her upon a rafter. Then not 1 >ng after came 

snena otl tcot : " Otc-kowiktltQ e-skilkelEm ? " Otl tcot he p'Ep'tE- 
owl and said : " Have you seen my-wounded prey 1" Then said the old- 



144 C. HILL TOUT. On tJie Ethnology of the Okandken of 

wenauq : " Lot kEntawekEm." ( )tl he iietckwala kamamotit, otl tcot : 
woman : " No, I havn't seen it." Then the lark lit above, and said : 

" Wolwolkenweuq kwii sk'ok''rana." Otl tcot he snena : " Otc neqilmentQ 
" Closed up, in the shell of the oyster." Then said the owl: "Did you hear 

sEtc sentQ?" " StcotQ wilwolkenweuq sk'ok-'rana." Otl k'lak'losEius, 

what it said?" "He said it is closed up in the shell of the oyster." Then helookedaround 

otl kaketcES El sk'ok-'rana. Otl citz-polstc'. Otl nanekes. Otl 

then he fouud it in the oyster. Then he killed her. Then he cut her into pieces. Then 

pent'k' tlats nekEiu hets n'letltEm he tE p'Ep'tEwenauq. Otl site yayfit 
always when he cut a piece she would beg it the old-woman. Then she all 

kwinEnos he sk'eltiks he HeHotEm k'em te kEmeuq he cpEos. Otl tcot he 
got it the body-her the little girl except only the heart. Then said the 

snena: " Intca kemkEnik spEos." Otl itlc. Otl ene sQoic. Otl yayfit 
owl : " I will take the heart." Then he ate it. Then he went away. Then all 

tuk'tak'ummEnweukstc'. Otl sitc-k'ols he tE comekc. Otl site tEl- 
(the body) she put together in their places. Then she-made the medicine-her. Then she made- 

skelukstc. Apsna he site nanakEns e okutssaweya, cue an tciltcil- 
her-come-to-life. Now these are the stripes-her of the chipmonk, the scratch- 
nawekEntEni he tE snena. 
ings of the owl. 

The last of these three texts is a particularly interesting and suggestive one, 
on account of the liveliness of the style, changing as it does so constantly from the 
oblique to the direct mode of speech, and, except in the long compound words, is 
very easy to follow and put into literal English, the order of these words being so 
like our own. 

Following are some Okamik'en myths in English. 



of Sinkfilep the Coyote. 

Coyote was once on his travels, and came at the close of day to the house of a 
giant, whose name was 'SwanaitEin. He determined to spend the night here. He 
went in and found the giant lying on his back. He did not speak to, or take any 
notice of, Coyote. Some of the other inmates of the house accosted him, but 
SwaiiiiftKm never moved. There was no fire in the house when Coyote entered. 
Presently 'SwanaitEin got up and took two round boulders that lay at his right side, 
;tnd knocked them together. Immediately they began to burn like a fire. He now 
told his people to prepare supper for their uncle, meaning Coyote. They did so, 
and Coyote made a hearty meal. They then gave him a blanket to sleep in. Now, 
he had been much struck by the way in which 'SwanaftEm had made his fire, and 
thereupon had determined to possess himself of these wonderful fire-stones. At 
bed-time 'SwanaftEm took the fire-stones from the fire-place, and put them back by 
his bud-side again. Coyote waited till all were asleep, then got up and took the 
two fire-stones from the giant's side, and got away with them. He went up the 
ladder, and as soon as he got outside, began to run as fast as he could. He kept on 



British Columbia, an interior division of t/ie Stilish stock. 14.~"> 

thus till break of day, and presently he perceived a large tree before him with 
many spreading branches. " I will go up there and rest," said he. He climbed 
the tree and lay down as he thought on a broad branch and slept. In his sleep he 
heard 'SwanaitEm's voice saying to him, " What are you doing with my fire-stones 
up there ? My children want a fire." Coyote woke up, saying to himself, " I think 
somebody must have overtaken me." When he looked about him, he found that 
he was not in a tree at all, but only half-way up the ladder of the giant's house. 
He came down and threw the fire-stones at the giant's side, in deep disgust. 
'SwanaitEm then took up the stones, knocked them together, and immediately they 
began to glow, as before. 'SwanaitEm's people now cooked their breakfast, 
giving Coyote his portion. As Coyote observed again the magic power of the fire- 
stones, he said to himself, " I must have those stones at all costs ; besides, I don't 
like being fooled. I will wait till night again, and when I get the stones I will 
keep on going and not stop at all." So he waited till night came ; but 'SwanaitEm 
knew what was in Coyote's mind. Said Coyote to himself, " I will' keep on talking, 
and that will keep me awake." Night came, and when Coyote thought all asleep 
he got up. Said he to himself, " Now, I am getting up ; now, I am starting to 
walk ; now, I have taken the fire-stones ; now, I have got to the foot of the ladder, 
now, I am climbing up ; now, I am at the top ; now, I am outside ; now, I am 
starting to run." Thus, he kept on going, and as he knew the country thereabout 
quite well, he would say to himself, " I am here, or I am there." All night he 
went on in this way, thinking he was getting farther and farther away with his 
plunder. At daybreak, when 'SwanaftEm's people woke up, they saw Coyote running 
round and round the fireplace, talking to himself. He was sweating with his 
exertions. 'SwanaitEm called out to him, and told him he wanted his stones to light 
the fire for breakfast. Coyote woke up, and found himself still in the house. He 
threw down the rocks and sat himself down. " I have been badly beaten," thought 
he, " and I had better give up the game." After he had eaten his breakfast, he left 
and went on his way. 

The Makiny of the Sun. 

A long time ago the world was all dark ; there was no sun. So all the people 
came together to make a sun. Somebody proposed that Quilcjuilaken, the red- 
headed woodpecker, should be put in the heavens for a sun. He was accordingly 
put up, but was found to be too hot ; and objections being made, he was taken down 
again. Then Skwirnan, the Crane, was chosen, but objections were made to him 
also. He was so long in the legs that noon arrived before he was properly up. 
This made the clay so short, that it was advisable to try someone else. So they 
took down Crane, and put up SinkElep, the Coyote, in his place. Now, every time 
Coyote rose, he called out and told everybody what he saw goin.., >u. This so greatly 
displeased the people, that he was speedily called down. The people then chose 
ijluk'wactilt, one of Coyote's sons, and placed him in the heavens. He gave great 

VOL. XLI. L 



14ti C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of tin' o/,v, </.;/<, of 

satisfaction, and so was allowed to remain. HaiyacenuQ is the present name of 

the sun. 

Skocnak-wiliq tatcuQap k'lanwict tEmqolanq. 

Stealing the fire from the Upper World. 

Once there was no fire, so all the people met together to discuss the problem 
of procuring the fire. They wonder how they can best get up into the Upper World. 
At last, it is determined to make a chain of arrows. Accordingly, an arrow is shot 
into the sky, but it would not stick fast. They all try one after another, to make 
their arrows stick, but fail till TsiskakEna, a certain bird, shot his arrows home, 
and left his last arrow suspended in such a way that the others could attacli theirs 
to it. Presently, the chain of arrows is complete, and they all climb up. When 
SkokiiwelHaq, the Snake, got up, they ask him what has happened to his friend 
Swarak'HEn, the Frog. He pointed with his hand to his stomach, and they 
conclude he must have swallowed him coming up the arrow chain. They now 
consult together as to the best method of procuring the fire. It is determined 
that StonuQ, the Beaver, should get into the water and be caught by the fire-people 
who were fishing at that time close by ; and that when he was being skinned 
MilakEnops, the Eagle, should fly over and attract the people's attention and draw 
them away from Beaver, who was then to seize the opportunity and make off with 
a portion of the fire. Accordingly, Beaver entered the stream where the fire-people 
were fishing, and allowed himself to be caught by them. They immediately took 
him home, and began to skin him. They had just cut open the skin at the breast 
when Eagle flew over and attracted attention. Everybody seized his bow and 
arrows, and followed after Eagle to try and bring him down. Beaver, seizing his 
opportunity, immediately jumped up, and placing some of the fire inside his skin, 
where it had been cut open, made off back to his companions, where he was 
presently joined by Eagle. There was great excitement now at the top of the 
ladder, as to who should get down first. In their pushing and striving the chain 
of arrows broke before they all got down, and some of them had to jump for it. 
Catfish fell into a hole and broke his jaw all to pieces. Kaikqiluq, the Sucker, 
struck his head and smashed all the bones, in consequence of which all the other 
animals had each to contribute a bone to give him a new head. Thus it is that the 
Catfish has such a peculiar mouth, and the Sucker such a peculiar head. 

It is interesting to compare this myth of the source of fire with that collected 
from the Thompsons. Alike in certain points, they are wholly unlike in others. 

How Coyote broi>;//if I hi- ^n/uum up the Columbia and its trilniUiri/ rircrs 

null titi-in/itx. 

Coyote was once going down the river (Columbia) when he was overtaken by 
a great wind storm, which nearly blew him off his feet. Thereupon he began to 
wisli that the wind would come still stronger and carry him along. Presently 
a great blast took him off his feet and carried him up into the air. When the 
wind began to slacken and he found himself falling he saw that he was over the 



British Columbia, </n interior div'isio/i of tltc Salisli stock. 147 

middle of the river. He immediately wished to become a wooden dish, which he- 
did, and floated down the stream. He came at length to a place where there was 
a salmon weir (stEmos). Now the people who owned this weir were birds 
(Uwitlawitlt). There were two of them, both women. In the morning when they 
went to the weir to get their salmon they saw this dish lodged against the frame- 
work. The younger woman cried out and said, " What a nice little dish ! I will 
take it home, it will just do for me." So she took it home and used it for eating 
her salmon out of. She left a large piece of salmon on the dish, while she and her 
Mstor went into the woods. When they came back it was all gone. They 
wondered what had happened to it. Said the elder, " I think you should throw 
that dish into the fire ; it may be Coyote." The younger sister then threw it into 
the fire, whereupon it cried out like a child. The cries so wrung the tender heart 
of the younger woman that she took it out again, saying, " He shall be my youngest 
brother." They take him up and feed him, and whenever they went away they 
tied him up for safety with a line. As soon as they had gone away Coyote would 
untie himself and go down to the weir and try to break it down. This state of 
things went on for several days, till at last Coyote had so weakened the weir that 
he could easily break it open whenever he desired. 

One day when the women had gone away and left him tied as usual, he 
determined to break the weir and get away. But the task took him longer than 
he thought it would, and the women returned before he had finished. When the 
women got home they saw that the child had untied himself and got away, and 
they went down to the weir to look for him. When they got there they saw that 
he had nearly destroyed their weir. They tried to stop him but could not. They 
struck at him with their digging sticks, but he covered his head and shoulders with 
their big horn spoon (ilak'ot), which he had taken with him, so that when they 
struck him he did not feel the blows, and went on with his work of demolition. 
In a short time the weir was broken down and the salmon came up the river. He 
walked along the banks of the river and the salmon followed him in the water. 
Whenever he camped he stopped the salmon by motioning to them. He took 
them up the river (Columbia) and came at length to the Falls. Here Wolverine 
lived with his daughters. Coyote took one of these to wife, and stopped the 
salmon here by making the Falls. He stayed here with Wolverine for some time, 
then he came up the Okanagan Eiver and brought the salmon with him. He also 
went some way up the Similkameen liiver to the camp of the mountain sheep 
(Ek'kwiluQkEn). They knew what he was doing but did not want the salmon , 
and told Coyote they did not want him or his salmon. This made him angry, and 
he said, " You will always have a good river, but no salmon will ever come up it." 
Thus it is that no salmon go up this river. Coyote then retraced his steps anil 
took the salmon up the Okanagan Eiver to the Falls and into all the streams of 
that part. Thus came the salmon. 

I have recorded several salmon myths of the Salish, and it is of interest to 
compare this with the others. 

L 2 



148 C. Hll,L TOUT. On the Ethnology of the Obm&keii of 

Myth of Skunk (cnikstia) and Fimcr (tcirtops). 

Skunk and Fisher lived together iu the same house, and went out hunting 
daily in the mountains. Now Chipmonk (K'ok'otsaweya) and King-bird (StEtak) 
lived with their grandmother in the same locality. Said their grandmother to 
them one day, " Go you now to the dwelling of Skunk and Fisher and hide 
yourselves under Fisher's bed, but don't have any dealings with Skunk ; keep away 
from him altogether." So the two girls went to the house of Skunk and Fisher 
as their grandmother had directed, and hid themselves under the latter's 
bed. They had no difficulty in distinguishing between the two beds. One was 
sweet and clean, the other was foul and yellow-stained. This latter they knew 
must be Skunk's, so they avoided it. Under each bed there was a kind of 
cupboard. They hid themselves in the one under Fisher's and waited there for 
the hunters to come home. Now it happened that Skunk came home first. The 
girls knew that it was Skunk by his smell and because he repeatedly discharged 
wind. The younger girl began to laugh. The elder sister chided her, telling her 
not to laugh at Skunk's vulgar noises. But she could not control herself and 
laughed aloud. Skunk heard the laughing and looked about to see who was there. 
He searched all round the dwelling but found no one. He went outside again and 
discharged wind a second time. Again the younger sister laughed aloud, and from 
the direction of the sound Skunk knew that the laughter was inside the dwelling. 
He returned to the house and made a careful search about his partner's bed and 
presently discovered the girls in the cupboard beneath it. Said he : " Which of us 
two men do you wish for husband ? " They replied, " We want Fisher." When 
Skunk heard this he said : " Why don't you take me ? I am the headman." After 
some persuasion the two girls were induced to accept Skunk as their husband 
Skunk placed them in his cupboard. Presently they heard Fisher coming home. 
As he walked he made a noise which distinguished him from Skunk. Said the 
elder sister to the younger, " That is the man we should have chosen, but because 
of your laughing we have got the wrong husband." Fisher came in and saw 
Skunk lying on his back doing nothing instead of cooking the supper. Said Fisher 
to him, " Why haven't you got supper ready as usual ? " 

Skunk replied : " You mistake ; I am not the cook ; I am the chief." Fisher 
tried to coax him to cook the supper, but he steadily refused, and Fisher had to 
prepare it himself. When the food was ready Skunk said to Fisher : " Let us put 
some food in our cupboards and see what will happen to it." Fisher thought this 
a strange trick, but agreed to do as Skunk suggested. Accordingly each put a 
platter of food in his cupboard beneath the bed. After a little while they opened 
the cupboards and took out the platters. Skunk's platter was empty, but Fisher's 
contained the food he had placed on it. When Fisher saw Skunk's empty plate 
lie was certain there was something wrong and made up his mind to investigate. 
So next morning Fisher loitered about the house instead of going off hunting as 
usual. Skunk did the same, and Fisher was sure from this that he was trying to 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Sa/ish stock. 149 

hide something from him. Fisher now tried to induce Skunk to start. Said 
Fisher to him, " I wish you would go and bring home the meat I killed yesterday. 
I am going to hunt in another direction to-day." Now Skunk was equally 
determined to stay behind, so he said, " All right, you go ahead ; I'll start 
presently. I have something I want to do first." But Fisher was not to be 
tricked in this way. Making as if to start, he took a big stone and rolled it away 
from the house in such a way that it sounded like a man walking off and hid 
himself between the layers of matting of the lodge. When Skunk thought Fisher 
was gone he took the girls out of his cupboard and began to laugh and sport with 
them. After a while he bade them go back into the cupboard again and started 
out to get the deer Fisher had killed the day before. When he was out of sight 
Fisher left his hiding place and went into the house. He took the girls out of 
Skunk's cupboard and asked them which of the two they had come for, he or 
Skunk. They tell him for himself and relate how the laughter of the younger had 
led to their discovery by Skunk. Said Fisher : " Never mind, we'll trick him yet." 
He now asks them where they lived. They tell him their dwelling was in a 
certain rock. Said he : " We'll go there, but first we'll burn down the lodge and 
go up through the smoke so that Skunk will not be able to trace us, for if Skunk 
should find our trail it will be all up with us." They fired the lodge and passed 
up into the air with the smoke and presently alighted on a great boulder on the 
side of the river. Now Skunk had met with very bad luck that day. He had cut 
up the deer and made up his pack of meat and started to climb the mountain on 
his way homeward, but when he was about half-way up his packing straps broke, 
and before he could recover his pack it had rolled to the bottom of the mountain 
again. This happened to him several times, and he began to think there was 
something wrong, and left his pack behind him and climbed the mountain without 
it. When he reached the top and looked in the direction of his lodge he saw 
nothing but a cloud of smoke. He rushed toward the spot only to find a heap of 
smoking ashes. 

Now it was his custom when he went hunting to leave his spatz 1 behind him. 
This had nearly been all burned ; only a small portion was left from the fire. He 
searched all round for tracks but could find none. Being thirsty he went down t 
the river to quench his thirst. As he stooped to drink he saw the reflection of 
Fisher and the two girls, who were seated on the boulder, in the water before him. 
He straightway squirted a stream of spatz at them in the water. He does this 
again and again, but to his surprise it takes no effect upon them. Presently he 
perceives that it is their reflection in the water that he has been squirting at. He 
now steals up to the upper side of the boulder and squirts his' spate at Fisher. 
It struck him on the toe and killed him. Thereupon he takes the girls down from 
the rock, and they pretend to be pleased to see him again. He now takes them to 
wife. He copulated with them all that day and into tl.o night, when he slept 
soundly from exhaustion. The girls now leave him and cause the rocks to rise 
1 The offensive yellow fluid which the skunk secretes for its defence against its enemies. 



1 ."'0 C. HILL TOUT. On tin' Ethnology of tin OkandJrfn of 

tip and encircle him : then they leave him and go home to their grandmother. 
AN' lieu Skunk awoke and tried to get out he found the hole so small that it was 
impossible for him to get through. The only way he could possibly get out was to 
take himself to pieces and put out one bit at a time. This he did and put himself 
out piece by piece till nothing but his sinhaHops (the bag in which he carried his 
*/>ftt~) remained. Xow Raven (yuEltEloq) had been watching him, and when he 
saw the sinhaHops coming through the hole he tried to steal it. But Skunk 
withdrew it in time to save it. Then he thought : " If I don't want Raven to steal 
it I must throw it out and rush after it quickly." He tried to do this, but Raven 
was too smart and got away with the sinhaHops before he could get out. Skunk 
now put himself together again and went after Raven. After travelling a long way 
he came upon a great gathering of people who were having great fun playing with 
his sinhaHops. When it rolled it looked like a great ball of fire. Skunk watched his 
chance to get near the ball, and presently when it came near where he was waiting 
lie rushed out and sat down quickly upon it and the sinhaHops fell into its place. 
He now went to the people's houses and squirted the spatz everywhere and killed 
many of the people. From here he went on to another settlement, and told the 
people there that he was travelling round with good news, and that if they would 
all come together and fasten the house up tight he would tell them the news. 
They did so and assembled together in great numbers and closed the house up tight 
even to the roof. Then Skunk squirted his apatz over them and killed them all in 
revenge. 

This happened a long time ago on the Okanagan River, where the rock upon 
which Fisher and the two girls alighted now stands. 

Coyote, His Four Sons anil the Grizzly Bear. 

Coyote had four sons, and the grizzly bear (Kelaiina) had several daughters. 
Coyote's eldest son said to his father, " I think I would like to go and ask Kelauna 
for his eldest daughter." " Very good," said Coyote, " you can go." So the son 
put on his quiver of arrows, took his bow and started off. When he got to 
Krliiuna's camp, the Mother Bear said to him, " I am very glad to see you. Come 
in, and go and sit down with your wife." Before he entered, he took off his quiver 
and laid it on the ground at the entrance. While the young man was inside with 
his wife the Mother Hear went outside, and stepping on the points of his arrows, 
broke them off. Presently she returned to the house and told the youth that a 
grizzly bear was on the hill across the river, and suggested that he should go and 
shoot it. Acting on her suggestion lie left his wife, entered his canoe and crossed 
the river after the bear. Before he started the mother spoke to him in this wise : 
" When you get across be sure to attack him from the base of the hill; don't climb 
the hill, and go beyond him." He promised to follow her instructions, and when 
he got near the bear, took out his arrows, and began to shoot at him. The bear 
fell down, and began rolling down the hill towards the youth, who continued 
shooting, thinking his arrows were piercing the bear each time. When the bear 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 151 

was close to the young man, he sprang up suddenly and killed him. He had 
merely feigned death, as none of the arrows had pierced him, their heads having 
been broken off by the old woman. Some time after the second son asked his 
father's permission to go and marry one of Kelaiina's daughters. Receiving his 
father's consent he set out for Kelauna's camp. He met with the same fate as his 
elder brother, as did likewise the third and fourth son. Each was tricked and 
killed in the same manner. 

Now, Coyote had a fifth son named SsSneuQ (Muskrat). He had been away 
from home for a long time undergoing his StcuEntcut (that is, seeking his personal 
totem). He was aware of his brothers' fate, having been informed thereof by his 
ScomEq (personal totem). He was making himself powerful to resist and overcome 
Kelaiina, and avenge his brothers. When he had finished his course and returned 
home he said to his father, " I will go and visit Kc-laiina, too. I don't think she 
will trick me." He took with him some extra arrow heads and fastening threads, 
and hid them on his person. When he arrived he laid aside his quiver, and having 
entered was bidden welcome by Kelai'ma and told to go and sit with his wife. 
Presently the old woman came running in, and asked him to go across the river 
and shoot a bear that was on the hill opposite. She gave him the same instruc- 
tions as she had given his brothers, but he had no intention of following them. 
When he got across the river lie retixed the points of his arrows with the spare 
heads he had brought with him, and instead of attacking the bear from the lower 
side as his brothers had done, he climbed beyond the bear and began to shoot him 
from above. Every one of his arrows went home, and the bear was killed. He 
rolled down the hill and lay at the bottom dead. Kelaiina had watched the whole 
proceedings, and saw the bear roll down the hill, followed by the youth. 

She was much disturbed by the failure of her stratagem, and determined to 
attack the young man herself as soon as he got across the river. Meanwhile she 
shouted to him to cut off the bear's head and bring it across to her. The young 
man did so, and put the head in his canoe, and started across. As he neared the 
bank Kelaiina pretended to be very pleased to see him coming back safe and 
sound, and went down to the edge of the water. When the canoe was near 
enough she put out her hand to seize it, but Muskrat upset it, and grasping the 
head of the bear, swam down the river with it, to his father's camp. 

Arriving there, he threw the head in the house, and continued on down 
the river. Coyote now perceived what had happened to his sons, and began to 
jeer at and taunt the bear's head. KC-laiina had followed after Muskrat and 
presently came near Coyote's house, and heard him insulting and making fun of 
her husband's head. Said she to herself, " I will pay you out for this, my friend." 
Coyote had prepared for the conflict he knew awaited him with the bear, and when 
Kelauna came in expecting to find Coyote, she saw nothing but her husband's 
head, and a heap of wriggling maggots. She did not care to disturb this. She 
looked around everywhere for the person who had been reviling her husband's 
head, but could see or find nobody. Presently she took the head and went away 



152 C. HlLl, TOUT. On tin' Ethnology of the Okunul-en of 

with it. She had gone but a little way, when Coyote appeared at his door and 
began to miscall and abuse her. Said he, " You think yourself a very smart 
woman, no doubt, when dealing with mere boys, but you are no match for a man 
like me." She instantly dropped the head, and ran at Coyote. 

He sprang aside, and rushed away as fast as he could, she after him. When 
he had got out of her sight he changed himself into a boulder, and when Kelauna 
came up to where she thought she had him, she could see nothing but a boulder, 
which in her rage she snapped and bit at so savagely that she broke off some of 
her teeth. In a little while she gave up the hunt, and started homewards again. 
She had gone but a little way when Coyote, assuming his proper shape, began to 
revile and abuse her again. She started after him a second time. He ran on till 
he crossed the brow of the hill, when he changed himself into a rose bush (skoq(E) 
witlp). Kelauna was running so fast that when she came up to the rose bush she 
could not stop herself, but ran right over it, and scratched her body rather badly. 
She still kept on, but had only got a little farther when Coyote, assuming his proper 
form, began to jeer and mock her again. He repeated these tricks again and 
again until he had thoroughly exhausted her, and she gave up the chase in disgust 
and returned to her own home. 

There are two points of particular interest in this myth. First the taking off' and 
leaving outside the quiver of arrows. We get here a genuine glimpse, uncon- 
sciously given in the recital, of an interesting custom in vogue among these tribes in 
earlier days. When paying a friendly visit a man must not go into his friend's house 
with his weapons upon him, but leave them outside. And secondly, the cutting 
off the bear's head. Kelauna wanted to secure the head of her husband, it being 
highly disrespectful to let the heads of slain game lie about in the woods. 

Among these tribes whenever a bear was killed its head was reverently and 
decorously placed in a tree or on a pole or rock so that it could not be disturbed or 
clawed by any other animal. If this were not done it was believed the bears 
would be angry and not let the hunter kill them again. Hence the wife's desire to 
secure her husband's head when she saw he was dead, and that his body belonged to 
the youth ; and hence the youth's taking it off with him so that she should not 
have it, and Coyote's insulting it. 

It is in such points as these that the chief value of these myths lies. In no 
other way now can we get real and genuine glimpses of the forgotten past. They 
are our only reliable record, and because of this it becomes of the highest importance 
to collect and record them while there is yet time and opportunity. The old 
people, who are the only reliable repositories of the tribal lore, are rapidly passing 
away, and in a few years none of them will be left, and our opportunity of securing 
these records at first hand will be lost to us for ever. 

Coyote and Fox. 

Coyote and Fox were once travelling together in winter on the ice. Now Fox 
had a tassel at the end of his tail which rang like a bell as he moved. Coyote 



British Columbia, an interior dicix/oii, of the Salish stock. 153 

very much desired to possess this tassel for himself and begged Fox to give it to 
him. Fox at first refused to part with it, but Coyote begged so persistently that 
Fox in the end gave him the bell-tassel. Said Fox, " You must not forget you are 
carrying it, and must follow the line of the river and not try to go across country 
with it." Then they parted. Coyote travelled a long distance following the 
windings and turnings of the river without striking anything with the bell-tassel. 
Presently he perceived some haws a little way up the bank, and being hungry 
determined to stop and get some. So he made for the bushes and rilled his 
stomach with the haws, but in moving among the bushes he dropped the bell- 
tassel. When he had finished his meal he started on his journey again, but the 
bell-tassel being fastened to his intestines these were dragged from him till he fell 
dead. Now Fox soon became aware of his condition and went after him. He 
presently found him and replacing the intestines restored him to life. Coyote 
endeavoured to persuade Fox that he had merely been asleep. " That's a lie," said 
Fox, " you lost the bell-tassel and had your intestines drawn from you, and I had 
to replace them and restore you to life." Coyote wanted the bell-tassel again, but 
Fox would not let him have it, whereupon Coyote got angry and went off by 
himself. 

The Lazy Boy. 
teternotl tE titiiet. 

There was once a boy who was very lazy and caused his father much trouble. 
One morning the father determined to move his camp and leave the boy behind. 
Now the boy had a bow and some arrows, and when he saw his parents preparing 
to move camp he placed his bow and arrows in the canoe. The father perceived 
the act, and when about to start he took the bow and arrows and placed them on 
the bank without the boy's knowledge. As they began to paddle the father asked 
the boy, " Where are your bow and arrows ? " " I put them in the canoe," replied 
the boy. He then looked for them but could not find them. Said the father to 
him, " I saw them just now on the bank by the camp ; you had better go back and 
get them." The boy jumped ashore and went back to the camp. The father 
thereupon paddled off and left the boy behind. Presently when he had found his 
bow and arrows and got back to the river's edge he saw that his parents had 
purposely gone away without him. He sat down and cried, wondering what he 
would do. Presently he determined to wander about till he died from starvation 
or till a grizzly bear found and devoured him. He set out to climb the mountain, 
and had not gone far when he met a she-bear with cubs. He lay down in her path 
and waited for her to come and kill him, but she turned aside and took another 
path. Seeing this he jumped up and ran and laid himself down again in the 
direction she was travelling. Again the bear and her cubs turned aside, and he 
had to repeat the manoeuvre many times before the bear came his way. The cubs 
discovered him first and cried out to the old bear, " Oh. mother, we have found 
a little brother." Said the old bear, " Leave him alone, it is only a worthless boy ; 



154 C. HlLL TOUT. On the EtliiinliHji/ of flu- Oknin'd-rn of 

that is why his parents have deserted him." But the cuhs begged and coaxed 
their mother to take the boy along with them. She consented to this conditionally. 
Said she, " If I let you take him home you must promise to carry water and wash 
him and keep him clean." They promised to do this and took the boy home with 
them. When they arrived the old bear took the boy and with her little finger 
ripped open his stomach, within which are seen all kinds of things, pots and pans 
and stones. Said the old bear to her cubs, " See, this boy has been in the habit of 
licking the cooking pots and pans and, stones, and this is the result. Go now, and 
get some water and wash him out." They fetch the water but had to go several 
times. The old bear then closed up his stomach, and he was well again. She 
then took his arrows, and having fixed them to her liking gave them back to the 
boy and bade him go forth and shoot game for his little sisters. So he went out 
and shot squirrels and chipmonks for the cubs. 

The boy remained with the bears all that summer and following winter. 
During the winter they lived in a house where they had plenty of food. In the 
spring when they were about to go out the old bear spoke thus to the boy : " You 
had better go back now to your parents ; you will find them in such and such 
a direction." So the boy set out and presently came upon the camp of his parents. 
They were very surprised to see him. Now before he left the old bear she told him 
he would be a great bear hunter and that the bear people would permit him to 
hunt and kill them so long as he avoided killing any cubs ; that if he disobeyed 
her instructions and killed young bear they would kill him. From this time on he 
became a great bear hunter and could always get fresh bear meat any time during 
the winter, for he had power to perceive the smoke as it ascended from the winter 
quarters of both black and grizzly bears. But he was careful never to kill a cub. 
Now his people noticed this, and once when they were out hunting and had killed 
a great many mature bears, they said to him, " Why don't you kill us a cub-bear 
sometimes ? They are more tender than the old bear." 

Many times they said this to him, and tried to induce him to kill cubs for them. 
One day being over-persuaded he promised to kill them some cubs. Not long after 
he came upon a bear with two cubs. He shot at the cubs and killed them, 
intending to let the old bear escape, but she straightway attacked him and quickly 
killed him, for he had lost his mystic power by killing young bear contrary to the 
instructions he had received. 

Tin' <! i'Hiiil-1'liilil ri'H nf I In- Mm' ,iln in Sheep. 

elekwetlkEn hesEn amemats. 

There was once a youth who had two sisters. Now he had reached the age of 
puberty and was undergoing his stcuEntcut, that is his preparation for the 
acquisition of his manitou. He used to go to a certain lake, strip fir branches 
off the fir trees, and dip them in the water and then draw them out again. When 
he drew them out there dropped from the tips not water but beads, stnnElstcut 
(Dentalia), of great value. The youth did this for several successive days and 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 155 

fathered ia this manner a great quantity of beads. He told no one what he was 
doing, not even his parents, who thought he was undergoing his stcuEntcut. His 
two sisters were accustomed to play a little way from the house, and had been 
instructed by their parents not to follow their brother or worry him in any way. 
But they grew curious to know where he went and what he did, and determined to 
find out for themselves. So one morning they followed him. They hid themselves 
in id watched till he went home. Then they went to his store of beads and took 
some of them and trimmed their dolls with them. Next day when the brother 
went back to the lake he discovered that some one had been there and had taken 
some of his beads. He came home early and watched his sisters go to the lake 
and take some more of his beads. He then went to his mother and told her that 
his sisters had followed him and pried upon his actions. He advised moving the 
camp and leaving the girls behind as a punishment for their disobedience. The 
whole camp then moved before the girls returned, first destroying all the fire- 
places and putting out all the fires. In the evening when the girls got back they 
found the camp deserted, the people all gone, and the fires dead out ; nothing was 
left but one small dog tied to a boulder at which it scratched from time to time. 
The girls realising their forsaken condition were greatly distressed and cried much, 
but presently, observing the action of the little dog, began to wonder why he 
scratched at the boulder. Finally one of them went over and rolled the boulder 
aside. As she did so a large hole was disclosed. She looked down this and 
perceived her people far down. But the girls could not follow after them because 
tliei'e was nothing by which they could climb down. They cry and cry to their 
parents to take them down. Finally the mother tells their brother to take pity 
on them and go and fetch them down. He said he would if they would lie 
obedient for the future. They promise. He then went up to fetch them. Said 
he : " You come with me ; I will carry you down, one under each arm, but you 
must be sure to keep your eyes shut." When partly down they opened their eyes 
and immediately they were pulled back to the top again. Said he: "If you want 
to get down you must keep your eyes closed until I tell you to open them." 
Twice and thrice he endeavours to take them down, but each time they open their 
eyes and are brought back to the top again. After the third time he said to them: 
" It is no use to try and take you down, you will not keep your eyes closed ; you 
had better go and live with your grandmother." He then instructs them in what 
direction they should travel. Said he : " It will take you some days to get there and 
you must be careful not to eat any stale food that may be offered to you on the way." 
They set out on their journey and presently come to a river, on the opposite side of 
which they perceive a camp. They cry out for some one to come and ferry them 
over. A man came out and called to them saying : " My bark canoe is broken, 
but you will find a fording place a little way down the river." Now this man was 
Seagull (snuspEpasas) and he knew that the girls were com'-ij and was intending 
to trick them. He had by him an old deer-hide, and by making his nose bleed 
and smearing the blood over the hide he made it look like a green hide. The 



156 0. HILL TOUT. On th? Ethnology of the Qlamiiken of 

girls, following his instructions, soon found the ford and crossed over the river. 
They go back to the house of Seagull and ask him which road they should take to 
reach their grandmother. When they arrive Seagull invites them in and instructs 
them as to their course. He also sets before them a large horn-spoon full of 
grease. The elder sister poked the younger with her elbow and told her not to 
eat any. But while the elder sister talked with the man the younger dipped her 
finger in the spoon and took some of the grease. Presently they left and went on 
their course. "When they had gone a little way the man called after them and 
said : " If it be a boy save it, if a girl drown it." By this remark the elder sister 
knew that the younger had taken some of the grease. After they had travelled 
some time they came to a level piece of land. Said the elder sister to the younger, 
" I will jump four or five times and you must follow, after taking-care to step in my 
tracks." She did so, but the younger sister failed to tread in her tracks, and gave 
birth to a child before she had covered the distance ; it was a boy. The elder 
sister now shouted back to the man and reviled him and bade him come and fetch 
her sister. She went on alone. The man now took the younger sister and her 
child back with him. Now the elder carried with her a basket (pena) and a root 
digger (pitca). She hung the basket on a tree and sat down to rest. 

Now Lynx (wapwopHEn) knew that the girl was travelling that way and sent 
his brother Rabbit (S'pEpEliiia) with a piece of fat to give the girl something to 
eat ; this fat was real deer's fat. When Rabbit came up to her he found her 
asleep. He put the fat in her basket and returned before she had any know- 
ledge of his presence. When she got up next morning and had washed herself 
she took down her basket to get something to eat. She immediately detected the 
lump of fat the Rabbit had put in the basket. She examined and compared it 
with the grease she had brought with her. She then took a piece of the new fat 
and threw it on the fire to see how it would burn. She did the same with a 
piece of her own fat, and found that both burnt alike. She sat down debating 
with herself whether she should eat the new fat or not, but recalling what had 
happened to her sister she determined to take no chances in the matter and threw 
the whole lump into the fire. She then made her breakfast from her own piece of 
fat and went on her way. 

Now when Lynx had given the lump of fat to Rabbit he had told him it was 
for his sister-in-law. When Rabbit was on his way back he thought he would 
like to see what kind of a woman his sister-in-law was. So he hid under a log 
and waited for the girl to come up. When the girl stepped over the log Rabbit 
laughed and said : " I saw something white." The girl took her root digger and 
struck llabbit with it but only just brushed his nose. Rabbit then ran off home. 
When he arrived he held his nose in his hand. " What's the matter with you ? " 
said Lynx. " Oh I I fell down," said Rabbit, "and hurt my nose." But Lynx 
suspected he was lying and said : " I told you to deliver the fat and come straight 
back." 

In the meantime the girl had continued on her way, and all at once she heard 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Su/islt stock. 157 

something knocking. Going towards the sound she came upon her grandmother, 
who was splitting firewood. The girl advanced slowly and sat down on the log. 
The old woman did not see the girl, but her weight on the log made a difference 
in the sound of the blows. She looked up to see what caused it, and saw the girl 
sitting on the log, and knew her for her grandchild. The girl told her grandmother 
all that had befallen her. 

Now the old woman desired to get her granddaughter home without any of 
the people of the village knowing of her arrival. So she took a quantity of wood, 
and, placing the girl in the middle of it, thus managed to get her to her house. 
But it was not very long before her presence in the village became known, and 
whenever the old woman left her house it became necessary for her to securely 
fasten the entrance. Every young man in the village wanted to secure the maid, 
and the old grandmother had the greatest difficulty in putting them off. The old 
woman kept her thus secluded for some time. One day, however, she had to go 
to a distant point, and in her absence that crafty youth Lynx stole round to her 
dwelling and, climbing on to the roof, peeped in and saw the girl lying asleep. 
Her mouth was against one of the rafters, and perceiving this he urinated on the 
rafter, and a drop of the urine ran down the rafter and fell into her mouth. 
Thereupon he left and went away. As time passed by the girl found herself with 
child, and when the old woman perceived her condition she was very angrv, and 
reproached the girl bitterly. The girl denied all knowledge of the affair, declaring 
she had never known any man, and had no knowledge of the man responsible for 
her condition. In due time she gave birth to a man child. Some time after the 
grandmother gave a great feast to celebrate his birth, and invited the whole village 
to be present. After they had eaten their fill, the child was passed round among 
them, each one taking him in his arms and fondling him. The last to take him 
was Owl (sneua). As soon as he took him, he put him into his basket and stole 
off home with him. When the child was missed they followed Owl's trail, and 
after many days they carne to where he abode. Now Owl was a very powerful 
man, and the people were afraid to go to his house. The child had now grown to 
a big boy, and daily went out hunting. They determined, therefore, to watch 
which way he went, and when he was alone to accost and reveal themselves to him. 
This they did, and called to him one day. When he heard himself called he 
stopped in his tracks, and turned sideways to see who called him. They bid him 
come to them, but he answers : " Not so ; 0\vl is a very strong man, and we must 
fool him if I am to escape. To-morrow I will send him far off after some deer I 
have killed, and while he is away we must make off." 

The plan was thus carried out ; but when Owl was returning with the meat 
he noticed the boy's tracks of the day before, and wondered why he had stopped 
and turned sideways, and suspected that something was wrong and hastened home. 
Not finding the boy there he searched for his tracks, and h:w ing found them set 
out hastily after him. 

Now not far from the Owl's house was a river which was crossed by a log. 



158 C. HILL TOUT. On Hit Ethnology of the Okan&ken of 

At! or the boy and his friends had crossed the river by means of the log they made 
an arrangement with the woodworms to eat into the log so that when Owl passed 
over it would give way beneath him and throw him into the water. They also 
arranged with the crabs that when he fell into the river they would hold him down 
under water till he was drowned. Then they waited to see what would happen. 
Presently Owl came to the river, and asked them how they had got over. They 
say, "On the log." Owl then jumped on the log, and stamped on it to see that it 
was safe. They assure him it is quite safe ; that they have just passed over 
themselves. Thinking it all right, he attempted to cross the log ; but when he 
reached the middle it broke under him, and he was thrown into the water, where 
he was seized by the crabs and held under. His struggles could be seen from the 
bank, and for a moment his hand appeared above the water, but the crabs held him 
down till he was drowned. Everybody is now very glad, and they continue on 
their journey till they come to a lake. Xow the weather was very warm, and the 
boy wanted to take a swim in the lake. His mother warned him not to go far 
out ; but when he was once in the water he enjoyed it so much that he began to 
swim far out. They call to him to come back. He replied : " No, I don't want to ; 
I love to swim." Presently he dived, and when he came up he was changed to a 
loon. 

Fisher and Martin. 
Tcirt5ps natl pepk'us sin tceoksiluq. 

Fisher and Martin were brothers and lived together. Fisher was the elder 
and always went out hunting daily. Said he to his younger brother : " You gc > 
and hunt squirrels and chipmonks in this direction only ; I will take the other." 
Martin did as he was told for some time. But one day he wondered why his 
brother had told him not to go up the hill but had instructed him always to go down. 
He determined to change his route and one day take the up-hill course. So OIK; 
morning he set off up-hill to learn what the country was like up there. Presently 
he came upon a camp and was greatly surprised, not knowing that other people 
lived so close to them. He went forward to find out who it was who lived 
there. When he got inside he perceived a woman sitting down busily sewing. 
She. invited him to sit on the opposite side of the fire. Now over the fire hung 
a quantity of dried meat. When he had been seated a little while she got up and 
stirred the fire, and then reached up and took down some of the dried meat and 
p.issed it over the fire to the boy, bidding him to eat as much as he wished. 
Martin now rose upon his feet and held out both his hands across the fire to take the 
meat. The woman thereupon grasped his hands in hers and pulled him into the 
fire, and held him there till his face was badly scorched, and then thrust him out of 
the dwelling, saying : " I don't want any of your kind visiting here." Martin lay 
awhile where she had thrown him, then picked himself up and went back home. 

He hid himself from his elder brother between the mats of the lodge, and 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 159 

when Fisher came home he was surprised to find his brother absent and no fire 
ready for him. He called aloud and said, " Martin, where are you ? " The younger 
In-other repeated the words softly like an echo. Fisher hearing this looked about 
him to see where the sound came from. " Where are you ? " called he again. 
" Where are you ?" Martin echoed back. Call and echo thus went on for some 
time till Fisher had located the sound and discovered his younger brother hidden 
between the mats and pulled him out. 

He caught sight of the burnt face and knew in a moment what had happened. 
Said he to Martin, " Did I not warn you not to go up the hill to hunt ? See what 
trouble your disobedience has brought upon you." 

Then Fisher spat upon his brother's face and with his hands endeavoured to 
smooth out the skin, but many of the wrinkles remained in spite of his efforts, and 
thus it is that the Martin's face is creased and wrinkled to this day. 

Some days later Fisher said to Martin, " We'll go and punish that woman for 
burning your face." So they went up the hill together to her lodge. Fisher 
asked the woman to come to their lodge with them ; she was delighted at the offer 
and made ready to go at once. Presently she returned with them, and they all 
lived together for some time. Now she was a Deer-woman. In course of time a 
child was born to her. Now she was fond of swimming and bathing and had her own 
bathing place. Fisher instructed her never to swim far from the shore as it was 
dangerous. Now not far from where she used to bathe there was a log sticking up 
out of the water, and one day the woman thought she would swim out to this log 
and rest upon it. So she swam to the log and climbed upon it, forgetting the 
warning Fisher had given her. She had no sooner got upon the log than it sank 
below the water, taking her down with it. 

That night when Fisher and Martin came home from their hunting they H;I\V 
the woman was absent and set off to look for her. They came presently to her 
bathing place and found her child crying all alone on the beach. They try to 
comfort the child and stop its crying, but all with no effect. Finally they take it 
to a poplar grove near by and lay it on its back. The wind played among the 
leaves, moving them in such a manner as attracted the child's attention and 
stopped its crying. Then said Fisher to the infant, " Hereafter the young of your 
people will be born in a poplar grove." And thus it is that the deer always retire 
to the poplar groves to give birth to their young. 

Fisher now said to his brother Martin, " We must go and look for my wife." 
So they took a white pine bark canoe and paddled along the lake for some distance 
till they met another canoe coming towards them. In this canoe were two fish- 
boys named respectively Tcuktcin and Nenk'utcin. Fisher asked the boys where 
they had come from. They replied, " From the Great Chief's house, and we are 
going to get some food for the Chief's new wife." When Fisher heard this 
he questioned the boys particularly of their mode of life, and what they did and 
how they lived. The boys told them of the Chief's home and how they lived and 
that they themselves were the wood and water gatherers, and had now become the 



ICO C. HILL TOUT. On the Ethnology of the OkanAken of 

caretakers of the Chiefs new wife. When she took her exercise in the evening 
they went with her so that she might not get lost or run away, and that it 
was their custom to leave their canoe some little distance from the shore and 
jump to land from it. When Fisher had gathered all the information he desired 
he promptly killed the two boys, stripped them of their clothing, and put it upon 
himself and his. brother. Then they went to the camp of the Chief of the Fishes 
and began to perform the duties of the two fish-boys whose characters and dress 
they had assumed. The first time they went ashore they tied the canoe a little 
distance from the bank and essayed to jump ashore as the fish-boys did. Fisher 
landed all right but Martin jumped short and dragged one leg through the water. 
The Fish people, who were looking on, laughed at his mishap and said, " What is 
the matter with you this morning ? You seem to have forgotten how to jump." 
Eeplied Martin, " I have a cramp in my leg to-day." They managed, however, to 
pass themselves .off as the fish-boys and performed their allotted tasks without 
exciting suspicion. In the evening they were bidden to take the woman out for an 
airing. Said they to her at the first opportunity, " We are your husband and 
brother." " Yes," replied she, " I know ; I recognised you immediately." They 
then planned to escape. Said the woman, " The Fish-Chief is a very powerful man 
and we must be careful." " I know that quite well," replied Fisher, " you only do 
what I instruct you and we shall beat him. You must keep him awake till mid- 
night and then he will sleep very soundly and will not easily wake." So that 
night she kept the Chief from going to sleep till far into the night, and when at 
length he fell asleep from pure exhaustion, it became a safe and simple matter for 
Martin and Fisher to creep up and cut his head off without disturbing the rest of 
the camp. Then they stole out of the camp taking the Chief's head with them. 
They continued on their way without stopping for the rest of the night. At day- 
break the fish people awoke and presently perceived the blood and dead body of 
their Chief. For a time they wondered what could have happened, but when they 
perceived that the woman and the two boys were missing and also the Chief's head, 
they guessed what had occurred and set out immediately in pursuit of the fugitives. 
Fisher and his brother were paddling along steadily with the woman when they 
discovered that a large canoe was quickly overhauling them. All three set to 
work to paddle as hard as they could, but paddle as they would they could make 
no headway against the larger canoe, and the water, moreover, was getting rougher 
each moment and threatened to swamp their canoe. Said Fisher, " We must give 
up the head of the Chief or we shall be drowned or taken." With that he threw the 
head overboard. Immediately the water became calm and quiet, and when the 
pursuing canoe arrived at the spot where the head had been thrown in they 
stopped and tried to recover it. They selected Turtle (Arcikcj) and Frog (SwarfuiEn) 
to dive for it. Both dived down and remained at the bottom for some time but 
came back without the head. Turtle complained of the cold and said he was 
chilled both back and front and could not go any deeper, and Frog said he could not 
stand it any longer his logs were so benumbed. So the others got some paint and 



British Columbia, an interior division of the Salish stock. 161 

some bone. With the paint they painted Frog's legs and with the bone they covered 
Turtle's back and front so that they could withstand the cold. Frog and Turtle then 
went down again and after a',while returned to the surface with the Chief's head. 
Thus it is that the Turtle wears armour to this day and the Frog's legs are painted 
red. 



VOL. XLI. 



162 



NOTES ON SOME NIGERIAN TRIBAL MARKS. 

BY MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE, B.A., F.R.G.S. 

[WITH PLATES XXII, XXIII.] 

DURING 1908 and 1909 I measured over a hundred Hausas at Jemaan Daroro 
(Nassarawa Province, N. Nigeria) at least they said they were Hausas. It is 
almost impossible to say exactly what a Hausa is now, for he is admittedly a 
mixture of mixtures, 1 and the wearers of the markings given below probably 
represent the average of the people at present except where the contrary is 
noted. Many others presented themselves for examination, but only those who 
could speak the language, and were able to state that both parents were Hausas, 
and were " passed " by some of my men were accepted. Even so, I have no doubt 
that the markings of some of these will show their Hausa blood to be of very recent 
infusion, and I trust that those who know the Hausas better than I do will be 
good enough to identify them, remembering, of course, that several tribes, although 
widely divergent in other respects, may have similar markings if these consist of 
a few lines only. 2 Nothing seems to have been done in the way of systematising 
the markings at any rate not in Nigeria and these notes are written in the 
faint hope of initiating the process ; they are thus more likely to extract 
information than to impart it. 

A knowledge of marks might be very useful in certain circumstances, for they 
often indicate a man's special qualifications as well as the tribe to which he belongs ; 
thus a river-dweller would be able to paddle and swim, an inhabitant of the desert 
might know of donkey or camel transport, a Low-Filani would understand the man- 
agement of cattle, a man of Jemaa possibly mat-making, and a native of Kano perhaps 
leather or brass work. But sometimes a noted character will try to obliterate 
his marks ; others add special ones as charms to bring good luck, as personal 
ornaments, or for the purpose of relieving or preventing pain, and it is just possible 
that cuts made at random at first may have developed into a stereotyped pattern 
when successful in such an object. Others, again, may be enslaved, and, if young 
enough, be given the markings of the master's tribe. Lastly, smallpox may play 
havoc with the designs, so absolute dependence cannot be placed upon them. Still, 
the marks are usually a sure guide to identification. 

With regard to the accompanying figures, I ought perhaps to say that the 
numbers in my field-book have been retained for purposes of easy reference, and 
also because more particulars will be published later. The outlines of the faces, 
etc., are not intended to represent faithfully the actual features ; they are merely to 

1 See The Niger and the Wet Sudan, pp. 51-64. 

2 In fact, even when the lines are numerous, as is the case with the Kagoro, Moroa, Kajji 
and other tribes. 



MAJOR A. J. N. TREMKAKNE. Notes on Nigerian Tribal Marks. 163 

show the position of the marks. These have been reproduced as much like the 
originals as possible, even the mistakes being shown, but no attempt has been made 
to draw them exactly to scale. The women are mostly like No. 64. 

Tribal marks generally are known by the Hausas as zani, they are usually 
mere simple cuts, but the akanza has blue pigment, and sometimes charcoal is 
rubbed in. Keskestu are small dots in parallel lines, kaffo are lines of short 
perpendicular cuts representing horns ; other names are noted as they occur. In 
addition to the cuts, the women paint lines on their faces, known as katambirri, at 
times of feasts, special visits, etc., but it is doubtful if there are any strictly defined 
designs. Sometimes lightish coloured spots are noticed on the chest and back, 
called kasbi, which are said to appear just before puberty, and to be a sign of a 
lustful nature. 

The lips arc in most cases large and everted, but sometimes they do not 
" pout " so much as our own, having more an appearance as if the tips had been 
shaved straight across. It has not been considered necessary to state in detail 
where this occurred. 

The nose is often like ours, but mostly broad and flat 

I have occasionally noticed that the top of the nead was flat, and was told 
that this was due to the carrying of loads in childhood tiny mites, hardly able to 
toddle, are often seen with pots of water. Sometimes the forehead (and even all 
round the head) was very much wrinkled from the same cause. The carriers told 
me that anyone who carried too heavy a load for any length of time would sicken 
and die. I have seen several men said to be ill from this cause, and they seemed 
to waste away gradually, without showing visible signs of any disease. 

No. 1, Awudu, had no marks. Both parents from Zaria. 

No. 2, Momo, had an arrow on each side of his neck ; this is very common. 
Straight, European features. Parents from Kano. 

No. 3, Mohamma, had the first figure outside each eye, and the second (a 
conventionalised lizard) on each side of his neck. The latter is said to be a charm 
to attract prostitutes, and is called kwanchc da masoye (sleeping with the one 
desired). Mohamma also had a lizard on each upper arm and rows of small cuts, 
kaffo, on his back. Both parents from Girku (Zaria). 

No. 4, Alii, had a short line, InUe, 1 on the left cheek slanting downwards from 
the middle of the nose, and a pattern on his chest and abdomen. Parents from 
Zamfara and Zaria respectively. 

No. 5, Adamu, had a very much decorated face ; there were five long lines on 
the right cheek, six on the left, the bille again appears, and three short cuts between 
each eye and the nose. The lines yam ba(i)ki 3 on each side of the mouth -are 
common, though the number is more often three or nine, but the catherine-wheel 

1 Also called sliatanni. 

2 Tare or Yam (n changes to in before b) the plural of da and dia means "children of," 
" young ones of," etc., hence " children of the mouth." 

M 2 



164 MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE. Notts on 

(dan tali, " cow-pat," said to denote ownership of cattle) on each cheek is very 
unusual. The ahdomen 1 had a pattern, yan chikki (stomach), of triangles. Parents 
from Kano. 

No. 6, Abdulahi, had a succession of short lines inside five long ones on the 
face (and a billc as in 4). The triangles around the navel are hardly recognisable, 
and four lines are here used instead of three. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 7, Alhassan, has a long line down the forehead which seems to indicate 
Filani blood somewhere, though the bearer denied it. The mark is not so deeply 
cut as with the Ijo in Southern Nigeria, and was, I was told, optional. Parents 
from Bauchi and Kano respectively. 

No. 8, Mohamma, had a Hausa father and a Nupe mother. No marks. 

No. 9, Suli, had these patterns, kafa?iyo, outside the eyes ; that on the left 
{right side of head) was done early and badly the other shows the true form. 
Very straight forehead and face ; hardly any lobes to ears. Both parents from 
Kano. 

No. 10, Mai ; ro (possibly a corruption of Miriamu or Miriam), a woman, had 
these behind each eye. They are very common, and are called akanza. Very flat 
nose. Parents from Zaria and Bauchi respectively. 

No. 11, Kumatu, a woman, had this on each of the mammas and abdomen. 
These were said to be abuiya (friendship) marks, but I could not understand exactly 
what this meant. There were, no doubt, other marks beneath the navel, but as she 
was clothed I did not see them. Parents from Zaria and Gobir respectively. 

No. 12, Ibrahim, showed a somewhat unusual pattern on the abdomen. Both 
parents from Kano. 

No. 13, Gareba, had a bille on the left cheek ; abdomen as here shown. Both 
parents from Zaria. 

No. 14, Adamu, had a short straight line, yar goshi, down the forehead, like 
No. 7, but not reaching to the nose, also three yam ba(i)ki on each side. These 
yan chikki show the commonest pattern, except that four lines instead of three are 
used once on each side. Very pointed nose. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 15, Gareba, was a very much " marked " man, there being fourteen lines 
on each cheek and fifteen on the forehead. The chest and abdomen show no 
triangles. There was a slight epicanthus in the left eye, and both were somewhat 
fish-shaped. Lower part of nose sticking straight out ; very prominent lips. Both 
parents from Bakura. 

Nos. 16-20 were not Kansas. 

Nos. 21 and 22 had no marks. Eyes of 21 very narrow and slanting down 
towards nose ; forehead straight. Features of 22 very sharp. Both parents from 
Takai (Kano) in the first case and from Ganza (Kano) in the second. 

No. 23, Awudu, had five long lines on each cheek from high up on the head 
to the chin. Both parents from Buje (Kano). 

1 The black dot represents the position of the navel. 



some Nigerian Tribal Marks. 165 

No. 24, Awudu, had three short lines between each eye and the nose like 
No. 5. He said that they were not tribal marks. Ears almost square but with 
prominent lobes. Both parents from Audil (Kano). 

No. 25, Ahmadu, had a yar goshi (forehead) like No. 14. He said it was 
merely ornamental. Prominent chin. Both parents from Sokoto. 

No. 26, Gareba, had the Mile. Nose very short, and thick at point ; very long 
upper lip. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 27, Idi, shows a very elaborate pattern of yam ba(i)ki. The bearer had a 
Mongolian cast of features, with slanting and narrow eyes. Nose almost the same 
breadth all the way down. Both parents from Uti (Kano). 

No. 28, Ibrahim, had three yam ba(i)ki and a bille. Front of head high and 
straight like a wooden post ; very snub nose. Both parents from Kibia (Kano). 

No. 29, Bako, had yam ba(i)ki and an akanza on each side, and also six small 
squares underneath and outside each eye, known as tsuguna lea chi doiya (" squat 
and eat yams "), and as their name implies being a charm to obtain plenty of 
food. Both parents from towns in Kano, Magammi and Falali respectively. 

No. 30, Sambo, had two lines farther back from the mouth, and much broader 
than the usual yam ba(i)ki. Very wide span, 1908, as against a height of 1755 mm. 
Both parents from Daura. 

No. 31, Mohamma, had two rows of four cuts outside the eye and four yam 
ba(i)ki on each side. He also had a short cut down the forehead, which, he said, 
was to prevent headache. The eye marks he called daure, and said that they 
had been done on reaching puberty. Upper lid of right eye quite straight, only 
about half of iris showing. Both parents from Dutoi (Kano). 

No. 32, Ba-ka-Dauji, had three lots of three, uku uku, and five yam ba(i)ki. 
Both parents from Girku (Zaria). 

No. 33, Usuman, had three short cuts in front of each ear and three yam ba(i)ki. 
Both parents from Kano. 

No. 34, Tanko, had three cuts outside and level with each eye. Thick, hooked 
nose. Both parents from Bogwai (Kano). 

No. 35, Awudu, a short cut from lower lip to chin, and an akanza on each side. 
Both parents from Kano. 

No. 36, Gareba, had a bille. Very round eyes. Both parents from Arechifa 
(Zaria). 

Nos. 37 and 38 were not Hausas. 

No. 39, Gareba, had a bille. Snub nose. Both parents from Kumuria (Kano). 

No. 40, Ahmadu, had a very thin bille and yan chikki, as shown. Very small 
mouth, Roman-shaped nose. Parents from Tof'a and Yelwa (Kano) respectively. 

No. 41, Abdu, had nine thin lines half above and half outside each eye, eight 
thick lines on the right cheek, six on the left and numerous small marks on the 
left side of the chest and abdomen, yam bille. There once were similar marks on 
the right side also in all probability, but they were too faint to be distinguished. 
Abdu said that the marks 011 the face were those of Gobir, but that his 



166 MAJOR A. J. N. TKKMKAHXE. Notes on 

parents came from Katsina and Sokoto respectively. Ears quite straight at the 

top. 

No. 42, Haruna, had no marks. Both parents from Farachi (Banchi). 
No. 43, Awudu, had no marks on his body, but his face showed the pattern 
given here. Both parents from Zaria. 

No. 44, Baba, had what he called babba goro on the left side of the body below 
the waist, none on face. These, he said, were to relieve stomachache. Both 
parents from Zakua (Kano). 

No. 45, Yaro, had no tribal marks, but nine cuts under the left nipple to 
relieve pain because it swelled. Very pointed nose. Both parents from Zaria. 

No. 46, Moharnma, had a kallango outside the left eye and a long, horizontal 
billc. There is a pattern on the chest resembling that of No. 15. Both parents 
from Kano. 

No. 47, Bello, had faint yam ba(i)ki and two plainer marks like No. 30 on each 
side of mouth, and there was a strange pattern around the navel also ; one would 
think that the bearer had tried to obliterate his old marks by adding those of 
another tribe. Parents from Kano and Zaria respectively. 

No. 48, Awudu, had three yan uku uku outside each eye. Eyes slanting 
slightly, and long and narrow. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 49, Yusufu, had the yar goshi to cure headache. Very fine large eyes, 
like No. 14. 

No. 50, Mohamma, had a number of them, very faint. Very flat face, features 
hardly projecting at all. Parents from Kano and Munkure in the first case, from 
Katsina, i.e., Dokota and Madunka, in the second. 

No. 51, Balla, had three lots of yam la(i)ki of five lines each on both sides of 
the mouth ; the other cuts were too numerous to count. He said that both his parents 
were Hausas from Kora (Kano), but that he bad been caught and enslaved by 
Ningi people, and that they had made these marks, obliterating his own. 

No. 53, Barau, had five horizontal lines on the left side of his mouth and six 
on the right, kumbu. Balloon-shaped head. Both parents from Bauchi. 

No. 54, Ahmadu, had the ordinary shaped yam ba(f)ki, but of five lines each. 
Parents from Kano and Gwazo. 

No. 55, Ahmadu, had no marks on the face except a dan taki on each cheek 
like No. 5, but there were four rows of cuts on his abdomen, to prevent internal 
bleeding, so he said. Both parents from Bauchi. 

No. 56, Musa, had three lots of ynm ba(i)ki (he, however, called them lemu) of 
five lines each, like No. 51, but no other decoration on the face. There was a 
pattern above the navel something like the lower half of No. 15, but it was too 
faint to be distinguished properly. Very high bridge to nose. 

No. 57, Jibirim, had three lines outside each eye and a pattern around the 
navel as here shown. Very prominent forehead, head bulging to left side. Both 
parents from Kano. 

No. 58, Umoru (a cross), had four lots of three cuts around the navel and 



some Nigerian Tribal Marks. 167 

another above ; none on face. These he said were Buzu marks, his grandfather 
being of that tribe. Both parents from Geso (Kano). 

Nos. 59, Yusufu, and 60, Awudu, had no marks. The former had a very 
pointed and turned up nose ; parents from Girku (Zaria) and Babeji (Kano). 
Awudu's parents from Zaria and Anchori (Zaria). 

No. 61, Mohamma, had a bille and four yam ba(i)ki. Very fish-shaped eyes 
(particularly the right), and very shield-shaped head. Both parents from Birniii 
Kuddus (Kano). 

No. 62, Musa, had no marks on the face, but there was a pattern on the 
abdomen very badly done. Both parents from Kura (Kano). 

No. 63, Awudu, had no marks. Eyes very narrow, and inner edges pulled 
down showing a red line parallel with nose. Jaw very much forward. Both 
parents from Girku. 

No. 64, Gude (wife of No. 65), had a very ornamental mouth, with even more 
cuts than No. 27, and there were lines beneath the lower lip, a bille and six rows 
of four above the nose. The chest and abdomen were also decorated, the pattern 
here showing as far as the clothes would permit. Skin extremely soft and velvety. 
Hear edge of ears very perpendicular* Both parents from Anchari (Kano). 

No. 65, Balarabe, 1 had a bille and the usual form of yam ba(-i)ki, but with an 
embroidery around it. There was a simple pattern on the abdomen. Eoman- 
shaped nose. Both parents from Zaria. 

Nos. 66 and 67, Mohamma and Umoru, had no lines on face, but some 
around the navel as here shown. Umoru had a face like Puck, hardly any nose, 
nostrils like bulldog's ; lower lip so much everted that teeth showed. Both parents 
from Bella (Bauchi) in the first case, from Gaya (Kano) in the second. 

No. 68, Aliu, had only three small perpendicular cuts about half-way between 
nipples and navel. Both parents from Birnin Kuddus (Kano). 

No. 69, Musa, had four lines on each side resembling the kumbu of No. 53, 
but slightly lower than the mouth and called ya taki. European nose. Both 
parents from Bauchi. 

No. 70, Musa, had three yam ba(i)ki, and also an indistinct pattern on his 
abdomen. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 71, Ibrahim, had a bille. Upper lip very prominent. Both parents 
from Kano. 

No. 72, Ibrahim, had nothing on the face, but there was a pattern on the 
abdomen surmounted by cuts to give relief from (?) stomachache. Upper part of 
ears pointed ; almost diamond shaped and perpendicular ; eyes very small slits. 
Both parents from Igabi (Zaria). 

No. 73, Salifu, had a bille on the right side, possibly indicating good birth 
(it does in Gobir, I believe). Very oblong head. Parents from Kura and Ka(r)rifi 
(Kano) respectively. 

1 " Born on a Wednesday," not " Son of an Arab," or of a stranger. 



168 MAJOR A. J. K TREMEARNE. Notes on 

No. 74, Kullamu or Musa had two rows of uku itku outside each eye like 
No. 31 but double, and haka(r)rika(r)rin kifi (" ribs of fish ") in place of a Ulle 
to the right side of the nose for the purpose of attracting women. He also had 
tsuguiia ka chi doiya like No. 29. Eyes very fish-shaped ; nose fairly straight, but 
showing nostrils. Both parents from Ringi (Kano). 

No. 75, Awudu, had three short perpendicular cuts under each eye, a Ulle and 
three yam ba(i)ki. (See bottom of Plate II.) Nose 109'99. White spots (hakia) 
in pupils of eyes which are said to usually cause blindness. Parents from Tofaand 
Kimin Gado (Kano) respectively. 

No. 76, Dawuda, had a double kalango on each side (see different pattern in 
No. 9 and a single one in No. 46), also three yam ba(i)ki. Upper part of head very 
large, left side projecting ; large lobes to ears. Both parents from Zaria. 

No. 77, Umoru, had five long lines down each cheek, a Ulle, and small cuts 
above eyes and left ear, zubbe. The chest and abdomen showed a pattern which 
is partly a conventionalised lizard apparently, and is called zanen bangaro (? the 
marks of a butcher). Both parents from Kano. 

No. 78, Suli, had three rows of cuts on each side of the face between eye and 
ear, and four rows from nipple to navel. There were more cuts on the right than 
on the left side of the face, which had ten, eleven and seven in the respective rows. 
Under lip very large and projecting ; ears diamond shaped and slanting. Nose 
107'14. Parents from Kano and Kantamma (Kano) respectively. 

No. 79, Musa, had three cuts outside each eye like No. 48 ; very flat features, 
but lower lip slightly prominent ; nostrils showing. Both parents from Gamza 
(Kano). 

No. 80, Musa, had almost the same as No. 77, but instead of a bilk there was 
a short cut parallel to the long ones, and there were none over the ear. There 
were, however, three yam ba(i)ki. He said that these were the marks of the 
Wangarawa. Iris of eyes brown, with blue edges ; pupils hardly visible. Both 
parents from Goram (Bauchi). 

No. 81, Mohamma, had three yam ba(i)ki, and a pattern of lines in fours 
around the navel ; short flat nose, nostrils showing. Both parents from Kano. 

Nos. 82 and 83, Hassan and Awudu, had a bille, the latter also three yam 
ba(i)ki. Both parents from Kaura (Zamfara) in the first case, from Kano in the 
second. 

No. 84, Gareba, had a bille on the right side (see No. 73), and three yam a(i)ki. 
Both parents from Kano. 

No. 85, Musa, had a cut down the nose, made, so he said, by Nigawa, who 
caught and enslaved him. Also a double Ulle on the left side, and an akanza (see 
another shape in No. 10) outside each eye. Very straight profile, nose and upper 
lip slightly in advance. Parents from Takai and Falale respectively. 

No. 86, Salifu, had nine yam la(i)ki, and a pattern on the navel resembling, 
though not quite so complete as, No. 66, but better done. Profile much like 
No. 85. Both parents from Bauchi. 



some, Nigerian Tribal Marks. 169* 

No. 87, Abubakar, had three short cuts on right side of face like No. 48, but. 
horizontal. All other marks (if any) obliterated. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 88, Husaini, had three yam ba(f)ki and three lots of three perpendicular 
cuts between the nipples, like the top row of No. 78. Both parents from. 
Kano. 

No. 89, Awudu, had a conventionalised lizard's head above his nose, and a 
double Mile on the left side. Top of head very flat, through carrying a load, he^ 
says. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 90, Awudu, had three broad yam ba(f)ki and two broad cuts running from', 
these to the ear on each side. Above and below these were numerous cuts, also, 
two over each eye. These were said to be the marks of the Kutumbawa. Both 
parents from Kano. 

No. 91, Bello, had three long yam ba(i)ki, a yar yoski, and a bille. Point of 
nose and lips very prominent. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 92, Ahmadu, had five long lines down the right cheek, four on the left,, 
two short cuts over the right and left eyes respectively, and a bille. There is still 
another pattern on the abdomen. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 93, Mohamma, had three yam ba(i)ki and a bille, and a simple form around 
the navel like No. 86, but with three lines above instead of four, and no horizontal 
ones. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 94, Umoru, had a bille and (? three) long lines, almost obliterated, down 
each cheek. Both parents from Dutsi (Kano). 

No. 95, Mohamma, had three yam ba(i)ki. Both parents from Fungu 
(Kano). 

No. 96, Gareba, had a bille. Nasal Index 10444. Both parents from Bebeji. 

No. 97, Auta (woman), had yar gira (eyebrows) above each eye, which, she 
said, were for ornament. Both parents from Gani (Kano). 

No. 98, Hassana (woman), had yam ba(i)ki like No. 56, but in threes (one 
four) instead of in fours. Very narrow and slanting eyes, Mongolian appearance. 
Both parents from Kano. 

No. 99, Bako, had nothing on face, but a simple decoration around the navel, 
and irregular cuts between nipples, either badly done tribal marks or, as he said, 
to prevent pain. Both parents from Bebeji. 

No. 100, Idi, had six lines down the right cheek, five on the left like those of 
No. 77, and a bille. The pattern on the body was similar to No. 92, except that 
the three outside lines on each side went straight down to meet those underneath. 
Bear upper end of ear goes to a point. Parents from Kano and Gwalchi (Bauchi) 
respectively. 

No. 101, Adamu, somewhat resembled No. 80, but had two short cuts instead 
of a bilte and four instead of three over the eye. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 102, Buba, was much the same, but he had three pairs of yam ba(i)ki 
instead of the two inside cuts, and three over the eye. Both parents from 
Kano. 



170 MAJOR A. J. N. TUEMEA.KNE. Notes on 

Nos. 103 and 104, Aliyu and Awudu, had no marks. Parents from Kano in 
first case, from Katsina in second. 

No. 105, Umoru, had three short, perpendicular cuts above and another three 
below the navel, Gobirchi, so he said. Jewish nose. No. 106, Husaini, had six 
yam ba(i)ki. Eyes light blue, said to be due to cactus (Keren/in) juice, which 
causes blindness. Parents from Kano in each case. 

No. 107, Saidu, had three short cuts under each eye and three yam ba(i)ki. 
He said that there were originally three long lines down chest and stomach, but 
now obliterated. Eyes narrow, inner ends of lids much turned down. Pupils 
bluish and irritating from amoderre (? a kind of blight). Both parents from Kano. 
No. 108, Awudu, had three cuts outside the eyes like No. 48, and a pattern 
around the navel quite indistinguishable. Both parents from Albaesu (Kano). 

No. 109, Mazadu, had a long cut down nose like No. 7, and a square pattern 
(? book) over the left nipple. Lips very prominent. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 110, Aliyu, had another kind of haka(r)rika(r)rin kifi (see No. 74) under 
each eye, and four rows of cuts on the abdomen. Both parents from Bauchi. 

No. Ill, Mohammadu, had no marks. Head very narrow at top, very large 
eyes, " whites " almost brown. Both parents from Zaria. 

No. 112, Awudu, was marked very much like No. 101, but there were two 
parts of each long line (five on left, six on right cheek), the lower being much 
thicker. He had three inside lines, which were made, he said, to cure sore eyes. 
Parents from Kano. 

No. 113, Musa, was marked something like No. 90, but there were some 
differences. He had two short cuts over the left eye, three over the right, eight 
long lines above the horizontal cuts, and six underneath on the left cheek, seven 
and eight on the right. There was a simple pattern around the navel. Both 
parents from Kano. 

No. 114, Iliyusu, had a very badly executed pattern on his cheeks. The lines 
on the chest and abdomen were longer and farther apart than usual. Fish-shaped 
eyes, white spot in right, which he said was through smallpox (? same as 106). 
Both parents from Kura (Kano). 

No. 115, Ibrahim, had three short cuts over each eye, and a bille on the right 
side. Mouth and jaws more like a monkey's than a man's. Both parents from 
Ka-yerda (Kano). 

Nos. 116 to 154 are not Hausas. 

No. 155, Tanko, had a bille and six yam ba(i)ki. Eyes brown with blue edges, 
giving a colour like that of a brown earthenware teapot ; hooked nose. Parents 
from Sokoto and Katsina respectively. 

No. 156, Adamu, had six long lines, zubbe, on each cheek ; no other decoration. 
Snub nose. Both parents from Kano. 

No. 157, Barau, had no marks. Hair plastered witli shmii (blue dye) and mia 
(butter, grease). This is very common in the case of women, but not of men. 
Botli parents from Rimin Gaddo (Kano). 



some Nigerian Tribal Marks. 171 

No. 158, Tanko, had no marks on the face, but had a peculiar pattern of 
triangles on each side of the neck, and an elaborate one on the chest and abdomen. 
Very prognathous. Both parents from Zaria. 

Nos. 159 and 160, Mohamma and Aliyu, had six yam ba{i)Jci on each side, the 
former a cut down the nose also. Head of 159 straight on right side, bulging on 
left ; with 160 the upper part of the head was absurdly small compared to the 
lower. Parents from Girku (Zaria) in the first case, Kano in the second. 

Nos. 161 to 360 are not Kansas. 

Nos. 361 and 362, Ahmadu and Awudu, had no marks. Lips prominent in 
361, nose in 362. Parents from Kano in both cases. 



172 



MAJOR A. J. N. TKEMKARNE. Notes on 



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173 



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174 



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175 



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176 



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some Xi'ji'i-inn Ti'll'/l Murks. 



177 



T 1 ? ^* V" T* ?l 

*^* O IT- 00 01 I I O 

X CS - CO O 

i iT^G^T^t O^DI i 

P3CQ-COO<pC%O l 3 

A^Q-^r^cowai 

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s 



VOL. XLI. 



o o 

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at o r-t 



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178 M.UOR A. J. N. TKEMEAKXE. On some Nigerian Tribal M<u-L-*. 



ndg 


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Nationality. 


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Journal of Ike Royal Anthropological Institute, T'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXII. 



A 




SOME NIGERIAN TRIBAL MARKS. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XL1, 1911, Plate XXlll. 




SOME NIGERIAN TRIBAL MARKS. 



179 



A NOTE ON THE POSSIBILITY OF ANALYSING EACE MIXTUEES 
INTO THEIE OEIGINAL ELEMENTS BY THE MENDELIAN FOEMULA. 



BY JOHN BROWNLEE, D.Sc. 

ANTHROPOLOGY has thrown much light on the problem of race. What is still 
wanting, however, is a means of ascertaining even roughly to what extent different 
races go to make up the different inhabitants of modern countries. Analyses have 
been made by many authorities. Tests, such as the index of nigrescence, degree of 
brunetness, etc., have been proposed, but none have been found satisfactory. Again, 
the different scales, by which data like the colour of hair and eyes have been 
classified, have differed in different observers' hands. I have, in the succeeding 
pages, followed chiefly the observations of Dr. Beddoe. The application of a 
mathematical analysis to these observations suggests that these are fundamentally 
correct ; and also that from the beginning of his work to the end he held fast to a 
fixed scale which had origin not merely in his own mind, but in the nature of 
things. Hitherto, analysis of his results has not been attempted. 

In the light of Mendel's theorem of Heredity it now seems possible to make a 
beginning. As it is, however, only possible to make a population analysis on the 
basis of free mating and equal fertility, some consideration of the extent to which 
these can be postulated is first necessary. 

The general theorem governing successive generations is very simple. Let 
there be at any one time two races mixing in a district. Let these consist of m 
persons of constitution (a, a) and n persons of constitution (b, V) where (a, a) denotes 
an individual having two a elements, and (a, b) and (b, b) have like meanings, then 
the stable population found, when mating is free and fertility equal, is easily seen to 
have the proportions 

m? (a, a) + 2mn (a, b) + n* (b, b) 

also, if at any moment the population be represented by 

x (a, a) + z (a, b) + y (b, b) 

of both sexes, the above proportions at once establish themselves. 
Thus, 

x (a, a) may mate with a; (a, a) giving x z (a, a) 

z (a, b) xz (a, a) + ^xz (a, b) 

y ( b > b ) w (a, &) 

2 (, &) x (a, a) %xz (a, a) + \xz (a, b) 

z (a, b) * (a, a) + ^ (a, b) + ^ (b, b) 
y (b, b) \yz (a, b) + \y (b, b) 

N 2 



180 JOHN HKOWXI.RE. A .Yo/v <i '/' /' .- //</7/7// of J //"///.,///// ROM .Ut'</i<r<'s 



and y (b, b) may mate with a; (a, ft) giving .cj/ (d, b) 

z (a, b) i//2 (a, b) + lyz (b, b) 
y (b, b) f (b, I) 

Adding the population of offspring together we have 

(* + a* + is 2 ) (a, a) + 2 (a-y + \xz + \yz + }* 2 ) (, 6) + (y + yz + }* s ) (6, b) 
or (a: + *) 2 (a, a) + 2 ( + *z) (y + i) (, ft) 4- (y + i*) 3 (ft, 6) 

which has the same form as that already found. 1 The same formula is easily 
extended to the mixing of three or more races. If at any time, then, for any 
property the proportions of the population are known, the proportions of the 
original components can at once he ascertained if the inherited property obeys 
Mendel's Law. 

Two methods of investigation can be employed. The character of the offspring 
in large numbers of definite inatings may be ascertained by direct observation, or 
large numbers of stable populations may be taken at random. Regarding hair 
Davenport has written an important paper referred to later. Regarding eyes there 
is little information at present. Hurst 3 has, however, made a considerable collection 
of figures for eye colour in man in a district in England. From these he has found 
that a pigmented iris is dominant to a non-pigmented iris. He classifies eyes without 
pigment in the front of the iris as simplex and those with such pigment as duplex. 
The numbers are fairly large, referring to 139 pairs of parents and to 683 of their 
offspring. Unfortunately, Hurst only publishes the figures for families of more 
than two children, so that the exact number of each kind of parental mating and 
their respective fertility is not fully known. As these figures represent almost the 
only available material for the present purposes they are discussed in detail. 

The matings are as follows : 





No. of Matings. 


No. of Offspring. Average Family. 






i 


1. Simplex with simplex. 


20 


101 5-05 


2. Duplex and duplex (a) 


37 


195 


5-28 


:!. Duplex and duplex (6) 


13 


63 


4-85 


4. Duplex and simplex (a) 


17 


66 


3-88 


5. Duplex and simplex (6) 


52 


258 


4-96 


Totals 


139 


683 


4-91 



(a) offspring all duplex. 



(b) offspring mixed. 



1 This formula was first given by Mr. G. H. Hardy in Science, N.S., vol. xxviii, 
July 10, 1908. 

'- " Inheritance of Eye Colour in Man " ; Proc. Roy. Soc., vol. 80, B, p. 85 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



181 



With groups 1, 2, 3 and 5 the fertility is almost constant. In group 4 it is 
markedly less and the deviation from the average is much more than might be 
expected. In default of further evidence to the contrary, however, it may be taken 
as probable that equal fertility exists. 

It falls next to be considered whether the parental mating is random or not. 
Let the simplex type be denoted by (a, a), the complete duplex by (b, b\ and the 
free mating population by 

x- (a, a) + '2xi, (a, b) + f (b, b) 
The matings are then as follows : 

(a) Simplex and Simplex x* = 20 

(6) Duplex mating Simplex 2x 2 (2xy + y z ) = 69 
(c) Duplex mating Duplex (2xy + y 2 ) 3 = 50 

Solutions of these ecpaations giving approximate values of x and y are, 

x = 2-15 
y = 1-284 
This gives for the value of (a) 21'4 against 20 

(b) 66-3 69 

(c) 51-4 50 
numbers showing a very good correspondence. 

It may be said, therefore, that there is no evidence of special choice of one 
parent by another because of the colour of the eyes. This is in accord with 
Gallon's records, where the coefficient of assortive mating with regard to eye 
colour is given by r = ! + '04. 1 

The next point requiring consideration is the stability of the population. As 
can be ascertained from Hurst's statistics the number of each type among parents 
and offspring is as follows : 

PARENTS. 





Duplex. 


Simplex. 


Group (1) 




40 


(2) 


74 




,, (3) 


26 




(4) ... 


17 


17 


(5) ... 


52 


52 


Totals 


169 


109 


Percentage of total 


60-8 


39-2 



1 Pearson, Phil. Trans., vol. 195, A, 1901. 



182 JOHN BHOWNLEE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Mixtures 



OFFSPRING. 





Duplex. 


Simplex. 


Group (1) 




101 


,, (2) 


195 




(3) .- 


45 


18 


(4) ... 


66 




(5) ... 


121 


137 


Total 


427 


256 


Percentage of total 


62-5 


37-5 



In other words, the population is sensibly stable. 

The question of equal fertility may be studied from another side. If we take 
the different parishes in the same counties in Scotland in which there are great 
differences of hair colour, we get populations living essentially under the same 
conditions of weather and food. The fishing towns of Fife provide a good example. 
In Largo and Newburn the percentage of fair-haired children is 49-9, 1 in Crail, 
Pittenweem and Anstruther 18'9. Frum the census the number and ages of the 
married women between 15 and 45 years of age is known. The relative fertility of 
married women of each age is also known, so that a comparative number can be 
calculated for each place. In the two groups of parishes above referred to this 
comparative figure is the same, so that the fertility of the districts is obtained by 
dividing the number of legitimate births by the number of married women of child- 
bearing ages. This for Largo and Newburn is -230, and for Crail, Anstruther and 
Pittenweem -264, a difference slightly in favour of the latter parishes. The same 
process has been applied to the darker and lighter portions of Sutherlandshire. 
Dornoch, Golspie and Creich, with a proportion of 20 per cent, of fair-haired 
children, have a fertility rate of '268, and Durness and Farr, with a proportion of 
36 per cent, of fair-haired children, a fertility rate of -266, when due correction is 
made for the different ages of the married women rates approximately equal. The 
number of births in the former group is 472 as against 325 in the latter. When 
the parish of Tongue, however, which lies between Durness and Farr, is examined, 
it is found that here the fertility figure is '3 11, considerably higher than that of either 
of its neighbours. The number of fair-haired children in this parish is only 19'6. It 

Tocher, Biometrika, vol. vi. Appendix, County Fife. 




into their original Elements by the. Mendclian Formula. 183 

would thus seem that the darker-haired population may be at present slightly 
more fertile than the lighter portion. That this difference is permanent in view of 
the history of race migrations is, however, exceedingly unlikely, 1 nor is it of sufficient 
amount to interfere with the subsequent analysis given in this paper so far as 
present conditions are concerned. 

Having, as a preliminary, examined the only direct evidence which I can find 
regarding how far the conditions are such as to justify the use of Mendel's 
hypothesis as a basis of race analysis, the special problem may be approached. 
Modern anthropologists seem to be agreed that the present populations of Europe 
are in the main the descendants of three more or less pure races. These three 
races are described by Prof. Ripley as (1) the Teutonic race, blond, blue eyed, tall 
and dolichocephalic ; (2) the Alpine, with brownish hair, grey or hazel eyes, short in 
stature, and brachy cephalic ; and (3) the Mediterranean race, dark haired, dark 
eyed, short in stature, and dolichocephalic. It seems proved by archaeology that 
the Mediterranean race was at one time the sole inhabitant of the British Isles. 
Archaeology also shows an invasion of a broad-headed race of medium height at a 
later date, which, except for stature, seems to approach Prof. Ripley's Alpine race. 2 
The invasion of the tall, fair northern races is a matter of history, and they come 
in successive waves as Saxons, Angles, Danes and Northmen. None of these races 
seem to have come in absolute purity. Local names in England suggest the 
presence of Wends, etc., but the dilution in the main is from others of the three 
races, and therefore does not affect, except secondarily, the constitution of the 
present inhabitants of the British Isles. These races survive in the British Isles 
in varying numbers in different places. Intermarriage has long been probably free, 
not for the country as a whole, but for each different locality. One influence 
alone checks the intermixture, and that is religion. Wherever Eoman Catholic 
and Protestant inhabit the same valley they seem to have kept themselves more or 
less apart, and slightly different types have developed within the same region. 

As has been shown earlier a free mating population becomes stable on a 
Mendelian hypothesis in one generation. One generation can hardly have sufficed 
in most places, but during the last few centuries many generations are possible, and 
it is probable that during that time in each locality, especially in the country, free 
intermarriage has taken place. Towns afford an exception. Immigration into these 
lias been so marked in the last sixty years that there is not yet time for the 
production of a homogeneous race mixture, and in these centres especially, religion 
has proved a bar to free intermarriage. 

For the analysis of the population it is necessary to have an accurate know- 
ledge of the nature of the hybrids. With regard to hair the evidences seem 
direct : fair hair is recessive to red, medium and black in the sense that the latter 
destroy the quality of fairness, though, even in this sense, in many cases it is only 

1 Cf. Brownlee, "Germinal Vitality," Tram. Roy. Phil. Sof., Glasgow. Vol. XXXIX 
pp. 180-204. 

2 Certain authorities are in favour of the invasion by two different broad-headed races. 



184 JOHN Iiumvxi.KK. A Note on tin Possibility of Analysing /,'>> Miyinn 

recessive as age advances. Tn the case of jet Mack hair I have no douht from 
observation that such a person is a truo black, i.e., both elements of the Zygote are 
of that constitution. Dark-haired persons contain only one black element, the 
other may be of medium, red, or fair-haired constitution, so that black is 
imperfectly dominant. In the same way fair-haired persons are pan as regard 
hair colour and contain two similar elements. Eed hair is also recessive to 
medium and black as age advances. Eed hair, however, cannot be considered 
apart from medium hair, as many persons are classed as red who are really hybrid 
between red and medium, and have the same kind of pigment granules in their 
hair as are seen in the medium hairs. These persons have deep red hair. In other 
cases the medium element determines the colour. These facts seem to explain all 
the diverse colours of hair occurring among parents and offspring which I have 
directly observed. 

These results were obtained by direct personal observation in ignorance of the 
paper on "Heredity of Hair Colour in Man," by Davenport, published in Amerii'nn 
Science for April, 1909. His results and mine are in essential agreement. Thus 
he says (p. 206) : 

"All results are in accord with the statement that red and black con- 
tribute two independent series : that red is dominant over no red, as the 
deeper shades of melanic pigment are dominant over the lighter ; and that 
the dense granular melanic pigment tends to hide the diffuse pigment." 
I go further, however, in distinguishing two distinct racial types of melanic 
pigment, the black and the brown, the former of Mediterranean and the latter 
of Alpine origin. I think so far as my observations go, though I cannot say 
definitely at present, that these are distinct pigments. 1 Jet black mating with jet 
black gives only jet black children, as I have seen in some Italian families in 
Glasgow. Of this, Davenport gives no typical case, evidently classing as dark both 
the dark and jet black of Beddoe. I think the analysis of this communication 
bears out this contention. 

Eyes are more difficult. There would seem to be at least four eye pigments 
in the iris: (1) the dark pigment which lines the posterior surface of the iris and 
which is present in all eyes except those of albinoes. Eyes of this type are pure 
blue in childhood, though later on they may become more or less grey. (2) A pale 
yellow or grey pigment present in the anterior layers of this iris. This gives colour 
of grey to pale yellow. 3 (3) A darker yellow pigment present in the anterior layers 
of the iris which gives a range of eye colour from yellow when pure to green 
when mixed according as to the arrangement of the particles. (4) A dark chocolate 
pigment also present in the anterior layer of the iris which gives dark eyes and 
when mixed with pale yellow or yellow numerous intermediate shades. The amount 
of these pigments and the degree of mixture varies in different eyes and thus 
!. it ions of colour are produced. 

1 See Note at end of paper. 

* I have seen this pigment very markedly present in the eyes of an albino. 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 185 

METHODS OF ANALYSIS. 
Let there be originally the following proportions in a mixture of three races : 

x (a, a) + y (b, b) + z (c, c) 

when (a, a) represents fair hair, (b, &) medium hair, (c, c) jet black hair. 
Then the stable population is given by, 

** (a, a) + 2xy (a, b) + y- (b, b) + 2yz (b, c) + z 1 (c, c) + 2xy (a, c) 
Hence y? (a, a) possess fair hair. 

2xy (a, V) + y 3 (b, b) medium hair. 
2yz (b, c) + 2xz (a, c) + z 1 (c, c) dark or black hair. 
To obtain the value of x all that is necessary is to extract the square root of 
the numbers of fair-haired persons. Comparison with the square root of the total 
number of persons examined will give the percentage of persons of (a, a) constitu- 
tion originally present in the population. Thus 25 per cent, of the inhabitants of 
Shetland are fair-haired. The root of 25 is 5, and of 100 is 10, so that originally 
50 per cent, of the population may be taken to be of Teutonic origin. Owing to 
the dominance of colour over lack of colour, a half of the race constitution is here 
obscured. In the same way, we can take the group of fair, medium and red hair : 

x* (a, a) + 2xy (a, b) + if (b, b) 
Write this with a new symbolism (a, a) 
and the population becomes 

(x + yy (a a) + 2(x + >/) z (a, c) + 2 (c, c) 

If we now extract the square root of the first term and subtract the value obtained 
from that of the square root of the total number of persons examined, we 
evidently get the value of z. For the root of the total is x + y + z and that of 
the first term x + y, the difference of which is z. We are thus in a position to test 
our analysis ; finding z by this means and squaring, we should, as before indicated, 
obtain the number of persons with jet black hair. This I propose to prove is the 
case. The other methods are all similar uses of the trinomial (x + y + z) ! . As 
there are no cases considered such as those of albino mice, Cuenot's hypothesis is 
not required. 1 

MENDELIAN DISTRIBUTION OF JET BLACK HAIR. 

Jet black hair seems to be derived from the original Mediterranean race which 
was distributed from Britain to the Eastern Mediterranean. In this variety of 
hair the pigment is contained chiefly in the form of large granules distributed 
throughout the hair. Dark hairs have these granules but not to the same extent, 
and they are much smaller in medium hair, and often quite absent in red and 
blond hair, which contain their pigment in a diffused and not granular form. 
]>cildoe in his original use of the index of nigrescence counts each jet-black-haired 
person as two on account of the excess of pigment. This seems just in view of 
the present analysis of his figures. The method of fitting the theory and testing 
1 Arch, Zuol. exp. et gen. Notes et Revue, 1904. 



186 JOHN BKOWNLEE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Mixtures 

the result has in general been carried out as follows. Let 1 00 be the actual total 
number of persons, T? the percentage of blond, red and medium haired combined 
and we have : 

x- = percentage blond, red or medium haired. 
2x (10 x) = dark haired. 

(10 ,) 2 = jet black haired. 

Total 100. 

We thus extract the square root of the percentage of lighter haired persons, 
subtract that from 10 and square. This should give the number of persons with 
jet black hair. 

Example. Manchester : Persons examined, 475. 

Red hair ... 6 per cent. 

Fair hair 16'5 

Brown hair ... ... 39 - l 

Dark hair 33'2 

Jet black ... 5'1 

Total light-haired persons a? = 61'6 
. . x = 7-82 
and 10 - a = 218 
. . (10 - x)- = 475 

That is, the number of jet-black-haired persons predicted from knowing the percent- 
age of light-haired persons is 4'75 as against 5'1, or in actual numbers 22'3 as against 
24. 1 This gives an exceedingly good fit. 

The test of goodness of fit in a series of values 2 such as this is obtained by 
taking the differences of the theoretical and the actual values (the numbers of 
persons being used and not the percentages), squaring these and dividing each 
difference by the corresponding number. This sum is denoted by %> and the 

_iv 

probability of the fit by P. In the case of three classes P = e The working 

out of the present example is as follows : 



Actual Numbers. 


Theoretical Numbers. 


Difference. 


Black hair 24 


22-3 


- 1-7 


Dark hair 153 


154-7 + 1-7 


Medium, red and blond hair 298 


298 






1 It is to be noted that the dark group should be increased or diminished by the same 
amount as the black group is in defect or excess. 

- " ( in the Criterion that a given system of Deviations from the Probable in the case of a 
Correlated system of Variables is such that it can reasonably be supposed to have arisen from 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



187 



so that := 



= -129 + -019 
= -148 

-074 

.-. P = c 
= -939 

or, in other words, more divergence of fact from theory would be obtained in 
939 trials out of 1,000 made. The fit is therefore excellent. It should not, 
however, be expected that a town will give a good fit. The result is more or less 
accidental. Nor will a large area. The essential of the theory is that there is 
free mating. 

Country districts with uniform religions, classes such as farmers in a district, 
towns with large resident fisher class, etc., should give the best tits ; and these do. 
On the other hand, places where immigration has brought together a heterogeneous 
mass will not, except accidentally, give a good fit. Districts with two religions show 
the same, and towns where two religions and immigration both exist will give very 
bad fits. The middle classes and the artizan classes in towns should give the best 
fits, for the upper classes move more about and marry from different places, while 
the slum of a great city does not maintain itself, but is constantly being recruited 
from outside. Neither therefore fulfils the categories. As an example of this 
Edinburgh may be taken. Dr. Beddoe's figures are as follows, the -theoretical fitting 
being given for comparison : 





Number. 


Light 
Hair. 


Dark 
hair. 


Jet Black Hair. 


Actual. 


Theoretical. 


(1) Edinburgh streets, mixed classes 


2,000 


63 


30-5 


6'5 


4-24 


(2) 


lower classes 


1,000 


61-2 


32-4 


5-7 


4-75 


(3) Canongate, 
lower Scotch and Irish 


650 


58'5 


32-0 9-5 


5-56 


(4) Cowgate, purely 


Irish 


300 


56-6 


327 11-1 


6-15 



None of these are good fits. That of class (2), the lower classes, is the best 
fit, that of the whole town less good, that of the immigrant Irish worse still, and 
that of the mixed Scotch and Irish worst of all. This is exactly what (t priori is 
expected. As a further example Bristol may be taken. It is the city in which 
Dr. Bedcloe did his chief work. The figures are as follows : 



Random Sampling." K. Pearson, Phil. Mag., vol. L, pp. 157-175, July, 1900. "Tables for 
testing the goodness of Fit of Theory to Observation." W. Palin Elderton, Biometrilca, vol. I, 
p. 155. 



188 JOHN I'.KOWXI.KE. ./ Xi>(? <m UUy of Analysing //" M /'., 









Jet Black Hair. 




Number. 


Light 
Hair. 


Dark 
Hair. 




Actual. 


Theoretical. 


Bristol, whole city 


5,000 


57-4 


38-4 


4-2 


5-8 


Middle class males 


300 


60-0 


33-9 


5-6 


5-1 


females 


300 


59-5 


58-5 


2 


B-a 


Upper males ... 


200 


60-3 


357 


3-9 


5-1 


females... 
(including Bath, etc.) 


400 


59-1 


39-6 


2-3 


5-2 


Young people on Whit Monday in 
Bristol 


500 
100 


57-8 
48 


37-5 
46-5 


4-9 
5-5 


5-8 
9-4 


Welsh Congregation ... 



Here we have for the city as a whole much the same approximation as for 
Edinburgh : for the middle class males a very good fit, and nearly as good for the 
'upper class males. The females in the same classes show the same amount of 
divergence, but as the proportion of light hair amongst them is the same as amongst 
the males the divergence suggests that jet black hair among women might not in 
Dr. Beddoe's time be popular on account of some fashion. With the young people 
out on Whit Monday the approximation is also good. The figures obtained by 
observing a Welsh Congregation recall those found in the Cowgate in Edinburgh. 
An immigrant group cannot be expected to show any correspondence with the 
theory. 

Other special instances will now be considered. The best results might be 
expected in such instances as farmers in the same district. The local market days 
provide a medium of intercourse likely to result in free marriage. In twenty-two 
instances Dr. Beddoe specifies that he is dealing with such a population. In six- 
teen of these ^ 2 is less than unity, in four > 1 and < 2, and in two > 2 and < 3. 
The proportions which chance would allot if the theory were true are compared in 
the following table : 



r 


Theoretical. 


Actual. 


Districts (Dr. Beddoe's numbers). 


0- 1 


8-6 


16 


38, 72, 89, 94, 112, 122, 125, 133, 








162, 170, 175, 191, 227, 230, 242, 








245. 


1-2 


5-3 


4 


196, 202, 241, 276. 


2-3 


3-2 


2 


102, 212. 




4-9 






Total 22 22 





into their fn-!-//,i'if Elcnirntu ?/// tin- Jfn?i'li-/i Formula. 



189 



The chances are thus immensely in favour of the actual groupings fulfilling 
the theoretical conditions. In the same way groupings which are accidental and 
infrequent should give very bad fits, e.g., a regatta, where many classes mix merely 
on one special occasion and not regularly as on a market day. It is not necessary 
to particularise to the same extent as in the last case : examples are given in the 
following table : 



Dr. Beddoe's 
Reference No. 


Place. 


Occasion. 


No. of 
Individuals. 


X 2 


224 


Norwich. 


Assizes and Regatta. 


290 


2-64 


225 


Yarmouth. 


Regatta Day. 


450 


9-48 


226 


i> 


Sailors and Policemen 
(not local). 


100 


4 


274 St. Austell. 


Flower Show. 


850 


2-2 


160 


Ripon. 


Excursiouists. 


150 


4.4 



Of these examples perhaps the St. Austell flower show should not be included, 
the large value of % z depending on the large number of persons . observed. The 
percentage of jet black persons is in the theory ITS against 10'2 found, a difference 
which really does not necessarily mean more than some slight local divergence of 
type among those collected from all directions of a country side to an event in the 
neighbourhood. 

The complete figures are distributed in the following manner. In all 232 of 
Dr. Beddoe's observations have been analysed. The results are divided into two 
sets, the large towns and the country districts, arranged according to the value of 
X 2 and classified in the adjoining table : 



.1 

r 


0-1 


I 2 


2 3 


3 - 


Total. 


Towns 


16 


1" 


17 


18 


63 


Country Districts 


125 


21 


12 


11 


169 


Total 


141 


33 


29 


29 


232 



It is to be noticed at once that the towns show no grouping which specially 
suggests that the law of distribution of hair colour has been more than approached. 
The country districts, however, show that the law has a very high probability. "With 



190 JOHN BRO\VNI,EE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Mi'- 



regard to the towns, if sixty-three trials were made at random the grouping seen in 
the table would arise. 















Y 3 


- 1 


1-2 


2-3 


3 - 


Total. 














Actual 


16 


12 


17 


18 


63 


Theoretical 


24-8 


15-0 


9-2 


14-0 


63 



The number of cases with high values of %* is thus excessive, or the factors 
interfering with the law are very considerable. With the country districts a quite 
different result is seen. Here the comparison is as follows : 



X s 


0-1 


1-2 


2- 3 


- 


Total. 


Actual 


125 


21 


12 


11 


169 


Theoretical 


66-5 


40-4 


24-4 


377 


169 



In otherwords.it is in the very highest degree probable that the assumed law 
represents the real factor. The large number of small values of ^ 3 also suggests 
that Dr. Beddoe's figures represent large samples of the respective populations from 
which they are drawn. It would thus seem that the explanation offered holds 
for the British Isles. The Continent provides yet another test. Dr. Beddoe made 
many observations in Germany, Switzerland, Italy, and the Low Countries : in these 
variation takes place from extreme lightness in the north to extreme darkness in 
the south. Calculations have been made from many of Dr. Beddoe's figures, and 
these are given in the accompanying table. It is found that on the Continent the 
cities give a much better fit than in this country. In two cases, Heidelberg and 
Genoa, the divergence is extreme, but this out of the twenty-five cases tabulated is 
not a great number. Even Vienna, where 1,700 persons were examined, does not 
show a great divergence. This suggests that no factor such as the large immigra- 
tion of Irish into the British cities enters into play into the continental towns. It 
is to be noted again that, when peasants are considered, the fit is very good in other 
words, free mating is more nearly obtained. The correspondence of fact and theory 
is therefore very close, and as the percentage of jet black varies from one to fifty 
the theory seems sufficiently elastic. 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



191 



Number. 



Percentage of Jet 
Black Hair. 



Actual. Theoretical. 



Basel 133 3'7 5'1 

Zurich 143 3'5 5-2 

Berne 150 27 3'6 

Ilanz, Truns and Disentis i 123 15'5 15'9 

Friesland 300 -17 '40 

Munster 150 1-00 i'16 

peasants 150 '34 '61 

Eisenach 150 3'33 2'38 

Heidelberg 115 3'9 7'56 

Kolu 300 6 4-9 

peasants 171 1'17 1'55 

Aix-la-Chapelle 300 6'67 5 '03 

peasants 250 3'60 2'40 

Dusseldorf peasants 200 I'OO 1'36 

Treves peasants ... ... 250 4'8 5 '7 

Berlin 300 4'2 5'3 

Dresden 250 2'4 3'9 . 

Vienna 1,700 4'97 615 

Genoa 450 22-1 27'4 

Florence 134 24'9 28'1 

Tivoli 139 43-6 47'4" 

Prague 250 5'2 7'0 

peasants 200 4'3 4'1 

Czechs 218 11-2 8'4 

Salerno and Pesto 254 35'6 37'6 

Between Terracina and Naples includ- 
ing Mola 280 19-0 20'8 



75 

85 

44 

025 

42 

04 

30 

63 
very large 

80 

17 
1-89 
1-64 

19 

44 
1-48 
1-36 
1-0 
5-24 

73 

52 
1-48 

017 
2-44 

2 

875 



DISCUSSION OF THE FAIR-HAIRED PORTION OF THE POPULATION. 

If jet black hair segregates according to Mendel's law so does fair hair. Black 
hair as we have shown is an imperfect dominant, the combination of a black 
element with a fair or medium element resulting in dark and not jet black 
hair. The square root of the number of jet-black-haired persons when compared 
with the square root of the total number of persons thus gives the proportion in the 
original population. In like manner the proportion of fair-haired persons in the 
original population may be ascertained. One fact of importance here emerges. 
Fair hair and blue eyes are linked together in the pure Teutonic race. In conse- 
quence the number of adults with fair hair should equal those with blue eyes, as 



102 Jons BI;O\VXLEE. ^f Jfotc on t-ln- /'.i\s/'/.////// f An:/li/*tn>j Jii 



both arc recessive to hair and eyes containing pigment. Dr. Boddoe unfortunately 
does not distinguish blue from light eyes, so that direct verification cannot be 
obtained. Some indirect verification comes from Dr. Tocher's pigmentation survey 
of the school children in Scotland. 

Children with blue eyes must essentially be those without any pigment. Some 
with slight pigment will undoubtedly be included, but also some grey blue eyes 
containing no pigment will be included in the light class. In the following table 
percentages of fair hair and blue eyes are given as far as Dr. Beddoe's and 
Dr. Tocher's statistics enable them to be ascertained. The groups of the former 
in the counties are added together where the observations seem sufficient, and 
compared with the result of the school survey. The results are as follows : 





Fair Haired. 1 


Blue Eyed. 2 


Shetland 


22-6 


25-8 


Orkney 


17-4 


17-5 


Skye 


18-1 


19-4 


Wick 


16-6 


13-2 


Aberdeen conn' y ... 


17-5 


16-85 


city 


17- 


12-8 


Angus 


16-5 


15-7 


Stirling town 


19-3 


10-7 


Perth town ... 


17-8 


12-2 


county 


17-3 


16-0 


Ayr town ... 


17-6 


17-6 


Edinburgh town 


16-5 


15-11 


Coast of Fife 


19-25 


14-66 


Galashiels ... 


16-6 


15-5 


Peebles 


19-9 


4-3 (light eyes 43'0) 


Jedburgh and Kelso 


18-7 


20-7 


Selkirkshire 


21-6 


18-1 



The chief correspondence is in county districts. Considering that thirty years 
passed between the surveys it is very good. The towns form the chief exceptions, 
Perth, Stirling, Aberdeen, Wick and Edinburgh. Peebles also falls here, but it is 
evident that the personal equation of the observer is very different from that of 
his fellows : 4'3 per cent, of blue eyes being much too small, especially as the 

1 Dr. Beddoc'. ' llritain. 

K '" ' of X<-ottixh Ki-ltunl C/'i/lifi-cii, Tocher. 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



193 



number of light eyes is given at 43 per cent. The towns affected have all greatly 
increased by immigration in the last thirty years, and this factor must be taken 
into account, though it is not probably the whole explanation. These figures may 
then be taken as affording confirmation of the general theories here set forth and 
lending support to the idea that a Mendelian analysis is possible. 

Eed hair alone remains to be considered. I incline to the belief that red hair 
and medium hair are somehow associated, or in other words that red is a variety of 
medium hair. The evidence is not very conclusive. When analysis is made of the 
population by the previous method no definite relationship can be made out between 
red and any other colour, but all analysis is vitiated by the fact that many persons 
classed red are a mixture of red and medium so that the total original red element 
cannot be ascertained. There is a table, however, of the connection of hair and 
eye colour given by Tocher (Biometrika, vol. vi, p. 224), which when reduced to- 
percentages is as follows : 

Percentages of persons of definite hair colour possessing blue eyes, etc. 





Fair Hair. 


Eed Hair. 


Medium 
Hair. 


Dark Hair. 


Jet Black 
Hair. 


Blue eyes ... 


22-4 


11-8 


10-8 


7-1 


7 


Light eyes ... 


46-1 


36'6 


29-8 


17-4 


6'7 


Medium eyes 


24-3 


32-5 


39-6 


32-6 


21-6 


Dark eyes ... 


7'4 


18-9 


19-9 


42-9 


70-9 



When this table is examined it is seen at once that the affinity between hair 
and eyes is very similar for red- and medium-haired persons, while that of persons 
with fair, dark or jet black hair is quite diverse. Other points suggest themselves, 
such as that the red area of Scotland is also more brachycephalic, etc., but the 
differences in these cases are not sufficient to make any distinction of much value. 

This I find is in accord with what Mr. J. Gray 1 has obtained by a quite 
different method. Examining hair with a tintometer he has come to the conclusion 
that red hair is probably evolved from dark brown by converting a certain per- 
centage of its black pigment into orange pigment. I suggest, however, that it is 
the medium pigment whicli suffers this change. 

It is now necessary to inquire how far any of these original immigrant races 
survive in toto. Anthropologists are fond of asserting that in such and such a 
district types persist. 

I do not think that any type survives anywhere. If we take the four factors 
which have before been specified, height, cephalic index, hair colour and eye colour, 
we have thirty-six combinations, so that in one instance out of thirty-six a type will 
reappear. But that is merely as regards these four qualities ; every extra quality 

i "A New Instrument for Determining the Colour of the Hair, Eyes and Skin," by 
J. Gray, B.Sc. Man, April, 1908. 

VOL. XLI. 



194 JOHN BRQWNLEE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Matures 

demanded makes the number of persons possessing all, smaller and smaller. In 
addition as regards the whole of the internal economy anthropology is silent, ami 
to say for instance that a short, broad-headed, medium-haired, and medium-eyed 
person is a member of the Alpine race is surely superficial. The best data on 
which to settle this question are the asylum data reduced by Tocher (L'iometrika, 
vol. v). I have separated from these tables combinations of different types of 
hair and eyes and compared them with the stature and cephalic index. I find 
that no colour of hair and eyes either singly or in combination has a stature or a 
cephalic index different from the mean of the population. In other words all 
inhabitants of the Scottish asylums, who are presumably so far a sample of the 
Scottish, are " hopeless mongrels " made up of diverse elements derived indiscrimin- 
ately from the races which originally peopled the islands. A summary of the 
means of some instances are given in the following table : 

ARGYLL ASYLUM. 





Mean stature inches. 


Mean cephalic index. 


Medium hair and medium eyes . . . 
Medium hair and light eyes 
All inmates 


67-5 + -86 
671 -2 
66-8 -14 


76-99 
76-9 
76-8 13 



MONTROSE ASYLUM. 





Mean stature inches. 


Mean cephalic index. 


Fair hair and light eyes 
All inmates 


66-7 
G6-3 -11 


77-8 
78-3 -12 



ALL SCOTLAND. 





Stature. 


Cephalic index. 


Katio of head height to 
head length. 


Fair hair and light eyes 


65-3 


77-2 




Ked hair and any eyes 1 . . . 


67-2 


7?4 


71-0 


Dark hair and dark eyes 


66-2 


77-6 




All Scotland 


65-9 -03 


77-C + -03 


70-3 -03 



1 Each colour of eye was calculated separately and no difference found. 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 195 

It is thus at once evident that no colour of hair or eye, either singly or in 
combination, can be taken as any guide of the racial constitution of any individual 
For each district the mean of that district for stature and head form is the mean 
of all classes in the district. For an anthropologist to talk of the survival of types 
is therefore to be a day behind the fair. There are only local mixtures. Neither 
asylum data nor observations on children are sufficient to test these. It is, however, 
interesting to compare the asylum statistics of cephalic index with those of 
Dr. Beddoe as analysed in this paper. As the medium race was originally the most 
round-headed, those districts in which it survives to the greatest extent should still 
be the most broad-headed, and that is to some extent the case. Thus Argyllshire 
with a cephalic index of 76'5 has a proportion of its population of 36 per cent, derived 
from the round-headed race, while the north-east with a cephalic index of 78 - 5 has a 
proportion of 42 per cent. The other districts come between without regard to 
order. This, however, is open to great fallacy. Many migrations have taken place 
in the islands, and, as we have seen, rapid dissociation of head form and stature may 
take place. 

After these observations there should be little difficulty in determining the 
probability of the methods applied. It would seem that Dr. Beddoe 's statistics are 
least comparable among themselves ; and, in addition, it appears most probable that 
the categories he has adopted represent real differences in other words that he has 
by direct observation made an unconscious Mendelian analysis. Such a finding 
demands that Dr. Beddoe be given the credit due to rare powers of observation. 

I append a complete analysis of Dr. Beddoe's observations for Scotland, with a 
few exceptions such as Glasgow where the numbers are very small and some other 
places where the total persons observed are under 100. Some sub-districts have 
also been omitted where the total for a larger district includes them. If, however, 
two adjacent regions when grouped together do not satisfy the criterion when one 
alone satisfies it, both results are given. Conirie and St. Fillans, numbers 39 and 
40, show this. It is an indication of want of free marriage. 



Few remarks are necessary on the table. Eemarkably little difference exists 
between the Highlander and the lowlander. The land of the mountain and the 
flood is thus made more responsible for the psychical differences of the Highlander 
and the lowlander than the difference of race origin. Early environment tells more 
than lineage in determining the mental aspect towards the universe. As might be 
expected, the northern islands and the coast of Berwickshire show a large proportion 
of the Teutonic races, and some of the inland highland valleys of the Mediterranean 
races. The differences in the latter range from 15 to 30 per cent., but nowhere 
is there any indication that any large tract of country is fundamentally different 
from the average of the country as a whole. 

2 



196 JOHN BROWNLEE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Mixtures 



TABLE GIVING THE PROBABLE PERCENTAGE COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION IN 
DIFFERENT DISTRICTS IN SCOTLAND BASED ON THE OBSERVATION OF DR. BEDDOE. 



No. 


District. 


No. of Ob- 
servations. 


Teutonic 
Race. 


Alpine 
Race. 


Mediterranean 
Race. 


X 2 


() 


w 




The Islet. 














1 


Shetland (Lerwick, Scallo- 
way Sound, etc.) 


285 


48-6 


34-7 


16-7 


_ 


_ 


4 


Orkney ... ... total 


568 


41-7 


43-4 


16-9 








5 


Stornoway (Lewis) ... 


125 


49'0 


33-0 


18-0 


26-8 


8-35 


6 


Strath, Sconser, Broadford 
(Skye) 


145 


40-6 


41-1 


18-3 


23-4 


3 


7 


Portree (Skye) 


70 


46-3 


26-5 


37-2 


31-6 


<1 


9 


Seal and Luing (Argyll) ... 


68 


47-4 


34-0 


18-6 


25-9 


2 




Caithnets. 














10 


Wick, town ... 


300 


407 


41-4 


16-9 










Northern Highlands. 














11 


Sutherland, N.E 


35 


39-6 


36-9 


23-5 


31-6 





12 


Ullapool (Ross) 


50 


40-0 


38-1 


21-9 


22-4 


00 


13 


Glenshiel. Kintail, Lochalsh, 
Stromc 


120 


40-1 


33-3 


26-6 


29-7 


<1 


15 


Beauly, Aird, Strathglass, 
Muir-of-Ord, market 


170 


47-0 


32-8 


20-2 


22-8 


01 


16 


Inverness, town 


200 


32-2 


41-9 


25-9 


25-9 


00 


17 


Nairn, town 


80 


41-7 


41-8 


16-5 


11-0 


<1 


18 


Inverness, district ... 


500 


37-9 


39-0 


23-1 


23-1 


oo 


19 


Keith and Huntly 


200 


36-1 


39-7 


24-2 


25-5 


16 




Eastern Lowlands. 














20 


Brodie 


125 


39-5 


397 


207 


21-0 


<1 


206 


Forres, Elgin, Fochabers 

(Moray) 


210 


37-1 


45-9 


17-0 


16-7 


00 


21 


Valleys of the Don and Ury 


200 


41-5 


42-3 


16-2 


19-7 


2'68 


22 


Aberdeen, city 


600 


41-2 


43-2 


15-6 


20-7 


8-7 


23 


Brecliin, city... 


100 


36-0 


49-4 


14-6 


26-4 


12 


24 


Arbroath, town 


167 


42-5 


41-1 


16-1 


20-5 


2-77 


25 


Arbirlot, parish 


100 


36-0 


42-1 


21-9 


21-2 


o 



(a) Obtained from the numbers of lighter-haired persons. 

(6) Obtained by extracting the square root of the jet-black-haired persons. 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



197 



No. 


District. 


No. of Ob- 
servations. 


Teutonic 
Race. 


Alpine 
Race. 


Mediterranean 
Race. 


X 3 


(a) 


(6) 


26 


Broughty 


98 


43-0 


407 


16-6 


14-1 


<1 


29 


Angus, actual total ... 


641 


40-6 


42-5 


16-9 


22-6 


12-32 




Fife. 














30 


Kirkcaldy, town ... ... 


300 


43-6 


39-3 


171 


19-2 


75 


31 


Pathhead, Dysart, Wemyss, 
Methil, Leven, Largo, 
Colinsburgh, etc 


300 


44-2 


39-2 


16-6 


20-0 


1-87 


32 


Eastern Fife (Anster, Pit- 
tenweem, Elie, St. Mon- 
ance) 


200 


43-6 


40-2 


16-2 


18-7 


69 




Mid Lowlands. 














34 


Stirling, town 


600 


43-9 


39-2 


16-9 


20-7 


4'86 


35 


Perth, city ... 


665 


42-1 


36-1 


21-7 


21-9 


00 


37 


Auchterarder and Dunning 


180 


43-3 


32-9 


23-8 


24-1 


00 


38 


Forteviot 


300 


42-4 


35-3 


22/3 


22-8 


04 




Highlands, Strathearn, etc. 














39 


Comrie ... 


100 


367 


37-1 


26-2 


24-5 


<1 


40 
40 
B&C 


Comrie and St. Fillans 
Callander and Doune 


100 
150 


38-1 
37-3 


36-9 
36-5 


25-0 
26-2 


30-8 
26-3 


>1 

00 




Breadalbane. 














47 


Breadalbane, total 


199 


41-4 


29-5 


29-1 


29-7 


03 


51 


Athol, total 


290 


39-2 


39-1 


21-7 


20-0 


35 




Central Highland!. 














52 


Braeinar, Ballater, etc. 


170 


39-1 


43-5 


17-3 


24-3 


5-22* 


54 


Fort Augustus 


63 


37-1 


36-9 


26-0 


26-6 


<1 


55 


Banavie and Canal ... 


67 


47-3 


37-3 


15-4 


12-2 


<1 


56 


Glen Moriston and Lochness 


70 


46-2 


39-1 


14-7 


16-8 


<1 


57 


Region of the Great Glen, 
total 


200 


43'8 


37-8 


18-4 


19.2 


06 




West Highlands. 














60 


Fort William 


400 


37-1 


36-5 


26-4 


32-2 


7-96 


61 


Ardgour ... 


70 


45 '5 


36-4 


18-1 


20'7 


<1 



* Mixed Protestant and Catholic District. 



198 JOHN BROWNLEE. A Note on the Possibility of Analysing Race Mixtures 



No. 


District. 


No. of Ob- 
servations. 


Teutonic 
Race. 


Alpine 
Race. 


Mediterranean 
Race. 


X 2 


(a) 


CO 


62 


Oonich ... 


100 


34-6 


33-2 


32-2 


30-8 


<! 


63 


Ballachulish 


220 


36-6 


34-5 


28-9 


33-9 


3-15 


64 


Glencoe and South Balla- 
chulish, total 


164 


41-1 


32-1 


26-8 


31-4 


<1 


67 


Arrochar, Tarbet, etc. 


112 


29'8 


39-2 


3VO 


28-5 


<1 


68 


Inverary, Glen Aray, Cladich 


100 


37'4 


38-7 


23-9 


24-5 


<1 


69 


Dalmally, etc. 


100 


31-6 


43-9 


24-5 


24-5 


00 


70 


Lorn, Sonachan 


90 


29-8 


37-3 


32-9 


34-2 


<l 




Galloway, Carrick, etc. 














72 


Ayr, market day, half 
country folk 


500 


42-0 


36-1 


21-9 


23-2 


44 


73 


Maybole, Cumnock, Dal- 
mellington, Patna, Kirk- 
michael, etc. 


250 


39-5 


41-2 


19-3 


21-0 


35 


74 


Sanquhar, Kells, Dairy, 
Carsphairn 


200 


36-1 


41-4 


22-5 


23-5 


09 


76 


Upper Galloway, total 


250 


37'9 


41-3 


20-8 


21-9 


15 


77 


Stranraer ... 


150 


37-4 


30-4 


32-2 


26-5 


1-3 


78 


Dumfries ... 


200 


39'4 


42-1 


18-5 


17-3 


12 




Edinburgh. 






1 








82 
83 


Edinburgh streets, mixed 
classes 

Edinburgh streets, lower 
classes 


2,000 
1,000 


40-6 
42-1 


39-0 
297 


20-4 
28-2 


25-5 
23-9 


very 
great 

very 
great 




Lothian. 














86 


Leith, Musselburgh, Dal- 
keith and Portobello 


200 


45-8 


37-0 


17-2 


18-7 


2 


87 


Dalkeith, second visit 


88 


62-6 


33-0 


14-4 


12-6 


33 


88 


Dunbar 


150 


41-6 


44-0 


14-4 


11-6 


<1 


89 


Midlothian, farmers, bhep- 
herds, hinds 


300 


53'6 


31-9 


14-5 


12-6 


<! 


90 


Fisherfolk of Newhaven 
and Fisherrow (Lothian) 
and St. Monance in Fife 


176 


51-7 


32'5 


15-8 


13-0 


<: 


91 


Fisherfolk of Buckhaven 
(Fife) 


67 


42-3 


42-3 


15-4 


12-2 


< l 



into their original Elements by the Mendelian Formula. 



199 



No. 


District. 


No. of Ob- 
servations. 


Teutonic 
Eace. 


Alpine 
Eace. 


Mediterranean 
Eace. 


r 


(a) 


(&) 




The Merse. 














94 


Eyemouth, total 


125 


48-6 


39-0 


12-4 


12-6 


<1 


95 


Eyeniouth, other than 
fishers 


100 


52-0 


30-8 


17-2 


20.0 


<1 


96 


Eyernouth(?) 


100 


48-0 


33-5 


18-5 


18-7 


<1 


98 


Dunse, Chirnside, and the 
Merse, mostly peasants ... 


90 


51-8 


36-4 


11-8 


9-7 


<1 


100 


Total Dunse, etc 


230 


48-6 


41-9 


9-5 


11-0 


23 




The Borders. 














101 


Selkirk and Darnick 


100 


41-2 


46-4 


12-4 


14-1 


<1 


102 


Selkirk, market, second visit 


200 


50-0 


32-9 


17-1 


12-2 


1-51 


104a 


Yarrow, etc., total ..< 


100 


49-0 


39-3 


11-7 


10-0 


<1 


105 


Peebles 


80 


44-6 


37-8 


17-6 


15-8 


<1 


107 


Melrose, village 


125 


42-9 


38-1 


19-0 


15-8 


<1 


109 


Jedburgh, town 


150 


43-6 


38-7 


17-7 


14-4 


<1 


110 


Kelso and Jedburgh, total . . . 


200 


43-2 


39-4 


17-4 


12-2 


V68 


111 


Hawick, town 


180 


44-4 


38-7 


16-9 


11-8 


3-82 


112 


Hawick, ram sale, farmers 
and peasants 


100 


43-5 


38-0 


18-5 


17-3 


<1 


115 


Eulewater, Jedwater and 
Up. Liddesdale, peasants 


180 


46-6 


38-5 


14-9 


15'8 


<1 


116 


Total, Teviotdale, etc. 


272 


44-4 


40-3 


15-3 


17-0 


41 


117 


Langholm, town 


200 


43-5 


42-2 


14'3 


13-0 


12 




Total Eskdale and Lower 
Aunandale... 


156 


46-0 


43-0 


11-0 


8-0 


1-63 



NOTE. As far as my observations go at present there is a distinct chemical 
difference between the pigments of red and medium hair as compared with jet 
black. The pigments of the former seem easily soluble in a two per cent, solution 
of caustic soda, while that of the latter resists this reagent. I intend writing more 
definitely on this subject later on. 



200 



NOTES ON THE YEZIDIS. 
BY W. B. HEARD. 

INTRODUCTION. 

So little is known of the religion and customs of the Yezidis, or Devil-Worshippers, 
that the present writer, though conscious of the short-comings of the accompanying 
notes, ventures upon their publication in the hope that they may contain some- 
thing of interest to Orientalists and students of folk-lore. Much of the informa- 
tion here set down will he found to be inconsistent with that supplied by other 
writers on the subject. In this respect, however, he does not stand alone, for 
judging by such literature as he has had access to there exists a singular lack of 
unanimity in the writings of various authorities, which will not be surprising to 
those who have attempted to gather information from native sources, which are so 
often exasperatingly contradictory. 

The bulk of the information here provided was obtained from Mr. Thomas 
Mugerditchian, for many years Dragoman of H.M.'s Vice-Consulate at Diarbekir. 
His childhood was passed in the large village of Eedvan on the Tigris, which 
contained a considerable Armenian population before the Massacres. Amongst 
them there dwelt a numerous Yezldi settlement, on good terms with their 
Christian neighbours, and Mr. Mugerditchian relates that it was through a Yezldi 
servant employed in his family that he gained access as a child to the secret rites 
of the Qawfds, so jealously guarded from outsiders, by creeping in between the 
man's legs, where he remained unobserved in the crowd. 

No one has probably had more opportunity of gathering information about 
the Yezidis than Mr. Mugerditchian, for not only does he speak their language like 
a native, and is familiar with their manners and customs since childhood, but 
whilst accompanying a succession of British Consular Officers on their tours 
he has become expert in extracting information of various kinds from the native 
tribes amongst whom he has encamped. In the course of his journeys he has 
travelled over nearly the whole of the Turkish Kurdistan and has visited in 
particular Mosul and Sinjar, the great Yezldi stronghold. 

The present writer's experience of the Yezidis is limited to the tribes 
inhabiting the district S.W. of Mardln in N. Mesopotamia. He found them wearing 
Arab dress and scarcely to be distinguished outwardly from the semi-nomad 
Kurds of that region. 

The spelling of proper names and places presents a difficulty to a writer 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 201 

unacquainted with the Kermanj dialect, and, where possible, the Turkish pronun- 
ciation has been adhered to. 

Various theories have been put forward regarding the origin of the Yezidis, 
but the riddle may be regarded as still unsolved. Some travellers have observed in 
them distinctive racial characteristics, but to carry conviction their researches would 
entail a careful study of all the Yezidi tribes from Erivan to Mosul, which has 
probably never yet been undertaken. That their language is the Kermanj dialect 
of Kurdish would seem to point to their Kurdish origin, but language and religion 
are in no way sure guides to race origin in Eastern Asia Minor. 

Their religion bears a certain fundamental resemblance to the Shamanism of 
certain Altaian tribes and the Devil-worship of the Kazaks and Kara-Kirghiz. 
The former worship Erlik, the God of Evil, whom though banished by Kaira Kan, 
the God of Good, they seek to propitiate. The latter, though outwardly professing 
to be Sunnis, are in reality Shamanists, and venerate the Devil, yet recognize the 
existence of Khudai, a benign deity. 

In Khode-Qanj and Malik-i-Tawus of the Yezldis, we recognize Ormuzd and 
Ahriman the Good and Evil Principles of Iranian mythology. Though coloured to 
a certain extent with Dualism, Yezidism in practice means to its followers the cult 
of the Evil Principle, the Benign Deity being respectfully relegated to a nebulous 
background, where he reigns supreme but aloof, until the last day. The Demi- 
urge, known by the quaint title of Malik-i-Tawus (the Peacock King), exercises a 
far more direct and potent influence upon the destinies of mankind, of whom he is 
the twin creator, and is to be propitiated accordingly. 

Compared with the Evangelical conception of the Evil One, who is regarded as 
wholly subordinate to God, the role assigned to Satan is here seen to be prominent 
to the extent of almost eclipsing the Personality of the Supreme Deity, though it 
is admitted that the devil was hurled down from heaven by an outraged God. 
Inconsistencies are, however, rather the rule than the exception in the Yezidi 
religion. 

As for the tradition of the Creation, the Deluge and the Judgment to come, 
they appear to be borrowed from Biblical sources, though overlaid with a mass of 
preposterous fable. 

Few races, in a region where oppression has been the lot of the weaker since 
time immemorial, have had to endure greater persecution than the Yezldis, who are 
still regarded as a people beyond the pale, without a book, accursed idolaters. 

It is pleasant to remember that British influence has more than once been 
exerted on behalf of these victims of Mohammedan persecution, notably by Layard, 
who saw something of the tyrant Bedrkhau Bey's ruthless slaughter of the Yezldis, 
and who earned their unbounded gratitude by his exertions on their behalf. 
Again, in more recent times the British Embassy intervened to stop the excesses 
of Eumer Wehbi Pasha, who wrought havoc amongst the Yezldis of Sheikhau and 
Sinjar, and it was at the instance of our Embassy that Sheikh Ali Bey was 
restored to his people in 1898. 



202 W. B. HEAKD. Notes on the Yezulis. 

Whilst refraining from any attempt to proselytize, the Yezidis have clung to 
their barren faith with a tenacity that excites our admiration, and all attempts at 
their forcible conversion have proved unsuccessful. 

It was recently reported, however, that a movement had started amongst the 
Yezidis for embracing Christianity, but to which particular Church overtures were 
made, and how general the movement may be, is unknown to the present writer. 

It would scarcely be possible to imagine a religion more lacking in spiritual 
inspiration, philosophic depth, and in short in all that should go to attract a 
following of fervent devotees than Yezldism. No inspiring example of a great 
Founder is there to confirm the faith of waverers ; no Holy Book accessible to the 
multitude ; and no code of sacred laws exists to bind together the fabric of their 
religion. The ministers of their faith are almost as ignorant as their flock. A 
rude emblem is all that they have to remind them of the sinister Being they worship. 
Yet men have been found to die and suffer torment for such a faith as this, and if 
their numbers are shrunken to-day it is due not to apostasy but to the sword. 

Origin. No certain tradition exists as to the origin of the Yezidis. They 
themselves variously trace their descent from the Khalif Yezicl, from Hassan 
Basri, a Muslim saint, and from the disciples of Sheikh 'Adi, whose shrine is still a 
place of pilgrimage for the Yezidis. This shrine has been built on the site of a 
former Christian (Nestorian) Church, 1 and it is recorded in the chronicles of the 
Nestorians that a certain 'Ady, a monk in the Nestorian monastery of Elkosh, in 
consequence of a quarrel with a superior, seized the monastery known as 'Adi 2 at 
Lalesh, which he converted into a Tekke", where he composed the sacred books of 
the Yezidis and founded their religion. It is conceivable that this 'Adi may have 
impersonated the famous Muslim Sheikh of that name, whom the Yezidis venerate 
as the founder of their religion. 3 

The Yezidis who have kept their religion are known as " Ometa Yezi " 
(followers of Yezi or Yezla). They recognize only four religions or Millets, 
namely, those of the Yezidis, Jews, Christians and Mohammedans. They acknow- 
ledge also the existence of other cults, such as those of fire, the cow, etc. The four 
Millets, together with the followers of the latter cults, shall rise on the last day to- 
be judged by God, whilst the rest of mankind shall be destroyed. 

Some Yezidis believe that they are not the children of Adam in the same way 
as other peoples. .For one day Adam spat and his spittle became a boy, from 
whom the Yezidis are descended. Hence they are " Holier in the presence of the 
seven Gods." 

Another myth* exists, according to which the Yezidis are the sons of Adam 

1 See Le Diable proniu Dieu, by Djelal Noury (Constantinople, 1910), for this tradition. 

2 This church or monastery is said to have been originally consecrated to Mar Addait 
(St. Thaddaeus). 

3 Yezldism, whatever its original form may have been, is probably of far older date than 
that of Sheikh 'Adi. 

4 Djelal Noury, Le Diable promu Dieu. 



W. B. HEAHD. Notes on the Yezldis. 203 

alone, and not of Adam and Eve. One day Adam and Eve were disputing as to 
whether their children were born of their father or their mother. The Angel 
Gabriel thereupon descended, and taking a drop of blood from each of their fore- 
heads, placed them in two jars. In course of time the blood of Adam produced a 
boy, whereas from that of Eve came forth flies and noxious insects, and thus the 
question was decided. This son was known as Shehid surnamed Jeyar, or son of 
the jar, from whom the Yezldis are descended. 

The Yezldis of Sinjar relate that King Ahab, Nebuchadnezzar, Ahasuerus and 
Agricalos (sic) were Yezldis. 

Previously to the time of Yezid, the Yezldis were known as Wetnhiyim 1 or 
dualists. It was only after the reign of the Khalif that they became known a 
Yezldis. Yezid is regarded as the Devil personified ; he appeared on earth once 
more in the form of Sheikh 'Adi, seized the Christian Church of Lalesh and 
converted it into a Kaaba for his followers. 

Sheikh 'Adi. Sheikh 'Adi, surnamed Sherf-ed-Din Abu'l-Fazail, appears to 
have been a Muslim saint much venerated in the sixth century of the Hijra, who 
belonged to the Sufi sect. His genealogy is given as son of Mesafir, son of Ismail, 
son of Marwiin, son of Hassan, son of Marwfm. Djelal Xoury traces his ancestry 
for ten generations further back, but regards the genealogy as purely mythical. 

The Sheikh is said to have been born at Beiti Far, near Baalbek in Ccele 
Syria, and to have settled in Hekkiari, the modern Sheikhan district (not the 
Hekkiari, south of Van), where he established himself on Mount Lalesh and built 
a Tekke, where he collected a following of " Murlds " (disciples). His death is 
given about the year 555 of the Hijra. Mention is made of him by the Arab 
historians Mujbir-ed-din Abdurrahman el Eumeri, Ibn Khalikan and Hafiz Zehebi. 

According to a Yezidi tradition, Sheikh 'Adi went to Mecca with Sheikh 
Abdul Kader el Gllani, where he remained four years. During his absence the 
Devil appeared to his followers in the likeness of the Sheikh and instructed them in 
their religion. After his departure Sheikh 'Adi returned, but the Yezldis refused 
to acknowledge him, saying that the real Sheikh was now in heaven. So they 
slew him and buried him. The Devil appeared once more and told them of their 
error, after which they built for him the shrine, which afterwards became the chief 
place of pilgrimage for the Yezidis. It is possible that the real impersonator may 
have been the renegade Chaldean monk already mentioned. 

According to another Yezidi tradition Sheikh 'Adi fled from the neighbourhood 
of Mosul before the Tartar invasion of King Arghun, intending to take refuge at 
Aleppo, but on the road thither he was captured by the men of Sinjar, who 
revered him as a holy man, naming him Nebi, and afterwards Sheikh 'Adi. On his 
return to his country he died and was buried on the top of Mount Lalesh. 

Religious beliefs. Whilst the Yezldis believe in two principal deities personi- 
fying good and evil, they also recognize other divinities in the persons of various 
holy men since translated to a higher sphere. 

1 Djelal Noury, Le Diable promu Dieu. 



204 W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 

The God of Good, known as Rhode* Qanj, is acknowledged as the Supreme 
Deity, the Creator of the visible and invisible world. He is the Prince, the Master, 
the Creator. Inferior only to him is the God of Evil, known as Malik-i-Tawus (the 
" Peacock God "). Rhode" Qanj, being wroth with Malik-i-Tawus, hurled him 
down from Dunya-jor, the region where God alone dwells, and gave him authority 
over all evil. 

Some Yezldis maintain that all power in heaven is in the hand of Rhode 
Qanj, and on earth in the hand of Malik-i-Tawus. 

The latter's punishment is to last 7,000 years, after which he shall make his 
peace with Rhode" Qanj, and sit beside him on the Throne. He is to be a 
Mediator for his people with the God of Good, even as Christ for the Christians, 
Mohammed for Islam and Moses for Israel. 

Minor deities. Of the seven minor deities : 
Malik-i-Tawus is chief. 
The second is Sheikh 'Adi. 
The third is YezId-ibn-Muawiah. 
The fourth is Sheikh Shems. 
The fifth is Malik Fakhreddin. 
The sixth and seventh are unknown to the present writer. 

According to the Jelwet (sacred book) each of the seven deities is to rule the 
world for 10,000 years. The Yezidis believe that they are still under the reign of 
Malik-i-Tawus, who has ruled for 6,000 years. 

The last day. In the presence of the gods of Good and Evil, at the last day, 
the deeds of men shall be weighed in the scales, and judgment meted out. In 
that day the sun, which is in the Seventh Heaven, shall fall to the Fourth, and the 
earth shall become exceeding hot. Then shall the archangel Israfil blow with his 
trumpet, and immediately all men shall die and the earth shall be consumed with 
fire. After this the archangel Mikhail shall send rain on the earth, and thereby 
the seed which is in men's " Tails," and which is immortal, shall become soft, and 
bones, flesh and hair shall form and take shape in the image of those who have 
died. Then Israfil shall blow with his trumpet a second time, and the dead shall 
be raised and go to ffashar, the Judgment Place, to be judged. Each soul shall be 
led to the Judgment Seat by an angel bearing a staff (Shiva Kudrcti). Every time 
a staff touches a "soul body," it becomes strengthened and immortal. On either 
side of God shall be set an oil-lamp. The souls of the good shall enter into the oil- 
lamp on the right side, and those of the wicked into the lamp on the left. 

According to another tradition, the resurrection is to take place on the top of 
Mount Lalesh, where Sheikh 'Adi shall collect the souls of all Yezidis in a tub 
which he shall bear on his head. After he shall have passed the Gate of Heaven, 
no angel shall have the right to question him. 

The Yezidis manage to combine monotheistic belief with the conception of a 
dual divinity, for of God, the Creator, they say, " From first to last He is alone. 
He eats not, neither does he sleep. Fate and witness is He." 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezidis. 205 

His names are 3,003, of which the angels know 2,000. The rest are known to 
none. The YezTdis swear by the 3,003 names of God. 

The nine archangels. There are nine archangels known to the Yezidis : 

1. Jibra'il, who bears the Word of God to prophets and believers. 

2. Azrael, the archangel of death. 

3. Mikhail, who brings rain and snow, wind and hail. 

4. Israfil, who stands in the presence of God, and announces his messages 

by blowing with the trumpet. 

5 and 6. Nekir and Nukir, who come to examine men's souls at their 
death. 

7. Shemkhail. 

8. Dardail. 

9. Azazel. 

At the judgment (Hashar-u-Mahshcr} the souls of men and of women are of 
one sex. In heaven there is no marriage, for " In the presence of God there is only 
holiness." 

The creation. Of the creation, some Yezidis relate that God created in His 
infinite wisdom a jewel and also a bird, known as Atfer, and placed the jewel on 
the back of this bird. For 40,000 years the Spirit of God brooded upon this 
jewel. 1 

Then on seven successive days He created the archangels. 

On the first day ( Yekshem) He created Azazel, who is Malik-i-Tawus, 

and appointed him Chief of all the Angels. 
On the second day Dardail, whose incarnation was Sheikh Hassan 

(Hassan Bassri ? ) 

On the third day Israfil, whose incarnation was Sheikh Shems. 
On the fourth day Mikhail, whose incarnation was Sheikh Abubekr. 
On the fifth day Israil (?), whose incarnation was Saljeddin. 
On the sixth day Shemkhail, whose incarnation was Nasmddiu. 
On the seventh day Nurail. 

It will be noticed that the above archangels do not correspond with the seven 
previously mentioned. Both lists are given for what they may be worth. 

Next in order God created the seven heavens, the earth, the sun and the 
moon. On the completion of this work God descended once more upon the jewel 
and cried aloud, whereupon it was broken into seven pieces, and from it came forth 
the seas and oceans. At this time the earth was round or circular, but God sent 
Jibrail in the shape of a bird and commanded him to make it square and fix it fast 
in its place. 

Thereafter God created a ship and rested in it 30,000 years, after which he 
came and dwelt upon the top of Mount Lalesh. Then God cried to earth and the 
seas and oceans turned to ice and earth began to quake. Next He commanded 

1 Another version is that God walked upon the face of the waters holding a great jewel, 
which lie threw into the water, and from it the earth was formed. 



206 W. B. HEAUD. Notes on t'ne Yezldis. 

Jibrail to bring two pieces of the jewel. One he placed under the earth and of the 
other he made the gate of heaven. 1 Then he fixed the sun and moon in their 
places and made the stars from small pieces of the jewel and hung them up in the 
vault of heaven. 

Next he created trees and vegetation, the mountains and hills to adorn the 
earth, and set the heaven above the earth. 

God then spoke to the angels and said, " I am going to create Adam and Eve, 
and I will call them men, and from them shall come Shahir the son of Jabir, and 
from them shall come the nation of Azazel (i.e., the Yezldis). God then entered 
Jerusalem (sic) and gave order to Jibrail to bring earth from the four quarters of 
the world. Jibrail brought earth, wind, fire and water, and into these four elements 
God breathed his spirit and power and from them created Adam. 

Jibrai'l set Adam to dwell in Eden (Ferdaus) 2 and told him that he might eat 
all things save corn. After one hundred years Malik-i-Tawus asked God how 
Adam was to have children, and where was his inheritance. God made answer, 
" I leave that in thy hand. Do thou as thou wilt." Then Malik-i-Tawus came to 
Eden and asked of Adam whether he had eaten corn. And Adam said, " No, God 
hath forbidden me to eat it." " Eat it," said Malik-i-Tawuz, " and it will be good for 
thee." He did so, and his stomach became swollen. Then God gave order to 
Jibrail, who came and took a bone from Adam's left side, and of it He made 
Eve. 

The Ark. Amongst the many places where the ark is said to have come to 
rest is the Yezidi Mountain of Sinjar (also Shingar or Shengal). The rock made a 
hole in the ark, whereupon Noah cried " Shingar " (the teeth of the mountain 
trouble us). 3 A snake darted into the hole, which was then closed up. After- 
wards the snake began to bring forth young, and was burnt by Noah, and its ashes 
became fleas (this tradition is also current among Muslims in Kurdistan). 

A ruined tower is still shown on Sinjar, which is held to be the remains of the 
Tower of Babel, whence the nations were dispersed. 

After the deluge of Noah there was a second flood, leaving no man alive but 
Malik Salem, who began a fresh generation. 

The Seven Sanjaks. There are seven Sanjaks (lit., banners) or clans of the 
Yezldis distributed as follows : 

1. Sheik/tan (in Mosul district). 

2. Sinjar (Mount Sinjar). 

3. Aleppo. 

4. Khatta (S.E. of Mardln and around Kedvan in Diabekir). 

5. Zozan (E. of the confluence of the Tigris and Batwan Su in the 

Sharnakh district). 

1 Another tradition relates that in the beginning all the world was water, which solidified 
andjbecame earth ; and the vapour of the water ascending formed the sky. 

2 Firdau.s. 

3 It is not stated in what language this is supposed to be. W. B. H. 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the YezTilis. 207 

6. Haweri (S. and W. of Jezireh-ibn-Omar on the Tigris). 

7. Moskov (in Trans-Caucasia). 

Religious Hierarchy. The Yezldis have no Central Ecclesiastical Authority, 
recognized by the Turkish Government, and look for spiritual guidance to their 
Chiefs and Holy men, of whom there are various castes and sects, subordinate to a 
personage known as the " Ikhtiar-i-MergheV' who at present combines the functions 
of religious and civil chief. 

The highest caste is that of the Mirs or Princes, who are the supposed lineal 
descendants of Yezld. They may be compared to the Muslim Seyyids. 

Next come the Sheikhs, who are the chiefs of the Sanjaks. This office does not 
appear to be hereditary. A Sheikh may sell a place in heaven to a Yezidi. 

The Sheikh in charge of the Sheikh 'Adi Shrine is held in much honour. He 
wears a bracelet of camel-hair as a badge of distinction. 

The Mullahs teach the secrets of their religion, and preserve the history, 
traditions and poetry of their race. 

The " Qawdls " are those who inherit the sacred office of preacher. This sect 
originated in Ba'ashika and Ba'azane villages near Mosul, and has since spread over 
the seven Sanjaks. No other persons are allowed to usurp their name and functions. 
The Qawals travel about alone or iu company, tearing the flags of their Sanjaks 
and the " Tawus-Kushis," 1 and journey from village to village accompanied by 
armed followers. 

They sing and play upon the Tambiir, Daill and Zurna (drum and pipe), and 
perform secret rites in the villages which they visit. They also clothe and pray 
for the dead. 

The Pirs are a class endowed with various sacerdotal functions. They fix the 
days of fasts, officiate at certain ceremonies, such as betrothals, marriages, etc., and 
decide as to the ornaments, etc., which may be worn. 

The Kieuchcks are a hereditary sect, some of whom tend the shrine of Sheikh 
'Adi, whilst others serve Sheikh Ali, their religious chief. They are also found in 
other Sanjaks. At times they become possessed by the devil, and prophesy. They 
also have the power of making men see Paradise (Ferdeus). 

Lastly, may be mentioned the Faqirs who tend the shrine of Sheikh 'Adi. 
They serve in batches of ten every week, though more may be called upon for 
service. The office is hereditary. They are permitted to marry, and inhabit other 
Sanjaks. The Faqirs must fast 80 days (eating food only once in the 24 hours), 
40 days in summer and 40 in winter. Whilst fasting they must sleep upon grass 
mattresses. Others are wandering mendicants, who live upon alms. They also 
instruct children in dancing and singing. 

Every Sanjak is entitled to a Mullah, Kieuchek and Faqir. 

The Yezldis acknowledge two hereditary Chiefs, religious and civil, who are 

1 Little brass images of Malik-i-Tawus in the shape of a peacock, said to be blind of one 
eye. These are made only in the Moskov Sanjak. One seen by Badger consisted of a rude 
effigy of a bird, more like a parrot than a peacock, perched on a tall brass candlestick. 



208 W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yczldis. 

recognized as supreme by the Sheikhs of each Sanjak. They come of a family 
known as the ^[ula-Chol-Bege (family of the Desert Beys). The religious head is 
the Kieuchek Sheikh Ali Beg (called the Ikhtiar-i-Merg4), who dwells in Ba'adre", 
Essia, or Berssdagk (?) villages. All the sects take their orders from him, and he 
is supreme in matters spiritual. 

The civil head, who has even greater authority than the above, was Sheikh 
Mirza Beg, his elder brother, whose seat was at Ba'adre, until his death some years 
ago. Ali Beg has assumed his functions until such a time as his younger brother 
Badih Beg, or one of Mirza's sons, shall succeed him. 

The two Sheikhs hold the title of " Mir-i-Sfwikhan," 1 and the Sheikhs of the 
seven Sanjaks are appointed by them. They are not permitted to enter other 
Sanjaks except in case of war, or in order to settle dissensions amongst the Yezldis. 

There is a hereditary noble caste known as Pessmir. After the Mlr-i-Sheikhau 
they are held in greatest honour amongst the Yezidis. Their daughters intermarry 
with the males of the Mdla-chdl-Becrf. 

On the death of a Mlr-i-Shcikhan he is succeeded by a son born from a, 
Pessmir woman, in default of whom he is succeeded by his brother. 

Secret rites. The Qawals as they journey from village to village perform 
certain secret rites and ceremonies, from which outsiders are rigorously excluded. 

On approaching a village they beat the drum, and the villagers at the sound 
hasten forth to meet them and conduct them to the village, where they become the 
guests of the " Pir." After they have partaken of refreshment the people are 
permitted to come and kiss their hands. 

Before beginning the mystic rites, the officiating Qawal calls for a large tin 
dish or " Tesht," more than half filled with water. In this is placed the brazen 
image of Malik-i-Tawus, which is then covered with fine silk kerchiefs. The 
Qawals meanwhile begin to sing, sometimes in unison, sometimes in solo, to the 
accompaniment of the Tambur, Daul and Zurna. Their songs are both religious 
and profane. They sing of love and war, of the heroes of the past, of nature, of 
the lessons conveyed by their religion, and whilst they sing the eldest Qawal, who- 
presides over the ceremonies, becomes inspired. He foams at the mouth, and 
believes himself to be in the land only seen in dreams, where dwell the gods and 
the priests, who burn incense to the gods. He becomes possessed and talks with 
Malik-i-Tawus, and then suddenly falls into a trance. At this moment the music 
ceases, and the Qawal remains insensible for some fifteen or twenty minutes. 
Someone now begins to pipe very softly, and the Qavvfil apparently comes to life 
for a moment, for he gives orders that any non-YezIdi who may be present is to be 
turned out, otherwise Malik-i-Tawus will not enter into the bird. On being 
reassured on this point he again becomes possessed, and he utters words in rhyme 
and sings to the accompaniment of soft music, until his head droops down near the 
peacock. Then follows a dead silence. All the Yezldis crouch down and gaze at 
the Qawfil and the image before him. 

1 Djelal Nory gives the word as ilir-i-Umera, which is perhaps correct. 



AV. B. HEAI;D. Notes on the Yezldis. 209 



Presently a slight commotion is seen in the water and a soi't voice is heard, 
whereat the Qawfil conies to his senses and tells the people that Malik-i-Tawus- 
has entered into the bird from the water. He then questions the fowl, which 
replies, sometimes uttering prophecies. When Malik-i-Tawus has said all that he 
has got to say, the Qawiil places the peacock on a pedestal and each man kneels 
and kisses it, placing his gift before the Qawfil. Then follow music and dancing, 
and the peacock is also made to " dance." Finally, all disperse to their houses- 
after kissing the hands of the Qawfds. 

These individuals thus acquire considerable wealth from the credulous folk,, 
who bring them gifts of money and clothing, etc. All that is given, however, they 
must lay before the Mlr-i-Sheikhan, who, after taking his share, leaves the- 
remainder to the Qawfils. 

Many give their new clothes to the latter to wear for two months, which 
makes them sanctified. Thus the Qawfils are always provided with new clothes. 

The Faqirs wear long black shirts of goats-hair and white trousers, and round 
their necks they tie a red string, known as the E^herka-i- Sheikh 'Adi. They too- 
may beat other Yezldis, who must not retaliate so long as they wear the Kherka,. 
under pain of death. It is said, however, that if a Yezldi becomes enraged arid 
tears off the Faqir's Kherka he may strike the wearer without incurring any 
penalty. 

The Devil is believed sometimes to show himself to a specially favoured 
Qawiil, and in places where he has thus appeared shrines are built, which are 
known as Slinks. The Yezldis place lamps before these shrines every Tuesday and 
Thursday evening in honour of Malik-i-Tawus. 

Customs at lirth. Infants after birth are placed for three days in a sieve, and 
during this period they must not be left alone. They must be bathed or sprinkled 
with water from the pool of Sheikh 'Adi, which is kept in all Yezldi houses. This, 
water may be used repeatedly for such purposes. Children unbaptized in this- 
manner are called unclean. All males are circumcized. 

Betrothal. The formalities observed at betrothal are the same as those current 
among the Kurds. The father or nearest male relative of the future bridegroom 
brings a sheep to the house of the bride-elect, which is slain, and a feast prepared. 
The village elders then repair to the house of the bride, and the eldest of the 
bridegroom's party asks her father three times whether he consents to give his 
daughter. The latter replies, " Yes, I have given." The girl is then summoned 
and gifts are offered to her by the bridegroom's party. The bridegroom bestows on 
her a head-dress (tasiki), necklace, earrings, bracelets and anklets. The dowry is 
settled by both parties, after which the bride's father brings food, and a feast is 

held. 

The Yezldis are permitted to marry as many as six wives. No limit, however, 

is assigned to the Mirs. 

Marriage. The marriage ceremony up to the year 1877 was as follows : The- 
bridegroom would bring gifts to the Sheikh of his Sanjak or to the Mir-i-Sheikhan and 

p 



210 W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezitlis. 



inform him that lie was betrothed to a certain girl, and wished to marry her. The 
Sheikh would then make the bridegroom kneel before him, strike him three times 
on the back, and say, " Go, that woman is your wife according to the law." In 
1887, however, a Yezldi woman who did not love her husband appealed to the 
Turkish authorities, and said that she had been married by force without her 
consent, and prayed that her marriage should be annulled. The Government thus 
found occasion for interfering with the customs of the Yezidis, and an Imperial 
trade was issued forbidding the Sheikhs to celebrate marriages, and ordering the 
" Nikah " to be performed by a Muslim Mullah. 

Diforrf. Divorce is not permitted except in case of infidelity. Appeal is 
made to the Mir-i-Sheikhan, who may declare the woman " Aza," or divorced. 

Should a YezTdi abduct the wife of another he must pay the full price of the 
woman, or give his sister or daughter or mother instead. A girl cannot inherit 
from her father, and may be sold by him. If she refuses to marry she must pay 
her father for keeping her. 

Sexual intercourse is forbidden on Wednesdays and Fridays (as is the custom 
.amongst Christians in these regions). 

Yezidis may not marry persons of other religions. Yezidi women are much 
esteemed by Muslims for their beauty, and, until recently at any rate, were not 
unfrequently carried off by force or fraud for Muslim harems. 

On the marriage day- a loaf of bread is brought from the house of a Kieuchek, 
of which half is given to the bridegroom and half to the bride, together with a 
piece of Sheikh 'Adi earth, whereby they are sanctified and made fruitful. 

The wedding festival is celebrated in the same manner as amongst the Kurds. 
Men and women dance together and the guests not infrequently get drunk. The 
Kieuchek, however, and three elders who preside over the ceremonies, are supposed 
to keep sober. 

The bride before her marriage must visit all the shrines on the way to her 
husband's village, including even Christian Churches, if there happen to be any 
on the road. 1 On arrival at her husband's house he throws a pebble at her to show 
that she is under his authority. The eldest man present will then take a loaf of 
bread and break it on her head, and the pieces are given to the poor (to make her 
generous). 

Bwwl. Corpses laid out for burial are dressed in white shirt, trousers, hose 
and turban, the hands crossed on the breast. A piece of Sheikh 'Adi earth is 
placed in the mouth. They are then laid on a white sheet (AV/e/v), which is folded 
over and sewn up the side and ends. A strip of linen of four fingers' breadth is 
wound twice round the sheet and tied under the body. As with Muslims, they are 
placed in the grave lying on the right side with the head toward the south. The 
head is placed in a hole at the end of the trench. Stones are then placed on either 
side and others are laid across, to keep the earth off the body. The grave is then 

1 In Kurdistan any Christian shrine believed to be endowed with healing properties is 
visited by all races indiscriminately. 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 211 

filled in, but no aperture is left as in Mohammedan burial. Upon the grave are 
placed one or more loaves, a piece of cheese and a gopal or crook-shaped stick. 
A Faqir then says a special talkin or prayer and repeats the following doggerel : 

"Jfae t'A Nekir u Nukir 
Ld>6r iUn nan u panir 
Eyher pi razi n6 lu 
Le l>uU gopati Faqir." 

Translation. 

" When Nekir and Nukir come to you 
Offer them bread and cheese. 
If they are not satisfied with this, 
Beat them with the Faqir's gopal." 

When the gravediggers have left the ground, the two angels Nekir and Nukir 
are believed to descend upon the grave, and one of them questions the dead, asking 
him his name, family, village, religion and nation, in what prophet he believes, and 
what good and bad deeds he has done during his life. 

The angels inscribe his answers in a book which they lay before God. If he 
has done much evil they are sent back to the grave to trouble the dead. 

The Kieuchek is believed to have the power of resurrecting a -corpse or causing 
a man to die. Sometimes considerable sums of money are buried with the dead 
for their use when they arise. Some believe that the souls of the good inhabit the 
blue sky, and " make men on earth to dream." The Yezidis also believe in 
metempsychosis (Sapd), or the transmigration of human souls into the bodies of 
men or animals. 

Clothing. The undergarments of the Yezidis are always white, and to wear 
anything blue is strictly forbidden. The following chant is very popular amongst 
the Yezidis : 

" Yezidint 
C'hek sipin6 

Jinnetine'." 



Translation. 

" Yezidis are we. 
White are our clothes. 
Heavenly are we." 

Fasts. The Yezidis are accustomed to fast and sacrifice a " Kurban," like the 
Muslims. Various things are considered unclean as food. Amongst other flesh 
that of the gazelle is forbidden, " for its eyes are like the eyes of Sheikh 'Adi." 

There is a legend that in Eamazan, God gave word to the Muslims and 
Christians how long they should fast. To the Yezidis he ordained 30 days 

p 2 



212 W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezidis. 

(Si rosJi), but YezTd, who was rather deaf, understood three days (St rosh), 
wherefore tlie Yezldis only fast three days. 

E'vmption from military service. In 1873 an Imperial Irade was issued 
ordering the Yezldis to undergo military service. The Yezldis thereupon petitioned 
the Sultan, praying that they should be excused for the following reasons : 

1. Every Yezldi must behold the image of Malik-i-Tawus in April, 

September and November. 

2. He must visit the shrine of Sheikh 'Adi once a year. 

3. He must kiss, each day, the hand of his Sheikh or Pir, and of his 

" Brai-akhireti " (brother-in-heaven). 1 

4. It is a sin for a Yezldi to hear the prayers of the Muslims, wherein 

the name of Satan is anathematized. 3 On hearing the name of 
" Sheitan " thus pronounced, he is supposed to be obliged to slay the 
man who utters it, or himself. 

5. When a Yezldi dies there should be present at his burial a Sheikh, Pir, 

Qawal, and " Brai-Akhiretl," who shall pronounce the following words : 
" This man has died in the Yezldi religion and does not believe any 
other." 

6. A Yezldi must eat a piece of Sheikh 'Adi before dying (every head of 

a household has a big ball of earth of which he gives small pieces 
to his family to eat). 

7. A Yezldi, when he fasts, must be with his people, for when he ate, 

which he does once in the 24 hours, the Sheikh and Pir must visit 
him, and he must eat holy bread. 

8. According to Yezldi law, when a Yezldi is absent from his wife for 

one year, his wife has the right to desert him, and no other woman 
will marry him. 

9. The opening in his shirt must be made by his " Brai-Akhireti " or 

" Khushk-Akhireti " (sister-in-heaven). 

10. A Yezldi before putting on new clothes must wash them in Sheikh 

'Adi water to cleanse them from the defilement of alien touch. 

11. A Yezldi may not wear garments dyed with indigo, or use the comb 

or razor of a n on- Yezldi. 

12. A Yezldi may not enter latrines for his easement, but must go into 

the fields for this purpose. 

13. It is forbidden to the Yezldis to eat certain foods, such as are 

commonly consumed by the troops. 

As it became clear from the above reasons that the Yezldis would be obliged 
to violate the tenets of their religion by undergoing military service, they were 

1 Every Yezldi has a Brai-akhireti. This relationship is apparently extended to the next 
world. 

- E.IJ., "Art/u billfihi inin esh-Sheitfm er-rejlm." Let us flee to God from Satan the 
accursed (lit., stoned). 



W. B. HEAKD. Notes on the Ycziili*. 213 

excused from serving in the army and permitted to pay the military tax 
instead. 

The New Year. The Yezldi New Year begins in April. On the first Wednesday 
of this month all Yezldis must provide themselves wich fresh meat. Girls go forth 
into the fields to gather flowers, which they hang over the doors in honour of the 
feast. The women visit the graves of the dead, bringing food which they give to 
wayfarers and strangers, whereby they benefit the dead. At the same time a 
Kieuchek walks round each grave and prays, whilst a Qawal plays the flute, and 
both receive presents from the women. 

During April none save the Kieucheks are allowed to marry. 

On the first of April (Ser-e-saU) no sound of music may be heard, for on that 
day God sitting on his throne ordains the things which shall come to pass during 
the corning year. Every Friday food is brought to the guardians of the flag of the 
Sanjak. 1 This emblem (or at any rate one seen by Mr. Mugerditchian) consists of 
three horizontal stripes of red, green and white. A crier then mounts to the top 
of a house and proclaims the " Dawet-nebi " of the flag. All then bow and kiss the 
earth. 

Charity is regarded by the Yezldis as an act of religion, and alms are given to 
the poor of all creeds. 

Yezldi names. The Yezldis bear Christian, Muslim and Kurdish names indis- 
criminately, e.fj., Elias (Christian), Hussein, Muhainmed (Muslim), and Jindi, 
Kelesh, Jerdo (Kurdish). 

Traces of sun-worship. The Yezldis bow and kiss the earth at sunrise and 
sunset. This practice, however, does not appear to be adhered to with regularity, 
but only when they chance to behold the rising and setting of the sun. 

Superstitions. When a woman goes mad, the Sanjak (flag) is put into water, 
and the woman on drinking of the water is supposed to be healed. 

The YezTdis believe that there is a Sheikh living at Giranjuk near Mosul who 
has had the hereditary power of charming folk, even from a distance. Thus a 
disappointed suitor whose beloved is married to another, avenges himself on his 
more fortunate rival by bribing the Sheikh to " tie up " the husband so that he 
becomes impotent as regards his bride (though not as regards other women). The 
jealous rival informs the Sheikh of the names of the bride and bridegroom and the 
hour of their marriage, and the Sheikh casts his spell. The husband, on becoming 
aware of the trick which has been played on him, then hastens to the Sheikh 
with gifts and beseeches him to release him from the spell. 

It is related that the descendants of Sheikh Euhset of Kuhset village, the 
ruins of which are still to be seen between Beban and Neseri in the Mosul Vilayet, 
have inherited from him certain magic powers. They live at Beban, and are 
regarded as holy. 

They are said to have the power of charming snakes. If one of them meets 

1 Authorities differ as to whether the flag or the image of Malik-i-Tawus is considered to 
be the emblem of the Sanjak. 



214 W. B. HEAHD. Notes on the Yezidii. 

a snake in his path, he says : " The name of Sheikh Ruhset be upon you," and the 
snake lies still. This power they confer in exchange for gifts by spitting into the 
mouth of him who wishes to acquire it. 

There is a legend that God invited Skeikh 'Adi and his " Murlds " (disciples) 
to Heaven, but on starting they found there was no fodder for their beasts. So 
the Sheikh sent them back to bring chaff from his threshing-floor. Some of this 
was dropped on their journey, and became the Milky Way. 

It is believed that Sheikh 'Adi was so holy that all beasts held him in respect. 

The Yezidi Sheikhs, in order to make their people bring offerings of food and 
gifts, sometimes threaten them with Hal (typhoid ?) and famine, or the oppression 
of their enemies. 

Sheikh 'Adi Pilgrimage. The pilgrimage (Ziarcf) to the Shrine of Sheikh 'Adi 
takes place in October or November. The ceremonies and feasts, etc., last a week, 
though the people of Ba'a-shika and Ba'azane remain a week longer. The Ikhtiar- 
i-Merghe presides over the festival, assisted by the Kieucheks and Faqirs. 

Men and women put on their festal attire and dance together, and there are 
feastings and horse-races. The pilgrims are forbidden to cook their food, as all 
must obtain it from the kitchen of the shrine, for which they must pay. Much 
food is also distributed amongst the poor. The Kieucheks and Pirs sit upon stones 
arshin (cubit) high, where they make prayers and judge the people who visit 
each stone, bringing gifts. The Yezidi young men and girls who wish for success 
in love, the birth of children, etc., bring offerings of money to these stones. When 
the sacrifice (Semad-i-Slieikh 'Adi) is being cooked, the young men, desiring to 
show their courage, snatch pieces of meat from the caldron. When the sacrifices 
are being offered the people must bathe in the Zem Zem Su, which flows below 
the shrine. 

On the seventh day the Civil Mlr-i-Sheikhan gives to the young men permis- 
sion to carry off the damsels they desire, which, as may be imagined, leads to con- 
siderable quarrelling and fighting, which the Mirs and Sheikhs do their best to 
prevent. The horsemen carry off their brides on horseback, those on foot lead them 
away by the hand. On such occasions the girls, who wear their finest clothes in 
order to capture the hearts of their swains, take the opportunity of running away 
with their lovers; and indeed, most of the matches are made by mutual consent. 
No union, however, is allowed to take place near the shrine. 

On the last day of the festival, the Ikhliar-i-Merghe seeks out the ulile.si man 
among the Faqirs (called the Chawish ?) and causes him to be stripped and dressed 
in the skin of a goat, whilst his neck is hung round with small bulls. (Another 
authority mentions a goat-hair rope 9 hand span, hung with little bells.) This in- 
dividual then walks round those assembled on all fours, uttering the while the noises 
of a he-goat. It is considered that those present arc sanctified by this performance. 
He receives gifts, of which he must give a proportion to the Mirs and others. 

Pilgrims remove their shoes at half an hour's distance from the shrine, which 
they approach bare-foot. 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 215 

On the day known as Hajdos they proceed to Mount Arafat, where they collect 
pieces of soil and fire their guns. Thence they run all the way to the shrine, and 
he who arrives first has much honour. 

On the day known as the " Qawal's Eoad," everyone proceeds to Mount 
Arafat wearing a rope round his neck. Each returns with a faggot which he places 
before the shrine, whose denizens are thus supplied with fuel. It will be observed 
that the religious authorities have so arranged matters that they must want for 
little in this life. 

A copper sieve known as the " Takht " or seat of Sheikh 'Adi was formerly 
preserved at Bahezane village. It was brought to the " Ziaret " and it was believed 
that Sheikh 'Adi used to sit on it, whilst the Sheikh was judging the people. This 
was carried off by General Eumer Pasha in 1892. 

Other Shrines. There is a shrine known as that of Mohammed Eeshan, behind 
Sheikh Mette Mountain near Mosul. Here the elders settle disputes between 
contending parties, who must swear by that shrine. 

Sick persons visit the Shrine of Khasia, or if unable to travel, will pray to it 
to heal them. The Shrines of Sitt Nefisse" near Bahshika and of Abdi Eesho near 
Kharabe" village in the vicinity of Mosul are said to be endowed with the power of 
healing jaundice. 

The Sacred Books. The sacred books of the Yezidis are two the Jehvet and 
Mes-he/a-ESsh. These are written in Kurdish in Arabic characters on gazelle-skin. 
They contain the word of God with interpretations and commentaries, together with 
traditions and fabulous tales. 

The Jehvet is the Book of Eevelation of YezTd and the ancient sages, detailing 
the revelations and visions of Yezid and his successors. 

The Mes-hefa-Besh gives commentaries and explanations of their religion, lays 
down their ritual and ceremonies and contains the traditions and histories of the 
wars of the Yezidis, their superstitions and fabulous legends. 

The originals of these two books (no copies are said to exist) were of recent 
years in the keeping of Sheikh Abdal living at Kasr Yezid, some eleven hours 
west of Mosul, unless they have since been brought back to the shrine of Sheikh 
'Adi. It is said, on the other hand, that there exists a copy of the Jelwet in the 
possession of a certain Mullah Hadi, living at Ba'a shika, together with the writings 
of various Yezldi poets. 

The following are the opening passages of the Jelwet, adapted from the 
translation of a Chaldean Ecclesiastic of Mosul, made in 1901. 

CHAPTER I. 

" I was. I am present now and shall remain until the end. I rule over all 
creatures. I ordain the works and affairs of all men existing under my powerful 
hand. 

" When and whore it is needful, I am ready to help all that ask, search and 
call for me. I am present everywhere ; there is no place whore I cannot be found. 



216 W. B. HKAI;D. Notes on tlic Yezuli*. 

' All evil thai exists or happens to mankind, I am therein, and it happens 
with my knowledge ; and because evil happens against the will of men, so they call 
it evil. 

" Every period has its special order, and that through my knowledge. Kac.h 
period has its ruler (huktndar), and at the end of each period a new one succeeds 
him. 

" I allow all creatures to make or burn (destroy ?) according to their habit and 
taste. 

"Any man who works against me will repent and be ashamed. 

" Other Gods cannot interfere with my work, and what I wish to do, they 
cannot prevent it. 

" All books which are in the hands of those outside my religion, though written 
by prophets and apostles, are crooked and pervert the truth. 

" The latest book (Jelwet) cancels all others. You may understand what is 
true or false by trying it. 

" I fulfil my promise to him who trusts us. 

" I am free to fulfil or not my promise according to the information given to 
me by those whom I have ordained to rule the periods and guide my people. 

" The needful orders and work at the time I mention and fulfil. 

" I teach my law to those who obey me, and they will have peace and success 
as long as they keep peace with me. 

" CHAPTER II. 

" I punish the race of Adam, and reward whom I will. 

" I reign over the earth, over the height and depth. 

" I allow no man to work against me. 

" I do not forbid good to those who obey and believe me. 

" I reveal myself in different ways to those who follow and hear me. 

" I give and I take. I make rich and poor. 

" I make fortunate and unfortunate. 

" I give prosperity and misfortune. 

" Those who are under my power cannot interfere with my work or forbid me ; 
though they are against me I give them sickness and trouble. 

" 1 allow no man to live longer than I have ordained, and when I will, the 
second and third time I raise him alive again. 

"CHAPTER III. 

" I lead the people without books, and bring them to the right way. 

" My laws are not heavy to bear, they are suited to the time and circumstances. 
And whoso worketh against my judgment, I punish him. 

" The children of Adam do err because they cannot comprehend the future. 

" All the beasts of the desert and the birds of the air and the fishes of the sea, 
all are under my hand and power. 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 217 

" All the mines in the heart of the earth are evident to me, and I transfer 
from one to the other. 

"My power and miracles I show to those who ask me, and all who work 
against me shall be troubled because they do not know that riches and poverty are 
in my hand, and I give to the children of Adam who deserve. 

" Since the beginning, the succession of men, periods and nations, and the 
change of rulers I have ordained. 

'' CHAPTER IV. 

" My rights I give to no other God. 

" I have created four elements of the earth to fulfil the needs of men, which 
are water, earth, wind and fire. 

" And I have created the four seasons of the year and the four foundations of 
the earth. 

" I accept the sacred books of other nations, so long as they agree with my laws. 

" Three things are against me, and three names I hate. 

" He who fulfils my mysteries shall enjoy my promises. 

'' I will reward him who suffers for me. 

" I desire that all my subjects be united, and that they should oppose other 
nations. 

" Oh ! ye my people who hear my voice, deny everything and every word 
which does not come forth from me. 

" Ye must not utter my name, nor speak of my shape, for if ye do it is a sin. 
Ye must not be careless like other nations for this. 

" CHAPTEPv V. 

" Eespect my image and myself, for when ye leave the path of my truth, they 
will lead ye aright. 

" Obey my servants. Hear and perfect the knowledge and mysteries they 
make known to you from them." 

In former times the Yezldis were in constant conflict with the Kurds and the 
Turkish Government, and those of Sinjar are still practically independent and are 
noted brigands. Djelal Nouri mentions six punitive expeditions sent against them 
since the year 1821. 

In 1841 and 1842 Bedrkhan Bey, the grim Kurdish chieftain of Eowanduz, 
inflicted horrible massaci'es on the Yezldis of Sheikhan and Tiyari, men, women and 
children being put to the sword without mercy. Great numbers of the Nestorians 
also shared the same fate. In those days, relates an old man who witnessed these 
events, a girl was sold for a shalwar (Kurdish trousers). 

The last expedition against the Yezldis took place in 1893. It was the time 
of the Armenian massacres of Sassun and Talori, the prelude to greater horrors to 
come, and the Palace being in a suspicious mood lent an ear to the words of Sum 
1'asha, Vali of Diarbekir, who reported against the Yezldis, accusing them of being 



218 W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezldis. 

barbarous folk without religion, and dangerous to the Government and Islam. An 
Trade was accordingly issued for their forcible conversion, and an expedition was 
despatched against the Yezldis of Sinjar under General Burner Wehbi Pasha 
consisting of eight battalions. The Pasha, a harsh and cruel man, was invested 
with full powers, and at once summoned Sheikh Ali Bey, the Mlr-i-Sheikhan, whom 
he endeavoured to convert to Islam, but without avail. The Sheikh was sent 
to Constantinople, and on his again refusing to abjure his faith, was exiled 
to Castamuni. Eumer Wehbi then arrested Sheikh Abdal, from whom he 
endeavoured to obtain the sacred books, but without success, as the Sheikh had 
already taken them to Sheikh Mir/a Bey of Sinjar. The Pasha now turned his 
attention to the Yezldis of the Sheikhan region, of whom he massacred considerable 
numbers, and Sheikh Mirza Bey sent messages to all the Yezldis to assemble in 
Sinjar for the protection of the " Sanjak of Yezid " against the " Eed fezzes." 

Eumer Wehbi made repeated attacks on Sinjar, but the rocky hills were too 
steep for his guns, and he was every time beaten back. 

Leaving detachments to hold the four roads leading to Sinjar, the Pasha then 
drew off into the plain, and ravaged and massacred both Yezldis and Kizilbashes, 
for the latter, mistrusting the humour of the Government, had made common cause 
with the former. Shrines were destroyed, Sheikhs and Mullahs were barbarously 
tortured, and the unfortunate inhabitants suffered the usual fate of the vanquished 
in these regious. Enraged at his reverses in Sinjar, where he had lost some 
500 rifles, Eumer Wehbi next proceeded to attack the neighbouring Kurdish and 
Arab tribes of the desert, whereupon Ibrahim Bey (afterwards the famous Ibrahim 
Pasha), chief of the Milli Kurds, protested to Headquarters against the Pasha, 
and other Kurdish chieftains did the same, whilst the British and French Consuls 
in Mosul reported to their Embassies the barbarous behaviour of the Turkish 
general. Orders were accordingly sent from Constantinople to stop the carn.'ige, 
but the Pasha refused to heed any orders coming through Mosul or Diarbekir. 

Disorders were now general throughout Southern Kurdistan, and the Kurds 
were getting out of hand, so orders were finally sent from the Palace for the 
dismissal of Eumer Wehbi Pasha and the withdrawal of the troops. 

In 1898 Sheikh Ali Bey was pardoned at the instance of the British Embassy, 
and returned to Sinjar. 

Since Eumer Wehbi's expedition the Yezldis have been left in peace, though 
in 1908 a considerable number belonging to the Sharkian Denan, and other Ye/Idi 
tribes, subject to Ibrahim Pasha, were slain, when that chieftain's country was 
plundered and overrun by the troops and tribes sent to suppress his revolt. 

Is it too much to hope that the new era which has dawned in Turkey may 
hold brighter days in .store for this courageous race, who have clung so tenaciously 
to their mysterious faith through all the dark years of their stormy past ? 

(Origin of the name Yezidi. It seems improbable that the name has in reality 
any connection with the Arabic Yazld, the name borne by the adversary of 'Ali as 



W. B. HEARD. Notes on the Yezidis. 219 

well as by other /Kalifahs. As the faith is, no doubt, an old one, is it not possible 
that the name also is pre-Muslim ? As the Yezidis speak an Iranian language may 
it not be a corruption of an old Persian name of the Deity, converted into a devil 
by the dominant religion ? The Persian Yazd, Izad (old names for God) seem to 
offer a possible origin, and Yazld may be only an Arabicized form. M. L. DAMES.) 






221 



THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 

The Hiwdey Memorial Lecture for 1911. 

BY FELIX v. LUSCHAN, M.D., D.Ph., Professor of Anthropology in the University 

of Berlin. 

[WITH PLATES XXIV-XXXIII.] 

STANDING on the " New Bridge " in Constantinople near the Mosque of the Sultan 
Validd I have more than once tried to count the languages and dialects spoken by 
the crowds pressing and pushing between Galata and Stamboul. Turkish and 
Greek are naturally the most frequently spoken, but one also easily distinguishes 
much Armenian, Arabic, Kurdish and Persian. We hear the harsh voices of some 
Circassian soldiers and learn from an Abkhasian friend that he does not understand 
their language and that " it might be " Lesghian. He also tells me that many of 
his Circassian friends serving in the same regiment are obliged to speak Turkish 
when they want to understand one another. 

We then meet Albanians, Bulgarians, Roumanians, and are addressed in 
Serbo-Croatian by an old priest from Bosnia. You are sure to hear in less 
than five minutes five other modern European languages, English, French, 
German, Italian and Russian, and then your ear is startled by the melodious 
Spanish of some Spaniole Jews from Salonika, who still retain the idiom spoken in 
Spain when they were expelled from there more than four hundred years ago, and 
have thus actually preserved the language spoken by Cervantes. And we hear other 
Jews on their pilgrimage from Russia and Poland to Jerusalem, speaking their curious 
Yiddish, a sort of German, that no German could understand without making it a 
special study. Once on this bridge I had to play the interpreter between a 
Hungarian gipsy and some Aptals or other gipsies from Anatolia, and an instant 
later I saw a Dinka eunuch sitting on the motor-car of an Imperial princess and 
making his selam to a group of equally dark and equally tall Bail or Shilluk. 

Bilin and Nuer also are very commonly spoken by Stamboul eunuchs, and I 
was once told by one of my coloured friends there that more than a thousand 
female servants are living in metropolitan palaces, all coming from Bornu and 
speaking Kanuri. Another day, on the same bridge, I met some East Indians, 
speaking, as they told me, Hindi, Hindustani and Gujerati, and trying in vain to 
come to an understanding with a large troop of African Hajjis returning from 
Mecca, some of whom were Hausa, others from Zanzibar and the Swahili coast, 
others from Wadai and Baghirmi. One may also meet on this bridge Mahometans 
from China and from Indonesia, and, to complete this Babylonian confusion of 

VOL. XLI. Q 



222 FELIX vox LUSCMAN. The E/irti/ Inlin1>iii>t* f HVx/cr// A*i<t. 

languages, some day or other even a Papuan from Poreh or some other place in 
Ihitch New Guinea may appear there on his Hajj to Mecca. 

Not less numerous than the languages are the types one meets in Constanti- 
nople or in any other of the larger towns in Western Asia, and even within a 
linguistic group there is generally a most striking diversity of somatic qualities. 
There are Turks with fair and Turks with dark skin, Greeks with short and Greeks 
with long heads, Arahs with broad and low noses, and other Arabs with narrow and 
high noses, Kurds with hlue and Kurds with black eyes ; and the more one studies 
the ethnography of the Ottoman Empire the more one sees that "Turks" in 
reality means nothing else than Mahometan subjects of the Padishah, that " Greeks " 
means people belonging to the Orthodox church, and that "Arabs" are people 
speaking Arabic : the somatic difference between a Bedouin from Arabia or 
Mesopotamia and an "Arab" farmer from near Beyrout is striking, and they 
have nothing in common except their language. 

Also the study of the modern religions in Western Asia is of no help to us 
in this labyrinth of types. There are Greeks who look like Mahometans, and many 
Ansariyeh or other ("Moslem") sectaries are not to be distinguished from Armenians. 
Religion, too, is here much more closely connected with late historical events than 
with races or nations, and is only too often of a merely accidental character. 
, Even the old historians do not help us. Their anthropological interests were 
generally trifling, and important statements like the note that the Armenians 
" TroXXa 4>pwyi&va-iv Trj ffxovfj," or that a tribe from the Solymian Mountains 
spoke Phoenician, are extremely rare in the old writers, who give us names like 
Lyciaus, Carians, Cilicians, and so on, but, generally, do not give us the slightest 
details as to their place in an anthropological system. 

So we can well understand how, fifty years ago, G. Eosen, then perhaps the 
best authority on the nations of Asia Minor and Syria, could say that the 
anthropology of Western Asia would " always remain a mystery." 

Since then minute anthropometric researches and vast excavations have both 
thrown light on most of the problems connected with this " mystery," so that it 
may now be considered as practically solved. 

My own way of proceeding was to eliminate one by one every national or 
racial element that could be traced as having come from outside, and then to 
study the remainder. It was my good fortune to begin archaeological and 
anthropometric fieldwork in Lycia as early as 1881, and since that time I have 
never ceased to collect all available data connected with the natural history of 
man in Western Asia. So it is the work of thirty years of which I now beg 
to give a short account, and this will be done best by beginning with the ostensible 
foreign elements and then describing the remaining tribes ami 



A. Dark Africans. 

These are naturally by far the easiest to eliminate, and they have only in 
a very insignificant way contributed to the building up of the white communities 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Ewrhj Inhabitants of Western Asia.. 223 

in Asia Minor and in Syria, although they have been imported there from the 
earliest historical times down to our own days. Even now there are few houses of 
wealthy Mahometans without dark servants, male or female, and without half- 
caste children of the most various tints. Nowhere, perhaps, with the exception 
only of Brazil, could miscegenation he hotter studied than in the large towns of 
the Levant. Domestic slavery is still flourishing there, and " black ivory " generally 
comes, as in the old times, from the Upper Nile, but also from Bornu. In the 
Turkish-speaking south of Asia Minor a dark African is generally called Arab, in 
Syria Maghreli or Habeshi. As far as I know, social inferiority is never connected 
with colour ; half-castes frequently intermarry with whites, but still there is no 
real Negro permeation of the other natives, probably because that section of the 
offspring which reverts to Negro qualities does not stand the climate. 

B. Circassians. 

About a million of the Mahometan inhabitants of the Caucasus immigrated 
into Asia Minor and Syria after the fall of Shamyl. The lot of these muhajir 
(refugees) was generally a melancholy one ; the Ottoman Government did its best 
to give them land, but land without a master is rare also in Turkey, and in many 
places the result was a fight of all against all or a state of regular brigandage, often 
resulting in the final extinction of the Circassians. Where the land given to them 
was really masterless, it lay in unhealthy swamps and marshes, where malaria 
raged and carried them off at a terrible rate year by year. I know a place near 
Islahiyeh where more than a thousand Circassian families were settled about 1880 ; 
now only seven of them remain, and these in a wretched state of fever and disease. 
Only a very few of these Circassian colonies are really thriving, and probably most 
of these glorious sons of snowy mountains will in a few generations have paid with 
their lives for their fidelity to Islam. 

Till now the Circassian blood has not seriously influenced that of their Turkish 
neighbours, and probably never will. The colonists very seldom give their 
daughters to Turks or Arabs and the " soft Circassian beauties " play a larger part 
in liution than in actuality. 

C. Albanians. 

The number of Arnauts or Albanians actually living in Asiatic Turkey is said 
to be about 100,000. Many of them serve in the army, some are high government 
officials, a few are even in the diplomatic service and famous for their unusual 
intelligence. Most of the " kavasses " of the foreign consuls and rich merchants 
are Arnauts, and so are nearly all the boy-servants in the Turkish bath establish- 
ments. Most of the large " hans " [caravanserai] in the interior are also managed 
by Albanians. 

It is easy to separate these Albanians from the great bulk of the other Islamic 
elements of the Ottoman Empire, because they arc all proud of their nationality and 



L'24 FEUX VON LUSCIIAN. TVtc Early Inliulitant* of Western A*/". 

stick to their native language. They inte7-marry rarely with aliens and are 
remarkably homogeneous as to their physical qualities. They are nearly all dark, 
tall, with large, extremely brachycephalic, skulls, and high and very narrow noses. 
Somehow connected with the Dinaric race, they have, by long inbreeding and 
isolation in their nearly inaccessible mountains, acquired their remarkable and 
quite peculiar type. 

D. Bulgarians. 

The few thousand Bulgarians living in Asiatic Turkey are mostly confined to 
Constantinople and some towns on the north coast of Asia Minor. Their language 
and their garb permit us easily to isolate them, and they are so few in number that 
we may neglect their influence on the somatic qualities of their alien neighbours. 

For the same cause also we may here omit the Eoumanians and Serbs. 



E. Bosnians. 

Since 1879 probably not one Austrian Lloyd steamer has left Trieste for 
Constantinople, without having on board some Mahometans from Bosnia and 
Herzegovina, desirous of escaping Christian rule. They settle by preference near 
Brussa, and will probably in some generations have a certain influence on the type 
of the Islamic inhabitants of the neighbourhood. It may therefore be stated here 
that, though they are called " Turks " in Austria, they have no Turkish blood. 
They are descendants of the typical South-Slavonic population, which inhabited 
Bosnia and Herzegovina long before the battle of Kossovo-polye (1389), and were, 
after the fall of the Servian Empire, forced to turn Mahometans. They do not 
even speak Turkish, but have preserved their old Serbo-Croatian language. The 
very few Bosnians, mostly officers, that settled in Asiatic Turkey before the 
Austrian occupation of Bosnia, may be omitted here. 



F. franks and Levantines. 

Frenghi [Franconiaus or Franks] is the common name for the European 
Christians (and also for syphilis) all over the nearer Orient, and the descendants of 
European, generally French and Italian, and therefore Eomaii Catholic, families are 
called Levantines. They take only a minimum share in the building up of the 
Oriental populations. In Mannaritza, near Halikarnassos, where a British Squadron 
had a winter station for many years, a very great proportion of the children is said 
to be flaxen-haired, and at Kynyk, the ancient Xanthos in Lycia, I met in 1881 a 
Mahometan, quite fair, with light blue eyes, of rare intelligence and with nearly a 
fanatical interest in geographical and archaeological problems. He was born in 
1841, a year after the second expedition of Sir Charles Fellows at Xanthos. Near 
Sendjirli I know an Armenian woman who is very fair ; her own people pretend that 
she is the daughter of an American. But all these are rare exceptions, of no 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 225 

general importance, and I feel sure that the modern admixture of European blood is 
in no way responsible for the great number of light-coloured people also in the 
interior of Asia Minor and Syria. 

That in Oriental towns with very hot summers the death-rate of light-coloured 
children in Prankish and Levantine families is essentially larger than that of dark- 
coloured, has been often asserted, and would naturally be of universal anthropo- 
logical interest if proved by serious statistics. Personally I do not know of one 
single light-coloured Levantine family in places infected with heavy malaria. 

G. Jews. 

As the Oriental Jews practically never mix with the other Orientals, and so 
do not contribute in any way to the physical qualities of their Oriental neighbours, 
they would be of no interest for this paper if we could not trace them back to very 
early times. But their racial position can only be investigated in connection with 
the old and oldest anthropology of Syria and Palestine. So for the moment we 
must here confine ourselves to the statement that there are several very distinct 
groups of Oriental Jews. 

By far the most numerous are now the Sephardim, speaking an early Spanish 
dialect, arid descended chiefly from Jews expelled from Spain by the narrow- 
minded fanaticism of the fifteenth century. They have contributed not a little to 
the intellectual and economic development of the Ottoman Empire. 

Of far less importance are the Ashkenasim, speaking " Yiddish," and descended 
from Jews emigrated from Eastern Europe. The difference between these two 
groups was originally merely geographical and accidental, but now they are holding 
themselves rigidly apart, and I know of a small Ashkenazic community in south- 
western Asia Minor, that abstains from meat rather than eat of an animal killed 
by a Sephardic butcher. I could not learn if there were also differences in creed, 
but practically these two groups are like different sects, and in most places there is 
less intercourse between them than there is between Protestants and Catholics in 
the most backward villages of Central Europe. 1 This is perhaps of some impor- 
tance in connection with the fact that both Ashkenazim and Sephardim are equally 
distinguished by a complete absence of uniform racial characteristics, just as it is 
with our Jewish friends in Europe. 

The " enlightened public " of course knows better. Some Jews themselves 
state that they are " pure Semites, chosen and selected," and even in modern 
scientific papers one may still read of the complete " uniformity " of the Jewish 

1 E. Andree, in his Volkskuade der Judun, quotes a passage in the Jcwisli, Chronicle, 1878, 
where an Ashkenaz asks if " those Portuguese are real Jews, or only a sort of half-castes but 
distantly related to our glorious race 1" A Portuguese answers him, " that we are the Jews of 
the highest caste, as may be best evidenced by the fact that we have always refused to assimilate 
ourselves with the lower caste the Tedeschi." So felt the Jews in London and in 1864 the 
Sephardim of Bucharest bought a churchyard for themselves, to have nothing in common with 
the Ashkenazim, even after their deatli ! 



226 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 

type. But this uniformity only exists in the books and not in reality. There are 
Jews with light and with dark eyes, Jews with straight and with curly hair, Jews 
with high and narrow, and Jews with short and broad, noses ; their cephalic index 
oscillates between 65 and !).S as far as this index ever oscillates in the genus 
homo ! Indeed, since my paper on the anthropological position of the Jews 1 there 
is, as far as I know, no serious anthropologist who still maintains the cranial 
uniformity of the Jews. It is also conceded that the great majority of the Jews is 
decidedly brachycephalic, whilst the typical Semites are essentially dolichocephalic. 
But even giving up the cranial uniformity, one still speaks of the marvellous 
tenacity, frequency, and distinctiveness of the Jewish type of face. Now this 
" Jewishness " is much more easily felt than defined, and Joseph Jacobs, 2 1885, 
was the first to try an exact definition. It is a certain and typical development of 
the nostrils (Jacobs' " nostrility ") that is the best characteristic of what we 
generally call " Jewish." 

Weissenberg, 3 wanting to prove a specific Jewishness of type, relates how 
he showed some hundred photographs of Russians and Russian Jews without 
distinguishing or peculiar dress, etc., to two friends, a Russian and a Jew ; the 
first was correct in 50 per cent., the second in 70 per cent, of his statements. I do 
not think this experiment very convincing ; Weissenberg should have shown his 
friends photos of Greeks Armenians, and Persians. The number of correct 
identifications would then have been certainly very much smaller, and it would 
have become evident that what Weissenberg takes to be " Jewislmess " is nothing 
more than Oriental, pure and simple. I shall refer to this statement towards 
the end of this paper, and meanwhile only want to advert to Table II on p. 238 
showing in the thick line the cephalic indices of 1,222 Jews ; 52 per cent, of these 
were Sephardim, whom I measured at Smyrna, at Constantinople, at Makri, and in 
Rhodes ; the rest were Ashkenazim measured by myself when I was one of the 
medical assistants in the Allgemeine Krankenhaus at Vienna, Austria. 

Besides these two large groups there are other Jews in Turkey and in Egypt, 
who have been there since the early times of the Diaspora and longer. But they 
are few in number and I had no opportunity to measure any of them. 



H. Gipsies, Aptal, etc. 

A small but highly interesting group is formed by the Gipsies and their kin. 
About 30,000 of them are said to infect Turkey with their disorder and inclination 
for theft and larceny. On the other side they are cheerful company, men and 

" lii' anthropologische Stellung der Juden," Correspondenzblatt der deutschen anthropol 
Qesdlschnft, 1892. Also in an Italian translation by Prof. Ugolini in Arch, per V Antropologia e 
C Etnologia, vol. xxii, 1892. 

"On the Racial Characteristics of Modern Jews," Journal Anthropol. List., 1885, vol. xv 
p. 23 as. 

J < Holms, I M. <I7, 1910, p. 329. 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 227 

women, not seldom with a certain beauty. 1 They make baskets and sieves ; the 
men are mostly blacksmiths and shrewd horsedealers. They are never settled in 
houses, but wander with their goat-hair tents, in winter-time on the plains, in summer 
higli up in the mountains. I once met a small " village " of about ten gipsy-tents 
as high as 8,000 feet. Unhappily, nothing is known about their early migrations 
and history ; they speak Turkish in Asia Minor, Arabic in Syria, and keep secret 
their own language with so much care that my various and repeated efforts to 
get at least a few phrases turned out a complete failure. 2 

In Northern Syria I met a kind of Gipsies calling themselves Aptal ; they lay 
a certain stress upon their not being Gipsies, but I could find no real difference 
either in their somatic qualities, or in their ethnographic or social standing. 
Some of them often wander about like Dervishes in groups of four or five, and 
with a large red or green banner ; others are jugglers and conjurors and play tricks 
with serpents. 

Gipsies never, or hardly ever, mix with other tribes in Syria or Asia Minor. 
They naturally pretend to be Mahometans and have Islamic names, bat they are 
always treated with a certain contempt or disesteem. Mahometans hardly ever 
curse ; but one of their rare abusive phrases is tchingene = gipsy. 

Till now, we have been treating of a few isolated groups that are very easily 
separated from the bulk of the tribes of Western Asia. We now come to some 
nomadic tribes, who also form quite distinct groups : Turkomans, Yuruks and 
Kurds. 



I. Turkomans. 

Eeal Turkomans, coming from West Turkestan, are rather rare in Asia Minor, 
and I never met any in Syria. They travel in quite small groups, one or two 
families only, and are to be distinguished even at a great distance, as they are 
the only tribe in Asia Minor which has the real camel with two humps, all the 
others having the dromedary. I once met a family of such Turkomans, near Old 
Limyra in Eastern Lycia, that had come " from near Samarkand." They had been 
away from home four years and wanted to go as far as Constantinople ; in five or 
six years more they thought inshallah to reach their home. 

Some of these Turkomans have very oblique eyes ; all have small roundish 
heads and are of low stature, seldom exceeding 160 crn. They do not mix with 
the native inhabitants. 



1 Cj. some types I published in Petersen and von Luschan, Reisen in Lykien Milyas und 
Kibyratis, Wien, C. Gerold's Sohn, 1889. 

2 Henry Minor Huxley (American Anthropologist, vol. iv, 1902, p. 49) examined at 
Jerusalem a few Gipsies of Syria that spoke Arabic, " but among themselves fluently Gipsy. 
Many of their words have exactly the same forms as are found in Hindu Gipsy words." I do 
not know if this statement is confirmed by other explorers. 



228 FELIX VON LUSCIIAX. Tin Em-lij Inlialitants of Western Asia. 



J. Yuruks. 

Another nomadic tribe found in Asia Minor in far greater number than the 
Turkomans, is formed by the Yuruks. The word means " wanderer," and many 
misunderstandings are due to this ambiguity, as all sorts of " wanderers " have been 
described as Yuruks, just as settlers in South Africa sometimes speak of " Bushmen," 
not meaning the real Pygmy-Bushmen, but dark and tall Kafirs living " in the 
bush." 

I wrote upon the real Yuruks in the Z.f. E. 1886, xviii, Vcrh. p. 167 ss., 
and may here refer to this paper and to the plates in Reisen in Lykien, etc., quoted 
here (p. 227, note 1). 

They are remarkable for the artificial deformation of their head and their 
generally long skulls. Their real home is not known. They speak Turkish, and 
up to the present no trace has been found of their original language. I once 
suggested that they might be in some distant way related with the Gipsies, with 
whom at least some of them have a decided and striking somatic resemblance ; it 
then seemed to me possible that their high moral standard, their serious and 
decent ways, and their assiduity in work their wives are famous carpet-makers 
might be due to Islam. But this was a mere suggestion, and it might well be 
that their resemblance to the Gipsies is only quite accidental. I hope that others 
may be more successful and find legends and traditions, remains of the old 
language or other material that would permit us to trace the Yuruks back to their 
real home. 

Meanwhile a sort of jealousy between them and the settled Mahometans 
excludes intermarriage almost without exception. 

K. Kurds. 

Kurdistan, the land of the Kurds, is a vast mountainous territory, nearly twice 
as large as Greece, in the south-east of the Armenian mountains. Its frontiers are 
undefined and uncertain, changing with the scattering or gathering of a floating 
mass of, chiefly, nomadic inhabitants. 1 The greater, north-western part is under 
Ottoman, the south-eastern under Persian, control. We know of no political unity 
of thu Kurds, aud, as far as we can trace back their history, they were always 
forming many different tribes (ashirets) under independent chiefs, whose strength 
was only broken in the last century, in Turkey not without the aid of Moltke, then 
a young Prussian officer. 

The Kardouchoi and Gordyaeans of the old historians are most probably the 
direct ancestors of the modern Kurds, but we do not know when these tribes first 
set their foot upon the soil of their present home. The Assyrian annals and careful 

'The best statistics on Kurds are due to Mark Sykes, Trails. Uui/. Anthrop. Jnst., vol. 
xxxvii, 1908, p. 451 ss. 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 229 

excavations on the upper Euphrates and Tigris will probably, at some future time, 
shed light upon this question. 

Meanwhile it is important to state two facts : The Kurds speak an Aryan 
language, and they have long heads and generally blue eyes and/air hair. 

I have studied three groups of Kurds, 115 men near Karakush, 26 men on the 
Nimrud-Dagh, and 80 men from near Sendjirli all adults. In the Karakush 
series 71 men were xaulhochroic, on the Nimrud-Dagh 15, and in Sendjirli 31, 
this being 62, 58 and 39 per cent., respectively, and for the whole number of 221 
adult men, 53 per cent. The cephalic index oscillated, in the case of the 115 
Karakush Kurds, between 713 and 785, with the Nimrud-Dagh men between 
723 and 783, and in Sendjirli between 744 and 809, the arithmetic mean being 
749, 752, and 769. Two good types are reproduced here, Plate XXIV. 

The Kurds from Karakush and from the Nimrud-Dagh live nearly isolated ; 
I found only one or two small Armenian merchants with them ; the Kurds from 
Sendjirli stay near " Turkish " and Armenian villages, and it is known that they 
sometimes steal and marry Armenian wives, and not seldom they intermarry with 
" Turks " so it is probable that the Kurds from Sendjirli are less typical than 
those from Karakush and Nimrud-Dagh. 1 I saw many other Kurds on the plain 
between Kyrykhan and Marash, whom I could not measure, but who seemed to be 
in absolute conformity with the Kurds I had measured. So I may state that the 
western Kurds are dolichocephalic, with an average index of 75, and with more 
than 50 per cent, of fair adults the heads becoming shorter and larger, and the 
hair and eyes darker, with the increasing admixture of " Turkish " or Armenian 
blood. 

So much for the western Kurds ; we are up to the present very ignorant as to 
the somatic qualities of the eastern Kurds. I have myself only seen a very few 
Kurds from Persia, but the general impression of some of my scientific friends is 
that the eastern Kurds show a much higher percentage of darker and round- 
headed men than the western. 

The language of the Kurds is split into many dialects ; yet two main groups 
are to be distinguished, a western and an eastern. Both are related to modern 
Persian and are typically Aryan. So, if ive ask for the real native country of the 
Kurds, there can only be one answer : It must be the same as that of our own race, of the 
race of Northern Europe. It is not my concern here in this paper to treat of the 
Aryan problem, and I feel myself utterly free from any Pan-Germanic aspirations 
in the style of Gobineau and Chamberlain, but still 1 believe in an old " blue-eyed, 
fair-haired, long-headed race as in an impregnable complex and not a synthetic 
accident." 3 

1 The greater number of xauthochroic men on the Nimrud-Dagh and in Karakush 
compared with their smaller number in Sendjirli may be due partly to the splendid, cool 
climate of these mountain villages. 

- Verbally quoted from a paper of 11. N. Salaman, " Heredity and the Jew," in Journal of 
Genetics, i, p. 274. The author of this very interesting paper holds the opposite opinion and 
believes in a "synthetic accident. 



230 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 

And can it be mere accident that a few miles north of the actual frontier 
of modern Kurdish language there is Boc/liaz-Koi, the old metropolis of the Hittite 
Empire, where Hugo Winckler in 1908 found tablets with two political treaties 
of King Subbiluliuma with Mattiua/a, son of Tusratta, King of Mitanni, and 
in both these treaties Aryan divinities, Mithra, Varuna, Indra and Xasatya, are 
invoked, together with Hittite divinities, as witnesses and protectors. 

And in the same inscriptions, which date from about 1380 B.C., the King of 
Mitanni and his people are called Harri, just as nine centuries later in the 
Acheemenidian inscriptions Xerxes and Darius call themselves Har-ri-ya, " Aryans 
of Aryan stock." 

So the Kurds are the descendants of Aryan Invaders and have maintained their 
type and their /tui'/iitiyefur mure than 3,300 years. 

L. Tahtadji. 

In Lycia there are about 1,000 families, or 5,000 souls, of a people calling 
themselves Tahtadji or boardcutters " sawyers." This is indeed their principal 
occupation. In Western Lycia their Mahometan neighbours call them Allem, 
a name that is perhaps connected with the word Ali- Ullahi or Layard's Ali- 
Illahiya, 1 meaning people that worship Ali. I treated at large of this curious sect 
in 1889, 8 so that I can be brief here. 

They live high up in the mountains, generally in tents covered with felt, 
sometimes in round [!] houses, and keep rigidly apart from all the other inhabitants 
of Lycia. They speak Turkish, are officially regarded as Mahometans, and have 
also Mahometan names, but they have no inner connection with the creed of 
Mahomet. They believe in metempsychosis and in good and bad demons. 
Hares and turkeys are considered as unclean, and the peacock as a sort of 
incarnation of the devil. 

Their somatic qualities are remarkably homogeneous ; they have a tawny 
white skin, much hair on the face, straight hair, dark brown eyes, a narrow, 
generally aquiline nose, and a very short and high head. The cephalic index 
varies only from 82 to 91 with a maximum frequency of 86. The mean length- 
height index is 781, the mean facial index, 876. A typical skull of a Tahtadji is 
figured here, Plate XXXIII. 

M. Bektash. 

Whilst the Tahtadji live high up in the mountains of Lycia, a similar sect, the 
Bektash, dwells in the Lycian towns, principally in Elmaly. Their creed has never 
been exactly studied, and they are very anxious to keep it secret. Like the 

1 A. H. Layard, Ni-nen-h, i, p. 296 ss. 

* Peter-sen and von Luschau, Reuen in Lykien, etc., Wien, C. Gerold's Sobn. Partly 
reprinted in Archivf. Anthr., vol. xix, 1890. 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 231 

Tahtadji they affect a certain affinity with the real Moslems, but they never 
intermarry with them. 

I published the measurements of 40 adult male Bektash in my paper on the 
Tahtadji 1 and quote from it here, that the cephalic index oscillates only between 
84 and 89, and the auricular height-index between 74 and So with two maxima at 
75 and 82. The facial index has a very distinct maximum at 86. 

N. Ansariyeh. 

Exactly corresponding to the Tahtadji and the Bektash in south-western Asia 
Minor are the Ansariyeh = Nussairiych in Northern Syria. 

In some places, as in Antiochia (ad Orontem), they are called Fellah from 
their principal occupation but have no connection with the Fellah of Egypt. All 
that is known about their creed is exactly parallel to our knowledge of the 
Tahtadji, and the same tales of nocturnal orgies, jus primce noctis, and " spiritistic " 
meetings are told of both groups. 

Many Ansariyeh have also in their general appearance a striking likeness to 
some Lycian Tahtadji. I measured 15 adult men. Their cranial index varies from 
80 to 94, with a maximum at 85. Of. Plate XXV. 

0. Kyzylbash. 

In Upper Mesopotamia and in small groups reaching in the west as far as the 
Higli Taurus, near Marash, there is a curious people, living in the midst of Arabs 
and Kurds, which calls itself Kyzylbash, a word that means " redhead " in literal 
translation. But there are not more red-haired individuals among them than 
among their neighbours, and their head-dress is not more red than that of any 
other Oriental group. So the word cannot mean what it seems to mean, and had 
its origin perhaps in quite another word in another language ; in the same way that 
popular etymology made " ridicule " from " reticula " or, in German, mutter-seelen- 
allein from moi taut seul. Perhaps linguists will one day find out the real origin 
and meaning of Kyzylbash. 

In some places in Western Kurdistan, people that are exactly like the 
Kyzylbash are called Yezidi, and protest that they have nothing at all to do with 
the Kyzylbash ; in other places, so I was told one day at Kiakhta on the Boilam 
Eiver and again near Diarbekr, that Yezidi and Kyzylbash were two words for the 
same thing, the one being Arabic, the other Turkish. I do not know if this 
is correct, but, as far as I could ascertain, the creed and the social condition of both 
groups are fairly identical. Sir A. H. Layard's classic report on this sect is so 
complete and exhaustive that I have nothing more to add than a few words on the 
physical characteristics. They are strangely homogeneous. I was able to measure 
189 adult men ; only three of them had greyish eyes, all the rest had dark brown eyes, 
dark hair and tawny " white " skin. Their cranial index varies only from 83 
to 92, with a well-defined maximum at 80. The index of the auricular height 

Cf. note 2 on p. 230. 



232 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 

varies from 75 to 83, and the facuil index from 80 to 90, with a pronounced 
maximum at 86. I could measure only a few noses ; they were all very high and 
leptorrhine, and so seemed, with few exceptions, all the rest. 

So these Kyzylbash are excessively short and broad-headed in the midst of 
dolichocephalic Kurds and Arabs ; their nose, too, is much narrower than that of 
their neighbours. On the other hand, the Kyzylbash [and the Yezidi] correspond 
absolutely with the Tahtadji, the Bektash and the Ansarlyeh, so that we find a 
small minority of groups possessing a similar creed and a remarkable uniformity of 
type, scattered over a vast part of Western Asia. I see no other way to account 
for this fact than to assume that the members of all tJiese sects are the remains of an 
old homogeneous population, which have preserved their religion and have therefore 
refrained from intermarriage vrith strangers and so preserved their old physical 
characteristics. 

Two other sects that are now to be mentioned, the Druses and the Maronites, 
show in the same way how religious seclusion tends to preserve old physical types. 



1'. Druses. 

In the south of Beyrout a great part of the Lebanon and Antilibanos 
country is inhabited by about 150,000 Druses, who down to our days are to a 
certain extent independent of the Ottoman Government and enjoy a good many 
privileges. 

Their secret creed has been studied best by S. de Sacy in 1838, 1 and contains, 
mixed with Jewish, Christian and Mahometan elements, a great many pantheistic 
conceptions, together with curious ideas on metempsychosis and the repeated 
incarnation of God, and with remains of the old Oriental worship of Nature. They 
speak Arabic and pass officially as " Mahometans," having Islamic names, but they 
have no inner connection with the religion of Mahomet. 

Max v. Oppenheim 2 believes the Druses to be the descendants of " Arabs," 
immigrated about A.D. 800. 

This hypothesis probably conforms to local tradition, but is in direct contra- 
diction to the general impression we get from Druses and from Arabs, and from 
the result of anthropometric researches. I measured fifty-nine adult male Druses, 
and not one single man fell, as regards his cephalic index, within the range of the 
real Arab. 

The Druses are all hyper-brachycephalic, with an index oscillating, like that 
of the Bektash, between 84 and 89 only, with one single exception, an old 
mischievous and half idiotic pensioner, who pretended to have once been first 
keeper of the Imperial Plate in Constantinople, and to be a real incarnation of Ali. 
1 1 is index was 70 without a suspicion of synostotic sutures ; but lie had ^rey eyes, 

1 Kxpose' de la religion des Druses, vol. ii, Paris, 1838. 

'* Vom Mittelrneer zum Persuchtn Golf, Berlin, L). Keiiuer, 1899, vol. i, p. iii SB. 



FELIX VON LCSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 233 

and fell in many other respects so fully out of the line of the homogeneous rest 
of my Druses, that it seems safe to drop him entirely. 

The index of the auricular height ranges from 74 to 84 and the facial index 
from 79 to 92, with a distinct maximum of 86, with fourteen men in fifty-eight. 

Q. Maronites. 

The northern neighbours of the Druses are the Maronites, Christians, generally 
said to be the descendants of a Monophysite sect, separated from the common 
Christian Church after the Council of Chalcedon in A.D. 451. Now this council is 
certainly of the very greatest importance for ecclesiastical history, as it caused the 
schism between the Oriental world and the Occidental : the Greek, the Armenian 
and the Coptic church separated from the Koman, because the simple understanding 
and the sound common sense of the Orientals preferred to accept only one nature in 
Jesus Christ. But this theological dispute gave the name to the Maronites, for 
they chose a monk, John Maro, to be their bishop after they separated from Home, 
but their physical qualities are much older than their religious schism. Indeed, 
partly through their isolation in the mountains, partly through their not inter- 
marrying with their Mahometan or Druse neighbours, the Maronites of to-day have 
preserved an old type in an almost marvellous purity. In no other Oriental group 
is there a greater number of men with extreme height of the skull and excessive 
flattening of the occipital region than among the Maronites. They are the best 
specimens of what C. Tolclt 1 calls " planoccipital " formation, and very often their 
occiput is so steep that one is again and again inclined to think of artificial 
deformation. Indeed I took great care to make sure of this point and examined 
nearly a hundred babies in their cradles, to ascertain whether or not a particular 
way of laying the child's head on a cushion might perhaps influence the form of the 
occiput. No such possibility was found, and we are constrained to regard the 
extreme " planoccipital " formation of the Maronites (and their relations) as a 
natural character. Cf. the two types here, Plate XXVI. 

I have measured twenty adult males, mostly from Baalbek and from Tarabolus. 
Their cephalic index ranged from 79 to 91 with an arithmetic mean of 86. The 
average facial index was 89, the irregular indices running from 75 to 94, with foifr 
cases of 87. All were dark. 

Having thus treated of a series of smaller groups we can now proceed to 
the five great groups of Western Asia Persians, Arabs, Turks, Greeks and 
Armenians. 

ft. Persians. 

Notwithstanding some recent researches our knowledge of the anthropology of 
Persia is rather scanty. In a land inhabited by about ten millions, not more than 

1 " Unterauchungeu liber die Bracbycephalie der Alpenliindischen Beviilkerung," ia 
MitteUwngtn der Wiener anthropol. (Jesdl., vol. xl, 1910, p. 69 ss. and p. 197 ss. 



234 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early InlnUtunlK of Wi'Ktern Asia. 

twenty or thirty men have heen regularly measured, and not one skull has been 
studied. 

A part from Kurds, Arabs, and Armenians, each numbering from 200,000 to 
300,000 souls, and smaller groups of Nestorians, Lurs, Gipsies, etc., there are 
two large ethnical groups in Persia, the Shiite and settled Tajik and the Sunnite 
and essentially nomadic Ihlat. The latter are Turkomans and so is the actual 
Dynasty of the Kajar; the Ihlat, being the energetic and vigorous element, are the 
real masters of the land and of the Tajik, the descendants of the old Persians and 
Medes. But long continued intermarriage has produced a great many mixed types. 
Thus the Kajars have sometimes the high aquiline noses quite foreign to real 
Turkomans. 

The old type seems to be preserved in the Parsi, the descendants of 
Persians who emigrated to India after the battle of Nahauband (A.D. 640), of much 
purer form than among any true Persians. They are all short-headed and dark. 

My own measurements are confined to fifteen adult men, Persians of the 
Diaspora, diplomats, consuls and tobacconists, whom I occasionally met in 
Constantinople, Smyrna, Ehodes and Adalia. They were all very dark. Their 
cephalic indices run : 73, 74, 74, 80, 81, 86, 86, 87, 87, 87, 88, 88, 89, 89, 90. So 
there is a large majority of brachycephals. I do not lay stress on the three 
dolichocephalic men, because a great number of Persians whom I saw, without 
being able to measure, seemed to be brachycephalic. Anyhow it is not impossible 
that in reality a certain number of Persians I am very far from saying one-fifth 
of them have long skulls. I never saw Persians with light hair and blue eyes, 
but I am told that in some " noble " families fair types are not very rare. 

We know nothing of the physical characteristics of the Acheemenidm, who 
called themselves " Aryans of Aryan stock " and who brought an Aryan language 
to Persia : it is possible that they were fair and dolichocephalic, like the ancestors 
of the modern Kurds, but they were certainly few in number, and it would therefore 
be astonishing if their physical characteristics should have persisted among a 
large section of the actual Persians. Still we must reckon with the possibility 
that an early "Aryan" invasion was not quite without influence also on the 
somatic qualities of modern Persians. Meanwhile much serious scientific work 
must still be done in investigating the anthropology of Persia ere we can 
replace mere conjecture by actual certainty. 

S. Arabs. 

In dealing with the peoples of Western Asia, in no case is it more important 
to keep language and race rigidly apart than when treating of the Arabic-speaking 
people. Friedrich Muller called all tho various elements in Arabin, Palestine, 
Syria and Mesopotamia " Arabs," merely because, they spoke Arabic. Nothing 
could l)e more erroneous. The material and mental culture of these tribes and 
their somatic qualities nre widely distinct, and the extent of the Arabic language is 
infinitely larger than the extent of an Arabic racial element. 



FELIX vox LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabilants of Western Asm. 235 

But peninsular Arabia is the least-known land in the world, and large regions 
of it are even now absolute terrce incognitas, so great caution is necessary in forming 
conclusions, from the measurements of a few dozens of men, concerning the 
anthropology of a land more than five times as great as France. 

My own measurements are confined to thirty-eight Annezeh-Bedouins, whom I 
met in 1883 in Aleppo, eighteen other Bedawy, generally Shammar, camel drivers 
between Mosul and Alexandretta, twenty Mahometan " Arabs " living in the town 
Hamah, the site of the first Hittite inscriptions published, and fifteen other 
Mahometans from Syrian towns. Two, unfortunately very small, groups consist of 
six priests from Gesyra, whom I met in Aleppo, and five men from Hail in Arabia, 
whom I was able to measure in Constantinople in all 102 adult men, sixty-one of 
them real Bedawy and forty-one settled in towns. 1 

The cephalic indices of these " Arabs " ran thus : 

r38 Annezeh, 68 to 78. 

Bedawy ... 18 other Bedawy, 71 to 81. 

I 5 men from Hail, 70 to 74. 

f 20 " Arabs " from Hamah, 85 to 89. 

15 other Mahometans from 



Settled in towns . 

Syrian towns, 76 to 89. 

6 Priests from Gesyra, 83 to 86. 

Eemarkably parallel with the cephalic index is the form of the nose in both 
these groups. The Bedawy as a rule have short and fairly broad, the other 
" Arabs " have, with few exceptions, high and narrow noses, often of an aquiline 
form. 

What we generally call a " Jewish type " is found very seldom among real 
Bedawy and very often among the " Arabs " in the towns, but it would be difficult 
to reduce this statement to a statistical form, as the conception of " Jewishness " 
is too uncertain and precarious. Two typical Bedouins are figured here, Plate XXVII. 

We shall, later on, try to understand the historical connection between these 
two types, the Bedawy and the other " Arabs." For the moment, we must restrict 
ourselves to having shown the marked difference that separates them. 



T. Turks. 

It is customary in most European languages to call the Mahometan subjects 
of the Padishah " Turks." But the word should never be used in this sense 
without inverted commas ; it is more than ambiguous and easily leads to serious 
misunderstandings. 

A Turkoman tribe, the Othmanli, commenced from 1289 to conquer a great 
part of what is now the Ottoman Empire. A good many of the former inhabitants 

1 I have measured seven more " Arabs," but I omit their figures iu this statement, 
because they were of mixed blood or in some way or other pathological. 



236 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 

were then forced to speak Turkish and to turn Mahometans. It is easy to under- 
stand that the descendants of the conquerors and of the conquered reni-^adi-s 
intermarried freely, and, as the number of the conquering troops was naturally 
vtuy much smaller than that of the original population, the great bulk of the 
ten or fifteen, or perhaps more, millions of so-called " Turks " has now the 
physical qualities, not of the conquering Othmanli, bnt of the old pre-Othmanic 
inhabitants. 

So the anthropology of Turkey is, like that of Hungary, a typical example 
showing how language, religion, nationality and race are quite distinct conceptions, 
and it is interesting to see how they are again and again confounded by the general 
public and by the press. 

In my paper on the Tahtadji, 1 I gave the indices of 187 " Turks " (Turkish- 
speaking Mahometans) from Lycia, and was able to show that in the mountain 
villages, and in some swampy marshes not easy of access, people were generally short- 
headed, and in the towns and on the coast, long-headed. Since then I have 
measured 569 more " Turks " from Southern Asia Minor and Northern Syria, so 
that I can now publish the cephalic indices of 756 adult men ; they run from 69 to 
96 ; if we count the indices 77 to 81 as mesaticephalic, 172 of these 756 men would 
be dolichocephalic, 151 mesaticephalic and 433 brachycephalic, with a very 
pronounced maximum of 77 and 83 men respectively at indices 85 and 86. 

These numbers speak for themselves, but it is perhaps useful to study first 
the corresponding figures for the two large remaining groups, the Greeks and the 
Armenians, and then to compare the results. Two very different types of " Turks " 
are figured here, Plate XXVIII. 

U. Greeks. 

What has been said of the " Turks " is valid too in absolutely the same way 
for the " Greeks " of Anatolia and Syria. Some of them are certainly the direct 
descendants of old lonians, Dorians or ^Eolians, but the greater part are descended 
from other groups which spoke Greek and had accepted the orthodox religion. 

I must here pnss over the interesting problem of the Dorian and Ionian 
wanderings 3 and must restrict myself to some measurements taken on a series 
of 179 adult men calling themselves Greek and belonging to the orthodox church. 
I published this series in 1890, in my paper on the Tahtadji, and reprint here a 
graphic table showing the frequency of the cephalic indices. It is very striking 
to see how the curve shows a maximum of twenty-two men with an index of 
75, and a second maximum of eighteen men with an index of 88. 

Seventy-nine out of the 179 men are dolicho-, eighty-four are brachy- and 
only sixteen are mesaticephalic. If wo reckon the arithmetic mean for the 
whole series, we get an average index of about 80, closely conforming to Weiabach's 

1 L.c. here p. 230, note 2. 

- My own private idea is that, contrary to the theory of Curtius, the lonians came from 
Europe and the Dorians from Asia, but I slial] treat of this subject in another paper. 



FELIX vox LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 237 

95 skulls of Asiatic and European Greeks with an average index of 81'2, and with 
the series of Kloii Stephanos, 1 who found S0'8 for the Greeks in Europe and 807 for 
the Asiatic Greeks. 

It is easily understood how dangerous and mystifying such an average index 
may be, if the material is composed of individuals from at least two different 
groups, as it manifestly is. 

I am in possession of ninety-three skulls from a modern Greek cemetery in 
Adalia ; they show about the same distribution of indices. 

Long before the re-discovery of Mendel and his laws I tried to study the 
heredity of the cephalic index in the Greek families of Adalia. Here, in the old 
capital of Pamphylia, there is a large Greek colony, and as I had by good chance 
been able to give medical help to some of the influential members, I was permitted 

TABLE I. 



BIM 
IUI 




FREQUENCY OF CEPHALIC INDICES IN A SERIES OF 179 ADULT MALE GREEKS. 



to measure parents, children and other relations in sixty-seven families. The 
results were striking. I published a short abstract of them in 1889, in the 
Eeiscn in Lykien, and in 1890 in my paper on the Tahtadji. 

There was a family A ; the father had an index of 87, the mother of 73 ; of 
the two sons, the elder had an index of 70, the younger 87. In another family, B, the 

1 Article on Greece in Diet, encyclop. des sciences med., Paris, 1884. 
VOL. XLI. K 



238 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhulitantn of Western Asia. 



w 

K. 

H 




FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants oj Western Asia. 239 

brother of the dead father had an index of 70, the mother 86, a son 82, a daughter 
75. In a third family, C, both parents were brachycephalic, with indices of 85 and 86. 
Of their five children, only the youngest daughter was short-headed, with an index 
of 86, and four elder brothers had long heads with 72, 73, 75 and 73 respectively ; 
74 was the index of a brother of the mother. 

If I now study these sixty-seven families in the light of Mendelian researches, 
it seems as if neither brachy- nor dolichocephaly were dominant or recessive ; they 
seem to be transmitted now with equal frequency, and this has probably been the 
case for more than 2,000 years. At least, that is the age of the Greek colony 
of Aclalia and for sixty or seventy generations short- and long-headed " Greeks " 
have been freely intermarrying. The result was, in many cases, not a mixture, as 
if we would mix red and white wine, but it was often a manifest reversion to the 
original types. I called this process " Entmischung," but one might perhaps just 
as well say, " Spaltung " or " reversion " or " restitution." 

In this way good old types, once fixed by long inbreeding, do not necessarily 
get lost by intermarriage, but often return with astonishing energy. 

The short heads of the Asiatic " Greeks " certainly correspond to the short heads 
of the " Turks " and of all the Moslem Sectaries described at length in this paper. 
We shall soon learn to kngw their real origin. The long heads probably do not 
belong to one uniform type ; some of them are nearly as high as good Anglo-Saxon 
heads, and can perhaps be compared with the heads of Kurds ; other long heads 
of Greeks are low, like the heads of Bedawy, and I am inclined to regard them as 
Semitic. They are indeed chiefly found on the sites of old Semitic colonies. In 
some of these places, as in Adalia, the women wear their hair in many thin plaits, 
like the old Assyrians, and they are famous for their " Semitic " appearance. 

As in ancient Greece a great number of individuals seem to have been fair, 
with blue eyes, I took great care to state whether this were the case with the 
modern " Greeks " in Asia. I have notes for 580 adults, males and females. In 
this number there were eight with blue, and twenty-nine with grey or greenish, 
eyes ; all the rest had brown eyes. There was not one single case of really light- 
coloured hair, 1 but in nearly all the cases of lighter eyes the hair also was less 
dark than with the other Greeks. 

I did not measure all the Greeks whose eye and hair-colour I noted, but 
I found that three cases of the blue, and thirteen of the grey or greenish eyes were 
combined with long heads ; but I noted also several cases of blue eyes with very 
short heads. So it is evident that head form and pigment are transmitted 
separately. As the number of long and high heads is much larger than the number 
of fair complexions it seems permissible to say that with the Asiatic Greeks 
fairness is recessive in the Mendelian sense. Two different types of " Greeks " are 
figured here, Plate XXIX. 



1 With the exception of the young men at Symi, who are all flaxen-haired. In summer 
they dive for sponges, and their hair is bleached by the combined effect of sun and salt water. 

E 2 



240 FELIX VON LUSCKAX. The Enrlii L/lmlitants of ir<-*lfni Asia. 



V. Armenians. 

AVI ulst "Turks" and "Greeks" have been proved to be composed of at least 
two quite distinct somatic elements, the third of the three great ethnic groups, 
which form the bulk of the inhabitants of Asia Minor, the Armenians, is com- 
paratively homogeneous. 

Of course they also have incorporated in themselves various alien elements, 
and I know Armenians from Southern Persia who look like Biloch or Dravidians 
but as a rule the great mass of the Armenians forms not only a religious, but 
also a somatic unity. 

Particularly in Northern Syria there are places where Armenians resemble 
one another like eggs. Religious seclusion and, in many cases, life in remote 
mountain villages, have both contributed to prevent intermarriage with strangers 
and thus we may assume from the beginning that they represent an old type. 

More frequently than any other group in Western Asia they show the " plan- 
occipital " form of the profile curve, great brachycephaly with extreme height of 
the skull and a particularly narrow and high nose. Cf. Plate XXX. 

They are generally dark ; yet of 110 adult men, whom my friend Dr. Assadur 
Altounyan examined for me in Aleppo, eight had blue, and six " greenish," eyes, 
and in my own series of twenty-six adult men one had light grey, another greenish, 
eyes. I have no good statistics on the Armenians from the provinces of Erivan 
and Nahitshevan in the Eussian Transcaucasia, but a great number of the 
Armenians, whom I occasionally saw from there, had reddish hair and grey or green 
eyes. I do not know with what elements they may be mixed, and think it safe to 
omit them here entirely. Also a few " Catholic " Armenians whom I met at 
Antiochia (ad Orontem) are to be excepted from my series, as they have a more 
prominent occiput ; probably they are of mixed origin. If I omit these " Catholics," 
my series of true Armenians begins with a cephalic index of 83 and ends with one 
of 96, the maximum of frequency falling clearly at 88. 

To this extreme brachycephaly corresponds a facial index oscillating between 
77 and 96, with a maximum frequency of 87 and 88, and with an average of 87'5. 

A series of twenty-six Armenian skulls begins with a cranial index of 81, 
ending with one of 91. A very typical skull from this series is figured here, Plate 
XXXIII, and two good types are reproduced here, Plate XXX. 

Summary. 

If we now sum up the results of our researches and try to review them in 
regard to the origin of the different ethnic groups of Western Asia, we need not 
linger over the Negroes, the Circassians, the Albanians, the Bulgarians, the Bosnians, 
the Franks and the Levantines. Their origin lies outside the scope of this paper. 
The same is true of the Gipsies and their kin, but it must be stated that perhaps 



FELIX VON LuscHAK The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 241 

one of the nomadic tribes in Asia Minor, the Yuruks, is in some way or other 
related with them. 

Of far greater importance are the Kurds. From the great frequency of fair 
individuals among them, it is evident that their home must be in the north, and it 
is probable from their Aryan language that they are in some way connected with 
the Mitanni, who had Aryan divinities about 1280 B.C. 

I am well aware that at present there is no real proof or decisive evidence for 
this statement, but by way of a working hypothesis, I might be allowed to 
suggest that the Kurds, the Amorites of the Bible, the Mitanni of the Boghaz-koi 
tablets and the Tamehu of the old Egyptian texts are, if not identical, at least 
somehow related to one another. 1 About 1500 B.C., or earlier, there seems to have 
begun a migration of northern men to Asia Minor, Syria, Persia, Egypt, and India. 
Indeed, we can now connect even Further India with the Mitanni of Central 
Asia Minor. On the tablets of Boghaz-koi the king of Mitanni not only calls 
himself and his people karri, but he speaks of his noblemen as mari, and Hugo 
Winckler and F. C. Andreas 3 remind us of the word marya for " young man " or 
" hero " in the Vedic texts. So we find the same Aryan nobles in Mitanni about 
1280 B.C., and very much later also in India. 

1 f really, as it seems, the old texts state that the Amorites and the Tamehu 
were fair, we should thus get a historic explanation of the great number of xantho- 
chroic people we find down to our time everywhere in Asia Minor and in Syria, and 
among the modern Jews. 

Resuming now the thread of this paper, we have a great number of different 
" Moslem " Sectaries spread over a vast part of Western Asia under different names, 
as Tahtadji, Allevi, Ali-Ullahiya, Ansariyeh, Fellah, Kyzylbash, Yezidi and Bektash, 
speaking the different languages of their orthodox neighbours, Turkish, Arabic and 
Kurdish, but still absolutely homogeneous as to their somatic characteristics. And 
to this self-same group belong also the Druses and the Maronites. They also 
have the enormously high and short " planoccipital " heads and the narrow and 
high noses we find with the Sectaries. 

Now this same hypsicephalic element with the high aquiline noses, which 
forms the entire stock of all these Sectaries, we find again in Persia, and in 
a high percentage among the Turks and the Greeks, and in a still higher 
among the Armenians everywhere under circumstances that would make it 
appear to be old and aboriginal, whilst the dolichocephals seem to represent later 
immigrations. 

1 The latest migration of a European Tribe to Western Asia is that of the Oalatians. 
Passing through Boumania, where the town of Qalatz (Oalati in Roumanian) has conserved 
their name, they crossed the Hellespont about 280 B.C. Angora and Gordion were their 
principal towns and it is not impossible that the latter name, and then also that of the 
Gordyaeans and of the Kurds, is linguistically connected with that of the Galatians, who might 
have had earlier precursors. 

2 Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, 1910, p. 289 ss. Cf. also Ed. Meyer, " Das erste Auftreten 
der Arier in der Geschichte," in Sitzungsberichte Berliner Akad. der Wisse-nschaften, 1908, i. 






242 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 

This theory, based entirely on anthropometric research, is confirmed by 
historic considerations and by the results of modern excavations. We now know 
that about 1280 B.C., when Khattusil made his peace with Ramses II., there 
existed a large empire, not much smaller than Germany, reaching from the 
Mgie&n Sea to Mesopotamia and from Kadesh on the Orontes to the Black Sea. 
We do not know at present if this Hittite Empire ever had a really homogeneous 
population, but we have a good many Hittite reliefs, and all these, without one 
single exception, show us the high and short heads or the characteristic noses of 
our modern brachycephalic groups. 

When I first upheld in 1892, in my paper on the anthropological 
position of the Jews, the homogeneous character of these groups, I called them 
" Armenoids." But there can be no doubt that they are all descended from tribes 
belonging to the great Hittite Empire. So it is the type of the Hittites that has 
been preserved in a.11 these groups for more than 3,000 years, and this is certainly 
a Jewish type, and corresponds with the old Jewish ideal of beauty as we read 
in the Song of Songs, VII, 4 : " Thine eyes are as the pools in Heshbon, by the 
gate of Bath-rabbim, thy nose is like the tower of Lebanon, which lookcth toward 
Damascus." 

But this Jewish type is not Semitic and is rarely found among the only real 
Semites, the Bedawy. The Hittite inscriptions have not yet been read, but our 
Orientalists are unanimous in assuming that there is not the slightest doubt that 
the Hittite language was uot Semitic. These non-Semitic aborigines had their own 
language, their own writing, and their own religion. Semitic influence is completely 
absent in the earlier times and is perceptible only later on at different times in the 
different territories first in Babylonia, then in Palestine, where Abraham is the 
ripw eVowu/io? of a Semitic invasion, and still later in Northern Syria. Here my 
own excavations 1 in Sencljirli, the old Samal, have brought to light a Semitic 
inscription of King Kalamu, son of Yadi, from about 850 B.C., invoking Baal Semcd, 
Baal Haman and Rekubel. Another inscription of King Panamu from about 
800 B.C. on a statue of Hadad, praises Hadad himself and four other Semitic 
divinities, El, Ee.se/, Rckiibel and Semes. 

As Tesup, the great chief-god of the Hittites, is not mentioned in any of the 
Semitic inscriptions of Sendjirli, we may suppose that about 900 B.C., or earlier, 
independent of the Assyrian conquests, Semitic invaders brought with them tin ir 
language, tlwir alphabet, their writing, and their religion, to Northern Syria but 
we know nothing of their number, and we are not able from historical data to form 
an exact opinion as to how far these invaders could influence the somatic characters 
of the old Hittite population. 

I give here (Hate XXXII) the portraits of a later king of Samal, Barrekub, from 
about 730 B.C., and of his queen. The king has certainly not a Hittite profile, and 
he might well himself be of Semitic origin, but probably a great number of his 

1 Ausgrabungen in Sendtchirli, Parts I-IV. Berlin, Georg Reimer, 1893-1911. 



FELIX VON LUSCHAN. The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia. 243 

subjects had preserved the old Hittite characteristics, and even the queen herself 
looks as if she were not quite without Hittite blood. 1 

For the present population of Northern Syria, as well as of all Western Asia, 
our anthropometric tables show evidence that this old type is still extant in a 
high percentage among the actual inhabitants. 

Only as to the primordial home of the Hittites, or however else we may term 
all these hypsi- and brachycephalic people with the high and narrow nose, is there 
some difficulty. The "Alpine race" of Central Europe is certainly somehow related 
to or connected with them and a priori it is not easy to determine if the Hittites 
came from Central Europe or if the " Alpine race " came from Western Asia. I do 
not know if the first possibility has many champions left now. If so, they might 
certainly lay stress on the fact that the modern Armenians and the modern 
Persians, both typical " Hittites," are now speaking Aryan languages but we know 
how often ethnic groups change their language entirely without losing their 
somatic type, and we can in this special case well imagine that early precursors of 
the xanthochroic Kurds and their relations may have brought their Aryan language 
to the old Armenians and Persians, without being able to impress their somatic 
type upon them. 

We should not forget, too, that Europe is only a small peninsular annexe to 
Asia, and that there are infinitely more typical " Hittites " in Western Asia than 
there are in Europe. It seems surer therefore to locate the cradle of the Hittites 
in Asia, where we find extreme brachycephals as far to the East as Burma and 
Siam and the Malay Archipelago. 

We could then also understand how the essential somatic difference between 
the Hittites and the other brachycephalic Asiatics, their high and narrow nose, 
originated as a merely accidental mutation and was then locally fixed, either by a 
certain tendency of taste and fashion or by long, perhaps millennial, inbreeding. 
The " Hittite nose " has finally become a dominant characteristic in the Mendelian 
sense, and we see it, not only in the actual geographical province of the Alpine 
race, but of ten enough also here in England. Certainly, similar noses juay originate 
everywhere, quite independently of the Hittites, by mere mutation, but it seems 
safer to explain by atavism and by Asiatic or Alpine origin noses like those of the 
late Cardinal Newman, Pialph Waldo Emerson or Charles Kingsley. 

So, to sum up, we see how all Western Asia was originally inhabited by a 
homogeneous, melanochroic race, with extreme hypsi-brachycephaly and with a 
" Hittite " nose. About 4000 B.C. began a Semitic invasion from the south-east, 
probably from Arabia, by people looking like modern Bedawy. Two thousand years 
later commenced a second invasion, this time from the north-west, by xanthochroous 
and long-headed tribes like the modern Kurds, half savage, and in some way or other, 
perhaps, connected with the historic Harri, Amorites, Tamehu and Galatians. 

1 Typical portraits of Hittite divinities, excavated at Sendjirli, are here reproduced on 
Plate XXXI, and the rock sculpture of Ibriz (cf. here Plate XXXII) shows a Hittite God and 
King, both with extreme " Jewishness." 



244 FELIX VON LUSCHAN. Thr E/<rh/ Inliulntants of Western Asia. 

The modern " Turks," Greeks and Jews are, all three, equally composed of 
these three elements, the Hittite, the Semitic and the xanthochroous Nordic. Not 
so the Armenians and the Persians. They, and still more the Druses, Maronites, 
and the smaller sectarian groups of Syria and Asia Minor, represent the old Hittite 
element, and are little, or not at all, influenced by the somatic characters of alien 
invaders. 

Combinations of Philology with Anthropology have in former times, especially 
through Friedrich Miiller and his school, often led to serious mistakes. One spoke 
of Aryan races instead of people with Aryan languages, and one went so far as to 
speak of Aryan skulls and of Aryan eyes, so that Max Miiller formally protested 
against the intrusion of linguistics into ethnology, stating that one might just as 
well speak of a brachycephalic grammar as of an Aryan skull. 

Still there is a solidarity between the Historical Sciences and Natural 
History, and in proof of this solidarity I have ventured this evening in the spirit 
and in honour of Thomas Henry Huxley to give argument and evidence. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXIV. 





FIG. 1. FIG. 2. 

'IBO, KURD, NIMRUD-DAGH, 1883. 




FIG. 3. FIG. 4. 

BAKO, KURD, NIMRUD-DAGH, 1883. 



THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of Hie Royal Anthropological Institute, l f ol. XLI, Iflll, Plate XXT f . 




no. 1. SOLO, "KURD," ATYPICAL, KIAKHTA. FIG. 2. ARMENIAN, AINTAH. 




FIG. 3. no- 4. 

HABIB, ANSARJYKH, SCANDEROON. 
THE EARLY INHABITANTS OK WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXVI. 




FIG. 1. FIG. 2. 

NEDSHIB HURT, " ARAB," SHUAFAT, LEBANON. 






FIG. 3. FIG. 4. 

IBRAHIM IBN SAID, " ARAB," BEYROOT. 



THK EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXl'IL. 




FIG. 1. FIG. 2. 

'ANNESEH BEDOUIN FROM NEAR BAGHDAD. 





FIG. 3. FIG. 4. 

ANNESEH BEDOUIN FROM NEAR MOSSOUL. 

THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 






Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXVIII. 





FIG. 1. FIG. 2. 

HADSCHI SULEIMAN, MAHOMETAN, GIRMEH (KPHMNA). . 




FIG. 3. FIG. 4. 

ALI TSHAUSH, MAHOMETAN, AGHLASAN (2EAPH). 



THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, J'o/. XLI, 1911, Plate XXIX. 





via. 1. FIG. 2. 

OEOROIOS KONSTANTINOU, GREEK, LEVISSI. 





FIO. 3. FIO. 4. 

GEOROIOS GLINIS, OUKKK, TINOS. 



THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of Ike Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXX. 




FIO. 1. FIO. 2. 

STEFAN, ARMENIAN, KESSAB, DJEBEL AKRAH. 





FIO. 3. FIG. 4. 

KYRIAKOS, ARMENIAN, DJEISKL AKRAH. 



THE EAKLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXI. 




a 
c 



* 

o 

1 1 

P EH 



a 
< 



a 
x 

H 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXII. 




FIG. 1. HITTITB GOD AND KINO, IBEIZ. (With Hittite Inscription.) 




FIG. 2. FIG. 3. 

KINO BARREKUB OF SAMjCL AND QUEEN, ABOUT 730 B.C. (With Semitic Inscription.) 
THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



Journal of the Soyal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXIII. 






FIG. 1. SKULL OF TAHTADJI FROM SEAR OLD KADYANDA, LYCIA. 






FIG. 2. SKULL OF TYPICAL ARMENIAN. 




FIG. 3. SKULL OF BEDOUIX FROM NEAR PALMYRA. 




FIG. 4. SKULL OF MODERN "GREEK," ADALIA. 
THE EARLY INHABITANTS OF WESTERN ASIA. 



245 



THE BUDUMA OF LAKE CHAD. 

BY P. A. TALBOT, B.A. 
[WITH PLATES XXXIV, XXXV.] 

IN the course of an expedition through the Nord Kamerun and French Central 
Africa, we came to Jhntilo on the Shari, a few miles south-east of Chad. Here 
for the first time since my journey on the lake six years before I caine across a 
Buduma settlement. The inhabitants had however so intermarried with Arab and 
Kanembu as to have lost nearly all distinctive characteristics. 

On the first night after leaving Jimtilo, we arrived at a fishing camp, where 
we were stormbound for several days. Here the men were of pure race, and most 
courteous and charming, but it was not till the Island of Kumu was reached that 
we had a satisfactory opportunity of studying this interesting people under really 
favourable conditions. 

The inhabitants of the island proved to be Guria Buduma. They were 
polite and friendly, willing to sell us all the curios we wanted, and'most eager to 
welcome us to their island. They showed the liveliest interest in the first white 
women who had ever appeared on Chad, and seemed to take pleasure in showing 
us their houses. 

The latter were very interesting, and well adapted to the peculiar conditions 
prevailing. Each little compound was surrounded by a fence of reed, stretched 
from post to post. Within we found wind screens built at the head of each bed, 
to keep out, as far as possible, the terrible sand storms and biting winds of the 
lake. 

Their friendliness was the more remarkable, as we were literally the first 
white people to be welcomed in this fashion. Some French officers had visited the 
island a few years before, but these only came officially and were received in the 
same manner. We found the inhabitants willing to oblige us in every way, even 
to the crucial point of submitting to have their heads measured, though this 
proceeding could hardly be called popular, and several even remarked tentatively 
that they would rather not have this kind of medicine tried on their heads if we 
did not mind ! 

Our next stopping was the Island of Bulariga, where the people, Madjagodia 
Buduma, were even more cordial. The houses here are more elaborately fenced 
round than those of Kumu, and in some of the compounds we found delightful 
little gardens. Small sun-shelters were to be seen in nearly all, built for the same 
purpose as our arbours, so that the people can sit together and chat comfortably 
out of doors. 



246 P. A. TALBOT. The Bmhn,w of Lal-t Chad. 

In nearly every compound mosquito-proof mats were to be found. These 
were arranged in much the same manner as those already seen in the fishing 
camp but in these permanent settlements they were much larger and higher. 
So large indeed were they that each was capable of containing a good sized bed, 
which could be seen beneath the part pegged up to serve as an entrance during 
the day. 

Each house owned one or two ambach floats great logs of the wonderful 
Hermininiera claphroxylon wood, which is BO light that a child can hold in its arms 
half a dozen or more logs, each of which looks heavy enough to form a man's full 
load. When dry it is one-fifth the weight of cork. 

The floats are roughly shaped in the form of a shark, curved upward at the one 
end, which is carved with a rude head, and narrowing off to a more or less straight 
point at the tail. On these the Buduma of both sexes lie, and swim almost as 
rapidly as they could run. Should a man be " wanted " for any reason, such as to 
answer for " cattle lifting " from the long-suffering Kanembu, all that he has to do 
is to seize a float and take to the water. He can swim as fast as most canoes 
could follow, and if he succeeds in reaching one of the many islands, he has only to 
throw his float over his shoulder, and run across to some spot on the other side, 
whence he again takes to the water, and is lost to pursuit. Owing to this ease in 
evading justice the lake serves as a place of refuge for lawless characters from the 
West and Central Sudan. Indeed it would be difficult to find any spot in the 
whole world where a man could hide with a better chance of safety, and so little 
danger or hardship. 

Cattle lifting from the mainland seems to be the principal pastime of the 
Buduma. They appear to have no musical instruments and practically no songs. 
The nearest approach to music of any sort is a kind of monotonous chant 
occasionally used to keep time when dancing. 

Buduma dances are very peculiar. Men and women stand in two lines, facing 
one another. The latter advance and retreat, with but slight movements of legs 
and arms, but the former caper wildly and use their long-sleeved robes, in a kind 
of butterfly dance. Owing to the heaviness of the cloth, both in colour and 
texture, the effect is rather bat-like. 

Strangely enough, intoxicants seem to be unknown to these islanders. 
Apparently, even for their greatest festivals, milk is the only drink provided. 

One legend as to the origin of the Buduma states that they are descended 
from the Fulani. It is said that one of the head chiefs of this tribe had a quarrel 
with his wife, because he declared that the son she had borne was so black, that it 
was impossible to regard him as his own offspring. As the child grew up, the 
chief steadily refused to acknowledge him, and so painful did the lad's position 
become, that no sooner had he reached manhood than he set out alone, to explore 
the then uninhabited islands of Chad. On one of these he built a hut, and, after 
living in solitude for a time, visited the mainland, in search of a wife. His resent- 
ment against the Fulani was too strong to allow him to seek his bride from 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 247 

among them, so he turned to the Sos, from whom the present day Kotoko are 
descended. After some time he succeeded in persuading a very beautiful maiden 
of this tribe to accompany him back to his island. From this couple all the 
Buduma are supposed to have sprung. 

Another legend as to their origin is related by Captain Tilho, namely, that a 
Kanembu, Bulu by name, fell in love with his sister-in-law during the absence of 
his elder brother, who had gone on a pilgrimage to Mecca. As the latter's return 
was delayed, the pair took his death for granted, and went through a form of 
marriage. On the husband's return Bulu feared punishment for his misdeed, so 
he fled to Lake Chad, and lived in hiding on one of the islands. He was obliged to 
live on fish or such small game as he could snare, till one day a great calabash of 
millet was found entangled in the reeds which fringed his place of retreat. Bulu 
thought that this must have been blown over from the western shore, and therefore 
determined to go thither and procure a supply of grain. He was captured on 
landing and taken before the head chief of the Sos, who treated him kindly. 
The chief had a beautiful daughter named Saiorom, from whom perhaps the 
peninsula takes its name. Bulu repaid his host's kindness by making love to the 
girl, with the result that her father was obliged to give her to him and send them 
both back to Lake Chad in order to conceal the disgrace which had befallen 
his family. 

It is somewhat singular that such an event should have been looked on as a 
disgrace, when one considers the leniency with which pre-nuptial ties are regarded 
.among so many black races. Even among present day Buduma, however, a child 
born out of wedlock is looked on as a disgrace, and must be drowned. If this is 
not done, great misfortunes will happen to the tribe. All the men will fall sick 
.and the women, cows and goats will become barren. 

There is no prejudice against the birth of twins. Such an event, on the other 
-hand, is the occasion of great rejoicing. A cow is sacrificed, thanksgivings are 
offered up and a great feast made for the friends of both parents. 

On the birth of each child, the husband makes his wife a present of a cow. 
The infant is carried, almost at once, to the house of the wife's mother, where it 
stays as long as it needs feeding and attention. So soon, however, as it can feed 
and look after itself it goes back to its parents, and if the father has not already 
chosen a name for it, he does so on the occasion of its return. More than one 
name is never given. 

To celebrate marriage a great " play " is held. This lasts for three days, 
during which the bride sits in state. At sundown on the third day she is led to 
her husband's house, and so long as she remains beneath the shelter of his roof is 
expected to remain faithful to him. Divorce, however, is easy and frequent. All 
that is needed is for the successful lover to repay the presents made on the occasion 
of the first marriage, and the woman is at once free to contract other ties. 

The recognized wedding gifts are as follows : The groom gives four cows to 
the father of his bride and five Maria Theresa thalers to her mother. The bride 



248 P. A. TALBOT The Buduma of Lake Chad. 

herself receives from him one cow, which must be in milk. The father and 
mother give as dowry, two or three cows, two gowns, two sets of undergarments, 
four mats and two small girl slaves. 

Each man may have four or five free wives and almost any number of slave 
wives, according to his means. The average, however, is not more than two to 
three in all. Contrary to the information given to Captain Freydenberg we were 
assured that all Buduma clans intermarry, but should one of them wed a woman 
of another race she never follows him home, but remains with her own people on 
the mainland, while her temporary spouse goes back to his island. 

The eldest brother of a dead man succeeds to all the wives of the deceased 
and shares the property with the latter's children. The brother gets half for himself 
and the other half is divided between the children. The eldest son gets a share 
i.e., he takes the finest cow, the biggest spear, the best boat, etc. 

The Mohammedan religion is supposed to prevail all over Chad, but, side by 
side with this, many old pagan beliefs and customs still hold their ground. For 
instance, all the southern Buduma worship the Karraka tree, called Karagu by the 
Kanuri. This is a kind of acacia and the largest tree that grows in the Chad 
region. Nothing would persuade a native of these parts to cut or burn it. From 
its leaves a magic " medicine " is made, which is supposed to cure all ills. In some 
ways the Baduma resemble the Ibo and Ekoi in this particular, for they revere 
the Karraka in much the same way as the former do the Oji tree, and the latter 
the cotton trees, which raise their giant height above all the great trees of the deep 
Southern Nigerian bush. 

AVhen approached by the proper rites the Buduma believe that the spirit of 
the tree has power to grant petitions. One way of ensuring a favourable answer 
is for a " medicine man " to grind corn and mix it with milk in a bowl. Then he 
digs a small hole at the foot of the tree, and sets the offering within. The 
petitioners approach and wait humbly while their request is made : usually this is 
that more children shall be granted, or that the cattle may multiply. Often, 
however, a youth or maiden will come to the foot of the sacred tree, and after shyly 
placing their offering, beg that the heart of the one whom they favour may be turned 
to them. Should this means fail, however, others may be employed, for the Juju. 
men drive a thriving trade in love philtres and ointments. 

When a girl wishes to indicate to a man of her tribe that she is prepared to- 
listen to his proposals, she weaves one of the wonderful bottle-shaped baskets of 
plaited reed, and carries it to his house. These love-gifts are woven in beautiful 
patterns, and are so fine that they hold water without the loss of a drop. Should 
the man accept the offering, the pair proceed to the house of the girl's parents, and a 
marriage is arranged on the earliest opportunity. 

When one of the inhabitants of a village dies, his nearest relations gather 
together, and make a rude coffin. First the hair and nails of the dead man are 
carefully cut off, and hidden in the ground in some secret place. This custom also 
obtains among living persons. The corpse is then washed with hot water, and 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduina of Lake Chad. 249 

wrapped in white cloths, after which it is laid on its side in the coffin, with the 
hands placed palms together between the knees. For the whole of the next day, 
from sunrise to sunset, the people bewail their dead. Then the coffin is lowered into 
a deep hole which has been dug for it not far from the dwelling-place, and as the 
last shovelful of earth falls in, the village once more returns to its every-day affairs 
in the comforting belief that the sonl of their late companion has gone to a place of 
happiness for there is no hell in Budurna theology, only heaven for all. 

The Kotoko bring slaves to Jimtilo, where they sell them to the Buduma. 
These are usually pagan and are often brought from beyond Hani on the Logone. 
They are generally either of the Sara or Niellim race. Arab, Fulani, or Kotoko are 
never enslaved in these parts. 

The three principal tribes of the Buduma are the Madjagodia, the Maibulua 
and the Guria. The latter are subdivided into the Mama Guria, the Magana 
Guria, and the Bujia Chilim, or black Bujia, who dwell toward the north. The 
principal towns of the Madjagodia are Kan and Bulariga Kura or Big Bulariga 
and of the Maibulua Yiribu and Ngaloha. 

The chief industries of this interesting people are tending herds of cattle 
many of which, in true border fashion, they have raided from the Kanembu and 
fishing. The latter occupation is, however, principally carried on by slaves. Their 
daring raids were formerly the terror of the mainland, and in spite of the Pax 
Britannica, even the twentieth century has not yet deprived life of its thrills in 
these regions. One of the most picturesque of the inhabitants of Kumu consented, 
on promise of safe conduct, to accompany us to the Kanembu town of Kaua, as we 
were anxious to learn all he had to teach us about the customs, legends and beliefs 
of his people. It was amusing to watch the provocative air with which, safe 
in the protection of the " white man," he swaggered up and down among the 
Kanembu, who, as he naively confessed, before agreeing to go with us, wanted 
" very bad " to catch him, because he " take from them plenty, plenty fine cattle many 
time." 

The Buduma have an uncanny reputation on the mainland, as they are thought 
not only to be amphibious, but to have the power of approaching unnoticed any 
canoe which ventures to intrude upon their domains and dragging down its 
occupants to death in the waters beneath. 

To the Buduma themselves even, Chad has its terrors. Other dangers lurk 
below the surface beside the giant fish some with blood-red scales and mouths 
armed with teeth almost as long and pointed as those of a shark. 

The lake is avoided as much as possible after dark, lest one of the terrible 
Djinns, a hundred feet long, with fearful face and great arms, should suddenly 
appear before any belated fisherman. These genii have a way of springing upon the 
unwary and dragging them down to their dwelling-places beneath the water, or of 
slapping them across the face with a long thin hand. Should this last happen to a 
man he would do well to go straight home and set his house in order, for on the 
morrow he will surely die. Curiously enough, the Djinns which are supposed to 



250 P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 

inhabit the great Kuka trees of Bornu are said to bring death on those who offend 
them, in just the same way. 

Their belief is that all the first men sprang out of the earth much as a tree 
sprouts, while the Djinns and all supernatural beings were water-born. There seem 
to be traces of some mysterious connection between the first parents of Mankind 
and the Karaka tree but no one was willing to explain how it came about. Ghost 
stories seem utterly unknown among this people. Those questioned on the subject 
appeared astonished at the thought that the living could, under any condition, see 
or hold communion with the dead. One man answered with an amused smile, " To- 
see dead men I must die too, for the dead never come back to us." 

On the other hand they hold that a knowledge of the future and of the unseen 
world is sometimes sent to people in dreams, and those supposed to possess this 
power of second sight are much looked up to, and often consulted by their less 
gifted brethren. 

Both men and women have clear-cut, refined features, but the women are 
on the whole the best-looking. Some of the latter wear elaborate coiffures and 
a great many earrings of the " gipsy " type ; the men wear only one, in the 
left ear. This is a crescent-shaped silver disk, narrow at the overlapping points 
which pierce the ear, and broad beneath, often with a simple dog-tooth pattern incised 
upon it. 

Both sexes wear heavy bracelets and anklets of iron, brass, or silver, and 
many toe and finger rings. All metal work is obtained from the mainland, usually 
from Bornu. 

The name Buduma seems to be derived from udu (reed) and Ma (man). 
This is applicable enough, considering that the people dwell in a region of reed, 
and that papyrus and rushes play a most important part in their economy 
of life. 

The wonderful Buduma canoes are made entirely from smooth straight 
papyrus stems. A thick bundle is bound together by native rope to form the keeL 
and from this the boat is gradually built up. Only a single length of papyrus 
is used for small craft, but for larger ones two or even more are needed. Those 
intended for cattle transport have an additional thick " float " built out on either side 
at the level of the water. This is several feet wide at its broadest, but narrows to 
stem and prow. 

Frail as these craft appear at first sight, they are quite watertight, and so 
stable as to withstand even the violent storms which rage on Chad at times. 

Another industry, which almost vies in importance with boat-building, is the 
preparation of the great curved Ambach shields, without which no journey is 
undertaken. These are used not only as a protection when fighting, but as a shelter 
from the wind, when sleeping out of doors. Thin planks of green wood are laid to 
soak in water, and roughly pressed into the required curve by means of heavy 
stones. The planks are then sewn together with strips of raw hide, and a square of 
this is fastened on both sides in the centre of the shield. A handle is fixed at the 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 251 

back, and smaller pieces of skin, usually cut into squares or diamonds, ornament 
the outer surface. 

The Kotoko also use Ambach shields, but of quite a distinct type, more graceful 
in shape and with finer ornamentation so fine indeed that at a little distance it 
produces the effect of having been cut from thin sheets of bronze. These are taller 
and less curved than those of the Buduma, probably because they are never needed 
for other than fighting purposes. 

A Buduma vocabulary is attached. The resemblance between this language 
and that of the Kotoko seems further to bear out the legends already given as to 
the origin of the Lake people. A series of measurements is added in the hope that 
it may prove of interest to compare the Buduma with their neighbours the Kotoko, 
Kanembu, Kanuri and Arabs. Later, time may be found to work these out, 
together with the measurements of all other tribes studied during the expedition. 
I venture to hope that these may throw some little light on the relationship 
between the Central Sudan races and the Pagans to the south and west. 



VOCABULARY. 

The orthography adopted below is that used by the Royal Geographical Society. 
The main rule is that vowels are pronounced as in Italian and consonants as in 
English. The acute accent marks the syllable on which stress should be laid. 

Vocabulary of Guria-Suduma. 

Yes, Iivadan. 1,000, dubu kette. 

no, imadainja. man, hokwoii. 

not, woman, ngirrim. 

1, kette. child, ivuli. 

2, kii. father, luyudumu. 

3, kakanu. mother, yaii. 

i, hagai. brother, h'wih'ia. 

5, hiinji. sister, chimmbi. 

6, haraka. son, lugorr. 

7, tuldr. daughter, labia. 

8, hawaku. friend, kivanihau. 

9, hiliga. enemy, kettehau. 

10, hakan. chief, maii. 

11, hakan a kette. king, koromi. 

12, hakan a kii. sorcerer, medicine-man, priest, kurne- 
20, hinjiL bukerr. 

30, hakan kakanu. head, korau. 

40, hagai kakanu. hair, njiggu. 

100, am. eye, yill. 



252 



P. A. TALBOT. Ttie Buduma of Lake Chad. 



iiose, shenne. 
mouth, gali. 
tooth, hen lie. 
shoulder, ngoru. 
back, kaiya. 
skin, hauriyu. 
heart, gaiUm. 
liver, nu'iin. 
bone, ahai. 
blood, chii. 
war, kiriffu. 
spear, laii. 
club, makaii. 
bow, kirinigu. 
arrow, kapi. 
shield, galago. 
house, ngdindo. 
boat, 'font. 
food, ambi. 
beast, huu. 
bird, kado. 
fish, /ci. 
fire, atiu. 
water, amaii. 
river, kaiyu. 
sea, kolukome. 
earth, Wo. 
mountain, kauu. 
stone, ganaii. 
tree, warn, 
forest, wani kalin. 
sky, kamani. 
sun, yerau. 
moon, Aw/a, 
star, shilogu. 
cloud, mlurha. 
wind, alii. 
rain, amai. 
thunder, baramil. 
lightning, amaledji. 
day, kabugga. 
night, kurnimm. 
shadow, kagumi. 



breadth, yeenchudu. 

soul, arc. 

spirit, 

ghost, kararam. 

god, IMUU. 

word, mana. 

thing, wataganku. 

part, yapeyu. 

whole, ga chaw. 

I, dau. 

thou, de. 

he, kduu. 

she, wit. 

it, 

we, damn. 

you, dogdii. 

they, dog6iiba. 

who, nawoni. 

wliich, 

this, yima. 

that, atew. 

large, dumu. 

small, gunneni. 

many, damu. 

few, 

all, haide. 

long, Aopt. 

short, kabuga. 

high, 

low 

hard, kellmai. 

soft, kullchai. 

light, kabadai. 

heavy, <o6ai. 

quick, aurukdi. 

slow, ambelekule. 

loud, kangiddianai. 

sweet, a/i. 

bitter, a/i)a. 

bright, wumna. 

dark, I'raw. 

black, chilimm. 

wlute, bol. 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 



253 



red, kemc. 

blue, green, kili. 

yellow (not red, not white). 

good, nchengangela. 

bad, obi. 

beautiful (same as " good"). 

ugly (not " good "). 

wise, angal. 

foolish, gachalangaiya. 

new, kuli. 

young, nakaiainba. 

old, nauwaraba. 

true, kurni. 

false, ngagulor. 

to be, 

go, wull. 

come, auu. 

stand, maii. 

sit, jai. 

lie, henai. 

walk, 

run, hogodu. 

touch, tamagin. 

smell, napu. 

taste, tummgummina. 

see, gaminaba. 

hear, gashangaba. 

speak, diibu. 

sing, gangclada 



dance, geikanua. 
eat, gegama. 
drink, hiami. 
sleep, henai-guane. 
dream, geirrigi. 
be born, gauwiivilli. 
marry, gunniga. 
live, aiyu. 
die, namatu. 
fight, babaii. 
strike, haaguchalam. 
cut, paiyu. 
burn, kanjai. 
kill, A^/a. 
give, c/ieno. 
take, wait, 
do, wanana. 
make, goganana. 
carry, waro. 
love, geligu. 
hate, jriaw. 
fear, gahduchinba. 
wish, helimm. 
command, wellguru. 
tell, giribaii. 
think, kurni. 
believe, a&wZ. 
know, vjohicna. 



VOL. XLI, 



254 



1*. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 



BUDUMA. 



No. 


Name. 


Tribe. 


Town. 


Age 


j 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


1 


Bukara 


Ouria Buduma 


Kumu 


35 


142 


192 


127 


42 


61 


45 


118 


2 


Halish 


a . a 


** 


35 


143 


202 


143 


49 


55 


42 


108 


3 


Dallah 


11 11 


> 


30 


128 


188 


134 


41 


61 


45 


101 


4 


Moiuodo 


11 a 


,, 


45 


139 


198 


134 


45 


60 


42 


110 


5 


Dallah 


a a 


. . . 


40 


138 


196 


135 


38 


61 


41 


111 


6 


Bukar 


a 11 


,, 


40 


141 


185 


135 


40 


6-2 


39 


100 


7 


AH 


a a 


. .. 


45 


142 


193 


136 


43 


62 


43 


111 


8 


Malam 


a a 





45 


142 


199 


146 


48 


69 


44 


120 


9 


Suni ... 


a a 


,, 


55 


137 


188 


133 


39 


62 


51 


120 


10 


Mara... 


V 11 


... 


55 


143 


192 


143 


51 


64 


46 


113 


11 


Baf 


11 11 


,, ... 


45 


154 


194 


140 


44 


74 


52 


123 


12 


Aji 


11 Jl 


) 


50 


141 


191 


145 


45 


65 


43 


114 


13 


Bodi 


11 





40 


136 


188 


139 


42 


61 


43 


106 


14 


Malam 


> 


,, ... 


50 


140 


189 


140 


43 


60 


48 


113 


15 


Abdallah ... 


JI 11 


,, ... 


55 


142 


193 


138 


44 


57 


41 


105 


16 


Momodu 


11 M 


i 


55 


132 


193 


140 


50 


69 


49 


111 


17 


Dogai 


Madjagodia Buduma 


Bulariga 


50 


139 


190 


144 


44 


65 


47 


112 
























I 


18 


AH 


a a 


,, 


55 


144 


200 


137 


45 


65 


50 


117 


19 


Ali 


11 a 


,, ... 


50 


140 


191 


143 


47 


69 


50 


117 


20 


Gala 


a a 





30 


133 


185 


128 


41 


67 


48 


102 


21 


Mbe 


11 a 


i 


45 


135 


186 


130 


40 


60 


46 


101 


22 


Ali 


'i 11 


,, ... 


35 


141 


197 


140 


44 


70 


45 


115 


23 


Dili 


a a 


,, ... 


35 


142 


194 


140 


47 


65 


46 


110 


24 


Daii 


a a 


n 


35 


136 


188 


139 


42 


70 


49 


114 


25 


Mata... 


11 a 


, ... 


45 


141 


190 


137 


48 


71 


47 


126 


26 


Waro 


11 a 


,, ... 


30 


141 


195 


140 


42 


60 


43 


107 


27 


Shari 


a a 





35 


141 


188 


137 


44 


68 


49 


109 


28 


Kandera 


1 11 a 


, , ... 


40 


137 


198 


133 


42 


63 


45 


103 


29 


Ali 


a a 


> ... 


35 


139 


187 


136 


45 


72 


51 


12,0 


30 


Chudabu 


a 11 





45 


136 


190 


136 


47 


61 


41 


104 


31 


Buru 


a a 


v 


45 


140 


189 


141 


42 


(if, 


35 


106 


32 


Mbe 


a a 


,, ... 


40 


142 


204 


146 


43 


73 


39 


103 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 



255 



BUDUMA. 





8 9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 i 


15 16 


17 


18 


19 20 


Remarks. 




122 


567 


1777 


1814 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 








1 




128 


543 


1732 


1798 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 





Slight indentation all 




122 


526 


1719 


1775 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 








- round head above 




125 


559 


1765 


1844 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 





level of temples. 




124 


552 


1628 


1719 


2, 3 


3 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 





J 




122 


554 


1602 


1667 


1, 5 


2 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 












126 


551 


1616 


1778 


2, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









133 


566 


1735 


1839 


1, 5 


2 


1 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 









127 


546 


1730 


1835 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 









128 


541 


1834 


1899 


2, 4 


2 





3 


1 


1 


3 


1 









128 


554 


1756 


1961 


2, 4 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 









125 


554 


1726 


1897 


2, 4 


2 





3 


"2 


1 


3 


1 









127 


543 


1811 


1905 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









120 


549 


1684 


1859 


1, 5 


3 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









121 


546 


1719 


1918 


1, 3 


3 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 









125 


528 


1747 


1937 


1, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









130 


546 


1722 


1854 


2, 5 


2 





3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









127 


561 


1821 


1932 


2, 3 


3 





3 


1 


2 


3 


1 









125 


549 


1672 


1803 


2, 4 


2 


2 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 









116 


523 


1682 


1735 


2, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 












124 


521 


1719 


1869 


2, 3 


3 





2 


2 


1 


3 


1 









125 


564 


1773 


2006 


1, 5 


2 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 








When men get paina in 




121 


554 


1768 


1889 


1, 3 


3 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 








the head small sup- 
plementary cuts are 




124 


541 


1832 


1994 


2, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 








made on the fore- 




128 


554 


1756 


1915 


2, 3 


2 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 





head. 




121 


544 


1735 


1847 


1, 3 


3 


2 


3 


1 


1 


3 












126 


541 


1799 


1899 


2, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 












124 


551 


1784 


1965 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 









122 


541 


1731 


1861 


2, 4 


2 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









124 


526 


1751 


1905 


2, 4 


2 





2 


2 


2 


3 


1 





.., 




123 


544 


1719 


1953 


1, 4 


3 





2 


2 


1 


3 


1 









123 


569 


1886 


2029 


2, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 











s 2 



256 



P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 



KANEMBU. 



No. 


Name. 


Tribe. 


Town. 


Age. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 




33 


Abdulla 


Kanembu 


Jim til< > 


35 


148 


195 


147 


47 


58 


41 


110 




34 


Mailim 


... 


... 


35 


144 


196 


131 


41 


67 


54 


117 




35 


Bura 





... 


40 


139 


201 


146 


47 


65 


47 


115 


36 


Musa 


... 


... 


40 


135 


197 


134 


40 


67 


48 


109 





KOTOKO. 



37 


Kobo 


Kotoko 


Mani 


40 


143 


204 


151 


51 


69 


44 


123 




38 


Mai 


,, 





45 


137 


203 


142 


46 


72 


48 


122 




39 


Momod 


... 





30 


135 


193 


130 


46 


52 


38 


101 




40 


Momon 


i) 


jj 


30 


139 


184 


133 


47 


67 


44 


113 




41 


Abani 


n 





30 


140 


197 


135 


46 


58 


36 


106 
























I 




42 


Momod 


) ... 


n 


40 


153 


194 


146 


48 


63 


54 


114 




43 


Bukar 








33 


143 


203 


135 


48 


69 


49 


133 




44 


Madam 








25 


146 


183 


135 


45 


63 


45 


110 




45. 


Iman... 


... 





30 


134 


188 


136 


42 


75 


50 


120 




46 


Liman 


j) 


,j 


30 


143 


196 


130 


43 


60 


39 


109 




47 


Abadi 





i) 


45 


147 


193 


146 


48 


64 


44 


122 




48 


Da ins; i 


it ... 


,, 


45 


147 


195 


138 


47 


73 


52 


127 




49 


Gagaga 


5) " 


i: 


35 


148 


197 


138 


47 


71 


50 


122 




50 


Orinyan 


1) ... 


) 


25 


140 


187 


133 


42 


61 


42 


115 




51 


Momod 


> ... 


,, 


45 


134 


191 


134 


47 


61 


43 


126 




52 


Helebia 


... 


Gulfei 


45 


148 


183 


141 


46 


62 


42 


114 




53 


A lam id .1 


J 


,j ... 


40 


144 


187 


144 


43 


62 


41 


113 




54 


Naiim 


)) " 


)> ... 


50 


143 


198 


138 


41 


63 


46 


121 




55 


Bukar 


1) 


J* ... 


50 


140 


190 


128 


44 


68 


45 


113 




56 


Lima 





)J " 


55 


146 


193 


140 


46 


59 


44 


106 





P. A. TALBOT. The Suduma of Lake Chad. 



257 



KANEMBU. 





8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


Remarks. 




131 


571 


1732 


1809 


2, 5 


2 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 





1 




131 


566 


1887 


1875 


2, 3 


3 





3 


1 


1 


3 








1 Very slight indenta- 




133 


571 


1625 


1710 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 





r tion. 




126 


556 


1794 


1844 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 





J 



KOTOKO. 





134 


568 


1882 


1914 


1, 4 


3 


2 


4 


2 


1 


3 





1 


1 






135 


563 


1844 


1989 


2, 4 


3 


1 


4 


1 


2 


3 





1 








123 


535 


1707 


1818 


2, 3 


2 


1 


4 


1 


2 


3 














125 


525 


1839 


1989 


2, 3 


3 


1 


2 


2 


2 


3 














128 


551 


1791 


1987 


2, 3 


2 


2 


4 


2 


2 


3 














128 


553 


1976 


2916 


2, 3 


3 


2 


4 


1 


1 


3 





1 








134 


558 


1999 


2108 


2, 3 


2 


1 


4 


2 


2 


3 










i Bridge of nose very 
deeply indented. 




124 


528 


1682 


1766 


2, 3 


2 


2 


4 


2 


1 


3 














126 


548 


1682 


1729 


2, 3 


2 


2 


4 


2 


2 


3 














132 


546 


1857 


1876 


2, 3 


3 


1 


4 


2 


2 


3 












































128 


551 


1778 


1971 


2, 3 


2 


1 


4 


1 


2 


3 





1 






127 


554 


1737 


1956 


2, 3 


3 


1 


2 


1 


1 


3 


1 









131 


566 


1818 


1965 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 


. 






119 


541 


1684 


1802 


2, 3 


3 


1 


4 


2 


2 


3 










122 


541 


1788 


1907 


2, 3 


3 





2 


2 


2 


3 


1 







129 


544 


1849 


1874 


2, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 


1 




120 


544 


1765 


1859 


2, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 







129 


566 


1862 


1940 


2, 4 


2 





3 


1 


1 


3 


1 


1 




120 


541 


1849 


2019 


1, 5 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 


1 




134 


545 


1722 


1859 


2, 4 


3 





3 


1 


1 


3 


1 


1 



258 



P. A. TALBOT. The Butlnuni <if Lake Chad. 



KAXUKI. 






No. 


Name. 


Tribe. 


Town. 


Age. 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 






























57 


Moru 


Kanuri 


Birgxima 


30 


134 


183 


138 


-11) 


58 


40 


117 




58 


Umara 








35 


145 


192 


138 


45 


66 


43 


105 




59 


Ali 








4:> 


142 


195 


135 


44 


67 


44 


118 




60 


Moidu 








1C 


145 


193 


133 


50 


63 


40 


110 




61 


~^ .1 11 Oft 






23 


137 


189 


135 


40 


55 


38 


100 




62 


Gapcha 








30 


143 


193 


125 


45 


66 


48 


109 




63 


Mastaba 








22 


141 


195 


138 


46 


68 


48 


117 




64 


Mataba 








22 


146 


185 


131 


45 


61 


42 


108 




65 


Ali 








20 


142 


186 


129 


44 


59 


43 


101 




66 


Ali 








28 


140 


188 


130 


40 


60 


43 


117 




67 


Musa 








20 


144 


196 


125 


43 


65 


40 


116 




68 


Bura 


i> 





25 


142 


179 


136 


42 


62 


46 


101 




69 


Ali 








35 


137 


183 


135 


43 


60 


40 


103 




70 


Wadigumbo 








35 


135 


180 


125 


37 


69 


48 


115 




71 


Eiriiua 








50 


137 


193 


134 


47 


64 


4.-, 


110 




72 


Ali 








25 


137 


188 


135 


40 


61 


43 


105 




73 


Musad 


Arab 


Jimtilo 


44 


144 


193 


137 


48 


68 


45 


117 




74 


Bukare 








45 


143 


191 


136 


45 


68 


51 


122 




75 


Avokaresse ... 








50 


141 


194 


136 


42 


67 


47 


116 




76 


Abadurn 








55 


143 


203 


147 


47 


67 


49 


120 




77 


Jibiri 








50 


148 


186 


138 


47 


67 


50 


120 




78 


Momod 








50 


147 


187 


140 


40 


58 


46 


112 




79 








50 


141 


198 


137 


44 


65 


47 


113 




80 


Salaman 


... ... 


)> * * * 


50 


142 


198 


144 


46 


66 


47 


123 




81 


Abukari 


... ... 


Ngama 


25 


146 


158 


141 


49 


58 


43 


109 




82 


Mahmoud 








25 


138 


193 


141 


44 


61 


42 


109 




83 


Dermau 








40 


147 


197 


137 


44 


73 


57 


127 




H4 


Isa . 






35 


143 


206 


138 


48 


69 


53 


110 




85 


Delai 






45 


140 


204 


142 


45 


72 


52 


124 




SO 


Gauut 


n 


,, 


48 


149 


194 


140 


39 


66 


48 


113 




87 


Talaf 






35 


139 


194 


137 


44 


65 


49 


112 




88 


Sali 







45 


157 


186 


144 


43 


63 


51 


110 




89 


Mohammed ... 








45 


141 


193 


133 


48 


65 


45 


119 




90 


Moumoud ... 








35 


146 


192 


143 


41 


66 


49 


110 




91 


Adam 




" 


22 


139 


185 


133 


44 


69 


45 


115 






Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXIV. 

iMTSTB 











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Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLT, 1911, Plate XXXV. 

* 

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P. A. TALBOT. The Buduma of Lake Chad. 



259 



KANURI. 



8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


16 


17 


18 


19 


20 


Remarks. 




189 


521 


1709 


1782 


2, 3 


2 


2 


3 


1 


2 


3 












127 


567 


1706 


1905 


2, 4 


2 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 


o' 






131 


567 


1713 


1782 


1, 4 


2 





3 


2 


2 


3 


1 





Indentations round top 




123 


554 


1602 


1671 


2, 3 


3 


2 


4 


1 


2 


3 


1 





of heads. 




126 


536 


1679 


1834 


2, 3 


2 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 












123 


543 


1654 1837 


1, 3 


2 


2 


4 


1 


2 


3 












125 


567 


1602 


1648 


2, 4 


2 


2 


4 


1 


2 


3 












120 


540 1589 


1625 


1, 4 


2 


2 


4 


2 


2 


3 












123 540 


1622 


1696 


2, 3 


2 


2 


3 


3 


2 


3 












125 526 


1599 


1649 


1, 5 


2 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









117 551 


1654 


1779 


2, 3 


2 


2 


4 


3 


3 


3 












115 


523 


1635 


1714 


1, 4 


2 


2 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 









120 


523 


1684 


1784 


2, 3 


2 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









120 


520 


1625 


1806 


2, 3 


3 


2 


2 


2 


2 


3 


1 









130 


543 


1628 


1706 


1, 4 


2 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









122 


538 


1709 


1854 


2, 3 


2 


1 


2 2 


1 


3 












125 


551 


1785 


1866 


2, 3 


3 





3 


1 


1 


3 


1 









128 


551 


1651 


1756 


2, 3 


3 


1 





1 


1 


3 


1 









126 


546 


1727 


1756 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


1 


2 


3 


1 









139 


569 


1740 


1975 


1, 5 


2 


1 


3 


o 


2 


3 


1 









119 


549 


1659 


1805 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


1 


1 


3 


1 









127 


543 


1722 


1753 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 


1 









126 


552 


1882 


1969 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 


1 









132 


564 


1788 


1879 


2, 3 


2 


1 


8 


1 


1 


3 


1 









120 


525 


1750 


1882 


2, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


1 


3 












131 


533 


1788 


1831 


1, 3 


2 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 












122 


553 


1813 


1897 


1, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 





1 






126 


571 


1890 


2027 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 












134 


571 


1737 


1803 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


2 





1 






127 


558 


1681 


1773 


2, 4 


3 


1 


2 


2 


2 


3 





1 






125 


553 


1729 


1793 


2, 3 


3 


1 


3 


2 


2 


3 












120 


553 


1712 


1788 


1, 4 


3 


1 


3 


2 . 


2 


3 





1 






126 


546 


1737 


1823 


1, 3 


3 


2 


4 


3 


2 


3 





1 






124 


551 


1742 


1823 


1, 3 


3 


2 


3 


2 


2 


3 





1 






126 


533 


1663 


1778 


1, 4 


3 


2 


3 


3 


2 


3 











2GO 



PREHISTORIC AND ABORIGINAL POTTERY MANUFACTURE. 

BY REV. J. W. HAYES. 

THE great difficulty of understanding how symmetrically formed pottery could be 
produced without the use of the wheel as had been asserted in America, Africa and 
New Guinea caused me, some three years ago, to take up this question ; and during 
the time devoted to its investigation stolen, shall I say, from that claimed by a busy 
parish ? a number of curious and instructive facts came under notice. Firstly, that 
on the plainest and most abundant evidence, the nimble fingers of the aboriginal 
women, so dexterously manipulated coils of plastic clay as to produce remarkably 
well-formed and beautiful vases of different kinds. Secondly, that vessels can actually 
be beaten out, and thus increased in diameter some inches, after they have left the 
wheel ; and in the third place that much of our British barrow pottery, and cooking 
utensils, has been made in sections, afterwards pressed together and joined by what 
is known as " slip " (or liquid clay) ; but I do not consider that there is sufficient 
evidence to prove the adoption of the coil method in our islands. Incidentally we 
will see, that the law of Evolution, as a factor in progress, runs through the history 
of pottery, just as through the vegetable and animal worlds. 

We are so used to regarding vast establishments and great staffs of workers as 
necessary to pottery making in England, that it is quite a revelation to go into 
some of the more obscure districts in this country, and see men at work on a small 
scale and with poor, mean appliances. For instance, in the summer of 1909, when 
visiting in Dorsetshire, I saw at the works of Mr. Seth Symm, of Verwood (near 
Wimborne), the workmen making large, thick milk pans and water basins, coating 
them afterwards with a heavy coarse yellow glaze. In the process of manufacture 
clay was brought from the marshes, and thrown into a tank, where boys jumped in 
barefooted, and teased it with their toes, mixing up sand with the clay, and 
treading out the material as men tread grapes in a wine vat. When sufficiently 
" teased," lumps of it were thrown on a thick wooden wheel, and moulded by the 
potter into ditferent shapes, the only tool used in this case, besides the twine to cut 
the article off the wheel when finished, being a piece of hoop iron to scrape the 
edges of the pot. The crank of the wooden wheel was turned by a lad, who simply 
used a stick for the operation ; and the firing was done in a very rough kiln, 
kindled from the ground, with furze bushes and old timber, no coal being burnt. 
Mr. Bayley, Mr. Gulliver and Mr. Frederick C. W. Fry, of Verwood, use the same 
simple means of manufacture, and indeed the latter turns out no less than 
eighty distinct patterns with no other tool but a comb to score the sides, the 
edges, runs, handles, and ornaments being well executed with the fingers alone. 



EEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 261 

All this pottery is of a bright red colour, and is packed in the kiln, from the 
ground level, one vessel on the top of the other, the largest underneath, and the 
.smaller sizes inside the larger, rims downward, no flues being used. The edges of 
many of the vessels are artistically pinched by the operator, much in the same way 
as an old-fashioned cook pinches the edges of a piecrust to give it a symmetrical 
appearance. 

Messrs. Greenwell and Eolleston say that the barrow pottery was not baked 
in a kiln but " at an open fire." Moreover, that " they have all been handmade, 
not one showing any sign of the use of the wheel." This is certainly true, for 
not only can such vessels be made, symmetrically, without a wheel, but they can, as 
we shall see, be remarkably well " fired " without what is now known as a kiln. 

That they can be used by being merely sun dried (although this opinion was 
formerly held by some) is, however, against the weight of evidence, and even amongst 
the primitive natives of North Africa is unknown. Sun-dried vessels quickly 
disintegrate, not having their material chemically changed by fire. 

Of course in many cases of the barrow and mound pottery the firing is very 
imperfect, and portions of the vessels are blackened more than others, but the 
cause of this we shall see later, when we note the process of manufacture 
velsewhere. 

Most writers on the subject hold that the first attempts at pottery consisted 
in smearing a calabash outside with thick plastic clay, and so using it as a sort of 
mould ; or else smearing a wickerwork basket inside with plastic clay and then 
burning the wickerwork away. 

Professor Otis T. Mason, in the Origin of Inventions, calls pottery " the child of 
basketry," and there is much to be said in favour of this theory, for there are 
distinct marks of basketry on much of the pottery exhumed from the American 
graves. 

Mr. Francis W. Eeader, who has for years made a speciality of the subject, is 
of the same opinion, and indeed in British Columbia and Washington, the Indians 
.are clever enough to make water-tight basket pots of fibre and birch bark cemented 
with a sort of resin, which pots they use for boiling their food, by putting in red 
hot stones, gipsy fashion ; and these vessels are well able to withstand the heat, 
being most durable. The Oregon Indians, and several of the California!! tribes, do 
likewise, and such pot? were used in Europe. 

We must remember, always, that many of the native women potters (and a 
great deal of the prehistoric pottery of the most artistic design was executed by 
women), after forming a vessel, ornamented it outside with basket-work patterns by 
pressing a basket mat upon the plastic clay, and beating the design on to the 
surface with a mallet. This was a usual custom, and so we find patterns of fishing 
nets, ribbed leaves, carved objects and rope marks impressed upon pottery. But, 
what methods were followed to form the body of the pot or urn, in districts where 
the wheel was not yet known (although there are numerous biblical references to 
it, the wheel being known iii Asia from time immemorial) 1 Well, at least three 



2G2 EEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

distinct methods are known, besides the basket-frame mould. The first is, where a. 
solid lump of prepared clay is placed in a semicircular bowl, and moulded by the 
fingers, much in the same way as the modern potter moulds an article on his wheel, 
the native potter in his primitive way, turning the bowl or platter round with his 
hand, to give the vessel a somewhat circular shape. 

The second method is to press the clay into wooden half moulds and afterwards 
join the two halves with some liquid clay, while the third and most interesting 
method of all, is to make coils of prepared clay after the pattern of a baker's dough 
roll, each coil being about 12 inches or so long, and then proceed to build up the 
pot or urn coil by coil, reducing the diameter or increasing it at pleasure. 

Mason gives us a very neat account of it, p. 166 : " The Caribs are very skilful 
potters. The manner of their working is precisely that of the Pueblo people of the 
United States, only the Caribs commence the work by laying out a flat circular 
sheet of clay on a small piece of board ; the rest of the material is rolled out, 
between the palms of the hands, into long cylindrical pieces, as thick as a man's 
thumb. One of these rolls is laid round the edge of the circular foundation so as 
to stand up like the rim of a tray. This is made solid, smoothed up and other rolls 
added until the whole is complete." 

Some few writers on Anglo-Saxon prehistoric pottery admit that the ware 
shows signs of having been manufactured in sections, especially Greenwell and 
Eolleston, viz., p. 63 : " Some of the vessels seem to have been made from one mass 
of clay, and at once, but others show that they were formed by separate pieces laid 
together ; the sides, as it were, gradually built up, some made of two coats, one 
pasted over the other." I myself have seen very distinct marks of the sections on 
some prehistoric pots in the British Museum through the kindness of Mr. Joyce 
and Mr. Keginald Smith, while the partially obliterated marks of the joining could 
be still observed all round the interior, where they had not been malleted smooth. 

In Brazil, Southey (History of Brazil) says that the women are very skilful 
potters, moulding, drying, ornamenting, and firing them afterwards. " There are 
some," he writes, " in Brazil who bury their dead in jars, large enough to receive 
them erect." This statement could be scarcely credited if we did not know from 
writers in the Journal of Indian Art and other sources that jars of this huge size 
are still made by the natives of India, but these are usually made for household use 
to contain oil, milk, water or meal. W. Andrews, F.G.S. (in Ancient Pottery 
Remains in Warwickshire), says, " the oldest pottery that I have seen is the urn used 
to contain the ashes of the dead, at a time when cremation was practised long 
before the time of the Eoman Empire." 

There is no need to question this fact, as all antiquaries are agreed thereupon ; 
but pottery of that period was not made exclusively for the service of the dead. It 
only argues that few of the vessels of domestic use, save those preserved in mounds 
or barrows, have come down to us. We can trace rough, as well as exceedingly 
fine, handmade pottery over very wide areas indeed. 

T. W. Man (in Ancient Monuments of Honduras, p. 108) states that "a potter's- 



EEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 263 

wheel is never used there." Dr. Bartholomew (in Art. 47, Man for 1903) says the 
same of the Khomnu pottery of Tunisia. Mr. J. Halkin asserts the same in 
reference to the Congo, viz., " On the Congo, pots are made without a wheel " 
(Man for 1907, Art. 100, p. 175). 

Then we have the evidence of Messrs. Skeat and Blagden in reference to 
Malay art, viz., " There is no clear record of any form of pottery having been 
manufactured by any of the Aborigines " (Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula). 
showing that primitive man could do without pots of any kind, handmade or 
otherwise. De Morgan and Swett, referring to the Negritos, tell us that these 
tribes have no knowledge of this kind of manufacture. Coming now to Japan we 
learn that pottery there was " moulded by hand " but burnt in very imperfect 
fashion (viz., Milne, Stone Age in Japan). 

Considering how difficult it was, without some rotating appliance, to make 
anything like a circular vessel, Dr. Barnard Davis (in Peruvian Pottery, p. 96) 
astonishes us by writing of the natives that " they had considerable skill, for they 
did not possess the famous and ancient potter's wheel. It is all made by hand and 
there is no doubt that, like the pottery of the ancient Britons, it was made by the 
labour of the women's delicate fingers." The author also alludes to the imperfection 
of the baking and the black colour of most of it. In the latter case, he is of 
opinion that this is due to an oxide introduced into the clay, but when we come to 
speak of kilns we will find other and more satisfactory theories to account for the 
dark colour of much of the ceramic (prehistoric and native) ware. 

Other writers, bearing testimony in reference to purely handmade pottery, are 
as follows : Professor W. H. Holmes on The Chiriqui Indians (Bureau of American 
Ethnology for 1884), Dr. Stevenson on the Zuni and Shinumo pottery (Bur. Am. 
Hth. for 1880), Dr. Thomas on the Cahokia pottery (Bur. Am. Eth. for 1890-1), 
E. H. Man on the "Nicobar Pottery " (Journ. Anthrop. Inst., vol. xxiii, 1894) and 
many more. 

The clay chiefly used in ceramic industries comes from the beds of creeks, 
lakes, ponds, and marshes. In some parts of the world this is used almost in its 
crude state, after being well beaten out or kneaded with the hands or feet, but, in 
other parts, the stiff brown clay is mixed with sand, powdered stone and shells, as 
well as grey, red and black clays of a different nature. These ingredients improve 
the quality of true potter's clay considerably, not merely making it more plastic, 
but preventing the vessels from cracking afterwards in the fire. (See C. F. Binns 
in The Potter's Craft, 1910.) 

There are several other ways of toughening the raw material and also 
toughening the partly finished pot. Thus, Prof. W. H. Holmes tells us (in Bur. 
Am. Eth, for 1893) that "pottery formerly supposed to have been moulded in 
baskets or bags was really wrought in much simpler fashion. The markings 
supposed to indicate the texture of bags or baskets being produced by beating or 
pressing with simple sticks or paddles with cord, such beating or pressing greatly 
improves the texture of the clay." 



264 EEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

Later on we will note several devices used in different parts of the world to 
toughen the sides of pots, so as to resist more effectually the after results of fire, 
where the vessels were intended to be used for boiling food. 

The pots referred to were, of course, superior to the basket pots of the Mandan 
and Arikaree Indians, whose women boil both maize and meat in these receptacles 
by the simple expedient of putting hot stones into the water in the basket pot 
until the liquid boils (see D. I. Bushnell in Primitive Salt Making in the Mississippi 
Valley, 1907). There were several steps in the evolution of the potter's wheel 
before it reached its present well-known form, of a circular steel disk, driven by 
lathe mechanism or even by steam. The aboriginals seemed to have used at first 
a sort of platter, laid on the ground and turned by the hand as occasion required ; 
no pivot was used nor permanent rotary machinery. 

There is a good deal of evidence for this in parts of India, but one of the best 
descriptions of the mode of working is from the pen of Dr. C. G. Seligmann, viz. : 
" The almost perfect symmetry exhibited by the prehistoric pottery as a whole, to 
judge from the larger fragments, must give rise to the question, whether the use of 
the wheel was known (in British New Guinea). But apart from the fact that the 
wheel is unknown in Melanesia, the women of Motu stock, at the present day, 
make narrow mouthed vessels (in some cases with bodies approximately spherical) 
of perfect symmetry by the simple expedient of giving an occasional turn with one 
hand to the board or fragment of old pot xipon which the lump of wet clay is 
supported." (" On Prehistoric Objects in British New Guinea," Anthropological 
Essays, 1907.) 

A circular wooden platter, then flat slab or large shell, was the first step in 
the development of the wheel. Evidence of the next step conies from the East. 
Mr. Edgar Kiernander, a deputy commissioner, to whom I wrote for information on 
the point, describes two chief sorts of wheel, i.e., a single wheel made of clay, wood, 
or metal, and revolving on a pivot, set twirling by the hand and continuing its 
rotation for about seven minutes at a time, and also a second type called the 
double wheel. 

The latter is placed in a pit dug for the purpose about 4 feet deep, the 
potter sitting on the side of the pit, and keeping the upper wheel revolving by 
turning the lower disc with his toes. This enables him to maintain a constant 
steady rotation of the working slab, and avoids the necessity of cranks, levers, 
or additional help. If the potter is too poor to purchase a metal wheel he can 
easily make one for himself of stiff tenacious clay, about 3 feet in diameter and 
3 inches thick, but he usually mixes the clay with plenty of goat's hair and 
either inserts cross bars of bamboo to strengthen the disc, or inlays a flat circular 
piece of slate or stone in the upper surface as a working table to throw the lump of 
clay upon. Such a wheel as this can be made practically for nothing and lasts 
from three to five years. 

The latter or double wheel on a single axle has this great advantage, that it 
leaves the operator both hands free all the time, while in the case of the single 



KEY. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 265 

wheel the operator has to remove his hand from the lump from time to time in 
order to spin the wheel or else employ a girl or boy to do it for him. Wilson (in 
Prehistoric Man) mentions an approximation towards the potter's wheel which I 
do not see mentioned elsewhere. It consisted of a stick of wood grasped in the 
hand and turned round to and fro inside a thick wall of clay, made by the hand. 
This would certainly give a nearly circular form to the interior of the pot, and is 
quite an ingenious contrivance. 

Before we go on to speak of kilns we must note the different mixtures of clay 
used. Dr. Frank Eussell, in his article on the Plma Indians (p. 126, Bur. of Am. 
Eth., 1904), tells us that these people mix, with stiff clay from the river bottom, 
pulverised potsherds. The analysis of the clay there shows for grey pottery, 
namely, silica 59'64, alumina 18'58, ferric oxide 672, and for red pottery, 
silica 74'75, alumina 12 - 55, ferric oxide 5'28. It is curious to note that the 
composition of the Essex Bed Hill burnt earth is very similar, Mr. J. H. B. 
Jenkins, F.C.S., giving it as follows, viz.: Silica 75'8, alumina 12'5, oxide of iron 5'7, 
and the chemical analysis of the surrounding marsh gives the same proportions, 
roughly speaking. 

Besides sand and the ingredients mentioned before, the Eskimo, according to 
Nelson (Bur. Am. Eth. for 1896), mixes with the clay short blades of marsh grass. 
Hartland says the same about the Hottentots (Man, Art. 35, 1907). Mason tells 
us that the Pueblo women crush shells, mica and old pottery for mixing. This is 
called " tempering " the clay, and it decidedly minimises the risk of breakages 
during the time the pots are in the fire. 

From the Journal of Indian Art, No. 41, 1893, we see that in the Punjab 
salt and saltpetre are used, " one part to 100 parts of clay." Another substance is 
the down of the bulrush, and in the North- West provinces of India they use rice, 
cow dung, ashes, strange clays of a different texture, powdered flints, limestone, 
rotten paper, crushed bark, cotton wool, chopped straw, &c. From ancient times 
these substances have been found advantageous to prevent fractures from shrinkage, 
even when drying in the sun. 

Much of the coarser kinds of Germanic and Ancient British pottery show 
signs of an admixture of chopped straw. I have in my possession several portions, 
of what may have been barrow urns or saggers from Foulness Island, where there 
are some small burnt earth mounds (or were), and in these fragments can be plainly 
seen the little cavities left by the grasses after they had burnt away. The Eev. T. 
Longley, who has interested himself in searching for pottery fragments in the 
Salterns, beside the marshes of Lincolnshire, writing in the Louth Advertiser of 
April 7th, 1900, states that the pieces he found show abundant impressions of 
chopped grass from the sand dunes. I believe that Mr. F. W. Eeader noticed 
the same peculiarity in the rough pottery or luting found at Langenhoe, and at 
Goldhanger Creek, Essex. 

The clay, as taken from the river marshes or embankments, does not seem, 
except in rare cases, to have been used without considerable kneading. In the Punjab 



266 HEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

it is dried, pounded with a wooden or stone pounder, teased with the hands or 
feet, and thoroughly sifted through a sieve. Sometimes the clay is washed ; 
that is, water is mixed with it, in large quantities, and the liquid is allowed to 
stand until the coarser grains fall to the bottom. The finer sediment is then 
dried for use. 

We will now suppose a pot to have been formed, with or without the wheel, 
by any of the processes already known (i.e., by either the single lump, the sections 
the half moulds or the coil process). 

What is the next step in the manufacture ? 

Well, in India the pot, if not of sufficient capacity, is next, before being 
sun dried for a few days, hammered out with small mallets, or a round stone and a 
mallet (one held inside and the other outside) to increase its diameter. Thus 
a vessel whose diameter, when it left the wheel, was, say, 2 feet 6 inches, is 
hammered out at its widest part until it attains a diameter of 3 feet 5 inches, 
others are enlarged in this way, say, from 3 feet 3 inches to 4 feet 4 inches. 

But, one may ask, why not run it on the wheel, the full size at once ? 
Because the clay is so soft, at first, that the potter cannot possibly mould the walls 
thin enough and still retain the shape, and moreover the beating out toughens the 
wall, and makes it closer and firmer. It has been denied that clay vessels can 
thus be enlarged, but the fact is unquestionable in native pottery abroad. 
Most operators at the wheel, when the body of the vessel is completed, cut it off 
the wheel by passing a wire or twine between the surface of the wheel and the under 
surface of the vessel, but in parts of India the curious custom obtains of cutting off 
the vessel about an inch or so above the wheel, so that the urn or whatever it may 
be, conies off bottomless, and the bottom must be attached somehow or other 
afterwards. 

At first sight this appears to be a stupid idea, but on close examination we 
find it has a practical use, for the new bottom is formed by beating the lower edge 
out and over, until it completely covers the aperture left by cutting the first bottom 
off, and the repeated hammering hardens the very part which has to stand the 
most wear or friction. Mr. H. E. C. Dobbs, C.S., in The Pottery and Glass Industrie* 
of the North- West Provinces and Oudh, describes the process thus : p. 4. " A large 
vessel such as a gharra or handi is only roughly formed on the wheel, its sides being 
much thicker and its whole shape narrower than that of the finished vessel. The 
rough shape, while still damp, is rounded and enlarged by being beaten out with a 
pestle (pindi) and mallet (thapia). 

"The pestle is an earthenware disk with a round handle and the mallet 
represents a thick, flat, wooden ladle. The pestle is held in the left hand, against 
the inside of the vessel, while, with the mallet in his right hand, the workman beats 
the outer surface over the spot where the pestle is held. The pestle is also used 
for beating out the flat bottoms of such vessels as have their parts fashioned 
separately." 

Frequently the necks of urns as well as the handles and bottoms, are fastened 



REV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 267 

on afterwards by slip (or semi-liquid clay) ; a ring or ridge of clay is also put over 
the place where the neck joins the hody, and serves to ornament as well as 
strengthen it. An additional coating of well-beaten clay is often put over the thin 
bottoms for the same purpose. 

Large pans for indigo dyers, 4 feet high and 3 feet broad, are always 
handmade, even in places where the wheel is well known. They take from two to 
three days to make, and are used also by sugar manufacturers and tanners. The 
hammering out of the lower edge of a bottomless cylinder to form a new bottom is, 
of course, a tedious process, and an ordinary potter is not able to complete more 
than eight or nine of these chatties, as they are called, in a day. 

Again, touching the tools used for pottery, both prehistoric and modern, we 
come to an interesting point. General Thurston, whilst exploring certain mounds 
in the Mississippi Valley, found some curious mushroom-shaped articles, of burnt 
clay, which he took to be modelling tools for plastering or smoothing the walls of 
houses, and almost (if not altogether) similar shaped tools have been found in 
numbers, embedded in the red hill mounds of Essex, especially at Goldhanger, but 
of exceedingly coarse and crumbling material. 

I have noted a few myself, at Rochester Museum and elsewhere. Good plates 
of these baked clay articles can be seen in the 20th Annual Report of the Bureau of 
American Ethnology (viz., plates XXXIV, XXXV and XXXVI), and Professor 
W. H. Holmes, describing them on p. 35, says, "The form (mushroom shape) is exactly 
suited to use in supporting the wall of a semi-plastic vase from within, while the 
manipulation of the outer surface is going on with paddles or other modelling 
or decorating tools." 

Dr. Joseph Jones thinks they may have been used for pounders or pulverisers 
in place of mullers or pestles of wood and stone. 

I thought that these curious tools might be kiln rests for supporting small 
individual pots, placed mouth downwards upon them or as supports to " bats " for 
holding ware in the kilns, and indeed some may have served this purpose ; but, after 
a visit to the potteries, in Poole and its neighbourhood, the potters there came to 
the conclusior that some were either " pressers " used by hand, to beat out cakes of 
clay from balls of the same, in order to form plates and bottoms of vessels ; or else 
meant to be used, as Professor Holmes suggests, and as at present employed in 
India. 

Having shown several of the so-called (for want of a better name) pedestals 
and T-pieces to a well-known potter, i.e., Mr. C. H. F. Collard, of the " Dorset Art 
Potteries," he maintained that the mushroom-shaped and T-shaped tools are hand 
stamps or pressers used to flatten out bands of plastic clay. One tool, which he 
called a presser, and demonstrated the use of, was, in design, exactly like one of 
the Tennessee forms, but made of wood, not earthenware. 

Mr. W. C. Mills, Curator at the State Museum, at Columbus, in a letter to me 
of July 2nd, 1909, observes thus : " I have never met with objects of this character 
in Ohio, although all the mound-building Indians made pottery in abundance," and 



268 EKV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

Mr. Holmes, writing from Washington, about the same date, to me, remarks 
" These suggestions, regarding the possible use, are interesting and must be taken 
into account in future discussions of the subject. . . . Some of the specimens- 
in our collection would have served well as pressers." He promised to make- 
further researches for me into the matter of their discovery in the mounds of 
Tennessee, and report. 

We now come to the question of " firing " the specimens of pottery, after they 
were duly sun dried and ornamented by having geometrical figures inscribed on them 
or patterns scored or carved by a pointed stick. The rudest pottery frequently 
shows this primitive sort of ornamentation, including knobs, bosses and semi- 
circular holes : carved lines, crossed lines and circles, often grotesque outlines of 
animals, and bead designs made by pressing berries, shells and pebbles into the 
soft material. 

The ancient kilns, as far as I can ascertain, were very small structures of mud 
and wattles, usually from 4 to 5 feet in diameter, but some much smaller. There 
are cases where kilns or ovens were made small enough to hold only from one to- 
three pots, and built from the level of the ground, in some cases a couple of feet 
down from the surface, being more like small covered pits than anything else. 

The nearest approach to the prehistoric kilns is to be found now in West 
Africa where Mr. F. W. Reader thus describes the iron-smelting furnaces of Angola 
(Journal of the African Soc., vol. ii, pp. 44-49, 1902) : " The smelting places are 
just outside the village. The men cut the wood and make the charcoal. The 
women join them, after cultivation is over, when the entire population collects the 
ore . . . The kiln is a long narrow erection made of pieces of ant hills, lined 
with a wall layer of mixed charcoal and plastered over with mud." 

Personally I find it easy to conceive a similar condition of things in our own. 
country in the pre-Eoman times or even later. The Red Hills Report curiously 
enough has shown that a large quantity of charcoal is mixed with the red burnt 
earth there, Mr. A. H. Lyell proving that, at Goldhanger alone, no less than 
eleven different kinds of wood produced the dtbris, including willow, furze, broom, 
hawthorn, hazel, and elder. 

He says, " The pieces of charcoal vary from 1 inch to an inch in diameter or 
less. . . . Might not this mean that the plants grew in a low copse ? The 
more or less size of the pieces of charcoal may thus be accounted for and, possibly, 
also the presence of the other small sticks of rather a greater variety." There is 
also the other question as to what possible purpose such a gathering together of 
all these woods could have served ? " But I can," he continues, " throw no light on 
this point." 

What was to prevent the primitive inhabitants of Goldhanger, or any tribe 
that might make periodic visits to these most suitable places for marsh kilns (as. 
the Indians do when they migrate for the purpose), from using this brushwood to 
make, with the marsh clay, numerous small mud and wattle kilns and saggers, in 
some, at present, unknown industry ; and, on the breaking up of such kilns (as 



REV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 269 

they would be constrained to do on each occasion of firing) throwing the material 
in its half-burnt condition aside in a heap ? This would, perhaps, account for the 
large quantity of red burnt earth now found in some red hills, where the mixture 
of charcoal is still evident, but which having lost its plasticity through the semi- 
burning, was useless for the purpose the second time. 

That the largest of these mounds would be used, in after years, for secondary 
purposes, either as cattle refuges, or mounds to erect dwellings upon, as in America, 
does not need a great stretch of imagination. I have seen pieces of luting from 
the red hills, which plainly show the marks of wattles, and prove that some kind 
of structure, be it sagger, oven, or kiln, was built of wood upon such a framework ; 
but there are two if not more objections to this theory of the red hills formation, 
viz., how could such kilns, even if numerous, produce these vast mounds of red 
earth ? and why do we not find great quantities of spoilt pottery around if the 
kilns were for pottery making ? No satisfactory answer can be yet given to these 
questions. But turning for a moment to these primitive marsh structures that 
I have imagined, Mr. Collard informs me that the quantity of earth used for each 
would be greater than appears at first sight. The ancient kilns probably had no 
side flues, but many of them had a raised perforated bottom. Instead of coal they 
used wood, furze, fern, straw, and waste of all kinds. They doubtless cut two 
gutters or square trenches in the ground, and burnt the sides of the trenches hard. 
Over these they would pack their wares, tightly together, and then build their kiln 
around the lot, with semi-liquid clay and sand (a dome-shaped structure), with an 
exit for smoke at the top. A fresh one would require to be built each time of 
" firing," and the old material cast aside. 

In less remote times bricks came into use, and so kilns could be erected before 
the articles were packed, a distinct advantage. They could also be made much 
larger, and so burn a larger quantity of vessels at a time, besides having the 
advantage of permanency. 

We are apt to conclude that all kilns must be of brick, and have flues, and 
to assume those so ably described in detail by Mr. Artis in 1844, must be 
exactly the same as those used in pre-Eoman times. The one discovered by 
Mr. Artis at Castor (and which is figured on p. 267 of Mr. Wright's book on 
The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon) was of brick, like the kiln, at Sibson, near 
Wansford, and concerning the latter he writes, " The oval pedestals which supported 
the floors of the kiln were still apparent." 

Furthermore, he declares that he traced these potteries for twenty miles, and 
considers that " at the Durobrivian potteries not less than 2,000 men were employed." 

On the Halstow and Upchurch marshes another large manufactory must have 
been established, and the larger brick kilns used as at Sawankalok district, Siam 
(see " Notes on Ancient Pottery Kilns at Sawankalok, Siam," by T. H. Lyle, 
Journal of the Anthr. Inst., 1903, p. 238), but in these cases it is probable that the 
Romans only settled on a pre-existing pottery site, using better kilns and more 
modern methods than those who worked there before. 

VOL. XLI. T 



270 REV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

Even then the kilns were comparatively small. For instance, in a letter to 
me by Mr. George Payne, F.S.A., dated 26th May, 1909, he says, " Along the 
western side of Milford Hope many patches of burnt earth were detected upon the 
mud flats which undoubtedly formed the bases of kilns. Mr. Cumberland Woodruff, 
some two or three years before, found, at the base of the Stray way mound, what 
appeared to be the remains of the wall of a circular kiln." 

" The section which I saw, in situ, showed that the interior was about 3 feet 
in diameter. The broken down wall was a foot high and 6 inches thick, being 
composed of a hard coarse concrete." (See also Arckaeol. Cant., xxii, pp. 52-53.) 

On further conversation with Mr. Payne, at Rochester Museum, he informed 
me that many of these circular patches of burnt earth at Upchurch were very near 
the water, and consequently any structures erected thereon were liable to be washed 
away by the tides. He sa>v another (4 feet or more under the present surface) 
about 5 feet in diameter, the wall being a foot thick, but, he remarked, " I never 
saw any evidence of flues or of brick or tiled kilns." The fact is, as we saw before, 
pottery can be turned out beautifully symmetrical, ornamented, glazed, and burnt, 
without either wheel, lathe, or kiln. 

D. Kandall Maclver (in an article, viz., " Manufactory of Pottery in Upper 
Egypt," Journal of the Antlir. Inst., 1905) gives an account of pot making on the 
banks of the Nile, where the natives pile the pots to be fired within a simple ring of 
stones, " about 3 feet in diameter," heap fuel over them, set fire to the fuel, and allow 
the mass to burn itself out. The Edfu kilns are somewhat better, being four-sided 
with a false bottom of perforated brick or bars. The Andamanese, according to 
Mason {Origin of Inventions, p. 167), after drying the hardware vessels in the sun, 
bake them thoroughly " by placing burning pieces of wood both inside and around 
the vessel." 

Amongst the Nicobar people no ground floor is prepared at all, but " near the 
hut a few broken bits of pottery are stuck in the ground a few inches apart, and in 
such a manner as to form a rough stand for the pot, which is placed, bottom 
upwards with the rim resting on the potsherds, and some 4 or 5 inches off the 
ground. In the same space immediately under the pot, a layer of firewood ash, and 
a quantity of cocoanut shells and scraps of firewood are heaped up, and thi-n 
a peculiar wheel-like object called a huiimt, of larger circumference than the pot, 
is laid on its upturned base. Against this are rested branches and firewood, which 
are to be lighted outside the vessel, but must not be allowed to come into contact 
with it. 

The length of these billets is regulated somewhat by the size of the utensil in 
course of firing. When all the arrangements have been completed the fuel under 
and around the pot is kindled, and the flame fanned if necessary by two or three 
women, who, armed with sticks about 5 feet long in both hUnds, act as stokers, 
propping up and replacing the burning logs until the vessel is supposed to be 
sufficiently baked (E. H. Man in Journal of Antlir. Inst., vol. xxiii, 1894, 
" Nicobar Pottery "). Here we have a mode of firing similar, probably, to that 



EEV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 271 

used by our British ancestors, before even the mud and wattle kiln was thought of, 
much less one made with bricks and with flues. 

The Nicobar structure, too, must be very small, for mention is only made of 
burning one large pot at a time. Major F. J. W. Porter, E.A.M.C., when stationed 
at Sierra Leone, in 1909, writes to me in similar terms of the manufacture there. 
He says, " After they shape the pots by the coil method, and dry them in the sun 
they are placed on a frame above a smoky fire, and slowly baked by the fumes of 
the charcoal. The place of manufacture is usually near the banks of a lake or 
river. During the baking they use no kiln either of mud or of brick." 

There the pots, while hot, are smeared with a vegetable juice to colour them, 
but are not decorated. The vessels are coarse and poor, and no tool is used save a 
paddle to beat the strands of the coil together into one piece, the whole being 
usually polished with a stick or stone. 

One could scarcely conceive of a ruder process, except perhaps that of the Asaba 
tribe, mentioned by J. Parkinson in his notes on the "Asaba People of the Niger " (art. 
in Man, 1906, p. 321), viz., " Firing is accomplished by placing sticks inside, round 
and above the pots. They are not burnt in holes in the ground. I have nowhere 
seen signs of pigment, glaze or varnish." Two friends of mine, Lieut. Edward H. 
Fosbery and Mr. D. Barry, C.E., bear similar testimony concerning the rude firing 
of the vessels in Northern India, where they had every opportunity of seeing the 
natives at work, and of gaming information. They both declare that the natives 
burn the ware in the open, by heaping bushwood and animal dung over it, having 
no permanent erection, either below or above ground, and leaving no burnt 
" working floor." 

These good people of India trouble not themselves about hydrated silicate of 
alumina, felspar, lead, cobalt, potash, calcined bones or the highly complicated 
glazes, enamels and colourings of modern porcelain manufacture ; sufficient for 
them that they follow in the footsteps of their forefathers. They are, to-day, in a 
state far more primitive than that of Homer's time, for even at as early a date as 
1500 B.C., we find traces of artistic ware necessitating complicated tools and rare 
enamels for its production. 

The next, after the open surface kiln (which is hardly worthy of the name), is 
that devised by the formation of a hole in the ground, over which the burning 
materials are placed. Thus Dr. Frank Bussell, in his article on the Pina Indians 
(Bur. of Amer. Ethnol. for 1904), tell us that the potters of this tribe dig a shallow 
pit in the ground, and burn a charcoal fire in it for some time before packing the 
pottery in. This might almost be called the " underground kiln," the hole being 
either square or round. Dr. W. J. McGee, in writing of " Seriland and the Seri 
Indians " (Bur. of Amer. Ethnol. , 1895), mentions them as using " a little outdoor 
fire in a shallow pit adapted to a single vessel." 

The Cherokees, it is well known, invert the sun-dried vessel over a hole in the 
ground, which they previously fill with burning corn cobs and resinous bark. 
These are put inside as well as outside the article to be fired. The Berbers of 

T 2 



272 REV. J. W. HAVES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Potta-y Manufacture. 

Algeria, according to Anthony Wilkin (Among the Berbers), use no real kilns 
either. 

Mr. W. May, in his article on the Malayan Pottery of Perak (Journal of 
Anthro. Inst. for 1903), asserts that he saw a kiln at Saiong which was simply a 
square hole dug in the ground 3i feet by 18 inches deep, lined with pieces of wood 
which were afterwards set on fire. The particular one referred to held from thirty to 
forty jars at a time. This " underground kiln " is an improvement on some of the 
others, and Mr. Wray points out that these people by a judicious mixture of sand 
with the clay (and probably other substances) have succeeded in reducing the 
probable breakages to three or four per hundred. 

It is curious to note that not merely was Samian ware, when broken, mended 
with rivets of lead and bronze (see p. 273 of The, Celt, the Roman, and the 
Saxon), but Mr. F. W. Eeader, in the Report of the Red Hills, mentioned finding, 
at Landgenhoe, " under a depth of 3 feet, a piece of black ware having two rivet 
holes, and again at a depth of 4 feet a piece of crude ware ornamented with the 
finger nail and having two rivet holes " (Report, p. 41), besides I know not how 
many other fragments. We must pass on now to a superior type of kiln, i.e., the 
" double chamber " kiln, more like that found by Mr. Artis, of which we 
possess far more evidence than is usually supposed. Besides the model in the 
British Museum, and the plates at the Rochester Museum, we have this better 
class of ancient kiln referred to by Andrews in his article on " Ancient Pottery 
Remains in Warwickshire," where he says that the Roman flues were constructed 
in the ground, and powdered flint was mixed with the clay. Mr. W. Page, in his 
article on " Romano-British Pottery found at Radlett, Herts " (Soc. of Ant., vol. 17, 
p. 270), refers to a small kiln for the baking of Mortaria, in which both 
Mr. St. John Hope and himself noticed that the urns were placed or packed five 
deep one over the other, Indian fashion. 

Mr. E. Kiernander in a letter referred to before, describes the kilns for 
common wares in the North-West Provinces of India, as round pits about 
3 feet deep and 8 feet in diameter, at the bottom of which is a layer of charcoal 
ashes, but the kiln for fine wares was of a better type, being a cylinder of clay or 
brick, 5 feet high and divided into two compartments, one above the other, by a 
perforated flooring of clay, with a door for each compartment, the upper floor 
holding the pots, the lower the fire. This kiln is roofed in with earthen platters, 
tiles or old potsherds, plastered outside. This type being more lasting than the 
earlier mud ovens, is met with most frequently in the British Isles. 

Mr. R. A. Wilde found some in Nottingham, buried from 10 to 12 feet 
under the surface (Ancient Nottingham Pottery') ; Mr. G. L. Gower, F.S.A., found 
another on Limpsfield Common, Surrey, only 2 feet below the surface (Proc. 
of Soc. of Ant. for 1869, p. 359), somewhat oval in shape, and likewise about 
3 feet in diameter. At Ridlands Farm, Limpsfield, he succeeded in unearthing yet 
another, somewhat oval, too, and larger, being 7 feet 2 inches by 5 feet 10 inches, 
indicating a " smother " kiln for black pottery. 



KEY. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 273 

Again, during the course of his explorations in Sussex, Mr. E. H. Willett, 
F.S.A., discovered a small kiln, 4 feet under the surface, composed of bricks 
cemented together, and entirely filled with charcoal. Also, not far off, another and 
larger one, 4 feet wide by 5i feet deep. In this latter he, like Mr. Eeader, found 
fragments of pottery " some mended by leaden rivets," showing, I maintain, the 
care taken of the finished urns in those days (see Proc. Soc. Ant. for 1877). Nor is 
this all. Mr. C. H. Eead, in 1895, found a kiln at Shoebury, Essex, in which, 
about 18 inches from the floor, was a perforated diaphragm of clay 3 feet in 
diameter, and 2 to 3 inches thick ; all the operations for firing were underground, 
only the crown being visible from the surface. 

The furnaces were simple tunnels through the brick earth, the ware was 
packed from the top. Three stood once in a line, all being of the same construc- 
tion. Mr. Eead is certainly right in concluding that the ordinary Eoman kilns 
are much more elaborate than these antique ones. He likewise mentions a very 
curious arrangement of four small kilns of a cruciform shape " built around one fire 
and opening towards it." The fact of so many being found in a line and grouped 
together, is what I would naturally expect from the conservative habits of the 
aboriginal inhabitants, who, sooner than build one large kiln, preferred to multiply 
these small ones. They point to very early times, when the pottery industry was 
not confined to one or two big manufacturers in a locality ; but when many of the 
people made their own ceramic ware at a common quarry, creek or marsh, going 
there periodically in the season. 

Professor Windle, M.D., found one, with a circular platform about 4 feet in 
diameter, at Manchester (see Proc. Soc. Ant. for 1897, p. 405), and Mr. W. Page, 
F.S.A., discovered yet another, of the circular pattern, 3 feet in diameter, containing 
projections from the interior walls to support the floor. A similar one existed, 
not 10 feet from the first, and there may have been others. (Proc. Soc. Ant. 
for 1898.) 

Thus, we gradually come to a time when Eoman civilisation had its influence 
on the Britons, and although the Eomans caused the Britons under their immediate 
supervision to improve their methods of manufacture in the Eoman colonies, yet, 
after this influence was withdrawn, and even during the period of the Eoman 
occupation, no doubt the most antiquated modes of manufacture were pursued in 
obscure districts of these islands. 

Mr. Walters, of the Greek and Eoman Department, British Museum (in his 
second vol. of History of Eoman Pottery, p. 433), very truly describes the improve- 
ment in kilns after brick came into constant use, viz., " The Eomans used a great 
variety of clays. There is a model of a furnace (on p. 444) . . . Kilns were of 
various forms. In some cases the flues were made of loam, which had been 
converted into brick by the action of fires; some were 5 feet each way. The 
kilns consisted partly of burnt and partly of unburnt brick, the interior floor and 
outside of the roofs being covered with a strong layer of cement. Charcoal fuel of 
pine was used. The oven, where the pots were placed, has been destroyed in most 



274 REV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aborif/inu/ Pottery Manufacture. 

cases, but we know that it consisted of a wall with entrances and a vaulted dome. 
The pots were ranged partly on the floor and partly on terra-cotta stands over the 
holes. Stands of baked clay in the shape of flattened cylinders supported the pots 
in the oven, and these rested on pads of a peculiar form roughly modelled " (see 
Brongiat, vol. i, p. 429). 

The use of stands, either solid or tubular, indicates a certain advance on the 
most primitive methods of firing, and several of these clay stands may be seen in 
the museums. Many hundreds have been unearthed in the Sawankalok potteries, 
Siam. In Poole, Dorset, I found them in constant use and of all sizes, from 
3 inches to 10 or 12 inches high, and from 2 to 3 inches in diameter, with holes 
through the centre. There they are chiefly used to support the bats or slabs which 
hold the urns, but could be used for single urns if needed. 

We must now pass directly to the primitive methods of glazing, as it is not 
the purpose of this paper to go into details of the modern enormous and complicated 
kilns, where from one to three thousand vessels are fired or glazed together. Many 
of the American tribes, where clay is not naturally of a reddish tinge, colour the 
pottery with ochre. In Peru they use a black oxide for a dark colour, introduced 
into the clay (" Peruvian Pottery," by Dr. Barnard Davis, vol. iii, Journal of the 
Anthr. Inst.). In Nicaragua, Australia and New Zealand they smear the ware over 
with kanu and other gums and resins, thus producing a varnish. Other vegetable 
decoctions are made from mangrove bark applied in a liquid form, while the 
ware is hot. 

Mason describes how the natives of California make their vegetable dyes. For 
instance, their black is made from a mixture of yellow ochre and an equal quantity of 
pinion gum, both mixed again with sumac (Origin of Inventions, p. 255). Deep yellow 
and lemon is produced by boiling the tops of the byjdovia ijraveolens with native alum. 

Then we have purple from the bodies of shell fish, blue from indigo, red from 
cochineal, gamboge, shellac tint and various other colours from mixtures of alum, 
soot, nitre, native ink, acids and the juices of plants. Some of the American 
mound clays contained more than 60 per cent, of ferric oxide, the remainder being 
silica and alumina, hence a careful mixture of kaolin or white clay with the 
red oxide would give exquisite shades of cream and pink such as we find sometimes 
in native ware. 

Frequently the ashes of certain seeds are mixed into a sort of paste and 
applied to the vessels with brushes of hair fibre or feathers. Clays of varying hues 
are likewise ground and prepared in a liquid state for application. I have seen 
the Somali potters at work painting with these coloured clays in the exhibitions. 
A few tribes discovered that pulverised flint mixed with other substances made an 
admirable glaze, and at present many tons of flints are sent to the English 
pottery districts to be ground up for the same purpose. From Grays district, 
where I reside, only the purest nodules or flints are used, the " rusty " ones being 
discarded. 

The glazes of the old Egyptian ware consisted mostly of pulverised stones of 



REV. J. W. HAVES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 275 

various hues. Thus the blue glaze came from sand, alkali from the Natron desert 
and lime, the colouring matter being an oxide or carbonate of copper. 

The ornaments on primitive pottery, consisting usually of crossed lines and 
geometrical figures, were easily formed before the glazing by the single, double, or 
multiple roulette in other words, by small notched wheels after the pattern of 
a horseman's spur, only made of wood. Several of these fixed on the one axle and 
passed up and down over the surface of a partially dry vessel produced very 
pretty and truly symmetrical patterns. These notched roulettes seem to have 
been well known in the Mississippi Valley. Professor W. H. Holmes says the 
compound roulettes were quite common (Pottery of New England, p. 179), and we 
must conclude that many of the crossed Hue patterns on the celebrated black 
Upchurch ware and Anglo-Saxon pottery were made by similar tools. Wright, 
although not knowing anything of the wooden roulette, says of the Upchurch ware, 
" Some pots are ornamented with bands of half circles made with compasses, and 
from these half circles lines are, in many cases, drawn to the bottoms of the vessels 
with some instrument like a notched piece of wood. Some are ornamented with 
many intersections and zigzag lines, while on others the ornament is formed by 
raised points encircling the vessel in bands or grouped into circles, squares, and 
diamond patterns." 

Dr. H. Laver, of Colchester, who is quite an enthusiast and authority on the 
subject of Late Celtic and Eoman pottery, and whose museum is full of beautiful 
specimens, says that " none of the Eoman pottery, if we except that known as 
Samian, approach the Late Celtic in careful finish, modelling, or hardness of paste " 
(Essex Archceol. Trans., vol. vi, New Series, p. 222), so we may feel quite sure of the 
handiwork of our ancestors, even if they had rude kilns and rough appliances for 
ceramic manufacture. 

Now, it is noticed that a great deal of the British early pottery is quite black, 
not merely on the surface, but throughout the texture, and in most cases the 
black has a smooth polish very like as if a coating of black-lead had been used and 
a polish brush afterwards applied. The " Amalgamated Cement Manufacturers " 
have several specimens in their private collection at Park House, Gravesend, dug 
up from the marshes of Swanscombe and of Upchurch (during the process of 
procuring clay suitable for cement), and I found much on the Tilbury Marshes at 
low tide, besides which Professor Boyd Dawkins found Eoman pottery on both the 
Mucking and Cliffe shores in 1864. 

There is considerable dispute as to how this black polish or sheen is produced. 
Mr. Artis had noticed it as far back as 1840, and then attributed it to the use of 
what he called " smother kilns," i.e., kilns where the thick smoke, frequently, as we 
saw, made thicker by burning bark or dung, was driven back upon the vessels by 
covering them down and so preventing its escape. 

But this explanation is only partially satisfactory, for smoke alone could not 
penetrate every particle of the mass, as we know really has taken place. Is there 
any more satisfactory explanation ? Professor Flinders Petrie says, " The black 



276 KEY. ,1. \V. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 

portion is due to the de-oxidising action of wood ashes in the kiln reducing the red 
peroxide to the black magnetic oxide of iron. The brilliant lustre of black is 
probably due to the solvent action of carbonyl due to imperfect combustion." This 
explanation is nearer the mark, for it recognises a chemical action in the formation 
of the black colour, but, having laid the facts before Mr. W. Laurence Gadd (chief 
expert for the " Amalgamated Cement Manut'acturers "), at Gravesend, he explained 
the phenomenon thus (in a letter to me dated June 4th, 1909): "Iron generally 
exists in clays and similar substances either as black protoxide or red peroxide. 
In blue clay, such as is found in the marshes, the iron is in the form of protoxide, 
but if exposed to air for some time it takes up oxygen and is converted into 
peroxide, hence the exposed clay becomes brownish red. If such blue marsh clay 
be baked in presence of air or oxygen the protoxide of iron is all converted into 
peroxide, and the baked clay becomes bright red, exactly as you see it in 
red bricks. 

" The blue Eoman pottery was probably baked in a closed kiln with wood fuel, 
and the absence of air in contact with the clay accounts for the pottery remaining 
blue or black, as peroxide of iron (red) cannot be formed except in presence of air 
from which oxygen is obtained. The 'smothering' of the kiln, therefore, would 
produce a black pottery, not because the smoke discoloured it, but because 
' smothering ' prevented access of air. The lustre on the surface is due, I should 
say, to a thin, naturally formed layer of protoxide on the surface." 

Messrs. Buckman and Newmarsh (in Remains of Roman Art, pp. 77-84) 
support this contention fully, viz., "We can see how the diffusion of a carboniferous 
vapour prevents chemical change (i.e., the conversion of the protoxide to the 
peroxide), and more especially in the smoke of burning matter (as wood or coal), 
as these would give off hydrogen and carbon on high temperatures, and are capable 
of reducing the peroxide of iron to oxide, or rather, preventing the additional oxida- 
tion, so that this dark colour of the pottery was due to the chemical action of the 
means employed, and not, as Mr, Artis seems to conclude, to a colouring exhalation 
merely permeating the articles fired in the smother kilns witli its black smoke." 
You can see a large quantity of this black pottery, of varying thickness and 
pattern, upon the table, all of which I had the good fortune to pick up in ten 
minutes on a portion of Tilbury Marsh opposite West Tilbury Church, where a 
local manufactory may once have been in operation. These pieces I found on the 
mud surface lapped by the tide, and although I did not personally discover any 
marsh kiln bases, yet Mr. Dobree and his brother inform me for a certainty that 
sometimes at low tide about 25 feet out, into the bed of the Thames, they have seen 
circular marks about 3 feet in diameter which might well be kiln bases, and have 
picked up large pieces of what appeared to be burnt earth, or part of a " working 
floor." I intend to take a further opportunity of exploring on this site in the 
near future, as I understand that portions of the thick parts of burnt wattles 
appear, likewise set in semicircles, and projecting from the surface of the mud. 
Mr. G. Payne, in a further communication, reports that the late Mr. Elliott found a 



REV. J. W. HAYES. Prehistoric and Aboriginal Pottery Manufacture. 277 

kiln with seven or eight pots in it on the Upchurch Marshes in 1883. Mr. Elliott, 
furthermore, found no less than three kilns near Higham, with four or five pots 
about the same year. The point to be observed is that all these were small kilns 
and not of permanent stability, hence we must not expect large structures on the 
marshes, and it may be that much of the evidence we seek is deep down in the 
mud. 

Finally, I may say that I owe a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. A. H. Dunning 
(lecturer on New Guinea pottery), Professor C. C. Willoughby, Professor W. H. 
Holmes, Professor E. Orton, Professor Clarence B. Moore, Dr. A. C. Haddon, 
Mr. W. C. Mills, Dr. Walter Hough, and other American friends, for the beautiful 
specimens of American native pottery sent over for the lecture, and also for the 
numerous letters explaining the conditions of the prehistoric ceramic art in the 
Mississippi Valley and in Ohio. 

APPENDIX. 

In " Excavations at the Eoman City at Silchester," 1909, by Messrs. W. H. 
St. John Hope and Mill Stephenson (Archeeologia, Vol. LXII, p. 328), the Authors 
refer to a discovery of several mud kilns such as I have assumed were formerly 
used, although none have been as yet found on Tilbury Marshes. 

The most recent contributions to the above subject may be found in the 
article on Eed Hills by Mr. C. Hanson, F.S.A. (Antiquary for April, 1911) and one 
by Messrs. F. W. Reader and Horace Wilner, F.S.A., on " The Essex Pted Hills " 
(Antiquary for July, 1911). 



278 



NOTES ON THE HEIGHT AND WEIGHT OF THE HOKLO PEOPLE 
OF THE KWANGTUNG PEOVINCE, SOUTH CHINA. 

BY G. DUNCAN WHYTE, M.B. Edin., D.T.M. & H. (Cantab.), Swatow, China. 

THE Hoklo people are a race inhabiting the south-east coast of China. They 
are estimated to number about 12,000,000, but of these only 3,000,000 belong to 
Kwangtung : they are found in the north-east part of that province. 

Careful study of their language has led some sinologues to believe that they 
are one of the most ancient Chinese families, certainly older than the much more 
numerous " mandarin "-speaking peoples who inhabit Central and Northern China. 
Be that as it may, in most of their essential characteristics they differ but little from 
the " typical " Chinaman capable, industrious, resourceful and thrifty ; whether 
as farmers or fishermen, merchants or scholars, they generally succeed in life. 

In addition to their title of " Hoklos " they are also called " Swatow " men 
(from the treaty-port of that name, from which several thousands emigrate yearly), 
or else " Tie-chiu " men Tie-chiu being the prefecture within which Swatow is situ- 
ated. Large numbers of them may be met with in Singapore and in the Dutch and 
French Indies, but it would be out of place to write at length on this subject here. 
The examinations from which these statistics are derived were undertaken at a 
hospital of the English Presbyterian Mission, situated in a fishing town some 
hundred miles south of Swatow. 

In spite of the increase of modern learning and the rise of " Young China," 
it is impossible to get a large number of volunteers to be weighed and measured : 
they are prevented by a vague fear of what they do not understand, by an 
ill-defined dread of the unknown motive that prompts the investigation. Of the 
cases examined, two hundred and fifty were " quite healthy " and consisted of 
hospital students, employes, patients' relatives and hospital visitors, but the large 
majority of those dealt with came to the hospital for treatment, and must be 
regarded as "second-class" and " third-class" lives. Most of these, however, were 
not suffering from diseases that would directly affect their weight ; they were not 
chronic invalids confined to bed and kept on light diet, but cases, for example, of 
asthma, or of chronic rheumatism, or patients suffering from diseases of the eye 
or the skin. 

All the patients (along with the healthy people) were used to establish an 
average height. 

fter the cases of tuberculosis, diabetes, indulgence in the opium habit, and 
other conditions associated with emaciation had been deducted, the remaining 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the Hoklo People. 279 



six hundred and seventy (hereafter called the " fairly healthy ") were used, along 
with the healthy, to determine a standard weight. The justifiability of this step 
will be considered in a later paragraph. 

All the cases quoted were males over seventeen years of age. 

Throughout this report reference is occasionally made to the average height or 
weight of a group of individuals ; in most cases, however, one has preferred to 
prepare a diagram showing at a glance, not merely the mode the condition most 
frequently met -but also to what degree and in what numbers variations 
from this mode were found. To facilitate comparison of one set of figures with 
another, the diagrams have in each case been made to show percentages. 

The Height of the Individuals Examined. 

The facts here are simple and may be stated briefly : 

Influence of health. No difference was found between the average height of 
" healthy " people and that of hospital patients. 

Influence of age. A comparison was made between groups of younger indi- 
viduals and those who were older, and it was found that there was no appreciable 
difference between the height of those aged 18 to 30 and of those over 30 years 
of age. 

The influence of health and age upon height having thus been shown to be 
negligible, there seems to be no objection to grouping all the cases (from 18 



20X 


HEIGHT 
4'9" 4'IO" 4'll" S'O" ST 5'2" S'3" 5'4" 5'5" S'6" 57' 5'8" 5'3" 






























18% 
16* 

UJ 

I4^ 












































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/ 






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oc 

111 

Q. |OV 














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iijiox 

< 
u 

3X 
6* 
4S 














1 






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/ 












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/ 


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x^ 











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X 



FIG. 1. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE HEIGHTS MOST COMMONLY MET WITH AMONGST 
1,021 INDIVIDUALS OVER 17 YEARS OF AGE. 

years of age upwards) into one table ; and the diagram (Fig. 1) shows the relative 
frequency of occurrence of each height in the whole series, of 1,021 cases 
examined. 

It will be noted that the height of more than half the cases is from 5 feet 
3 inches to 5 feet 5 inches, and that three-quarters of the cases occur between 



280 



G. DUNCAN WHYTK. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



5 feet 2 inches and 5 feet 6 inches. The average height is 5 feet 4'07 inches. 
This figure may be contrasted with Quetelet's 1 for adult male Europeans (5 feet 

5 inches to 5 feet 6 inches), but is found to be the same as the figure given by 
Buchanan 2 as the result of his measurement of 28,000 Bengali prisoners. 

The Weight of the Individuals Examined. 

When we approach the question of weight, on the other hand, many 
complications meet us. In view of these complicating factors no useful end could 
be gained by stating the average weight of the thousand cases examined. 

Influence of height. The factor that most obviously and most markedly affects 
the weight of an individual is his height. Cccteris paribus, a tall man will be 
heavier than a short man. If one had had enough material say several hundred 
cases at each height one might have prepared a series of average weights (one 
average for each height), but with only one thousand cases altogether that course 
hardly seemed justifiable. One therefore had recourse to the expedient of stating 
a man's weight not as so many stones or pounds for his total height, but as so 
many ounces for each inch of his stature. Thus a man whose height was 5 feet 

6 inches was found to weigh 9 stone 2 Ibs. ; that is 2,048 ounces or 31 ounces 
for each of the 66 inches of his height. This figure obtained by dividing the 
weight in ounces by the height in inches I have called the weight for height index 
(W.H.I.). 

The question of the influence of height upon weight was thus simplified, but 
a study of the cases examined elicited a further fact (which has been found to be 
true amongst other peoples), viz., that, generally speaking, a tall man is heavier 



16* 

M4X 

3 


W.H INDEX. 
20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 


















: 
















































A 






































\ 


"< 




\ 



















|0 



UJ Ql> 


















1 




-*: 


iy 


*i 


N 

j 
































1 
1 








\ 




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5 6* 

4X 
















i 












\ 


^ 


























./ 


i 
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\ 












zx 
w 












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, 


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(** 


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-- 


.J 




















*"-. 


-:: 


-.-... 







the W.H.I, of cases up to 5 feet 4 inches high (501 cases). 
= the W.H.I, of cases over that height (419 cases). 



FIG. 2. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INFLUENCE OF HEIGHT UPON THE WEIGHT-HEIGHT INDEX. 

(i.e., weight in ounces divided by height in inches= W.H.I.) 

Quetelet, Anthropometrie, 1870. 

Buchanan, Manual of Jail Hygiene, 1901. (Quoted by McCay, Standards nf the 
Cumtituentt of the Urine and Blood of Bengalis, Calcutta, 1908.) 



Hol'lo People of the Kwangtuny Province, South China. 



281 



for his height than a short man. That is to say the W.H.I, for a tall man will 
be greater than that for a little man. The average W.H.I, of the 419 cases over 
5 feet 4 inches was 31'3, while of the 501 below that height it was 297. A glance 
at the annexed diagram (Fig. 2) will show that these averages depend not upon the 
accidental occurrence of a few extraordinary cases in one or in both groups, but 
upon the fact that all the cases in the group of taller individuals are characterized 
by a higher W.H.I. 

Influence of age. A further factor that must be considered is the influence 
of age upon the W.H.I. This was tested by dividing all the cases into two groups 
as follows : 

Age 18 to 34 W.H.I, averaged 29'5. 

Age 35 or over ... ... ... W.H.I, averaged 30'6. 



16% 


W.H.INDEX. 
20 21 22 23 24 25 26.27 28 23 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 












































(.14* 


















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= the W.H.I, of 468 patients aged 18 to 34. 

= the W.H.I, of 452 patients aged 35 or over. 

FIG. 3. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INFLUENCE OF AGE UPON THE WEIGHT-HEIGHT INDEX. 

The annexed diagram (Fig. 3) bears out the facts shown by the average, viz., 
that an older man is heavier than a younger man ; but as a matter of fact the 
influence of age is not very considerable. If one calculates by the two average 
figures given the respective weights of a young and of an old man of average 
height, the weights only differ by about four pounds. 

A further diagram (Fig. 4) has been prepared, showing in one chart the 
influence both of age and of height upon weight. 

Influence of health. There is a third factor to be reckoned that one would 
expect to have a considerable influence upon this W.H.I., viz., the state of health 
of the individual. But it was found that the average indices of the 250 quite 
healthy people was only - 7 higher than that of the " fairly healthy " equivalent 
to a difference of about 1\ Ibs. in a man of average height. If, on the other hand, 
one considers the group of individuals suffering from diabetes, leprosy or 
tuberculosis, or addicted to opium, one finds a much more striking contrast ; for 
the average value of an inch in the 101 such cases was only 27 ounces, i.e., 
3 ounces less than in the healthy. 



282 G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



18* 
16* 


W.H. INDEX 
20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 






























































A 






A 






































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A 


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= the W.H.I, of 260 cases up to 5 feet 4 inches in stature and aged less than 35. 

= the W.H.I, of 211 cases osr 5 feet 4 inches in height and over 35 years. 

= the W.II.I. of 445 intermediate cases. 

FIG. 4. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE INFLUENCE OF AGE AND OF HEIGHT UPON THE 

WEIGHT-HEIGHT INDEX. 

It may here be parenthetically noted that apart from the weight of his 
clothes, which in this tropical climate varies between \ per cent, and 5 per cent. 
of his body-weight, a man may be 3 per cent, heavier in winter than in summer. 



wtiom 

12 



10 



in 

Id n 

z 3 
I 



5' 0" 



5' I" 



5' 2" 



S' 3" 



5 4' 




S 1 5" 



5' 6' 



5' 7" 



5' 8" 




The dotted lines indii-atc the limits which enihracftd four-fifths of the cases examined. 



FIG. 5. DIAGRAM SHOWING THE STANDARD WEIGHTS FOR EACH HEIGHT ACCORDING TO THREK 
OF THE SCHEMES REFERRED TO IN THE TEXT. 



Hoklo People of the Kwangtung Province, South China. 283 

Methods for Preparing Standards. 

In conclusion it will be well to look at some of the rules that have been 
suggested for estimating the weight of a man from his height. Three schemes 
seem to be pretty generally employed. First, there is a French rule 1 which states 
that for every centimetre of height over 100 one should reckon a kilogramme 
of weight ; to put it into English one may say that for every inch over 40 of a 
man's height one should count 5 Ibs. Some American authorities 3 advocate 
a second scheme whereby 2 Ibs. is counted for every inch of height a plan which 
gives a much greater weight for short people than the French scheme, though the 
results obtained by the two methods correspond more closely in taller people. 
A third, an English method, 3 is to count 3 Ibs. for every inch of height up to 
5 feet 7 inches, and to count 7 Ibs. for every inch above that height. 

However excellent these plans may have proved in their countries of origin, 
no one of them will be found of any value in dealing with the Hoklos. The 
French scheme gives a fair approach to accuracy for the smaller people, but as one 
tests it for each increasing inch of height the figures approximate less and less 
to the actual facts of the case. The American scheme, on the other hand, begins 
too high (too heavy by three stone at 4 feet 11 inches) and remains so throughout; 
and the English scheme differs even more markedly than either of these from the 
requirements of the Hoklo people. One has therefore perforce to enunciate a rule 
of one's own, which may be stated as follows : 

Example. Count 3 Ibs. for every inch of height over 2 feet. 

Height 5 feet (i.e., 36 inches over 2 feet) 36 x 3 = 108 Ibs. = 
7 stone 10 Ibs. 

In explaining the American plan, the authors state that variations to the 
extent of 15 per cent, less or 20 per cent, more than the figure given may be met 
with in the perfectly healthy. If with the newly described scheme a difference 
of 12 per cent, in either direction is allowed for as compatible with health, one 
finds that 85 per cent, of the present cases conform to the rule. 

Buchanan* found that the average weight of his Bengali prisoners was 110- 
112 Ibs. Taking his average height (5 feet 4 inches), this plan devised for the 
Hoklos would give 114 Ibs. 

According to a table submitted by Baron Takaki, 6 the average weight of those 
Japanese under his supervision in the navy was 14,800 mommes, i.e., 114 Ibs. 
Bearing in mind that the Japanese are according to European standards an 

See also Schall and Heissler, Nahrungsmittel Talclla, 1909. 
2 Quoted in Edin. Medical Journal, April, 1901. 
:! Notter and Firth, Theory and Practice of Hygiene. 

4 Buchanan, Manual of Jail Hygiene, 1901. (Quoted by MeCay, Standards of the 
Constituents of the Urine and Blood of Bengali?, Calcutta, 1908.) 

'- Baron Takaki, " Health of the Japanese Army and Navy," Lancet, May 19th, 1906. 



284 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



undersized race, this suggests that the rule above enunciated may find application 
elsewhere than amongst 'the Hoklo peoples. 

Summary. 

The average height of the Hoklo people is considerably less than that of 
Europeans. 

The average weight of the Hoklos, even when due allowance is made for their 
diminished stature, is much less than that of Europeans so much less that the 
rules employed in western countries for estimating a man's weight from his height 
prove absolutely valueless. 

A convenient rule has been found for estimating the weight of a healthy Hoklo 
from his height, viz. : 

To deduct two feet from his stature, reduce the result to inches, multiply 
this by three and call the result Ibs. 

Such scanty information as is available seems to show that (allowing for 
variations up to 121 per cent, above or below the figure thus obtained) this rule 
is capable of application over a much wider area than South China. 

TABLE OF MEASUREMENTS OF HOKLOS. 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


42 


3 10 


8 7 


56 


4 10 


7 7 


29 


4 


6 


45 


4 11 





26 


4 6 


4 12 


75 


it 


6 13 


19 4 61 


4 3 


43 





7 4 


19 47 


4 9 


40 





7 3 


18 


4 71 


5 91 


52 





7 5 


43 


4 9 


7 5 


37 


7 2 


19 





4 11 


19 





6 4 


35 





6 10 


24 





7 11 


31 


4 91 


6 8 


43 


4 1H 


8 61 


61 


4 10 


9 8 


68 





7 11 


18 


ft 


6 12 


42 





. 8 5 


18 





6 


61 


H 


7 8 


40 


n 


6 13 


32 





7 


49 





8 6 


45 


5 


10 4 


57 





9 9 


50 


7 12 


18 


n 


6 2 


24 


" 


5 7 



Hoklo People of the Kivawjtung Province, South China. 



285 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


66 


5 


6 8 


30 


5 


7 4 


21 


jj 


7 3 


49 


> 


8 


28 


) 


7 8 


32 





7 9 


51 


n 


6 9 


23 


>J 


7 12 


39 





7 7 


31 


)J 


7 ft 


61 





7 10 


23 


J) 


7 2 


44 


> 


8 13 


33 


V 


7 i> 


48 


>i 


7 7 


26 


5 1 


7 10 


21 


M 


6 5 


63 





7 7 


39 


) 


7 7 


52 





7 2 


33 





6 12 


62 





6 7 


43 


>) 


8 13 


55 


V 


7 IS 


45 


JJ 


7 9i 


28 


J 


8 8 


28 


) 


7 12 


24 





8 5J 


59 





7 4J 


29 





8 


28 


jj 


7 12 


39 


)) 


6 10 


31 


j) 


8 6 


28 





6 


36 





7 4 


60 


)> 


7 6 


29 


5 


7 7 


38 





8 3: 


53 





7 9 


19 





7 3 


40 





8 7 


51 





8 5 


24 





6 13 


41 


n 


7 llf. 


19 





7 2 


43 





7 11 


18 


i 


6 8 


69 


J) 


8 3 


64 





7 


58 





6 2 


41 





5 10 


37 


11 


8 2 


36 


j> 


6 10 


43 


M 


7 1.1 


59 





8 


51 


It 


7 11 


49 


?) 


9 4 


33 





8 5 


48 





6 5 


53 





7 11 


47 


I* T 


7 2 


35 


,, 


8 


38 


)J 


8 12| 


40 


n 





57 


> 


9 6 


25 


)> 


7 8 



VOL. XU. 



286 



G. DUNCAN WHYTK. Notes on the Height and Weight of tlie 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


32 


5 1 


7 8 


48 


5 li 


7 3 


70 


M 


8 


40 





6 1 


31 





7 11 


29 





7 1 


40 


II 


8 2 


30 





7 3 


41 


H 


7 9 


60 





7 5 


64 





7 7 


24 


,, 


8 13 


47 


> 


7 9 


33 





8 11 


25 





9 13 


30 





7 3 


49 





7 8 


31 





8 12 


24 


If 


7 5 


60 





7 8 


25 





8 8 


36 


V 


8 


55 





7 12 


18 


,, 


7 9 


53 





9 3 


57 





8 11 


25 





8 11 


40 


5 2 


5 7 


25 








33 





7 13 


27 


5 1} 


8 5 


43 





7 3 


52 


M 


7 7 


19 


,, 


8 10 


39 





7 12 


47 





7 2 


51 


II 


6 9 


43 





V 


56 





8 8 


42 





8 2 


22 


H 


8 


22 





6 4 


44 


M 


7 12 


20 


i 


6 12 


41 





7 3 


22 





7 10 


~33 





7 13 


30 





8 12 


23 


H 


8 2 


47 





7 2 


25 





7 -10 


64 





7 7 


30 


n 





25 


n 


6 1 


24 





7 8 


46 





7 6^ 


30 





8 9 


23 





8 ; .7 


19 





7 7 


50 





9 2 


'21 





7 


23 





5 '.?i 


22 


H 


6 8 


37 





7 6 


22 


5 3 


47 


" 


9 4 



Hoklo People, of the Kivanytuny Province, South China. 



287 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ina. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


26 


5 2 


8 2 


28 


5 2 


7 10 


30 


5) 


8 


47 


)> 


7 11 


37 


) 


8 4 


42 


) 


9 2 


20 


M 


7 4 


24 





9 6 


26 


IJ 


8 3 


22 


J) 


7 8 


51 





> 


50 


If 


> 


34 


) 


9 10 


63 





8 13 


25 


j) 


6 


29 


IT 


7 11 


20 


i 


9 1 


47 


JJ 


8 10J 


31 


j> 


7 6 


38 


J> 


9 1 


49 





8 8 


28 


,, 


7 10 


44 


' 


7 


19 


J) 


6 7 


20 





8 1 


27 


n 


8 


53 





9 7 


64 


M 


8 3 


20 


} 


6 13 


22 


1) 


8 10 


51 





8 7 


40 


) 


8 4 


32 


pt 


8 11 


54 


?) 


8 7 


23 


)> 





28 


n 


9 


29 


f> 


8 1 


18 





7 11 


43 


n 


8 


49 





6 7 


40 





9 11 


23 


5 2} 


8 2 


60 


n 


7 9 


18 


j> 


6 11 


20 





7 8i 


53 





8 2 


45 


n 


7 11 


32 


>i 


7 9 


36 





9 10 


45 


>j 


8 7 


20 





7 7 


45 





7 4 


37 


> 


9 1 


40 


H 


6 12 


24 


M 


8 9 


43 


> 


7 12 


48 


Jt 


8 4 


28 


J) 


6 10 


18 


> 


6 8 


32 





7 11 


64 





9 


33 





6 8 


58 


M 


8 4 


27 


Jt 


7 13 


42 


" 


9 


23 


" 


6 7 



u 2 



288 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


36 


5 2| 


7 9 


36 


5 24 


10 13 


23 


tt 


6 5 


61 


>j 


7 12 


29 





7 3 


67 





7 5 


39 


,, 


9 


19 


j 


7 6 


63 


hi 


9 1 


30 


J 


7 10 


40 


tt 


7 4i 


49 


j) 


8 5 


49 


M 


8 5 


39 


> 


6 13 


34 


tt 


7 11 


33 





10 0' 


34 



t 


8 8 


63 





7 11 


26 


M 


7 13 


42 


)j 


9 4 


52 


tt 


8 10 


45 


5 3 


8 11 


27 


tt 


7 5J 


55 





7 7 


20 


tt 


7 10 


43 


jj 


8 7 


22 


tt 


8 


31 


) 


8 0- 


20 





8 7 


38 





6 13 


26 


M 


8 12 


28 


>j 


7 11 


20 





6 13 


29 


? 


8 6 


48 





8 7 


26 


j> 


8 10 


66 





7 1 


36 


jy 


9 12 


46 





10 o 


33 





9 7 


38 


)' 


8 1 


31 





9 11 


28 





8 8 


45 


H 


8 6. 


20 


)> 


8 11 


27 





9 4 


42 


It 


8 1 


55 


)j 


8 8 


33 


> 


8 2i 


25 


)) 


9 10 


26 


H 


8 1 


23 


) 


7 9 


48 





9 7 


18 


)> 


7 10 


70 





9 2 


38 


M 


8 7 


45 


it 


8 


44 


j 


9 2 


18 


it 


7 11 


22 





8 5 


39 


It 





27 


M 


9 6 


24 


it 


7 5 


38 


j 


8 10 


28 





9 1 


21 


jj 


6 6 



Hoklo People of the Kwangtung Province, South China. 



289 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


23 


5 3 


8 


66 


5 3 


7 1 


31 


j) 


9 1 


29 





9 10 


37 


)) 


8 5 


26 


}> 


9 13 


46 





9 


36 


H 


7 11 


23 


IJ 


8 5 


62 


, 


8 


56 





7 13 


63 





5 7 


34 


J> 


9 5 


49 


)j 


6 2 


63 





9 1 


44 





8 13 


21 


)) 


7 13 


33 





6 11 


33 


>J 


7 


25 





8 


28 


)> 


8 4 


66 





6 


36 


)J 


10 2i 


52 





7 8 


40 





8 12 


18 


) 


7 7 


27 





9 2 


48 


j> 


8 9 


45 


,, 


8 7 


47 





8 2 


32 





7 13 


30 





7 1 


36 





9 2 


20 


N 


6 1 


49 





6 2 


39 


n 


7 2 


50 


t> 


7 10J 


36 





8 2 


45 


) 


8 10 


39 


>j 


6 13 


48 


J> 


8 6 


40 





8 4 


42 





8 4 


49 


j> 


7 13 


24 


> 


6 9 


43 


> 


7 12i 


24 


)I 


9 


53 


)> 


8 7 


58 





8 11 


42 


> 


8 10 


27 


M 


8 3 


38 


> 


8 4 


23 


J 


8 11 


53 


i 


8 


25 


J> 


7 2 


32 


n 


8 12 


70 


n 


9 1 


31 


> 


7 7 


58 





7 8 


38 





8 2 


24 





7 13 


23 


i> 


8 5 


64 





8 3 


45 





8 11 


40 


i 


7 9 


25 


it 


7 12 



290 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


32 


5 3 


8 5 


39 


5 3 


8 12 


36 


jj 


8 1 


48 


,, 


7 1 


39 








25 


,, 


7 6 


24 








27 


jj 


9 


31 





8 9 


45 


jj 


8 1 


21 





7 


72 


jj 


7 11 


55 





8 6 


56 





8 3 


60 


jj 


7 1 


32 


n 


9 6 


63 





9 


21 


jj 


8 10 


48 





8 7 


60 


jj 


8 


19 





7 9 


25 





8 10 


26 





8 4 


32 


jj 


6 10 


28 





9 11 


29 


jj 


8 


31 





8 


34 





8 6 


43 


5 3 


Jj 


60 


jj 


8 2 


26 





9 6 


39 





8 1 


28 


JJ 


8 10 


30 


jj 


9 2 


38 





8 9 


28 





8 7 


26 


jj 


8 1 


33 


jj 


8 12 


60 





8 7 


47 


jj 


8 4 


56 





8 9 


32 





9 8 


24 





9 1 


58 


ji 


6 12 


39 





8 10 


37 


jj 


8 11 


27 





7 6 


45 


j) 


9 4 


23 





7 9i 


31 


jj 


9 


52 





8 13 


34 


jj 


8 3 


28 





7 1 


58 


jj 


10 6 


42 





8 7 


38 





9 9 


41 


HP 


6 6 


47 


n 


8 5 


34 





10 1 


31 


jj 


9 6 


43 


jj 


8 11 


22 


n 


8 13 


53 


>J 


8 1 


30 


jj 


8 


39 





8 8 


25 


u 


8 7 



Hoklo People of the Kwanytuny Province, South China. 



291 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


40 


O n 


8 7 


60 


5 4 


8 4 


27 





8 10 


23 





9 7 


30 


1) 


10 13 


46 





8 4 


56 





8 13 


52 





7 9 


36 





7 4 


40 





8 12 


40 





9 1 


32 





8 1 


26 





7 8 


20 





8 1 


37 


n 


9 5 


66 





8 7. 


30 





9 


23 





8 4 


68 





8 9 


21 





7 2 


42 


,, 


8 6 


22 





8 10 


28 





8 11 


36 





8 8 


25 





8 10 


21 





6 4 


47 








28 





9 10 


36 


5 4 


8 


29 





7 4 


34 





9 4 


61 





6 10 


48 


H 


6 13 


35 





8 12 


35 





9 


24 





7 8 


25 


to 


8 7 


41 





8 8 


36 





8 8 


36 





7 


28 





8 10 


59 





7 13 


29 





7 13 


41 





8 7 


39 





7 9 


8* 





8 9 


51 





8 12 


50 





8 1,2 


55 





10 5 


45 





9 


41 


M 


8 13 


28 


t) 


8 


23 


B 


8 


31 





7 ;1 


27 


it 


9 4 


26 





y 9 


19 





6 8 


21 





9 


20 





6 4 


27 





7 ,7i 


39 


n 


8 13 


36 





9 12 


31 





9 13 


31 


n 


7 10 


39 


" 


9 7 


36 





8 ; 7 



292 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of tin- 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weiglit. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


23 


5 4 


7 12 


24 


5 4 


9 5 


45 


M 


9 6 


28 


J) 


9 8 


32 


M 


8 7 


27 


>l 


7 8 


23 


j> 


7 9 


34 


M 


9 2 


30 


)> 


9 7 


51 


it 


8 10 


28 





9 8 


48 





7 9 


27 





7 8 


36 





9 4 


35 


H 


10 3 


30 


j 


8 10 


35 


j) 


9 10 


37 





7 4 


43 


jy 


9 


39 


> 


7 2 


35 


j) 


10 4 


57 


ft 


8 10 


34 





8 4 


20 





6 13 


51 





J 


25 





6 11 


49 





8 6 


40 





8 13 


19 





7 8 


49 





8 5 


26 


j> 


8 6 


18 





7 


51 





8 4 


21 


>T 


7 12 


51 


i) 


7 8 


25 


y 


7 2 


21 


)> 


8 7 


22 


JJ 


8 4 


31 





9 13 


19 


>I 


7 9 


19 


f 


9 4 


21 





8 10 


42 


ji 


9 


31 





8 2 


29 





8 7 


37 


>J 


9 8 


30 





6 7 


28 


> 


9 6 


22 


H 


10 2 


48 


) 


8 10 


36 


jy 


9 6 


24 


u 


7 13 


63 


> 


9 


42 


)> 


9 1 


43 


n 


10 7 


60 


> 


8 7 


29 


> 


8 1 


37 


> 


7 6 


30 





9 8 


52 


J) 


8 9 


32 


> 


7 7| 


31 


JJ 


7 10 


20 





8 10J 


23 


> 


8 3 


30 


1 
n 


9 4 


28 


5 4A 


8 2 



Hoklo People of the Kwanytung Province, South China. 



293 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


24 


5 4i 


6 9 


32 


5 4J 


8 3 


37 





9 


48 





9 8 


22 





8 3 


25 





8 7 


52 





9 4 


58 





7 11 


43 





8 1 


55 





8 13 


75 





6 5 


39 





8 2 


40 





9 10 


56 





6 13 


51 





10 


59 





6 7 


37 





7 12 


24 





8 9 


41 


jj 


9 


31 





8 2 


32 





8 12 


45 





8 9 


21 


u 


8 


23 





8 11 


34 





9 


39 





8 10 


48 





8 8 


38 





9 


29 





8 5 


39 





10 10 


48 





9 1 


26 





8 10 


41 





8 8 


36 


,, 


7 4 


62 


jj 


8 3 


26 





9 


27 


jj 


8 11 


37 


M 


7 9 


57 


u 


8 10 


29 


JJ 


8 5 


60 


jj 


8 9 


27 


JJ 


9 10 


21 





8 1 


39 


JJ 


10 5 


37 


jj 


7 7 


51 


JJ 


7 13 


28 





7 


39 


JJ 


9 13 


40 





7 12 


18 


JJ 


8 5 


65 


M 


9 7 


68 


JJ 


9 7 


44 





7 12 


42 


JJ 


8 13 


52 





8 4 


34 


JJ 


8 


27 





7 1H 


50 


JJ 


9 


26 





8 6 


20 


JJ 


8 11 


22 





8 9 


47 


JJ 


9 8 


46 





9 8 


26 


JJ 


9 13 


41 





8 5 


37 





8 2 



294 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weiyht of the 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


50 


5 4} 


7 12 


42 


5 5 


9 


39 


n 


9 


42 





7 8 


25 


n 


9 13 


20 





8 7 


62 


jj 


8 12 


23 





8 12 


62 


)> 


8 9 


56 


tt 


7 3 


26 


j> 


8 5 


35 


M 


10 6 


62 


5 5 


7 10 


28 


n 


9 11 


40 


j 


9 7 


39 


11 


6 1 


47 


> 


8 5 


42 


it 


9 1 


39 





8 2 


26 


it 


7 13 


26 


) 


9 7 


21 


a 


8 7 


21 


jj 


7 4 


21 


it 


8 5 


24 


>. 


8 4 


30 


tt 


8 7 


50 


n 


8 12 


26 


tt 


8 


54 


ti 


9 4 


30 


tt 


8 5 


40 





8 4 


25 


tt 


8 8 


55 


H 


8 9 


49 


tt 


10 10 


37 





8 


26 


it 


9 7 


33 


n 


8 3 


27 


tt 


7 13 


46 


> 


10 1 


50 


tt 


7 4 


47 





8 9 


42 


>t 


9 


38 


H 


8 


33 


tt 


10 11 


22 


H 


7 7 


26 


tt 


9 


25 


H 


8 1 


32 


tt 


8 7 


59 


) 


9 12 


45 


tt 


7 10 


36 





10 


31 


tt 


9 11 


22 





9 5 


39 


tt 


9 10 


63 





8 13 


32 


tt 


8 10 


35 


H 


9 7 


24 


tt 


8 7 


29 





9 2 


59 





8 3 


37 





9 12 


24 


tt 


10 3 


62 


M 


8 7 


18 


tt 


8 13 


38 


> 


8 8 


33 


tt 


9 9 



ffoklo People of the Kwangtung Province, South Chitia. 



295 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


36 


5 5 


10 6 


44 


5 5 


8 3 


30 





9 1 


42 


)j 


7 6 


32 





10 2 


62 


j 


7 1 


61 





9 2 


25 


j) 


8 6 


54 


7 13 


36 





8 13 


51 


9 2 


23 


)> 


7 3 


58 


8 13 


20 





7 Oi 


43 





8 9 


34 





7 12 


20 


1) 


6 10 


46 





9 8 


58 


J> 


8 9 


60 





11 3 


41 





10 1 


40 





9 10 


20 





9 2 


27 


>j 


7 4 


49 





9 12 


54 





8 1 


26 





8 


55 


) 


9 4 


23 


Jl 


7 11 


67 


)> 


8 7 


27 


5) 


7 13 


21 


> 


7 5 


31 





9 11 


30 


) 


9 9 


25 





9 


38 


)) 


8 12 


38 


J) 


10 2 


30 


H 


9 7 


24 


)J 


10 1 


45 


j> 


9 7 


45 





10 6 


25 





8 8 














30 





9 2 


59 





8 4 


36 


n 


8 1 


58 


)> 


8 11 


42 


it 


10 1 


20 





9 8 


32 


)t 


8 7 


21 


ft 


7 6 


31 





8 2 


47 


j> 


8 7 


31 


)> 


9 4 


26 





7 7 


26 





9 


53 


J> 


9 9 


41 


J) 


8 8 


48 





10 11 


45 


J 


8 


40 


>j 


8 6 


22 


>J 


8 1 


58 





8 8 


58 


JJ 


9 2 


27 


j> 


8 3 


65 





8 12 


41 


5 5i 


11 



296 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Height and Weight of the 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


30 


5 5J 


9 


37 


5 5 


8 11 


56 


)} 


9 7 


55 


H 


9 12 


32 





8 2J 


51 


JT 


9 10 


50 





9 10 


42 


) 


9 11| 


33 


)) 


8 13 


26 





8 6 


41 


)> 


8 10 


56 





7 11 


23 


jj 


8 8 


41 





9 4 


66 





11 8 


27 


n 


8 10 


57 


H 


9 6 


36 


tt 


10 


61 





9 


57 


y) 


7 11 


39 


n 


9 8 


45 


j 


9 


23 


i 


9 8 


30 


)> 


9 2 


26 





11 7 


39 





9 11 


19 


> 


8 1 


26 


j 


9 2 


74 


M 


9 6 


29 


H 


9 3 


26 


M 


10 2 


45 


j) 


10 10 


29 


M 


8 9 


46 


5 6 


9 4 


43 





11 6 


36 





9 2 


43 


II 


8 7 


26 





8 7 


26 


H 


9 2 


28 


f 


8 2 


28 





8 3 


30 





8 6 


30 


j> 


8 5 


34 


?> 


10 4 


46 


)) 


7 10 


42 





8 5 


21 


> 


8 2 


24 


jj 


9 7 


29 





8 8 


59 


8 4 


56 


JI 


8 8 


42 


9 


55 


N 


8 6 


50 


9 2 


18 


M 


9 4 


30 


8 12 


27 


If 


8 4 


31 


8 9 


39 


H 


8 13 


30 


8 10 


32 





8 3 


50 


> 


7 12 


44 


n 


8 3 


33 


> 


8 4 


61 





9 


20 





8 12 



HoHo People of tfie Kwangtung Province, South China. 



297 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ills. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


56 


5 6 


8 6 


50 56 


8 8 


36 


J7 


9 5 


26 


?? 


8 12 


37 


)} 


9 1 


23 


;> 


8 9 


55 


>7 


9 5 


52 





10 H 


49 


77 


9 13 


51 


jy 


8 6 


60 


>7 


8 4 


25 


tt 


9 4 


36 


37 


10 6 


24 





8 5 


30 


)7 


9 


44 


j> 


9 12 


26 


J 


8 H 


49 


). 


8 12 


32 


77 


8 


24 





9 8- 


24 


77 


8 74 


40 





9 ia 


18 


37 


9 10 


44 


jj 


9 12 


57 


77 


8 4 


37 


it 


9 3 


54 


7 


9 2 


46 


5 6^ 


10 4 


44 


77 


8 3 


46 


77 


9 5 


56 


7> 


9 9 


35 


71 


9 9 


31 


77 


7 1 


26 


77 


10 7 


69 


7> 


9 2 


38 


7) 


9 13 


46 


)) 


9 4 


24 


J 


9 7 


40 


77 


10 5 


43 


>7 


10 9 


50 


77 


9 10 


64 


77 


9 11 


34 


J> 


9 7 


49 


77- 


8 7 


22 


7T 


7 13 


19 


77 


8 7 


41 


>7 


8 4 


33 


>7 


9 7 


36 


7> 


9 3 


27 





8 2. 


67 


7* 


9 3 


31 


)> 


9 7 


28 


J7 


9 3 


48 


7 


9 4 


40 


77 


9 5 


41 


77 


9 10 


47 


JJ 


10 


58 


)7 


10 2 


25 


77 


8 3i 


20 





9 10 


2 


JT 


9 


22 


> 


8 7 


35 





9 8 


47 


>7 


10 5J 


39 


77 


9 5 


56 


" 


10 3 



298 



G. DUNCAN WHYTE. Notes on the Iltujht and Weight of the. 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


40 


5 6 


9 


38 


5 7 


8 7 


24 





8 7 


37 





10 4 


34 





8 5 


26 


,, 


10 2 


29 





8 13 


45 


,, 


8 1 


44 


i 


11 2 


. 63 


n 


9 13 


33 





9 6 


20 





9 10 


40 





9 


43 


M 


10 13 


79 


ft 


7 10 


62 





8 13 


33 





8 4 


35 


n 


8 7 


34 





8 9 


35 





9 


25 


j) 


8 4 


40 





9 


32 





7 12J 


31 


u 


9 


51 


H 


11 


33 





7 


51 





8 12 


26 





7 9 


28 





8 7 


26 





8 12 


35 


Jt 


10 


30 


M 


8 6 


36 


tt 


9 12 


40 





9 12 


45 


t) 


10 


46 


n 


9 3} 


20 





9 8 


20 





8 4 


32 


II 


7 2 


23 





8 6 


35 


)t 


9 2 


32 


n 


9 13 


31 


5 7 


10 3 


33 


M 


10 1 


30 


V 


8 13 


25 


M 


9 6 


33 


,, 


9 8 


20 





9 8 


41 





8 13 


26 


.- 


9 4 


24 


,, 


9 


41 


M 


9 13 


30 


tt 


8 11 


62 


w 


10 5 


32 


H 


8 4 


19 


M 


8 11 


23 





9 11 


24 


tf 


9 12 


24 


M 


8 8 


48 





9 ,6 


35 





9 8 


56 




12 3 


23 





7 7 


43 





8 13J 


20 


" 


9 9 


21 


" 


9 5 



Hoklo People of the Kwangtuntj Province, South China. 



299 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


34 


5 7 


8 8 


37 


5 7* 


10 2 


37 





9 


52 


j 


11 


50 


>j 


8 10 


27 


tt 


12 6 


35 





8 12 


38 


5 8 


10 5 


22 


10 


24 


jj 


8 11 


24 


8 


41 


jj 


9 7 


48 


10 10 


42 


t> 


9 6 


24 


8 12 


22 


9 6 


46 


t) 


7 7 


24 


8 3 


29 





9 9 


27 





8 12 


55 





8 3 


29 


>j 


8 7 


62 


jj 


8 9 


30 


jj 


8 11 


22 





9 1 


20 


jj 


10 8 


42 





10 


32 


) 


9 8 


46 


>y 


9 


30 





9 7 


48 


j> 


8 5 


54 


., 


9 2 


44 





9 7 


34 





- 9 6 


36 


jj 


8 6 


50 


> 


10 2 


43 


5 7 


10 6 


21 


ti 


10 3 


42 


9 


60 


n 


9 5 


22 


8 8 


34 


jj 


9 


64 


8 10 


30 





8 11 


64 


8 11 


22 


n 


8 8 


60 


9 10 


49 


>" 


9 13 


56 





8 9 


24 


t> 


9 2* 


47 





9 6 


26 


n 


10 1 


29 





9 13 


32 


,, 


8 3 


30 


) 


10 7 


70 


)> 


9 7 


32 


jj 


8 7 


40 


it 


8 7 


40 


8 13 


41 


5 8J 


7 12 


46 


jj 


9 


38 


j> 


10 9 


24 


>j 


9 5 


50 


)> 


8 13 


37 





9 13 


18 


> 


9 



300 (J. DT.NCAN WiiYTE. Notes on the Heirjht and Weight of the Hol,lt> I' 



Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 


Age. 


Height. 


Weight. 




ft. ins. 


St. Ibs. 


ft. ins. 


st. Ibs. 


27 


5 8} 


10 5 


73 59 


11 


26 


Iff 


9 12 


57 


7 2 


30 


> 


11 4 


47 


9 6 


41 





12 


74 


9 6 


25 


)) 


11 


33 


1) 


10 9 


25 


5 9 


9 


31 


5 9i 


11 


31 





9 5 


33 


> 


9 7 


30 





10 3 


21 


5 10 


9 13 


36 


j 


10 11 


27 


jj 


9 10 


37 





11 2 


43 


) 


9 


26 


M 


8 


47 


5 11 


9 10 


24 


j 


9 11 









301 



WITCHCRAFT IN NYASA (MANGANJA) YAO (ACHAWA). 

COMMUNICATED BY A NATIVE TO H. W. GARBUTT. 

Note. A witch or wizard can be a male or female ; in these notes they are all 
treated as " male." 

WHEN anyone wishes to learn how to bewitch, he goes to a person who is suspected 
of being a wizard and asks him if he can make the applicant famous (kitchuka), as 
it is impossible to go and ask to be made a wizard. The wizard then asks him if he 
has any relative or a sister or mother of a relative or an aunt who is expecting 
a child. No one can be taught the profession unless he has a relative in this 
condition. If he has, the wizard tells him to go home and wait until the child is 
born. Should it be born dead, the applicant learns where it is going to be buried 
and reports to the wizard. After the burial the teacher and pupil go to the grave 
and dig out the body. The wizard cuts the body open and takes out the liver and 
heart, mixes them with some ground roots (mitsitsi), roasts them, and gives them to 
the pupil to eat. 

The wizard also gets some roots out of the bush, mixes them with the nostrils, 
carpal bones, and hair of the forehead of a hyena, burns them and mixes the ashes 
with castor oil (ntsatsi). This mixture he puts into the tail of a hyena. He also 
makes a necklace of human teeth, thumbs, dried eyes, ears, nose, and privates, and 
gives it to the pupil. 

All wizards are said to possess tame hyenas and owls which they keep in a 
cave and feed with human flesh every day. When the pupil has finished his course 
of instruction his teacher supplies him with a hyena and an owl. Wizards are also 
supposed to keep human blood hidden in a cave and to give some every day to 
their pupil. 

Wizards are said to be able to get into huts at night without disturbing the 
sleeping inmates. This they do by means of the above-mentioned doctored hyena 
tail. When they come in front of the hut they tie the tail into a knot and 
push the door open, enter, and finding everyone fast asleep, make exhibits to 
the sleepers, stabbing each one with a poisoned needle in any part of the body. 
The hyena tail in Nyasaland is a very serious thing to the natives, and an impor- 
tant part of a thief's outfit. They use it to make people sleep, and then dig under 
the foundations of the hut, get inside and take away everything they can carry. 
They also play jokes on people by shaving their privates. These thieves are called 
Chitaka, and came from Mangulu in Portuguese territory into Blantyre after the 
famine in 1902. They are said to be able to kill a goat without letting it cry out, 

VOL. XLI. X 



n 



302 H. W. GARBUTT. Witchcraft in Nyasa. 

or to steal from the hut of any wizard except the Mabisalilc. Many of the Atonga 
(Baudawe) natives also know the magic theft. 
There are four classes of witch doctors : 

1. Waula the bone thrower. 

2. Mapondela the ordeal poison pounder. 

3. Mabisalila the witch hider. 

4. Mabvumbula the pointer. 

When anyone is sick the relatives go first to the bone thrower (waula 
kukavmbiza) to find out who is bewitching the sick person. The bone thrower 
asks for the names of the people living at the kraal. This information having been 
supplied, he says to his bones, " Tamvatu muvanawe tandinza usaukwc weka " (Just 
listen, my boy ; tell me and choose amongst these names by yourself). He continues 
" E ! E ! E " and then mentions the name of the person who is suspected of bewitch- 
ing the sick person. The relatives return home and send for the ordeal (mivabri) 
poison pounder (Mapondela). He gets the ordeal poison, called by the natives 
mivabci, and made from the bark of the tree of that name. When Map<>n />'/ is 
getting this bark he takes only the pieces which fall open -^, not those which fall 
flat ^. That which falls flat is called mpelanjilu, (poison). Mapondela keeps the 
mwabvi ordeal poison in a bag made out of baboon skin. When he arrives at the 
kraal of the sick person, the relatives hide him. Early in the morning the head- 
man of the kraal shouts with a loud voice, " Musadie nsima musadie kanthu" (Do 
not eat porridge or anything else) ; he then orders a young man to call together all 
the people in the kraal. The people come and go with the headman to the fields 
(panthando). There Mapondela appears in full dress, leaping and singing, " Dzanja 
lamanzele lilipanyama." (The left hand is at the meat.) He pounds the inmiliri whilst 
singing and mixes it with the excrement of foxes, owls, hyenas and dogs' urine, and 
calling the people one by one, makes them drink this mixture out of a filthy cup. 
He also tells his friends to watch the people, some of whom presently die, and some 
vomit ; those who die are guilty, and those who vomit are innocent, but have to 
pay the doctor. The dead bodies are left lying at the ordeal drinking place 
(nthando) and are eaten by the birds and wild animals. 

3. Mabisalila. When a person dies, the brother or son goes to Mabisalila and 
asks him to go to the mourning kraal. Jfublxn/i/a, two boys, and the relative of the 
deceased travel together and reach there secretly, at night, so that the people may 
not see them. Mabisulila asks when the funeral takes place. They will probably 
say, " To-morrow." Mabisalila and the relative go out early to the burial place and 
measure a place where the body has to be buried. Mabisalila and his two boys are 
then left hidden in the bush and the relative returns to the kraal to join the others 
in carrying the body to the grave. The messenger does not tell anyone that 
Hahiaalila is hidden near the grave. They dig a pit in the place appointed by the 
messenger (the place Mabisultlu. measured). When the pit is about 8 feet deep 
they make a room in the side of the pit and into this room they place the body, 



H. W. GARBUTT. Witchcraft in Nyasa. 303 

they stick sticks in the ground and cut a piece of mat so as to separate the body 
from the mud, then they close the pit and return to the kraal. Before reaching the 
kraal they go to a river or brook and wash ; the women wash down the stream and 
the men up the stream. When they reach the kraal they find a goat killed and 
cooked, but before eating it they burn the hut of the deceased. As soon as possible 
the relative slips away from the crowd and returns to the Mabisalila. Mabisalila 
has provided himself with poisoned skewers and a koodoo horn. 

Wizards are supposed to visit the graves before dark, because they are afraid 
of snakes. They come in a whirlwind, Mabisalila blows his horn, the wizards 
then become blind and fall down, and Mabisalila stabs them with his poisoned 
skewers and breaks them off. When he has finished doing this he orders his two 
boys to race home ; he remains with his victims ; stooping, he again blows his horn 
to wake them up. The wizards scatter away, but return to the grave for revenge, 
but they see no one, as Mabisalila ran away with them, but they did not recognize 
him, and, instead of returning to the grave with them, he ran home. The next 
morning all these victims cannot sit up straight owing to the broken-in points of 
the poisoned skewers, and in a few days some of them die and the skewer ends are 
found in their flesh. 

4. Mabvumbula. When natives are always sick in their kraal the headman 
agrees to find, or call in, the witch pointer. He sends one of his men to the 
Mabvumbula's kraal with two fowls. On arriving the messengers clap their hands 
in front of Mabvumbula, saying, " We have been sent by our headman to disturb 
you and to ask you to come and dance in front of your slaves to-morrow morning." 
In reply Mabvumbula simply nods his head. The messengers return home and tell 
the headman that the doctor has accepted the fowls. 

Early the next morning the witch pointer comes, bringing with him a koodoo 
horn, small buck's horn, zebra's tail, and a pot of castor oil. He is dressed in full 
dress of wild animal skins and brings boys with him. On his arrival he finds the 
headman and all the people of the kraal waiting for him. The Mabvumbula's boys beat 
the drums ; he dances, holding the zebra tail in his right hand and the koodoo horn 
in his left, and the castor oil (ntsatsi) pot on the ground near him. The small 
buck's horn hangs from his neck, attached to a piece of hyena skin. The people 
are formed in a circle round him. He sings, " Mouscsmu ndatseuda ndaona lelo 
sindinaziwoua " (I have been travelling through country to-day which I never saw 
before). He dips the zebra tail in the oil pot arid swings it round on to the people 
whilst he whistles with the small buck's horn. He tells all the people to look 
earnestly at him and he points the koodoo horn at each one. Then soon he 
springs and hits with the tail the one suspected of being a wizard. At once his 
boys tie up the suspected person or persons and take them off to be burnt or 
stoned. A good headman does not allow this unless he has previously sent for an 
ordeal poison pounder to make an examination by the ordeal. 

Namlondola (Theft Doctor or Pointer). Whenever goods or sheep are stolen 
by the magic thieves (Chitaka), the owner of the property gets permission from 

x 2 



304 H. W. GAKBUTT. Witclwaft in Nyasa. 

the headman of tlio kraal to call in Namlondola,. He then goes to the theft 
doctor's kraal and presents the doctor with two yards of calico and says, " Master, I 
ani your servant who has lost all his goods and has nothing left ; please accept this 
piece of calico and follow me to-inorrow." The doctor replies, " Yes, my son." 
When the owner of the stolen goods returns home he does not tell the people at 
his kraal that he has been away engaging the services of the theft doctor. Early 
in the morning Namlondola arrives, bringing with him the horn of a koodoo or 
eland. Marking his face with a red paint, he goes to the headman of the kraal 
and tells him that he has been called to this kraal by one of the inhabitants in it. 
The headman calls the man who has lost his property and tells him to find four 
strong men. When these men are found they go with the doctor to the place 
where the goods used to be, and Namlondola tells two of the men to lift up 
the horn and the other two to press it down. The horn moves forward and follows 
the thieves' spoor to the place where the goods are hidden ; here it slips from the 
four men's grasp and falls down. The four men dig and the goods are found. If 
they are found in a hut the owner of it is considered to be the thief and is tied up. 
If he is well known he is fined a slave and a number of goats and sheep, but if he 
is a " nobody " he is burnt. When the goods are found in the bush Namlondola 
says to his horn, " Now, friend, show me where the thieves are." The four men 
then grasp the horn as before and it seems to pull all four men until it arrives at the 
thieves' kraal and takes them to the hut of the head thief. The four men tie up 
the owner of the hut until he discloses the names of his accomplices. If they were 
common people they were burnt, and Namlondola was allowed to take away from 
their huts all he could carry and was also paid a fee of two goats by the owner 
of the stolen property. 

Mischievous Youtlis. When a boy of ten to fourteen years of age steals 
chickens, eggs, etc., the parents may decide to punish him. To do this the mother 
takes hold of his left hand and shoves it into some hot ashes and pours cold water 
on to them. Though the youth cries out the mother does not stop until the vice is 
scalded out. This is to teach a boy that when he grows to manhood, if he steals, 
his whole body will be burnt. 



305 



THE TAMANS OF THE UPPER CHINDWIN, BURMA. 
BY R. GRANT BROWN, I.C.S. 

[WITH PLATES XXXVI-XXXIX.] 

THE following note on the Tamans appears in the Report on the Burma Census of 
1901 (Part II, page 128). It appears to be the only reference to them which has 
yet heen published. 1 They are not mentioned in Sir George Scott's Gazetteer of 
Upper Burma, nor yet in the Imperial Gazetteer. 

" Mr. Smyth, Deputy Commissioner of the Upper Chindwin, has sent me a few 
particulars regarding what is probably a hybrid tribe found in the Homalin and Uyu 
townships of that district, and known as the Tamans. Their name as well as their 
habitat would appear to hint at a Burmese-Shan mixture, but their language, like Kadu, 
shows marks of a Kachin influence. Maung Myat Tun Aung, Subdivisional Officer of 
Legayaing, who has furnished the particulars above referred to, thinks that the Tamans 
are not Shans, but it appears probable that there is now more Shan than anything else in 
their composition. It seems to me that a study of the Tamans side by side with the 
Kadus might yield exceedingly interesting results. They numbered 829 persons in all." 

The Tamans show no very marked difference in feature from the races living 
round them. Thirty heads measured by me had indexes varying from 70 - 7 to 90'2, 
with a mean of 79- 1. The average height was 5 ft. 2| in. Like the so-called 
Shans of this district, they wear Burmese dress. They profess Buddhism, hut, as 
will be seen, they have hardly, if at all, begun to forsake their earlier religion. 
They are regarded with some fear by their neighbours on account of their supposed 
magical powers. 

The Taman language is spoken at Tamanthi, on the right bank of the Chindwin 
in 25 21' N., 95 21' E., with the neighbouring villages of Twetwa and Nantalet, 
and by a few families at and near Intha, some distance to the east of the same 
river, in 24 1 1' N., 94 51' E. The Intha people are said to have fled from Tamanthi 
when it was attacked by Kachins over a hundred years ago. North of Tamantlii 
the banks of the Chindwiu have a sparse population, mostly Shan-speaking, but 

1 Since the above was written Mr. Lowis' Tribes of Burma lias been issued by the 
Ethnographical Survey of India. It contains, on pages 26 and 27, a brief note on the Tannins, 
with a reference to materials collected by me in 19C8, -which have been utilized in this 
article. 



306 It. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindiirin, Burma. 

composed of Taman, Naga, Kachin. and Shan elements, the first two probably 
predominating. The mountains to the west are peopled by Nagas, and to east- 
wards the country, which contains no mountains, is uninhabited iintil the Uyu is 
reached, nearly thirty miles away. Downstream to Hoinnlin, near the Uyu mouth, 
all the people call themselves Shans. The headmen of several large villages, 
however, have admitted to me a tradition that their ancestors came from the 
mountains on the west, and were Tangkhul Nagas, and there can be no doubt that 
Nagas who have adopted the Shan language and Burmese dress form the bulk of 
the population. 

The following statement is from the lips of the Pawmaing, or superior headman, 
of the Tamanthi group of villages. He bears a Burmese name. The Burmese 
include Nagas in the term "Chin." The hills to the west of Saramati are the 
Naga Hills. 

Tamanthi, 3()th October, 1908. Maung Chein, Tamanthi Pawmaing, states : 

" I am a Taman on both sides, and speak the language. It is quite different from 
Chin, or Shan, or Kadu, but is a little like Kachin. My father spoke Taman, Shan, and 
Burmese, like myself, but my grandfather spoke only Taman and Burmese. The use of 
the Shan language is increasing among the Tamans. 

"I heard from my father and grandfather that the Tamans came from the east, from 
the Indawgyi Lake, where they used to live before it became a lake. They first went to 
the mountains to the west beyond Nwemauk (Saramati), but as they did not get on with 
the people there they came back and settled in the Chindwin valley. Before they lived 
in the basin of the Indawgyi Lake they came from the Shan States, still further east. 
In the time of my great-grandfather the Kachins came down from the north, from 
beyond the rapids, and fought with our people, many of whom fled in various directions, 
some to Mogaung, some to Wuntho, some to Kindat. The Kachins went back to their 
country, none of them settling here. 

"There are many Tamans in all the villages in Hoinalin township and many others 
in Paungbyin. They are also found in Kindat, and even in Monywa and Mandalay, but 
they have forgotten the language and call themselves Burmans. 

" There used to be people at Tamanthi who could turn themselves into tigers, in the 
time of my grandfather, but there are none now. If a man wanted to turn himself into 
a tiger he made water on the ground, stripped himself, and rolled on the earth he had 
wetted. He could then fight and kill other tigers. Villagers who had turned themselves 
into tigers used to take buffaloes and fowls. Traps with guns were set for the tigers, 
and men were sometimes found in them, the tiger having turned into a man again. It 
was owing to this that the custom ceased. 

" It is quite true that anyone taking a Taman's property without leave is suddenly 
paralysed and thrown into convulsions, and dies if the owner does not intercede for him. 
This often happens when strangers come into a house and take up something. It would 
always happen on an outsider taking up anything in a house, unless the house-owner 
tells the ntifx 1 not to 'bite,' taking a grain of rice in his mouth at the same time ami 
spitting it out. I have seen men smitten myself. Only last month Aung Ke was 
passing Kya Do's house with some bamboos, when he knocked them against the side of 
the house. I was sent for and found him rolling on the floor of his house in convulsions. 

1 Spirits. 



Pi. GRANT BROWX. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 307 

He was not seized at once, but about half an hour after he knocked against the house. 
He was given medicine and asked what he had eaten. He said he had eaten nothing, 
but had knocked against Kya Do's house when passing with his bamboos. It was then 
decided that he must have been bitten by Kya Do's rice-nat. Kya Do was sent for, and 
chewed a grain of rice and spit it out again, asking the nat not to bite and saying that 
Aung Ke was his friend. Aung Ke immediately got all right. 

" It is said that no one will steal a Taman's property, through fear of the nat, but I 
have known Tamans' things stolen just like anyone else's without anything happening. 
Thieves are not always bitten : on the other hand honest men sometimes are, for no 
reason. 

" We worship the nats regularly twice a year, in Wagaung 1 and Taboclwe. 2 The 
same ceremonies take place on each occasion. The Wagaung festival is held when 
transplanting of paddy is done, the Tabodwe one after the main harvest. Besides these 
regular times, we worship at any time if there is any occasion for it. Fowls and pigs are 
killed and offered, and then some kaung s is offered, and the rest drunk. Eight tumblers 
of kattng are offered four times at intervals through the day. Each man is smeared with 
a little blood in different parts of his body, by a man who is called the o^-keeper (nattein). 
This appointment is hereditary, descending from father to son. He gets an extra share 
of the meat, etc., and a portion of paddy from each house at the time of the feast, but he 
is not supported through the year by the village, and works like any other villager. Pie 
is treated like any other villager, not like a pongyi* Offerings are made to the nats 
when the crops are attacked by insects, and the insects always disappear. Disease has 
been kept off in the same way when many people had died at other places. 

" The offerings are specially made to the nat of the village, the nat of our ancestors, 
but prayers for a good harvest, etc., are always offered to the nat of Nwemauk (Saramati), 5 
who is mentioned by name, the worshipper addressing him as Nwbmauk ashin-nat-kyi. 
Nwh is the Shan noi, a mountain, and rnauk means a flower, and also snow or mist. The 
worshipper does not turn to the mountain when addressing it. There is no legend about 
either nat. 

" Everyone smears himself with the contents of fowls' eggs from time to time as a 
precaution against tigers, especially if anything has happened to make him do so. For 
instance, tigers often throw clotted blood at houses. This means they want eggs, and 
will kill someone if they are not given. The people of the house then all smear themselves 
with the contents of eggs and throw the shells away into the jungle outside the village. 
When we are out in our faungyas,*' too, tigers sometimes steal our clothes, and we then 
have to smear ourselves with eggs. 

" Malin is not a Taman village, but a Malin village. The Malins are different from 
the Tamans, though they speak a language something like ours. Sometimes we can 
understand what they say, sometimes not. There are Malins at Tamanthi, Maungkan, 
and some other villages, but there are not as many of them as there are of Tamans. 
They intermarry with us, and have always done so. We never used to intermarry with 
the Shans, but are beginning to do so now." 

Since the above was recorded, I have conversed with several Tamans on the 
Uyu and Chindwin, including the Pawmaing, and have obtained the following 

1 August. 2 February. 3 Rice-beer. 4 Buddhist monk. 

6 The highest mountain in Burma (12,557 feet), 32 miles from Tamanthi. 
' Hill-cleariii"s. 



308 E. GRANT BROWN. The Tammi* of tic Upprr Clindmn, Burma. 

details regarding their origin. It is said that they once lived in a place or country 
in China called 6kkat ; that they wore trousers, used chopsticks, and generally 
followed Chinese customs ; that they migrated to the site of what is now the Indawgyi 
Lake in Myitkyina district (25 8' X., 96 23' E.) ; that the lake was formed 
suddenly, and thousands were drowned ; that the survivors fled in terror to the 
mountains west of the Chindwin, where they thought themselves safe in the event 
of another deluge occurring ; that here, cut off from the rest of the world, they 
lived the life of the hillmen, and dressed like the Nagas, with only a strip of cloth 
to hide their nakedness ; and that at last they descended the Nantaleik and other 
streams to the Chindwin, and adopted Burmese-Shan customs. This story receives 
striking confirmation from the fact that chopsticks are placed with food offered to 
the gods, for no one in Burma eats with chopsticks except the Chinese. It is well 
known that tribal or national customs linger on in religious ceremonies long after 
they have been abandoned in ordinary life. The admission of the descent into 
savagery, too, makes it improbable that the story is altogether an invention. 

I have not been able to identify Okkat, but, as pointed out by Mr. E. C. S. 
George, C.I.E., Deputy Commissioner at Mogok, there is a place called Hokat on 
the Irrawaddy, about fifty miles due east of the Indawgyi Lake. This may be 
named after a place or district in China, and the name may quite possibly have 
been given to it by the Tamans on their way to the lake. 

Mr. Lowis, late Superintendent of Ethnography in Burma, has called my 
attention to the article on the Indawgyi Lake in the Upper Burma Gazetteer. This 
mentions a local legend, according to which the lake was once inhabited by a people 
called Tamansai. (Tamansai is the Shan form of Tamanthe or Tamanthi, the 
alternative name for the Tamans and the name by which their present headquarters 
is called.) This people incurred the displeasure of the god of the lake, and all but 
one old woman, who was warned by a dream, were drowned and became fish. 
The posts of their houses are still visible under the water. The writer of the 
article evidently had no idea that a people called Tamansai were still in existence. 

The statement that house-posts are still visible will be investigated next April, 
when the lake is at its lowest. I have not been able to get any confirmation of it 
in time for this article. 

The recent history of the Tamans as told by the Pawmaing is not without 
interest. According to this there was rivalry between his great-grandfather, who 
was Myoza of Tamanthi, a title inferior to Sawbwa, and the Shan Myoza of 
Maingwe, on the other bank of the Chindwin, eighteen miles further down. Both 
were sent for by the Burmese King, but the Maingwe Myoza did not go, and the 
Pawmaing's great-grandfather was appointed Sawbwa of the whole valley of the 
Chindwin from the Falls, about latitude 26 15', to the neighbourhood of 
latitude 25. While he was Sawbwa a body of Kamti Shans from Great Kamti 
(above latitude 27) appeared on their way south, and he offered them an asylum. 
They stayed for a while at Nanmanin on the Nantaleik, some way above Naungmo. 
the scene of the massacre last February, and then offered to man an outpost which 



E. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 309 

the Sawbvva had placed against the Kachins by order of the king at the village 
then called Singalein and now Kanti, a little below the Falls. This was agreed to, 
and they founded what is now the State of Kanti. Meanwhile the Maingwe Shan* 
were intriguing against the Sawbwa, and he was murdered by some of his own 
people, who had been persuaded to turn against him. This angered the Kachins of 
the north, who were friendly with the Sawbwa, and three thousand of them came 
down and destroyed Tamanthi. No new Sawbwa was appointed there, but the 
Maingwe Myoza gained nothing by his intrigues, for he was reduced to a mere 
headman under a Burmese official, and a Sawbwa was created at Kanti. This, 
according to the history of Kanti State, was in the time of King Bodaw, who 
reigned from 1781 to 1819. 

The English words in the list given below are taken from the comparative 
vocabulary at the end of Hanson's Kachin Dictionary. Those marked with an 
asterisk are in the standard list of words in Grierson's Linguistic Survey, which 
has become available since the vocabulary was first prepared. Those marked with 
a dagger are in the list of Kadu words on page 691, Part I, volume i, of the 
Upper Burma, Gazetteer. 

The second column shows the Taman word as written down by me after 
hearing it repeated by three men and two women. I have used the alphabet 
of the International Phonetic Association. 1 So far as I am aware this is the 
first time the alphabet has been employed for committing an unknown tongue 
to writing ; it has hitherto been used mainly for teaching the correct pronunciation 
of European languages. The alphabet, however, is admirably suited for the purpose 
for which it is now employed, and as there is no system of notation in general use 
(though there are several based, like it, on the Continental pronunciation of the 
vowels, the English pronunciation being obviously impossible as a basis) it might 
well be adopted by ethnologists and others who have to pilt strange sounds into 
writing. The system is not, of course, an ideal one, for it is a compromise, and no 
compromise is ideal. But, while it differentiates sounds with sufficient accuracy, 
it is easily intelligible to anyone who can read the Roman character, and can be 
printed without excessive expense, a consideration which has led to the use of 
inverted letters in place of diacritical marks or new characters. In both these 
respects it has a great advantage over the more scientific systems of visible speech 
which have been invented. 

The Shan, Karen, Tibetan, Yawyin, Atsi, and Chinese words in the third 
column have been taken from Hanson, the spelling being of course retained ; the 
Kachin and Chin words from Hanson, corrected where possible by Grierson ; the 
Burmese from my own knowledge ; the Sengkadong Naga from a vocabulary 
prepared by me, on the basis of Grierson's standard list, of the dialect of the 
nearest Naga neighbours of the Tamans ; the Kadu from the Upper Burma 
Gazetteer ; and the remainder from Grierson's Linguistic Survey. 

1 Mr. 1). Jones, 74, Gloucester Place, Portman Square, London, W., represents the 
Association in England. 



310 E. GRANT BHOWX. The. Tnmans of the Upper CJiindwin, Surma. 

A key to the pronunciation is prefixed to the vocabulary. The mark (') to 
distinguish aspirated letters is not prescribed by the International Phonetic 
Association, but is indispensable. 

The sound system, though not quite so simple as the Burmese, is very much 
simpler than that of the Naga languages. The only Tainan sounds unknown in 
Burmese appear to be A, u, e, v, and x. The combination ts (the two sounds are 
pronounced as nearly as possible together) was a common Burmese sound until a 
generation or two ago, and in old English books on Burma ts is always written for 
the sound now pronounced as a pure s. The v appears to be interchangeable 
with w. The sound A seems rare, and is not used in the vocabulary, but is found 
in " xApti>," the name used by Tamans of themselves. 

On the other hand the Burmese sounds 6, tj, and their corresponding 
sonants $, dj, appear to be unknown in Taman. The Burmese 6 (our th in 
thin) is merely a modern form of s, and the old pronunciation is retained in 
Taman (e.g., in the word for three), as in some dialects of Burmese. The sounds 
I have written tj, dj, are possibly identical with the Association's c, j, which are 
found in Magyar. 

The enunciation of the Tamans I have met is particularly indistinct. The 
lips are hardly moved, and there is a tendency for most of the vowels to take the 
loose form even when they are long and final. Thus the vowel in t'i_, water, is 
pronounced almost i (our i in tin). This lazy pronunciation is also characteristic 
of the Nagas in the neighbourhood. 

It is difficult to pronounce on the tones of a language without an intimate 
knowledge of it, which I do not possess in the case of Taman ; nor is there any 
Taman of sufficient intelligence to explain. The Pawmaing told me that the tones 
were the same as in Burmese, but that is certainly not the case. As far as I can 
ascertain there are only two tones, the high (~) and the low (_). One of these 
appears in the word for " water," which is t'i^, while that for egg is t'i~. Some other 
words with the same ending may be pronounced with indifference in either tone. 
Thus vi, a dog, may be pronounced either vi~ or vi_ without altering the meaning. 
This is not the case in Burmese, where with certain endings one of three tones 
must be used, any other being wrong. The Burmese check tone appears to be 
absent. The final vowel is often short, even when accented, but this is the case in 
French, and is quite a dillcrent thing from the sharp closure of the glottis, combined 
with a falling tone, which is found in Burmese. 

The final consonants are treated as in Burmese and apparently most other 
Tibeto-Burman languages : that is, they are only half uttered. Thus in the 
Knglish final t, after the passage is closed by the tongue, the closing parts are 
smartly separated, producing a distinct sound called by Sweet the "off-glide." In 
Burmese and Taman this action is omitted, and the parts separated gradually and 
silently. 

In addition to this vocabulary I have obtained the Taman equivalents of most of 
t lie words and phrases in Criersnifs standard list, and have paid some attention to 



E. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 311 

the syntax. From these materials, and the brief grammars in Grierson's Survey, I 
deduce the following facts : 

(1) The Taman vocabulary differs widely from those of all other languages 

and dialects in Burma and Assam. 

(2) It has a few roots in common with Kadu which are not found in the 

other languages, but most of the roots available show no resemblance 
whatever. 

(3) The vocabulary of the Sengkadong Nagas, the nearest neighbours of the 

Tamans, is if anything further removed from the Taman than that of 
most of the Naga tribes, though it supplies the nearest form of the 
word for " six." The sound system and the syntax also show very 
wide differences, both being far more elaborate than in Taman. On 
the whole the Taman language has hardly more roots in common 
with Naga than with Burmese. 

(4) Kuki-Chin and Kuki-Naga, though neighbours, show no more marked 

affinities, either in vocabulary or language, than do the rest of the 
Tibeto-Burman group. 

(5) The language has a considerable proportion of roots in common with 

Kachin. There seems no particular reason to suppose that these 
have been borrowed, as the nearest Kachin village is nearly a 
hundred miles away ; the Kachins have never come into contact 
with the Tamans, so far as is known, except in an occasional raid ; 
and they are known to be comparatively recent arrivals in Burma 
from the north. On the other hand the syntax shows no very close 
resemblance as compared with other Tibeto-Burman languages. 

(6) One would expect to find many words borrowed from the Shan, the 

language which the Tamans hear far more than any other, and which, 
with the exception of Kadu, is practically the only language spoken 
in their homes by the people of the plain for a degree of latitude 
above and below them and a degree of longitude to the east. Yet 
the list contains no words that are obviously borrowed. At first 
sight ve, the word for " fire," which is mi in Burmese, Chin, and Naga, 
would seem to be borrowed from the Shan fi, but the fact that 
Kachari, Kachin, and Kadu all show what are apparently allied 
forms makes this improbable. The words for " good," " body," and 
" flesh " seem to have the same roots as the Shan, but are not of a 
class likely to be borrowed. On the whole it seems probable that the 
resemblances are due, not to borrowing, but to the fact that Shan, like 
Karen and Chinese, belongs to the same great family of languages, 
though to a different group from the Tibeto-Burman, to which Taman 
presumably belongs. 

(7) Lastly, the vocabulary shows no greater resemblances to Burmese 



312 E. GRANT BROWN. Tlw Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 

than to other languages of the Tibeto-Burman group, and less than it 
does to Kachin. In structure and idiom, however, the similarity is 
remarkable. In this respect Taman is nearer to Burmese than either 
Chin or Kachin, and a great deal nearer than the Naga group. 
Indeed the particles differ hardly more than those of the spoken 
Burmese from those of the written language ; that is, the roots are 
different, but the use and meaning, as well as the order, are almost 
identical. An ordinary Burmese sentence can be translated into 
Taman almost word for word, without changing the order, just as it 
can be translated into literary Burmese. 

From these facts I conclude that Taman is a member of the Tibeto-Burman 
group ; that it forms, by itself or possibly with Kadu, a separate branch of that 
group, like Tibetan, Naga, Chin, Burmese, or Kachin ; and that of these branches 
it shows the nearest affinity with Burmese and Kachin, but especially with the 
former. 

Malin, mentioned in the last paragraph of the Pawmaing's statement, is 
17 miles upstream from Tanianthi, on the other side of the river. A vocabulary 
has been made with the assistance of two old women, who appear to be the 
only persons now living who really know the language. Even they have nearly 
ceased to speak it, and it may almost be regarded as dead. It is, however, very 
closely allied to Taman, being almost as near, perhaps, as Italian and Spanish, and 
far nearer than the Naga dialects are to each other. The eight persons in 
Plate XXXVI, Fig. 2, are the only pure Malins who could be found in Malin 
village. They have a tradition that, with the Tamans, they came from the Nantaleik 
Valley, now inhabited by wild Nagas, and that they once wore Naga dress. 

KEY TO PRONUNCIATION. 

a as in F. patte, part. 

Q E. father. 

e F. les. 

e E. men. 

i E. machine. 

i E. it. 

o F. nos. 

u E. rde. 

u E. pwt. 

9 E. amiss. 

B ., E. brn. 

A E. bt. 

o E. paw, F. note. 

?> E. not. 



R. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Cliindwin, Burma. 313 



ii a sound apparently partaking of e and A, as denned above ; approaching 

the F. pen,, but formed quite differently, with the lips loose, 
k, p, s, t as in French, 
k, p, s, ti aspirated as in English, but more strongly. 



J 
x 

5 



as in English yes. 
German acA. 
song. 
E. shy. 
indicates a high tone. 

low 
falling tone. 



English. 



Taman. 



Compare. 



One* f 


to 


Karen to, B. tit. 


Two*f 


nek 


B. knit, Tib. nyi. 


Three*! 


sum 


B. thon, O.B. and Tib. sum, etc. 


Four*f 


pali 


E. Naga^efe'. 


Five* f 


mego 


Kch. and Naga manga, B. and Tib. 
nga. 


Six*f 


kwa 


Sengkadong Naga kwoku, Kadu 
kok. 


Seven* f 


sane 


Kch. sinit, Naga seni, etc., B. Kuhnit. 


Eight* f (not in Han- 
son) 


pase 


Kch. masat. 


Nine* f 


tex'B 


Naga takhu, Kch. ehaku. 


Ten*f 


/i 


Kch. shi, Tib. chu, B. s&, Kadu shim. 


Ape 


jun 





Arm, hand* f . . . 


la 


B. let, O.B. lak, Kch. lota, Tib. lagpa. 


Arrow ... 


p'alo 





Axe 


wotum ... 


Atsi wa. 


Bag 


t'umbo ... 


Shan htung. 


Bamboo 


wo 


B. and Karen wa. 


Bat 


sogp'ula ... 


Yawyin loala. 


Bear 


sap 


Kch. tsap. 



B. = Burmese. O.B. = Old Burmese. Tib. = Tibetan. Kch. = Kachin. E. Naga 
Eastern Naga. M. = Meithei or Manipuri. 



314 I?. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 



English. 


Tainan. 


Compare. 


Bee 


iiin 







Big 


Iwan 


Chin len. 




Birdf 


kat/ekso 


Andro (Manipuri) ujiksa, Aimol (Old 
Kuki) kache. 


Bitter 


xo 


B. KQ, Atsi hkuaw. 




Bloodf 


se 


Kch. sai, Kadu se. 




Boat 


li 


Kch. li, B. Me, etc. 




Body 


tu 


Shan tu. 




Bone ... 


raj 


Kch. nra.- 




Buffalot 


mok 


Kadu mok, cow. 




Call 


lu 







Cat*f 


mat/ekso 


E. Naga mashi. 




Cold 


xoin 







Dog*t 


vi 


Chin, ui> wi. 




Ear*t 


napo. 


B. and Tib. na, Yawyin napaw 
voma (Naga-Kuki) nubbi. 


, Sop- 


Earth (noil) 


pako 







Eat*f so 


B. and Tib. sa, Kch. sha. 




Elephantf 


maki 


Kch. mffgivi, Kadu akyi. 




Eye*f 


pekkwe ... 







Fatherf 


vo, wo ... 


Kch., E. Naga and Goro wa, 


Kadu 






awa. 




Female... 


ne'in 


Kch. num. 




Fire*f 


ve 


Shan fi, Kachari wai, Kch. and 


Kadu 






wan. 




Fishf 


atso 







Flesh 


he 


Shan ha. 




Give* 


ne'm 







Go* 


ho 







Gold* 


XQm 


Siyin and E. Naga Jcham, Shan ka, 
Chinese kin. 


Good 


kainti 


Shan likn.iii. 




Grass 


soig 


Kch. tsing. 




llra,l*t 


kaku 


M. kok, Tib. go. 




Hill 


kounrwe... 


Kch. kairnr/, Tib. ri. 





B. = Burmese. O.B. = Old Burmese. Tib. = Tibetan. Kch. = Kachin. E. Naga = 
Eastern Naga. M. = Meithei or Manipuri. 



E. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 315 



English. 


Tainan. 


Compare. 


Hogf ... 


va, wa . . 


Kch. wa, B. wet, O.B. ivak, Kadu wag. 


Horse* f 


t/~ipouk ... 


Siyin shipu, Maring Naga sapuk, 
Kadu sabu. 


House* f 


/lp 


Tangkhul Naga shim,. 


If ... 


nii 


B. nga. 


Iron*t 


> 


Tib. chaff, Garo ser, Kadu sin. 


Killf 


saseuk ... 


Kch. and O.B. sat. 


Know ... 


I/up ... 


. 


Man (human being)* t 


mek 


Tib., Shonshe Chin, and E. Naga mi. 


Male ... 


lakt/an ... 





Moon* f 


salo 


Lushei thla, B. and Karen la, Kadu 
soda. 


Mother*! 


nem 


Kch. mu. 


Name ... 


temep ... 


M. ming, Thado (Chin) min. 


Nightt 


iiQtap 


Kadu natkyct. 


Eiverf ... 


(word for water 
used) 





Eoadf 


lain 


B., Kadu, Tib., etc., lam. 


Eock 


tanpo 





Saltf 


tsiim 


Kch. jum, Kadu sum, M. thum. 


Snakef ... 


pu 


Kadu kapu. 


Silk ... 


n& 


Shan lai or nai, Kch. lai. 


Speakf 


t'e 


Atsi dai, B. ^ (particle), Kadu 
tutabauk. 


Star*t 


tarjp'B 





Steal 


x'elo 


B. Ko\. 


Sun*f 


pupek 


Kadu samet. 


Tooth* t 
Water* t 


VQkoun, wo.koun 
t'i 


Garo wagam, E. Naga va, Kch. wa. 
Chin ti, tiii, Garo and E. Naga ti, 






Karen hti, Tib. ch'u. 


Write 


rek 


B. ye\ , O.B. re\ , Hindustani likh. 


Year 


keig 


Chin kun. 



B. = Burmese. O.B. = Old Burmese. Tib. = Tibetan. Kch. = Kachin. E. Naga = 
Eastern Naga. M. = Meithei or Maiiipuri. 



316 E. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 

On the 25th August, 1910, I was present at one of the sacrificial feasts of 
the Tainan community. It was held on a small hill near the left bank of the 
Nantaleik river about a mile from Twetwa, which lies at its mouth on the 
Chindwin. All the men from the Taman villages under the Pawmaing were there, 
and also a few Nagas. 

On the hill was a large open shed, erected over a low square platform formed 
with four wooden beams. 1 The wood of these had the appearance of great age, and 
the first shed was said to have been erected in the same spot when the Tamans 
first settled near the river. There was then a village hard by, long since deserted. 
The platform was for the Pawmaing and his family. In the middle of it was a 
cane wicker stand, about a foot high and four feet wide, and circular, on which 
were placed some tumblers of rice-beer and some tea-salad. 2 Round this were 
hollow bamboos, also filled with rice-beer. On the south side of the shed, seated on 
an ancient block of wood, was the hereditary custodian of the god, an old man 
wearing the long white robe of Burmese ceremony. 3 I shall call him the priest. 
By his side were some sheaves of young paddy. In front of him was another 
wicker stand, with more rice-beer and tea-leaves. Underneath this, I was told, was 
earth which had been brought all the way from China, and had accompanied the 
people in their wanderings. I was also shown a cannon-ball which was said to 
have been fired at them by the Chinese as they fled from their old home. A 
number of fowls were then produced, one cock and one hen for each village 
including the Naga villages. The cocks were held up in a row and slowly strangled 
between finger and thumb, while the priest offered prayers to the guardian spirit 
of the community for its prosperity, for good crops, and for freedom from sickness 
and war. As he did so, he poured rice-beer drop by drop on to the ground from a 
bamboo, just as water is poured out at Buddhist religious ceremonies. When the cocks 
were dead they were brought to the Pawmaing and their feet examined for omens. 
If the feet were separate, and hung symmetrically side by side, the omen was good, 
and meant general good luck for the village ; if they were unsymmetrical, or the 
claws interlaced, it was bad. The same ritual was then gone through with the hens. 
They were specially connected with the crops, and their feet showed whether the 
crops would be good or bad. I regret to say that the Tamans are going to have 
very bad crops this year, while the Nagas, who work only hill-clearings, will get a 
good yield. A pig, bought for twenty rupees from the Nagas, was then brought and 
placed near the shed. The priest poured rice-beer on him, and a young man killed 
him with several blows on the head from a heavy club. He was cut open, and the 
blood caught in a bamboo and handed to the priest. The fowls were broiled, and the 
pig roasted over a wood fire. The thigh-bones of the fowls were then examined 
for more omens, these now depending on the symmetry of some small holes on each 
side of the bone. The priest then went outside, and smeared each man as he came 
up, and lastly himself, on the forehead and breast with blood from the bamboo, 

1 Plate XXXIX, Fig. 4. 2 Plate XXXIX, Fig. 1. 3 Plate XXXIX, Figs. 1 and 3. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 191 1, Plate XXXVI. 




FIG. 1. 




FIG. 2. 




FKi. 3. 

THE TAMANS OF THE UPPER CHINDWIN, BURMA. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXVII. 







FIG. 1. 





w 




FIO. 2. FIG. 3. 

THE TAMANS OF THE UPPEK CJIINDWIN, BURMA. 



Journal of the Koi/al Anthropological Institute, I'ol. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXl'III. 



If' -. 






FIG. 1. 



FIG. 2. 





FIQ. 3. FI(} . 4. 

THE TAMANS OF THE UPPER CHINDWIN, BURMA. 



Journal of the Soyal Anthropological Institute, rot. XLI, 1911, Plate XXXIX. 





FIG. 1. 



FIG. 2. 





FIG. 3. 



FIG. 4. 



THE TAJIANS OK THE UPl'EK CHINDW1X BURMA. 



E. GRANT BROWN. The Tamans of the Upper Chindwin, Burma. 317 

muttering prayers the while, as a protection against tigers and evil spirits. When 
the cooking operations were finished, pork, fowl, and rice were placed in bowls with 
chopsticks and set on the wicker stands, and the priest called on the god in. a loud 
voice to come and eat. I was now told that there was nothing more to see except 
the feasting. Nothing could have been more orderly than the proceedings up to 
this point, but the rice-beer was being handed round freely, and I left the company 
to enjoy itself. 

On a shelf under the roof in the south-east corner of the shed stood some 
helmet-shaped baskets of split bamboo, with pieces projecting from them like ears. 1 
These, I was told, represented the heads of enemies slain in battle. The house of 
every Naga chief in unadministered territory is provided with a similar platform, 
on which are ranged the skulls of persons killed in raids or fights with other 
villages. 



Description of Plates. 

PLATE XXXVI. 

Fig. 1. A group of Tamans. 

Fig. 2. Group of Malins at Malin (25 31' N., 95 24' E.). The two old women in the foreground 

are the only persons who still use the Malin language. 
Fig. 3. Heinsun, near Naungmo, a Naga village, under the Tamanthi Pawmaing. 

PLATE XXXVII. 

Fig. 1. Naga girl weaving at Heinsun. 

Fig. 2. Naga of Heinsun in full war equipment. (Helmet and shield from Matong, in 

unadministered territory.) 
Fig. 3. Mashatweu, Naga headman of Naungmo, under the Tamanthi Pawmaing, whose wives 

and children were killed in the head-hunting raid by Nagas from unadministered 

territory in February, 1910. 

PLATE XXXVIII. 

Figs. 1 and 2. An old Taman of Tamanthi, Chindwin River, now living at Yebawmi on the 

Uyu. 
Figs. 3 and 4. Maung Chein, Pawmaing of Tamanthi. 

PLATE XXXIX. 

Fig. 1. In the sacrificial shed. In the foreground are bamboo cups for rice-beer on the table 
in the centre of the shed. The priest sits with his face to the south. On his right 
is another table for offerings, and in front of him are two sticks with fowl's feathers 
to mark the place where the earth from China is buried. 

Fig. 2. Bamboo basket-work representing human head. 

Fig. 3. The high priest of the Tamans. 

Fig. 4. One end of the sacrificial shed. The priest is on the right. 

1 Plate XXXIX., Fig. 2. 
VOL. XLI. Y 



318 



THE CORRELATION BETWEEN THE INTERORBITAL WIDTH 

AND THE OTHER MEASURES AND INDICES OF THE 

HUMAN SKULL. 

BY FRANCIS H. S. KXOWLES, B.A., B.Sc. 

FOR the purposes of this investigation into the correlation between the inter- 
orbital width and the other measures and indices of the human skull, I have 
made use of three separate series of crania British, West African, and Eskimo. 

No distinction has been made between the sexes, and though the British series 
is composed entirely of male crania, the African and Eskimo are composed of a 
mixture of male and female, the number of males predominating over that of tl it- 
females in both cases. All the crania in these three series are selected adults, and 
this rule has been followed in the selection of specimens belonging to the 
various races to illustrate inter-racial correlation and to obtain inter-racial 
averages. 

The British series, seventy-six in number, is composed of a mixture of 
English, Irish, and Scotch specimens. They form part of the Williamson collection 
of crania in the Royal Army Medical College, and are those of British soldiers. 

The West African series, ninety-two in number, also belongs to the Williamson 
collection. This formed a very good group for the purpose in view, all the skulls 
being very much of one type, the majority of them having come from Ashanti. 

The Eskimo series, sixty-eight in number, is composed of crania obtained from 
various collections Williamson collection, University Museum of Oxford, 
Cambridge Anatomical Museum, and the collection at the Royal College of 
Surgeons. 

The British series was chosen to represent the white races. 
The West African to represent the black races. 

The Eskimo were chosen, not because they represented any type, but because 
I had found that that race possessed the lowest average nasal capacity associated 
with tin 1 minimum average interorbital width. I therefore thought that an 
examination of the Correlation Tallies obtained from the various measurements of 
their crania would be of importance. 

In some few of the crania, owing to defects, etc., it was impossible to take 
certain measurements with the necessary degree of accuracy. These defective 
skulls were not included in Correlation Tables obtained from such measurements, 
and this will explain why, for instance, in the African series, there are only 



FKANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation between the InterorUtal Width, etc. 319 

eighty-two specimens to illustrate the correlation between fronto-orbital width and 
inter-zygomatic width, while in the same series there are eighty-nine specimens to 
illustrate the correlation between fronto-orbital width and intermalar width. For 
this reason at the head of each correlation table there has been placed the number 
of crania included in it, and in the tables showing the comparison between 
correlation coefficients obtained from corresponding Correlation Tables the same 
rule has been observed. 

After the correlation between the interorbital width and the other measures 
and indices had been worked out through these three series, a number of other 
selected adult crania belonging to various races were measured in order to illustrate 
certain inter-racial correlations and to obtain inter-racial averages. This inter- 
racial investigation was undertaken in order to illustrate the inter-racial influences 
of frontal-diameter and nasal capacity on the interorbital width, and also the 
influences of nasal width on interdacryonic and fronto-orbital width. The necessary 
measurements were obtained from crania belonging to various collections : 

The Oxford Anatomical Department, University Museum. 

The Oxford University Museum. 

The Cambridge Anatomical Museum. 

The collection in the Eoyal College of Surgeons. 

The Williamson collection. 

The races selected, the number of crania representing them respectively, are 
as follows : 



British 76 

Eskimo ... ... ... 73 

Chatham Islanders ... ... 64 

New Zealanders ... ... 84 

Chinese 89 

Andamanese ... ... 37 



New Caledonians ... ... 21 

New Britain ... ... ... 63 

Fijians ... 

Australians ... ... ... 202 

Tasmanians 

West Africans ... ... ... 95 

Kafirs , 86 



INTEROKBITAL WIDTH MEASUREMENT. 

The measurement I have made use of as best expressing the minimum width 
between the orbits, is one taken across the minimum width between the internal 
angular processes of the frontal bone, from points overlying the slight margin or 
ridge which marks the confluence of the orbital and facial surface of these processes 
and which will be found in most cases to lie in line with the edge of the lacrymal 
crest of the lacrymal bone. I have called this the fronto-interorbital width 
measurement. The slight margins or ridges are usually fairly well defined, the 
angular processes in some cases displaying a slight edge on either side. On the 
whole, the minimum width across these internal angular processes forms a reliable 
point for measurement, and appears to me to have many advantages over other 
points that might be chosen to express the minimum width between the orbits. 

Y 2 



320 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation between the Interorlntal 

In the first place it is their greater or lesser width that gives the appearance- 
of greater or lesser width to the interval between the orbits; secondly, belonging 
as they do to the cranial portion of the skull, their width is usually measurable 
even when the more fragile facial portion, nasal bones, etc., be destroyed or 
defective ; thirdly, it seems to be the most exact interorbital width measurement 
to use when making comparative measurements on the crania of the apes. 

It might perhaps be thought that the width between the dacryons would form, 
a good point from which to estimate the iuterorbital width, the width between 
these points being a fairly good measure of the minimum width between the orbits. 
(The dacryons are the points of confluence of the fronto-lacryinal, fronto-maxillary, 
and lacrymo-maxillary sutures on the interorbital walls.) On investigation, 
however, the fronto-orbital width measurement seemed to me the more reliable. 
In the first place the position of the dacryons seems to be liable to be influenced 
by variations ; secondly, the nasal and lacrymal bones being fragile, are liable to b& 
destroyed or partially defective, thus making it difficult to locate the dacryons with 
the necessary exactitude ; and thirdly, in making comparative measurements on the 
crania of the anthropoid apes, the interdacryonic width does not always correspond 
to the exact measure of the minimum width between the orbits, the fronto-inter- 
orbital width measure being the more correct. Below are the results obtained 
from Correlation Tables to show the comparison between the interdacryonic width 
and fronto-interorbital width in their relation to other measurements. 







Correlation coefficient and 
probable error of o.c. 



Correlation between fronto-inter- ~| 
orbital width and interdacryonic I 
width. 



95 West Africans 



+ '846 



-0197 



!.'i West Africans ... 
76 British 



95 West Africans 



Correlation between fronto- 
interorbital width and mini- 
mum frontal diameter. 



+ -6129 -0432 
+ -6548 -0442 



Correlation between inter- 
dacryonic width ami mini- 
mum frontal diameter. 



+ '5318 -0496 
+ -5605 -0531 



Between fronto-interorbital 

width and nasal height. 

+ '3795 -0592 



Interdacryonic width and 
nasal height. 



+ '2552 



'0647 



'>-2 West Africans 


Between fronto-interorbital 

width and orbital width. 

+ -3240 -0629 


Interdacryonic width and 
orbital width. 

+ -0827 '0698 



\Viilth and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 321 



89 West Africans 



92 West Africans 



Fronto-interorbital width and 
intermalar width. 

+ -6865 -0378 



Interdacryonic width and 
intermalar width. 

+ -6418 '042 



Fronto-interorbital width and 
naso-alveolar length. 

+ -3389 -06:23 



Interdacryouic width and 
naso-alveolar length. 



+ '2407 



-0662 



From the above tables it appears that the fronto-interorbital width 
measurement displays greater correlation than the interdacryonic width, with 
other measurements of the cranium. An occasional exception to this, however, is 
formed by the measurement of the nasal width, for when comparing the correlations 
between this measurement and that of the fronto-interorbital width and 
interdacryonic width, in certain series of crania the correlation between the 
interdacryonic width and nasal width is greater than that between fronto-inter- 
orbital width and nasal width. From the position of the dacryons, it might have 
been thought that the interdacryonic width would generally be more liable than 
the fronto-interorbital width to the influence of the greater or lesser width of 
the nasal aperture. This conclusion is not, however, fully supported from the 
evidence obtainable from the various series of crania, the results being found to be 
conflicting. 

For whereas the Eskimo, Afghans, Chinese, Andamanese, Fijians, Chatham 
Islanders, West Africans, and Kafirs displayed the greater correlation between 
interdacryonic width and nasal width, in the British, New Zealanders, New 
Caledonians, New Britains, Australians, and Tasmanians the reverse was found to 
be the case, the correlation between fronto-interorbital width and nasal width 
being greater than that between interdacryonic width and nasal width. 





Correlation between fronto- 
interorbital width and 
nasal width. 


Correlation between inter 
dacryonic width and 
nasal width. 



73 Eskimo 

76 British 

64 Chatham Islanders ... 
84 New Zealanders 

89 Chinese 

37 Andamanese ... 
21 New Caledonians 



+ -3112 -0713 

+ -3099 -07 

+ -297 "0685 

+ "5695 '0497 

+ -4133 -0593 

+ '4113 -0921 

+ '3428 '1299 



+ "3315 '0703 

+ -2862 -071 

+ -2862 -0774 

+ -2994 -067 

+ "4915 -0542 

+ "4855 -0847 

+ -3391 '1302 



322 FRANCIS H. S. KXOWLES. The Correlation 



the Interorlital 





Correlation between fronto- 
interorbital width and 
nasal width. 


Correlation between inter- 
dacryonic width and nasal 
width. 


63 New Britain 


+ -4850 '0649 
+ -1269 + '1077 


+ -4372 '0687 
4- -2396 "1031 




+ -3157 + '0427 


+ '2124 '0453 




+ '3625 + '095 


+ -2381 '1032 


95 West Africans 
86 Kafirs 


4- '4861 '0529 
+ '3941 + -0614 


+ -5311 '0497 
+ -6601 "0411 









From the results of these comparative tables and from the reasons that I have 
given before, the fronto-interorbital width measurement seemed to me to be the most 
satisfactory measurement by which to express the interorbital width. I have there- 
fore drawn up a series of graphs to display the con-elation first between the fronto- 
interorbital width and the other measures and indices of the skulls in the three groups 
selected, and later between that measurement and certain other selected measure- 
ments through .a series of crania belonging to various races. These graphs have 
then been worked out mathematically and a series of coefficients of the correlation 
obtained which express by a numerical figure the greater or lesser degrees of positive 
or negative correlation found in the various graphs. (An explanation of the principles 
of correlation is provided in chapter 5 of \V. Palin Elderton and Ethel M. Elderton's- 
Primer of Statistics.) As a short explanation for the purposes of this paper, may 
be extracted from that chapter the following : " Whenever a fixed connection 
always holds between two variables, as, for instance, if a breadth of a skull was 
always exactly half that of its length, then we can say that they are absolutely 
related, or in more technical language that the correlation is perfect ; unity being 
used to represent this perfect correlation. 

" If again one variable is about twice as great as another, but sometimes is a 
little more, sometimes a little less, then the relationship between the two is nearly 
but not quite absolute. In this case a value is required on the scale a little below 
that which has been used to express perfect correlation. 

" In those cases where there is no correlation whatever between two variables, 
the coefficient of correlation is zero. 

" If on the other hand it is found that, for example, whenever one variable was 
long another was narrow and whenever the one was short the other was broad, we 
should have a relationship between length and ' narrowness.' But remembering 
that ' narrowness ' is only breadth from the opposite point of view, the scale is 
merely extended backwards to 1, and so we have a scale of coefficients of 
correlation running from 1 to + 1." 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 



323 



CORRELATION BETWEEN CRANIAL MEASUREMENTS. 







Corr. Coeff. 


Prob. error of 
Corr. Coeff. 


Correlation between minimum fron- r 
tal diameter and glabello-occipital i 
length. [ 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
67 Eskimo 


+ '4917 
+ '4001 
+ '4604 


'0534 
-0638 
'065 


Correlation between minimum fron-J 
tal diameters and greatest breadths 1 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
65 Eskimo 


+ '5509 
+ '4621 
+ '5243 


'049 
'0616 
+ -0606 


( 'i mvlation between basi - bregmatic [" 
heights and glabello - occipital -1 
lengths. L 


92 West Africans 
72 British 

67 Eskimo 


+ '5395 
+ -461 
+ '5646 


-0499 
'0626 
-0561 



Correlation between basi - bregmatic J 92 West Africans 
heights and greatest breadths. 1 ! ^ Eskimo" 


+ '3561 

+ '1982 
+ '3354 


-0614 
-0764 
'0748 


Correlation between nasal heights and 1 
glabello-occipital lengths. J 


92 West Africans 


+ '6373 


'0418 


Correlation between nasal heights and f 
naso-occipital lengths. 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
67 Eskimo 


4- '6406 
+ '3035 
+ '3576 


'0415 
'0712 
+ -0718 



CORRELATION BETWEEN FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND CRANIAL 
MEASUREMENTS AND INDICES. 







Corr. Coeff. 


Prob. Error 
of Corr. Coeff. 


Correlation between fronto-inter- f 
orbital width and minimum frontal < 
diameter. 


95 West Africans 
76 British 
73 Eskimo 


+ -6129 
+ "6548 
+ -617 


-0432 
'0442 
'0489 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and greatest breadth. 1 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
65 Eskimo 


+ -389 
+ '4336 
+ -4038 


-0597 
+ -0637 
-07 


Correlation between fronto-inter- ~| 
orbital width and basi-bregmatic > 
heights. J 


92 West Africans 


+ -294 
+ -1972 
+ -3202 


-0642 
'0764 
-0739 


Correlation between fronto-iuter- [ 
orbital width and glabello-occipital -1 
lengths. 1. 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
67 Eskimo 


+ '5414 
+ '3476 
+ -2862 


'0497 
'069 
'0757 


Correlation between fronto-inter- f 
orbital width and naso-occipital ! 
lengths. 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
67 Eskimo 


-f '537 
+ '3485 

+ '2477 


'05 
-0689 
-0774 



324 FKANCIS H. S. KKOWLES. The Correlation between the Inlerorbital 



CRANIAL INDICES. 



Correlation between fronto-inter- I 
orbital width and cephalic indices. 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
64 Eskimo 


- '1394 
4- '0679 
+ '1273 


-0689 
-078 
-0829 


Correlation between fronto-inter- "1 
orbital width and vertical indices. J 


92 West Africans 


+ '1956 


-0677 


Correlation between f ronto-mter- f 
orbital width and cranial capacity. \ 


73 West Africans 
73 British 


+ -2454 
+ '1892 


-0742 
-01G-2 



The correlations between the cranial measurements in their relation to one 
another have been examined, since it was thought possible that their various 
degrees of correlation with one another might be of help in explaining correlations 
appearing between those measurements and the interorbital width. In the above 
tables the various coefficients of correlation found in the three series of crania are 
grouped together for purposes of comparison. In the actual explanation of the 
correlation it was found to be " handier " to take the average between the three 
coefficients in each group, always noting, however, any marked differences that 
might exist among the series constituting that group. 

In the three series of crania, fairly strong correlation is shown to exist 
between cranial length and cranial height and between minimum frontal diameter 
and cranial breadth, an average correlation coefficient of +'52 for the first two and 
+ 51 for the second. 

Between the minimum frontal diameter and cranial length the correlation 
is slighter, the average correlation coefficient being + -44. While between cranial 
height, as expressed by the basi-bregmatic height measurement, and cranial breadth 
the correlation is quite small : + 29 being the average correlation coefficient 
obtained. 

Turning to the correlation between the fronto-interorbital width and the 
cranial measurements, the strongest average degree of correlation found is that 
between the fronto-interorbital width and the minimum frontal diameter, an 
average correlation coefficient of +'61 being obtained. 

The next in value is its correlation with the cranial breadth, + - 4 being the 
average correlation coefficient, but here there is a difference exhibited between the 
three series, for in the West African the correlation between fronto-interorbital 
width and cranial length is higher than that between fronto-interorbital widtli 
and cranial breadth ; this, however, will be dealt with later. 

Between the fronto-interorbital width and glabello-occipital length an average 
correlation coefficient of +-39 is found, the coefficient derived from its correlation 
with the naso-occipital length being very slightly lower, the average correlation 
coefficient being + -38. The lowest average degree of correlation displayed is that 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 325 

between the fronto-interorbital width and the basi-bregmatic height, the average 
correlation coefficient being only + -27. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN INTEROEBITAL WIDTH 'AND THE CRANIAL MEASUREMENTS 

AND INDICES. 

From the foregoing Correlation Tables it would appear that of the four 
cranial measurements selected, that of frontal diameter has the most influence on 
the width between the orbits. This influence becomes very apparent on an 
examination of any series of crania that belong to one type, large frontal diameter 
being almost invariably accompanied by large interorbital width. Now increase in 
frontal width, in the race at any rate, would seem to be primarily due to increase 
in frontal development, so that this being the case, we should rather expect to find 
.some evidence of a correlation between interorbital width and frontal develop- 
ment, frontal development being the primary cause for the correlation between 
interorbital width and frontal breadth. That this holds good in the race as a whole 
seems to be evident from an examination of crania belonging to various types ; it 
may be noticed, e.g., in the case of the Australian race, that although that race 
possesses a very large average nasal capacity (the influence of which as will be 
seen later is of primary importance in determining the general racial extent of the 
interorbital width), yet their average interorbital width is on the whole rather 
narrow, especially when compared with the same measurement .in the West 
African series, considering that both races possess very similar values for their 
nasal measurements. When, however, the respective frontal development of these 
two races are compared, it is at once evident that the Australian is much inferior 
to the negro in this respect, the former displaying a low, retreating, and poorly 
developed forehead, the latter a higher and more prominent one. This inferiority 
on the part of the Australian would therefore provide a good explanation for the 
lesser extent of their interorbital width. When, however, an attempt is made to 
determine the correlation between interorbital width and frontal development 
in the individual, there seems to be other factors which tend to modify or obscure 
it and to render it on the whole not so very evident. Of these the influence of 
frontal breadth is the most important, for it is often the case that an individual may 
possess a broad yet low and retreating forehead, while a second individual belonging 
to the same race may possess a narrower yet higher and much better developed 
forehead. For all that, the interorbital width of the former, owing to the influence 
of frontal breadth, will in most cases be greater than that of the latter. Still if it 
were possible to compare a number of crania belonging to one type all of them 
.about the same general size and having corresponding frontal breadths, I think it 
would be probably found to be the case that those which possessed the higher 
degree of frontal development would possess also a higher average interorbital width. 

Taking the average of the three groups, breadth of head comes next in value 
of correlation, the correlation between head length and interorbital width being 



FRANCIS H. S. KNOWI.KS. Tin- C<>i-rrlti.t>n /7</v, ii the Intcrorbitdl 

slightly lower. It would certainly have been expected that the correlation between 
the two breadth measurements, interorbital width and cranial breadth, would in all 
cases have been the greater ; but when the series is examined the African group are 
seen to form an exception to this which one would have expected to find a general 
rule. In that group the correlation between head length and interorbital width 
is of higher value than that between head breadth and interorbital width ; a 
possible explanation of this difference might perhaps be afforded by the strong 
correlation shown in that series between frontal diameter and cranial length, and 
between nasal height and cranial length, for both frontal diameter and nasal height 
are also correlated with interorbital width. Since, however, two out of the three 
groups show a greater correlation between head breadth and interorbital width than 
1 t ween head length and interorbital width, and since it also seems more probable 
that the breadth measurement should tend to exhibit a higher degree of correlation 
than the length measurement, it would seem likely that this would be found to be 
the general rule, and that the African group examined form an exception owing 
to the exceptional influences noted above. The final cranial measurement whose 
correlation with the interorbital width has been examined is that of the basi- 
bregmatic height. At the outset it did not seem likely that any strong degree of 
correlation would be found between these two measurements, and this conclusion 
was borne out by the low value for the resulting coefficient of the correlation ; it 
would therefore seem as though any correlation between these two measurements 
should be considered rather as proportionate than absolute, and possibly due in part 
to the influence of cranial length, for cranial length displays a certain amount 
of correlation both with cranial height and with interorbital width. The Eskimo 
group afford some support to this latter view, for in that series the highest value 
of correlation between cranial length and cranial height is also associated with the 
highest value or correlation between interorbital width and cranial height. When, 
the various degrees of correlation between interorbital width and head length, 
breadth, and height are taken into consideration, there would appear to be a strong 
presumption in favour of finding a high degree of correlation between interorbital 
width and cranial capacity, that is to say, that an increase in cranial capacity should 
be accompanied by an absolute increase in the width between the orbits. When, 
however, the series was examined, although indeed a positive correlation was found 
between these two measurements correlation coefficient +'2454 in the African 
and +-1892 in the British yet the value of these coefficients was not high enough 
to be of much importance. A higher degree of correlation should have been found 
in order to make quite certain that this correlation was not rather due to the- 
natural proportionate relation between the measurement of cranial capacity and 
that of interorbital width. On the whole it seems probable that frontal breadth 
and frontal capacity are of such primary importance in their influence on the 
interorbital width that they would tend to modify and obscure any relation 
between interorbital width and the cranial capacity as a whole. On a careful 
examination of any series of crania it may often be found thai one skull will 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 327 

possess a narrow restricted forehead, while posteriorly the cranium may expand 
very considerably, giving a high value to the cranial capacity; a second, on the other 
hand, will display a broad forehead while posteriorly the cranium may be restricted 
and of much smaller capacity than the first ; owing, however, to this breadth of 
forehead in the latter the measurement of its interorbital width will probably 
be rather larger than the same measurement in the former. When this principle, 
therefore, is applied to a large series of crania it is at once apparent that any 
correlation between interorbital width and cranial capacity will tend on the whole 
to be rather a proportionate one than otherwise. (It must, however, be always 
remembered that in making these comparisons it is necessary to select skulls 
belonging to the same race, owing, as will later be pointed out, to the influence 
of nasal capacity on the width between the orbits.) 

Before the correlation between the interorbital width and the cranial indices, 
cephalic and vertical, is examined, it is necessary to remark that such a comparison 
is of necessity limited by the differences between an absolute measurement, such 
as is the measure of the interorbital width, and the merely relative or proportionate 
figure of an index ; since an index is a method for conveniently expressing the 
relative proportions between two measurements, and does not take into account 
the actual size of the measurements themselves. Bearing this in mind we should 
expect to find, in working out the correlation between the interorbital width and 
any index based on the relative proportions of two other measurements, that that 
measurement of those two which possessed the stronger influence on the inter- 
orbital width measurement would influence in its direction any correlation between 
the index and the interorbital width. To give an example which will perhaps 
make it clearer : If we are taking the correlation between interorbital width and 
that cephalic index in any series of crania wherein the influence of head breadth 
is greater than that of head length on interorbital width, we should expect to 
find a positive correlation exhibited between interorbital width and cephalic index 
in other words, that the more brachycephalic the skull of that series the greater the 
width between the orbits ; and vice versa, should the influences of head length 
be the greater that a negative correlation would be found, and that in that case the 
more dolichocephalic the skull the greater the interorbital width. Added to this, 
we could never, I think, expect to find any very high degree of correlation of 
either kind owing to the fact mentioned before, that we are in these cases comparing 
a relative figure with an absolute measurement, but that it will merely serve 
to point out the direction indicated already by the relative degrees of correlation 
shown between the two measurements forming the index and the interorbital 
width. These conclusions seem to be borne out by the results of an examination 
into the correlation between interorbital width and the cranial indices in these 
three series of crania. 

Taking first the correlation between the interorbital width and the cephalic 
index, we find that in the West African series, where, as we have already seen, 
head length possessed a higher degree of influence than head breadth on inter- 



328 



FKANTIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Cvi->r/nti<i 



// Jntcrur1>il<d 



orbital width, a slight degree of negative correlation is displayed between inter- 
orbital width and cephalic index, that is to say, in that series the more dolicho- 
cephalic skull tends to be associated with a slightly greater interorbital width. In 
the British and Eskimo series on the contrary, where the influence of head breadth 
is the greater, there is a tendency to a slight degree of positive correlation 
indicating that in those two series the more brachycephalic skull tends to be 
associated. witli the greater degree of interorbital width. Again in the West 
African series, where head length possessed a higher degree of influence than head 
height on interorbital width, a slight degree of negative correlation is displayed 
between interorbital width and the vertical index, that is to say, that in the West 
African series the slightly longer the skull in proportion to its height the greater 
is its tendency to be associated with an increase in interorbital width. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN THE FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND THE 
FACIAL MEASUREMENTS AND INDICES. 







Corr. Coeff. 


Prob. Error. 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and nasal width. 


95 West Africans 
76 British 
68 Eskimo 


-f -4861 
+ '3099 
+ '345 


-0529 
'07 
'072 


Correlation between fronto-inler- J 
orbital width and nasal height. 


95 West Africans 
76 British 
66 Eskimo 


+ '3795 
+ '166 
+ '4474 


-0592 
-0752 
-0654 


Correlation between fronto-inter- I 
orbital width and nasal indices. 


95 West Africans 
76 British 
68 Eskimo 


+ '1516 
-f '1759 
- '106 


-0676 
'075 
'0809 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and orbital width. | 


92 West Africans 
76 British 
68 Eskimo 


+ '3246 
+ "1792 

+ '4588 


'0629 
"0749 
'0645 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and orbital heights. 1 


92 West Africans 
76 British 
68 Eskimo 


- -0295 
+ '1489 
+ '1969 


'0703 

-U7/->7 

"0786 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and orbital indices. 1 


92 West Africans 
76 British 
68 Eskimo 


- -2486 
+ '0057 
+ '2568 


-066 

'0774 
'0764 


Correlation between fronto-inter- f 
orbital width and inter-frouto-mular-< 
w id tli. I 


95 West Africans 
76 British 
67 Eskimo 


+ '7797 
+ '6845 
+ "7412 


-0271 
-0411 

'0371 


Correlation between fronto-inter- r 
orbital width and interzygomatic < 
breadth. [ 


82 West Africans 
76 British 
56 Eskimo 


+ '6674 
+ '4311 
+ '5967 


'0413 
'063 

'058 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and interuialar width. 1 


89 West Africans 
76 British 
56 Eskimo 


-f- '6865 
+ '4886 
+ '6802 


-0378 
-0589 
'0484 


< '"i -relation between fronto-inter- I 
orbital width and naso-alveolar < 
length. I 


92 West Africans 
76 British 
(17 Kskimo 


+ '3389 
+ '1474 
+ '3142 


'0623 

-0757 
-0743 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 



329 







Corr. C'oetf. 


Prob. Error. 


Correlation between fronto-inter- \ 
orbital width and facial indices. / 


82 West Africans 


- "2307 


'0706 


Correlation between fronto-inter- J 
orbital width and basi-nasal length, j 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
66 Eskimo 


+ -4089 
+ '4028 
+ '5259 


-0585 
'0657 
'06 


Correlation between fronto-inter- [ 
orbital width and basi-alveolar < 
length. I 


92 West Africans 
74 British 
66 Eskimo 


+ "2846 
+ '324 
+ '3843 


'0646 
-0701 
'0708 


Correlation between fronto-inter- "j 
orbital width and gnathic or alveolar > 
indices. J 


92 West Africans 


1402 


'0689 


Correlation between fronto-inter- (" 
orbital width and palato-maxillary -J 
breadth. [ 


91 West Africans 
74 British 
60 Eskimo 


+ '5364 
+ -1201 
+ '5002 


'0504 
-0773 
'0653 


Correlation between nasal widths and j 
palato-maxillary breadth. 


91 West Africans 
74 British 
60 Eskimo 


+ '5081 
+ '1392 
+ -503 


"0525 
"0769 
"065 


Correlation between fronto-inter- f 
orbital width and palato-maxillary < 
length. 


91 West Africans 
74 British 
60 Eskimo 


+ -2716 
+ -2629 
+ '3319 


"0655 
-073 

'0775 


Correlation between nasal height and J 
palato-maxillary length. 


91 West Africans 
74 British 
60 Eskimo 


+ "4866 
+ -1961 
+ -3901 


-054 
"0754 
'0738 



CORRELATION BETWEEN THE FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND THE NASAL 
MEASUREMENTS AND INDEX. 

The fronto-interorbital width displays a certain amount of correlation with 
the nasal width, the average correlation coefficient obtained from the West African, 
British, and Eskimo series being + '38. Of the three the highest value for this 
correlation was that found in the West African series, the correlation coefficient 
being +'4861. The average correlation coefficient obtained from the correlation 
between fronto-interorbital width and nasal height was very slightly less; indeed, 
in the Eskimo series the correlation between fronto-interorbital width and nasal 
height was higher than that between fronto-interorbital width and nasal width, 
the correlation coefficient for the former being +'4474 as compared with the 
correlation coefficient for the latter of +'345. If then we take into consideration 
the combined influences of these two measurements, nasal width and nasal height, 
on interorbital width, we would seem to be led to the conclusion that there must 
be some degree of correlation between interorbital width and the nasal capacity, 
and that the larger and more capacious the nose the greater the width between the 
orbits, and this, regardless of the question as to which of the two measurements, nasal 
width or nasal height, possesses the most influence on the interorbital width. In 
order, therefore, to determine the value of this influence of nasal capacity in its 
relation to interorbital width, it will now be necessary to examine the respective 



330 FRANCIS H. S. KXOWLES. The Correlation between the Interorbital 

measurements of nasal width and nasal height, and to endeavour to determine 
which of the two would seem to have the greater influence on nasal capacity, so 
that by so doing we may hope to arrive at some conclusion as to the respective 
value of their influences in their relation to the width between the orbits. Now 
the nasal width measurement is the measure of the maximum width of the nasal 
aperture, and on examination this will be found to coincide with the measure of 
the maximum width of the anterior opening of the inferior nasal ineatus, 
that is, the width across the nasal respiratory channels as bounded aho\v 
bv the inferior turbinated bones and below by the nasal floor; but while 
in the individual, great variations in the extent of this width alone would not 
seem to be of very marked or frequent occurrence, that is to say, that inerea -e 
in this width would, tend in general to be associated also with a proportionate 
increase in the extent of the other meati and the nasal height itself ; when, on the 
other hand, we examine the cranium of an individual belonging to a leptorrhine 
race, and compare it with the cranium of a platyrrhine type, we are at once struck 
by the fact that it is just the greater extent of the measurement across the nasal 
respiratory channels in the platyrrhine skull that gives the appearance of large 
nasal capacity to that type, the extent of the middle and superior rneati and the 
nasal height being of little or no value in this respect. It is now, too, that another 
very important fact becomes evident, for it is just this increase in the race of the 
extent of the inferior meatus, causing as it does an increase in nasal capacity, that 
seems to be accompanied by a corresponding increase in the average extent of 
the width between the orbits. We now have the Eskimo skull with a very 
contracted and small sized inferior meatus associated with a very small interorbital 
width contrasted with the West African negro displaying a wide free and open 
inferior meatus associated with a very large interorbital width : it is then, also, that 
we can see the small importance in the race of nasal height as regards its influence 
on the nasal capacity, for from an examination of the respective sizes of the inferior 
meati of the Eskimo and African, it is at once evident that the nasal capacity of 
the negro is in proportion far greater than that of the Eskimo ; if, on the other 
hand, we compare their nasal heights, that of the Eskimo is in proportion far 
U.T than that of the negro ; so that if we were to take into consideration their 
height as well as their width, and attach as much value to the one as to the other 
in endeavouring to estimate their respective nasal capacities, in so far at any rate 
as the latter influences the interorbital width, we should be very probably led into 
inferring that the nasal capacities of the two were of very nearly equal value. 
Again, judging from cranial factors alone, we should have expected that the Eskimo 
would have displayed a much greater average interorbital width than that of the 
nrgro, for the Eskimo possess a slightly broader forehead and far more capacious 
crania ; but these considerations seem, for all that, to be quite outweighed by this 
influence of the nasal capacity. All these facts then will serve to illustrate the 
primary importance in the race of the extent of the inferior nasal meatus in the 
determination of the extent of the width between the orbits, and although in 



Width nnd the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 331 

certain instances it seems probable that this facial influence may possibly tend 
to be modified by the counter influences of cranial factors, yet on the whole we 
seem to find it, throughout a large series of various races, to be of very consistent 
value. When we return to our examination of the individual, I think it will be 
evident, that although the influence of the extent of the inferior nUsal meatus 
will tend in general to possess the more important influence on the interorbital 
width, yet for reasons of proportion alone, the extent of the middle and superior 
meati and nasal height itself would also have to be taken into consideration, 
so that in this case, size and capacity of the nose as a whole, and not the extent 
of the inferior meatus alone, would influence the interorbital width, albeit in the 
race it is just that extent of the inferior meatus that seems to be of primary, if 
not of sole, importance in this respect ; furthermore, that since the general 
average racial extent of the nasal respiratory channels seems to be due, on the 
whole, to the influence of physical environment, we should, I think, expect to find 
that its general average size would in the individual be rather determined by the 
general average size as possessed by the race to which that individual belonged. 
I have therefore come to the conclusion, that in the individual, the general extent 
of the interorbital width would, in proportion to the size of the skull, be governed 
by the general average extent of that measurement as determined' in the race as 
a whole by the influence of nasal capacity, while variations in the extent of the 
interorbital width would be due more largely to variations in cranial factors, of 
whicli that of frontal breadth seems to be of most importance ; on the other hand, 
that the correlation between nasal capacity as a whole and interorbital width 
would always tend in the individual to be rather a proportionate one, although, 
bearing in mind always the primary importance of the extent of the inferior 
meatus, we should expect that any individual variations in this respect would 
always possess a strong influence on the interorbital width, so that we should in 
all probability find it the general rule that the degree of correlation between 
interorbital width and nasal width would be of greater value than that between 
the interorbital width and any other nasal measurement. Now, as I have 
already pointed out, the measurement of the nasal .width corresponds very closely 
to the maximum width across the inferior meatus ; but comparing those races that 
display large and capacious inferior meati with others that possess those of 
small size, it will be noticed that there is a difference in the form of nasal 
opening associated also with a difference in the levels at which the nasal width 
is usually found ; for amongst the platyrrhine races, that is to say, those races 
which display large nasal capacities, the common shape of the nasal aperture 
is inclined to be pyriform, the lower border of the nasal opening and the 
anterior nasal spine are not so marked, while the anterior nasal walls seem 
to descend, as it were, to a lower level on the alveolar border of the superior 
maxillary bones, associated, as Professor Macalister has pointed out, with the 
prognathic and macrodont condition of the jaws. (Journ. Anat. and Phy., 
vol. 32, p. 223.) This seems to allow of a greater expansion for the anterior 



332 FRANCIS II. S. KXOWLES. The Correlation betuxen tht 

opening of the inferior nasal meatus ; at the same time, for this reason, the level of 
the maximum nasal width tends to fall and to be found close down between the 
inferior angles of the nasal opening, corresponding rather to the measure across 
the middle or lower half of the inferior nasal meatus. In the leptorrhine races, 
on the other hand, which possess more restricted nasal capacities, the form of nasal 
aperture is much more elongated and ovoid, and the nasal spine tends to become more 
marked and, with the better marked borders of the nasal aperture, close in, as it 
were, the lower portion of the nasal opening, in this way seeming to restrict the 
anterior opening of the inferior nasal meatus ; at the same time, the level of the 
maximum nasal width tends to rise a little and to be rather closely approximated 
to the width of the inferior nasal meatus at, or not very far below, the level of the 
inferior turbinated bones. It is therefore possible that these differences may 
be due to the slightly higher degree of correlation between nasal width and 
interorbital width that seems on the whole to be found in those races tending to 
greater nasal capacities and more pyriform nasal apertures, as compared with those 
races displaying a more restricted nasal capacity and a more elongated nasal form. 
This difference in the values of their respective correlation coefficients may be seen 
on an examination of the table of correlation coefficients that I have drawn up 
earlier in this paper, when comparing the correlation between fronto-orbital 
width and nasal width and that between interdacryonic width and nasal width. 
With regard now to the influence of the nasal height measurement on the 
interorbital width : in the individual, although for reasons of proportion it would 
have to be taken into account in estimating the correlation between the nasal 
capacity and the interorbital width, still I think, for the reasons I have given 
above, that it would very seldom show so high a degree of correlation as would the 
nasal width with the interorbital width ; apart even from the importance of the 
width of the inferior meatus, the nasal height would seem to be limited in its value 
as a guide to nasal capacity owing to variations in the level at which the nasal 
bones articulate with frontal bone, for these variations may either limit or cause 
an excess in the nasal height without affecting the general nasal capacity. 
Inter-racially, too, the nasal bones seem to articulate at a higher level in the 
leptorrhine than in the platyrrhine races, for in the latter they seem in general 
to articulate at a level that is rather more in a line with the upper level of the 
fronto-maxillary sutures, while in the former they articulate well above those 
sutures ; this difference in the levels would tend to cause a limitation to the nasal 
height of the platyrrhine races without lessening in any way their nasal capacities. 
To sum up then, in the individual the nasal capacity as a whole seems to be 
correlated to a certain extent with the interorbital width, although as a general 
rule the nasal width would tend to show a higher degree of correlation with the 
interorbital width than would any of the other nasal measurements ; at the same 
time, the influence of this facial factor of nasal capacity seems quite subservient 
to the influences of cranial factors. In the race, on the other hand, the reverse 
seems to be the case, and we now find as a general rule that those races possessing 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 333 

larger and wider nasal respiratory channels possess also a greater interorbital width, 
and although of course, if a close examination be made of a large series of races, it 
will be found that cranial influences may indeed tend to modify in certain instances 
the influences of nasal capacity, yet as a general rule this influence of nasal capacity 
on the interorbital width will be seen to possess a very constant value. 

As regards the correlation between the interorbital width and the nasal index, 
seeing that this index is based on the proportion of the width of the nose to its 
height, that is to say, the broader the nose in proportion to its height the greater 
the index, while the narrower the nose in proportion to its height the smaller the 
index, and bearing in mind also that it would seem likely to be generally the case 
that the value of the degree of correlation between nasal width and interorbital 
width is greater than that between nasal height and interorbital width, we should 
expect to find a positive degree of correlation displayed between the interorbital 
width and the nasal index ; in other words, that the more platyrrhine nasal form 
would tend in general to be associated with a greater degree of interorbital width, 
subject to the exception that in any series wherein the influence of nasal height 
was greater than that of nasal width, the reverse would take place and the correla- 
tion between nasal index and interorbital width be of negative value. These con- 
clusions are borne out by the three series of crania under examination. The 
African and British, in which the influence of nasal width was the greater, display 
a slight degree of positive correlation between interorbital width and nasal index. 
The Eskimo series, in which the influence of nasal height was superior to that of 
nasal width, exhibit negative correlation between interorbital width and nasal index. 
Now in the case of a comparison between individuals belonging to the same race, I 
do not consider the nasal index as of much value as a guide to their respective 
nasal capacities, owing to the limitations which must be evident in any comparison 
between an absolute measurement and a relative value ; but when this index is 
applied inter-racially, we might then admit a certain value to it for our present 
purpose, for we then find that in general those races which possess the higher 
values for their average nasal index possess also the larger nasal capacities, while 
races possessing lower average nasal indices possess also smaller average nasal 
capacities. Still when instituting any inter-racial comparison between the average 
nasal indices and average interorbital widths, any correlation between the two can 
only be considered as expressing the general trend and must not be taken at all too 
literally on account of the reasons given above. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN THE FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND THE ORBITAL 
MEASUREMENTS AND INDEX. 

Between the fronto-interorbital width and the orbital width there is an 
average correlation coefficient in the three series of crania of +'32, while between 
the fronto-interorbital width and orbital height there is little or no correlation 
shown at all: in the African the correlation coefficient being -0295 +'0703, in 
the British and Eskimo + ] 489 + '0757 and + -1969 + '0786 respectively. From 

VOL. XLI. z 



334 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation between the InUrorbital 



this it would appear that while the width between the orbits has some slight 
influence on the width of the orbits themselves, on the height of the orbits it has 
no effect whatever, any correlation found between those two measurements being 
only proportionate. Now the orbital index is based on the proportion of the 
orbital height to the orbital width, so that the higher the value of the index the more 
nearly equal these two measurements and the more megaseme the orbital form, 
while on the other hand the greater the orbital width in proportion to the height 
(or looking at it from the other point of view, the lower the height in proportion to 
the width), the lower the value of the index and the correspondingly more micro- 
seme the orbital form. Since, therefore, interorbital width appears to have more 
influence on orbital width than on orbital height, we should expect to find a nega- 
tive correlation between interorbital width and the orbital index, and that in 
general, increase in interorbital width would tend to be associated with a more 
microseme form of orbit ; turning to the three series of crania we find that, in the 
main, this is the case ; the African and Eskimo series displaying a negative correla- 
tion between fronto-orbital width and the orbital index '2486 + '066 for the first 
and '2568 + '0764 for the second. In the British group the correlation, though 
positive, is too slight to be of any value, while, as has been seen from the correla- 
tion tables, in that series the correlation between fronto-orbital width and orbital 
width is very small, being very little higher in value indeed than the correlation 
in the same group between fronto-orbital width and orbital height : it is possible 
that this difference in the British group may be due to the rather mixed types 
which form that series. On the whole it seems probable that in any series of 
crania of one type, increase in interorbital width would tend to be associated with 
a slight increase in the orbital width, but without a corresponding increase in the 
orbital height, so that, in general, the greater the interorbital width, the more 
microseme the orbital form. I do not think that this influence of interorbital 
width on the orbital form would be very apparent when applied inter -racially ; there 
are too many other factors at work also ; still I have taken the averages for the 
interorbital width and the orbital index through these three series of crania under 
examination, and it is true that the Eskimo series with the lowest average inter- 
orbital width is associated also with the most megaseme orbital form, while the 
West Africans with the highest average interorbital width possess also the most 
microseme form of orbits ; the British series being intermediate in both 
respects. 





Average fron to-inter- 
orbital width. 


Average orbital 
index. 


92 West Africans 


27'5 mm. 


86-69 


76 British 


26-5 mm. 


87-79 


68 Eskimos 


22-5 mm. 


89-25 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 335 

I should be inclined to hesitate, for all that, before accepting this difference 
as of very much value, as the difference between the average for the orbital index 
of the West African and Eskimo series does not appear to be so large as might 
have been expected considering the difference between their respective average 
interorbital widths. 

A probable explanation of this correlation between interorbital width and 
orbital width might perhaps be afforded by a reference to the correlation between 
the width of the orbits and the width of the whole facial skeleton. Where we have 
a cranial type displaying a broad nasal aperture, great facial breadth and great 
development of the upper and lower jaws with the associated forward thrust of the 
face, we usually find also a microseme orbital form, the width of the orbits having 
been increased with often an apparent decrease in their height. In this type the 
broad nose would tend to be associated also with an increase in the interorbital 
width, so that we should thus tend to find the broad interorbital width associated 
also with the microseme form of orbits. The antithesis of this broad-faced type 
would be the pronouncedly leptorrhine facial form with the small jaws, narrow nose 
and long face : here the narrowing of the face would seem to restrict as it were the 
orbital width while also tending to give rise to an increase in the orbital height, thus 
displaying the typical megaseme orbital form, and here also, owing to the influence 
of the narrow nasal aperture, would be found displayed a narrower interorbital 
width. Owing, however, to the cranial influence of frontal breadth and frontal 
capacity tending to modify the influence of nasal capacity on interorbital width, 
we should expect to find variations that would render the foregoing associations not 
always very evident, thus making it necessary to regard this rather as a generalised 
than an absolute conclusion. Applying the same principle to the case of 
individual crania we might then expect to find evidence that individual broadening, 
of the face associated with a broadening of the nasal aperture and corresponding 
increase in the interorbital width would tend to be associated also with a more 
microseme orbital form, so that in a large series we would expect to find a certain 
degree of correlation between interorbital width and the orbital width itself without 
any correlation beyond what was proportionate between the interorbital width and 
the orbital height. For these reasons there would also appear a positive correlation 
between interorbital width and the orbital index, the more microseme orbital 
form tending to be associated with the greater interorbital width. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND INTER-FRONTO- 

MALAR WIDTH. 

The correlation between the fronto-interorbital width and inter-fronto-malar 
width is high, the average correlation coefficient being + '73. This was to be expected, 
seeing that the fronto-interorbital width measurement forms a part, as it were, of 
the measurement between the fronto-malar sutures. Increase in the width of the one 
would therefore be in general associated with increase in the width of the other. 

z 2 






*'>:](i FRANCIS H. S. KXOWLES. The Correlation between tin- Intrrorlital 

The inter-fronto-malar width measurement is one taken between the fronto- 
malar sutures situated on either side of the upper margin of the outer orbital walls. 
This measurement when compared with that of the minimum frontal diameter is of 
use as expressing the greater or lesser orbito-facial development of a skull as 
compared with its frontal development. 

A great excess of orbito-facial as compared with frontal development can be 
very clearly seen in the skulls of the anthropoid apes. 





Minimum Frontal 
diameter. 


Inter-fronto-malar 
width. 


1 Gorilla (male) 
1 Orang-outang (male) 
1 Chimpanzee (male) 


75 mm. 
61*5 mm. 
67 mm. 


117 mm. 
92 mm. 
89 mm. 



In the adult human skull these two measurements much more nearly approxi- 
mate. In the adult male the inter-fronto-malar width measurement usually tends 
to exceed that of the minimum frontal diameter. In the child, where the frontal 
development greatly exceeds that of the facial, the inter-fronto-malar width is less 
than that of the minimum frontal diameter. In the adult female, owing to the 
more infantile facial form, the inter-fronto-malar width measurement tends to be 
more nearly approximated to, and indeed often rather less than, that of the mini- 
mum frontal diameter. Now, in the various cranial series from which I have 
obtained the averages given below, with the exception of the British, male and female 
crania were included without distinction ; for this reason these averages must be 
taken as merely expressing the conditions found in the present series of crania. In 
order to institute a really trustworthy comparison between" the inter-racial averages 
obtained from these two measurements, distinction should be made between the 
sexes of the crania. So far at any rate as can be judged from the present series, the 
Australian and Melanesian races would appear to have on the average the greater 
excess of this measurement as compared with that of their minimum frontal 
diameter. 





Average Minimum 
Frontal diameter. 


Average Inter-fronto- 
malar width. 


197 Australians 
62 New British 
21 New Caledonians 


95-03 mm. 
93-37 mm. 
92-76 mm. 


99-77 mm. 
98-57 mm. 
98-05 mm. 



Width and the Other Measures mid Indian* of the Human Skull. 337 



In the series of British crania these two measurements are much more closely 
approximated. 



76 British 


Average Minimum 
Frontal diameter. 


Average Inter-f ronto- 
malar width. 


98-36 mm. 


98-93 mm. 



In the Eskimo the difference is slightly greater but quite small. 



67 Eskimo . 



96-01 mm. 



97-34 mm. 



The Chinese, New Zealanders, Chatham Islanders, Tasmanian, West African, 
and Kafir races appear to occupy an intermediate position in this respect. 





Average Minimum 
Frontal diameter. 


Average Inter-f ronto- 
malar -width. 


89 Chinese 


92-96 mm. 


95'15 mm. 


83 New Zealanders... 


94-96 mm. 


97-32 mm. 


64 Chatham Islanders 


94-08 mm. 


97-82 mm. 


37 Tasmanians 


94-07 mm. 


97-32 mm. 


95 West Africans ... 


95-44 mm. 


98-36 mm. 


83 Kafirs 


99-43 mm. 


101-68 mm. 



Among dwarf races it would seem probable that their orbito-facial development 
is exceeded by their frontal development, and that in this respect their crania would 
approximate rather to the infantile type. 



37 Andamanese 



Average Minimum 
Frontal diameter. 



Average Inter-fronto- 
malar width. 



91-77 mm. 



91'08 mm. 



CORRELATION BETWEEN FRONTO-INTEROKBITAL WIDTH AND THE FACIAL WIDTH 

AND LENGTH MEASUREMENTS AXD FACIAL INDEX. 

The correlation between the fronto-interorbital width and interzygomatic 
width is fairly high, the average correlation coefficient from the three series being 
+ '56, while the correlation between fronto-interorbital width and intcrmalar width 



338 FUAXCIS H. S. KXOWLES. The Correlation between the Interorbital 

is higher still, the average correlation coefficient being + '62. That the degree of 
correlation between fronto-interorbital width and interzygomatic width is less than 
that between fronto-interorbital width and internialar width, is in all probability 
due to the fact that variations in the muscular power and development of the lower 
jaw tend to have a greater effect on the zygomatic arch than on the malar bones, 
increase in size and power of the mandible associated with an increase in size and 
development of the temporal muscle tending to cause a pronounced bowing outward 
of the zygomatic arch with a corresponding increase in the facial width. Apart 
from these factors it seems to be evident that increase in interorbital width would 
tend to be associated with an increase in facial breadth, whether that breadth be 
estimated by the measurement across the malar bones or between the zygomatic 
arches. That this correlation between the two measurements, interorbital width 
and facial breadth, can only be compared between individuals belonging to the same 
race is at once evident when a series of crania representing different races is 
examined ; as an extreme case may be quoted the crania of the Eskimo, for there 
we find an extremely narrow average interorbital width associated with an 
extremely high average facial breadth, the width across the malar and zygomatic 
bones in that race being evidently due to the great muscular power and develop- 
ment of the jaw, while their narrow interorbital width is, as we have already 
seen, associated with their small nasal capacity. In the race therefore the width 
between malar bones and zygomatic arches seems to depend mainly on the general 
amount of muscular power and development of the jaw that may be a feature of 
that race ; at the same time, however, an increase in nasal breadth, associated as it is 
with an increase also in interorbital width, will probably also cause a certain 
addition to the facial broadening. In the individual on the other hand, although 
variations in the muscular power and development of the lower jaw will still 
influence to a large extent the breadth of the face, yet nasal width and interorbital 
width will also have a strong influence in this direction and we should then expect 
to find, as we do indeed find, quite a high degree of correlation between interorbital 
width and facial breadth. 

As regards the correlation between fronto-interorbital width and facial length 
(as measured from the nasion to the alveolar point), no great degree of correlation 
between these two measurements was to be expected, and indeed as actually found 
from the three series the average correlation coefficient was no higher than + '27. 
Any correlation therefore, beyond what was proportionate, would in all probability 
be due to the influence on both measurements of the nasal height, for as we have 
already seen nasal height displays a certain amount of correlation with the 
interorbital width and of course the measurement of the nasal height forms a large 
part of the naso-alveolar length measurement. That this is so seems to be shown 
by the evidence from the degrees of correlation in the Eskimo series, for there 
where we have found the highest degree of correlation between nasal height and 
interorbital width we also find the highest degree, in the three series, of correlation 
between interorbital width and naso-alveolar length. Seeing that the degree of 



Width and the OtJier Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 339 

correlation between interorbital width and facial breadth is so much greater than 
that between interorbital width and facial length, and seeing also that the facial 
index is based on the proportions of the length of the facial skeleton to its width, 
that is to say that the longer the face in proportion to its width the higher the 
index, while the shorter the face in proportion to its width the lower the value of 
the index, we should expect to find negative correlation displayed between 
interorbital width and facial index and a greater breadth between the orbits 
tending to be associated with a lower value of facial index. The African series has 
been examined in this respect and as was expected a negative correlation found, 
the correlation coefficient being '2307. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN THE FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND THE 
GNATHIC MEASUREMENTS AND INDEX. 

The correlation between fronto-interorbital width and basi-nasal length is fairly 
high, an average correlation coefficient of + '44 being obtained. It is difficult to 
see why there should be so high a degree of correlation between these two 
measurements, as they would not appear to have much in common, but it might 
possibly be partly due to the influence of cranial length on both measurements. 
The correlation between fronto-interorbital width and basi-alveolar' length is rather 
less, the average correlation coefficient being + -33, and should probably be 
regarded rather as proportionate than otherwise. Now Flower's gnathic index is 
based on the proportions of the basi-alveolar to the basi-nasal length, and the 
greater the basi-alveolar length in proportion to the basi-nasal, the greater the 
index ; since therefore, as we have already seen, the degree of correlation between 
interorbital width and basi-nasal length is greater than that between interorbital 
width and basi-alveolar length, we should expect to find a negative correlation 
between interorbital width and the gnathic index. The African series were 
examined in this respect and were found to support this conclusion, the resulting 
correlation coefficient being '1402 + '0609. 

CORRELATION BETWEEN FRONTO-INTERORBITAL WIDTH AND THE 
PALATO-MAXILLARY MEASUREMENTS. 

The fronto-interorbital width is correlated with the palato-maxillary breadth, 
an average correlation coefficient of + - 38 being obtained ; this was to be expected 
as the nasal width, also, displays a certain amount of correlation with the palatal 
breadth, the average correlation coefficient obtained from the series of correlations 
between nasal width and palato-maxillary breadth being + '38. 

The correlation between fronto-interorbital width and palatal length is less, the 
average correlation coefficient being only +'29. Even so low a degree of 
correlation was not expected as the two measurements would not appear to have 
much connection with each other. This degree of correlation should perhaps be 
regarded more as proportionate than otherwise, though the correlation of the nasal 
height with both measurements might cause a slight correlation to appear between 
the two, the nasal height being correlated with palato-maxillary length, average 



340 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation between the InttrorbUal 



correlation coefficient being + '36. [In connection with this it might be noted 
that in the gorilla and other anthropoid apes great nasal height (or rather length) is 
associated with great palatal length.] This correlation between interorbital width 
and palatal breadth and length seems to apply merely to the individual and does 
not appear to possess any inter-racial value. 

GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. 

It has been already seen that of the cranial factors it is the greater or lesser 
width across the frontal bone that has in the individual the main influence in 
determining the greater or lesser width between the orbits ; the facial factor of 
nasal capacity seeming to be of very secondary importance in this respect. As this 
influence in its bearing on the individual has already been discussed, it now 
remains to be examined as to how far it may be considered as having any value 
inter-racially. The following table gives the various values of the correlation 
coefficients as obtained from the correlation between fronto-interorbital width and 
minimum frontal diameter through a series of adult specimens belonging to 
various races. 



73 Eskimo 


+ -617 -0489 


3 New Britain 


+ -6866 "0449 


76 British 


+ -6548 '0442 


38 Fijians 


+ -6397 "0646 


64 Chatham Islanders 


+ -5047 "0629 


202 Australians 


+ -5386 "0337 


84 New Zealanders 


+ -674 "0401 


38 Tasmaniaus 


-t- '4813 '0841 


89 Chinese 


+ -6208 -0439 


95 West Africans... 


+ -6129 432 


37 Andamanese 


+ '4916 '0841 


86 Kafirs 


+ -5SS -0476 


21 New Caledonians 


+ -6576 '0836 







The results are very uniform and give the quite high average correlation 
coefficient of + '6. The maximum correlation being found in the New Britain 
series + - 69, the minimum in the Tasmanian + '48. When, however, we regard 
this correlation in its inter-racial aspect, it falls very much in value ; this is illus- 
trated in the graph drawn up to display the correlation between the average interorbital 
width and average minimum frontal diameters through this same series of races. 
The resulting correlation coefficient is only + '4631 in value, while graphically, the 
Eskimo with the lowest average interorbital width of 22'5 mm. are shown to have 
an average minimum frontal diameter only 2'74 mm. less than that of the Kafir, 
although the latter possesses the highest average interorbital width of 28'25 mm. 
It is therefore evident that the cranial factor of frontal breadth, though having the 
strongest amount of influence on the interorbital width in the individual, yet in the 
race must be subservient to the influence of some other factor, which other factor, 
as has been noted before and will be discussed again later, is the greater or lesser 
extent of the nasal capacity. As I have already pointed out in the examination of 
the influences of frontal breadth on interorbital width, in the individual the 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 341 

influence of frontal capacity as a whole tends to be obscured. In the race, on the 
other hand, frontal breadth itself is dependent to a large degree on the frontal 
development, hence we should now expect to find the position reversed, and that 
the frontal development as a whole would appear as the prime factor, frontal breadth 
being only a secondary consideration ; [another point which I think still further limits 
the value of frontal breadth in this respect is the fact that in certain primitive races, 
such as the Australians and Tasmanians, etc., the high degree of development of 
the temporal muscles gives rise to the presence of very pronounced temporal 
ridges, which ridges increase the breadth of the forehead to a much greater 
extent than would have been warranted by the degree of frontal development alone]. 
By an appeal to this influence of frontal development on the interorbital width in 
the race, may possibly be explained the values of averages for certain measurements 
found in certain races, which would otherwise seem to form exceptions to the rule 
that nasal capacity is of primary importance in the determination of the extent of the 
interorbital width. The British series is a case in point ; their average interorbital 
width is 26'32, which is very large when it is considered that their nasal capacities 
are of no great extent ; when, however, we examine their frontal development we 
find that they display broad and capacious foreheads ; this degree of frontal develop- 
ment would therefore, it seems probable, tend to modify the influence of their nasal 
capacities, which would have otherwise influenced them in the direction of a 
smaller extent of interorbital width. Again both the South African Bushman and 
the Tasmanian have in proportion to the size of their crania, large nasal capacities, 
but from their respective nasal measurements the Tasmanian would seem to have a 
larger nasal capacity than the Bushman, yet for all that the Bushman has very 
nearly as large an interorbital width as the Tasmanian : this fact would appear to 
be the reverse of what one would have expected until a comparison is made 
between their respective frontal development. It is now evident that the frontal 
development of the Bushman far exceeds that of the Tasmanian, the Bushman 
displaying a high prominent and capacious forehead as compared with the low 
retreating forehead of the Tasmanian. This then would very well serve to explain 
the former apparent contradictory evidence from the comparison between their 
interorbital widths and nasal capacities alone ; it will be apparent that the low 
frontal development of the Tasmanian would tend to lessen the influence on the 
interorbital width of their nasal capacity, while on the other hand that the high 
degree of frontal development of the Bushman would tend to heighten the 
influence of his nasal capacity, so that we now find, contrary to what one would 
have expected from their nasal measurements alone, that the interorbital width of 
the Bushman is as large as that of the Tasmanian. An appeal to these same 
causes would also help to explain the fact that although the West African negro 
and Australian have practically the same nasal measurements, yet the interorbital 
width of the Australian is 3'46 mm. less than that of the negro ; for we find on 
examination that the Australian possesses a low retreating and poorly developed 
forehead while on the other hand that the forehead of the negro is high, capacious 



342 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation between the Interorbital 

and prominent. This difference therefore in their respective frontal developments 
would very well explain the lesser extent of the interorbital width in the Australian 
as compared with that of the same measurement in the West African negro. 
These considerations have led me to the conclusion that although it is very evident 
that the influence of nasal capacity on interorbital width is of primary importance 
inter-racially, yet this influence may tend to be either extended or modified 
by that of the greater or lesser extent of the frontal development, also again that 
although in the individual it is the influence of frontal breadth that seems to be of 
most importance, in the race on the other hand it is the frontal development as a 
whole that possesses the greater influence on the interorbital width, so that 
inter-racially, with increase in the development of the forehead would tend to be 
associated an increase in the width between the eyes, while individually more 
would depend on the greater or lesser extent of the frontal breadth. 

Turning now to the influence of nasal capacity on the interorbital width 
regarded from the standpoint of its inter-racial value ; it has already been demon- 
strated earlier in this paper that the influence on the interorbital width of the 
nasal capacity in the individual is not very great, and although it is the chief facial 
factor in this respect is yet quite subservient to the influence of cranial factors, of 
which cranial factors that of frontal diameter seems to be the most important. I 
should therefore think it probable that the general extent of the nasal capacity in 
the individual is, in proportion to the size of the individual's skull, governed rather 
by its general extent as exhibited in the race as a whole, and due, for the most 
part, as it seems likely to be, to the influences of physical environment, would not 
be liable to such great individual variations as might the cranial factors influenced 
as they are by the cranial form development of the brain, etc. ; these reasons might 
therefore account for the degree of correlation between nasal capacity and inter- 
orbital width being, in the individual, lower than that between frontal diameter 
and interorbital width. When, however, we regard the influence of the nasal 
capacity on the interorbital width on the race in general, we should expect to find the 
position reversed ; the general average extent of the nasal capacity would now 
become of primary importance in determining the general average extent of the 
interorbital width, so that the more capacious the nasal form of any race the greater 
the general average width between the eyes of that race, and this subject, in a secon- 
dary degree only, to the influences of the general frontal development. Taking the 
racial series under examination, if the above inferences be correct, it ought to be 
possible to illustrate graphically this influence on the race of nasal capacity on 
interorbital width. It was evident that at the lowest end of the scale would have 
to be placed the Eskimo possessing as they do the lowest average nasal capacity 
(average nasal width 22'75 mm.) associated with the lowest average interorbital 
width of 22'6 mm., while at the top of the scale would come the Kafir with the 
largest average nasal capacity (average nasal width 27.41 mm.) associated with the 
largest average interorbital width of 26 - 77 mm. ; but here arose the difficulty as to 
what measurement or index could be considered thoroughly qualified to be used as 



Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 343 

a correct guide to the extent of the nasal capacity. Now, as has been already 
pointed out, in the race it is the greater or lesser extent of the inferior nasal 
meatus that in the main governs the greater or lesser capacity of the nose, so that 
at first sight it might seem possible that in order to ascertain the nasal capacity 
it would only be necessary to ascertain the volume of the cubical contents of the 
inferior nasal meatus in the same manner as the capacity of the cranium itself is 
usually determined. On a close examination, however, it will, I think, appear 
evident that increase in the inferior nasal meatus, at any rate in so far as it 
influences the interorbital width, is associated with such an increase as would allow 
of a freer passage of air through the nasal respiratory channels. Such an increase 
would therefore be mainly in the direction of an increase in breadth, with possibly also 
a certain amount of increase in the height, while for this purpose the length measure- 
ment, as estimated from the margin of the posterior to that of the anterior nares, would 
be of no value at all ; indeed this length measurement would seem to depend very 
largely on the length of the palate, as in its extreme form this can be very well seen 
in the crania of the gorilla and other anthropoid apes. Since therefore the length 
measurement is of just as much importance as the others in its influence on the 
extent of the volume of any space, and since it seems to have been determined that 
the length measurement is of no value in the determination of the nasal capacity 
for our present purposes, it is very evident that any such method of determining 
the nasal capacity would be wholly untrustworthy. Again with regard to the value 
of the nasal index for this purpose, it is true that the platyrrhine races do indeed 
possess larger nasal capacities than those possessed by the leptorrhine races ; still 
it must always be remembered that the nasal index only expresses the relative 
proportions between the two measurements, nasal height and nasal width, and does 
not take into account the actual sizes of the measurements themselves. This 
limitation then must be taken into consideration in any attempt to correlate 
the nasal index with an absolute measurement such as is the interorbital width* 
On the whole I should be inclined to think that perhaps the best guide would be 
the actual measurement across the maximum width of the inferior nasal meatus. 
I have however drawn up two tables from the inter-racial averages obtained by 
me ; one to illustrate the inter-racial correlation between the interorbital width 
and the nasal index, the other that between the interorbital width and the 
nasal width. When these are examined together and taken in conjunction with 
the table of inter-racial averages obtained from the nasal and orbital measurements 
of the same series of crania, I think it will be at once evident how strong an 
influence on the interorbital width is that possessed by the nasal capacity through 
this large series of different races. An apparent departure from the general rule 
was formed by the series of Andamanese crania. Although they fall into line in 
the table of correlation between interorbital width and nasal index, yet when the 
actual sizes of these measurements are examined it is found to be the case that 
although their nasal measurements are very small, the average nasal width being 
only 22-80 mm. and their average nasal height 45'49 mm., yet they display the 



344 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Correlation bettveen the Interorbital 

proportionally large interorbital width of 237 mm. In tliis respect their skulls 
would seem to resemble the infantile type. Other cases of exceptions which 
appear, such as those of the British, Tasmanian, and Australian, have already been 
explained by a reference to their respective frontal developments. On the whole, 
however, this correlation between nasal capacity and interorbital width seems very 
constant throughout this large and representative series of races ; it may be 
modified or obscured in certain instances, but when taken in its broadest application 
it is a very striking fact and leads on to the interesting question as to the causes 
which may produce in the human skull this increase in nasal capacity correlated as 
it is with a corresponding increase in the width between the eyes ; there seems at 
any rate to be indicated from the results of the present research a very evident 
correlation between the extent of the nasal respiratory channels and that of the 
nasal capacity associated with the fact that the smallest nasal capacities appear to 
be found among races inhabiting colder climates while the larger nasal capacities 
seem to be associated with those races which inhabit hotter and more equatorial 
regions. Not less interesting perhaps is the apparent deduction of an increase in 
frontal development being also associated with an increase in the width between 
the eyes, and although for various reasons this latter correlation is not so evident 
as the former, still I think it will no less be found to actually exist, and when 
taken into conjunction with the other to have an important influence in deter- 
mining in the race the extent of the interorbital width. 



Width and the other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 345 



AVKRAGE NASAL INDICES. 



13 Eaces. 



42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 53 56 57 58 59 80 



. 22 



Eskimo 



. Chatham Islanders 



Anrtamanese 



New Zealanders 



Chinese 



Fijlans 



* Tasmania 



* British 



New Caledonians * Australians 
New Britain 



* West Africans 
Kafirs 



AVERAGE NASAL WIDTHS. 

13 Races. 



AVERAGE MINIMUM FRONTAL DIAMETERS. 

13 Eaces. 



22 23 24 25 26 27 2Smm. 



91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 mm. 



22 


' Eskimo 


bital Widths 
S 8 


* Chatham Islanders 
* Aniianianese 
*New Zealanders 
* Tasmanians 


I 25 


New Caledonians 
* * Australians 
Chinese * * Fijians 
New Britain 


20 

ft 


* British 


27 

-5 

28 
mm. 


* West Africans 

Kafirs 



I* 

" 



| 

26 

A 



28 
mm. 



Eskimo 



* Chatham Islanders 
Andamanese 

* New Zealanders 

* Tasmanians 
* New Caledonians * Australians 

* Chinese Fijians 
New Britain 

British 



* West Africans 



Kafirs 



346 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. Tlic Correlation let-ween the InterorkUal 



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Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 



347 



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348 FRANCIS H. S. KNOWLES. The Corri'lntnw liftmen the Interorbital 









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Width and the Other Measures and Indices of the Human Skull. 



349 



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VOL. XLI. 



350 



CAVE EXPLORATION AT GIBRALTAR IN SEPTEMBER, 1910. 

[WITH PLATES XL XLIIL] 

BY W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. 

INTRODUCTION. 

THK skull brought from Gibraltar many years ago by the late Dr. George Busk, 
F.R.S., and presented by him to the Hunterian Museum, has been examined 
recently with great minuteness by Professor Sollas, F.R.S., Dr. A. Keith (Con- 
servator of the Hunterian Museum), and Dr. G. Sera, of Naples. 1 In view of the 
interest attached to the results of these investigations, and in consideration of the 
small amount of information available as to the circumstances under which the 
subject of these researches was discovered, I determined to visit Gibraltar in 
September, 1910. My reception at the hands of the nerval, military, and civil 
authorities of Gibraltar was all that could be desired, and I have appended a list of 
the names of those to whom I am indebted for their interest and co-operation in my 
work. A brief summary of the results was published in The G-ibraltar Chronicle of 
October 15th, 1910. In the present place, I wish to submit a more detailed 
account, having now worked through the material which has been deposited at the 
Anatomy School at the University. For this favour, the University is indebted to 
Major-General Perrott, C.B., lately Acting Governor of Gibraltar. 

The present account falls naturally into two principal subdivisions, viz. : A 
descriptive part, and a critical appendix. The purely descriptive portion will be 
taken first. 

A. DESCRIPTION OF THE WORK. 

In visiting Gibraltar, my first object was to learn from personal observation 
and inquiry, so much as might be possible about the circumstances of the discovery 
of the now classical " Gibraltar Skull." But in addition to this quest, another 
enterprise was suggested to me after my arrival, viz. : the exploration of a cave in 
a position difficult of access, and deemed on that account to be undisturbed by 
excavation either at the hands of military engineers or of archaeologists. The 
descriptive part of this account must be subdivided therefore into sections 
dealing respectively with these two investigations. 

I. FORBES' QUARRY AND ITS SURROUNDINGS. 

It will be convenient to refer to the Gibraltar cranium already mentioned, as 
the Forbes' Quarry Skull, and this designation will be quite sufficient, for no other 

1 For the most recent literature, cf. Dr. Sera, Archivio per V Anti-apologia e la Etnologia, 
vol. xxxix, fasc. 3-4, 1909. Also an article in The Times, August 2nd, 1910. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 351 

cranium has been obtained from that locality since the discovery of this specimen. 
The first point I wish to make quite clear in this connexion, is that the original 
minute of the " Gibraltar Society," recording the receipt of the specimen, states 
that it came from " Forbes' Quarry." There is no mention of Forbes' Battery, nor 
of " brecciated talus." Both these expressions occnr in the late Sir W. Flower's 
descriptive note ou the specimen in the " Catalogue of the specimens in the 
Museum of the Eoyal College of Surgeons," 1879. The quarry is close to Forbes' 
Battery, but it is important to note that the more precise attribution of the locality 
of the find to the " brecciated talus " is inferential only. This point is mentioned 
in Dr. Busk's communication to the British Association in September, 1864, but it 
appears advisable to recall the fact that we have to deal with inference or pre- 
sumption only in this respect. 1 

Forbes' Quarry still exists, and, having been worked at intervals since 1848, its 
boundaries have of necessity been enlarged. As stated in Sir William Flower's 
catalogue the quarry is " under the north front of the Eock of Gibraltar." The 
actual appearance of the surface exposed by the workings in this quarry can be 
described more clearly with the aid of the sketch (Plate XL, Fig. 1), to which 
reference will now be made. The face that has been worked must, have had much 
the same character throughout, and it is quite peculiar, for the quarry lies exactly 
at the zone of union of the solid rock, shown in Plate XL, Fig. 1, to the right, 
with an extraordinary mass of consolidated debris, known as the " brecciated talus." 
That the skull was discovered in the brecciated talus is therefore quite possible, 
but I do not understand why Dr. Busk should have considered that it was derived 
from the superficial part. For the talus is, in fact, exposed vertically throughout 
a very wide extent. 

As the observer stands in the quarry examining the worked face, he is presented 
with the talus (whether in its superficial or deeper parts), and secondly, the more 
solid rock, as alternative matrices to which he may refer the skull. We see that 
Dr.; Busk selected the former. The rock is so solid, that it would be excluded at 
once, were it not that just at this spot it contains a cave. The latter is indicated 
in Plate XL, Fig. 1, above the ladder. Its position seems to indicate that pre- 
viously to the working of the quarry, its mouth must have been closed. 2 One of 
the inspectors of police at Gibraltar can remember this cave some thirty years 
ago, when it was much deeper. It served then as a rendezvous for smugglers. 
The reduction in depth is doubtless due to the extension of the quarry whereby 
the cave walls are gradually being removed from its mouth inwards. It should be 

1 For a full discussion of other poiuts in the history of the Forbes' Quarry skull, Dr. Sera's 
masterly summary in the Archwio per V Antropologia e la Etnologia, vol. xxxix, fasc. 3-4, 1909, 
should be consulted. I have nothing further to add to this aspect of the subject, beyond what 
I have stated in the text. The discovery of the minute in the records of the Gibraltar Society 
was made by Colonel Kenyon, K.E. 

2 A fall of many hundreds of tons of rock occurred on Christmas Day, 1910 : and in 
consequence Forbes' Quarry is now largely filled with the debrit, and the mouth of the cave 
blocked up. Of. Appendix IV. 

2 A 2 



352 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave J2,rploration at Gibraltar. 

added that the cave is not more than 30 feet above sea level, and that it is 
probably the result of marine erosion at a remote epoch ; and at a remote epoch 
also, the mouth of this cave must have been closed, until it was reopened by the 
qtiarrymen. This reopening was probably not very long ago, comparatively 
speaking, for I cannot make out the quarry in illustrations of this part of the 
Eock drawn in the eighteenth century. 1 

Further excavations in the locality whence the Forbes' Quarry skull was 
derived, must therefore be undertaken either in (a) the talus or (b) the cave. In 
the former case, the enterprise will preve of considerable magnitude, since to 
provide a reasonable hope of success, great quantities of the deli-is must be removed. 
A note on the character of the talus is given in the sequel, and will make this 
point clear. Moreover the work should not be that of excavation. This would be 
very dangerous on account of the nature of the talus, so that removal of the 
debris en masse from the surface downwards must be undertaken. 

In regard to the cave, the following abstract of my notes will give an idea of 
the conditions obtaining there. 

Tuesday, September 13th, 1910. Cleared rubbish, etc., from the entrance of 
the cave, and tested the floor in various parts near the mouth. Found only a little 
sand above a hard stalagmite floor. Then moved to deepest part of cave (the floor 
inclines slightly upwards as this is approached) and cleared small boulders and a 
small amount of sand from a depression found there. Nothing more to be done 
without extensive removal of floor. Superficially, but in a sand-filled cleft in 
stalagmite, were found the skeleton of a rat nearly complete, and some bones of a 
small bird, and a rodent smaller than a rat. 

Wednesday, September 14:th. Commenced removal of floor in the deepest part 
of the cave. Three shots were fired with black powder. The first failed, owing to 
the bore-hole penetrating a layer of red sand (quite distinct from the powdery red 
" earth " of other caves) which mitigated the effect of the blast. The results of 
the other shots show that the floor consists of alternate layers of stalagmite and 
the red sand. The latter is of medium consistency, and the beds are rarely more 
than 3 inches thick, containing a few small " rolled " pebbles, and numerous pipe- 
stem-like fragments of stalactites, together with innumerable small masses of 
concreted limestone. The ulna of a bird of the size of a pigeon is the only 
representative of animal remains. 

Thursday, September 15th. A narrow cleft was noticed yesterday to lead 
downwards. It contained very damp clay and also sand, but no animal remains. 

Friday, September IQth. A crater was gradually excavated in the deepest part 
of the cave-floor. Dynamite and black powder were used, the latter proving the 
more effective. At a depth of 3 feet 6 inches, the sand is much coarser, though 

1 At the risk of being considered tedious, I may add that in 1727, a certain Lord Forbes 
held a naval command at Gibraltar ; tliu battery, called afterwards Forbes" Battery, then 
formed part of the " Prince's Lines." The talus then seems to have covered the whole area 
now laid bare in the quarry. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 353 

pockets occur containing genuine red sand like that near Eosia, while others are 
filled with material resembling clay. The pebbles from the deepest sand con- 
glomerate are less rolled and worn than those higher up. A specimen of helix 
(? If. vermieulata) was found embedded at 3 feet 6 inches from surface (<*/. Plate 
XLI, Fig. 6, No. 2). The humerus of a bird (Columba) was found at 3 feet. At 
4 feet the solid limestone rock was encountered. 

Saturday, September YJth. From the crater in the deeper part of the cave, a 
trench was cut towards the mouth. The sand beds diminish in number and 
thickness, while the stalagmite remains in considerable amount. Pockets of red 
sand were found near the mouth of the cave. 

From the foregoing account, it is apparent that the cave contains nothing save 
the very earliest and seemingly marine deposits covered with stalagmite. In regard 
to the animal remains, the rodents found in the superficial layers may have carried 
the bones of birds to a considerable depth by way of small fissures or clefts which 
would afford access to the sandy strata. The helix is seemingly a land species, but 
it might have been introduced by marine action. 

I did not make a complete excavation of the floor, owing to lack of time and 
the slowness enforced upon the workmen by the hardness of the successive 
stalagmite strata. But the uniformity of the conditions justifies the assumption 
that the remaining parts of the floor will not prove very different from those 
already explored. In that case, it is evident that any remains of human beings 
must have been removed long ago from deposits in the cave which no longer exist. 

Before passing to the second subdivision of this part of my work, I will add 
a note to what I have already written in regard to the " brecciated talus " as 
exposed in Forbes' Quarry. 

II. THE BRECCIATED TALUS. 

On the afternoon of September 13th two men were instructed to clear out 
a fissxire between two great blocks of limestone in the brecciated talus. The fissure 
was filled with sandy rubble and masses of conglomerate. The work was slow, as 
much care had to be taken in undermining the large masses of stone. The only 
mammalian remains found were fragmentary bones of a goat (part of the humerus, 
Plate XL, Fig. 2) and of a rabbit. The latter bones were encrusted with limestone 
deposited from solution. Besides these, the only bone found was the humerus of 
a pigeon, and this was probably of very recent origin, for domestic pigeons are 
kept in the quarry by the foreman. The invertebrate remains (Plate XL, Fig. 2, 
Nos. 1-5) are more interesting. They comprise shells of an oyster (Ostraea) and 
a limpet (Patella) of undetermined species, covered with a deposit of limestone. 
In addition to these were found examples of Purpura la.pillus, Area arabica, and 
Videna climacterica (Plate XL, Fig. 2). Finally to these marine forms must be 
added two species of helix 1 (Plate XL, Fig. 2), viz., Helix vermieulata (Plate XL, 

1 For the identification of these species of helix, I am indebted to Mr. J. Wilfrid Jackson, 
F.G.S., of Victoria University, Manchester. 



354 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at, Gibraltar. 

Fig. 2, No. 4), similar to that found at a depth of 3 feet 6 inches in the cave ; the 
second (not figured) is H. coquandi (Morelet). Both occur in North Africa as well 
as in Spain. The marine forms are the most interesting, and the Videna at least 
is not edible. Their presence may be taken as indicative of a submergence of the 
brecciated talus, or at least of its lower portion, since its formation. 

But it should be noted that the component fragments of the talus are not 
rounded or " rolled." They adhere with great tenacity, and are very markedly 
angular. The talus as seen in Forbes' quarry is really part of a vastly greater 
mass of which this forms the northern limit. In its greatest extent, the talus 
attains a height of about 350 feet above sea-level. To the east of Forbes' Quarry 
the talus contains much sand with small limestone fragments. The sand is used 
for building purposes, and the process of " screening " shows very conveniently 
the various degrees of coarseness presented by it. In some parts the limestone 
fragments are regularly " bedded," but I find a note in my journal to the effect that 
the fragments are curiously little " rolled." At the highest part of the great slope 
(but still beneath the " North Front ") some pits and trenches may be seen. The 
sections show little if any sand, while the numerous limestone fragments are 
small (rarely larger than an orange). They are not cemented together or con- 
glomerated as in the deeper and lower parts of the slope. This is but natural, 
since they have been detached from the cliff most recently, so that lack of time as 
well as their position on the surface easily account for this contrast. 

Still further east than this talus are situated the well-known Catalan Bay 
sand slopes. It should be noted that the sand of the latter is distinctly finer than 
that described in the preceding paragraph as occurring on the great slope beneath 
the " North Front." In the Catalan sand slopes may be seen numerous " con- 
cretions " distinct from anything met with under the " North Front." They have 
been formed quite recently, and indicate the first stage in the consolidation of a 
mass of wind-blown sand. In the same fine sand I found a small block of reddish 
conglomerate or breccia, but this may have fallen from above. So far as the strata 
underlying the Catalan sands are concerned, it will amply suffice to refer the 
reader to the invaluable report on the geology of the Eock of Gibraltar, made by 
Professors Kamsay and Geikie. 1 

III. THE EXPLORATION OF A CAVE CONTAINING NEOLITHIC KEMAINS.* 

In the introductory paragraph mention is made of a second cave which I was 
able to explore during the latter part of my visit to Gibraltar. The cave in question 

1 Cf. Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society, vol. 34, 1878. 

1 The classical sources of information as to the contents of the Gibraltar caves are two 
pipers by the late Dr. G. Busk, F.R.S. One of these papers deals with the results of the 
famous Captain Brome, whose memory is perpetuated in the name (Genista) by which four of 
the caves are distinguished. The paper is to be found in the Transactions of the International 
Congress of Prehistoric Archceology, 3rd Session, 1868. Dr. Busk's second paper was published 
in the tenth volume of the Transactions of the Zoological Society, 1879. This paper deals with 
an older fauna than that provided by Cave S, and by several of the caves excavated by Captain 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 355 

is about one mile distant from the North Front, and is situated at an altitude of 
about 800 feet above sea-level. It opens on the Mediterranean face of the Eock, 
due east of St. Michael's platform and almost immediately beneath a still higher 
cave, designated Holyboy's Cave on the survey made by Sir Charles Warren. In 
my notes I refer to it as Cave S, using this reference because I was first taken to 
it by Major Sewell, E.E., who had entered it many years ago. 

About 30 feet below Cave S, the great catchment area (constructed by the 
Admiralty) abuts on the nearly vertical rock and marks the upper limit 
of the underlying sand-slope now concealed by corrugated iron plates. The 
cave is accessible to skilled and active cragsmen only ; but thanks to the kind 
co-operation of Mr. Wakeford of H.M. Dockyard, two of the men constantly engaged 
on the catchment area were placed at my disposal. These men fixed ropes and a 
ladder which made access to the cave perfectly easy. It is highly improbable that 
any human beings had entered the cave in recent years, and indeed Major Sewell 
considered that the floor was found exactly as he remembered it on the occasion of 
his earlier visit some twelve years previously. Certainly no signs of any kind of 
excavation were detected. The cave is remarkably dry, though this applies 
especially to one side and part of the deeper extremity. The mouth was partly 
obstructed by vegetation, the Palmetto and a genista-like shrub. A small collection 
of recent land-mollusca was made in this part of the cave. No bats were seen at 
any time during the excavation, nor were flies noticed. In a similar cave under 
the North Front visited by me a few days earlier, swarms of these Diptera 
were present, and would render any prolonged sojourn in such a cave quite 
uncomfortable. The general form of Cave S will be best understood by reference 
to the accompanying plan and section (Figs. 1 and 2), which are drawn approximately 
to scale. It will be noted that the main axis of the cave slopes downwards towards 
the mouth. High above sea-level though this cave is situated, its formation might be 
ascribed to marine influences. It has practically none of the characters of a fissure- 
cave. Its existence thus bears witness to a submergence of the Eock to at least 
this extent, viz., 800 feet. This is by no means the only evidence of such sub- 
mergence. Eaised beaches and fossil or semi-fossil marine mollusca 1 have been 
recorded at 700 feet above the present sea-level. So far as is known, this great 
submergence must have occurred since the formation of what is called the " Great 
Agglomerate " of Buena Vista and its neighbourhood on the western side of the 

Brome. In the second volume of the Collected Memoirs of the late Dr. Falconer, yet another 
and very useful paper will be found, written conjointly by that authority and Dr. Busk. I refrain 
here from detailed references to earlier works, such as those of Cuvier and Hunter, on the fossil 
mammalia of the Rock. For comparative purposes I find the Reliquix Aquitanicas of Lartet 
and Christy invaluable. The volume by Riviere entitled L'Antiquite de VHomme dans let Alpet 
maritimes, the Collected Memoirs of Dr. Falconer, and Mr. Feet's book on the Stone and Bronze 
Ages in Italy, are also of prime importance in this respect. 

1 The scantiness of fossils in the actual Rock itself has long been noted. Yet Mr. Frere 
pointed out to me such a fossil (apparently a nautilus) in a block of Gibraltar limestone forming 
part of the doorway of the Port and Treasury Office at the Grand Casemates Gate. 



356 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 



Rock. 1 Moreover, there is evidence that the filling of fissures in that 
agglomerate with bone-breccia containing the Pleistocene fauna had commenced 
before this submergence was initiated. 2 

A third possibility exists, viz., that this cave has been formed simply as a 
result of blocks of limestone becoming detached at the joints which traverse the 

rock in every part. This process of detach- 
ment is still going on in the cave. Should 
this view be adopted, no need exists for an 
appeal to former submergence of the Rock, to 
the extent suggested in the preceding paragraph. 
For descriptive purposes, the cave may be 
conveniently divided into two portions. First, 
an outer part or vestibule, with a floor com- 
posed of solid rock covered with a minimum of 
sand and encumbered with brushwood. This 
part was not capable of excavation. Secondly, 
the cave proper, with an earth-covered floor 
which was subsequently excavated. A line 
drawn across the plan from K (Fig. 1) in a 
southerly direction will divide these two parts 
from each other. The first striking feature on 
entering the cave is the peculiar nature of the 
earth covering the denser parts of the floor. 
This earth resembles nothing so much as snuff 
of a rich brown colour, and it is extraordinarily fine and flour-like in consistence. A 
fair proportion must be vegetable mould, and it is very likely that the guano of 

bats enters into its composition, 
although as noted above, the 
cave is not apparently inhabited 
by those animals at present. 
No doubt cave-earth of the usual 
kind is mixed with this brown 
powder, but the red tint of the 
cave-earth proper is masked by 
the darker colour of the vege- 
table mould. Deeper down, 
the character changes and in 
certain pockets, notably near A 
in the plan (Fig. 1) and along the northern wall of the cave, a coarser but still 
powdery earth of a light brown tint replaced the superficial deposit. But, so far 




no. 1. PLAN OF SEWELL'S CAVE 

(CAVE S), GIBRALTAR. 




FIO. 2. 



SECTION OF SF.WELL'S CAVE (CAVE s) ox 
xz OF PLAN (FIG. 1). 



1 Ramsay and Geikie, op. cit., p. 525. 
' i! >, >. ,. P- 531. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 357 

as the excavation went, it may be stated that fine earth of one variety or another 
was found covering and surrounding on all sides the- other contents of the floor 
to a depth of 4 feet 6 inches. If there be a stalagmite floor beneath this, it was 
not reached in the excavation. The remarkable dryness of the cave in the greater 
part of its extent has been alluded to, and this consideration throws some doubt on 
the existence of a stalagmite floor, although this point cannot yet be regarded as 
proven. 

The second point attracting attention was a collection of small angular lime- 
stone fragments partially embedded in the brown earth of the floor, but quite easily 
discernible before any interference with the floor was undertaken. They formed a 
roughly circular patch measuring about two feet in diameter (cf. B in the plan, 
Fig. 1). Major Sewell recognised this as a common feature of the local caves. The 
appearance is strongly suggestive of a Neolithic workshop, the fragments representing 
waste splinters and chips. But as already remarked, the material is limestone, 
and though Professor Riviere has described implements of limestone from the 
Mentone caves 1 yet an application cannot be made to the present case without 
some investigation of the circumstances. Now it is clear that if these chips of 
stone are of the nature of " wasters," like those found in the case of flint 
manufactories, they should not now lie on the surface, unless the latter had been 
recently disturbed, and of this, no other evidence is forthcoming. A careful 
examination of the fragments is not productive of any encouragement of this 
explanation, nor is further evidence of their artificial origin provided thereby. I 
hold the view that the real nature of these fragments is that they are not artefacts, 
but that they represent the remains of a limestone block which fell from the cave- 
roof and then became disintegrated where it fell. This is not a mere hypothesis, 
for such disintegration has been described in other instances. 3 And in Cave S there 
is abundant evidence both that blocks fall from the roof and also that they may 
thereafter split up into much smaller fragments than those now under consideration. 
Finally, as will appear in the sequel, such undoubted implements as do occur are 
not of limestone, but of some other material. 

A third point to be noticed before a description of the excavation is 
commenced, consists in the occurrence of numerous " pockets " and clefts, especially 
in the regions marked respectively A and C in the plan (Fig. 1). In the case of the 
part marked A, a fissure large enough to admit a man ran upwards and then turned 
somewhat spirally outwards from the cave. In this fissure some stalactites were 
found, but otherwise such formations were conspicuous by their absence. The 
fissure in question was filled with earth (containing a few bones) in its lower part 
only. The upper part was empty and freely accessible. Doubtless it owes its 
existence to the falling out of some blocks between joints in the solid rock ; such 
rocks were afterwards found in the floor of the cave near this point. 

Excavation was commenced (on Thursday, September 22nd, 1910), in the first 

1 Cf. Peet. The Stone and Bronze Ages in Italy, p. 39. 
a Cf. Lyell, Principles of Geology, vol. ii, p. 227, 1833. 



358 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 

instance, at two points, viz., in the bays marked A and C on the plan (Fig. 1), and 
the adjoining pockets were carefully cleared out. Subsequently the earth was 
removed from the more central parts of the floor (towards B in the plan), and 
finally at P. It was evident that A is the deepest part of the cave and that the 
floor slopes down to this region from the other parts indicated in the plan, with 
the exception of G. In the latter situation a tunnel nearly large enough to enable 
a man to pass was driven through the earth beneath an overhanging prominence 
towards the point marked K in the plan. In the latter situation the earthy strata 
are shallow again, and near F (cf. plan) the brushwood of the outer part often 
encumbers the outer part of the cave. Near B and P little else than the cave-earth 
was found. 

Upon removing the most superficial portion of the earth, bones were at once 
obtained, among the earliest being the left tibia of an adult man. It became 
evident that unless great care were taken bones would be fractured by the workmen 
as they stood in the soft mould ; and so far as was possible, precautions were taken 
to guard against this. As the bones and other objects were brought to light they 
were collected in baskets or upon large sheets of paper, bearing an indication of 
the part of the floor that had yielded them. The bones from the pockets at C 
were easily identified afterwards for they were moist, whereas near A and towards 
B the bones were very dry. 

Without entering into further details concerning the nature of the floor of the 
cave, a list of the excavated objects will be given in the next place. The list falls 
into subdivisions as indicated in the statement following : 

Classification of objects obtained from Cave S. 

I. Human Artefacts. 

Pottery. 

Stone implements. 

Other stone objects. 

Shell armlet. 

Perforated Cyprcea. 

Charcoal. 

Incinerated bone. 

Burnt stones. 

Bone implements. 

Bone splinters. 

Broken shells of Purpura hccmastonta. 

II. Mammalian Fauna. 

Primates Homo. 

Carnivora . ... Felis lynx. 



Ungidata 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 



C. lupiis (wolf). 1 

C. vulpes (fox). 

Monachva mediterraneus (seal). 1 

Capra ibex. 

Capra hircus (goat). 

Rupicapra tragus (chamois). 1 

Ovis aries (sheep). 

Bos taurus. 

Sus scrofa (pig). 

Lepus cuniculus (rabbit). 

Mus (? rattv^). 

Mus sylvaticus with varieties (mouse). 

Arvicola amphibius (water rat). 

Microtus (? species, probably agrestis). 

Sorex ? araneus granarius (shrew). Miller. 1 

Vespertilio (? species). 



359 



Bodentia 



Insectivora 
Cheiroptera 

III. Aves. 



IV. Reptilia. 



V. Pisces. 



Vultur fulvus (vulture, not eagle, as previously stated). 

Corvus or PyrrJiocorax (chough). 

Columba livia (rockdove). 

Turdus (? species ; fieldfare or thrush). 

Falco tinnunculus (kestrel). 

Tetrao francolinus (f rancolin). 1 

Sula alia (gannet). 1 

Phalacrocorax carbo (cormorant). 1 

Fratercula arctica (puffin). 1 



Monitor (? niloticus). 1 
Testudo (? species ; tortoise). 
Gecko mauritanica (gecko). 1 



Thynims thynnus (tunny). 
Pagrus (? species ; pagre). 



VI. Invertebrata. 
A. Mollusca... 



Purpura lucmastoma. 
Purpura lapillus. 
Trochus tessellatus. 
Cardium rusticum. 

Not previously recorded as occurring in the cave fauna of the Rock 






360 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Gave Exploration at Gibraltar. 

Cardium (? species). 
Solen vagina. 
Patella (? species). 
Pccten mariniis. 
Mytilus edulis. 
Triton nodiferus. 
Cypraca pyrum (cf. I, supra). 
Cassis sidcosa. 
Helix. 
B. Echinodermata . . . Sphcerechinus granularis. 

A few remarks will be offered on each of these objects, taken in the order of 
their classification. 

I. Human artefacts. 

Pottery. The pottery consists of some twenty sherds of varying size and 
thickness derived from rounded vessels. The sherds are red or black in colour. 
Many are of such poor quality that the material crumbles between the fingers. 
There is no evidence of ornamentation, though some of the sherds are polished 
and many show signs of exposure to a fire. Having had the opportunity of 
submitting these objects to A. J. Wace, Esq., Fellow of Pembroke College, I am 
fortunately able to give his opinion, viz., that all the sherds are of a very primitive 
type, corresponding to the " proto-pottery " of other parts of the Mediterranean 
area. The clay is of very poor quality, but has nevertheless been baked. The 
ware is hand-made and hand-polished. 

I may add that this ware is of the most primitive type so far discovered in 
the caves of the Rock. The sherds found by Brome were marked with a sort of 
primitive pattern or design. 

Stone implements. The mineralogical aspect may be considered first. Through 
the kindness of W. G. Fearnsides, Esq., F.G.S., Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, 
I am able to make the following statement in this connection : 

Nos. 2, 3, 4 are quartzite (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 1). 

No. 5 is flint. 

Nos. 6, 7, 8 and 9 are of chert. 

Nos. 12 to 17 inclusive are most probably of silicified sandstone 

(cf. Plate XLI, Figs. 3 and 7). 
No. 19 is a very delicate blade of flint (cf. Plate XL, Fig. 4, No. 2). 

Coming next to the archaeological characters of the stone implements, I am 
enabled, through the kindness of Baron A. von Hiigel, to report as follows : 

In general, the implements resemble those found in caves elsewhere. No. 2 
is the most characteristic in this respect. In particular, one (No. 7) (cf. Plate XLI, 
Fig. 2) resembles part of an implement found in Kent's Cavern and figured by 
Evans (op. cit., p. 498, Fig. 391), by whom it is compared to the type of Solutre 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 361 

(Palaeolithic). No. 15 (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 2) is also a scraper of a type found in 
Kent's Cavern (cf. Evans, op. cit., Fig. 397). No. 13 (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 2) is a 
scraper. When complete the form of this implement was probably triangular 
(cf. Evans, op. cit., Fig. 212). 

In addition to these remarks by Baron von Hiigel, I venture to make the 
criticisms following. Some of the implements appear distinctly Palaeolithic. 
No. 2 (a quartzite implement) approaches the Mousterian type, and much resembles 
some quartzite implements described by me in the Quarterly Journal of the 
Geological Society (vol. li, 1895). These were obtained from a cave in the Creswell 
Crags, Derbyshire, associated with bones of rhinoceros, bear, hyena, and reindeer. 

Dr. Sturge has kindly examined the implements from Cave S, and he con- 
siders that Nos. 2, 7, 13, are of Mousterian type, while No. 15 is either Mousterian 
or early Auriguacian in type. 

Lastly, I find these implements from Gibraltar agree closely with some of 
those obtained in the Cro-magnon Cavern at Les Eyzies (cf. especially Reliquiae 
Aquitanicce, PI. XX, Figs. 2, 6). The very delicate flake, No. 19, bears a bulb of 
percussion on its unworked surface, and its slenderness indicates that the maker 
had attained a fair degree of skill in his art. P>ut the absence of any example of 
the great massive flints of the St. Acheul and Chelles types is to be remarked. 

Stone objects other than implements. Turning to the remaining stone objects, 
we notice that the large flake, No. 1 (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 3), is considered by 
Mr. Fearnsides to consist of a metamorphic rock allied to quartzite. It is 
remarkably like a quartzite implement from the Robin Hood Cave in Derbyshire 
figured by Evans (op. cit., Fig. 413A, p. 522). No. 10 (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 3) is 
a rounded mass resembling the " hammerstones " described by Evans (op. cit., 
Fig. 402, p. 503). No. 11 (cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 1) is a cuboldal block of very heavy 
haematite. It leaves a faint trace on unglazed porcelain, but is too hard to have 
served as a source of cosmetic pigment. It is possible that this block was used 
as a " sling stone," for which purpose its great density is well adapted. No. 12 
(cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 3) is a mass of silicified sandstone, doubtless the core whence 
chips similar to Nos. 13 to 17 inclusive were derived. 

To sum up the foregoing description, I would say that Nos. 2 (quartzite), 
7 (chert), 13, 15 (silicified sandstone closely resembling chert), and 19 (flint) 
are the most striking specimens. The general indication is that the art of 
fabricating such objects had reached a fair though not a very high standard, and 
although some of the implements are of Palaeolithic, i.e., Mousterian form, they 
may be attributed to a low stage of Neolithic culture. The irregularity of their 
distribution makes the task of subdividing them according to their position an 
impossible one. The absence of polished implements is the more noteworthy 
inasmuch as such objects were obtained in other caves at Gibraltar, and in 
surroundings closely resembling those considered here. The materials are variable, 
and some, e.g., the haematite, must have been brought from a considerable distance. 
Shell armlet. A portion of a shell armlet (cf. Plate XL, Figs. 4 and 5) exactly 



362 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Caw Exploration at Gibraltar. 

resembles a fragment found by Captain Brome in the Genista Cave, No. 1, and 
figured by Busk (Transactions of the International Congress, etc., PL VITI, Fig. 1). 
Mr. Wace tells me that such armlets occur in Neolithic sites in the ^Egean area, 
and also in Egypt. 

Perforated shell. A single example of a Mediterranean cowrie, Cyprcca pyrum, 
was found. It is remarkable on account of an artificial perforation at one end 
(cf. Plate XL, Figs. 4 and 5). This is the only object found that represents an 
article used for personal decoration. We may further note that perforated shells 
of Cyprcea pyrum occurred at Cro-magnon, as well as in the Mentone Caves of 
Baousse'-Rousse'. (Cf. Evans in Eel. Aq., p. 179, for Cro-magnon, where the shell 
was in the fossil state ; and Riviere, op. cit., PL XXI.) 

Charred or burnt objects. Masses of charcoal occurred throughout the thick- 
ness of the cave-earth, but nowhere in great abundance. In addition to this, several 
charred fragments of bones of goats and one vertebra of a tunny (fish) were found, 
as well as a few blackened splinters of limestone. 

Bone implements. Such implements occur in other caves in the Eock, but in 
the present instance, only three doubtful examples can be mentioned. These are 
metatarsal bones of a young goat, and their rounded surface appears to have been 
modified by attrition, as though they had been used for polishing or rubbing. 
However this may be, their form is now prismatic and not cylindrical or oval in 
section. I have found no record of comparable examples elsewhere. 

Bone splinters. As in all excavations, splinters of bone are extremely 
numerous. But they own very different origins. A few are doubtless due to the 
picks and other implements used by the workmen in their excavation. Others are 
referable to the action of fire, and are easily recognisable by their partially 
incinerated condition. Some may be due to atmospheric action, for I find at least 
one beautiful example (metatarsal bone of goat) of a bone split longitudinally, the 
two fragments being kept close together by a mass of chalky limestone which 
fills the narrow cavity completely and protrudes on each side along the lines of 
fracture. 

It is to be noticed that whereas by far the greater number of bones of all 
kinds are referable to the goat (C. hircus), in only a single instance was a complete 
and perfect bone of that animal obtained. Many fragments bear the marks of 
teeth, naturally those of the carnivorous animals associated with these ungulata. 
But many other fragments seem to have been split by human agency. 

In vain I have sought for such bone splinters as might be described as 
" implements." Equally fruitless has been my search for any carving, engraving or 
perforation of the bones. 

Shell fragments. The list of specimens (q.v.~) shows that numerous shells of 
mollusca occur. Naturally many of these are fragmentary. In the present 
connection, I would draw attention to the fact that the examples of Purpura are 
few in number, not more than about half a dozen in all. Of these specimens three 
(cf. Plate XL, Fig. 3) present a remarkable appearance. The apex of the shell has 



W. L. H. DUCKWOKTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 363 

been broken in each case, but in addition, a large aperture has been made lower down 
and opposite the mouth of the shell. All three shells agree in this. Moreover 
they are in accord herein with the Purpura shells obtained in such numbers at 
Sidon from the ancient refuse heaps near that port. The Eev. A. H. Cooke believes 
that the peculiar fracture indicates that the mollusc was used for the preparation 
of its distinctive product, the Tyrian "purple." This ingenious suggestion is 
founded upon a knowledge of the anatomy of Purpura, and therefore I have 
ventured to mention these three specimens in this connection. 



II. Mammalian fauna. 

Man. The human bones (Plate XLIII, Fig. 3) are referable to a single 
individual, evidently an adult male of powerful physique, and of stature approxi- 
mating to 1650 mm. (5 feet 5 inches). (From Pearson's abacus, using the length 
of the right tibia, cf. Pearson, Phil. Trans. Roy. Society, vol. xcii, A, p. 169.) 

The bones are heavy and must still contain a considerable proportion of 
organic matter. Their appearance in this respect need not coutra-indicate a very 
considerable antiquity. They conform precisely to the description given by Busk 
(cf. Transactions of the International Congress, p. 147) of human bones found in the 
Judges' cave (Glen Eocky) associated with bones of an ibex. 

The actual specimens found comprise those in the following list (cf. Plate 
XLIII, Fig. 3) : 

(a) Vertebrae. G. 7, Th 1, 3, 5, 10, 12, L 1, 2, 3, and part of the auricular 

facet of the right side of the sacrum. 
(I) Ribs. No. 1 of the right side. Eleven other fragments principally of 

the larger ribs of each side. 

(c) Part of the right scapula and acromial part of the left clavicle. 

(d) Eight scaphoid bone of carpus. All metacarpals (save No. 1) of 

right hand, and metacarpal No. 4 of left hand. A i'ew phalanges of 
the fingers. 

(e) A large portion of the right innominate bone with three fragments of 

the same or of its fellow of the left side. 
(/) Eight fibula, both patellie, tibia, and astragali. 
(g) Eight uavicular bone of foot, left eutocuueiform bone. All the 

metatarsal bones (right and left) except No. 4 of the right foot. A 

few phalanges of the toes. 

In the first instance, the wide dispersal of these bones in the cave earth must 
be mentioned. No two bones were in their natural relation ; touching the left 
clavicle was a bone of the left foot. The tibiie were about 6 feet distant from each 
other. Some bones were deeply embedded beneath overlapping rocks. A phalanx 



364 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Caw Exploration at Gibraltar. 

bone of a finger was found at the spot marked K, where few other bones occurred. 
No fragment of skull, 1 arm bones or thigh bones could be found. 

In spite of this dispersal, the characters of the bones enable me to refer them 
confidently to one and the same skeleton. Some of the inferences to be drawn 
from their study will now be set out in detail, commencing with the bones of 
greatest importance for this purpose. 

Os innominaium (Plate XLIII, Fig. 3). The sex of the individual is clearly 
shown by this bone to be male. No features of inferiority in the form of the bone 
can be detected. The consolidation of the bone indicates the full maturity of the 
skeleton. 

Tibia. The most striking features are the massiveness and the " inflected " 
form of these bones (Plate XLIII, Figs. 1 and 2). These characters recall the tibia 
of the Palaeolithic cave-man of Spy in Belgium. But a more careful examination 
convinces me that this similarity cannot be pressed. For in another and very 
important character, the resemblance is not maintained. I am therefore obliged 
to qualify the statement on this subject as given in my preliminary report (cf. 
The Gibraltar Chronicle, October 15th, 1910), and to remark that the similarity is 
noticed in two features only. 

The divergent character in question is that known as platycnemia, or flattening 
(in the transverse direction) of the tibial shaft. This character is very pronounced 
in the human tibiae from Cave S (cf. Plate XLII, Fig. 2, GIB.) 

The appearance may be due to one or more of several factors, and the 
specimens thus characterised can be classified according to the factor which has 
been most influential. 

In the present instance, that factor is an osseous ridge, known as the ridge of 
the posterior tibial muscle (M. tibialis posticus), which has been drawn out in these 
tibiae, so as to project very markedly from the hinder service of the shaft. In 
other examples, the ridge of the soleal muscle (also posterior in situation) is 
prominent, and in others again, neither of the above ridges, but an anterior ridge 
may be unduly exuberant in growth. 

It is interesting to note that the ancient cave tibiae from Perthi-Cwareu 
(described by Busk and Boyd Dawkins, cf. Boyd Dawkins, Cave Hunting, p. 173) 
are in the latter category. Hypertrophy of the soleal ridge is well shown in 
a modern tibia from the Cambridge Dissecting Room. A section of this tibia is 
shown in Plate XL [I, Fig. 2. Finally the tibize from Cave S are very distinctly 
associated, not with the Spy tibia, but with the tibia of the skeleton found at Cro- 
magnon in the Dordogne district. And it is important to note that other tibia; 
from the Gibraltar caves described by Busk (cf. Boyd Dawkins, op. cit., p. 175) 
agree with those now under consideration. 

The foregoing characters can be recorded in a numerical form by the employ- 

' Cf. LyelPs remarks (Antiquity of Man, p. 63) on the apparently capricious preservation 
of different parts of the human skeleton, as exemplified by the remains found in the Belgian 
caves explored by Schmerling. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 365 

nient of an index expressive of the ratio between the two axes (viz., the transverse 
and the antero-posterior) of the tibial shaft, measured at the level at which the 
soleal line merges into the internal ridge of the bone. The values of these 
indices, together with the other measurements of the bones, are given in the 
accompanying table. 

Tibia from Cave S, Gibraltar. 

Right tibia I. Length excluding spine ... ... 370 mm. 

[Of. ^ro-magnon tibia ... ... 378 mm. 

II. Angle of retroversion of head (Plate XLII, Fig. 3) : 

Mean of three determinations ... 16 15' 

[Cf. Tibia of Spy No. 1 18 0' (Fraipont). 2 

Of. Tibia of Spy No. 1 13 0' (Klaatsch) 3 

Aurignac man (mean) 17 30' 

Eight tibia 19 

Left tibia 16 

neolithic men (mean) ... 12*30' 

maximum ... ... 14 3 

modern men (mean) ... 6 30' 

maximum ... ... 12 2 ] 

III. Index of platycnemia (Plate XLII, Fig.- 2) : 

Mean of right (5875) and left (60) tibise 59'3 

[Cf. ^ro-magnon tibia... ... ... 6TO 

3 Spy No. 1, tibia 707 

8 Tibia from Moustier ... ... 87'1 

4 Modern tibiae (French) 88'0] 

Returning to the subject of the " inflected " 5 character of these tibiae 
(Plate XLII, Fig. 3) it will be seen from the angular measurements given in the 

1 From measurements of | the cast of the bone, W. H. L. D. There is au crioua uncertainty 
about the exact origin of this cast. It accompanies the casts of the cranium and femur of the 
" old man " of Cro-magnon in the Cambridge Museum. But I find from Broca's report in the 
Reli(jvi<t- Afjuitanicte that the tibia of the " old man " was imperfect (op. cit., p .103, and Plate cvi). 
However, the measurements of the thickness of the shaft agree in the cast with the description 
in the work cited. On the other hand, the length of the cast agrees with the dimensions of the 
Madelaiue tibia recorded by Hamy on p. 270 of the Reliquiae Aqultanicae, and figured in 
Plate CX of that work. 

2 Fraipont, Revue d! Antliropologie, 1887. 

3 Klaatsch, Zeitichr. filr Ethnologic, vol. 42, p. 553, 1910. 

4 Manouvrier, Bull, de la Soc. (fAnthr. de Paris, Tome X, 1897. 
6 Otherwise called the " recurved " or " retroverted " character. 

VOL. XLI. 2 B 



\V. 1,. II. lMvK\\'ouTir. Cavr. Kr/it<>r"/i<ui <it <!il>ntlfar. 



taUe that this feature distinguishes them from those of modern men, while allying 
them with those of prehistoric human beings. 

A careful investigation of the upper articular surface of these tibise does not 
provide me with any further occasion for comment. But at the opposite end of the 
bone (for the right bone only is sufficiently complete to yield this information) a 
character of inferiority is very evident (riate XLII, Fig. 4). In this situation the 
lower articular surface sends a tongue-like projection upwards on to the anterior 
aspect of the bone. Such a localised prolongation of the articular surface is known 
to characterise the skeletons of men who habitually adopt the " squatting " attitude. 
Accompanying this, a corresponding extension (or sometimes an islet of articular 
surface) is found on the adjacent aspect of the astragalus ; and both astragali are 
thus marked in the present instance. (This subject has been investigated by 
Sir Havelock Charles, and by Professor Arthur Thomson.) 

In passing to other bones from the tibiae, it is advisable to note that in these 
very distinctive elements of the skeleton of the lower limb, the human individual 
from Cave S is found to resemble other prehistoric examples in three definite 
characters, while agreeing in yet another respect with the more lowly varieties 
of existing mankind. This is the most important outcome of the examination of 
these human remains. 

Fibula. -This is a stout bone of the right lower limb, measuring 357 mm. in 
length. Beyond deep channelling for the peroneal muscles, it presents no special 
features of note. Herein it agrees with the fibula of skeleton " No. 1," from Cro- 
magnon (cf. Broca in Reliquicc Aquitanicce, p. 110, and Plate C vi in that work). The 
rarity with which the fibula is preserved, as compared with the tibia in the Gibraltar 
caves, has been noted 'by Busk (cf. Transactions International Congress, p. 160). 

Astragalus. Both were found. The most important character is the articular 
facet on the outer portion of the upper surface of the " neck " of the bone 
(Plate XLII, Fig. 1). To the inside of the " neck," the non-articular isthmus 
between the articular areas of the head and upper surface respectively) is 
remarkably narrow. Beneath this isthmus, the articular area of the head is con- 
tinued unusually far backwards. The fibular facet is very extensive, as in the 
skeletons from La Chapelle and La Quina. 

Navicular bone of the Tarsus. The right bone only was found. The only 
features demanding notice are the almost quadrate outline of the astraealar facet, 
and the extension of the anterior articular area outwards to beyond the ectocunei- 
form surface, so as to provide for articulation with the cuboid. 

Entocuneiform. (Cf. Plate XLI, Fig. 5, No. 1). Only the left bone was found. 
The prolongation of the metatarsal facet inwards is hardly beyond the range of 
normal variation in modern bones. The dorsi-ventral axis of this facet is very 
nearly rectilinear, not curvilinear, with an internal convexity as in the case of the 
lowly human races. The illustration (Plate XLI, Fig. 5) shows this bone (No. 1) 
in association with the corresponding bone from the skeletons of an aboriginal 
native of Australia (No. 2) an'! a chimpanzee (No. 3) respectively. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 367 

Metatarsals, Only the first metatarsal will be described. The bones from both 
feet were found. The proximal end (in each bone) bears a facet concave from side 
to side but not more so than in most modern instances. In neither bone does a facet 
for the second metatarsal appear. The left bone has a remarkable perforation in the 
shaft at its outer side. The appearance seems to point to an artificial origin, and a 
vascular foramen of such large size was not seen in any of some twenty-five 
modern bones examined for the purpose of comparison. On the whole, however, in 
consideration of the fact that a vascular foramen of small size normally occurs here, 
it is judged that the present large aperture is of that nature and is not artificial. 

Patella. Both bones were found. They present no characters of inferiority. 
The inferior tubercle is well marked and gives each bone a somewhat triangular 
contour. 

Ribs. Some of the fragments are remarkably deep, one (from the right side) 
measuring as much as 22 mm. This character is in correlation with the general 
rnassiveness of all the bones. 

Clavicle. Judging from what remains of the left clavicle, this bone was of 
slight proportions in comparison with the rest of the skeleton. The chief interest 
of this observation lies in the fact that a similar disparity characterises the 
palaeolithic men of Krapina in Croatia. (It may be added that among the great 
anthropoid apes, the Gorilla is similarly distinguished from the Orang-utan, which 
has relatively large clavicles.) 

The remaining bones (cf. List) call for no special comment. 

Curnivora (Felix lynx). This form is represented by the left half of an adult 
mandible. 

Canis lupus. The wolf has not been recorded previously as occurring in the 
cave fauna of the Eock. 1 It is here represented by two metatarsal bones and 
part of a humerus. All these are adult and were found widely separated. 

Canis wipes'. This identification depends on a single vertebra from a young 
individual. It is not impossible that the bone may be that of a young wolf. 

Monachus mediterraneus (the hooded seal). This animal has not been 
identified previously in the Gibraltar cave fauna. Here it is represented 
by parts of two individuals, one adult and the other immature. Its presence in 
a cave 800 feet above sea-level can be accounted for only on the supposition that 
man (or a bird of prey) introduced the bones. The rarity of remains of seals in 
association with prehistoric human remains is somewhat surprising. (Up to 1900, 
only one instance seems to have been recorded in Europe. But seals are depicted 
on some of the prehistoric carved bones.) I may add that the determination of 
the particular seal found in Cave S is undoubted, since it possesses but two upper 
incisor teeth on each side, differing herein from its " Arctic " congeners. Among 

1 Boyd Dawkins (op. cit., p. 372) is apparently mistaken in his statement regarding this 
animal. At any rate, no confirmation can be gleaned from Dr. Busk's paper in the Transactions 
of the Zoological Society, vol. x. Indeed, the absence of bones of the wolf is there commented 
upon. 

2 B 2 



:;t;,s W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cun- k'.>'/>/rtii>n at Gibraltar. 

the fragments found, a left upper premaxilla fortunately came to- light, thus 
clinching the diagnosis. 

Ungulata (Capra ibex). Two individuals are represented. The determination 
rests upon the evidence of the limb bones (cf. Plate XL1II, Figs. 4 and 5). I 
would remark again that the larger individual is further noteworthy, inasmuch as 
the bones seemed to be disposed to some extent in a natural sequence or order. 
They were covered by about 3 feet of cave-earth. 

Capra hircus. The goat occurred in very great numbers, as usual in the caves 
of the Hock. The smaller size of the bones (cf. Plate XL1II, Figs. 4, 5) distinguishes 
them from those of the larger ibex. It is not too much to say that hardly a single 
bone of this animal (goat) was obtained unbroken. A majority seem to be 
immature, the epiphyses having become separated from the long bones. Among 
the immature examples are some of very small size, and to these remains it is 
really only possible to assign the general term " capra." In sorting the bones, I 
have regarded nearly all such indeterminate specimens as belonging to these 
species. A few seem to be more like bones of sheep. 

Rupicapra tragus. The chamois is now recorded for the first time. But the 
determination rests on the evidence of a single bone (cf. Plate XLIII, Fig. 5, 
No. 1). This specimen, a metatarsal bone, gave much trouble in identification, 
the choice lying between the sheep (Ovis aries) and the chamois. Had I only 
possessed access to the bones of modern " domestic " sheep, I should have 
unhesitatingly labelled the present specimen as " chamois." But the ovine species 
vary considerably, and a sheep from the peat of the fens is very different from 
a modern Shropshire ewe. However, alter careful comparison, I am confident that 
the bone in question resembles the corresponding bone of the chamois more closely 
than it does those of the sheep at my disposal. The point is not unimportant, 
for should the former existence of the chamois on the Kock be established, an 
indication of somewhat colder conditions is hereby provided. 

Ovis aries. ^Represented by a few bones of immature individuals, not certainly 
distinguishable from goats. 

Bos (aurus. As recorded by Busk, individual animals of this species are found 
of very varying dimensions. In the present instance the bones are few and 
fragmentary. At least one specimen looks quite recent, and it may have been 
introduced by a raptorial bird. 

Sus scrofa. A few bones, including the left half of an immature mandible, 
were found : they denote animals of small size, as judged by that of the modern 
boar, or domestic swine, and thoy agree in this respect with the specimens 
described by Busk. 

With the exception of the bones of Bos taurus, all the foregoing specimens 
seem to have been long embedded in the cave-earth, which has stained them 
deeply. The bones of the larger ibex are spotted in a manner exactly reproducing 
the appearance of the ibex bones from Gibraltar, figured by Busk ( Traiisactions of 
tin- Zool. Soc., vol. x, Plate XXV) and assigned by that writer to the Pleistocene epoch. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at' Gibraltar. 369 



i-n (Lepus cuniculus). The rabbit is represented more numerously than 
any other animal, not even excepting the goat. No bones can be referred to the 
hare (L. timidus). 

Mm sp. ? rattus. Identified by the form of the teeth and of the os innomin- 
atum. 

Mv.s sylvaticiis. Remains of a mouse were plentiful, and are distinguished by 
the dental characters from their larger congeners. But the mandibles referred to 
the sylvan mouse vary in size. One example especially (Plate XLI, Fig. 4, No. 6) 
is rather larger than the rest. The cheek teeth together measure 4 mm. in length. 
The " anterior accessory cusp " of the first cheek tooth is but feebly indicated. In 
the foregoing respects, this mandible differs from those of M. sylvat/icus, and agrees 
with an allied species, at first called by Mr. E. T. Newton M. abbotti, and later (cf. 
Newton, Proc. Zool. Hoc., 1899, p. 381) Mus lewisi. It occurred in a chalk fissure 
at Ightham in Kent (cf. Newton, Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc., vol. 1, 1894, p. 195). I 
must lay upon Mr. Newton's shoulders the responsibility for this species, but the 
observations mentioned above may be held to provide additional confirmation of 
the differences upon which its segregation is based. It must be added that 
Mr. Hinton does not recognise a distinct species in this form. 

Arvicola amphibius. No teeth were discovered : the determination rests on 
the characters of certain ossa innominata. 

Arvicola or Microtus (? species). A second species of Arvicola, probably the 
field-vole, is represented by numerous ossa innominata. (Plate XLI, Fig. 4, 
No. 8.) 

Insectivora (Sorex). Two or three mandibles of the shrew were found 
(Plate XLI, Fig. 4, No. 7). This seems to be the second record of the occurrence of 
a shrew in Spain (cf. Miller, Magazine of Natural History, November, 1910, p. 458). 

Cheiroptera. Only one bone (a humerus) of a bat has been recognised. The 
bone is that of a small animal (Plate XLI, Fig. 4, No. 2). 

III. Aves. 

The corvine remains almost certainly comprise those of the chough 
(Pi/rrhocorax) ; they are abundant, as at Les Eyzies (Cro-magnon), and else- 
where in cave deposits. 

The francolin. The occurrence of this bird (which is allied to the partridge) 
is interesting, for it has long been extinct in Spain, although still inhabiting Cyprus 
and the countries eastward of that island. (Cf. Newton, Dictionary of Birds, 
Part I, art. " Francolin," and Florio. 1 ) 

The cormorant is represented by a single fragment, the hinder part of the 
skull. Two bones only of the gannet were found, but are absolutely distinctive. 

The puffin. The bones may possibly be those of the shearwater (Puffinus 

1 " Francolina, a daintie bird called a goodwit. Some also take it for a moore hen, others 
for a feasant pout.' 1 Flurio's Italian Dictionary, 1598. 



370 W. L. H. ^DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 

major), but my comparative material does not enable me to pronounce definitely 
on this point. The shearwater occurs abundantly in the caves of Cort-ii u 
Lydekker, P.Z.S., 1891, p. 467). 

IV. Eeptilia. 

A large reptilian jaw accords better in its characters with -Monitor niloticus 
than any other form at my disposal for comparative purposes. But this reptile 
has not been previously recorded on the Eock, so far as I know. 

The tortoise, probably Testudo ijraeca, is represented by a humerus only 
(Plate XLI, Fig. 4, No. 1). 

The gecko is found at the present time near Algeciras, but I do not know of 
a previous record of its presence on the Rock. 

V. Pisces. 

These require no special comment, both forms existing at present in the 
neighbouring sea. 

VI. Invertebrata. 

A. Mollusca. All the forms discovered in the cave have been recorded 
previously, either from the Gibraltar caves or from Mentone. 

It has been remarked above that Cyprcea pyrum occurs at Cro-magnon and 
at Mentoue in cave deposits. The shell Cassis sulcosa has been found at Les 
Eyzies (cf. Evans in Eel. Aq., p. 179) and in the Mentone caves (cf. Riviere, 
op. cit., PL XIV). 

The limpets and mussels occur in the greatest abundance, and were evidently 
the favourite or most easily procurable food of the inhabitants of the cave. 

B. Echinodermata : Sphcerechirws granularis. This species is found at 
present in the vicinity of the Canary Islands. I have no note on its occurrence in 
caves or kitchen-middens. 

B. SUMMARY AXD CONCLUSIONS. 

I will now attempt to summarise the results of the observations made in the 
course of the excavations described in the first part of this communication. 

Regarding the Rock of Gibraltar as a field for future research into the early 
history of mankind, I am strongly impressed with the importance and the 
probable fertility of this source. I do not think the caves and other formations by 
any means exhausted, and I am confident that we have so far reaped but the first- 
fruits of an abundant harvest. 

Passing from matters of opinion to those of fact, it is a pleasure to record the 
very keen interest now manifested in these matters by those on the spot, whether 
they be officers of the various Services of the Crown, members of the Civil 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 371 

Administration, or residents. At no previous epoch have circumstances been so 
favourable for the acquisition and preservation of such evidence as we seek. 

The actual field of operations is three-fold at least, and possibly additional 
lines of work remain to be recognised and undertaken. 

I. The Bone-breccia of the great agglomerate of Buena Vista. 

Dealing with the literature, material, and observations at my disposal, I find 
first a series of problems connected with what may be termed the true " bone- 
breccia," as exemplified by that of Eosia, 1 now so largely removed. This bone- 
breccia formed the matrix whence the fossil mammals described by Dr. Busk in 
1879 (Transactions of the Zoological Society, vol. x) were derived. It occupies 
fissures in the " great agglomerate " of Buena Vista. Dr. Busk has not assigned 
any human remains to contemporaneity with those animals. Nor have any human 
bones (discovered since that account was written) yet been associated with them. 
The animals constitute what may lie termed the Pleistocene fauna of the Rock. 

For various reasons, my own work on the spot has not been extensively 
directed to this breccia. 2 In a survey such as this I am perhaps justified in adding 
a few more remarks on this matter. In regard to future research-, the excavator 
will possess a great advantage denied to Dr. Busk at the time of writing, though 
not perhaps at the time of publishing his account in the Zoological Transactions. 3 
I refer to the report (so frequently mentioned in the descriptive part of this 
communication) on the geology of Gibraltar, by Professors Ramsay and Geikie. 
These authorities have produced a masterpiece of lucidity, which contributes 
enormously to a precise knowledge of the geological history of the Rock, and of its 
relation to its surroundings, including the African shore of the Straits. No con- 
clusions will in future command attention should they neglect the geological 
evidence so clearly set forth in that report. 

II. Problems relating to Forbes' Quarry and its surroundings. 

We come now to the second division of the subject. This comprises the 
problems centred in Forbes' Quarry. In the foregoing pages I have explained that 
the interest is divided here between the " brecciated talus " and the cave (or caves 
still to be discovered) in relation thereto. 

Taking the cave first, I can only repeat in the sense of my preliminary report 
that even at the risk of obtaining no animal remains, it was impossible to proceed 
until the characters of the cave-floor had been ascertained. This exploration has 
now been accomplished. 

1 A corresponding bone-breccia was found in relation to fissures on Windmill Hill, and in 
the Genista Cave No. 1. 

2 See, however, Appendix IV. 

3 Dr. Busk published his paper in 1879, but he must have worked on the material for years 
before the dato of publication. The report of Professors Kamsay and Geikie appeared in 
1878. 



372 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. r-nv E.'-pIorntlon nt Gibraltar. 



The brecciated talus remains for consideration. We have seen that 
Dr. Busk referred the Forbes' Quarry skull to the superficial layers of this material. 
The reasons for specifying a superficial rather than a deeper zone are not given, 
save that the presence of sand on the specimen is mentioned. 1 But sand occurs 
sparsely throughout the brecciated talus. Let us for a moment consider the nature 
of the latter. 

This is an " agglomerate." But it is not identical with the " great agglomerate " 
of Buena Vista (which, we have seen, contains in fissures a bone-breccia with a 
Pleistocene fauna). Thanks to the report of Professors Ramsay and Geikie, a 
novice can now learn how these two varieties of agglomerate are distinguished from 
one another. 

The agglomerate as seen at Forbes' Quarry is less dense than that of Buena 
Vista. So far as is known, it contains no fissures filled with bone-breccia of the 
type found at Rosia and in the lowest levels of the Genista caves. It has not been 
deeply submerged like the great agglomerate, although my discoveries of marine 
molluscs help to confirm the view of its partial submergence, or that it was formed 
partly below water. But to all appearance submergence was not extensive, nor 
was it in time prolonged sufficiently to yield evidence of the consolidation and 
submarine erosion characteristic of the great agglomerate, but not found here. 

It differs in regard to the substratum. The great agglomerate lies on shales 
(referred to the secondary period). But beneath the " later agglomerate," the next 
strata where visible are usually composed of sand with pebbles (the latter of 
limestone). Thus Professors Ramsay and Geikie described a shallow layer of sand 
with pebbles visible immediately below this later agglomerate at the " Prince's 
Lines." This is close to Forbes' Quarry, but nearly 100 feet higher above the sea. 

Nevertheless the geologists surmise that similar relations and material will lie 
found at the " King's Lines," which are adjacent to Forbes' Quarry and nearly upon 
the same level. 

So far as Forbes' Quarry is concerned, I can adduce from my own observations 
only the sand-zones in the floor of the cave. These were admittedly non-fossili- 
ferous, or practically so. Yet their small extent (although consolidation due to 
stalagmite formation in the cave made their exposure quite disproportionately 
difficult) goes far to discount any conclusion based upon this defect. 

The importance of discussing the substratum of the brecciated talus or 
later agglomerate depends upon the fact that Professors Ramsay and Geikie 
detected mammalian bones in the sandy layer they describe in that position at the 
Prince's Lines. But the nature of those mammals has never been revealed. Here is a 
problem awaiting and inviting an immediate attack. In future investigations of 
the bj-c( -OKI led talus at Forbes' Quarry, I believe the proper plan of campaign would 
be to expose the substratum. If, as the geologists forecast, the sand is present as 
a distinct, even though shallow layer, it may contain mammalian bones here as at 

1 Cf. also Sera, op. cit., An/iina, -'/.-.. vol. xxxix, 1909, pp. 15, 16. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 373 

the Prince's Lines. It will not be forgotten that the Forbes' Quarry skull was 
encrusted with sand. Even a shallow zone of sand provides better chances for the 
preservation of fossil bones intact than do the innumerable angular fragments of 
which the brecciated talus is composed. 

But I would add that the exposure of this underlying sandy stratum may 
involve work outside the Quarry altogether, and (if possible) at the back of the 
adjoining buildings which face N.E. on the Devil's Tower Eoad. 

Similar considerations render it expedient that a watch should be kept on the 
progress of the work of removing the sand and gravel immediately to the east of 
these buildings (rf. p. 354) and on any operations near the King's Lines. 

III. The more recent cave-deposits of the Hock. 

The last subdivision of the subject comprises the caves and their contents so 
far as these are related to period subsequent to the disappearance of the Pleistocene 
fauna. At present, the human remains are referable with certainty to this and to 
no earlier period in the history of the Rock. 

The contents of the second cave explored by me have reference to this period. 
The material, as explained in the descriptive portion of this paper, falls naturally 
into three subdivisions. 

Of these, the first includes such traces of human activity as pottery and stone 
implements. The characters of these objects indicate that during the whole period 
of occupation by human beings the state of culture was at a lowly level. The 
earthenware is distinctly Neolithic in its relations, and indeed of an early type. 
The implements cannot be justifiably separated from the pottery, even though some 
are of Mousterian, i.e., of Palaeolithic type. The ornaments, too, are of the simplest 
description, viz., the perforated Cypraea, and the shell anklet described above. 1 
The total absence of polished implements and of any trace of metal is important. 
Polished implements and metal objects occurred in the Genista caves. The 
inference is that the prehistoric inhabitants of the Eock in other but adjoining 
habitations, passed to a higher stage of cultured evolution than those whose 
handiwork we are now considering. In view of the inaccessibility of Cave S, it 
may well have been abandoned early in the Neolithic age, perhaps after the death 
of an occupant. This is merely a surmise, but I may add that, taken as a whole 
the general aspect recalls that of the earlier settlements at Cro-magnon, as depicted 
in the graphic pages of the Reliquiae Aquitanicce. But we have part only, not the 
whole of that picture. But then we have literally not got to the bottom of the 
matter, for my excavations, though extending to the depth of a metre and a half 
in the deepest part of the cave-earth, failed to attain the bed-rock. It is by no 
means improbable that deep in the corner marked A on the plan (Fig. 1 in the 
text), still richer treasures await a more fortunate excavator. 

1 A special search for artificially perforated phalanges of Ungulata, similar to those found 
at Les Eyzies, was unsuccessful. 



374 W. L. H. DucKWonra. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 

To the best of my judgment, the material of the artefacts appears to be local. 
Certainly the silicified sandstone and chert occur on the Eock, sparingly no doubt, 
but still undoubtedly. An exception must be made in the case of the heavy block 
of haematite ore, but with this exception the objects reveal, as already mentioned, 
a settlement of human beings in the lowliest circumstances, comparable to those of 
the kitchen-middens. 

We now come to the evidence of the human bones. It is inadvisable now-a- 
days to lay stress upon the characters of an individual, yet in this case the lines of 
evidence are so convergent that a few remarks seem justifiable. The evidence is 
provided by the fibula, the astragalus and the tibia. Of the first two bones, each 
bears a character found with unwonted frequency in Neolithic skeletons as 
contrasted with its rarity in those of modern Europeans. 

The tibia provides no less than three perfectly definite characters distinguishing 
it from the normal type of the modern bone. They associate it with Neolithic 
tibiae, and the tibiae of such of the existing human races as are capable of habitually 
adopting the attitude of " squatting." I may note that of these characters, one 
only (plalycnemia) has been remarked before in the cave-bones of the Eock. A 
second (retroversion of the tibia? head) is present in a high degree. The third has 
been less studied in the history of cave-exploration so that a word may be added 
on this subject here. The character in question is the upward extension of the 
inferior articular surface of the tibia, forming an upwardly directed lappet or facet 
of articular area on the front of the lower part of the tibiae shaft. The Spy and 
Cro-magnon tibiae lack this facet, but other Neolithic tibiae possess it with great 
constancy. 

In Crete I obtained six tibiae from a Neolithic cave-shelter at Agios Nikolaos 
(Sitia). All these tibiae possess the facet in question. 

Such evidence makes strongly in favour of assigning the human bones 
from Cave S to the Neolithic period ; in fact, to that denoted by the pottery. 
As regards other circumstances in connection with the human bones, I think the 
evidence on the whole runs against a theory of deliberate interment. The condition 
of dispersion in which the bones were found is antagonistic to such a view. That 
the individual lost his life through the fall of a massive block from the cave-roof is 
by no means unlikely. Our failure to find the least trace of the cranium might be 
explained if that part of the body had been crushed at the time of death. The 
dispersion of the various parts still remains obscure, and one is perforce thrown 
back on an appeal to the action of wild animals in this connection. It must be 
admitted that the human bones are singularly devoid of traces of gnawing ; and 
herein present a marked contrast with the remains of goats. 

Lastly we come to the associated fauna. Certain factors have to be taken into 
consideration here. The presence of raptorial birds will account for a proportion of 
the remaining animals. To the credit of these winged carnivora must be placed 
most of the bones of smaller birds, the majority of the rabbits and some of the 
young goats, with a few at least of the small rodents. The mollusca and echinus, 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 375 

a large proportion of the goats and probably the seals 1 owe their presence (in a cave 
800 feet above the sea) to human agency. 

The extraordinary confusion of the remains has been noted already. On this 
account I regard the accumulation as a sort of cave kitchen-midden. Turning to 
the significance of the list of animals of all kinds actually represented, there is but 
little to add. The fauna is the prehistoric one, and while I have been able to add 
some new names to the earlier lists, the character of these has not been materially 
altered. I was careful to sift this evidence with all the care at my disposal, on 
the general ground that some significant form may be represented by a single bone, 
and this may indeed be the case with the chamois, and certainly is so with the tortoise 
and (?) monitor. But a more particular reason was that Major Sewell tells me 
that, some years ago, remains of an " Arctic rodent " were discovered in a 
neighbouring cave. This may have been " Holyboy's Cave " not far distant from 
Cave S. 2 With especial care, therefore, I worked through dozens of small bones 
obtained from an extensive pocket near A (cf. Plan, Fig. 1 in the text). I am 
fairly confident that I have overlooked nothing distinctive of any animal capable of 
being so described, and the record of such a form remains still to be published. 
I may remark that Dr. Gadow has recorded the presence of the lemming in the 
caves of Portugal. 

In concluding this Eeport I wish once more to tender my thanks to those 
who helped my work in various ways, and to express the hope that the University 
of Cambridge may be able to provide for further researches of this kind. 



APPENDIX I. 

In the prosecution of the researches described in this communication, I- received 
much help from those whose names are here appended. My best thanks are due to 
all for their co-operation. 

H.E. The Acting Governor, General Perrott, C.B. 

Rear-Admiral F. S. Pelham. 

Superintending Civil Engineer, E. Wakeford, Esq., M.I.C.E. 

1 The scarcity of the remains of the seal in prehistoric deposits of all periods is very 
striking and deserves special investigation. 

* From Holyboy's Cave I obtained bones of the rabbit, rock-dove and a thrush-like bird. 
I may add that though the further information was given to me that the discovery of the 
Arctic rodent was communicated to the Zoological Society, the Proceedings of that body since 
about 1890 seem to contain no such record. I searched the zoological record from 1899 onwards, 
but without discovering any reference of the kind. The whole subject of the significance 
of bones attributed to Myodes (lemming), and their value as indicative of Arctic conditions 
requires re-investigation. This is imperatively necessitated by the statements of Barrett- 
Hamilton (Proceedings of the Zoological Society, 1896, pp. 306 et seq.}, who suggests that a variety 
of lemming may be found still existing in Spain. The exact nature of the small rodent found 
in the Sierra de Gredos, and called locally the " Liron," should be specially ascertained. 



376 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltnr. 

Deputy Expense Accounts Officer, F. W. Gary, Esq. 

Deputy Ordnance Store Officer, G. A. Storey, Esq. 

Major A. W. Abercromby, G.S.O. 

Colonel E. R. Kenyon, R.E. 

Major G. P. Scholfield, RE. 

Lieut. R. K. A. Macaulay, R.E. 

Major Sewell, RE. 

W. Turner, Esq., M.V.O., M.A., M.D., Surgeon to the Colonial Hospital. 

B. H. T. Frere, Esq., LL.B., Attorney-General. 

J. Rowland Crook, Esq., A.M.I.C.E. 

W. Wallace Copland, Esq., A.M.I.C.E., F.R.M.S. 

Mr. Sweeny. 

Mr. Ferrari. 



APPENDIX II. 

REPORT ON THE COLLECTIONS EXHIBITED AT THE GARRISON 
LIBRARY, GIBRALTAR. 

These collections are stored in a room adjoining the Garrison Library. They 
fill three large cases with glass doors. These cases will be referred to as Nos. 1, 2, 
and 3, numbered from the south end of the room, Case No. 1 being the furthest 
from the doorway. 

Case No. 1. 

This contains trays with specimens from Collins' Cave. The precise situation 
of this cave is about 420 feet above sea-level. It lies due west of the northern 
portion of Catalan Bay village. 

The specimens are divisible into two series. Of these, one comprises bones 
very similar in appearance to those found by me in Cave S, and described in my 
Report. From Collins' Cave the human remains are not very numerous, consisting 
principally of metatarsal bones. The associated fauna includes the ibex, boar, 
rabbit, ox, and deer (described as C. elephas). The femur ascribed to a " large cat " 
is probably that of a lynx. Birds are represented by the humerus of an eagle or 
vulture. With these bones there is a certain amount of gritty (? siliceous) sand 
which I cannot match with any of the soil from Cave S. 

In addition to the foregoing objects, Collins' Cave provided another series of 
remains. These consist of three or four blocks of red breccia ted earth containing 
bones which I could not identify. Their general condition resembles that of bones 
found by me at Pikermi in Attica, and is strongly contrasted with that of the other 
bones from Collins' Cave. They are described as having been derived from the 
deeper levels of the cave. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 377 

Case No. 2. 

This contains many trays of bones from the Genista Caves, Nos. 2 and 3 (cf. 
Busk, op. cit., 1868, for reference to these caves). There are also five human 
metatarsal bones from Collins" Cave. Lastly, we find masses of red breccia with 
fragments of large bones referred (though the authority is not given) to Elephas 
antiquus. 

On the human remains from the Genista caves (Nos. 2 and 3) I made the 
following notes : 

Skulls are represented by parts of the upper maxilla and the mandible of an 
adult woman. There is part of a male maxilla. The female bones are small, the 
upper maxilla showing no marked prognathism. The mandible has a somewhat 
large angle (120) and the chin is not very prominent. A feature of distinction 
seemed at first to be present in the narrowness of the space between the two rami. 
But the length-breadth index is 121, so that no inferiority is really denoted. The 
most marked degree of this narrowing I have seen is exhibited by the mandible of 
a South African Bush woman, in which the corresponding index is 84'3 (Mus. Anat. 
Cant., Specimen B). 

A male temporal bone (right side) has a small mastoid process, exposing part 
of the digastric groove, but no great stress can be laid upon this character, as here 
developed. 

Of associated bones, but one collection is to be found. This comprises a female 
pelvis with a well-curved sacrum, both humeri, left radius and right femur. The 
latter is undoubtedly female, though the l-inea aspera is remarkably prominent, 
giving the characteristic " carinate " form already noted by Busk (op. cit., 1868) in 
the femora from the Genista caves. Indeed, for all that is known, that author may 
have based his description on this very bone. 

In addition to the foregoing bones, two other sacra next claim attention. They 
differ entirely from the curved female sacrum just mentioned, in respect of their 
form, which is extraordinarily flattened. Otherwise both bones are rather small in 
comparison with modern European sacra. 

Of other limb bones, six clavicles, part of a right scapula, three humeri, one 
ulna and one tibia remain for consideration. 

The clavicles are distinctly slender, but they present a remarkable range of 
variation in respect of their curvature. In the humeri, the olecranon fossa is 
imperforate in each example. In the ulna, the olecranou process is well developed, 
exhibiting no feature of inferiority. 

The tibia is not platycnemic : the lower end has been destroyed, so that no 
observation on the lower articular surface is possible. 

Case No. 3. 

This case contains numerous sherds, and also flint or chert implements from 
caves in the rock. There are a few miscellaneous osteological specimens, including 



378 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave E.r/i/nrnti/m. at Gibraltar. 

three crania of the Gibraltar ape, showing well the several differences in the skulls 
of this species. Various mineralogical specimens and stalactites from the caves, 
together with certain relics of the Great Siege, complete the list of objects preserved 
here. 



APPENDIX III. 

MASSES OF BRECCIA CONTAINING BONES. 

A room in the Garrison Library at Gibraltar contains several hundredweights 
of blocks of stalagmite, varying in size from that of an orange to that of a football. 
Most of these blocks contain fragments of bones. They were obtained in the course 
of excavating a magazine in one of the Genista caves (No. I) on Windmill Hill 
Flats in the years 1895-96. The actual locality was a small cave, twenty-five feet 
deep, and beneath the present " shifting and examining " rooms. This small cave 
has no connection with the larger caves existing beneath the magazine. The fore- 
going information was kindly supplied by Colonel Kenyon, E.E. (cf. Correspon- 
dence, 1910, in the Gibraltar Garrison Library Records). 

In regard to the animals represented by these bones, I have been able to 
recognise with certainty bones of Ungulata only. There are portions of limb-bones 
of lihiuoceros, Bos, and Cervus. In some instances, splinters of bone have become 
detached from the matrix and can thus be examined more thoroughly. I have been 
unable to detect any remains of Carnivora. 

The substance of this report (on these fragments) was communicated to 
Colonel Kenyon, before my departure from Gibraltar, in October, 1910. 



IV. 

Since the foregoing Report was written, I have received news of a great land- 
slip which took place on Christmas Day, 1910. Early on that day an immense fall 
of rock occurred, hundreds of tons being precipitated into Forbes' Quarry, which 
was thereby filled up almost entirely. The mouth of the cave has thus been 
rendered practically inaccessible. Inasmuch as the fallen masses are derived from 
what was previously solid rock in the heights above, no important exposure has been 
made thereby. But the incident provides an admirable example of the mode of 
formation of the brecciated talus. 



List of Illustrations with Legends to Fiynres. 

PLATE XL. 

Fig. 1. Sketch of Forbes' Quarry, Gibraltar, with cave. This part of the quarry is now 
(February, 1'Jll) filled up completely with the debris from the landslip of December 25, 
1910. 



W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cave Exploration at Gibraltar. 379 

Fig. 2. From the brecciated talus adjoining Forbes' Quarry : 

No. 1. Videna climacterica (marine). 
No. 2. Purpura lapillus ,, 

No. 3. Area arabica ,, 

No. 4. Helix vermiculata (terrestrial). 
No. 5. Helix (? sp.) 

The other specimens are the humerus of Columba lima (Rock dove), and part of the 
humerus of C'apra hircus (Goat). 

Fig. 3. Purpura hcemastoma from Cave S. Three curiously perforated examples. 
Fig. 4. No. 1. Cyprcea pyrum artificially perforated, from Cave S. 
No. 2. Delicate flint lamina from Cave S. 

No. 3. Part of an armlet or anklet of shell (? Triton) from Cave S. 
Fig. 5. As in Fig. 4, showing opposite side of anklet from Cave S. 
Fig. 6. Fauna of Cave S :- 

Nos. 1 and 2. Trochus tessellatus. 
Nos. 3 and 4. Purpura hcemastoma. 
N o. 5. Purpura (1 species). 
The remaining specimen is Solen vagina. 

PLATE XLI. 

Fig. 1. Stone implements and haematite block (No. 11) from Cave S. No. 2 is a typical 

Mousterian implement of quartzite. 
Fig. 2. Stone implements of Mousterian type from Cave S. The specimens are Nos. 7, 13 and 

15 (cf. text). 

Fig. 3. Stone cores (Nos. 1 and 12) and hammerstone (No. 10) from Cave S. 
Fig. 4. Fauna of Cave S : 

No. 1. Humerus of Testudo grueca. 
No. 2. Humerua of bat (1 Pipistrellus.) 
Nos. 3 and 4. Recent terrestrial Helix. 

(Species not identified.) 
No. 5. Mandible of Mus sylvaticus leu-isi. 
No. 6. Mandible of Mus sp. 1 rattus. 
No. 7. Mandible of Sorex araneus 1 granarius. 
No. 8. Os innominatum : Arvicola (1 species). 

Fig. 5. Distal aspects of entocuneiform bones. The largest (to the left) is from the skeleton 
in Cave S ; the central one is from the skeleton of an aboriginal native of Australia 
(Mus. Anat. Cant.) ; the remaining (smallest) bone is from the skeleton of an adult 
chimpanzee (Mus. Anat. Cant.), 
h'ig. (i. No. 1. Stalagmite mass from the floor of the cave in Forbes' Quarry. 

No. 2. Stalagmite mass containing a land mollusc (H. vermiculata), at a depth of 3 feet 

6 inches from the surface. From the floor of the cave in Forbes' Quarry. 
Fig. 7. Stone implements and chips from Cave S. 

PLATE XLII. 

Fig. 1. Two views of the right astragalus from Cave S. A is the abnormal facet noted in con- 
nection with a similar facet on the tibia (cf. Fig. 4). 

Fig. 2. Sections of tibia at level of junction of the soleal ridge with the internal border, to 
show platycuemia. D is a modern specimen from the Cambridge Anatomy School ; 
C R is the Cro-magnon tibia ; G I B is the right tibia from Cave S. 

Fig. 3. Two tracings of right human tibia from Cave S to show retroversion of the head of 
this bone (angle 16 15'). 

Fig. 4. Front and back views of the right tibia from Cave S. Of. note on Fig. 1 supra. 



380 W. L. H. DUCKWORTH. Cue? E.i-j>l<>i-<ilii>n t ilUn-nlini-. 



PLATE XLIII. 

Fig. 1. Front views of Cro-magnon tibia (above) aud tibia from Cave S (below). 

Fig. 2. Tibiae from Cave S (the two bones to the right) compared with the cast of a tibia from 

Cro-magnon. 

Fig. 3. Remains of adult male human skeleton from Cave S. 
Fig. 4. Fauna of Cave S. Radius and humerus of goat and ibex, the latter being the larger 

specimens. 
Fig. 5. Fauna of Cave S. No. 1. Metatarsal bone of Chamois. The remaining bones are as 

follows : Goat, fractured metatarsal bone and fractured femur. Ibex : femur 

(complete). 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XL. 




FTG. 1. 





"VTFT*^ 

I 

I 

- - 



FI8. 4. 





FIG. 3. FIG. 0. 

CAVE EXl'LO RATION AT GIBRALTAR IX 8KITEMBKK, 1910. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLl, 1911, Flute XLI. 




FIG. 1. 




FIQ. 2. 




3 
2 




FIG. 4. 




1 FIG. 5. 2 




FIG. 6. 




FIG. 3. FIG. 7. 

CAVE EXPLOKATION AT GIBRALTAR IN SEPTEMBER, 1910, 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XLll. 




FIG. 2. 






FIG. 3. FIG - 4 - 

CAVE EXPLORATION AT GIBRALTAR IN SEPTEMBER, 1910. 



Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLI, 1911, Plate XLJII. 




FIG. 1. 




FIG. 3. fia. f>. 

CAVE EXPLORATION AT UIBKALTAK IN SEPTEMBER, 1910. 



THE MAIS IN LANGUAGE. 

BY W. M. STRONG, M.A., M.D., Resident Magistrate, Territory of 
Papua (New Guinea;. 

INTRODUCTION. 

FOR my knowledge of the Maisin language, I am mainly indebted to Mr. P. J. Money, 
late of the Anglican Mission. He had lived for some years in close contact with 
Maisin natives, and spoke the language fluently. He very kindly placed his 
intimate knowledge of the language at my disposal, but has recently left the 
country. I have also myself lived for over two years in the north-eastern division of 
Papua (British New Guinea) and in frequent contact with Maisin natives, and am 
beginning to acquire a slight conversational knowledge of the language. 

The Maisin language is spoken in many of the villages along the coast of 
Collingwood Bay and in the villages of the Kosirava district between the lower 
Musa and Barigi rivers. 

The Maisin of Collingwood Bay relate that they emigrated from their 
original home in the Kosirava district, and passing inland of the mountainous 
peninsula of Cape Nelson reached the present Maisin villages on the coast of 
Collingwood Bay. Along the coast of this bay the Maisin come into intimate 
contact with tribes speaking Melanesian dialects. In the Kosirava district the 
Maisin occupy several villages of no great size in the midst of swampy country, 
and are surrounded by natives speaking Binendele dialects. On the seaward side 
of the Kosirava villages there are no natives, owing apparently to the country 
being little else than a large swamp. 

The language is remarkable in that it really appears to be one of the rare 
instances of a language with a grammar derived from two distinct sources, 
I have classed it with the Melanesian languages 1 because it shows clear affinities 
with these, both as regards grammar and vocabulary. On the other hand, the 
grammar shows some characteristics which are quite unknown in other Melanesian 
languages at least, in such as can' be considered typical and many words which 
are almost universal in the Melanesian languages of New Guinea are not found at 
all in Maisin. 

Among Melanesian characteristics may be mentioned the existence in Maisin 
of an inclusive and exclusive form of the first person plural of the pronouns ; of 

1 For a description of the Melanesian languages see R. H. Codrington, The Melanesian 
Languages, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1885, and Sidney H. Ray, Reports of the Cambridge 
Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, Cambridge University Press, 1907. 

VOL. XLI. 2 C 



382 W. M. STRONG. The Maisin Language. 

objectival suffixes to the verb ; of suffixed possessive pronouns ; of a verbal auxiliary, 
and the formation of prepositions from a noun, a suffixed possessive pronoun and 
a directive particle. These are all definite Melanesian characteristics. In the 
vocabulary may be noted lamati, man ; mata, eye ; susi, breast ; kc, leg ; namu, 
mosquito ; bau, bamboo ; these are all clearly related to words which occur in typical 
Melanesian languages. 1 

The existence of a complete set of suffixes which are used to decline the noun 

is the most marked character in which this language differs from the typical 

Melanesian languages. At most, the other languages of this group may appear to 

have a locative case ; but this apparent case is then clearly only a common 

directive particle, which has united with the noun and in so doing has, in a few 

instances, suffered a euphonic change. 2 On the other hand, in Maisin there is a 

well-defined objective, dative, instrumental, locative, ablative and vocative case in 

addition to the simple form of the noun which is used as a nominative case. 

Moreover, these cases are not formed simply by adding particles to the nominative 

case, but are intimately combined with the nominative (i.e., the stem or root), and 

in so doing, have suffered extensive euphonic changes. 3 Not only are nouns 

declined by these suffixes, but pronouns and adjectives 4 are also declined by means 

of the same suffixes, and the form of some other words 5 are such as to show that 

they are really cases of a noun. We are driven to the conclusion, either that the 

Maisiu have adopted their declension from some other non-Melanesian language 

or t